55 
Fett iets rere Ries er as be? es 
perp ete to 


Reverie aS esas 


egos 
Se a So 


Se 


resieree 


Set 


SMITHSONTAN 
MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


VOL... 133 


Toi ii) 


“EVERY MAN IS A VALUABLE MEMBER OF SOCIETY WHO, BY HIS OBSERVATIONS, RESEARCHES, 


AND EXPERIMENTS, PROCURES KNOWLEDGE FOR MEN”—JAMES SMITHSON 


(PuBLICATION 4386) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
1959 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


ADVERTISEMENT 


The Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections series contains, since the 
suspension in 1916 of the Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, 
all the publications issued directly by the Institution except the An- 
nual Report and occasional publications of a special nature. As the 
name of the series implies, its scope is not limited, and the volumes 
thus far issued relate to nearly every branch of science. Papers in 
the fields of biology, geology, anthropology, and astrophysics have 
predominated. 

LEONARD CARMICHAEL, 
Secretary, Smithsonian Institution. 


(iii) 


10. 


CONTENTS 


. GraHam, Davin Crockett. The customs and religion of the 


Ch’iang. 114 pp., 16 pls., 6 figs. Dec. 8, 1958. (Publ. 4300.) 


. Loresticu, ALFRED R., Jr., and Tappan, Heten. Morphology 


and taxonomy of the foraminiferal genus Pararotalia Le Cal- 
vez, 1949. 24 pp., 5 pls., 5 figs. Dec. 3, 1957. (Publ. 4303.) 


. Wooprinc, W. P. Geology of Barro Colorado Island, Canal 


Zone. 39 pp., 3 pls., 3 figs. Feb. 11, 1958. (Publ. 4304.) 


. Linx, Epwin A., and Linx, Marion C. A new theory of Co- 


lumbus’s voyage through the Bahamas. 45 pp., 5 pls., 2 charts. 
Jan. 20, 1958. (Publ. 4306.) 


. FosHac, WILLIAM F. Mineralogical studies on Guatemalan jade. 


60 pp., 4 pls., 2 figs. Dec. 3, 1957. (Publ. 4307.) 


. Snoperass, R. E. A revised interpretation of the external re- 


productive organs of male insects. 60 pp., 15 figs. Dec. 3, 1957. 
(Publ. 4309.) 


. Humpurey, Puiir S., and Butscu, Rosert S. The anatomy 


of the Labrador duck, Camptorhynchus labradorius (Gmelin). 
23 pp., 5 pls., 9 figs. May 28, 1958. (Publ. 4334.) 


. WeEtTMoRE, ALEXANDER. Miscellaneous notes on fossil birds. 11 


pp., 5 pls. June 26, 1958. (Publ. 4335.) 


. Kier, Porter M. New American Paleozoic echinoids. 26 pp., 


8 pls., 22 figs. Aug. 4, 1958. (Publ. 4337.) 
Assot, C. G. Periodicities in ionospheric data. 5 pp., 1 fig. May 
28, 1958. (Publ. 4338.) 


(v) 


Pou Se 


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pci nt Ly be a Awa 

“he ‘ati 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 1 


THE CUSTOMS AND 
RELIGION OF : Tiki lANG 


(WITH 16 PLatEs) 


By 
DAVID CROCKETT GRAHAM 


(PUBLICATION 4300) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 


PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
DECEMBER 8, 1958 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


PREFACE 


In the summer of 1925 the writer went on a collecting expedition 
for the Smithsonian Institution to Sung-p’an #$¥# and the Yellow 
Dragon Gorge. On the way to and from Sung-p’an he passed through 
Wen-ch’uan yx Ji], Wei-chou fx}, Mao-chou #§P], and Tieh-ch’i 
FRYE, which are in the Ch’iang region, and on the return trip he also 
visited Kuan-chai ‘gf €, which is the center of the Wa-sst % iJ 
people. He met a few of the Ch’iang people 3@ J. , and took pictures 
of them. 

