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PLATE 1.—Pueblo Bonito from the Air

(Photograph by Col. Charles A. Lindbergh, 1929; reproduced through courtesy of Dr. A. V.
Kidder and the Laboratory of Anthropology, Santa Fe, N. Mex. For explanation, see footnote,
page I.)

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS
VOLUME 124 (WHOLE VOLUME)

Published under a Grant from the
Rational Geographic Society

fra MATERTAL CULTURE’ OF
PUEBLO) BONITO

(Wir# 101 Pirates)

By NEIL M. JUDD
Associate in Anthropology, U. S. National Museum

WITH APPENDIX
CANID REMAINS FROM PUEBLO BONITO
AND) PUEBLO: DEL ARROYO

By GLOVER M. ALLEN

(PusiicaTion 4172)

CITY OF WASHINGTON
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
DECEMBER 29, 1954

TBe. Lord Galtimore Dress
“BALTIMORE, MD., U. 8, A.

PREFACE

The story of the vanished Indian culture of Pueblo Bonito in Chaco
Canyon, New Mexico, set forth in fascinating detail in this volume,
is the outgrowth of a program of archeological research initiated by
the National Geographic Society in 1920. In that year, at the re-
quest of the Society’s Research Committee, Neil M. Judd, then cura-
tor of archeology at the U. S. National Museum, conducted a pre-
liminary survey of the vast abandoned “apartment house” of Pueblo
Bonito. Following this survey, and upon Mr. Judd’s recommendation,
the Society embarked upon an extensive program of excavations from
1921 through 1927 which produced the material for this report.

Mr. Judd’s painstaking investigations have made it possible to re-
construct to a remarkable degree the everyday life and culture of the
people who lived in Pueblo Bonito approximately 1,000 years ago.
These prehistoric Indians inhabited the site at least as early as A.D.
gIg, and attained their “Golden Age” after A.D. 1000, about the
time of the Norman conquest of Britain and the First Crusade. They
continued to occupy the Pueblo for at least another century; then
some 300 years before the coming of Columbus they disappeared
without trace.

Our detailed knowledge of the actual dates when Pueblo Bonito was
occupied was furnished by two other expeditions of the National Geo-
graphic Society, in 1928 and 1929, led by Dr. Andrew Ellicott Doug-
lass, director of Steward Observatory at the University of Arizona.
Dr. Douglass was engaged at that time in the study of climatic cycles
as revealed in the varying thickness of the annual growth rings of
trees, and the possible relation of such cycles to the 11-year sunspot
cycle.

Dr. Douglass made careful measurements of the growth rings in
logs used as supporting beams in the Pueblo Bonito structures, and
then was able to fit them into an unbroken sequence of tree rings
extending back into the past from the present day. Thus he was able
to establish the dates when many of the Pueblo Bonito beams had been
cut from living forests.

His monograph, “Dating Pueblo Bonito and Other Ruins of the
Southwest,” appeared in 1935 as the first of several papers presenting
the scientific results of the Pueblo Bonito expeditions.

The researches of Mr. Judd and Dr. Douglass have clearly shown
the closely knit interrelationship of primitive man and his environ-

iii

iv SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

ment. Their findings leave little doubt that the gradual destruction of
the forests that once flourished in and about Chaco Canyon caused
increasing erosion and steadily decreasing water supply. This in turn
made it more and more difficult for the inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito
to raise sufficient food, and undoubtedly led to the eventual abandon-
ment of the site.

The results of the expeditions have been described in several splen-
didly illustrated articles in the Society’s official journal, the National
Geographic Magazine, notably “Pueblo Bonito, the Ancient,” July
1923, and “Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito,” September 1925, both
by Mr. Judd, and “Secret of the Southwest Solved by Talkative Tree
Rings,’’ December 1929, by Dr. Douglass.

Mr. Judd spent many years of research and study in the preparation
of this report of his scientific discoveries. More recently, as associate
in anthropology of the Smithsonian Institution, he has devoted full
time to the completion of the work.

After his completed manuscript was submitted to the National Geo-
graphic Society, its Board of Trustees, acting upon the recommenda-
tion of the Research Committee, placed the material at the disposal of
the Smithsonian Institution and provided for its publication.

A third report, “The Geology of Chaco Canyon, New Mexico, in
Relation to the Life and Remains of the Prehistoric Peoples Who In-
habited Pueblo Bonito,” by the late Dr. Kirk Bryan, was made avail-
able to the Smithsonian Institution at the same time and has since
been published.

The National Geographic Society is happy to recognize with grati-
tude and admiration Mr. Judd’s devoted and untiring labor in pro-
ducing an outstanding contribution to American archeology and to
our knowledge of the way of life of the prehistoric Indians of the
Southwest.

It seems appropriate here to recognize also the deep and whole-
hearted interest of the Society’s Research Committee in the scientific
results of the Pueblo Bonito Expeditions and, more particularly, to
acknowledge the guidance of the Committee’s chairman, Dr. Lyman
J. Briggs, Director Emeritus of the National Bureau of Standards,
and of its vice chairman, Dr. Alexander Wetmore, formerly Secretary
and now research associate of the Smithsonian Institution.

GILBERT GROSVENOR
President, National Geographic Society
Washington, D.C.
April 30, 1954

CONTENTS

Page

Pee ee tae kita! icv la dtig bi dia en real allt g ebabotoiarabekes weameds aia eeatatidlerc RTA ili

IGE ORRE EA grec Gy Gc ete recalls yh cs sila. s' w cal m oibiee ae aes iaicle eM eachaenaroe Vii

Be MET IME DIOEN ANG CONGIUSIONS «5.05.4 ¢ sie sis carsales sonaie keandas a wade creeds I

Pr seusisteuce and living’ conditions... 04.05... ase scsceeeaasacioescene 39

OM Dress ane adoraisent ./A. seo oes. s Paks cbieee ee Cente ace meee Tea 69

Pyey onseuald tools ang) GEES. 4.428e6 wo cis cc eee ns he bio siete eden uibeg ems 117

Rp EN ah rch! ch here fnia ia le shchabenal bs aja, s dea Pha Wiha Katee WIM A ER ES cle ERS 174

Wi lmplementsiat the feld.and Chasey. seis’: « aidsicsadinsa keleckianeautieten 239

deg OMAECES OF TEMPIOUS. HIP LCATIOR «5, fe 6's a0: seis a.$:6Gierbsd Goo da: bed ose chee eis xara 261

ROEM EANSEEEN IN INTEETCNG( c crs ois ce oie eu'b.6 cle ek woo DR ee nae dee o ahtaant 325

ix Navaho notes trom'Chaco Canyon. 6 Ye A) 343

MUMSNET O AL, 2 EIA A Nata te a Ra eNE ialls Ue 2 Dice NOL Gis oats ae Ale 355

Appendix A: Size and provenience of objects illustrated............ 365
Appendix B: Canid remains from Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo del

recov ny, GhOVer Nle ANCES 5 ta 2) asta ieuaraleid a Gin estielaohd midem vin tex teks 385

1 GEE gl ey ell a A ae A eg AA Eis eulene toh araayE ike als, actcatal ye arehO eee 301

FOREWORD

At its meeting of April 1, 1920, the Research Committee of the
National Geographic Society accepted the proposal of one of its mem-
bers, Dr. Sylvanus G. Morley, for an archeological reconnaissance of
the Chaco Canyon district, northwestern New Mexico. In response
to a request from the Society, the Smithsonian Institution lent my
services for a period of three months to direct that survey, the sole
purpose of which was to ascertain whether detailed examination of
a major Chaco Canyon ruin was advisable at that time and, if so,
which ruin might reasonably be expected to contribute most to then
existing knowledge of Pueblo civilization at its height. Tentative
conclusions reached on a preliminary trip through the Canyon were
reviewed a few weeks later when I had the privilege of the advice
and companionship of three long-time friends, Drs. Morley, A. V.
Kidder, and Earl H. Morris.

On November 17 I submitted a report recommending comprehen-
sive study of the two neighboring ruins, Pueblo Bonito and Pueblo
del Arroyo. Indorsed by an advisory committee consisting of Dr.
J. W. Fewkes, then Chief of the Bureau of American Ethnology ;
Dr. W. H. Holmes, then Head Curator of the Department of Anthro-
pology, U. S. National Museum; and Dr. Morley, Associate in Ameri-
can Archeology, Carnegie Institution of Washington, this report was
accepted by the National Geographic Society’s Committee on Re-
search, and, after further consideration, plans were drawn for an
initial 5-year program of investigation that included inquiries into
such pertinent matters as the physiography of Chaco Canyon, the
relationship between its major and minor ruins, and the agricultural
practices probably followed by its ancient inhabitants. Mine was the
honor of having been invited to organize and direct the project, and
for this purpose the United States National Museum granted me leave
of absence for four months each year.

The first season’s party pitched its tents on the adobe flat before
the famous ruin early in May 1921, improvised for its kitchen stove
an altogether inadequate shelter from spring sandstorms, dug a well
in the nearby arroyo, and went to work. We returned to the same
camp annually thereafter until conclusion of local field studies in the
autumn of 1927. Elsewhere, for two additional seasons, search con-
tinued for prehistoric timbers that were to aid in determining the age
of Pueblo Bonito. Each summer’s explorations were conducted under

vii

Vili SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

authority of a permit from the Department of the Interior, and the
cultural material collected was, in accord with its previously an-
nounced intention, donated by the National Geographic Society to
the American public, as represented by the United States National
Museum.

The National Geographic Society published, in its National Geo-
graphic Magazine, four illustrated articles on these explorations, as
follows:

A New National Geographic Society Expedition, June 1921, pp. 637-644.

The Pueblo Bonito Expedition of the National Geographic Society, March
1922, PP. 323-332.

Pueblo Bonito, the Ancient, July 1923, pp. 99-108.

Everyday Life in Pueblo Bonito, September 1925, pp. 227-262.

The Beam Expeditions of 1923, 1928, and 1929 were an outgrowth
of our desire to ascertain the period during which Pueblo Bonito was
inhabited. As set forth in my foreword to his 1935 paper, “Dating
Pueblo Bonito and Other Ruins of the Southwest,’ Dr. A. E.
Douglass, director of Steward Observatory at the University of
Arizona, while seeking evidence of sunspot influence on climate, had
discovered a correlation between the annual rings of pines in widely
separated localities—a correlation that permitted the superposition of
one tree’s life record upon the end of another, and so on until a very
respectable number of years was brought into a single sequence. The
archeological possibilities of this discovery were recognized in 1914
by Dr. Clark Wissler, late curator of anthropology at the American
Museum of Natural History, New York City, who aided and en-
couraged further research by every means at his command. In 1922
Dr. Wissler and the American Museum graciously relinquished their
interest in the project to the Society. The fascinating story of the
search thereafter for older, and still older, timbers in ruined Spanish
churches, Indian villages occupied since the Conquest, and prehistoric
cliff dwellings was first told by Dr. Douglass in the National Geo-
graphic Magazine for December 1929.

In that article and in a second one published in 1935, Dr. Douglass
has recognized our obligation to many members and friends of the
Society whose individual helpfulness contributed to the success of
the three beam expeditions. It is now my privilege to acknowledge
our indebtedness to those who participated more directly in the
explorations at Pueblo Bonito.

First of all, I wish to express my personal gratitude to Dr. Gilbert
Grosvenor, President, and other officers of the National Geographic
Society and to members of its 1921 Committee on Research—Dr.

WHOLE VOL. FOREWORD ix

Frederick V. Coville, chairman, Drs. Gilbert Grosvenor, John Oliver
La Gorce, C. Hart Merriam, Sylvanus G. Morley, Carl L. Scofield,
Charles Sheldon, Hugh M. Smith, and Philip Sidney Smith—who
fully appreciated the complexity of our problems and sought in every
way to lessen them.

Since my associates in the field were selected mostly from among
college students then preparing for a career in archeology, it is pleas-
ing to recall, as I write these lines, the number now firmly established
on university faculties and in research institutions, and to believe their
experiences at Pueblo Bonito proved helpful, as was intended. These
colleagues, to whom I am more deeply obligated than this impersonal
reference indicates, are as follows:

1921 1922 1923 1924 1925 1926 1927
Rear is Rup pent scsicigercte. 6 cies «ieistonoiets x oe 3 ze x x:
DC. Havens og n.d aie das oder es x x x x
ta Meatistey COOK) o\a.4 + s.,0,0:0 «0 « x
eters. Collins |i gods ccc esie se sc bs x x
George BY Martine .2.0.00.0 60545 x x
Robert McFarlane (cook)....... x
Ceclig Bann (COOK) iaraacceyetscters ais Xs
Brats ES OM ae foe GS acistaororsiey exohalssisiet x
Pag EIAIMEIOI ja 5.5 a5 cle a 01g 000 xin
J. B. McNaughton (cook)....... x
Prank eH Roberts, Jr... 2.3. x x
Monroe) Amisden? yn). ooccse bea
George M. McLellan (cook)..... x x bs
Brenig, Bh. TRODErES ia. jc) « dielsiavasieis.e x *
Dolores Calahan (secretary)..... x

ra
”
ta
va

ra

Our topographic survey of Chaco Canyon, a prerequisite to the
investigations contemplated, was completed in 1922 by the late Capt.
R. P. Anderson. Dr. Kirk Bryan, late Professor of Physiography
at Harvard University, was engaged during the summers of 1924 and
1925 with studies pertaining to the geophysical history of Chaco
Canyon. The final ground plan and several cross sections of Pueblo
Bonito were prepared in 1925 and 1926 by Oscar B. Walsh, C. E.,
of the U. S. General Land Office. Based on this plan and our exca-
vation data, Prof. Kenneth Conant, of the School of Architecture at
Harvard University, in 1926 executed four drawings that picture
Pueblo Bonito as it probably appeared in its heyday. They will be
reproduced in a subsequent publication on this subject.

To the late Dr. Clark Wissler, of the American Museum of Natural
History, I am personally indebted in many ways and especially for
his courtesy in sending me, in mid-May 1921, partial page proof of
Pepper’s “Pueblo Bonito.” This volume, which consists primarily

x SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

of the author’s notes covering field work of the Hyde Exploration
Expeditions of 1897-1900, went to press in the fall of 1920, and
Dr. Wissler kindly provided a prepublication copy, albeit in page
proof. In the quarter century that had lapsed between the first Hyde
expedition and inauguration of the Society’s project, the true signifi-
cance of Pueblo Bonito had become apparent. It was no longer
merely the largest and best-known ruin in Chaco Canyon but the very
symbol of Pueblo civilization in full flower. To know more of this
civilization it was necessary to know more of Pueblo Bonito. To
avoid duplication of effort it was desirable to learn as early as possible
in the course of our explorations what rooms had been excavated and
subsequently refilled by the Hyde expeditions.

Prof. Richard E. Dodge, of Connecticut Agricultural College, who
in 1900 and 1901 conducted the physiographic studies quoted by
Pepper, generously placed at our disposal his original Chaco Canyon
notebooks. With these in hand it was possible, in 1923 and again in
1925, to identify several of the sites where Professor Dodge made
his observations and thus note to what extent erosion had progressed
in the interval.

The better to gage changes within Pueblo Bonito itself, the Bureau
of American Ethnology furnished copies of photographs made by
Victor Mindeleff in the winter of 1887-88, and B. T. B. Hyde kindly
permitted me to have prints made from many of Pepper’s unpublished
negatives. What a tragedy that W. H. Jackson, experimenting with a
substitute for the old wet-plate process, should have lost the entire
photographic record of his otherwise productive trip to Chaco Canyon
in 1877!

Beginning in 1921, annual symposia were held at Pueblo Bonito
for several seasons. To these gatherings came students of archeology
and ethnology, agronomy and botany, geology and physiography. The
discussions prompted by this association of kindred spirits proved
mutually instructive and, I trust, adequate recompense for the incon-
veniences of an archeological camp.

Our crew of Zuni and Navaho workmen varied in number from
month to month and from year to year in accordance with each sea-
son’s excavation program. The monthly average for the summer of
1921 was 14; for 1924, 28; for 1927, 8. Contrary to the predictions
of one alarmist, we experienced no trouble from the simultaneous
employment of representatives of these two tribes, hereditary enemies
for over 400 years. So far as I could observe, the Zufi were always
welcome guests at Navaho homes throughout the valley, and several
Navaho were invariably present on Sunday nights when the Zuii

WHOLE VOL. FOREWORD xi

danced and sang in the light of a weekly bonfire before our tents.
Once, to be sure, we were somewhat concerned when passersby
brought word that a workman I had discharged the week before had
returned to Zufi with a Navaho scalp and demanded that it be received
with the full ceremony of former days. But it was later proved that
the scalp had been taken from the body of a woman buried sometime
previously, a fact that convincingly identified our “warrior” as a
crackpot.

As every archeologist knows, winnowing the data one assembles in
the field and grinding the brighter kernels into a satisfactory report
constitute a more arduous task than the mere pick-and-shovel work
of excavation. It was my original desire to present the results of our
investigations at one time, and in their proper order, but the combina-
tion each year of four months in the field and eight months of unre-
mitting museum routine proved a windmill against which my good in-
tentions were repeatedly shattered. Even after conclusion of our
explorations, time for uninterrupted writing seemed always just be-
yond reach. Hence, it was decided in 1934 to abandon the earlier plan
and publish our observations in a series of papers not necessarily in
their logical sequence. Dr. Douglass’s “Dating Pueblo Bonito and
Other Ruins of the Southwest,” issued in 1935, was the first of these ;
Dr. Kirk Bryan’s on the geology was the second; the present report
is the third. Subsequent numbers will consider the exceptional pottery
of Pueblo Bonito, skeletal remains, the architectural development and
decline of Pueblo Bonito, excavations at Pueblo del Arroyo, and other
phases.

Except for a small selection on view in Explorer’s Hall, at the
Washington home of the National Geographic Society, our entire
Pueblo Bonito collection is in custody of the United States National
Museum where it is available, together with our notes and ground
plans, for examination by qualified students. Stone artifacts and
potsherds studied in the field were left at the ruin, reburied as protec-
tion against the ubiquitous curio collector.

Identification of materials cited herein has been made, for the most
part, by my coworkers at the National Museum: Bird bones, by
A. Wetmore; mammalian bones, by G. S. Miller, Remington Kellogg,
David H. Johnson, and H. H. Shamel; minerals, by W. F. Foshag
and E. P. Henderson; botanical specimens, by C. V. Morton, of the
National Herbarium, and the late Dr. F. V. Coville.

Plates illustrating artifacts are by B. Anthony Stewart, staff photog-
rapher of the National Geographic Magazine; text figures are by
William Baake, except as otherwise noted. Authors and articles re-

xii SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

ferred to in the text are given in the bibliography and there are
doubtless many others I should have consulted. These references offer
a variety of spellings for the several Chaco ruins, but in this series
we shall follow Simpson and Jackson, whose official reports, published
in 1850 and 1878, respectively, first brought these ruins to public
notice and whose orthography has been generally accepted by the
Bureau of American Ethnology, the United States Geographic Board,
and other authorities.

Mrs. Leta B. Loos, my secretary during the 25 years this volume
has been in preparation, typed all the original manuscript with the
exception of chapter I, which fell to Miss Lucy H. Rowland. For
brief periods during summer vacations, Susan Perkins Setzler, Betty
Jane Meggers, Robert N. Ladd, and Richard B. Woodbury have
helped with reference work, sorting and analysis of specimens, check-
ing tabulated data, and other tasks. Mrs. James W. Goodwin, who
shared some of our experiences in the field, has contributed helpful
advice and editorial criticism. And, lastly but foremost, my wife, Anne
MacKay Judd, by her tact and gentle persuasion, is responsible for
keeping this volume in process throughout the years. I have unques-
tionably been derelict in allowing my daily vocation to interfere so
persistently with this writing. And yet it is probably a fact that only
those few of my archeological coworkers who desired earlier to learn
the results of our observations have really been inconvenienced by
my tardiness.

Neit M. Jupp
U. S. National Museum,
Washington, D. C.
October 1950

THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF PUEBLO BONITO

By NEIL M. JUDD
Associate in Anthropology
U. S. National Museum

(Wir 101 Prates)

I. INTRODUCTION AND CONCLUSIONS

PuEsto Bonito is a ruined communal dwelling, the home of
perhaps 1,000 Indians at the close of the eleventh century, A.D.*

The ruin stands toward the lower end of Chaco Canyon, a 15-mile
section of Chaco River, in San Juan County, northwestern New
Mexico. The river rises on the Continental Divide 30-odd miles to
the east, flows westwardly past Pueblo Bonito and some 4o miles
beyond, then turns abruptly north to join the Rio San Juan just
above Shiprock.

In or bordering Chaco Canyon, within 6 miles of Pueblo Bonito,
are 12 other ruins of like age and culture and dozens of lesser ones,
older or later. Kinbiniyol lies 10 or 12 miles to the southwest, in a
valley of the same name ; Pueblo Pintado forms a prominent landmark
20 miles to the east and Kin Yai, or Pueblo Viejo, is to be found near
Crownpoint, 30 miles south. Together, these one-time habitations,
large and small, comprise Chaco Canyon National Monument, created
by presidential proclamation on March 11, 1907, and now administered
by the National Park Service, Department of the Interior. (See
map, fig. I.)

Chaco River has cut its canyon through massive beds of Upper
Cretaceous sandstone. The more conspicuous of these, with lesser

* See plate 1, “Pueblo Bonito from the Air.’ Richard Wetherill’s dam is
shown in front of and to the right of the ruin ; his combined residence and store,
at the left corner. At the right margin, the road crosses the 1928 bridge, curves
past the site of the National Geographic Society’s camp and two abandoned
corrals, to end at the black-roofed building that was the Hyde Expedition’s
boardinghouse. Dimly seen below the latter, the old freight road descends to
cross the arroyo, passes a small ruin on the shadowed arroyo edge, and turns
southward.

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 124 (WHOLE VOLUME)

2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

strata between, are collectively known to geologists as “Cliff House”
sandstone. They are of marine origin and vary in color from pale
yellow to brown. Beneath the Cliff House is the Menefee formation,
composed of diversified sandstones and a series of carbonaceous shales,
gray to black. Subbituminous coal outcrops at intervals along the
junction of the Menefee and the Cliff House.

Chaco Canyon varies in width from half to three-quarters of a mile,
or a little more. Its floor is uniformly level from side to side and lies,
out in front of Pueblo Bonito, at an elevation of 6,250 feet (6,250
was the reading at an assumed benchmark where Sections 11, 12, 13,
and 14 meet, just south of Pueblo del Arroyo). Immediately behind
Pueblo Bonito the Cliff House sandstones rise sheer 135 feet and
then continue, steplike, to Pueblo Alto at an elevation of 6,560.
Northward from Pueblo Alto the Chaco Plateau dips gently to 5,500
feet at the San Juan River, 45 miles away ; toward the south it rises
almost imperceptibly for 30 miles to 6,800 feet near Crownpoint
(Gregory, 1916; Reeside, 1924).

At 6,500 feet above sea level, New Mexico temperatures may differ
considerably from day to night and from summer to winter. Precipita-
tion likewise is variable and unpredictable. Native vegetation mirrors
climate, and the rigorous climate of Chaco Plateau is reflected in its
plant life. Yellow pines grow at the higher elevations where rainfall
is greatest ; junipers and pinyons, a little lower; lower still, a scatter-
ing of sagebrush and greasewood. Perennial grasses thrive where
floodwaters are allowed to stand. Less conspicuous plants are present
also, though sometimes sparse.

ANCIENT FORESTS

Dr. A. E. Douglass (1935) has recounted our search for traces
of the forests that furnished timbers for construction of Pueblo
Bonito. Fifteen or sixteen miles east of the ruin a couple of dozen pine
trees, living and dead, comprised the largest surviving remnant of
those forests. Four dead pines, one of them still standing (pl. 2, left),
were seen at the head of Wirito’s Rincon, 2 miles or more southeast
of Bonito. A lone survivor, on the south mesa and within sight of
our camp, was cut for firewood during the winter of 1926-27.

Thousands of logs went into the roofs and ceilings of Pueblo
Bonito. Fragments unearthed during the course of our excavations
were invariably straight-grained, clean, and smooth. They had been
felled and peeled while green; they showed no scars of transporta-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 3

tion. Clearly they were cut within easy carrying distance. The
character of their annual rings shows that most of them grew under
exceptionally favorable conditions. Thanks to a technique developed
by Dr. Douglass, the age of pine and fir beams can ordinarily be de-
termined from their growth rings, but fully 10 percent of the samples
we collected are useless for that purpose because their rings are too
uniform in thickness. Such regularity indicates an abundant, constant
water supply. Obviously Chaco Canyon had more rainfall when those
beams were living trees.

Old Navahos told us of pines and pine stumps formerly standing
in Mockingbird Canyon and elsewhere. We found some but not all.
At the south end of the West Court we unexpectedly discovered the
remains of a large pine that had stood there, alive and green, when
Pueblo Bonito was inhabited. Its decayed trunk lay on the last
utilized pavement, and its great, snaglike roots preclude the possibility
of its ever having been moved (pl. 2, right). Unfortunately the outer
part had rotted away, and so we could not learn the year the tree
died. Its last readable ring gave A.D. 1017, but there was an unknown
number missing after that. Altogether, our observations indicate the
former existence of a pine forest in close proximity to Pueblo Bonito,
principally on the south mesa but with fringes reaching down into
the rincons and even out upon the valley floor.

Man and nature joined in the dissipation of the Chaco forests. Man
felled the trees; without trees to check runoff following passing
storms, the shallow soil was gradually washed from the underlying
sandstone. Floodwaters drained even more quickly from bare rock
and poured down into the valley. In a surprisingly short time the
alluvial fill of the canyon was being trenched by an animated gully.
Year after year that gully grew in width and depth as it cut its way
upstream. In consequence, the water table was soon lowered beyond
reach of grass, trees, and shrubs. As the ground cover withered and
died the rapidity of runoff was accelerated. When floodwaters could
no longer be controlled, fields they had previously watered were use-
less. Without bountiful crops, communal life on the scale practiced
at Pueblo Bonito became impossible. Family groups withdrew to seek
their fortune elsewhere ; eventually none was left.

The channel that may well have been a determining factor in com-
pelling abandonment of Pueblo Bonito has its present-day counterpart.
We watched this latter as it annually carved a deeper course and
reached out hungrily on either side. Every passing flood took its toll.

-In a single season, that of 1923, storm waters debouching from
Wirito’s Rincon, a mile and a half upcanyon, left a wide fan of sand

4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

and gravel that completely blocked our road to Crownpoint and
Thoreau. Successive floods uprooted the windmill on an arroyo bar
west of Una Vida and gnawed at the talus under the nearby cliff.

There was an arroyo of sorts here in 1849. It was probably inter-
mittent and, for the most part, inconspicuous. We draw this inference
from the journal of Lt. James H. Simpson, a member of the military
expedition under Lt. Col. John M. Washington that passed through
upper Chaco Canyon that year. After breaking camp on the morning
of August 28 the main body of troops left the canyon at Fajada
Butte while Simpson and nine companions went on to see reported
ruins. His journal makes no reference whatever to a gully, but when
the little party stopped briefly at the ruin next below Pueblo Bonito
his Mexican guide had a name on tongue’s tip: ‘Pueblo of the
Arroyo” (Simpson, 1850, p. 81).

During a day crowded with the excitement of inspecting what few
white men had previously seen and none had described, six major
Chaco Canyon ruins and sundry smaller ones, it is conceivable that
Simpson overlooked so commonplace a subject as an arroyo. On the
other hand, he mentions none between August 25, when the troops
were on the east crest of the Continental Divide, and September 1,
when they began their ascent of the Tunicha Mountains.

Where Colonel Washington’s command camped for the night of
August 27, 1849, less than 2 miles west of Pueblo Wejegi, Simpson
(ibid., p. 78) reported that “the Rio Chaco . . . has a width of eight
feet, and a depth of one and a half. Its waters . . . are of a rich clay
color.” Twenty-four hours later and about 23 miles farther west,
he added: “The water of the Rio Chaco has been gradually increas-
ing in volume in proportion as we descended” (ibid., p. 86). He had
passed the Escavada and several lesser tributaries. Twenty-three
miles of running water can only mean that rains had crossed the
upper Chaco drainage a few days earlier and, as may happen, had
somehow missed the ia Sabai ee Late August is within the normal
rainy season.

In 1877, 28 years after Simpson, W. H. Jackson, famed photog-
rapher of the Hayden Surveys, found Chaco Canyon gutted from
end to end by a channel Io feet deep or more. It was 10 or 12 feet
deep at Pueblo Pintado; 16 at Pueblo del Arroyo (Jackson, 1878,
PP- 433, 443).

Our oldest Navaho neighbors (pl. 3) professed to remember when
there was little or no gully in Chaco Canyon; when water could be had
anywhere with a little digging; when a ribbon of cottonwoods and
willows marked the middle of the valley, and grass grew thick and tall.

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Hosteen Beyal stated emphatically that there was no arroyo above
the mouth of Escavada Wash when he was a boy. On the contrary,
the canyon was then carpeted with high grass among which shallow
pools of rainwater stood throughout the year. He recalls neither
cottonwoods nor willows opposite Pueblo Bonito but says both were
numerous downcanyon, nearer Pefiasco Blanco, and still more plentiful
beyond.

By his son’s estimate, Hosteen Beyal was born about 1832 and first
saw Chaco Canyon 10 years later. Thus his boyhood recollections
were of a time shortly antedating Simpson’s recorded observations of
1849. Where Simpson found an arroyo just prominent enough to
suggest a name for the ruin nearest Pueblo Bonito, Jackson, 28 years
later, encountered one 16 feet deep and 40 to 60 feet wide.

Intrenchment of the Chaco was therefore already accomplished
when cattle were locally introduced on a large scale, in 1878 or 1879.
The livestock industry may be blameworthy elsewhere but not here.
Jackson, reporting his 1877 observations, mentions neither cattle nor
cattlemen. Yet within 2 years thereafter, two large companies, the
“LC’s” and the Carlisles, had moved in and usurped nearly all the
range between the present Crownpoint area and the San Juan. It
was probably the former, owned by a Dr. Lacy, that in 1879 built
the stone houses under the cliff north of Pefiasco Blanco for ranch
headquarters (information from John Wetherill, 1936). I have not
learned when or why they abandoned the Chaco country, but both
companies had moved into southeastern Utah before 1896. And Old
Wello had promptly appropriated to himself the vacated “LC” build-
ings and continued to occupy them until his death, in 1926.

The existing Chaco arroyo is at least the third of its kind, according
to Bryan (1941). His physiographic studies in our behalf (Bryan,
1954) show that here, as in several other localities examined, flood-
waters have alternately deposited vast quantities of alluvium and
later bisected those deposits with gullies similar to recent arroyos.
Presumably another cycle of alluviation will follow the current period
of erosion. These phenomena are most readily explained, in Bryan’s
opinion, by the theory of climatic change, a theory first proposed by
Huntington (1914).

The theory of a changing climate assumes that floodwaters are
largely regulated by vegetation. A conspicuous change in temperature
or rainfall is not essential, merely a slight shift from the dry toward
the less dry. We have ample proof of such shifts. Although our
Navaho informants, relying upon memories of their boyhood, insisted
that he exaggerated, Simpson pictured a rather sparse ground cover

6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

when he rode through Chaco Canyon in 1849, at the inception of the
present arroyo system. On the other hand, the rushes with which
Bonitian wives wove their sleeping mats and the pine logs that roofed
their dwellings alike evidence moister conditions when Pueblo Bonito
was inhabited, 800 years before. Here and elsewhere throughout
the plateau country growth rings in timbers from prehistoric ruins
provide a visible record of recurrent periods of deficient rainfall in
times past. The Great Drought of 1276-99 merely climaxed a long
succession of lesser droughts (Douglass, 1935, p. 49). Since the
protection normally provided by living plants is lessened by any re-
duction in their density, erosion naturally follows periods of dimin-
ished rainfall. Thus the theory of climatic change seems to offer the
most plausible explanation for the alternating periods of erosion and
sedimentation Bryan sees in the alluvial fill of Chaco Canyon.

DISCOVERY AND EXPLORATION

Simpson was first to publish a personal impression of the principal
Chaco ruins ; Jackson was first to give detailed descriptions. Simpson
names six of the eight ruins he and his nine companions visited be-
tween sunrise and sunset on August 28, 1849. Accompanied by old
Hosta, ex-governor of Jemez pueblo and one of Simpson’s guides,
Hosta’s grandson, and an interpreter, Jackson, in May 1877, spent
“four or five days” in the canyon during which he examined and
plotted 11 ruins and reported upon other features. I find no fact to
support statements that Ainza in 1735, Gregg in 1840 or thereabout,
and Domenech a decade later were ever in Chaco Canyon. And I
see absolutely nothing on the oft-cited 1776 map of Don Bernardo
Miera y Pacheco (Library of Congress, Lowery 593) to indicate
that he had ever been there either. Traders, colonial agents, and
militiamen unquestionably penetrated this “Provincia de Nabajoo”
repeatedly prior to 1840, and the tales they carried to the market
place in Santa Fe probably supplied the generalized information that
led Gregg (1845, p. 285) and Loew (1875, p. 176) to describe Pueblo
Pintado as Pueblo Bonito. Brand (1937) has best summarized the
known history of the Chaco country, although he errs in some
particulars.

Morgan (1881) quotes directly from Simpson and Jackson and
reproduces the latter’s map and ground plans. Mindeleff (1891)
photographed the central Chaco ruins but had surprisingly little to
say of them in connection with his study of Pueblo architecture. After
Mindeleff came a succession of writers, vacationists, and others drawn

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 7

by the mystery and romance with which they, themselves, veiled the
dead towns.

The Hyde Expeditions—In 1896 Richard Wetherill, a leader in
the discovery and exploitation of cliff dwellings and earlier remains,
transferred his field of operations from Colorado and Utah to Chaco
Canyon and began digging in Pueblo Bonito. His initial success, plus
the remarkable condition of the ruin, prompted the idea of a more
formal program. He communicated his thoughts to B. Talbot B.
Hyde and Frederick E. Hyde, Jr., of New York, to whom he had
previously sold a Utah collection. Having donated this latter to the
American Museum of Natural History, the Hyde brothers quite
understandably went to the Museum seeking advice on Wetherill’s
proposal. Prof. F. W. Putnam, then curator of the department of
anthropology, not only approved the plan but undertook to guide its
scientific phase from New York while his newly appointed assistant,
George H. Pepper, directed field operations. The Hyde brothers
took over Wetherill’s 1896 finds and financed the program during
the four following years, 1897 through 1900. Field work was not
resumed in 1901 “by reason of Government interference” (Holsinger,
Ms., p. 73).

With “about 100 Navajos” employed, provision for their subsist-
ence had to be made. This necessity suggested a trading post at
Pueblo Bonito, for there was none within 30 miles at the time. Ac-
cordingly, in 1898 a company was formed, under the name of the Hyde
Exploring (or Exploration) Expedition, with Richard Wetherill field
manager and Frederick E. Hyde, Jr., general supervisor. Company
headquarters were established at Pueblo Bonito; in 1901 a local post
office was authorized under the name “Putnam.”

A residence for Wetherill was built a few feet from the southwest
corner of Bonito, paralleling its west wall. Rooms 122-124 were
cleared and revamped for occupancy. The store, a large room, ad-
joined the residence on the west. Back of the store, extending toward
the cliff, was a long, narrow building, the stable. At the northeast
corner of Pueblo del Arroyo a bunkhouse was built for employees ;
at the southeast corner, a boardinghouse with a few rooms for
transients later became known as “the hotel.” There were lesser
structures here and there and a horse pasture south of the arroyo,
at the foot of The Gap. All these improvements had: been made on
the unappropriated public domain.

On May 14, 1900, Wetherill filed a homestead entry upon the NW
4 sec. 30, T. 21 N., R. 11 W., an area that included Kinklizhin ruin
and the adjacent prehistoric farmlands. Six months later, alleging

8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

a surveyor’s error, he asked permission to change the entry to the
south quarter of section 12, embracing not only the buildings he had
erected but also the ruins of del Arroyo, Bonito, and Chettro Kettle.
To inquire into this request and at the same time to investigate alleged
acts of trespass, Special Agent S. J. Holsinger of the General Land
Office was directed to visit Chaco Canyon. His report to the Com-
missioner, under date of December 5, 1901, contains much information
and much misinformation. Wetherill and Frederick E. Hyde, Jr.,
gave their testimony under oath, but it is obvious that they indulged
freely, at other times, in that favorite western sport, spoofing the
stranger. Like those before him, Holsinger was swayed to superla-
tives by the size and condition of Pueblo Bonito. He accepted
enthusiastically Wetherill’s idea of preserving the Chaco ruins in the
public interest, and it was his argument, in large part, that brought
about creation of Chaco Canyon National Monument in 1907.

Following Holsinger’s investigation, but before his report was sub-
mitted, the Hyde Exploring Expedition transferred its headquarters
from Pueblo Bonito to Thoreau, on the Santa Fe Railroad, and its
archeological collections were presented to the American Museum of
Natural History, in New York. A handsome gift half a century ago,
those collections remain today not only convincing proof of the
generosity of the Hyde brothers but also of the cultural heights
attained by the builders of Pueblo Bonito.

Some of his more spectacular finds were described in four short
papers by Mr. Pepper (1899, 1905b, 1906, 1909). The final report
he had hoped to prepare was never written, but in its stead publication
of his rough field notes was authorized in the autumn of 1920. These
notes, of but limited usefulness to one not intimately acquainted with
Pueblo Bonito, are often confused and incomplete, as are my own.
Pepper and I were close friends for 10 years prior to his death in
1924, and Pueblo Bonito was a frequent subject of conversation.
Since we both earned our daily living in museums, no one knows
better than I his disappointment when museum chores year after
year delayed the volume that should have been an appropriate end to
the principal undertaking of his scientific career.

The National Geographic Society Expeditions —lIn beginning re-
searches at Pueblo Bonito 20 years after the Hyde Expeditions, the
National Geographic Society had but a single purpose: to contribute,
if possible, additional information regarding Pueblo civilization at its
height. This cultural apex, many agreed, was best exemplified by
the major Chaco Canyon ruins, and of these Pueblo Bonito had been
recognized by our 1920 reconnaissance as the one site at which all

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 9

phases of the distinctive Chaco culture should be most fully illustrated.
Pueblo del Arroyo was added because its proximity permitted ex-
amination coincident with the Pueblo Bonito investigation and because
masonry walls exposed by the arroyo on the west side of the ruin
were thought to underlie the latter.

The Society’s program of investigation, as approved by its Com-
mittee on Research, included everything identifiable with the life of
these two prehistoric communities. Their domestic water supply,
their sources of food and fuel, their entire subsistence problem—all
lay within the scope of our inquiry.

In the early summer of 1921 we set up our tents directly south of
Pueblo Bonito, on the edge of a long, cellarlike excavation that had
been the Hyde Expedition’s storeroom for wool and Navaho blankets.
Where we dug our well, on a sand bar at one side of the main water-
course and a couple of feet higher, the arroyo measured 32 feet deep
and 180 feet wide. Elsewhere, depth and width were greater. Water
for camp purposes was pumped into a tank elevated above the tents ;
gravity carried it down into the kitchen, at the east end of the old
cellar, and to a mud box near the ruin. (A crew of three, sometimes
two crews, made wall repairs as our excavations progressed.)

It is generally recognized throughout the Southwest that drinkable
water is to be had only by digging in, or adjacent to, the actual stream
course of an arroyo. The Hyde Expedition was an early experi-
menter in Chaco Canyon. “A six-inch well, 350 feet deep, was drilled
near the south-west corner of Bonito ruins with the hope of securing
artesian water. No flow, however ... and only brackish water,
unfit for use, encountered.” (Holsinger, Ms., p. 10.)

In April 1901, at the time of Holsinger’s visit, the well supplying
Hyde Expedition personnel and livestock was situated “just south
and almost under the walls of Pueblo Arroyo” and was 20 feet deep.
It was short-lived, however, presumably ruined at the same time
floodwaters destroyed the wagon road across the arroyo at that point,
since a new well had been dug and a new crossing prepared a hundred
yards upstream prior to Wetherill’s death in 1910. During the follow-
ing decade floods continued their annual channeling, for when I first
crossed here, in June 1920, the well platform stood 4 feet above the
bottom of the arroyo and a crumpled steel windmill tower lay half
buried in the sand. A year later both wreckage and well disappeared.

WATER RESOURCES AND AGRICULTURE

Potable water is a major want in Chaco Canyon today, but was it
always so? In 1877 Jackson camped three days at a muddy pool 250

Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

yards west of Pueblo del Arroyo. Not until the very morning of his
departure did he find the ancient stairway up the cliff back of Pueblo
Bonito and the deep, half-filled water pockets beyond. Richard
Wetherill drew upon these latter, letting a daily ration down over the
cliff by rope and bucket, until a well had been dug in the Chaco wash ;
he also built an earth dam to increase the storage capacity of the
pockets and later replaced it with one of concrete (verbal statement
of John Wetherill, 1921). Nine hundred years before, women and
girls from Pueblo Bonito climbed the old stairway to that same source
of cool, clear water and back again, each with an olla balanced upon
her head.

Deep as they are, the water-worn cavities on the cliff overlooking
Pueblo Bonito were reservoirs of limited capacity. They can scarcely
have met the yearlong needs of the village. But, visited upon occasion,
they offered opportunity for feminine gossip and a change from, pre-
sumably, the more frequented waterholes down on the canyon floor.
If we can accept Hosteen Beyal’s recollections of 1840 or thereabout,
when the water table was only 2 or 3 feet below the surface and a
succession of shallow, willow-bordered pools marked the middle of
the valley, another such series must have been present when like con-
ditions prevailed back in the days of Pueblo Bonito. These pools
naturally vanished as floodwaters cut away the intervening sod and
thus initiated an arroyo system. Being shallow-rooted, willows were
doomed to disappear as the water table fell beyond reach of their roots.

According to Jackson, willows and cottonwoods were still fairly
numerous in 1877. Most of them, however, had disappeared before
1920, the year of our reconnaissance. At that time we noted several
cottonwood trees on the south side of the canyon, east of Wejegi, and
others here and there. A lone example was growing near the wind-
mill in the arroyo west of Una Vida, and two more, similarly situated,
stood a quarter-mile below Pueblo del Arroyo. These latter clearly
had slumped from surface level with caving of the arroyo bank. One
of them, transported a mile farther downstream, still flourished in
1924. Clustered willows sprouted on gully sandbars each spring, but
their numbers decreased from year to year as the channel grew wider
and deeper.

To test the quality of Chaco Canyon water and to measure the
effect of floodwaters upon that quality, we submitted several samples
to the U. S. Department of Agriculture for analysis in 1923 and again
in 1925. I desire at this time to acknowledge our indebtedness to
C. S. Scofield, then senior agriculturist, in charge, Office of West-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO II

ern Irrigation Agriculture, and to J. F. Breazeale, also of that office,
for the following report:

Quality of water samples from Chaco Canyon, N. Mex., expressed in parts
per million

Sample Total
No. Ca Mg HCO: Cl SO. NOs salts

I 30 tr: 240 72 108 tr. 432

2 36 5 264 42 236 tr. 640

3 33 tr. 336 42 169 2 616
4 36 oO 312 42 172 2 568

5 30 fe) 240 the 164 2 496

6 138 6 216 e) 725 5 1,304

7 105 2 192 o 436 ) 848

Description of samples

No. 1, First floodwaters of 1923, collected July 9.

No. 2, N.G.S. well, collected July 10, 1923.

No. 3, N.G.S. well, June 24, 1925, before cleaning.

No. 4, N.G.S. well, June 26, 1925, after cleaning.

No. 5, Floodwater, June 24, 1925.

No. 6, Rafael well, July 16, 1925.

No. 7, Surface water, Kinbiniyol alluviation plain near Navaho cornfield,
July 15, 1925.

Character of salts expressed as reacting values or milligram equivalents

Sample Total
No. Ca Mg HCO; Cl SO. acids Nan
I 1.5 tr. 3.9 2.0 2.2 8.1 82
2 1.8 0.4 4.3 2 4.9 10.4 83
3 1.6 0 5.5 1.2 3.5 10.2 84
4 1.8 oO 5.1 1.2 3.6 9.9 82
5 1.5 oO 4.0 th 3.4 7.4 80
6 6.9 0.5 3.5 oO 15.1 18.6 60
7 5.2 0.2 aur 0) 9.1 12.2 56

*In reviewing my interpretation of his data 25 years after they were submitted, Mr.
Scofield generously added the sodium percentage value, this being a later, and now more
widely used, criterion for evaluating irrigation waters. He points out that when its sodium
percentage ranges below 65, water usually penetrates the soil readily, but when the percentage
exceeds 65, as in the Chaco, impairment of permeability is inevitable and the rapidity of its
onset and its intensity, once started, both increase with increase in the sodium percentages.

In his letter of August 24, 1925, transmitting the foregoing results,
Mr. Scofield says:

From these results it is evident that the water obtained from your well is sub-
stantially of the same quality as the floodwater of the Wash. But the water from
the Rafael well is different. Not only is it more concentrated, but it contains a
high proportion of calcium. Is it possible that the water in the Rafael well is
influenced by drainage from the rincon south of his cornfield, which drains an
area in which the soil is derived chiefly from sandstone rather than from Lewis
shale?

I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

I am particularly interested in the quality of the water from the Kinbiniyol.
This differs from the water of the Chaco, not so much in total salt as in quantity
of calcium. It is a hard water and should not cause soil trouble when used for
irrigation.

Mr. Scofield adds that there was no appreciable change in the
quality of the water between 1923 and 1925. This was true also, as
one might expect, in samples taken both years from the Expedition
well and from the reconditioned Wetherill well, a hundred yards
downstream.

The last sentence quoted from Mr. Scofield’s letter echoes a thought
he had previously expressed, namely, that Chaco Canyon water might
prove unsuitable for irrigation. This possibility prompted an analysis
of soils from fields presumably cultivated by the Bonitians. The re-
sults are reported in our next chapter. It may be noted in passing,
however, that a calcium deficiency and an excess of sodium salts in
the soil samples analyzed have left them impervious to water and
therefore incapable of producing crops. Poor soil thus becomes a
second probable cause for abandonment of Pueblo Bonito. Together,
poor soil and the twelfth-century arroyo would have frustrated every
Bonitian effort toward large-scale agriculture in Chaco Canyon.

There are no springs in the canyon now, but seeps here and there,
chiefly at the heads of rincons, may have been more productive in
times past. Rushes still grow below these seepage zones, but they are
noticeably smaller and less sturdy than those used in ceiling construc-
tion and in floor mats at Pueblo Bonito. This fact suggests a more
generous rainfall when the pueblo was inhabited. On the basis of
our incomplete observations we estimated at 10 inches the current
annual precipitation, but geologists studying the local situation reason
that even one additional inch per year would cause existing seeps to
flow again.

The most active seep seen by members of our party was in a shallow
sandstone cave in upper Rincon del Camino, about a mile and a half
northwest of Pueblo Bonito. It had been developed and carefully
protected for domestic use by Dan Cly, one of our Navaho workmen,
who resided nearby. As is evident from the following analysis, the
water is exceptionally pure:

Total
Ca Mg HCO; Cl SOg NOsz3 salts
30 0) 120 o 48 oO 152

Floodwaters following midsummer rains make a noisy approach,
at once fascinating and frightening. Time after time we watched
unbelieving as they methodically undercut the arroyo banks and

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 13

carried them away, yard by cubic yard (pl. 4, upper). During our
seven summers in Chaco Canyon, every storm that passed meant an
interruption to our work while we repaired approaches to the road
crossing.

Despite all the destruction they have caused, these recurrent floods
performed one worthy service: they laid bare a partial profile of
Chaco Canyon history. Across from Pueblo del Arroyo a low mound
in midvalley marks a small Pueblo III ruin. One corner had already
been exposed when W. H. Jackson in 1877 observed that the founda-
tions lay “five or six feet below the general level.” The arroyo, then
16 feet deep, was 12 feet deeper in 1920, when, to judge from what
remained, fully half the little ruin had been undermined and washed
away.

Both above and below the surface on which that house was erected,
silt deposited by gently flowing waters formed uniform layers ex-
tending right and left toward the canyon walls (pl. 4, lower). Ob-
viously, when those silt layers were laid down a lush ground cover was
present to hinder and delay runoff. Our test pits at a number of places
showed like stratification, although nearer the cliff the overburden was
sometimes only 2 feet thick.

The prehistoric arroyo.—Bryan (1925, 1926) described the origin
and development of the present-day arroyo and compared it with one
that existed in Pueblo Bonito times. This latter, which we plotted
for more than a quarter mile, apparently did not exceed 12 or 13 feet
in depth. Nevertheless, it could have brought about what the present
arroyo is even now accomplishing, namely, transformation of Chaco
Canyon from a suitable place of residence into a waste incapable of
supporting more than a few scattered families.

An interval of approximately 800 years separates this modern gully
and its predecessor. After the older one had run its course it was
gradually filled with alluvium and then buried under an additional 5
or 6 feet, as we have seen. Thus the old channel was completely
hidden until exposed by its present-day parallel. What other secrets
lie concealed by those 5 feet of silt is one of the tantalizing mysteries
connected with Pueblo Bonito.

W. H. Jackson first called attention to this buried channel. A cross
section of it near Pueblo del Arroyo showed, 14 feet below the
surface, an irregular stratum of potsherds, flint chips, and bone frag-
ments—household and workshop waste from the trash piles of Pueblo
Bonito. Here, too, apparently brought in by floodwaters the previous
summer, was a human skull from an unmarked upcanyon grave. A

14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

lesser stratum of sherds on the south bank led up to the small arroyo-
side ruin above mentioned (Jackson, 1878, pp. 443-444).

The prehistoric arroyo presumably reached its climax about the
middle of the twelfth century. We draw this inference because Late
Bonitian potsherds were found on the bottom of it and because new
house construction at Pueblo Bonito seems to have come to an end
by that time. Of 52 datable timbers recovered during our excavations
only 4 were felled after A.D. 1100, and the latest of these was cut in
1130 (Douglass, 1935, p. 51). Since the present 30-foot channel
has already been a century in the making, we may, employing the
same time gage, assume its predecessor had a beginning somewhere
around 1075. Bryan (1941, p. 231) dates the period of refill and
alluviation between 1250 and 1400. By 1500 or 1600 ecological equi-
librium had been reestablished and Chaco Canyon was once again a
fit place in which to live.

The Navaho were quick to discover this fact, for the upper Chaco,
with the mesa country northward along the Continental Divide to the
Gobernador, was their tribal birthplace and nursery. It was here
they gathered the numerical strength for recurrent depredations that
all but wiped out the Jemez towns by 1622 (Hodge, im Ayer, 1916,
p- 243). With Navaho acquiescence Pueblo refugees from the after-
math of their 1680 revolt against Spanish dominance found brief
asylum in this same region (Kidder, 1920).

ABORIGINAL OCCUPANCY OF CHACO CANYON

Evidences of Navaho occupation abound throughout the Chaco
country, but one cannot always fix their age. The site of a hogan,
for example, may be 50 years old or twice that. Neglected drainage
ditches look timeless. Here and there along the canyon rim are
“watchtowers” of sandstone blocks loosely piled 2 or 3 feet high. I
believe these structures to be of Navaho origin, despite the possible
presence of Pueblo potsherds, because they are more or less circular
and invariably have a sill-less opening to the eastward. They could
be relics of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries when guards were
posted to warn of approaching troops, sent to retaliate for Navaho
raids on Spanish and Pueblo settlements to the east and south.*

Notwithstanding its present-day barrenness and desolation, Chaco
Canyon formerly possessed some now-missing quality that attracted
Indian settlers. The ruins of one-time habitations, some older than

1 For a later study than ours, see “Archaeological Remains, Supposedly Navy-
aho, from Chaco Canyon, New Mexico,” by Roy L. Malcolm, Amer. Antiq.,
vol. 5, No. 1, pp. 4-20, July 1939.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 15

others, are to be seen on every hand. A Late Basket Maker village
9 miles east of Pueblo Bonito was tested in connection with our
studies in 1926 and excavated the following year for the Bureau of
American Ethnology by Roberts (1929). During our 1920 recon-
naissance, to keep three Zufii occupied while I visited Pueblo Pintado
and the upper Chaco, a P. I pit house on the south side of the canyon,
opposite Pueblo Bonito, was partly excavated. Two years later we
cleared what remained of another, in midvalley and a mile to the east.
From this second dwelling, its roof level buried under six feet of
alluvium, we removed two charred logs subsequently dated A.D.
777 +10 (Judd, 1924; Douglass, 1935).

Scores of small Pueblo II and III structures are to be found along
the south side of the valley and in the open country beyond. In con-
trast, most of the great P. III towns are situated close under the
canyon’s north wall. Here, too, a few natural cavities had been con-
verted into granaries or one-family shelters; terraced houses were
piled against the cliff behind Pueblo Bonito and Chettro Kettle. Up-
canyon, on jutting crags beyond Wejegi, are the ruins of at least two
houses built between 1680 and 1700 by refugee families from Rio
Grande pueblos. In few places can the pageant of Pueblo history be
seen so clearly as in Chaco Canyon!

In this and following reports on our investigations I shall continue
to designate culture sequences by the terminology of the Pecos Classi-
fication (Kidder, 1927), with occasional resort to Roberts’s 1936 pro-
posals by way of variation, despite the fact that increase of knowledge
since these studies were begun has shown that material and physical
differences between the so-called Basket Makers and the Pueblos are
less real than was formerly supposed.

Like the Basket Makers, the Early Pueblos (P. 1) dwelt in pits
before they learned to build houses that could stand alone. Walls
made of posts and mud eventually were replaced by those of masonry ;
detached, one-family dwellings were brought into juxtaposition, their
storage bins at the rear; one-clan structures developed into vast,
terraced buildings housing several hundred persons. Pueblo Bonito
and others of its kind illustrate this latter stage, the third (P. III)
and highest advance of Pueblo civilization. It was followed by a
period of retrogression, commonly designated Pueblo IV, and then
by the further disruption of the Spanish Conquest (P. V). Some
30-odd Pueblo villages in New Mexico and Arizona still cling, more
or less tenaciously, to the traditional way of life and the old religion.
At least two of them, Acoma and old Oraibi, still occupy the very
sites they occupied in 1540.

16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

When our Pueblo Bonito investigations were inaugurated, in the
spring of 192I, most archeologists working in the Southwest de-
pended upon fragments of pottery to suggest the degree of develop-
ment at any one site. Pueblo I pottery had a certain sameness, no
matter where found; it could never be mistaken for P. III pottery.
Therefore potsherds served as evidence both of material progress and
passing time. Stratigraphy was the means by which that evidence
was acquired.

Hence our first desire, as soon as camp had been organized, was a
good look at the Bonito dump. Two conspicuous rubbish piles stand
just south of the ruin. Because floor sweepings at the bottom of those
piles would be older than sweepings on top, a cross section should
reveal every major change in the material culture of the villagers
during the period that trash was accumulating.

Previous experience in Utah and Arizona had taught me that
certain types of earthenware were associated with early dwellings;
other types, with later. But our trench into the larger of the two
Bonito rubbish heaps disclosed an intermixture of early and late types
from top to bottom. We cut a second stratigraphic section and then
a third. Each revealed the same puzzling fact: early sherds were
with and above late fragments.

The story of how this mystery finally was solved has been reserved
for my chapter on pottery. But the solution, I must add, also pro-
vided convincing evidence that a settlement had existed here a long,
long while before its population was doubled by an immigrant people.
Still later, more foreigners arrived.

Thanks to the late Dr. Clark Wissler, then curator of anthropology,
American Museum of Natural History, partial page proof of Pep-
per’s “Pueblo Bonito” was received late in May 1921, shortly after we
had turned our attention from the rubbish piles of Pueblo Bonito to
the ruin itself. This text, and a number of prints from Pepper nega-
tives purchased through courtesy of B. T. B. Hyde, enabled us at the
outset to identify the rooms Pepper had excavated and thus avoid
any possible duplication of effort.

Discussing the nature and extent of the Hyde Expeditions’ work
in his foreword to Pepper’s volume, Dr. Wissler says: “Something
less than half the rooms in the pueblo were excavated, 198 in all.”
The total given is apparently a typographical error, for Pepper’s text
and ground plan include only 189, plus the sunken shrine in the East
Court, No. 190. The ground plan, it is explained, was prepared by
B. T. B. Hyde from Pepper’s field notes and a sketch made in 1916
by N. C. Nelson. That such a composite should contain a few dis-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 17,

crepancies was perhaps inevitable and was anticipated by Mr. Nelson
(in Pepper, 1920, p. 387). Wherever disclosed during the course of
our own explorations, these errors have been corrected. On the plan
appearing herein, figure 2, rooms numbered 1-190 are those exca-
vated by the Hyde Expeditions; with a few exceptions those ex-
amined by the National Geographic Society are numbered 200-351
and the kivas are lettered. In our text the letters B, C, and D indicate,
respectively, the second, third, and fourth stories. Five rooms (210,

36 \| as Ht ng
He

fae Sige t sete
2 (22% 208 iF 2073 08) =
mss a ey
wa ey 2
i =
L f

Fic. 2—A crescent of Old Bonitian houses formed the nucleus of Pueblo Bonito and influenced
each successive addition to the village. (Drawn from the original survey by Oscar B. Walsh.)

227, 295, 299, 300) and two kivas (Y, Z) were cleared by unknown
persons between 1900 and 1920. In addition to those left unnumbered,
Rooms 205-208, 297, 301-303 were purposely not excavated; and
Kivas O, P, S, and 2-C were merely tested. These, I hoped, might
be reserved for examination some years hence.

It was my desire, and one in which the Society’s Committee on
Research unanimously concurred, to save Pueblo Bonito for what it
actually is, a ruined prehistoric town, and let its empty. rooms tell
their own story. Toward this end we did a great deal each season to
strengthen standing walls in order that they might be preserved as

we found them. A repair crew was kept constantly at work as
excavations progressed, patching broken masonry, replacing missing

18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

door lintels, and taking other reasonable precautions to check further
disintegration.

To provide drainage in rooms that we opened in the eastern part
of the ruin, a hole often was dug in the middle floor, filled with rocks,
and covered with sand. To protect the ruder stonework of the western
half, our rooms were wholly or partially refilled, the refill being cupped
in the middle. For like reasons we carted away the excess dirt and
rock the Hyde Expeditions had thrown out of their excavations.
Hewett (1936, p. 32) was well aware of this when he sought to be-
little our program by stating that the Society had reexcavated the
Pepper rooms.

Pueblo Bonito well merits preservation. It is at once the largest
and oldest of the major Chaco Canyon towns. It is a complex, the
union of several distinct parts. It is the work of two similar but
unlike peoples. Despite joint occupancy of the village for 100 years
or more, these peoples were culturally two or three generations apart,
as we shall see presently.

THE PEOPLE OF PUEBLO BONITO

Pueblo Bonito originated in the ninth or early tenth century as a
cluster of rudely constructed masonry houses. This original house
cluster, occupying the slight elevation where a Pueblo I pit village
formerly stood, expanded crescentically to right and left as new homes
were required. Then, perhaps in the second quarter of the eleventh
century, the local population was suddenly increased by arrival of
the second group, emigrating from some as yet undetermined point
of departure, presumably in the north.

These newcomers, culturally more advanced than their hosts and
perhaps numerically superior, lost little time in assuming leadership
of the community. They encompassed the old village in their first
constructional enthusiasm ; later they unhesitatingly razed their own
and neighboring houses to make way for successive alterations; they
increased the impregnability of the pueblo and twice enlarged it, the
last time after having abandoned plans that would have doubled its
ground area.

Differences between the two peoples responsible for Pueblo Bonito
are evident in many ways. The one group was old fashioned, un-
changing ; the other, alert and progressive. Each had its preferences
in architecture; each had its favored shapes for kitchen utensils.
Since we do not know the real name of either we shall hereinafter,
merely for convenience, designate the first people the “Old Bonitians”
both because they were the original settlers and because they remained

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 19

so stubbornly conservative until the end. We shall refer to the second
group as the “Late Bonitians” since they were, in fact, late comers.
It was these latter who molded Pueblo Bonito to its final form, gave
it the mastery in art and architecture that set the tempo for all Chaco
Canyon, and won for it a fame that echoed down the beaches of
Lower California and through the jungles of Veracruz. Together,
these two peoples naturally become the “Bonitians.”’

Old Bonitian houses were built usually of sandstone slabs as wide
as the wall was thick. The slabs might vary in length and weight,
but they were always reduced to standard width by breaking away
the sides. Since spalling left the edges thinner than the middle,
quantities of mud were required to bed the slabs evenly. And because
that mud was spread and pressed into place by human hands, finger-
prints invariably appear on the surface. Sometimes a mosaic of stone
chips on outside walls protected the mortar from rain and windblown
sand. Interior walls occasionally were made of upright poles bound
together with willows and packed between with mud and chunks of
sandstone, a practice handed down from Basket Maker III and
Pueblo I times.

In contrast, Late Bonitian masonry consists of a core of rubble
and adobe, faced on both sides by neatly laid stonework. Ignoring
for the time being several nondescript but contemporaneous varieties,
we may recognize three successive styles in Late Bonitian wall con-
struction: (a) that veneered with blocks of friable sandstone of
unequal size and shape but all pecked or rubbed smooth on the ex-
posed surface only and chinked with pieces of laminate sandstone
about a quarter inch thick; (b) that with fairly uniform, dressed
blocks of friable sandstone, or laminate sandstone, alternating with
bands composed of laminate tablets an inch in thickness, more or less ;
and (c) that faced solely with laminate sandstone. Beginning with
that peculiar to the old people, these four kinds of masonry will be
referred to hereinafter as types 1, 2, 3, and 4 (pl. 5). Their relative
ages may be approximated from the fact that tree-ring dates for 65
beams range from A.D. 919 to 1130, as published by Douglass
(1935, Pp. 51).

The Old Bonitian part of town (fig. 2) was built earlier, and it was
occupied later than the remainder. Five feet of blown sand had
accumulated against the outer wall of the original settlement before
the Late Bonitians arrived and built their homes upon that accumu-
lation. More sand had gathered against old and new walls before
- extensive alterations introduced the third type of stonework. Still
later, construction on a very considerable northeast addition was

20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124°

interrupted in favor of plans that brought Pueblo Bonito to its
final form.

I believe the Old Bonitians continued in residence longer than the
Late Bonitians because practically all the cultural material recovered
by the Hyde Expeditions, and by the National Geographic Society,
came from Old Bonitian rooms. Some of these rooms are former
dwellings; others clearly had been designed for storage. Eventually
eight of them, both storerooms and one-time habitations, were requi-
sitioned for burial purposes. Materials stored at the time, religious
or otherwise, were abandoned when the first body was brought in.

Late Bonitian houses, on the other hand, appear to have been
emptied of their contents and leisurely vacated. Windblown sand
sifted in, and subsequently flooring and stonework from upper stories
collapsed upon that sand. No Late Bonitian room had been used for
burials, but a number came to be recognized, sooner or later, as more
convenient places than the village dump for disposal of household
sweepings.

Dumping household waste in convenient corners was not a Late
Bonitian trait exclusively. The Old Bonitians were equally guilty.
Indeed, there is probably not a ground-floor room in the entire village
that wholly escaped the bearer of trash. Some of the lesser quantities
we encountered might have been brushed through open hatchways by
housewives living on the floor above, but larger accumulations repre-
sent repeated contributions by all families in the vicinity. Room 323
was a neighborhood dump both before and after its ceiling collapsed.
Trash from a single source was often thrown in various places. A
bowl with drilled holes evidencing ancient repairs (U.S.N.M. No.
336297) is one of several vessels we restored from fragments
recovered from two or more separate debris heaps.

Where vegetal matter is lacking it is not always possible to dis-
tinguish between intentional and unintentional rubbish deposits. Fire-
place ashes may be quite inconspicuous where blown sand is predomi-
nant. At first it seemed reasonable to recognize as a trash repository
any room in which we found 1,000 or more fragments of broken
pottery. But potsherds alone are not enough. Room 247, for example,
with 2,732 sherds, was not really a dump, but the southwest corner
of Room 245, with only 329 fragments present, obviously was. Here
floor sweepings had been poured through a side door of Room 246B,
in the second story, until it formed a 5-foot-high pile in the corner
of the ground-floor room below and adjoining. An unusual number
of potsherds plus an unusual number of discarded implements such
as bone awls, hammerstones, and manos, is a more reliable measure

@ ALVIg

ae fe ae eed ar - , (‘e261 ‘jaod
CYZol SuoAR ED a) @) Ag ydvisojou ) ‘OWUOT O]Gong jo -dny jaeyy Aq ydessojoyg) ‘oyuog oygang jo ysea
JAN) S93 9Y} UIYPAM POO}S }ey} ouTd Jeots B JO SUTeUIIA pakRoa(T -YINOS “UOMO, S,CWITAA JO peay ayy ye oud pea

‘ i

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OE - z Py

€ aLvIg

(‘Sz61 ‘suaaey “dD °C Aq ydess
8 A}oI90G a1ydessoary [euoneN ayj 3e
SIOUSIA JUonbo1Z puew ssoqysiou oyeaeN ‘eyIpeg pue OPM PIO

4 er eet et

(‘4z61 ‘ppnf "WW [ION Aq ydessojoyg) ‘orgr jnoqe sem }I se -O}OY) “dures opuog oyqeng
uoAUR) OORYD potoquioier OYM (AUOTY JST) [eSaq uUsoqsopyT

PLATE 4

Upper: The Chaco in flood. Wetherill’s well, destroyed a few weeks later, stands at the left ;
below it, wagon tracks on the crossing used until 1928. (Photograph by O. C. Havens, 1921.)

Lower: Layers of silt deposited by gently flowing floodwaters underlie a small ruin, a con-
temporary of Pueblo Bonito. Pueblo del Arroyo appears at the right. (Photograph by Charles
Martin, 1920.)

I. Spalled-sandstone slabs of wall width laid in
abundant quantities of mud and often protected
from the elements by closely placed stone chips.

2. Rubble veneered with casual blocks of friable
sandstone dressed on the face only and chinked all
around with chips of laminate sandstone.

3. Rubble veneered with matched blocks, either of
laminate or dressed friable sandstone or both, alter-

nating with bands of inch-thick tablets of laminated
sandstone.

4. Rubble veneered with laminate sandstone of
fairly uniform thickness laid with a minimum of —
mud plaster between.

PLATE 5.—The four principal types of masonry at Pueblo Bonito, each represented by a
2-foot square section.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 21

of the deliberate rubbish pile than potsherds alone. The wattled par-
tition crossing Room 256 may have been built to retain trash piled
deeper behind the wall than in front of it.

Whenever Transitional, Early Hachure, Solid, and Plain-banded
types of pottery were preponderant in a given accumulation we as-
sumed that most of it came from Old Bonitian dwellings. By the
same token a Late Bonitian source was indicated if Late Hachure,
Chaco-San Juan, Mesa Verde, and Corrugated-coil culinary wares

Ag)
o

Nee, dO
a ZB
ie HG =a grkalee Gace ae

SS Oe
Oe

NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY

Fic. 3—Abandoned ground-floor rooms used for rubbish. Key: Horizontal hatching, Old
Bonitian; vertical hatching, Late Bonitian; stippled, probable dump (no data).

predominated. With these yardsticks 70 percent of 24,587 sherds
tabulated from Room 323 were Old Bonitian varieties, while, curiously
enough, 51.3 percent of those from Room 325, next on the south, were
Late Bonitian. Our data do not identify Kiva Q as a communal
dump, and yet of the 4,527 fragments collected there 33.4 percent
were Old Bonitian and 37.2 percent were Late. Of 5,558 sherds from
rubbish in Late Bonitian Room 334, 60.2 percent were Late Bonitian
types, but of 642 from a test pit beneath the floor of that same room
52.4 percent were Old Bonitian.

In figure 3 I have attempted to show the distribution of trash
accumulations within the walls of Pueblo Bonito. Our evidence is
conclusive in some instances but not in all. Of the rooms and kivas

22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

excavated by the National Geographic Society I recognize 34 as
certain or probable dumps, while if 1,000 or more potsherds were our
only criterion I should have to add nine more rooms and seven kivas.
Pepper’s text identifies only four of his excavated rooms (24, 25, 67,
105) as rubbish repositories but I have marked 10 others as probable
dumps on the basis of Hyde’s tabulation (Pepper, 1920, pp. 359-372)
of specimens recovered. His four burial rooms are included because
our four (320, 326, 329, 330) all contained debris of occupation in-
tentionally carried in to cover the bodies. Of 628 potsherds among
household trash covering the 10 burials in Room 320, 46.1 percent
were Old Bonitian and 25.0 percent Late Bonitian, while of 622 like
fragments among additional debris above the second-floor level the
percentages were 41.6 and 30.8, respectively. Clearly both Old
Bonitian and Late Bonitian families dwelt hereabout and had con-
tributed proportionally to the earlier as well as the later part of the
room fill.

Intramural trash heaps, each marking an abandoned room, suggest
either a shifting of families within the pueblo or a gradual reduction
of population. A decrease in population could have been brought
about by an epidemic, by failure of the water supply, or by any one
of various lesser causes. The most likely, however, and one for
which we have supporting evidence, is annual reduction in the amount
of arable land. A dwindling food supply spurs discontent; famine
has repeatedly impelled Pueblo migrations within historic times.
Families uprooted and forced from their homes by dissension would
leave most of their possessions behind, as at Oraibi in 1906. Thus,
voluntary departure of their occupants seems a plausible explanation
for the emptiness of Late Bonitian dwellings. Presence of Late
Bonitian utensils in Old Bonitian houses evidences contemporaneity.

Room 28 is a case in point but with complicating factors. Here
Pepper uncovered an astonishing hoard of earthenware vessels and
other objects. According to Hyde’s tables (Pepper, 1920, pp. 359-
372), the specimens from this one room included 111 cylindrical vases,
39 bowls, 24 pitchers, 2 effigy vessels, 75 stone jar covers, and various
other items. Some of them had been burned or blackened by fire.
Several coiled baskets and 33 earthenware vessels bearing either Old
Bonitian or Late Bonitian designs, lay in the northeast corner at the
level of, and actually on, the sill of the door connecting with Room
51a. About 7 feet to the west, 110 cylindrical vases, 18 pitchers, and
8 bowls had been piled in five layers on “an area of 20 square feet”
(ibid., pp. 119-120). There can be no question that this remarkable
assemblage had been intentionally placed where Pepper found it.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 23

Only Late Bonitian pottery types, in form and decoration, are
discernible in his illustrations.

As he describes excavation of the room, Pepper enumerates many
objects not listed by Hyde; he repeatedly mentions both shell and
turquoise ornaments; 400 shell beads were “associated directly with
the pottery vessels.” (Ibid., p. 125.)

Pepper’s published field notes are not always easy to follow, but
careful study of them makes it clear that Rooms 28 and 28a originally
formed a single ground-floor Old Bonitian dwelling about 4o feet
long. An introduced partition later divided this long chamber. Room
28 extends from the partition westward beneath Rooms 55 and 57.
These latter are 2-story Late Bonitian structures whose east walls
rest upon logs inserted at ceiling level of the old room below. The
concave north side of that old room was straightened by the Late
Bonitians, but they left the convex south side undisturbed to serve
as foundation for a new wall they built to enclose a second-story
chamber over the east half of Room 28 and all of 28a. This second-
story chamber, on a level with the first stories of Rooms 55 and 57,
we shall henceforth refer to as 28B.

Pepper’s description of Rooms 28 and 28a leaves no doubt that
they were originally constructed of first-type, or Old Bonitian, stone-
work. But his figure 44 (1920, p. 116) and his previously unpublished
prints 103, 104, and 120 (herein pls. 6, upper and lower; 7, lower),
together with our own notes, show that the substitute north wall of
Room 28, westward to its junction with the outer southeast corner of
Old Bonitian Room 33, is constructed of laminate sandstone, chinked
with thin little tablets in the manner of our second-type masonry ; that
the west and north walls of 28B, including continuation of the latter
to Room 58 (the second story of Room 33), are of second-type stone-
work in which dressed blocks of friable sandstone predominate.

Bonitian architecture is often bewildering. I give it thought in this
place only because I believe architecture helps explain the cultural
complexity in Room 28 and adjacent structures. My deductions are
drawn almost entirely from Pepper’s notes and photographs, since
our own efforts hereabout were directed toward leveling piles of
previously turned earth and stone the better to control surface drain-
age. In the course of this undertaking we laid bare as many second-
story walls as seemed wise and made a few observations upon them.

If I interpret Pepper correctly, Room 28 was a I-story Old Boni-
tian house that the Late Bonitians altered without wholly dispossessing
its owners. The newcomers corrected the asymmetry of its north
wall just to provide a straighter foundation for the dwelling they

24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

wished to construct above. This latter, 28B, we know to have been
one of a series of early (second-type masonry) Late Bonitian houses
that overlay Old Bonitian rooms west and south as far as Room 327.
The original ceiling beams in Room 28 were replaced by pine logs
whose north ends were socketed 2 or 3 inches in the old walls. Sup-
porting posts, if not provided at the time, were inserted later. During
these alterations constructional debris was allowed to lie where it
fell; upon this accumulation, with sand carried in for the purpose,
a new surface was created at, or just below, the sill level of the doors
into Rooms 32, 51, and 51a.

The partition separating 28 and 28a, if not built while these changes
were under way, was introduced shortly after. Pepper’s figure 44,
illustrating pottery in the northeast corner of Room 28, shows that the
mud with which the partition was coated had been pressed against the
previously plastered north wall. Here the partition was “about a foot
thick and four feet high” (ibid., p. 117). Described from Room 28a,
this same partition was 6 feet high and supported by a 24-foot founda-
tion of large stones which, in turn, rested upon the original floor,
84 feet below the ceiling (ibid., p. 126). In other words, approxi-
mately 44 feet of constructional debris and sand was already present
in the northeast corner of Room 28 when that pottery was left at the
door into Room 51a. With only a 4-foot headway remaining, Room
28 obviously had little use thereafter except storage. On a 4- by
5-foot space in the middle of its floor, 136 vases, bowls, and pitchers
were carefully piled. Miscellaneous stone slabs, tools, and other
possessions were carried in from time to time and left about the room.
Meanwhile sand drifted in with every windstorm until it half covered
the piled pottery, the tools, and utensils.

Some time later 28B and the room or rooms immediately west of
it were partially destroyed by fire. Their floor timbers and supporting
posts were burned, or partly burned; walls were reddened and the
blown sand “vitrified and formed into a slag” (ibid., p. 125).

Reconstruction soon followed, in 1083 or thereafter.2 The burned
walls were razed; charred timbers, discarded building stones, and
mud mortar were dumped into the storeroom below. By this time,
however, a third variety of stonework was in vogue among the Late
Bonitians ; the substitute walls they built on the south side of Rooms
28B, 55, and 57, and between the latter two, were not of second-type,
but of fourth-type masonry—the kind utilized in the latest addition
to the east and southeast quarter of the pueblo. The west walls of

2 At least one ceiling beam in Room 57 was felled in A.D. 1071; a horizontal
supporting log built into the wall between 55 and 57 was cut in 1083.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 25

28B and 57 survived the conflagration in large part, for they stand
today as examples of second-type masonry with fourth-type repairs.
The beams and “cedarbark floor covering’ mentioned by Pepper
(ibid., p. 216) in Room 55 are relics of this second reconstruction.*®

Now when and why were 136 bowls, pitchers, and cylindrical vases
piled in the middle of Room 28? An answer to the first question, at
least, may be deduced from Pepper’s notes. Describing Rooms 55
and 57, he remarks that their east and west wall “foundations” were
“simply the debris of the burnt-out portions of the rooms” (ibid.,
pp. 216, 219). Below the cedarbark-and-adobe floor of 55, which had
been crushed down “about 4 feet” (thus evidencing an open space
beneath), the “excavations were carried to a depth of over 4 feet
. . . but nothing but clean sand was discovered.” Over 4 feet of clean
sand plus 4 feet of open space above thus approximate the 84-foot
ceiling height reported for Room 28a.

Again, in Room 28, Pepper observed (ibid., p. 117) that “the lower
portion . . . was filled with sand that had drifted and washed in
before the ceiling fell” and (p. 120) that most of the vessels stacked
on the middle floor “were imbedded in the debris that formed the
foundation of the western wall.” Now his print No. 103, first pub-
lished herein (pl. 6, lower), identifies this ‘““western wall” as that at
the west end of Room 28B, which was built upon a beam bridging the
Old Bonitian room below. The debris of reconstruction, which
Pepper recognized as such but carelessly misnamed, actually flowed
down from beam height into direct contact with the stored pottery.
Because most of the tabular stones visible in that debris slope down
and away from Room 55 it seems clear this waste was poured
through a hole in the floor on the east side of 55. Beyond this dump,
in the west third of Room 28, the quantity of waste was much less,
for it did not prevent the rebuilt floors of Rooms 55 and 57 from
sagging 4 feet when they, in turn, were later broken by collapse of
upper walls. Striated sand against the west wall of 28B proves that
the second-story floor here, as in Rooms 55 and 57, remained in place
for some time after abandonment.

After he had laid bare all the artifacts in Room 28, Pepper photo-
graphed them from various angles. One of the most illuminating
views is that taken from directly above and reproduced as his figure
42 (ibid., p. 114). If the reader will hold this reproduction in reverse,
thus to orient it with the room, he will recognize in the upper right
corner some of the vessels shown (fig. 44, p. 116) at sill level of the

8 The Hyde Expeditions’ unpublished print No. 208 shows the remains of a
like floor in Room 57.

26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Room 51a door. To the left of these, ranged along the base of the
north wall, are fragments of a stone tablet, two large stones, one
upon the other, a beam-supporting post with charred top (seen more
clearly in print 103), and then a jumble of stone implements appar-
ently unearthed elsewhere in the room and temporarily stacked here.
Lastly, in the upper left corner of the photograph, one notes a bulging
section of masonry. That bulge marks a sealed door to Room 32.

Pepper first mentions this sealed door while reporting the excava-
tion of 32, a burial room. The one body interred here lay about 6
inches above doorsill level, or approximately 18 inches above the floor.
A foot and a half of wind- and water-borne sand had collected before
the body was brought in. That the room continued in use while this
sand was accumulating is evidenced by earthenware vessels and other
objects left at various distances above the floor.

Pepper’s four burial rooms, 32, 33, 53, and 56, opened one into
the other, yet their only known connection with the outside was the
door from 32 into 28. Presumably each of the bodies interred in the
three inner chambers had been dragged through this same door. The
Room 32 burial, therefore, must have been last of the series, for it
was left 6 inches above sill level; a number of grave offerings, includ-
ing two Mesa Verde mugs, a typical San Juan kiva jar, and a bowl
(ibid., p. 124, figs. 47a, c, 48b; p. 132, fig. 49) were pushed in after
and the door was sealed. Since our stratigraphic tests prove that
Mesa Verde pottery reached Pueblo Bonito quite late, it is obvious
the Old Bonitians remained long in occupancy of their section of the
village. They remained there long enough to augment their own
characteristic tableware with vessels produced at various times by
the Late Bonitians: long enough to welcome, during the final years
of Pueblo Bonito, a few immigrant families from the Mesa Verde
country.

However, the door to Room 32 must have been sealed before
Room 28B was rebuilt with fourth-type masonry, since debris of re-
construction dumped in at that time not only covered the pottery
piled on the floor of 28 but banked up against the north wall. Had
the door then been open, this waste would have flowed through and
into 32.

But even though the western part of Room 28 was isolated by a
pile of debris rising ceiling high, a corridor at the east end remained
open and in use. Witness, in the northeast corner, an assemblage of
33 pieces of pottery and two or three coiled baskets at sill level of the
open door to Room 51a but under “a heap of sand 3 feet high and 34
feet in width” (ibid., pp. 117-119). Sand so compressed suggests a

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 27

wall paralleling the partition, but one sees no trace of it in note or
photograph.

Open doors connected Rooms 28 and 51a, 51a and 39b, 39b and
37, 37 and 4. But the only means of access to the series, other than the
ceiling hatchway in 39b, was my assumed corridor at the east end of
Room 28 and a door cut through the south wall of the latter directly
opposite the entrance to 51a. Pepper does not mention this south
door, but it may be seen behind the shovel handle in the lower left
corner of his print 103 (herein pl. 6, lower) and in the same relative
position on print 104 (herein pl. 6, upper), beneath a rubbish-filled
door. This latter is the westernmost of the two blocked, T-shaped
doors in the south wall of 28B. By a flight of stone steps this south
door gave access to the terrace overlooking Kivas Q and R;; its exit,
at floor level of Room 28B, is Pepper’s “bin” in nonexistent Room 4o.

That the entire east end of 28 remained open for a long while after
the pile of constructional waste was dumped in from Room 55 is
further indicated by the quantity of blown sand that had gradually
accumulated in and below the stepped doorway in the southeast corner.
Pepper’s print No. 115 (herein pl. 7, upper) shows the broken west
jamb of that doorway and the imprint of a decayed post directly
above a pitcher and a cylindrical vase. This latter stands on approxi-
mately 8 inches of stratified sand, the strata slanting down to the right
toward the little 4-handled bowl, No. 145. Pepper mentions (ibid.,
p. 118) “a cache of stone jar covers” between the bowl and the other
two pieces; from his unpublished print No. 105 I judge the covers
to be on the same level as the store of 136 vessels and the little bowl
to be perhaps a couple of inches higher.*

Thus, from Pepper’s data I conclude that Room 28, a one-time
Old Bonitian house, became a storeroom when the Late Bonitians
erected one of their dwellings above it. This Late Bonitian dwelling,
Room 28B, was occupied throughout the period of maximum ex-
pansion and architectural change elsewhere in the village. Sometime
during this period, and most likely during the second or third quarter
of the eleventh century, 136 earthenware vessels, apparently all of
Late Bonitian manufacture, were piled on 20 square feet in the middle
of Room 28. Whether they were placed there by the Late Bonitian
occupants of 28B or by Old Bonitian owners of adjacent structures
is a question I cannot answer. Neither can I guess the motive for

*TI am pleased to acknowledge my obligation to Dr. Harry L. Shapiro, chair-
man of the department of anthropology, American Museum of Natural History,
for prints 105, 115, and others, received in mid-June 1950, as this chapter was
being written.

28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the assemblage or why the vessels were stacked in five layers instead
of being arranged in rows against the wall. They were piled on an
indefinite surface formed by sand carried in to conceal constructional
debris covering the original floor. When fire later gutted Rooms 28B,
55, and 57, the pottery stored below, undamaged by the conflagration,
was abandoned where it lay. A sacrificial offering of shell beads was
scattered over the pile, and then debris of reconstruction was dumped
in upon it. The burned dwellings were rebuilt, in 1083 or later, and
life went on as before. Reoccupancy of these second-story rooms
and those adjoining is established by Pepper’s finds in them, finds
that include cylindrical vases and other varieties of Late Bonitian
pottery. |

Just as windblown sand had found a way into Room 28, so, too,
sand had collected in other ground-floor rooms throughout the pueblo.
In the eastern section, for example, we repeatedly noted I to 18 inches
of clean sand on the floors of Late Bonitian houses with fallen
masonry on top. This fact suggests that the rooms had stood empty
for a time prior to collapse of their upper walls. Contrary evidence
comes from Old Bonitian dwellings.

In Old Bonitian houses sand gathered while the rooms were still
inhabited ; blown sand was frequently overlain by occupational debris.
Sand had collected in Room 325 to an average depth of 16 inches
before nearby residents began to use the place as a convenient dump
for floor sweepings and kitchen refuse. Room 323, next on the north,
became a dumping place also, and so too did 328. This latter, a
smallish structure built in front of 325, was filled almost ceiling high
with blown sand and household rubbish. Some of these rooms re-
mained open and accessible for a time, but the sand deepening in
them year after year eventually invited burials when circumstances
barred access to the accustomed places of interment.

It was probably compelling necessity rather than family preference
that first dictated use of storeroom 320 for burial purposes. The
room was free of blown sand at the time, for most of the skeletons
we found there lay directly upon the flagstones. Altogether, 68 indi-
viduals were buried in the four adjoining rooms, 320, 326, 329, and
330. These four are situated at the extreme southwestern end of
the old, original settlement; solid walls separate them from Late
Bonitian houses abutting on the west and south. Of the 24 bodies in
Room 329, two rested upon the floor and the others in an overlying
14 inches of sand mixed with debris of occupation. Old Bonitian
graves were shallow, hastily dug, and hastily refilled.

These several factors—Late Bonitian houses stripped of their

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 29

furnishings and vacated; Old Bonitian families crowded together in
their corner of the village ; abandoned utensils and ceremonial equip-
ment; eight Old Bonitian rooms transformed into sepulchers for a
hundred dead that could not be buried outside the walled town—
appear ample reason for believing that the population of Pueblo Bonito
was first halved by migration of Late Bonitian clans and then further
reduced through piecemeal separations prompted by impoverished
farmlands or enemy attacks or both.

That the inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito were plagued by marauding
bands over a long period is proved by the successive measures they
took to strengthen their defenses. The original settlement had no
door in its convex, or cliffward, wall. When the Late Bonitians built
an abutting tier against that wall they provided each room, even those
in the second and third stories, with external doorways. But these
were soon closed, and permanently. In each subsequent major build-
ing program the Late Bonitians deliberately strove to increase the
impregnability of the pueblo. They never again placed a door in the
outer, rear wall; eventually they closed, or partially closed, all venti-
lators in that wall and they barred the only gateway to the village.

The lone town gate, that at the southeast corner of the West Court,
was provided when the Late Bonitians were pressing their second
expansion program. Shortly thereafter they built a transverse wall
across the passage but left an ordinary door through the middle.
When this small opening was subsequently blocked with masonry,
Pueblo Bonito was as unassailable as its occupants could make it.
From that time forward there was no gate, no open door, anywhere
in the outside wall of the town. From that day every man going out
to work in his field, every woman seeking water or fuel, went and
returned by ladders that led up to and across the rooftops of 1-story
houses enclosing the two courts on the south.

CULTURAL RELATIONSHIPS

Now who were these people—the Old Bonitians and the Late
Bonitians? Where did they come from, and where did they go? Our
data point to certain possibilities but without conviction. The Old
Bonitians may have descended from earlier Chaco Canyon settlers,
but it is more likely they were immigrants from beyond the San Juan
River. They were the founders of Pueblo Bonito as we now know it,
although the same site had been previously occupied by Pueblo I
families. We discovered the slab-lined floor of a typical Pueblo I
pit house out in front of Old Bonito and under 12 feet of Old Boni-
tian rubbish, and other pit houses probably lie at the same deep level.

30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Archeologists have learned that Pueblo I pit houses usually were
succeeded by above-ground structures having jacal, or post-and-mud,
walls. Although this type of construction is present in Old Bonito it
occurs infrequently. Hence I find it easier to believe the Old Boni-
tians had moved in from the north as a body and employed their
newly acquired knowledge of masonry in constructing their Chaco
Canyon home. Leyte

Old Bonito, separated from later accretions, consists of a double
row of rectangular rooms, grouped crescentically and facing south-
east (fig. 2). Close within the crescent and below its foundations
were several circular, ceremonial chambers or kivas. We exposed
sections of three but did not venture more for fear of endangering the
buildings that had supplanted them. The whole assemblage—an arc
of dwellings with adjoining storerooms at the rear; sunken, cere-
monial rooms in front, and the village dump beyond—parallels Late
Basket Maker and Early Pueblo settlements north of the Rio
San Juan.

Roberts (1930), Martin (1938, 1939), Morris (1939), and Brew
(1946) have reported upon a number of these B.M. III and P. I
villages. They have shown that living quarters evolved from deep,
earth-walled pits to dwellings having floors only 6 to 18 inches below
the surface and upper walls of mud supported by posts; thereafter,
to rectangular rooms joined end to end and curving about the north
or west side of a depression. Some of these later above-ground struc-
tures were provided with fireplaces; each was accompanied by one
or two storerooms in a second tier immediately behind the first—
precisely the arrangement we have already noted in Old Bonito.
Sandstone slabs on end as a sort of baseboard and rocks used as
fillers in post-and-mud walls are features repeatedly noted in P. I
rectangular dwellings and, as one might expect, they are to be seen
here and there in Old Bonito.

These and other outmoded constructional practices will be consid-
ered at greater length in our study of the architecture of Pueblo
Bonito. For the present I wish merely to record my belief that such
survivals, especially the traditional grouping of dwellings, storerooms,
kivas, and trash piles, all point to southwestern Colorado as the most
likely place of origin for the culture that brought Old Bonito into
being. It is there, also, north of the San Juan, that one finds the
prototype of the “great kiva” in its earliest recognizable manifestation,
and the great kiva is undeniably one of the distinguishing elements
in what has come to be called “The Chaco culture.” From south-
western Colorado southward through Aztec and Chaco Canyon to the

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 31

Zuni Mountains, the obvious importance of the great kiva in the
religious life of the community increases directly with distance.

Table and kitchen ware may be as informative as architecture, or
more so. Part of the earthenware we recovered at Pueblo Bonito had
been imported, but the bulk of it was produced locally and by the
Old Bonitians. The same shapes and ornamentation are represented
by fragments from the Old Bonitian dump under the West Court.
We named this preponderant ware “Transitional”? because in 1925,
at the time our sherd analysis was made, it seemed to us a sort of
transition from what we would now call Pueblo I to Pueblo II pottery.

Every archeologist acquainted with the San Juan country is familiar
with our Transitional ware although perhaps under another name.
It is a widely distributed variety, rock- or sherd-tempered, grayish
white in color, slipped, polished, and ornamented with black mineral
paint.

The dominant pottery at Lowry Ruin, northwest of the Mesa
Verde, is called “Mancos black-on-white” by Martin (1936, p. 94).
It is to him evidence of a northward flow of Chaco culture from “the
area between Gallup and Shiprock” (ibid., p. 111). Martin’s descrip-
tion and illustrations show that some of his Mancos black-on-white is
indistinguishable from Old Bonito “Transitional.” Brew (1946) il-
lustrates Mancos black-on-white designs from P. II sites on Alkali
Ridge, southeastern Utah, and Morris (1939) finds the same decora-
tive elements on P. II pottery from the La Plata district, southwest-
ern Colorado. While bowl rims were rarely, if ever, blackened at
Alkali Ridge P. II sites or at Lowry Ruin, Morris finds approxi-
mately half of those from La Plata P. II sites so treated. At Old
Bonito the black rim line is a constant feature.

Typical Old Bonitian designs are to be seen on vessels and sherds
from Chaco Canyon small-house sites identified as P. II by University
of New Mexico archeologists (Brand et al., 1937; Dutton, 1938;
Kluckhohn et al., 1939), but other fragments from the same ruins I
should call P. I or P. III. During the 1925 season we made a partial
survey of small-house remains in the Chaco district and are confident
some of them were built before, some after, Pueblo Bonito.

Fragments of two charred poles from a Pueblo I pit house that we
examined in 1922 were subsequently dated A.D. 777 and 777+10
(Douglass, 1935, p. 51). Gladwin (1945, p. 43) lists several other
P. I structures the tree-ring dates of which range from 785 to 867.
He includes Morris’s Site 33, in southwestern Colorado, with its great
_ kiva dated A.D. 831+. Pottery, rather than architecture, bridges the
half century between our Chaco pit house and Site 33.

32 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Morris (1939, p. 85) places the principal occupancy of Site 33 in
Pueblo I times but recognizes the possibility of initial settlement
during the preceding period. Buildings I, II, and III were aggrega-
tions of post-and-mud rooms arranged crescentically with dwellings
in front, storerooms at the rear. Roberts (1930, 1939), Martin
(1939), and Brew (1946) describe similar structures, similarly
grouped. The arrangement, but not the construction, is what we have
noted in the old, original part of Pueblo Bonito.

The builders of Old Bonito had advanced beyond the post-and-mud
stage of P. I civilization. They built almost exclusively with masonry.
Their dwellings were rectangular, standing end to end in a wide
crescent, storerooms behind. Their kivas were deep, with flaring
walls, an encircling bench, and low pilasters. From the architectural
point of view, we can only recognize the Old Bonitians as a P. II
people.

The stonework of Old Bonito is one of its distinctive features.
There is nothing like it elsewhere in the Chaco country, so far as I
could ascertain, except in a number of ground-floor rooms at Pefiasco
Blanco. One must go north of the San Juan to find its counterpart.

Morris’s (1939, p. 34) description of Pueblo II masonry on the
La Plata, wherein the individual blocks of stone were reduced to size
by “spalling back the edges much as a flint blade would be chipped
to shape,” accurately mirrors Old Bonitian stonework. If anything
is lacking it is the external mosaic of sandstone chips employed at
Old Bonito as protection against wind and rain. Here, too, the out-
side walls customarily sloped to a floor-level thickness twice that at
ceiling height—a constructional practice that possibly reflects the
batter of P. I house walls. Thus Old Bonitian architecture seems to
be a blend of La Plata P. I and P. II, with certain features retained
even from B.M. III times.

Late Bonitian masonry likewise appears to be of northern inspira-
tion. It is dominant in both quality and quantity and completely
overshadows that of the Old Bonitians. It includes three successive
varieties, each characterized by a core of mud and broken rock faced
with carefully chosen and prepared building stones. Late Bonitian
dwellings are noteworthy not only for the quality of their masonry
but also for an almost measured regularity, neatly squared corners,
and ceiling timbers selected with discrimination, cut, and peeled while
green. The Late Bonitians unhesitatingly razed living rooms to pro-
vide space for kivas within the house mass.

All these features are to be seen in ruins of southeastern Utah and
southwestern Colorado. Even though allowance be made for the

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 33

superior workability of Chaco Canyon sandstone, a Chaco-like quality
is apparent at many sites throughout that area. This assertion is based
partly upon personal recollections gained during an apprenticeship
there in 1907 and 1908 and, in larger measure, upon the more sea-
soned opinions of other investigators.

Jeancon (1922, p. 31) noted resemblances to Chaco masonry and
room arrangement while excavating a large pueblo on the Piedra
Parada, or Chimney Rock Mesa, near Pagosa Springs, Colo., in 1921.
A year later Roberts (1922) not only confirmed Jeacon’s observation
but also remarked a striking similarity between Chimney Rock pottery
and that from Chaco ruins. He added: “The Piedra Parada ware
appears to be of an earlier development, however,’’ the first recorded
suggestion, so far as the present writer knows, that the beginnings
of Chaco culture might lie north of the San Juan. Kidder (1924,
p. 68) likewise remarked the apparent relationship between pottery
from certain ruins north of the San Juan and that from small-house
sites in Chaco Canyon.

At Lowry Ruin, where he obtained tree-ring dates between A.D.
1086 and 1106, Martin (1936, p. 204) recognized both Chaco masonry
and Chaco pottery. Building I, at Site 39 on the La Plata, is de-
scribed by Morris (1939, p. 53) aS a compact, Chaco-type structure
erected upon the remains of a P. II house. Among debris of occupa-
tion in Building I, Morris noted pottery fragments comparable to
Chaco-like sherds he had recovered from lower levels in the West
Pueblo at Aztec. Other examples could be cited but these few will
serve to indicate the existence of a strong cultural bond between some
of the Early Pueblo III communities north of the San Juan and their
contemporaries to the south. Another tie is the “great kiva.”

As illustrated at Aztec Ruin, Pueblo Bonito, Chettro Kettle, Casa
Rinconada, and elsewhere, the great kiva is an important diagnostic
of Chaco culture at its height. Its beginnings, however, lie in the
humble surroundings of B.M. III and P. I villages whose inhabitants
dwelt in pits or, at best, in post-and-adobe surface structures. The
two at Martin’s Site 1 in the Ackmen-Lowry area, southwestern
Colorado (Martin, 1939), that at Morris’s P. I Site 33 on the La
Plata (Morris, 1939), and the one at Roberts’s B.M. III village,
Shabik’eshchee, in Chaco Canyon (Roberts, 1929), are indubitably
precursors of the P. III examples mentioned above. Although that
at Shabik’eshchee lacks the wall and bench masonry of Martin’s two,
it is so similar in other respects there can be no question that it
_ served a like purpose. The great kiva so conspicuous at Pueblo
Bonito was of late construction, since we found Mesa Verde and
Little Colorado River potsherds beneath its floor.

34 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Thus the great kiva, both early and late, and its associated do-
mestic architecture and ceramics, seem to me to be products of
Anasazi cultures evolved among the canyons and mesas along the
lower Utah-Colorado border and carried thence south and east by
migrant groups. In their search for more fertile fields, or greater
security, some of these groups obviously traveled farther than others ;
some bypassed Chaco Canyon altogether. The evidence before us
does not suggest a common point of departure for all these migrant
peoples or simultaneous emigration. Pueblo I-III remains, differing
in no appreciable degree from their kind in Chaco Canyon, are to
be seen many miles to the south.

In the autumn of 1921 Pete Havens and I had visited a number
of lesser ruins in the vicinity of Gallup, source of many fine examples
of Chaco-like pottery in local collections. Both early and late vessels
were represented. We also observed Chaco-like masonry at several
sites, including three in a nameless canyon extending southeast from
Manuelito. Here, occupying a south promontory, was a conspicuous
ruin with two rows of second-story loopholes commanding the land-
ward approach. Near another late P. III ruin, similarly situated, we
found a great kiva noteworthy both for its size and the quality of its
stonework. Although we never returned for a second, unhurried
examination, it is still my impression those ruins evidence a late,
perhaps even a post-Bonito, shift of clans from the Chaco country.
On the trash pile of another ruin a few miles farther south and east
I gathered an assortment of potsherds that includes both San Juan
and Tularosa black-on-white, Little Colorado polychrome, and an-
cestral Zufii (U.S.N.M. No. 317192).°

It was in this same general area, between the Rio Puerco of the
West and headwaters of the Zufii River, that Roberts carried to com-
pletion three brilliant studies in sequential Pueblo history. Through
architecture and ceramics he traced the degree of civilization repre-
sented at Kiatuthlanna (1931), at the Village of the Great Kivas
(1932), and in the Whitewater district (1939, 1940) back to earlier
stages of development in the Chaco and beyond. His conclusions are
thus diametrically opposed to those of Gladwin (1945) and Martin
(1936, 1939), who see the Chaco culture spreading in the opposite
direction, from south to north.

Beginning with what he calls “the White Mound Phase,” approxi-
mately A.D. 750 to 800, Gladwin (1945) pursues Chaco-like elements
through his Kiatuthlanna, Red Mesa, Wingate, and Hosta Butte

5 United States National Museum catalog numbers given in parentheses refer
to specimens not herein illustrated.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 35

Phases to Chaco Canyon itself. He describes the Hosta Butte Phase
as a period of small P. III settlements, each of from 20 to 30 rooms,
constructed and occupied between A.D. 1010 and 1080. The “Bonito
Phase” followed. He groups in the Hosta Butte Phase half a hundred
small-house sites along the south side of Chaco Canyon, several of
which we identified in 1925, on the basis of surface sherd collections,
as either earlier than Pueblo Bonito, or later. Black-on-white vessels
classed as Red Mesa and Wingate have their counterparts in our
Transitional ware. But more of these controversial subjects, pottery
and architecture, in the several reports to follow!

Gladwin believes the Chaco culture died out in Chaco Canyon. He
knows of no Classic Chaco site later than 1130, which is our latest
Pueblo Bonito date, and neither do I. Apparently the unity of pur-
pose that built the Chaco towns and perfected the way of life practiced
therein was not transferable. It did not take root with equal vigor
elsewhere. But the evidence available at this writing suggests to me
a dissociation and dispersal rather than stagnation and decay. Our
data indicate that the two peoples who dwelt in Pueblo Bonito, having
surpassed their contemporaries in communal achievement, had
abruptly terminated their compact and separated. The Old Bonitians
were content to remain in their ancestral home but the Late Bonitians
moved on, presumably seeking fields where erosion was not a problem.

Chaco-like qualities in ruins north of the San Juan suggest to me
a common heritage rather than influence from Chaco Canyon. To-
ward the south, however, the opposite is true. A Chaco influence
that predominated from Pueblo I to Pueblo III times is undeniable
at the scene of Roberts’s Whitewater study; late contacts from the
same source are evident also at his Village of the Great Kivas
(Roberts, 1932). Reports have it that there is a small Classic Chaco
ruin on the Navaho reservation about 7 miles west of San Mateo and
others farther north, along the Continental Divide.

Constructional features in the two circular pre-Zufi kivas that
Hodge (1923, p. 34) excavated near Hawikuh are unquestionably of
late Chaco origin. Superior masonry underlying Ketchipauan, one
of Coronado’s Seven Cities of Cibola, is thought to represent the same
period as the two kivas. The older portion of Zufi has always
seemed to me, in some indefinable way, a reflection of Pueblo Bonito,
and if I were to seek the lost trail of the Late Bonitians I-should turn
first of all to the Zufi Mountains and their surroundings.

Our seven summers of field work in Chaco Canyon left many ques-
tions unanswered and many riddles unsolved. If descendants of the
Late Bonitians survive in present-day pueblos, the fact has not been

36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

VOL. 124

made known. We found no Pueblo myths that lead positively and
exclusively to Chaco Canyon. Roberts (1931, p. 8) relates a Zui
myth in which the Winter People, in their search for The Middle,
traveled north to Chaco Canyon and Aztec, thence east to the Chama
River, down the Rio Grande, and finally reached their goal in Zufi
Valley—a myth at variance with archeological fact. So-called tradi-
tions of the Navaho that purport to prove contact with the Bonitians
are, I am almost convinced, chiefly tales told by old men around winter
fires. I heard several such, no two alike, but hesitate to denounce
them all as without foundation. Whenever I am tempted to do so I
recall the fragments of pointed-bottom cook pots we found in Late
Bonitian rubbish—pots that, in all probability, were made in the

Gallina country, ancestral home of the Navaho.

Analysis of our data shows that Pueblo Bonito is the product of
two distinct peoples. These I have called the “Old Bonitians” and
the “Late Bonitians” because the names by which they knew each
other have been lost. The Old Bonitians were the real founders of
the community; the Late Bonitians, eleventh-century immigrants.
The two peoples were co-occupants for a hundred years or more, and
yet the houses they built and lived in, the tools they made and used,
differ so much that physical, linguistic, and mental differences be-
tween the two may be presumed. The Late Bonitians were aggressive ;
they usurped leadership of the village immediately upon arrival. In
contrast, the Old Bonitians were ultraconservative; they clung tena-
ciously to their old ways, their old habits and customs. The Late
Bonitians created the Classic Chaco culture, most advanced in all the
Southwest. The Old Bonitians, dwelling next door, lagged a century
behind. They were intellectually dormant. They were a Pueblo II

people living in Pueblo III times!

PARTIAL LIST OF TRAIT COMPARISONS

(Based solely on findings of the National Geographic Society)

Item - Old Bonitian
Masonry. see sreteetots Spalled slabs, wall width
Ceisige rst wsw se eee ace eee Cottonwood and pinyon beams,
chico brush and adobe
POOLS ote tetera arise sitio nets Somewhat oval; rounded jambs

and corners; high sill
T-shaped *doors's sc). 2.. cles we 2
Clothes; FaekS 1% E/.0.0 00% None

Continued

Late Bonitian
Veneered rubble

Pine beams and poles, willows
or juniper shakes, cedarbark
and adobe

Rectangular; secondary jambs
and lintels frequent; low sill

30
7

PLATE 6

Upper: Cylindrical vases and pitchers piled in middle of Room 28 and, above them, west wall
of Room 28B. In foreground, rounded top of partition between Rooms 28 and 28a. At lower left,
door with steps to court level; at right, open door to Room 51!a.

Lower: Debris of reconstruction under Room 55 buried the pottery piled in Room 28. At
right, above left edge of post, the right jamb of blocked door to Room 32.

(Hyde Expedition photographs by George H. Pepper, courtesy of B

Pie Nain, 9

Upper: Late Bonitian vessels on drifted sand, southeast corner of Room 28. (Hyde Expedi-
tion photograph by George H. Pepper, courtesy of American Museum of Natural History.)

Lower: With its blocking removed, the door connecting Rooms 28 and 32 reveals the later
north wall of Room 28 (foreground) built against the original Old Bonitian masonry; beyond,
two Mesa Verde mugs in Room 32. (Hyde pedition photograph by George H. Pepper,
courtesy of B. T. B. Hyde.)

PLATE 8

Upper: A Zuni looks through the south door of Room 209B, whose secondary jambs and
lintel once supported a sandstone door slab. (Photograph by Neil M. Judd, 1923.)

Lower: An elevated doorway in the Hopi pueblo of Mishongnovi. (Photograph by O. C.
Havens, 1924.)

PLate 9.—A, Turquoise necklace and ear bobs in situ, Room 320. (Photograph by O. C.
Havens, 1924.) B, Remains of a presumed cradle. (Photograph by Neil M. Judd, 1921.)
C, A “ring-bottomed” vessel from Room 249. (Photograph by B. Anthony Stewart.)

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

37

PARTIAL LIST OF TRAIT COMPARISONS—concluded

Item Old Bonitian
Polevshelyes .ouveudssnc als 4
Walmersn | 2 raididects wales 2
Wall pockets or cupboards... 12
Fixed work slabs.......... None
Storage pits and bins....... 13
Beaeser Glavellan 2s sls sssa5s Spire removed

“saucer-shaped” ... None
SLOUGReeaacoctat Ate» About 90 percent
heure-O. jiss sles Few
Chama, etc. ....... Few
Tubular bone “beads” ..... 6
SHR GMIES TCR tees Secs soa « None
Copper bells and fragments. . 2
Tred@clayStOneigs..'<:<.c<.0.s!s:0-+.6.0 10 lots
(GEIRGE NSS ARGO en neaee Sete 3 lots
Lil 2 ee RA None
Be ECR Uap crea a tye aie isis wee 4 lots
Selenite and calcite......... 5 lots
Azurite and malachite...... 13 lots
Metates, troughed with open
GG he ob cin st aca aes Thin, tabular, wide border; no
metate bin
Sandstone Saws! s+ ...5. 0... I
Deer humeri scrapers...... 5
Deer phalanx scrapers...... EC?)
PAGMCCOISEIS (cic < ssc ees sie'e None
Cylindrical baskets ........ 16
MPAIDISTIOS | che'se.cjc.e-¢-+ x's c.0'0 ace Twisted or braided yucca fiber,

oval end loops

Hettery s (cook pots........ Plain body, banded or coiled
neck, direct rim; later, “exu-
berant” neck decoration

TURES ae eet Ys asi Hemispherical; direct, tapering

rim; own designs

DILCHETS is cisies'c oe Full body, rounded bottom,
sloping shoulders; over-all or

2-zone decoration

Continued

Late Bonitian
I2

16

20
One or both ends removed
Few
About Io percent
About 90 percent
Common
37
32
17
31 lots
4 lots
7 lots
5 lots
30 lots
18 lots

Thick, massive, rarely shaped;
single or multiple bin

Woven band, triangular eyelets

Over-all corrugated coil, flaring
rim; geometric pinched deco-
ration frequent

Same as Old Bonitian but own
designs; later, some rim flat-
tening

Small body, often concave base,
tall cylindrical neck; 2-zone
decoration

38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

VOL, 124

PARTIAL LIST OF TRAIT COMPARISONS—concluded

Item Old Bonitian
TAGIER 6) v5 0's nares Half-gourd shape
storage jars ..... Tall, egg-shaped; high shoul-

ders with occasional bulge;

low neck

cylindrical vases..16, all with L.B. decoration in

4 burial rooms

Arrowheads: A type ..... 25 percent
BU EYVGC teens 76 percent
Earthenware pipes and frag-
ATICMES Wray avevatatchoiote oistelsiatals yas I
Elliptical basket trays...... 4

Bifurcated baskets and frag-
PEE asc cays wes niaiae Se 5in 2 burial rooms

Earthenware models of bi-
furcated baskets ......... 2

Late Bonitian

Bowl-and-handle

Squat to globular; higher neck;
inset or down-raking handles

I

75 percent
24 percent

II. SUBSISTENCE AND LIVING CONDITIONS

Like all other peoples, ancient and modern, the inhabitants of
Pueblo Bonito faced the daily problems of food and shelter. They
met the latter with homemade garments and stone houses ; the problem
of food, by growing what was needed. Maize, or Indian corn, con-
stituted at least three-fourths of their fare, but this was supplemented
by the fruits of other plants and by occasional game.®

That the Bonitians had fairly mastered the subsistence problem is
evidenced by their architectural achievements and by lesser products
of their industry. A group wholly absorbed in the quest for something
to eat builds no permanent home and accumulates few possessions.

While Mindeleff (1891) was studying Pueblo architecture in the
middle 1880’s he witnessed the weakening of several old, deeply
rooted customs. He saw ground-floor rooms, their solid masonry no
longer needed for a defense, provided with outside doors and other-
wise transformed from storage to dwelling purposes. He saw venti-
lators and portholes converted into windows and the windows fitted
with glass. Furniture, as we use the word, was then practically
unknown to the Hopi and Zufi. Maize was their staff of life, and
each day’s supply was ground daily on milling stones resting upon
the living-room floor. Food reserves were stored on shelves made
of poles, in earthen jars buried to the rim, and in slab-sided bins.
Weather permitting, the family cooking was done in the open air,
out upon the rooftops.

When I first visited the Hopi towns, 35 years after Mindeleff,
ground-floor rooms without exterior doors or windows were still to
be seen; rabbit-fur blankets had not yet been wholly superseded by
mail-order quilts; tables and chairs were still lacking in most homes,
and white-enameled bedsteads, if present, were prized for their orna-
mental rather than slumberous properties. At night, sheepskins and
Pendleton blankets were unrolled upon the floor; the family slept
in groups, side by side, as had always been done. Domestic water was
fetched in jars from springs at the foot of the mesa or ladled from
surface pools where children splashed and dogs and donkeys drank.

A Pueblo village is a veritable swallow colony—a cluster of cells

6 Hough (10930, p. 69) has estimated the ancient Pueblo diet as 85 percent
cereal, 9 percent vegetal other than cereal, 5 percent animal, and 1 percent
mineral,

39

40 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

occupied by individuals free to fly at will yet bound to the group by
the stout bonds of instinct and family. Unlike the swallow’s nest,
however, a Pueblo home may shelter an unpredictable number. It
may consist of one room or several.

LIVING CONDITIONS IN PUEBLO BONITO

Family life in Pueblo Bonito probably differed very little from that
which Mindeleff saw among the western Pueblos in the final quarter
of the nineteenth century. Descent was unquestionably matrilineal,
as it still is; the mother, rather than the father, was head of the
household. Married daughters, with their husbands and children,
continued to live in the maternal home. All shared the same living
quarters, the same hearth and kitchen utensils. Meals were eaten
twice a day from food bowls placed directly upon the floor ; fingers
served in lieu of forks. Blankets and pelts were folded as seats by
day and spread upon the floor at night. The living room was just
that—a place in which to live, eat, sleep, work, and entertain visitors.

As a rule, Bonitian homes consisted of a general living room and
one or more rooms for storage. These were on the same level and
adjoining. Interior steps and hatchways suggest also some degree of
vertical proprietorship, but we can only guess as to the extent of it.
Because the upper floors had fallen, our observations were restricted
largely to first-story rooms. A number of these, originally constructed
and utilized as dwellings, had subsequently been vacated when addi-
tional rooms were built in front of or above them. By the time Pueblo
Bonito reached its peak, owners of most ground-floor apartments had
obviously moved to the better-lighted second, third, and fourth stories,

Old Bonitian homes look pretty casual when compared with those
in the newer sections of town. Their ruder stonework was heavily
plastered with mud; the mud was pitted with imprints of the plas-
terer’s fingers and sometimes studded with sandstone chips. Interior
walls were sometimes whitewashed ; sandals and other designs were
occasionally scratched upon them. Ceilings were seemingly con-
structed of whatever materials were nearest at the time. Cottonwood,
juniper, and pinyon were most frequently utilized for beams. Resting
directly upon these beams was a layer of brush, coarse grass, or cedar
bark as support for the adobe floor of the room directly above.

In contrast, Late Bonitian houses are neater and more regular.
They exhibit a superior skill in planning and execution. They disclose
three successive types of masonry, each of a quality to awaken present-
day admiration and each invariably hidden under a thin coat of
plaster. By way of ornamentation, the dado was often whitened or

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO AI

washed with a contrasting clay or set apart by a single white band.
Sandal designs and other figures were sometimes chalked upon, or
scratched into, the plaster. Ceilings consisted of carefully selected
pine beams supporting layers of matched poles, peeled willows or
juniper shakes, cedar bark, and adobe.

For whitewash the Late Bonitians used a soft, muddy-looking sand-
stone. We found several worked pieces during the course of our
excavations, including one (U.S.N.M. No. 335637) that had been
rubbed in a liquid. This fact suggested an experiment in which we
learned that the sandstone in question readily disintegrates in water
and produces a grayish pigment identical in all outward appearances
with that employed by the ancients. At least one source of it is a
clayey pocket on the south side of Chaco Canyon, on a ledge below
Sinklezin ruin. Clearly this exposure had been worked in early times.
We unearthed a quantity of the material in a room at Pueblo del
Arroyo; Pepper (1920, p. 112) found a still larger store in Room 27,
Pueblo Bonito.

Posts lashed together at intervals with willows, and the space be-
tween crowded with chunks of sandstone and mud, substituted for
masonry walls in several Old Bonitian houses. A superior wattlework,
one in which willows were bound horizontally to one side of the
uprights and plastered over, was utilized in Late Bonitian Room 256
in order to keep a clear passage to storeroom 257, likewise divided
by wattling.

Bonitian houses differed in other ways. The average capacity of
10 Late ground-floor rooms in the southeast quarter of the pueblo
is 1,732 cubic feet ; their average ceiling height, 7 feet 10 inches. An
equal number of Old Bonitian dwellings averages 1,214.8 cubic feet
and 6 feet 8 inches, respectively.

After describing walls and roof very little remains to be said of a
Pueblo house. This was Mindeleff’s conclusion (1891, p. 108) upon
completion of his Hopi studies in 1890, but it applies with equal
aptness to the houses of Pueblo Bonito, built 800 years before. Among
these latter one notes an occasional fireplace, wall pocket and storage
bin, seatings of former pole shelves and clothes racks, doors of one
sort or another, and that is about all. These architectural accessories,
so to speak, help us to an understanding of the conditions under which
the Bonitians lived day after day. ;

Doors.—The almost complete lack of external ground-floor door-
ways is a noteworthy feature at Pueblo Bonito. There was none in
the rear cliffward wall of the original pueblo. When the Late Boni-
tians arrived and constructed an encompassing tier of rooms against

42 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

that old wall they provided each compartment with an outside door,
even those in the second and third stories. But it was not long before
all were securely and permanently closed. In subsequent additions
the Late Bonitians omitted exterior doorways altogether.

Solid first-story walls, with movable ladders giving access to the
rooftops, were purely a defensive measure among the western Pueblos.
They continued to rely upon it until the third quarter of the nine-
teenth century when United States troops brought an end to Navaho
and Apache depredations. Not until then did the Hopi and Zufi feel
secure enough to risk ground-floor living rooms and doors opening
upon the village square.

We have record of only seven outside spaunds floor doors in Old
Bonitian houses. Each gives direct access to the courtyard. Five of
them may have been cut through when later rooms were built in
front of Rooms 306, 307, 323, 325, and 326. Those in Rooms 28 and
83 possibly were in use before the outside accumulation of blown sand
necessitated the construction of steps to reach court level.

Old Bonitian doors are somewhat oval, 23 or 24 inches wide and
about 30 inches high. Adobe mud fills the corners and conceals the
rude stonework. Sill height ranges from 12 inches to 4 feet 9 inches.
The latter figure is that for the door connecting Room 325 with its
unexcavated northwest storeroom. Below the door a section of an
8-inch log, 24 feet long, leaned against the wall as a step, supple-
menting a 14-inch-deep toehold in the plaster 35 inches above the
floor. To facilitate access to the north door of Room 325 two posts
were set in the floor, one fronting the other, forming steps 18 and
33 inches high, respectively.

A metate endwise in the floor provided a 15-inch step for the door
of Room 320. In Room 296, two protruding wall stones served a
like function. Our tabulation shows steps were required to reach 15
first-story Old Bonitian doors, but this total includes only seven in
rooms excavated by the Hyde Expedition.

Late Bonitian doors are nearer the floor, larger, and more rectangu-
lar. Their lintels consist of selected pine poles, frequently eight in
number, of uniform diameter, peeled, and bound side by side. Where
the masonry had broken away it was noted that the outermost poles,
at least, ordinarily extended 2 feet or more on each side of the door
and thus were concealed within the stonework as the walls were rising.
Steps, if any, were posts, wall recesses, protruding stones, or blocks
of plastered masonry.

In the southwest corner of ground-floor Room 245 a cleverly con-
trived door gave oblique access to the second story of Room 246.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 43

The sill, 3 feet 11 inches above the floor, was reached by aid of a post
step 2 feet high; within the doorframe a 16-inch masonry step with
hewn-plank tread halved the remaining distance. Few Bonitian house-
wives succeeded so well in lessening indoor distances.

Doors diagonally through the corner of a room are peculiar to
the fourth and final phase in local architecture. We counted seven,
all but one being in the second story. That exception, connecting
Rooms 257 and 258, obviously was an afterthought, since its con-
struction blocked a former ventilator between Rooms 258 and 259.
Rooms 225B and 242B had two corner doors each. Pepper (1920,
p. 316) places one in the northwest corner of 99B. It is quite possible
other diagonal doors have disappeared with crumbling masonry.

T-shaped doors likewise were essentially a Late Bonitian feature.
Of 32 T-doors on our list, 17 appear in walls of third-type masonry
and 12 in those of fourth-type. Only one was noted in a second-period
wall, and that was on the east side of closet-sized Room 332, exten-
sively altered when Kiva U was built. We found only two T-doors
in Old Bonitian houses, and one of them, in the east wall of Room 323,
was sO conspicuously framed in third-type stonework as to suggest
that it was cut through at time of construction of the room or rooms
that preceded Kiva Z.

Of our 32 T-shaped doors, 23 appear in the first story, 8 in the
second, and 1 in the third. There may well have been others, since
lost with collapse of the upper walls. Most of those still visible
originally faced one of the courts, but a few, like those in the west
walls of Rooms 226 and 227-I and that connecting third-story Rooms
174 and 175, must always have been internal. Our T-doors vary
considerably in size. That in Room 332 has a width of 18 inches for
the lower portion, 30 inches for the upper, and stood perhaps 4 feet
high. The now-blocked T-door in the southwest wall of Room 88
measured 28 and 49 inches in lower and upper width, respectively,
and was more than 6 feet high. It was contemporaneously duplicated
in the front walls of Rooms 89 and go, next on the east. Nine T-doors,
including three in the second story, measure 45 inches or more in
maximum width.

It is a curious fact that all except the T-door in Room I1ogB, and
possibly that in 174C, had been carefully closed with masonry. In
most instances the blocking had been piecemeal: first, reduction to
the customary rectangular form by filling in the shoulders; perhaps
further reduction by raising the sill; then conversion into a window
or cupboard; and eventually complete closure. Our observations
provide no clue to the original purpose of T-shaped doors. The oft-

44 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

quoted theory that they were designed to permit a burden bearer to
enter before putting down his load finds little credence with me, for
I have seen many individual burdens carried on human backs to open
doorways in Walpi, Oraibi, and Zufii. In each instance the load was
put off outside and left there while the carrier went in unencumbered.

Storeroom doors at Pueblo Bonito were invariably equipped with
secondary lintels and slanting jambs to support a stone door, but all
others apparently remained open. During his study of Pueblo archi-
tecture, Mindeleff (1891, p. 182) noted small poles built into door-
ways a few inches below the lintel proper and assumed they were
intended to support blankets or rabbit-skin robes in cold weather.
Similar poles, singly or paired, had been provided for many of the
doors in Pueblo Bonito, but the space between them and the primary
lintels was usually filled with masonry. We observed nothing, neither
free poles nor wall pegs at lintel height, to suggest utilization of
hangings for winter protection.

Ventilators were, or once had been, present in many Bonitian
rooms, especially storerooms. Considering only those specifically
mentioned in our own field notes, tabulation shows 182 in 89 rooms.
Twelve of the rooms are Old Bonitian, nine on the ground floor and
three in the second story. Together, they have 29 ventilators, of which
II appear in the three second-story chambers. One room alone, 317,
originally had three ventilators in its first-story northwest wall and
seven in the corresponding wall of the second story. But all 10 were
subsequently closed, presumably when Late Bonitian Room 114 was
constructed outside.

In 50 fourth-period houses we count 110 ventilators, as follows:
4I in 23 ground-floor rooms; 59 in 21 second-story rooms, and 10
in 6 third-story rooms. Here, as elsewhere, the vents lie well up
toward the ceiling and average about a foot square. A majority occur
in former storerooms, but in the course of time nearly all had been
either reduced in size or blocked entirely. Occasionally a former
door, neatly sealed and plastered over, had been left with a sort
of transom.

Windows, in our sense of the word, were unknown to the builders
of Pueblo Bonito. Whatever light entered their dwellings came
through the front door and diminished progressively as it passed
inward from one room to another. An occasional transom in an other-
wise blocked door admitted a modicum of both light and air, but a
torch must have been necessary when the innermost storerooms
were visited.

Fireplaces—There were more than 300 ground-floor rooms in

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 45

Pueblo Bonito. Our data show 59 hearths in 48 of them. Sixteen
Old Bonitian dwellings have a total of 20 fireplaces. Of 39 Late fire-
places recorded, 31 appear in rooms of third-type construction. Circu-
lar or oval hearths predominate over quadrangular; the ratio of
slab-lined to masonry-lined is nearly 5 to 1. Firedogs were encoun-
tered in only four instances, all in Late Bonitian homes: two of 3
sandstone blocks each, one of 5, and one of 2 only. In this latter
case the fireplace rim doubtless served as a third support for round-
bottomed pots. Because houses lacked chimneys, walls and ceilings
were usually smoke-stained and sooted.

Pepper (1920, p. 299) describes a hearth in the middle floor of
Room 92 (second story of 97) with only a thin layer of dried adobe
mud separating it from the brush ceiling of the room below. The
omission even of such simple safeguards as stone slabs undoubtedly
caused many a second- and third-story fire. In 1882 the upper rooms
of Hopi homes still had their floor hearths although the family cook-
ing was done principally on the roof of the first story (Mindeleff,
1891, p. 104).

Clothes racks——Anticipating the modern Zufi practice, our Boni-
tians sometimes built in, at time of construction, single poles for
suspension of surplus blankets and wearing apparel. These poles in-
variably crossed the lesser dimension of the room. Although we
observed the seatings for only seven examples, many others unques-
tionably were once present. All seven occurred in Late Bonitian
rooms, and five of these, 200, 203, 204, 209, and 299, are of second-
type stonework and stand in the outermost tier at the north arc of the
pueblo. The seatings averaged 5 feet 2 inches above the floor and
varied from 16 to 20 inches from the end walls. Racks suspended
from ceiling beams in the Hopi manner (Mindeleff, 1891, p. 110)
would leave no trace.

Pole shelves—We have record of 16 pole shelves in first- and
second-story rooms originally built for storage or subsequently con-
verted to such use. Twelve of them are in 10 Late Bonitian houses.
The poles, 3 to 11 or more in number, had their ends firmly embedded
in the side walls at time of construction. Because masonry had been
dislodged when these poles were wrenched loose, it was not always
possible to determine the exact number.

Pole holes in the walls of Room 264 mark the positions of two
shelves each 4 feet 6 inches above the floor. That at the north end
was 7 feet in depth while the south shelf was only 5. Together, these
- two pole shelves occupied 12 feet of the total room length, 17 feet
4 inches. Comparable storage facilities assuredly were provided for
third- and fourth-floor dwellings.

46 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

In Room 299 a former clothes rack 5 feet 2 inches above the floor
and 3 feet from the west wall had been converted into a shelf merely
by resting upon it a number of sticks and embedding their rear ends
in the west-wall masonry. Ceiling height here is 9 feet 9 inches.

In contrast, our records show only four pole shelves in Old Boni-
tian houses and each clearly was a postconstruction feature. For ex-
ample, in Room 320 two peeled pine poles had been placed 5 inches
apart with their ends resting upon the sills of the south ventilators
and there fixed in position when the two openings were closed with
masonry. Again, at the west end of Room 298B and 3 feet 9 inches
above the floor, several building stones were removed to permit the
seating of five parallel poles whose ends were then anchored with
sandstone chips and adobe mud. A 3-pole shelf 22 inches deep was
introduced by like means into Room 315.

Lesser shelves, cupboards, and wall pegs.—In the east corner of
Room 293, where the third-type northeast wall meets the older south-
east side, a triangular shelf was formed simply by extending three
small poles across the angle. Triangular spaces above corner doorways,
an occasional projecting stone, a board set into the wall masonry, and
even irregularities left during reconstruction—all afforded a measure
of security for small objects and so were utilized as shelves.

Doors and ventilators no longer needed were closed with masonry,
usually in a manner to leave a recess on the side facing the quarters
still occupied. These recesses vary in depth from 2 to 24 inches and
are almost always neatly plastered. Lesser cupboards within the wall
masonry were left at time of construction or created subsequently by
removal of several building stones. Such receptacles often had hewn
boards for lintel or sill. Of 115 wall recesses and cupboards, irre-
spective of shape or size, at least 26 are identifiable as blocked doors,
25 as blocked ventilators. All but 12 occur in Late Bonitian houses.

Slender implements such as spindles, drill shafts, and planting
sticks doubtless were thrust for safekeeping between adjacent ceiling
poles just as they are in present-day Pueblo homes. We found neck-
laces and other ornaments among the fallen roof timbers of more than
one kiva.

As hangers, willow branches and antler prongs quite likely were
used more commonly than our evidence suggests. We have, for
instance, record of but 18 wall pegs, only 2 of which appear in an Old
Bonitian house and, in this case, in the same room. The east and
south walls were favored, only one peg having been noted on the
north side.

Fixed work (?) slabs—At least one dressed sandstone slab was

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 47

embedded flush with the adobe floor in each of six Late Bonitian
houses. We have no clue to their purpose; none bore any revealing
mark and nothing was concealed beneath. One example (U.S.N.M.
No. 335898), of fine-grained sandstone smoothed on three edges and
one face, occupied the middle floor of Room 291. It measures 93
inches wide by 114 inches long by 14 in maximum thickness and
appears to be part of a tabular metate. Its one unsmoothed edge had
been neatly dressed with stone hammers.

A tabular milling stone, 224 inches wide by 26 inches long, lies
embedded in the floor of Room 300B 64 inches from the east wall
and 8 inches from the north. Since the room itself is only 3 feet
8 inches wide, the mill in its present position could not possibly have
been used for grinding meal.

Benches, intentional and unintentional, were noted in a number
of rooms. Some resulted from constructional carelessness. When a
prepared foundation proved wider than necessary the difference ap-
pears as an offset. Such an offset might be wider at one end than
at the other; it might, or might not, extend the entire length of the
wall. In either case the irregularity, if above floor level, became an
accepted fact and usually was turned to advantage.

In Room 309 a bench g inches wide and 7 inches high extends the
entire width of the chamber, 12 feet 9 inches. It had been plastered
and replastered until its 15 successive coats totaled 2 inches. At each
end a block of plastered masonry formed a lesser but superposed
shelf. In the southeast corner of Room 327 the plastered east and
south walls are abutted by a masonry bench 25 inches long, 28 inches
high, 7 inches wide at one end and 16 inches at the other. Similarly,
a triangular bench only 14 inches high but 4 feet 4 inches wide and
35 inches in maximum depth, occupies the southeast corner of
Room 333.

The rude masonry bench across the east end of Room 300 is a post-
Hyde Expedition relic. Jack Martin, who had freighted for Richard
Wetherill, said that Wetherill used this closet as a smokehouse. In
corroboration, there are nails in the ceiling beams and pendent baling
wire, recent smoke stains on walls and ceiling, nails in the door lintel
for support of a blanket. Room 299, next on the north, likewise
bristling with nails and wire, is unquestionably the “general store-
room” mentioned by Pepper (1920, p. 27), for his figure 4 shows
the expedition’s dining room and kitchen under construction against
the outer wall of Room 14b.

Storage rooms and bins.—Rear rooms, especially ground-floor rear
rooms, were ordinarily used for storage. They were dark and as a

48 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

rule indefinitely floored. By way of contrast, Room 320 was paved
with sandstone slabs, while 296 and 298 were carpeted with woodpile
chips and juniper bark. Storeroom doors invariably were provided
with secondary jambs and lintel against which a fitted stone slab
could be leaned from the outside. Nowhere did we observe incon-
testable evidence that such a slab had been sealed in place with
adobe mud,

Bins occur both in storerooms and in living rooms. Some were
constructed of masonry ; some of wattlework; still others were exca-
vations under the floor. In Room 85 Pepper (1920, pp. 270-286)
found a number of masonry bins, rudely built but provided with doors
and roofed over. In Room 78 (ibid., fig. 108, p. 261) he uncovered
a large painted water jar, buried to its middle, and two dug pits de-
signed to be closed with stone slabs at floor level. The four old cook-
ing pots we discovered under the floor of Room 128 (pl. 51, lower)
had been placed there for storage purposes. One still held a quantity
of grass seed.

During excavation of Room 266 we unexpectedly discovered five
subfloor storage pits. They averaged 4 feet 6 inches deep and 3 feet
6 inches in maximum diameter. Each was olla-shaped and its orifice
so situated that it could be covered and perhaps sealed without inter-
fering with normal activities in the room. Pits and bins together, our
compilation shows perhaps 13 in 5 Old Bonitian houses; 20 in 12
Late Bonitian rooms.

Mindeleff (1891, pp. 209-210) describes wall cupboards and slab-
sided Hopi bins for storage of beans and small grains and, for like
purpose, a water jar buried to its neck in a masonry bench at Zufii.

In 1881 Bourke (1884, p. 298) saw in a house at Mishongnovi
“great stores of blue and white corn, piled up separately ; dried pump-

kins in long twisted strings hanging from the rafters; . . . mutton-
tallow in bladder casings, gourd water-jugs, . . . baskets, . . . stone
mortars, sheep pelts, rabbit-skin mantles, . . . pottery and blankets,

. and a supply of tortoise-shell and gourd rattles, masks, head-
dresses, sashes, and other appurtenances of their dances.”

From Zufi Mrs. Stevenson (1904, p. 352) wrote a briefer but
equally clear picture: “A Zufi storage room contains a promiscuous
mass of material ranging from objects of the most sacred character
to those of little or no value.”

Such practices merely reflect an inheritance from the more-distant
past. There can be no doubt the Bonitians, like yesterday’s Zufii and
Hopi, endeavored to keep in reserve at all times at least a year’s
supply of maize and other foodstuffs. This buttress against the possi-

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 49

bility of drought was stored in various ways and in various places
just as comparable reserves were stored in the western pueblos 800
years later.

Furniture and furnishings—Built-in shelves, hearths, and cup-
boards have already been discussed. It remains now to present such
data as we have on movable furnishings. And that is indeed a simple
task, for in all the rooms of Pueblo Bonito we found but one piece
of furniture—a stool made from a section of pine log (pl. 66, B).
This was on the floor of Room 268 and measures 9? inches in diam-
eter by 93 inches high. Both ends, cut with stone axes and smoothed
with sandstone abraders, remain slightly convex.

In 1883 neither the Hopi nor Zufii considered chairs and tables
necessary house furnishings. “Small stools are sometimes seen,”
writes Mindeleff (1891, p. 213), “but the need . . . does not seem
to be keenly felt . . . Though movable chairs or stools are rare,
nearly all of the dwellings are provided with the low ledge or bench
around the rooms.” If this disregard for physical comfort seems
beyond our understanding we have only to recall that chairs were
likewise unknown in the average English home until near the end of
the fifteenth century.

Lacking tables, the Bonitians served meals from one or more
earthenware bowls set out upon the living-room floor. The daily piece
de resistance undoubtedly was a stew or some sort of gruel. There
were no forks and no knives except blades of flint and obsidian. The
family simply seated itself or squatted about the food bowl—men and
boys on one side, women and children on the other—and dipped in
fingers or a scoop improvised from a bread crust or a sherd of
squash rind. It was want of tables rather than shortage of tableware
that placed the Bonitians behind contemporary Europeans in meal-
time etiquette. Even our New England forefathers ate with their
fingers. The 2-tined fork was still a novelty as late as 1700, when
wooden and pewter dishes held the cornmeal mush or the boiled meats
and vegetables that comprised the daily fare in most Colonial homes
(Dow, 1935, Pp. 28-41).

Many of the earthenware vessels described in a following chapter
are of a size to suggest intended individual use. Gourd ladles and
spoons made of wood or mountain-sheep horn doubtless were at
hand. We found none in Pueblo Bonito, but they are known from
cliff dwellings of approximately the same age.

Among blown sand and fallen masonry near the floor of Room 22 5
_ We unearthed what I believe to be part of a cradle (pl. 9, B). The
relic consists of a bent willow frame over which reeds have been

50 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

looped and bound. If my identification be correct, this is the only
one of its kind. We had a right to expect something more elaborate
from a Late Bonitian dwelling ; something approaching, in form and
execution, the hooded P. III cradle recovered in the Kayenta country
by Guernsey (1931, p. 105).

Bonitian beds, to judge from remnants found with burials, con-
sisted of one or two thin rush mats, nothing more. For covering
there were daytime cotton garments, turkey-feather robes, and per-
haps the tanned hides of deer, antelope, and mountain sheep. Hides
and robes served also by day as living-room seats and may have been
hung over otherwise open doorways during inclement weather.

At least 3 of the 10 bodies interred in Room 320 had been laid upon
mats. Two rested side by side upon a mat made of bulrushes (Scirpus
acutus Muhl.) three-fourths of an inch wide in their present com-
pressed condition, fastened together at 5-inch intervals by twined
strings. The eastern edge of that burial mat partially overlay another
composed of young willow shoots 364 inches long and less than
one-fourth inch in diameter, laid tip to butt, square cut at both ends,
with all knots abraded. The willows had been carefully peeled except
those comprising four transverse bands. Thirteen warps of 3-ply
string were threaded through holes punched 14 inches from each end
and at 3-inch intervals. Paraffined in the field and rolled upon a metal
cylinder for safer transportation, this mat has since been sewed to
heavy muslin with black thread (U.S.N.M. No. 335288).

A second willow mat, with nine warps only and no decorative band,
lay across the middle floor (pl. 10, A). Here, again, the damp fragile
shoots began to warp and crack, even while our photograph was being
made and, despite a hurried application of preservative, it was im-
possible to remove the specimen intact. It had measured 354 inches
wide by 534 inches long. The larger portion, likewise stitched to
muslin with black thread, is shown on plate 10, B. These two are
the only mats in our collection not composed of some species of rush.

One fragment shows an assemblage of quarter-inch reeds, laid
parallel and sewed together in the manner described above. Ten
pieces are twilled: six in over-two-under-two technique and four in
over-three-under-three. None has a design, plain or colored, so far
as I can determine. In these 10 fragments strip width varies from
one-eighth to three-eighths inch. Plate 11, figure b, shows broad
and narrow strips alternating. Two scraps, figures f, h, have a double
selvage, joined at the inside edge. One side is formed by parallel body
elements; the other, by those at right angles. Woven in upon its
fellows, over-two-under-two, each element was folded back and to

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 51

the right from the outer edge of the border and severed at the inner
margin.

Another fragment (U.S.N.M. No. 335312, orig. No. 1406) exhibits
a selvage wherein the plaited elements were doubled back over a string,
like a ring-basket rim, and there bound by twined cords. Plate 11, a,
shows three short sections of braided rush leaves formerly tied to-
gether by a fine 2-ply string. Each piece measures three-eighths inch
wide and a trifle over one-eighth in thickness; each is flattened on
both sides. The three may not, of course, represent a sleeping pad
at all, but one made of rush leaves united in this manner would appear
at first thought to offer more comfort than any other we have
considered.

When Pepper first entered Room 33, a small first-story chamber
in the old northwest quarter, he observed the end of a “burial-mat”
protruding from the accumulated sand. He described it as “made
of thin osiers fastened together at three points by means of a two-
strand cord which passed through holes provided for the purpose”
(Pepper, 1909, p. 236). Another magnificent specimen, 5 feet 3
inches by 6 feet, removed from an adjacent room in 1897, is now
preserved in the Robert S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology at
Andover, Mass. My notes’ describe it as composed of unpeeled wil-
low shoots, square-cut at the ends and threaded upon nine warp cords
spaced 2 inches from each end and at intervals averaging 71 inches.
Each cord is knotted at its extremities and on either side of the
individual transverse elements.

These mats, together with cold hearths, broken food bowls, and
other evidence from the ruins, tell us how the Bonitians lived, ate,
and slept. Theirs seems a severe, unadorned existence. The Spartan
simplicity of their homes again reminds one of Mindeleff’s (1891,
p- 108) pithy summation of Pueblo architecture: “When the walls
and roof . . . have been fully recorded, little remains to be described
about a Pueblo house.”

Housewives pursued their daily tasks out of doors when possible—
making pottery, preparing food, tending babies, etc—on the terraced
rooftops or in the courtyard below. Naked children romped, like
happy puppies, all over the place. In out-of-the-way corners of the
yard, shelters of cottonwood boughs were occasionally provided for
summertime comfort. Two such arbors are marked 286 and 310 on
our ground plan, figure 2.

Floor sweepings, kitchen refuse, and waste from household indus-

7 Generously supplemented in October 1941 by Douglas S. Byers, Director of
the Foundation.

52 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

tries were thrown into the nearest abandoned room or carried outside
the village to the community dump. Personal convenience rather than
any thought of sanitation dictated the place of deposition. Repeatedly
we found fragments of a given vessel in two or more rubbish piles;
fragments of one basket-molded bowl were retrieved from an aban-
doned kiva in the East Court and from the surface of the east refuse
mound.
SUBSISTENCE

Pueblo Bonito was built and occupied by farmers. Their livelihood
depended upon cultivated plants, and these, in turn, were subject to
a capricious climate. If winter snows sufficed, seeds germinated and
broke the surface; if summer rains fell at the right time and in the
right place, plants grew to maturity. But summer rains in Chaco
Canyon are vagrant. They might drench one farm and leave the next
dry ; they might come too late or not at all. To meet these uncertain-
ties, Bonitian farmers located their fields in the paths of rainwater
running off higher land, or in areas where low earth dams impounded
such transient floods and thus multiplied the result of local precipi-
tation. This “floodwater” method of irrigation is still widely practiced
by Southwestern tribes; it is the method profitably employed today
by Navaho families throughout the Chaco country.

We may confidently identify the Bonitians as floodwater farmers
because they had no choice. There has never been a permanent stream
in Chaco Canyon. The valley fill, made up of soil transported and
deposited by runoff during countless rainy seasons, presumably sup-
ported a lush vegetation of native grasses and shrubs in the days of
Pueblo Bonito. Cottonwoods and willows followed a shallow, inter-
mittent channel down the middle of the canyon. We take for granted
that Indian gardens flourished wherever sufficient moisture could
be provided.

Today, 800 years later, an entirely different aspect presents itself.
The once prosperous village stands in ruins, surrounded by barren
fields. An arroyo 30 feet or more in depth and 100 to 300 feet wide
has gutted the valley and lowered its water table beyond reach of
indigenous vegetation. In consequence, the abundance and variety
of plant life are greatly diminished. Without a ground cover to check
runoff, storm waters quickly drain into the arroyo, deepening and
widening it in the process. As this gully system expands year after
year it is repeating the devastation caused by an earlier arroyo, in
existence when Pueblo Bonito was inhabited. By gradually washing
away their farms, that earlier arroyo may have forced the Bonitians
to vacate Chaco Canyon. Now, with another erosion cycle well ad-

1924. )

a ae eee

ar
ae aed

B, Part of the willow mat seen in A, stitched on muslin for preservation.

PLATE 10

PLATE 11.—Fragments of matting woven of rush leaves.

ZI ALVId
(261 ‘susaeyT “D) “°Q Aq Ydeisojoyg ) (‘Sz61 ‘susdey “Dd °C Aq Yydessoj0y )

“(nd SUIMOIY} YM JojyunYy yqqes 1dop, "pjeyusos sty ur AvSoq-AT[IYISIyYD WOT,

PLaTE 13.—Chischilly-begay’s floodwater farm in Kinbiniyol Valley showing (A, B)
damage by uncontrolled floods, and (C) the family preparing pumpkins and squashes for
winter use. (Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1925.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 53

vanced, the canyon is once again being deserted. Few Navaho
continue there today.

At the turn of the century, however, many more families lived
within a couple of hours’ horseback ride, for Holsinger reports that
the Hyde Expeditions employed about 100 men in excavation of
Pueblo Bonito. Hogan sites and vestiges of former garden plots
remain today as evidence of a larger past population. We examined

CONTOUR INTERVAL - 5 FT.
ASSUMED ELEVATION

Fic. 4.—Drainage area controlled by Rafael. (Plane-table survey by Oscar B. Walsh, 1925.)

a dozen or more forgotten fields, all different yet somewhat alike.
They may be 20 years old or 200. They are once-cleared areas onto
which storm waters were guided by a series of low earth ridges. The
number of such ridges, their extent and grouping, was clearly sug-
gested by the immediate surroundings. Our Navaho workmen employ
like means to meet like problems.

With half a dozen miniature dikes Rafael waters his principal corn-
field on the south side of the valley a mile west of Pueblo Bonito. A
handful of grass or a chunk of sandstone suffices to turn a lesser
runoff onto smaller plots higher up the slope (fig. 4). Dan Cly takes

54 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

full advantage of natural drainage on the steplike ledges of Rincon
del Camino (fig. 5).

Successful floodwater irrigation depends not only upon understand-
ing of the principles of runoff but also upon knowledge of soils. As

CONTOUR INTERVAL ~ SFT.
ASSUMED ELEVATION

Fic. 5—Dan Cly’s floodwater field, Rincon del Camino. (Plane-table survey by Oscar B.
Walsh, 1925.)

Bryan (1941, pp. 224-225) sums up his observations: “The essential
feature is the selection . . . of a place overflowed by flood water.
The overflow must be sufficient to saturate the ground and thus irri-
gate the crop and yet not so violent as to wash out the plants...
Broad valley floors over which the flood-run-off after rain spreads
widely are favorable areas.” Chaco Canyon was just such an area.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 55

During periods of alluviation, layers of silt and sand were deposited
uniformly across the valley floor (pl. 4, lower).

The preeminent Navaho farmer in the Chaco district today lives on
the Kinbiniyol, a few miles below the ruin of that name and about
12 miles southwest of Pueblo Bonito. He is Tom Chischilly-begay
(pl. 12, left), who says he began to cultivate these particular fields
about 1918. He learned his method from Juan Etcitty, since de-

ORIGINAL DAM
WASHED OUT

CONTOUR INTERVAL — S$ FT.
ASSUMED ELEVATION

Fic. 6.—Floodwater fields and check dams of Chischilly-begay, Kinbiniyol Valley. (Plane-
table survey by Oscar B. Walsh, 1925.)

ceased, who created Juan’s Lake 4 or 5 miles below Tom’s place and
farmed there successfully until his dam burst one season causing an
arroyo that ruined everything.

By a system of check dams and embankments Chischilly-begay
utilizes the entire drainage of the Kinbiniyol (fig. 6). A low earth
dam is the initial control but it apparently washes out each year.
Originally a ditch was intended to take out from the dam but it was
abandoned before completion. Now (1925) Tom endeavors to meet
each onrush of floodwater and spread it laterally across his fields.

56 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Throughout the rainy season he has to be especially watchful, and on
the job constantly whenever water is running. In another 5 years,
Tom says, he will be too old to work so hard and an arroyo is bound
to get started. As a matter of fact this eventuality was narrowly
averted in 1923, a year of almost unprecedented rainfall, when Tom’s
corn was partially washed out and his diked areas half filled with silt.
A few weeks before our 1925 visit, floodwaters once again had cut a
wide path through his fields (pl. 13).

Tom told us other Navaho sometimes come long distances just to
see his farm. None has yet attempted his system of floodwater irri-
gation because no one else “has the same kind of a valley.” When he
first began to farm here he planted a broad strip of white Santo
Domingo corn right through the middle of his Navaho planting. He
has since specialized in this white variety and insists it is now pure
Navaho. An ear of it collected at the time of our visit measured
18 inches long when it reached the Department of Agriculture in
Washington, although it subsequently shrank 2 inches in drying.

As a further byproduct of that 1925 visit we were given a “multi-
ple” ear and several “tassel” ears. The latter, Tom said, often occur
when more than five kernels are planted in a single hill. If eight are
planted, for example, one or more stalks may produce tassel ears. I
did not learn at the time whether the Navaho have any special beliefs
concerning such abnormalities but they were “laughing ears” to our
Zuni. “If you eat them, they will make you laugh.”

Multiple, or branched, ears are saved for goat fodder because they
“increase the number of kids.” Men sometimes eat kernels from such
ears, Tom informed us, but women rarely do.

A few miles above Chischilly-begay’s productive acres is Kinbiniyol
ruin. It stands at the edge of a shallow, wet-weather pond which had
been enlarged in ancient times by a simple rock dam at the foot of a
low, sandstone knoll southwest of the ruin. From that dam a ditch
led downvalley, cutting through natural obstacles to irrigate the village
fields (fig. 7). We did not attempt to trace its course throughout or
to discover its ending, but Hewett (1905, p. 329) describes it as “fully
two miles long.’ The lower side of the portion we plotted had been
reenforced repeatedly by slabs on end, and even by masonry (pl. 14).
In one place an exposed section showed a gravel fill 42 inches in depth.

This impressive remnant is one of those named by Special Agent
S. J. Holsinger who reported to the General Land Office under date
of December 5, 1901, that “‘at least five artificial reservoirs are plainly
discernible, each having a system of irrigation ditches” (Holsinger,
Ms., p. 10). Hewett (1905, 1930, 1936) closely follows Holsinger.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 57

Some of the ancient works specified have since disappeared ; others
have been altered, by time or man.

Kinklizhin, the Black House, stands about 7 miles southwest of
Pueblo Bonito, on the trail to Kinbiniyol. A couple of hundred yards
north of the ruin is a dirt dam with an outlet cut through a sandstone
outcropping at the east end. Hewett, who gives more details than
Holsinger in this instance, mentions a “stone” dam and says its asso-

Le

SS
QAM SITE

CONTOUR INTERVAL - 5 FT.
ASSUMED ELEVATION

Fic, 7.—Portion of ancient diversion ditch near Kinbiniyol ruin. (Plane-table survey by
Oscar B. Walsh, 1925.)

ciated ditch, sand-filled but traceable, conveyed the reservoir water
to fields possibly 200 acres in area (Hewett, 1905, p. 326). In 1875
Lt. C. C. Morrison visited this same dam and described it (1876,
p. 360) as “a built wall of earth, with stone revetment—1o feet across
the top, five feet high, and 15 feet across the base.” Richard Wetherill
filed claim on and presumably farmed these same acres, but Dan Cly,
one of our Navaho workmen, insisted that his brother built both dam
and ditch. What we have here, therefore, probably should be re-

_ garded as a post-1905 Navaho conversion and reutilization of a P. III
irrigation work.

58 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

At the foot of the cliff northeast of Pefiasco Blanco, a few rods
above the point where Chaco Canyon turns west to meet the Escavada,
Holsinger observed another rock dam and ditch. They had been ex-
posed, presumably only a year or two before, by a “freshet in the
Chaco.” Floodwaters dashing against the same bank year after year
eventually destroyed both dam and ditch. My old Navaho friend
Padilla fixed disintegration of the dam at about 1910; what was un-
doubtedly the last vestige of the nearby ditch vanished during the
rainy season of 1920. A single slab on edge, its base about 3 feet
below the surface, was all that remained visible when I passed by on
August 11 of that year. Because the slab’s significance was not
recognized at the time, no photograph was made. It was undercut
and lost with the next flood.

According to Holsinger (Ms., p. 10), the associated reservoir “was
built in a great bed of sand and was lined with slabs of stone and
clay.” He says Navaho were then cultivating the ancient fields below
the reservoir but without benefit of the latter. The site, I feel con-
fident, is where Wello had his cornfield, a hundred yards more or less
below the old ranch buildings where he lived, on the south side at the
mouth of the Escavada. And the slab-lined ditch to which Padilla
refers (herein, chapter IX, p. 350) probably lies under the same sand-
covered field.

A reservoir and system of ditches near Una Vida that Hewett
(1905, p. 326) describes as “the best preserved works in the canyon”
somehow eluded our search. Holsinger barely mentions them, and
his fifth locality, the Chaco-type ruin near Crownpoint where “rem-
nants of a dam’ and “a very large canal” are to be found (Holsinger,
Ms., p. 11), does not concern us at this time.

Old Hosteen Beyal professed to remember (see chapter IX, p. 345)
a ditch that began at the head of Chaco Canyon and continued along
the south side to a point beyond Pueblo Bonito. There is no trace
of such a ditch today, but opposite, on the north side, there is still to
be seen the one Richard Wetherill plowed from Wejegi to his reservoir
at the southeast corner of Pueblo Bonito. This post-1901 effort * to
conserve the north cliff runoff has sometimes been attributed to
the Bonitians.

Part of a sand-filled ditch is discernible on the south side of the
Escavada just east of the Bonito-Farmington road (1923). Padilla
recalled this work as being very distinct when he was a youth, and

8 The Wetherill dam at the southeast corner of Pueblo Bonito does not appear
on any of the Hyde Expedition photographs available to me, and it is not men-
tioned in the Holsinger report of 1901.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 59

one of our younger Navaho said it can be followed for 6 miles even
now. What Padilla referred to as a “wagon road” at the south end
of The Gap, and what others call a “canal,” is, in the writer’s opinion,
part of a processional path—a type of feature to be discussed
elsewhere.

If the Bonitians ever constructed in Chaco Canyon irrigation works
on a par with those named above, the remains lie buried under the
2 to 6 feet of alluvium piled upon the valley floor since Pueblo Bonito
was abandoned. The sloping banks of shallow ditches or channels
were exposed by our exploratory trenches, but all surface construc-
tions we saw—divertive ridges, check dams, or dikes—date from the
period of Navaho occupancy. They were clearly designed to control
and utilize runoff ; they are similar in every respect to controls raised
by Navaho now living in or near the canyon. Jackson (1878, P. 433)
in 1877 observed that Navaho families east of Pueblo Pintado had
dammed the arroyo to create a small pool from which they drew water
by ditch to irrigate their cornfields. This is precisely what the Cha-
coans did at Pefiasco Blanco and Kinbiniyol back in the eleventh and
twelfth centuries; it is what Tom Chischilly-begay was trying to do
on the Kinbiniyol in 1925.

In 1911, when the water table at Pueblo Bonito was but 20 feet
below the surface, Ellsworth Huntington (1914, p. 81) learned of
only two local Indians “reasonably sure of a good crop of corn each
year.” Both lived at the junction of the Chaco and Escavada where
water was close to the surface and where individual dams provided
for irrigation. During the previous 16 years there had been but two
good harvests generally throughout the Chaco country.

The agricultural possibilities of Chaco Canyon, past and present,
naturally interested C. S. Scofield, then in charge of the Office of
Western Irrigation Agriculture, U. S. Bureau of Plant Industry, and
a member of the National Geographic Society’s 1920 Committee on
Research. It was he who first suggested testing local soils and water
in order to ascertain their mineral properties. If they contained an
excess of sodium, difficulties were indicated.

Results of the water analyses are given in the preceding chapter.
Our soil samples were taken in 1924 from Test Pit No. 3, dug two
years previously about midway between camp and the ruin. The pit
was Q feet 2 inches deep, and samples were collected at ro-inch inter-
vals from bottom to top. No. 1, therefore, is lowermost; No. 11, at
the surface. Here, again, I am pleased to acknowledge our in-
debtedness to Messrs. Scofield and Breazeale for their interest and
cooperation,

60 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

The following extracts from Mr. Breazeale’s letter of September 27,
1924, reporting the results of his analysis, are self-explanatory :

All the soils contain a little black alkali, that is, a mixture of sodium carbonate
and sodium bicarbonate, and they all contain approximately the same proportion,
0.144 percent, of black alkali, figured as sodium bicarbonate. None of the samples
contained any other alkali, such as sodium chloride or sodium sulphate. In their
behavior the soils remind me very much of soils that have probably originally
contained some other alkali, such as common salt, . . . leached out through a
long period of time. The evidence, also, is that the leach water must have been

. very pure, and that it contained very little lime. A long leaching of most
good soils with such water as I have been analyzing for you from Chaco Canyon
would probably produce just such effects as I see manifested in this set of soil
samples.

As you well know, the first requisite in irrigation agriculture is water pene-
tration, for unless we can get water into a soil we stand little show of getting
any crop out of it. So I first set about to see if I could make the soils take water.
I rigged up a set of 1-inch glass tubes [10 or 12 inches long, supported upright
in a conventional laboratory rack, the bottom of each tube being closed with a
wad of absorbent cotton held in place by a piece of cloth and a rubber band] and
poured into each one enough pulverized dry soil to make a column 6 inches high,
settled this by shaking, and added distilled water to the top of the tube. The
water penetrated the soil column very slowly [as shown by change in color of
the soil as it was wetted]. Soil No. 11, or the sample taken from o to 10 inches
deep, probably contained a little organic matter, for it percolated faster than the
others, which is not saying much for the others. No. 11 required about 24 hours
to wet the six inch column. In the field this, of course, would be much longer,
Nos. 10, 9, 8, and 7 went slower than No. 11. It required about 48 hours for
these columns to become wet. This takes us to 50 inches deep in the soil. Below
that level the soils seemed almost impervious, that is, all the samples will prob-
ably require a month each for the water to move downward through the 6-inch
layer. I do not think that I have ever handled a soil quite so impermeable to
water as are these last six samples.

The Chaco Canyon soil, in all the levels that you sampled, is badly defloccu-
lated and for the reason that it contains an excess of sodium and a scarcity of
soluble calcium.

If all the soils that were available to agriculture in the Chaco Canyon are as
bad as these samples, I think you have one reason at least to explain why the
Bonitians left the Valley. I do not believe an Indian, with his primitive methods,
could handle any soil like this.

The presence of sodium carbonate, or black alkali, uniformly
throughout our 9-foot test column introduced an unanticipated factor
into the subsistence problem at Pueblo Bonito, namely, soil produc-
tivity. If 0.144 percent of black alkali is sufficient to render a soil
impervious to water, then black alkali, rather than a contemporary
arroyo, may be the principal cause for abandonment of Pueblo Bonito.
Mr. Breazeale sums up the situation in one sentence: “Unless we
can get water into a soil we stand little show of getting any crop
out of it.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 61

All the Chaco water we sampled, wells and floods alike, contained
an excess of sodium over calcium. Upcanyon, east of Pueblo Bonito,
wherever seepage is apparent, there is usually to be seen a more or
less conspicuous deposit of gypsum. If annual precipitation in Pueblo
Bonito times were only slightly above that of today, as it may have
been, those seeps would have flowed more freely than now, dissolving
the gypsum and carrying it out where floodwaters could have picked
it up and transported it to Bonitian farms. That process, of course,
would have been interrupted by inception of the twelfth-century
arroyo. Only a little gypsum is required to counteract the effects of
0.144 percent sodium carbonate.

The higher calcium content in surface water from the Kinbiniyol
greatly interested Mr. Scofield, as is evidenced by the quotation from
his letter of August 24, 1925, in chapter I, page 12. He thought
the Bonitians might have had some of their farms over in that valley
where agriculture would have been more richly rewarded, as it is
today, than in Chaco Canyon. However, while speculating upon this
possibility, we must not overlook Rafael’s well, a mile west of our
camp, which likewise shows a high proportion of calcium. This well
apparently taps drainage from the rincon immediately to the south
and it is my guess that the sandstone cliffs there, like those upcanyon,
contain a little gypsum. Back in the days of Pueblo Bonito, before
entrenchment of its contemporary arroyo, calcium distributed by
floodwaters would have kept local soils flocculent and productive.
Black alkali not only tightens soil against water penetration but kills
off vegetation also.

The present arroyo, which allows no possibility of successful agri-
culture in Chaco Canyon, is at least the third of its kind, as stated in
the previous chapter. If geologic history repeats itself once more,
this arroyo will be completely filled during the next cycle of alluviation
and a new flood plain will be established above it. When that time
comes, resident families can again with confidence plant garden
foodstuffs such as the Bonitians planted.

Vegetables and fruits—From household debris in Pueblo Bonito
we recovered remains of the following: °

Maize (Zea mays) Grape (Vitis arizonica)
Pumpkins (Cucurbita pepo; C. moschata) Pricklypear (Opuntia sp.)
Rocky Mountain beeplant (Cleome serrulata) Pinyon nuts (Pinus edulis)
Walnuts (Juglans major; J. rupestris) Wild potato (Solanum sp.)

® Identifications by F. V. Coville, Department of Agriculture; C. V. Morton,
U.S. National Herbarium; A. T. Erwin, State College of Agriculture, Ames,
Towa.

62 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

While this list shows only those actually found during the Society’s
explorations, the Bonitians unquestionably knew and used many other
plant products. From Pepper’s observations (1920, p. 298) we may
add to our catalog beans and “seeds similar to those of the wild sun-
flower”; we might also include with confidence a number of desert
plants whose roots, young leaves, or fruits are today relished by the
Navaho and Hopi. For instance, seeds of Indian rice grass (Oryzopsis
hymenoides) were unquestionably harvested by the Bonitians, as they
still are by many western tribes, since stems of the plant were em-
ployed repeatedly in local construction. Among other plants native
to the Chaco country and recognized for their food value by the Hopi
(Hough, 1897, pp. 37-42; Whiting, 1939) are dropseed (Sporobolus
flexuosus Thurb.), goosefoot or lambsquarters (Chenopodium cornu-
tum B. & H.), pricklypear (Opuntia), pigweed (Amaranthus sp.),
and Rocky Mountain beeplant (Cleome integrifolia T. & G.). Cockle-
burs (Xanthium saccharatum Wallr.), such as we found in the wall
adobe of Room 47, Pueblo del Arroyo, were probably only pests to the
prehistoric farmers of Chaco Canyon.

When the Espejo Expedition in February 1583 approached the
Tigua villages above present Albuquerque, the Indians fled from
their homes. “All were deserted,” writes Luxan (Hammond and
Rey, 1929, p. 81), “but contained large quantities of maize, beans,
green and sun-dried calabashes, and other vegetables . . .” Today, as
in Conquest times and previously, corn, beans, and pumpkins comprise
the principal food crops of the Pueblos.

Pueblo society being matrilineal, before American customs began
to take root, Pueblo women not only owned the fields, which the
husband and unmarried sons cultivated, but also controlled the food
supply. Since it was a common practice until a generation ago to
reserve at least one year’s supply of maize against the possibility of
drought or crop failure (Bourke, 1884, p. 135; Matilda Coxe Steven-
son, 1904, p. 353; Forde, 1931, p. 393), care of these stores was no
light responsibility. Weevils and mice had to be watched as well as
family appetites. In what probably was cornmeal, placed in bowls
as burial offerings with bodies interred in Room 329, Pueblo Bonito,
we noted puparia of a muscoid fly (Calliphoridae) and body parts
of ptinid and darkling beetles (Niptus sp.; Alphitobius sp.).%
Larvae of both beetles attack stored cereals, while those of the mus-
coid fly feed primarily on dead animal matter.

One of the three bowls containing the supposed meal also held a

10 Tdentifications by E. A. Chapin, U. S. National Museum, and W. S. Fisher,
Bureau of Entomology, U. S. Department of Agriculture.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 63

number of dried wild potatoes.1 Wild potatoes still grow in Chaco
Canyon and a few plants had taken root in the East Court of Pueblo
Bonito. We protected these latter for a time but neglected to test a
statement of our Navaho workmen, namely, that the tubers are not
edible until the second year. Wild potatoes are exceedingly bitter,
and the Hopi, Zufii, Navaho, and other Southwestern tribes who
gather them as a winter food consume with them clay containing
magnesia, to lessen the griping effect.

The 34 fragments of corncobs brought to the Museum laboratories
provide but little for study. Most are charred; all are much shrunken.
One fragment shows 8 rows of kernels ; twelve show 10 rows; seven-
teen, I2 rows; one, 14 rows; and three, 16 rows. Only one charred
fragment has kernels attached and these are rounded, a flint variety.
Pure strains of the low-growing, drought-resistant Hopi corn pro-
duce ears about 6 inches long with 12 rows of kernels (Forde,
1931, p. 391).

The favorite pumpkin at Pueblo Bonito appears to have been
Cucurbita pepo, although the striped cushaw type, C. moschata, is
also represented by seeds, rind, and peduncles. Squashes are not
present. Pueblo farmers currently plant with their pumpkins a few
gourds for dance rattles, bottles, and ladles. That this practice was
also followed by the Bonitians is suggested by two neck fragments of
gourd (Lagenaria leucantha) canteens, one of which has a small open-
ing at the stem end and a transverse hole for the carrying cord.

11 Identified in the field by Frank A. Thackery, U. S. Department of Agricul-
ture, as Solanum jamesii Torr. Mr. Thackery took a number of fresh fruits with
him for experimental purposes and subsequently (September 20, 1937) wrote:

“With the tubers I collected at Pueblo Bonito I was able to get the species
well established at Fresnal in the Papago Indian reservation (Pima County,
Ariz.) and at the Torrey Pines experiment station in San Diego County, Cali-
fornia. From my experience with these two plantings I can say definitely that
the plants appear each spring and mature tubers each year. As I recall it the
Navaho Indians at Pueblo Bonito told me that the tubers would remain viable
through one or more winters at that cold, high altitude.”

“From my experience with the plants in Arizona and California, where there
was little or no freezing, I am convinced that the tubers will remain in the soil
for more than one year and retain their viability. Our Indian foreman at the
Fresnal station in Arizona believes that a single tuber might produce a plant one
year from an ‘eye’ on the tuber and then produce another plant the following year
from a different ‘eye’ on the same tuber. I am not able to verify this. I was im-
pressed with the number of tubers a single plant would produce in Arizona and
California. Of course these plants received irregular applications of irrigation
water. It was not at all uncommon to count as many as 100 tubers on a single
plant.”

64 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Mammals.—Besides the vegetal remains listed above, the rubbish
heaps of Pueblo Bonito yielded bones of the following mammals : 7?

Mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus) Badger (Taxidea tarus)

Pronghorn (Antilocapra americana) Bobcat (Lynx baileyi)

Elk (Cervus canadensis) Porcupine (Erethizon epixanthum)
Mountain sheep (Ovis canadensis) Gray fox (Urocyon cinereoargenteus)
Jack rabbit (Lepus californicus) Red fox (Vulpes sp.)

Cottontail (Sylvilagus audubont) Coyote (Cants lestes)

Grizzly bear (Ursus horribilis) Indian dog (Canis familiaris)

Beaver (Castor canadensis)

While some of these were probably trapped only for their pelts, the
first six certainly were killed primarily for their flesh. Narrators of
the Conquest period repeatedly mention rabbits among Pueblo gifts
to the Spaniards. In his letter of August 3, 1540, from the Zufi
village of Hawikuh, Coronado informs the Viceroy: “The food which
they eat in this country is corn . . . and beans and venison, which
they probably eat (although they say that they do not), because we
found many skins of deer and hares and rabbits” (Winship, 1896,
p- 559). Ninety years later, enumerating the game to be found in
New Mexico, Benavides (Ayer, 1916, p. 37) includes a medium-
sized deer of which “there are very, very many; and on these the
Indians sustain and clothe themselves.”

Deer furnished not only hides for clothing but meat for the table,
sinew for bow strings, and bone for implements. Hence it is only
natural that the mule deer, which frequents upland country, should
be conspicuously represented among the mammalian remains from
Pueblo Bonito. Of seven deer, sheep, and pronghorn skulls recovered,
six had been broken for extraction of the brain. Seeing these, my
older Navaho neighbors remarked that they as young men, and their
fathers before them, had hunted pronghorns on nearby mesas—and
deer, elk, and sheep in the mountainous country north of the Rio
San Juan. Undoubtedly these neighbors of mine were among those
who formerly maintained an antelope corral “near Escavada Wash”
(Hill, 1938, p. 96).

Pepper (1920, pp. 31, 264, 298) records the finding of a mountain
lion claw, in Room 1; a “turtle carcass,” in Room 78; the hair, jaw,
and two claw fragments of a cinnamon bear, in Room 92. The first
and third may well be the nucleus of a story echoed by Special Agent
S. J. Holsinger (Ms., p. 18) in his report to the General Land
Office, namely, that in a room in the north-central portion of Pueblo

12 Tdentifications by Remington Kellogg, H. H. Shamel, and David H. Johnson,
division of mammals, U. S. National Museum.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 65

Bonito “the remains of a bear were found and in another that of
two cougars or mountain lions.”

The Society gathered additional evidence of mountain lions and
bears. Included in an offering secreted in the north wall of Kiva QO
were a considerable number of grizzly claws and phalanges, 10 claws
of the black bear (Euarctos americanus), and 4 mountain-lion (Felis
concolor) claws. We collected another grizzly claw in Room 330 and
still another while clearing away fallen masonry and blown sand from
an unidentified section of the ruin. The latter two, like those from
the repository, were not drilled or otherwise prepared for suspension.
According to Hill (1938, pp. 157-160), bear claws and even whole
paws are essential in certain Navaho rituals, but the flesh is eaten only
when starvation threatens. Bear meat is taboo among the modern
Pueblos, and we must suppose it was among their forefathers also.

If dogs, coyotes, and other carnivores were regularly eaten by
Southwestern tribes, historic and prehistoric, we have no positive evi-
dence of the fact. Parsons (1939, p. 22) says only compelling ne-
cessity would drive the Hopi to such an extreme. But Bourke (1884,
p. 253) implies that they actually relished “a good mess of stewed
pup,” and Stephen (1936, pp. 266, 939) saw two Hopi dogs killed
and dressed for leisurely consumption. Thus canid remains from the
rubbish piles of Pueblo Bonito may, or may not, indicate that hunger
had stalked the village.

Altogether, a dozen Indian dogs and perhaps 30 coyotes are repre-
sented in our collection. Only five skeletons were articulated and
reasonably complete. Three of these came from Kiva F, Pueblo del
Arroyo—one from the floor (pl. 101) and another about 20 inches
higher, at bench level. Incomplete skeletons of two dogs, one lacking
only the skull, and a coyote were found in Kiva I, same ruin. These
and other remains are considered hereinafter (Appendix B) by the
late Glover M. Allen, former curator of mammals at the Museum of
Comparative Zoology.

In Room 334, Pueblo Bonito, half filled with debris of occupation,
we found the detached skulls of a bobcat, a gray fox, two red foxes,
a dog, and three coyotes. Present also were three bobcat leg bones
and a handful of fox and coyote bones. Why were these eight animals
slain and what became of the remainder of their skeletons? The
head skins of dogs killed for the purpose cover dog kachina masks
of the Hopi (Stephen, 1936, p. 117). Coyotes, foxes, and bobcats
are usually taken today for their pelts.

Dr. Allen raises the question whether some of our coyotes and
badgers (2 skulls and half a mandible) might have sought shelter in

66 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the ruins and died there. This is possible, of course, but not very
probable. With a single exception all the canid bones we collected
came from beneath fallen masonry and usually from household rub-
bish at a depth of 6 feet or more below the present surface. The
exception is a coyote skull and neck vertebrae (field No. 1484)
found shallowly buried in the depression that marked Kiva R. Ex-
cept for this lone skull, quite obviously post-Bonito, all our canid
remains seem to me undeniably contemporaneous with the ruins in
which they were found. Despite the fact that those remains were
recovered mostly from debris of occupation, their relative scarcity
militates against the idea that dogs and coyotes were customarily eaten.
Then, too, there is the puzzle of the headless bodies and the bodiless
heads!

The Pueblos had domesticated the dog and the turkey long before
the Spaniards arrived. This fact is established both by archeological
evidence and by the Conquistadores themselves. The anonymous
author of the Relacién del Suceso states that the Zufi kept turkeys
“more for their feathers than to eat, because they make long robes of
them” (Winship, 1896, p. 573). Coronado doubted this limitation,
as he wrote from Hawikuh in 1540, because he himself, uninhibited
by native custom, considered Zufii turkeys “very good, and better
than those of Mexico” (ibid., p. 559). It is true, nevertheless, that
fowl of all kinds have been under a general Pueblo taboo until quite
recently.

Three hundred and fifty years after the Conquest, Mrs. Stevenson
(1904, p. 368) observed at Zufii that “chickens are kept for the eggs,
the whites of which are used for mixing paints to be applied to wooden
objects. The whole egg is sometimes eaten by men to bring them
larger families.” The four Zufii men who accompanied me on a
reconnaissance of the Chaco region in 1920 may have been unduly
cautious, but they always declined the occasional breakfast eggs I
offered although they knew at the time that their young relatives had
learned to eat eggs at Government boarding schools.

Unworked turkey bones are conspicuous in the trash mounds at
Pueblo Bonito. We even found fragments of turkey-egg shells. With
the possible exception of deer bones, turkey bones were most fre-
quently utilized in the manufacture of that indispensable household
implement, the awl. Thus the ban against turkey flesh, if recognized
in prehistoric times, did not extend to the skeleton. Canid bones, on
the other hand, were rarely employed at Pueblo Bonito. We have
only five implements, for example, made from leg bones of dogs or
coyotes. All are awls. In addition, we have an arrowpoint shaped

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 67

from what appears to be the ulna of a dog (fig. 69). Fish, also, seem
to have been taboo among the ancient Pueblos. At least I find in the
archeological literature no reference to fish remains even from ruins
situated near rivers and trout streams. Coronado and his countrymen
were always glad to add fish to their limited native fare and expressed
astonishment that the Pueblos did not. “The Zufi,’ observed the
unknown author of the Relacién Postrera de Sivola, “do not know
what sort of a thing fish is” (Winship, 1896, p. 569). Navahos avoid
fish, so I was told in northern Arizona in 1908, because their ancestors
drove the cliffdwellers into the San Juan River where they were
transformed into fish.

At modern Isleta, according to Parsons (1932, p. 211), one in-
formant contradicted the statement of another and emphatically denied
that fish were eaten locally. The four Zufi men who accompanied me
to Chaco Canyon in 1920, and who patiently watched the preparation
of a meager camp supper one rainy night, shrank back in horror when
I jestingly identified a bit of salmon skin as rattlesnake. But they
shared the contents of the can a few minutes later, albeit with linger-
ing suspicion, after I had pointed to the illustration of a magnificent
fish on the wrapper and helped myself to a generous portion.

In what Lummis describes as “the boniest passage in Benavides,”
Fray Alonso emphasizes the piscatorial possibilities of the Rio Grande
in 1630 (Ayer, 1916, pp. 36-37, 261-262). Among others, he names
the gar pike. Hence our interest in the identification of nine gar-pike
(Lepisosteus sp.) scales (U.S.N.M. No. 334958) from Room 44,
Pueblo del Arroyo. The gar pike is not recorded from the Rio San
Juan, 50 miles to the north, and any fish would have been as great
a curiosity in Chaco Canyon a thousand years ago as it would be today.
Although we found none in Pueblo Bonito, Pepper reports a fishbone
from Room 32.

Elderly Navaho assert that the Chaco country was a veritable
paradise before white men came, and most of us can sympathize with
their point of view. None will deny that introduction of firearms and
horses, cattle, and sheep brought significant changes. Nevertheless,
even with the superior range we postulate a hundred years ago, and
the increased herds that range would have supported, game alone
could not have fed any considerable population. The inhabitants of
Pueblo Bonito could probably have slaughtered in a single season
every animal within a day’s journey, had they been of a mind to
do so. But they were farmers, not hunters. The relative infrequence
_ of mammal bones in their rubbish heaps is ample proof that the Boni-
tians did not depend upon the chase for their subsistence. Their

68 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

appetite for maize, beans, and pumpkins—staples in Anasazi fare for
uncounted generations—was an inherited appetite. Thus their reli-
ance upon crops from these three cultivated plants was perfectly
natural.

Agriculture is a gamble, especially in the Pueblo country. Rains
there are unpredictable. Lacking sufficient. midsummer moisture,
crops do not mature. When harvests fail, people go hungry. Tradi-
tion and personal experience both reminded the Pueblo farmer that
years of little rain occurred repeatedly. Hence the wisdom of pro-
viding, when crops were good, against the possibility of lean harvests.
And many Hopi and Zufii families still follow this centuries-old cus-
tom even now, although a village grocery store may stand a stone’s
throw away.

Throughout the Pueblo country summer rains, rather than winter
snows, supply the moisture on which plants grow and ripen. But
summer rains frequently fall below normal; they may fail altogether
and for two, three, or four years in succession. Dr. Douglass’s 1,200-
year tree-ring record of southwestern climate, a byproduct of our
search for the age of Pueblo Bonito, reveals a surprising number of
dry years (Douglass, 1929, 1935, 1935-1936). The Great Drought of
1276-1299 had no effect upon the inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito because
they had abandoned Chaco Canyon at least a hundred years before. It
was a succession of lesser droughts in the last quarter of the eleventh
century, especially that of 1090-1101, that presumably hastened the
arroyo which forced emigration of the Bonitians. Since 1540, droughts
in the Southwest have repeatedly caused Indian groups to leave their
homes and go out seeking temporary relief from others, even from
their traditional enemies.

No one can study this testimony of the tree rings without realizing
how precarious the Pueblo subsistence problem has always been.
Hooton (1930, pp. 317-320) sees in the skeletal remains from Pecos
evidence of progressively declining health and attributes that decline
to “continual undernourishment.” Dietary deficiency is accepted as
the probable cause of Osteoporosis symmetrica, a condition frequently
noted in the crania of Pecos infants and children. The same disease
was also present at Pueblo Bonito and doubtless for the same reason,
too much maize. Arthritis also left its mark at both villages. Corn,
beans, and pumpkins were subsistence staples, but they were not
enough at Pecos in 1800 or at Pueblo Bonito 700 years earlier.

PLATE I4

Upper: A prehistoric irrigation ditch near Kinbiniyol ruin reenforced on the downgrade side
by masonry and sandstone slabs on end.

Lower: Sandstone slabs and masonry reenforcing a section of the gravel-filled prehistoric
. . . . a . . . = 5 = I
irrigation ditch near Kinbiniyol ruin.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1925.)

PLATE I5
Upper: A Hopi cornfield near Oraibi pueblo.

Lower: An Oraibi woman sorting the harvest—white ears to the left, red and blue ears to
the rear, and the best of each saved for seed.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

Fragments of sandals woven with narrow strips of yucca leaves. Left (a, b,c):
sole; right (a’, b’, c’) : upper side.

PLATE 16.

‘g6z WooY WoIF [epues Y}O]D posseyd eB jo saps soddn pue (jJa]) JaMoT—Z1 aLV 1g

III. DRESS AND ADORNMENT

We gathered little tangible evidence regarding the clothing worn
at Pueblo Bonito—a few scraps of cotton cloth, sandal fragments, and
feather-wrapped cordage, nothing more. Except one tiny bit of open-
work stuff (U.S.N.M. No. 335346), all the cloth fragments are of
plain weave. Pepper (1920, p. 108) reports another exception, a piece
of diagonal-twilled weaving in three colors from Room 25. His find-
ings and ours together do not provide enough examples on which to
base an estimate of the quality and variety of Bonitian fabrics. Con-
fronted by this lack, we turn once more to the results of archeological
inquiry elsewhere, and to early historic records, to learn how the
Bonitians might have dressed goo years ago.

Weaving techniques practiced by the prehistoric Pueblos have been
summarized by Amsden (1934, pp. 1-7) ; discarded garments recov-
ered from Arizona cliff dwellings approximating Pueblo Bonito in age
have been described by Guernsey (1931), Haury (1934), and others.
These descriptions, more detailed than those of Spanish priests and
soldiers who participated in the Conquest, clearly prove that in pre-
historic times, as in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, Pueblo
clothing was made of vegetable fibers or tanned skins, depending
largely upon environment or the availability of materials. Skins only
were worn at Taos, northernmost of the Tigua settlements, in 1540
(Winship, 1896, p. 575). Although cotton was then cultivated from
the Rio Grande Valley on the east to the Hopi mesas on the west, it
was more generally utilized in the latter district. Prior to 1680 nearly
every Spanish visitor to the Hopi villages was the recipient of gen-
erous gifts of “towels” and other textiles; several remarked with
surprise the extent to which cotton was locally grown.

From documents written between 1540 and 1600 we learn that
Pueblo men were then wearing cotton breechcloths, shirts, and
blankets, and buckskin jackets and robes; Pueblo women, cotton skirts
and blankets bound at the waist with a sash, tanned deerskins, and
footgear of buffalo hide and buckskin. The dress of the Tiguas proved
especially pleasing to Gallegos, chronicler of the intrepid Rodriguez
Expedition, after anxious days among sullen tribes on the barren
wastes of south-central New Mexico in 1581. He wrote—

These people are clothed like the others. I wish to describe here their gar-
ments, because, for a barbarous people, it is the best attire that has been found

69

7O SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

among them. ... The men have their hair cut in the fashion of caps... .
Others wear their hair long, to the shoulders. . . . Some adorn themselves with
painted cotton pieces of cloth three spans long and two thirds wide, with which
they cover their privy parts. Over this they wear, fastened at the shoulders, a
blanket of the same material, painted with many figures and colors. It reaches
to their knees like the clothes of the Mexicans. Some, in fact most of them, wear
cotton shirts, hand painted and embroidered, that are very charming. They wear
shoes. Below the waist the women wear cotton skirts, colored and embroidered,
and above, a blanket of the same material, painted and worked like those used
by the men. (Hammond and Rey, 1927, p. 265.)

A year later, in a nearby Keresan village, Luxan was less impressed
by what he saw. “The dress of the men consists of some blankets, a
small cloth for covering their privy parts, and other cloaks, shawls,
and leather shoes in the shape of boots. The women wear a blanket
over their shoulders tied with a sash at the waist . . . and above a
blanket of turkey feathers. It is an ugly dress indeed.” (Hammond
and Rey, 1929, pp. 84-85.)

Coronado’s initial impression of Zufii men was that they lacked the
intelligence to build the houses in which they dwelt because most of
them wore nothing but a breechcloth (Winship, 1896, p. 558). It did
not occur to him that in late July Pueblo men, daily at work in their
fields, habitually wear just as little as custom permits. One of Coro-
nado’s companions, the unknown author of the Relacién Postrera de
Sivola, had at least a year’s observation behind him when he wrote:
“Some of these people wear cloaks of cotton and of the maguey and
of tanned deer skin, and they wear shoes made of these skins, reach-
ing up to the knees. They also make cloaks of the skins of hares and
rabbits, with which they cover themselves. The women wear cloaks of
the maguey, reaching down to the feet” (Winship, 1896, p. 569).
Castafieda, narrator of the expedition, is more precise: ““The women
wear blankets, which they tie or knot over the left shoulder, leaving
the right arm out” (Winship, 1896, p. 517)—a description that readily
identifies the two-part wool garment Zufi matrons still wear over a
white, machine-made underdress.

With his letter of August 3, 1540, written at Hawikuh two weeks
after he had subjugated this the first of the Seven Cities of Cibola,
Coronado dispatched to the Viceroy “twelve small mantles, such as the
people of this country ordinarily wear” and, as a special token, two
cloths “painted with the animals which they have in this country”
together with an embroidered garment “of very good workmanship’—
the first of its kind the captain-general had seen in the New World
(Winship, 1896, p. 562). Obviously, then, Fray Estevan de Perea
was generalizing when he wrote of the Zufli, in 1629: “The women

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO Fiat

dress themselves in cotton, and the men in buckskins and hides”
(Bloom, 1933, p. 228).

Descriptions of clothing worn in the various pueblos between 1840
and 1885 show that native fashions had not been appreciably altered
by 300 years of Spanish example and priestly exhortation. Fragments
found in cliff dwellings of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries are of
the same materials and indicate garments of the same general type as
those that Castafieda, Gallegos, Luxan, and others saw in Pueblo vil-
lages prior to 1600. Thus we are entirely justified in assuming that
the scraps of yucca sandals, cotton cloth, and turkey-feather robes
recovered at Pueblo Bonito represent clothing almost, if not quite, like
that of the Conquest period. Both early and late, cotton was woven
into squares or rectangles and these were stitched together at two
corners to form a poncholike cloak that dropped over the head and
left the arms free. There was no cutting and fitting; a belt or sash
gathered excess material at the waist.

Yuccas still grow on the mesas overlooking Chaco Canyon, but the
source of the cotton once used there is less certain. The altitude is
perhaps too great, the nights too cool, for successful cultivation of
this tropical plant. No bolls, seeds, or stem fragments were unearthed
during our explorations. Presumably, therefore, the Bonitians ob-
tained from tribes to the west or south squares of cotton cloth which
they tailored to suit their own fancies. The Hopi were raising large
quantities of cotton and trading it, chiefly as woven fabrics, to other
peoples when the Spaniards first went among them. They were still
selling both finished goods and lint to the Zufii in 1881. The Zufii
were then weaving cloth resembling that of the Hopi; Hopi and Zufii
textiles were being bartered in Rio Grande villages (Bourke, 1884,
pp. 34, 244). Luxan states that, in passing from Walpi to Shongopovi
in 1583, the Espejo Expedition “marched two leagues, one of them
through cotton fields” ; he includes among Hopi gifts to the expedi-
tion “much spun and raw cotton” and over 2,600 “blankets, large and
small.” (Hammond and Rey, 1929, pp. 98, 100-102; see also Hodge,
in Ayer 1916, p. 56, footnote.) And after 350 years, although native
cotton no longer has a place in their economy, the Hopi are still rec-
ognized as the most skillful weavers of it in the Southwest.

Apparently the Hopi valleys, at an elevation of about 5,800 feet,
mark the upper limit at which the early-maturing cotton Gossypium
hopi can profitably be grown. Cloth fragments and a hank of yarn
preserved in the National Museum from cliff dwellings in south-
western Colorado and southeastern Utah suggest that cotton may
formerly have been cultivated by Pueblo peoples in the deep sheltered

72 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

gorges north of the Rio San Juan. But we know from historical
records that the Zufii grew little, if any, of it at the time of the Con-
quest (Jones, 1936), and their fields lie at approximately the same
elevation as those of the Bonitians, 6,200 feet. From data now avail-
able, therefore, it seems unlikely that cotton for weaving purposes was
ever raised in Chaco Canyon.

Fragments of leather garments are even fewer at Pueblo Bonito
than those of vegetal fibers. Indeed we found little more than tailor’s
waste—trimmings such as the edges of hides perforated for stretching
pegs and one patched piece of fawn skin with the hair still adhering.
A few scraps, exceedingly thin, appear to be tanned rodent hide, but
they are too altered for positive identification ; they may be parts of a
shirt or a light blanket or even a small bag. Pepper (1920, pp. 31, 97,
103, 105) reports the finding of buckskin bags as well as pieces of
rawhide and buckskin, occasionally painted. Like vegetal matter,
leather soon decays unless protected from moisture, and there are few
corners of Pueblo Bonito into which rainwater has not permeated.

Blankets—The reader will have observed that, in the foregoing
references to historic Pueblo dress, blankets are mentioned more than
once—blankets of yucca fiber, of cotton, of turkey feathers and rab-
bit skins. They were used as shawls by day, as bedding at night.
Those of fur or feathers naturally provided most protection on chilly
mornings and in winter. So far as we know whole rabbit skins were
never employed—only narrow strips of hide, and these were wrapped
spirally around yucca cords to produce a furry rope half an inch in
diameter. So, too, with feathers—only the web or vane was utilized.
The technique of manufacture was such that the cordage which gave
the blanket strength was completely concealed by the fragile wrap-
pings that provided warmth.

Both feather-string and fur-string robes were produced in the
Southwest as early as Basket Maker days. The fur robe is commonly
regarded as the older of the two; the feather robe was predominant
in Pueblo III times. Castafieda and his fellow chroniclers mention
both kinds but those of fur most frequently. Fur blankets were still
widely used throughout the Hopi villages when Bourke visited them
in 1881. He reports “great numbers of coverlets of mixed wool and
fur—loosely stranded woolen framework with long strips of coyote
and rabbit fur fastened in—which are made to serve as mattresses,
blankets, and curtains for the doors in cold, windy weather.” Ap-
parently fur blankets were everywhere preferred but at Shipaulovi
Bourke also observed “fa few . . . of wool, still fewer of cotton.”

(Bourke, 1884, pp. 134, 304.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 73

In this modern Hopi version of the ancient fur-string robe, wool
yarn has replaced yucca cordage as the basic material. Mrs. Colton
(1938, p. 14), describing present-day methods of manufacture, ob-
serves that, in Hopi communities where men are the recognized
weavers, the one textile women customarily make, and then only in
secret, is the rabbit-skin blanket. We cannot say that women made
all the heavy robes used at Pueblo Bonito, but every fragment we
recovered showed a strip of feather spiraled about a yucca cord.
However, it is entirely reasonable to believe an occasional fur-cloth
blanket was also produced locally. Portions of one or more cotton
blankets, or garments, lay beneath two adjacent, disturbed burials
in Room 329. The fragments saved show several folds of fabric with
selvaged edge, plain-twilled, 20 warps and 34 weft threads per inch
(U.S.N.M. No. 335349).

Like those of cotton, feather robes varied in size. In a small room
in the old, northwest quarter of Pueblo Bonito, Moorehead unearthed
the remains of a feather-cloth blanket the original dimensions of which
he gives as 1.3 by 2 meters (4’ 3” by 6’ 7”) (Moorehead, 1906, p. 34).
Guernsey (1931, p. 102) reports two from a Pueblo III burial in
northeastern Arizona. One measured 18 by 26 inches; the other,
incomplete, was 46 inches long. That the use of fur- or feather-
wrapped string was not restricted to blankets is evident from the
feather-cloth jacket Hough (1914, p. 72) found on a desiccated body
in a cave overlooking the Rio Tularosa, southwestern New Mexico,
a district that sent earthenware vessels in trade to Pueblo Bonito at
the beginning of the twelfth century. Fur or feather blankets were
also used by certain California tribes. On the opposite side of the
continent, as Jamestown was being colonized, Capt. John Smith ob-
served an occasional Virginia Indian wearing a blanket of turkey
feathers “so prettily wrought and woven with threads that nothing
could be discerned but the feathers” (Smith, 1819, p. 130).

Sandals——Of 15 sandal fragments in hand, 6 are made of yucca
leaves and 9 of Apocynum string. The one most nearly complete
(fig. 8) from the second story of Old Bonitian Room 320, is rather
an impromptu creation—loosely plaited blades of the broad-leafed
yucca (Y. baccata) ; a leaf strip, inserted between plaits 3 inches from
the toe and knotted beneath, provided a simple means of attachment.
Five other fragments are twill-woven of split yucca, over-two-under-
two. The present width of their component strips varies from one-
sixteenth to one-fourth inch. Raised sole patterns are present on two
fragments, one of which is shown as figures c, c’ on plate 16. Here
the “ground gripper” is composed of three parallel ridges, each of

74. SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

VY
SEIS

2 Ne
ANG 5 6 : Pa TA
YN
| *$.

*

Fic. 8—Sandal woven of broad yucca
leaves. (Drawn by Hashime Murayama.)

which was formed simply by
twining a pair of yucca strips
alternately through the sole
stitches. Sandals twill-plaited
of narrow yucca strips, with a
notch or jog on the outer edge
just forward of the little toe,
are a diagnostic trait of the
Pueblo III period and un-
doubtedly were standard foot-
gear of the Late Bonitians.

Of the three complete sandal
figures incised on the south-
wall plaster of Room 251, two
are undecorated and one of
them, unusually pointed at the
end, illustrates the little toe
notch (fig. 9). A pair of orna-
mented sandals, one of which is
plainly notched, was incised on
the north wall of Old Bonitian
Room 83 (Pepper, 1920, p.
272, fig. 115). Thus contem-
porary sketches suggest that
both notched and unnotched
sandals were worn at Pueblo
Bonito and that some of them
were decorated.

In contrast with those of
yucca, cloth sandals evidence a
vast deal of work not only in
weaving but also in the gather-
ing and preparation of mate-
rials. Our nine fragments, or
groups of fragments, are all
fashioned from the hemplike
fibers of dogbane (Apocynum
sp.) ; all are twined; several

bear raised geometric patterns, ribs, or nodes on the sole. Only one
preserves the outer edge of the forward part, and on this there is no
little-toe jog. Six came from Old Bonitian houses; three from
rooms of third- and fourth-type masonry, and one of these, Room

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 75

Fic. 9.—Sandal figures scratched in the wall plaster, Room 251. (Lower left figure given as
¢ in table of size and provenience.) (Drawn by Irvin E. Alleman from the original field sketches.)

76 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

246, had been utilized as a neighborhood dump. The decayed frag-
ments of an exceedingly thin pair were unexpectedly brought to light
in the National Museum laboratories while removing the sandy con-
tents of an oval basket (U.S.N.M. No. 335306) from Room 326.

Taking the series as a whole, the highest number of warps noted is
13 to an inch. Weft threads, apparently 2-ply Apocynum in every
instance, vary from 26 to 46 to the inch. Remarkable for their thin-
ness (of seven measured, three are 2.5, one 3.0, three 3.5 mm.), it
seems incredible that sandals such as these were intended for everyday
wear on sand and sandstone. And yet there is no reason to believe
otherwise. Neither from historic nor prehistoric pueblos do we have
the slightest evidence of a sandal made exclusively for use in cere-
monials. Our lone fragment bearing a design in color came from
Pueblo del Arroyo (U.S.N.M. No. 334714) and will be described
elsewhere.

Although I have made no attempt to analyze the technique of weav-
ing in our cloth sandal fragments,** some results of superficial exam-
ination might prove welcome. From Old Bonitian Room 298 we have
an incomplete charred specimen whose original length was at least
104 inches ; maximum width, 44 (pl. 17). It was made for the right
foot. Its 30 warps consist of 15 rather stiff 3-ply yucca cords, each of
which extends from the heel forward and back again. The middle one,
reaching only to the ball and there looped with a slight inclination
toward the great toe, was arranged first ; paralleling it, up one side and
down the other, followed the remaining cords in succession. The heel,
which now lacks its selvage, was about 3 inches wide and doubtless
slightly cupped by gathering and fastening the warp ends. A raised
geometric pattern covers the sole (fig. 10).

This same peculiar arrangement of warp cords is to be seen in each
of the only additional fragments, three in number, that preserve the
forward end. Two of these, both apparently for the left foot, were
found among the rubbish in Room 246. The better of the two is shown
in figure 11. Our sketch, traced from a photograph, shows the sole
because it is the more interesting side. Some of its warps have been
exposed by wear; the change in weft alignment (at 2:30 o’clock) is
perfectly evident ; the knotted end of a leather toe loop is visible and,
above and to the left of it, a quarter-inch hole through which the
companion knot had been pulled. (The indistinct pattern of raised
nodes is not represented in our drawing.)

Pivoting on the ball, and assuming the sole to have been the work

13 For such a study, see Kidder and Guernsey, 1919, pp. 100-107 ; Kidder, 1926,
pp. 618-632.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 7d

Fic. 10.—Pattern on sole of charred cloth sandal from Room 298. (Drawn by
Hashime Murayama.)

VOL. 124

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

78

th sandal showing foundation of weave. (Drawn by

Hashime Murayama.)

Fic. 11.—Fragments of a clo

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 79

surface, weaving apparently was begun at about 8:45 and continued
thence, embracing only half the warps, clockwise to 2:30. Here a
change in direction was forced by the angle in the warps and, to help
surmount the difficulty, a long V-shaped filler was introduced. There-
after the weft threads were carried all the way across. These several
features are clearly seen in the sectional enlargement on plate 18.

When these fragments were assembled between glass for preserva-
tion, the two detached pieces shown in our drawing might well have
been omitted. That on the right, with paired holes for heel lashings,
could belong, but the other is most likely from a third sandal. At least
I find no definite place for it among the fragments that comprise our
two mounted specimens. Its warps possess a curvature that fixes its
position either forward at the ball or at the heel, where we have it.
But, in this latter position, observe that the warps possess an outward
bend corresponding to the inward turn at the toe. Such an arrange-
ment could have been brought about only by a single long warp cord,
doubled and looped about from the middle outward to the very edge.
This layout, it seems to me, would have introduced so many com-
plexities and difficulties as to discourage even the most patient of
Anasazi weavers. Numerous spacers would have been required to
keep the 32 warps equidistant at the curved ends and in between.
Therefore, I believe we erred in placing this particular fragment. The
simpler warp arrangement in the charred specimen from Room 298
probably held for all.

For these cloth sandals there was no supporting frame. Twined
weaving, and the wrapping and knotting of stitches that produced
raised designs on the sole, necessitated flexible warps. Yet the fine
fibers employed in Bonitian cloth sandals were so flexible, warp and
weit alike, and the sandals themselves so very thin, that it seems
utterly impossible they could have been woven, even with warp spacers,
freehand as were those of plaited yucca leaves. However, I detect in
our fragments no provision for suspension during the weaving process.

On the fragments before us attachment loops have not survived.
Even so, two pieces among those from Room 246 show paired holes
punched through between the second and third outermost warps for
heel tie strings the size of a pencil lead; another retains on its under
side the knotted end of a leather toe loop. The charred specimen from
Room 298 (pl. 17) probably had a similar toe loop, knotted below,
and an ankle wrapping attached to the extreme rear edge of the sandal
or to its projecting warp ends. Although none of our fragments
- exhibits the familiar little-toe notch, we assume this was a common
feature of Pueblo Bonito sandals, especially those twill-plaited of

80 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

narrow yucca strips. Pepper (1920, pp. 93-95) notes its presence on
several of the specimens he recovered from Room 24 (N.G.S. Room
229B). One of these was woven of “some very fine white vegetable
fiber” and boasted a fretted design in brown and orange-yellow. Its
heel was intentionally cupped ; its toe loop had been repaired with a
buckskin thong passed through the fabric and knotted on the under
side. At Aztec Ruin, Morris (1919a, p. 50) unearthed 20 twined-cloth
sandals, all of which were provided with the toe jog and a slightly
cupped heel.

Together with a sandal “made from feather cord and quilted with
a heavy cord of human hair,” from Room 25, Pepper reports frag-
ments of two turkey-feather stockings. Comparable specimens, from
northern Arizona caves, are described by Kidder and Guernsey (1919,
p. 100) ; an unusually fine example from southeastern Utah, now in
the U.S. National Museum, covered both foot and calf. Pueblo men
wore knee-length buckskin leggings, dyed to match their moccasins,
in 1540; identical garments were still common at Zufii in 1879 when,
according to Mrs. Stevenson (1904, p. 371), Zufii men knit footless
stockings not only for themselves but also for the female members of
their families. Wool from Spanish sheep merely replaced the fur- or
feather-wrapped cord of an older day. Even now, despite general
adoption of American-made shoes, footless stockings are commonly
worn by the Navaho and Hopi, as well as by the Zufii.

The meagerness of our findings concerning their clothing is at least
partially compensated for by abundant data relating to the ornaments
with which our Bonitians bedecked themselves. Indeed, from the
number and diversity of those ornaments we may be quite sure the
inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito did not want for clothing—the best that
could be obtained anywhere in the Southwest.

ORNAMENTS

Free from the influences that so often determine our own choice of
objects for personal adornment, primitive man finds beauty in rela-
tively simple things—brightly colored rocks, feathers, and flowers.
His preference will generally settle upon some product of the locality
he calls home, but it may go winging off to distant lands. Thus the
Pueblo Indians, to whom New Mexico turquoise is extraordinarily
precious, have, during many generations, sent periodically to the
Pacific for certain kinds of seashells.

In 1910 an old resident of San Ildefonso told me he had as a young
man twice ridden horseback from his Rio Grande village to the west
coast to obtain shells. Bandelier (1892, p. 4) states that the Pueblos

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO SI

secured most of their shells from the Gulf of California; that until
1859 they “made annual trading expeditions into Sonora, exchanging
blankets, buffalo robes, turquoises, etc., for shells, coral, and parrots’
feathers.” Feathers were wanted for use in rituals ; shells, chiefly for
beads and pendants. Pendants and beads of various types, and of
diverse materials, have been popular Pueblo ornaments since earliest
times.

However much the average Pueblo Indian may prize jewels made
from Pacific shells, he holds those fashioned from turquoise in still
higher esteem. For turquoise, he thinks, is a gift from the gods, sym-
bolizing the west; it reflects the blue of both Pacific waters and
New Mexico’s summer skies.

Wherever turquoise outcrops in the Southwest one sees evidence
of aboriginal mining operations. Fray Gerdnimo de Zarate Salmeron,
reporting upon his observations in New Mexico between 1618 and
1626, refers to turquoise mines “which the Indians work in their
paganism, since to them it is as diamonds and precious stones”
(Hodge, in Ayer, 1916, p. 217).

Most extensive of all are the old diggings in the Cerrillos district,
about 25 miles southwest of Santa Fe. Here, in 1911, the main pit
measured fully 200 feet across and 130 feet deep; waste from this
single aboriginal mine covered more than two acres, and in it stone
hammers and other primitive quarrying tools were frequently found.
Pogue (1915, p. 52), from whose monograph the foregoing figures
are taken, believed most of the excavation was made before advent
of the Spaniards and that this and other Cerrillos mines supplied a
large portion of the turquoise distributed throughout the southwestern
United States and Mexico prior to 1540. This belief has been greatly
strengthened within the past Io years by archeological investigations
at Chichen Itza, Yucatan (Morris, 1931, p. 218), Monte Alban,
Oaxaca (Caso, 1932, pp. 509-510), and other prehistoric cities in
Mexico.

Although none has yet been found, Dr. Caso believes turquoise
mines exist in Oaxaca and Guerrero and were worked in pre-Conquest
times. He bases his conviction on two facts: Indian towns in those
states are credited in the Aztec tribute books with payments in tur-
quoise; the quantity of turquoise recovered at Monte Alban is such
that one cannot believe all of it originated in far New Mexico."4

Some of the gifts sent by Montezuma to Cortés in 1520 were orna-

_ 14In Mexico City in the autumn of 1935 archeologists and geologists expressed
to me their convictions that ancient turquoise mines eventually will be found also
in the states of Aguascalientes, Zacatecas, and Baja California.

82 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

mented with turquoise mosaic. Until nearer, adequate sources have
been discovered, it must be assumed that the Aztecs, Zapotecs, and
Mayas obtained much, if not all, of their turquoise indirectly through
trade from New Mexico and Arizona. In contrast, the southerners
found in the northern country no market for the native Mexican jades
which they themselves valued above all other minerals. At least jade
never has been reported, so far as I am aware, from one of our South-
western ruins.

Turquoise is prized by desert peoples the world over but by none
more than the Zufli. Both men and women take vast pride in their
wealth of personal ornaments and let pass no fitting occasion for its
display. Summarizing their mythology, Pogue (1915, p. 123) notes
that the Zufi believe “perfect blue turquoise is male; ihe off-color,
female. Their upper world is symbolized by the sun, eagle, and tur-
quoise. . . . The west, also, is known as the blue world, ‘not only
because of the blue or gray twilight at evening, but also because
westward from Zufiland lies the blue Pacific.’ ”” Turquoise Man, who
lives in a sacred mountain southwest of Zufi salt lake, came from
Santo Domingo (Stevenson, 1904, p. 58).

From earliest times the Zufii obtained most of their turquoise from
the mines at Los Cerrillos by trade, first with the now extinct Tano
and, later, with the Keres of San Felipe and Santo Domingo (Hodge,
1921, pp. 5-6). What they did not keep for themselves they passed
on, through exchange, west and south to other tribes. It was the tale
told by a Mexican Indian, be it remembered, who as a youth had gone
with his father to the Zufii villages to barter parrot feathers for tur-
quoise, that in 1529 initiated Spanish search for the mysterious Seven
Cities. Eleven years later Coronado’s army advanced along the same
path these traders had followed.

With all this in mind, and with knowledge of the extent to which
aboriginal mining operations were carried on both before and after
the Conquest, it is rather surprising that turquoise is so seldom found
in Southwestern ruins. Of the many explored and reported upon by
archeologists, Pueblo Bonito alone has yielded turquoise ornaments
in quantity.

Describing the remarkable series of artifacts he recovered from
Room 33, Pepper (1909, pp. 222-225) lists nearly 15,000 turquoise
beads and pendants among the objects accompanying burials 13 and
14. The stones from which these were made, he states categorically,
came from Los Cerrillos. Now this certainly is the most logical source
both because of its proximity—but little more than 125 miles by trail
from Pueblo Bonito—and because the old Tano mines have long been

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 83

famous for the rich color of their mineral. Many Bonitian ornaments
seem quite as blue as the best turquoise produced at Los Cerrillos.

Appearance is not enough, however. Both good and worthless
turquoise may come from the same mine, even the same vein. One
piece holds its color while another fades. Most of the turquoise mined
is discarded because of its unfavorable color. Sky-blue tones have
everywhere been preferred, but the ancient Pueblos were not averse
to those of lesser merit. The Bonitians, for example, often used pale
blue or greenish stones for mosaics and beads; less frequently, for
pendants. And, with native canniness, when called upon to make
personal offerings they sacrificed their off-color ornaments first. We
noted relatively few prize stones in ceremonial offerings.

Pepper’s conviction that Los Cerrillos was the principal source of
Pueblo Bonito turquoise seemed reasonable but unproved. So we
selected from our series those few ornaments to which matrix still
adhered and submitted them for mineralogical examination. In each
case the feldspars had been so altered through use that satisfactory
comparison with mineralogical samples could not be made. Spectro-
chemical analyses likewise failed to identify our specimens with known
sources. While the better beads and pendants agree in color most
closely with ores from Los Cerrillos and the Jicarilla Mountains in
New Mexico and the Mineral Park and Kingman fields in Arizona,
color alone is an inadequate diagnostic. Thus we do not yet know
whether the Bonitians looked east or west for the turquoise with which
they were so prodigal.

One of our Chaco Canyon neighbors, Old Wello, in 1925 expressed
his conviction that the Bonitians mined their own turquoise in Rincon
del Camino, a mile below the pueblo, and indicated a shallow cave near
Dan Cly’s house where great blocks of sandstone had been undercut
by seepage. However, friend Padilla countered, and quite correctly,
that New Mexico turquoise never occurs in sandstone.

In their day the Bonitians were known far and wide for the quality
and quantity of their turquoise ornaments. But they used other min-
erals also, both local and foreign, the seeds of certain trees and shrubs,
and a variety of Pacific shells. From these diverse materials their
lapidaries fashioned rings, pendants, beads, and bracelets.

Beads.—Excepting the olivellas, most beads in our collection are
discoidal. They are made of shell, slaty or tufaceous stone, and tur-
quoise ; they vary in diameter from 2.0 to 13.0 mm. The smallest are
turquoise, the largest, shell. Approximate averages are: Turquoise,
4; shell, 5; and stone, 6 mm., respectively.

In one lot of 800 miscellaneous turquoise beads (U.S.N.M. No.

84 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

335730) diameter varies from 2.0 to 10.3 mm.; thickness, from less
than 1 to 6.8 mm. All are flat-sided except three, and two of these are
planoconvex in cross section while the third has both edges rounded
(fig. 12). Perhaps a half dozen similar specimens were noted among
oblations from kiva pilasters ; also, a few cylindrical turquoise beads,
the largest of which measures 12.0 mm. in diameter and, with both
ends broken, 15 mm. long (U.S.N.M. No. 335973).

Our most treasured turquoise ornament was found quite by chance.
Baskets, earthenware vessels, and disarticulated skeletons had been
encountered deep in Room 320, and I had joined the two Zufi men
working there. The floor was half cleared, and we were preparing to
remove a couple of baskets from below the east door when I had a
sudden impulse to turn once more to the north end. The second stroke
of my trowel on a floor already swept with hand brooms brought
several beads to light. A few moments more with awl and brush and

co Cease

Fic. 12.—Variations in turquoise beads. (Drawn by Irvin E. Alleman.)

there lay a carefully coiled turquoise necklace, accompanied by two
pairs of marvelously blue eardrops (pl. 9, A).

I cannot adequately describe the thrill of that discovery. It was so
unexpected, so unforeseen. A casual scrape of a trowel across the
ash-strewn floor, a stroke as mechanical as a thousand other strokes
made every day, exposed the long-hidden treasure. Room 320 had
been paved with flagstones, and it is my impression that a hollow
between two flags had been deliberately chosen as a hiding place ; that
the necklace had been coiled and laid within and the whole concealed
by a handful of sandy mud that was spread out, and packed down, and
then disguised with ashes until the patch was indistinguishable in the
room’s darkness.

The speed with which news of the find reached other workmen dis-
tributed about the ruin was remarkable. In a matter of minutes every
Zufii, every Navaho, and every one of my white assistants was draped
over the wall above and looking down upon our spectacular find. No
word, no signal, so far as I know, ever left the room. We were down
about 12 feet, the two Zufiis and I, and completely absorbed with the
task of brushing and blowing the sand away from the beads and pend-
ants. And then I was suddenly aware of our audience. In response

que of its weaver.

PLATE 18—The worn sole of a cloth sandal reveals the techni

Ming nee UE tee
S Rata aye Wigy, ~~ eae

ae a Gee
Sadia ai ha :

PLATE 19.—The Expedition’s famous turquoise necklace and ear bobs, as displayed at the
National Geographic Society. (Photograph by Volkmar Wentzel.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 85

to native intuition or mental telepathy, every Indian on the job had
dropped his shovel and quietly gathered to watch the clearing of the
specimens and their removal.

Since our masculine camp lacked a needle fine enough to pass
through the smallest beads, we borrowed the lesser strings from
Havens’s tenor banjo and thus were able to remove the disks in their
graduated sequence. From the faint trace that remained it was impos-
sible to identify the material on which they had been threaded, but they
were clearly arranged in four strings and these had been tied together.
Restored as nearly as may be to its former condition this unique orna-
ment, together with the two pairs of ear pendants, is now preserved
in the Hall of the Explorers at the National Geographic Society’s
administration building in Washington (pl. 19). The necklace is 14
inches long as restrung ; the four pendants vary in length from 18 to
14% inches and in width from 17g to 14 inches.

If another complete turquoise necklace has ever been discovered in
a Pueblo ruin I fail to find published record of it. Ours is therefore
treasured for its rarity as well as its own inherent beauty.

How did it happen to be where we found it, neatly coiled in a
shallow depression between two flagstones? If its last owner did not
hide it there for safekeeping under a film of sandy adobe, was it
surreptitiously withheld by a covetous relative while preparing that
last owner for hurried interment? Or was it among the loot, set aside
but overlooked in the haste of flight, of one who pillaged this impro-
vised burial chamber? These latter possibilities seem very remote, for
a prehistoric thief would never have let go such a prize once he had it
in hand, and Pueblo Indians are always at pains to see a loved one best
attired for his journey to the next world.

A storeroom connecting with 326, Room 320 stands at the extreme
southwestern corner of the older section of Pueblo Bonito (fig. 2).
With others hereabout it had come, perhaps late in the history of the
village, to be used as a sepulcher. Of the 10 bodies buried in it, 8 had
been disturbed in ancient times; their skulls had been kicked to one
side while the remainder of the skeletons were dragged about and
overturned (pl. 91).

Now it is my belief that marauding enemy bands on one or more
occasions attacked the surviving remnant of Pueblo Bonito’s once con-
siderable population and that such disturbance as we noted in Room
320 is evidence of their pillage.

In addition, we listed from this room the following turquoise orna-
_ ments: Six rectangular, planoconvex beads drilled transversely (fig.
12, e,f), 126 discoidal beads, and 7 miscellaneous pendants; also, a

86 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

handful of shell and stone beads. Since the total is obviously small
for 10 Pueblo Bonito burials, we may conclude that other, more con-
spicuous jewels were carried away by the plunderers.

Pueblo beadmaking is essentially an exercise in patience. Each little
disk is made separately—ground thin, roughly shaped, and drilled
preparatory to stringing for final rounding. These successive stages
are all clearly illustrated by unfinished turquoise beads in our
collection.

After a piece of the mineral had been abraded to the desired thin-
ness, and sometimes before, its edges were broken away to leave a
discoidal blank, ready for the drill. In one lot of 66 such blanks
(U.S.N.M. No. 335731), 27 percent have rubbed edges, thus partially

Fic. 13.—Abrader for rounding beads.

anticipating that concluding operation in which the roughly shaped,
drilled, and tightly strung pieces were reduced to satisfactory diameter.
The sandstone abrader reproduced in figure 13 illustrates one type
used in beadmaking. It is grooved on the narrowest rather than on the
broadest surface; the opposite edge and both sides are worn by the
fingers of the artisan. Traces of red paint remain on both faces. With
such a tool many weeks were required to shape the 2,500-odd beads in
our famous necklace. |

Examination of finished beads and fragments of others broken
during the manufacturing process indicates that many were bored with
stone-tipped drills and that drilling progressed from one side until the
opposite was barely pierced, after which the disk was reversed and the
incipient hole reamed out. A biconcave hole is the mark of a stone
drill, smallest at the bit. In addition, the Bonitians had other, now
unknown, instruments capable of drilling through stone perfectly cy-
lindrical holes no larger than the smallest needle.

The tiniest turquoise bead noted in our collection measures 1.8 mm.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 87

in diameter, just a trifle over one-sixteenth of an inch; its hole is
about 0.75 mm. and absolutely symmetrical so far as eye and micro-
scope can detect. Slate beads even smaller than this were made in
large numbers by prehistoric peoples who dwelt in the Kayenta region
and in the Gila-Salt drainage of Arizona.

Speculating on the identity of the implement with which such mi-
nute disks were pierced, archeologists have suggested a dry tubular
grass stem, or a cactus spine, with fine sand as the cutting medium.
I do not know whether the former has been tried, but Haury, experi-
menting with a simple shaft drill tipped with a thorn of the barrel
cactus and rotated between his palms, employing damp sand as an
abrasive, in approximately 15 minutes drilled a hole 0.94 mm. in di-
ameter through fine-grained pelitic rock 1.47 mm. thick (Haury, 1931,
pp. 86-87). An Indian more expert in beadmaking, using rock fresh
from the quarry instead of a fragment culled from the sun-baked sur-
face of a Gila Valley ruin, doubtless could have accomplished the same
end in less time. But Haury has demonstrated that cactus needles
make practical drill points. There are no barrel cactuses in the Chaco
country, but other species native to the region bear stubborn spines.

The objects shown in figure 34 are two of six fragmentary imple-
ments, each made of fine-grained sandstone, found in Room 26,
Pueblo del Arroyo. They were uncovered by a Zufii, a skilled worker
in turquoise, who immediately identified them as “files” and who pro-
ceeded to demonstrate on his own turquoise eardrops.

One cannot put much pressure on a sandstone file one-tenth inch
thick. But my friend may have been right ; on the other hand, he may
have been influenced in his identification by the outward resemblance
between these ancient implements and those which he himself em-
ploys along with pinchers, chisels, and other steel tools in these days
when the spirit of mass production has penetrated even unto Zufi.
This same man uses a block of wood with a very shallow depression
on the under side to hold a piece of shell, or turquoise, while reducing
it to bead thickness on a sandstone tablet (pl. 20, left).

Shell beads are more numerous than turquoise at any Pueblo ruin.
Despite greater distance to the source of supply and the not inconsid-
erable problems of transportation, large quantities of Pacific shells
were imported into the Pueblo country. Being softer, shell is easier
to cut and carve. One digs through rock even for the poorer varieties
of turquoise! These several factors doubtless fixed the value of the
two materials in prehistoric times as they do today.

From Spanish records of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it
is manifest that well-traveled trails led to the Pueblo villages from

88 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the south and southwest. Over these paths, across deserts and rugged
mountains, came traders on foot to barter the products of their indus-
try. If Pueblo Indians ventured south for like purposes before they
acquired Spanish horses and burros I find no suggestion of it in narra-
tives of the Conquest period. Later, however, the Pueblos did go south
to trade, very likely because the long-continuing conflict between the
Spaniards and the tribes of northern Mexico checked the normal
supply of materials that had become essential in Pueblo secular and
ceremonial life.

In 1539, as he trudged northward on an old Indian trail seeking
word of the mysterious Seven Cities, Fray Marcos de Niza came
finally to a fertile, well-irrigated valley inhabited by Sobaipuri Pimas.
The location is thought to have been the upper Rio San Pedro, in
southeastern Arizona just north of the Mexican border. Here infor-
mation previously gathered among the Opatas concerning the Zufi
villages was confirmed and augmented. The Sobaipuris were so richly
supplied with Zufii turquoise—necklaces of from one to four strands,
eardrops, and nose pendants—that frequent contact between the two
peoples seems evident. ‘Cibola was as well known here,” Fray Marcos
notes in his journal, “as Mexico is in New Spain, or Cuzco in Peru;
and they described fully the shape of the houses, the arrangement of
the villages, the streets and squares, like people who had been there
often” (Bandelier, 1890, p. 142).

The Franciscan’s own record of what he learned along the way
convinced Bandelier (1892, p. 3) that in 1539, and before, trade
between Zufii and the Sonoran tribes had originated among the latter.
It was flowing in the opposite direction, from north to south, 300
years later. Just when the tide of commerce turned, and why, remain
uncertain. But the turn is an established fact and Bandelier reports
that “until 1859 the New Mexican Pueblos made annual trading
expeditions to Guaymas and into the heart of Sonora, bartering buffalo
robes, pifion, meat, and other products for iridescent conch-shells and
the bright plumes of the parrot” (Bandelier, 1890, p. 177).

When Bourke visited the Hopi in 1881 he observed many of them
wearing pendants of abalone. “This, they told me, they obtained from
the seashore, to which they had been in the habit, at least until re-
cently, of making pilgrimages every four or five years” (Bourke, 1884,
p. 242).

That the Gulf of California was the principal source of seashells
reaching the Pueblo country in earlier, as in later, times has been
proved by archeological researches at diverse, widely separated sites.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 89

It was the source of most shells we unearthed at Pueblo Bonito and
which include the following genera and species: ™

Glycymeris giganteus Reeve Cerithidea sp.

Glycymeris maculatus Broderip Turritella leucostoma Valenciennes (?)
Glycymeris sp. Strombus gracilior Sowerby
Nodipecten subnodosus Sowerby Phyllonotus nitidus Broderip
Quodrula sp. Columbella fuscata Sowerby
Proptera coloradoensis Lea (?) Columbella mercatoria Linnaeus
Anodonta sp. Nassarius ioaedes Dall
Laevicardium elatum Sowerby Oliva (Agaronia) testacea Lamarck
Spondylus princeps Broderip (?) Olivella dama Mawe

Chama echinata Broderip (?) Olivella sp.

Chama sp. Conus interruptus Broderip

Haliotis sp. Conus sp.