During the summer of 1933 the writer spent his summer vacation 
among the Ch’iang people, collecting natural history specimens for 
the Smithsonian Institution. Among the Ch’iang villages that he 
visited were K’a-ku, O-erh, Lung-ch’i-chai #£ 7% #2, Tung-men-wai 
HEPY SL, T’ao-tzt-p’ing #ky-2F, and also Tsa-ku-nao #E4P fH} in 
the country of the Chia-jung 343%, and T’ung-lin-shan, the home 
of the hereditary ruler of the Wa-sstit. He witnessed the Ch’iang 
social dances at Chiu-tzii-t’eng, visited many Ch’iang homes, temples, 
sacred groves, and shrines, took notes and pictures, and collected 
their artifacts for the West China Union University Museum. 

In the summer of 1941 the National Ministry of Education of 
China and the Border Service Bureau of the Church of Christ in 
China sent a group of 70 university students and professors to the 
borderland for social service and research. It was the good fortune 
of the writer to be included. With Mr. Ch’in Hstieh-sheng #242), a 
student of the West China Union University, he was sent to the Min 
River valley to study the Miao who were supposed to be there. 
Finding that there were no Miao in that region, he turned to the study 
of the Ch’iang, visiting Mao-chou, Li-fan 327, Wei-chou, Wen- 
ch’uan, K’a-ku, Mu-shang-chi, Lung-ch’i-chai, Tung-men-wai, T’ao- 
tzu-p’ing, Ta-ho-p’ing-chai -~A#AIZp SE, Ts’a-to, Ts’a-to-kou, and 
T’ung-lin-shan. 

The following summer the writer was sent for further research 
among the Ch’iang by the Border Service Bureau of the Church of 
Christ in China. In addition to the places already mentioned he 
visited P’u-wa, P’u-ch’i-kou, P’u-ch’i-chai, Chia-shan-chai, Hsi-shan- 
chai, and Lo-pu-chai. Between 1933 and 1948 he made a number 
of shorter trips to the Ch’iang region, and in addition brought 
several Ch’iang men to Chengtu, where for weeks at a time they 


ili 


iv SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


assisted him in his study. It was his privilege several times to 
witness the Ch’iang ceremonies of exorcism, and twice by special 
arrangement the great ceremonies performed in the sacred groves. 
Ch’iang folksongs, incantations, vocabularies, and the sacred chants 
that are regarded as sacred books were first written down in Chinese 
or in the International Phonetic Script and later translated into 
English. In China and in the United States old Chinese histories have 
been searched for references to the Ch’iang, and recent publications 
for descriptions of these people and their customs by modern Chinese 
scholars. 

There is no information available as to the changes that may have 
taken place among the Ch’iang since China was “liberated” by the 
Communists. In this publication the customs and religion of the 
Ch’iang are described in the present tense, which means that these 
conditions prevailed up to the summer of 1948 when the writer last 
had contacts with the Ch’iang people. 

The writer is indebted to Lin Min-chiin, formerly assistant curator 
of the West China Union University Museum; to Dr. Cheng Teh- 
k’un, who succeeded the writer as curator of that museum; to 
Prof. Wen Yu, noted linguist and author, and in the United States 
to T. C. Hu and to Fred C. Hung, post-graduate students in the 
University of Washington, and W. S. Kow, a graduate of the Uni- 
versity of Denver. He is especially indebted to the John Simon 
Guggenheim Memorial Foundation for the fellowship that made possi- 
ble the final completion of these studies, and for a generous financial 
grant which made possible this publication. Prof. George A. Kennedy, 
of Yale University, and the editors of the Smithsonian Institution 
have also given helpful suggestions and made needed corrections. 


oI 


Ses SF Bae or pg aga Se maa 


PHONETIC TABLE 


CONSONANTS 
as in bite. 
as in dig. 
as in judge, but without aspiration. 
as in fat. 
as in go. 


is an uvular g, 

is ng as in King. 

as in hat. 

is rough h as in the Scotch word loch and the German word nach. 

is y as in young. 

as in kind. 

as in law. 

is the Welsh double | plus 1. 

as in man. 

as in new. 