Olivellas are easily converted into beads. It is necessary only to
grind off the spire until a thread can be run through and out the mouth
(fig. 14, a). The smaller examples, however, often had both ends cut
away (b) or were halved. In kivas and dwellings erected by the Late
Bonitians we found both sectioned and unsectioned olivella beads but,
in houses of first-type construction, only those from which the spire
alone had been removed.

Among the decayed ceiling poles of Kiva R we encountered seven
bead deposits, perhaps sacrificial. Largest of these (U.S.N.M. No.
336010) lay about 24 feet above the bench in the southeast quarter
and included 399 olivellas from which the apex only had been cut, 1 19
olivella halves or thirds, 79 oblong and figure-8 beads, 3 discoidal shell
beads, 11 bracelet fragments, 1 hook-shaped shell pendant, 1 Conus sp.
pendant; 305 discoidal turquoise beads, 8 turquoise pendant frag-
ments, and 6 tesserae. We have no means of knowing whether this
particular deposit represents the offering of one priest or several, and
this is unimportant. But it does seem significant that here, as else-
where about the newer sections of the pueblo, we found both types of
olivella beads while one type only was recovered in the older, but
contemporaneously occupied, section.

Of “saucer-shaped” beads, cut from the wall of the olivella (fig.
14,f), we unearthed relatively few; none in dwellings of the Old
Bonitians.

Among ancient Pueblo ornaments discoidal shell beads are most
abundant (fig. 14,¢). A half dozen on a string made an eardrop; a

15 Identified by Dr. Harald A. Rehder, curator of mollusks, U. S. National
Museum, Because distinguishing characteristics were frequently erased during
conversion of shell fragments into ornaments, identifications are sometimes
problematical.

go SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

couple of hundred, or more, went into an ordinary, single-strand
necklace. Although produced in the same manner as those of tur-
quoise, the shell beads in our collection are, on the average, somewhat
larger. With living Pueblo and Navaho Indians shell beads increase
in value as they decrease in size.

Although discoidal shell beads were commonly included with pilaster
offerings and other oblations and although many were lost about the
village, most of those we recovered came from a single room, 208.
Of first-type masonry, this three-story structure had been destroyed
by fire and the contents of the living quarters above fell, with collapse
of the floors, into the storage chamber below. It was here, among and
beneath fragments of charred timbers and adobe flooring, that we
found the beads. They were gathered at the time into eight arbitrary
lots ; only those composing the shortest string (pl. 21, c) were actually
together.

Least burned of all, these latter had been threaded, together with
nine red claystone beads, on what appeared to be a cotton cord.
Whether the strand was originally longer I do not know; neither do
I know whether the beads comprising the other seven lots formed one
or more necklaces at the time of the conflagration. They were found,
as has been said, scattered throughout the room, and pack rats that
once occupied the interstices between the burned ceiling timbers doubt-
less contributed to the distribution.

In addition to the ornaments just mentioned, we collected from
Room 2098 a number of figure-8 shell beads, four olivellas, a pendant
fashioned from part of a shell bracelet (fig. 15, g), two burned frag-
ments of jet pendants, three lots of stone beads, and, by way of
variety, a walnut-shell pendant and 16 beads (U.S.N.M. No. 335759)
made from seeds of the Rocky Mountain hackberry (Celtis reticulata).
This tough desert plant ranges westward from Texas and Coahuila to
Lower California and, in restricted areas, as far north as Colorado.

The stone beads (pl. 21, figs. e-g) present a puzzle to mystify the
mineralogists. If the microscope be an exacting one, different ma-
terials are identifiable—lignite, oil shale, and a clay in various shades
of gray. The second string includes the largest beads, some of which
“resemble altered phonolitic tuffs.” The first string (fig. e) is com-
posed almost wholly of earthy-brown, mud-colored disks identified as
of “rhyolitic tuff which has been mixed with some clay and baked.” 7°
Many are sintered or slightly fused on the outside, but this may be
as much the result of the fire that destroyed 298 as evidence of kiln

16 From the report of E. P. Henderson, associate curator, Division of Miner-
alogy and Petrology, U. S. National Museum.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO gI

baking. On the other hand, the microscope testifies to internal proof
of the folding and molding of plastic materials.

If our mineralogists be correct, these manufactured beads are
unique, so far as I know, in the Pueblo area. Externally nothing but
an unusual color sets them apart. All are discoidal; sides retain
striations of the abrading tablet; peripheries were shaped by the
customary finishing process. Their borings vary in diameter, some
being perfectly cylindrical, while others are more or less asymmetrical
and biconcave—marks of a stone drillhead.17

In the middle of the third necklace (fig. g) are 32 more or less cy-
lindrical beads, dark brown in color and of undetermined material.
Discoidal beads of lignite and various shales complete the string.

Fic. 14.—Types of shell beads. (Drawn by Irvin E. Alleman.)

Besides these three lots and those next to be considered, we collected
only 117 stone beads in the course of seven seasons at Pueblo Bonito.
A few were surface finds; a few came from Kiva B, of third-period
construction. The remainder, perhaps 100 in all, were collected from
six Old Bonito dwellings and during the digging of our West Court
trench.

Shell beads were combined with shale to form a necklace for one
of the persons buried in Room 330. Since the beads were found all
about the skull it seems likely the ornament had been laid upon the
head at the time of interment. Rethreaded (the original arrangement
is unknown), they constitute a string 22 feet 8 inches long—enough
to make up a necklace of 7 or 8 strands. Approximately three-fourths
of the total are shale beads averaging 3.5 mm. in diameter and 26 to
the inch ; the remainder are shell disks of comparable size, interspersed
with 62 univalves from the Gulf of California (Nassarius ioaedes

17 J. C. McGregor reports molded clay beads from Winona Village, a twelfth-
century settlement near Flagstaff, Ariz. Mus. of Northern Arizona, Bull. 12,

P. 31, 1937.

g2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Dall, spires ground off, outer lip perforated for stringing) and some
50-odd figure-8 beads from 2.8 to 4.0 mm. long.

If this assortment made up a single necklace it is noteworthy for
several reasons: It is the only one in our collection composed of both
stone and shell; it includes the only examples of Nassarius found
during the course of our Chaco Canyon explorations ; it contains our
smallest figure-8 beads and, considered as a whole, our smallest stone
beads. These latter remind one of the diminutive stone beads for
which the Hohokam of southern Arizona were so justly famous and,
indeed, a Gila Valley Indian may well have made those we unearthed
in Room 330. |

The figure-8 beads are miniature examples of a type much favored
at Pueblo Bonito. A variant of the oblong bead (fig. 14,d), the
figure-8 (e) when arranged as a necklace would simulate a double
string of discoidal beads. The side notch, which gave the type its
peculiar form, was the final task in the shaping process and followed
after the oblong pieces had been otherwise finished and tightly strung.
Because their greater length would naturally induce end-spreading
when worn about the neck, beads in this category, both notched and
unnotched, are frequently wedge-shaped—thinner at the drilled end.
Fancy occasionally urged further elaboration—two of the figure-8
beads in the pilaster 3 offering, Kiva N, have the lower lobe squared
at the end and marked, respectively, by single and crossed saw cuts
(U.S.N.M. No. 335995).

Normal figure-8 beads from Pueblo Bonito vary in length from 3.6
to 10.7 mm. ; in thickness, from 2.0 to 7.2mm. The averages are about
8 and 3 mm., respectively. Most of those we recovered were offerings
deposited in kiva pilasters or in house walls at time of construction.
Relatively few were found in dwellings of the Old Bonitians; over
go percent came from kivas showing third-type masonry.

Scattered among the wreckage in Room 329 were parts of a figure-8
necklace so decayed that its shell beads stuck together in groups of 3
to 10. Examining these sections led me to believe that the larger, more
boldly notched beads had been assembled to hang upon the owner’s
chest while those less prominently marked, including oblong beads,
encircled his neck (U.S.N.M. No. 335684).

Casual search of the literature at hand suggests that the figure-8
bead is an ornament peculiar to the Pueblo III period. Where the type
originated and how widely it was distributed throughout the South-
west, are yet to be determined. It has been reported from at least two
ruins in Arizona, from Chaco Canyon and the Mimbres area, in New
Mexico. It has been variously designated and its material identified

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 93

as stone, bone, and shell.18 Although many of our figure-8 beads
resemble either bone or stone those actually tested proved to be shell.

About the chest and shoulders of a male skeleton (No. 23) in Room
330 we found a pair of shell eardrops, one of which is shown in
figure 15, 0, and a necklace composed of discoidal and cylindrical
shell beads, pendant beads of Chama, and apex-cut olivellas (pl. 21, b).
Many of the latter have one or more tiny quartz pellets forced under
the lip to keep the strung shells properly aligned. This appears to have
been a common local practice. Occasionally bits of shell or turquoise
or even small discoidal beads replaced the pellets.

The cylindrical beads on the necklace just described vary in diameter
from 4.0 to 5.3 mm.; in length, from 5.8 to 10.7 mm. All others in
our collection were included with pilaster offerings; rarely does one
exceed the dimensions just given.

The “pendant beads” mentioned are irregular in shape and size and
vary in color from creamy white to pink. All are provisionally identi-
fied as of Chama echinata Broderip, from the Gulf of California.
Previous drillings show several to be reworked fragments of larger
ornaments. A partially bored hole in the lower pendant is set with tiny
turquoise beads, and it is reasonable to believe that some of the older
cord holes had also been plugged.

Many of the cylindrical and irregularly discoidal beads on this same
necklace appear likewise to be made from Chama. No other ornaments
fashioned from this particular species of shell were found in the old
part of Pueblo Bonito, but beads, pendants, and unworked fragments
were fairly common in the newer sections, especially as sacrifices in
kiva pilasters. Toothlike pendant beads occur most frequently ; next,
discoidal beads, including the largest in our collection (fig. 16). One
such, from a pilaster in Kiva P, measures 12.7 mm. in diameter by 7.9
mm. (U.S.N.M. No. 336000).

Pendants.—One may not readily distinguish between ear pendants
and those designed to be worn alone upon a neck cord or threaded at

18 Kidder and Guernsey (1919, p. 151) found “three two-lobed beads of white
stone” in a cliff dwelling in the Marsh Pass region, northeastern Arizona; Rob-
erts (1931, pp. 162, 167), excavating superimposed ruins north of St. Johns,
found in a Pueblo III structure the only complete necklace of figure-8 shell beads
yet reported and noted the absence of like beads in the underlying pit house;
Pepper (1920) repeatedly refers both to stone and shell beads “in the shape of a
figure 8” he unearthed at Pueblo Bonito; Bradfield (1931, p. 62), while investi-
gating the Mimbres culture in Cameron Creek valley, Grant County, N. Mex.,
exhumed an infant burial accompanied by “sixteen ‘padlock’ shaped bone beads” ;
’ Mr. and Mrs. Cosgrove (1932, p. 64), recovered 11 “double-lobe shell and bone
beads” at Swarts Ruin but remark that they are of infrequent occurrence in the
Mimbres Valley.

Fic. 15.—Variations in shell pendants.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 95

intervals on a string of shell beads. Some examples were paired when
found and thus, presumably, are eardrops; others, like the pendant
beads previously described, were no doubt attached to necklaces. There
is no reason, of course, why the average pendant could not have served
both purposes, according to the whim of its owner.

A number of characteristic shell pendants from the Pueblo Bonito
collection are illustrated in figure 15. Figure 15,0, is one of a pair
found, with the necklace described above (pl. 21,0), in Room 330
above the shoulders of Skeleton 23, a male. The second shows a cut
across one lobe where a piece had been inset transversely to cover a

Fic. 16—Ornaments made of Chama shell.

break. Figure k, also from Room 330, is one of two (Haliotis sp.)
picked up among the scattered bones of several children. A third pair
from the same burial chamber is represented by figure 7 while figure
Ss portrays one of two fine abalone disks from Room 323.

The two abalone pendants illustrated as figure 15,/,m, our only
specimens having more than three lobes, were found among fallen
masonry just outside the northeast wall of Room 186 and are part of
an offering formerly embedded, it is believed, over one of the first-
story ventilators. On that at the right, the two extra notches plainly
result from an effort at balance following breakage of the major lobes.

Another pair of abalone eardrops (U.S.N.M. No. 336000), sacri-
ficed to the gods, was sealed in one of the two pilasters we exposed
in Kiva P.

A few additional examples are: Figure 15, p, depicts a fine abalone
pendant, one lobe of which had been broken and repaired with an

96 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

inset of the same material ; the old cord hole, near the upper edge, was
plugged with a rounded bit of turquoise and replaced by a larger
one. In the companion pendant (U.S.N.M. No. 335709), the original
suspension-cord hole was likewise closed with turquoise and a new one
drilled at the middle of the lentoid bar. That shown in figure n, of
like form, is cut from a pinkish shell (believed to be Spondylus prin-
ceps Brod.), whose range is from the Gulf of California to Panama.
Worn and polished by long use, the specimen (Strombus gracilior
Sowerby) figured in u is the heaviest (1.4 ounces) of our shell orna-
ments. Our lone shell effigy (fig. 4) may represent almost any 4-
legged creature, from a lizard to a mountain lion.

Of unidentifiable shell, the fragment shown in figure 15, g, illus-
trates a type of ornament which, despite its obvious fragility, appears
to have been quite popular. We found comparable fragments, gen-
erally included with offerings in kiva pilasters, carved from turquoise,
jet, and claystone. Some of these, however, have ground ends that
clearly identify them as peripheral segments of discoidal or ringlike
mosaics.

Small Glycymeris shells were converted into pendants simply by
drilling a hole through the hinge. One, from Room 241, is illustrated
in figure 15, b; another of like size came from Room 227-I. Four
larger examples (U.S.N.M. No. 336031 ; average width 2.4 cm.) were
picked up among the jumble of human bones and burial furniture in
Room 329. None of the six is ornamented in any way.

From the foregoing list and descriptions it is clear that most of the
shell ornaments in our Pueblo Bonito collection were made from
Pacific coast species obtained, quite likely, from the Gulf of California.
Of those identified, I am informed only four species could have come
from east of the Rocky Mountains; of these, three are fresh-water
clams well known in Texas and Arkansas, but one of the three, Ano-
donta sp., is said to occur also in northern California. No fragments
of clamshells were recovered from dwellings of the Old Bonitians.
Columbella mercatoria Linné, whose range is from North Carolina to
the Gulf of Mexico, is represented by a single, unworked specimen
(U.S.N.M. No. 335691), found during the digging of our West Court
exploratory trench.

Turquoise pendants and eardrops, unlike those of shell, exhibit but
little variety of form. With few exceptions those we collected are
more or less keystone-shaped and drilled at the narrower end for
suspension. Length ranges from 3; to 23 inches; width, from % to
23 ; thickness, from less than ~ to } inch. In each case the maximum
dimensions here given are those of a once-magnificent ornament,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 97

found burned and broken in Room 41, Pueblo del Arroyo. More
typical examples, all from Room 326, Pueblo Bonito, are shown in
plate 22. (See table of size and provenience, Appendix A, for explana-
tion of letters referred to on plates 22, 24, 36, 52, 79, and 83.)

Of these Room 326 pendants, the first were found on the skeletons
of women. Figures f and / lay at the neck of burials 8 and 9, respec-
tively; g lay on the left chest of Skeleton 12. The other six were
picked up individually about the room, but
they are so evenly matched, both in size and
color, that I have not hesitated to pair them.

Averaging a trifle under 6 in the scale of
hardness (Pogue, 1915, p. 24), or just a
little harder than glass, turquoise, neverthe-
less, is readily worked by primitive peoples
and with the crudest of implements. The
Pueblos had no metal tools until after the yc. 17—Turquoise partly
advent of the Spaniards ; sand and sandstone cut from its matrix.

Fic. 18.—Abrader tablet for shell and turquoise ornaments.

were their substitutes for steel. With thin sandstone saws they sepa-
rated a piece of turquoise from its matrix (fig. 17) ; by patient rub-
bing on a fine-grained sandstone tablet (fig. 18), the selected piece
was reduced to the size and shape desired. The cord hole was bored
with a simple shaft drill or, possibly, with a pump drill such as Pueblo
lapidaries employ today. The velvet smoothness that followed years
of contact with the human skin only added to the soft beauty of a
perfect turquoise ornament.

Although frequently worn in pairs as eardrops, the smaller pendants
were sometimes interspersed in a necklace of discoidal beads. One
such necklace, including eight pendants from three-sixteenths to three-

98 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

eights of an inch long, formed a bracelet of three coils on the left
wrist of an elderly female (No. 12) buried in Room 326 (pl. 22, e).1®
Perhaps it was this type of bracelet that Indians of northwestern
Mexico had in mind when, describing the Pueblo country and its
inhabitants to Melchior Diaz early in 1540, they said the women “‘wear
their hair on each side done up in a sort of twist, which leaves the
ears outside, in which they hang many turquoises, as well as on their
necks and on the wrists of their arms” (Winship, 1896, p. 549). The
fabulously rich Burial 14, Room 33, apparently was bedecked with a
necklace wrapped around each wrist, that on the left including 2,384
discoidal turquoise beads and 194 pendants (Pepper, 1909, p. 224).

As has been said, turquoise pendants are usually
thin and keystone-shaped. From this generalization
two interesting exceptions may be noted: A little, pale-
blue ornament (fig. 19), drilled lengthwise through

Fic.19—An the barrel and transversely through the surmounting
aTaee orna. lobe, part of which was found in pilaster 1 and the
ment. (Drawn remainder in pilaster 6, Kiva I; and a teardrop pend-
Nee E. ant of greenish shale, three-eighths of an inch in maxi-

mum diameter by thirteen-sixteenths of an inch long,
from Room 323 (U.S.N.M. No. 335741). A fragment of a large pol-
ished object, of the same green shale and half an inch thick (U.S.N.M.
No. 335733), was recovered from the nearby dwelling, Room 326;
also, beads and thin pieces squared for mosaics were occasionally
noted elsewhere. It is quite possible that this dark, oily-green stone
passed for turquoise since our Bonitians did not entirely scorn the
off-color varieties. Or perhaps a visiting trader turned a shady deal!

That turquoise-conscious Indians are sometimes as gullible as Whites
is evident from a transaction I surreptitiously watched during working
hours at Pueblo Bonito. One of our Zufli workers whom everyone
regarded as mentally subnormal finally persuaded a dubious Navaho
to buy as genuine turquoise a slender pendant made from a tooth I had
seen broken from part of a woman’s blue celluloid comb, retrieved
from the trash pile behind the old Wetherill home.

The bird figured on page 296 (fig. 92) is carved from pale greenish
turquoise. Although found with the disturbed burials in Room 329,
it may be regarded not as a personal ornament but as an object asso-
ciated with some unknown ritual. The drilling through the breast is

19 Excavating the old Zufii village of Hawikuh, Hodge (1921, p. 15) noted
that turquoise ornaments generally occurred at the left ear or wrist of burials;
rarely at the right.

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 99

at such an angle that, suspended from a cord, the bird hangs back
down and almost horizontally—a most unlikely position for a heavy
pendant worn on the chest. It is more reasonable to believe the drill-
ing a means for binding the figure to a staff or other support. Pepper
(1905b, p. 194) includes five comparable examples with the wealth of
ceremonial objects he unearthed in Room 38. From the illustration
given, his birds differ from ours chiefly in their smaller size and in
their head position which, in each instance, is high with beak thrust
forward.

Our second turquoise effigy, in this case of rich blue stone, is a
“tadpole,” oval in shape, 11.6 mm. long, drilled laterally, with two
knobs for eyes. It may once have been an amulet or an ornament for
necklace or wristlet, but we found it in the pilaster 5 offering, Kiva R.

With scraps from the lapidary’s workbench, beads and small tur-
quoise pendants were usually included in the propitiatory offerings
built into secular and ceremonial structures. Many were lost about the
village and still others in kivas and living quarters, whence sooner or
later they were removed with floor sweepings to the nearest rubbish
pile. However, with few exceptions, the finest examples we recovered
came from those rooms in the older section utilized for burial pur-
poses. We may be certain they either belonged to the deceased or were
funeral gifts from sorrowing relatives. It seems equally obvious that,
from the conditions under which they were found, these choice tur-
quoise ornaments are those overlooked by prehistoric grave robbers.

Lignite is considered by Zufii Indians as precious as turquoise and
is even referred to as “black turquoise” (Hodge, 1921, p. 21). Lignite
occurs in Chaco Canyon’s bituminous coal beds as laminate masses
varying in color from brown to gray to jet black. Unworked lignite
fragments look dull and unpromising but those that are jet black,
carved and polished to mirror smoothness, become jewels very pleas-
ing to look upon.

Among the jet ornaments we recovered, pendants are most numer-
ous. Not all are of tabular form (fig. 20). Perhaps lignite, being
relatively soft and easy to carve, tempted the Bonitians to experiment
with new ideas. Only two of those illustrated could conceivably be
classed as beads (figs. a, g). Figures k-m show three unfinished pend-
ants, one with incipient drilling.

Cord holes in jet ornaments, instead of being straight through, are
often paired and drilled at an angle to meet below the surface, at the
back or on one edge.

In the 2-foot fill (principally debris of reconstruction) separating
the original floor of Room 348 from the last, a lignite pendant or

WR:
td

Fic. 20.—Ornaments carved from jet.
100

0% ALVIG
(OzOI “UNIV sopteyD Aq ydersojoyg) ‘sreyjop Jyey z1 sapnyo
“UL FEY} GPO ABATIS OYRAVN B SuUlIvIM UOI}eU TUNZ Sunod vy ‘9 'O Aq ydersojyoyg) ‘[ptap duind t

(‘Peor ‘suoaeTpy
AEM sstonbin} Sur[iip uew runz

‘Sunsjsa1 ‘speaq AevjI pue ‘auojs ‘JaysS—ie aLvig

P

by

Yep

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO IOI

eardrop (fig. 20, b) came to light. In its countersunk border turquoise
pieces had once been fitted. If these were also present in the fill some
were missed and of those recovered several fit less snugly than our
artist has represented. Nevertheless, the drawing gives the general
idea, and the reader’s imagination will readily picture the pleasing
contrast between jet black and turquoise blue.

Two jet effigies (figs. , 0) may also be accepted as ornaments. The
smaller was unearthed during the digging of our West Court trench;
the larger, in the south recess of a partially razed subfloor kiva within
Room 336. From the place of finding, it might logically be assumed
that this second figure had some connection with rituals once per-
formed in the abandoned chamber. But ceremonial objects are rarely
left lying about ; the kiva wall had been razed to within nine inches of
its floor ; there were no other artifacts among the debris. Could this
fragile carving, with its paired holes through the breast for suspension,
have been a personal, priestly sacrifice when the kiva was replaced by
another ?

Thin squared and rectangular bits of polished jet were often used
in mosaic work. It so happens, however, that our only detached pieces,
28 by actual count, were among a quantity of shell, turquoise, and red
claystone tesserae scattered about the floor of Kiva Q. Neither jet
ornaments nor unworked fragments of lignite were recognized in any
pilaster or other sacrificial deposit.

Claystone, or red shale, is often called “clinker” by unromantic
geologists just because it is a clay turned red through burning of
underlying coal beds. It varies considerably in texture, but the finer
grades take on a smooth, velvety finish. Claystone of this latter quality
was utilized by the Bonitians not only in mosaics but also for pendants
and pendant beads; less frequently, for discoidal beads and finger
rings. As variations from the more common rectangular and ovoid
forms, we figure one claystone pendant with lobate ends, like the
favorite form of shell pendant, and a central depression in which a
jet or turquoise disk may have been fitted ; also, three lesser ornaments
probably worn on necklaces (fig. 21).

Calcite and selenite were but little used as material for ornaments.
Or perhaps we should say the Bonitians tried these two minerals and
found them wanting. Both lack those qualities of color or luster prized
by primitive peoples. Rarity alone is no measure of desirability. Of
the many fragments of selenite retrieved during the course of our
explorations only 11 had been shaped in any degree, and of these 5
only had been drilled for suspension. Three are shown in figure 22

102 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Mica, as a medium for personal embellishment, awakened even less
interest than selenite. Of the half dozen fragments recovered, two
only have been shaped and drilled for possible use as ornaments. The
nearest known source of mica is in Rio Arriba County, 120 miles to
the east, and this may be the source also of the unworked cubes of
galena (U.S.N.M. No. 335566) that we found in several rooms.

There may be nothing significant in it, but the result of our inquiry

5

Fic. 21—Ornaments of red claystone.

Fic. 22,—Pendants carved from selenite.

into the distribution of these several minerals between the older and
later sections of Pueblo Bonito is here recorded: Of 7 cataloged lots
(one or more pieces) of galena, 3 were from rooms of first-type con-
struction; of 7 lots of mica, all came from third- and fourth-type
rooms ; of 35 lots of selenite and calcite, both worked and unworked,
5 lots only were recovered from first-type dwellings ; of 41 lots of red
claystone artifacts, worked and unworked fragments, 10 are listed
from rooms of first-type construction ; of 31 lots of azurite and mala-
chite pellets, mostly unworked, 13 came from first-type structures ; of
9 hematite artifacts and fragments, 4 are cataloged from dwellings of
the Old Bonitians.

Several other ornaments, fashioned from minerals foreign to Chaco

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 103

Canyon, may be noted: A sphere of fluorite (fig. 23, c) practically
duplicating in shape and size the jet ball represented in figure 20, c;
the blunt tip of a slender fluorite ornament 7.2 mm. in diameter
(U.S.N.M. No. 335756) ; a hematite effigy of some canyon insect,
found on the surface within the walls of Room 35 (fig. 23, b); the
likeness of an acorn produced, after a few moments’ work with
abrader and drill, from an azurite pellet whose natural shape gave its
finder the idea (fig. 23,a). Azurite and malachite pellets were found
throughout the ruin but very few had been modified in any way. A
rather sizable garnet (U.S.N.M. No. 336036), unworked, came from
Room 330.

Half a walnut (Juglans sp.), converted into a pendant merely by
drilling two holes to meet below the convex surface near the apex
(fig. 23, d, d’), was picked up in Room 208 along with the hackberry

Fic. 23.—Miscellaneous ornaments.

seed, shell, and stone beads already described. Another walnut shell,
rubbed smooth on the outside and the base ground off, yet not identi-
fiable as an ornament, was recovered in the passageway (Room 250)
connecting Rooms 251 and 256 (U.S.N.M. No. 335378). Unworked
fragments of walnut shells (Juglans major or J. rupestris) were col-
lected also in Rooms 246, 296, and 323. Three of these five chambers
were built and occupied by the Old Bonitians.

Because the shells have been more or less mutilated from the botan-
ical point of view, identification as to species is not always practical.
Two native walnuts are recognized in the Southwest, neither being
found in Chaco Canyon today. One is a shrub (J. rupestris) growing
along streams in western Texas and southeastern New Mexico; the
other is a tree (J. major) whose range is given by Wooton and
Standley (1915, p. 162) as the mountainous section of southwestern
New Mexico, southeastern Arizona, and southward. But Rehder
(1927, p. 128) extends the range into Colorado.

During his excavations in Pueblo Bonito, Pepper likewise found a
number of walnut shells, both worked and unworked. One of these

I04 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

had been “covered with gum and inlaid with turquoise’ (Pepper,
1920, p. 205). Morris unearthed several at Aztec Ruin and thought
them more likely to have been worn as charms than as mere ornaments
(Morris, 1919a, p. 98). The five walnut shells on a string found in an
infant’s grave in Canyon del Muerto, (Morris, 1925, p. 298) may have
hung from the baby’s cradle to ward off evil spirits or just to enter-
tain him with their rattling. Some years ago in the Colorado State
Museum, Denver, I saw single walnut shells suspended from paired
bone beads 2 or 3 inches long, forming an attractive ornament.

Two pendants fashioned from black-on-red potsherds, one of which
is only partially drilled (fig. 24), may have been designed to satisfy
the imitative instinct of children. The square one comes from refuse

|

Fic. 24.—Potsherd pendants.

in Kiva H; the discoidal, from Room 282—both third-period struc-
tures on the east side of the village. I rather suspect certain Bonitian
mothers, in devising trinkets for their offspring, experienced fully as
much secret amusement as did the wife of one of our Navaho work-
men who, from day to day, bedecked her small son with a varying
assortment of spools, pearl buttons, huge wooden beads, etc., and
pretended not to notice the surprise his visits always created in our
camp (pl. 59, left).

Mosaics.—The numbers of tesserae found in kivas, dwellings, and
rubbish piles suggest that mosaic work was much in vogue at Pueblo
Bonito. We unearthed no complete example, however, and the only
base for inlay actually recovered is the jet pendant from Room 348,
subfloor. In Kiva R we noted decomposed shell, cut in the form of
a human lower leg, as a backing for fitted pieces of turquoise; of
these, only six were present, including one notched to represent toes
(U.S.N.M. No. 335752). Among the artifacts from Room 330 is a
thin rectangle of sky-blue turquoise still adhering to a square of

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 105

abalone shell which may, in itself, be a peripheral segment of a large
mosaic gorget.

From Room 33 Pepper (1909, pp. 227-230) reports two foot-shaped
turquoise ornaments accompanying Skeleton 14 and two shell pend-
ants of like form near a cylindrical basket incrusted with turquoise
and shell. Since this latter surely was never intended for daily house-
hold use, it is manifest the Bonitians employed mosaic not only for
the embellishment of objects of personal adornment but of ceremonial
paraphernalia as well.

For their inlays the lapidaries of Pueblo Bonito utilized shell, jet,
red claystone, and turquoise. Of these, turquoise ranked first accord-
ing to our observations ; claystone, second. While the vast majority
of prepared pieces are quadrangular, thin, and flat-sided, some were
shaped to fit a convex surface. We know, for example, that shell
gorgets, jet finger rings, and bone scrapers occasionally were inlaid.

Among the tesserae before me several are planoconvex in cross
section including some curved laterally as though to border a disk
2 inches or more in diameter. The longest is a jet piece 4 mm. wide
by 2.8 cm. from end to end; it is a segment from a circle 7.1 cm, in
diameter—a trifle over 23 inches. One claystone piece measures 6 by
20.3 mm.; another is 15.5 mm. square. Three planoconvex circle
segments measure, respectively, 3 by 20, 3.5 by 20.2, and 6 by 17.5 mm.
A claystone rectangle 7.5 by 17 mm. and only 1 mm. thick is concavo-
convex as though ground to meet the curve, say, of an abalone disk.
There are squares and rectangles also of glossy mussel shell, the
largest measuring 8.5 by 20 mm. From these figures it is clear that
some Bonitian mosaics were large enough to attract attention in any
gathering.

Mosaic ornaments have long been prized by Indians of the South-
west. A number, with wood or shell backplates, were unearthed by
Fewkes (1904, pp. 85-87) during excavation of Chevlon and Chaves
Pass ruins, near Winslow, Ariz. At the somewhat older Aztec Ruin,
northwestern New Mexico, Morris (1919a, p. 102) observed some
20 mosaic-incrusted shell disks on the chest of a single skeleton. From
pre-Spanish graves at Hawikuh, Hodge (1921) recovered part of a
shell gorget and several wooden combs and ear tablets, each decorated
with mosaic work.

Data gathered during the course of his investigations led Hodge to
conclude that wood, as a backing for mosaic, was introduced at
Hawikuh in late prehistoric time. This supports the observations of
other students, namely, that wood gradually replaced shell. Although
their men continued to wear mosaic-covered shell gorgets, the favorite

106 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

ear ornaments of Hopi and Zufii women in the sixteenth century and,
indeed, until a generation ago, were wooden tablets to which bits of
turquoise had been attached with pinyon gum.”°

Rings and bracelets—No ornaments in our collection prove the
esthetic sense of the Bonitians more convicingly than the jet finger
rings illustrated in figure 25. (See also pl. 22.) When one recalls how
fragile jet really is and how crude the tools available for carving it,
and then notes the uniform thinness and symmetry of these four rings,
one’s admiration for the skill of Pueblo Bonito artisans is measurably
increased. The four vary in thickness from 2.0 to 2.7 mm.; in width,
from 10.5 to 18.0 mm. ; in inner diameter, from 14.6 to 16.7 mm. Thus
the rings provide a passing index to the stature of those who wore
them. For example, the widest of the four has the smallest diameter,

a Cc
Fic. 25.—Finger rings of jet.

and this is just one-sixteenth inch less than that of a ring worn by my
secretary who stands 5 feet 3 inches and weighs 135 pounds.

The first three rings were found among the disarticulated skeletons
in Room 330; the fourth, in Kiva 2-D. This latter specimen had been
broken and later repaired by binding a splint (now missing) to a
purposely thinned zone bordering the fracture. But the ring that
naturally attracts most attention is the first, with its silhouetted little
bird whose inset wings are sky-blue turquoise. A daintier, more ex-
quisite jewel was never made by Pueblo Indians! The fragment of
another jet ring with turquoise inlay was found in Room 348.

Our Bonitians also carved finger rings from bone (fig. 26), shell,
limestone, red shale, and onyx. When broken, as many of them
eventually were, the prehistoric technique of pottery repair was
brought into play; that is, holes for sinew or fiber lashings were

20 Hough (1897, p. 40) identifies this resin as that of Pinus monophylla Torr.
and Frem, rather than as P. edulis. At Pueblo Bonito, the National Geographic
Society recovered three flattened balls of resin, unidentifiable as to species, in
the adjoining rooms, 225 and 226 (U.S.N.M. No. 335382).

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 107

drilled on both sides of the break. Narrowest of all in our collection
are fragments of two shell rings: 4.0 and 5.0 mm., respectively.

The bracelet shown in figure 15,¢, was cut from a Gulf of Cali-
fornia shell, Glycymeris giganteus Reeve. As always, the hinge is
drilled for suspension, thus evidencing occasional use as a pendant.
Similar ornaments are especially characteristic of those prehistoric
cultures that once flourished in the Little Colorado and Salt River
Valleys, Arizona.

Apparently no effort was made to mend
a broken bracelet, but the fragments had
ritualistic value, being included in most
pilaster and other offerings. Three superb
Glycymeris bracelets, as white as when
first carved, and part of a fourth were
among the sacrifices placed in one valve of
a cockleshell (Laevicardium elatum Sow-
erby) and sealed in a subfloor repository Fic. 26.—Bone rings.
in Kiva D (U.S.N.M. No. 335955). Fig-
ure 15, 7, illustrates a simple gorget made from the ventral margin
of, presumably, another cockle.

Bone “beads.”—Besides the rings our only bone artifacts that con-
ceivably may be regarded as ornaments are 53 tubular “beads” varying
in length from three-eighths of an inch to 33 inches. None is orna-
mented. All, apparently, are made from radii, ulnae, and femora of
birds, including the turkey.

The series in figure 27 illustrates the method of manufacture and
the finished product. Freed from its articulations, the hollow shaft
was used in whole or in part; the cut ends were ground smooth and,
in time, the sides became more or less polished. First of the five, the
ulna of a golden eagle, is scarred by stone knife marks as though it
had served as a cutting block after a bead had been detached ; the last
has been partially sectioned into three.

Of the 53, 10 represent casual finds during trenching operations
while 19 came from kivas and 24 from dwelling rooms of which 11
were built during the third period of constructional activity. Only
one bone bead was found in a fourth-period room; only six in houses
of the Old Bonitians. All occurred in rubbish and, with two excep-
tions, singly. .

Both exceptions are from Kiva X, a smallish chamber on the middle
west side of the West Court. Here, lying close together in the fill,
were three bone beads averaging 7.0 mm. in diameter by 16 mm. long.
The second lot, presumably of turkey bone, numbers five. Their

108 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

diameter varies from 12.2 to 15.1 mm.; length, from 9.2 to 14.0 mm.
In neither case was the original arrangement evident. A section of
reed, tightly fitted into a bone tube 4.2 cm. long, came from Room 296
(U.S.N.M. No. 335197).

Sections of bone such as these, irrespective of length, have gener-
ally been classified as beads because of their polished ends and sides.
No one of our Pueblo Bonito examples was found under circum-
stances suggesting its original use. But quite comparable specimens,
strung end to end to form necklaces, accompanied burials at Aztec
Ruin and at Hawikuh; others lay at the wrists of skeletons as though

Fic. 27—How bone beads were made.

once bound to a leather or fiber bowguard (Morris, 1919a, p. 42;
Hodge, 1920, pp. 126, 134). That like sections of bird bone played a
further, as yet undetermined, function in Pueblo life is evidenced by
the fact that lots of Io to 200 or more occurred both in rooms and
with interments at Aztec and at Pecos (Morris, 1924, p. 153 ; Kidder,
1932, p. 260).

Three pairs of cut bird bones in the Colorado State Museum,
Denver, probably were designed as ornaments. The pairs vary in
length from 2 to 3 inches ; each pair hangs side by side, but not snugly,
on a yucca cord with a walnut-shell pendant below. (Colo. State Mus.
Nos. 0815-0817.)

While supplementing my original notes on these three, I was in-
formed that the Colorado collection includes four other specimens,
presumably necklaces, composed of bone beads strung end to end and
alternating with walnut shells (Nos. 0811-0814). Some of the latter

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 109

are missing, but one specimen (No. 0811), apparently complete, is
made up of eight bone beads and eight walnuts. As a variation from
the usual practice, the walnut shells of No. 0812 were each threaded
independently and suspended from the necklace cord between bone
beads. All seven specimens were collected in unidentified cave ruins
of the Mesa Verde district in the winter of 1888-89 by a party com-
posed of Charles McLoyd, L. C. Patrick, J. H. Graham, and Alfred
Wetherill.”

Copper bells—We found 21 copper bells and bell fragments in
Pueblo Bonito, 6 in Pueblo del Arroyo, and of the total only half a
dozen came from kivas. We have no reason to suppose ownership

Fic. 28.—Copper bells and fragment.

was restricted to the priesthood ; no reason to believe the bells were
in any way connected with rituals.

Of our Pueblo Bonito specimens one was a surface find, one came
from the West Court trench, two from dwellings of the Old Bonitians
(Rooms 6a, 329). Four bells, including three unearthed during re-
moval of debris previously thrown out of Rooms 55 and 57, are
attributed to fourth-period houses ; the remaining 13 to third-period
rooms and kivas. Since 81 percent were recovered from newer sec-
tions of the village, it is quite possible these copper bells did not reach
Pueblo Bonito until sometime after A.D. 1050, the approximate date
when the Late Bonitians began their first intensive rebuilding program.

Our six best-preserved examples are illustrated in figure 28. Each
was made of thin copper (0.39 to 0.50 mm.). In each the slit in the
resonator was cut as the final operation in the manufacturing process ;

21 Information generously furnished by Victor F. Lotrich, curator of arche-
ology and ethnology, Colorado State Museum, in November 1941.

IIo SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

cracks at the ends of the slits prove the cutting was done when the
metal was cold. In the three larger examples (d-f), strips of metal
one-eighth inch wide were actually removed and the resulting gaps
lessened by pinching the lips together. These three, and two of the
smaller, have pebbles for clappers; one specimen only (b) contains a
copper pellet. Examining the series as a whole, we find that five are
pear-shaped, as a and b, with the apex more or less flat and ringed
about ; a majority are globular.

The outer surfaces, while not perfectly smooth and regular, exhibit
no hammer marks and no mold seams. In every instance the suspen-
sion ring appears to have been made separately and then brazed or
fused to the body.

Two fragments, one of which has been somewhat flattened by
hammering (g) are from larger, thicker bells with wire coiling simu-
lated between ring and raised shoulder band. Bells in this technique
have been recovered from various sites in Mexico, Yucatan, Honduras,
and Panama.

Spanish explorers and missionaries to the Southwest sometimes
distributed metal bells, presumably made in Spain. At Cochiti, notes
Luxan (Hammond and Rey, 1929, p. 82), the Espejo expedition of
1582-83 traded sleigh bells and small iron articles for buffalo hides.
Fray Estevan de Perea, reporting upon a visit to the Hopi pueblos in
1629, remarks that the priests gave the Indians “‘some trinkets which
they had brought—such as hawks’ bells, beads, hatchets and knives”
(Bloom, 1933, p. 232). But the copper bells we found in Pueblo
Bonito exhibit individual variations that identify them as of native
manufacture ; they antedate coming of the Spaniards by at least four
centuries.

Echoing the thoughts of our teachers we first assumed these bells
had reached Chaco Canyon through intertribal trade, along with parrot
feathers, seashells, and other products of the southlands. However,
as the present study was getting under way, eight of our specimens
were analyzed for Peabody Museum by Prof. W. C. Root, who con-
cluded they were cast in New Mexico, Arizona, or Chihuahua and
from local ores.”

22 At the request of Dr. Alfred M. Tozzer, of Harvard University, the U. S.
National Museum in 1928 submitted for analysis 16 copper bells from prehistoric
ruins in Mexico, Arizona, and New Mexico. These were returned under date of
February 8, 1929, together with excerpts from Professor Root’s report; parts of
the same report subsequently were incorporated in Root’s analysis of the Snake-
town bells and published as Appendix II in “Excavations at Snaketown,” by
Gladwin et al., 1937, pt. 1, pp. 276-277. In a chapter on minerals and metals,
same volume, pages 163-167, Haury dates the Snaketown bells between A.D. 900

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO PIt

During the years that followed, the present writer puzzled repeat-
edly over Professor Root’s conclusions and remained unconvinced.
Southwestern copper deposits were well known but none gave evi-
dence, so far as could be learned, of having been worked in pre-
Spanish times. Copper artifacts other than bells had rarely, if ever,
been reported from southwestern ruins; there was no proof that
metalworking was practiced by any southwestern tribe before 1540.
Finally, as these paragraphs were being revised in the summer of
1938, the Chaco Canyon specimens forwarded to Harvard Io years
earlier, with 12 others of like form and 7 ore samples, were trans-
mitted to the National Bureau of Standards for spectrochemical
analysis.?°

The specimens considered, identified by their U. S. National Mu-
seum catalog numbers, are as follows: **

No. Specimen Locality U.S.N.M. No.
Tete reielarsysais Bell Bay islands: EROndueas. «cca. aye sive eae 373230
PAIN ike ¥ e th oT ala leaete wr svevekeretetorenereNees 373237
Beteheierciate Bia 's"s e Tenango, Mexico ).s'.s./cp oes aee 99044
AAR St leo x @nizabayeVieracnuzumnene nee ster eceecte 97782
Bein cee haa i Casa Grande: sArizy. ois. ance aeauemeina er 254405
Sera capes axe 4 Upper San Francisco River, N. Mex.... 98211
Rei teaisican ake i molerosa Canyon, Ne Mex... ceccncc cs 170547
rcrvetin® soe ic POG? DaSithy Ariz felt see ee oe ae 173068
Oe eae te lree's f ASM GSR ibe OANGt AS Je Glob clan Hagen Soo ae 177804
Borah. share voters 3 Pueblo Bomto: Ni Mex. oitc seis. sme cele 335581
Tbr ee is ioiansister sare . 2 me te Se aaa se ciel thn Sn 335583

(Continued)

and 1100, a period corresponding to the occupancy of Pueblo Bonito. He believes
the globular or pear-shaped bells older than the larger, more specialized ex-
amples. Both Root and Haury believe the bells they examined were cast by the
cire-perdue process. In this a clay core, modeled to the desired form, is covered
by wax and the latter, in turn, by more clay; when the clay is baked the wax
melts and may be replaced by molten metal.

23 The National Geographic Society and the U. S. National Mueum gratefully
acknowledge their obligation to Dr. Lyman J. Briggs, then Director of the Na-
tional Bureau of Standards, to Dr. William F. Meggers, chief of the spectros-
copy section, and to B. F. Scribner for cooperation in this study. Their reports
are on file at the National Museum. The writer is personally indebted to Dr.
Meggers for reviewing this section.

24 373236 and 373237, differing in type, are illustrated by Strong, Smithsonian
Misc. Coll., vol. 92, No. 14, pl. 9, d, and pl. 10, f, respectively ; 254495 is illus-
trated by Fewkes, 28th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., fig. 51, p. 148; 173068
and 170547 are illustrated by Hough, U. S. Nat. Mus. Bull. 87, p. 37, figs. 78 and
79; 177804 is figured by Fewkes, Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1897, pl. 3,
p. 605 ; 99042 and 99043 are ascribed by collector W. W. Blake to the Tlapanecas
Indians,

Ii2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

No. Specimen Locality U.S.N.M. No.
“GOR pape ay A Bell Puebio Bonito, N. Mex... ..c.nessas0 8 335587
[8 es aa ogee ee ad 4 2 Bey SM cae eee ume etna 335582
BARE ISS = 33 oe WR eee tese sees 335586
BE AP Ss os weak . Pueblo del Arroyo, N. Mex............ 334764
TORE LG taccmu'd wy a + uy SE le fede ea ee 334766
iS ae F. 4 = = Sy, eee eee 334767
) tape Speers ¥ State of Guerrero, Mexico............ 90043
ees biel ee oe 5 BS ee eee 99042
BES | HT 2 Ore Hort Bayard N° Mexin sd cc se be 10183
Ch a Le ee 4 Santa siettaw NGM 6s... 52 cb eee 33371
= ee BSHGGS AINE oi Se ow de pase nie ae Ce 86510
BS ite escent Z ameed SOROE: 5 cic ca tabs seek Sk oe eE 88108
Ba ona Se 2 Ineuardd Niechoacan ., .<..s' ose eeee 19550
ARGS Ga Jalactapo, Weraerg co eck cewenokee 57277
= CENT ae are = a re Tuxtla Gutiérrez, Ghiapasis . senesesink 90770

The nature and extent of the analyses are described in these words:

The arc spectra of cleaned portions of the specimens were photographed in the
region 2470-3300 A (spectrogram Nos. B-403, 404, and 405) using carbon elec-
trodes, and in the region 2800-5000 A (spectrogram Nos. W-138ab, 139ab, and
140ab) using copper electrodes.

The spectra were examined for the sensitive lines of: Ag, Al, As, Au, B, Ba,
Be, Bi, Ca, Cb, Cd, Ce, Co, Cr, Cu, Fe, Ga, Ge, Hf, Hg, In, Ir, K, Li, Mg, Mn,
Mo, Na, Ni, Os, Pb, Pd, Pt, Rh, Ru, Sb, Sc, Si, Sn, Sr, Ta, Th, Ti, Tl, U, V,
W, Y, Zn, and Zr.

Subsequently Dr. Meggers interpreted the results and drew certain
conclusions from them, in a letter addressed to the writer:

Since discussing this report with you . . . I have given the matter much per-
sonal attention. First, I examined the report for possible correlations, but not
finding any of great importance, I next reexamined the spectrograms for the
purpose of checking or extending the report. The new analysis which I made
quite independently is practically identical with the old one made by my as-
sistants, but I have tabulated my results more compactly to facilitate their

comparison.
KKK KK *

It is obvious that the bells numbered 99042 and 99043 are identical in chemical
composition. Also 334766 and 334767 are practically the same, and two ores
10183 and 33371 are closely similar. But beyond these comparisons there appear
to be no further resemblances, and no connections at all between bells and native
ores. In making such comparisons one should not lay much weight on the com-
mon contaminating elements (alkalis, alkaline earths, silicon, iron, etc.), because
these are almost everywhere and may have come from handling. However, the
occurrence in copper of such elements as zinc, gallium, indium, tin, lead, arsenic,
antimony, and bismuth is always significant; they are either characteristic of the
ores or were later alloyed with the metal. It is just these elements which dis-
tinguish the different artifacts and ores. For example, most of the bells contain
appreciable to fairly large amounts of arsenic and antimony, but no trace of arse-
nic or antimony was detected in any of the ores examined. Chemical identity of

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 113

99042 and 99043 has been pointed out, but 99044 is distinctly different, lacking
tin and indium which are strong in the former. Arsenic also distinguishes
334764 from 334766 and 334767, while both tin and arsenic give 373236 a chemi-
cal composition markedly different from that of 373237. High lead content
distinguishes 97782 from all the others.

There can be no doubt about the reality of these differences even though our
spectrochemical estimates are only semiquantitative. Without comparison stand-
ards we do not guarantee absolute values within a factor of 10, but relative
values are more accurately estimated, and only relative values are important in
these comparisons. The detection of more differences than of resemblances be-
tween these artifacts and ores probably means that a larger variety of samples
must be tested before a correlation may be expected. Perhaps it should be deter-
mined also if native copper has a characteristic composition or varies from sam-
ple to sample. It is noted that two ores (10183, 33371) from New Mexico are
essentially the same chemical composition but the Mexican ores are all different.
Unless we find some ores or native copper rich in arsenic, antimony, tin and lead,
it will be difficult to account for the prominence of these elements in some of the
bells unless it is assumed that they were deliberately added as alloying constitu-
ents in molten metal.

Dr. Meggers’s tabulation is given on page 114.”°

Silver is present in all the bells and all the ores examined. Zinc is
present in three of the Mexican ores but in none of the bells, including
four from Mexico. Tin, occurring in two Mexican ores and three
Mexican bells, is lacking in our specimens from southwestern mines
and ruins. Antimony appears in most of the bells but in none of the
ores ; lead is present in most bells and in five of the seven ores. Indium
is found in only one southwestern bell, that from Tonto Basin; gal-
lium, present in all 19 bells, occurs in the single Arizona ore sample

25 The elements in italics are regarded as most significant:

Zn zinc In indium
V vanadium Ga gallium
Ti titanium Fe iron

Sr strontium Cu copper
Sn tin Cr chromium
Si silicon Co cobalt

Sb antimony Cd cadmium
Pb lead Ca calcium
Ni nickel Bi bismuth

Mo molybdenum Ba barium

Mn manganese Au gold

Mg magnesium As arsenic
Li lithium Al aluminum
K potassium Ag silver

Quantitative key:
S = strong, > I.0 percent W = weak, > 0.01 percent
M = moderate, > 0.1 percent T = trace, > 0.001 percent

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WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 115

and in three of those from Mexico. Arsenic appears in two-thirds of
the bells but, like antimony and bismuth, is lacking in all seven ores.
Our data, therefore, fail to show any connection between copper bells
from divers sites and ore samples from the nearest mines represented
in the mineralogical collections of the U. S. National Museum. If
artifacts from Arizona and New Mexico ruins were made of local
copper one might logically expect a closer similarity between the
spectrograms of, say, bells 98211 and 170547 and ores 10183 and
33371. And the Bisbee ore might show at least a trace of the arsenic
noted in the bell from Casa Grande. Obviously, as Dr. Meggers points
out in his letter, we need to know more about copper ores and whether
the elements in them may vary quantitatively in samples from the
same deposit. Until such information is available for comparative
study the origin of the copper bells found in our southwestern ruins
cannot positively be determined. So far as we are aware, the pre-
historic Indians of New Mexico and Arizona had no knowledge of
metallurgy.

The clay bells with clay pellets unearthed by Fewkes at Awatobi
and by Hough at nearby Kawaiokuh may be pre-Spanish, as Fewkes
believed, or local imitations of those introduced by Perea in 1629
(Fewkes, 1898, p. 629; Hough, 1903, p. 342).

Paints—However lavish Bonitian men and women may have been
in their use of jewelry, there came times when necklaces, bracelets,
and rings were supplemented, or even replaced, by mineral paints.
Especially on ceremonial occasions paints were utilized for drawing
symbolic designs both on participants and on their paraphernalia.
Oxides of iron provided red, yellow, and brown; carbonate of copper,
the green and blue; gypsum, the white. Since their chief use was
ritualistic, pigments have been considered at greater length in our
chapter on objects of religious connotation. But red paint was also
an essential feature of the daily toilet and therefore a requisite in
primitive dress. Modestly applied to cheek and forehead, it heightened
flesh tints and thus braced the ego; used extravagantly, it afforded
protection from sunburn.

Time and again on Arizona trails I have passed Navaho men and
women with faces as brilliant as the Vermilion Cliffs at sunset. Occa-
sionally such a one stopped briefly to watch our Chaco Canyon exca-
vations. But our Navaho workmen seemed less covetous than the
Zui of the fragments they unearthed. The Zui begged every scrap
of red paint exposed but were generally satisfied with pieces not
desired for our collections. Invariably they would interrupt work long

116 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

enough to rub the fragment on a potsherd or bit of sandstone, wet the
rubbings with spittle, and daub the mixture on forehead, nose, and
cheeks. I was given to understand that when they are home they
usually mix face paints with a little grease or the oil of melon and
squash seeds. Generous use of rouge, practiced by desert peoples the
world over, doubtless was an established custom at Pueblo Bonito no
less than at Zufii and other present-day pueblos in Arizona and New
Mexico.

I realize that our data do scant justice to the dress and objects
of personal adornment worn by the inhabitants of Pueblo Bonito.
Because time had destroyed most perishable materials, the material
evidence we sought was mostly lacking. Nevertheless, if we keep
before us the fragments of cloth, blankets, and sandals actually re-
covered and bear in mind what contemporary Pueblos in cliff dwellings
were wearing; if we recall the degree to which cliffdweller garments
duplicated Pueblo dress at the time of the Conquest and later, we
cannot go far astray in picturing the articles of clothing worn by our
Bonitians—rectangular pieces of cotton goods tied together and worn
as knee-length shirts or dresses, cotton blankets, rabbit-skin or turkey-
feather robes, dressed skins, sandals of braided yucca leaves or woven
Apocynum fibers. And with their wealth in jewels, with trails bringing
trade from far valleys, it is certain they lacked nothing the eleventh-
century Southwest offered in the way of body covering.

PLATE 22.—Jet finger rings, turquoise pendants, and a necklace last worn as a_ bracelet.
(Photograph by Willard R. Culver.)

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IV. HOUSEHOLD TOOLS AND UTENSILS

The Bonitians were a stone-age people. Occasionally they may have
seen a copper knife in the hands of an itinerant peddler from the
highlands of Mexico, but they had none of their own manufacture.
Indeed, it was not until the second quarter of the seventeenth century,
when Spanish colonists seemed permanently settled in the upper Rio
Grande Valley and the Franciscans had established missions from
Pecos on the east to Awatobi in the west, that the several Pueblo
tribes became at all familiar with metal. And it was years thereafter
before iron and steel were available to them in such quantity as
partially to supersede the simple stone tools of their forefathers—
hammers, axes, knives, and projectile points.

Stone tools were still common among the Pueblos, especially those
of the west, as late as 1881 and were only then being displaced by
American steel (Bourke, 1884, p. 251). A large portion of the stone
implements Stevenson obtained in New Mexico and Arizona in 1879
had previously been gathered from abandoned villages. “The old
ruins are searched,” he wrote (1883, p. 329), “and from them, and
the debris about them, stone pestles, mortars, hammers, hatchets,
rubbing stones, scrapers, picks, spear and arrow heads, and polishing
stones are collected by the inhabitants of nearly all the pueblos, and
are kept and used by them.”

At Bonito as in later, even post-Spanish, Pueblo towns there were
implements peculiar to the household and others designed for use
primarily in the fields. Some were used chiefly by men; others, by
women. Some closely resemble, in form and function, twentieth-
century tools. But there are other implements the purpose of which
we may only guess. All were fashioned from the only suitable ma-
terials available—bone, wood, and stone.

IMPLEMENTS OF STONE

Hammers, simplest of all aboriginal tools, came into use with the
very dawn of the human race. Any tough stone that might be grasped
in the hand sufficed for a hammer, but its surface was invariably
fractured with another stone to produce jagged faces and thus in-
crease its effectiveness. When these rough edges were worn away,
the hammer was discarded. On one of our numerous trips to Zufii
I saw an old gentleman, totally blind, driving a wedge into an ax
handle with a rock from his doorstep (pl. 23, right). To him there
was nothing novel in this, for he had been pounding things with simi-

117

118 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

lar stones since early boyhood. And the ancestors of this ancient, hav-
ing no knowledge of metals, were doubtless more expert than he in im-
provising tools from the materials at hand.

As their fathers did before them, the artisans of Pueblo Bonito
employed hammerstones for breaking or abrading rocks. With stone
hammers they struck off chunks of flint that might be carried home
and made into arrowheads and knives. By patient pounding, by the
slow attrition that comes with repeated blows of stone on stone, they
shaped axheads from water-worn cobbles, transformed sandstone
blocks into mills for grinding maize, and dressed the slabs used in
house construction. In primitive hands the stone hammer and the
abrader answered all those diverse needs for which the modern crafts-
man requires an assortment of chisels, mauls, and other steel
implements.

Bonitian hammers (pl. 24, a) are mostly of quartzite, silicified
wood, and flint because these are the toughest rocks to be found in
northwestern New Mexico. They vary in weight from a few ounces
to a pound and a half. No other artifact was so frequently encoun-
tered during our explorations. Pepper tabulates 688 hammerstones
unearthed by the Hyde Expedition; my own field notes mention the
finding of 653, and we may have seen and ignored half as many more
while trenching rubbish heaps and tracing deeply buried, partly razed
walls.

That the time required in making stone implements by aboriginal
methods is really much less than the uninitiated might suppose has
been amply demonstrated in the laboratories of the Smithsonian Insti-
tution by Gill, Holmes, McGuire, and others. DeLancy Gill, for
example, with a jasper hammer and a sandstone abrader as his only
tools, in 21 hours fashioned from a quartzite cobble a most excellent
ax measuring 4% by 3% by 18 inches. Like the aborigines whose work
he so successfully imitated, Gill found that the effectiveness of a stone
hammer was materially reduced when its faceted surface became
smooth through use; that it was easier to make a new hammer than to
refracture an old one. This observation undoubtedly explains the
abundance of discarded hammerstones at every Pueblo ruin.

Abraders were to the Bonitians what planes, rasps, and carborun-
dum wheels are to twentieth-century farmers. They were the tools
with which other tools were made, the chief reliance of the wood-
worker. Abrasive stones were never standardized; we find them in
all manner of shapes and sizes. Some are merely casual fragments,
used once and tossed aside. Others are so carefully made, so trim
and neatly squared, as obviously to have been designed for special
purposes.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 119g

Throughout the sandy Chaco district sandstone is present in un-
limited quantities and in various degrees of fineness. The coarser
varieties were utilized for shaping and smoothing artifacts of stone,
for dressing wooden tablets, and for rubbing knots off ceiling beams.
Sandstone of much finer texture was employed for fragile materials
and more delicate tasks, as when shells and turquoise were fashioned
into objects of personal adornment. That the abrasive properties of
Chaco Canyon sandstone are still appreciated was clearly demonstrated
one day when I chanced to see one of our Navaho workmen pick up
a spall and use it to take the rough edge off a broken incisor.

When a Bonitian had an ax to grind he rubbed it up and down on
the cliff back of the village (pl. 23, left) or on any other handy sur-
face. Perhaps half of the remaining doorsills in Pueblo Bonito are
scored by the sharpening of stone axes, whatever the housewives may
have had to say about it. On detached blocks here and there and occa-
sionally on house walls one notes where bone awls were pointed,
where digging sticks were re-edged, and where various other imple-
ments were whetted for the task in hand.

The abrasive stones we recovered from rooms and rubbish heaps
may be divided into two fairly equal classes: “active” and “passive.”
Active abraders—the designation is literal—are those held in the hand
and used after the manner of a file, while a passive abrader is one
which remained stationary as the object being altered was moved back
and forth upon it. Naturally the type employed was more or less
determined by the size and shape of the object to be made and the
ease with which it could be managed. Whether the abrader was
rubbed on the artifact or the artifact on the abrader, it was the cutting
properties of sand that produced the desired result.

The three illustrated in figure 29 are typical examples of active
abraders. Although commonly described as “arrowshaft smoothers,”
their best-known function, they were also employed at Pueblo Bonito
for smoothing willow shoots for ceilings in houses of second-type
construction, for rounding spindle shafts and similar slender objects
of wood. Among several somewhat related specimens is one with 10
concave faces (fig. 30), the result of friction through which a bow,
a digging stick, a paho, or artifact of comparable diameter was brought
to its final form. We may list also with the active abraders spalls with
worn edges, sandstone saws, delicate filelike tools, and pointed imple-
ments, both flat and rounded. From Room 318 came a series of five
conical abraders, varying from half an inch to an inch in diameter
at the butt and from 14 to 44 inches in length. Together, they suggest
a definite set of tools (pl. 25, a-e).

In figure 31 is shown a section severed from a thin sandstone tablet.

VOL. 124

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

I20

braders

. 29.—Active a

Fic

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO I2I

This specimen illustrates clearly the manner in which stone was used
to cut stone. An edged abrader was moved patiently back and forth
upon the tablet until the resultant groove was deep enough to permit
breaking off of the unwanted portion. But the latter, in this particular
instance, was itself utilized since its cut edge has been worn to a de-
gree not adequately represented in the drawing.

Fic. 31.—Portion of stone tablet severed by sawing.

In contrast to the more or less chance fragments comprising this
first group, “passive” abraders—those remaining in fixed position as
objects were rubbed upon them—may be anything from the cliff back
of the village to a half-pound lap stone. While an irregular block
might suffice for pointing a bone awl (fig. 32), most passive abraders
are rectangular, and it is noted that the care exercised in shaping
them, and their thinness, vary directly with the texture of the stone.
Some are polished to velvet smoothness (fig. 33,b), some are worn

VOL. 124

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

I22

Fic. 32.—Fragment of sandstone on which awls were sharpened.

braders.

ive a

Fic. 33.—Tablets serving as pass

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 123

unevenly like a novice’s whetstone, and some show median, longi-
tudinal attrition (fig. 33,a). I believe these latter, always of fine-
grained sandstone, were used in the manufacture of ornaments, a
surmise strengthened by the fact that, in several instances, the grinding
surface retains traces of some unidentifiable white substance, perhaps
the calcareous matter of which shells are formed or the sericitized
granitic rock in which New Mexico turquoise usually occurs.

Fic. 34.—Sandstone “files.”

The filelike tools mentioned among our “active” abraders merit an
additional word. Six were found in Room 26, Pueblo del Arroyo. All
are broken, but this is not surprising considering the fact that they
average only a tenth of an inch thick at the broader end (fig. 34).
Four are planoconvex in cross section, while the other two are flat,
with edges beveled on one side. A single comparable specimen was
recovered at Pueblo Bonito, in Room 328, and this also is flat on both
sides (U.S.N.M. No. 335628).

It is certain that these little instruments served as abraders, yet
for what particular purpose I cannot say. One of our Zujfii, an expert

124 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

worker of turquoise, described them as files for making beads and
proceeded to demonstrate while I held my breath lest he break the
fragile thing. But this same man, like other Zufi lapidaries I have
watched, ground his own turquoise beads and pendants in the old
proven way—individually on a sandstone tablet. So his explanation
of our filelike implements, however plausible, is doubtless to be taken
with a grain of salt.

Fic. 35.—Sandstone “saws.”

Sandstone saws (fig. 35).—This term will serve to describe an even
dozen knifelike implements made of clayey sandstone. The two illus-
trated, the only complete-ones in the lot, are double-edged, while nine
of those remaining are sharpened on one edge only. All indicate an
original length of at least twice the width, with thickness varying
from one-sixteenth to one-eighth of an inch. Six were found in
rooms of third- and fourth-type masonry, while only one came from
the older part of Pueblo Bonito.

As saws, these fragile blades were used to sever stone, bone, and
other materials. Their edges are beveled equally from both sides, and
some are noticeably dulled. One fragment retains traces of a cal-

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 125

careous substance as if it had been employed not only for cutting
pieces of shell but also as a block on which to polish them. Grooves
in cut bone correspond with the V-edges of these sandstone saws.

Two other fragments originally included in this series are found,
on reexamination, to be parts of small tablets. They were made of
the same clayey sandstone; they are equally thin, but their edges are
less knifelike and their faces are slightly concave owing to longitudinal
attrition.

Rubbing and smoothing stones, so-called (pl. 25, lower), are com-
monly thought to have been utilized for smoothing earthen floors and
newly plastered walls. They would have answered these purposes ad-
mirably, but none of our examples shows the transverse striations that
must have resulted had it been so employed. The Pueblo woman’s
hand is her trowel in all plastering operations today.

Often made from water-worn cobbles, smoothing stones are oval,
discoidal, or rectangular in shape and of a size easily held by one’s
outstretched fingers. Most of our series show wear on both sides, the
faces being flat or slightly convex. All are of sandstone, usually fine-
grained, except three foreign to the Chaco area—one of grayish-
brown vesicular lava and two of a dark, igneous rock mineralogists
call gabbro. One in the series has served as an improvised palette
and another is stained red all over, thus evidencing a final use in
powdering ocher.

Being of convenient size, rubbing stones were frequently substi-
tuted for other household implements, especially hammers and mullers.
This is proved by their battered edges and by the shallow, circular
depressions not uncommonly noted on doorslabs and old metates.
Two of those illustrated (pl. 25, figs. 7 and k) are from store-
room 300B; 51 rubbing stones, manos, and re-used mano fragments
partly enclosed a pile of potter’s clay at the south end of Room 212.

Pottery polishers, the water-worn pebbles with which Pueblo
women traditionally gloss the surfaces of earthenware vessels prior
to ornamentation and firing, were little used at Pueblo Bonito. Al-
though numbers of unworked pebbles and small cobbles were un-
earthed, our collection includes only 11 showing perceptible wear and
four of these served also as hammerstones. Only one came from the
old section of the village ; none was found in Pueblo del Arroyo. And
yet some of the oldest as well as some of the latest pottery we exhumed
was clearly stone-polished.

Sandstone tablets were found in all parts of the ruin. Some, shaped
and roughly dressed with stone hammers from slabs an inch or so

thick, were designed as storeroom doors (pl. 26, B), others, of smaller

126 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

size, covered ventilators and like wall openings. Sandstone slabs
were found in position over the ventilator ducts in Kivas J, K, and
N; reworked door fragments sealed subfloor repositories in Kivas
D and R. Tablets 2 to 10 inches long and of varying texture, used
primarily as passive abraders, may be identified by the marks of
abrasion. But there are others, rough or smoothly finished, for which
we find no satisfactory explanation. baat

Five very unusual sandstone tablets were found in Room 23, Pueblo
del Arroyo. Nothing equal to them either in size or workmanship was
disclosed at Pueblo Bonito. Indeed, the only ones at all comparable
are the four illustrated in plate 27, a-d, and these are only about half
as large as the five from Pueblo del Arroyo. The first of the four,
of cream-colored marlaceous shale foreign to Chaco Canyon,?* was
recovered from Kiva Q; the others, from Room 326. The fourth, d,
was among the burial furniture of two middle-aged females, Nos. 8
and 9 (pl. 95, upper), but this fact provides no hint as to its purpose.

Work slabs (?).—Three examples will suffice to represent a rela-
tively small group, neither metates nor tablets, whose real function
we do not know but which I am designating “work slabs” under the
belief that each was utilized in some domestic task. The specimens
are all of fine-grained sandstone; some have taken on a near-polish.
Had they been used in the preparation of clay for pottery manufacture
—an old metate, a flat rock, or a board answers this purpose among
living Pueblos—the marks of crushing implements and scratches from
tempering materials would be evident.

One of our three examples has, indeed, been slightly worn the full
width on each side by friction of a muller (U.S.N.M. No. 335897).
It is a slab of chocolate-colored sandstone, 16 by 74 by 14 inches,
whose natural cleavage planes required little alteration; both faces
bear traces of a black pigment. A second specimen (No. 335898),
118 by 92 by 144 inches, with neatly worked edges and rounded
corners, was so embedded that its one smoothed face lay flush with
the floor in the middle east half of Room 291; it had no apparent
connection with a nearby series of dismantled mealing bins. In Room
268 a like slab was similarly embedded in the floor, against the north
wall and adjoining an oval fireplace.

The third example (No. 335899), of limy sandstone as smooth as
velvet, is equally puzzling. It measures 164 by 108 by 14 inches, has

26 Identified by Dr. J. B. Reeside, Jr., of the U. S. Geological Survey, as pos-
sibly from the Greenriver formation between Grand Junction, Colo., and Price,
Utah; less likely, from the Todilto formation which overlies the Chinle red beds
north of Thoreau, N. Mex.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 127

rounded edges, and is polished on both sides. Longitudinally it is
slightly concavoconvex; neither face is scored by abrading imple-
ments. When found the slab was leaning against the wall as an im-
provised step to the hatchway that formed the only exit from sub-
terranean, rubbish-filled Room 255. Like the other two it shows no
evidence of use over a fire and thus cannot be a baking stone such
as one may see in modern Zufi and Hopi homes.

Jar covers—Not long after fired pottery came into general use
throughout the San Juan area, the jar cover followed as a natural
accompaniment. A sandstone slab, reduced with stone hammers to
the size desired, answered as lid for a storage pot buried under the
floor or set next to the wall of a granary, but a jar used daily at meal-
time required a cover more pleasing to the eye. Among the unde-
scribed objects from a Pueblo I pit house in Chaco Canyon is the
larger portion of a sandstone disk, a quarter of an inch thick by 4%
inches in diameter, whose two faces and chipped edge have been
partly smoothed by abrasion (Judd, 1924a, p. 411. U.S.N.M. No.
324830). Small-mouthed vessels at Pueblo Bonito were customarily
covered by equally thin but completely smoothed disks (pl. 24, bd).
We found none actually in position but noted several instances where
pitchers placed as burial offerings had toppled to one side, dislodging
their covers.

Disks were most numerous in rooms whose contents included
cylindrical-necked pitchers and cylindrical vases. We retained 123
for the national collections. These are entirely representative and
show every possible variation from those rudely shaped by percussion
to those abraded to almost machine-made exactness both in diameter
and thickness. All but three are sandstone: two are of slate (the
reworked fragments of larger disks), and one is of lignite—the
periphery is rubbed but both faces show the natural plane of cleavage.
Only 13 are more than 5 inches in diameter. Five have been used as
chance palettes on which to prepare red, yellow, or white pigment ;
three served as passive abraders whereon materials were ground by a
broadly circular motion. A few covers are rather squarish; nine are
plainly reworked fragments of tablets such as those shown in plate
27, a-d. Eleven were recovered from kivas. Twelve specimens, all of
fine-grained sandstone but varying in size and circularity, measure
14 inches or less in diameter and thus should have been listed under
another category.

As to provenience, whereas 62.6 percent of our series came from
Late Bonitian buildings (57 percent from third-period structures
alone), Hyde’s tabulation of those Pepper unearthed, taking “disks”

128 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

and “jar covers” together, shows 69.8 percent from Old Bonitian
houses and only 30.2 percent from later dwellings and kivas (Pepper,
1920, pp. 363-365). Seventy-five covers (ibid., p. 125, gives the
number as 121) were in Room 28 and closely associated with an un-
usual assemblage of pottery that included both early and late types.

In addition to the foregoing, we encountered a few improvisations.
Among these was the bottom of a corrugated pot that, with a mini-
mum of chipping on the periphery, was converted into a satisfactory
jar cover 34 inches in diameter (U.S.N.M. No. 336106). And in
Room 326 we found a stopper of unfired clay, 34 inches in diameter
by 1% inches thick (No. 336082). Its upper surface is slightly convex
and somewhat irregular as if pressed by the heel of the hand; the
under side bears angular imprints of some hard, fragmentary substance
such as turquoise matrix.

In a region where the casual tourist sees only sand and sandstone,
the men of Pueblo Bonito found nodules of chalcedony, chert, jasper,
and obsidian. Flakes struck from these were carried back to the
village and fashioned into knives and arrowheads with stone ham-
mers and bone chipping tools.

Cherty concretions infrequently occur in the massive sandstones
bordering Chaco Canyon; occasional outcroppings of flint may be
noted on the mesas above; petrified logs are exposed now and then
in the blue clays of the Ojo Alamo section, to the northward. My
Navaho workmen said that weathered pieces of obsidian could be
gathered along the Continental Divide, some 40 miles east of Pueblo
Bonito; they professed not to know the source of chalcedony which
geologists assure me should appear, in concretionary form, almost
anywhere in the Chaco district. The light-gray, fine-grained quartzite
from which a few of our chipped specimens were made doubtless
came from the Animas River valley. It is abundant there and was
commonly utilized by the inhabitants of Aztec (Morris, 19192, p. 34).

Knives.—The most effective cutting tools known to the Bonitians
were chipped from obsidian, flint, and similar glassy rocks. While any
feather-edge flake might serve a passing need, the real Pueblo knife
was a leaf-shaped blade or one resembling an oversized arrowhead.
With the possible exception of the two largest, specimens a-h shown on
plate 28 were doubtless hafted for use. Flint knives in their original
wooden handles are uncommon but by no means rare in the Pueblo
area. Morris (1919, fig. 17, p. 31) figures three from Aztec Ruin;
Pepper (1920, p. 326) found one in Room 107B at Pueblo Bonito.

Describing the Indian method of skinning buffalo as practiced on
the Great Plains in 1541, Castafieda says they used “a flint as large

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 129

as a finger, tied in a little stick, with as much ease as if working with
a good iron tool” (Winship, 1896, p. 528). Stone knives and arrow-
points were in daily use as late as 1871 by the Apache, Paiute, and
other nomadic tribes of the Southwest (Hoffman, 1896, pp. 281-283).

Because it is easily chipped into a keen-edged cutting tool, obsidian
was a favorite material of all Indians having access to it. The obsidian
blade shown in figure h of plate 28, the finest in our collection, comes
from Pueblo del Arroyo. The large fragment, c, of brown silicified
limestone, had been used as a saw until its edges were measurably
dulled. Although containing fewer fossils than the two blades de-
scribed below, it probably came from the same place.

The other three knives, plate 28, figures i-k, are remarkable for
several reasons. Part of an offering concealed in the north wall of
Kiva Q, they far excel in skill of execution all other blades known
to me from the main Pueblo area. Indeed, if worth were measured
by thinness and mastery of the art of chipping, rather than by length
alone, I doubt that their better has been found elsewhere in the United
States. The three were flaked in the same technique, and they are
undoubtedly the product of a single individual. They are vastly su-
perior to the other chipped implements from Pueblo Bonito, and the
materials used are foreign to Chaco Canyon.

As illustrated, the first two are of silicified, earthy limestone, dark
brown in color and containing minute fossil shells of Ostracoda. I
was hopeful these latter might suffice to identify the source of the
rock but they do not. The ostracod is a microscopic creature that
lives mostly in fresh water. Limestones frequently contain fossil
Ostracoda but not all limestones are silicified. My geological and
paleontological colleagues °" tell me the best-known deposit of silicified
limestone bearing fossils of the type represented in our two specimens
is the Maravillas chert of the Marathon Basin, near Abilene, Tex.
However, in color at least, our two blades agree more closely with
another formation, the Montoya limestone of the El Paso area. But
these formations are both Ordovician, and it is generally conceded
that the tiny shells in our specimens look much later, perhaps as late
as the Tertiary period. Even so, southwestern Texas seemed the
most likely place of origin for our two cherty knives until I chanced
to recall one from Utah.

In 1876 Dr. Edward Palmer investigated several “mounds”—pre-

27 For their cooperation in seeking to solve this problem, the writer acknowl-
edges his indebtedness to Josiah Bridge, P. B. King, Edwin Kirk, J. B. Reeside,
Jr., and the late E. O. Ulrich, of the U. S. Geological Survey; and to G. A.
Cooper, of the U. S. National Museum.

130 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

sumably the remains of P. II adobe houses—in Santa Clara Valley,
near St. George, in the extreme southwestern corner of Utah. Among
the artifacts he recovered, still carefully preserved in the U. S. Na-
tional Museum, is an unusually fine blade 10$ inches long. It was
figured by Wilson (1899, fig. 88, p. 896) but inadequately described.
Strangely enough, that knife is chipped in the same superior technique
as the two from Kiva Q; it is of the same mottled brown, cherty
limestone and of exactly the same thickness, three-sixteenths of an
inch. Ostracods are present, but they are small and occasional. Such
a rock might occur, I am told, in more than one Tertiary formation
on the mountaintops of southwestern Utah. The air-line distance to
Pueblo Bonito is almost the same as that from FE] Paso, but, as an
additional obstacle, there would be the Rio Colorado to cross.

There are other, problematical sources nearer Chaco Canyon: west
from Mount Taylor, in New Mexico, and, again, extending southward
from the Chuska Mountains, in eastern Arizona, exposures of un-
silicified limestone (Todilto formation) containing Ostracoda like ours
overlie the red Wingate sandstone. Now it is possible an intrusive
dike of igneous rock—and such dikes are present in the Chuska area—
would silicify the limestone for a short distance roundabout and thus
produce just such material as that from which our two blades were
fashioned. Since both districts lie within a couple of days’ foot jour-
ney from Pueblo Bonito, there remains the possibility that some
wandering Bonitian, or a visitor, happened upon a limited quantity of
the material and selected the blocks from which our two specimens
were chipped. However, even while grasping at this straw, we are
reminded that the quality of the chipping excels that of all other knives
in the collection if not, indeed, that of all others from the Pueblo
area in general.

Our third blade from the Kiva Q deposit is of grayish, semitranslu-
cent quartzite, flinty in appearance but with no distinctive character-
istic. Thus there is no likelihood of tracing it to its place of origin.
The rock is lighter in color than the Animas River quartzites, but it
permitted the same flaking technique as the two limestone blades.

In every abandoned room where floor sweepings and other debris
of occupation had been thrown we uncovered spalls of flint, jasper,
and obsidian—rejectage from the manufacturing of blades and pro-
jectile points. Of these numerous fragments less than two dozen had
been turned to account. Four were notched like saws (fig. 36), while
the others were chipped on one or more edges to serve as scrapers or
knives. In archeological circles, flakes chipped from both sides are

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 131

identified as knives; those chipped from one side only, as scrapers.”8

Scrapers are flakes of hard, flinty rock, chipped along one or more
edges and designed for fleshing hides, shaping wooden objects, etc.
There are two principal types, named from the area of specialization:
End scrapers and side scrapers. Both are almost worldwide in distri-
bution ; both have been in use since the lower Paleolithic period. Thus,
by themselves, scrapers can tell very little of time or culture.

From its blunted end, the first type is often designated “snub-nosed”
or “duck-billed.” It was an indispensable tool of tribes that followed

Fic. 36.—Flint spalls used as saws.

the buffalo up and down the Great Plains. End scrapers chipped from
bottle glass, collected in Nebraska about 1870, duplicate in shape and
size those of chalcedony and jasper found in Colorado deposits geo-
logically dated as at least 15,000 years old.

Stone scrapers of both types are surprisingly rare in the western
Pueblo country. We recovered only five during our seven seasons’
excavation. Three of these are side scrapers and, although chipped to
an edge from one side only, are thin enough to have served as knives.
The other two are end scrapers recovered, respectively, from Kiva J,
Pueblo del Arroyo (U.S.N.M. No. 334796), and the west refuse
mound at Pueblo Bonito. The second example (fig. 37) was a surface

*8 For the latest, most penetrating analysis of chipped implements from the
Pueblo area, see Kidder, 1932, pp. 13-44.

132 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

find in 1929 by Mrs. Hilding F. Palmer, wife of the then custodian
of Chaco National Monument.

In contrast with our meager findings, Kidder (1932, p. 15) lists 185
end scrapers and 291 side scrapers from Pecos, situated on the western
margin of the buffalo country. I am not prepared to argue that the
number of chipped scrapers from a given Pueblo III ruin is any index
to contact between that settlement and Plains tribes in pre-Spanish
times, but the possibility merits archeological scrutiny.

Drills are tools for boring holes. Holes for suspension cords were
bored in beads and pendants; broken earthenware vessels were re-
paired with yucca fiber threaded through drilled holes. Lacking metal,
the Bonitians made drill points of stone, chiefly flint and chalcedony.
We may have overlooked several, but even so it is strange that our
Pueblo Bonito collection contains only five
examples. One of these is an altered arrow-
head; another looks like an arrowpoint in
profile but is really too thick along the spine.

Broad-stemmed drills were doubtless held
between thumb and index finger and turned

Fic.37—Anend scraper. gimlet-fashion, but the others were mounted
ee by Irvin E. Alle- in the end of a stick to be twirled between
the palms. Examples so mounted have been

found repeatedly in Arizona and Colorado cliff dwellings.

Although steel has since replaced the stone drill points they com-
monly used 60 years ago, Zufii lapidaries still employ the pump drill
for boring holes in shell and turquoise beads (pl. 20, left). The pump
drill, like the bow drill, is a compound instrument usually associated
with northern Indians and the Eskimo. However, Martin (1934,
pp. 94-97) figures and describes a bow-drill set found in 1890 in a
cliff dwelling in Grand Gulch, southeastern Utah. After 60 years the
set remains unique for the Pueblo country.

Milling stones —Maize cultivation was the foundation upon which
Pueblo society was erected, and milling stones were essential to the
full utilization of maize. Although wheat has come more recently to
form an important item in Pueblo diet, maize remains the favorite.
It has provided the principal food supply of all sedentary tribes dwell-
ing in the Southwest since Basket Maker times, and almost without
exception these diverse peoples have ground their maize meal between
two specialized milling stones. One of these, the metate (from the
Aztec metlatl), remains stationary ; upon it, maize kernels are crushed
with a movable handstone, the muller or mano.

There seems but little doubt that the original concept of these primi-

c, club head

’

jar covers

b, sandstone

PLATE 24.—a, Hammerstones

Rubbing

from Room 318. Lower
sandstone.

rs

s ot

A set of sandstone abrade
and smoothing tool

—Upper:

DE.

PLAT!

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 133

tive stone mills germinated in Central America or Mexico and spread
north and south with the distribution of maize. Mexican and Central
American metates, carved usually from basalt, ordinarily possess three
legs that elevate the grinding surface to a height and angle convenient
for a kneeling woman. They can be moved about the house at will and
often are transported appreciable distances. Pueblo metates, on the
other hand, are commonly of sandstone and always legless. In their
earliest known form they lay flat upon the floor while in use; later the
end at which the miller knelt was often propped up a few inches for
comfort while grinding. Still later, perhaps during the first half of
the eleventh century, a housewife here and there fixed her mill per-
manently in position, at an angle of 20° to 30°, and walled it about
with sandstone slabs on edge. Out of this occasional practice grew the
Pueblo custom of arranging binned metates of varying texture side
by side in series of two, three, or more. Three provide a satisfactory
sequence and is the number most frequently employed today. The
first, or coarsest, may be of vesicular lava; the others, of medium- and
fine-grained sandstone. Maize crushed upon the first is passed to the
next for grinding and then to the third, where it is reduced to the
desired degree of fineness (pl. 29, lower).

The efficiency of these multiple milling stones, and the young women
who operated them, greatly impressed Coronado during his first few
days among the Zufii. From Hawikuh he wrote the viceroy on August
3, 1540: “They have the very best arrangement and machinery for
grinding that was ever seen. One of these Indian women here will
grind as much as four of the Mexicans” (Winship, 1896, p. 559).

In Tigua villages, according to Castafieda (ibid., p. 522), maize was
ground on three stones in a room that was set aside for the purpose
and which the women were at pains to keep clean. They even removed
their moccasins and covered their hair before entering. At one of the
towns our chronicler looked in upon a grinding party preparing corn-
meal for some ceremony—a gay party where the girls sang in rhythm
with their grinding while a man sat at the door and played a flute
accompaniment.

We do not know precisely where or when the compound milling bin
originated, but we have evidence of at least two in Pueblo Bonito.
Both were in houses of third-period construction; both had been dis-
mantled. The first series, which included 10 metate bins and occupied
almost the entire middle length of Room 90, has been described by
Pepper (1920, pp. 295-296). Slabs on edge had framed each mill and
its accompanying basin into which the ground meal fell. In each case
the meal basin had been paved with sandstone slabs; in each case this

134 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

flooring lay 2 to 3 inches below the forward edge of the metate slope.
Three metates, two of which clearly had fallen from the room above,
were found upon or near the bins; one of the three is described as
“fat.”

Our second example appeared in Room 291, a dwelling with central
fireplace. Here two adjoining meal basins, flag-paved 4 inches below
the room floor, indicated the former presence of as many stone mills.
The first basin, 16 inches wide by 21 inches long, abutted the northeast
wall less than 4 feet from the north corner; the second basin, in the
same axis as the first, measured 12 by 16 inches. Their respective
lengths, 21 inches and 16 inches, approximate the widths of the two
metates that once sloped upward from the basins toward the northwest
end of the house. Both mills had left concave imprints, and since the
first is perceptibly higher than the second we infer the metate that
made it was thinner and broader than its companion. A slab fragment
on edge had supported the forward end of the second mill and marked
the near side of its associated basin. Both bins had been dismantled
when their metates were removed; we detected no evidence of former
enclosing slabs at their upper or raised ends (pl. 29, upper).

In line with the two described above and against the southwest wall,
a slab on end marks the back of a third meal basin, 11 by 19 inches.
Between it and the room’s west corner are the remains of two more,
likewise slab-paved, upon the original room floor 4 inches below the
second and final one. Because this latter was much broken, metate
seatings here are not so clearly indicated as in the two cases first cited.
Nevertheless it seems certain that when Room 291 was inhabited it
boasted five binned metates, in banks of two and three, respectively.
These and their enclosing slabs were removed for use elsewhere when
the dwelling was abandoned; subsequently, and characteristically,
nearby residents utilized the empty room as a convenient receptacle
for household rubbish. Of 1,023 potsherds tabulated from this debris,
5.4 percent represent the four principal varieties of Old Bonitian
pottery ; 71 percent, as many Late Bonitian wares.

Adjoining 291 on the northeast is Room 72, a narrow closet built
to utilize otherwise waste space when Kiva 75 replaced 76. In Room
72 the Hyde Expedition found 20 metates, including several unfinished
ones, leaning against the walls or fallen flat upon the floor.2? Next
beyond 72 is Room 20, which adjoins go, the milling room to which we
have already referred. The doorways connecting these four had all

29 Pepper, 1920, pp. 257-258. Pepper’s unpublished negative No. 247 shows
that at least six of the mills belong in our “tabular” classification.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 135

been blocked, presumably because first-story Rooms 20 and 90 were
no longer suitable as living quarters after Kiva 75 was constructed in
front of them. If the time of that construction was A.D. 1061, the
cutting date of a beam that carried the south wall of Rooms 290-291
across the arc of Kiva L, then Room go probably was built 15 or 20
years earlier. Its 10 slab-walled milling bins may have been installed
at the same time or a decade later.

In Old Bonitian dwellings we found no binned metate; no special
milling room. Here, as throughout the village generally, the daily
grinding appears to have been done on single, casually placed mills.
These were all of the troughed variety ; that is, the upper surface bore
a longitudinal groove or trough in which the mano moved to grind the
meal. That groove was closed at the elevated end, where the operator
knelt, and open at the lower end.

All Bonitian metates are troughed, but minor differences separate
them into two principal groups. One group is thin, tabular, and sym-
metrical as a rule, with wide margins to the shallow grinding area
(pl. 30, left) ; the second, at least 3 inches thick, is more or less mas-
sive in appearance (pl. 30, right). Both groups include mills finished
with little or no change in the original block of sandstone except the
mano groove and others reduced to the desired size and shape by much
spalling and rubbing. We brought to Washington for the national
collections only one example of each kind, but my choice for the
second type is not quite a proper one since its closed end had been
battered away and the trough extended full length—the lone example
of its kind at Pueblo Bonito. Pittings left by the stone hammer sug-
gest this change probably took place when the mill was last resurfaced.

It is well known that Pueblo milling stones must be “sharpened”
from time to time in order to maintain their cutting properties. Just
how frequently is the one factor in question. Bartlett (1933, p. 4)
says Hopi matrons of a generation ago roughened their grinding
stones every 5 days. At such a rate, and with corn to be crushed and
powdered daily, deep troughs would soon develop even in the thickest,
toughest mill. By the same token, those of the tabular variety would
last a matter of months only, rather than years.

Because all Bonitian metates are troughed, I did not recognize soon
enough the possibility of a cultural lag. And I have not yet found a
satisfactory adjective to differentiate between the two groups. In the
field we referred to the first as “tabular” but were never able to im-
prove upon “thick-troughed” for the second. “Massive” would have
fitted a majority but not all. Tabularity is perhaps the most tangible
point of distinction. We regard as “tabular” those metates made from

136 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

laminate sandstone split along its cleavage lines into slabs averaging
about 2 inches thick and retaining a border of 3 to 6 or more inches
on three sides of the mano trough. All others are “massive” even
though they bulk less than tabular mills.

Of 87 unbroken metates exposed during our investigations at Pueblo
Bonito, 53 were found in rooms of third- and fourth-type masonry,
and approximately 80 percent of these were of the thicker variety.
Many had been discarded, but others clearly had fallen from second-
story dwellings. Twenty-five came from Old Bonitian Rooms 296,
306, 307, 307-I, 323, and 326, of which the last four had degenerated
into dump grounds. Fifteen of this number belong to our “massive”
group, three are “tabular,” and seven remain unclassified. Where
mills are reported in my excavation notes, the type, unfortunately, is
not always indicated. None of those we uncovered was propped up
on stones or otherwise fixed in position.

We have no record of a local mill with over-all grinding surface
requiring a muller as long as, or longer than, the metate’s width. But
such a one was found in Room 5, Pueblo del Arroyo—a foreign, flat-
faced metate 8 inches wide by 19 inches long, neatly set in adobe in a
slab-walled bin 17 inches wide.

Pepper (1920, p. 90) describes from Room 20 fragments of a
tabular metate with a scroll design pecked on its broad margin. We
found nothing comparable, but we did observe several interesting
examples of re-use. For instance, pieces of thin metates were fre-
quently incorporated in the slab lining of fireplaces; like fragments
helped line some of the seven storage bins on the original floor of
Room 307. A perfectly good tabular mill 25 inches long, 21 inches
wide, and about 2 inches thick was inverted to provide a new sill for
the reconstructed south door of Room 227. Another, trough up and
8 inches from the north wall, was embedded in the floor of Room
300B to seal the hatchway connecting with the closet below. Part of
a thick-troughed metate was utilized as a step for the east door in Old
Bonitian Room 320 (pl. 92, lower). Others were found in the fill of
Kivas F and L; another, more ponderous example blocked the stepped
passage leading down into Room 273. A large tabular mill lay face
down on the floor of Kiva V; a smaller one of the same kind was
recovered from the sandy accumulation in Kiva W.

Since mills of each type were found in both early and late dwellings,
how may we know which belonged primarily to the older inhabitants ;
which to the later? We have the evidence presented by lesser ruins
throughout the Chaco region and the testimony of coworkers else-
where. Only “massive” metates were uncovered during our study of

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 527

nearby small-house sites wherein architecture and ceramics closely
agree with those in the later portions of Pueblo Bonito; only “tabular”
mills were present in Pueblo I pit dwellings shortly antedating the
oldest section of our famous ruin (Judd, 1924a, pp. 402, 411; unpub-
lished N.G.S. data). At a Late Basket Maker site 9 miles east of
Pueblo Bonito the typical milling stone was tabular, but, unlike ours,
it generally remained untrimmed around the edges (Roberts, 1929,
pp. 132-133). Where no possibility of intrusion exists, therefore, we
find only the one type of metate associated with the earlier Chaco
Canyon habitations; the other, with the latest known structures. Both
Morris and Roberts report comparatively thin, troughed metates the
characteristic form at Early Pueblo villages in southwestern Colorado
(Morris, 1919b, p. 200; Roberts, 1930, p. 148). These extramural
observations thus strengthen our conviction that the thin, tabular,
open-troughed mill of Pueblo Bonito was a cultural trait of the older,
more conservative element in the community. More recently, Bartlett
(1933, p. 26) and Dutton (1938, p. 67), without distinguishing be-
tween “thick” and “thin” examples, trace troughed metates from B.M.
III to P. III times and place the troughless, full-width-grinding-
surface variety (their “flat slab” type) from P. III to modern villages.
Five troughless mills were found in Leyit Kin, a small-house Chaco
ruin described as predominantly P. II. Brew (1946, p. 147) reports
three metates of the same type, each in its slab-walled bin, from a
P. II ruin on Alkali Ridge, southeastern Utah.

Thick or thin, Bonitian metates are made of sandstone, the one
readily available rock in Chaco Canyon. For the most part, and irre-
spective of type, they are of a size one person could carry, but in the
rubbish of Room 251 we found five troughed mills each of which
weighed at least 150 pounds. They were massive and difficult to move.
Two other, even more ponderous examples, one with three and the
other with four mano channels, appear among those from Room 17,
as figured and described by Pepper.°° Such unwieldy blocks neces-
sarily rested flat upon the floor when in use.

80 1920, pp. 84-85; fig. 29. The illustration shows three outworn tabular mills,
two of them “in such a position that they would catch the meal from one of the
larger metates.” This latter boasts three troughs, each of less than average width.

In my opinion, Room 17 and the two or three next on the south, whose com-
mon west wall partly overhung Kiva Q and had slumped into the latter when its
ceiling collapsed, were set apart for the preparation of clay used in pottery manu-
facture and perhaps for others purposes. A pile of potter’s clay, with accompany-
ing mullers, lay at the south end of Room 212. The “cornmeal” Pepper noted
on one of the large, multiple-troughed mills in Room 17 is more likely to have

138 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

The manos, or handstones, employed in conjunction with Bonitian
metates were commonly used on one side only (pl. 27, e-g). Of the 12
specimens brought to Washington only one, an East Court surface
find, is triangular in cross section as a result of wear on three sides.
My field notes include no reference to others of like form among the
424 mullers we unearthed but left at the ruin.

Through friction, the grinding surfaces of each pair of milling
stones soon came to coincide, and as the metate trough deepened the
mano naturally continued in negative agreement. Thus, manos used
on our “massive” metates are generally shorter and with a more pro-
nounced longitudinal convexity than those intended for the shallow,
tabular mills of the Old Bonitians. Also, Late mullers are often thinner
along one edge while those employed on tabular metates are flat-faced
and with but little curvature at the ends.

When new the rectangular mano blocks were often 2 or 3 inches
thick, with cupped finger grips on the front and rear edges as a con-
venience in handling. They were discarded only when worn too thin
for grasping with the fingers. In an emergency a muller, like almost
every other object, could meet a need for which it was not primarily
designed. So we find occasional mullers stained all over from the
grinding of red ocher; others that had been pressed into service as
palettes for red, green, or yellow paint.

Like fragments of tabular metates, manos now and then found their
way into house construction as building stones and as lining for fire-
places and storage pits. We could detect no reasonable purpose, how-
ever, for the 10-inch mano embedded on edge in the floor of Room
316 with 14 inches exposed, paralleling the northeast wall at a distance
of 34 feet and standing 2 feet 5 inches from the northwest wall.

The metate illustrated on plate 26, A, probably was not designed for
household use. It retains the hammerstone bruises that first delimited
its mano channel; its sides and edges have been carefully smoothed.
Unearthed in the court west of Room 165, it closely resembles one
figured by Pepper (1920, p. 60, fig. 18, b) as of possible ceremonial
use. Its intended function may, indeed, have been preparation of the

been white sandstone such as he exposed in Room 27 and which our Zufi work-
men say came from a cavity under an upper ledge in the south canyon wall,
opposite Pueblo Bonito.

On the east side of Kiva Q, among building stones fallen from above, we un-
earthed 23 metates and metate fragments. Both types are represented but it is
noted that those of tabular form were all outworn; that the massive ones gen-
erally have secondary channels cut in the grinding trough by rubbing stones or
re-used mano fragments (pl. 31, upper).

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 139

cornmeal (in which bits of shell and turquoise are ground) offered in
prayer on the occasion of every Pueblo ritual, although today such
meal is prepared by the women of the household on ordinary milling
stones.

That this specimen represents a local type is indicated by the fact
that we found fragments of several others during the course of our
investigations. The rectangular depression at its upper end is remi-
niscent of the larger, cruder “Utah type” metate (Judd, 1926, p. 145)
with its shallow basin from which meal presumably was advanced for
further grinding. The feature is unusual on milling stones from
Arizona and New Mexico.

Mortars and pestles, indispensable utensils among the acorn-eating
tribes of California, were rarely used in Pueblo kitchens. At Pueblo
Bonito we recovered only one specimen that even resembles a mortar,
and it is merely half a sandstone concretion hollowed out and smoothed
around the rim (U.S.N.M. No. 335923). Ours was a surface find,
but Pepper (1920) describes two comparable examples from Rooms
10 and 38; a third, “made of an irregularly shaped piece of sandstone,”’
from Room 27, and a barrel-shaped, elaborately painted sandstone
mortar from Room 8o.

IMPLEMENTS OF BONE

From the bones of animals killed for food Bonitian women made
tools to facilitate their household tasks. Awls, for example, were
employed for patching clothing and in the manufacture of coiled
baskets. There were punches for sharpening flint knives, chisel-like
implements of unknown use, and scrapers for fleshing hides.

Bone tools are easily made: a flint flake, sandstone, sometimes a
stone hammer—nothing else is needed. By sawing part way through
with the flake and then applying pressure, it is possible to section a
bone or to shorten it as desired.**

A common practice at Pueblo Bonito was to saw deer metapodials
lengthwise so they could be split into halves or even quarters (pl. 32,
d,e). However, in the case of an elk tibia, figure d, splitting was
attempted by means of a wedge—and unsuccessfully, as may be seen
from the result. The wedge mark shows on the lower edge, below the
heavy shadow. In other instances a hammerstone was employed to
spall away the unwanted part. Irrespective of method, with the desired
portion in hand, edges were smoothed, protuberances were removed,

81 For aboriginal methods of bone working, see Hodge, 1920, pp. 72-78; Kid-
der, 1932, pp. 196-200.

140 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

and the implement otherwise was brought to its final form by the
abrasive action of sandstone. The cliff back of Bonito is furrowed by
the sharpening of bone awls (pl. 23, left) ; similar grooves are often
seen on doorsills, on convenient stones in house walls. Rubbing on or
with sandstone was chiefly the means by which bone implements were
shaped and sharpened.

Awls are the most common of bone tools. Those in our collection
exhibit no attempt at standardization but, on the contrary, differ
greatly in size, shape, and the amount of labor expended upon them.
Properly pointed, almost any bone answered for an awl, even fortui-
tous splinters (pl. 33).

With fragments eliminated, 417 bone awls were available for the
present study. Only 42 are listed as avian, and some of these may
actually be from the hollow leg bones of rabbits or other small animals.
It is difficult to identify bones that have been altered; doubly so when
both articular surfaces are wanting. Of the 42 bird bones converted
to awls, only 16 have been identified, and 14 of these are wild turkey
(Meleagris gallopavo). The tibiotarsus was utilized in seven instances,
two of which retain the unmodified proximal end as a grip. The ulna
was employed in three cases; the radius and tarsometatarsus, in two
each. Awls made from the ulna of a golden eagle (Aquila chryaétos)
and the tibiotarsus of a ferruginous rough-legged hawk (Buteo re-
galis), figures h and 1, respectively, suggest these birds of prey were
not held so sacred (on account of their feathers) that their bones could
not, upon occasion, be applied to mundane needs.

Among 375 awls made from mammal bones perhaps 70 percent are
too changed for positive identification. The remainder includes the
following eight species, listed in descending order of their occurrence:

Mule deer, Odocoileus hemionus

Jack rabbit, Lepus californicus

Cottontail, Sylvilagus auduboni

Dog or coyote, Canis familiaris or C. lestes
Elk, Cervus canadensis

Bobcat, Lynx

Mountain sheep, Ovis canadensis
Badger, Taxidea taxus

The last two are represented by single specimens. Bones of the mule
deer predominate. Although pronghorn-antelope bones occur in local
rubbish piles, none has been recognized among the implements before
us.

The strength and straightness of deer leg bones quite understand-
ably won for them first choice among awlmakers. Our collection

9% ALVTg
“QAOqe Used }SI1s pur
‘Joperqe oAtssed & SB OSM JYSI]S SUIMOYS JOOP auO\spueS ‘“g ddPFAINS SUIpPUIIS poyid A[MoU YIM ‘o}VeJOU pozI[eIoadS ‘pr

g

PLATE 27.—a-d, Tablets of fine-grained sandstone; e-g, hand stones used for grinding corn ;
on metates. The back, or unworn, side only is shown. >

PLATE 28.—a-h, Knives chipped from various rocks; i-k, three blades from a sealed
repository in Kiva Q.

PLATE 29
Upper: Dismantled mealing bins in Room 291. (Photograph by Neil M. Judd, 1923.)

Lower: Zuni girls grinding the family’s daily ration of corn meal. (Photograph by Charles
Martin, 1920.)

illy closed upper end

c

utter (B), the norm

€

In the |

ins.

fe
ing.

iti

te Bon
7 peck

a

IL
moved by

ind by the

is been r

c

(A)

itians

Yid Bon

stones used by the C

ing

pes of mill

Ty

e

c

h

PLATE 30

PLATE 31

Upper: Outworn metates found on the east side of Kiva Q and presumably fallen from work
rooms partly overhanging the kiva. (Photograph by Neil M. Judd, 1924.)

__ Lower: Before and after its ceiling collapsed, Room 323 had served as a neighborhood dump.
(Photograph by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

PLATE 32.—Bone end scrapers and drawknife (a-c). With flint and sandstone saws,
wanted portions of deer bones are separated and the rest discarded (d-e).

‘souog [BUIUIEU pUe PIG WOIF PPL S]OO} dyI]-[Me pue s;|Me 9U0G—EE ALVIg

rage 2a cP : b d

:

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO I4I

includes 83 awls made from metapodials that retain at least part of
one articulation and 134 others probably from the same bones. Of
the former, 51 preserve part of the distal joint as a handle—the entire
end in 6 instances, half of it in 44 cases, and less than half in 1 only.
Where metapodials were quartered it is the proximal end, if any, that
survives in recognizable degree. Bones of young animals were utilized
impartially ; in several instances the epiphysis has become detached
since the implement was last used. Deer radii were employed for two
awls and, if I judge correctly from shape, curve, and weight, for nine
others that lack articulations.

Second, numerically, are awls made from rabbit bones. The tibia
is identifiable in 18 cases, the radius in 7, the humerus in 5, and the
ulna in 3. Bones of the jack rabbit prevail slightly over those of the
cottontail. Since rabbits are easier to kill than deer, rabbit leg bones
probably were utilized in larger proportion than our figures indicate,
but, being hollow, they were easily broken and as quickly discarded.

From our awl collection we may derive a number of facts and
figures. There are long awls and short awls; thick and thin awls;
awls made in a moment from the first bone within reach and awls
that required days of patient rubbing and polishing. Many even today
are needle-sharp; many are dulled through use and neglect.

The series is predominantly Late Bonitian for, of the 417 specimens
on which these observations are based, only 40 are regarded as most
likely of Old Bonitian origin. Thirty of these were recovered from
dumps in which Old Bonitian rubbish prevailed; three from Old
Bonitian dwellings, and seven under circumstances that mark them
as probably Old Bonitian. In contrast, 200 came from dominantly
Late Bonitian trash, 82 from Late Bonitian houses and kivas, while
13 are considered probably Late Bonitian. Forty-five were found in
dumps where Old and Late Bonitian rubbish was approximately equal ;
37, exposed during trenching and clearing operations, remain doubtful.
Thus over 70 percent of our awls are presumably Late Bonitian ; only
9.5 percent Old Bonitian.

Of our 4o Old Bonitian awls only one is of bird bone, the distal end
of a turkey ulna broken in such a way that a couple of strokes against
sandstone sufficed to smooth the tip’s edges (pl. 33, fig. c). It was
found beneath the floor of Room 151 in what was probably part of
the original Old Bonitian village dump. The other six doubtful speci-
mens, all mammal bone, came from the West Court exploratory trench.

This paucity of bird-bone awls was not restricted to one part of the
- pueblo. It is a phenomenon we noted repeatedly in the course of our
investigations. For instance, of 13 awls in the partial fill of Room 226,

142 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

only 1 was of bird bone. Of 14 specimens from Room 290, another
trash pile dominantly Late Bonitian, 3 were of bird bones. Of 32
awls from our stratigraphic trench through the east refuse mound,
chiefly Late Bonitian in origin, only 1 was of bird bone and that a
mere splinter, perhaps from a turkey’s tibiotarsus.

Fifteen awls were recovered from Old Bonitian debris of occupation
in Room 323. One has been identified as the baculum of a badger,
sharpened at the proximal end. Two deer metapodials preserve part
of the head as a handle, while seven, varying in length from 2# to 574
inches, retain half the distal joint. One is made from a deer’s radius
(pl. 33, t2) ; four lack any trace of an articular surface. Two of these
latter are drilled, one being the notched example illustrated as figure
r; one is a spatulate awl (fig. ») ; and the fourth, a mere splinter.

Strangely enough, our burial rooms were practically devoid of awls
either as grave offerings or discards. Only two were found in Room
320 ; three only, in 330. Ten came from Room 326 and all appear to be
deer bones: one, the proximal end of a radius; one, the head of an
ulna; two, a half and a quarter, respectively, from the proximal end
of split canon bones; three, metapodials retaining half the distal joint,
and three from which both articulations were severed. Two of these
latter (U.S.N.M. No. 335051) are drilled three-eighths and five-
eights of an inch, respectively, from the butt. One of the three distal-
end awls is notched or shouldered about a quarter inch from the tip
(pl. 34, fig. g). The notch ends slope in opposite directions—one, up
and forward; the other, down and to the rear.

A similar specimen was uncovered in our stratigraphic trench
through the east refuse mound. In this case, however, the shoulders
are symmetrical and the tip rounded, presumably in consequence of a
habitual wrist twist of the owner while punching splint holes in bas-
ketry. A majority of our deer-bone awls have been ground to a more
or less conical point but no others exhibit the balanced shoulders and
the cylindrical tip of this one.

Kiva B was half filled-with floor sweepings and debris of occupa-
tion. From this 23 bone awls were recovered, 18 of them mammalian.
Five were found in the subfloor chamber west of the fireplace, but
there is nothing distinctive about them. Two are splinters; one pre-
serves the distal joint of a deer’s canon bone; one is the short, rounded
pin shown as figure f, plate 34; and the fifth, the flat-sided, conical-
based fragment described on page 145.

Two awls came from Kiva C, a relatively late structure in the
southeastern quarter of the village. One is made from the tibia of a
cottontail; the other probably from a deer radius (U.S.N.M. No.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 143

335064). This latter, slightly curving, thin, and neatly finished, had
been stuck for safekeeping between the paired ceiling poles resting
upon pilaster 5 and was burned and broken when fire consumed the
timbers.

A single awl found in the west bench recess, Kiva L, is 4$ inches
long, sharply pointed, and probably from the quartered proximal end
of a canon bone (U.S.N.M. No. 335075).

We have four awls made from lateral metapodials or splint bones
(pl. 33, fig. b2). This peculiar and seemingly useless bone is naturally
awl-shaped ; the average one can be pointed with a half dozen strokes
against sandstone and thus readied for immediate service. It seems
strange, therefore, that splint bones were not deliberately saved despite
their small size and fragility.** Ulnae likewise can be converted into
awls with very little effort. We have 16 such: 3 of jack rabbit; 4, dog
or coyote; 9, mule deer.

Out of this study two observations seem paramount: the relative
paucity of bird-bone awls and the fact that, despite preference for the
straighter ones, almost any bone or fragment sufficed for awl making.
Despite variations in weight, length, and quality of workmanship I
detect among our bone awls no distinctive qualities on which to justify
either cultural or time groupings. They are just awls and they were
made out of whatever suitable material was available. Fifty specimens
are nothing but splinters, more or less accidental splinters, from bones
broken by pressure or percussion. Three are pieces of deer mandibles ;
five, rib fragments. There is at least one made from the distal end of
a bobcat’s humerus (U.S.N.M. No. 335019) ; at least one from the
distal end of a bobcat’s femur (No. 335079) ; another from the head
of a dog or coyote femur (No. 335068).

Awls may differ in length as in the proportion of bone removed.
Among those made from deer metapodials, for example, and retaining
at least part of the articulation, the longest measures 84% inches
(No. 335086); the shortest, 143 (No. 335056). This latter, the
reductio ad absurdum of awls, shows wear on the butt although not
to an extent suggesting that use and periodic resharpening alone could
have worn it down from a length, say, of 9 inches. It is one of three
awls recovered from Late Bonitian rubbish in Room 333, while the
longest, a possible dagger, came from the great West Court trench.

Three awls have random lines finely incised upon the convex surface

82 Our old Zufi camp man said his people formerly tied three splint bones to-
gether for a comb. He may have meant a hair ornament. The example we
illustrate is slightly scored below the joint.

144 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

but without an attempt at design (pl. 33, 42). Two others are notched
on the edge or face. One of these bears 10 conspicuous notches along
one edge, 11 along the other (fig. 7). On a second example (No.
335053), edge notches at the left of the tip change to short, incised
lines that continue up the crest of the convex side to end at upper
right.

Twelve specimens are drilled at the butt end. Their length varies
from 24 to 74 inches, averaging 48. Some are rounded, some are flat ;
some are thick and some are thin. The diameter of the drilling varies
but not necessarily in proportion to the breadth of the shaft. One is
drilled laterally through half the distal joint of a deer metacarpus.
Only one in the lot might properly be described as a needle (pl. 34,
fig. a). It is of split mammal bone, 23 inches long by 3%; inch wide,
and was found in the east mound where most of the trash is Late
Bonitian.

One specimen is notched on the rear corners, I inch from the tip,
and grooved part way across the front as if by friction of a cord.
Above this groove and along the right margin are half a dozen lesser
furrows (pl. 33, fig. e,). Cord-worn grooves are noted on four other
awls or fragments. The point of a second example, grooved an inch
and a half from the tip, was broken off at a parallel groove an eighth
of an inch above. A third is furrowed on the convex face only, three-
fourths of an inch from the tip. Whatever their primary function,
one might guess these five were also employed for firming cords or
tightening warps on the loom.

Two other groups remain for consideration, and it is quite possible
they should have been separated completely from the awls. First is
a series of eight with spatulate butts. Four, one being a reworked
fragment, were made from heavy bone, undoubtedly deer. Longest of
the four, 4% inches (pl. 33, fig. p), is round-ended, and this is also
true of that illustrated by figure s, plate 34. The fragment mentioned,
itself made into an awl, has an obliquely ground end but it lies to the
right, or opposite that of figure k, plate 33. In each case the beveling
is on the concave surface; all except the fragment possess a gloss that
comes only with long use. Whatever their purpose it certainly differed
from that of the four delicate little spatulate implements shown on
plate 34, figures b-e. A fifth possible member of this latter series is
made of bird bone, its concave side rubbed flat at one end (U.S.N.M.
No. 335026).

For the group next to be described a separate classification seems
even more justified. There are 32 in the series, and they might be
likened to pins (pl. 34, figs. f-p). They vary in length from 17% to

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 145

7+% inches; in diameter, from 3%; to x5 of an inch. Average length is
a trifle under 4 inches. All are solid and made from mammal bones.
A few, split from metapodials, are naturally flattened on one side near
the butt; a few possess the slight longitudinal curve of a mule deer’s
radius or tibia. Some are purposely tapered at the butt end, although
most are direct and square cut. All have tips more finely and sharply
drawn than the ordinary bone awl. It is this latter feature, together
with the uniformly rounded shaft, that evidences exceptional care in
manufacture and suggests that the group might have been articles of
adornment—hair ornaments or pins to fasten shoulder blankets—
rather than bodkins for sewing cloth, leather, and basketry. It should
be noted, however, that only one of the 32, and that the bluntest
(fig. 0), is scored at the butt end, as if for attachment of feathers or
other appendages.

Shortest of the series (fig. g) differs from all the others in having a
shouldered or doweled butt an eighth of an inch long, clearly designed
to fit into a socket. Another of comparable length, but flat-sided and
with both extremities now missing, has a conical butt that likewise
could have fitted into the end of a reed shaft (U.S.N.M. No. 335062).

Five of our “pins” bear discoidal heads that seem purely ornamental.
Three of these are represented by figures i-k, plate 34, the third being
notched six or seven times around the periphery. Longest of the five,
47g inches, has a flat-sided shaft with rounded edges and to this extent
differs from the others. And if these were really ornaments, why not
also that with the triangular head (fig. «) ; the slightly modified jack-
rabbit ulna (v) ; the bobcat fibula (1), needle sharp?

None of the 32 pins, plain or ornamented, was found in Old Boni-
tian houses or rubbish.

We recovered only one antler prong with tip rubbed to awl sharp-
ness, and that came from Late Bonitian debris in Room 290 (335090).

Punches (?).—Three of the specimens (m-o) figured on plate 33
are doubtless one-time awls applied to some other purpose. Their tips
are rounded and polished as if repeatedly rubbed with pressure against
dressed skins, basketry, or similar resilient substances. The second
and longest has been worn obliquely and in line with an old break,
largely because the tool balances best in the right hand when held
concave edge down and thumb in the marrow cavity. Of our six so-
called punches none is scarred and gnawed about the point to identify
it as a flaking tool.

Another specimen (U.S.N.M. No. 335189), 24 inches long by 3
diameter, likewise remains unmarred by use as a flaker. Down its

146 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

length striations of the sandstone abrader are plain; a number of
slanting notches appear on one edge.

Chisels.—Five chisel-like tools are next to be considered (pl. 34,
figs. w-d2.). They vary, as awls do, from splinters to sawed and care-
fully smoothed sections of metapodials. Their one feature in common
is a chisel-like blade, but this varies in width from one-eighth to five-
eighths of an inch. With one exception (fig. w) each blade is beveled
from both sides. Specimen ¢ is blunted at the tip as though from
retouching chipped knives and arrowpoints. A sixth possible member
of this group (fig. b.) lacks the thin cutting edge of the others. Except
the fragment, a surface find, all six came from Late Bonitian rooms.

“Bark strippers’ is undoubtedly an incorrect designation for the
five round-ended specimens shown on the same plate as figures C2-go,
but it is in the right direction. Each evidences greatest wear on the
inner or concave side where wear facets show the tools were held at
an angle of from 10° to 35° when in use. In figure dz, as illustrated,
the left side clearly received most pressure in operation; reciprocal
wear appears on the opposite side of the convex surface. This suggests
that the instrument was forced between two resistant surfaces (as, for
example, in stripping bark from prospective ceiling beams), but similar
wear facets do not occur on either of the other specimens. The short-
est, J2, appears to be comparatively new but the other four display the
polish that comes through use.

W orked ribs —Two sections of deer rib, 44 and 6% inches long and
both from the rubbish fill of Room 255, have their distal ends worn
obliquely, and round off with the lower edge. In both the direction of
wear is rearward from the concave side as if the ribs had been used
by a right-handed person in smoothing, say, the abrupt inner curves
of earthenware vessels. However, these two (pl. 32, figs. a, b) are the
only ones of their kind; we found nothing comparable elsewhere in
the village.

The rib fragment shown on plate 33 as figure q is also the only one
of its kind. Both edges are slightly worn by scraping, but whether
before or after the specimen was converted into a rude awl it is impos-
sible to say.

Drawknife——Another lone example is a drawknife made from the
radius of a mule deer (pl. 32, fig. c). It comes from the fill of an
abandoned kiva underlying the East Court arbor identified as Room
286. Its lower edge is still keen; the upper, despite considerable
wear, preserves the conchoidal notches that prove that a hammerstone
roughed out the knife. Both ends have been burned.

End scrapers, or fleshers, made from deer humeri are familiar to all

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 147

students of Pueblo prehistory. They belong to the Pueblo IIT horizon
but apparently are restricted in distribution chiefly to the Mesa Verde
region (Nordenskidld, 1893, pl. 41; Fewkes, 1909, p. 49; Morris,
1919a, p. 36; 1919b, pl. 45, b) and thence southward across the Chaco
to the Zufii country (Roberts, 1931, p. 152; 1932, p. 137). One would
expect them in late cliff dwellings of the Canyon de Chelly, but I find
no published record of their occurrence there. In the Kayenta district,
two have been reported from Betatakin (Judd, 1930, p. 62). They
are unknown throughout the old Hopi territory. Except for the Pecos
fragment described by Kidder (1932, p. 235), the type is not recorded
from the Rio Grande drainage.

When Pepper (1905b, pp. 186-190) first directed attention to the
humeri scrapers of Pueblo Bonito he carefully stated that they were
rarely decorated; that their decoration, if any, was most likely to be
incised meanders, crosshatching, and animal figures. However, his
description of one inlaid with turquoise and jet, together with frag-
ments of two similarly embellished specimens, tended to overshadow
the more numerous, plainer variety. The latter were found throughout
the village, in rubbish heaps and elsewhere. Almost all evidenced use;
many were broken.

Hyde’s table showing the distribution of worked bone (Pepper,
1920, pp. 366-368) lists 37 scrapers. Presumably they are all of the
type under consideration. Twenty-five rooms are represented, and ten
of them are elsewhere identified, either positively or probably, as
depositories for debris of occupation. From that rubbish Pepper
recovered 18 of his 37 scrapers. Since we do not know the makeup
of the debris we cannot guess its source, but 8 of the 10 dumps were
in Late Bonitian structures, 6 of which closely bordered the old,
original portion of the village. If separation were to be made on a
basis of the type of masonry of the room in which found, a meaning-
less criterion in this instance, we should find that 9 scrapers came from
Old Bonitian structures, 28 from Late Bonitian. In either case it is
clear that end scrapers, or fleshers, made from deer humeri were fairly
common tools at Pueblo Bonito and that they were lightly tossed aside
when broken.

Describing his two inlaid specimens from Room 38 and the frag-
ment from Room 170, Pepper (1905b, pp. 185-196) quite properly
emphasized their artistic quality. He assumed they were made for
ceremonial purposes; regarded them as “part of the altar parapher-
nalia of some religious society’’ solely, so far as I can judge, because
they are exceptional and he was loath to believe such exquisite tools
were employed in fleshing ordinary deer and coyote hides. The thought

148 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

is equally distasteful to me, and yet I see no cause for putting the two
in a special class. Certainly there is no justification for stamping the
inlaid scrapers “ceremonial” just because they were found on a broken
shelf in the same 6-inch layer of blown sand with five turquoise ducks
and a turquoise-collared jet frog. If so, then all the beads and pendants
intermixed with them, both jet and turquoise, likewise are ceremonial.

During the course of the National Geographic Society’s explorations
20 humeri fleshers were unearthed. Four are inlaid. Three of the
latter, figures a-c, plate 36, lay side by side on the floor in the middle
of Room 244. Why they were left in that particular spot is not evident,
for the room had been vacated and stripped of its furnishings before
blown sand sifted in to spread a 1-inch blanket over scrapers and floor.
Under the sand and against the south wall were a few fragments of a
corrugated pot and a hatful of miscellaneous sherds, nothing more.
The ceiling, partially consumed by fire, had settled to within I to 4
feet of the floor before masonry from the upper walls crashed through.
In and upon this broken stonework were a number of artifacts—frag-
ments of 4 jar covers, 5 hammerstones, 8 manos and fragments of 3
others, part of a metate, etc.

Our fourth inlaid specimen, figure d, was found beneath an oval
basket tray buried with Skeleton 9, Room 326. This association, oval
basket tray and bone flesher, invites inquiry. In all our digging we
encountered only four such trays or recognizable portions thereof.
All four were in Room 326. Each had been interred with the body
of a woman; each was accompanied by an end scraper made from the
humerus of a mule deer. The left humerus was utilized in three cases ;
the right, in one only. In each instance the basket lay flat and upright.
Three of the fleshers had been placed inside their respective trays;
the fourth, as noted above, lay underneath.

What is the significance of this association, if any? Only four
baskets, but each with its end scraper and each accompanying the
burial of a woman! Although only one of the scrapers is inlaid with
turquoise and jet, perhaps Pepper was correct after all in surmising
that it, and its kind, held some religious connotation.

Our four fleshers from Room 326 are illustrated in plate 37. They
are thoroughly representative except that their distal ends have been
altered more than usual. The first (fig. a), found in the tray with
Skeleton 6, was so pressed down by the overburden as permanently to
fix its imprint in the coils of the basket (pl. 44, c). Decayed basket
fibers still adhere to its convex surface. Scraper b is the one found
underneath the oval tray with Skeleton 9. The fourth flesher, d, lay in
the tray at the right shoulder of Skeleton 12 (see pl. 92, upper), while

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 149

c had been placed in another tray (field No. 1681), with a burial my
notes do not specifically identify. It is possible that this fourth basket is
the more fragmentary of the two with Skeletons 8 and 9, no portion
of which could be salvaged.

Of our 20 humeri scrapers, two came from as many kivas, while
three are miscellaneous finds. The remainder were recovered in nine
separate rooms of which two only, Rooms 320 and 326, are Old Boni-
tian. Six of the nine rooms and one of the kivas had been utilized as
neighborhood dumps. The lone specimen from Room 320, seen in situ
beneath the outermost of the two cylindrical baskets on plate 91,
lower, is one of two in the series from which the distal articulation
was entirely cut away. It is the only one with a suggestion of painted
decoration—three faint black lines encircling the shaft an inch below
the butt. None of our fleshers bears incised ornamentation.

Twelve specimens in the series are complete. They vary in length
from 34 to 73 inches; average, 54 inches. The longest, unfinished, is
made from the right humerus of a mountain sheep, while the other 19
have been identified as deer, most likely mule deer. Although all four
of our inlaid examples were made of left humeri there is an almost
equal division in the series as a whole—g right, 11 left.** All but five
are beveled on the inner or concave face of the blade, showing that it
received most wear from friction while in use.

The drawing, figure 38, illustrates the simplicity of scraper manu-
facture. It was necessary only to batter off the head and then grind
away an adjoining section of the shaft until a suitable edge was
achieved. But we detect a certain procedure in the grinding: When
the marrow cavity was first exposed, and at intervals thereafter, the
inner edges were chipped away with a flaking tool just to speed the
work. Transverse striations show use of an active abrader while the
artisan supported the humerus by its distal joint and let the opposite
end rest on his knee or the ground. Preservation of the high-curving
trochlea naturally prevented utilization of a sandstone block fixed in
position. The section removed is always the same, with a little latitude
one way or the other, and extends from the middle inside wall of the
shaft to and including all or most of the deltoid crest. The portion
preserved thus retains for its cutting edge the widest possible part of
the humerus. Commonly the more prominent articular ridges were
rubbed down and smoothed over but not always to the degree evident
on the four scrapers from Room 326. These four also surpass the

88 Determinations and identifications by Dr. David H. Johnson, associate
curator, division of mammals, U. S. National Museum.

150 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

average in the extent to which the whole distal end was modified. But
however much the coronoid fossa was altered, its opposite, the olec-
ranon, remained entirely unchanged.

The three inlaid scrapers from
Room 244 deserve a special word.
First of all, they look newer, cleaner,
than the others; they are polished
but in a different sort of way. It
may be the gloss that results from
repeated handling rather than of use
but, even so, over a period of years
the oil and dirt on priestly hands
should have turned them darker
than they are now. Their trochlear
prominences have been neatly lev-
eled; the borders of their coronoid
fossae have been smoothed and
squared inconspicuously and _ their
epicondylar portions cupped for em-
bellishment. On the first and third
specimens these cups are occupied
by half-inch disks of pink shell
(Spondylus princeps Broderip)
from the Gulf of California, but
the disks on the latter are set within
jet rings less than one-sixteenth inch
wide. A segment is missing from
the ring seen in our illustration (pl.
30, fig. c), but its opposite is not
even cracked. Considering the brit-
tleness of jet, I regard this particu-
lar scraper, with its two perfectly
ringed shell disks, as one of the
foremost examples of lapidarian
skill, of precision in craftsmanship,

Fic. 38.—A her, :
ce meee cag vel ever reported from the pre-Spanish

Southwest.

On each of the three, from one edge of the cut-away section to the
other, the middle shaft is decorated with an inlaid band of jet-black
lignite and sky-blue turquoise, an incomparable combination. That
with the jet-ringed disks at the handle has three rows of purple
S. princeps shell tesserae alternating with four of turquoise, the outer-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO I51

most of which are bordered by jet. On each specimen the longer
tesserae have been ground in place to match the convexity of the bone
and presumably their opposite sides are correspondingly concave.
Similar pieces, from Kiva Q and elsewhere, of claystone, jet, and
turquoise were concavoconvex. A reading glass over our illustration
will show how perfectly the individual rectangles were fitted; that
instead of eliminating an irregularity at the end of one bit, the next
was ground to conform. A resinous substance, presumably pinyon
pitch, holds the pieces in place. A channel of measured width and as
deep as the combined thickness of pitch and tesserae was in each
instance cut out for reception of the mosaic.

A flesher that imitates our type specimens was
fashioned from the right mandible of a half-grown
deer by cutting off the ramus and grinding the inner
wall to a bladelike edge back of the third molar
(U.S.N.M. No. 335172). The exposed teeth had
been knocked off. The piece does not evidence ex-
tended use. It was broken at the second bicuspid and
the anterior portion lost.

A closely related variety of end scraper was made
from deer toe bones (fig. 39). Of 13 in our collec-
tion, 4 are from right proximal phalanges, 8 are from
left, and 1, not at hand when this study was under
way, remains unidentified.** Their average length is
just a shade under 2 inches. With the possible ex-
ception of the misplaced one, found beneath the floor Fic. 39.—End
of Room 151, all are from Late Bonitian rooms or *°"@P& made
rubbish. Four came from kivas, two of which held ale ie weet
trash piles.

Striations on the abraded surfaces vary all the way from transverse
to longitudinal ; therefore, and especially since the distal end did not
interfere, we may be confident the grinding was done on a passive
abrader. As with the humeri scrapers, length of the section removed
varied somewhat, depending upon the angle at which the phalanx was
held for grinding. The polish that comes with use lies on the flatter
or concave face. Since none of our specimens is grooved or otherwise
marked for attachment, we may assume each was held directly in the
fingers of the operator. ;

Half the distal end of a canon bone recovered from Old Bonitian

84 The designations refer to the side of the foot only, since it is impossible to
distinguish between phalanges of left and right feet, or those of fore and hind
feet, unless the proximal articulation is complete.

152 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL, 124

rubbish in Room 323, 23% inches long and beveled through wear on
both faces, could be considered an ancestral type (U.S.N.M. No.
335154). It is the only one of its kind we found and echoes Guernsey’s
B.M. III specimen from Segi Canyon (Guernsey, 1931, pl. 56,7).

Antler.—With so many tools of deer bone one could expect to find
a proportionate number made from antler. On the contrary, and
despite a suitable representation of beam fragments and tines, we
recovered few antler artifacts. One tine is finely pointed and doubtless
answered for an awl; another, perhaps an awl in the making, is
ground on opposing sides of the tip.

At Aztec Ruin, Morris (1919a, p. 43) observed a similar want of
antler implements, while Hodge (1920) reports a relative abundance
of them from historic Hawikuh. Historic Pecos pueblo likewise pro-
duced numerous antler artifacts (Kidder, 1932, p. 272).

Like bone, antler was commonly cut by sawing with a flint knife or
sandstone blade until it was possible to complete the separation by
physical force. But green horns were often cut from the skull and
the larger prongs removed by hacking or gnawing with an edged tool.
The marks left suggest flint; they are too fine and their results too
minute for a stone ax.

Although we found no examples, wedges of some sort, probably
antler, were employed in splitting out juniper boards and the ceiling
slabs for certain third- and fourth-period rooms. Neither antler
wedges nor wooden mallets for pounding them were unearthed during
the course of our investigations.

IMPLEMENTS OF WOOD

Bodkins and billets of wood, combs and scrapers, wedges, and weav-
ing implements were used almost daily in Pueblo homes a thousand
years ago. They and their fragments, the chips and scrapings left
from their manufacture, and numerous puzzling little gadgets wrapped
with sinew or yucca string comprise an appreciable part of every
collection from caves and cliff dwellings. But all these are lacking at
Pueblo Bonito, and that the ruin stands exposed to the elements does
not seem the full explanation. The objects next to be presented are,
therefore, neither so numerous nor so diversified as I believe they
should be. The Late Bonitians were skilled woodworkers, and a much
more representative series of their wooden tools and utensils should,
it seems, have survived.

Fire-making apparatus.——Three hearth fragments prove the Boni-
tians, true to the American tradition, made fire by friction of two
pieces of wood. The hearth remained stationary while the drill, stand-

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 153

ing in one of the hearth’s sockets, was rapidly twirled between the
operator’s palms. Wood dust, produced by the rotating drill, fell hot
from the notched socket to ignite shredded cedar bark or grass tinder.

Two of our hearth fragments, figure 40, are of cottonwood. They
had been placed for safekeeping between the paired roofing poles
resting, respectively, on pilasters 1 and 6 in Kiva L. Split vertically,
the smaller fragment had seen further brief service when its middle
half-socket was used as a drill seating. Our third specimen (U.S.N.M.
No. 335264) is a piece of willow, half an inch in diameter by 34 inches
long, in which four sockets remain.

We recovered no fire drill or identifiable portion thereof. Drills
presumably were straight willow stalks, peeled, smoothed by abrasion,
and rounded at the bottom as a result of being rotated in the hearth
sockets.

Fic. 40.—Fragments of fire-drill hearths.

Spatula—The specimen represented by figure 41 may be the re-
worked blade of a digging stick. Its wood, unidentified, is much
lighter than usual for such tools but this condition could be a conse-
quence of decay. The irregularities at the neck are entirely owing to
rot. For the upper half, both edges have been reduced slightly to
emphasize the end knob.

Pottery scrapers (?).—Two wedge-shaped bits, one cottonwood
and the other juniper, more or less resemble pottery scrapers (pl. 38,
figs. g, h). Had they actually been used as such, however, their cut
ends would have been abraded less abruptly. On the other hand, both
are smoothed toward the tip as if from repeated use. Both are from
the rubbish fill of Room 323.

Spindle whorls—Figure 42, a, shows half a wooden disk, presum-
ably a spindle whorl. Its edge is direct, except for a small segment
thinned from both sides. The fragment is one-eighth inch thick; the
drilled hole at center, three-sixteenths inch in diameter. Another
fragment, three-sixteenths inch thick by 24% inches in diameter, is

154 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

from Room 327 (pl. 38, fig. k). Like the first example, it is of juni-
per; its periphery is thinned from both sides.

That illustrated by 0, b’, figure 42, is the half of a third juniper
spindle whorl, painted on both sides. Its interior has partially disinte-
grated leaving the exterior somewhat warped and shrunken. Three

reworked blade
of a digging
stick.

insect borings are indicated on the upper edge. I
judge the shaft hole to have been one-fourth inch
in diameter. The yellow-bordered toothed rings at
center and periphery are, respectively, light green
and blue; the field between is red. On the opposite
side two light-green circles alternate with three yel-
low-bordered blue rings. Except for the red of the
background, which was spread evenly, all the pig-
ments were so thick as to pile up at time of appli-
cation.

Our only complete spindle whorl is of gourd rind
(fig. 43). Its shaft boring is just a trifle under one-
fourth inch; its diameter, in contrast to the three
of wood, is 14% inches.

Loom bars.—Lying side by side on the bench in
the southwest quarter of Kiva D were seven
knobbed oak bars we tentatively identified as the
supporting elements of a waist loom. The number
is still puzzling, for such a loom normally has but
two, at most three, bars. Perhaps we have here the
interchangeable parts of several looms, returned to
a commonly accepted niche after they were last
used. In any case, our identification has since won
the support of Charles Amsden (1934, p. 23). Un-
fortunately, decay had progressed so far we were
able to restore only two of the seven (pl. 72, figs.
h,i). The worked stick that reminded Pepper (1920,
pp. 155f., 157) of a ladder rung, from Room 32, is
unquestionably another knob-ended loom bar.

From Room 320 we recovered two other sets,
each consisting of four bars (pl. 38, figs. n, 0). The
rods vary in length from 134 to 19 inches ; in diam-
eter, from I to 14 inches at the butt. The one at the
left is fairly dense and heavy and may be mountain
mahogany. The others are light in weight, probably
cottonwood. A 2-inch section on the left side of the
next to last specimen is slightly concave in conse-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 155

quence both of attrition and compression. This scar I take to be
evidence that the piece rested upon a ceiling pole or similar timber

Fic. 42.—Spindle-whorl fragments of wood.

when in use. But neither this nor any of the others shows wear caused

by ropes or cords.

Loom anchors (?).—The two pine boards illustrated on plate 39,
figures b, c, may have been pierced for rope loops anchoring the end

156 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

bars of a loom. Formerly dressed on both sides, they are now more
or less weathered and rotted. We found them among fallen masonry
above the 12-inch layer of woodpile chips with which storeroom 296
was floored. Transversely across the face of specimen ¢ are water
stains spaced as if the board once rested upon the cut ends of ceiling
poles. If this surmise be correct, then the superincumbent position of
the board was secondary, perhaps part of a hatchway frame, since a
pole covered the two borings at right.

All the holes on specimen c are paired.
They were cut to meet below the surface
and take a quarter-inch cord. In the clus-
ter at the left a comparable connection is
noted between the middle hole and that
immediately to its right, while a lesser
drilling connects with the hole at the left.
Lesser drillings likewise join each of the
three upper holes with the one next below.
An accident at the time boring was in
progress punched the middle hole clear
through the board and thus necessitated a
plug from the opposite side. Specimen 6 is pierced by one half-inch
hole, while a second was gouged out at an angle to emerge on the
lower edge. Neither within nor without do any of these holes exhibit
wear such as a taut cord would have produced.

We observed at Pueblo Bonito nothing comparable to the built-in
floor anchors for looms in Hopi kivas (Mindeleff, 1891, p. 126, fig. 27)
or those in northern Arizona cliff dwellings (Kidder and Guernsey,
IQ9IQ, pp. 50, 60, 70; Judd, 1930, pp. 29, 61-62, figs. 3, 18). Like the
paired holes in the sandstone cliff above the rooftops of Betatakin, our
board ¢ could have held yucca loops from which a waist loom might
have been suspended.

Board ends.—The third plank, plate 39, a, with its middle growth
rings marking the heart of a pine over 8 inches in diameter, belongs
to a different category. Whether it was once longer we do not know.
Neither can we guess the purpose for which it was originally made.
As last used it formed part of the ceiling in the southeast quarter
of subterranean Room 255. One end has succumbed to worms and
weather; from the opposite, squared and smoothed by abrasion, a
quarter-inch wedge had been gnawed with a stone ax, the better to fit
it in place. Two sizable knots were leveled as if by machine. Even
if some of the log had been split away with hammer and wedge it was

Fic. 43.—Spindle whorl of
gourd rind.

(UOSSIS “YJ oqoy Aq syde1sojoyg) ‘sjoo} paziyerads pue ‘suid ‘s[poou au0gG—'bl ALVIg

of are) 5/8) oOo A Ll +

| =

a
c Pe —

Upper: Ring basket as found, on the floor of Room 290. (Photograph by O. C. Havens,
1923.)

Lower: Two decayed ring baskets among the burial offerings in Room 320. (Photograph
by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

(casatny “yy preypEAA Aq ydessojoyg) ‘ostonbiny pue ‘Jal [ys yA preyur ‘Toumny Joop wosy spe stode19G— ok ALVIg

PLATE 37.—Four humeri scrapers from Room 326.

k

Miscellaneous objects of wood.

4)

Two sets of loom bars from Room 320.
PLATE 38

PLATE 39.—Part of a plank (a), two problematical loom anchors (b, c), and miscellaneous
board fragments (d-i) showing cut ends.

PLate 40.—Fragments of ring baskets woven of split yucca (a, b) and rush leaves (c, d).

B, Vegetable matter in a finely woven basket formed a pillow for Burial 5, Room 326.

PLATE 4I

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 157

a prodigious labor to plane the remainder to a thickness of 14 inches
with no tools other than sandstone abraders. Planks were occasionally
utilized as sills or lintels; less frequently, as flooring.

The smaller pieces (pl. 39, figs. d-i) not only illustrate Bonitian
skill in dressing out a board, but also show how ends were severed
with flint knife or stone ax. Figure h, although found in an Old
Bonitian storeroom, is unquestionably part of a cedar shake from a
Late Bonitian ceiling. It was sawed halfway through with a flint blade
and the end then broken off. Others have both ends cut and from both
sides. Pieces such as figures e, f, and 7 may have been detached for
use alone. The exhibited face of e, covered by shrinkage cracks, is
slightly concave through use as a work board. Its darker color is due
to the application of paraffin.

Miscellaneous —Besides the usual odds and ends, including splints
with which the kitchen fire was roused, our collection contains several
unusual artifacts of wood. The comblike contrivance represented by
figure 44 remains nameless. Its two longest “teeth” are rounded at
the tip while the others are broken; all four were broken off an inch
above the crosspieces. These latter are split willow, bound with sinew ;
sinew also binds a fiber thread to one of the vertical members.

The angular object, figure 45, likewise remains unexplained. Knots
have been removed and the crotch widened somewhat; one end is
sinew-wrapped to check splitting. This specimen is reminiscent of the
curved and angular knob-ended sticks that Pepper found in Rooms
32 and 33 and that he suggested might have been tossed in play
(Pepper, 1920, figs. 61, 62).

Figure 1, plate 38, carved from a cottonwood root, is as likely to
have been a doll as anything else; the next piece, 7, apparently is part
of a juniper tablet accidentally split while being reduced in size. The
lower end was sawed from both sides, but insufficiently, for only a
corner came free when breaking pressure was applied. Where intact,
the edges are smooth from abrasion, rounded, and somewhat thinned.
Both faces of the tablet had been carefully dressed but longitudinal
scorings appear on that presented in our illustration.

The next figure, J, is a section of peeled willow, both ends of which
were severed in the customary way, by cutting and breaking. Neither
end was abraded; the shaft bears no trace of former wrappings, no
indication of use except a small, restricted area where marks of a flint
flake evidence utilization of the stick as a cutting block. Perhaps no
more than a discard, the section in any case is not to be confused with
- the peeled and abraded willows employed by the hundred in ceilings
of second-type construction.

158 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

2 SS ‘| cots
ky i x We

VANS
NERA

TE

AS
AY

MY
i)

WN

S

az
>
e——\
f

Fic. 45.—A sinew-wrapped stick.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 159

Gourd bottles or canteens are evidenced by two fragments, one
of which (U.S.N.M. No. 335367) preserves the crooked neck. Its
peduncle attachment was cut out to form an orifice, and a small hole,
presumably for a cord, was drilled through one wall three-fourths of
an inch from the lip. Earthenware canteens in the form of gourds
were fairly common in Basket Maker and Early Pueblo times.

BASKETRY

As kitchen utensils—food trays, water jars, even pots for boiling
mush—baskets long antedated pottery throughout most of North
America. Archeologists generally agree that wherever they occur
together pottery followed basketry. This sequence is especially clear
in the Southwest, where the first fired pottery produced by the Basket
Makers imitated their baskets both in form and decoration. Some
American tribes, including most of those resident in California, never
quite abandoned basket utensils; others quickly substituted earthen-
ware, once they had mastered the technique of its manufacture; still
others calmly hung the new complex on the old and gradually rele-
gated to each those household functions for which it seemed best
suited.

Among the Hopi “basketry has at least as many uses as pottery.”
The harvests are brought home from the fields in baskets on the backs
of men and burros. Around the hearth, coiled and wicker trays are
piled with corn meal and other foodstuffs; there are baskets for
parched corn, trays for piki bread, small globular baskets for various
purposes, and sifter baskets for winnowing grains and seeds in prep-
aration for grinding (Hough, 1915, pp. 93-94).

Some of the baskets represented in our Pueblo Bonito collections
unquestionably had been utilized in the preparation and serving of
foods; others just as surely were employed in ritualistic practices.
And there is yet another group, one we cannot place with confidence
in either of the foregoing categories. If the whole lot be classified by
technique of manufacture, the usual practice, we find that 4 fragments
are plaited and nearly 4o coiled. Whether this same ratio existed
throughout the village, and from beginning to end, is a question we
cannot answer. It is quite likely, however, that coiling and plaiting
were not the only basketry techniques known and used by Bonitian
women.

PLAITED BASKETS

Since Basket Maker days, approximately 15 centuries ago, plaited
baskets have been common household utensils throughout the Pueblo

160 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

country. They are made and used today in most Pueblo villages.
The modern Hopi employ the same technique in plaiting baskets and
floor mats; their baskets, in fact, are no more than small mats bent
over an osier ring and made fast. This long-established use of osiers
to give plaited baskets their bowl-like shape has provided a handy term
for the entire group: “ring basket.”

Ring baskets in our collection are represented by the fragments
shown on plate 40. The first, our only ornamented example, was
square and may have been no more than a shallow tray. Its weaving
interval is over-3-under-3, and the yucca strips were so manipulated
as to create interlocking meanders. If the rolled edges were shaped
over a rod, no trace remains of such a member; neither is it clear how
the strip ends were secured.

Figure b, part of the nearer specimen shown in situ on plate 35,
lower, is more in keeping with the typical ring basket. It was approxi-
mately 12 inches in diameter. The weaving elements, again narrow
strips of yucca leaves, were brought across the osier ring, bent back
underneath, and fastened in pairs by other strips twined close under
the willow. That the weaver sought to fit her fabric to a waiting ring
seems clear from the fact that the normal over-3-under-3 interval
changes repeatedly around the periphery to under-2 and even under-I.

In figures c and d we have two fragments of another basket bowl.
In this case, however, strips of rush leaves (Scirpus paludosus Nelson)
rather than yucca provided the material, and the strip ends were re-
tained to form an external, ornamental braid. Warping of the willow
rod, not intent, gives the smaller piece a suggestion of squareness.

Finally we come to our best-preserved specimen, found on the floor
of Room 290 (pl. 35, upper). Within it was a scrap of another basket
or mat, twilled over-2-under-2, that may have been a patch. Our labo-
ratory photograph (pl. 41, A) is of the exterior in order to show the
manner in which the weaving elements, having been secured to the
osier ring as usual by twining, were plaited to form an attractive
selvage. This latter was woven snugly against the vessel wall and
without any attachment other than that at the rim.

Thus, of four specimens identifiable as fragments of ring baskets,
two were woven of yucca-leaf strips and two of rush. All four were
plaited over-3-under-3. Two fragments of burned clay flooring from
Room 260 bear the imprint of basketry twilled in the same interval
(U.S.N.M. No. 335361).

We have five additional scraps, but I am uncertain whether they
represent baskets or matting. All are twill-plaited over-2-under-2; all
appear to be split rush leaf. Coarsest of the lot, with seven strips per

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 161

inch, is a fragment from Room 320 (U.S.N.M. No. 335312, orig.
No. 1406). I should have classed it as matting except that the strip
ends were bent back over a string, bound there by twined cords or
shreds of rush, and trimmed to leave a rough, 1-inch fringe. I have
never seen matting with that kind of selvage, and I never saw a Pueblo
plaited basket with flexible rim.

Bits of a dirt-encrusted fabric (U.S.N.M. No. 335315, orig. No.
1873) were found among the scattered human bones in Room 330.
My chief reason for thinking it might be from a small mat is that the
piece had been folded. On the other hand, it seems too fine and
closely woven, with 14 strips to the inch, for anything but a choice
basket.

Two comparable pieces, both folded, were recovered in Room 326
(No. 335313). One is twilled 10 to the inch; the other, 16. The
second has a bootlike appearance which I now believe to be purely
fortuitous. Within its folds lie vegetal remains of some sort, too
decayed for positive identification.

Similar fibrous material gives another fragmentary specimen a thick-
ness approximating I inch; its irregular edge, however, without pad-
ding, is only the doubled fabric (pl. 41, B). Except for this doubled
portion, the perimeter has rotted through. The concavity on the upper
surface is due to the fact that this specimen last served as a headrest,
or pillow, for Burial 5, Room 326. On the opposite side the woven
elements are drawn together as though forming the constricted orifice
of a bag. Made of rush strips twilled over-2-under-2 and Io to the
inch, the pillow lay beneath a mat of rushes on which the body rested.

Our attempts to preserve these and other basketry remains were
less successful than we had hoped. In every instance the specimens
were deeply buried when found, under at least 8 feet of blown sand,
debris of occupation, and fallen masonry. In almost every instance
the fabrics were damp and the heat of a midsummer sun caused con-
traction and fragmentation in one or two minutes. We tried to control
evaporation by piling on damp sand and then brushing it away grad-
ually but without avail. Our last alternative was to go over the exposed
surface of the specimen as quickly as possible with a dustbrush and
then apply diluted ambroid or melted paraffin, as the individual case
warranted. With some of the cylindrical baskets we did not delay
long enough even to remove the earthy contents.

Several years later, when opportunity came to study these particular
remains, I first realized the difficulties in store. Without soaking in
~ acetone and vigorous scrubbing, which they could not withstand, it
was impossible to free the specimens from sand grains firmly cemented

162 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

to them by ambroid. Material coated with paraffin likewise was not
in condition to be soaked. We learned that the most satisfactory means
of removing surplus paraffin is heat, but for its application and control
no equipment was available except a one-plate, open gas stove, a square
of wire mesh, and a blotter. As the blotter absorbed the melting wax
the basketry tended to flatten out and lose whatever had been retained
of the original shape. In several cases, much to my surprise, specimens
that had looked reasonably substantial in the field proved to be nothing
more than shells of decayed vegetal matter when the supporting paraf-
fin was removed. It was the ingenuity and skill of W. H. Egberts,
then chief preparator in the department of anthropology, U. S. Na-
tional Museum, that preserved for study purposes many of the remains
herein considered.

COILED BASKETS

Coiled baskets are sewed, not woven. The sewing element is gen-
erally a tough but flexible splint, thinned and carefully trimmed to
uniform width, that encircles the more or less rigid foundation as it
progresses, stitch by stitch, to form the vessel wall. In our specimens
the foundation usually consists of two rods, side by side, with a bundle
of fibers above and between them. The rods appear to be slender
young willow shoots, smoothed to the diameter of a pencil lead, while
the bundle fibers look like shredded grass. Bundle and rods were
encircled by each successive stitch, the sewing splint piercing the
bundle next below to bind the two coils securely together. That coiled
basketry fragments are more numerous than plaited in our collection
may be due to their greater stability.

By shape, our coiled basketry divides itself into four groups: bowls,
elliptical trays, cylindrical containers, and carrying baskets. Consider-
ation of a fifth group, the bifurcated or ceremonial carrying basket,
will be deferred until a later chapter.*®

Bowls.—In Tewa, Zufii, and Hopi homes I have seen basket bowls
filled with edibles of one sort or another—peaches, in season; broiled
mutton, bread, corn on the cob, shelled corn ready for grinding, and
meal fresh from the milling stones. At Pueblo Bonito, we may assume
that basket bowls were likewise employed chiefly in and about the
kitchen.

Four, possibly five, coiled bowls are represented by fragments in
our collection. One bowl, inverted, had covered the old, banded-neck

35 Reviewing these paragraphs in 1942, the writer has profited from the incom-
parable study of Morris and Burgh, 1941.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 163

cook pot shown as figure e, plate 50, while buried for storage purposes
with its mouth at the floor level in Room 323. The basket itself had
been crushed by the overburden of rubbish and fallen masonry, but
several of the fragments could be preserved. One of these is illus-
trated on plate 42, figure c. It has 5 coils, 12 stitches, per inch. On
fragments of other similar vessels coils per inch remain the same, but
stitches run from 13 to 19. With one exception, all our fragments are
close-coiled with noninterlocking stitches on a two-rod-and-bundle
triangular, or bunched, foundation. This is the technique Weltfish
describes as “Basket Maker.” It was used not only by the Basket
Makers but also by the later Pueblos whose baskets, in comparison,
are generally more closely and more tightly sewed; and it was em-
ployed in baskets collected in 1881 by Stevenson at Zufii and the Hopi
villages (Weltfish, 1932, pp. 4-6, 34-36).

Figure 0, plate 42, illustrates a bit from near the center of a bowl
sewed in a second technique, one-rod foundation with interlocking
stitches. The widely separated stitches number only seven per inch;
the coils, half again as many. We found the fragment while clearing
Room 6 of its post-Hyde Expedition accumulation of blown sand.
Perhaps it is the same small fragment Pepper noted 25 years earlier
(1920, p. 47).

In addition, we have two cup-sized baskets (pl. 43, a, b) and frag-
ments of possibly two others. Both cups were sewed with an uninter-
locking stitch on a two-rod-and-bundle, triangular foundation. The
larger has 5 coils and 13 stitches per inch, a normal center, and a false
braid termination for the rim coil. The direction of work is counter-
clockwise, and the sewing was apparently done from the inside since
split stitches are more frequent on the convex surface.

The second cup (0), is a child’s effort, if I judge correctly from the
inexpertness of its whole makeup. The rods vary in diameter and
finish ; the splints are unequal in width, and while stitches circle the
new coil as a rule, every now and then one passes beneath its bundle
to engage the two rods only. Exhausted splint ends are brought to the
outside and there clumsily bound by the next few stitches. Coils are
53; stitches, 11 per inch. Unlike the other, coiling in this instance is
clockwise. The rim is lacking, but I guess the original height to have
been 24 or 23 inches. .

Probabilities are that two other specimens at hand also represent
cups. One (U.S.N.M. No. 335326) consists of small sections of what
appears to be yucca fiber wrapped about by split yucca or rush leaves.
Together the fragments form a circle 14 inches in diameter and half

164 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

an inch wide with a three-quarter-inch opening at the center, a ring
that could be the second coil of a small basket.

With our other problematical specimen it is the original height that
is in question. Besides the flat bottom, now broken and ovoid through
external pressure (pl. 42, fig. h), we have four rim segments only one
of which carries as many as five coils. The fragments probably repre-
sent a cup, but they could be from a cylindrical basket about 35 inches
in diameter. Their stitches are uninterlocked on a three-rod, bunched
foundation—our sole example of this popular Pueblo III technique.
I measure 4 coils and 13 stitches per inch. Coiling is counterclockwise ;
work progressed from the concave side.

The rim is bound by regular stitches except for the final 14 inches.
Here the three foundation rods are cut away gradually to merge with
the coil below and are enclosed by false braid. At commencement of
this ornamental finish the end of an exhausted splint was cut off close
against the outside wall and a fresh splint introduced from the opposite
side. This substitute pierced the apex rod of the lower coil and was
brought up from the outside, over and again through the apex rod in
the coil below. Then it was brought up once more and carried back
across the previous stitch to be thrust through the wall between coils.
In this maneuver the splint retreated its own width, engaged the
standing elements of the last previous stitch, and then came over
again, forward two widths, and again through the apex rod to begin
another backward loop. Our best example of false braid thus com-
bines features of both Basket Maker and Pueblo types, as described
by Morris and Burgh (1941, p. 23).

To those who know the Southwest it is impossible to visualize a
Pueblo home without one or more coiled baskets lying about. Baskets
are as much a part of the domestic scene as the ubiquitous, bare-
bottomed toddlers. Thus when a few basketry fragments survived at
a prehistoric ruin it seems that numerous other pieces, and even whole
vessels, should have been preserved. Such, unfortunately, was not the
case at Pueblo Bonito.

In his published field notes Pepper mentions but does not describe
several baskets and fragments. From Room 2 he removed a tray of
the “two-rod coil type” about 18 inches in diameter and another only
2 inches in diameter by a trifle over one-half inch deep (Pepper, 1920,
p. 36) ; from Room 25, a twilled yucca ring basket and two fragments
“of the three-rod coil variety” (ibid., p. 107). Two coiled bowls,
apparently about 8 inches in diameter, had been inverted over broken
pottery filling one of the subfloor pits in Room 62 and were in turn

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 165

covered by “a large basket” the surviving fragments of which, as
photographed, look like one side of a burden hamper (ibid., fig. 100,
pp. 227, 234). Another coiled bowl may be seen in Pepper’s illustra-
tion of pottery in the northeast corner of Room 28—a partially dis-
integrated specimen lying in the smaller of two stacked earthenware
bowls, directly in front of the left-hand door jamb (ibid., fig. 44, p.
116). Weltfish (1932, p. 22) interprets Pepper’s coiled types as,
respectively, two-rod-and-bundle-triangular and three-rod-triangular
foundation. According to Morris and Burgh (1941, p. 13), the first
of these two foundation types appears at all stages of Anasazi history
and was actually dominant in Basket Maker times; in the Pueblo III
period, the three-rod bunched foundation occurs about twice as often
as that with two-rods-and-bundle.

Elliptical trays—A shallow, elliptical, coiled basketry tray accom-
panied each of four women interred in Room 326. With each tray was
a bone scraper, or flesher, made from the humerus of a deer (see
pp. 148-149). The fleshers are of a type well known throughout the
San Juan Basin (especially from ruins north of the river) but the
baskets are unique in the Southwest, so far as I can learn.

Unfortunately, the condition of the trays was such that we were
able to save only one reasonably intact (pl. 44,b,c). It was sewed
with uninterlocking stitches on a two-rod-and-bundle, bunched foun-
dation. Coiling began when the bundle and paired rods, closely
wrapped with sewing splints, were extended 74 inches before being
doubled back in a counterclockwise direction and stitched to the initial
wrapping. The rim termination has not been preserved. That the tray
was originally a thing of beauty may be judged from the fact that, in
its present condition, I count 6 coils and 22 stitches per inch. It
measures 134 by 63 by 14 inches deep but its original depth may have
been nearer 2 inches and the other dimensions correspondingly less.

In the lower illustration (c) the imprint of the accompanying
scraper is clearly seen at the lower right and above and to the left the
black thread of our repairs. The second view (b) was taken from a
lower angle after most of the paraffin had been melted off. Our field
photograph, plate 94, right, shows this basket in situ at the head of
Skeleton 6 and, inside, its associated scraper (fig. a, pl. 37) and the
small black-on-white bowl seen to better advantage as figure d, plate 54.

Fragments of two other elliptical trays exhibit the same uninter-
locked stitches on a two-rod-and-bundle, bunched foundation. One of
the two (U.S.N.M. No. 335307), of which only a middle section of
- side wall and bottom remains, has 7 coils and 22 stitches per inch. As
preserved the wall stands 2} inches, and I believe this was the original

166 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL, 124

height. With other funeral offerings the basket lay at the right side
of Skeleton 12 and contained the bone scraper illustrated on plate 37
as figure d. The second fragment (No. 335313), a section of side wall
with false braid over the rim termination, boasts 8 coils and 24 stitches
per inch—the finest example of basketry in our collection. Decay has
shrunk its sewing splints and exposed the foundation, but I doubt if
this affects the original number of stitches and coils.

Our fourth elliptical tray was in a sad state of disrepair when first
exposed, and a generous coating of paraffin was applied in an effort to
save it. But the completeness of its disintegration was not realized
until the wax was removed, for then the walls crumbled and only the
skeletonized bottom remained (pl. 44, a). Even this remainder owes
much to the fact that it rests upon a folded textile, perhaps a finely
woven sandal, and on a number of what seem to be yucca leaves
shredded at one end. It was the better preserved of two elliptical trays
included among the offerings buried with Skeletons 8 and 9, Room 326
(pl. 94, left). Beneath the tray, as found, was the inlaid bone scraper
shown as figure J, plate 37.

In contrast to the others, this fourth elliptical basket was built up
with noninterlocking stitches on a two-rod-and-bundle, stacked foun-
dation. I count 34 coils and about 20 stitches to the inch, a little finer
work than that of a Mesa Verde basket in the same technique cited by
Weltfish (1932, p. 19). The technique is repeated in fragments of two
cylindrical baskets from Rooms 320 and 326, respectively.

Interest in these elliptical trays is naturally augmented by knowledge
that all four were found in the same room; that each was buried with
the body of a woman; that a bone flesher was placed in three of the
trays at time of interment. In the case of the fourth tray, the flesher
was placed underneath. Our excavations provided no clue to their
intended purpose. Pepper does not describe a comparable basket
among the Hyde Expedition collections and, so far as I know, their
like has not previously been reported from the Southwest.

Cylindrical baskets are closely related to cylindrical vases, but we
do not know which came first. We have no reason to believe either
group was in any way connected with religious practices, yet they
both seem useless for all practical purposes. Of the two, the baskets
have greater diameter but less height. The average diameter and
height of 14 pottery vases in our collection are, respectively, 4.65 and
9.87 inches. Of five cylindrical baskets whose diameter and height are
measurable, the averages are 5.35 and 8.53 inches. Most of the vases
have painted geometric designs and lugs perforated for suspension
cords. Of all our cylindrical baskets, on the other hand, whole and

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 167

fragmentary alike, only one had handles, as far as we can see, and this
same vessel carries the only visible, stained-splint decoration. One
other boasts a painted design.

We have no idea what particular purpose cylindrical baskets were
made to serve. That they were fairly common at Pueblo Bonito seems
certain from our data on type frequencies and distribution. For
example, we have fragments of only four or five coiled basket bowls—
everyday utensils in every Pueblo household for 50 generations past.
In contrast, our collection contains 5 cylindrical baskets in which
both height and diameter have been preserved and fragments of 14
others, 19 in all. Three fragments were recovered from rubbish piles
in as many Late Bonitian dwellings; the remainder, from six Old
Bonitian houses of which three had been utilized as burial chambers
and, thereafter, as dumps for kitchen debris.

Our best specimens, shown on plate 45, all came from Room 320,
wherein the bodies of 10 women and girls had been interred. Pre-
sumably the baskets were present as mortuary offerings, but of this
we cannot be positive since prehistoric treasure hunters had rifled the
place with obvious contempt for the dead and all their possessions
except jewelry. Specimens a and 2, partially emptied of their sandy
contents and paraffined in preparation for removal, are shown in situ
on plates 91, lower, and 96, right. Specimen e will be recognized in our
field photograph (pl. 92, lower) lying on the floor south of the east
doorstep and a couple of inches in front of the ceremonial carrying
basket to be described in a subsequent chapter. Beyond these two,
near, but not positively with, the only undisturbed burials in Room
320, were baskets d and f.

Basket d is in good condition despite disintegration of its lower rear
wall and some crushing in front. With 5 coils and 13 stitches per inch
its structure is a bit coarser than average. Split stitches are numerous
both inside and out; splint ends are cut off flush with the vessel wall.
Part of the rim is missing but the remainder includes over 3 inches of
false braid looped forward three, back two. In our effort toward
preservation, a supporting rattan has been sewed inside the rim and
the entire vessel coated with dilute ambroid.

A number of sandstone spalls had somehow gotten into basket e¢
causing the irregularities visible in the illustration. Nevertheless, the
specimen is of more than usual interest. It is the only one in our series
bearing a design produced with dyed splints, and it is also the only
one with a handle. The latter (only a vestige remains of its opposite)
is a horizontal loop consisting of two stacked rods with bundle be-
tween, attached five-eighths of an inch below the rim. Some weeks

168 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

after our photograph was made the handle was inadvertently pulled
off, and although it has since been replaced, several small pieces were
lost. Study of the broken parts shows that the loop was bound to the
outside after the underlying body coils had been completed, but while
they were still pliable enough to bend sharply with tightening of the
sewing splint. Because of the weights carried in the basket, the lower
of its two handle coils has been bent out and up; stitches on coils
immediately beneath the handle have been worn by friction of a carry-
ing thong.

No other cylindrical basket in our collection equals this one in
excellence of construction. Stitches average 20 per inch, while coils
run 54. Unlike the others, the foundation does not show between
stitches. The latter are uninterlocked ; coiling is counterclockwise with
a remnant of Pueblo-style false braid (forward 4, back 3 ?) at the
termination. A design in black, red, and natural splint color, now
faded and indistinct, covers the entire surface.

In our illustration two coils near the bottom are quite conspicuous
on basket f, plate 45. They owe their prominence, however, to the ac-
cident of slightly larger foundation rods and are less noticeable on the
opposite side of the vessel. This is one of two specimens whose coils
run 7 per inch; stitches, 18. In numerous places the stitches have dis-
integrated and separated, revealing the foundation rods. A fragment
of false braid remains on the otherwise normally wrapped rim.

The foregoing were all coiled counterclockwise with uninterlocking
stitches on a two-rod-and-bundle, bunched foundation. This tech-
nique, a local favorite, is present in 16 of our 19 cylindrical baskets
and fragments. The other three include one example of three-rod,
bunched (U.S.N.M. No. 335330) and two examples of two-rod-and-
bundle, stacked foundation.

This latter technique is clearly seen in figure c, plate 45. But here
the last two and a half coils were sewed on a one-rod-and-bundle foun-
dation. Coincident with this change the worker apparently shifted
from the concave to the convex surface, for the number of outside
stitches split by the sewing awl suddenly diminishes shortly before a
single, larger rod replaced the two smaller ones. The broken rim lacks
its terminal tie. Another example of two-rod-and-bundle, stacked, is
the scrap shown as figure a, plate 42.

Reviewing these 19 cylindrical baskets and fragments, we note that
the popular two-rod-and-bundle bunched foundation is the dominant
type. In each instance stitches are uninterlocked. The concave side
was the preferred work surface, although sometimes, to judge from
the proportion of split stitches, sewing apparently progressed from the
opposite side or from both sides, with irregular alternation. Coils vary

PLATE 42.—Fragments of coiled basketry vessels.

Set i &
ie Pe ere

oY? eae
wy se, #

Prater 43.—a, b, Coiled basket cups; c, fragments of birch bark vessels.

wan

PLATE 44.—Remains of elliptical basketry trays found with burials of women in Room 326.

ee Sipe *

le ny ee Oa
| TT “

*)

PLate 45.—Cylindrical baskets among mortuary offerings in Room 320.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 169

from 5 to 7 per inch; stitches, from 12 to 20. At the center, where the
coiling begins, double and wrapping stitches invariably occur; where
the coil first rises from the flat bottom to start the vertical wall the
inner foundation rod often lies a trifle higher than its companion in
consequence of tightening the sewing splints. In every specimen where
direction can be determined, coiling is counterclockwise, and in at least
four it terminates in false braid of the variety described as “Pueblo”
by Morris and Burgh (1941, fig. 7,). However, as the splints loop
forward and back to weave their terminal tie, they do not always
gather in a fixed number of standing elements; the number may vary
from two to five even in the same specimen. One fragment boasts
added fancywork, a bit of beading. One and one-half inches of false
braid remain, and for 2 inches immediately preceding this the custom-
ary fiber bundle of the coil is replaced by a strip of splint running
alternately over and under the otherwise normal rim stitches.

Perhaps because their flatness gave them greater durability, bottoms
are conspicuous among our cylindrical basket fragments. There are
eight in the series. That shown on plate 42, figure i, never passed the
stage represented, for the splint wrapping of the outermost coil has
not been punctured by the sewing awl. Figure g is one of three com-
pressed by weight of the accumulation above it.

In describing the six cylindrical baskets from Room 320 the possi-
bility of their being burial offerings was mentioned. It is equally
possible, of course, that they were among the paraphernalia of some
secret society and were merely stored in the room at the time it was
pressed into service as a tomb.

Of all our cylindrical baskets only two were undeniably associated
with interments, the double burial in Room 326 (pl. 95, upper). An-
other (U.S.N.M. No. 335305) accompanied the sizable fragment of a
bifurcated basket (No. 335313, orig. No. 1680) as it lay above an in-
fant’s skeleton (No. 10) in the southeast corner of the same room.
Since it was not customary at Pueblo Bonito to place grave furniture
on top of a body it is quite likely that both these baskets really be-
longed to one or more of three disturbed adult burials near the child’s.

Coiled baskets of the type we have just considered are, so far as I
can learn, peculiar to Pueblo Bonito. Weltfish (1932) refers several
times to “cylindrical” baskets, but in each instance where I made
further inquiry the specimen cited proved in shape to be:a deep, in-
verted, truncated cone.*® From Aztec Ruin, however, Morris (1919,

86 Baskets of this description are well known from the Mesa Verde. The Nor-
denskidld basket from grave c in Step House is such a one (Nordenskidld, 1893,
pl. 44, fig. 3); so, too, are the four Wetherill specimens in the University of
Pennsylvania Museum, as I learn from data kindly furnished by Miss H. Newell

170 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

p. 56) recovered a single fragment that may represent a basket of our
Pueblo Bonito type. Pepper mentions only one cylindrical basket, his
justly famous turquoise-covered specimen from Room 33 (Pepper,
1909, pp. 227-228; 1920, pp. 164-173).

We know neither when nor why the Bonitians first made a cylindri-
cal basket. The Basket Makers produced nothing comparable; one
searches the literature in vain for its precursor among Early Pueblo
remains. The flat-bottomed basket bowls of the Marsh Pass region
(Guernsey and Kidder, 1921, p. 61) may be direct ancestors of Mesa
Verde’s deep, inverted, truncated-cone type, but the latter is a far cry
from the one under discussion and, at the earliest, no more than
contemporary with it. The earthenware bowl molded in a conical
basket, which we recovered from Kiva 2 E, bore a pseudo-Mesa Verde
design (pl. 52, C). Late Mesa Verde pottery occurred on the most
recent Bonitian trash heaps. Thus all the data on which I can put a
finger indicate that the truly cylindrical basket herein described was
a product solely of Pueblo Bonito. Since only 3 of our 19 specimens
were found in the newer sections of the village, and then only in
household rubbish, it is barely possible all were made by the Old
Bonitians. If this point could be established we should know that the
cylindrical basket foreshadowed the vase, examples of which, although
dominantly Late Bonitian in ornamentation, were most numerous in
Old Bonitian houses.

Besides that above mentioned, we have fragments of eight other
earthenware bowls molded in deep, conical baskets (U.S.N.M. No.
336071). Two only are unslipped, unpolished inside. Of two rim
sherds, one is flat and tapered from the inside; the other, rounded and
slightly outflaring. This latter is part of a deep bowl whose inner wall
to within 1 inch of the bottom is covered with inclined bands of nega-
tive rectangles alternating with parallel lines—a typical Mesa Verde
design. The basket imprint on this specimen shows 5 coils and 16
stitches per inch. Finest sewing is represented on two sherds where I
count 8 coils and 22 stitches to the inch. Two other sherds bear black-
paint decoration over the basket imprint.

These fragments of cylindrical baskets, bowls, and elliptical trays
may be entirely characteristic of local basketry, but it is extremely
doubtful whether they illustrate all the coiling techniques known at
Pueblo Bonito. Certainly they provide no index to the number of
baskets actually produced there. Of the 30-odd Anasazi coiling proc-

Wardle. Burgh (1937) describes another Mesa Verde example. Morris and
Burgh (1941, p. 51) say “the flaring cone with flat bottom is not known to
appear in Anasazi basketry prior to Pueblo II ...a forerunner of the deep
conical basket which was later so highly formalized at Mesa Verde.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO I7I

esses recognized by Morris and Burgh (1941, p. 8), only four are
represented in our collection.

Carrying baskets——Subfloor pocket 2, Room 62, was filled with
broken pottery over which two basket bowls had been inverted and
the whole covered by “a large basket,” the major portion of which had
decayed (Pepper, 1920, p. 234). The remainder, as seen in Pepper’s
figure 100 (p. 227), appears to be about 2 feet long by 14 or 15 inches
wide. A fragment of such size, with over 80 coils visible, can only
represent a burden basket. Pocket 5 likewise contained the remains
of “a large basket”; fragments of at least one “very large basket”
were found in Room 32 (ibid., pp. 162, 235). Repetition of the
adjective in connection with these three separate cases seems con-
vincing, if only circumstantial, evidence the Bonitians used carrying
baskets. And here, as elsewhere throughout the Western Hemisphere,

0 ge Le Se ESS

—S

Fic. 46.—Headband of braided yucca fibers.

burdens borne on human backs were supported by means of a tumpline
across chest or forehead.

Tumplines at Pueblo Bonito are represented by three fragmentary
examples in our collection. Found among the wreckage in Room 320,
two of these (pl. 46, figs. a and b) are of yucca-fiber cord. The third,
and best preserved, consists of 13 or 14 flat three-strand braids, one-
eighth inch wide, bunched and wrapped with 2-ply string at each end
to form loops for attachment of ropes. The drawing above, figure 46,
provides a clearer conception of how this particular specimen looked
when in use.

Our two smaller fragments differed from the third in one detail
only: instead of being braided, the component cords are of a coarse,
2-strand twist; at least 11 are present, looped and wrapped as in the
first case.

Part of a twined-woven headband (U.S.N.M. No. 335344) was re-
covered in Room 325. It is 14 inches wide and has 13 warps. Tightly
coiled upon itself when found, the strap has since broken into half a
dozen pieces of which one is the outer curve of an eyelet. This latter
embraces four warps only and thus suggests that the middle five were
cut short as weaving progressed down one side, around the end, and

172 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

back to complete the loop. Pepper (1920, p. 108) mentions a like
specimen, woven of cotton and yucca, from Room 25.

From Aztec Ruin, Morris (1919a, p. 52) reports a woven headband
in which the two middle warps were shortened at each end to provide
for eyes. In a kiva at Ruin 12, Mesa Verde National Park, Norden-
skidld found a fourth example, woven of cotton on yucca warps. As
I read his illustration (Nordenskidld, 1893, pl. 49, fig. 2), there are 23
warps in the fabric and of these the middle 7 were cut short at each
end in order to create a triangular opening 1 inch or more in length as
the 8 warps on either side were divided into two bunches of 4 each
and woven into the double-ribbed loop that closed the opening and
terminated each end of the band.

Fewkes (1909, p. 45, fig. 22; 1911b, p. fe fig. 4) shows two more
Mesa Verde woven headbands with the middle warps shortened to
leave triangular eyelets, and the remaining warps bunched to serve as
foundations for the thicker, compressed weaving at the two extremi-
ties. Apparently this variety of headband loop is a Mesa Verde trait ;
if so, our lone Pueblo Bonito fragment and that unearthed by Pepper
provide two more ties to the homeland.

Miscellaneous containers—This seems as good a place as any to
record the following items:

First, a section of heavy fabric that looks like part of a headband or
belt (U.S.N.M. No. 335328). It is 34 inches wide and 3%, inch thick;
the warps run lengthwise, and both edges are selvaged. The material
appears to be loosely twisted cotton cord twined on warps that were
smaller and of stiffer fiber, undoubtedly yucca. Folded upon itself
without visible sign of stitching, the fabric forms an oval cup or bag
24 inches deep and bulging to a width of 2 inches with its granular
contents. The latter have not been analyzed but may be no more than
pulverized sandstone overlaid with bits of vegetal remains and char-
coal. The specimen was found in the passageway connecting Rooms
251 and 256, both of which contained quantities of household rubbish.
We saturated the piece with paraffin and thus preserved it as found.

Something of an enigma is presented by six pieces of birch bark
perforated along one or two edges as though parts of a box or hand-
bag.*7 Indeed, one fragment is still selvaged with half a willow rod

87 Identified by George B. Sudworth, U. S. Forest Service, as red birch, Betula
fontinalis, whose range is given by Wooton and Standley (1915, p. 163) as Brit-
ish America to Colorado and New Mexico. In the latter, red birch grows along
streams in the Upper Sonoran and Transition zones and has been collected in
the San Juan Valley and in the Tunitcha Mountains, both accessible from
Pueblo Bonito.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 173

bearing traces of the close-lying splint stitches that formerly bound
it in place. The longest fragment, the grain running longitudinally,
measures 114 inches; both ends are perforated one-quarter inch from
the straight-cut edge. All six were exposed in an exploratory trench
just outside the south wall of Room 154 but my field notes failed to
give the depth. They are not decayed, and they look very un-Puebloan
—but there they are (pl. 43, c).

A half dozen scraps of another bark, each having one or more cut
edges, were recovered from the rubbish in Room 255 (U.S.N.M.
No. 335384). The bark is three-sixteenths inch thick and remains
unidentified.

Jar rests, or pot rings, were simple contrivances devised especially
for large, round-bottomed vessels. They afforded comfort to the
carrier and they provided necessary support for standing bowls and
jars while used for storage.

Pot rings are of almost worldwide distribution. They are employed
today wherever it is woman’s task to fetch water from well or pool.
Those seen during his first few days in Hawikuh reminded Coronado
of home and Spain so he sent a couple to the Viceroy along with his
letter of August 3, 1540, and boasted “One of these Indian women,
with one of these rolls on her head, will carry a jar of water up a
ladder without touching it with her hands” (Winship, 1896, p. 563).

The four examples we found at Pueblo Bonito differ from one
another (pl. 46, figs. d-g). Figures d and f were made of cedar bark,
but the latter was wrapped with both shredded bark and yucca cord;
the former, with bark alone. Both are charred. Figure g is merely a
handful of cedar bark, hastily rolled and bound to meet the need of
the moment, while e, made up entirely of cornhusks, required more
time for preparation. In Room 24 (N.G.S. Room 229B) Pepper
unearthed a jar rest of braided yucca and another made from the
feather-wrapped cords of a discarded blanket (Pepper, 1920, p. 96).
These are all comparatively crude, but we may be certain that the
Bonitians were capable of weaving pot rings quite as attractive and
as durable as any produced by their contemporaries of the cliff villages.

On plate 53, figures a and J, we have illustrated the neck portions of
two cooking pots as probable floor rests for water jars or other vessels.

Earthenware vessels are rightfully described as household utensils,
but owing both to their diversity and to their peculiar interest as cul-
ture indices in the Southwest we shall consider them alone in the next
chapter.

VoePOTTERY

Kitchen and table wares constitute the most characteristic, diag-
nostic element in Pueblo culture. Pueblo pottery differs from all
others ; it varies within itself from time to time, from place to place,
and yet the distinctive qualities are such that one familiar with it often
can tell at a glance the approximate age of a given vessel and the
circumscribed area within which it originated.

There are those who still argue whether the basic idea of pottery
manufacture budded independently in the Southwest or was intro-
duced from the highlands of Mexico by vendors of beans, maize, and
pumpkin seeds. But doubt no longer exists as to the rude beginnings
of Pueblo ceramics and the successive stages by which it came to full
flower. Its development has been traced convincingly from the unfired,
bast-tempered mud dishes of the Basket Makers to the degree of
perfection attained at Pueblo Bonito, and elsewhere, in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries. Its gradual retrogression from this peak is
generally recognized. In those few villages where pottery making
survives, studies of present-day methods show that Pueblo technique
in the manufacture of earthenware has not changed appreciably in the
past 1,200 years, although the advent of sheep, cattle, and horses fol-
lowing the Conquest did introduce a new fuel.

Among the Pueblos pottery making is now, and always has been,
woman’s work. As their mothers did before them, the women go at
intervals to a known source of suitable clay, dig out a quantity and
pack it home in basket or shawl. They may use it within a few days
or store it against future need. Pebbles and vegetal matter are win-
nowed or picked out by hand. The clay is mixed with temper, water
is added, and the whole patiently and thoroughly kneaded. Quartz
sand, finely crushed rock, or pulverized potsherds—to name the com-
mon Pueblo tempering materials—reduce shrinkage and thus lessen
the likelihood of cracking while the vessels are sun drying and during
the firing process. There is no measuring of ingredients; the potter
knows when proportions are correct. The more thorough the kneading,
the better the paste.

Seated on the floor with her implements close at hand—a stone slab
or cloth on which to rework the tempered clay; modeling, scraping,
and polishing tools; water and mops for applying surface slip—the
Pueblo potter begins her day-long task. No two proceed in exactly

174

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 175

the same way; each has a more or less standardized, but flexible,
routine. But every useful vessel made, irrespective of shape and size,
has practically the same origin—a handful of paste pressed and
patted into a saucer-shaped disk. Upon this base the walls rise as an
inch-thick roll of plastic clay is laid down coil by coil, each finger-
pinched to its predecessor.** With three or four coils in place, thinned
by scraping and partially smoothed over, the incipient vessel may be
set aside until its walls have dried sufficiently to support the weight of
another roll or two. Meanwhile, a second is begun and a third.

The larger bowls and jars are supported by an ash-filled tray, fre-
quently the base of a broken olla, which rests upon the floor and is
turned a few inches at a time as the potter continues the coiling or
wields her modeling and finishing tools. This supporting tray, or
turnpot, is as close as the American Indian ever came to inventing a
potter’s wheel.

As each vessel approaches final form it is again set aside briefly to
dry in the sun. It is scraped and smoothed until junctions of the
overlapping coils are obliterated and the walls reduced to the thinness
desired. Air bubbles are eliminated, flaws and small cracks repaired.
There follows another period of drying before the surface is wholly
or partially coated with a fine clay slip and polished with a water-worn
pebble. Upon this polished slip the decoration, if any, is next painted.
Firing completes the manufacturing process.

From start to finish Peublo pottery making is a tedious, exacting
task. A variety of accidents may mar or ruin the work at any stage,
but the possibility of loss is multipled while the vessels are in the fire.
During that critical period an air of anxiety prevails; the women are
quite likely to reflect excitement and worry. They fear material loss,
to be sure, but, more important still, every vessel is to them a living
thing possessed of a spirit, a soul. New lives are created when pots
are made!

When the National Geographic Society’s Pueblo Bonito explora-
tions were inaugurated in 1921 pottery was the handiest gage for
measuring the age and the cultural level of any Southwestern ruin.
Hence our initial efforts were directed toward ascertaining the se-
quence of local pottery development. In front of Pueblo Bonito lay

88 According to Guthe (1925, p. 34), San Ildefonso pottery is built up from
the inside. Examination of our sherd collection shows that Pueblo Bonito ves-
sels invariably were made by attaching the successive clay rolls from the out-
side except, possibly, when forming the rather squarish shoulders of certain

' pitchers and jars. Late Bonitian cooking pots were usually coiled from the start

and always from the outside.

176 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the village dump, two conspicuous mounds composed of household
sweepings and other waste thrown out by successive generations.
Deposited first, material at the bottom was obviously oldest; merely
by sectioning the two piles and collecting fragments from bottom to
top, we could obtain a synopsis of Pueblo Bonito pottery from first
to last.

For this fundamental study we chose a previously undisturbed
section of the larger, west mound. Our trench reached clean sand at
a depth of 20 feet (pl. 47, left). The synoptic sherd series was taken
from a 3-foot-square section whose superimposed layers, varying in
thickness and composition, were separated by ash, sand, or clay lenses.

The results of that first test proved amazing. Pottery fragments,
whose technique of manufacture and style of decoration experience
elsewhere identified as early, were found above fragments known to be
late. Greatly perplexed, we cut a second section—and with the same
result. Something was wrong!

We began our 1922 season with a new stratigraphic study, this time
sectioning both the east and the west mounds. Two years later we
tried both mounds again. The smaller, east dump was clearly the later
of the two since it contained fewer sherds of early type. But this
observation did not solve our problem. In every test made since the
first, that of 1921, our findings had been the same—vessel fragments
unquestionably older occurred with, and above, fragments culturally
later.

As I continued to puzzle over this stubborn fact there seemed only
one logical explanation for the illogical rubbish deposits of Pueblo
Bonito: An old debris heap had been removed during one of the
several expansion programs apparent in the town’s masonry. I decided
to lengthen our west mound trench, to project it into and through the
ruin. The West Court had been cleared to its last occupation level in
1924, thus revealing the character of the stonework immediately sur-
rounding it; any trash pile formerly associated with the oldest dwell-
ings, those of first-type construction, would have stood a short distance
in front of them.

Our first objective for the 1925 season, therefore, was a quick look
beneath the West Court. We extended the west mound trench to
Room 135 and thence north to Kiva Q (pl. 47, right). Midway, at a
depth of 10 feet 6 inches, we exposed the floor of a huge kiva which,
in its time, had been razed and replaced by other structures. And there
was the answer to our 4-year-old puzzle!

The excavation for that subterranean chamber, over 50 feet in
diameter, had cut into a vast accumulation of Old Bonitian rubbish.

Ge

PLATE 46.—a-c, Tumplines for burden carrying ; d-g, potrests of cedar bark and corn husks.

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(‘SzOI ‘susaryy “Dy °OQ Aq Ydersojoyg) ‘“deoy (‘IZOI ‘SUdARFT
Ysei} UeIUOg PIO 294} JO Jared pue ssuIpyIng poezer fo syuReUtOI ‘yO Aq Yydersojoyg) jse] 0} 4say worry sodA} Ardyod ut
pasoposip Janoy Js9AQ 9Y} Ysnosy} YyoueI} AroyerO]dxo uy Sosueyo poyeoAoI duINp ase]]IA 94} UT YsIqqni Jo Jooy AJUOMT,

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aes ed

Fragments of pre-Pueblo pottery with characteristic designs.

Sherds of Transitional ware from Tests I and II, West Court.

PLATE 48

Chaco - San Juan

Jar and bowl fragments of typical Chaco-San Juan ware.

Sherds illustrating straight-line hachure in styles A. Be andaG .

PLATE 49

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 177

The excavated rubbish had been carried just outside the newly en-
larged village and dumped on the mound already rising there. Thence-
forth floor sweepings of the Old Bonitians mixed with floor sweepings
of the Late Bonitians; debris of reconstruction was added from time
to time as the west mound gradually assumed its final proportions.

But there is more to the story! Close beside the former south wall
of that razed kiva, and a foot below its floor level, our trench revealed
sandstone slabs lining the remains of a Pueblo I pit house. Above
those remains, and extending at least 20 feet southward, stood an
undisturbed remnant of the old trash pile. Into that remnant Roberts
and Amsden, to whom I had entrusted our pottery study, cut two
yard-square test sections, the first 13 feet in depth, the second, 12.
The sequence of pottery types there preserved is the foundation for
our analysis of Pueblo Bonito ceramics.

From bottom to top, with a few exceptions to be noted presently,
that ancient rubbish contained pottery fragments of a single, general-
ized type. This Amsden and Roberts called the “Transitional” be-
cause, to quote the latter’s field notes, “it often has a pre-Pueblo
appearance . . . appears to be a transition between the pre-Pueblo
and Early Pueblo wares.” The terminology here employed, the reader
will observe, is that in common usage prior to the Pecos Conference
of 1927 (Kidder, 1927). We would now call the earlier ware “Pueblo
I” and the Transitional “Pueblo II,” or, as Roberts (1936, p. 530) has
more recently suggested, we might combine the two periods under the
single designation “Developmental Pueblo.” Although the everyday
terms we used at the ruin are to be replaced in Roberts’s report on the
pottery of Pueblo Bonito, they will suffice for this less specialized
consideration of the subject.

To summarize the diagnostic traits determined by Roberts and
Amsden: Chaco Canyon pre-Pueblo pottery includes bowls with taper-
ing rim; ladles of half-gourd shape; pitchers, commonly globular with
squat neck and handle extending from rim to shoulder ; small globular
jars with wide mouth; water jars, somewhat pear-shaped with high
shoulder and sloping neck; cook pots with banded neck and smooth
body. Painted ornamentation includes stepped and triangular elements
bordered by thin, widely spaced lines often running past corners;
ticked lines; lines and triangles with pendent dots. The decoration
was applied while the slip was still damp; hence the locally character-
istic blurred effect after the surface was polished (pl. 48, upper).

- Of 1,644 black-on-white potsherds from West Court Test I, 1.52
percent are classed as pre-Pueblo; of 1,389 like sherds from Test II,
3-40 percent belong to the same category. Our statistical study of

178 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

sherds from excavated rooms shows that of 203,188 fragments tabu-
lated, 134 are pre-Pueblo. These data, gathered in 1925, thus prove
that pottery we have since come to know as Pueblo I found occasional
local use while Pueblo III civilization was here making its farthest
advance. Except those represented at the bottom of Test I, these few
pre-Pueblo vessels could have been brought to the village as chance
discoveries at older sites in the canyon. Not a single Pueblo I sherd
was unearthed at Pueblo del Arroyo.

Transitional pottery is, in some respects, very much like the pre-
Pueblo. Bowls are a little larger and deeper, but they have the same
rounded bottom and direct, tapering rim. Ladles remain of the half-
gourd type, but there is a little experimenting with a more detached,
thicker and flatter handle. Water jars acquire a low, vertical neck;
later, the neck lengthens and there is often a secondary bulge between
it and the shoulder. Duck-shaped and effigy vessels are added to the
earlier forms. Culinary ware continues smooth-bodied, but coils, often
indented, gradually supplant the older neck bands. Painted decoration
includes the same stepped and triangular elements with thin bordering
lines noted on the earlier ware and, in addition, volutes or whorls,
checkerboard and diamond-shaped patterns, waved or “squiggled”
lines, and squiggled hatching. But there is this difference: whereas
Pueblo I vessels were polished after the designs were painted, Tran-
sitional pottery was polished before painting.

In its earliest phase Transitional ware was coated with thick slip,
which sometimes acquired a sleek, enamel-like quality under vigorous
use of the polishing stone. But this practice did not last long. Smooth-
ing tools replaced polishers; slips became thinner and thinner and
finally were omitted altogether on bowl exteriors. Except at the begin-
ning, bowl and pitcher rims were painted black—a custom that was
thenceforth to become one of the most distinctive features of Chaco
Canyon pottery. Typical Transitional designs, on sherds from Tests I
and II, are illustrated on plate 48, lower.

This was the dominant type of painted pottery throughout the
infancy and adolescence of Pueblo Bonito. A little black-on-red ap-
peared, and a little brown-with-polished-black-interior, but not much.
As time advanced and pride in craftsmanship declined, the Transi-
tional was partially supplanted by a “Degenerate Transitional.’ After
the village reached middle age, so to speak, new types suddenly
appeared, as evidenced by our West Court tests and others. From
strata A-C, embracing the upper 50 inches of Test II, Roberts and
Amsden removed 43 fragments of straight-line hatching (3.1 percent
of all black-on-white sherds from the 12-foot cut) and 31 fragments

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 179

(2.3 percent) of Chaco—-San Juan. A lone Mesa Verde sherd came
from layer B, 18-24 inches below the surface. Chaco—San Juan and
straight-line hatching (pl. 49) were the prevailing types in those
sections of the village where most Late Bonitian dwellings are situ-
ated ; Mesa Verde ware was one of several foreign varieties introduced
during occupancy of those dwellings. Examples of all three occurred
with Transitional vessels in burial rooms of the old northwest quarter.
How to explain this apparent anomaly ?

As stated in the introduction, I believe Pueblo Bonito represents the
work of two distinct peoples; that the Old Bonitians were the real
founders and that the Late Bonitians were eleventh-century immi-
grants. I believe the Late Bonitians were first to vacate the village and
that, in addition to what they had previously acquired through barter,
the Old Bonitians speedily appropriated all useful utensils their former
neighbors left behind. These convictions derive both from observa-
tions in rooms excavated and from data gathered in various strati-
graphic tests.

After four years’ search, chance had led us to an undisturbed
portion of the trash heap associated with the house cluster from which
Pueblo Bonito developed. That trash heap had grown into a mound
over 8 feet high before the Late Bonitians arrived upon the scene.
Piled in the lee of the dwellings, the debris had been spread farther
east and southeast by the prevailing upcanyon winds and a natural
tendency on the part of housewives to dump their floor sweepings
leeward. From its crest the mound sloped away to cover more than
an acre. We found traces of it under Late Bonitian dwellings even
in the far southeastern corner of the ruin.

From a test pit to clean clay, 9 feet 6 inches below the original floor
of Room 153, we took 786 potsherds, and there were no late types
among them. Apparently that floor had been laid directly upon the
sloping surface of the old dump. There were no late types among 548
sherds gathered under Room 225.

Elsewhere, tests frequently showed a mixture of early and late
fragments. Of 50 sherds collected beneath the latest floor in rebuilt
Room 252, late hatching, late black-on-red, and Chaco—San Juan each
represented 4 percent of the total ; corrugated-coil culinary, 20 percent.
We found no late types below Room 330, but several fragments did
appear under nearby Kiva X. Of 642 sherds from a subfloor test in
Room 334, 10 were late black-on-red and five carried late hatching ;
147, or 23 percent, were fragments of corrugated pots. A few pieces
of Mesa Verde ware were noted, among other late examples, in test
pits dug below the floors of Room 344 and Kiva A.

180 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

From these stratigraphic studies in various parts of the village,
Roberts and Amsden deduced their succession of local earthenware
types and decorative styles, beginning with the pre-Pueblo and ending
with the third phase of straight-line, oblique hatching. Among the
ancient Pueblos, pottery illumination was no more static than it has
been among our own people. Styles come and go. Tablewares in
vogue today differ from those our grandmothers used. And so it was
at Pueblo Bonito. Each generation introduced one or more changes,
however inconspicuous. New patterns were created; old ones were
altered; straight lines replaced curved, or vice versa; designs were
banded or paneled, or drawn over the entire surface. At one time, a
number of Bonitian potters had a fancy for solid tips on certain units
of hachured design.

When straight-line hatching was introduced at Pueblo Bonito, the
lines composing the patterns were rather widely spaced and as heavy
as, or even heavier than, the lines that framed them. Solid elements
sometimes balanced the hatched figures. This is our “Hachure A”
(pl. 49, lower). But the women who favored this style of pottery
ornamentation were not content with it. They began almost at once
to experiment, to seek new combinations. Framing lines were made
still heavier ; angles and angular tips were filled in solid ; designs were
enlarged to cover the whole visible surface of the vessel. And the
results, our “Hachure B,” lasted so long that fragments of it seem
predominant in the rubbish piles; it has sometimes been described as
the outstanding variety in Bonitian ceramics. Individuality persisted,
however, and preferences changed. Finally, composing and framing
lines again became approximately equal in weight but thinner ; their
comparative thinness, straightness, and uniform spacing evidence
supreme confidence both in composition and in execution.

Typical Bonitian pottery, from the early Transitional to the latest
straight-hatched group, is decorated with mineral paint. Organic paint
appears on vessels imported from the Mesa Verde area and elsewhere ;
also, in large measure, on the so-called Chaco—San Juan ware, a va-
riety that combines northern designs and pigments with methods of
surface treatment equally characteristic of the Chaco. We never did
decide whether this ware was made in the canyon or imported. It was
in abundant supply throughout Late Bonitian times, but its use of or-
ganic paint remained at variance with local custom. Quartz sand was
available nearby but no lava or other igneous rock. Hence the chief
reliance of Bonitian potters throughout the long history of their vil-
lage was a temper of pulverized potsherds. Because it lessens paste

PLATE 50.—A possible foreign cook pot (a) from Pueblo del Arroyo and a Late Bonitian
example (>) from Room 256, Pueblo Bonito, and five Old Bonitian pots (¢c-g) from Room
323.

PLA

Upper: Bowls broken by fallen ceiling, Room 298. (Photograph by Neil M. Judd, 1923.)

Lower: Cook pots used for storage under floor of Room 1 (Photograph by Neil M.
Judd, 1926.)

, Pointed-bottom cook pot and fragments; B, corrugated-coil pitchers; C,
bowl molded in a basket, and two small culinary vessels.

7, 4055
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WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 181

shrinkage and reduces danger of breakage in firing, temper is of prime
consideration in pottery manufacture.

Since determinations based on simple ocular examination have al-
ways seemed to me of doubtful value and since we lacked the means
for thorough chemical analysis, I had not intended to consider at this
time the complex problem of paste inclusions. But in 1936, and again
in 1937, Miss Anna O. Shepard sampled our sherd collections as a
contribution to her study of pottery from La Plata Valley ruins, some
70 miles north of Pueblo Bonito. Although limited to fragments from
our stratigraphic tests II and IV and to a selection of sherds illus-
trating design sequence, Miss Shepard’s inquiry disclosed most inter-
esting facts about Bonitian tempering materials. We are privileged
to introduce herein certain results of her observations under the
petrographic and binocular microscopes.*®

To summarize Miss Shepard’s findings: Most black-on-white frag-
ments from Test II in the old dump under the West Court were
mineral-paint types and sherd-tempered. Sand and powdered rock also
appeared regularly as tempering agents but their frequency gradually
decreased as sherd-temper increased. For cooking pots, sand continued
in favor throughout, but sanidine basalt gained steadily until it oc-
curred in 56 percent of all pot fragments in four upper layers, F to C.
While the basalt appears as a primary temper in cooking pots its
presence in the mineral-paint ware is largely secondary ; that is, it was
the rock used as temper in vessels whose fragments later were pul-
verized to provide sherd-temper. Andesite appeared occasionally in
both mineral-paint and kitchen-ware fragments, and it was the chief
temper for early black-on-red pottery, sherds of which were found in
all except the two lowest strata. Pieces of vegetal-paint vessels like-
wise were noted in all layers except the two lowest, but, curiously
enough, they were much more common in the upper half of the deposit
than in the lower. Considered together, this organic-paint group gave
the following variations in temper: Sand, 17.9 percent; pulverized
sherds, 14 percent; sanidine basalt, 60.2 percent; and a mixture of
sherds and basalt in 7.6 percent—figures that suggest three or more
points of origin. Sanidine basalt became the dominant temper for
both organic-paint black-on-white and culinary wares while layer F
was being laid down and remained so thereafter.

Now the puzzling factor in all this is the presence of andesite and

39 Since these lines were written, the data Miss Shepard derived from our
- Pueblo Bonito sherds have been published. See her Technology of La Plata Pot-
tery, 1939, p. 280. The present writer is further obligated to Miss Shepard for
her helpful review of this and the next following pages.

182 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

sanidine basalt, two igneous rocks that do not occur in sandy Chaco
Canyon. Reeside (1924, p. 24) reports andesitic debris as a feature of
the McDermott formation, which underlies the Ojo Alamo sandstone
and extends from La Plata County, Colorado, southward along the
western margin of the San Juan Basin to within 15 miles of Pueblo
Bonito. But we have no proof that this nearby exposure actually
supplied the andesite used as temper in some of our earthenware
vessels. The nearest known source of sanidine basalt lies in the
Chuska Mountains, 50 miles due west of Pueblo Bonito. It is difficult
to believe that Bonitian women walked 50 miles and back just to obtain
this unusual rock for use in pottery manufacture. The only alterna-
tives are (1) a nearer supply not yet discovered, or (2) importation
of finished pottery, chiefly culinary ware, from the west. Miss Shepard
favors the latter possibility.

If the presence of sanidine basalt temper in pottery exhumed at
Pueblo Bonito identifies that pottery as foreign, then Bonitian women
were annually becoming more and more dependent upon others for
their pots and pans. Of nine sherds from the lowest level (K) of Test
II, three are plain-surfaced culinary ware and one of them is tempered
with sanidine basalt. Another fragment, that of an unpainted pitcher
or olla, is tempered with the same rock. Nearly 14 percent of all
sherds in Stratum H, or 17.3 percent of the culinary ware only, are
likewise tempered with sanidine basalt. For Stratum F the percent-
ages are, respectively, 24 and 53.3; for C, 29.9 and 66.6. Thus as Old
Bonitian rubbish accumulated, pottery tempered with sanidine basalt,
both cooking pots and tableware, was gaining in local favor. The rock
appears, although rarely, in Pueblo I sherds, in fragments of early
mineral-paint vessels, and in the several organic-paint types. Corru-
gated-coil culinary ware came suddenly into use during deposition of
Stratum C and of 39 corrugated-coil fragments in that layer 30 are
tempered with sanidine basalt. Because potters repeatedly searched
the rubbish piles for fragments suitable for sherd temper it is only
natural that sanidine basalt should have found its way indirectly into
Late Bonitian mineral-paint pottery whose principal temper is pulver-
ized potsherds.

These several facts suggest two questions we cannot now answer:
(1) Did the Bonitians, both Early and Late, import the raw material
or readymade pottery, chiefly culinary wares, tempered with sanidine
basalt, and (2) did they pulverize fragments of rock-tempered cooking
pots to provide sherd temper for vessels of their own manufacture?
I have long entertained the notion, for which I find no recorded justi-
fication at the moment, that modern Pueblo potters carefully avoid

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 183

culinary ware when gathering sherds.*° Sanidine basalt was the temper
in 40.7 percent of all culinary ware fragments and in 60.2 percent of
all vegetal-paint, black-on-white sherds from Strata C-K, Test II.
However, no vegetal-paint sherd was found in the two lowest levels
and none with sanidine basalt temper below F. This rock was the
dominant temper of corrugated-coil cooking pots, sherds of which
appeared first in Stratum C.

Sanidine basalt is the temper, also, in at least two vessels from a
Pueblo I pit house 1 mile east of Pueblo Bonito (Judd, 1924a). One
of these (U.S.N.M. No. 324809) is unpainted; the second (No.
324811) is decorated with vegetal paint. Two other vessels from the
same pit house are mineral-painted, sherd-tempered (Nos. 324806,
324881C). A sample lot of 43 fragments (No. 334122) from a
Basket Maker III site 9 miles east of Pueblo Bonito, later excavated
by Roberts (1929), shows 18 mineral-paint sherds of which one is
tempered with andesite and 17 with sand; one vegetal-paint sherd,
sand-tempered ; and 24 plain-surfaced sand-tempered fragments. Thus
andesite, if it did not originate in exposures of the McDermott forma-
tion south of Ojo Alamo, presumably represents trade from the north,
beginning in Basket Maker III times. And the sanidine basalt, unless
a nearer source really exists, must represent a western trade that began
in Pueblo I and thereafter gradually increased in volume until the
closing years of Pueblo Bonito. If this commerce was chiefly in
kitchenware, as appears to have been the case, the presumption is that
Bonitian potters utilized a good many culinary-ware fragments in
preparing their sherd temper. These presumptions and possibilities
doubtless could have been replaced by definite statements if oppor-
tunity had only permitted Miss Shepard a more extensive examination
of our Chaco Canyon sherd collections.

In large measure, Pueblo Bonito pottery was not polished. Bowl
interiors were smoothed with moist fingers, or a mop of some sort,
until the finer clay particles in the paste were brought to the surface;
exteriors usually retain tool marks and striations left when temper
grains were caught by the scraper. Most potters preferred a relatively
thin slip, if any; some of them sometimes drew a casual band of slip
paint outside a bowl rim or wiped their slip mop across the bottom.
All were not equally skillful. Each generation had its artists and its
housewives who made pottery only because they had to. Some of our
early Transitional, some in the Chaco—San Juan group, and certain

40 Shepard (1936, p. 472) states that Pecos potters did not differentiate in
selecting sherds for temper ; quotes Hodge to the effect that Zufii women, gather-
ing potsherds at Hawikuh, always rejected cooking-pot fragments as unsuited.

184 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

foreign wares were both heavily slipped and stone-polished ; but the
average, locally made nonculinary vessel is thin and hard, sherd-
tempered, hand-smoothed, white-slipped, and ornamented with mineral
paint.

In the following paragraphs we shall look upon the earthenware
vessels in our collection not as subjects for the test tube and micro-
scope but rather as household utensils. For herein we are concerned
less with paste, design sequence, and percentages than with the pots
and pans in which each family prepared and served its daily food.
A more critical study, however, in which are considered the sequential
variations of Bonitian ceramics and their relationship to the products
of adjacent areas, will be published, it is planned, as a subsequent
number of this series under the signature of Dr. Frank H. H. Roberts,
Jr., one of my colleagues during the 1925 and 1926 seasons and to
whom I delegated this important phase of the Society’s investigations.

Materials —The raw materials and the tools employed in pottery
manufacture were encountered less frequently than one would expect
in so populous a community as Pueblo Bonito. About four bushels of
unslaked clay had been stored in the southwest corner of Room 212;
at its base, the pile was bordered by 51 crushing tools—manos, mano
fragments, and rubbing stones. (Guthe, 1925, p. 20, reports that each
fall San Ildefonso women gather clay for winter use.) Sausagelike
lumps of prepared clay bearing finger imprints, apparent leftovers
from the day’s work, were noted among the rubbish in several aban-
doned rooms. Quantities of worked potsherds, the so-called “spoons”
used in thinning, scraping, and smoothing vessels during the modeling
process, were found all about the village, in debris heaps and else-
where. Local potters obviously favored this kind of scraper (fig. 47).
We found a few comparable examples of wood but none made from
gourd rind. More surprising still, we unearthed less than a dozen
pebbles evidencing use as polishers and none of these was deeply worn.
Yet polishing stones assuredly were employed to produce the glossy
surface on certain classes of Bonito pottery.

Most of our vessels may be described as “black-on-white.” The
whitish background on which the blackish designs were painted repre-
sents one or more coatings of liquid kaolin. The preparation and
application of this kaolin slip by Bonitian potters 900 years ago dif-
fered little, if at all, from methods Mrs. Stevenson (1904, p. 375)
observed at Zufi toward the close of the nineteenth century: “A
white clay is dissolved in water and then made into cones which
are dried in the sun. When required for use these cones are rubbed

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 185

to powder on a stone, again mixed with water, and applied in the
liquid state to the object with a rabbit-skin mop.”

Besides numerous small pieces, we found several masses of prepared
kaolin. Three of these, including that shown in figure 48, had been

ad

Fic. 47.—Pottery

Fic. 48.—Molded cake of kaolin.

thrust through by a small stick before solidifying ; all show marks of
scraping tools or evidence of rubbing. Three unused cakes (U.S.N.M.
No. 334879) from Room 51, Pueblo del Arroyo, measure 54 inches
in diameter and average 2 inches thick. They were formed by pouring
a thick kaolin solution into the body portion of a broken pitcher.
Pueblo Bonito potters preferred a black mineral paint, an iron
oxide. But some early wares and a larger proportion of late vessels,

186 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

many of which may have been imported, were decorated with organic
paint. This latter doubtless was obtained by boiling young shoots of
the Rocky Mountain beeplant (Cleome serrulata), after the manner
still followed at San Ildefonso and other New Mexico villages. In any
case, this annual still flourishes on flooded areas near Fajada Butte;
fragments of the plant were found in Pueblo Bonito. I assume the
paint brushes used locally were strips of yucca leaves, shredded at one
end, like those employed by Pueblo potters a generation ago.

We uncovered no structure identifiable as a pottery kiln but did
observe burned areas here and there on successive court levels. Today
the Pueblos do not build permanent kilns, and there is no reason to
believe their ancestors did. The universal Pueblo practice at present
is to fire pottery under a heap of dried barnyard manure piled on any
space convenient to the dwelling. Cedar wood only is used in kindling
the potter’s fire, a formalism that suggests the fuel employed prior to
Spanish introduction of sheep and horses. The Hopi frequently add
native coal to the dung blocks (Hodge, 1904, p. 581; Colton, Harold
S., 1936; Colton, Mary-Russell F., 1938, p. 10). At Pueblo Bonito
coal was customarily utilized in kiva construction but we observed no
evidence of its use as a fuel, either indoors or out.

On the basis of form and function, Bonitian pottery is separable
into various groups or classes: Cooking pots, food bowls and ladles,
pitchers, water jars, canteens, cylindrical vases, and a few odd pieces
that may or may not have been designed for household use.

Cooking pots—Sherds from the old trash pile under the West
Court show that the founders of Pueblo Bonito used smooth-bodied
cooking pots, the necks of which were formed by broad or narrow
overlapping bands. Broad bands were sometimes rubbed longitudi-
nally and partially obliterated; the narrow ones were often rounded,
occasionally tooled between as though by a bone awl. There were
sherds with waved or undulating imbrications; sherds with coiled or
flat clay ribbons applied to the finished vessel solely for decorative
effect; sherds with nubble or loop handles. But mostly the fragments
represented pots whose upper third was composed of unobliterated
bands, each of which completely circled the neck and joined upon
itself. The last band, frequently wider than its predecessors, formed
the rather direct lip for a large orifice. Similar pots, both large and
small, were recovered in 1922 from a Pueblo I pit house 1 mile east of
Pueblo Bonito (Judd, 1924a, pp. 399-413).

Besides fragments such as those just described, the upper layers of
the old rubbish contained sherds of plain-bodied pots, the necks of
which were built up of longer, narrower strips that coiled one and a

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 187

half or two times around before the next was added. F requently the
strips were so manipulated during the coiling process as to leave
externally a bold, geometric pattern. Although these designs usually
were produced by finger-pinching each coil as it was attached, an
instrument sometimes was employed to give sharper indentations. The
pleasing effect of such treatment is illustrated on two of the five cook-
ing pots from Room 323, an Old Bonitian dwelling 35 feet long (pl. 50,
lower, figs. c,d).

These two, with coiled necks on which the designs were partly
emphasized by tooling, are still soot-covered as though but recently
lifted from the kitchen fire. The other three have plain banded necks.
Their rims slightly below floor level, all five had been buried to serve
as storage jars.t Four of them lay within 8 feet of the southwest
wall: two near the base of ceiling supports and another below the
eastern jamb of the southwest door. The neck of another pot, broken
cleanly from its smoothed body just where the first neck coil joined,
and bearing a deeply tool-indented key figure, was recovered in adjoin-
ing Room 326. I have no doubt it served as a cradle, or support, for
a large round-bottomed vessel (pl. 53, fig. b).

The age of Room 323 is suggested by the fact that its two datable
ceiling beams were cut about A.D. 935. In due course the dwelling
was abandoned, but while its ceiling was still partly in place the room
had been utilized as a convenient neighborhood dump (pl. 31, lower).
From this household rubbish we removed many discarded stone imple-
ments and quantities of potsherds. After eliminating all recognizable
duplicates, Roberts and Amsden counted 24, 587 sherds, of which 40.5
percent were from old-style cooking pots and 13.1 percent from those
made in the later, over-all corrugated-coil technique.

Four Late Bonitian pots, likewise embedded for storage purposes,
were unexpectedly encountered in Room 128 while we were tracing
the wall of an abandoned kiva previously discovered beneath Rooms
340-341. The old kiva’s roof-pole offset had been partially torn away
on the west side and here the four pots were placed, side by side, with
their rims just below the original floor (pl. 51, lower). Sometime
later, the vessels forgotten, a 10-inch layer of sand and debris of oc-
cupation was spread throughout the house as the base for a new floor.
Still later, after the dwelling was vacated, windblown sand accumu-
lated on this second surface, not to be laid bare until Richard Wether-
ill had the room cleared in anticipation of the return of the Hyde Ex-

pedition. We found this upper sand layer about 3 inches thick in the

41In present-day Hopi and Zuiii homes, jars and cooking pots stand on floor
or bench for storage of foodstuffs and water.

188 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

middle. But more sand had gathered since 1897 and, with it, cedar
chips from the Wetherill woodpile, rusted tin cans, and broken glass.

The largest of the four pots, its base missing, had been set on a
stone slab and a new bottom improvised with adobe mud. One of the
others contained a small quantity of grass seed, too decayed for identi-
fication. All four were made in the over-all, corrugated-coil technique
and with flaring rims. The differences between them and culinary
vessels of the Old Bonitians are at once apparent. Two were embel-
lished by alternately pinching and leaving unindented sections of each
successive coil; the other two were provided with solid down-turned
lugs as handles. All four probably had been cracked in service and
thereafter buried to answer as handy grain bins. Fragments of their
broken rims were put aside for the photograph.

Only six of our Pueblo Bonito cooking pots have handles. One of
them is a small, rude example from Kiva W having a conical lug
opposing a rounded, vertical loop. However, pot handles of diverse
type were repeatedly noted in household rubbish. From debris in
Room 251, a rebuilt dwelling on the east side of the village, we recov-
ered the neck portion of a pot with two lugs, each turned horizontally
to the left (U.S.N.M. No. 335253). Its direct rim and its thick, deeply
pinched coils identify it as Old Bonitian.

Our Bonito cook pots, 29 in number, vary in size, shape, and
workmanship. One of the smallest measures 4% inches in diameter by
43 inches high (pl. 52, B, center). The largest, 13} by 15%, is the
bottomless one from Room 128. For the entire group, average di-
ameter is 9.06 inches; height, 10.13 inches. The five buried under the
floor of Room 323 are the only restorable Old Bonitian pots we
recovered. Distribution of the remaining 24 was as follows: One each
from Kivas H, U, and W; one from Room 309, a ceremonial chamber
built of second-type masonry abutting an older wall; one buried
upright under the second floor in Room 348; 16 from dwellings of
third-type masonry; and three from fourth-type houses. Of the 24,
all but one are coiled counterclockwise. Coils per inch vary from 3.5
to 7.5, with single examples at each extreme. Average for the 24 is
just a shade under five coils per inch. But coiling varies on each pot,
being narrower at the beginning, broader on the shoulder and neck.
None approaches in minuteness of coiling (11 to the inch) a small jar,
three fragments of which were found in Rooms 292-293.

It is noteworthy that only 5 of the 29 pots were found in Old
Bonitian dwellings, and that these were of early type and no longer
used for cooking. I cannot explain this absence of culinary ware from
the older part of the pueblo, where indications of late occupancy were

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 189

otherwise most apparent. In Hyde’s distribution table No. 2, 8 of the
20 “corrugated jars” listed are from houses in the old northern section.
But the only one figured (not included in table 2) is a Pueblo II
vessel from Room 85 (Pepper, 1920, pp. 278, 359-362). Our several
stratigraphic tests showed that smooth-bodied, banded- or coiled-neck
pots gradually passed out of use after arrival of the Late Bonitians.
Corrugated-coil sherds appeared in the upper 2 feet of Test I; in the
upper 44 feet of Test IT.

Of four corrugated pots with vertical loop handles, three are illus-
trated on plate 52,B. The two smallest bear no smoke stains and
might properly be classed as pitchers. On another unsmoked vessel
(pl. 52, C, center) the potter exercised her ingenuity by interrupting
the regularity of the indentations to introduce a waved belt of four
plain coils. The idea was locally an old one, for we found no less than
10 sherds with undulating imbrications in Test I.

The small, rude pot illustrated in plate 52,C, right—probably a
child’s effort—was started as a clay disk, pressed cuplike so the edge
was pleated; upon this base broad, irregular coils were laid clockwise.
In contrast, the work of a master is represented by a restored pot from
Room 256 (pl. 50, fig. b). The lighter area down the left side resulted
from more intense heat on those particular fragments when fire burned
the vegetable matter in which the shattered vessel lay.

Sherds from both early and late rubbish piles prove that utility ware
was occasionally ornamented with incised designs; sometimes with
scrolls or chevrons applied to the upper neck.

The 25 cooking pots we unearthed at Pueblo del Arroyo average 3
inches larger, both in diameter and height, than those from Pueblo
Bonito. Rim flare seems a bit more pronounced than on Bonito pots;
four are definitely more globular, with shorter necks and higher
shoulders. Twelve of the number were standing in Room 65 and one
of them is conspicuous from the fact its body is smooth while the
upper part is composed of broad coils, laid counterclockwise and
horizontally smoothed (pl. 50, fig. a). Lug handles are placed 24
inches below the outflaring rim; particles of sand temper protrude
through the surface.*?

Bowls comprised the principal tableware at Pueblo Bonito. They
were the dishes in which food was placed before the family, seated
on the floor. Tables and chairs were not used in Pueblo homes until

#2 Despite its flaring lip, rounded bottom, and superior workmanship, this ves-
. sel has a profile reminiscent of one figured by Mera (1935, pl. 7) from that
strange cultural admixture, the “Gallina Phase,’ between headwaters of the Rio
Chama and the San Juan.

190 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

a generation ago and are not used at meal time even now by the more
conservative. But the ancient Pueblos, like their living descendants,
probably did not restrict bowls to food service exclusively. Large
bowls are utilized today for kneading bread, as receptacles for ground
meal, and for other purposes; smaller bowls often answer as catchalls
and as containers for water and paint at pottery-making time.

Luxan, recording his observations among Rio Grande pueblos in
1582, found the Tigua a “neat and clean people, for so they are in
eating and sleeping . . . and they use very good crockery” (Ham-
mond and Rey, 1929, p. 82). I have seen Hopi, Zufii, and San Ilde-
fonso families sitting on the floor around a bowl of cornmeal mush or
a mutton stew, with fingers substituted for forks, and bread crusts
for spoons. And each time I marveled at the modest Pueblo appetite,
compared with my own. In former times Pueblo families had but two
hot meals a day, in midmorning and in late afternoon.

The 251 bowls in our Pueblo Bonito collection vary in diameter
from 1 to 13 inches. The smaller surely were toys, although they are
usually as carefully made as larger ones. The average measures 74
inches in diameter by 33% inches deep. Over 93 percent are black-on-
white. The “black” varies from rusty brown to coal black; the
“white,” from chalky white to slaty gray. A number, both large and
small, are reddish brown on the outside with a smudged black interior.
Still fewer are slipped with red clay and decorated inside with black
geometric designs. Irrespective of size and color, surface treatment,
or skill in execution, Pueblo Bonito bowls tend to be hemispherical
with rounded bottom and thin, direct rim; and the rim edge is usually
painted black, a distinguishing local feature. In most instances this
rim line is interrupted at some point to provide a “path” or “gateway”
for the spirit resident in the vessel.

When the second-story floor of Old Bonitian Room 298 burned and
collapsed into the storeroom below, it broke 7 of the 12 bowls ranged
against the northeast wall (pl. 51, upper). The smallest of these ves-
sels is 33 and the largest 11% inches in diameter. Nine of the 12 are
ornamented in the Transitional style, one in Chaco—San Juan, and two
in straight-line hatching. In the smaller of the two latter, framing
lines are heavier than composing lines; in the second, largest of the
lot and misshapen through crowding in the firing pile, composing and
framing lines are of almost equal weight. Neither of these two is
slipped on the outside but the larger bears a broad cross in slip paint
extending from rim to rim. The Chaco—San Juan bowl alone has
handles—rounded loops pressed close against the sides. It is 5 inches
in diameter and its rim is dotted. With a single doubtful exception,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO IgI

the other bowls have black-painted rims. One, 4 inches in diameter
by 2 inches deep, bears a thick, crackled, chalky-white slip; the sole
decoration is a black ring on its quarter-inch-wide, outflaring rim.
No other vessel in our collection has a like rim. Fragments of two
gourd-shaped ladles were also found in Room 298.

In the adjoining storeroom, 296, we found three bowls and a pitcher.
Two of the bowls, slipped and partially polished outside, are decorated
on the inside in the old Transitional style; the third bears a 4-unit,
straight-hatched design that is noticeably blurred as if its lines were
painted while the slip was still damp. After the potter finished slipping
the inner wall of this third bowl she drew her slip mop around the
outer edge to leave a careless band of thin kaolin. Over this band
three strokes of a paint-filled brush emphasized the line break, or
spirit path, in the black line circling the rim. The pitcher accompany-
ing these bowls is decorated with stepped elements bordered by thin,
parallel lines in good pre-Pueblo style, but its slip was stone-polished
before the design was added. A squarish shoulder divides the decora-
tion into two zones; the handle extends from rim to base of neck.

Fire had destroyed the ceilings of these two ground-floor rooms.
In both cases the broken bowls found in and under the wreckage had
belonged to families who once occupied the living quarters above.
There can be little doubt of that. Similarly, we may be sure that the
two vessels accompanying the body of a middle-aged man (Skeleton
23), buried in a hole dug through the floor of Room 330, were
familiar to him during life and were offerings from his family or close
relatives at time of interment (pl. 93, lower). So, too, with the bowl
under the right knee of a fellow warrior we know only as Skeleton 10
(pl. 98, lower).

Twenty-three men, women, and children were entombed in Room
330. Their burial furniture included 17 bowls, 11 of which are quite
small, about the size of a cereal dish; but they represent a group sur-
prisingly numerous at Pueblo Bonito, and we shall not go far astray
if we regard them as porringers. Indeed, one of them (U.S.N.M.
No. 336344) still held a food remnant.

Eighteen of the 26 bowls from Room 329 belong to this same
category. Six others, 2 to 4 inches in diameter, neatly made and
decorated, are believed to be children’s toys.

Three of the Room 329 bowls contained remains of ee offerings,
perhaps cornmeal. Chemical analysis proved the substance of vegetal
origin but exact identification was not feasible. These three are illus-
trated on plate 53, figures c-e, and, above them, the bowl with which
each was covered, The smallest of the six is slipped all over ; the larg-

192 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

est is unslipped on the outer surface; the remaining four have bands
of slip paint, narrow to wide, outside below the rim.