as ni in onion. 

is m pronounced similar to the n above. 

as in pin. 

is the ordinary fricative untrilled r, the initial r of southern English and 
American speech. 

as in sit. 

as in shut. 

is dental t. 

as in tin. 

as in hats. 

as in child, weakly aspirated. 

as in child, strongly aspirated. 

as in vow. 

is the French j bordering on the English fricative r. Sometimes there is a 
slight uvular r sound following this 3. 

is the strong palatalized French j. 

as in wit. 

is used to indicate a strong aspirate. 

is a rare sound designated here by the inverted question mark. For this 
consonant, the mouth is opened wide, and the same sound is made as when 
gargling deep in the throat. It is generally followed by the vowels a-, ¢, 
and a. 

is a consonant closely resembling the internal sound in bird. 


VOWELS 


as in shah or ah. 
as in hat. 
is nasal a. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


as in pique. 

as in imp. 

as in end. 

as in hot. The mouth is opened slightly wider than in a. 

as in haul. 

as in put. 

as in pool. 

as pure close long o. 

as in nut. 

is umlaut u (ii) as in the German language. 

is inverted e, and very slightly resembles the French mute e. It is some- 
times written i in the romanization of Chinese sounds. 

is nasal o. 

is like i in bite. 

is like ow in how with a pure o ending. 

is like ow in how with an open u ending. 

as in eight. 

is oO in go with a u ending. 

is like the Chinese ou (Wade) or eo in the romanization of the China 
Inland Mission, 


CONTENTS 


Page 

PAE UE tie cata asic elev Sic S.A» dhe 0 u's ols oa 5! eauclateanarenbta faiatela aiacst sls sts, 's/s\B\alavia\eaie ili 
Een ae TIS CATE) Aiave ate cake eace a 0 ave ayavet a opckatnimtafelaeiavalat obs iainVayaie)o/s/6is0ei0,0 aa ale Vv 
Teel teodetionctyociace sie eine ae/o..0 8.0 61s + altel teleketetehsterstellelntayola) e!sleieVene)*)/ele I 
Be GUMS COUMER Yo cxivieis a's o's c= 016 a crslete eiertetaist ols piste nilaiel mas '='s =e P's I 

By MAST OR yp yaad aja cis « o oie s,s\s s 0,cre olue aieraterateratenmgtNatatal eae aim w\e/siertn ae 2 

A PEG TAD TARE! a aiwin, <6,0: 00.5 sine ata fohalredareeta sie) shel sala: je je\s\el=iem «(37s «ie 8 

Asc AME! PEODIC 6 io i.e o.« 9 2:0/5 0:6 0's wa sista mievare meta alayovarsleeiacm m=) #19) 010s *)aia/acs 9 

BEE COMOMIC SMES: ci. sla venice o0 occ « 0'e sos w'n'a pivrate arsine slmyeleye otal fis eis oles nye slate II 
1. Communication and transportation. ...........2eeeeeeeeeeees II 

2. Money, marketing, bartering, and borrowing...........+++++- 13 

3. Houses, towers, and villages..........seeeeeeee creer ee eeees 14 

Al, OceupatiGns Ws se bie co. 0 s5 oe oe aie ea eieatanibnemiale aferele) «oie 'sienciais wim 17 

5. Tools, implements, and furniture. ..........-e sees eee cere eee 18 

6. Food and agricultural products...........eee eee e cece ences 19 

4, Clothing and ornaments.........secceeeeersecceescertcceces 20 

Ill. Folktales and “Mountain Songs”........ccccssescseceescecscocees 22 
TOO tales Mer Netetie clave. oe core « s:clereile erebehersteneteteeietoneVetetetsiaite aicls/ersrclete 22 

2) EMOuntaiO SOMES a. sis <<a s's ow ove one steer aistetaleye #/eh) etelete's 24 
TAVESOCTAINCUSTOMIS y< aeteie ainlveleic eve (sols, ais < cle aleletenelenetereteheloter=veyeleteclrelsiciexre ©) ni 31 
TES OCIA ike dstets cha cueicicis cs ons @is0: ora Selo aete peers Retemert en tenaiealsterciel sie 31 