In Room 326 one man, nine women, and an infant were buried.
Among the offerings placed with the bodies were 62 food bowls, all
but one of which are shown on plates 54 and 55. Of the total, 22
measure less than 6 inches in diameter. All are black-on-white with
three exceptions: two brown-with-polished-black-interior (figs. b,c)
and one black-on-red (fig. #). The 2-unit interior design of this latter
consists of interlocking, stepped scrolls bordered by parallel lines plus
a little squiggled filling. Its black rim line is unbroken by the cus-
tomary spirit path.

Almost the whole range of Pueblo Pouite ceramic history is repre-
sented here. Both early and late wares will be noted and in their
several variations; also, a couple of pieces from other culture areas.
Only two of the 62 have handles, the largest and one of the smallest.
The former is a veritable tub, 124 inches in diameter by 5% inches
deep, with an interior, over-all, 4-unit design, a flattish bottom, an
unpolished, slip-washed exterior, and two double-roll, horizontal han-
dles just below the painted rim (pl. 55, fig. gs). One handle is
pressed so close there is no space betweeen it and the vessel wall. The
second bowl with handles, one of the brown-with-polished-black-
interior, is 4 inches in diameter and half as deep; its round loop
handles are attached so high they curve above the rim (pl. 54, fig. b).
In plate 55, figure a3, four spirit paths or line breaks were required
when the tails of as many white triangle scrolls reached the edge.
Room 326 pitchers, 15 in number, are illustrated on plate 57.

Sometime during the occupancy of Room 266, in the northeast
quarter of Pueblo Bonito, five jar-shaped storage pits had been dug
into the hard clay below its floor. The first of these, Cist 1, was filled
with blown sand; from the lower half of that fill we removed 22
broken bowls, only 2 of which were more than 54 inches in diameter
(pl. 56). |

Small bowls are conspicuous in our Pueblo Bonito collection and
since the 20 from Cist 1 are thoroughly representative, a description
of them will answer for all others. Each bears external striations of
scraping tools but two, figures qg and 7, appear also to have been partly
stone-polished. Only one, a, is slip-coated over all, but « shows a
“puddled” exterior as though modeling while the paste was wet had
brought the finer clay particles to the surface. After slipping the inner
wall the potter drew her mop carelessly around the outside rim to
leave a more or less conspicuous slip band on all except a, e, 1, g, u, and
v. Fourteen are ornamented with hachured designs, of which four, n,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 193

o, p, and u, are either squiggled or a combination of squiggled and
straight hatching. In every instance the rim edge was painted black
and, presumably, provided with a spirit path. (On six specimens the
rim line is partly erased.) External emphasis figures appear on six
bowls, d, e, g, h, n, and v, but only on the three latter do these figures
actually coincide with the path or line break. On the outside of d
a stepped triangle hangs from the lip a third of the way around to the
left of the break; e has a pendent V 2 inches to the right of the path.
From the opening in the rim line of / three connected, wide-spreading
V’s extend in decreasing size to the right. A like figure, partly erased,
appears on g; ” has an outturned scroll at each side of the path, while
v has a scroll at the left only. Usually, but not always, the spirit path
lies where an open space in the design reaches the rim. Paint-brush
strokes form an X on the bottom of 0; two straight marks appear on
the bottom of 7; a single brush stroke is noted under one lug on both
s and t; a broad dash of slip paint underlies the emphasis figure on v.
Five (p-t) of these 20 small bowls have lug handles. On the first,
that with four, the handles are wider and rounder but, like the others,
they were thrust through vertically with a rounded stick or awl to
clear the opening. Freedom of individual expression is perfectly
obvious in this assemblage.

Our collection includes 95 of these below-average bowls (average,
74, inches), and handles occur on 12 percent of them. Two is the
customary number, but one in five has four. A single example, from
Room 272, is equipped with three (U.S.N.M. No. 336187). Ina few
instances postattachment modeling partially closed the handle perfora-
tion, but even so a fine cord could still be inserted, if desired. Room
272 produced a second unique bowl—one 7 inches in diameter by 4
inches deep, with two pairs of conical, unperforated nodes placed an
inch below the rim (No. 336186).

The average Bonitian bowl is handleless, but larger examples some-
times were provided with horizontal loops or broad, shelflike lugs.
The latter kind, as we know from sherds, usually are downraking
and slightly cupped on the under side. Handles of this type appear on
2 of our I2 bowls 11 inches or more in diameter; in the case of a
Chaco—San Juan specimen from Room 227, the lugs are pierced
(U.S.N.M. No. 336133). A 123-inch bowl from Kiva 2-D, orna-
mented with opposed solid triangles bordered by many thin parallel
lines, has slightly pressed-in loop handles placed 2 inches below the rim
(No. 336335). In contrast, a dish from Room 326, likewise decorated
in Transitional style, has close-pressed, double-roll, upturned handles
a mere half inch below its rim (No. 336283). Room 268 produced an

194 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

114-inch bowl with a double-roll loop on one side and a solid, bifur-
cated lug on the other (No. 336183). Perhaps owing to their weight
while drying, or to crowding in the fire, these large bowls are some-
times misshapen and occasionally flattened on the bottom, but only
one, a Chaco—San Juan vessel from Room 255, has a base noticeably
concave (No. 336142).

Subfloor pit 3, Room 266, was filled with clean sand from which we
recovered a few miscellaneous sherds and three restorable, black-on-
white bowls. Part of one was found near the top and the remainder
near the bottom, showing that the pit had been intentionally filled and
all at one time. Two of the bowls are decorated in late, straight-line
hatching, while the third bears a design foreign to Pueblo Bonito.

Fragments of six other foreign bowls lay among household rubbish
dumped through the second-story west door some time after Room
266 was abandoned (pl. 58, lower). The first three, however unlike
in ornamentation, have several points in common: they are relatively
shallow, averaging only 34 inches in depth; their inner and outer walls,
stone-polished, creamy gray in color and velvet smooth, have crackled
or spalled minutely; their rims are rounded, slightly incurved, and
unpainted ; 7 and k wear an external band of thin slip paint at the rim.
The second trio( /-n) averages an inch deeper, with thinner, steeper
walls and more rounded bottoms, and rims that are direct, partially
flattened and unpainted. Their exteriors are slipped over all, but m
only was stone-polished; surface cavities and striations on / and n
evidence a relatively coarse angular temper. There is no line break
in the upper border of the two complete designs, on 7 and k. All six
are ornamented with what I judge to be organic paint.

These six bowls are probably importations despite features in
common with some of our Chaco—San Juan vessels. I do not know
where the first two originated, but the others are decorated with
designs I remember well from southwestern Colorado and south-
eastern Utah. Modern archeologists probably would classify these
four as “McElmo black-on-white.” The over-all design in 7 is so
unusual it would never be forgotten. Two other bowls in the collection
combine in their ornamentation elements to be found in the six now
before us. Both are 44+ inches in depth. One is gray and unpolished
outside; its rim is thinned on the outer edge by scraping and remains
unpainted. The second, more heavily slipped and much smoother
inside and out, has a rounded, slightly incurved rim that is also un-
painted. Neither bowl wears the external band of slip paint seen on
z and k; both have an interior, all-over ornamentation that combines
the broad, widely spaced lines of McElmo design with single or inter-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 195

locking scrolls ticked on the convex edge in the manner of the toothed
elements so prominent in 7. I should guess this distinctive figure to be
a mark of some restricted area but fail to find its like in any of the
reference works at hand.

Other foreign wares are more easily identified as to source: The
Mesa Verde district in the north; the Kayenta region in the west; the
Little Colorado, Upper Gila, and Mimbres areas in the south. In each
case these imports reached Chaco Canyon late, after Pueblo Bonito
had attained full development.

One variety of alien pottery we never thought to find is illustrated
on plate 52, A. All three examples came from Kiva W, on the west
side of the West Court, a chamber filled with debris of reconstruction
overlain by blown sand in which clay lenses evidenced the presence,
from time to time, of water trapped after summer showers. The
pottery is so unlike the associated Bonito sherds that our Zufii work-
men must have noted the difference, but they said nothing at the time.
However, they told me later that the pieces came from about bench
level, approximately 6 feet below the terrace immediately north and
south of the kiva.

Variable striations left by scraping tools appear on the three speci-
mens; neither has been slipped; all are gray in color. In each case
the bottom is thick, the upper wall relatively thin (one-eighth inch
for a).** Finger imprints remain on the fragment in the center,
inside and out, showing the vessel began as a conical cup, molded by
hand; upon this beginning an inch-wide band of clay was laid down.
Attached to this base, as illustrated, is a fragment found in Room 314,
at the north end of the East Court. Below the flaring rim of the pot
at the right an ornamental collar of thin vertical nodes was formed
by pinching the plastic clay between thumb and forefinger. Six smoke-
blackened neck fragments of a fourth and larger jar, likewise from
Kiva W, evidence a succession of three concentric circles scratched
into the striated surface by way of decoration.

Although, unfortunately, neither I nor one of my colleagues saw
these sherds in situ, I have no doubt they actually came from the
buildings indicated. They were tossed into the sherd boxes along with
other fragments exhumed by the workmen and were not detected
until Roberts and Amsden tabulated the material in midsummer, 1925.
Room 314 was excavated in 1923; Kiva W, the following year. The
fact that the Room 314 fragment fitted one of those from Kiva W was
not noted until these paragraphs were being written in Washington

43 The temper in the left-hand fragment, the only one examined by Miss Shep-
ard, was identified as “coarse sand.”

196 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

10 years later. There is a noticeable difference in color between the
two pieces.

When the fragments first appeared we guessed them to be of
Navaho or Apache manufacture, remnants of vessels abandoned by
wandering tribesmen after Bonito had been deserted. Recent investi-
gations by Mera (1935; 1938) and Hibben (1938b, pp. 131-136) have
corrected this early surmise and identified the place of probable origin
as an area bordering the Continental Divide 60-odd miles northeast of
Pueblo Bonito. Here has been disclosed a strange cultural admixture,
basically Puebloan but favoring conical-bottomed cooking pots. Hall
(1944, p. 61) associates the latter with a ““Largo-Gallina” phase which
he times between A.D. 900 and 1100. The area is generally recognized
as the ancestral home of the Navaho.

One of four Largo houses Mera excavated, a pit dwelling, gave a
construction date of A.D. 1106. The latest ceiling beam we found in
Bonito was cut in 1130. Thus there is reason to believe that inhabit-
ants of the two districts knew of each other’s existence. But the bases
of our three Kiva W pots are decidedly more pointed than any yet
figured from the Largo; in the same way they differ from historic
Navaho vessels. The pinched-up collar on the third specimen, plate
52, A, is a type of decoration used, with less precision, both by Gallina
potters and by the Navaho.

Elsewhere in this report I have directed attention to the similarity
between a small earthenware pipe from a Largo house and one we
unearthed at Pueblo Bonito.

If the presence of pre-Spanish Navaho pottery in Pueblo Bonito
proved a complete surprise, so too did a sherd from Room 256—the
bottom of a brown, finely corrugated bowl with polished black interior
bearing a matte design (fig. 49). The coils, eight to the inch, possess
a minuteness and regularity more at home in the San Francisco River
Valley of southwestern New Mexico than in Chaco Canyon. Previous
to the finding of this fragment we supposed, as did everyone else, that
Maria and Julian Martinez of San Ildefonso originated the black-ware
paint they have employed so successfully since 1921 (Guthe, 1925,
p. 24). But theirs clearly is a rediscovery, since they could not pos-
sibly have known that the same peculiar pigment was used at Pueblo
Bonito more than eight centuries earlier. The one datable beam
recovered from Room 256 was cut in A.D. 1052; seven timbers from
two adjoining rooms were felled between 1047 and 1083.

A restored bowl from Pueblo del Arroyo is likewise ornamented
with matte paint. In this example, however, the brown exterior is

h2

PLatE 54.—Thirty-eight of the 62 food bowls among the burial offerings in Room 326 (see
also pl. 55) illustrate almost the entire range of ceramic history at Pueblo Bonito.

PLATE 55.—-Larger bowls among the 62 recovered from Room 326 (see also pl. 54).

PLATE 56.—Bowls restored from fragments found in subfloor Cist No. 1, Room 266.

PLATE 57.—Fifteen pitchers were included among the grave furnishings in Room 326.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 197

irregularly stone-polished rather than corrugated, and the design on
the glossy black inner wall is a four-line, stepped and bordered compo-
sition decidedly Pueblo I in appearance (U.S.N.M. No. 334618).

At first we thought brown-with-polished-black-interior represented
trade from the headwaters of the Rio Gila. But doubts arose when we
recovered fragments of it well toward the bottom of the west refuse

Fic. 49.—Sherd with matte decoration.

mound and noted its presence elsewhere (1.2 percent of tabulated
sherds from excavated rooms). While cutting our West Court strati-
graphic sections, we found one fragment of the ware in Test I,
Stratum G (8 6”-0’ 8” below the last utilized court surface), two
fragments in Stratum E (depth, 5’ 2”-5’ 9”), and 11 fragments in
layers A-B (surface to 3 feet below). In Test II, three fragments
only were recovered, in Strata A and B (surface to 2 feet depth).
These two tests thus evidence an occasional brown-with-polished-
_ black-interior bowl during Old Bonitian times and a sudden increase
in numbers shortly after the local appearance of corrugated-coil culi-

198 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

nary ware and the Chaco—San Juan group. Many of the polished-
black-interior bowls were thinned externally at the rim, a Chaco
custom, and the inference is that these, at least, were made in the
canyon. Sherds from the older rubbish are less glossy black inside
and browner outside than later fragments.

On the other hand, the collection includes sherds of cooking pots
and black-interior bowls that almost certainly originated on the Upper
Gila—bowls with outflaring rim, bowls and pots with exceedingly fine
corrugated coiling, and others with the corrugations partially smoothed
by rubbing. None of the bowl sherds is provided with that character-
istic Upper Gila treatment, an external band of two to six corrugated
coils below the rim.

An over-all, externally corrugated bowl with black-on-white interior
decoration, probably of northern origin, vanished completely some-
time after exhumation. It is to be seen, however indistinctly, in
Haven’s field photograph, reproduced as plate 91, upper. We have
only one other comparable piece.

Food bowls shaped in a basket, and preserving the basket imprint
externally, occur repeatedly at unit-type ruins north of the San Juan
but are not generally associated with Pueblo III cultures. Yet we
found fragments of eight such vessels, in Room 251 and Kivas A,
B, J, L, and 2-E. Each of these is a Late Bonitian structure; each
contained more or less Late Bonitian rubbish.

Kiva 2-E, in the southeast corner of the East Court, is probably
later than the other four but we cannot so easily fit it into local history.
Although built of salvaged stone, its architecture is unlike that of
nearby kivas. After it ceased to be used for religious purposes the
hatchway in its flat roof openly invited the dumping of household
sweepings. From that rubbish in 1923 we recovered the major portion
of a deep bowl molded in a basket (pl. 52, C, left). Two years later,
after the vessel had been restored, I picked up a fragment of its rim
from the surface of the east refuse mound—an inconsequential fact
but one that suggests the lateness both of the kiva and the bowl.

The gray interior, irregularly smoothed, appears to have been pud-
dled rather than slip-coated. It is ornamented with two bands of faded
black figures pendent from single lines: above, elongated elements
that remind one of shirts hanging by their sleeves and, below, solid
triangles, point down. Two black lines encircle the outer wall; the
flat rim, one-fourth inch thick, is marked by close-lying dots. Holes
drilled from the inside a half inch below the rim evidence ancient

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 199

repairs. Like fragments of the other seven, this basket-molded bowl
is sherd-tempered and decorated with vegetal paint.**

Bonitian potters occasionally modeled vessels in the form of mam-
mals, birds, and human beings, but they rarely found courage to
portray these creatures by painting. Several of their efforts in this
direction are illustrated in figure 50, a-g. The first (a) is on an Old
Bonitian bowl the inner surface of which is stone-polished and bears
an all-over, rectilinear design in oblique, squiggled hatching; its out-
side is unevenly smoothed and so thinly slipped the gray paste shows
through. Fragment c shows like treatment; f possesses a rather pink-
ish color, perhaps an accident in firing, and its paint is quite red over
a very thin, whitish slip. The black-on-red fragment, e, belonged to a
bowl from the Little Colorado area, eastern Arizona, while d and the
hunchbacked flute player, Kokopelli (g), were interior bottom designs
on imports from the Mesa Verde district. Representations of horned
toads are shown in two restored Mesa Verde bowls on plate 58,
figures a, b.

Although a number of our local bowls, especially the larger ex-
amples, were misshapen through careless crowding when piled for
firing, relatively few exhibit intentional novel treatment. One such,
from Room 326, simulates two superposed dishes (pl. 53, fig. f). It
is slip-coated inside and out, and imperfectly polished; its simple,
waved-line ornamentation is typically Old Bonitian, but the external
overemphasis of the “spirit path” marks the vessel as later. Gladwin
(1945, p. 64, pl. 29, b) places a bowl of like form but different design
in his Red Mesa Phase, which is “Early Pueblo II.”

Fragments of several small double bowls are noted among the
sherds saved for study. In each instance the painted design differs in
the two halves; the junction wall is sometimes straight, sometimes
omitted from one half to fit the convexity of the other. Our lone
fragment of this character from Pueblo del Arroyo represents a rec-
tangular, vertical-walled, stone-polished brown vessel, one compart-
ment of which is smudged inside.

All Pueblo potters learned their art through experience. Instruction
began early, when a mother or grandmother sought to occupy the
toddler at elbow with a lump of moist clay, and continued. throughout
childhood and adolescence (pl. 60). In their want of skill in execution,
several of our earthenware vessels suggest the work of children, but
_ none more clearly than a bowl from Room 307 (pl. 53, fig. g). Its

#4 Determinations by Miss Shepard.

\
LL

Fic. 50.—Bird and mammal figures on b

owl fragments.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 201

upper half consists of three coils, unevenly applied and irregularly
finger-pinched, and a broader rim band marked by thumbnail imprints ;
its inner surface was lightly slipped before the uncertain design was
painted. The only other restorable piece of pottery from this Old
Bonitian dwelling is an undersized ladle of the half-gourd type; its
rim is painted black and a ticked-line figure continues from the bowl
into the open handle (pl. 69, fig. b).

Ladies are no more than small bowls with a jutting handhold. They
serve as well for ladling rabbit stew as for dipping water. Many ladles
in our collection are noticeably worn from scraping against pot or
sand. Rarely does the worn edge indicate left-handedness.

In his report of observations among the Hopi in 1881, Bourke
(1884, p. 254) remarked: “Table ware is made of pottery, but spoons
and ladles of horn, wood, and gourds, are in every house.” Gourd
ladles are more frequently seen in Pueblo homes of the present gen-
eration but those of earthenware have not been wholly discarded.

The Basket Makers used dippers made from wild gourds and natu-
rally imitated these familiar utensils in clay when they learned the art
of pottery manufacture. Early Pueblo potters followed suit. Because
it served its purpose well the half-gourd-shaped ladle or scoop per-
sisted until Pueblo II times before it was entirely superseded by the
bowl-and-handle type.

Our Old Bonitians were a Pueblo II people. Their dippers were of
the old style, from less than 4 to over 14 inches long, and ornamented
with characteristic designs that continued full length, down one side
and back up the other (pl. 61, figs. f-1). From this beginning, the
broad, flat handle (e) developed. An intermediate stage, locally rep-
resented by sherds only, is the scoop with thin partition separating
bowl from concave handle. From a Pueblo I village in southwestern
Colorado, Roberts (1930, pp. 101-102) reports the same ladle sequence
we observed in the older rooms and rubbish heaps of Pueblo Bonito.

Late Bonitian ladles were wholly of the bowl-and-handle type (a-
d).*° The two parts were made separately and joined while the paste
was still plastic—usually by punching a hole in the side of the bowl,
inserting the handle end, and smoothing over the point of contact.
Although the painted ornamentation merely repeated that on food
bowls of the period, imagination was often unleashed when the

45 During room excavations we recovered 10 bowl-and-handle ladles, including
6 from which the handles had been broken, and 8 of them came from Late Boni-
tian houses. In contrast, of 13 scoops and sizeable fragments all but 5 were
found in Old Bonitian dwellings and trash piles.

202 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

handles were fashioned. At first solid and cylindrical, these later
became tubular; one or more small holes were punched through the
top or sides; now and then a pellet was introduced to rattle when the
dipper was used. Sometimes the handle was formed of two or more
solid clay rolls, laid flat and pressed together or twisted ropewise; less
frequently a long, slender roll was looped about and joined by one or
two crossbars. The tip of a hollow handle often turned up or down;
occasionally it was bifurcated or ringed as though for suspension.
Fancies such as these were not readily applied to Old Bonitian ladles
although we did find a few fragments with curled ends and two with
flat strips bridging open, troughlike handles.

An eccentricity that looks like a ladle is illustrated on plate 62,
figure a. It is slip-coated inside and out, carefully smoothed but not
polished; its paint is dull black except at the forward right quarter
and under the handle where overfiring has turned it brown. There is
no trace of abrasion on the bowl edge. Part of a similar vessel, slipped
over all, stone-polished but undecorated, came from Room 267 (fig. c).
The fragment of a smaller, much shallower example was found above
the stone and adobe fill in a large, square compartment at the east end
of the east refuse mound (fig. b).

Pepper (1920, figs. 91 and 143) illustrates, from Rooms 51 and 141,
two specimens very similar to our a and c. He describes them as
“incense burners,” a type of utensil known in Mexico and Central
America but not in the Pueblo country. The first of his is accom-
panied by a lid whose external decoration almost duplicates that on a
fragment we found in Room 315 (pl. 62, figs. e, e’). Half of a second
cover, from Room 307-I, is shown in figures d and d’. Neither frag-
ment has a seating groove on the inner edge; in neither case is the
edge worn by attrition.

Pitchers, so-called from their resemblance to a familiar form in our
own ceramic complex, were numerous at Pueblo Bonito. They were
obviously designed for holding liquids, but it is not at all certain that
they served as individual drinking vessels. We must confess we do
not know the specific use to which pitchers were put in pre-Spanish
Pueblo households. Their distribution is not uniform throughout the
Anasazi area. While of common occurrence in ruins of the San Juan
country, for example, they are generally lacking throughout the Rio
Grande Valley. Among the historic Pueblos, I believe, liquids were
not habitually drunk at mealtime until coffee and drinking cups were
concurrently introduced.

Bonitian pitchers, like bowls and ladles, are separable by form,
finish, or decoration into various groups. In the oldest style, the body

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 203

as a container was the important feature; in the latest, the neck
received major attention and apparently for esthetic reasons only.

Transitional-type pitchers are round-bottomed, full-bodied, and
rather squat; decoration is zoned, on body and neck. Handles, which
are always decorated and sometimes represent animals, extend from
the rim to the bottom of, or just below, the upper zone of decoration
(pl. 57, figs. c, f). On the latest type (fig. a) the decoration likewise
occurs in two encircling zones, but handles are attached entirely
within the upper one; the neck is tall and cylindrical; the body, low
and square-shouldered with a concave bottom in which a circle or other
simple device frequently appears as superfluous embellishment.

Only the early form was represented in the old dump under the
West Court. Even so, close examination of sherds from the several
layers shows a succession of minor variations. Shoulders are gradually
raised; neck curves are eliminated; walls develop a more uniform
slope from shoulder to mouth. In addition, zoned decoration is largely
discarded in favor of designs extending from top to bottom without
interruption. This modified early form and this over-all style of
ornamentation persist into the final period when square shoulders are
again in vogue. Handles, sometimes transversely concave, are invari-
ably attached a half-inch or more below the rim; the indented or
recessed base becomes progressively more popular. These two late
features, the indented base and the concave handle, both appear on
a superb example decorated in Transitional style from Room 323
(U.S.N.M. No. 336422).

Including miniatures and major fragments, our list of Pueblo
Bonito pitchers numbers 83. On the basis of form only, 42 of them
are Old Bonitian, but, as with that last cited, a few combine early
designs and late shapes. Rims are almost always painted and, with
few exceptions, provided with a spirit path. The latter usually lies
directly above or close to one side of the handle; occasionally it is
emphasized by one or two vertical brush strokes inside the neck.
Pitchers belonging to the Chaco—San Juan group have the dotted rim
so characteristic of the northern area with the small, concave-based
body and cylindrical neck typical of Late Bonitian pitchers, or a coni-
cal neck that, in shape and ornamentation, closely resembles the well-
known “beer stein” mug of the Mesa Verde area (pl. 63, upper, figs.
a,c). The paneled design on b, with its dotted negative squares,
duplicates that on the fragment of a cylindrical-necked pitcher Fewkes
collected in 1916 at the Mummy Lake site, Mesa Verde (No. 298851).

Our stratigraphic tests at Pueblo Bonito proved this small-bodied,
cylindrical-necked type of pitcher belonged exclusively to the later

204 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

periods. It is of interest to note, therefore, that of 41 restorable ex-
amples 83 percent were recovered from four Old Bonitian burial
rooms Nos. 320, 326, 329, 330. Of the remainder, one came from
Room 226, a dwelling of fourth-type construction ; one each from six
third-period structures, including Kiva R. Many of those in the burial
rooms were accompanied by sandstone covers, slightly larger in di-
ameter than the vessel’s mouth, in such a position as to indicate that
they had slid off when the pitchers toppled from an upright position.
No cover was actually found in place.

Three “duck-shaped” vessels may also be regarded as members of
the class under consideration (pl. 63, lower, figs. f-2). The first comes
from Room 323, next on the north of burial room No. 326, and is
decorated in good Transitional style; g, from Room 330, bears a
surface finish and a design in organic paint that, found in a lesser
ruin, would readily identify it as of Pueblo I origin; h has a hollow
handle and the concave base of Late Bonitian pitchers, but its design
hatching is squiggled. The second specimen has a plain rim; the other
two, painted rims with a line-break directly above the handle.

Water and storage jars——As Kidder observed after only superficial
examination of local rubbish heaps, large decorated ollas or water jars
appear to be less common in Chaco Canyon than in other black-on-
white areas (Kidder, 1924, p. 53). Why this should be remains a
puzzle. Even though we assume that water was formerly more abun-
dant and more accessible than now, each family had to carry its daily
supply from source to kitchen. Earthen jars were the means of
transportation.

One of the most pleasing sights at any modern pueblo is a young
woman returning from well or river with an olla gracefully balanced
upon her head (pl. 59, right). Within her home she places the vessel
on a bench beside the wall, safe from careless feet, perhaps protecting
its contents with a piece of board or the end of a packing box. In like
manner Pueblo women. have always carried and stored water for
household use.

When the Rodriguez Expedition in 1581 stopped at a Tigua pueblo
near present-day Albuquerque, Hernan Gallegos observed that the
villagers made “earthen jars in which they carry and keep their water.
They are very large, and they cover them with lids of the same
material. . . . They make a palm knee-cushion similar to those of
Old Castile, put it on the head, and on top of it they place and carry
the water” (Hammond and Rey, 1927, p. 266).

So, too, at Pueblo Bonito. From well or reservoir housewives daily
replenished their supply of water for cooking and drinking. This was

a
seerere

q

PLATE 58.—a-c, Bowls from the Mesa Verde area; d-h, small jars of early and late types;
i-n, six foreign bowls restored from fragments found in Room 266.

6S ALVIg

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0} APM Joy UO BIDWIeD dy} IOF dn sossoip tunZ }e [Als JOOYIsS VY Aq ydersojoyd) ‘“JOUSIA dures sepnso1 eB . ‘WOO YoeIq,,

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(‘OcO6I “UT}IvY sojreyD Aq ydersojoyg ) “Uoesovap A19}30d UI UOssa] B S9ALS JOyJOWIpUeIs IUNZ W— og ALV1g

PLATE 61.—Late Bonitian (a-d) and Old Bonitian (e-7) ladles.

PLATE 62.—Ladlelike vessels of unknown purpose (a-c), and fragments of covers,
obverse (d, e) and reverse (d’, e’), for similar vessels.

ee
*
+

>

a
oS
/
ee

PLATE 63.—a-c, Three Late Bonitian pitchers that show northern influences; d, e, bird-

shaped bowls with T-openings; and “duck-shaped” pitchers with Old Bonitian (f, g) and
Late Bonitian (i) ornamentation.

PLATE 64.—Ollas, or water jars, from Late Bonitian rooms (a, )), and two (c, d) from
Old Bonitian Room 3206.

PLATE 65.—Canteens are invariably provided with small orifices and, usually, with lug
handles perforated for insertion of a carrying cord.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 205

carried in large small-mouthed jars whose round bottoms necessitated
discoidal rests or cushions for upright transportation and placement.
We unearthed fragments of such vessels in all parts of the ruin, in
every rubbish pile, but they seemed at the time noticeably few in
comparison with sherds of other vessel types. And our collection
supports this early impression. In contrast to our 29 cooking pots, we
recovered only four restorable water jars from Pueblo Bonito.

Two of these (pl. 64, lower) came from Room 326, that on the
right being one of the burial offerings with Skeleton 12, a female.
Both jars are round-bottomed; both carry two zones of decoration,
painted in the old Transitional style. The first illustrates very clearly
the secondary shoulder bulge frequently noted on olla sherds of that
period. It is comparable in all respects to an olla Pepper found in the
east corner of Room 78 half buried in the floor and covered by a stone
lid (Pepper, 1920, fig. 108, p. 261). Like Room 326, Room 78 was
an Old Bonitian dwelling but its southeast end had been replaced by
the Late Bonitians during their initial local building program and
further altered during reconstruction activities a few years later.

We do not know precisely when these three Old Bonitian ollas were
made, but we can approximate the ages of the houses in which they
were found. Room 326 unquestionably was built at the same time as
its immediate neighbors, Rooms 320 and 325, from which we recov-
ered five datable timbers, all cut in A.D. 919. Two ceiling beams from
Room 296, adjoining Room 78 on the north, were cut in 932 and 1047,
the second possibly marking the period of reconstruction referred to
above.

With these construction years in mind let us recall two water jars
salvaged in 1922 from a Pueblo I pit house 1 mile east of Pueblo
Bonito—a lone, midvalley dwelling whose roofing poles were felled in
A.D. 777 (Judd, 1924a, p. 408, pl. 4; Douglass, 1936, p. 30). Despite
their greater age, 142 years at the very least, these pit-house ollas are
indisputably and directly related to those from the older part of Pueblo
Bonito. The two from Room 326 have higher shoulders; their slip is
less chalky and definitely stone-polished; they have secondary zones
of decoration on the upper shoulder instead of unframed interlocking
scrolls and each has a round mouth with low, circular neck instead of
an oval orifice with no neck at all. But most of these features appear
among miscellaneous sherds from our Pueblo I pit house—stone-
polished slips, framed shoulder ornamentation, round mouths with
just the suggestion of neck, and perhaps a flat, slightly projecting rim
lug. And every design element on these Pueblo I sherds, including

206 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the waved composing line, occurs repeatedly on fragments from Old
Bonitian dumps.

Interlocking scrolls or volutes comprise the principal decoration for
a queer-looking olla we restored from fragments found in Room 262
(pl. 64, fig. a). Lesser scrolls above the inset handles join larger ones
on either side; in the spaces at left and right of the two larger scrolls
are indistinct figures that apparently represent, respectively, a bear’s
footprint and a human with limbs at right angles to the body, forearms
upraised and legs downturned.

The unorthodox shape of this vessel and its relative crudity of
execution evidence lack of skill on the part of the potter rather than
unusual age. Indeed, it was probably made fairly late in the history
of Pueblo Bonito, for locally the inset jar handle occurred most fre-
quently with the later pottery types. Although occasional examples
bearing squiggled or other early designs were noted elsewhere, only
one inset handle was found in our two stratigraphic cuts through Old
Bonitian rubbish under the West Court and that came from Stratum
C (3'-3' 8” below the surface) of Section I, 13 feet deep. Further-
more, Room 262 was a Late Bonitian dwelling, originally built of
second-type masonry and subsequently twice altered. Its original floor
lay 6’ 5” below the latest; the latter was covered mainly by fallen
masonry among which the olla fragments were found.

The shapely water jar shown as figure b, same plate, doubtless was
in use at the same time as that last considered. We retrieved its
fragments from a pile of household rubbish dumped into Room 266,
which stands only two doors away and which underwent the same
postconstruction alterations as Room 262. The jar lacks handles and
its smallish base is slightly flattened, but it has the small neck, high
shoulders, and ornamentation of Late Bonitian ollas.

Only five other vessels in our Pueblo Bonito collection could pos-
sibly be assigned to this category and the three smallest probably were
never intended for carrying water (pl. 58, figs. d-h).** Figure f,
plate 58, somewhat uncertain in execution, has a slightly concave
base, a McElmo-like ornamentation, downraking loop handles indented
in the middle—all northern San Juan features—and a rim worn by
friction of a stone lid. The other four are round-bottomed and handle-
less; e, with its old-style decoration, had suffered a broken neck, but
the rough edges were rubbed smooth and the jar continued in service.

46 On the other hand, Col. James Stevenson (1884, pp. 531, 532) twice lists
among collections gathered at Zufii in 1881 an undersized olla as a “small girl’s
water jug.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 207

It contained a quantity of potter’s clay when we unearthed it. Holes
for a carrying cord were punched through the outflaring rim of g.

As if to counteract our Pueblo Bonito impression, Pueblo del
Arroyo gave up 13 restorable water jars, a goodly proportion. Two
of these are small, of four- and five-quart capacities, have concave
bases, and lack handles. The other 11 average 154 inches in diameter
by 134 inches to base of neck. They will be described more fully in
the Pueblo del Arroyo report, but we may note that three possess inset
handles, two have loop handles, one has downraking flat lug handles
24 inches wide, and one bears, just under its outflaring rim, opposing
conical lugs bent right so the tip touches the vessel wall. The wide
mouth of this latter specimen, 94 inches from lip to lip, is as foreign
to Chaco Canyon as its decoration. Largest of the series, a once
magnificent vessel 19? inches in diameter by 18 inches to the base of
its neck, exhibits no trace of a handhold, and while it is possible such
formerly existed in sections we have restored, it is noted that the next-
largest example has no handle of any sort. Eight of the eleven possess
whole or nearly complete bases and these are all concave.

Canteens, like water jars, are unaccountably few in our Pueblo
Bonito collection. We found only 11 that warranted restoration. Their
capacity varies from about half a pint to nearly one gallon. Each has
a small orifice, easily plugged with a corncob or wad of cedar bark;
each has a pair of rounded loop handles or lugs vertically perforated
for attachment of a carrying cord. Some have rounded or flattish
bottoms (pl. 65, figs. a-c); others, generally with cord attachments
placed high on the shoulder, have concave bases (figs. f-h). On
canteens, as on pitchers and ollas, a concave base marks the vessel as
late. A “doorknob” canteen lug still wrapped with a 3-ply yucca
carrying cord was found in the rubbish fill of Kiva B.

Of those figured, f had lost its neck, but the opening was reamed
out and the jar continued in use. Specimen h, with its northern-style
decoration, simulates a canteen resting in a black-rimmed bowl; the
lip of the canteen is flat and ticked with black paint while the bowl’s
bottom, almost wholly restored, appears to have been flatly rounded.
This culturally late example and the little one with “doorknob” lugs
(6), came from Old Bonitian dwellings; the other four, from houses
architecturally later. Specimens c and f were found in Late Bonitian
rubbish.

Canteens modeled in the form of a gourd, with a round, rimless
orifice high on the curved stem handle, are generally regarded as
peculiar to the Pueblo I culture period. I do not recall a single ref-
erence to one from a later ruin, and yet we found several stem ends

208 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

in the Old Bonitian dump under the West Court. Pepper illustrates a
whole vessel, an excellent example, from Room 28 in which a large
number of cylindrical vases had been piled (Pepper, 1920, fig. 47, ).

That Bonitian potters occasionally essayed the unusual in canteens
is evidenced by figures d and e. Straight-line hatching and a concave
base identify the first as of Late Bonitian origin and it was actually
found in a late dwelling, Room 327.47 The second specimen, unfor-
tunately incomplete, came from Room 325, an old house adjoining
Room 327 on the west. Of its decoration all has been lost except a
few squiggled lines and traces of thin parallel lines bordering ticked
triangles—elements typical of Old Bonitian designs. But on its bottom
is a shallow depression, the size of a silver dollar, that hints of late
manufacture. Three hollow, angular pipes or arms connected the body
of the vessel with a single orifice, rimmed by the customary low, cylin-
drical neck. Our sherd collection includes fragments of two other,
multiple-pipe canteens.**

Figure 52 illustrates a 4-armed, solid handle. Although the convex
surface is slipped and stone-polished, the under side is unslipped and
retains the potter’s thumb prints. Body portions at the base of the two
complete arms show a heavily slipped, stone-polished interior, which
fact proves that the vessel was a bowl rather than a canteen.

Seed jars are so called only because examples containing seeds have
been found in cliff dwellings. They would have served admirably for
storage of seed corn, beans, etc., but we have no reason to suppose
this was their sole intended function. Their distinguishing feature is
a flattish top with constricted orifice often slightly depressed.

We recovered three restorable seed jars at Pueblo Bonito, all from
household rubbish in abandoned rooms (pl. 66, A,a-c). The little

7 Comparable examples, collected at Zuni and Acoma in 1879, are illustrated
by Stevenson in the 2d Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., 1883.

#8 An unusually fine Pueblo II canteen from a cave at the head of Montezuma
Canyon, southeastern Utah, is in the Colorado College Museum, Colorado
Springs. The body is globular and closed at the top by a dome, reminiscent of
the neck “bulge” on our Old Bonitian water jars. From opposite sides at the
base of this dome the handle rises as a hollow stirrup with a small orifice at its
crest. The black-on-white decoration, which includes interlocking scrolls on
stepped triangles, pennant figures, etc., encircles the body and dome in two zones
and adorns the outer curve of the handle. The specimen bears No. 405 of the
Lang-Bixby collection, made in 1897-98.

Among the fanciful canteens collected in Pueblo villages by Stevenson in
1879-81 are several with stirrup handle; others, two-lobed with hollow connect-
ing bar and a single mouth. Holmes (1903, pl. 18) figures a stirrup-handled
bottle from Arkansas; the form is a common one among ancient Peruvian
pottery.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 209

one, very thinly slipped if at all, was smoothed by wet fingers and fired
to a cream color. Its rim line was painted on top, at the lip’s edge,
rather than within the orifice as in the first example. The third,
clearly the work of a beginner, apparently was decorated with organic,

Fic. 52.—A four-armed bowl handle.

rather than mineral, paint. Its thin slip has been worn through, bor-
dering the opening, as though by a stone lid and completely effaced
from the base in consequence of long use. An almost imperceptible
concavity marks the base of a; the other two have flat bottoms.

From Room 32, Pepper (1920, p. 124, fig. 48, b) illustrates a low-
rimmed “‘kiva jar,” a type well known from Pueblo II-III ruins north

210 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

of the San Juan. Our excavations disclosed only fragments of like
vessels and relatively few at that.

Cylindrical vases have contributed in no small measure to the fame
of Bonitian potters. Their uniqueness in the Pueblo country and their
graceful lines have focused attention upon them. Because the cylin-
drical vase in one form or another was a familiar utensil in pre-
Spanish times from the Valley of Mexico, through Guatemala, Hon-
duras, and El Salvador southward as far as Peru, archeologists have
assumed the concept was introduced at Pueblo Bonito by Mexican
vendors of macaws and copper bells. But there is reason to believe
that the idea reached the Southwest, or originated there independently,
at an earlier date, for Roberts (1930, p. 106) has found a small
cylindrical vase in a Pueblo I ruin in southwestern Colorado. Another,
belonging to the next following culture period, is in the New Mexico
State Museum at Santa Fe.

This latter, provenience unknown, bears on its white slip a character-
istic Pueblo II design of stepped and ticked triangles bordered by thin
parallel lines. Its base is rounded; its rim flares slightly and is marked
within by a band of four parallel zigzag lines—the only instance, to
my knowledge, of interior decoration on a cylindrical vase. A second
Santa Fe specimen, from Puyé, is straight-sided with a convex base
and incised, over-all design in two zones separated and bordered top
and bottom by bands of four encircling lines. Each zone is divided
into triangles by a zigzag line and the triangles are variously hatched.
There may be others, but these three are the only Southwestern cylin-
drical vases known to me that did not come from Chaco Canyon. Two
tall examples with slightly constricted bases, in the Wetherill collec-
tion, Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, are said to have
been found near Pueblo Alto. All others are credited to Pueblo
Bonito.

Cylindrical vases provide three of the many ceramic puzzles at
Pueblo Bonito. Who made them; when did they come into use; what
specific purpose did they serve? Because most of those he exhumed
were found in, or adjacent to, rooms containing stored ceremonial
paraphernalia, Pepper (1920, p. 377) suggested the vases were altar
supports for ceremonial sticks. Among those we collected, nothing
indicative of such usage was observed.

Of nearly 200 cylindrical vases recorded from Pueblo Bonito * all

49 Hyde’s table 2 (Pepper, 1920, pp. 359-362) lists 165 examples but includes
only 111 from R. 28, whereas Pepper (ibid., p. 121) counts 114. Both overlook
the 8 partially restored exampies from the second story of R. 28 (ibid., p. 122).
Hyde erroneously lists R. 36 instead of R. 33 as source of two. (See Pepper,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 21I1

but 17 were found in Old Bonitian dwellings, yet none is decorated
with characteristic Old Bonitian designs. Not a single fragment of
one was exposed by our cuts through Old Bonitian rubbish underlying
the West Court. Technique of manufacture, ornamentation, and strati-
graphic evidence unite in correlating cylindrical vases with the later
phases of Bonitian history. Nevertheless, differences are to be noted
among those recovered by the Society’s expeditions.

Of our 17, the three with constricted orifices (pl. 67, figs. e-g) are
stone-polished externally, including the base; the large example with
base missing (@), salvaged from household debris dumped through
the southwest door of Room 251, is likewise stone-polished. All the
others are hand-smoothed and thinly slipped; only two (pl. 68, figs.
a,c) are slip-washed on the bottom. Excepting figure d on plate 67,
figure k on plate 68, and the three with constricted mouths, all exhibit
a casual band of slip paint from 1 to 4 inches wide on the inner lip.
With the same five exceptions, plus figure a, plate 67, all have black-
painted rims; the line break is evident in all but one, and here a third
of the rim is missing. Perhaps in a moment of supercaution the potter
who painted the vase shown in figure J, plate 68, provided two line
breaks, one opposite the other, for escape of the vessel’s spirit. Squig-
gled composing lines appear in the designs on fully half the specimens.

Fifteen of our 17 vases are flat-bottomed, and unquestionably that
from Room 251 was also. Only one (pl. 67, fig. e) has a base so
rounded it cannot stand without support. Handles would, therefore,
seem superfluous and yet all are equipped, + to 23 inches below the
rim, with loops, lugs, or punched holes. These may have been designed
for suspension cords but, if so, why the flat bottoms?

Whatever their purpose, horizontal loops were preferred: Eight of
our specimens are provided with four; two with three; and one with
two only. Generally the loops are sharply upturned, but in two in-
stances they lie at right angles to the vessel wall and are so small it was
necessary, after attaching them, to enlarge the opening with an awl or
stick. One vase has four vertical loops. The fragmentary example
from Room 251, with drilled holes near the rim evidencing ancient
repairs, is equipped with four lugs, horizontally punched. Our second
white-slipped, undecorated specimen likewise has four lugs, but they
are punched vertically. The three with constricted orifice were pro-

1909, Pp. 212, 221, pl. 3; 1920, p. 164, fig. 70.) The National Geographic Society
recovered 17. A double vase is illustrated by Moorehead (1906, p. 45, fig. 10).
He lists it (p. 34) as from “a small cemetery about one mile from the principal
ruin”; describes it (p. 41) as from “one of the underground rooms” of Pueblo
Bonito. The latter source is deemed correct.

212 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

vided, not with lugs or loops, but with paired holes about half an inch
apart, punched through near the lip while the clay was still moist.
That shown as figure f, plate 67, has four pairs; the others, two pairs
each.

If these cylindrical vases are of Late Bonitian manufacture, how
shall we explain their presence in Old Bonitian dwellings? Of the 17
recovered by the Society’s representatives, 16 came-from Rooms 320,
326, 329, and 330. In these four Bonitian rooms 68 bodies had been
interred, most of them to be disturbed within a few years. Although
none of our vases lay closely associated with a body, I have no doubt
all were burial offerings and on a plane with other vessels from the
same rooms (plates 96, right ; 97, upper ; 99, upper).

Hyde’s list (Pepper, 1920, pp. 359-362) of 165 cylindrical vases
represents 14 rooms, 7 of which I regard as Old Bonitian struc-
tures. From 3 of the latter, ground-floor Rooms 32, 33, and 53,
6 or more vases and at least 17 skeletons were removed. No vase is
reported from Room 56, adjoining, in which several bodies were in-
terred; no body is reported from Room 28 in which 111 vases were
found. Eight broken vases were recovered in 28B; 39 are listed from
the second story of Room 39b and from Room 52. One hundred sixty-
four cylindrical vases from seven adjacent Old Bonitian houses!

Room 52, from which Hyde catalogs 20 vases, is the second story of
Room 32. The latter is described by Pepper (ibid., pp. 129-163) asa
small, sand-filled chamber that contained one disarticulated skeleton,
over 300 ceremonial sticks, and numerous other objects including
three or five cylindrical vases.°° On the floor of the second story of
Room 39b, apparently grouped in three piles, were 19 vases and a
bowl, all broken (ibid., pp. 198-199, fig. 87). The other artifacts
reported from the two houses are, with the possible exception of a
cylindrical pipe and an elkbone club, implements and utensils of every-
day use.

Room 28 offers an entirely different problem. Here, according to
Hyde’s tables (Pepper, 1920, pp. 359-372), were found 111 cylindrical
vases, 39 bowls, 24 pitchers, an earthenware effigy and a vessel of
animal form; 75 stone jar covers and 2 stone knives; 3 bone imple-
ments; 2 pieces of worked wood; 5 shell beads; and 2 bracelets.
Pepper (ibid., pp. 112-126) notes the presence of numerous items not
listed by Hyde, including shell beads of various types, turquoise beads
and pendants.

But we are less concerned at the moment with the diversity and
multiplicity of artifacts from Room 28 than with the number of

50 Hyde lists three, but Pepper’s text indicates five.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 213

cylindrical vases. Hyde lists 111, while Pepper gives the total as 114.
The difference between the two figures is of little consequence, but
why should 114, or even 111, cylindrical vases be in a single room?
Three of them, together with four pitchers, twenty-six bowls, and two
or three coiled baskets, lay in the northeast corner, fronting the open
door into Room 51a. Opposite, a fourth vase and an accompanying
pitcher stood a few inches from the west jamb of the south door
(Pepper print No. 115, herein pl. 7, upper). On the same level but a
couple of steps farther west were 8 bowls, 18 pitchers, and 110 cylin-
drical vases piled on “an area of twenty square feet.”

At first glance, Pepper’s photographs of this remarkable assemblage
show a more or less heterogeneous mass of pottery, but closer exami-
nation reveals a majority of the vases lying in rows. Those in the
middle and at the left generally face north, while four of those at the
north margin of the pile face south, two face north, and one stands
upright. There can be no question that the whole lot had been inten-
tionally placed where Pepper found it.

The motive behind this grouping of 136 vessels is not to be dis-
covered in Pepper’s published field notes. If they were being reserved
for ceremonial use, as Pepper believed, greater care surely would have
been taken to place them close to a wall for protection, or behind a
ceiling prop, as was done with the materials left in nearby rooms.

Most of the vases visible in Pepper’s illustrations and most of those
we unearthed are decorated with the obliquely hatched, geometric
designs peculiar to Late Bonitian potters. None bears ornamentation
I would attribute to the Old Bonitians. No fragment of a cylindrical
vase appeared in our two stratigraphic columns through Old Bonitian
rubbish under the West Court—two tests that included 225 cubic feet
of previously undisturbed household waste. We may only conclude,
therefore, that the 110 cylindrical vases piled on the middle floor of
Room 28, together with their associated bowls and pitchers, were
produced and stored there by the Late Bonitian builders and rebuilders
of second-story Rooms 28B, 55, and 57. Otherwise it is necessary to
assume that all those vessels were the acquisition of some Old Bonitian
family retaining occupancy rights to Room 28.

The latter alternative is supported, however weakly, by two facts:
(1) A passageway at the east end of Room 28 afforded access to Old
Bonitian houses next on the north even after the west half of the room
was partly filled with debris of reconstruction ; (2) the 35 earthenware
vessels at or slightly above sill level of the two open doors at either
end of that passage included several bowls bearing typical Old Boni-
tian decoration (Pepper, 1920, p. 116, fig. 44).

214 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Pepper reports no fewer than 47 vases from second-story rooms
28B, 52, and that over 39b. Room 28B was of Late Bonitian construc-
tion, one of the last built in the village, and 52 may have been re-
modeled at the same time. Room 39b, however, is one of eight with
quite un-Bonitian masonry right in the middle of Old Bonito. It is
not unlikely that this block of houses was erected by immigrants from
beyond the San Juan and thus a logical source forthe Mesa Verde-
like mugs Pepper found in Room 32 (Pepper, 1920, fig. 47, a, ¢;
herein, pl. 7, lower).

Scraps of Mesa Verde pottery were found only in the uppermost
layers of household sweepings at Pueblo Bonito, a fact that places
such ware relatively late in local history. The pottery hoard on the
middle floor of Room 28 was overlain by debris of reconstruction
dumped in when the room above was repaired and partially rebuilt
with masonry of the fourth, and last, type developed here. We do
not know how many years that pottery had lain there undisturbed, but
it was long enough, according to Pepper, to allow 10 inches of blown
sand to settle about the pile before it was covered by constructional
waste.

Among the cylindrical vases from Room 28 was one of red ware,
burnished but without painted decoration. Because it was unique in
the lot, Pepper speculated upon its place of origin and even ventured
the thought that it might have been brought “from some other part
of the country to serve as a model for the potters in making their
whiteware” (Pepper, 1920, p. 120). The description and dimensions
of this vessel agree closely with three red-ware vases we restored
from fragments found in Room 15, Pueblo del Arroyo, one of which
is shown on plate 67, figure c. As with that noted by Pepper, absence
of handles plus a conical shape—each has a flat base the diameter of
which is about half that at the lip—set these three apart from our
other vases. They may indeed be foreign to Chaco Canyon but only
expert analysis of the paste could determine this point. Each is stone-
polished, the strokes being lengthwise of the vessel externally ; each
has a thin tapering rim that varies from round to flat and lacks the
familiar black line of local wares. Tempering agents, identified under
a hand lens, are sand, pulverized rock, and a substance that looks like
bits of white clay, these being predominant in at least one vessel.

Miniature vessels duplicate, or seek to duplicate, the form and
ornamentation of normal vessels. Of those illustrated (pl. 69), several
conceivably were designed as children’s toys. Larger examples are
included only because they happen to be among the smallest of their
class in our Pueblo Bonito collection. Since the gradation between

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 215

presumed toys and useful utensils is imperceptible it is quite impossible
to say where one group leaves off and the other begins.

The fragmentary pitcher, plate 69, figure 7, was made of bands, not
coils. After its current height was attained, its walls were thickened
to increase their external regularity and carried upward perhaps an-
other inch; a vertical loop handle was attached without riveting; the
outside was heavily slipped and inexpertly polished. Abrasion has
worn through the slip on the base, which is centrally cupped. In
keeping with its shape and decoration, the bottom of figure F is like-
wise concave. Figure J was found in Old Bonitian rubbish 35 feet
north of Room 135 during the digging of our West Court exploratory
trench.

To the little bowl, c, additional clay was applied in an effort to im-
prove its basal contour. But the added material was too dry and
eventually scaled off, revealing the original base, crosshatched by a
sharp instrument in a vain effort to insure adhesion. Bowl f, of
Chaco—San Juan workmanship and decoration, was found in debris
filling the second-story door between Rooms 13 and 14-85. Pepper
(1920, p. 67) observes that a number of like bowls lay near floor level
in Room 13.

Our two small ladles, a, b, are both of the old-fashioned, half-gourd
type. The first, unslipped and undecorated, came from Room 350, one
of two adjoining subterranean structures at the south end of the West
Court. Neither the nondescript masonry of the two rooms nor the
few objects found in them, including fragments with late hatching,
gave a certain clue to the builders. The second ladle is that found
with a very amateurish bowl in Old Bonitian Room 307 (see fig. g,
pl. 53). Our smallest bowl-and-handle ladle is illustrated on plate 61,
figure d.

The foregoing may have been made to serve either as toys or as
lessons in technique for youthful potters. Contrasted with them, are
the six miniatures shown in figure 53. All are from household rubbish ;
all are relatively crude, unsurfaced, unslipped, and unpainted. The
two smallest bowls were modeled over the end of thumb or finger.
Miss Bartlett (1934, p. 53) describes comparable miniatures from
Pueblo II sites in the San Francisco Mountain region and notes that
modern Hopi potters make like examples as offerings to be left at
clay pits. And I have heard it stated these same potters make and
fire miniatures to insure successful manufacture of standard earthen-
ware vessels, just as Hopi men plant effigies in their fields as a sort
of objective prayer for bountiful crops of corn, squashes, melons, etc. ;
just as men of the Hopi and other Southwestern tribes deposit effigies

216 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

of domestic animals in corrals and on the range as prayers for herd
increase.*?

Among reworked potsherds, we have several inset jar handles, their
broken edges smoothed by abrasion. It is quite possible that these
also were utilized as toy dishes by small girls (fig. 51).

e

Fic. 53.—Crude miniature vessels.

Effigy vessels —In contrast to the Toltec, Zapotec, Maya, and other
tribes of Middle America, the prehistoric Pueblos did not make special
funerary vases. Their pottery was almost wholly utilitarian. But,

51 Under a shallow ledge in upper Chaco Canyon and inside a “corral” of
sandstone spalls, I found a number of rude, unfired clay models of sheep, cattle,
and horses, some of the latter bearing saddles, placed there by one of our Nav-
aho workmen who grazed his stock in that part of the valley. His explanation
was that the models protected his animals from lightning when he was away.
(U.S.N.M. Nos. 334415-334416.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 217

like their living descendants, they occasionally ventured forms utterly
impractical (from my point of view) as household utensils. Some of
these represent birds or human beings, deer, and other mammals.
Fragments of effigy vessels were recovered from every trash heap and
from exploratory trenches here and there. A majority of such frag-
ments are of Old Bonitian origin.

Mention has already been made of animal figures painted on bowls ;
as sculptured handles on pitchers, canteens, and small jars. Those
now before us are more ambitious attempts at modeling since they
were actual containers that individually portrayed a creature the potter
had seen or fancied. Their possible purpose is suggested in Steven-
son’s discussion of the diverse objects purchased in Pueblo villages in
1879 wherein it is stated that representations of animals were “made
hollow for use as drinking vessels” (Stevenson, 1883, p. 334).

Bird bowls were perhaps most common among effigy vessels at
Pueblo Bonito. Two restored examples are illustrated on plate 63,
middle). Both are thinly slipped outside; both have T-shaped open-
ings, the inner edge of which is painted black. In the case of the
smaller specimen, this edge line is broken by a “spirit path” directly
behind the head; on the other, the break occurs slightly to one side.
Both vessels have heads with protuberant eyes marked by central dots ;
on the smaller, these dots are ringed about—a frequent practice. Such
heads, attached by the riveting process, are generally solid and faced
front. Only one in our sherd series has its beak turned sidewise; only
one, from a larger vessel, is hollow.

Most of our bird-bowl sherds are ornamented with straight-line
hatching. In this, successive periods are represented. The series also
includes a pinkish, stone-polished but undecorated fragment and two
black-on-white body sherds each with a flattish back that was made
separately and attached so its edge projects slightly.

To judge from sherds in hand, Bonitian bird vessels generally had
a T-shaped orifice on the back and a small modeled head projecting
from the upper breast. Exceptions, of course, are the so-called “duck”
pitchers (pl. 63, lower). The fragment of one such, exhibiting a
longer, broader back than usual, has two holes punched through the
tail end at back level. The stub remaining is flat, solid, and an inch
and a quarter wide. It suggests a handle that reached rearward and
then toward the neck with more than customary freedom and flourish.

This fragment has further interest as one on which the potter
clearly altered her planned ornamentation. Single lines as borders for
‘hatched figures were first drawn from either side of the handle for-
ward to meet in a sharp angle behind the neck. Then, with only two

218 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

lines painted in, the whole design was changed. Instead of elements
curving forward from the rear, straight-hatched bars swept up from
both sides to incorporate the extremes of the two lines initially drawn.
Their unused portions had to be removed and this was accomplished
by scraping off the paint, together with the thin underlying slip.

Next to birds, the ungulates seem most to have inspired Bonitian
creators of effigy vessels. A goat clearly is represented in figure 54, a,
but what kind of goat? Found in Old Bonitian Room 323, the frag-
ment possesses the nose and beard of modern Navaho and Pueblo
goats—descendants of Spanish flocks first introduced into the South-
west no less than 400 years after Pueblo Bonito was abandoned. The
modeling is skillfully done; the ornamentation appears typically Boni-
tian ; the broken edge has been rubbed. There is no native animal with
like beard and nose known to the Southwest.

Still puzzled over this sherd, as I was while reviewing these para-
graphs in 1945, I sent a small fragment to Miss Shepard and asked
her opinion. She replied: “The chip has a sherd-tempered, dense,
buff-burning paste which is perfectly typical of Chaco. This type of
paste, however, is not limited to Chaco because buff-burning cretaceous
clays are widely distributed in the San Juan and the practice of using
sherd temper was also common. Composition of paint and quality of
finish might help to localize the piece.” The fragment remains, for
me, entirely enigmatic.

We found bones of mule deer, pronghorn, elk, and mountain sheep
in local rubbish piles and there is probably no reason why the potters
of Pueblo Bonito should not have modeled all four species. But it is
quite impossible to recognize any of them among the sherds before us.
Head fragments show a more or less bovine face; horns, without
exception, curve to the rear and outward. The head may be hollow,
but the horns are always solid and painted black, striped, or spotted.
Branched antlers are not indicated. Legs are usually solid and cloven-
footed.

Ruminants are also suggested by the three fragments of small-
mouthed containers illustrated by figures 55, a-c. The butt of a flattish
handle remains at the back of the first head (a) (field No. 2206-
misc.) ; the third (c) is provided with a small, semiround loop. This
latter fragment, from which ears or horns have been broken, appar-
ently served as a toy after its fractured lower edge was smoothed by
abrasion. Our goat-head fragment was similarly treated. Part of a
fourth vessel, the constricted orifice of which features an animal, is
shown in figure 56.

/

SSS:
SSS

effigy vessels.

Fic. 54.—Fragments of animal

219

VOL. 124

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

220

&\\
il

Fic. 55.—Mouthpieces of effigy vessels.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 221

Bear effigies surely are represented by two broad-soled feet (fig.
57). On the second of these, painted black except for sole and heel,
claws are incised and painted; the bare sole is marked by four lines
incised heelward from between the toes and ending midway at the
second of two subsequently scratched cross lines. In 1925, Gus Griffin,

Fic. 57.—Fragments of bear-effigy vessels.

then custodian of Chaco Canyon National Monument, had in his pos-
session the major portion of a bear effigy, of stone-polished but un-
painted red ware, said to have been found near Pueblo Bonito (pl.
66,C).

We recovered only two sherds of black-on-red effigy vessels: Part
of a broad, flat-soled foot from a bear or human figurine and a frag-
ment of what probably was a “duck’’-shaped pitcher. Color and sur-

222 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

face treatment of both are of early type. Quartz sand is visible as a
tempering agent in the first; pulverized potsherds, in the second.
Because of its length and high hock, the leg shown in figure 58 is
very likely from a mountain-lion effgy—the left hind leg.
That lower forms of life occasionally furnished themes for Bonitian
potters is evident from head fragments representing, respectively, a

Fic. 58.—Fragment of a cougar effigy.

turtle- or tortoise-shaped container and one in the form of a toad
(fig. 59). A third fragment shows a toad as subject for a pitcher
handle. Among the present-day Hopi and Zufii, toads are associated
with water ; they bring rain.

Human-effigy bottles seemingly were more common at Pueblo Bo-
nito than at other southwestern ruins. Our collection includes frag-
ments of 41 distinct vessels and a half dozen additional questionable
pieces. Of this total, three were recovered from as many kivas ; eight
from six separate dwellings; and the remainder chiefly during the
course of trenching operations in the two courts and the south refuse

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO i 223

mounds. One, possibly two, of the kivas and four of the dwellings
had been abandoned and utilized as communal dumping places; lesser
amounts of debris were indicated in the other structures. Thus all
our human-effigy fragments may be regarded as sherds of vessels
broken and casually tossed aside. And the same is apparently true of
those Pepper found below the floor of Room 25 and in the fill of
Room 38 (Pepper, 1920, pp. 100, 192).

Although the drawings herewith are offered in lieu of detailed
description, a few general observations may add to their interest. Both
standing and seated figures are represented ; among the latter, a squat-
ting position with knees elevated and feet flat upon the ground is

Fic. 59.—Head fragments of tortoise- and toad-effigy vessels.

most common. We note only one example in which the knees actually
touch. In one instance only the left shin crosses behind and against
the right calf. Our lone example in which the lower legs and heels
are modeled against the body is illustrated by figure 60. Forearms,
when present, are shown in the round, with hands resting on knee,
calf, or shin.

Our six forearm fragments are all solid ; of 20 lower leg fragments,
15 are solid. Ordinarily the inside ankle joint, if shown at all, is less
prominent than its opposite; the calf bulge is rarely represented. A
partially polished but undecorated pair (field No. 2257) possess solid
calves, hollow thighs; they are two of the five effigy fragments un-
earthed while digging our West Court trench. Limb ornamentation,
when present, depicts arm bands and bracelets, anklets and sandals
(fig. 61). On one fragment a sandal is represented by oblique, painted
lines on the sole while, above, crossed tie cords lead from the ankle
forward to pass outside the second and third toes and twice around
‘the two. One small foot has six toes. The only sherd in the whole
lot evidencing re-use is a braceleted forearm ground off at the upper

224 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

end (fig. 61, b). One left leg fragment is unique for two reasons: It
was modeled over a round, 4-inch stick that, withdrawn, left a cylin-
drical tube through the leg and out the bottom; a hand, presumably
the right, reached backward to rest against the inner calf. The inside
front quarter of this leg is only partially smoothed and slipped, show-
ing that the posture of the figure interfered with its modeling.

Three of the six head fragments retain portions of the small,
direct-rimmed orifice that led me to classify as “bottles” all the effigy

Fic. 60.—Body fragment from a human-effigy vessel.

vessels here represented (fig. 62). A like opening is to be seen on a
head from Room 38 and on the only complete human effigy from
Chaco Canyon of which I have record (Pepper, 1906, pls. 28, 29).
This latter portrays a squatting hunchback with elbows on knees,
hands crossing on chest. Morris (1919a, pp. 82-83), who found
fragments of at least six human effigies in Aztec Ruin, illustrates the
torso of one seated with arms crossed and hands resting on knees.
As might be expected, unequal skill in modeling facial features is
evident in our series. Faces are rather flat, eyes and mouth usually
represented by incised lines. On two specimens, the ears were pierced
during the manufacturing process; the nose of another (fig. 62, d),
with painted dots for nostrils, was drilled transversely sometime after

Ss

AN

effigy vessels.

Fic. 61.—Arm and leg fragments from human

225

226

i\\
=

rT

-
were tame we eee

Fic. 62—Head fragments from human-effigy vessels.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 227

firing. Painted decoration on cheek or upper lip may represent tatoo-
ing or mere space filling.

The original purpose of these human-effigy vessels remains un-
known. As containers they were of limited utilitarian value. We
have no fact to justify belief in their ceremonial import. Nevertheless
it is quite possible they served in unknown rituals just as bird and
animal figures serve on certain modern Pueblo altars. Stone “idols”
of the recent past are better known. Chroniclers of the Conquest
period repeatedly refer to them and to the “idolatry” of the Indians.
Mrs. Stevenson (1904, pp. 428-429) reported that one of the Zufi
fraternities, between 1880 and 1890,
guarded and periodically employed as
an altar piece a rude stone carving of a
female, 10 inches high. Nelson (1914,
p. 91) found a sculptured figure and
other objects on an altar platform in
Pueblo Blanco, a Galisteo Basin ruin.
Kidder (1932, pp. 86-89) exhumed
four human effigies of stone at Pecos,
one of them seated with elbows on
knees and hands on chest. But nowhere
do I find record of an earthenware fig-
ure, male or female, unquestionably
associated with Pueblo religion, past Fic. 63—“Napkin ring.”
or present.

“Napkin rings.” —The Bonitians assuredly never dreamed of table-
cloths and napkins. They had no need for napkin rings and yet the
earthenware object represented in figure 63 resembles one more
closely than anything else. It was one of the funerary offerings
buried with a woman (Skeleton 5) in Room 326 (pl. 94, right). It is
oval in shape, red-slipped, and decorated with thin black paint. Marks
of the polishing stone lie at right angles to the longer dimension. Both
edges, right and left, are rounded and unpainted. That on the right
is bordered by a black line; that on the left is perceptibly thinner ex-
cept at its curved ends, the reduction being entirely on the inside
wall. On the left side only, the edge at each end has been worn away
as if a slight projection were purposely eliminated. This fact, together
with the black border opposite, suggests that our specimen was
designed to stand on what I have described as the left side, perhaps
attached above the mouth of a canteen or comparable vessel.

- Pepper (1920, p. 101) likewise was reminded of a napkin ring
when he found a jar neck, the broken edge of which had been
smoothed by abrasion.

etn ;
a —- eS
= ——— ee —— a =
=== y %,
- ya
——- aN
——— ve ——— os iN sd
ee 8 4

Yi;

228 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Potrests (?).—On plate 53, upper, are shown neck portions of two
cooking pots which might have been utilized as supports for water jars
or other round-bottomed vessels. That on the left is a typical example
of Late Bonitian corrugated-coil from third-period Room 285; both
upper and lower edges have been evened by chipping. The other
is the coiled neck of a smooth-bodied Pueblo II pot, broken where
the two parts joined. Its deeply indented design was formed with a
blunt instrument as the coils were laid down. The fragment came
from Old Bonitian Room 326.

Re-used vessel fragments.—The vast quantities of sherds unearthed
during the course of our explorations evidence a high mortality rate
for earthenware vessels at Pueblo Bonito. However, fragments large
enough to serve some household purpose were not always discarded.
We have several ladle bowls, for instance, that were continued in use
after the stub of a broken handle had been rubbed away with a piece
of sandstone. And there is the bottom of a pitcher whose broken edge
had been smoothed by abrasion to leave a shallow, if lop-sided, dish
(U.S.N.M. No. 336315) ; half of a small proto-Mesa Verde bowl that
long served as a scoop or ladle (No. 336375).

Pottery scrapers—In the two principal refuse mounds south of
the ruin and in every lesser accumulation of household debris we
encountered numbers of purposely shaped fragments of earthenware.
A majority of these, from their form and worn edges, are identifiable
as potters’ tools—scrapers for thinning and smoothing the walls of
vessels during the manufacturing process. Two typical examples are
illustrated in figure 47. On smaller ones, two or even three edges
show use, the wear being more abrupt and usually toward the concave
face.

Sherds of culinary wares were apparently never utilized as pottery
scrapers. Bowls and ollas only are represented among the specimens
before me. Black-on-white scrapers naturally predominate, with pro-
portionate numbers of black-on-red and polished-black-interior. One
of them, found in Kiva H, was made from a fragment of proto-
Kayenta polychrome.

Miscellaneous worked sherds.—Our collection includes a number of
pottery fragments, their broken edges rubbed in greater or less degree,
for which we have no explanation. Many doubtless are the work of
children and perhaps served as toys. Thus the body fragment of a
small pitcher (fig. 51, a), and two inset olla handles (b and c) could
have answered small girls as bowls for imaginary housekeeping.

Pottery disks are commonly found about Pueblo ruins and have
been described as “gaming disks” or “unfinished spindle whorls.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 229

Those we recovered at Pueblo Bonito range in diameter from 3 to
24 inches; their edges are usually rubbed but rarely do the results
evidence a serious effort toward symmetry. In a few instances the
middle of the convex side or the rim of the concave face, rarely both,
have been abraded as though to flatten the disk. Culin (1907, pp. 799-
800) calls attention to the resemblance of such disks, both drilled and
undrilled, to those employed in a Zufi game of “stone warriors,”
described by Cushing.

Pendants made from colorful potsherds have been considered under
ornaments.

Earthenware stamps—The
two broken objects illustrated
in figure 64 are undeniably
stamps, but we have no clue
to the materials on which they
left an imprint; neither can
we determine whether they
were made locally or im-
ported. They are unique, I be-
lieve, in the Pueblo area. Both
are made of a whitish clay
containing much calcium car-
bonate and a little fine sand,
elements not sufficiently dis- Fic. 64.—Earthenware stamps.
tinctive to identify the place
of origin. The first has a smoothly puddled surface, while tool marks
remain on the second. The carved design on this latter is still partially
filled with the dried remnants of a liquid clay the same color as the
stamp itself. Both were lightly fired, if at all, since a thumbnail
scratches the surface. Both are too soft to have impressed anything
more resistant than moist clay, cloth, or the human skin. There is no
trace of attrition on either ; no object bearing their imprint was found
in all our digging.

The first is one of nine artifacts, mostly fragmentary, recovered
from Room 200, a formerly sealed ground-floor chamber of second-
type masonry in the outermost northern tier. Its lesser end, eleven-
sixteenths inch in diameter, may also have been a stamp, for it has
been ringed to a depth of one-eighth inch leaving a centered flattish
cone whose apex lies flush with the rounded rim. Our second specimen
was found in debris of occupation that overlay 3 feet of sand in
Room 248, a reconstructed dwelling on the east side of the village.
I have no published record of like stamps from the Southwest, includ-
ing Chihuahua and Sonora.

230 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Cloisonné work.—Pepper describes one fragment as sandstone,
painted in black, red, yellow, and white, and adds that “a similar speci-
men was found in another part of the ruin’ (Pepper, 1920, pp. 51-52).
Other writers have referred to these important pieces both as sand-
stone and as pottery; have suggested their probable source as late
Toltec ruins in the states of Zacatecas or Jalisco, west-central Mexico.
My own memorandum, written in 1921 while viewing the fragments
as then exhibited at the American Museum of Natural History, is
annoyingly incomplete at this moment. It notes two pieces: H-12742,
cloisonné on pottery or sandstone (through the glass I could not be
sure) from a room in the northern section; H-12743, cloisonné on
sandstone found 2 feet below the surface in the southwestern corner
of Room g. This second fragment is clearly that described and figured
by Pepper; it is undoubtedly the one Vaillant had before him when
he wrote: ‘“The cloisonné specimen found at Pueblo Bonito is not
pottery but sandstone, and there is a strong possibility of its being of
local manufacture” (Vaillant, 1932, p. 9). The Society’s representa-
tives unearthed fragments of painted wood and gourd rind but nothing
comparable to the bit of incised, painted sandstone described by
Pepper.

Jar stopper—Our one complete clay jar stopper, unfired, bears on
its lower side several angular imprints as though the mud had been
pressed down upon a quantity, say, of turquoise matrix (U.S.N.M.
No. 336082).

Several other miscellaneous objects of clay or earthenware might
have been paraded herein, but I believe we have seen enough—except
for those described in chapter VII as having some possible religious
connection. Let us turn, then, briefly to review our findings regard-
ing Pueblo Bonito ceramics.

RECAPITULATION

Many of the earthenware vessels recovered by the National Geo-
graphic Society were burial offerings; others were casualties of the
kitchen. All, irrespective of their fate, are separable into various
categories on the basis of shape, ornamentation, and technique of
manufacture. The stratigraphic studies and sherd analyses con-
ducted by Roberts and Amsden produced conclusive evidence that
local pottery styles changed repeatedly during occupancy of Pueblo
Bonito.

Stratigraphy revealed the cultural unity of fragments in previously
undisturbed old rubbish underlying the West Court. Only in the
upper layers were late sherds encountered and they were propor-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 231

tionally few. Elsewhere, in the two great rubbish piles south of the
pueblo and in debris-filled rooms, fragments of early and late pottery
were intermixed. The fact that the one group of wares stood alone
during the period required for 8 feet of household debris to accumu-
late, and thereafter invariably occurred in association with wares of
the second group, seems to me contributory proof that Pueblo Bonito
at its height was the product of two culturally unequal but contem-
poraneous peoples, the Old Bonitians and the Late Bonitians.

The older ceramic assemblage comprised plain-bodied, banded- or
coiled-neck cooking pots and painted vessels whose design elements
included ticked and waved lines, interlocking whorls, squiggled hatch-
ing chiefly in curvilinear figures, and thin parallel lines often border-
ing stepped triangles. Among the earlier bowls in this group are
those slipped inside and out and often stone-polished. But time
brought a decreasing interest in surface finish; a moist hand or gourd
scraper replaced the polishing stone.

Most conspicuous among Late Bonitian pottery were new vessel
forms ornamented largely with straight-line hatching, over-all cor-
rugated-coil culinary ware, and a black-on-white organic paint variety
Amsden and Roberts designated the ‘““Chaco—San Juan.” Our exmina-
tion of stratified rubbish underlying the West Court showed that
while squiggled hatching occurred in practically all layers, straight-
line hatching appeared in Strata A-C only (the upper 4’ 2”) of
Test II and not at all in Test I. So, too, with the Chaco—San Juan
group: Not a single sherd was found in Test I, although 31 frag-
ments were recovered from the three uppermost layers of Test II.
Corrugated-coil appeared only in Stratum A, Test I; in A-D of
Test II. The lower 8 feet contained fragments of Old Bonitian
wares only.

Whether the Chaco—San Juan ware was manufactured at Pueblo
Bonito by potters migrant from the San Juan country or imported
from the north is a question our studies do not answer. Its style
of decoration and its use of organic paint were contrary to local
practice, but its treatment of bowl exteriors, even to the slip band at
rim, was in the Chaco tradition. The ware made its appearance at
Pueblo Bonito suddenly, about the same time as straight-line hatching
and before pottery of Mesa Verde kinship was introduced; it con-
tinued to be used in Bonitian households after the village had passed
its prime and while the population gradually dwindled and dispersed.
Fragments of it, comprising 6.6 percent of all tabulated sherds from
_ rooms excavated, occurred most frequently in the rubbish fill of
later-type dwellings but were not entirely wanting among Old Boni-

232 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

tian debris. We collected fragments of it underneath the floor of
Old Bonitian Room 307 and under several Late Bonitian rooms of
third-period construction. The presumption is, therefore, that Chaco—
San Juan ware came in with the Late Bonitians, introducers of our
second-type masonry.

Earthenware vessels hereinbefore described as ““Mesa Verde” con-
stitute our largest intrusive group. But they originated in some of
the earlier and less spectacular ruins of southwestern Colorado and
southeastern Utah, rather than in the famous Mesa Verde cliff dwell-
ings, for beam dates indicate most of these latter were constructed
in the twelth and thirteenth centuries whereas sherds of what we
have called Mesa Verde ware actually were found underneath Bonitian
structures erected before 1100.

Reporting upon his 1916 examination of the two rubbish mounds
fronting Pueblo Bonito, Nelson (1920, pp. 384-385) observes that
he first encountered typical Mesa Verde sherds in the middle strata ;
that fewer of them appeared in the upper layers. Our own inquiries
provide corroborative evidence as to the relative recency of Mesa
Verde pottery at Pueblo Bonito but no suggestion of any reduction
in numbers. We found only one sherd of it in our two stratigraphic
sections through old household debris under the West Court and
that was in Test II, layer B, 18 to 24 inches below the surface. The
proportion of like fragments gathered in excavated rooms (0.4 per-
cent) indicates that importations from the Mesa Verde district were
never numerous. A few vessels filtered in before Kivas A, T, and V
were built; the majority arrived while the village was at maximum
development.

Of the 36 rooms from which we recovered Mesa Verde sherds, six
had been Old Bonitian dwellings; the rest, Late Bonitian houses of
which five (Rooms 153, 226, 244, 249, 256) were constructed of
fourth-type masonry. Of these five, only two had clearly served as
neighborhood dumps. A majority of our Mesa Verde fragments
came from buildings of third-period stonework in the east and south-
west quarters of the village. Two restored bowls and part of a third
are shown on plate 58, upper. The bowl and mugs found in Burial
Room 32 and the two small mugs from Room 36 (Pepper, 1920, pp.
129-130, 183) prove that these Old Bonitian structures were not
sealed until trade with the Mesa Verde district had become estab-
lished, somewhere around the end of the eleventh century or the be-
ginning of the twelfth.

Commerce with other culture areas was less frequent, if we judge
correctly from recovered fragments of their distinctive earthenware.

A, So-called seed jars were provided with constricted orifices that could be covered by
stone disks.

B, Wooden stool; C, bear effigy.

PLATE 66

PLATE 67.—Cylindrical vases and fragments.

‘of€ pure OzE susoo1 [elinq WorZ saseA jedtIpul[Aj—goq ALVIg

eS ae
Pe.
, Bing sp eg ay

spat Pe oe aS
om, es noe

PLATE 69.—Miniature bowls, ladles, and pitchers—probably toy dishes for little Bonitian
girls.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 233

Of more than 200,000 sherds tabulated, less than a hundred were
recognized as from the Kayenta and Houck districts, eastern Arizona.
Proto-Kayenta black-on-red and polychrome are both included. Clas-
sic Kayenta is wanting, as would be expected, since Pueblo Bonito
was abandoned approximately a century before Betatakin, Keet Seel,
and their contemporaries were built. A few fragments of Tularosa
ware evidence an occasional traveler from southwestern New Mexico.
Although it is reasonable to assume most of these foreign pieces were
acquired through trade, others doubtless were left by visitors.

Listing the artifacts he obtained from Pueblo villages in 1879,
Stevenson (1883, pp. 307-465) repeatedly directs attention to vessels
he suspects originated in villages other than those in which his pur-
chases were made. Jeancon (1923, p. 34), remarking upon the diver-
sity of foreign pottery he unearthed at Poshu, added: “It is still the
custom of the Pueblo people to carry gifts of pottery to their friends
in other villages where they go to visit.” And I distinctly recall that
several San Ildefonso acquaintances I met at the Santo Domingo Green
Corn Dance in 1920 had some of their own native pottery with them.

Now what is meant when one refers to “typical” Chaco Canyon
pottery? At Pueblo Bonito, the only ruin with which we are herein
concerned, earthenware divides itself into two principal classifications :
Old Bonitian and Late Bonitian. The first of these, on the basis of
form, technique, and ornamentation, is readily identified as Pueblo II.
Gladwin (1945, pp. 56, 95) remarks its similarity to pottery of his
Red Mesa and Wingate Phases. Miss Hawley (1936) and other
investigators have each suggested other names.

Geometric designs of straight-line hatching within somewhat heav-
ier frames have long been regarded the earmark of Bonitian ceramics.
It is true that pottery so ornamented reached its greatest perfection
at Pueblo Bonito, but our studies prove it was not known locally until
the village was well along in years, and that it never became pre-
ponderant. Early and late types of straight-line hatching together
comprised only 8.9 percent of the 203,188 sherds tabulated from
rooms excavated. The two principal varieties of Old Bonitian black-
on-white ware, Transitional and Degenerate Transitional, formed
practically the same proportion (9.3 percent) of the total. Fragments
of Old Bonitian culinary pots made up 14.7 percent of the sherds
tabulated ; corrugated-coil, 33.5 percent. So the older pottery complex
is just as typical of Pueblo Bonito as the later. Both early and late
vessels are, in large measure, sherd-tempered and decorated with
mineral paint.

Straight-line hatching and every design element that distinguishes

234 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

our Transitional ware are to be seen also on pottery from Pueblo
II-III ruins in southwestern Colorado and in southeastern Utah.
They provide the “Chaco-like” quality various students have noted in
pottery from that area. This resemblance, together with a not-infre-
quent Chaco-like quality in both domestic and kiva architecture, have
been attributed by some investigators to influence from Chaco Canyon.
Although I have made no recent first-hand observations north of the
San Juan, the same evidence, it seems to me, points more strongly in
the opposite direction. My own observations in Chaco Canyon and my
interpretation of the data published by others lead to the conclusion
that Old Bonitian pottery developed out of Pueblo I practices in-
herited from beyond the San Juan; that the more spectacular ceramic
art of the Late Bonitians likewise drew its inspiration from the north
and attained perfection in Chaco Canyon.

Since the National Geographic Society’s Pueblo Bonito investiga-
tions were concluded, Dr. Earl H. Morris has published his volumi-
nous study of La Plata Valley archeology, accompanied by Miss Shep-
ard’s analysis of the pottery (Morris, 1939). Our immediate interest
in these two important reports lies in the fact that both incorporate
a few comparative notes on the pottery and ruins of Chaco Canyon.
Morris—and there is no one more intimately acquainted with the
prehistory of the entire San Juan basin—observes a varying degree
of “Chacoesqueness” in much of the early Pueblo III earthenware
he unearthed north of the San Juan; he regards as trade pieces the
rare pure Chaco pottery encountered, and considers the still rarer
Chaco-type ruins evidence of migrant colonists from the southern
center. He believes (pp. 205-206) pure Chaco, Chaco-like, and non-
Chaco pottery contemporaneous in La Plata Valley and perhaps
throughout the entire northern district, and that Mesa Verde ware
came into being just as the pure Chaco made its last appearance. This
latter conviction is quite in harmony with our deductions at Pueblo
Bonito. '

Miss Shepard analyzes pastes, paints, and firing methods. She
learns that La Plata Valley potters varied their ceramic practices
from time to time; that they favored iron oxide paint throughout one
period, organic paint in another. Powdered igneous rock was long
preferred as a tempering agent only to be partially displaced by
pulverized potsherds or a mixture of sherd and rock. Relying upon
geological data, Miss Shepard points out the probable places of origin
indicated by minerals in the paste. She believes the presence of an-
desite in earthenware found in Chaco Canyon indicates trade from
the La Plata where andesite continued a prominent temper from

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 235

Basket Maker III to late Pueblo III times ; she believes sanidine basalt
in the sherd temper of Chaco-like vessels exhumed in the La Plata
country evidences trade from the Chaco, since inclusions of this rock
frequently occur in Bonitian sherd-tempered pottery but are not
found in La Plata sherd-tempered types (ibid., pp. 279-281).

Now there is something of archeological heresy in all this. Hereto-
fore, lacking precise analytical methods, we had no reason to suspect
an extensive prehistoric commerce in pottery and especially in culinary
ware. But sanidine basalt was an important and increasingly popular
temper in cooking pots used at Pueblo Bonito and the only known
accessible source of the rock lies at Washington Pass, in the Chuska
Mountains, 50 air miles to the west. Bonitian women either walked
that distance and back to get the rock or they imported pots in which
it was the temper, unless a nearer outcropping remains to be dis-
covered. At the moment, importation seems the more logical ex-
planation ; especially so since sanidine basalt is the strongly dominant
temper in cooking-pot fragments from ruins in the vicinity of the
rock’s known source.

With every confidence in Miss Shepard and her methods of analy-
sis, I sincerely regret that circumstances prevented her thorough in-
quiry into the makeup of Pueblo Bonito pottery. For me, the whole
problem still hangs in midair; I feel certain significant factors still
lie hidden. The sherd samples I placed before Miss Shepard in 1936
seemed at the time to offer a trustworthy cross section of local ceramic
history. But I am now dubious; I believe a larger, broader sample
should have been examined. I find myself hesitating to believe, for
example, that andesite in Chaco Canyon pottery always indicates trade
from north of the Rio San Juan. Andesite was the temper in 1 out
of 18 mineral-paint sherds in a sample of 43 from a Basket Maker III
site in upper Chaco Canyon; it was a minor tempering agent in both
culinary ware and mineral-paint black-on-white sherds from bottom
to top of Test II, through 12 feet of Old Bonitian household waste
under the West Court at Pueblo Bonito.

So, too, with the sanidine basalt which Miss Shepard believes may
indicate traffic in cooking pots from the Bennett Peak district at
Washington Pass to Pueblo Bonito and the subsequent utilization of
fragments of those pots as temper in Bonitian earthenware. Be-
cause there are, to me, so many pertinent questions not’ quite con-
vincingly answered by these technological analyses, I should like to
see them extended to a larger representation of the successive Chaco
Canyon ware. And I should like very much to have Miss Shepard
conduct those analyses.

236 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

After reading my paragraphs summarizing the data she derived
from samples of our Pueblo Bonito sherds, Miss Shepard generously
submitted the following in rebuttal :

The sanidine basalt and the andesite found in Bonito pottery present two dis-
tinct problems relating to trade, for each kind of rock occurs in particular types
of pottery and each is the characteristic temper of a separate region. Mr. Judd
questions the postulate that pottery from Bonito with either of these tempers is
intrusive. Although trade seems to me to offer the most logical explanation of
the facts we now possess, I thoroughly agree with Mr. Judd that conclusions
should be deferred until further studies are made. Obviously temper analysis
gives only circumstantial evidence, not proof, of origin because the presence in
pottery of foreign temper does not reveal whether the material itself or the pot-
tery was imported. Furthermore, after we have located possible sources of a
rock we cannot be certain that there were not other and nearer sources unknown
to us. It is not generally practicable so thoroughly to comb the area under con-
sideration that we can say with finality that we have located all outcrops of the
rock, even though the results of reconnaissance considered in the light of known
facts of rock genesis may in some instances indicate occurrences with a high
degree of probability. However, this limitation of geological knowledge is not as
great a handicap as it seems because the geographic distribution of pottery tem-
pered with a given rock gives more direct evidence of the center of usage of the
temper than does the natural occurrence of the rock. Thus we are dependent
primarily on thorough archeological survey and excavation, and the correlation
of the various classes of technological and stylistic data. These enable us to build
up a body of circumstantial evidence relating to trade and sources of influence.

Sanidine basalt, which is a rare and unusual rock, has been found as the prin-
cipal temper only in the Bennett Peak district east of the Chuska Mountains;
also, the only reported outcrops of the rock near ruins are in this locality. Im-
portant sites between the Chuska area and the Chaco are not known, therefore
our comparison must be between Chuska and Chaco pottery. Mr. Judd doubts
that Bonito sherds containing sanidine basalt are trade wares from the Bennett
Peak district because it is not generally supposed that pottery was obtained in
quantity from distances as great as 50 miles. On the other hand, the theory that
sanidine basalt was used by Bonito potters is not supported by occurrences. It is
a significant fact that this temper is extremely rare if not entirely absent in
Bonito pottery with typical black-on-white hatching. Thin sections of these types
clearly show that the rare inclusions of sanidine basalt were introduced through
sherd temper, since fragments of the rock occur within the sherd particles. In a
sample of 106 sherds of the variously hatched types examined with the binocular
microscope, sanidine basalt was found in only one, and without petrographic
analysis it is not certain that this was not associated with sherd.

Sanidine basalt occurred in only 3 percent of the total mineral-paint, black-on-
white sherds in tests II and IV (layers A to D only) whereas it was present in
58 percent of the organic paint sherds in these tests. The use of organic paint is
not a Chaco trait, and only 10 percent of the total black-on-white ware in the
two tests has organic paint. Therefore, aside from the improbability that potters
would go beyond the confines of the canyon and immediately adjacent territory
for temper, the relation of temper to stylistic types is not consistent with the
theory of local usage of sanidine basalt. Likewise the possibility that sanidine

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 237

basalt was used by an immigrant group in Chaco who retained their original
technique would be difficult to defend because the organic paint types with sani-
dine basalt occur over such a long period, maintained their distinctiveness, and
increased in proportion.

Probably the most important question to be answered is how Bonito and
Chuska sanidine-basalt-tempered pottery compares in features such as finish, type
of clay, and particularly painted design. If systematic comparison should prove
that the two are identical in these respects, the trade theory would seem the most
logical explanation of the Chaco occurrences, but if Chaco influence can be found
in the Bonito organic paint, sanidine-basalt-tempered specimens, the theory of
production in Bonito, or at least in villages nearer Bonito than the Chuskas,
would be favored. These remarks apply primarily to black-on-white types but it
is perhaps the large percentage of corrugated ware with sanidine basalt temper
which makes the trade theory difficult to accept. The theory seems most un-
reasonable when we think of corrugated ware in terms of cook pots of indifferent
workmanship which are unlikely articles of trade. The fact should therefore
be kept in mind that corrugated vessels required skill and fine workmanship no
less than painted vessels, as anyone who has attempted to reproduce them will
testify. It is not unreasonable to suppose that there were potters who excelled
in the art of making corrugated ware and possibly certain villages led in its pro-
duction. In this connection Mr. Morris’s observation that sites of the Bennett
Peak district show great variety and extremely high development of corrugated
pottery is significant, and suggests an attack on the question of trade by correla-
tion of stylistic and technological data.

Andesite is far less common in sherds of the Bonito tests than sanidine basalt.
There was 4 percent of andesite in the total sherds of tests II and IV as com-
pared with 22 percent of sanidine basalt. Moreover the principal occurrence of
andesite in Bonito pottery is in Mesa Verde black-on-white sherds which have, on
stylistic grounds, been recognized as intrusive. Thirty percent of a sample of 54
Mesa Verde type sherds was andesite-tempered. Therefore both style and temper
support the theory of trade although temper gives us somewhat more specific
evidence of place of origin than style. Temper analysis of surface survey sherds
collected in connection with Mr. Morris’s study of La Plata Valley archeology
showed that andesite temper characterizes Mesa Verde type sherds from sites
in the La Plata Valley where andesite occurs as river drift.

The sporadic andesite-tempered sherds of earlier mineral-paint black-on-white
types in Bonito may also be intrusive from the La Plata because the combination
of andesite temper and mineral paint occurs both in Pueblo II and early Pueblo
III in the La Plata Valley. On the other hand, Mr. Judd calls attention to an
outcrop within 15 miles of Bonito of the McDermott formation in some parts of
which andesitic debris occurs. The type locality of the McDermott formation is
in the La Plata district, and this exposure was examined at the time the La Plata
study was made. It was dismissed as a probable source of La Plata andesite
temper since the cobbles of the river drift were more conspicuous and also more
easily obtained. In regard to the lithologic character of the McDermott forma-
tion Reeside says, “beds of purely andesitic debris do not occur west of La Plata
River in New Mexico. . .” and further, “South of San Juan River the McDer-
mott formation is a thin assemblage of brown sandstone, and purple and gray

-shale just beneath the Ojo Alamo sandstone. . . . These beds, however, contain
detritus from andesites.” [Reeside, 1924, p. 25.]

238 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

Until the exposure near Chaco Canyon is examined we cannot be certain that
it would have supplied andesite of the type found in the pottery. A comparison
of the stylistic features of the Bonito mineral-paint, andesite-tempered sherds
with those of La Plata types is also suggested. It is unfortunate that I did not
record stylistic features of sherds from the Bonito tests at the time I made the
temper identifications. Also larger sherd lots should be examined in order to
obtain a reliable estimate of frequency of occurrence. Many of the lots studied
contained only between 25 and 50 sherds, therefore considerable error may be
involved in the percentages based upon them, although there is marked consist-
ency in these percentages. Doubtless the most convincing evidence of origin
of the rock-tempered types in Bonito will be obtained by a study of fully devel-
oped Pueblo III types because these have the most localized stylistic features
and although neither style nor material alone can prove the source of pottery,
each feature gives supplementary evidence and when studied together, material,
technique, and style give a much firmer basis for theory than any one of them
alone can furnish.

VI. IMPLEMENTS OF THE FIELD AND CHASE

We are accustomed to think of stone tools as peculiar to Ancient
Man; as something that passed out of existence with the advent of the
Bronze Age nearly 4,000 years ago. But our American Indians were
still living in the Stone Age when the Pilgrims landed on Plymouth
Rock, and they continued in the Stone Age until metal acquired from
Colonial homes or fur traders replaced stone for toolmaking.

In the southwestern United States stone implements were in com-
mon use as late as 1881. Most of the timbers then visible in Hopi
houses had been cut with stone axes (Bourke, 1884, pp. 251, 307).
Forty-seven years later some of those same stone-cut logs contributed
indirectly to the dating of Pueblo Bonito (Douglass, 1929, p. 754).

Hundreds of stone tools gathered from old ruins were being utilized
at Zufi, Walpi, and other Pueblo villages in 1879 when Stevenson
purchased them for the national collections (Stevenson, 1883, p. 320).
Not only were they materially useful but also they possessed an
acknowledged market value. A gift to Captain Bourke at a trading
post west of Fort Defiance reminded an elderly Navaho that before
white men came to Arizona a stone ax would buy a wife (Bourke,
1884, p. 70).

Axes.—lIt is a curious paradox that in Chaco Canyon, where lit-
erally thousands of pines were felled for building purposes, few stone
axes have been recovered. Pepper lists but eight from his four seasons
at Pueblo Bonito. The National Geographic Society’s explorations in
the same ruin disclosed only four (pl. 70, middle) with fragments of
three others, and one of these latter, a grooved sandstone pebble
(U.S.N.M. No. 335866) half again as large as a man’s thumb, doubt-
less met some youngster’s plea for an ax like father’s. All are from
Late Bonitian rooms or rubbish.

Pueblo Bonito axes are not only rare but comparatively rude. In
this they agree with stone axes from other sections of the San Juan
basin. They were made from water-worn cobbles of igneous rock—
diorite, hornblendite, rhyolite, felsite—brought from a distance and
reduced to the desired form by pecking with hammerstones. Notched
on the edges or grooved about for attachment of a withe handle,
sharpened by rubbing on sandstone (the cliff back of Pueblo Bonito
is deeply scored through whetting of axes), one of these rocks became
a fairly effective cutting implement.

239

240 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Of the four specimens illustrated (pl. 70), d came, doubtless through
trade, from southwestern New Mexico or southeastern Arizona, for
it was originally made with the straight edge and interrupted groove
characteristic of axes from that region. But its Bonitian owner sub-
sequently continued the groove all around to permit the type of hafting
preferred in Chaco Canyon. When in due course its blade had been
dulled and blunted, this once-treasured implement was relegated to
lowly service as a maul, the ultimate end of many a good ax. In Room
282 we found the fragment of another reworked southern ax, a large
fragment used in dressing stone (U.S.N.M. No. 335858).

From neighboring Pueblo del Arroyo we retrieved eight additional
axes and ax fragments. One of these, figure g, remains unfinished
and thus provides a visual lesson in methods of ax manufacturing.
Shaped and grooved by hammerstones, it awaits only the smoothing
touch of an abrader.

A near relative of the ax is figure h. Shaped with a minimum of
pecking from a rhyolite cobblestone, triangular in cross section, its
corners are notched and one face slightly grooved as a seating for the
customary willow handle. Its narrow bit is unmarred while the poll
evidences passing use as a maul.

Axlike implements roughly flaked from tough rocks are not uncom-
mon in southwestern ruins, especially those of the upper Rio Grande.
Our Pueblo Bonito collections include only one of this type, a rude
specimen made from a thin slab of indurated, altered volcanic ash.
Its edges are notched ; one corner of the blade shows incipient shaping
through attrition (U.S.N.M. No. 335864).

Mauls (pl. 24, c).—Although well known from earlier ruins
throughout the Southwest, mauls at Pueblo Bonito are even rarer
than axes. Of the half dozen we recovered, three are discarded ax
heads broken and bruised by use in stonework. With so few grooved
mauls in evidence, one is led to believe the Bonitians preferred hand
hammers in making metates and in dressing sandstone blocks for
building purposes.

The largest of the three illustrated was more likely a club head, for
it is made of friable yellow sandstone, a rock so soft that it would
readily shatter on anything harder than the average cranium.

Two implements made from water-worn cobbles may also be men-
tioned. One, found in the refill of Room 168, is of quartzite and
weighs 52 pounds (U.S.N.M. No. 335861). On each edge is a broad
medial notch; two small flakes have been thrown from one end as
though by as many blows against another rock. The second specimen

PLate 70.—a, b, Pieces of volcanic pumice found in kivas; c-g, grooved stone axes; and
h, a picklike implement.

PLate 71.—Wooden bows, agricultural tools, and a ceremonial staff or

”

“crook.

PrLate 72.—Undersized bows (a-d), perhaps used by small boys, ceremonial staves
(e-g), and a pair of loom bars (h, 1).

o/h Gunga a

‘OE WOOY ‘Ol UoJaToyYS jo sdiy 9y} sropun
‘WAOF JURIIOGe JO ISOY} SUIPNouT ‘speayMOrIe snOsuUeRTIISI “J SMO1Ie JO JOAINDB B Wo} s}UIWIseIy pue speayMolIy ‘PY

AG

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dl

~~

yey

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 241

(No. 335863), triangular in cross section and of dolerite-porphyry,
shows absolutely no sign of use, but its three corners have been notched
in readiness for a handle. It weighs 54 pounds and came from Room
318. Neither dolerite-porphyry nor quartzite is to be found in Chaco
Canyon.

AGRICULTURAL TOOLS

Two simple wooden implements, the dibble and the digging stick,
have met the needs of Pueblo men ever since they first became
farmers. The one was used in planting; the other, in clearing land,
in crop cultivation, and in loosening earth for diversion dams. Ex-
amples of both are still used in Hopi, Zufii, and Navaho fields. They
differ in no essential from those we unearthed at Pueblo Bonito or
those previously recovered from Basket Maker caves and burial places.
Although the heavy Spanish-type iron hoe has largely replaced the old
wooden cultivator, no satisfactory substitute has yet been found for
the dibble.

Planting sticks, or dibbles, have narrow, chisel-like blades. Our lone
Bonitian specimen (pl. 71, fig. 7) measures 323 inches with a few more
missing from the broken upper end. It is made from an oak sapling
and the lower 6 inches are beveled from opposite sides to form the
blade, five-eighths inch wide.

With such a simple tool as this the Pueblos have always planted
their maize, beans, and pumpkins. To be sure, the planting sticks we
saw in Hopi hands were a bit wider and sturdier, but the manner of
their use has been handed down from the long ago. Grasping his stick
at the middle, the planter chops out a narrow hole Io to 15 inches
deep, drops in a dozen or more kernels of corn, refills the hole, and
proceeds to the next. He may work kneeling on one or both knees,
chopping and drawing toward him with a rotary motion of the arms
and body. He digs down to sand of a satisfactory moisture content
and is careful to pack damp sand in upon his seeds, leaving the drier
for the top fill. Holes are dug 6 or 8 feet apart, alternating with
plantings in the previous row. Unhurried workers calmly step the
distance, but one young man we saw, undoubtedly with an eye to his
audience, sprang from a one-knee crouch two long paces to light in
the same position and with his dibble upraised for the first stroke.

Digging sticks, so-called, are an inch or two wider and somewhat
longer than planting sticks. The blade is an important feature. Pueblo
digging sticks are generally straighter than those of Basket Maker
origin and vary in length from 2 feet to over 6.

Digging sticks are primitive cultivators, a combination hoe and

242 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

shovel. With them bushes were uprooted, soil loosened, fields weeded.
They were used in building dams and embankments; in guiding flood-
water onto garden plots. Some are square-ended with a chisel-like bit ;
others have a more or less knifelike blade, long or short, thinned along
its curved edge and tip. In either case the position of the cutting edge
proves these implements were thrust forward and away from the
worker as he hacked at massed roots or intrusive vegetation.

Eight of our ten Bonitian digging sticks and fragments are shown
on plate 71. Only one, c, is really complete.®? Specimens i and k, from
which the tips were broken while still in use, are those elsewhere
mentioned as found at the feet of Skeleton 8, a female, in Old Bonitian
Room 326 (see pl. 94, left). Specimens d and g came from the adjoin-
ing structure, abandoned Room 325, the rubbish in which was domi-
nantly Late Bonitian. The knob on d naturally prompts the question:
Was this purely decorative feature a characteristic distinguishing Late
Bonitian from Old Bonitian digging sticks? If so, then here may be
another cultural difference between the two groups comprising the
local population, for available data from other areas suggest that the
digging-stick knob was a Pueblo III innovation. Two other end knobs,
one of which had been detached with a flint knife, were recovered
from Late Bonitian rubbish in Rooms 226 and 327 (U.S.N.M. Nos.
335221, 335226).

Fragment e may not belong in this series, since its knob is discoidal
rather than globular and its shaft is only half an inch in diameter at
the broken end. It is so heavy I suspect it is ironwood, an Upper
Sonoran shrub native to the mountains of northwestern New Mexico.
Its surface, once glossily polished, is now checked like an alligator-
bark juniper. Specimen h, partially consumed in the fire that destroyed
Room 298, has been tentatively identified as mountain mahogany
(Cercocarpus sp.), a companion of ironwood (Forestiera neomexi-
cana). Specimens d, f, g, 1, and k are oak (Quercus sp.), and c¢
appears to be also.

It will be noted that c, i, and k are equipped with square-ended
blades that seem ill-advisedly long. For example, the exposed face of
c has been flattened throughout the lower 25 inches although on the
opposite side only the last 9 were altered, being beveled toward the
cutting end. Specimen 7, with a total length of 363 inches, has a blade
22 inches long reduced from both sides to a midway thickness of half
an inch and to half that at a point 2 inches from the end. The cutting

52 This specimen, broken in three pieces by collapse of the ceiling in Room 296,
checked into innumerable short sections after removal. These have since been
doweled and the whole mounted on an individual base for preservation.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 243

edge is 13 inches wide. With so thin and slender a blade, even an oak
implement would have had its limitations. It could have been used for
little more than weeding.

The three fragments with rounded ends (f, g, h) were likewise
thinned from front and back though not to the same extent as those
described above. They may, or may not, represent a separate form.
They are sharpened at the end only and not along one edge. That
illustrated as g saw other service after discard as a digging stick, for
its blade is somewhat splintered and bent backward at the tip as
though from levering rocks. This one came from Late Bonitian rub-
bish in Room 325; the other two, from Old Bonitian storerooms.

Hough (1919, p. 236) illustrates a “wooden hand trowel” with
which the Hopi tend their plants. By implication it is a type implement
and not a reworked fragment. The example figured, however, is
clearly no more than a shortened model of the old, knife-edged variety
of digging stick—one shortened for convenient use by a man working
on his knees. We often overlook the fact that among the Hopi, as
among other peoples, there are individuals clever enough to improvise
tools or to copy those seen elsewhere. Take, for example, the foot-
powered Zufi cornplanter, a scythelike implement of hard wood, and
the hoe fashioned from the shoulder blade of an elk as illustrated by
Cushing (1920, pl. 3, c, f,g). All three are quite foreign to the pre-
Spanish Southwest.

The shoulder-blade hoe is a Plains Indian type, but Cushing’s speci-
men could have been made by a Zufii using the most suitable local
substitute for a buffalo scapula. A comparable Anasazi tool, invented
by the Basket Makers, had a flattened section of mountain-sheep horn
bound to the end of a wooden shaft as an extension of it. The result
was a sort of scuffle hoe designed to be shoved, or thrust, by the
operator ; it should have proved more serviceable than wooden culti-
vators because horn takes a keener edge. The Early Pueblos adopted
this spadelike implement but soon substituted stone for the mountain-
sheep horn.

Stone hoes are represented in our collection by two specimens only
(fig. 65). One, a fragment (a), is from a fine example that must
originally have been 9 or Io inches long. The material is an indurated
fawn-colored and laminiferous shale—a rock much favored through-
out the middle San Juan drainage by the makers of this specialized
tool. Four nicks on the cutting edge were smoothed, and minute
striations, the result of attrition in working the soil, were partly erased
during the last resharpening operation.

244 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Our second example (0), of calcareous shale, was exhumed from
the fill between floors in Room 347. It is triangular, 5 inches long by
I inch wide at the apex and 2 inches at its retouched bit. The latter
has been irregularly spalled and chipped and reduced in width nearly
a third by unskilled use of a hammerstone. The cutting edge, like that

Fic. 65.—Stone hoes or tcamahias.

of its companion, lies at right angles to the longer dimension and thus
agrees with a majority of our wooden cultivators.

A Pueblo del Arroyo specimen (U.S.N.M. No. 334817), its blade
more to one side, was reworked at the upper end to provide a 24-inch
“handle.” In this respect it is reminiscent of several examples among
the series of stone “skinning knives” that Powell and Stevenson
purchased at the Hopi villages and at Zufii in the late ’7os. All belong

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 245

to the type under consideration, but several have had the apical third
reshaped, narrowed, and even grooved to facilitate attachment.

According to the collectors, these ancient stone implements had
previously been gathered from old Pueblo ruins by the Indians. Most,
if not all, were being utilized at the time they were purchased; a few
still bear traces of a blue-black pigment that suggests some ceremonial
connection. Similar pieces are conspicuous on the altar of the Antelope
Society at the Walpi Snake Dance, as Fewkes (1909, p. 39) remarks
in noting those he unearthed at Spruce-tree House, Mesa Verde
National Park.

A discoloration left by the binding thong is still plain upon a speci-
men Holmes found in 1875 in a bin of charred corn in a Mancos
Canyon cliff house (Holmes, 1878, p. 407, pl. 46, fig. 3). I have seen
others with like markings and one that preserved the outline of a
round-ended shaft, flattened to fit the slight convexity of the imple-
ment. There is no doubt in my mind, therefore, that these stone
“skinning knives” or “tcamahias” are Pueblo IIl—Pueblo III substi-
tutes for the mountain-sheep-horn blades of Basket Maker shovel
hoes. They are peculiar to the San Juan culture area although occa-
sional examples are reported from outside it. Some clearly were
mounted; others, broader toward the apex, may have been used un-
hafted as trowels or hand mattocks for grubbing about plants.

Since agriculture was the principal industry at Pueblo Bonito, the
insignificant number of stone hoes unearthed there is astonishing.
If, as explorations elsewhere suggest, such hoes were more numerous
during Pueblo II times, we are left wondering whether Pueblo III
farmers reverted, in part, to the ancestral-type wooden digging stick
or adopted new agricultural practices. One wonders, too, whether
some of the esoteric powers attributed to tcamahias by living Hopi
were beginning to take form as early as Pueblo III.

Hyde’s table of important stone objects (Pepper, 1920, pp. 363-365 )
lists five “celts” which I assume, lacking textual description, to be
implements of the type under discussion. Two sandstone blades,
shaped by percussion, are illustrated as hoes (ibid., p. 67).

Another Pueblo Bonito fragment (U.S.N.M. No. 335626) is men-
tioned at this time, not because it is part of a proved agricultural tool
but because it is grooved longitudinally on both sides in the manner
of stone long used in working the soil. The material is yellowish
claystone with jasperlike qualities; the blade is unusually sharp and
only 1g inches wide. Hoes of the type we have been considering are
broadest at the cutting edge, but the sides of our fragment slope out-
ward at angles that would give a butt-end width of 1% inches if the

246 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

implement were 6 inches long. The fragment was found in Room 318,
adjoining Room 323 whose rubbish fill was dominantly Old Bonitian
in character.

The men of Pueblo Bonito were farmers. They drew their living
from the soil. They had a few simple wood and stone tools—all they
really needed. Their annual aim, as with present-day Pueblos, was
to harvest each fall a year’s supply of maize and other plant products
and have a small surplus for storage against the uncertain future.
Farming was their livelihood but, like most farmers still, each wel-
comed the diversion of a little hunting now and then.

IMPLEMENTS OF THE CHASE

No group activity affords a Pueblo man more pleasure, more genu-
ine fun, than a rabbit hunt. The mere announcement of it excites the
whole village with anticipation. At the appointed hour a couple of
dozen or a couple of hundred men and boys trot out across the valley
to surround an indicated area and then gradually draw together to
encircle a confusion of jack rabbits and cottontails and strike them
down with clubs or rocks as they seek to escape. It is an occasion
vibrant, electrifying, with action. It is a sportive occasion providing
that in which the Pueblo most delights: a communal enterprise with
its accompaniment of friendly banter, jesting, and exuberant good
humor. A surround also provides an audience for display of individual
agility and skill.

In 1597 or thereabouts members of Ofiate’s army were invited to
participate in a Zufi rabbit hunt (Espinosa, 1933, p. 168). Another
was described by Fray Alonso de Benavides in 1630 (Ayer, 1916,
p. 38). Lummis (1908, pp. 54-67) pictures the excitement of a
surround at Isleta about 1890, while Parsons (1932) shows the close
connection between rabbit drives and certain Isleta ceremonies.

Both cottontail and jack-rabbit bones were plentiful in the rubbish
heaps at Pueblo Bonito. .Thus, since hunting was rarely a personal
adventure, we may be confident rabbit hunts were periodically organ-
ized at Pueblo Bonito as at other villages, before and since. We found
no trace of trap or net; no fragment of a throwing club such as the
Hopi employ (pl. 12, right).

From occupational debris we also recovered the bones of diverse
other animals and of birds. Some of these creatures were killed for
food while others were hunted only to fulfill ceremonial requirements.
Beaglehole (1936) ably differentiates between Hopi ritual hunting
and mere quest for meat. Current Hopi practices are patterned on
those of the past. Thus we shall not go far astray if we guess that the

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 247

Bonitians also hunted deer and antelope by the surround method and
by running the animals to exhaustion and then choking or smothering
them. Birds whose feathers were needed for prayer sticks were
trapped, not shot.

Old Wello (see pl. 3, left) told me the Navaho formerly had an
antelope corral on Escavada Wash east of the F armington road.** We
can never know whether the Bonitians likewise drove antelope into a
pen for slaughter, but we do know they killed an occasional pronghorn.

Hosteen Beyal, nonagenarian (pl. 3, right), stopped off in Chaco
Canyon one late summer’s day in 1927 on his way home from a squaw
dance. At expedition expense I furnished the mutton, crackers, and
canned peaches that induced him and a dozen relatives to spend the
night with us. But after supper, when cigarettes were passed, the
old man was too sleepy to talk. I learned only that he first crossed
Chaco Canyon when, as a boy of ten, he and a sister had followed his
father’s pack horses on foot from the Orejas del Oso,** driving the
family’s five sheep.

Yes, then and later he had seen lots of game in the Chaco country.
He had killed lots of antelope, and deer, and elk, and a kind of deer
with big feet that runs like a horse and draws a sled, and caribou, and
musk oxen—a complete recital, with details as to gait, manner of
carrying the horns, color, feeding habits, etc., of all his grandchildren
had told him of lessons learned from school geographies.

Deer, elk, pronghorn, and mountain-sheep bones were among those
unearthed in the trash piles of Pueblo Bonito. These animals were at
home within a few days’ foot journey from Chaco Canyon. We may
be sure their range and habits were known and that hunting parties
periodically set forth at the proper season and after prescribed prayers.
We may be reasonably certain that Bonitian hunters, like Hopi and
Zufii hunters a couple of generations ago, occasionally utilized game

58 At that time, 1925, two uncertain roads led north from Pueblo Bonito by
way of Rincon del Camino and Mockingbird Canyon. The old Wetherill road,
which crossed at the mouth of the Escavada, had been abandoned a few years
before on account of blown sand piling up across the Chaco at its junction with
Escavada Wash.

54 A prominent landmark at the south end of Elk Ridge, San Juan County,
Utah. In 1907 the region between Elk Ridge and the Colorado line was Ute
territory ; neither then nor in 1923 (Judd, 1924b) did I see any evidence of Nay-
aho life north of the San Juan except a few camps in the vicinity of Bluff. Un-
fortunately, I was never able to follow up my chance meeting with Hosteen
Beyal in 1927 and check upon his knowledge of the Bear’s Ears and vicinity.
. A middle-aged son, who acted as interpreter, gave his father’s age as 93; thus,
if the family actually moved south as stated, it must have been about 1844—
before Simpson’s time.

248 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

pits and corrals but depended in larger measure upon their own ability
to outrun their intended victims. They practiced both provident hunt-
ing and ritual hunting. In the latter case, no implement that might
injure the hide or cause external loss of blood was permitted.

When killing for food, hunters relied chiefly upon the bow and
arrow. An arrow capable of bringing down a deer could as easily kill
aman. We found in Pueblo Bonito arrowheads of diverse shapes and
sizes but no fact to support the popular belief that bows and arrows
used in warfare differed from those carried on the chase. As we know
them historically, the Pueblo tribes are essentially peaceful ; their wars
were in large measure defensive.

Bows.—Our estimate of Bonitian bows must rest upon two speci-
mens. Both were found in Old Bonitian storerooms and are made
from Douglas fir (Pseudotsuga taxifolia) (pl. 71, a and b).**

The first, a, with several inches missing, measures 5 feet 3 inches
long; at the grip it is 13%; inches wide and three-fourths inch thick.
Nearly half an inch has been cut and abraded from the back to leave
it transversely convex throughout. This curvature is very slight, and
the grain of the wood is so uniform a splinter three-fourths the entire
length came off with the missing tip. The remaining end is not nocked ;
there is no trace of wrapping, incising, or painting of any kind. The
maker shaped his bow to place the heartwood at the belly ; the stronger
sapwood, at the back.

Both belly and back were carefully abraded and smoothed, but the
hand polish that comes with use is lacking. One wonders whether
this bow might have been broken just as it neared completion ; whether
it was thereafter thrust between the ceiling poles of Room 208 to
await the reshaping that never came. If its two limbs were reduced
equally from the middle, then 10 or 11 inches are missing from the
broken end. A 6-foot bow would be very unusual in the Pueblo
country. Twenty-two Zufii specimens in the U. S. National Museum
average only 353 inches.

The second example, 0, likewise was so shaped that the sapwood
lay at the flattened back. Its maximum width was also 1-3; inches;
maximum thickness, fifteen-sixteenths inch. If this area of maximum
width and thickness be taken as the handgrip, not otherwise delimited,
then the bow originally was about 58 inches long. On the other hand,
if both limbs were reduced uniformly from the middle, only 11 inches
are missing at the broken end. This would give an original length of
but 55 inches, or 18 inches less than the assumed length of a.

55 A severed bow end from Room 44, Pueblo del Arroyo, has been identified
as Osage-orange (Maclura pomifera Schn.).

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 249

The remaining tip of this specimen was broken off at what is be-
lieved to have been the bowstring notch. No trace of ornamentation
or reenforcement is visible. The fragment was found among the
wreckage in Room 320 but not positively associated with either of
the 10 females buried there.

Relatively few data are available on comparable Pueblo bows. Pope
(1923, pp. 352, 391, pl. 52, fig. 3) describes one of juniper 4 feet
93 inches long from an unknown cave ruin in Arizona or Colorado.
It is slightly reflexed at the handle and bound with buckskin, from the
edges of which red woodpecker feathers protrude. The limbs are
wrapped at short intervals. Width at the grip, 13%; inches; thickness,
three-fourths inch.

An article by Stanley Wood in the Great Divide, February 1891,
reprinted by C. H. Green in the “Catalogue of a Unique Collection of
Cliff Dweller Relics” for his exhibit later that same year at the Art
Institute Building, Chicago, describes a male skeleton found by the
Wetherill brothers in Mancos Canyon, Colorado, and with it a broken
bow “of great strength, 4 feet 8 inches long and wrapped with sinews.”
The partly wrapped end fragment of a cedar specimen from Aztec
Ruin is noted by Morris (19192, p. 60).

Guernsey (1931, pp. 99, 107) describes a 5-foot Pueblo I bow with
sinew- or hide-wrapped handgrip and a 4-foot-64-inch Pueblo III
bow, also bound with sinew or hide at the handle. Both specimens are
from northeastern Arizona cave ruins but the second, unlike the first,
is flattened on the back and notched at the ends for a string. An
unbound bow from Heaton Cave, on the east slope of Mount Trum-
bull, northwestern Arizona, measures 4 feet 54 inches (Judd, 1926,
p. 148).

A most unusual sacrificial deposit of bows and arrows was found
in a small cliff house on the Middle Gila, New Mexico, and described
by Frank C. Hibben (19382). In the lot are 94 bows, all broken but
two. They vary considerably in cross section and in length. The
longest is just under 5 feet; the shortest, just over 3. Average length
is “close to 44 feet.” Sixteen retain some of their original decoration,
chiefly encircling red and black painted bands. None preserves evi-
dence of leather handgrips. Oak appears most frequently in the series,
but pinyon, pine, willow, mountain mahogany, and sycamore are also
present.

From these comparative notes it is clear that our two Pueblo Bonito
specimens are quite in keeping with bows from other southwestern

ruins. The fact that they bear no evidence of sinew binding and no
trace of ornamentation or handgrip demarcation is not exceptional.

250 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Only one point remains in doubt—my estimate of over 6 feet for the
length of a. That figure may be a few inches too long.

Part of a third bow (U.S.N.M. No. 335258) came to light while
we were freeing Room 6 of its 25-year accumulation of blown sand.
The fragment is 34 inches long by eleven-sixteenths inch in diameter.
It comes from one end of the handle and shows that the latter re-
mained round and unaltered while the belly of the limb was cut away
to its heartwood.

Our specimens from Rooms 298 and 320, it will be recalled, were
rounded to the heartwood on the belly and flattened on the back from
tip to tip. These two have been identified as Douglas fir while the
fragment in hand looks like willow. There is not much resilience in
willow, and for this reason I am inclined to regard the fragment as
the remnant of a boy’s bow.

Boys’ bows (?).—A perfectly preserved bow from Turkey Cave,
Segi Canyon, is described by Guernsey (1931, p. 107) as probably
that of a child. It is 3 feet 10 inches in length by five-eighths inch in
diameter at the grip. The latter is sinew-wrapped, and there is an-
other wrapping midway of one limb.

Indian boys are generally given bows and arrows almost as soon as
they learn to walk. As they grow older, better implements are pro-
vided. At Zufi I once saw three youngsters, the oldest not over six,
intently stalking a neighbor’s chickens. Whether they imagined their _
quarry deer or Navahos, they were plainly out for the kill. Adults
still place an occasional small wager on their marksmanship ; hunting
rabbits with bow and arrow is still common among elders as well as
adolescents.

The four bows, fragments of which are shown as figures a-d,
plate 72, presumably were made for as many small boys. Measuring
17 to 22 inches, the fragments represent bows that probably were
between 35 and 4o inches long when complete. All are of oak, species
undetermined.

The first three (a-c) were fashioned from selected shoots that
required only a minimum of abrading and knot leveling, while d was
slightly flattened front and back. None is notched at the tip but a
short section of sinew bowstring was wrapped around a when found.
On the next, b, five longitudinal grooves were scratched on the surface
with interruptions at unequal intervals forming plain encircling bands.
The imprint of a fine, hard-twist thread 24 inches from the tip evi-
dences reenforcement. The unbroken end of this specimen is stained
red, while a and d bear an over-all black dye.

On c, at what is probably one margin of the handgrip, a scrap of

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 251

tule leaf clings to the wood as the mark of a finely twisted string
circles the shaft four or five times. A like imprint is noted midway
between handle and tip. A tule grip wrapping, bound at the edges with
sinew, is the dominant feature of d, but the mark of an encircling cord
is also to be seen, I inch from the tip. These cord imprints suggest
that the bows were made of green wood.

The fragment illustrated by figure 66 had been abraded along its
belly until the hearting lay exposed. Its back was flattened just enough
to give an oval cross section. The fragment is three-eighths inch wide,
less than one-fourth inch thick, and 18 inches from end to end. Along
its length seven sinew wrappings are evident. That at the tip binds
half an inch of yucca thread, double-knotted at each end. Adjoining
this feature a section of 2-ply sinew bowstring circles the shaft four
times and leaves a frayed end projecting.

Fic. 66.—Fragment of a small boy’s bow.

The sinew wrapping next below, 25 inches from the tip, likewise
binds a knotted yucca string to the back of the bow. In this case,
however, the string is a double one, each part consisting of two 4-fiber
threads twisted together and the two parts then twined to form a
single cord 14 inches long and knotted at the bound end. At the
opposite or free end the two parts separate, each bearing a compound
knot. One of these knots still holds sections of three, possibly four,
tiny quills. Since its companion knot and the pair at the tip are all
open longitudinally, we may assume they also formerly held feathers.
If we reverse our analysis and begin with the four compound knots,
their significance becomes clear—each represents a prayer plume at-
tached to the bow by its maker to guide and protect the youthful
hunter he favored.

Now it so happens these five “boys’ bows” are the only ones of their
kind we recovered at Pueblo Bonito. All five were found among the
collapsed and partly burned ceiling timbers of Room 209A. These
timbers lay upon stratified sand that had previously washed in and
accumulated to a depth of 18 inches across the east end of the room,
diminishing toward the west. Beneath the sand were two discarded
manos, a hammerstone, part of a doorslab, and a handful of potsherds.
With the bow fragments were the pieces of reed arrowshafts next to
be considered and several curved sticks such as those described on
page 271. All probably had been thrust between the ceiling poles,
forgotten and left there when the room was abandoned and sealed.

252 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Arrows.—Six fragments of reed arrowshafts were found with the
broken bows in Room 209. Four preserve the forward part of the
shaftment including a sinew wrapping one-fourth to three-eighths inch
wide binding three quills. None retains the proximal end intact. The
longest, measuring 213 inches, has a crushed rear end, but half of it
is present and without evidence of a nock. Its forward feather binding
lies 43 inches from the butt, and there is no trace of other binding
between. So it is possible an inch or more has been detached here.
The distal end is square-cut one-fourth inch below a node; since the
latter is unperforated it could not have held a foreshaft. For all six
specimens, the lower end of the growing reed was deliberately chosen
as the distal end of the arrowshaft. Diameter ranges from a trifle
under to a trifle over three-sixteenths inch.

From Late Bonitian rubbish in Room 226 seven other fragments
were recovered (U.S.N.M. No. 335198). Two are butt ends one-
fourth inch in diameter. Both are tightly fitted with a wooden plug,
five-eighths and seven-eighths inch long, respectively ; both are nocked
through wood and reed; both had been reenforced by a sinew band
three-eighths and three-fourths inch, respectively, from the end. Two
of the remaining five fragments are rat-tail ends of wooden foreshafts ;
three are distal ends of arrows still holding part of the foreshaft. Two
of these latter measure one-fourth inch in diameter; the third, five-
sixteenths inch. All five pieces of reed shaft retain a more or less
conspicuous coating of green paint, applied before the sinew binding.
The one complete foreshaft tail is exactly 2 inches long.

Another arrowshaft fragment came from the rubbish fill of Room
255 (U.S.N.M. No. 335199). It is fitted with a nocked wooden plug,
is one-fourth inch in diameter, and painted red forward of the rear
sinew wrapping. A warped wooden foreshaft fragment from Room
226 measures 93 inches in length and one-fourth inch in diameter at
the shoulder (No. 335201). At least an inch is missing from the tip,
so we may guess from its length alone that it once carried a chipped
point. Its tail is 34 inches long and, like the others, appears to have
been coated with a resinous substance.

In figure 67 we illustrate a fragment of reed arrow with hardwood
head. From the tip of the latter to its shoulder is 344 inches; from
shoulder to end of broken tail, 238; inches. The head fits tightly and
smoothly into a shaft five-sixteenths inch in diameter ; between the end
of the shaft and its first node is a I-inch band of green paint. To
prevent splitting, the shaft was probably reenforced midway of this
painted zone, although traces of sinew binding are uncertain.

Wooden arrowheads were widely used throughout the ancient

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO

Pueblo territory and no doubt were present at Pueblo Bo-
nito in larger numbers than our data indicate. We re-
covered but the single example described above. Pepper
(1920, p. 160) mentions four, all from Room 32 but quite
detached from a large lot of arrows standing in the north-
west corner, at least 81 of which were provided with fore-
shafts and stone points. The average over-all length of
these is given as 77 cm. (30.3 inches).

Nordenskiold (1893, pl. 42, fig. 1) illustrates an arrow,
complete with feathers and hardwood point, from Ruin 9,
Mesa Verde. Morris (19192, p. 59) figures a similar speci-
men 324 inches long from Aztec Ruin. Kidder and Guern-
sey (1919, p. 122) report that a majority of the wooden
foreshafts they collected in northeastern Arizona ruins in
I9g14 and 1915 were plain, unnotched for stone points.
Hibben (1938a, p. 38) counted only 11 notched foreshafts
out of some 4,000 from a cave south of the Gila Cliff
Dwellings National Monument, southwestern New Mexico.

Thus the longest arrowshaft fragment from Room 209,
even with its proximal end restored, was too short and too
light in weight for other than one of the boys’ bows it ac-
companied. Diameters of one-fourth and five-sixteenth
inch were more representative of adult hunting arrows.
As to length, we have Morris’s 324 inches and Pepper’s
average of 30.3. The arrows, perhaps a quiverful, interred
under the hips of Skeleton 10, Room 330 (pl. 98, lower),
were too far gone for detailed examination but at least 16
had wooden foreshafts and stone heads. If wooden points
in lieu of foreshafts were present, they were not noted.

Our data therefore indicate that Bonitian hunting arrows
were provided with basal plugs to prevent splitting ; that
shafts probably were scratched lengthwise with “lightning”
lines ; that feathering was attached by binding rather than
by gluing ; that green or red paint was applied to the shaft
ends prior to their reenforcement by sinew wrappings, and
that the great majority were finished with hardwood fore-
shafts tipped with stone heads.

Projectile points —Although a more meticulous student’
might recognize others, I see in the arrowheads from

253

254 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

were provided to facilitate lashing the point to its shaft, it is reasonable
to suppose an individual archer would come to favor one type or the
other. But we happen to know that, in one instance at least, arrow-
heads of both forms found place in the same quiver.

When the population of Pueblo Bonito had been reduced to a mere
remnant stubbornly clinging to its ancestral -home, the attacks of
enemy raiding parties were less successfully met. Room 330, among
others, became a sepulcher for those denied the companionship of clan
burial places. One of those entombed here was the middle-aged
warrior last mentioned (pl. 98, lower). He had been slain somewhere
about the village, and his body, horribly grotesque in death, received
belated interment. His quiver was buried beneath him, and although
the reed shafts of his arrows had almost wholly decayed, the points
with which 16 were tipped are available for our present study (pl. 73,
A). Four of the 16 are notched at right angles to the median line; the
remainder, at divers angles from the basal corners. Here was a man
who obviously preferred points of our second type, although he had
no scruple about using the other in time of need.

Between the outspread knees of this same warrior, and perhaps as
a tribute to his prowess, was a burial offering of 28 arrowheads
arranged in triangular pattern. These may have been contributed by
relatives who participated in the burial rites, or, with equal probability,
they were unmounted points belonging to the deceased. In either case,
the broadest of the series (pl. 74, B), that with the serrated edges,
duplicates both in shape and in material two of those from the dead
man’s quiver. Nearby, beneath the right knee of a headless skeleton
(No. 9), were eight other points, as like as peas in a pod (pl. 74, A).

These three lots accompanied late burials in the older section of
Pueblo Bonito. The builders of this section were ultraconservative,
as we have seen especially from study of their architecture and ce-
ramics. Their natural tendency would be to retain the ancestral form
of arrowhead. That they were eventually influenced by arrowmakers
among their neighbors is possible; that they occasionally used the
product of these latter is reasonably certain. And this naturally brings
up the question: Did each of the two unrelated peoples inhabiting
Pueblo Bonito have its own preferred type of projectile point?

In an attempt to answer this, I have examined all specimens in our
collection with special reference to the constructional period of the
rooms from which they were actually recovered. Of the 317 in hand,
31 are fragments that cannot positively be identified as to type, 7 are
reworked points without notches, and 91 were exposed during trench-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 255

ing operations and the removal of debris. The remaining 188 arrow-
heads were distributed as follows:

Masonry type I 2 3 4

a 3 —— —_ — —_
Glassification tacts den yomcls. A B Axe JB, A B A B
NGIMDET GE. BOUTS. 2'.c6 bare «0.0: 31 50 2 4 66 12 14 0

From these figures it is plain that points notched at right angles to
their long axis (A type) occurred most frequently in rooms of third-
period construction; that 79 percent of all class-B points were re-
covered from dwellings of first-type masonry. If our separation be
based on the character of any debris present rather than the stonework
of the room containing that debris, we find that 75 percent of all
A-type points and 24 percent of the B’s came from Late Bonitian
rooms and rubbish. There may or may not be significance in this
distribution, but it explains an impression which prevailed throughout
our explorations that barbed points were more closely associated with
the older, more primitive element in the local population.

This impression has since found support in the writings of other
observers. At Pecos, which welcomed Coronado in 1540, the typical
arrowhead was small, triangular in shape, with notches at right angles
to the long axis, and an expanding stem as wide as, or wider than, its
shoulders (Kidder, 1932, p. 20). At Aztec, which fell into ruin a
century or two before Pecos was founded, 275 out of 300 arrowheads
were of the “square-shouldered” type with side notches (Morris,
1919a, p. 34). In his investigation of a Basket Maker III site in
Chaco Canyon, Roberts (1929, p. 139) observed that “the character-
istic and predominant form of arrowhead was one with long, sharp
barbs.” If further proof were needed as to the relative ages of these
two classes of projectile points, it is to be found at Kiatuthlanna,
eastern Arizona, where Roberts recovered arrowheads of our A type
from the principal ruin, of Pueblo III age, and B-type points only
from underlying Pueblo I pit houses (Roberts, 1931, p. 159).

How, then, can we account for the fact that both types were present
in the quiver of the middle-aged warrior from Room 330? Twelve of
the 16 are barbed, and 8 of the 12 are conspicuously broader, heavier,
and more deeply notched than the majority of their class throughout
the ruin. The four notched at right angles to their median line possess
convex or inverted triangular bases—a feature of all A-type points
found with burials in Room 330.

The sacrificial offering of 28 arrowheads accompanying this war-
rior’s body likewise includes both forms. Those of A type vary in

250 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

length from 1.19 to 1.75 inches; in width, from 0.47 to 0.57 inch; in
weight, from 1.31 to 1.53 grams. The B-type points have a variation
of from 1.13 to 2.03 inches in length, 0.44 to 0.87 inch in width, and
from 0.74 to 2.34 grams in weight. Considered together, the second
group averages slightly longer and heavier than the first ; and, as noted
above, 76 percent of our B points came from Old Bonitian rooms and
debris of occupation. Thus it does seem as though the two peoples in-
habiting Pueblo Bonito really had preferences as to shapes of projec-
tile points and that the conservatives in the course of time came par-
tially to adopt, perhaps to imitate, the more slender, side-notched
variety favored by their coresidents. Both peoples used the availa-
ble suitable rocks—flint, chalcedony, jasper, and obsidian—without
partiality.

Our A points could be separated into two classes. The chief reason
they are not is because the two merge into each other ; it is impossible
to say where one ends and the other begins. Half of the A points from
Late Bonitian rooms and rubbish have more conspicuous stems than
those, for example, from Room 330. They are smaller and more
delicate; their tangs are squared and jutting rather than retreating.
Twenty-seven of them average 1.04 inches in length, 0.5 inch in width,
and 0.26 gram in weight. Whether the base be straight, concave, or
convex, the broader stem results in an arrowhead very close to, if not
identical with, the dominant type at Aztec and one of the Pueblo III
varieties at Kiatuthlanna. Both these ruins possess Chaco Canyon
affinities and both are younger than Pueblo Bonito.

As is always the case, our collection includes a number of projectile
points that do not fit readily into our classification. Most of these are
no more than chance variations of the two principal forms—aber-
rancies due to accidents in the chipping process. Misdirected pressure
of the flaking tool, for example, or a microscopic flaw in the stone
could force changes in the intended shape of an arrowhead without
causing its complete abandonment. If, for example, one tang of figure
c, plate 73, B, had been broken during the course of manufacture, the
natural reaction would have been to reduce the other proportionately
and finish the point with a smaller stem—the reaction natural to me,
that is; I can only guess at what the Indian maker of that point would
have done. But most of our odd forms could be the product of just
such minor alterations.

As further evidence that even Bonitian craftsmen sometimes let
their minds wander from the task in hand, we have two points with
forward-slanting notches (pl. 73, B, fig. d). Irrespective of direction,
a shift of only one-sixteenth inch in notch placement gives a point an

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 257

entirely different aspect. Six B-type points have serrated edges; 12 of
A type have one to five secondary notches on one edge, but only one
(fig. f) is notched on both sides. These variations do not, in my
opinion, warrant the setting up of separate types. And the series as
a whole offers no support for the popular belief that the ancient
Pueblos had one kind of arrowhead for hunting, another for war.
Despite the recurrent attacks of hostile raiding parties, only one
human bone with an arrowhead actually embedded in it was recovered
at Pueblo Bonito (fig. 68). This is a third lumbar vertebra belonging
to one of the disarticulated skeletons in Room 330. The arrow had
entered the body from above, slightly forward and to the left, as if

Fic. 68.—Vertebra with embedded arrowpoint.

fired from an elevation while the victim was in the act of drawing his
bow for an upward shot. And the point with which that fatal arrow
was fitted is of fine-grained quartzite, a material common at Aztec
Ruin but infrequently represented in our series of A-type projectiles
and by only two examples in those of class B. Since the blade is
broken at the neck we may not be positive as to its notching, but I
believe this to have been at right angles to the long axis.

Finally, there is a single bone arrowhead, from Late Bonitian rub-
bish in Room 334 (fig. 69). Its tip is splintered and one of its barbs
broken and reground. The piece has the curve of a dog ulna, and as
a projectile point it probably had little accuracy. Nevertheless, it
reminds one of a sentence in Coronado’s letter of August 3, 1540, to
the Viceroy: “And ...I send you samples of the weapons with
which the natives of this country fight, a shield, a hammer, and a bow
with some arrows, among which there are two with bone points, the

258 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

like of which have never been seen . . . [by Coronado]” (Winship,
1896, p. 563).

Wrist guards protect the wrist from the lash of the released bow-
string. They are used by bowmen the world around. Materials natu-
rally differ from country to country but in the Pueblo region of the
southwestern United States tubular sections of bone were preferred.

At Hawikuh, Hodge (1920, p. 126) found six
guards on the wrists of as many skeletons. In each
case the guard consisted of bone tubes an inch to an
inch and a half long fastened side by side in numbers
varying from 6 to 18. Morris (1919a, p. 42) men-
tions a desiccated body from southwestern New
Mexico, on the left wrist of which was a leather
bracelet with a pair of bone tubes fastened to it.

In the rubbish of Pueblo Bonito we unearthed
numbers of sections of hollow bird and mammal
bones. They are considered herein as bone beads, the
most likely function of the majority, but some may
at one time have been sewed to a band of cloth or
tanned skin as a wrist guard. Others, like them in
every outward respect, unquestionably were designed
as bird calls (see Hodge, 1920, p. 128).

WEAPONS

The sample of Zufi weapons Coronado sent from
Hawikuh was not quite complete. He should have
ye ees oi added half a bushel of assorted rocks and cobble-

stones. For rocks were one of the chief defensive
weapons of the Pueblos, as Coronado himself had ample reason to
know. Twice during the assault on Hawikuh he was floored by rocks
thrown from the housetops and was saved only by his steel helmet
and the prompt action of his army master (Winship, 1896, p. 557).

When a company of Spaniards under Vicente de Zaldivar stormed
the stairway to Acoma in January 1599, according to witness Pérez de
Villagra (Espinosa, 1933, p. 236), the defenders “‘sent down a shower
of arrows and stones... a veritable deluge of stones, clubs, and
arrows.” Some 250 years later the inhabitants of Mishongnovi turned
back a Navaho attack by identical means (Bourke, 1884, p. 310).

Wherever we find record of Pueblo hostilities during the Spanish
colonial period and later, only three weapons are mentioned: arrows,
rocks, and clubs. Arms could scarcely be simpler. Thus there is only

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 259

the remotest possibility that Bonitian weapons differed, either in com-
plexity or variety, from those Coronado seized at Hawikuh. We
have already examined the remains of bows and arrows from Pueblo
Bonito ; we know the local supply of sandstone spalls was unlimited.
Let us now turn to evidence of other weapons.

Clubs.—With a willow wrapped once around and extended to form
a short handle, a grooved cobble was effective either in offense or
defense. The lower three illustrated on plate 24, c, are igneous rocks,
varying in weight from 8 to 16 ounces. The lesser end of one has been
slightly modified by pecking, but otherwise it and the other two are
quite unaltered except for the encircling groove. Castafieda and other
chroniclers of the Conquest period testify that the Pueblo warrior,
armed with a cudgel, was an antagonist to be respected in close com-
bat. Wooden clubs have been found in pre-Spanish ruins throughout
the Pueblo area and no doubt a hafted ax, maul, or grooved cobble
proved an effective substitute upon occasion.

As mentioned elsewhere, the fragment shown as figure e, plate 71,
could be part of a club as logically as the handle of a planting stick.
Indeed, its slender, flexible shaft, its flattish head, and the fact that
it is of a fine-grained, dark, heavy wood rather than oak, all weigh in
favor of the first possibility.

Pepper (1920, pp. 161, 199) reports from Room 32 and the second
story of 39b, respectively, an elk-antler club and one of elk bone. The
former is 19 inches long with a hole for a thong drilled through the
smaller end. Most of such specimens probably were used without
embellishment but in the American Museum of Natural History,
exhibited as from Cave 30, Allen Canyon, Grand Gulch, Utah, is a
superb elk-antler club (H-13397) having a rounded butt, a long yucca
wrist cord, and a buckskin-covered handgrip.

Daggers (?).—The longer, straighter bone awls like figure dz, plate
33, are sometimes described as “daggers.” They could have been so
used, of course, but nowhere do I find convincing evidence that the
Pueblos ever employed such an instrument. Daggers do not appear
on Spanish lists of Indian weapons. The Pueblos were close fighters
but not close enough for stabbing.

Spears (?).—The Coronado expedition in 1540 had opportunity to
become acquainted with every instrument of warfare known to the
Pueblos. Therefore, what the narrators of that expedition failed to
mention probably did not exist at the time. Castafieda includes neither
daggers nor spears in his enumeration of Pueblo arms.

- Blades of the size illustrated on plate 28, whether notched or un-
notched, are popularly called “spearheads.” Actually, they were knives.

260 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

The buffalo hunting tribes of the Great Plains employed spears and it
is conceivable that the eastern Pueblos, trading and warring with those
tribes, gradually adopted the weapon. In Canyon de Chelly on Sep-
tember 9, 1849, Lieutenant Simpson (1850, p. 108) saw a hundred or
more Navaho warriors “armed with bows and lances.” But a chipped
spearhead mounted on a shaft for thrusting has never, so far as I am
aware, been found in a Pueblo ruin. Thus it seems very likely that
the illustrations in Simpson and other midnineteenth-century publica-
tions that represent Pueblo and Navaho men armed with lances reflect
a post-Conquest borrowing from the Spanish or from Plains tribes.

From these observations we once more infer that the Bonitians
differed very little, if at all, from historic Pueblo peoples. In their
fields and on the chase they used the same implements as the latter ;
they shared the same environment; their physical and economic prob-
lems were the same; their reactions to those problems and that en-
vironment were unquestionably identical.

When the Bonitians took to the warpath, if they ever did, they
carried clubs, bows and arrows, and shields. In defense of their homes
they used arrows, thrown rocks, and clubs. We have no historical
record, no archeological evidence, of other Pueblo weapons. Late
Bonitian shields were probably 30-inch basketry disks like those from
Canyon del Muerto, Mesa Verde, and Aztec Ruin (Morris and Burgh,
IQ4I, p. 51).

Bows and arrows and clubs were also employed on the chase. For
ceremonial purposes animals had to be taken without external loss of
blood, but the same beasts were run down and clubbed or shot with
arrows when fresh meat was the prime objective. The Bonitians, we
may be sure, also set various snares and traps for birds and small
mammals. Feathers from diverse birds, and from different parts of
the same bird, were always taken ritually ; they had prescribed places
on prayer plumes, altars, or the bodies of participants in ceremonials.
Therefore, even though-our excavations disclosed no recognizable
fragment, traps of various kinds were surely made and used by the
Bonitians just as such traps are known to have been made and used
by Pueblo peoples during the past 400 years. Pueblo implements of
the field and chase have always been simple of design and limited in
diversification.

B, Arrowheads comprising a burial offering accompanying Skeleton 10, Room 330.

PLATE 74

PLATE 75.—A ceremonial need for his feathers kept this macaw continually in a seminude
condition. (Photograph by O. C. Havens, 1930.)

Pate 76.—Upper: Breastbones of the golden eagle (a, c) and a macaw (b) showing
injuries. Middle: Skeleton of a red-tailed hawk on the floor of Room 264 (photograph by
Neil M. Judd, 1922). Lower: Skeleton of a macaw, killed when the ceiling of Room 249
collapsed (photograph by O. C. Havens, 1921).

, presumably attached to altar sticks.

oiled loops of yucca thread

77.—C

PLATE

VII. OBJECTS OF RELIGIOUS IMPLICATION

Ritual is the mainspring of Pueblo society. It is the adhesive that
binds Pueblo peoples together and holds them to the old ways. Indi-
vidually and collectively the Pueblos live their religion—or did until
very recently. Personal prayers are said daily, and offerings are made
as need be to the Unseen Forces. That the group may survive, elab-
orate ceremonials are performed at stated intervals. “Their religion,”
wrote Benavides in 1630, “though it was not formal idolatry, was
nearly so, since they made offerings for whatsoever action” (Ayer,
1916, p. 31).

After 300 years, Pueblo gifts to their gods remain the same as in
Benavides’ time—a song or a dance, a prayer stick or prayer feather,
and cornmeal ground with bits of shell and turquoise. The orthodox
Pueblo tosses a pinch of meal with his prayer to the rising sun each
morning at daybreak. He sprinkles prayer meal on the Kachina
dancers, on his prayer sticks when they are planted, on his fields and
his irrigation ditch; with prayer meal he welcomes the newborn and
makes a “road” for the deceased. An offering of prayer meal accom-
panies every act or action that recognizes the supernatural. For the
Pueblo Indian personifies the elements and all animate and inanimate
things and these he seeks to influence in his own behalf through gifts,
including ritual and prayer.

Pueblo ceremonies are varied and often complex, but the great
majority have a common purpose: control of the weather as a means
of ensuring the health and material well-being of the community.
There are rites designed to bring rain, to check the west winds, to cure
disease and overcome magic, to win divine guidance and protection at
gambling, or on the chase, or in pursuit of the enemy. For this multi-
plicity of forms and procedures, diverse materials are required—
feathers, fossil shells, prayer sticks and crooks, cloud blowers, and
stones that look like parts of antediluvian animals.

Some of these objects are so ordinary in appearance that laymen
would never suspect the occult properties that lie within; some are so
sacred that even the initiated look upon or touch them with foreboding.
Some are discarded when they have served their purpose; some are
hidden away against future need, and still others doubtless are buried
with the persons responsible for their care.

Among our Pueblo Bonito collections are a number of items or

261

262 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

fragments of items that were, or might have been, utilized in local
ceremonies. An occasional one has its counterpart on historic Pueblo
altars; others are so utterly impractical for any conceivable utilitarian
purpose their connection with esoteric practices may be surmised. I
shall probably never completely escape from an early training that
identified as “ceremonial” every queer or inexplicable object.

OBJECTS OF WOOD OR FIBER

Prayer sticks ——“The most important and valuable gift to the gods
is the prayer stick” (Bunzel, 1932a, p. 499). To quote Parsons (1939,
p270))3

Pueblo ceremonial consists of prayer-stick-making and offering together with
prayer and other ritual. Buried in field or riverbank or riverbed; cast under
shrub or tree or into pits; sunk in water, in springs, pools, lakes, river, or irriga-
tion ditch; carried long distances to mountaintops; immured in house or kiva
wall or closed-up niche; set under the floor or in the rafters, in cave or boulder
or rock-built shrine; placed on altar or around image or corn fetish . . .; held
in hand during ceremonial or cherished at home for a stated period or for life,
prayer-sticks are used by members of all ceremonial groups... .

At Zufi, [the inhabitants] offer or “plant” prayer-sticks to the dead, after a
death in the family, at Shalako and at the solstices when women plant to the
Moon, and men to the Sun and kachina, all these solstice sticks being placed in
the middle of one’s cornfield. . . . In certain house walls and in the houses where
they are entertained, the kachina themselves enshrine prayer-sticks. In every
ceremony kachina impersonators plant to those beings they impersonate, and four
days before a dance the kiva chief sends prayer-sticks to the kachina chief asking
him to dispatch the kachina. Society members “plant” at the solstices and peri-
odically throughout the year to deceased members, to their fetishes and patrons,
to the War Brothers, the Ants, Rattlesnake, Spider, or the prey animals.

Prayer sticks are usually of willow and made from living wood.
Dead wood is never utilized because prayer sticks are regarded as
animate beings, as messengers. They vary in length and complexity
of dress to meet the fixed requirements of the rite with which each
kind is associated. They are specially made and are expended within
a few hours or, at most, within a few days of manufacture. For these
reasons one does not expect to find prayer sticks about a Pueblo
village, historic or prehistoric.

The sections of peeled willow shown on plate 78, figs. w and +, and
on plate 38, fig. 1, might be leftovers from prayer-stick making. One
end of the shorter specimen was rubbed smooth; the other three
were left as severed, ringed about with a flint knife and then broken.

Each ritual has its own special kind of prayer stick. No two are
precisely alike, but all or nearly all require feathers—feathers from
designated parts of certain birds. Turkey feathers, and preferably

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 263

wild turkey, are utilized most frequently, yet I venture to guess that
every other bird native to the Southwest except, possibly, three
carrion-feeders—the crow, raven, and turkey buzzard—is likewise
called upon.

So great was the demand for turkey feathers for prayer-stick mak-
ing at Zufii in the autumn of 1939 that I was repeatedly implored
during a 2-hour visit the week before Thanksgiving to mail a quantity
from the butcher shops of Gallup—‘any kind of turkey feather.”

Parrot and macaw feathers likewise were urgently needed. The
truly handsome bird I gave the Macaw clan in 1924 was still alive,
but it had been pretty thoroughly plucked. Brought from an inner
room to be photographed, it protested bitterly and fluffed its ragged
coat in an effort to multiply its scant protection (pl. 75).

The bird had been presented because, without conscious selection
on our part, most of the Zufii we took to Chaco Canyon were Macaw,
and they told me a live macaw had not been seen in Zufi within
memory of their oldest men. The feathers they annually needed for
prayer sticks and other purposes had been purchased from Santo
Domingo where two macaws were privately owned. After plucking
feathers, my informants said, the owners professed to control the new
growth by rubbing over the empty follicles “paint” of the desired
color.*¢

The Macaw group has long been numerically important at Zufi.
It was strong, too, at Pueblo Bonito. This is evidenced by the fact
that we recovered no less than Io articulated skeletons and a number
of miscellaneous bones. Eight of the ten are Ara macao; the other
two, A. militaris. Three had been buried in Room 306, one lay on the
floor in the southwest alcove of Room 309, four were found under
the wreckage in Room 249, and two were exposed during the cutting
of our stratigraphic section through the east refuse mound. In addi-
tion, three articulated skeletons were unearthed during our explora-
tions in Pueblo del Arroyo.

56 Dr, Herbert Friedmann, curator of birds, U. S. National Museum, directs my
attention to “A Dictionary of Birds,’ by Alfred Newton (London, 1893-1896),
p. 99, where it is stated that a common practice in Brazil is to change the head
color of pet parrots from green to yellow by rubbing the budding feathers with
the cutaneous secretion of a toad, Bufo tinctorius. Métraux (Journ. Washington
Acad. Sci., vol. 34, No. 8, pp. 252-254, 1944) reports the rather widespread use
in Brazil of vegetal or animal “ointments” to change the color of feathers.

In 1881 Bourke (1884, pp. 26-27) noted several macaws at Santo Domingo;
none in the other pueblos he visited.

A sequel to my 1939 visit to Zufli: Under date of March 21, 1946, the Sun
Priest sent me an airmail, special delivery letter reading, “Yesterday my parrot
fell over dead. Please think it over and see if you can get me another one.”

264 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Room 249, originally one with 248, had been separated from the
latter by a rude partition and then divided by a flimsy floor introduced
at a height of 7 feet. The uppermost of the two chambers so formed,
4 feet high and entered solely from the dwelling above, had but a
single wall opening—a 114-x-9-inch ventilator, close under the beams,
which sloped up and outward to vent at the level of the terrace sur-
rounding Kiva E. That ventilator, and the ceiling hatch when open,
supplied such light as reached the upper chamber. From the latter a
floor hatchway was the only means by which light and air filtered
down into the lower chamber. And yet the lower chamber was de-
signed and utilized as a cage for live macaws. Their excrement lay
upon the floor and upon the remains of an adobe-surfaced shelf, 40
inches wide, which had extended across the east end of the room at a
height of 3 feet 8 inches. Shelf, introduced floor, and the original
first-story ceiling had all crashed down into the lower chamber with
collapse of the second-story walls. Under this ruin, on or near the
floor, lay four articulated skeletons of Ara macao and the skull of a
fifth. One of the skeletons, in situ, is shown on plate 76, lower.

That these tropical birds had been confined some time in their dark,
ill-ventilated quarters, into which no ray of sunlight could possibly
penetrate, is evidenced by the fact that their breast bones were de-
formed, the sternal keel being bent to one side, as in figure b, plate 76,
upper. From remains conspicuous among the room’s debris, we know
these captives were fed pinyon nuts, squash seeds, and roasted corn-
on-the-cob. This fare could scarcely cause the deformity mentioned,
but utter lack of sunlight might.

We recovered two other articulated bird skeletons—that of a red-
tailed hawk, found on the floor at the south end of Room 264 (pl.
76, middle) and that of a thick-billed parrot, buried in Room 308. The
skull of a second parrot of this same species was exposed by our east
refuse-mound trench.

Since the known range of the thick-billed parrot—the pine belt in
the mountains of middle and northern Mexico *’—is nearer than that

57 Thick-billed parrots (Rhynchopsitta pachyrhyncha) sporadically invade the
mountains of southeastern Arizona and southwestern New Mexico. One such
invasion occurred in 1917-18 when large numbers were reported at various places
in Arizona from the Chiricahua Mountains westward into Santa Cruz County
and north as far as the Galiuro Mountains, along the Pinal-Graham County
border (A. Wetmore, Condor, vol. 37, 1935, pp. 18-21). On May 5, 1583, mem-
bers of Espejo’s expedition observed parrots much farther north, in a rugged
canyon identified as Sycamore Creek but that might as likely be Oak Creek,
southwest of Flagstaff (Hammond and Rey, 1929, p. 106).

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 265

of the macaws, one would naturally suppose that parrots were held
captive at Pueblo Bonito more frequently than their larger cousins.
But our data indicate the contrary. Or perhaps the ceremonial im-
portance of macaw feathers outweighed the accessibility of parrot
feathers. At any rate, we have record of only six parrots from the
ruin—the two above mentioned and four skeletons, unidentified as to
species, found by Pepper in Rooms 71 and 78. In contrast, the Hyde
Expeditions and the National Geographic Expeditions together re-
covered 24 macaw skeletons, in addition to many detached bones. Of
these skeletons, 16 are Ara militaris, the green macaw which lives in
the highlands of Mexico from southern Sonora to northern Oaxaca,
while 8 are A. macao, the gorgeous red, blue, and yellow species which
ranges the hot tropical lowlands from southern Tamaulipas, on the
east coast of Mexico, southward through Central America to Bolivia
and Brazil.

Casual search of the archeological literature reveals no reference to
parrot or macaw remains from a southwestern ruin earlier than Pueblo
III. Tentatively, therefore, we may assume that Mexican buyers of
Pueblo turquoise and buffalo hides introduced parrot and macaw
feathers as a medium of exchange somewhere around the middle of
the eleventh century. To this dead plumage live birds were soon
added ; we may picture them, protesting from cages on the backs of
merchants trotting the long trails across mountain and desert, just as
today we may hear other macaws complain from similar cages on
trails in southern Mexico and Guatemala.

There was nothing novel in trade between Mexican tribes and those
of the Southwest. It began in Basket Maker times or earlier; the
shortest, most feasible routes were well known. Over these footpaths,
native guides led various Spanish expeditions sent to the northwest
frontier of New Galicia in search, first, of the mythical island of the
Amazons and, later, of the fabulous “Seven Cities of Cibola.” It was
the tale of an Indian trader’s son—one who had accompanied his
father into the back country to barter feathers for semiprecious stones
—that spurred the notorious Nufio de Guzman in 1530 to his conquests
northward along the Pacific coast. Six years later Cabeza de Vaca,
safe after incredible adventures, told of having seen in Indian villages
on the Rio Sonora many turquoises which had been obtained, in
exchange for skins and feathers of parrots, from populous pueblos
farther north. As traders, the Opatas of Sonora were thoroughly
familiar with the Pueblo country; they probably supplied, directly or
indirectly, the thick-billed parrots and the macaws whose remains we
uncovered at Pueblo Bonito.

266 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Including those mentioned above, the following species have been
identified among the bird bones gathered from Bonitian rubbish heaps :
Redhead duck (Nyroca americana)
Red-tailed hawk (Buteo borealis)
Swainson’s hawk (Buteo swainsom)
Ferruginous rough-legged hawk (Buteo regalis)
Golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos)
Prairie falcon (Falco mexicanus)
Wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo)
Sandhill crane (Grus mexicana)
Macaw (Ara macao; A. militaris)
Thick-billed parrot (Rhynchopsitta pachyrhyncha)
Great horned owl (Bubo virginianus)
Magpie (Pica pica hudsonia)
Raven (Corvus corax)

Presumably these were killed or kept captive for their feathers alone,
since the Pueblos have always shunned winged creatures as a source
of food.

The only preservable feathers unearthed during our explorations
were four, from Old Bonitian Room 208 (fig. 70). They had been
tied together ; the proximal half of the vane, and a sliver of quill, had
been cut away from both sides. The four are too altered and faded
for positive identification but appear to be wing feathers of the blue
macaw.

As might be expected, bones of the wild turkey were most numerous
among our avian remains—expected, because the Pueblos had tamed
this native American bird long previously. Turkey pens are frequently
associated with cliff dwellings of the ninth century and later. Spanish
writers of the Conquest period repeatedly mention flocks of turkeys
about the Pueblo villages. At that time turkey feathers were utilized
both for domestic and religious purposes. Today, when feather robes
are no longer made, turkey feathers are still indispensable as prayer
offerings.

Second numerically among the bird bones from Pueblo Bonito are
those of the golden eagle. The Hopi, according to Fewkes (19002),
regard eagle feathers next in ceremonial importance to turkey feathers,
recognize eagle nests as clan property, take young eagles from the
nest, “purify” them by head washing, and kill them by pressure on
the sternum.

It is said that in former times the Hopi hunter tied a rabbit on top
of a brush-covered pit, concealed himself within, and seized the eagle
by a leg as it dropped upon the prey. Bonitian hunters practiced a
variation of this method by luring the bird within range and then

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO

267

felling it with a club. We know this because a number of eagle and
hawk sterna in our collection have keels dented by a single sharp blow

struck more or less at right angles (figs. a and ¢, pl.
76, upper). Since these injuries had healed, it is mani-
fest the priests of Pueblo Bonito kept the birds cap-
tive for a time, as Zufii and Hopi priests do, and thus
assured themselves of a ready supply of feathers.

Perhaps the first recorded reference to Pueblo
prayer sticks is that of Castafieda, who observed at
a spring near Acoma a cross-shaped offering “and
many little sticks decorated with feathers around it,
and numerous withered flowers...” (Winship,
1896, p. 544). At Acoma today, as in 1540, “all im-
portant occasions must be preceded by, or accom-
panied with, the making and depositing of prayer
sticks. . . . They are made before all masked dances,
the solstice ceremonies, at birth, and at death, for all
important ceremonial occasions are intimately con-
cerned with the supernatural world, and prayer sticks
are the most formal and satisfactory means of estab-
lishing the desired rapport with the spirits” (White,
1932, p. 69).

Prayer feathers are downy feathers, bunched or
tied individually to a string. They are offerings or
gifts to the spirits in return for an expected favorable
response to a prayer. Currently they are more widely
made and more frequently used even than prayer
sticks (Parsons, 1939, pp. 285-291). Being light and
fragile as down, prayer feathers naturally could not
survive long under ordinary conditions. We found
none in the ruins of Pueblo Bonito but, knowing at
least some of the birds captured there, we may be
sure prayer feathers were also made and deposited.

“Ceremonial sticks’ is the term under which Pep-
per described certain long wooden artifacts he re-
covered in surprising numbers. About 375 were
standing in the northwest corner of Room 32, nearly
buried by accumulated sand. All were specially carved
at one end and gradually tapering at the opposite.

Fic. 70.—Feath-
ers from Room
208

According to the nature of their specialization, Pepper (1920, p. 143)

‘divided them into four classes:

1. With two knobs, the upper one sometimes perforated.
2. End shaped like a bear claw.

268 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

3. Broad, spatulate end.
4. Wedge-shaped, sometimes bound with buckskin and cord.

A cord was attached to the carved end of 14 specimens; pairs of small
curved sticks were tied to three. In Room 33, adjoining, about 30
more ceremonial sticks were exposed, five of them having been thrust
for safekeeping between ceiling poles (Pepper, 1909, p. 197).

Only the first two types are represented among
the 16 fragments unearthed during the Society’s
investigations. The six illustrated by figures a-f,
plate 38, belong to type I, although a, less likely b,
apparently lacked the lower knob. Specimen e is of
special interest since it was not only hollow but
tightly fitted inside with a wooden tube whose
beveled end projects beyond the broken lower edge
of the shaft. The spool-like knob on this fragment
is the lowermost of the two that identify type I. It
is present on five of our specimens; grooved
around on four of them. The flattish end knob,
preserved in four instances, is pierced by a semi-
lunar hole in three cases. Only one fragment bears
visible traces of paint—green at the tip, black be-
tween knobs (fig. 71).

Of our eight fragments in this group, five came
from a Late Bonitian storeroom. No. 202; one
each from Old Bonitian storerooms 298 and 299;
one, figure d, plate 38, from a floor repository in
Fic. 71—Fragment Kiva N. Unfortunately, this latter fragment is all

of a “ceremonial :
stick.” we salvaged from a dozen or more specimens
standing in the hole. Several had knobs at or near
one end; the opposite end was rounded or somewhat tapered. Of
those measured, the longest was 15 inches but my notes fail to state
whether or not it was complete. The repository, 11 inches in diameter
by 23 inches deep, was plastered with adobe and floored with 2 inches
of shale. In the plaster of the north side, one of the sticks had left its
partial imprint.

A comparable storage place in Kiva R was lined with masonry. It
measured, inside, 84 by 114 inches by 29 inches deep and abutted the
face of an older bench immediately below the north bench recess.
Although empty, the vault had been closed by a fitted slab, counter-
sunk to floor level.

Three nearly complete examples of type-II ceremonial sticks are
shown on plate 71, figure J, and plate 72, figures e and f, and five

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 269

fragments are represented in figure 72, a-e. Each was made from a
forked shoot by cutting away one branch and flattening the other on
the inside so that it could be bent over. None of the eight has been
identified, but five look like greasewood and two may be cottonwood
or willow.

Sticks crooked at one end find repeated place on modern Pueblo
altars. They may lack the length and the “bear claw” hook of ours
from Pueblo Bonito, but they at least suggest the function of the
latter. Of 31 sticks surrounding the Antelope Fraternity’s Snake
Dance altar, 15 are about one-fourth inch in diameter by 18 inches
long, bent at one end, and painted black. They represent deceased
members of the fraternity (Fewkes, 1894, p. 23). So, too, with crooks
on the altar of the Marau Society.

Voth (1901, p. 76) says: “The crook is in Hopi ceremoniology the
symbol of life in its various stages.” Parsons (1939, p. 163) is more
explicit : “Crooks represent the wise old men bent with age; the long
prayer sticks, the younger unbent members.” At Acoma a crook is
offered the traveler on the eve of his departure on a long journey, or
one that seems long in the experience of his relatives (ibid., p. 307).

As a sort of standard, a large crook with feathers and an ear of corn
attached is carried in certain Zufii and Hopi ceremonies (Parsons,
1939, pp. 325, 328). Participants in races connected with a women’s
ceremony at Walpi touch with the palm of their hand a crook held
upright by one of the priests (Fewkes and Owens, 1892, pp. 123, 126).
Pautiwa, chief of the Kachina gods, distributes at the Zufii winter
solstice crooks of appointment to those who are to take a leading part
in the principal ceremonies (Bunzel, 1932b, p. 909). It is thus obvious
that crooks have a varied significance in the several pueblos but are
always symbolic.

Our eight examples of type-II sticks were recovered in three sep-
arate rooms. Half came from two Late Bonitian storerooms, 203 and
304; half from Old Bonitian Room 320. On the floor in the southeast
corner of this burial chamber lay specimen /, plate 71; elsewhere in
the same room we found the three fragments, figures a, b, and e,
figure 72. The largest of the three is all we saved of a ceremonial
stick under the outstretched but displaced right hand of Skeleton 2
(pl. 91, upper). Fragments of like crooks were observed in the ad-
joining burial room, 326.

At Zufi, perhaps also in other Pueblo villages, new homes are
dedicated with an offering of prayer sticks and turquoise buried in the
~ walls. It is an old custom, inherited from the past. Quite by accident
we happened upon such an offering, including shell and turquoise,

Fic, 72.—Fragments of ceremonial staves (a-e) and three staff attachments.
270

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 271

where the partition separating Rooms 89g and 98 abuts the north wall
of Room go.

Horizontal cavities a few inches square and long enough to hold
ceremonial sticks of the types under discussion were provided at time
of construction over at least three of the first-floor ventilators in the
rear wall of third-period Bonito—that wall which abuts the outer
northeast corner of Room 267 and extends thence northwest to Room
299 and southeast to 175.

Another such repository, perhaps, was indicated when the Braced-
up-cliff back of Pueblo Bonito collapsed January 22, 1941, and par-
tially destroyed several walls in the northeast section of the ruin.
Among the wreckage of Room 293 Custodian Lewis T. McKinney
found a type-I ceremonial stick 424 inches long, and another inch,
more or less, missing from the tip. The carved portion of this staff,
shown in photographs kindly furnished by the National Park Service,
is like that on our painted fragment (fig. 71) except that the end knob
is more oval and its separation from the “handle” more sharply indi-
cated. Also, the handle is considerably longer and the disk’s periphery
is shallowly concave rather than medially grooved. I do not know
whether this fine example was encased in a prepared repository or
embedded directly in the stonework.

At Mummy Cave Tower, Canyon del Muerto, Morris found our
two types paired in the corner masonry and overlapping slightly as
they extended from bottom to top of the three-story wall—“each unit
consisting of a crook and a relatively sturdy member with carved end,
to which were attached two tiny bow-shaped pieces.” The two types
were also paired for placement beneath each protruding ceiling timber
of the second and third stories (Morris, 1941, p. 228).

We have no clue to the significance of the paired, bow-shaped pieces.
Pepper (1920, p. 144) reported like pairs bound with yucca cord to
three of his type-I sticks from Room 32. Those we unearthed were all
found singly. The three illustrated as figure 72, f, are from Room 202;
two others came from the adjoining storeroom, 203.

In the cases cited, it is quite evident that the “ceremonial sticks”
were ritually employed. The two types were paired in Mummy Cave
Tower and, like prayer sticks, placed under beams symbolically to
strengthen the ceiling. Other pairs were embedded in corner masonry
to bind the walls together. But the 4oo-odd from Rooms 32-33 ob-
viously were among the paraphernalia of some society, stored against
recurrent need.

Pepper’s two types were widely distributed throughout the pre-
historic Southwest. Nordenskidld (1893, pl. 42) shows seven frag-

272 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL, 124

ments of type I from Long House, on the Mesa Verde, and Morris
(1919b, pl. 44, f) figures one from nearby Johnson Canyon. Hough
(1914) reports both types among the amazing variety of prayer offer-
ings he unearthed in Bear Creek Cave, on Blue River. And Fewkes
(1898, pls. 174, 175) reproduces a number of quite comparable frag-
ments from Sikyatki, a Hopi village destroyed presumably in the
fifteenth century.

Only from Pueblo Bonito do we have Penper s third and fourth
types of ceremonial stick. But neither here nor elsewhere do we find
the slightest hint as to the manner of their use. Culin’s suggestion
(1907, p. 648) that all four types might have been employed for
throwing yoke-shaped billets in a game may be dismissed; so, too,
Cushing’s implausible explanations as reported by Pepper (1905a,
pp. I16-117; 1920, p. 145).

Altar-stick tassels (?).—On the floor of Room 299B were a number
of what might have been tasseled attachments for altar sticks. With
them were a few dressed willows from the ceiling, corncobs, and
fragments of abraded boards, all covered by blown sand and masonry
fallen from the third story.

Of the dozen fragmentary examples saved, five are shown on plate
77. Each consists of a principal cord, coiled counterclockwise, appar-
ently in every instance, and crowded with short, pendent threads. The
main or belt cord may be either yucca or cotton but the fringe strands
are always yucca and from 13 to 2% inches long.

Each pendent element was made from a few yucca fibers 10 to 14
inches long, tied in the middle with a simple overhand knot, doubled
back from the knot and loosely twisted into a 2-ply string that, in turn,
was doubled over the belt cord and thrust through its own loop (fig.
73) or held in place by a running wrap stitch. The first method was
employed on three-fourths of the fragments. On all but one (fig. a,
pl. 77), the end loops lie on the outer, or visible, side of the coil.

In the second technique each 2-ply string was merely folded in the
middle and hung over the belt cord. The resultant paired strands in
one example are secured by a simple forward-two-back-one wrapped
stitch, while three others employ a more complex tie. We may also
note, in passing, that the latter three use a 2-ply main cord of yucca
fiber and an Apocynum (?) binder, while the former, now lacking its
belt cord, relies upon a cotton string for the wrapping element.

The drawing in figure 74 illustrates our most complete specimen.
Here the main cord is of loosely twisted cotton, single-ply, about 34
inches long, and diminishing in diameter for the last few inches. The
individual fringe strands, nine per inch, are attached by self-looping,

273

PUEBLO BONITO

WHOLE VOL.

Cus =

Sy eS SSS

fae 2 ;
oa SY s —— =
Ce “A :
aaa Rea
SS Sie eee —————
Cpe saass=
ins SSS ——S SS P

a a : ~
ay ESS SSS SSS SSS

SSS, =
ae) —— SSS

.—Technique of tassel tying.

Fic. 73

Fic. 74.—An altar-stick tassel (?).

274 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

with the loops visible. Eight counterclockwise coils are bound together
by three or four cotton cords twined spokewise from the center and,
between, by irregularly spaced single stitches that tie two adjoining
coils only.

In this particular example the hole at the center is about three-
fourths of an inch in diameter while for two others it is $ and 14,
respectively. Here the fringe strands vary from 13 to 24 inches in
length; on other specimens they may measure from 2 to 3 inches.

Whether the fringe strings be looped over the belt cord or hung
astraddle, their two ends are seldom of equal length. Always the
longer is that with the knot; the shorter invariably appears frayed.
Rarely is the knot tightly drawn. It lies at, or very near, the end of
the strand, and its sole purpose, apparently, was te hold the fibers
together for twisting. A few threads are double-knotted ; many have
no knot at all.

The thought that these fringed coils might possibly have been at-
tached to standing altar sticks was suggested by the central hole. This
varies from three-fourths inch in diameter to 14 inches on the three
specimens measurable. Among our type-I “ceremonial stick” frag-
ments are two with lower-knob grooves three-fourths and seven-
eighths of an inch in diameter, respectively. The fringed cords, there-
fore, could have been coiled about such a groove and stitched in place.
On the other hand, the hole in one specimen (c on pl. 77) is bisected
by a tightly twisted 2-ply yucca thread thrust through the several coils
and with both ends left free.

I know of but one specimen even remotely resembling these fringed,
coiled cords, and that is the “feather ornament” figured by Guernsey
from a Pueblo I cave dwelling on the lower Chinle. In this instance,
however, the looped ends of the doubled threads are tightly drawn
together in a sort of hub from which the free ends radiate. Some of
the knots still hold downy feathers (Guernsey, 1931, p. 94, pl. 49, e).

From Old Bonitian storeroom 298 we recovered fragments of other
fringed artifacts. The pendent elements on these, however, are en-
larged by at least two kinds of wrapped stitches (pl. 83, A). Further-
more, the individual strands were doubled over the belt cord and
secured in place by twined threads.

In a related but still different specimen (U.S.N.M. No. 335340) the
bundle is composed of four or five dozen threads (apparently very fine
yucca fiber), each knotted in the middle and twisted into a 2-ply string
as in the case of the so-called tassels described above. Here, however,
there is a more complex arrangement.

Twenty-one knotted threads were gathered up and bound with

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 275

Apocynum (?) a little over half an inch from the end. Then a couple
of dozen more threads were separated into two approximately equal
lots and tied to either side of the initial bundle half an inch above the
first wrapping. A third and lesser addition was made in the same way
and followed by a fourth wrapping of Apocynum (?) fiber. The end
knots are the simple, overhand kind, sometimes doubled, and without
a trace of feather or other substance.

Altar (?) fragments——The thin, painted pieces of wood shown on
plate 78, upper, may be from broken altar screens or tablets. Frag-
ment m, one-fourth inch thick and beveled toward its notched edge,

Fic. 75.—Fragments of altar screens (?).

is slightly rounded at both ends as though split from a 4-inch tablet
or one shouldered 4 inches from the top. Of the remaining scraps, the
thickest measures just a shade over one-eighth inch. All are more or
less decayed, shrunken, and warped. All are painted green except J, k,
and J, which are crossed by diagonal blue lines. Paint still adheres to
both sides of all except e, h, and i. This latter, somewhat footlike,
probably is wrongly oriented on the plate since the grain of the wood
lies horizontally instead of vertically as in the others.

The green paint on both sides of a ends at the darker band near the
broken lower end. This is also true of 7 where that portion below the
middle of the small knothole likewise remains unpainted.

In figure 75 we illustrate two fragments bearing black designs on
the front while the rear is blackened all over. Both are three-sixteenths
inch thick with the curved edge rounded and the bottom square-cut.

276 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

The carved fragment, figure 76, is one-eighth inch thick longitu-
dinally through the body and half that at either edge. Our artist has
drawn the head and lower neck lighter to indicate faded orange paint.
The opposite side of the head likewise was painted orange. Pinholes
for lashings are shown at the shoulders. Between
and below these, patches of green paint are repre-
sented. It may formerly have covered the entire
body.

Some of these shaped and painted scraps could be
remnants of dance headdresses as readily as of altar
screens. All came from Late Bonitian rooms or
rubbish in the eastern half of the village.

W ooden cylinders.—When he first saw the round-
ended object represented by figure 77, a, my old
Zufi camp man pronounced it a “watermelon” such
as he plants each spring to insure a good melon crop.
Despite variation in length and diameter, the four
shown on plate 78, figures u-q, indubitably belong
in the same class. These five were all recovered
from Late Bonitian rubbish while that illustrated
‘i by figure 77, b, which differs from the others both in
iit its proportions and in the character of its markings,
Wy came from Old Bonitian debris.

The other pieces photographed may not be wholly
comparable, but they too were recovered from
household sweepings. Figure r, plate 78, is of juni-
per and from near the outside of a very large tree.
The piece was dressed to cylindrical form with the
grain running lengthwise; its ends were cut at an
angle of about 30 degrees then smoothed with sand-
stone. In figure ¢ a single lightly incised line spirals
up clockwise as though the section had been rolled
once under the cutting edge of a flint knife. The

lower end of x has been cut around and then broken

Fic. 76.—Paint- off. None in the lot bears any trace of paint.

ed wood frag- A

ment. Cedar-bark torches (?).—Plate 79, A, illustrates
11 of the 13 cedar-bark bundles found side by side
on the middle floor of Room 226. At first sight they looked like a mat
or hatchway cover but with no trace of cords binding the units to-
gether. On the other hand, our Zufii workmen immediately identified
the bundles as “torches used in the Fire Ceremony to carry fire from
one room to another.” Except the three longest, all are raveled at one

ie

-All

———
———an

Ss
==
SS
————

BZA
BE=

PLATE 78.—a-m, Painted fragments of wooden tablets or altar screens ; n-., incised cylinders
and other objects of wood.

‘UOTJINAJSUOD SUITI9D UT pasn Ajqeqosd ‘soypunq yAeq-1epsy ‘gg

62

ALVIg

‘sayot0} se udu

cee ee

tunz Aq payuapr s]jor yseq-1epay ‘pv

*

a
A, Animal-like carving from Sinklezin, a ruin on the south cliff, opposite Pueblo Bonito.
(Photograph by O. C. Havens, 1925.)

“«.

B, Stone carving from Ruin No. 8. (Photograph by O. C. Havens, 1923.)
PLATE 80

‘qUO}spues poUuress-oUuy JO apeUt sja]qe} podeys-jepues—r1g aLvig

;
'
;
- |

277

PUEBLO BONITO

WHOLE VOL,

Fic. 77.—Incised objects of wood.

278 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

end, but none is charred. Each was wrapped at intervals with fine
yucca-fiber string. If prepared as torches they were never used.

Pepper (1920, p. 36) reports a cedar-bark torch, burned at one end,
from Room 2.

For certain Pueblo ceremonies fires are lighted with cedar-bark
rolls not unlike ours (White, 1932, p. 95; Titiev, 1937, p. 251, ftnt.
I1; Parsons, 1939, pp. 749, 766). In other ceremonies comparable
rolls are employed for lighting cigarettes or cloud blowers—rather
formidable matches, it would seem, for cornhusk cigarettes.

There can be no connection between the foregoing and bundles of
loosely wrapped, unshredded cedar bark such as those shown on plate
79, B. These two were recovered in the narrow passageway designated
as Room 250; 20 or more had been discarded in the abandoned room
next on the south, No. 247. All were somewhat flattened but varied in
length, width, and thickness. None was burned or even appreciably

Fic. 78.—Cottonwood rattlesnake effigy.

smoke-stained. Hence, it is our guess these particular bundles served
as substitutes for split-cedar shakes in ceiling construction or repairs.

Rattlesnake effigy—Among dry rubbish overlying blown sand in
the east half of Room 226 was a rattlesnake effigy fashioned from a
flattened cottonwood root (fig. 78). The root itself, irregularly con-
stricted as it grew, clearly suggested a snake to the finder, for the only
modification required was at the extremities: a little whittling to
point the tail, a rounded nose, and side notches to delimit the head.
Black paint covers the back and, over it, white to suggest markings
characteristic of the desert rattler. White paint is present also on the
underside of head and tail.

Hough (1914, p. 129) figures part of a snake effigy, likewise made
from a crooked root, from a cave near the head of Eagle Creek, Ariz.
Carvings or paintings of snakes appear on several Zufii altars (Steven-
son, 1904). In the first quarter of the seventeenth century, Fray
Estevan de Perea wrote of wooden pens in which the Zufi kept rattle-
snakes for arrow poisoning—rattlesnakes that hissed and leaped
“menacing as the fierce Bull in the arena” (Bloom, 1933, p. 228). And
Hodge (1924) has described the snake pens he unearthed at Hawikuh.
Thus, among the Zufii as among the Aztecs, rattlesnakes had a part
both in warfare and in religion.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 279

Painted gourd rind.—The fragment illustrated as figure 79 is one
of two from the rubbish fill of Room 255. The painted design is light
green with a brown border on a red (light vertical hatching) base.
These fragments may be from a dance rattle.

OBJECTS OF BONE

Inlaid bone scrapers were regarded as ceremonial by Pepper (1905b,
pp. 185-196), and indeed it is difficult to believe such exquisite imple-
ments were created for secular tasks. Yet, as has been explained in a
previous section, of our 20 humeri end scrapers only 4 were inlaid.
One of these was associated with a coiled basket tray, oval in shape,
accompanying the body of a woman buried in Room 326. Three other
female skeletons in the same room likewise were each accompanied
by an oval basket and a scraper made

eT i

from the humerus of a mule deer. It e ral lh

is, therefore, the association of such ~ «| sf ny
We Hh
Hill

»,

if ter gi
ae Ui

oy

he iy

a scraper with an oval basket tray
rather than the fact one of the four i i

was inlaid, that suggests a possible o i: ie

ceremonial connection. nh fies

Bone dice-—Games of chance are Fic. 79.—Painted gourd rind.

played by all American Indians.
Most of them employ wooden or cane sticks but some tribes, as the
Arapaho of Wyoming and Oklahoma, prefer bone counters (Culin,
1907, pp. 53-55). Though such games may fill an otherwise idle hour,
they are more frequently played seasonally and with religious sanction.
For example, the 4-stick Zufii game of sho’liwe is played ceremonially
in May to bring rain (ibid., p. 35). Similarly, ritual stick races in
spring and early summer are the means by which Hopi and Zufi show
running water how to hurry on to waiting fields.

Bone dice, so-called, have been reported repeatedly from Pueblo I-
III ruins. Of the 16 we recovered at Pueblo Bonito, 12 are elliptical
in shape but the degree of pointedness at the ends varies considerably
(fig. 80). So, too, in cross section: eight are flattened on both sides,
while the others vary from planoconvex to concavoconvex. With one
exception (¢), incised markings, if any, occur on the flatter side.

As to distribution, three were recovered from Old Bonitian debris;
five, from Late Bonitian debris and two from mixed rubbish; two
came from Late Bonitian rooms of which one had previously been
excavated; and four were miscellaneous finds. In their varied form
as in their markings these dice are indistinguishable from those un-
earthed at older Pueblo ruins.

——

i ut

280 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

It is believed the small discoidal specimens, figures j-l, likewise were
gaming counters. The first is a little less than semiglobular ; the second,
flat on both sides with rounded edge. The third example consists of a
cup-shaped section of bone having eight notches around the rim,
backed with a semiglobular, brown, resinous pellet molded to shape.

Fic. 80.—Bone dice, or gaming counters.

Figure 81 illustrates one of
three ellipsoidal bone counters
from as many Late Bonitian
rooms. The three are very nearly
equal in size but are marked
differently. On one of them
(U.S.N.M. No. 335138), traces
of a black substance remain in

Fic. 81.—Bone die. the cuts. The encircling groove

appears on all three. Although

the bone is too modified for positive identification it has been suggested
that each is carved from the head of a bear’s femur.

STONE OBJECTS AND MINERALS

In previous chapters reference has been made repeatedly to concre-
tions, mineral paints, and stone artifacts that for various reasons are
thought to have been connected with ceremonial rather than secular
activities. We come now to more detailed consideration of these sev-
eral groups.

Sandstone tablets—Four thin, patiently prepared stone tablets are

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 281

illustrated in plate 27, upper. Their over-all appearance and absence of
worn areas suggest utilization in esoteric practices and this impression
is heightened by the fact that d was an accompaniment of Burial 8,
Room 326. So, too, with a; it comes from Kiva Q and is of a cream-
colored marlaceous shale quite foreign to Chaco Canyon.

From Room 23, Pueblo del Arroyo, came five remarkable stone
tablets—remarkable for their uniform thinness (average, three-eighths
inch) and superior workmanship. All are of very fine-grained cal-
careous sandstone (or siltstone) ; all are rectangular (average 15745 by
83% inches) ; all were broken when the ceiling and upper walls crashed
to the floor. Two are slightly discolored by smoke and one bears the
stain of decayed twilled matting.

These Pueblo del Arroyo tablets evidence skill and boundless pa-
tience on the part of whoever made them. (They may very well be the
work of a single individual.) They were reduced to their present form
solely through abrasion. All are polished to a degree, but exhibit no
mark offering a clue to their original use. Since those of sandstone,
especially, were too fragile for any utilitarian purpose, it may be
inferred that all were in some manner employed in ritualistic observ-
ance of the unknown clan whose maternal home stood in the south-
western corner of that ruin.

This conjecture is strengthened by the other unusual stone and
earthenware artifacts recovered from these same rooms. Pueblo In-
dians still store the ceremonial paraphernalia peculiar to each society
in dark interior rooms of the house recognized as the ancestral home
of that society. Fewkes and others have remarked the use of painted
slabs on Hopi altars, and have described the finding of similar slabs
in prehistoric ruins. (See, for example, Fewkes, 1904, pp. 104-106;
Haury and Hargrave, 1931, p. 56; Kidder, 1932, p. 96. Morris,
Ig1ga, pp. 23-24, describes polished slabs from Aztec Ruin quite like
those from Pueblo del Arroyo.) Of our series, however, only one
(U.S.N.M. No. 334842) bears a trace of paint and that a wash of
yellow ocher on one side.

Sandal-shaped tablets are apparently restricted in distribution to
Pueblo III ruins of the San Juan drainage. The more finely woven
sandals of that period have a broad notch, or jog, at the little toe, a
feature frequently represented on the tablets. Hence the often-quoted
theory these latter were lasts on which sandals were woven. The idea
is pure fancy, of course, since the Pueblo technique of sandal weaving
required no last.*®

58 Kidder and Guernsey, 1919, pp. 101-107, clearly describe the ancient methods
and briefly consider “sandal stones.”

282 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

The average length of the seven sandal-shaped tablets in our Pueblo
Bonito collection is 114 inches. All are of relatively fine-grained
sandstone, but they vary in both texture and outline. Of those repre-
sented on plate 81, c appears unfinished since the scars of spalling were
only partly erased. The first, a, might be classed as readily with the
narrower type of rectangular tablet as with the present series. On
one of its smooth faces red paint is still discernible. Examples b and
d only remotely resemble each other in outline and workmanship yet
both came from Room 326.

The two specimens not illustrated deserve an additional word. One
(U.S.N.M. No. 335882), Oi by 5% inches, was flaked from a thin
leaf of standstone with no effort toward elimination of surface irregu-
larities. The second (No. 335895) measures 13 by 63 Ly 14 inches and
weighs nearly 10 pounds; marks of the hammerstone still show on its
edges but both sides have been smoothed as though from long use.
We may only wonder whether these two meant just as much to local
ritualists as did those on which infinitely more labor had been expended.

Utilization of sandal-shaped stones in Pueblo III ceremonies un-
known to us, as tcamahias and painted slabs are still employed on
Hopi altars, seems quite within reason. Convincing evidence of such
use is presented by Morris (1939, pl. 145) in his description of a
painted wood sandal form from Aztec Ruin. Transversely across the
middle back is the mark of a flat stave to which the form had been
sewn and which, presumably, supported it in a horizontal position
above the altar.

Tcamahia, according to Fewkes (1900b, p. 589; I900c, p. 982), is
a Keresan word signifying “the Ancients” and is used by the Hopi of
Walpi not only in the invocation immediately preceding the public
portion of the Snake Ceremony but also to designate a certain type of
celt, 18 of which are among the furnishings on the Antelope Society
altar. Dorsey and Voth (1902, p. 210) state that a 10-inch jasper celt
is concealed within the bundle of eagle tail feathers known as the
tiponi, perhaps the most sacred article on the altar of the Antelope
fraternity at Mishongnovi.

Tcamahias are of interest for several reasons: (1) Those used in
Hopi rituals are not made locally but are found about prehistoric
ruins; (2) as a culture trait they are apparently restricted to ruins of
the upper San Juan drainage and to small ruins rather than the great,
compound villages of the Pueblo III period; (3) they appear to have
been designed as agricultural tools; the esoteric properties with which
they are today endowed by Hopi priests have not yet been fathomed.
It means nothing, of course, that tcamahias are usually referred to
throughout the Southwest as “skinning knives.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 283

A few examples recovered during our explorations are described on
pages 243-246 as agricultural tools. Just when they lost their original
function and became appurtenances of religion remains unanswered,
but the change probably occurred early in Pueblo III.

At the bottom of a pot-shaped storage cist dug in the compact sand
below the floor of Room 266, we found the hematite object shown in
figure 82. Its sides are smoothly polished and the corners rounded.
Although in outline it resembles one type of tcamahia, its broader end
is only slightly beveled rather than ground to a knifelike edge. It was
not a paint stone.

Except this last doubtful example,
our tcamahias are broken or battered
through reshaping rather than by
work in rocky soil. None was found
under circumstances to connect it
indelibly with ritual. And yet, as the
symbol of an ancient warrior, the
tcamahia is deeply rooted in present-
day Pueblo ceremonialism.

Sandstone cylinders —Three cyl-
inders of friable gray sandstone, 44
inches in diameter by 43 inches long,
grooved about the middle and
slightly convex at the ends, were
found on the bench in Kiva J (pl.
82, figs. h-7). Two comparable but
less carefully finished specimens, f, g, Fie 92 Caltlie objertiot
lay close together on the floor and hematite.
just west of the fireplace in Kiva G.

Neither has been burned; one (g), rather squarish, in addition to the
encircling groove is marked by crossed lines incised on each side.

Concretionary cups.——An almost spherical sandstone concretion,
unmodified except for incipient cupping, is shown on plate 82 as
figure d. Half of a similar nodule, a surface find, was hollowed out to
form a shallow mortar, figure c, and a like fragment from Room 256
had been cupped on its convex surface as though for a pot rest (fig. e).

Small sandstone concretions, naturally hollow, are occasionally re-
covered from ruins of the San Juan drainage. When the cavity has
been smoothed or enlarged and external irregularities removed, such
specimens are often described as “paint cups.” None of the five in
‘our collection bears any trace of pigment (fig. 83).

Paints of prescribed colors in traditional patterns are required for
masks and altar paraphernalia, and for the participants, in every

284 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

important Pueblo ceremony. At other times paint gives that essential
finishing touch to the toilet; frequently it forms a protection against
insects or the blistering midsummer sun.

Red was a favorite color of the ancient Pueblos as it is of their
descendants. Red oxide, reddle, limonite, hematite—any mineral that
produced a reddish mark—was paint to the Bonitians, and they prob-
ably knew every odd corner in their arid domain where it was to be
found. They were undoubtedly acquainted, for example, with the
small deposit under the sandstone cliff about a mile and a half south
of their deserted village—a deposit that was claimed in 1923 by a
Navaho living nearby. This mercenary individual sought to profit

Fic. 83.—Concretionary cups.

from the cupidity of my Zufti workmen, but I suspect the latter proved
the better bargainers, for I saw them return beaming to camp one
Sunday afternoon with a fat kid for their frying pan in addition to a
bag of choice ocher.

Both in Chaco Canyon and out upon the northern Arizona deserts
I have often seen Navaho women, less frequently men, with faces
painted a brilliant crimson against the reflected heat of pale yellow
sand. Mention of this custom in the National Geographic Magazine
(Judd, 1925, p. 238) brought complaint from a Pacific-coast reader
as to the inadequacy of commercial rouges and an accompanying plea
for a sample of the natural cosmetics used by my Indian neighbors.
Now I am not the one to deny a lady’s prayer and so I gave her what
information I could, but I never had the courage to inquire what
damage the iron-stained clays of New Mexico did to that tender
California skin.

Our Zufi workmen coveted almost every bit of red oxide unearthed
during the excavations. Time and again I watched unseen as one of
them spat on a handy potsherd, moistened a newly found fragment of
the mineral, and with a finger daubed forehead, cheeks, or nose. The
older men usually carried somewhere about their persons a little buck-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 285

skin bag containing a thimbleful of the red powder, for use both as a
dry rouge and as coloring matter for impromptu offerings to the
Unseen Forces.

In preparing pigments for their periodic ceremonies, Zuni priests
employ an assortment of stone mortars and pottery cups, while a large
sherd or a slab of sandstone appears to satisfy the Hopi. Like the
latter, our Bonitian ritualists were generally content to crush and mix
their paints on any handy flat-surfaced object—a rough doorslab, a
polished sandstone tablet, a jar cover, even a metate or mano. Rarely
did they go to the trouble of making special mortars. Indeed, we
found only four during the course of our explorations and two of
these came from Pueblo del Arroyo. One of the latter, with two
squared basins half an inch deep in which red and black pigments had
been mixed, was found in Room 27 along with a number of cere-
monial objects. From the adjoining chamber, Room 23, came half a
doorslab on which yellow and red ochers had, in turn, been liquidized.

Of our two Bonito paint mortars, squarish and both from kivas, one
(U.S.N.M. No. 335921) has a secondary circular depression in the
middle of its rectangular grinding surface that indicates use of a pestle.
But our excavations brought to light only five pebbles worn at one
end like pestles and neither bears the slightest trace of paint. It
appears, therefore, that the accepted practice in Chaco Canyon was to
crush or rub bits of iron-stained minerals and other ores directly upon
the stone palette where they were mixed with water, grease, or vege-
table extracts.

Any flat-surfaced stone might be utilized as a palette. We found
paint on polished and unpolished sandstone jar covers; on half a
sandal-shaped stone, and on undressed slabs chipped about the edge
to fit doorways or ventilators. Among paint stones from Pueblo del
Arroyo are two manos and part of a third stained, respectively, with
red, green, and blue. A rectangular muller of exceedingly fine-grained
sandstone (U.S.N.M. No. 334824) is coated, except the side last used
in grinding, with what appears to be organic matter.*?

Malachite and azurite pellets, gleaned from distant copper-bearing
formations, furnished the green and blue colors we see on baskets,
fragments of gourd vessels, and bits of wood. Two-thirds of the
pieces of hematite and limonite recovered are faceted by rubbing; one
fragment of reddle (U.S.N.M. No. 335402) is drilled through as if
for accord. Yellow occurs along with the red oxides in deposits easily
accessible from Pueblo Bonito. The old priests searched widely for

59 As tested by E. P. Henderson, of the National Museum staff, “the material
is driven off by heating to red heat, leaving a brownish residue.”

286 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the paints required in their ceremonials, and we may guess that the
one who brought home the chunk of sulfur (No. 335645) found in
Room 320 was mystified at his inability to make a mark with it.

Kaolin, a chalklike clay, supplied white paint for symbolic designs
and a slip for pottery. Besides a number of used pieces, we recovered
at Pueblo del Arroyo three cakes of slaked kaolin molded in a bowl—
a find reminiscent of a practice among Zufii potters noted by Mrs.
Stevenson (see page 184).

If any difference is to be noted between the mineral paints and
paint-making methods of the Bonitians and the Zufi of 50 years ago,
it is in the latter’s greater dependence upon tools and utensils. For the
most part, any flat-surfaced rock sufficed the Bonitian and he mixed
his pigment where he ground it. In contrast, the Zufi priest preferred
a stone mortar, generally flat and quadrangular, and perhaps a small
vessel to hold the ground paint. Col. James Stevenson (1883) includes
a number of these “paint cups” in his 1879 Zufii collection, but very
few of them retain any trace of powdered mineral today.

Two fragments of fine-grained sandstone tablets (U.S.N.M. No.
335624) were first classified as saws, and quite understandably, since
both are knifelike on one edge, thickest (one-eighth inch) at the mid-
dle. One (field No. 1047), from Late Bonitian debris in Room 290,
bears longitudinal striations on one side and a trace of hematite; the
second (field No. 93) boasts a brown border on each side, but within
this border one face is coated with yellow oxide and the other with red.

From Rooms 2 and 32 Pepper recovered balls of red and yellow
ocher impressed with folds of buckskin bag containers; from Room
60, a large corrugated pot in which was stored a thick layer of red
oxide and, over it, a quantity of seeds (Pepper, 1920, pp. 37, 137, 221).
In Rooms 64 and 8o, respectively, he unearthed a sandstone pestle
and a mortar on which geometric designs were painted. These latter
two he considered ceremonial (ibid., pp. 237, 264).

“Medicine stones” are presumably relics of ancient shamanistic
practices. They may be highly specialized and yet definitely non-
utilitarian either because of shape or material. Fossils, unusual peb-
bles, concretions having some real or fancied resemblance to animal
gods or to parts of the human body, also come within this category.
Every Pueblo theurgist includes one or more such objects in his
“medicine” kit. As fetishes, concretions are still highly prized at
Zufi for their obvious connection with the forces of creation and
hence for their power to assist the possessor in attaining a given
objective.

I was working in a deep room at Pueblo Bonito with one of my
Zufii assistants one day when he found a cylinder of hematite that in

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 287

size and appearance was not unlike the ubiquitous lipstick of the past
few years. After holding the specimen in his palm for several minutes
my companion volunteered the belief that such objects were employed
by the Bonitians, as by his forebears until a generation or two pre-
viously, in hunting deer. And he went on to explain that when a Zufti
hunter discovered a fresh track he laid upon it a hematite cylinder and
at the same time offered a silent prayer to the gods of the chase. Then,
if he were of good heart, the weight of the cylinder on the deer’s track
eventually so tired the animal that it could be overtaken and killed.
This account illustrates the subtle power of medicine stones, but it
does not explain the presence of four hematite cylinders (fig. 84)
side by side at the head of a middle-aged female (Burial 8) in Room

a b c

Fic. 84.—Hematite cylinders.

326 (pl. 95, A). No trace of pouch or other container was noted. One
of the four is worn at one end as though for paint. Two comparable
hematite cylinders were retrieved from Late Bonitian rubbish in
Rooms 246 and 251B (U.S.N.M. Nos. 335574, 335576).

Our collection includes a number of more or less specialized objects
which, if not medicine stones, may have been utilized in some of the
recurrent rituals at Pueblo Bonito. Among these is a small series of
pointed implements the aboriginal use of which is problematical. The
first three of those illustrated in figure 85 (a-c) are of travertine, a
calcite often called “Mexican onyx”; the fourth (d), of dark lime-
stone. The fact that this latter, more perfectly shaped and polished
than the others, was found in Kiva G means little since the chamber
had been abandoned and utilized as a dumping place for household
rubbish by those living nearby. The tapering, butt end of a similar
object (U.S.N.M. No. 335613) was recovered from an adjacent room,
266.

288 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

In November 1929, while the three travertine specimens were lying
upon my laboratory table, Mrs. John Wetherill, of Kayenta, Ariz., well
versed in the lore of the Navaho Indians, remarked that Navaho medi-
cine men obtain identical material through trade from near Albuquer-
que, N. Mex., and scrape from it a dust which they carry in pouches

Fic. 85.—‘‘Medicine stones.”

for use in certain ceremonies. Our three pieces, however, are finished
artifacts ; they show no evidence of mutilation. Calcite of this charac-
ter occurs in limestone formations at numerous places throughout the
Southwest. But there is no limestone in the Chaco Canyon region.

In her monograph on the Zufi Indians, Mrs. Stevenson (1904,
PP. 333-334) records that “a piece of banded gypsum, 23 or 3 inches
in length, slender, round, and tapering” is employed by the leader of
the hidden-ball game, played to the rain-making Gods of War, in

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 289

tracing a line of powdered medicine across
the face of each player, from ear to ear,
“to insure seeing and hearing unusual or
mysterious things and sounds.” This
may, or may not, be a clue to the function
of the pointed stones above mentioned.

While clearing blown sand from second-
story Room 6 we found on the floor close
in the northwest corner an artifact of
porphyry or andesite, planoconvex in
cross section, and a quartz crystal with
worn corners (fig. 86). From Pepper’s
enumeration of the objects he recovered
in this and neighboring dwellings it is
obvious that here one of the Old Bonitian
religious societies maintained its ancestral
home, the recognized storage place for its
altar paraphernalia.

Spearhead—Among the floor sweep-
ings partially filling Room 325 was a
“spearhead” made from a slab of red
friable sandstone, darkened and somewhat
polished through repeated handling (fig.
87). If not an altar piece it might have
been carried in a dance, as was the 15-
inch, rudely chipped spearhead of mica
schist described and figured by Stevenson

(1883, fig. 357, p. 342).

Fic. 86.—Stone “knife” and worn quartz crystal.

Similar to this latter in size and crudity, but probably without cere-
monial significance, is a large spearhead-shaped sandstone slab that
lay among fallen masonry in Room 202. The piece measured 21 inches
long by 8 wide and 1} thick. It had been shaped by coarse flaking

290 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

along the edges but, since the tip remained unmodified, the form of
the slab as received from the quarry probably gave some indifferent
mason the idea and at least momentary respite from the monotony of
wall building.

Miscellaneous stone artifacts—Unusual pieces are the sore thumbs
of an archeological collection. There is no taxonomic pocket into

Fic. 87.—Ceremonial arrowhead.

which they can be dropped conveniently. Their very uniqueness makes
them conspicuous and tempts the finder to speculation.

Like other excavated ruins, Pueblo Bonito provided a number of
strange artifacts—nameless objects whose original purpose, if any,
remains obscure. A few have already been described as “medicine
stones” because they are plainly nonutilitarian and yet evidence use.
Among those remaining is one of fine-grained sandstone, 35 inches
long, 14% by 23°s inches at one end and 14 by 27g inches at the other
(U.S.N.M. No. 335932). Its sides were first dressed with stone
hammers then smoothed by abrasion. We found it, broken in two,
among a number of household utensils fallen from the upper stories

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 29I1

of Room 296. What possible purpose could be served by a piece of
carefully worked sandstone a yard long and two inches square?

Fossils, concretions, and oddly shaped stones have a place on certain
altars and in certain shrines of the present-day Pueblos. Except that
they are visible ties to that distant past when the world was young and
all mankind spoke a common language with the birds and beasts, we
may not fathom the significance which still attaches to such objects.
The number Pepper exhumed in the northwestern quarter of Pueblo
Bonito is abundant evidence that the Unseen Forces governing Chaco
Canyon were much in the thoughts of the Old Bonitians.

Our own explorations, on the other hand, disclosed very few fossils
and these are all shells from the Pennsylvanian and Cretaceous for-

a
BANNERS ie a
Fic. 88.—Fossil-shell medicine stone.

mations (identified by Drs. G. A. Cooper, curator of stratigraphic
paleontology, U. S. National Museum, and John B. Reeside, U. S.
Geological Survey, as Composita subtilita (Hall) ; C. trilobata Dunbar
and Conrad; Linoproductus prattenianus (N. & P.); Linoproductus
sp.; Juresania sp.; Lucina sp.; Gyrodes compressa Meek; Ostraea cf.
O. plumosa Morton; Metoicoceras whitei Hyatt; and, possibly, Pteria
nebraskana Evans and Shumard). A majority comes from reexca-
vated Room 6. Two have been considerably worked: the single valve
of L. prattenianus (U.S.N.M. No. 335641) is worn flat on one side
by abrasion; the fragment of Metoicoceras (fig. 88) is faceted from
rubbing and scraping. Obviously the priest who owned this ammonite
(it was found in Kiva R) regarded its medicinal properties highly
and we may readily believe that he concocted many a potent brew
from its scrapings. Similar mystic powers were attributed to a frag-
ment of micaceous schist, if we correctly interpret the cutting and
scraping evident on one face (fig. 89). Sections of crinoid stems, on

292 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the other hand, show no modification at all and neither do various
calcareous nodules, pieces of stalactitic chalcedony, etc.

Among household rubbish in Room 325 was a dark, plummet-
shaped object 1 inch in diameter by 1% inches long, the sandstone
image of a dried Mission fig. It is ungrooved, undrilled ; appears to be
a concretion but little altered if at all.

Pellets of azurite and malachite, according to our Navaho workmen,
are to be had west of the Jemez Mountains and north of Cuba. Other
minerals—selenite, calcite, galena, iron pyrites, thin flakes of mica,
etc.—probably were gathered beyond the Jemez, somewhere east of
the Continental Divide. We recovered such fragments throughout the
ruin and invariably in piles of debris. Few have been modified and
then only in an experimental sort of way. In no instance were these
minerals grouped as though part of a medicine man’s bundle. A num-

Fic. 89.—Medicine stone of micaceous schist.

ber of drilled or grooved malachite pellets and several bits of selenite
have been described herein as objects of personal adornment. Calcite
flakes, when worked at all, commonly exhibit but one worn edge.

Water-worn quartz pebbles half an inch wide and perhaps twice as
long undoubtedly belong in this same category. They were too small
for pottery polishers. More or less translucent flakes of calcium
carbonate could be the filler from thin veins in sandstone formations ;
small botryoidal masses of jasper and chalcedony could have origi-
nated in geodes of the La Plata Mountains and so, too, faceted pencils
of crystal quartz. .

Silicified wood is usually included among the concretions, fossil
shells, and miscellaneous rocks in a modern Pueblo shrine. Our ex-
cavations disclosed both worked and unworked pieces, the former
invariably as hammerstones. A likely source of this fossil wood is
the Bad Lands of the Ojo Alamo section, north of the Escavada.
Here, too, might be one source of our quartz and jasper pebbles.

For no particular reason we include here two fragments on which
even mineralogists fail to agree. Both were found in burned kivas.
That from Kiva D, Pueblo Bonito (pl. 70, fig. a), looks like solidified

PLATE 82.—a, b, Earthenware bowl and shell trumpet from a wall niche, Kiva R; c-e,
mortars made from sandstone concretions; and f-j, cylinders of soft sandstone.

B, Sandstone heads believed to represent Mountain Lion, hunter of the north.

PLATE 83

Prate 84.—Cylindrical basket decorated with a painted design in black, orange, green,
and brown.

Pate 85.—Painted bifurcated basket from Room 320, obverse (left) and reverse.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 293

sea foam and weighs but little more. The second (0), in two pieces,
more glassy in appearance and more vesicular, was found near the
floor on the eastern side of Kiva C, at Pueblo del Arroyo.

Both these circular subterranean chambers had been destroyed by
fire and my initial thought was that the two slaglike pieces were
products of those conflagrations. Dr. W. F. Foshag, of the U. S.
National Museum, shared this impression but Drs. C. N. Fenner and
Fred E. Wright, of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, were
positive the fragments originated in some distant volcano.

Pepper found pieces of like substance in Rooms Io and 38, neither

Fic. 90.—Fragment of clay plume holder (?).

of which had been burned. Four of those from Room 10 were shaped
like arrowpoints, or parts thereof; two were white and two dark.
Pepper’s conclusion, derived from blowpipe analysis, was that the
material was of volcanic origin (Pepper, 1920, pp. 59, I91).

Plume holder (?).—Among household debris dumped through the
hatchway of Kiva L was part of an unusual object, tentatively identi-
fied as a plume holder (fig. 90). It is of fine-grained paste, apparently
rock-tempered, meticulously stone-polished, and fired to a blue-gray

60 On the basis of homogeneity, surface glaze, and softening temperatures,
Fenner and Wright identify the specimens as “excellent examples of volcanic
pumice; of rhyolite pumice, to be more exact,” high in silica. Foshag, on the
other hand and after independent analysis, expresses the belief that they are
“pieces of either pitchstone or perlite that were present in the kiva and were
' altered to their present unusual appearance during the burning of the kiva roof.”
They could not have resulted from burning of the grass crowded behind the
cribbed ceiling poles.

20904 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

in the middle. Its base, unscarred by attrition, is both longitudinally
and transversely concave ; its upper surface is correspondingly convex.
While the clay was still plastic, two holes were punched through from
the end and out the top.

At its whole end the fragment is 23 inches wide by 1$ thick. The
broken end has a width of 3344 inches and a thickness of 13. Since its
length is only 24 inches, the fragment clearly represents less than half
the original.

From Room 80 Pepper (1920, p. 268, fig. 111) recovered a like
object with pairs of slanting holes at both ends and one side. No
description is given.

Jeancon (1922, p. 27, pl. 19), from Pueblo I or even earlier ruins in
the Pagosa-Piedra region of southwestern Colorado, reports another
example likewise with paired holes slanting up from the two ends and
one side. But his dimensions, 54 inches long by 13 wide and 35 inch
thick, indicate a specimen with less than half the width and thickness
of ours. His is the earliest example of the type known to us.

Our fragment has been designated a possible plume holder because
of its remote resemblance to the clay pedestals on Hopi altars. These
latter support crooks and other symbolic objects. Voth (1903, pl. 3, 1)
illustrates the Flute Society emblem upheld by a semiglobular base
from which at least four feathered sticks project at angles (see also
Stephen, 1936, fig. 427, p. 791). If the paired holes in our concavo-
convex specimen likewise were designed to receive small sticks the
latter would project outward only if the specimen rested on its convex
face.

Clay ball on stick——Among the objects unearthed in Room 326, a
burial chamber, was an unfired clay ball pierced by a rounded stick,
slightly pointed at the bottom (fig. 91,a). The ball is seven-eighths
inch high with diameters of thirteen-sixteenths and seven-eighths inch.
Its upper surface is wrinkled as though the clay, while moist, had
been wrapped in cornhusk, closely gathered and tied at the neck. A
light-brown substance that may once have covered the entire ball folds
into the upper half as a shaft lining; traces of kaolin remain in the
corrugations.

In the second specimen (b), exposed as we leveled the refill in Room
48, the pin is complete and notched at the end. It extends 17% inches
above but does not pierce the ball. The latter is fifteen-sixteenths inch
high with diameters of fifteen-sixteenths and 14 inches; its paste is
noticeably granular and includes at least three conspicuous galena
crystals. As illustrated, the ball weighs 14 ounces. Here, again, surface
irregularities suggest molding in a rush or cornhusk bag.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 295

EFFIGIES AND FIGURINES

Effigies doubtless were as indispensable in the religious practices of
the ancient Bonitians as they are in those of present-day Pueblos.
And if they were guarded as carefully from the uninitiated then as
now it explains why so few have been recovered through archeological
exploration.

Mountain-lion (?) heads——One may only guess at the animal or
animals represented by the two sandstone carvings illustrated in plate
83, B. Facial features are not indicated but both have ears above a
slightly concave “face.” They may be Mountain Lion, hunter of the
north. The first still bears a faint trace of red ocher, but its ears have

Fic. 91.—Clay balls on sticks.

been battered away. Both carvings were found in Room 272 which
was partly filled with Late Bonitian sweepings. It will be noted also
that the base of each was left roughly spalled, with tool marks still
visible; that neither shows the wear and grime that follow repeated
handling and pushing about on adobe floors.

In Room 64, Pueblo del Arroyo, we found a slightly more realistic
“lion” head (U.S.N.M. No. 334876). It is smaller than the two above
mentioned but, like them, is carved from friable yellow sandstone.
A straight incised line forms the mouth; eyes are not indicated; ears
are rounded knobs. Since marks of the pecking hammer show at the
base of the neck, this head also is obviously complete in itself. Con-
trasted with these, two apparent effigies from other Chaco ruins are
provided with tenonlike bodies that suggest horizontal placement in
a wall. One of them, found at Sinklezin ruin by the Griffin children
in 1925, and still in their custody at Pueblo Bonito 4 years later, is

296 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

shown in plate 80,A. The second (pl. 80,B), from Kinkletso, has
not been seen by the present writer.

Stone effigies of diverse animals are essentials on certain modern
Pueblo altars, but none known to me even remotely resembles the
sandstone heads from Chaco Canyon. These modern examples are
more nearly comparable to those exhumed on the Zufi reservation by
Roberts (1932, pp. 147-149). ;

Hopi, Zufii, and Navaho, perhaps all Southwestern tribesmen, de-
posit in their corrals and grazing lands unfired clay figures of domestic
animals as prayer offerings for the increase of herds and flocks. An
entirely different concept governs the small figures of prey animals
worn as amulets by many living In-
dians. As protection against witch-
craft and evil spirits, every one of our
Zufi workmen during seven summers
at Pueblo Bonito wore a prehistoric
arrowhead on a neck cord or attached
to his hatband.

Without description, Parsons (1939,
p. 304) refers to “the animal figurines
which guard each house” in Hopiland.
These are fed regularly, generally a
pinch of cornmeal or a crumb of bread.
“Places where the fetishes are kept

. are disturbed as little as possible
. . . there is always the greatest reluc-
tance to remove a fetish, which is some-
times left behind, but looked after, in an otherwise abandoned house”
(ibid., p. 480).

Birds.—The turquoise bird represented by figure 92 undoubtedly
had been interred with one of the bodies in Room 329. But, as was
explained on page 99, its weight (49.37 grams), its shape, and the
position of the two holes, drilled to meet half an inch above the keel,
render the figure ill-suited for use as a pendant. Furthermore, the
edge of the drilling is sharp, unworn by a suspension cord. There are
no wear facets on breast or back; the turquoise is of poor quality, pale
green and chalky. For these reasons it seems likely that the effigy
served, not as a personal ornament, but ceremonially, and in some such
manner as the four wooden birds suspended above the altar of the
Hunter Fraternity at Zufii (Stevenson, 1904, pl. 59) or those on the
Blue Flute and Drab Flute altars at Mishongnovi (Fewkes, 1g00c,

pp. 989-992).

Fic. 92.—Bird carved from
turquoise.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 297

The Hopi bird effigies just cited stand on straight sticks thrust into
altar sand, but the holes in our Pueblo Bonito specimen, as may be
seen from the angle of drilling, were never intended for leg sockets.
Rather they were the means by which the effigy was secured to some-
thing else. Hough (1914, pp. 103-104) figures from Bear Creek Cave,
Arizona, wooden staffs with birds carved on one end and, from both
Hopi and Zuni villages, compound wooden birds drilled through the
body for attachment at the keel.

Pepper (1905b; 1909) found a number of bird effigies made of
“decomposed turquoise” in Rooms 33 and 38. From his illustration
and description, they are smaller than our lone example and their
beaks thrust forward instead of hanging drowsily upon the breast.

“Frogs.’—Pepper’s jet frog from Room 38 (Pepper, 1905b, p.
190) and ours, from Room 336, likewise may have been objects of
religious import. However, and solely as regards our own find (fig.
20, 0), placement of the suspension holes seems rather to identify the
piece as an ornament. Paired on the underside of the shoulders, these
drillings allow the figure to hang almost perpendicularly, the hind legs
a little inside of plumb. On the other hand, the four drilled holes are
not cord-worn; the back of the effigy is more highly polished than the
belly ; jet is exceedingly brittle and outjutting legs such as ours pos-
sesses were bound to be broken if the piece hung free from a neck
cord.

Human figures.—When earthenware utensils were under considera-
tion we included those modeled in the form of men and beasts. We
had no reason to place them in any other category. However, human
effigies in clay or stone are different. They occur sporadically in
Pueblo shrines and on Pueblo altars today although less frequently,
perhaps, than concretions with some fancied resemblance to mytho-
logical beings or parts thereof.

At Pueblo Bonito we found only one human effigy, rudely modeled
in clay (fig. 93). Its mouth and eyes are casually gouged; nose and
breasts pinched-up. At midlength the body is 1% inches wide by 175
inches thick. The clay, sun-dried and readily scratched by a thumb-
nail, is rather sandy and contains particles of charcoal but no visible
temper.

Clay figurines, usually female, were made by primitive peoples the
world around as a religious expression. In general they were offered
to some potent god with a prayer for bountiful crops, for increase of
family and flocks. In the Aztec-Toltec domain of Mexico, figurines
represent a fertility cult of long standing.

Throughout the old Pueblo area, modeled figurines likewise evi-

298 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

dence the former presence of such a cult. It had become firmly estab-
lished at least as early as the Basket Maker III period and it persisted
until Pueblo IV or later. Figurines have been reported from sites
widely separated by time and distance; their local characteristics have
been noted, in part, but the only comparative study of which the
present writer is aware is that essayed by Haury (im Gladwin et al.,
1937, vol. I, pp. 233-242) and published just as Steward made known
his observations in northern and western Utah (Steward, 1936).

Our lone Pueblo Bonito example lacks the sophistication of Haury’s
Snaketown figurines; it lacks the basal cleft and the punctate embel-
lishment of Basket Maker specimens
figured by Morris (1927, p. 153)
and Guernsey (1931, pl. 51); it
lacks the applique dress and ana-
tomical features to be seen on many
of the central Utah examples de-
scribed by Morss (1931, pp. 46-50)
and Steward (1936, pp. 22-28) and
it is quite unlike the Pecos figurines
illustrated by Kidder (1932, pp.
112-125). In its limblessness, its
pinched-up nose and breasts, our
Pueblo Bonito specimen resembles
some of those from Utah but it
is more rectangular, thicker and
heavier.

The basal fragment of another
possible figurine (U.S.N.M. No.
336084), oval in cross section and
rather smooth-surfaced, came from Room 288.

“A number of small crude objects of unbaked clay” found by
Pepper in the rubbish fill of Room 25, and which Cushing called “seed
offerings,” included at least two figurines comparable to ours from
Room 308. Both had mouth and eyes indicated by fingernail indenta-
tions ; both had modeled breasts, and the larger, a modeled nose. The
upper face of this latter was painted red, while chin, neck, and chest
were black (Pepper, 1920, pp. IOI-103).

From Pueblo del Arroyo we recovered two additional clay figurines
(Nos. 334683-4). One, a discoidal face on a necklike body, is sur-
prisingly like that figured by Kidder and Guernsey (1919, p. 143,
fig. 62, b) from Marsh Pass. The second is a somewhat cylindrical
lump of clay with squared bits of charcoal inset to represent eyes and

Fic. 93.—Clay figurine.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 299

mouth. These two and a third from a nearby structure, added to those
from Pueblo Bonito, prove the existence of a figurine cult in Chaco
Canyon at the height of Pueblo III. Our available specimens are too
few, however, to permit at this time selection of the dominant type.

PIPES AND CLOUD BLOWERS

Among the Pueblo Indians smoking is a formality, beginning and
ending every important ceremony. The chief priest accepts a pipe
filled with native tobacco and, after a few solemn puffs, hands it to his
associate next on the left. Each in turn puffs smoke toward the altar
and passes on the pipe. Smoke reconsecrates altar and altar parapher-
nalia. Formal smoking is a recognized rite without which no ceremony
would be regarded as complete and efficacious. As bearers of indi-
vidual prayers, smoke clouds rise to mingle with clouds in the sky and
thus bring rain.

The Bonitians used both stone and earthenware pipes. In shape,
these vary from the tubular or “cigar-holder” form to the “elbow”
type, whereon the bowl stands more or less at right angles to the stem.
Six of our pipes and pipe fragments are of stone; 10, of earthenware.

Three earthenware pipes belong to that class commonly called
“cloud blowers.” One, the fragmentary example in figure 94, a, has a
bowl that comes to within seven-eighths inch of the mouthpiece. This
suggests a relatively short pipe, since the fragment itself is only 13
inches long. While plastic, and in the process of manufacture, the pipe
was ornamented three-fourths of the way around with spaced puncta-
tions produced by the hollow end of a wire-grass stem or something
akin. A similar reed could have formed the smoke passage in any of
the pipes before us.

Figures 94, e, and 95, both from Kiva R, are cloud blowers of
Pueblo III vintage. The first remains unstained by tobacco while the
second carries within its bowl unmistakable evidence of having been
smoked, if only half a dozen times.

Considering the shallowness and position of its bowl, a cloud blower
could not be used as we are accustomed to seeing pipes smoked. From
earliest times, no doubt, the type was employed to produce symbolic
clouds. Smoke was blown through the stem and out the bit end rather
than drawn into the mouth of the smoker and then expelled. The
procedure is clearly portrayed by Voth (1903, p. 15) in his description
of the Oaqol ceremony at Oraibi.

During the sixth song on the first day the chief priest goes to the
- fireplace and lights his cloud producer, “a large, cone-shaped pipe
which he has previously filled, takes a little honey into his mouth,

300 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

kneels before the medicine bowl, and taking the wide end of the pipe
between his lips, blows large clouds of smoke towards the altar, over
the objects in front of it, and into the medicine bowl.”

Fic. 94—Earthenware pipes and cloud blowers.

We lack the dimensions of that particular Hopi pipe but our spect-
men (fig. 95), 1% inches across the bowl, when filled with burning
tobacco would test the elasticity of any priestly mouth. Or perhaps
Pueblo cloud-making practices have changed since introduction of
this bell-ended form early in Pueblo III times.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 301

Seven of the nine pipes Fewkes (1923, p. 95) found in Pipe Shrine
House, Mesa Verde, are cloud blowers and five possess the expanding
bowl of our figures 94, e, and 95. Two of the five have an over-all
width of 34 inches. One wonders, then, whether bell-ended cloud
blowers were not originally held a short distance from the lips as the
priest blew into the lighted bowl and caused smoke clouds to issue
from the opposite end. Related examples from the Pagosa-Piedra
region, as described by Jeancon and Roberts (1923-24, pp. 35, 304),
are cruder and presumably older than those from Pipe Shrine House.

Figures 94, d, and 96 illustrate earthenware elbow pipes. Both are
from Kiva G; both were thinly slipped with white before the black

Fic. 95.—Cloud blower from Kiva R.

mineral paint was applied. Within the broken bowl of the second a
painted rim band may be seen and part of a circle below. The paste
is a uniform blue-gray, apparently sherd-tempered, and almost over-
fired. A serpent stretches its undulating length down the back of the
stem. On the first example, the stem has been ground off to provide
a new mouthpiece.

The diminutive pipe represented by figure 94, c, is sand-tempered,
unslipped, and unpainted.* Its size and finish are in marked contrast
to figure 96, for instance, or 94,b. This latter, from Old Bonitian
Room 320, is stone-polished over a thin black paint, presumably
organic. Its basal protuberance is more pointed than that on the
miniature.

Specimens shown in figure 94, f and g, might reflect intermediate
stages in pipe development. They seem about midway between the

61 Mera, 1938, pl. 9, 1, figures a comparable but slightly thicker pipe and with
two feet instead of one, from Largo Phase dwellings northeast of Pueblo Bonito.
Probable Largo Phase vessels are cited in our chapter V.

302 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

tubular pipes of Basket Maker times and the elbow variety of Pueblo
I-III. The first came from apparently Old Bonitian rubbish in Kiva
V; the second, from an exploratory trench on the east side of the
West Court. Both are smoothed externally but unslipped; the paste
of the second (g) is light gray and rock-tempered. A $-inch deposit
of ash clings to the inside of its broken bowl.

With a single exception, that from Room 320 (fig. 94,0), our
earthenware pipes and fragments came from Late Bonitian rooms and
kivas. One of these, Room 327, was half full of dominantly Late
rubbish and two, Room 307 and Kiva V, contained mixed debris. The
fragment from Room 327 is an inch-long section (U.S.N.M. No.
336046) from a pipe of cigar-holder type. Its surface is polished black
and its fine-grained paste discloses no visible temper.

Fic. 96.—Earthenware pipe from Kiva G.

Our stone pipes are of materials foreign to Chaco Canyon. The first,
figure 97, a, is of pale yellow claystone, a rock sometimes employed
for teamahias. In its present condition the specimen measures 14%
inches long by three-fourths inch in greatest diameter. But the bowl
as it now exists is only seven-sixteenths inch deep; a newly ground
edge evidences repair with a view to retention after the original rim
was broken. Part of a hollow bone mouthpiece crowds the 3%-inch
drilling at the small end—the only one of our pipes, stone or earthen-
ware, so fitted. This interesting example comes from 201, a storeroom
built by Late Bonitians against the outer north wall of Old Bonitian
Room 6. Since it lay among fallen masonry and blown sand, the
specimen presumably had been placed for safekeeping either in a
second-story wall niche or between ceiling poles.

Figure 97, c, illustrates an elbow pipe of steatite, found by one of
our Navaho while loading wagons outside the northeast quarter of
the ruin, between Rooms 186 and 189. I did not learn whether it
was found among earth and rock thrown out of those four rooms
or beneath the lower, older accumulation of blown sand and fallen
stonework.

An even more interesting specimen is that pictured in figure 97, b.
It is of translucent travertine that might have been obtained in south-

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 303

western Colorado or in the Zufii Mountains of New Mexico. The
bowl base is flat but merges with the rounded stem, the bit end of
which is missing. Above, the bowl is rimmed by a disklike collar that
protrudes slightly all around. The bore is one-half inch in rim diameter
by thirteen-sixteenths inch in depth. About one-eighth inch from its
rounded bottom the hole has a diameter of five-sixteenths inch, thus
showing use of a stone drill rather than a hollow reed. Ringing of the
orifice is the result of incipient boring on the part of a tubular drill

Fic. 97.—Stone pipes and accessories.

five-eighths inch in diameter. As noted in the drawing, the stem
perforation was drilled a little above center.

At time of finding, the pipe was equipped with a bowl plug (fig. b’).
This plug is of a mineral similar to, but more opaque than, travertine ;
it fits closely but not snugly; the drilled hole through one side con-
forms with that in the pipestem. The lesser, incomplete hole to the
right suggests that the plug slipped after drilling began. Neither pipe
nor plug is fire-stained.

The pipe (fig. 97, b) lay among a small quantity of sweepings on
the floor of Room 332, one of two Late Bonitian closets east of
Kiva U. In those same sweepings were two other pipe fragments
of translucent travertine (U.S.N.M. No. 336049).

Still another Room 332 specimen is illustrated by figure 97, d. It,

304 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

too, is of travertine. Length is three-fourths inch; greatest diameter,
three-eighths inch. The larger portion is polished; the smaller end,
also conical, is not polished. The longitudinal boring is five-thirty-
seconds of an inch in diameter at the larger end, and less than one-
eighth at the smaller. This unusual object has been tentatively identi-
fied as an ornamental mouthpiece for a pipe.

Among Late Bonitian rubbish in Old Bonitian Room 307 we found
a fragment of “satin spar” (U.S.N.M. No. 336044) that looks like a
vertical section from a pipe bowl. The fragment had been squared off
top and bottom and longitudinal grooves at either edge evidence an
attempt to salvage the middle quarter-inch, perhaps for a pendant.

Among the pipes described by Pepper were one of coarse green
steatite, elbow type, from Room 9, and an earthenware bell-ended
cloud blower from Room 12 (Pepper, 1920, p. 52, fig. 12, b; p. 64,
fig. 20, c). Both are Old Bonitian rooms in the north-central portion
of the pueblo.

We have no certain knowledge of the tobacco smoked by Bonitian
ritualists. In response to my request, Navaho and Zufii members of
the excavation crew brought in plants of native tobacco which were
said to occur both in Chaco Canyon and on the mesas above. These
plants were later identified at the National Herbarium as Nicotiana
attenuata Torrey, a species widely distributed throughout the Upper
Sonoran Life Zone of the Southwest and the one most commonly
used by the Indians.

Both Zufi and Navaho say they gather the plants when in flower;
dry them out of doors and crush the leaves in the palm for rolling in
cornhusk cigarettes. As described by Fewkes (1896, p. 19), N.
attenuata is smoked in Hopi pipes on ceremonial occasions, and is
used at other times as an ingredient in prayer offerings. Hopi practices
have not changed appreciably although Whiting (1939, pp. 40, 90)
observes that the tobacco is now often mixed with other plants. For
instance, rain is more likely to follow if the dried leaves and flowers
of Onosmodium thurbert are added. Young leaves of spruce, pine,
and aspen are gathered every four years to be dried, carefully stored,
and mixed with native tobacco so that larger smoke clouds on cere-
monial occasions will bring rain sooner.

MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS

Bone whistles —Five fragments of tubular bone whistles (U.S.N.M.
Nos. 335114-335117) are our only wind instruments. They belong to
a class generally described as “birdcalls,” and vary in length from
275 to 3g inches. Each is broken at its vent, cut through one wall at

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 305

approximately one-half the original length. Immediately beneath the
vent on two specimens lesser holes were drilled laterally through both
walls as though to support the diaphragm. Three of the five were
made from ulnae of the golden eagle; one, from the femur of a
bobcat. The fifth fragment is an unidentified mammal bone. All came
from Late Bonitian dwellings of third- or fourth-type construction.

An eagle wing-bone whistle is used in the Oraibi Powamu ceremony.
During the ninth song, one of the priests blows tiny bird feathers in
turn to each of the cardinal points and follows the blowing with a few
sharp notes on his whistle. During the fifth song on the fifth day, a
priest drops a pinch of corn pollen into a medicine bowl and then blows
upon it with a bone whistle (Voth, 1901, pp. 79, 80, 88).

On the afternoon of the first day of the Oraibi Oaqol ceremony,
the chief priestess deposits prayer feathers and cornmeal near a certain
spring then blows four times on a bone whistle before depositing the
remainder of her offerings in the spring itself (Voth, 1903, p. 12).

While excavation of Hawikuh was in progress, specimens such as
our five fragments must have been were identified by elderly Zufii as
birdcalls (Hodge, 1920, p. 128). Shorter ones may occasionally have
found a way onto necklaces or wrist guards but their prime purpose
was ceremonial.

W ooden flutes.—Six remarkable wooden flutes or fragments thereof
from Room 33 are described by Pepper (1909, pp. 199-204). Their
associated artifacts formed the paraphernalia of some society or re-
ligious order. Wooden flutes have played a part in Pueblo life, both
secular and esoteric, from early times to the present day.

During his visit to a Tigua village in 1540, Castafieda observed that
music was piped for the pleasure of girls at their mealing bins. “A
man sits at the door playing on a fife while they grind, moving the
stones to the music and singing together’ (Winship, 1896, p. 522).
Over 300 years later a like custom at Zufii, but on a more elaborate
scale, was described by Cushing (1920, pp. 383-387). Few except
tribesmen would recognize music in the squealing of a Zufii flute.

Shell trumpet.—The shell trumpet illustrated on plate 82, b, lay in
front of the accompanying black-on-white bowl in the north bench
recess, Kiva R. It has been identified as Phyllonotus nitidus Broderip,
with a range from Magdalena Bay, Lower California, to Acapulco.
Its spire has been ground off, opening into the body; its outer lip is
drilled, presumably for a suspension cord; the tip of the columella and
most nodules are somewhat battered; a slight polish on the varices
evidences repeated handling.

Among several fragments of like shells are two, from Room 201

306 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

and Kiva A, respectively, whose apexes likewise have been cut away
(U.S.N.M. No. 335721). The second of these two still retains traces
of its coniferous-pitch mouthpiece.

Pepper (1920, pp. 69, 85, 190) found several shell trumpets, some
with mouthpieces of clay and “gum,” during the course of his excava-
tions at Pueblo Bonito. Shell trumpets are still employed in Hopi
and Zufii rituals.

CEREMONIAL BASKETRY

Bonitian baskets reserved for consideration under this heading are
of three kinds: Cylindrical, bifurcated, and shallow elliptical trays.

Cylindrical baskets and oval trays have been described hereinbefore
as household utensils. In the same paragraphs, however, attention was
directed to their associations at time of discovery and the possibility
of a ritual connection. In four instances cylindrical baskets and shallow
elliptical trays accompanied the bodies of women. Six cylindrical
baskets and one bifurcated basket were among the diverse objects in
a one-time storeroom, the improvised tomb for 10 women and girls.
Hence the question: Could these unusual containers have belonged
among the paraphernalia of some women’s society?

Like their earthenware counterparts, cylindrical baskets seem lack-
ing in many respects as utensils for everyday household use. This is
especially true of that illustrated on plate 84. Its flat bottom averages
33 inches in diameter ; its original height is estimated at 5 inches. Fine
workmanship is indicated by a count of 7 coils and 20 stitches per
inch. The stitches are uninterlocked on a two-rod-and-bundle, bunched
foundation. Coiling is counterclockwise ; the rim is wrapped normally
but the terminal tie is missing.

The basket was so fragile we added a lining of plaster for support.
Its painted ornamentation, four rows of diamonds ascending to the
right and repeated three times, is represented by the drawing in figure
98. The first three rows are, respectively, black, orange, and blue-
green; the fourth row remains the natural splint color.

An even more exquisite example in this same category is the one
Pepper found with Skeleton 14, beneath the floor of Room 33. Not
only its turquoise overlay but its store of beads and pendants mark it
as one entirely removed from the mundane life of the village. In the
same room were the remains of a second cylindrical basket, covered
with a mosaic of shell and turquoise and wrapped about with a neck-
lace of turquoise and shell beads (Pepper, 1909, pp. 227-228; 1920,
pp. 164-173).

Our elliptical basketry trays are of much finer construction and are

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 307

complete in themselves, nevertheless one sees in each the parallel of
that forming the base of a bifurcated basket.

Bifurcated baskets, both in shape and in size, were entirely unsuited
for any conceivable domestic task. Their capacity was too limited for
practical use in gathering foodstuffs and other materials. Therefore

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Fic. 98.—Painted design on cylindrical basket.

we must conclude that they were developed expressly for religious
purposes, for the support or transportation of unidentified objects
required in unknown rituals. Those from Pueblo Bonito will be better
understood if we first review the distribution of this curious form and
its development.

The earliest published notice of a bifurcated basket known to the
present writer is that by Cummings (1910, p. 4), reporting one from
the Segihatsosi, in the Kayenta district, northeastern Arizona. He also

‘notes a second example, found in nearby Segi Canyon that same sum-

308 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

mer (1909) by a Government surveying party under W. B. Douglass.
A few years later Cummings himself unearthed a third specimen in
Bat-woman House, a Pueblo III cliff dwelling dated A.D. 1275 and
occupying a shallow cave in one of the rincons on the west side of
Dogoszhi Biko, the upper east branch of Laguna Creek (Cummings,
1915, p. 281; McGregor, 1936, p. 37; Hargrave, 1935, p. 32).

The Segi Canyon basket, now in the U. S. National Museum, was
featured by Fewkes (1911a, p. 29) as “a Cliff-dweller’s cradle” and
attributed to “Cradle House” on the west side of “East Canyon,” the
Dogoszhi Biko of the preceding paragraph.

Weltfish (1932, p. 7) echoes Fewkes’s identification and traces
another specimen mentioned by him from Chicago to Philadelphia and
the University of Pennsylvania Museum. From the latter institution
we have Farabee’s altogether satisfactory description of this, the
fourth, bifurcated basket—a truly remarkable product that still looks
brand new. It was found prior to 1904 in a cliff house in Moki
Canyon, southeastern Utah; its balanced red-and-black design, on a
background of undyed splints, is of almost pristine freshness (Farabee,
1920, pp. 202-211).

Farabee also cites two unfinished specimens in the Deseret Museum,
Salt Lake City. My own notes on these two, written July 19, 1916,
state that each consists of the uncompleted legs only; that both came
from San Juan County, Utah. No. 526, presented by Platt D. Lyman,
measures about 7 inches high by 74 inches wide. No. 790 was pur-
chased from a Mr. Lang and is labeled “from Cave 1.” ©

Specimen 790 admirably illustrates the beginning of a bifurcated
basket for it is no more than a long, narrow, oval tray the ends of
which have been bent down to form a capital A whose bar is a yucca
cord piercing the inner side of the legs halfway between toe and crotch.
The cord clearly was intended to hold the tray in this unnatural
position until the legs and lower body could be completed. That the

62Tn his article “Prehistoric Man in Utah,” published in the Archaeologist,
vol. 2, No. 8, pp. 227-234, August 1894 (reprinted at Toronto in January 1906),
Prof. Henry Montgomery, then of the University of Utah, partially describes
mixed Basket Maker and Pueblo material newly received in Salt Lake City and
“said to have been collected by Messrs. C. B. Lang and Neilsen” during the pre-
vious three months. Cave No. 1 is located “about fifty miles south of Moab and
forty miles north of Bluff City.” A more fanciful account in the Washington
(D. C.) Post of July 15, 1894, identifies C. B. Lang as “a young student of Pitts-
burg, Pa.,” J. B. Neilsen and Robert Allen as his Utah guides, and the scene of
their collecting as Allen Canyon. This latter can only be the upper, right-hand
fork of Cottonwood Creek, which heads under the Abajo Mountains and empties
into the San Juan at Bluff City.

Piate 86.—The peculiar construction of the bifurcated basket from Room 320 is clearly
seen in this view.

23 dlvig

‘poAtosoid Aypersed sem ‘Qz€ WooY ‘Q UOJI[aYS UOIBATISOId 1OF
YM pelinq jeyseq Ppo}eoinjiq sme oy, fg UXIIIS BIIM UO payuNou “Qz~ WOOY WosF Joyseq po}eoinyiq e& Jo Jeg ‘Pp

Priate 88.—Earthenware effigies of bifurcated baskets, obverse (upper) and reverse.

PLATE 89.—A cockleshell and its contents, found in a masonry box beneath the floor of
Kiva D.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 309

position was forced is further evidenced by the outward spread of the
fabric, front and back, at the fold.

Now these two, and the four completed baskets above mentioned,
are the only ones of their kind known to the present writer prior to
our Pueblo Bonito explorations. That from Segihatsosi was found by
old Hoskininni about 1884. Afraid of the Anasazis, he promptly
reburied the piece but disinterred it in June 1909 for presentation
to Mrs. John Wetherill. A few weeks later Mrs. Wetherill gave
the basket to Prof. Byron Cummings, leader of a University of
Utah exploring party. In 1915 it was borrowed for exhibition at the
Panama—California Exposition, San Diego, and there it remained
until 1938 when Professor Cummings finally regained possession and
donated it to the Arizona State Museum, Tucson. At the time she
examined this specimen in San Diego, Miss Weltfish apparently was
not informed of its ownership.

Farabee observed the close resemblance between his Moki Canyon
basket and those from the Segi and Segihatsosi. As Weltfish (1932,
p. 7) remarks, they are so nearly alike they “might have been made
by the same woman.” That from Bat-woman House, now in the
University of Utah Museum, presumably has never been published.

Two of those from northeastern Arizona came from the eastern
branch of upper Laguna Canyon; the third, from nearby Segihatsosi.
In this picturesque district all the more conspicuous cliff dwellings
were still inhabited in the third quarter of the thirteenth century.
Moki Canyon empties into the Rio Colorado approximately 50 air
miles to the north. The Deseret Museum’s unfinished baskets No. 526
and No. 790 may be ascribed to the wild country between Grand Gulch
and upper Cottonwood Creek. Thus the six specimens under consid-
eration were all found within a 40-mile radius of the point where the
San Juan River crosses the 110th meridian.

From this same circumscribed area come also the oval, relatively
shallow, Basket Maker II hamper illustrated by Guernsey and Kidder
(1921, pl. 23, k, 1) and a larger, deeper carrying basket of Pueblo I
age. This latter, the lone representative of its period, has outward
sloping sides that flare sharply above the middle and an over-all zoned
decoration in red and black (Guernsey, 1931, p. 95, pl. 13, b). Of
even greater interest to our present discussion is the fact that the
middle rim, front and back, rises a couple of inches above the sides

83 Since this was written, the Deseret Museum’s collections have been divided.
The two specimens herein examined could not be located in 1943, but record of
them is preserved in the Temple Square Mission and Bureau of Information,
Sale Lake City. (Courtesy of John H. Taylor, Mission president.)

310 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

in consequence of a dip to right and left as coiling followed the line
initially fixed by a slight basal arch.

This basal arch is lacking on what looks like the lower third of an
unfinished basket of the same type, photographed among Grand Gulch
specimens by Pepper (1902, p. 8, middle; p. 23, second row, middle).
It is lacking, too, on an oval-bodied, wide-shouldered carrying basket
figured by Cummings (1910, p. 34, bottom), although the upper coils
are undulating. This latter specimen, purchased by Professor Cum-
mings in Moab, Utah, in 1907 for the University Museum, was found
on Salt Creek, at the eastern margin of Beef Basin, in 1894 or 1895.
With it was a bowl-and-hollow-handle ladle of P. III design and
decoration.

In the Teocentl of December 1939 (No. 28, p. 4), Haury describes
from northeastern Arizona “an excellent bifurcated burden basket
with a painted decoration in red, green, and yellow . . . found in a
vault grave of unusual type dating from about the middle of the 13th
century.”

From information and photographs kindly furnished by W. S.
Fulton, director of the Amerind Foundation, Dragoon, Ariz., we learn
that the shoulders of this fine specimen are less pronounced than in
the Moab basket; that the lower portion is about 20 percent longer;
that tumpline attachments are present ; that its painted decoration over-
lies an unusual design in dyed splints; that the arching of the basal
coils is less marked than in Guernsey’s Pueblo I example. This arching
does not force the body coils out of a horizontal position; certainly it
is not of a degree to justify placing the specimen in the “bifurcated”
classification.™*

Natural History in 1927 (vol. 27, No. 6, p. 637) announced Earl
Morris’s recovery of four Basket Maker III miniature carrying bas-
kets from the Mummy Cave talus. They are exquisite little pieces,
clean and fresh as though newly made. Accompaniments of a child
burial, they are decorated with dyed-splint designs in red and black;
the lower half of each, like Guernsey’s Pueblo I prize, is more or less
wedge-shaped, front to back, but not forked. In the same lot is a fifth,
unornamented specimen (A.M.N.H. 29.1-8640).

Assuming that these miniatures faithfully portray an adult form,
that Guernsey’s Pueblo I specimen is typical of its period, and that
Cumming’s Moab purchase and Fulton’s northeastern Arizona acqui-
sition belong to Pueblo II or later, two parallel lines of Anasazi carry-
ing baskets seem indicated.

64 Haury (1945, p. 44) has since described the basket more fully.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 311

First is the strictly utilitarian variety in which increased capacity
remained ever the prime desideratum. Next, and contemporaneously,
there was evolved a form deliberately sacrificing cubic content to an
eccentricity, the arched base.

Guernsey’s Pueblo I basket is the earliest example with basal arch-
ing known to me. Latest, are the deeply forked specimens enumerated
above, including three from thirteenth-century cliff villages in the Segi
and Segihatsosi. Between these three and their progenitor is a time
interval of at least 300 years. During that interval the type changed
from a capacious, wide-mouthed, purposeful hamper to one of less
than half its capacity, with straight walls and a basal fork approxi-
mately one-third the total height.

Pueblo Bonito is two centuries older than the Segi cliff dwellings
and, as one might have anticipated, its basketry differs in several
respects.

Bifurcated baskets from Pueblo Bonito include one well-preserved
example and portions of at least five others.

First and foremost is that from Room 320. When found, it lay on
the floor, leaning against the east wall (pl. 92, lower). Near its rim
was the cylindrical basket shown as figure e, plate 45, and beyond its
feet two more (figs. d and f).

From front or side the basket is noticeably V-shaped—wide at top,
narrow and pointed at bottom (pls. 85 and 86). Maximum width and
thickness at rim, 12 inches and 8 inches; height, 153 inches. The left
leg is a trifle shorter than the right; their average length, 44 inches.
Front and back, walls above the crotch have been pressed in until they
are only 14 to 13 inches apart. The resultant folds, sharpest in the
upper half and especially on the front side, divide the basket cavity
into two triangular compartments roughly 53 inches on a side and 15
inches deep. Missing stitches let it be seen that many of the foundation
rods are cracked or broken at the folds. Were it not for this distortion,
thickness at rim would be increased to 15 inches; rim circumference
would measure 41 inches.

The basket had its beginning in a single willow rod, a full quarter
inch in diameter and more or less encompassed by barklike fibers. For
8 inches rod and fibers were closely wrapped with sewing splints then
doubled back, around the other end, and again down the opposite side.
As the doubling progressed, rod and bundle were firmly stitched to the
first 8-inch section.

The second coil was built on a slightly smaller rod; the third intro-
duced a foundation of two still smaller rods with fiber bundle above
and between them. It is probably pure accident that inception of the

312 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

first coil lies under the left foot ; that the two subsequent reductions in
foundation rods occur halfway down the right leg and in front. The
stitches of these first three coils are larger and less compact than those
that follow. A majority are split on the outside, suggesting a concave
work surface. Viewed from that angle, coiling is counterclockwise.

With the third complete encirclement of its initial 8-inch section, the
narrow mat was bent into an A form and presumably anchored in that
position. I detect no trace of the holding cord itself but note that at the
apex rods are cracked and stitches crowded by the sharp bending.
Thereafter the sewing followed up one leg and down the other. To
shorten the coils and bring them the sooner to regularity, a filler was
inserted on the outside of the legs where each coil dropped lowest.
Filler for the fourth and part of the fifth coils was only a little addi-
tional fiber, but for the next few an extra foundation rod was broken
into pieces or doubled three or four times to bridge the downcurve.
Stitches three-eighths to three-fourths of an inch long were required
to bind foundation rods, bundle, and filler together; not until the
twenty-fifth coil did these end stitches assume normal length.

There are 59 coils in the basket; the last was self-wrapped but its
terminal tie is missing. In the upper 4 inches 22 coils appear in front
and 23 at the back. Body stitches average 16 per inch.

With black-dyed splints the maker provided a sparse, all-over design
of thin lines and half terraces. Horizontal lines are one coil wide;
vertical lines, two stitches in width. Subsequently, that portion of the
decoration visible on the front and sides was painted black, and with
greenish-blue paint balancing lines and terraces were introduced (fig.
99). No effort was made to illuminate continuation of the same dyed-
splint elements across the rear wall.

A few additional notes—A slight sheen on the lower half of the
back, above the crotch, may be the result of friction. No provision was
made for tumpline attachments, an omission almost unique. With the
possible exception of their upper rear, both legs are coated with a
membranous substance as far as the lower framing line of the decora-
tion. Some cracking of foundation rods vertically down the right front
shoulder and down the rear left shoulder is due to pressure from the
overburden of blown sand, rubbish, and fallen masonry during the
years prior to exhumation. Two small stones on the floor left imprints
on the left front shoulder.

Our next example is a body fragment from Room 326 (pl. 87, A).
Although damp when exposed, most of it was saved by prompt and
liberal application of melted paraffin. In the laboratory, when we
sought to remove this wax, the fragment collapsed and we lost its

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO

313

mere erry

f.

Ine

A,

af.

~SSSUDS

Ads

we

Sa ktteteries to oe

AM SAGIASSSY

ptt tN ketch Heh eta

Fic. 99.—Design painted on bifurcated basket from Room 320.

314 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

vertical median constrictions. The technique is again two-rod-and-
bundle, bunched foundation with uninterlocking stitches. There are
5 coils and 15 stitches to the inch. Portions of the self rim remain but
its termination is missing.

Two, possibly three, like baskets are represented in miscellaneous
fragments from the same room. One lot, gathered from among scat-
tered human bones, sweepings, and debris of reconstruction on a few
square feet in the middle floor, includes three large pieces from a basket
about the size of that first described. These three exhibit 8 coils and
22 stitches per inch. Other fragments, presumably from bifurcated
baskets, show from 44 to 6 coils per inch and from 16 to 20 stitches;
three scraps bear traces of green and blue paint.

Another fragment, poorly preserved at best, has been cleaned and
freed from surplus paraffin but unsuccessfully mounted. in its present
condition it suggests a basket 12 or 14 inches high with rim width and
depth of about 8 and 5 inches, respectively. Coils run 54 to the inch;
stitches, 16. Between coils in several places are what appear to be
flakes of orange paint. This is the fragment elsewhere cited as having
been found, together with part of a cylindrical basket, above an infant
burial (No. 10) in the southeast corner of Room 326.

Smallest of our series is that illustrated on plate 87, B. It was one
of the burial offerings with Skeletons 8 and 9. In the photograph,
plate 94, left, it may be seen resting against a sandstone slab (fig. d,
pl. 27) with a cylindrical basket, an ellipitical basket tray, and several
earthenware bowls and pitchers close by.

Here again we were unable to preserve the rim and median constric-
tions of the partially decayed specimen. Although the body is now
somewhat distorted, it is obvious the legs were originally dispropor-
tionately short. In its present imperfect condition the specimen meas-
ures 8 inches high; its legs average only 14 inches. With 8 coils and
22 stitches to the inch, this smallest of the series equals in fineness of
stitching one of the largest, the one represented by three of the frag-
ments described above.

Our Pueblo Bonito bifurcated baskets and fragments all illustrate
the same coiling technique: uninterlocking stitches on a two-rod-and-
bundle, bunched foundation. All were provided with relatively short,
pointed legs ; all were constricted vertically through the middle, a dis-
tinctive feature ; all exhibit undulating coils and a fullness of fabric at
the brim. In execution, therefore, and apparently in concept, we have
here what seems to be a distinct variety, an eastern type.

In contrast, comparable baskets from western cliff dwellings are
from 5 to 6 inches taller than our best eastern example; they have

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 315

straighter-walled, more-columnar bodies and sturdier legs that measure
about one-third the total height. Their workmanship is coarser ; coils
and stitching, larger. In either case, eastern and western varieties, as
we now know them, only remotely resemble the Pueblo I carrying
basket that, presumably, furnished the idea of a basal notch.

The use to which these bifurcated baskets were put is purely con-
jectural. They were ill-suited and entirely inadequate for transporting
fuel or foodstuffs. They certainly were not cradles, as Farabee (1920,
p. 211) pointed out so clearly. The only alternative then is to believe
them a specialized carrying basket, an accessory in the ritual of some
long-dead cult.

Describing the Moki Canyon specimen, Farabee (1920, p. 206) ob-
serves: “The back of the basket where the [tumpline] thongs are
attached shows some polish from use and the bottoms of the legs show
considerable wear. On the inside there is some polish for four inches
down from the top but lower down the surface is very rough and
shows no wear except on the crotch where apparently the burden,
whatever it was, rested.”

Repairs made with coarser splints and triple-length stitches are
conspicuous on the backs of the Segihatsosi basket (Cummings, 1910,
p. 34) and that figured by Fewkes (1gr11a, pl. 20). On each, vertically
paired holes for attachment of a carrying band are to be seen at either
side and just above the mended area. The extent of these repairs and,
indeed, the very necessity for them evidences repeated use of the bas-
kets for transporting fairly heavy burdens, A light weight, no matter
how often carried, would not have induced equal wear.

And this again raises the question: What kind of objects were
moved in bifurcated baskets and for what distances? The only sug-
gestion that has come to my attention is that offered by the old Navaho
shaman who explained that the bifurcated basket was a container for
the arrows and sacred medicines of the Slayer God and that its two
legs represented the ears of the Bat-woman (Cummings, 1915, p. 281).

There are no holes for tumpline attachments at the back of our
painted Pueblo Bonito basket, no handles, and no mark such as might
have been caused by a netted cord or other suspension device. If this
basket was moved from place to place, it was carried in the arms of its
bearer. There is no certain indication of wear on its back; no friction-
rubbed area inside. The vertical grooves press in from front and back
until they practically divide the basket. This structural feature further
limited the character and bulk of objects placed within. Nevertheless,
the constrictions were considered essential, for they are clearly indi-

316 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

cated both on our bifurcated baskets and on the earthenware models
next to be considered.®

Earthenware effigies of bifurcated baskets—We have for considera-
tion under this heading six specimens from Pueblo Bonito and two
from Pueblo del Arroyo. The latter (pl. 88, figs. b, b’,c,c’), with
several other unusual objects, had fallen with collapse of the second-
story floor of Room 27. Their respective designs differ but both have
black-painted rims, flattened lugs at the back punched through hori-
zontally, and surmounting loops attached to the rear rim. After the
modeling was completed, both front and back were pressed in verti-
cally along the median line but not enough to bring the inner walls
together. On the larger of the two specimens, this pressure caused
the inner front wall to crack throughout its upper half. The legs of
this specimen are hollow; those of the smaller one, solid.

The third specimen (a, a’) lay among disarticulated skeletons in the
middle north half of Room 329, Pueblo Bonito (pl. 97, lower). It has
much in common with the other two and yet differs from them in
several respects. After the lower part had been completed its walls
were pressed in until they actually met vertically through the middle.
This left on either side the junction cavities no more than an inch in
depth. Thereafter the four uprights and the ring they support were
casually attached inside the brim. The right rear and left front legs
presumably were positioned last because less effort was made to oblit-
erate their union with the inner wall.

The superimposed jar likewise was made separately and positioned
while the clay was still moist. Subsequent modeling fixed it so firmly
in place on the ring that a bit of tooling was necessary to emphasize
the point of separation. Finally, two pairs of holes to symbolize
tumpline attachments were provided. But while the upper holes were
punched all the way through—in one case the punch tip actually dented
the opposite wall—the lower two were merely quarter-inch deep inden-
tations. It is the miniature jar in this instance rather than the basket
effigy that bears the black rim line characteristic of Chaco pottery.
Like the two from Pueblo del Arroyo, this composite is externally
slipped, hand-smoothed while plastic, and partially stone-polished.

Four other effigies of bifurcated baskets, each with a superincum-
bent jar, have come to my attention. One is in the Southwest Museum
at Los Angeles (P. G. Gates collection, G-268.105), provenience un-
known. Another, in the San Diego Museum (No. 5177), belongs to

65 Morris and Burgh (1941, pp. 54-56) recognize the ceremonial carrying bas-
ket as a cult object associated both with miniature models of carrying baskets
and clay effigies of human females.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 317

the Rio Puerco collection purchased in 1912 and believed to have been
gathered within a radius of 40 miles of Houck, Ariz. In both cases the
jar stands upon four legs attached to the basket rim, as in our Pueblo
Bonito specimen, but without the latter’s supporting ring. My notes
do not indicate the nature of the symbolic tumpline attachments, if
any.

A third example, also from the Houck area, is illustrated by a sketch
received at the National Museum some years ago from a Dr. Regnier,
of Regnier, Okla. Its painted design consists of solid triangles, ticked
along their opposed hypotenuses ; two vertical lugs, transversely per-
forated, lie on the back. Instead of four vertical posts, rolls of clay
rise from the rim to loop across the median grooves, front and back,
as supports for the miniature jar.*°

The fourth specimen of the kind known to me is in the Museum of
the American Indian, Heye Foundation (No. 5-2632), and is recorded
as from Chaco Canyon. The lower part portrays an oval carrying
basket with wide-flaring rim and vertical loop handles at the sides
rather than on the back. Both front and back are slightly indented
along the median line but there is no basal cleft. Within the rim and
rising well above it is a hollow, globular mass representing an Early
Pueblo neckless olla. Over a heavy white slip, three squiggled black
lines encircle the shoulder of the miniature olla; three more lie just
below the rim of the basket effigy, and three shorter lines hang ver-
tically at either side of the median groove. As in the case of the other
three cited, the decoration on this example is more suggestive of
Pueblo II than Pueblo ITI.

Of our five remaining earthenware effigies of bifurcated baskets
from Pueblo Bonito, four evidence some sort of superstructure. That
illustrated by figure 100, b, is sherd-tempered, heavily slipped, stone-
polished, and ornamented with a black pigment that fired reddish
brown. It was found with late hachured sherds in Room 350, one of
two adjoining subterranean chambers at the south end of the West
Court. The rim is rounded and unpainted ; front and back are slightly
indented ; the back is undecorated and lacking in tumpline attachments
of any sort; the maximum curvature, front and back, is flattened by
attrition, indicating long use and repeated placement in a recumbent
position.

Within the vessel cavity, paired quarter-inch ropes of clay were
dropped to the very bottom and pressed firmly against the rear wall.

66 In response to an inquiry of April 12, 1940, I learned that Dr. Regnier had
been dead several years; his home burned, and nothing is now known of the
specimen herein described.

>

oo
B\

100.—Earthenware effigies of bifurcated baskets.

Fic

318

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 319

The inner roll of each pair rises halfway up the middle and then, flat-
tened by a finger, turns outward at approximately right angles to join
its companion. At the front, single clay ropes were brought up in the
same manner, meeting in the middle and continuing thence gradually
outward respectively to reach the rim opposite the two inner rolls of
the rear pairs. Those in front were positioned last; all were more or
less flattened as far down as the potter could reach with her finger.

In temper, surface treatment, paint color, and absence of tumpline
attachments, our next specimen (fig. 100,d), agrees with that last
described. But the body is not as well balanced, being thicker at its
left shoulder. The highest point here preserves a bit of the rim. Fire
clouds remain on the upper right and lower left front. Within, a single
clay rod 3; of an inch in diameter rises vertically through the middle
(front and back were compressed just enough to hold this rod in
place) to where it was broken off two-thirds of the distance above the
crotch. A discard, the fragment was retrieved from the east refuse
mound.

Our third example indicates a different sort of superstructure but,
again, there is not enough left for reconstruction (fig. 100, a, a’). Re-
stored from fragments recovered in Room 330, the effigy is sherd-
tempered with a stone-polished slip. Double-roll, vertical-loop line
attachments were fastened on the back by the riveting process. The
slip does not extend beneath these loops but lines of the decoration do.
With its stubby legs the lower inch and a half of the body appears
to have been made solid; above the crotch, pressure front and back
brought the vessel walls almost in contact. The resulting external
grooves broaden at the top in keeping with the outflare of the basket.
It will be noted, also, that the brim rises in the middle; sweeps low on
either side.

Enough of the brim is present to show that it was somewhat thinned
at the edge, rounded, and unpainted. Within is all that remains of the
secondary feature—modeled walls § inch thick that curved up and
inward. Marks of an edged, spatulalike tool and fingernail imprints
appear where the added clay was pressed and shaped to the wall of
the effigy.

Finally, we have the miniature illustrated by figure 100, c, our small-
est example. It is unslipped and undecorated ; the only one of the series
that is sand-tempered. The body, from feet to cavity, is solid. We
found the fragment among debris of occupation underlying the terrace
designated Room 347, fronting Room 324.

Thus, of our eight complete or fragmentary earthenware models of

320 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

bifurcated baskets, five came from household rubbish; one was recov-
ered in Room 330, a burial chamber ; two only, those from Pueblo del
Arroyo, apparently had been stored away. In no instance did the
position of the object as found, or its associations, provide a clue to its
purpose. Since they cannot have been utilitarian, we may conclude that
these effigies, like the baskets they represent, were entirely ceremonial.

Less sophisticated models have been found farther west, in the same
culture horizons that produced the early varieties of carrying baskets.
As “funnel-shaped objects,’ Guernsey (1931, fig. 26, a-b, p. 86) fig-
ures two unfired clay effigies of Basket Maker III panniers. There
can be no doubt as to the concept portrayed. The elongate body with
reduced base, the outflaring rim, the punched holes simulating tumpline
attachments, all unite in identifying the model with contemporary
burden baskets.

From Mummy Cave, Canyon del Muerto, Morris recovered the clay
model of a wider, deeper basket with zoned decoration indicated by
punctations (Morris, 1927, p. 154, fig. 6, f). If his figure 6, e, be
reversed, Morris has another such model but this time with punched
holes at the back and a more pronounced basal cleft. Likewise, if the
drawings of them be turned about, a group described as “nipple-shaped
objects” unquestionably picture the Early Basket Maker hamper, as
Morris himself observed (ibid., figs. 10-12, pp. 156-158).

In the Fremont district, west of the Rio Colorado in Utah, Morss
(1931, p. 50) found fragments of six undecorated “nipple-shaped
objects, similar to those described by Morris.” Roberts (1929, p. 125)
unearthed several fragments bearing punctate decoration at a Basket
Maker III site 9 miles east of Pueblo Bonito. And Morris (1939,
p. 166) recovered parts of two at Site 33, a Pueblo I ruin in the La
Plata district. The smaller of these has just the suggestion of a basal
notch and thus accords with its utilitarian contemporaries but, from
the description, one seems justified in placing the larger somewhat
later. Although undecorated, its upsweep of rim, front and back, its
exaggerated rim flare at. either side, its narrow body with short,
pointed legs and vertical, median grooves are features more in harmony
with the basket effigies of Pueblo Bonito than with those from older
ruins.

Our Chaco Canyon observations, combined with those of coworkers
in other areas, thus warrant the conclusion that miniature earthenware
models of carrying baskets, fired and unfired, were among the para-
phernalia of some cult that came into being in Basket Maker times and
persisted at least until Pueblo III.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 321

Clay-coated basketry—Another specimen thought to have been
made for ceremonial use is that represented by the fragment shown
in figure 101. Coiled on a one-rod foundation with uninterlocking
stitches, the fabric is covered inside and out with red clay to a mini-
mum thickness of one-sixteenth inch. The clay is very fine-grained
and doubtless gets its color from a high iron oxide content; it is hard
and brittle as though fired, but this may be accidental since the two
Shortest rods are charred at the end.

Both surfaces were carefully
smoothed and one was then embellished
with a design that included stepped tri-
angles or rectangles. Thick black paint
was employed on the fragment before
us. Our fragment, recovered from
Room 300, lacks perceptible curvature
but it probably belonged to the same
vessel as the rim sherd Pepper (1920,
p. 69) found in Old Bonitian Room 13,
ae ae me ee Fic. 1o1—Basket fragment,

Morris describes three fragments of clay-coated and painted.
red-paste-covered baskets from Chaco
rubbish in Aztec Ruin (Morris and Burgh, 1941, p. 26).

“Ring-bottomed vase.” —This term is adopted from Morris (1919b,
p. 198), and with equal hesitation, to describe the queer little vessel
illustrated on plate 9, C. What special purpose, if any, it was designed
to serve, remains unknown. It is included with objects supposedly
ceremonial only because it had fallen, with collapse of the upper floors,
into the lowermost chamber of Room 249, where macaws were 1m-
prisoned, and because we assume the attendant priests stored their
paraphernalia in those upper rooms.

Morris’s example came from a Basket Maker III or Pueblo I ruin
in southwestern Colorado. It is undecorated and has a tubular handle.
Jeancon (1923, pp. 46-47) describes two others, of biscuit ware and
without handles, from the ruin of Po-shu-ouinge in Chama Valley,
N. Mex.

The basal ring of our Pueblo Bonito specimen is hollow and con-
nects on either side with the cylindrical neck. The strap handle is
solid and was attached by riveting. Opposite the handle a miniature
jar rests on the body of the vessel and opens into it. A black rim line
on this jar has been partially worn off; a similar line circled the
principal orifice, with a “spirit path” above the handle. The vessel,

322 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

smoothed but not polished, originally bore a chalky-white slip ; firing
clouds largely obscure the painted ornamentation on the neck. The
solid design, which dates the specimen about midway in the history of
Pueblo Bonito, covers all but the bottom and inner face of the ring.

Sacrificial deposits —Earlier in this chapter we remarked the finding
of “ceremonial sticks” embedded in house walls, and elongated reposi-
tories designed, presumably, for like offerings. The deposits now to be
considered are of somewhat different character. One was sealed in a
kiva wall; another lay in a masonry box beneath a kiva floor; still
others had been hidden among roofing timbers.

Between decayed ceiling poles about 3 feet above the bench in both
the southeast and southwest quarters of Kiva R, we found sacrificial
offerings of bone, shell, and turquoise beads, shell-bracelet fragments,
broken pendants, etc., and part of the upper bill of a redhead duck
(Nyroca americana). Although these materials (U.S.N.M. Nos.
336004-336010) were removed in seven lots, it is believed that they
originally formed but two deposits, each of which had been broken up
through settling of the domed ceiling. In one lot the number of
olivellas would have sufficed for a necklace.

The character and diversity of these two offerings are reminiscent
of those concealed in pilaster logs. The latter, however, in even larger
measure were made up of scraps from the lapidary’s workbench al-
though whole beads and pendants were included and, occasionally,
brightly colored feathers, or twigs from unidentified plants. Sacrificial
deposits in kiva pilasters will be discussed at greater length in a sub-
sequent report.

Whenever they occur in an offering, unbroken turquoise pendants
are likely to be off-color—too pale or too green for the fastidious
Bonitian. They are of a quality that reminds one of Zufi sacrifices at
springs and shrines in the days of the Conquest. For instance, the
anonymous author of the Relacion del Suceso observed that, in addi-
tion to prayer sticks, the Zufii offered “such turquoises as they have,
although poor ones” (Winship, 1896, p. 573). So, too, in pre-Spanish
times—when the devout Pueblo sacrificed turquoise to his gods he
oftentimes used that of least value.

Three inlaid scrapers from Room 244 are illustrated in plate 36,
figures a-c. Each was made from the left humerus of a deer. The fact
that they lay side by side on the middle floor of an otherwise empty
room suggests another offering.

Half a handful of turquoise bits, both worked and unworked
(U.S.N.M. No. 340007), was enclosed in a small block of masonry

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 323

built against a partially razed older wall underlying the southwest
foundation in Room 186, The Zufti workman who made the find said
it had been put there “to hold up the wall.”

Under the floor of Kiva D we chanced upon a crude masonry box
built against the concave wall of an older, abandoned kiva. In that box
was one of the most colorful offerings recovered by the expedition
(pl. 89).

First of all was a creamy-white cockleshell (Laevicardium elatum),
from somewhere along the Pacific coast between San Pedro and
Panama. It served as a receptacle for the following :

3 bracelet pendants and 1 fragment (Glycymeris giganteus).
1 dark brown hematite cylinder.

3 olivellas (Olivella sp.).

1 blue azurite pellet and 15 tiny bits not shown.

. 20 figure-8 shell beads.

f. 3 fragments of nacreous Haliotis sp.

g. 3 worked pieces of turquoise matrix.

h. 1 shell fragment, unidentified.

i. 3 purple disks of Spondylus princeps.

Sats a amma a

A larger, more diversified offering was concealed in the north wall
of Kiva Q and accidentally exposed during our work of repair. It
included the following, partly shown in plate 90:

a. Shreds, apparently, of juniper and rush; 3 scraps of abalone shell; 1 bit

of twined fabric, perhaps a sandal.

b. 1 flint and 2 obsidian arrowheads; 1 red claystone and 4 turquoise
tesserae.

. 9 pendants of abalone shell.

. I quartz crystal; 3 azurite pellets.

. 3 bone awls.

. 2 brown chert blades and 1 of quartzite.

. I flint knife blade.

. 2 flint, 2 fine quartzite spalls.

. 2 quartz, 2 quartzite pebbles, unworked.

. 2 sandstone jar covers.

. Base of indented corrugated cooking pot.

. Bowl of cloud blower.

. Fragments of 2 B/W jars with middle and late hatching.

. 1 B/W bowl sherd, squiggled decoration.

. Sandstone concretionary cup with slight pecking inside.

. 3 quartzite hammers.

Part of sandstone muller.

. Sandstone pallet, slightly concave on middle face.

. Not shown: Claws and phalanges, of the black bear, dog, and mountain
lion. Also not shown, the following turquoise: 1 small, undrilled pend-
ant, 2 small discoidal beads; 6 blanks for beads; 7 fragments more or
less worked, and 6 bits of matrix.

2arevs PS nF FQHH AN

324 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

In addition:
2 bone and 1 slate discoidal beads ; 2 olivellas, spires removed; 1 squash seed ;
4 wild-grape seeds (Vitis arizonica) ; 1 unidentified seed fragment; and 1
spine of western locust (Robinia neome-xicana).

Of more than passing interest in this assemblage are the digital
bones of the bear, dog, and mountain lion. As identified by H. Harold
Shamel, of the division of mammals, U. S. National Museum, the lot
includes:

Black bear (Euarctos americanus) :

33 proximal phalanges.

76 middle phalanges.

4 claws.

I metacarpal.

4 metatarsals.

26 disunited digital extremities.

7 carpal bones.

27 sesamoids (a few possibly dog).
Dog (Canis familiaris) :

3 proximal phalanges.

4 middle phalanges.

21 claws.
Puma (Felis concolor) :

2 claws.

No distal phalanges are present and only four bear claws. Further-
more, 7 proximal and 26 middle phalanges are scored by flint knives.
In every case these marks lie on the body, somewhere between its
articular surfaces; in nearly every instance the cuts are approximately
at right angles to the long axis of the bone. Like scoring occurs on
one middle phalanx of the dog. No knife mark at all appears on five
bear middle phalanges with pronounced arthritic (?) accretions.

Among historic Pueblos, east and west, bears are prey animals and
thus associated with war. They are also associated with the west,
where dwell the dead. Bears are considered humans in animal form;
hence the universal Pueblo taboo against killing them for food. In
most villages bears are closely connected with curing societies (Par-
sons, 1939). Stevenson (1904, pls. 108, 127) shows bear paws on
altars of the Sword Swallower and Little Fire fraternities at Zufii.
But these observations do not explain the presence of digital bones of
the bear in a sealed sacrificial offering.

PLATE 90.—Part of the material from a concealed repository in the north wall of Kiva Q.

PLATE OI

Upper: Disarticulated skeletons, northwest quarter of Room 320.

Lower: Disturbed skeletons and their grave furnishings, northeast corner of Room 320.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

PLATE 92
Upper: Skeleton 12 (right), and partial skeletons 11 and 13, Room 326.
Lower: Cylindrical and bifurcated baskets, southeast quarter of Room 320.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

isis ae
"a
a

PLATE 93

Upper: Skeleton 14, Room 326, lay on a mat of rushes between the clay base of a roof
rt and the south wall.

VIII. INTRAMURAL BURIALS

The cemetery at Pueblo Bonito has never been found. This fact not
only adds to the mystery of the ruin but limits our knowledge of its
one-time occupants. With an estimated peak population of over 1,000,
and with one section inhabited perhaps 250 years, Pueblo Bonito
should have experienced between 4,700 and 5,400 deaths.°* How the
bodies were disposed of, and where, continue to be tantalizing puzzles.

The only human remains thus far discovered at Pueblo Bonito had
been buried within the house cluster. The Hyde Expeditions exhumed
perhaps 20 (Pepper, 1920) ; Moorehead (1906, p. 34; Pepper, 1920,
pp. 210, 216) unearthed 2 or more. Sometime during the late 1890’s,
while Richard Wetherill was operating his trading post nearby, Col.
D. K. B. Sellers of Albuquerque, N. Mex., and another man broke
into “a large room on the west side of Bonito” and there found part
of the “mummified” body of a woman and a quantity of turquoise,
including two turquoise birds.** The National Geographic Society’s
expeditions disclosed 73 skeletons, complete and incomplete. Thus of
all the people who formerly dwelt there, young and old, we account for
less than 100. Except three infants, all were interred in that part of
the pueblo occupied by the Old Bonitians.

Room 320, the first of four burial chambers we encountered, was
designed for storage. It was floored with flagstones, in itself an un-
usual feature. Its lone doorway, in the middle east wall, was equipped
with secondary jambs and lintel to support an inclined doorslab placed
from Room 326. Paired ventilators in both east and west walls had
been blocked, presumably when the Late Bonitians built close against
the outer west side.

Despite its original purpose, Room 320 came finally to be used as
a tomb, the sepulcher of eight women and two girls. Two of the adults
lay side by side on a single rush mat spread upon the floor at the south
end. They lay extended, on their backs, and with heads toward the
east. Traces of a feather-cloth robe, cotton fabrics, and yucca cordage
were noted in the covering of earth. Their pallet overlapped the near
edge of a fine willow screen carelessly folded upon itself in the south-
east corner. No offering was directly associated with this double inter-

67 Based on Hooton’s estimate (1930, p. 349) of an annual death rate at Pecos
of between 20 and 25 per thousand.
' 68 Verbal communication from Colonel Sellers, May 5, 1921.

325

326 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

ment, but a couple of feet away, south of the east doorstep, were
several baskets and earthenware vessels (pl. 92, lower).

Of the other eight bodies, none remained intact. All had been shame-
fully pulled and booted about. No. 1, comprising only the articulated
lumbar vertebrae, the pelvis and femurs, had been tossed to a sitting
position in the northwest corner with the left ilium against the west
wall and the knees touching the north. Within the pelvic arch were
the fragile bones of a fetus (field No. 1417).

The headless skeleton of a second female, No. 2, sprawled belly
down across miscellaneous bones from at least two others (pl. 91,
upper). Under her left knee and at her left side, respectively, were
remnants of two plaited ring baskets; under her right foot, the edge
of a superb mat of peeled willows (pl. 10, A). Her left hand rested
on the floor 5 inches below the head of the humerus; the detached right
hand was at the same level but out in front of the left shoulder.

In the northeast corner, jumbled with earthenware and baskets,
were six crania and a lone mandible, several vertebrae and a mutilated
torso (pl. 91, lower). Some of these lay directly upon the flagstones ;
some were 2 to 5 inches above. Pack rats had nested in baskets and
pitchers and under the arched ribs of the torso, but by no stretch of
the imagination can they be charged with the disorder so apparent
here.

At time of interment, the 10 bodies had been lightly covered with
earthy debris including potsherds and pieces of adobe mortar and
flooring. But windblown sand had soon leveled all surface irregu-
larities and gathered into deeper, stratified accumulations in corners.
These deposits averaged little more than a foot deep through the
middle of the room when the north half of the ceiling collapsed, appar-
ently under the weight of masonry fallen from above. More sand
drifted in, and with it came sweepings from nearby dwellings.

In what I believe to have been a relatively short period this neigh-
borhood dump reached above the surviving portion of the second-story
floor. Basis for this belief is the debris of reconstruction in the pile
and the uniformity of types among the 1,250 potsherds recovered. Of
these latter, 628 came from below first-story ceiling level and include
fragments of late Chaco hatching and Houck polychrome. Sherds of
Early Pueblo ware and what we have called Chaco—San Juan were
conspicuous throughout ; also, fragments of both plain and corrugated-
coil cooking pots.

An extra right humerus in Room 320 presumably derives from
Room 329 wherein three right humeri were missing.

Room 326 was originally the family living quarters, and 320 was

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 327

one of two connecting storerooms., There had once been two doors in
the east wall but one was wholly, the other partially, closed, perhaps
when Rooms 328 and 329 were built. As Room 320 eventually was
appropriated for burials, so also was 326. It became the common
sepulcher of a man, nine women, and an infant.

Of these 11 individuals the first to die was a woman of 30 or 40,
identified in my field notes merely as Skeleton 14. (Three lots of
miscellaneous bones subsequently were recognized as parts of num-
bered skeletons.) Her bed was a mat of selected, uniformly small
bulrushes. She had doubled it upon the earthen floor in the southeast
corner, in the narrow 18-inch space between the south wall and the
basal ring of ceiling prop No. 6 (pl. 93, upper). That she died in sleep
is evident from her position, comfortably on the right side with knees
drawn up and hands before the face. We observed no trace of blankets
and no burial furnishings. The body had been covered with the
material nearest at hand, dried mud mortar from razed walls, after
which the room naturally was abandoned as a vital unit of the family
residence.

Another female, No. 12 of my field notes, was next to be interred
here. The reconstruction waste carried in for burial of No. 14 was
hurriedly leveled until only 6 to 8 inches thick. Upon the uneven
surface a bulrush mat was then spread and the deceased gently laid
upon it full length with head east, left arm straight at side and right
across the chest (pl. 92, upper). More debris of reconstruction was
brought in and piled over the corpse.

In contrast to her predecessor, No. 12 was generously outfitted for
her journey to the Underworld. A turquoise pendant lay on the left
breast ; a string of turquoise beads formed a 3-coil bracelet for the left
wrist (pls. 22 and 98, upper). At the right shoulder, remnants of an
oval basket tray contained one of the peculiar bone fleshers invariably
associated with such baskets locally. Assembled about the head and
shoulders were 14 earthenware vessels; at the left knee, a shattered
olla.

Of these diverse objects, the following are illustrated herein:

Plate Plate

Turquoise pendant ......... 22,9 Bow} costs tafaecaraye orm esis, oversees 54, h
. bead bracelet .... 22,¢ BS Bo PRE ERO ODEO IOC 55, Se
Deer humerus flesher....... 37,d BAI AD AS alt aS ee ence 54, ha
ERIE eb PE Seyi aise obs. di ofa a 9.0 54, da i dace eta chara algo 3°06 iaengiats 54, ja
peter RG) Holts, beri oret eee’ lee alece 54,7 ETHIE Rts iSite ae et eo 55, U2

SUM LER SIAC Fa av aoa teretaratettle amore 54,7 Pitchere aces sciotic ore ee oa 573)

SRM Sin 2 ioces 5% Grave’ atanbie 54, 0 ANP Eek gd Sig as la oo as 57,”

328 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

That No. 12, in turn, was only shallowly covered with earth is
obvious from the fact that three of the vessels at her head were
immediately overlain by an empty burial mat. Between this mat and
the southeastern corner of the room were parts of a disarticulated
skeleton we recorded as lots 11 and 13. The legs were separated from
the torso and from each other. The mandible and several ribs somehow
had come to rest at the head of the right femur. What we believed to
be the associated cranium lay 6 inches above the right foot and abut-
ting the south wall.

Skeleton 10, an infant, was on its back 1o inches above the floor,
head to the east and knees pressed down to the left. The skull, 5
inches from the east wall and 4 feet 3 inches from the southeast
corner, is strongly marked by Osteoporosis symmetrica, a disease of
childhood attributed to dietary deficiency. Parts of a cylindrical basket
(U.S.N.M. No. 335305) and a bifurcated basket (No. 335313, field
No. 1680) were found just above the infant.

Skeletons 8 and 9 evidence a dual burial. They lay extended on
the back, head east, 10 to 12 inches above the floor (pls. 94, left, and
95, upper). The former had her hands at the sides; the latter, left
hand on chest and right on belly. A joint offering of pottery, baskets,
etc., was grouped between the two skulls and Post 5. Waste from
building operations underlay the two bodies, as in the case of 10, II,
and 12.

The knees of No. 8 were separated, perhaps thus to shorten the
legs and allow space for two digging sticks between feet and west wall.
A small sandstone slab lay upon the sticks and the right foot pressed
against the slab.

Each skeleton had a turquoise pendant at the throat and, in addi-
tion, No. 8 boasted one of jet. Of greater interest, however, is the fact
that the grave furniture included a small bifurcated basket, two cylin-
drical baskets, and two oval trays with companion scrapers fashioned
from deer humeri. These and other objects in the assemblage are
illustrated herein as follows:

Plate Figure Plate

Turquoise pendant (S.8) 22,f Bowl gcacehine ecceseien 54,9
. rE (S.9) 22,h OF coats Walshepe ue cote stata 55, da
Jet ie (S.8) 20, f Of NWR Deva cte oeetnetemiecirs 54, g2
Bifurcated basket ....... 87,B A NOSE SUR Ie oan (S.9) 54,1
Deer humerus scraper (9) 37,0 SOMA ea Tb tb 54, k
Elliptical iraiy, ities. 44, a Sirs ci Nie A hath eae (S.8) 54,4
Digeme stick 0)... nes 71,k CRMs Stic (S.8) 54,2
i: Sahel Poi sage ae 71,4 Pitcher in inne creases 57,m

4 hematite cylinders..... 84 dae Dae cant (S.9) 57,1

Sandstone tablet ....... 27,d AF Hi is ee ee Oe: (S.8) 57,e

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 329

While these dead were gathering at the south end of Room 326,
half a foot of blown sand gradually accumulated throughout the
northern two-thirds. Then neighbors dumped in some 4 inches of
household rubbish that included many potsherds; next came another
4 or 5 inches of floor sweepings mixed with debris of reconstruction.
Neither layer was uniform throughout; each was noticeably thicker
at the margins and the latest merged with a deposit of occupational
debris over the six burials mentioned.

At this point Room 326 experienced a brief period of inactivity ; its
earthy fill, varying in depth from 14 to 20 inches, settled and crusted
over. Then in fairly rapid succession, or perhaps at the same time, 5
more interments were made. We found two in the middle of the room,
their scattered bones under and between decayed ceiling poles and
fragments of adobe flooring; the other three undisturbed although
only a few feet to the southeast.

Skeletons 5, 6, and 7 apparently were interred together. They more
or less paralleled each other, on the same level and about 25 inches
above the floor. No. 5 lay with skull close on the north side of Post 4;
Nos. 6 and 7, on the south side. Each lay extended on the back with
head east and arms at side; each had an offering of pottery vessels and
other utensils grouped just beyond the head (pls. 94, right, and 95,
lower).

The skull of No. 5 rested upon a stuffed-basketry “pillow” but since
this was underneath the burial mat its position may have been purely
accidental. Accompanying artifacts illustrated herein are:

Plate Figure Plate
Basketry pillow ........ 41,B BOwlithcccno eae 54,2
Napkin Tingripelesice co 63 Sot Gitte e Bere 54, 2
BOW Feetin oe wotiauies oes 54, t PHtehens picrce aetye sie cen 57, b

Artifacts with skeleton 6 are as follows:

Plate Plate

Deer humerus scraper... 37, a BOW) tosis susie cee 54,8
Oval basket: tray i 524). 44, b,c RE? PORE E oe ee 54, d
BOW «oss a'a'e.'s wsiaie sala aur 54, a Pateher 5.02 eS teee eee 57,f
Boe “smote aial tele aia wavareyee 55, #2 Mr oe Haas tae ree eee 57,4

The fact that one of the earthenware bowls rested in the basket tray
opposite the flesher is doubtless just another chance happening.
No. 7 lay upon a mat of small bulrushes, neatly bound at intervals

with twined threads. Traces of a twilled rush mat were noted over
the body.

330 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. I24

Mystery envelops the two disarticulated skeletons. They lay in the
middle of the room, only a few feet from No. 5 and on the same packed
surface. Neither occupied the orthodox position in death, facing west.
One vertebral column headed north; the other, northwest. Clearly
both bodies had been dragged from their burial mats while flesh and
ligaments still held joints together. Whatever its source, the disturb-
ance occurred shortly before the ceiling collapsed, since ceiling poles
were actually in contact with the bones. Any thought of accidental
death is countered by the fact one of the two craniums still rested
upon part of its burial mat. If either body was covered with earth at
time of interment the covering must have been very meager indeed.

Above these five skeletons and generally throughout the room was
some 18 inches of floor sweepings and trash; above that, about 2 feet
of like material in which windblown sand seemed dominant, and then
another layer of rotted ceiling poles. Between these latter and the
broken top of the walls the fill consisted of fallen masonry plus the
ever-present Chaco sand. That second series of poles, about 5 feet
above the floor, undoubtedly represents the second-story roof.

Thus, of the 11 individuals buried in Room 326, only one (No. 14)
appears to have died where the body was found. An infant, No. 10,
and adults 8, 9, 11, and 12 presumably were interred within a relatively
brief period since their remains in no instance were more than 12
inches above the floor. That the head and limbs of No. 11 had been
pulled from the trunk may, as a guess, be attributed to the jittery haste
with which preparations were made for a later burial. Vandalism is
ruled out in this case since three nearby skeletons on the same general
level and two others, 4 or 5 inches above them, were quite in order.

Sepulture is a fearful task the Pueblo assumes unwillingly and con-
cludes as speedily as possible. It is dread of what might happen rather
than callousness that motivates grave diggers at modern Zufi, for
example, where each new grave in the crowded churchyard disturbs
half a dozen deceased relatives and one-time neighbors. Get the dis-
agreeable job done and get away! So uprooted bones are anxiously
scraped in on top of the latest corpse and covered with a bare foot or
two of earth.

The dead in Room 326 had each been placed on one or more sleeping
mats. A majority of these were made of carrizo or carefully selected
bulrushes, uniform in diameter, laid parallel, and bound in place by
twined threads at 4- or 5-inch intervals. That under No. 12 measured
2 feet 11 inches wide. A few comparable mats were fashioned from
dressed willows, pierced and the threads run through; still others,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 331

from split rushes twilled over-two-under-two. Under the body of
No. 7 there had been a mat of small parallel rushes and one of twilled
rushes above it. Remnants of matting and cotton cloth over other
skeletons suggest that they were bundled or sheeted at the time of
burial.

Although there is some doubt in the case of 2, 4, and 11, it seems
likely that every interment except the first, No. 14, had been accom-
panied at least by offerings of pottery. These, together with vessels
not identifiable with a given body and still others restored from frag-
ments in the household rubbish overlying the 11 skeletons, are shown
on plates 53, 54, 55, 57, 64, and 67.

Besides the two planting sticks with No. 8, we noted decayed rem-
nants of others and staves with crooked ends in association with other
skeletons. A planting stick in Hopi graves is an aid to resurrection,
since it represents the ladder into the house of Masauwii, god of death;
at Acoma the prospective traveler is offered a crooked stick as a cane
and prayer sticks are given the dead “because they are going away”
(Parsons, 1939, pp. 71, 271).

Room 329 is a one-story structure abutting the outer east wall of
326. It may have been provided with a ceiling hatchway, but the only
visible means of access is a door in the southwest corner. Equipped
with secondary jambs for support of a doorslab positioned from 3209,
this opening was half closed with rude masonry when we found it.
Because the blocking was incomplete the door presumably continued
in use until interment of the first corpse in 326. In addition to con-
structional separation from its neighbors, a central fireplace and a
ventilator low on the east side combine to identify this room as the
probable one-time council chamber for some secret society. Neverthe-
less it, too, finally was pressed into use as a burial vault.

Seventeen women, six children, and a man were buried here at
various times. Two of the children died first, for their bodies lay on
the bare earthen floor. Over them, and throughout the room generally,
household sweepings and blown sand had been spread to an average
depth of 14 inches. In and upon this fill, with quite meaningless varia-
tions in elevation, were the other 22 skeletons. We found them in
utmost confusion. Bones were scattered everywhere (pl. 97). Not a
single adult skeleton remained intact. All the skulls were present, but
three right humeri were missing, and, despite intervening walls and a
half-blocked door, the extra humerus we found in Room 320 may be
one of these.

In contrast, only one of the six child burials had been disturbed.
This exception, a youngster of about 12, was buried on its back facing

332 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

east, but the head had been twisted off and left face down. Under the
shoulders was part of a willow screen, and just beyond the skull were
a bowl and two pitchers that we assume were offerings with this par-
ticular burial (pl. 96, left):

Against the middle north wall we found the body of an 8-year-old
(field No. 1880) on a bulrush mat with two pitchers and a bowl at its
head. Close by, head east and arms at side, was a third little skeleton
(field No. 1921), that of a child less than 6. It had no mat but was
accompanied by a duck-shaped pitcher, two ordinary pitchers, and a
bowl. Another child of like age (field No. 1922) had been buried in
the southwest corner, a couple of inches above the floor. It lay on its
right side with head northeast; before its partially flexed knees were
two bowls each containing a cupful of what probably had been corn-
meal, protected by an inverted bowl (pl. 53, figs. c, c’, d, d’). Another
6-year-old (field No. 1923), head south and with no grave furnishings
at all, was buried close against the northeast alcove, a structural fea-
ture to be described elsewhere. The fragile bones of a child less than
2 (field No. 1924) lay alone on the floor in the north-central portion
of the room.

From the graves of these children, and from among the broken,
scattered remains of their elders, we recovered 47 earthenware vessels
including 25 bowls, Io pitchers, and 6 cylindrical vases. In addition
to the two mentioned above, there is a third porringer containing
vegetable matter covered by a smaller bowl. Except two specimens,
restored from fragments that might have been carried in with the
debris of occupation spread over the interments, I believe all the pot-
tery was introduced as burial offerings.

Pieces of rush and willow mats were noted here and there, but in
only two instances, the child skeletons cited above, were those mats
actually occupied at the time of exhumation. Remnants of a fairly
large cotton fabric (U.S.N.M. No. 335349) were traceable beneath
portions of two adjacent skeletons in the north half of the room.

A pair of shell pendants (No. 335706) was recovered beside one
child’s body (field No. 1922). With another we found the only tur-
quoise pendant (U.S.N.M. No. 335748) seen in Room 329—one of
good color but with an angular face and no matrix backing. From
the general burial level we gleaned four fragments of shell bracelets,
a few olivella beads, one of jet, and perhaps a handful of discoidal
shell and stone beads. If not chance losses gathered up with household
sweepings and tossed out, these are truly scant adornment for 24
Bonitian dead.

V6 ALVIg

(‘bz61 ‘suaaey ‘Dd °C Aq sydessojoyg )

‘sjoo[qo JayJO pue ‘sjayseq ‘s[assoA oIeMUY}Iv9 “s]OO} [e4In}pNolse pue ‘Arjoyseq ‘A19}30d popnyour
Aq porueduosse a1am ‘gz€ wooy ‘Q pue (Fey) $ suo ]PxS yey} SSUTYSIUINT dAPIS YM ‘Qze WIOOY “6 pue (jYSIT) QB SUOJITOAS

Upper: Skeletons 8 (front) and 9, Room 326, rested on a layer of constructional waste and
blown sand.

Lower: Skeletons 5 (front) and 6, Room 326, had been interred on a second burial level,
about 25 inches above the floor.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

96 ALVIg
(‘Pz61 ‘susaepy ‘Dd °C Aq sydeisojoyg )

‘Ozf WIOOY JO JaUIOD jsvoyys10U ‘UMOP JDRF Jo] Pue JO paystMy
ay} UL SjoYseq pue sjassoA sIBVMUDYJIva SuOIUe APR] S[[NYS poyoeyecy useq pey ‘[4Is Jusosajope ue ‘6ze wooy ‘ZI [erm jo peoy ayy,

a7

PLATE 97
Upper: Overturned burials in the southwest corner of Room 320.
Lower: Parts of three disarticulated skeletons, northwest quarter of Room 320.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 233

The duck effigy of pale green turquoise illustrated as figure 92
comes from Room 329, but weight and off-center balance preclude the
possibility of its having been worn as an ornament.

Room 330 has much in common with 329. It also abuts Room 326
on the east and its only entrance was a ceiling hatchway. A slab-lined,
adobe-rimmed fireplace, a ventilator through the middle east wall at
floor level, and absence of a lateral door further mark 330 as another
chamber designed for esoteric rites. And it, too, in the course of time,
came to be set aside for burial purposes.

Twenty-three individuals were inhumed here—13 men, 4 women,
and 6 children. (My field notes include a Skeleton 24, but the mis-
cellaneous bones recorded as Lot 1 later were recognized as belonging
to various skeletons.) Two of the men, perhaps members of the secret
society that met here, were first to be interred. Both were in their late
twenties at time of death ; both were buried in cramped quarters under
the floor (pl. 93, lower).

The skeleton of a child less than 6 (No. 21) lay flexed on the floor
in the northwest corner, in a bin formed by two low adobe walls. Since
these were only 6 inches high and were directly overlain by a covering
of sticks, it seems likely the bin was constructed purposely to enclose
the little body.

Skeleton 10, the remains of a warrior in his prime, lay on his back
in the middle of the room, head east, heels together and knees out-
spread (pl. 98, lower). On the floor between his knees 28 finely
chipped arrowheads had been arranged to form a triangle; under his
right hip lay a bundle of reed-shafted arrows. Both lots are described
at greater length on pages 254-255. An accompanying bowl probably
contained food for the long, last journey. Here, truly, was an honored
defender of the village! Under the right knee of another, but disar-
ticulated, skeleton we found eight arrowheads (pl. 74, A).

We do not know whether the child in the northwest corner, the
warrior, or No. 22, an arthritic, was first to be interred above floor
level. But we do know that first inhumation was scantily covered with
occupational debris. Above this lay some 16 inches of sand containing
floor sweepings and a few potsherds. The total accumulation averaged
only 18 inches thick but in it, within a room less than 13 feet square,
21 human bodies had been buried. Resting directly upon the burial
layer and flattened against the walls were the broken: timbers and
other components of the collapsed ceiling.

Of the 21 interments above floor level only 4 had escaped mutilation.
The others had been callously pulled and kicked about before the roof

fell (pl. 99).

334 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Nineteen food bowls, 19 pitchers, 1 “duck” pitcher, I cup-size can-
teen, 6 cylindrical vases, I broad-handled ladle (fig. a, pl. 62), and
fragments of two ordinary ladles were collected from Room 330 and
its two subfloor graves. As in 329, several small bowls contained what
probably was ground meal, covered by smaller, inverted bowls. Al-
though the total averages practically 2 vessels per burial, 21 were
either crushed by trampling feet or broken elsewhere and dumped in
with kitchen rubbish. The latter could happen, as witness a restored
bowl, one sherd of which came from Room 329, next on the north.
Fragments of a 6-inch, half-gourd type dipper were recovered also
from Rooms 325 and 327. Here, again, is proof Bonitian housewives
dumped their daily sweepings in the place that seemed most convenient
at the moment.

The jet rings illustrated on plate 22, figures a, b, lay in loose earth
near an incomplete male skeleton (No. 6) in the southeast corner of
the room; figure c lay beside the skull of a youth (Skeleton 13) 15 to
18 years of age. But we have no means of knowing whether the rings
actually were buried with these two bodies. An unpolished disk of
lignite, 3 inches in diameter by one-fourth inch thick, was found beside
Skeleton 5. In addition to these treasures, we recovered a few dis-
coidal turquoise beads in Room 330 and squared tesserae from mosaics,
but not a single turquoise pendant.

A shell necklace and paired eardrops (U.S.N.M. Nos. 336033-
336034) had been left on the chest of Skeleton 23, a 25- to 28-year-old
male interred below floor level. Paired pendants or eardrops were
found near Skeleton 1, a child, and a pair of Haliotis disks 24 inches
in diameter lay beside Skeleton 22, another male. These and other or-
naments from Room 330 are described and figured in chapter ITI.

Near Skeleton 2, that of a child 8 to 10 years old, was the fragment
of what looked like a cedar-bark potrest. Remnants of some sort of
fiber mat were noted under a detached skull, No. 3; Skeleton 16, an
adolescent male, rested on a bulrush mat spread upon the child’s tomb
in the northwest corner. Scraps of rush and cedar-bark (?) matting,
cotton fabrics, baskets, and at least two willow mats were observed
among the disordered remains. Fortunately, the one basket we were
successful in saving is the painted example described on page 306.

Seventeen dead ruthlessly overturned! By whom and for what
reason?

If we add the Room 330 figures to those from Rooms 320, 326, and
329, we learn that of 68 interments 46, or 67.6 percent, had been
violated. One of the 46, No. 11 in Room 326, might have been the

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 335

victim of a later burial party but it is the only one to which that pos-
sible explanation would apply. Of the other 45 bodies most had been
dragged from their burial mats before decomposition was complete.
Articulated limbs, a torso here and there, skulls with part of the cervi-
cal vertebrae attached, all provide seemingly convincing evidence the
general confusion in these four rooms was caused by irreverent hands.
Lack of turquoise ornaments and, indeed, the paucity of ornaments of
any kind, suggest a motivating reason for the vandalism.

As representatives of Bonito’s prehistoric population these 68 skele-
tons contribute very little to knowledge. One gathers nothing statis-
tically from them. They are too few. Their physical differences are
not of racial import. Nineteen are of children, sex undetermined.
Thirteen are males, and two others probably male. Thirty-two, possibly
33, are female.

If we had several hundred skeletons for examination and this same
preponderance of females held true the figures would have significance.
In his study of Pecos skeletons, for example, Hooton (1930) counted
140.8 males per hundred females. Few of either sex survived age 55.
Arthritis was prevalent among Pecos adults ; Osteoporosis symmetrica
occurred frequently in children. Hooton estimates nearly 50,000 deaths
during the 10 centuries Pecos was inhabited.

These dead were buried everywhere about Pecos—“under the floors,
under the walls, in the plaza, and in the terraces’—but most often in
the rubbish heaps. Flexed or partially flexed burials predominated in
the early periods of occupation ; extended burials, in the later periods.

In contrast, the prescribed burial position at Pueblo Bonito appears
to have been on the back, full length and head east. Of the 22 undis-
turbed skeletons in the Society’s four burial rooms, at least 15 occu-
pied this position. One other, the 12-year-old child in Room 329, had
been interred with head to the west. My notes on three younger
children here are unfortunately incomplete but one of them was buried
with head south.

Only 3 of the 22 were flexed and then but partially. One of these is
the young woman who died on her sleeping mat in the southeast corner
of Room 326. The fact that at least 17 of our undisturbed skeletons
faced west in death suggests the probability of a local taboo against
doing so in life. The Hopi give no thought to bed orientation but at
Zuni, Acoma, and Laguna, among others, sleeping with head to the
east would be fatal since it is the recognized position for burial (Par-
- sons, 1939, p. 99).

336 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

For a people habitually barefoot, size of foot is no criterion of
stature or robustness but, merely as an item of passing interest, we
may note that a right footprint in the adobe floor of Room 244 meas-
ures 84 inches long by 3? inches across the ball. A like print on an
earlier pavement, 38 inches below latest floor level in Room 288, is
reproduced on plate 100, upper.

Infant burials—In the debris of occupation filling Room 287, a
late nondescript structure on the east side of the East Court, and about
4 feet above the floor, we encountered the skeleton of a small child
(field No. 923).

An oval fireplace, 25 inches long by 14 inches wide and 9 inches
deep, was situated at the base of the northeast wall in Room 290, a
late third-type dwelling partly overhanging Kiva L. In that fireplace,
face down with head to the northwest and lower legs doubled back
over the thighs, lay the skeleton of a child less than a year old (pl.
100, lower). Wood ashes surrounded the remains and covered them to
floor level. The fact that this covering was later burned proves the
place continued in use as the family hearth, at least for a time.

The body of a very young infant (field No. 1202) in a 14 by 9 by
5-inch deep excavation against the south wall of Room 306 had been
covered with sticks and floored over. Three macaws likewise had been
buried in holes dug in the adobe floor of this Old Bonitian house.

Rooms 308 and 309 are of second-type stonework and were built
against the outer south wall of 306-307, of first-type construction.
Special features suggest that all four, and especially Room 309, were
set aside for ceremonial rites of some sort.

A block of plastered masonry, with a cruder, unplastered extension,
screens off the southwest corner of Room 309 and thus forms a tri-
angular alcove whose floor is 2 inches above that of the room proper.
On this raised portion behind the screen lay the remains of a macaw
and a very small child (field No. 1258). The character of its debris-
of-occupation fill identifies Room 309, like 307, next on the north, as
a Late Bonitian dump.

Pepper (1920, pp. 210, 264) reports a child’s skull in Room 53 and
the skeleton of a child beneath the floor of Room 79.

Intramural burial of stillborn infants and very small children is an
old Anasazi custom and one still practiced in several Pueblo villages
(Parsons, 1939, p. 71).

Miscellaneous human remains.—Single teeth were found in Rooms
226 and 227-I, and in Kiva L; part of a femur was found in Kiva V
and an adolescent pelvis was unearthed during trenching operations in

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 337

the southeast quarter of the West Court. From the dominantly Late
Bonitian rubbish in Old Bonitian Room 325, and about 3 feet above
the floor, we recovered a lone cranium (field No. 1874).

Pepper (1920, p. 223) noted fragments of a skull, mandible, and
other bones, many of them charred, in the debris fill of Room 61, and
from Room 80 fragments of burned human bones that appear to have
fallen from an upper story (ibid., p. 267).

HYDE EXPEDITION BURIAL ROOMS

Pepper (1909, 1920) has recounted his observations in burial rooms
32 and 33, two ground-floor, Old Bonitian structures in the crowded
northwest section of the pueblo. His published field notes are often
confusing and sometimes contradictory, but a little winnowing and
regrouping of the data presented gives what seems to be a fairly
understandable picture of conditions in the two chambers.

Room 32 has three doors connecting, in turn, with Rooms 53 on the
north, 33 on the west, and 28 on the south. The three sills are at the
same general level, about a foot above the floor; the ceiling beams,
4 feet higher (Pepper, 1920, p. 163). When Pepper forced an entrance
through the sealed south door he encountered “a wall of drifted sand”
(ibid., p. 129). This had filtered in on the east side until it reached
nearly to the ceiling; opposite, the deposit was about 3 feet deep, to
judge from the discoloration on the north jamb of the west door (ibid.,
p. 141; fig. 52).

Troweling through this sand accumulation, Pepper came upon 33
pieces of pottery, a metate, at least one basket, and various lesser
objects. For the most part these were distributed without plan and
from a few inches to as much as 2 feet above the floor. Some vessels
stood upright ; others lay on the side or even bottom up. Three rested
on the floor between the south door and the southwest corner. An
appreciable number, however, are reported from doorsill level, that is,
approximately 12 inches above the floor. At this height and near the
south wall were two nested bowls and, a few inches away, three more,
likewise nested.

Leaning against the wall in the northwest corner were two or three
bundles of arrows (including 81 with chipped points attached), an
elk-antler club, and about 375 ceremonial staves. Of these latter the
longest reported measured 3 feet 83 inches. Since the sand at this
point was not over 3 feet g inches deep (lintel height of the west door)
and since some of the staves “protruded over a foot above the surface”

338 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

(ibid., p. 129), it is patent that from 8 to 12 inches of sand had gath-
ered here before the staves, arrows, and war club were stored.

Six inches above the west doorsill Pepper found portions of a human
skeleton “mixed with fragments of wooden implements and other
objects” (ibid., p. 134). It is a fact pertinent to our study that 18
inches of sand should have sifted down into this dark interior room
before the burial occurred. And it is also of interest to note that, as it
accumulated, this sand gradually covered all but one of the 33 pottery
vessels left here from time to time, presumably for safekeeping. Rem-
nants of a woven garment trailed from the incomplete skeleton through
the west door.

Room 33 adjoins 32 on the west and is connected with it by an open
door. On the east side of that door sand had collected to a depth of
approximately 3 feet. In Room 33 the accumulation was somewhat
less (ibid., p. 163), perhaps 30 inches. Here, in a space but little more
than 6 feet square, in approximately 100 cubic feet of sand, 12 dead
had been interred.

Not many years after burial, the 12 bodies were dragged from their
graves. When Pepper happened upon them none was intact although
he describes three as partly articulated (Pepper, 1909, pp. 210-221).
Only four skulls were in position ; only three mandibles are mentioned
as accompanying the skull. Beneath the floor, however, were two
additional skeletons, undisturbed and still lavishly bedecked with
personal ornaments. They lay full length on the back, apparently, and
head to the north.

With Skeleton 13 were I0 turquoise pendants and 5,890 beads.
There were 698 pendants and over 9,000 turquoise beads with Skele-
ton 14 and, in addition, numerous tesserae, shell ornaments, and other
objects. These two subfloor burials, more than all others combined,
have since come to symbolize the wealth of Pueblo Bonito.

But turquoise treasure was also found above floor level in Room 33.
Many beads and pendants were recovered from the narrow space
behind beam-supporting posts in three corners. From these same
cramped corners Pepper removed eight remarkable wooden flageolets
and 22 of the 39 ceremonial staves he reports. A diversity of objects,
including 27 earthenware vessels, came from the middle of the room
but “it was impossible to determine with which skeletons the various
pieces had been buried” (ibid., p. 210).

Pepper (ibid., pp. 209-210) attributes this disorder to rainwater
flooding through the open east door and swirling about. The evidence,
it seems to me, points rather to another hostile raiding party. This,

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 339

despite the 503 turquoise pendants “found with the bodies” (p. 240)
above the plank floor. Driven by haste, grave robbers conceivably
might have overlooked these jewels, but it requires an even greater
stretch of the imagination to believe that rainwater, draining from one
or more neighboring rooftops, could have poured into Room 33 with
such force as to dislodge, in succession, 12 human bodies buried in a
foot or two of sand. Roof drainage there was, of course, but the
amount at any one time sufficed merely to stratify the sand grains as
water collected momentarily in depressions favorably situated. Such,
at least, was our interpretation of the evidence in rooms we cleared.
Whatever its total volume, the rainwater percolating through the sand
in Room 33 did not cause decay of all the fabrics, wooden flageolets,
mosaic-encrusted baskets, and other perishable objects deposited there.

Room 53 is “one of the two rooms explored by the Moorehead
party” in the spring of 1897 (Pepper, 1920, p. 210). A few weeks
later, when Pepper arrived for his first full season at Pueblo Bonito,
he found a headless skeleton at the south end of Room 53 and, near
the middle east wall, the skull of a child. These may represent two
burials or one only. No data are given as to depth of interment.
Because a choice turquoise necklace lay near the child’s skull, it is
possible that this room had not been disturbed prior to the year men-
tioned. Because fragments of feather-cord blankets and the endboards
of two cradles are listed among the objects recovered, it is assumed
the inflow of rainwater had caused little, if any, damage in this
instance.

Room 56, adjoining 53 on the west, was also excavated before
Pepper’s return. Under the floor were two graves, separated by a
masonry wall that is identified as part of an older building. One grave
was 2 feet deep and the other, 3. Each was long enough to contain an
extended adult body. The south grave, floored with sticks, was walled,
and possibly covered, with hewn boards (Pepper, 1920, pp. 216-217).
It was in one of these two vaults, no doubt, that Moorehead (1906,
p. 34) found “a splendidly preserved skeleton of a young woman
wrapped in a large feather robe.”

In his description of the room, Pepper mentions scattered human
bones in the northeastern and northwestern corners and intimates that
more than two burials had been exhumed.

From Pepper’s own description of conditions in these four rooms
it seems clear that the disorder could have been caused by human
agency only and not natural forces. His subfloor burials, like ours,

340 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

were intact while most of those above had been disturbed. That some
rainwater trickled in from time to time is not to be questioned but that
it ever attained the volume or force to wrest human heads, arms, and
legs from their trunks is simply incredible.

The situation here, as in 320, 326, 329, and 330, is more readily and
more logically explained, in my opinion, as the work of plunderers.
If the Late Bonitians had already vacated their three-quarters of the
pueblo, the defensive power of the remainder would have been propor-
tionately weakened. Under such circumstances, a relatively small band
of raiders, striking with speed and ruthlessness, could so paralyze the
broken community that its store of maize, its womenfolk, and even the
jewels on its shallowly buried dead might be seized at little risk.

Because these eight burial rooms all lie in the oldest section of the
village we may assume their final occupants were all Old Bonitians.
Because the graves were shallow and crowded it is possible, but by no
means certain, all were filled within a relatively short period. That
this period came late in the history of Pueblo Bonito is proven by the
presence of late-type pottery among the grave furniture. Hence my
conviction that these dead represent an Old Bonitian remnant that
clung to its ancestral home after the Late Bonitians had migrated.
Because that remnant was unable to marshal the necessary defensive
strength, it paid the customary price to its enemies.

But even though this interpretation be the correct one, we are still
left with the query that opened this chapter: Where did the Bonitians
bury their 5,000 dead? The local cemetery is yet to be discovered. If
our Late Bonitians adopted the burial practices of their hosts, as seems
likely, the puzzle is all the greater. For, as I have elsewhere explained,
the Old Bonitians were a Pueblo II people living in a Pueblo III age.
One would naturally expect them to follow the recognized customs of
their cultural level, including burial in trash piles near the dwellings.
But they did not. Our trench through the West Court exposed a
previously undisturbed portion of the old village dump. We found no
burial there and none in cross sectioning the west refuse mound, com-
posed of both Old and Late Bonitian rubbish.

Hewett (1921, p. 11) supposed the area about Casa Rinconada, on
the south side of the canyon, to be the common burial ground for
Chettro Kettle, Pueblo Bonito, and Pueblo del Arroyo, although a
quarter century earlier Pepper had ascertained that burials occurring
there belonged to nearby house groups (Pepper, 1920, p. 376). Our
own study of small-house sites throughout the Chaco district, sites
varying in age from B.M. III to P. III, show that burials were fre-

PLATE 98

A necklace of turquoise beads formed a bracelet for the left wrist of Burial 12,
Room 326.

Lower: Skeleton No. 10, Room 330, lay upon a bundle of arrows, with a burial offering of
arrowheads and a food bowl below his outspread knees.

otographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

PLATE 99

Upper: A confusion of human bones, earthenware vessels, stone artifacts, and debris of
reconstruction appeared in the southeast corner of Room 330.

Lower: The wild disarray in the northwest corner of Room 330 could have been caused
only by prehistoric grave robbers.

(Photographs by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

PLATE 100

Upper: A footprint in an adobe pavement 38 inches below the floor of Room 228. (Photo-
graph by O. C. Havens, 1924.)

Lower: The skeleton of an infant buried in the fireplace of Room 290. (Photograph by
Neil M. Judd, 1923.)

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 341

quently, but not exclusively, made in the associated refuse heaps. When
we come to the major villages, however, a new custom presents itself,
isolation and concealment of the community burial ground.

What is true in Chaco Canyon is equally true elsewhere throughout
the Anasazi area. From Mesa Verde to Segi Canyon and back again
no cemetery has yet been disclosed in connection with a major Pueblo
III ruin. A few burials, yes, but not the graveyard. At Pueblo Bonito,
however, this recognized P. III trait reflects a practice established by
the original P. II settlement. The Late Bonitians were merely follow-
ing local custom when they disposed of their dead.

If failure to locate the Pueblo Bonito cemetery has bothered me
more than my predecessors it is because I have probably given more
thought to the matter. Pepper had searched the two associated refuse
mounds; his excavations had also proved that subfloor interment was
not widely practiced here. Two other possibilities remained for con-
sideration: A burial ground somewhat removed from the village and
cremation.

Mrs. John Wetherill once related for me a Kayenta Navaho expla-
nation that accounts both for the lack of a cemetery at Pueblo Bonito
and the paucity of trees on the mesas above. The Bonitians cremated
their dead, said these western Navaho who had never been in Chaco
Canyon, and that is why there are very few junipers and pinyons
remaining in the vicinity. Careful search, however, failed to disclose
the burned spots and the fragments of calcined bones that would lend
substance to this explanation.

A negative return here reflects the findings of archeologists, namely,
that cremation was rarely, if ever, practiced by the Anasazis. The
numerous cremated burials at Hawikuh are those of southern Indians
who came to work for the Zufii in pre-Spanish times (Hodge, 1921).

Inasmuch as some 3 feet of sand and silt had settled over the valley
floor since abandonment of Pueblo Bonito, it seemed desirable at least
to glance beneath this overburden. A half dozen test pits all proved
barren. Therefore, unless we missed the cemetery completely, it lies
more than a quarter mile from the ruin. The greedy arroyo, whose
banks we examined after each summer rain, disclosed nothing of
promise. We observed nothing to suggest the likelihood of burials in
the talus at the base of the north cliff. Thus, with every reasonable
possibility exhausted, we could only leave to the future the mystery
of the missing cemetery.

Our Chaco Canyon visitors, however, were not so easily discouraged.
My admission of defeat was to them a challenge. None passed the

342 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

opportunity. If their proffered solutions sometimes seemed a bit ludi-
crous I had only to remember my own had failed. One theorist, for
example, had the dead of Pueblo Bonito floating down Chaco wash,
one by one, on log rafts. Here again, as in the Navaho story, we have
a single explanation that accounts both for our depleted forests and
absence of a communal burial graveyard. Utterly innocent of the
birch-bark canoe that carried Hiawatha on his final journey, these indi-
vidual rafts floated westward down the Chaco and into the San Juan;
thence, into the Colorado and Gulf of California. The alluvial fan at
the mouth of the Rio Colorado is certainly one place I never thought
to look for Bonitian burials.

IX. NAVAHO NOTES FROM CHACO CANYON

Chaco Canyon and its ruins are well known throughout the Navaho
reservation. Many fascinating tales have been told of those ruins and
the people who built them; of the canyon and its surroundings. At
Kayenta, in northeastern Arizona, for example, I heard descriptions
from Navaho who had seen neither canyon nor ruins. There and else-
where interest and curiosity were awakened whenever it became
known that I lived at Tsé’biya hani alu, “where the cliff is braced up
from beneath.”

From the very beginning of our explorations we were desirous of
learning what changes, if any, the “old timers” had noticed since early
days in Chaco Canyon. But there were few old timers left! The Car-
lisle Cattle Company and the LC’s, both of whom ranged thousands
of cattle between Hosta Butte and the Rio San Juan in 1879 and
later,°° were gone and forgotten. The series of stone buildings under
the cliff north of Pefiasco Blanco, Chaco headquarters for the LC
outfit, had been preempted by Old Wello before 1895. Wello is now
about 80, by my calculations, (He died in December 1926.) Padilla
(pl. 3, left), who lives on the opposite side of the Chaco and about a
mile farther downstream, is perhaps 70 or 75. Joe Hosteen Yazi is
younger but will not talk. Tomascito will talk but cannot be believed.

Superintendent S. F. Stacher, of the Crownpoint Agency, and
others had urged me to seek out Hosteen Beyal who lived near the old
McCoy ranch on the lower Kinbiniyol. He was described as the oldest
Navaho on the eastern part of the reservation, totally blind, but pos-
sessed of an unusually keen memory. Five years passed before I suc-
ceeded in meeting Beyal and then quite by chance. He had been to a
“squaw dance” out north of the Chaco; 30 miles seated on the floor of
a springless wagon had wearied flesh and bones; he was glad to rest
for the night on his way home.

Fatigue, a good supper, and a low fire in the crowded hogan nearly
defeated my purpose. But the old man came to life again about 9
o’clock and we talked until after midnight. His son, Frank Beal, aged
38, generously acted as interpreter. Our meeting occurred October 30,
1927.

89 Information from John Wetherill, November 1936. He does not know when
the two companies first entered the Chaco country. Both later moved to south-
eastern Utah. Jackson, 1878, mentions neither company nor cattle.

343

344 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

According to his son, Hosteen Beyal (pl. 3, right) is about 95 years
old. He says he was born near The Bear’s Ears, at the head of Grand
Gulch in San Juan County, Utah; that when he was a boy of 9 or 10,
his parents moved to Chaco Canyon and lived for a time in the valley
west of Pefiasco Blanco. The family had moved at least once a year,
sometimes more frequently, depending upon the abundance of game
and grazing.

Hosteen Beyal remembers cottonwoods and willows growing in
some abundance in Chaco Canyon below Pueblo Bonito and nearer
Pefiasco Blanco; he recalls none immediately south of Pueblo Bonito.
There were more cottonwoods in the valley west of Pefiasco Blanco
than in the portion above. Many yellow pines were to be seen in Mock-
ingbird Canyon and at the head of Chaco Canyon. Beyal at first re-
called only a few pines growing in Wirito’s Rincon, southeast of
Pueblo Bonito, but next morning (October 31) corrected himself by
saying there were “quite a number” of pines in the rincon in question.
Cedar and pinyon were much more plentiful in his youth than today ;
both varieties even occurred in the valley, at the foot of the mesas.

Beyal insists there was more rain in the Chaco country when he was
a boy; that there was better grass and more wood; that the Navaho
had very few livestock at that time. In his youth there was no arroyo,
whatever, in that portion of Chaco Canyon above the mouth of the
Escavada. Rather, the valley was covered with high grass among
which were shallow basins or pools that caught rainwater and held it
through most of the year. Pockets in the sandstone on top the cliffs
held water longer than they do today.

According to our informant, there were no springs near Pueblo
Bonito. The nearest he recalls is that now used by Dan Cly in the Rin-
con del Camino, a mile northwest of Pueblo Bonito. This spring is still
known to the Navaho as Tsé-ya-toh’-g1.

A spring in a cove in the east side of Mockingbird Canyon is re-
called by Beyal as still flowing a small stream in 1907. Frank Beal
added that he, too, remembered this spring. It has now been dry for
some years.

At the north foot of the Pefiasco Blanco mesa, where Old Wello
lived, is Toh’-el-ah’, apparently the most famous spring in this sec-
tion during Beyal’s youth. The spring is only a small one today. Beyal
says a fine series of pecked steps formerly led to this spring from
Pefiasco Blanco (Talla-kin) but that they caved off several years ago.

The Navaho name for Meyers Canyon, on the north side of the
Chaco a few miles below the Escavada, is Teés-e-chin, “many cot-
tonwoods.” Beyal’s statement that numerous cottonwoods grew in

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 345

Meyers Canyon during his youth is confirmed by Padilla who adds that
wild roses were also abundant although they have since been wiped out
by Navaho who used the bushes for medicine.

Beyal remembers having seen on top of the north Chaco cliff many
places where the Chacoans quarried laminate sandstone, a stone that
impressed our informant very much. He described at some length its
superior qualities, its fine grain, its thinness and even cleavage. He
says none of this stone remains today, the old people used it all. The
skill of the Chacoans as masons is what Hosteen Beyal remembers
most vividly about the ruins. He says no one today could build walls
like those ; that we have not the patience now to use such small stones ;
that we are in too much of a hurry today and use large blocks that do
not look so well or last so long.

The old man describes Pefiasco Blanco as having been in very good
condition when he first saw it. The ruin was then three stories high
and most of its rooms were still roofed. Many of the rooms were in
excellent shape, with hair brushes hanging from the walls and squash
blossoms (not squash stems), strung on yucca cord, suspended like
chilis from the walls. Sticks used for stirring mush had been stuck in
wall joints; pots and bowls still stood upon the floors. The general
appearance was that the inhabitants had but recently disappeared. Old
Wello and other Navahos excavated a number of rooms at Pefiasco
Blanco while in the employ of Richard Wetherill; a white man, not
named, was in charge of the work. Our informant states that these
diggers found two boxes of turquoise, and indicated a wooden carton
for two dozen No. 2 cans of peaches as the size of the boxes. (Other
informants on other occasions were doubtless more nearly correct in
describing the finds as two cigar boxes full.)

When questioned with particular reference to the early condition of
Pueblo Bonito, Beyal replied that his parents had warned him that a
large snake lived inside the ruin and that, in consequence, he was never
to enter it. He had looked around the outside but would give no de-
tailed information. His recollection of the details of construction un-
der the braced-up cliff is correct except that he remembers the props
as of oak, not pine.

The Navaho know a lot about the ruins as they stand today but
nothing at all of the people who built them. These latter ae gone long
before the Navaho came.

A ditch for the conveyance of water led from the head of Chaco
Canyon, according to our informant, along the south side of the valley
past Pueblo Bonito. There was a smaller ditch along the south side of

346 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

the Escavada, another near Kinbiniyol, yet another back of Kin-yai,
near Crownpoint.

When asked about the so-called “roads” on both the north and south
cliffs, Beyal remarked that they were not really roads, although they
looked like them. He says they were built by the Chaco people. One
road led from Pueblo Pintado to Pueblo Bonito and on to Pefiasco
Blanco. Another led from Pueblo Bonito to Kin-yai; a third, from
Kinbiniyol to Kin-yai; still another, from Kinbiniyol to, or through,
Coyote Canyon and on to a point near Fort Defiance. On each of
these “roads” one could see, until recently, cuts where the road passed
through small hills.

In his youth, according to Beyal, the Navaho had very few sheep
and horses. They were not as well off as they are today. For example,
when his parents moved to Chaco Canyon they had no more than half
a dozen sheep. Beyal remembers because he and a younger sister drove
them all the way from Elk Mountain. There were many antelope and
deer in the Chaco country at that time; as they changed grazing
ground, the Navaho followed. Besides game, the Navaho depended
upon the seeds of diverse grasses and weeds; they often had very
little to eat.

Beyal said there were formerly moose and reindeer in the Black
Mountains to the westward and in the mountains near Gallup. He
himself had never seen them but other people had told him of them.
He described the various animals, their characteristics and methods of
locomotion, so accurately I suspect, in this instance at least, he uncon-
sciously introduced into his narrative geography lessons learned from
grandchildren, home from school.

The old man was tired and wanted to sleep. When I remarked that
southeastern Utah was generally considered Ute country, Beyal re-
plied that the Utes and Navaho were friends when his parents lived
near The Bear’s Ears; they lived together like brothers. Later, after
the family moved to the Chaco country, the two tribes became ene-
mies.7° They fought each other and stole each other’s children and
women, selling the captives to Mexicans. Beyal says the Utes burned
the old ruins in the belief Navaho were hiding in them. He insists
with some emphasis that the Mexicans never fought the Navaho in the
Chaco country ; they came here to trade, bringing goods on pack horses

70 Describing his trip down Montezuma Canyon from the Abajo Mountains in
1875, Jackson (1878, p. 428) says the Navaho Indians “. . . occupied all this
country up to within a short time, within the remembrance of the older persons,
and who were driven beyond the San Juan by the onslaughts of the aggressive
Utes.”

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 347

and in mule-drawn carts. These carts had wheels made of boards and
bodies of upright sticks. The trouble between the Mexicans and Nava-
hos started, according to Hosteen Beyal, when four Mexican traders,
watering their horses near a hogan, were playfully attacked by several
Navahos. These latter were bad Indians, according to our informant ;
they braided their hair and dressed like Utes with the intention merely
of frightening the Mexicans. During the prank one of the traders
was accidentally killed. The others escaped and carried word of the
attack. The Navaho-Mexican war resulted.

Gentle, kindly Padilla was pressed with questions when Hosteen
Beyal wearied of them. Frank Beal, again volunteering as interpreter,
guessed Padilla’s age as 68 or 70—about five years less than my own
guess of 3 years before. Padilla was not an uninhibited informant ; he
confirmed many of Beyal’s recollections but gave a bare minimum in
addition. He said there was more rain throughout the Chaco country
when he was a young man, less wind and fewer sandstorms. Grass
was abundant, the entire valley was greener than today. Opposite
Pueblo Bonito the arroyo was about 5 feet deep, as Padilla remembers
it from boyhood. (Assuming an age of 70, he would have been 20
years old in 1877 when Jackson measured the arroyo depth at 16 feet.)
The change in the topography of the canyon, according to Padilla, has
been brought about because so many men live crooked lives today.
They steal and drink whiskey and fail to follow the advice of the older
men. Of recent years, each summer has witnessed the death by light-
ning of one or more Navahos ; each summer, some Indian’s horses are
killed by lightning. Lightning never killed men or horses during his
youth, according to Padilla.

When asked concerning the “roads” mentioned by Hosteen Beyal
as having been made and used by the ancient Chacoans, Padilla said he
has seen very few of them because they have been washed out or
covered over by sand and silt. Their locations are indicated, however,
by cuts through low knolls. As one rides across country, one notices
a succession of these cuts.

He says he has heard of many ancient ditches in the upper Chaco
but has never seen them. Ditches are still present, however, on the
south side of Escavada valley, from Pueblo Pintado westward. Slab-
lined ditches are still visible in Chaco Canyon just below his ho-
gan or approximately I mile below the mouth of Escavada Wash.
(Through sheer carelessness I never investigated this latter report.
Padilla’s hogan stood on the north side of the Chaco and I suspect the
slab-lined ditches to which he refers are on the south side and a con-
tinuation of the one which formerly rounded the point below Pefiasco

348 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Blanco and continued thence to the westward, partially concealed by
current sand dunes in Wello’s cornfield, and on downvalley. )

North of Padilla’s hogan is a small rincon called Dé-chel’-ha-lon
(wild cherry). In this rincon Padilla tried to develop a small seep
some years ago. He failed to get enough water, but found a number of
turquoise beads while clearing away the sand. Two years ago there
was a shallow pool, perhaps 2 feet across.

Under the red cliff west of Pefiasco Blanco, where a large sand dune
now spreads, Padilla remembers several cottonwood trees as growing
during his early manhood. No surface water was visible at the place.

An unnamed spring at the foot of a large cedar tree, in a south rin-
con of Escavada valley, west of the present Pueblo Bonito-Farmington
road, was formerly well known but has been dry these many years.
This spring bubbled forth and each day brought to the surface a small
turquoise bead or fragment of matrix. But someone felled the cedar
and shortly afterward the spring went dry. Padilla never saw the
spring actually flowing but remembers the cedar stump as pointed out
by his grandfather, who told him the story. (Hosteen Beyal called
from his blanket at this moment to say he had heard the same tale
during his residence in Chaco Canyon.)

Three years earlier, on August 27, 1924, Padilla had been more
communicative. Or perhaps he felt too deeply obligated. In 1923 his
daughter, a well educated young woman with two small children, had
died while on a visit to her father’s hogan and Padilla had come, with
tears in his eyes, to beg that I bury her in the little white cemetery at
Pueblo Bonito. He didn’t want her “buried in the rocks like a
Navaho.” In any case, on the afternoon of August 27, 1924, we sat
down under the awning in front of my tent prepared to talk of many
things. I guessed his age at about 75.

When our conversation finally led to the appearance of Chaco Can-
yon as he first remembered it, Padilla hesitated and said he could not
talk of such things except in winter. He might be struck by lightning
or be bitten by a snake.

When he was about 35 years old, Padilla said, cottonwoods grew
along the middle of the valley in front of Pueblo Bonito. He recalls
no willows but other old Navaho do. At that time the arroyo was about
5 feet deep. Cedar and pinyon then grew sparsely on both the north
and south mesas but the Navaho have since cut most of them for ho-
gans. He remembers no pines except those now growing in the gorge
of the upper Chaco, 10 or 12 miles east of Pueblo Bonito. He recalls
no living spring, or evidence of one, except that developed and still
utilized by Dan Cly in Rincon del Camino. There was a small seep,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 349

about like Dan’s, at the head of the rincon near Rafael’s hogan (a mile
west of Pueblo Bonito, on the south side).

Every fall, with the first cold weather, deer and antelope came down
from the north, perhaps from Mesa Verde. There was more grass in
the Chaco country at that time and more rainfall. Since white men
moved in, the rains have become less and less year after year.

Unlike other elders with whom I had talked, Padilla insists the
ancient people had gone long before the Navaho came to Chaco Can-
yon. Many stories are told about the Anasazi, however, and the medi-
cine men know a great deal. Some people believe the Bonitians moved
south but he, himself, doesn’t know where they went.

On the afternoon of October 3, 1925, while we were busily packing
away our equipment at season’s end, Padilla rode up to say goodby.
As we were talking our own blend of English, Spanish, and Navaho,
Old Wello happened past and was invited to stop for a last cigarette.
One of our Navaho workmen was called in to serve as interpreter.

An autumn chill was in the air and our conversation naturally led to
game animals and hunting. Padilla admitted he was never much of a
hunter but Wello was. Every fall “about this time of year,” lots of
antelope and deer moved into the Chaco country. Wello was a great
hunter ; he went hunting every day. And Old Wello nodded and smiled
in happy confirmation.

At that time there was lots of grass everywhere; it rained more
often. There were more trees of all kinds. Cottonwoods and willows
were growing throughout Chaco Canyon, down the middle. There was
no arroyo. You could dig anywhere and find water in a couple of feet.
And Old Wello interrupted to say “the whole country has gone to pot
since white men came.”

Padilla remembers no yellow pine in Chaco Canyon but says Mexi-
can sheep herders burned many pine stumps on the bordering mesas.
He does not know who cut those trees. There used to be three pines
west of Pefiasco Blanco and one of them, just beyond Tsaya (on the
north side of the Chaco below Escavada Wash) stood about Io feet
high 15 years ago. It has since died because Navaho cut off the bark
for medicine.

A long time ago several small pines were growing on the mesa at
the head of Wirito’s Rincon (14 miles southeast of Pueblo Bonito).
There, too, three stumps marked pines cut by Wello to roof his house.
(Wello says he cut only two of the three.) This must have been 30
or 40 years ago, reasons Padilla, because Wello brought from Fort
Defiance the first steel ax, wagon, and scraper owned locally. In old

350 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL, 124

times the Navaho had no axes except Anasazi stone axes which were
used whenever they could find one.

Many Navaho believe the Bonitians had a turquoise mine concealed
by a rockfall, near Dan’s hogan in Rincon del Camino. Padilla doubts
this because all the rock thereabout is sandstone and turquoise does not
come in sandstone.

The Utes used to come down and fight the Navaho in Chaco Canyon.
Perhaps the Utes burned Pueblo Bonito. Navaho and Mexicans
fought here too. The old men remember when American and Mexican
soldiers went through the Chaco country to fight the Navaho at Can-
yon de Chelly (see Simpson, 1850).

On the west side of Pefiasco Blanco, high up on the cliff, there was
a fine spring many years ago. It flowed a good stream and every day
a piece of turquoise came out. In those times it rained more in Chaco
Canyon. The Navaho tell a story of a big pond at the mouth of Esca-
vada Wash and everyone was afraid of it. Something in the water
pulled you in if you got too close.

As for irrigation ditches, Padilla remembers best the one just below
Wello’s place. It was lined with slabstones and began at a rock dam
on the west side of the Chaco a little above where Escavada Wash
comes in. The dam washed out about 15 years ago but the ditch is
still there, or part of it, under the sand in Wello’s cornfield. (At or
near the dam site, a single ditch slab still remained in place when I
first passed by, July 20, 1920.)

Another ditch is to be seen near Joe Hosteen Yazi’s hogan on the
south side of Escavada Wash just east of the Farmington road. Our
interpreter added a personal observation to the effect that this ditch is
6 miles long. Padilla says it was well marked when he was a youth but
is largely filled with blown sand at present. In addition there is a small
ditch on the east side of the rincon back of Rafael’s hogan.

Beyond Tomascito’s place, at the south end of The Gap, is a cut that
some Navaho call a canal but it looks more like a wagon road to our
informant. (It is, in fact, part of a “ceremonial highway,” a type of
construction to be described in a future publication. )

Pepper (1920, pp. 25-26) tells of an elderly Navaho who visited the
Hyde Expedition camp in 1896 and remarked that his ancestors had
been in touch with the Chaco people; that the latter had cultivated all
the land in the canyon, from wall to wall, relying upon rainwater both
for farming and for domestic use. There were no irrigation ditches at
that time and no arroyo. The big pine beams in the ruins came from
the side canyons, the rincons, and were hauled to the pueblos on little
wagons whose wheels were cross sections of other logs. The Navaho,

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 351

according to this elder, believe the Chacoans left the country on account
of water shortage. Pueblo Alto was the “chief’s house,” richest in the
region, and here the ancestral Navaho were accustomed to barter game
for corn and other produce.

This fiction of a “chief’s house” is dominant in Navaho stories of
Chaco Canyon. The myth of Nogoilpi, the Gambler, is that most fre-
quently told. Pueblo Alto is usually, Bonito sometimes, identified as
his place of residence. The story has numerous variations but, in es-
sence, recites the succession of events by which our legendary hero
gradually won the possessions and then the population at each village.
In most versions, Noqoilpi comes from one of the southern pueblos—
Zuni, Acoma, or Laguna—and is an independent worker. However,
in that recited by an old Navaho at Kin-yai, near Crownpoint, the
Gambler had as wife a Jemez woman who always dressed in white.
She conspired against Nogoilpi secretly and, following his downfall,
returned in triumph to Jemez. In a Kayenta variant reported by Lulu
Wade Wetherill and Byron Cummings (1922), the inhabitants of the
Chaco towns are recognized as ancestors of the Salt clan of the
Navaho.

Two versions of the Nogoilpi myth heard at our Pueblo Bonito
camp are briefed here for their contrast as much as for the story itself.
The first was told by old Hosteen Beyal on the night of October 30,
1927, with his son, Frank Beal, again translating. The story, Beyal
says, is as he learned it from his grandfather. It was considerably ab-
breviated in translation and has been further shortened for our present
purpose.

Nogoilpi lived in Pueblo Alto on the cliff north of Pueblo Bonito.
He was head man over all the other pueblo villages in this vicinity and
was a great gambler. In rude watchtowers placed at intervals along the
canyon rim, watchmen were stationed night and day. When strangers
were seen approaching, these watchmen passed word from one to the
other and thence to Noqoilpi who immediately made preparations for
gambling.

The people who lived in the several towns had come from all direc-
tions ; they belonged to different tribes and spoke different languages.
They had arrived at Chaco Canyon singly or in groups; Nogoilpi had
gambled with them, won all their possessions and finally their very
lives. Thus, he forced them to remain and work for him as slaves.

Nogoilpi was a master gambler. He played nine different games:
(1) The basket game, in which six dice, white on one side and black
on the other, were used. When the dice all fell white side up, the
thrower won. (2) The post-pushing game, an exhibition of strength

352 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

in which the player sought to push over a post set upright in the
ground. (3) The ring game; (4) a card game; (5) shinny; (6) broad
jump; (7) a foot race; (8) stick dice; and (9) a foot race in which a
stick was kicked by each runner.

One day an old woman, a Navaho, came from the north (from a
place somewhere near ‘“‘Shorty” Widow’s store, about 11 miles north
of Pueblo Bonito). The Bonitians would not take her in. They gave
her no place to sleep ; nothing to eat except scraps left from their own
meals. They gave her nothing to wear, so she went about naked except
for a short grass apron. They gave her no ornaments except a few
turquoise and bone beads; no necklaces, bracelets or rings. The small
boys of the village made fun of the old woman, following her around
and throwing stones and otherwise annoying her.

Subjected to daily treatment of this sort, the old woman grew angry
after a time. She climbed the steps to the north cliff and from that
elevation shouted to the Bonitians below a detailed account of the in-
dignities that had been heaped upon her. She reminded them of their
failure to give her a bed, food to eat, clothes or ornaments to wear ; she
enumerated all the indignities of the boys and said that now, as she
was leaving the village, she would give the people a lesson they would
not forget, so when other strangers came among them they would be
more considerate. Then she took the turquoise and bone beads the
Bonitians had given her and threw them on the cliff. This caused the
cliff to break open, and a large portion started to fall upon the village.
(If Beyal told, the translator did not relate, why the cliff failed com-
pletely to fall and this point was unintentionally overlooked when the
story was reviewed next morning. The blind old man knows with sur-
prising accuracy the detailed construction under the braced-up cliff.)

Two years after her departure from Pueblo Bonito, the old woman
gave birth to a baby boy. When old enough to talk, the boy asked who
his father was. The old woman said she did not know, but the boy
persisted until the old woman pointed to a prickly pear cactus and said
“Maybe that is your father.” One of the old men made a bow and
some arrows for the boy and taught him to hunt. He became a great
hunter and a great favorite in the village.

One day the boy ran away from home and his mother looked for
him several days. Of each one he met, the boy inquired as to the
identity of his father. Finally a man said, “I am your father.” This
man tried four different times to kill him and failed each time. Then
the man said, “Since I cannot kill you, you must be my son.”

When he was 4 years old, the boy told his mother that he was going
down to the big village to kill Nogoilpi. But his mother told him not

WHOLE VOL, PUEBLO BONITO 353

to do this since Nogqoilpi was his brother and he should not kill him.
But in secret the boy learned all kinds of gambling games and one day,
taking a young woman from each of the 12 tribal clans, he set forth
for the village of Noqoilpi. The boy caused strong winds to blow,
causing sandstorms so dense he and his 12 companions passed the
sentinels unseen and thus surprised Nogoilpi before the latter had time
to prepare for gambling.

Nogoilpi asked the boy what he wanted and the boy said he wanted
to gamble. But Nogqoilpi said he never gambled with children. Four
times the boy asked Nogqoilpi to play the basket game, but each time
Nogoilpi refused. Then he said he would play and four times the boy
asked him to begin. After Nogoilpi refused four times to start, the
play began. The boy wagered the 12 young women against 12 men
selected by Nogqoilpi. After they had played for a time, the six dice
all fell white side up and the boy won the 12 men. Then Nogoilpi said:
“Let us play a different game.”

The boy wagered the 12 young women and the 12 men he had won,
against I2 men and 12 women Nogoilpi chose from his people. Again
the boy won, and again Nogqoilpi said: ‘‘Let us play a different game.”
So they played 12 different times, each time doubling the amount of
their wager until the boy won all the people controlled by Nogoilpi.
(Beyal could not explain the fact that although Nogoilpi had only 9,
he and the boy played 12 different games. )

After the boy had won all the people, Nogoilpi rose like a bird and
disappeared into the sky, never to be seen again. The boy gave the
people their freedom and they were all happy to be free again and
scattered to the four directions, whence they came.

My old friend, Padilla, who had heard Hosteen Beyal’s rendition,
volunteered his own version three days later. A neighbor from Crown-
point, James E. Matchin, kindly interpreted for us. Padilla learned the
story from his uncle, Manuelito, the famous chief. It differs from
Beyal’s recital, Padilla says, only in details; actually the two tales are
the same. Manuelito may have been no more of a moralizer than the
average uncle but, as his version of the story was recounted for us, it
is the Gambler that always loses. When the various tribes came to
play games with him, one by one they stripped him of all his posses-
sions and even his clothes.

All the various tribes, including the Navaho, the Mescalero-Apache,
the Utes, and the Laguna, came to play with Nogoilpi. Each tribe
played in succession; in a single day they won all his possessions and
all his money. Of the nine games played at that time, the Navaho re-
ceived five, the other four going to the remaining tribes. Padilla does

354 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

not remember the other four games but describes those inherited by
the Navaho as:

1. Foot race (a straight race in which no kicked stick was used).

2. The stick game (two marked sticks bounced from a rock).

3. Shinny, in which a crooked stick and a buckskin or rawhide ball
3 to 4 inches in diameter are used.

4. The basket game (seven or nine wooden dice colored red, black,
or white, are thrown from, and caught in, a basket. The game is
played by two men, each of whom, in turn, calls the number of dice
of a certain color he expects to fall.)

5. Pole and ring game. (As played by the Navaho, the ring is of
rawhide, wrapped with buckskin ; the pole, about 8 feet long, consists
of two 5-foot pieces bound together. Two pendent cords, each with
five tassels, hang from the middle of each pole. Two players, each
with his own pole, use a single ring. The disk is rolled forward and
the poles are thrown after it. The winner is he whose pole falls under
the ring ; the count is the same should the disk fall on any of the pend-
ent strings. Padilla supposes Nogoilpi used a ring made entirely of
buckskin or rawhide. )

According to Padilla, the Gambler lost his last possession with the
pole and ring game. Thereafter he returned naked to his father, the
Sun. On the other hand, in one of the variants recorded at Kayenta
by Mrs. John Wetherill (personal communication), having lost, Nogo-
ilpi was banished to Tiz-na-zinde, “where the cranes stand up” (re-
ferring to birds pictured on the rocks 18 miles west of Pueblo Bonito),
died and was buried there.

Because Pueblo Alto is today commonly pointed out as the home of
the Gambler, it is of interest to note that in 1877, when Jackson asked
his Jemez guide the name of the ruin, old Hosta replied that it was
called El Capitan or El Jugador (Jackson, 1878, p. 447). Hosta, be
it remembered, was one of the guides for Colonel Washington’s mili-
tary reconnaissance in 1848.

From these several versions of the Noqoilpi tale, it is obvious a good
deal of the narrator goes into each rendering. And it seems equally
certain, after listening to various reminiscences of boyhood days in
Chaco Canyon, that the average Navaho memory is no more reliable
than memories elsewhere.

ee

———,

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191s. The Hopi Indians. Cedar Rapids, Iowa.

1918. The Hopi Indian collection in the United States National Museum.
Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., vol. 54, No. 2235, pp. 235-206.

1930. Ancient Pueblo subsistence. Proc. 23d Internat. Congr. Americanists,
New York, 1928, pp. 67-69.

HuntTINGTON, ELLSworTH.

1914. The climatic factor as illustrated in arid America. Carnegie Inst.

Washington Publ. 192. ;

Jackson, W. H.
1878. Report on the ancient ruins examined in 1875 and 1877. roth Ann.
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Jeancon, JEAN ALLARD.

1922. Archaeological research in the northeastern San Juan Basin of Colo-
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1923. Excavations in the Chama Valley, New Mexico. Bur. Amer. Ethnol.
Bull. 81.

JEANCON, JEAN ALLARD, and Roserts, FRANK H. H.,, Jr.

1923-1924. Further archaeological research in the northeastern San Juan
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Jones, VoLney H.

1936. A summary of data on aboriginal cotton of the Southwest. Univ.

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1924a. Two Chaco Canyon pit houses. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst. for 1922,
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1926. Archeological observations north of the Rio Colorado. Bur. Amer.
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1930. The excavation and repair of Betatakin. Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., vol.
77, No. 2828, pp. I-77.

Kipper, A. V.

1920. Ruins of the historic period in the upper San Juan Valley, New
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1924. An introduction to the study of Southwestern archaeology, with a
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1926. A sandal from northeastern Arizona, Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 28,
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1927. Southwestern archeological conference. Science, vol. 66, No. 1716, pp.
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1932. The artifacts of Pecos. Pap. Southwest. Exped. No. 6, Dept.
Archaeol., Phillips Acad., Andover, Mass.

Kipper, A. V., and GuERNSEY, S. J.

1919. Archeological explorations in northeastern Arizona. Bur. Amer.

Ethnol. Bull. 65.

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 361

KLuckHOHN, CLybE, REITER, PAUL, ET AL.
1939. Preliminary report on the 1937 excavations, Bc 50-51, Chaco Canyon,
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1908. A New Mexico David and other stories and sketches of the South-
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Martin, Paut S.
1934. The bow-drill in North America. Amer. Anthrop., n.s., vol. 36, No. 1,
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1936. Lowry Ruin in southwestern Colorado. Field Mus. Nat. Hist.
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1938. Archaeological work in the Ackmen-Lowry area, southwestern Colo-
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1936. Additional dates from Tsegi. Tree Ring Bull., vol. 2, No. 4, p. 37.
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1935. Ceramic clues to the prehistory of north central New Mexico. Lab.
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1906. A narrative of explorations in New Mexico, Arizona, Indiana, etc.
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1881. Houses and house-life of the American aborigines. Contr. North
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Morrts, Earr H.
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362 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

1939. Archaeological studies in the La Plata district: Southwestern Colo-
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1941. Prayer sticks in walls of Mummy Cave Tower, Canyon del Muerto.
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Morris, EArt H., and Burcu, Rospert F. ;

1941. Anasazi basketry: Basket Maker II through Pueblo III. A study
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Morris, Eart H., CHARLoT, JEAN, and Morris, ANN A.

1931. The Temple of the Warriors at Chichen Itza, Yucatan. Carnegie

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Morrison, Lr. C. C.

1876. Notice of the Pueblo Pintado and of other ruins in the Chaco Canyon.

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1931. The ancient culture of the Fremont River in Utah. Report on the ex-
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NEtson, N. C.

1914. Pueblo ruins of the Galisteo Basin, New Mexico. Anthrop. Pap.
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1920. Notes on Pueblo Bonito. In Pueblo Bonito, by George H. Pepper,
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NorDENSKIOLD, G.
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1932. Isleta, New Mexico. 47th Ann. Rep. Bur. Amer. Ethnol., pp. 193-466.
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1899. Ceremonial deposits found in an ancient Pueblo estufa in northern
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1902. The ancient Basket Makers of southeastern Utah. Amer. Mus. Journ.,
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1905. Ceremonial objects and ornaments from Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico.
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1906. Human effigy vases from Chaco Cafion, New Mexico. Boas Anniv.
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1909. The exploration of a burial-room in Pueblo Bonito, New Mexico.
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1920. Pueblo Bonito. Anthrop. Pap. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 27.

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1915. The turquoise. A study of its history, mineralogy, geology, ethnology,
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Pore, SAXTON T.

1923. A study of bows and arrows. Univ. California Publ. Amer. Archaeol.

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ee ee ee ee =a

;
q
t
:

a a

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 363

REESIDE, JOHN B., Jr.
1924. Upper Cretaceous and Tertiary formations of the western part of the
San Juan Basin, Colorado and New Mexico. U. S. Geol. Surv.
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REHDER, ALFRED.
1927. Manual of cultivated trees and shrubs. New York.
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1922. Report on the work of the 1922 season in the Piedra Parada archae-
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1930. Early Pueblo ruins in the Piedra district, southwestern Colorado.
Bur. Amer. Ethnol. Bull. 96.
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1932. The Village of the Great Kivas on the Zufi Reservation, New
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1939. Archeological remains in the Whitewater district, eastern Arizona,
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364 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

STEWARD, JULIAN H.
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APPENDIX A

SIZE AND PROVENIENCE OF OBJECTS ILLUSTRATED

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Plate Inches
9,C 43 X 38
10, B 25 X 353
II,a 23—4§
b 124 x 63
c 8x 74
d 33 x 23
e 53 x 3%
f 9x 34
9g 44 x 23
h 6x3
7 4x13
16, a, a’ 24x2
b, b’ 2} x 2
cc 34 x 23
17 10 x 44
18 54 X 38
19, at 14
21, a 114
b 22
c 74
d 123
e 10
f 205
9g OF
22,08 +t&8(D)xx%
b +8 (D) x4
c $(D) xt
d $(D) xt
e 7
f 14x Ig
g +é
h I
1 I
j I
k +8
1 Necklace.

Cm.
1I.4x 7.9
63.5 X 90.1

6.6 — 12.3
31.7 x 16.5
20.3 x 19.0

9.5 x 6.9
14.6X 9.5
22.8 x 8.8
11.4 X 5.7
15.2x 7.6
10.1 x 3.8

6.3 X 5.0

6.9 x 7.3

8.2 x 6.3
25.4X 10.7
13.9 X 9.2
35.6
29.2
55.8
18.4
32.3
25.4
52.0
23.4

2.0X 1.1

2.0X 1.2

1.9 xX 1.7

1.9 x 2.0
19.0

3.1 x 2.6

2.3

2.5

2.5

2.5

2.0

PLATES

Height or
thickness

Inches
23

Cm.
6.6

Provenience
249
320
250
235
330
320 (Skel. 2)
300B
320B
246
320B
246
226
226
246
208
246
320
208
330 (Skel. 23)
208
298
298
298
298
330
330
330
Kiva 2-D
326 (Skel. 12)
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 12)
326 (Skel. 9)
326
326
326

Field
No.
350
1415
327
240
1917
1408
1079
1441
358
1441
358
458
458
358
III4
357
1418
1135
2083
1139
1138
II4I
1142
1143
1863
1864
1865
2359
1602
1544
1603
1698
1695
1696
1697

U.S.N.M.
No.

336487
335287
335332
335334
335289
335312
335337
335338
335335
335338
335335
335333
335333
335335
335354
335350
NGS2
335671
336033
335675
335674
335677
335678
335679
335761
335762
335763
335764
335728
335743
335744
335744
335745
335746
335747

2.NGS in last column signifies placement in Explorers Hall, National Geographic Society, Washington, D. C.
3 q-h, specimens shown on plate left to right, top to bottom; i, j, k, three pairs of matched pendants at bottom

of plate.

(Continued)

365

Plate

24, at

to
o

iS)
OV
er-eQq er aeaqea Eels cere See eee se ay eS ae ereRdsd

27;

LS)
aoe)

Se Sa WS Se SLO Qa Se

366

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

PLA TES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
2t% x 24
3x 2
2té x 24
23 x 23
2t8 x 2}
2ix2
43 (D)
3% (D)
4(D)
3% (D)
3 (D)
4x25
48 x3
Bx 2

2té x 13
4% x 24
2té x 24
25 x3
2is x it
3x8
38 x4
41s xX is
38 X 34
4& X 476
38 x 2¢
6% x 34
63 x 4%
58x 3
174 X 08
221 x 153

Iie x 53
1018 x 44
13% X 54
11g x53
83 x 4%
6% X 3%
ott x 43

23x 1%
1id x 43

Cm.
6.8 x 5.7
7.6 x 6.3
6.8 x 5.7
6.9 x 6.0
7.4 X 6.9
6.9 X 5.0

10.1 x 5.3
11.1 x 7.6
7.6 x 5.0

6.8 x 4.4
10.4 X 5.7
74X63
BS o 5.5
6.5 X 1.7
7.6X 1.5
8.5 x 1.9
II.2 x 3.0
9.8 x 8.2
10.4 X 10.3
9.2 x 6.9
15.5x88
16.8 x 12.3
13.6 x 7.6
43.8 x 23.8
56.5 X 40.0
29.3 x 14.6
27.1% 12.0
33-3 X 13.3
20.5 x 14.6
22.2 X 12.3
17.4x9.8
24.6 x 12.0
6.3 X 3.0
42X20

Height or

thickness

Inches Cm.
13 4.1
148 4.6
1g 4.7
1% 4.7
23 6.0
14 3.8
is 0.7
ts 0.7
4 0.6
4 0.6
3 0.3
2 5.0
25 5.3
12 4.1
i 4.4
1} 4.4
13 4.4
is I.I
te 1.4
4 1.2
ts 1.4
rs 2.2
14 2.8
13 3.8
1} at
1% 4.7
1g 3.4
1 4.4
14 3.8
I 2.5
3 0.9
ts 0.7
$ 0.9
4 0.6
11 4.2
1} Bi.
% 22
4 0.6
fs 0.4

Provenience
288
245
257
325
325
325
226
267
226
267
256

Misc.
W. Ct.
Debris

W. of 49
P. del A.
304
306
304
318
318
318
318
318
Kiva D
325
Kiva T
286
300B
300B
West of 165
Kiva G
Kiva Q
326
326

326 (Skel. 8)

325

307

245
Misc.
Misc.

4 Letters refer to figures shown left to right in each row, consecutively.

(Continued)

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M.
No. No.
g10 335849
345 335851
637 335853
1541 335854
1541 335854
1541 335854
382 335781
804 335790
821 335786
804 335790
583 335784
201 335855
2173 335856
A-591 334870
1167 335859
1213 335860
1167 335859
1459 335620
1459 335620
1459 335620
1459 335620
1459 335620 —
229 335833
1537 335844
1582 335830
906 335907
1077 335919
1077 335919
1158 335903
845 335900
1293 335883
1570 335884
1571 335885
1649 335886
1540 335916
2364 335915
328 335917
2203 335495
191 335495

&
Ww

~

Sets SS Sa SFOS. Ok SLES SS A Se SSS SE SS SEs BL

WHOLE VOL,

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
44 X 2%
23x 1¢
24x

2is x}
oa % 1g
58x Ite

o§ x 1$
yix2
§ x 2}
244 x 19
14 x2
6g x3
4x3

ee

718 x 23
74 X 25
5
33

4i8

33

Cm.
10.7 X 5.2
TBI aS
6.3X2.2
6.5 X 1.9
8.2 x 3.1
14.2% 33

23.8 X 4.7
18.4 X 5.0
21.9x 5.7
62.8 x 48.2
35-5 X 30.4
17.4 X 1.5
1Z2.0X 1.5
17.7 25.0

19.5 x 6.0
19.6 X 5.3
14.9
9.5
10.6
9.5
10.1
15.8
17.4
15.8
7-7
12.2
9.2
3.8x LI
79X12
129 X15
10.6
II.I
13.0 587
14.6 X I.1
11.4
Ii. x IZ
10.0 x 0.9
9.5 X1.5
12.3 x 1.4
16.0
9.0

Height or
thickness

Inches Cm.
fe 0.4
4 0.6
is 0.4
$ 0.3
4 0.6
4 0.6
te 0.4
is 0.4
4 0.6
2 5.0
43 12.0
is 0.4
5 0.3
3 0.9
1% 4.1
28 5.3
4 0.6
ts 0.7
is 0.4
3 0.5
ts 0.4
4 0.6
$ 0.9

(Continued )

Field
Provenience No.
323 1754
334 1998
326 1720
Bet. 249 and 251 270
Misc. 2199
P.delA., A-176;
28 and 32 181
Kiva Q 2003
Kiva Q 2003
Kiva Q 2093
323 1766
307 2363
255 429
255 429
286, 2356
subfloor kiva
255 430
249 352
251 471
Kiva B 146
151, subfloor 6
Kiva L 1185
268 623
Kiva Q 1330
290 1026
255 409
334 1984
Kiva T 1775
334 1985
288 983
290 1026

E. refuse mound 928
E. refuse mound 928

323
266
323
307
Kiva T

333
273
272
273

64

1557
832
1558
1225
1775
1809
727
734
727
1065

367

U.S.N.M.
No.

335488
335490
3354890
335483
335494
334788

336041
336041
336041
335901
335902
335181
335181
335182

335187
335187
335019
335062
335002
335074
335027
335077
335036
335020
335058
335079
335057
335034
335036
335082
335082
335047
335026
335048
335041
335079
335056
335029
335030
335029
335001

34,

368

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Cm.

10.0

6.9

6.5 X 0.7
10.0

19.5 X 3.1
12x20
16.8 x 1.2
16.8xX1.5
11.0% 2.3
16.6

6.9 x 0.4
6.3 x 0.3
6.1 X 0.3
6.8 x 0.4
5.2x0.4
4.7 X 0.3
3.8 x 0.3
6.0 x 0.9
6.3.x 1.2
6.9 x 0.3
7.6X 1.0
Lf eeOys:
6.1 x 0.3
10.3 X 0.4
14.2 x 0.6
19.8 x 0.3
10.3 X 2.2
03 x7
8.4.x 1.5
S.O.x IE
6.0X1.5
9.2 x 0.9
147 x 2.2
II.2

6.1

Height or
thickness

Inches Cm.
oo 0.3
+8 2.0
4 Te
is 0.7
4 0.6
3 1.5
is 0.1
$ 0.3
ds 0.1
$ 0.3
35 0.2
5 0.3
% 0.3
te 0.4
te 0.4
& 0.3
te 0.4
is 0.4
& 0.3
is 0.4
go 0.3
s 0.3
1 1.7
1s Tot
te 0.4
te 0.4
& 0.3
ts 0.4
1s 1.1
te 1.4
ts 0.7
14 3.8
3 1.5
a. 1.9
4 iz
te 0.4
48 2.0
¥ 1.9

(Continued)

VOL. 124
A Field U.S.N.M.
Provenience No. No.

Kiva B 146 335062

153 35 335003

258 642 335023

268 623 335027

Kiva F 778 335066
Kiva T 1775 335079
Surface 1020 335089

320 1437 335050

320 1437 335050

323 1731 335046

E. refuse mound 930 335083
161 903 335005

226 461 335011

315 1268 335044

Misc. 2178 335080
Kiva B 167 335062

153 33 335003

153 35 335003

E. refuse mound 2261 335084
E. refuse mound 928 335082
338 2090 335060

E. refuse mound 928 335082
256 590 335021

153 36 335003

Kiva H 631 335008

226 306 335010

326 1692 335052

E. refuse mound 2258 335082
Misc. 2267 3350890
Misc. 2267 335089

328 2029 335054

153 36 335003

259 744 335183

153 37 335183

Misc. 1302 335174

251 473 335188

266 833 335184

Kiva X 2164 335180

268 624 335175

326 1689 335177

326 1689 335177

334 1987 335178

308 2209 335176

aN
9

b w&
m S
a oe to pS Qo GR FSS “8 8 Sa oc Ss 3 “sare. 8 SOQ HO QAAFTA AA &

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or

length x width
Inches Cm.
54 13.9
64 15.8
4% 12.3
64 16.5
58 14.9
64 16.5
53 13.6
64 15.5
is (D) x 5% 0.7 X 14.9
te (D) x 3% 1.1 X98
44x 2 10.4 Xx 0.9
$ (D) x 3% 1.9x9.8
1 (D) x2} 2.57.3
Ive x 3 2.6 x 1.9
2is x lis 6.5 X 3.3
2ixI 5.3X2.5
54 13.9
53 13.9
2té (D) 7.4
7 18.0
74 19.0
14—19 35.5— 48.2
134— 18} 33.6 — 46.9
23 X78 58.4 x 19.3
253 x 54 65.4 X 13.3
253 x 53 65.4 x 13.9
213 x4 54.8 x I0.1
615 x 46 16.0 X 10.6
4% X 38 10.7 X 7.9
8x4 20.3 X I0.1
168 x 34 42.1 x 8.2
43 x 23 11.1 x 6.9
7x74 19.0 X 19.0
ro} 26.6
64x 33 16.5 x 8.8
5x4 12.7 x 10.1
13 33.0
64x 54 16.5 X 13.3
1% x 13 4.7X4.4
2ix4 5.3X1.2
4x25 10.1 x 6.3

5 Letters refer to figures shown left to right.

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
Ii 3.9
14 3.8
14 2.8
1} 3.1
1% 3.4
14 Git
Iie 3.0
14 31
4 0.6
3 0.9
is 0.7
1} 4.4
14 31
ie 0.4
D2 Es
q 1.9
14 3.8
13 3.4
14 25
+ 1.9
4 Tea)
4 1.2
48 2.0
i 1.4
3 0.9
I 2.5

(Continued)

Provenience
244
244
244

326 (Skel. 9)
326 (Skel. 6)
326 (Skel. 9)

326

326 (Skel. 12)

202
202
202

Kiva N
202
298
323
323
323
246
327

Misc.
226
320
320
255
206
206
300B
249
251
300B
206
304
320
320
335
335
290

326 (Skel. 5)

326
6
323

369

U.S.N.M.
No.

335157
335156
335158
335162
335161
335162
335164
335163
335219
335219
335219
335225
335220
335222
335261
335261
335256
335257
335263
335252
335255
335282
335283
335273
335274
335274
335276
335267
335268
335276
335272
335269
335312
335312
335316
335316
335336
335308
335313
335331
335314

370 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or Height or

length x width thickness
Plate Inches Cm. Inches Cm.
42, d 43 x 33 II.IX9.5
e 3ixit 8:2.xX 331
jf 3h x14 9.8 x 2.8
g 2ixif 5.7x28
h 34 x 2§ 9.5 X 7.3
i 43 (D) 11.4
43, @ 4% (D) 12.0 25 5.7
b a} 6.3 2} 6.
c 4—1043 10.1 — 26.6
44, a 114 28.5
b,c I4x7 Shes X07. 7, 2 5.0
45, @ 54 (D) 13.3 8 22.2
b 64 (D) 16.5 103 2713
c 44 (D) 11.4 9 22.8
d 54 (D) 13.9 of 24.7
e 54 (D) 13.3 103 26.3
f 5 (D) 127 83 22.2
46, a 84 21.5
b 43 12.0
c 18 45.7
d 5 (D) 12.7
e 5 (D) 12.7
f 4 (D) 10.1
g 53 (D) 13.9
50, a 12 (D) 30.4 15 38.1
b tot (D) 26.0 12 30.4
c 113 (D) 29.8 134 34.2
d 10$ (D) 27.3 113 29.8
é 113 (D) 29.8 123 any
: 103 (D) 27.3 11} 28.5
g r1(1)) 27.9 114 28.5
52, A, a& 9 (D) 22.8 04 24.1
b 6 (D) 15.2 23 6.9
c 68 (D) 16.8 . ors 23.3
B, d 64+ (D) 15.8 8 20.3
e 48 (D) rr.7 3 12.0
f 74 (D) 18.4 64 15.8
C,g ZAD) 17.7 43 12.0
h 74 (D) 19.0 74 19.6
1 5% (D) 13.6 53 14.2

Provenience
326
326
208
326
208B
206
320
225
Trench S. of 154
326 (Skel. 9)
326 (Skel. 6)
320
320
320
320
320
320
320
320
320
226
235
226
246
P. del A., 65
256
323
323
323
323
323
Kiva W
Kiva W
Kiva W
249
256
343
Kiva 2-E
248
272

8 Letters refer to figures shown left to right in each group, respectively.

(Continued)

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M
No. No. :
1565 335313
1567 335313
1116 3353225
1567 335313
I1I3 335323
1098 335324
1374 335309
205 335310
1286 335385 —
1870 335313
1563 335306
1347 335301
1348 335208
1349 335302
1402 335206 —
1391 335299
1403 335300
1375 335343
1376 335343
1405 335342
379 335317
238 335319 -
378 335317 —
353 335318
648 334659
635 336536
1477 336543
1610 336546
1588 336545
1611 NGS ©
1543 336544
336574
336575
336573
387 336534
2271 336538 ©
336552
1333 336366
494 336532
Sor 330541

Plate

53;

54,

a

Vw AWwa_o o

a

re. Ff SEQ QA SRO SH

Nekeegeeseraravoxrgse

i=
8

2

so &

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
134 (D)
8 (D)
5 (D)
54 (D)
6(D)
4% (D)
48 (D)
33 (D)
64 (D)
8 (D)
4% (D)
4(D)
4% (D)
4% (D)
4% (D)
4% (D)
4% (D)
5 (D)
4% (D)
53 (D)
5 (D)

53 (D)
58 (D)
4% (D)
53 (D)
54 (D)
53 (D)
54 (D)
53 (D)
AGED)
58 (D)
6 (D)
53 (D)
7 (D)
6 (D)
6 (D)
64 (D)
63 (D)
7(D)
6% (D)
63 x 8§ (D)
63 (D)

Cm.
33.6
20.3
12.7
13.3
15.2
12.3
11.7

8.8
15.8
20.3
II.I
10.1
11.4
TI.I
12.3
T7,
12.3
12.7
12.0
13.6
T2U7,

13.9
13.0
12.3
13.9
13.3
13.9
13.9
13.9
17.7
14.9
15.2
14.6
17:7
15.5
16.8
15.8
16.1
L777
17.4
17.1 X 21.9
170

Height or
thickness
Inches Cm,
7% 18.4
5 12.7
24 6.3
2% 6.0
23 6.3
23 6.0
25 5-3
1% 4.1
33 8.8
23 6.9
2 5.0
2 5.0
13 4.4
1g 4.7
12 4.1
24 5-7
24 5.7
2 5.0
24 5.7
Ig 4.7
24 6.9
24 5-7
31 8.2
2 5.0
1% 4-7
24 6.3
23 6.0
24 5.7
24 6.3
23 73
2% 5-3
24 6.3
23 6.3
24 6.3
23 6.0
3 7.6
3 7.6
2 5.0
3 9.8
23 6.9
36 9.8
23 6.6

(Continued)

Provenience
285
326
329
329
329
329
329
329
326
307
326 (Skel. 6)
326 (Skel. 4)
326
326 (Skel. 6)
326 (Skel. 12)
326
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 12)
326
326 (Skel. 12)
326
(Skel. 8 and 9)
326 (Skel. 9)
326
326
326 (Skel. 12)
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 12)
326 (Skel. 6)
326 (Skel. 5)
326
326
326
326
326
326 (Skel. 5)
326
326
326
326 (Skel. 12)
326 (Skel. 5)
326

Field
No.

1019
1661
1908
1910
IQII
1913
1914
1916
1634
1280
1643
1645
1660
1644
1639
1844
1659
1040
1642
1637
1679

1677
2101
1641
1638
2100
1658
1632
1636
1671
1678
1635
1633
2104
2286
1657
1631
1629
1630
1628
1846
1656

371

U.S.N.M.
No.

336556
330557
336317
336318
336319
336320
336321
330322
336242
336207
330250
336251
330271
336267
336246
336275
336254
336247
336249
336244
336262

336260
336278
336248
336245
336277
336270
336264
336266
336257
330261
336243
336265
330281
336203
336269
336241
336239
336240
336238
336276
336256

55;

56,

~ E>. 8 FO HR AH STR

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches

72 (D)

6g (D)
74 (D)
63 (D)
74 (D)
63 (D)
8$ (D)
74x 84 (D)
83x of (D)
7% (D)
83 (D)
98 (D)
8% (D)
83 (D)
9$ (D)
84 (D)
8x93 (D)
93 (D)
9% (D)
9g (D)
9 (D)

94 (D)

10 (D)

9x10(D)
98 (D)

93 (D)
114 x 123 (D)
101 (D)
to} (D)

4% (D)

53 (D)

54 (D)

5% (D)

5 (D)

5 (D)

4% (D)

58 (D)

58 (D)

4% (D)

4 (D)

5% (D)

Cm.
19.0

17.4
19.6

16.5

19.0

17.1

21.2

19.0 X 21.5
21.5% 24.7
19.3

21.8

24.4

20.6

21.5

23.8

20.9

20.3 X 24.1
24.7

25.0

23.1

22.8

23.4
25.4
22.8 x 25.4
23.8
24.1
20.2 X 32.3
26.0
27.3
12.3
13.9
13.9
13.0
12.7
12.7
12.0
13.0
14.2
12.0
11.4
14.6

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
44 10.7
23 6.9
2} 6.9
23 6.9
2} 6.9
3 7.6
33 9.5
34 8.8
33 8.8
2g 7:3
34 8.8
3 9.8
48 10.4
33 8.8
34 9.5
3h 8.8
4 10.1
43 12.0
4k 10.4
34 8.8
a 9.5
34 8.2
33 9.8
44 10.7
38 9.2
4 10.1
3 14.6
4} 10.7
6 15.2
23 5.7
24 5.7
23 6.0
24 6.3
1g 4.7
1g 4.7
Ig 4.7
1% 4.7
24 5.7
2 5.0
1} 4.4
2 5.0

(Continued)

Provenience
326
(Skel. 8 and 9)
326 (Skel. 12)
i" 326
326 (Skel. 12)
326
326
326
326
326
326
326
326
326 (Skel. 12)
326
326 (Skel. 12)
326
326
326 (Skel. 6)
326
326
326
(Skel. 8 and 9)
326
326
326 (Skel. 13)
326
326
326
326
326
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.

Se Se He He Se Se SS Se Oe

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M.
No. No.
1674 336259
1675 336273
2273 336292
1676 336274
2103 336280
2102 336279
1627 336237
2114 3362901
1653 336253
2108 336285
2111 3360288
2292 336204
1652 336252
2110 336287
1625 NGS
1626 336236
2105 336282
1623 336263
1672 336272
1655 336268
1673 336258
1654 336255
2107 336284
1624 336235
2113 336290
2112 336289
2106 336283
2109 336286
2311 336205
884 336175
888 336173
876 336168
886 336172
873 336165
878 NGS
871 336164
880 NGS
883 336174
877 336169
870 336163
879 336170

Plate

un
oO’

uw
at

SRO ESE ae a ee ha Se te OS RUS ges SE SS Se re Qn Sh) QAO SS! See eS Pe SSS

on
Roe)

on
iy

WHOLE VOL,

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
54 (D)
5 (D)
54 (D)
58 (D)
53 (D)
54 (D)
58 (D)
54 (D)
of x 103 (D)
9% (D)
48 (D)
44 (D)
4 (D)
4% (D)
58 (D)
58 (D)
54 (D)
z(D)
6 (D)
6% (D)
63 (D)
6 (D)
53 (D)
53 (D)
6 (D)
114 (D)
13 (D)

675 (D)
7 (D)
74 (D)
5% (D)
9 (D)
83 (D)
93 (D)
83 (D)
83 (D)
8$ (D)
83 x 93 (D)
63 x 3%
63 x 38
83 x 4

Cm.
13.3
12.7
13.3
13.6
13.9
13.9
13.0
13.3
24.7 x 26.3
24.7
TL
10.7
10.1
12.3
13.0
14.2
53:3
14.6
Toe
16.8
16.5
15.2
14.6
13.9
15.2
28.2
33-0

15.7

17.7

19.0

14.6

23.1

21.9

24.1

21.5

21.5

20.6

21.9 x 24.7
16.5x 9.8
16.8 x 9.8
21.9 x 12.3

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
1} 4.4
24 5.7
2 5.0
24 6.3
2% 6.0
24 6.3
24 6.3
24 5-7
43 11.4
3% 9.5
4 16.5
4 13.3
48 11.7
64 15.5
3 16.1
Zt 16.5
64 16.5
64 15.8
7% 20.0
8% 22.5
8 20.3
73 19.3
7 19.6
63 16.8
7 17.7
38 9.8
54 13.3
4 13.0
Sis 13.4
a 13.3
7% 19.0
43 12.0
7 17.7
34 8.2
31 8.2
23 6.9
43 10.4
4 10.1
43 11.4
2 5.0
13 4.1
1g 4.7

(Continued)

Provenience
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
266, Cist No.
206, Cist No.
266, Cist No.

326
326 (Skel. 5)
326
326
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 6)
326
326
326 (Skel. 6)

326 (Skel. 12)

326
326 (Skel. 9)
326 (Skel. 9)

326 (Skel. 12)

326
227
Kiva L
Kiva H
335
323

227-1
324
246
266
266
266
266
266
266
251
327

Se se ee SH SH Se SS Re

919
519
2280

Trench W. side 2217

W. Court

373

336373

374

nN
bb

Xn Q

OV
Q

& 2
> FQ HAAS oe QoraerTQwyeeaan TaN AVWGTA SE STQ SH

joy
OV

-

a oe

OV
a
gaeowve OW

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

7(D)(7)

3. (1)
54 (D)
5g (D)

Cm.
10.4 X 5.0
27.3 x 12.0
17.4X 9.2

9.8 x 4.7
25.4X 11.4
36.1 x 12.0
22.2 X 14.9

57x 7.6
222x177
75.2
18.0
12.0
12.7
13.3
13.3 X 9.2
14.6 x 13.9
20.3 x 10.7
20.9 x 16.8
16.8 x 12.0
25.7
33.6
36.1
34.2
rar

8.8
152
25.7 X 12.7
20.6
127
20.9
20.3
14.9

7-3
12.3
24.7

17.7
8.2

14.6
14.9

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
14 28
2 5.0
2 5.0
14 3.1
24 6.3
24 5.7
1} 4.4
3 1.9
1} 2.8
175 2.6
64 r7et
8 20.3
4 16.5
23 6.9
B 7.0
53 14.2
8 20.3
6+ 15.8
123 31.4
133 34.9
15 38.1
164 41.9
6% 15.5
2§ 7-3

64 15.

75 18.4
8is 20.7
33 8.8
738 18.7
6 15.2
38 8.5
14 3.8
38 9.2
93 24.1
74 19.6
64 16.5
93 24.1
112 28.8
11% 28.8

} For cylindrical vases, base diameter is given.

(Continued)

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M.
Provenience No. No.
274 751 336382
323 1612 336385
323 1613 336384
247 521 336374
323 336387
323 2323 336386
330 1966 336396
E. refuse mound 111 3360371
267 2278 336397
307-1 2279 336069a
315 1298 336060b
I5I 8 336401
343 336471
330 1975 336459
W.refuse mound 568 336481
226 556 330482
323 1614 336483
330 1979 336485
329 1893 336484
262 2312 336504
266 1002 336505
326 2004 336506
326 (Skel.12) 2095 330507
213 2228 336510
330 1967 336517
334 1881 336518
327 2171 336519
325 2321 330516
226 505 336511
266 3360513
317 1482 330515
307-I 1277 336525
323 2285 330526
334 2166 336527
268 641 335201
Chaco Canyon
251 336488
309 336562
P. del A., 15 A-630 334576
320 1351 334490
320 1350 334489

Plate

67, f

[on
oo

Ss
MOA FSF OQ MWAH TAM HS. * FQ HOH AOA FA ES

70, a

a

ea
STaQa yn Qanowrmer Fro 2 QAO

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
53 (D)
58 (D)
3 (D)
3 (D)
3% (D)
33 (D)
48 (D)
3% (D)
33 (D)
a2 CD)
38 (D)
4: (D)
53 (D)
58 (D)
4 X 25
4i¢s X2

2(D)
34 (D)

3 (D)
34 (D)
1% (D)
1x (D)
1g (D)
23 (D)
2% (D)
23 (D)
34 x 23
4x 24

4x23
4x 2}
44 X 25
43 x 248
74 x 38
8x3
5/3”x 13s
444 x 1%
5/6"x2
13 (D) x 73
8% x 12
83 x 13
21xit
123 x 13

13.6
10.4 X 5.3
10.3 X 5.0
5.0
8.2

10:7 ='5:3
11.4 xX 7.4
19.0 x 8.5
20.3 x 7.6
160.0 x 3.0
113.0 X 3.0
167.6 x 5.0
3.8 x 19.0
22.5: 3.4
22.2 X 4.4
53.3:X 3.0
32.3 X 4.1

Field
No.

1304
1662
1848
2155
1856
2156
2157
2319
1980
1981
1849
1850
1851
1855
2215
1609
1905
1904
1907
1110
1890
1875
1968
1969
2132

225

P. del A... \A~2p2

1043
2038
2123
2123
A-44
355
1094
1378
1097
I510
1172
1414
1509

Height or
thickness
Inches Cm. Provenience
113 20.5 320
11+ 28.5 326
08 23.8 329
103 26.3 329
98 23.8 329
0% 25.0 329
8} 21.5 329
10+ 25.7 329
9 22.8 330
9 22.8 330
04 23.4 330
9 22.8 330
8t 20.9 330
83 22.2 330
It 3.1 350
3 1.5 307
I 2.6 320
13 3.4 329
13 3.4 329
14 3.1 14
23 6.3 329
13 4.1 323
1} 3.8 330
33 8.2 330
4 10.1 330
33 9.5 W. Court Trench 2216
14 3.1 Kiva D
I+ 3.1
Kiva C
4 1.9 290
1g 4.7 335
Ig 3.4 341
It 3.1 341
23 6.9 P. del A., 2
38 7.9 246
4 1.9 208
4 2.3 320
206
325
4 1.9 304
320
325
208

(Continued)

1092

375

335212
335243
335209
335210
335211

Plate
71,4

NI N“
PS »
>See SQ Har Qa wren ~es

ice)

~ars. fF SOHO AA TAR

74,A

77,0

NI
QR
oe mn aQqQxesawmaes QA &

376

ozs

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or Height or

length x width thickness
Inches Cm, Inches Cm.
368 x 13 02.9 x 4.4 t8 2.0
324 x $ (D) 81.5 x 1.5
4134. x 14 105.4 X 3.8
414 105.4
te (D) x22 1.1x55.8
22 55.8
174 43.8
1a 43.8
21 53-3
26 66.0
22} 56.5
13 (D) x 244 3.8 x 61.5
25 63.5
1—13 2.5—4.4
Its X16 ofe ie eeee oe 0.2
Its x 18 3.3 X 2.0
Ixi 2.5xX1.4 ts 0.1
18 x i 2.0X 1.1 4 0.3
$xz 2.20.9 b 0.3
14 x 43 2.8 x 1.0 de 0.2
48 x Ys 20% 14 4 0.3
8x 1.9 X 0.9 pd 0.2
Iie X 16 26X11 a 0.1
tix4 ite dn a a5 0.2
Ite x 16 3.6% 1.7 5 0.3
lis x i 30517 dy 0.2
11% x 1% 4.6X 1.7 ts 0.4
1x1 25x11 4 0.3
Iie x4 Bac 4 0.3
lis —18 3.0—4.1
Ips — 238 2.6—5.0
33 x3 8.5x 7.6
24x3 6.3 x 7.6
BCs 70x 127
31 x 23 8.2 x 6.9
33x8 8.8 x 20.3
23 x2} 6.9 X 5.3 4 0.3
28x 13 6.6 X 4.4 o2 0.3
5% Xx 24 14.9 X 5.7 $ 0.3
33 x1} 02x su 4 0.3
11 x 18 4.2 X 2.0 ab 0.2
13x i% 3.4X 1.4 as 0.1
45x13 11.4x 3.8

(Continued)

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

Provenience
326 (Skel. 8)
320
326 (Skel. 8)
320

Kiva D
330 (Skel. 10)
Kiva G
Kiva J
Kiva T
Misc.
Kiva B
330
Misc.
201
153
341
Misc.
Misc.
Misc.
251
Misc.
330 (Skel. 9)
330 (Skel. 10)
2990B
200B
2990B
2900B
290B

251
251
262
262
262
262
264

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M.
No. No.

1591 335213
1379 335216
1590 335208
1404 335215
47 335280
50 335281
50 335281
48 335204
1170 335214
II7I 335214
1093 335223
228 335284
228 335284
2077 336038
863 335444
672 335446
1785 335450
335475

147 335441
2068 335472
335475

1059 335463
43 335452
2120 335474
1319 335475
1319 335475
335475

478 335458
335475

2078 3360390
2079 336040
1081 335339
1081 335339
1081 335339
1081 335339
1081 335339
470 335233
470 335233
760 335234
760 335234
760 335234
760 335234
810 335235

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

PLATES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Plate Inches
78, h Iie x 18
1 zx 14
2éx14
2% x 18
grx 14
4zs x ts
1% (D) x 23
13 (D) x 2%
2(D) x23
13 (D) x 23
13 (D) x1
$(D)xI
33
48
ve (D) x13
1}
4%
79, A,a™ 14 (D) x25
B, a 154 x4

RRIF WATS ST Zr.

oe)
ca)
>

oo
i

123 x 5%

58 (D) x23
43 x 33
7x53

4 (D)

6 (D)

54x 4%

53x 44

43 (D) x 44
4 (D) x 44
44 (D) x 43

1}

23

2
8§ (D) x7
9x6

82,

POT FTQMHAANTARAASTA LY

4

(ee)
=
o

w
Sweaanoa

Cm.
3.0 X 2.0
4.4 x 3.8
7.3X 3.8
V2 AT
7.9 X 3.1
10.3 x 1.1
3.4 x 6.9
5AR 73
5.0 x 6.9
26x 0.9
4.4.X 4.1
1.5X2.5
8.8
10.4
I.I X 4.7
4.4
10.7
3.8 x 63.5
39.3 X 10.1

27.9 X 11.4
32.3 x 13.3
28.8 x 15.3
QT AR ELA
31.4x 14.9
13.6 x 6.0
11.4 X9.5
19.7 S130
10.1
15.5
13.9 X 10.4
14.6 x 10.7
11.4 X 12.0
I1.4X 11.4
10.7 X 12.0
4.4

5:3

5.0
B02 x 1707,
22.8 x 15.2

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
$ 0.3
$ 0.3
is 0.1
4 0.6
4 12
3 1.5
3 1.5
4 0.6
3 0.9
5 12.7
23 6.0
4's 10.3
1} 4.4
318 8.4
31 8.2
74 18.4

7A, a and B, a refer to first. specimen on the left in each group,
8 A, a, b, and c refer to specimens shown in top row, left to right; B, a and b, left to right, respectively.

(Continued)

Provenience
204
264

Kiva J
Kiva J
Kiva J
300B
200
335
327
327
327
323
323
323
255
226
226
226
250
Sinklezin
Ruin No. 8
153
326
Kiva J
326
329
Kiva R
Kiva R
Surface
264
256
Kiva G
Kiva G
Kiva J
Kiva J
Kiva J
208
208
208
272
272

Field
No.
810
810
686
686
686

1080

1052

2047

1590

1820

1819

1552

1474

1547
428
422
456
525
326

17
1648
704
1569
1952
1481
1480
388
818
586
846
846
701
702
703
I1I7
I1lI7
1117
752
753

377

U.S.N.M.
No.

335235
335235
335236
335236
335236
335238
335245
335246
335247
335247
335260
335248
335249
335249
335250
335251
335251
335285
335362

335891
335893
335890
335802
335804
336361
336032
336923
336925
336924
335929
335929
335926
335927
335928
335345
335345
335345
335930
335931

378

Figure

PLATES—continued

Height or

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches

44 (D) x5

153 x 12
114 x 10}
8x6
6x2}
04 X4
8x3
2it (D)
48 (D)

Cm.
11.4 X 12.7
390.6 x 30.4
29.2 x 26.0
20.3 X 15.2
i.2u57
23.4 x 10.1
20.6 x 7.6

6.8
11.7

thickness

Inches

15

Cm.

20.3

TEXT FIGURES

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Inches
10 x 33
78 X 33
10x 44
58 X 39
4 (D)
3z (D)
$ (D)
te (D)
&xis
43x ie

9.
1s xX 32

23 x 14
(D) x3
(D)x%
(D) x ve

Oo) Col af

is x ts

is x t@
ts x4
1 (D) xté
+t x 8
4xis
te x3
fo x is
18 x is
1(D) x3

Cm.
25.4X 9.5
20.0 x 9.8
25.4 x 10.7
14.2X 9.5

0.3
0.5
0.9
0.4
1.5 X 0.7
0.8 x 0.4
£.120.7

6.6 x 3.8
0.6 X 1.5
0.3 X 0.4
0.3 X 0.1

0.7 XO.I

0.7 x04
0.7 x 0.6
0.6 X 1.7
L7 ELS
ise Lg
EI =0.0
1.4 X 0.7
ee a oe |
2.5 X0.9

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
as 0.1
ag 0.1
32 0.5
ts 0.4
35 0.3
gs 0.1
Ts 0.4
is 0.7

(Continued )

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

Provenience
330
320
326

326 (Skel. 8)

329

P.del A., 27 A-140
P.del A.,27 A-141

Kiva D
Kiva Q

Provenience
320B
251
208
246

320
320
Kiva R,
Pilaster 5
318

310, subfloor
310, subfloor

Kiva L,
Pilaster 1
Kiva L,
Pilaster 1

310, subfloor

218, subfloor

241

Kiva X

Kiva X
246
332
329

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M.
No. No.
1929 335207
1390 335293
1597 335204
1599 335205
1861 336061
334637
334638
226 335955
2003 336041
Field U.S.N.M.
No. No.
1442 335358
I114 335354
357 335350
335730
335730
335730
335730
1434 335729
1434 335729
1495 336015
1451 335658
1325 336028
1325 336028
1187 335981
1187 335981
1325 336028
335688
2227 335690
570 335689
2149 335698
2149 335698
346 335703
1796 335713
2015 335723

Lal
S
Sta 26s 1S SF isis as

!
+

Am)

&

to
oe
Sige) ps 2S: eS) Ses: SS) SS Se Ea Se es Se

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 379

TEXT FIGURES—continued

Diameter (D) or Height or

length x width thickness
EET EEN : Field U.S.N.M.

Inches Cm. Inches Cm. Provenience No. No.
11g x ¥% 4.2X1.4 324 1444 335705
34 8.2 329 2018 335718
14 (D) 3.1 330 2063 335712
1% x 1% 4.7 X 3.4 330 1867 335711
Its x 33 Baie NE. wall of 186 1023 336027
Ive x Ivs 3.3 X 3.0 NE. wall of 186 1023 336027
1§x3 4.1 X 1.9 326 1701 335704
I%s x 16 3.0 X 1.1 330 (Skel. 23) 2083 330034
2ic x 13 6.1.x 4.4 330 2064 335710
1gx4 4.1X 1.2 298 1120 335717
1%x3 4.7 X0.9 330 2066 335708
24 (D) a7. 323 1546 335700
2§ (D) 6.6 153 20 335716
1% (D) x 23 3.4 x 6.0 Kiva L 1175 335720
$x4 1.2x 0.6 Kiva Q 1827 335607
14x 38 2.8 x 2.0 3 0.9 226 425 335702
Kiva R, 1493 336013

Pilaster 3

fsx% 1.4X 0.9 4 0.6 311 1221 335685
Its x I 3.3% 2.5 4 1.2 Misc. 2103 335720
84 x 34 20.9 x 8.8 ts 0.7 26 132 334829
tt x ws 1.7 X 1.1 4 0.6 Kiva I, 660 ; 335906
Pilasterstand6 665 and 335971
$(D) x té 1.5 x 2.0 W.Ct. Trench 2218 335608
Exh 2.2% 2.2 348 2331 335604
3% (D) 1.7 Misc. 1307 335609
fsx 0.7 x 0.9 4 0.6 Debris over 80 1021 335592
4(D) 1.2 323 1742 335593
18 x $ 2.0 X 1.5 3 0.9 326 (Skel.8) 1589 335504
#8 (D) 2.0 2 1.2 320 2010 335595
ifs x 1 3.9 2.3 Soa am A Se
1 (D) 2.5 16 ThE Kiva G 858 335589
ifs x} 3.0x 22 333 1806 335599
Iv x 3 3.0X 1.9 3 0.9 333 1807 335600
$x} Bax 22 ts 0.4 Kiva T 1781 335501
Is x3 3.3 X 1.9 is 0.4 335 2051 335602
Ix 2.5 X 0.7 is 0.4 W.Ct. Trench 2211 335607
28 x 2} 6.6 x 5.3 & 1.5 336 2092 335603
13 x Its 4.4 X 3.0 3 0.9 Misc. 189 335610
23x 1t 6.6 x 3.1 fs 0.7 331 1800 335597
& (D) 0.9 249 - 281 335540
4x ws 1.2X 0.7 348 2343 335541

(Continued )

380 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

TEXT FIGURES—continued

Diameter (D) or Height or
length x width thickness
\ Field U.S.N.M.
Figure Inches Cm. Inches Cm. Provenience No. No.
21,¢ Ig x 16 2.8 X1.7 153 30 335542
d fsx 1.4 X 0.9 ts 0.4 226 443 335543
22,a Igx% 4.1X2.2 272 735 335524
b lis x1 3.0 X 2.5 325 1515 335525
c 1gx4 3.4 X 1.2 $ 0.3 255 1719 335529
23, a is (D) x%& 1.4X1.4 Mise. 2263 335572
b Exits 22X11 3 0.9 35 1506 335573
C té (D) r7 245 235 335755
d, d’ 3x3 I.QX1.5 208 I12I 335758
24, a $xi 22X10 Kiva H 633 3360112
b 14 (D) 3.1 282 IOII 336113
25,@ %8(D)xx 2.0X 1.1 330 1863 335761
b +8 (D) x4 20% 12 330 1864 335762
c 2(D) xt 1.9x 1.7 330 1865 335763
d 2(D)x# 1.9 X 2.0 Kiva2-D 2359 335764
26, a 32 (D) x % 2.0X 0.4 325 1514 335767
b 48 (D) x % 2.0 X 0.7 W.Ct. Trench 2212 335768
27,4 $(D) x2 0.9 X 5.5 290 1029 335118
b $(D) x2 0.9 x 5.0 Misc. 2181 335113
c $(D) x1% 0.9 x 3.6 Misc. 932 335113
d 4(D) x¢ 0.6 x 2.2 Misc. 2181 335113
e 3(D) x1 0.9X 4.4 Kiva Q 1328 335109
Shiau) Mies (D)ixF 0.7 X1.5 229 218 335583
b 2(D) xt 0.9 x 1.7 E. of 152 1279 335582
c ixis T5 X11 & 1.5 264 812 335584
d re xt 26a § 1.5 DebrisS. 1346 335581
of 55-57
e xt 2.2X1.7 3 1.5 Debris S. 1346 335581
of 55-57
f Zx$ 2.2X1.5 4 t-2 Debris S. 1346 335581
of 55-57
g 13x t8 3.8 x 2.3 3 1.5 Kiva A 176 335587
20/0 ahx 13 6.3 X 3.4 Z 2.2 226 385 335815
b ai x 2h 5.75.7 14 3a 255 434 335818
c 2x 2h 5.0 x 6.3 13 3.4 226 467 335818
30 3x 3h FOX 79 13 4.4 E.refusemound 951 335814
31 5ixé 14.6 X 1.5 is 0.4 224 236 335631
32 4} x 34 11.4 x 8.2 I 2.5 277 948 335808
33a 44 x 276 10.7 X 5.2 4 0.6 266 309 335664
b 33 x 23 8.8 x 6.6 ts 0.7 248B 204 335065
34, a 3kx1u% 8.8 x L.I 4 0.3 P.del A. A-130 334811
b 2isxZ 6.5 x 0.9 ds 0.2 P.del A. A-130 334811

(Continued)

WHOLE VOL.

PUEBLO BONITO

TEXT FIGURES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Figure Inches Cm.
35, a 3%3 x Iv 8.0 x 3.0
b 3ix Iie 8.2 x 3.9
36, a 14g x 14 4.2 x 2.8
b zxtt 2.2 X 2.0
c 138 x 13 4.9 X 3.4
d Ix # 2.5 X 1.9
Sy xi} AS
38 73 19.6
39 2} x} 5.3 X 1.9
40, a 54x ic 13:65510-4
b 76 x 18 18.2 x 2.3
4I 104 x 1% 26.6 X 4.1
42,4 2% (D) 7-3
b, b’ 2t8 (D) 70
43 $ (D) 4.1
44 4§ x 34 11.7x 8.2
45 4 ry,
46 18 45.7
47, a Its x 1% 3.9 X 3.0
b 2xI 50x25
48 23 (D) 6.3
49 33x 3 9.5 X 7.6
50, a
b 64 (D) 16.5
Cc 4% x 44 12.3 x 10.7
d 43 x 23 11.4 x 6.0
e
f 2§ X 25 7-3X 6.3
g
51,a 13 (D) 4.4
b 1x14 4.4 x 3.8
c 148 x 1% 4.6 X 3.0
52 7 17.7
53, a Iz (D) 3.6
b 14x % 3.8 x 2.2
Cc 14 (D) 3.8
d Is (D) 2.6
e % (D) 22
f 13 x 78 4.4X 2.3
54, a 2x2 5.0 x 5.0
Ix} 25X22

Height or

thickness
Inches Cm.
$ 0.3
3b 0.2
ic 0.4
4 0.6
3 1.5
4 0.6
ic 0.4
$ 1.9
1 17
8 1.5
& 0.3
ts 0.4
vs 0.1
$ 0.9
1} 2.8
2} 6.3
3 1.5
1is 3.0
Its 2.6
23 6.9
+8 2.3
+8 2.3
14 28
3 1.5
¢ 1.9
4 12
2 5.3
176 3.3

(Continued)

Provenience
293
203
320
348

Field
No.

1076
1076
1421
2339

E. refuse mound 934
E. refuse mound 2262

W. refuse mound

225
334
Kiva L
Kiva L
225
226
266
298
226
206
320
Trench,

E. refuse mound

204
1989
1173
1173

206

455

830

1156

420
IIOI
1405

953

W. Ct. Trench 2256

335
256

I5I
SW. cor.,

Kiva V square

248
Kiva J
Kiva B

272

290

Misc.

2053

599

9
2168

372
776
351
765
1040

W.refuse mound 507

Kiva 2-E
Kiva T
226
290
323
323
Misc.

1285
1790

491
1063
1756

381

U.S.N.M.
No.

335625
335625
3354908
335498
335499
335499
(Palmer)
335170
335146
335265
335265
335241
335262
335231
335230
335292
335227
335342
336099

336099
336081
336144
336558
336558
336558
336558
336558

336558
336558
3360901
336096
336096
336562
336090
336002
336093
336094
336095
336007
336088
336088

Figure
54, ¢
d

é
55,4
b

(Si
56
57, a

ON
N
Sh Gf Seite ar (So sy Ss

ON
w

72,4

ey Oo So

382 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124
TEXT FIGURES—continued
Diameter (D) or Height or
length x width thickness
: Field U.S.N.M.
Inches Cm. Inches Cm. Provenience No. No.

14x 2.8 x 1.9 13 4.1 Misc. 336088

2x 1% 5.0 X 4.4 4 3.8 Misc. 336088

4k 10.4 3% 9.8 Misc. 336088

2x If 5.0 X 4.7 2h 6.3 Misc. 2206 336088

sx 1} 4.1x 2.8 13 4.4 326 1724 336088

3x 13 7.6 X 4.4 2i5 5.2 Misc. 336088
7x34 rere Bio 31 8.2 Misc. 330088
13x14 4.4 X 3.1 14 3.8 Trench, 949 336088

E. refuse mound
2x12 5.0x 3.4 14 3.8 290 1038 336088
14x 17g 3.8 x 2.6 34 8.8 Trench, 500 336088
E. refuse mound

x1 2.5X2.5 Iie 3.0 Mise. 2206 336088

13x 1% 3.4 X Ast 3 1.9 Misc. 2206 336088

1$ x 28 4.1 x 6.6 375 Fee 316 1274 336089

aix 1} fy ae to 226 336089

ts (D) x 2¢5 TO Si Kiva J 710 336089
13x% 3.8 x 2.2 Iis a4 Misc. 336089
IgxI 4.1 X2.5 Misc. 2266 336089
gx} TOecde2 24 yy Misc. 330089
Ix 25x11 118 4.6 316 336089

Ix? 2.5 X15 8 7.6 320 336089

Irs x 13 3.6x 4.4 Misc. 2206 336089
14x 2¢8 3.1% 5.2 Kiva H 336089

148 x 2% 4.6 X 7.3 Misc. 2206 336089
tix 2} sr 5:3 Misc. 336089

275 x It 5.2x2.8 251 475 336089

5% x 33 14.9x8.8 Kiva E 336089

2x Its 5.0 X 3.3 Ive 2.6 326(Skel.5) 1646 336067

1 (D) 2.5 13 4.4 200 118 336058

1% (D) 2.8 Ig 4.1 248 339 336059

§X 38 15.5 X 7.9 16 II 272 733 335627

Sis x 23 12.8 x 6.0 347, subfloor 2349 335873

$ (D) x 18 0.9 X 45.7 209 49 335203
ts (D) x 63 0.7 X 16.5 226 421 335200
330 2210 335196

2i8 x i 71X11 334 1986 335190

7 77 208 1118 335205

fs (D) x3 1.4x 7.6 202 76 335219
4(D) x3 L2% 7.6 320 1423 335217
4 (D) x 3% 12x87 320 1423 335217
ts (D) x 23 0.7 x 6.9 304 1169 335224
# (D) x 4% 0.9 X 12.3 203 56 335218

(Continued)

WHOLE VOL.

Figure Inches
72, 4 (D) x73
f ts (D) x73
74 34 x 34
75,4 316 x 1%
b 2ts x 2§
76 43 x}
1% (D) x 38
b ts (D) x 6x5
78 123 x14
79 IZx 18
Ix?
b $x
c té x vs
d 18 x te
e tx
f tex %
g xis
h &xv
1 $x
j $ (D)
k ts (D)
l $(D)
a, a’ 1 (D)
82 23 x 1}
1} (D)
b 24 (D)
vs (D) x1%
ts (D) xix
$(D) x1%
§(D) x1f
4 (D) x 476
2ixis
is (D) x 3%
#8 (D) x 48
66 x 1%
Ext
87 3g x 248
43 x 23
4¢ x14
38 X 24
1(D)x#
b 14 (D) x2
92 2x1

oa)
aN
STR Aanere an &

SSR

PUEBLO BONITO

TEXT FIGURES—continued

Diameter (D) or
length x width

Cm.
1.2 x 19.3
0.4 x 18.0
8.8 x 8.2
8.0 x 3.4
6.1 x 6.0
12.0 x 1.9
4.7x8.5
0.7 x 16.3
32:3. % 31
3.8 x 4.1
2.5X0.9
1.9 x 0.6
t7-X0.7
2.0X 0.7
1.7 X 0.9
MATS Liesl
2254 I
1.5 X 0.7
2.2 x 0.9
0.9
0.7
0.9
2.5
6.6 x 4.4
4.4
5:7
igite.sH0)
I.I x 3.6
0.9 X 3.9
0.9 X 4.4
1.2 x 10.3
57
0.7 x 8.0
20 be7
15.7 X 3.4
2214
9.8 x 7.4
II.4 x 6.0
12.0 X 3.1
7:9X 5.7
25522
2.8 x 5.0
5.0 X 4.4

Height or
thickness
Inches Cm.
il 0.4
3
is 0.4
ak 0.1
Ee
ia 0.1
3 0.2
is 0.1
3!
Te 0.1
dy 0.2
ae 0.2
32 0.07
oo 0.2
is 0.4
$ 0.3
4 0.6
1 1.7
4 0.6
1} 2.8
I 2.5
4 0.6
1 ta
4 1.2
23 5.3
4 re
13 3.4
14 3.1

(Continued)

Provenience
320
202
2990B
246
246
Kiva L
226
323
226
255
149
Misc.
Misc.
Misc.
348
348
348
Kiva Q
Kiva X
205
204
326
290
266, subfloor
323
Kiva T
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 8)
326 (Skel. 8)
266

Kiva G
6
6
325

Kiva R
336

Kiva L
326
48
329

Field
No.

1413
66
1081
368
368
1208
377
1550
400
415
216
2243
546
2189
2342
2342
2342
1829
2148
84
123
1709
1030
820
1553
1791
1727
1727
1727
1727
834
1153
1154
861
58
59
1524
1479
2006
1209
1730

1862

383

U.S.N.M.
No.

335217
335229
335339
335232
335232
335237
335244
335254
335242
335229a
335126
335132
335132
335132
335133
335133
335133
335134
335134
335123
335123
335125
335139
335575
335632
335636
335577
335577
335577
335577
335612
335614
335615
335018
335630
335534
335646
335643
335826
336060
336080
340003
335753

384

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

TEXT FIGURES—continued

Diameter (D) or

length x width
Inches Cm.
33 x 23 8.8 x 6.0
% (D) x13 22544
+8 (D) x 3% 2.0 x 8.5
xz 3.4X1.5
1(D)}x3 2.5x 7.6
1g (D) x 23 3.4% 7.3
té (D) x 23 1.7 X 5.7
3% x14 85x28
1g (D) x 43 4.1 X 120
8§ x 13 21.0 X 4.4
$(D) x1t 1.9 x 4.2
1(D) x2 2.5 X 5.0
ts (D) x EIS LS
$ (D) x38 1.9x 8.5
ts (D) x# bs a ap ol
38 x 2t8 9.2x 7.1
38 x 238 9.2 xX 7.1
14x} 3.8 X 1.9
23x15 6.6 x 3.8
mx} 3.8 x 3.8

Height or

thickness

Inches Cm.
1} 3.1
1} 3.1
t 1.9
14 2.8
+8 2.3
I 2.5
1} 4.4

See pl. 84

See pl. 85
Ig 3-4
14 3.1
4 12

$

2.2 E. refuse mound

Provenience
308
Trench,

E. side, W. Ct.

; 320

282
Kiva G
Kiva R
Kiva V
Trench,

E. side, W. Ct.
Kiva R
Kiva G

201
332
332
Misc.
332

330
350
347

300

VOL. 124
Field U.S.N.M,.
No. No.
1255 336083
2328 336056
1420 336045
1010 336043
860 336052
1497 336053
1982 336055
2358 336056
1498 336054
859 336051
85 336042
1797 336047
1797 336047
1157 336057
1798 336048
2131 336063
2214 336062
2350 336064
2205 336065
Ili2 335359

Ee

APPENDIX, B

CANID REMAINS FROM PUEBLO BONITO AND
PUEBLO DEL ARROYO

By GLOVER M. ALLEN 1?

Among the bones recovered in the course of excavations at Pueblo
Bonito and Pueblo del Arroyo are many limb bones, fragments of
skulls, and a few nearly complete skeletons of doglike mammals. A
large part of these are from Kivas F and I, Pueblo del Arroyo, with
a few from other rooms designated by number. These bones include
skulls and leg bones of at least two red foxes (Vulpes), a few bones
of gray fox (Urocyon), other fragmentary skeletons representing at
least 30 coyotes and about 12 Indian dogs. A few parts of skulls and
limb bones represent also a bay lynx (Lynx) and Berlandier’s badger
(Taxidea). Whether the coyotes and the badgers burrowed into the
rooms after these were abandoned by the Indians, making use of them
for shelter and eventually dying in them, may not be possible to tell,
but it is noticeable that nearly all the coyote remains are those of adult
or even old animals. The dog bones are nearly all of one type, repre-
senting a medium-sized dog with slender muzzle and high, elevated
forehead, apparently the same as that I have in a previous paper (Bull.
Mus. Comp. Zool., vol. 63, p. 449, 1920) called the Plains Indian dog,
or perhaps the long-haired breed (ibid., p. 450). In view of the con-
siderable number of skulls and limb bones available from this single
locality, it seems worth while to add the following notes and measure-
ments for comparison with those of similar remains from elsewhere.

Urocyon cinereoargenteus scottii Mearns, Scott’s gray fox.—A
characteristic piece of the cranium, and a few leg bones were among
the fragments submitted.

Vulpes fulva macroura Baird, western red fox.—Two slightly

1Dr. Allen, then curator of mammals, Museum of Comparative Zoology at
Harvard College, submitted this preliminary report in 1927 and expected to add
to it. Ten years later, when advised that I had resumed preparation of the pres-
ent volume, Dr. Allen wrote that he had no changes to make. The remains he
describes were divided equally between the institution he represented and the
U. S. National Museum. Dr. Allen died in 1942 without, to my sincere regret,
having seen in print this further contribution to his life-long study of the Ameri-
can Indian dog. Miss Barbara Lawrence, of the Museum of Comparative Zool-
ogy, has kindly proofread these pages.—N.M.]J.

385

386 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

broken skulls and some leg bones from Room 334 agree almost exactly
in size with corresponding parts of the eastern red fox, of which, there
seems no doubt, macroura is to be regarded a subspecies as Bailey has
done (North Amer. Fauna, No. 35, 1913).

One of the skulls measures: Palatal length, 68 mm.; back of last
molar to front of canine, 64; length of last premolar (p*), 14; zygo-
matic width (circa), 73; width outside first molars, 37.5; width out-
side canines, 22; length of nasals, medially, 48; across frontal shield,
343; occipito-nasal length, 125; basal length (circa), 127; width of
brain case, 48.

The limb bones measure: Humerus length, 127 mm.; radius, 110;
tibia, 140; femur, 137.

Canis lestes Merriam, mountain coyote.—While bones of wolves are
apparently absent from the collection studied, those of a large coyote
of the nebrascensis type are the most numerous of all the canids rep-
resented. Several nearly complete skulls, many jaws, and numbers of
limb bones agree in being slightly larger than the corresponding parts
of two coyote skeletons from Kansas taken to represent the Nebraska
coyote (Canis latrans nebrascensis Merriam). In the present uncertain
status of the various forms of large coyote, the bones may be referred
to Canis lestes, typical in Nevada, but supposed to have a wide range
to the northward and southward, reaching the Mexican boundary. The
skulls are characterized by their long, slender muzzle, low, hardly
elevated forehead, and relatively compressed teeth, which are smaller
than those of a wolf but larger and sharper-cusped than those of the
dog. The limb bones are longer than those of the dog, but much more
slender than those of a wolf. At the distal end of the humerus the
olecranal foramen is always a large perforation, whereas in the Indian
dogs it is usually much smaller, or it may be entirely filled in by bone.
In the tables following are given the dimensions of several of the less-
broken skulls as well as measurements of limb bones.

The longest of associated metapodials measured 81 mm.; transverse
width of atlas, 71; greatest length of scapula, 126; its width, 60.5. In
one case a third lower molar, instead of having a simple peglike root,
had this portion nearly divided by a deep vertical groove.

Since most of the coyote skulls were of full-grown adults, it is
assumed that some of the variation in size is correlated with sex, the
smaller bones probably those of females. A large part of the bones
are somewhat injured at the ends, so that a relatively small number
were sufficiently perfect to measure.

Canis familiaris Linnaeus, Indian dog.—Two nearly complete skele-
tons were found in addition to four other skulls in fair condition, as

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO 387

Measurements of coyote crania (mm.)*

a b c d e t g h

Occiput to. enathion......7.% 6. ae ss ete i GQus 203
Basa lotene tia (cs sce. worereecae ne o Efe ne ny val duis e
Ravatalelengthit ssc cise eeeiseece Oo OO) OF.) (Ot te Seo FOO
Length, back of p* to front of

CANE va ethers: Leen Talents ABV Vi7ay UGS) 6659. Oon Mw e73 ioe 72
PEPTORCENR) OF TV": 6 6iaa's's let dae date 20:26:20) 2055) 10/5 20)5)) 200) 20:31) 20
ZySOmatic. Width)... lenisie xd =e O4, WE OOy Ast He ue ae
Width outside first molars..... Sa ORR a GEA BeOS ed Tes) ets
Width outside canines......... B22 BTS SOrearsOP eros en Gera aod oe
Mastoid Width) 2). ccacceea se’ 61 Ae Le bi G2 08; Mies 61
Width of frontal shield........ Af 43 nes te 2h Ware 51
Width of occipital condyles.... 35 ae ae ns A Bic 35 aie
Wadthyoh ibrainycase.sc).c.o 4c. ae aa ys “A Bein BO+ 5G ft 63

* Pueblo Bonito: a is Field No. 1484, shallowly buried in Kiva R; b-d are from debris of
occupation in Room 334. Pueblo del Arroyo: e, f, h, from Kiva I; g, unidentified.

Measurements of coyote jaws +

a b c d e f g h
Condyle to front of alveolus of
TUECISOIgeh cote sen aalars shortens TAA IZA) 130) TAO! T4645 3tAS ers OntsO
Back of last molar to front of
GUID Gere sah arth sateroare wees 00. 92>, 95°. 06°. OO “Oz ‘Te2;5 e102
Length of first molar.......... BR) 22 Shr 22i50* 2G SES: eR a ee setae

t Pueblo Bonito: a is part of No. 1484, Kiva R; b-d, from Room 334; e, from Room 323.
Pueblo del Arroyo: f-h, from Kiva I.

Measurements of coyote bones

a b c d e f g h
lAloranerabey Waal She Goooeeddar I5r Is? Ess, 150. 162) 163) \ Tos nies
width distally ...... Ba 204) Sy | 275 ean eat = em aneors
Readirss lengthy c.atclscryele were cierse 164. 170° -L7L 1725 TIAN 7h 1020) toe
(Winaselenathis sweats ochtsic.s skies « 175) LO LOO LOG LOO me cOsuer LOS as
HMemielenothicss. « <icisisiss.co Sstevere 164: ., 170) 180, 180.) S82 175
width distally ......... SI 0." 20" Bas SB) BGC meee bras

MA Dia wlerieElaiee sicnaerdis's. o sitveisie ee 170 169 r8t 184 185 188 1095 188

Width OF heady... co... 33.5 30° gag sor sr Mer sriar t4a4
Babulatlenctly (iia cbe cule Ses I5I aa dt SER Tee nerd eee
Pelvis, greatest length......... F239) fE20) i) 120) eTAS

well as a number of associated limb bones, which are clearly of the
domestic dog. One nearly perfect skull is that of a puppy with milk
dentition. The skulls are all of one type, representing the common,
medium-size breed of dog, probably here similar to what I have called
the Plains Indian Dog, or the long-haired variety such as Dr. Kidder
and Mr. Guernsey found mummified at White Dog Cave, Arizona.?

2 Pap. Peabody Mus. Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., Harvard University, vol. 8,
No. 2, p. 44, 1921.

388 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

It has a skull considerably smaller and with smaller teeth than the
coyote’s ; the forehead is well elevated above the plane of the rostrum;
the muzzle is rather slender and delicate; and the brain case has a
strong sagittal ridge, which is reduced slightly behind at the occiput.
The lower jaw, in addition to its smaller size and shorter-crowned
carnassial, usually differs from that of the coyote in having the tooth
row much more obviously bent outward with the apex of the bow at
the region of the first molar. One of the skeletons is that of an imma-
ture dog with the epiphyses still free, a smallish animal ; another differs
from the other specimens in being much larger and heavier-boned,
with stout jaws, and a large skull, with, however, the usual high
forehead and strong sagittal crest. It is so different from the other
remains that it might be thought to represent another breed of dog.
The associated limb bones, presumed to belong to the same individual,
are longer and heavier than usual, about equaling those of a coyote in
length, but not so slender. The humeri are widely perforate distally.
The dimensions of this specimen are those given last in the following
tables. The possibility that this was a hybrid between dog and coyote
may not be overlooked, but although such crosses are said to occur,
no skeletons of these mongrels are available for comparison. A few
among the limb bones referred to dogs are much shorter than the
average and may represent a smaller breed, or perhaps smallish fe-
males, but no evidence was found of any dog of the smaller type—
“techichi’ or short-nosed dog (“Pachycyon’’). In most of the humeri,
the olecranal perforation was relatively less than in the coyote; in some
cases it was very small and again was absent altogether, a trait com-
mon in the American Indian dogs. No abnormalities in the number of
teeth were noticed.

These dimensions are slightly smaller than those published in my
previous paper for dog remains from Pecos, N. Mex., and from San
Nicolas Island, Calif.; but in size of teeth agree with those of the
short-legged dog of the eastern and northern parts of America.

The scapula measured in two specimens is IOI mm. in greatest
length, and 52 mm. in greatest width. The pelvis is 120 and 122 mm.,
respectively, in two cases, but in the large dog mentioned is 149. The
length of the longest metapodial is 60 to 62 mm. There is some varia-
tion in the details of the cusps on the teeth; in one case the anterior-
most lower premolar has a small secondary cusp. Compared with limb
bones from eastern United States these New Mexican bones are con-
siderably shorter than those of the larger Indian dog, but agree very
well with what I have called the short-legged Indian dog, except for
the large specimen, which equals the former in size.

(-Sz6r ‘suoaeEy “DO Aq ydersojoyg) ‘osSosry ep C[qend “7 BAN JO Joop UO uUOJs]oxs Soq—I01 aLVIg

Ree

WHOLE VOL. PUEBLO BONITO

Measurements of Indian dog crania, Pueblo del Arroyo (mm.)*

a b
Meciput to enathion: .3..0..e<sebeaes 161 162
Pes eneth ok blo amanees waees 146 146
Reena LOHP EES wc cae idee aye cave a3 82
Back of p* to front of canine......... 56.5 72
PERPELU TOE G0" ices oc srearoce Wie’ adage wiclahere' 165. 57
Width outside first molars........... aie 59
Width outside canines............... ree 35
Nein OF Dra Case: . 6 ..ceascccecs oe 51 55
RAPIteNC: WACUD) Judicial ee eae ada tei cic ts 59 58
MV ICED OL CONMWIES 6. co's cues neva ce ¢ i is
Poyemnatie wadthy 3'. oc cl os Voccuw ec vne ‘ie
Width of frontal shield.............. 45 aes
Jaw, condyle to base of incisor....... 122 120
Back of last molar to front of canine. 81 81
Length of first lower molar.......... 19.6 20.5

c

166

125
84
aI

d e
168 173
146 140
82 83
56 = 58
17 16
56 58.5
me 33
53 53
59 ~3=—s 58
31 32
93
47

124. T2565
80 80
20 18

144
96
25.5

*a, from Room 37; b, Kiva I; c-e, Kiva F, e (No. 484) being seen in situ on plate 101;

f, unidentified.

Measurements of Indian dog bones

a b
Premerus, lenetha: s.v.s05 vesicnisecscces Wes 130
width distally .ccccnsecoo 23 28.5

Reis MOM GEE 4c cis a ti ccaenea os eek Tig: 129

MUS TRENT aicin cle: wn; <s0:n js ,0w acids ase > 6s 155.5 153
OMe GUO E oc. ssa)cleinye ails woe ates wets 143

MIEN, CISA Yoo icc ocwece ec ss 25.5

SUBSE P RED ce. en sce c's w xiw'ee.o o bie blac 148 140

WIG GE NEAG. 6. oLis0n4-sav cae se 29 28

BUMS POMEUN 2 as iicyi win'o 4:6 Sviare diniecaielees evel ear

c
140

27.5
115
130

141

30
126

d e
rf) \ Bip
22 25
126 139
150

137. 148
24.5 28.5
141

27
127

a4 ui veh
4) saa as

a 1, : mn oe rahe)
| ie Aa tay a i toe ae :

. Bis) aN

Wieive YJ a2 . | " Rt nes

a L$ ree ior hae | 1 ae ' > seems abivynisnea:

Hi Wee a Bs Aaah jos sos» waa : mle

iy) ay tt as 2, et of ah Geet he eae cea ks y
§ tt fA 2a, aa t% CNR ee 9 ah ne
oo Bp G3 ve by e n4 ee thingies ey
has WE, yt »¥ ¥ »* cen iea nce 54 hee ,
se. ee eR : Pabs:

een slpala bulb bia aaeet
i

*y ial re “8 + GP Ne Sees
baa: Bake! BRR ake, ote) one Liu ae fo bend: sap
og 8 nh wi es 16. watheys bo diartl od et
$a ea tne BR YOR OOK ees ranean Stet twat tate

jive whe ng Wik wi dome Belet Chby 18) 46.8 HPER. aie 4d COT me ‘anne unt

aomni4 ooh mei ty poeveevieayth

‘ % y 5 bone 6 et
ae Git wht Ont ars wo duty Liable’ Ate bei cole Onan dryimat
He

|

a re 2 ee > ee Le 1 “taba ae i i
x Cer at ORE BE ORs ele hareSedaameneis ee :

7 Brn

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on. eke Rye ‘ ea cui oekaaente os

HN Poh int on) ey

+
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a a Yee ry neh BUS okadi tev vded deemed wel
tis + th By & ; beat Wd VE

-~.

INDEX

Abraders, 86, 97, 118-124; pls. 25, 26
Agriculture, 59, 60, 68
See also Farming
Alkali, black. See Sodium carbonate
Allen, Glover M., 65, 385
Canid remains from Pueblo Bonito
and Pueblo del Arroyo (Appen-
dix B), 385-387
Alluviation and erosion, alternating, 5, 6
Altar (?) fragments, 275, 276; pl. 78
Altar-stick tassels (?), 272-275; pl. 77
American Museum of Natural History,
viii, 27
Amsden, Monroe, ix, 177, 180
Anderson, Capt. R. P., ix
Andesite. See Temper, pottery
Antelope, effigies of, 218
use of, for food and clothing, 64
Architecture, 19, 23, 30-36, 39-44, 46
doors, 41-44, 46; pl. 8
Late Bonitian, 19, 30-32, 40-41
Old Bonitian, 19, 30-32, 40-41
post-and-mud walls, 30, 34, 40
slabs on end, 30
ties with north, 32-35
ties with south, 33-36
ventilators, 44, 46
wattled walls, 41
whitewash, 41
windows, 39
Arrowheads, 252, 253; pls. 73, 74
See also Projectile points
Arrows, 252-253
Arroyo in Chaco Canyon, prehistoric,
3, 5, 13-14
present, 3, 5, 9, 12, 52, 61
Arthritis, 68, 335
Awls, 66, 140-145; pl. 33
Axes, 239-240; pl. 70
Azurite, 102, 103, 285

Baake, William, xi
Balls, clay, on sticks, 294, 295
Ban, Cecil, ix

“Bark strippers,’ 146
Basket Maker times, 72, 174, 201, 265
Basket Maker village, 15, 137, 183
Baskets, bark, 172
bifurcated, 307-316; pls. 85, 86, 87,
88, 92
burden (carrying), 171
clay-coated, 321
coiled, 22, 162-171, 306, 307, 321
conical, 170
cylindrical, 105, 166-171, 306, 307;
pls. 45, 84, 92
painted, 306, 321; pl. 84
plaited, 159-162
ring, 159-161 ; pls. 35, 40, 41
Basketry, 159-173
ceremonial, 306-324
coiled, 162-165
bowls, 162-165
cups, pl. 43
trays, elliptical, 165, 166, 306;
pl. 44
vessels, pl. 42
Beadmaking, 86-87, 108
Beads, bone, 107, 108, 109
clay, pl. 21
shell, 28, 83, 87-92; pl. 21
stone, 90; pl. 21
turquoise, 83-85; pls. 9, 19, 22
Beal, Frank, 343, 347, 351
Beam Expeditions, viii
Beams, age of, iii
Bear effigies, 221; pl. 66
Bear meat taboo, 65
Bear remains in Pueblo Bonito, 64, 65,
324
Beds and bedding, 39, 50-51
Bells, copper, 109-115
Benavides, 64, 261
Benches, 47 ;
Beyal, Hosteen, 5, 10, 58, 247, 343-347,
351-353; pl. 3
Bird bones, 263-267; pl. 76
Bird effigies, 296, 297, 333

391

392

Bird feathers, 263-267
Black House. See Kinklizhin ruin
Blankets, cotton, 72, 73
feather, 72
rabbit-fur, 39, 72, 73
Blom, Frans, ix
Board ends, 156-157; pl. 39
Bone implements, 139-152
Bone objects, 279-280
Bone scrapers. See Scrapers, bone
Bonitians, Old and Late, 38
Bottles, gourd, 159
Bowl handle, four-armed, 209
Bowls, basketry, 162-165
pottery, 22, 25, 175, 177, 189-200;
pls. 51-56, 58, 63, 69, 82
Bows, 248-251; pls. 71, 72
Bracelets, shell, 94, 107
turquoise, 98; pl. 22
Breazeale, J. F., 11, 59, 60
Bridge, Josiah, 129
Briggs, Lyman J., iv, 111
Bryan, Kirk, geological studies in
Chaco Canyon, iv, ix, xi, 5, 6, 13, 14
Burial rooms, 26, 28, 191, 192, 254,
325-345
Hyde Expedition, 337-342
Burials, human, miscellaneous, 336-
337; pls. 91-100
infant, 336; pl. 100
intramural, 325-342; pls. 91-100

Calahan, Dolores, ix
Calcite, ornaments of, IOI
Canid remains from Pueblo Bonito and
Pueblo del Arroyo (Appendix B),
385-389
Canis species, 386-380.
Canteens, 159, 207-208; pl. 65 |
Canyon del Muerto, 271, 320
Castafieda, 128-129
Cattlemen in Chaco Canyon, 5, 343
Celtlike object, hematite, 283
Chaco Canyon, vii
aboriginal occupancy of, 14-18, 29
arroyo in, 3, 5, 9, 12-14, 52, 61
Basket Maker village in, 15, 137,
183
biota of, 2, 4, 10, 61, 64, 65, 140,
247, 266

SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

VOL. 124

Chaco Canyon, cattlemen in, 5, 343
description of, 1-2, 4, 67
discovery and exploration of, 6-9
erosion and alluviation in, 5, 13, 15
floodwater farming in, 52-56
forests in, 2, 3, 344
PI pit house in, 15, 18, 33, 186, 205
small-house sites in, 15, 33
soil of, 12, 59-61
topographical survey of, ix
water resources of, 4, 9-12, 52, 50,

61, 344, 348
water samples from, analysis of,
11-12
Chaco Canyon National Monument,
1,8

Chaco Canyon ruins, xii, 1, 4, 8, 15
Chaco game animals, 247, 349
Chaco Plateau, 2
Chaco River, 1; pl. 4
Chettro Kettle ruins, 8, 15
Chischilly-begay, Tom, 55, 56; pl. 12
Chisels, bone, 146
Claystone, ornaments of, 101
“Cliff House” sandstones, 2
Climate, 2, 5, 6, 12, 68, 344
Cloisonné work, 230
Clothes racks, 45, 46
Clothing, 69-80
worn by Tiguas, 1581, 60
Cloud blowers, 299-304
Club heads, pl. 21
Clubs, 259, 260; pl. 12
Cly, Dan, 53, 54, 57
Cockelshell and contents, pl. 89
Colligs, Hi BB, Jr5 1x
Conant, Kenneth, ix
Containers, miscellaneous, 172-173
Cooking pots, 186-189; pls. 50-53
Cooper, G. A., 129, 201
Corn, 56, 62, 63; pl. 15
Coronado, 64, 70, 133, 259
Cotton, 69-71
Cougar effigy, 222
Coville, Frederick V., ix, xi, 61
Coyotes, 65, 66, 385-3890
Cradle (?), 49; pl. 9
Culinary ware, banded neck, 177, 186
corrugated coil, 179, 187, 197
Cultural relations, 29-38

WHOLE VOL.

Culture sequences, terminology used, 15

Cupboards, 46

Cups, concretionary, 283, 284

Cylinders, sandstone, 283 ; pl. 82
wooden, 276, 277; pl. 78

Daggers (?), 259
Deer, effigies of, 218
use of, for food and clothing, 64
Deer and antelope corral near Esca-
vada Wash, 64, 247
Dibbles. See planting sticks
Dice, bone, 279, 280
Digging sticks, 241-243
reworked fragments of, 153, 154
Disks, pottery, 228-229
Dodge, Richard E., x
Dogs, 65, 66, 385-3890
Doll (?), wooden, 157; pl. 38
Doors, 41-44, 46; pl. 8
Douglass, Andrew Ellicott, iii, viii, xi,
Be Gr Lay, Soy, (ate!
Drawknife, bone, 146; pl. 32
Dress and adornment, 69-116
Drills, 87, 132; pl. 20

Eardrops, shell, 93, 95
turquoise, 85; pls. 9, 19

Effigies, antelope, 218
bear, 221
bifurcated basket, 316-318, 320;

pl. 88
bird, 296, 207, 333
deer, 218
earthenware,
316-320

frog, 207
jet, 100, IOI
human-effigy vessel, 224-227
pottery vessel, 215-227
rattlesnake, 278
stone, 227, 292, 205-208
toad, 223
tortoise, 223
turquoise, 98, 99, 296
wooden “doll,” 157

Effigy vessels, 216-227,

Erwin, A. T., 61

Escavada River, 58

208,

216-227, 207,

INDEX

393

Escavada Wash, irrigation ditches on,
58
Expeditions, iii, vii, x, 7-9, 16, 17, 25,
53, 245
annual symposia, x
collections, xi
field staff, ix
Indian workmen, x
reports, iv, xi

Fajada Butte, 4
Farming, floodwater, 3, 52-56; pl. 13
Feathers, 266, 267
color control of, 263
eagle, 266
parrot and macaw, 81, 263-265, 267
prayer, 267
turkey, 263, 266
Fewkes, J. W., vii, 172, 282
Figurines, 199, 295-209
“Files,” sandstone, 87, 123
Fire-making, implements of, 152, 153
Fireplaces, 32, 44-45
Flutes, wooden, 305
Forests, ancient, 2-6
Foshag, W. F., xi
Fossils, 291
Footprint, fossil, pl. 100
Friedmann, Herbert, 263
Frogs, effigies of, 297
Fruits, 61-63
Furniture and furnishings, 39, 49-52

Galena, 102
Gallegos, 69-70, 204
Games: basket, 354
foot race, 354
Navaho, 354
pole and ring, 354
shinny, 354
stick, 354
Goodwin, Mrs. James W., xii
Gourds, canteens made from, 159
painted rind, 279
Graves, Old Bonitian, 28
Great Drought, 6, 68
Gregg, Josiah, 6
Grosvenor, Gilbert, iv, viii, ix
Guthe, Carl E., 175

394 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

Hammers, stone, 117-118; pl. 24
Hammond, L. C., ix
Hand stones, pl. 27
Haury, Emil W., 87
Havens, O. C., ix, 35
Headband. See Tumplines
Hearths, fire-drill, 152-153
Hematite, stick of, 286, 287
Henderson, E. P., xi, 90, 285
Hewett, Edgar L., 56-58
Hoes, shoulder-blade, 243
stone, 243-245
See also Tcamahias
Holmes, W. H., vii
Holsinger, S. J., 8, 56, 58
Hosta, Old, 6
Hough, Walter, 39
Household tools and utensils, 117-173
Houses, Late Bonitian, 19, 20, 27, 28,
30-31
Old Bonitian, 17, 19, 20, 27, 28,
30-31
Pueblo I pit, 15, 18, 29, 31, 32
Pueblo II pit, 33, 34, 35
Humeri, scrapers. See Scrapers, bone
nyde..B. 2. Bi, x; 7,16, 22
Hyde, Frederick E., Jr., 7, 8
Hyde Exploration Expeditions, x, 7, 8,
16, 17, 25, 53, 245

Implements, agricultural, 241-246
antler, 152
bone, 139-152; pls. 32, 33, 34, 36, 37
field and chase, 239-260
stone, 117-139, 239; pls. 20, 23-28,
30, 31, 70
wood, 152-159; pls. 38, 39
Irrigation ditches, 55-59, 345, 347, 350;
pl. 14
See also Farming, floodwater

Jackson, W. H., x, 4, 5, 6, 10, 13, 346
Jar covers, 22, 127-128, 204, 230; pls.
24, 53

Jar rests (or potrests), 173, 228; pl. 46
Jar stopper, 230
Jars, 204-208; pls. 58, 64, 66

San Juan kiva, 26

See also Ollas

VOL. 124

Jeancon, Jean Allard, 34

Jet. See Ornaments, jet, and lignite
Johnson, David H., xi, 64, 149
Judd, Anne Mackay, xii

Judd, Neil M., iii, iv

Kachina dancers, 261
Kaolin, 184, 185, 286
Kellogg, Remington, xi, 64
Kidder, A. V., vii, 35
Kin Yai ruins. See Pueblo Viejo
Kinbiniyol ruin, 1, 56
Kinbiniyol Valley, 55; pl. 13
irrigation, 56, 57
Juan’s Lake, 55
Navaho farms, 55-56
King, P. B., 129
Kinklizhin ruin, 57
Kirk, Edwin, 129
Kiva Q, 21, 27, 130, 176
Kiva R, 27, 66, 268
Kivas, Great, 35, 36
Old Bonitian, 33-34
pre-Zuni at Hawikuh, 35, 37
under West Court, 176-177
Knives, 128-131, 289; pl. 28

La Gorce, John Oliver, ix
Ladd, Robert N., xii

Ladders, 42

Ladles, 201-202; pls. 61, 62, 69
Linsley, A. H., ix

Loom anchors, 155-156; pl. 39
Loom bars, 154-155; pl. 38
Loos, Leta B., xii

Luxan, 62, 70, 190

Macaw clan, 263

Macaws, 263-265; pls. 75, 76

Maize, 30, 64, 132

Malachite, 102, 103, 285

Malcolm, Roy I., 14

Mammals, 64-66, 140, 324

Manos (mullers), 132, 138

Manuelito ruins, 36

Martin, George B., ix, 35

Masonry, 10, 23, 24, 26, 30, 34; pls. 5,
7, 8, 14

Matriliny, 40

WHOLE VOL.

Mats and matting, 50, 51, 325, 326, 327,
320, 330, 331, 332, 334; pls. 0, 11
Mauls, 240-241
McFarlane, Robert, ix
McLellan, George M., ix
McNaughton, J. B., ix
Mealing bins, pl. 29
“Medicine stones,” 286-289, 291
Meggers, Betty Jane, xii
Meggers, William F., 111-115
Menefee formation, 2
Mental telepathy of Indians, 84-85
Merriam, C. Hart, ix
Mesa Verde mugs, 26; pl. 7
Metates (mills), 132-138; pls. 26, 30,
31
Mica, 102
Micaceous schist, 291, 292
Miera y Pacheco, Don Bernardo,
map, 6
Miller, G. S., Jr., xi
Milling bins, 133-134
Milling stones. See Metates
Mindeleff, Victor, x, 6, 39, 40, 41, 48,
49
Minerals, 280-204
Morgan, Lewis H., 6
Morley, Sylvanus G., vii, ix
Morris, Earl H., vii, 33-35, 172, 234,
271
Morrison, Lt. C. C., 57
Mortars, 139; pl. 82
Morton, C. V., xi, 61
Mosaics, 104-105
Mountain-lion effigies, 222, 295; pl. 83
Mountain-lion remains, 64, 65, 324
Mugs in Room 32, 26; pl. 7
Mummy Cave Tower, 271, 320
Musical instruments, 304-306
flutes, wooden, 305
trumpets, shell, 305-306
whistles, bone, 304-305

“Napkin rings,” 227
National Geographic Society, Beam
Expeditions, iii, viii
Chaco Canyon reconnaissance, iii,
Vii
Committee on Research, iii, iv, viii

INDEX

395

National Geographic Society, Pueblo
Bonito Expeditions, iii, vii, 8-9, 175
Navaho in Chaco Canyon, 3, 4, 14, 67,

343, 350
(Hosteen Beyal), 5, 10, 58, 247,
343-347, 351-353
Mexicans and, 347, 350
Nogoilpi story, 351-354
(Old Wello), 5, 83, 247, 343-345,
349
(Padilla), 343, 347-350, 353, 354
Utes and, 346, 350
Navaho irrigation ditches, 57-50, 347,
350
Necklaces, 84, 85; pls. 9, 19, 20, 22, 08
Needles, bone, pl. 34
Nelson, N. C., 16, 17, 232

Ocher, 286
Ollas, 204-207; pl. 64
Ornaments, 80-109; pls. 9, 19, 21, 22
bone, 107-109
calcite and selenite, 101, 102
clay, 90; pl. 21
claystone, IOI, 102
fluorite, 103
jet, 90, 100, 101; pl. 22
lignite, 101
manufacture of, 86-87, 97
miscellaneous, 103
potsherd, 104
seed, 90, 103
shell, 28, 81, 83, 87-96, 107; pl. 21
stone, 83, 84, 87, 90, 91, I0I-103;
pl. 21
turquoise, 81-85, 88, 80, 96-99; pls.
9, 19, 22
Osteoporosis symmetrica, 68, 328, 335

Padilla (Navaho informer), 58, 509,
343, 347-350, 353, 354; pl. 3

Paints, 115, 186-190, 283-286

Palette, paint, 285

Palmer, Edward, 129

Parrot feathers, 263, 264

Parsons, Elsie Clews, 262, 269

Pefiasco Blanco, 5, 58

Pendants, 85, 90, 93-96, 99, 102, 104,
220; pl. 22

396 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS

People, 18-29, 36, 179
Late Bonitians and Old Bonitians,
38
Pepper, George H., ix, 7, 8, 16, 22-27,
45, 47, 51, 64, 124, 172, 202, 267,
27. O72
Pine trees, 2, 3; pl. 2
Pins, bone, pl. 34
Pipes, 299-304
Pitchers, 22, 25, 127, 177, IOI, 202-204;
pls. 6, 52, 57, 63, 69
Plan, 16, 17
Planting sticks, 241
Plants, xi, 61-63
Plume holder, clay, 293, 204
Polishers, pottery, 125
Potatoes, wild, 63
Potrests, (or pot rings). See Jar rests
Pots, cooking, 177, 181, 186-189, 198
Potsherds, 104, 177, 178, 181, 209, 228;
pls. 48, 40, 62
Pottery, 21-28, 31-34, 127-128, 174-238;
pls. 24, 48-58, 63, 60
ancestral Zuni, 36
basket imprinted, 198-199; pl. 52
black-on-white, 184, 204, 228
black rim line, 33, 178, 191
brown-with-polished-black-
interior, 197, 198
“Chaco-San Juan,” 21, 179, 180,
183, 190, 198, 203, 231, 232; pl.
49
Corrugated-coil, 21; pl. 52
foreign, 195; pls. 50, 58
“Gallina,” 106
imported, 194-195, 232-233
Late Bonitian, 21, 22, 179-180, 201,
2035-200, 231,) 203,)(205,,| 200;
pl. 50
Little Colorado polychrome, 36
“Mancos black-on-white,” 33
“Matte” decorated, 196, 197
“McElmo _black-on-white,” 194,
206
Mesa Verde, 21, 179, 180, 232; pl.
58
miniature, I91, 214-216; pl. 69
Old Bonitian, 21, 22, 32, 178-180,
201, 203, 205, 206, 208, 231; pl.
50

VOL. 124

Pottery, painted, 177, 178, 200
Plain-banded, 21
pre-Pueblo, 177, 191; pl. 48
San Juan, 36
Solid, 21
straight-line hatched, 178, 180, 233,
234; pl. 49
stratigraphy of, 16, 176-180, 230-
i
terminology of, 177
“Transitional,” 21, 30-32, 36, 177,
178, 183, 191, 205; pl. 48
Tularosa black-on-white, 36
“typical” Chaco, 233
Prayer feathers, 267
Prayer meal, 261
Prayer sticks, 261-272
Projectile points, 253-257; pls. 73, 74
Provenience of objects illustrated, 365-
384
Pueblo Alto, 2, 354
Pueblo del Arroyo, vii, xi, 4, 7, 8, 9,
13, 185, 199, 207, 244, 385-387; pl. 4
canid remains from, 385-387
Pueblo Pintado, 1
Pueblo Viejo, 1
Pueblo Wejegi, 4
Punches (?), bone, 145-146
Putnam, F. W., 7

Quartz crystal, 289

Rabbits, 64, 141, 246

Rattlesnake effigy, 278

Reeside, J. B., Jr., 129, 201

Rehder, Harold A., 89

Religious articles, 261-324

Religious ceremonies, 261

Ribs, worked, 146; pls. 32, 33

Rings, 106, 107; pl. 22

Rio Chaco, 4

Rio San Juan, 1

“Roads,” prehistoric, 346, 347, 350

Roberts, Frank ‘H. H., Jr. ig 15:8
36, 177, 184

Roberts, Henry B., ix

Root, W. C., 110-111

Rowland, Lucy H., xii

Ruppert, Karl, ix

Rubbing and smoothing stones, 125;
pls. 25, 27

WHOLE VOL.

Sacrificial offerings, 65, 83, 80, 90, 95,
99, 254, 255, 322-324, 327-329, 331,
332, 334

San Juan kiva jar, typical, 26

San Juan River, 2, 5, 20, 34, 35, 37, 281

Sandal designs, 40, 41, 74, 75, 281-283

Sandals, 73-80; pls. 16-18

Sanidine basalt, 181-183

Saws, sandstone, 124, 125, 130, 131

Scofield, Carl L., ix, 10, 11, 59, 61

Scrapers, bone, 146-151; pls. 32, 36, 37

end, 146-152; pl. 32
stone, 131, 132
pottery, 153, 184, 185, 228; pl. 38

Selenite, ornaments of, 101, 102

Setzler, Susan P., xii

Shale, red. See Claystone

Shamel, Harold H., xi, 64

Sheldon, Charles, ix

Shells, 89

Shelves, 45, 46

Shepard, Anna O., 181-183, 234-238

Shields, 260

Silicified wood, use of, 202

Simpson, Lt. James H., 1849, 4, 5, 6

Size and provenience of objects illus-
trated, 365-384

Skeletal remains, animal, 324, 385-3890;
pl. 101

human, 326-339; pls. 91-100

Smith, Hugh M., ix

Smith, Philip Sidney, ix

Soil, 12, 59-61

analysis of, 60

Spatula, wood, 153

Spearhead, “ceremonial,” 289, 290

Spears (?), 259-260

Spindle whorls, 153-154, 155, 156

Stamps, earthenware, 229

Staves, See Sticks, ceremonial

Stewart, B. Anthony, xi

Sticks, bent, 269, 270

“Ceremonial,” 267-272; pls. 71, 72
sinew-wrapped, 157, 158

Stone artifacts, 290-203

Stone carvings, pl. 80

Stone implements, 117-139

Stone objects and minerals, 280-204

Stone ornaments, 83, 84, 87, 90-91, IOI,
103; pl. 21

INDEX

397

Storage, 47-49, 62

Subsistence and living conditions, 39-68

Sudworth, George B., wood identified
by, 172

Tablets, sandstone, 121, 125-126, 280-
282, 286; pls. 27, 81
Tassels, altar-stick (?), 272-275
Tcamahias, 282-283
See also Hoes
Temper, pottery, 174, 180-183, 195, 235
Thackery, Frank A., 63
Tiguas, clothing worn by, 69
Toad effigy, 223
Tobacco, 304
Tools, agricultural, 241-246; pl. 71
Torches (?), cedar-bark, 276-278; pl.
79
Tortoise effigy, 223
Toys, 157, 209, 228; pls. 38, 69
Trade, in parrot feathers, 81, 88, 265
in pottery, 182, 233
in shells, 81, 88
in turquoise, 81-82, 88, 265
Trait comparisons, 30-31
Trash, disposal of, 20, 21
Travertine, 287-288
Trays, elliptical, 165-166, 306
Tree-ring dates, xi, 14, 19, 24, 36
Trumpets, shell, 305-306; pl. 82
Tumplines, 171, 172; pl. 46
Turkeys, 66
Turquoise, 81-99; pls. 9, 19, 20, 22
Turquoise necklace, 84, 85; pls. 9, 19,
22, 98

Ulrich, E. O., 129

Una Vida, 4, 58

Urocyon species, 385

Utes, relations with Navaho, 350, 353

Vases, 22, 25, 127, 210-214, 321-322;
pls. 6, 67, 68

Vegetables, 61-63

Ventilators, 44, 46

Vessels, pl. 7. (See also under names
of various kinds of vessels)

Vulpes species, 385

Wall pegs, 46
Walls, 30, 34, 40, 41; pls. 5, 6, 7

3908 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 124

Walnut shells, 103
Walsh, Oscar B., ix, 53, 54, 55, 57
Washington, Lt. Col. John M., 4
Water resources, 4, 9-12, 52, 50, 61
Water samples, analysis, II, 12
Weapons, 258-260
Weather ceremonies, 261
Weaving techniques, clothing, 69
sandals, 77-80; pls. 16, 17, 18
Wello, Old, 5, 83, 343-345; pl. 3
Wells, Rafael’s, 11, 61
Wetherill’s, 10, 12; pl. 4
Wetherill, John, 5, 10, 343
Wetherill, Richard, 1, 7, 8, 9, 58

Wetherill’s dam, 1, 10, 58; pl. 1

Wetherill’s well, 10, 12; pl. 4

Wetmore, Alexander, iv, xi, 264

Whistles, bone, 304-305

Whitewash, 41

Windows, 39, 44

Wirito’s Rincon, 2, 3; pl. 2

Wissler, Clark, viii, ix, x, 16

Woodbury, Richard B., xii

Wooden objects, 157-159, 276, 277; pls.
38, 78

Work slabs (?), 46-47, 126-127

Wrist guards, 258

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