By OG ARCHIEMES, scle a ose 4 00-6 0d oo enue a enimineiredseimsiaiss #\si6/ wis aes « 33 

By MIDE IAC Se cia tice cine oie oie 0 ao win eal oheeiMlatnyn vieyleuoters sja lin ni (winonl 34 

PEST EEEE sfc Race craiccc sac ais sv: «0 aon a cteatalelateeam aietetminterel ere ¢]=)3/e7= «(ei 38 

BE OSICISIESS? Sane ce ns kates o'sicee s 0 gee oa eeleuelehataiarslaierelo)e s)snto'e ants = 30 

6) Death) atid uburial. oii. . <<<. «dene v caeenenaine rin aie sels s/aeis eels 40 

ERE INERTOTIN cr chelc, io; celica) Saeimi 9 vie o.c-oiace 0. oo) a minialaletelatmlmbepselia lati of a) sikisjaie Nae 43 
t. The soul and the future life... ss. ccipeaions« s+ vals osc 43 

ae Wile) WTI VACU oii « op co sels s 6.66 mele Ma eisains seen mess ss a 44 

Be THEY OOS ce cccls aie s wcis os «5 sole cee eieimetateataietelantern sielate ava «9. © 45 

A. Ther priesthoad 1) ...4.6.. ose ee comm seme dumelisaenesecis seein ss 53 

5. The sacred implements.........+scsseecceecsecececcceencers 55 

6. The SACKed CEFEMIONIES., «, do « sieauneie eermpaiateteepiniy craialaia) aisle a: =)<.sie'6 58 

7, The Sacred STOVES. 2.020000 cer ecisieeiwniiss snlemisiancia nc sine ne vie 64 

G) Phe)  SAGLEU: DOOKS e065 se, ='o.« 0alhia oy ehe aPattanentahePeal a atari) aa iao ahe' 64 

9. Incantations and exorcism of demons.........--.s+eseeeeees 87 

TO. Lhe tradition of Hebrew Origine. seo. oceeeecs sles se\ «elsisin-- 06 

Men © OLICAISIOLT ae eis eis ve © aha, ie Vel Gostcie! alate’ oleh eFovelatelerstareluMasey alefieneyslsneliatevajers) lla, as 101 
BOAT EADY «rays a nis: viacayes bps vce) «\a\'«:0.0)aso'e « aiseyniely nin lels) hella mie /ainimiacele|sshalate.nie)e 6s 104 
SMT Ps rd eras thn clei chavastss, 6's ee 0.0. d\e\4:9\ 6'8,b tah ola eiaintet amie cia eM oterinnats iosm 8.5, 4 III 


vii 


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ny 


THE CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF 
THE CHIANG 


By DAVID CROCKETT GRAHAM 
(WitH 16 PLaTEs) 


I, INTRODUCTION 
I. THE COUNTRY 


The Ch’iang people of western Szechwan inhabit the region along 
the T’o or Tsa-ku-nao and the Min Rivers, between Tieh-ch’i on the 
north and So-ch’iao on the south, and from points just to the east of 
Mao-chou, Wei-chou, and Wen-ch’uan to P’u-ch’i-kou, which is 20 li 
west of Li-fan. This country lies between the 31st and 32d degrees 
latitude and the 103d and ro4th degrees longitude. Formerly the 
Ch’iang extended southward as far as Yueh-sui js #@ and northward 
into Kansu and Shensi. The principal cities are Li-fan, Mao-chou, 
Wei-chou, and Wen-ch’uan, and these and the numerous villages 
along the highways in the valleys are inhabited by the Chinese. 

The valleys of the rivers and streams are narrow, and the moun- 
tains high and steep. Altitudes vary from less than 5,000 to over 
18,000 feet above sea level. There are extensive loess deposits, and 
these and other kinds of soil have been terraced for convenience in 
farming. Maize is the main crop up to 8,000 feet, and above that up 
to 10,000 feet buckwheat can be raised. Forests begin at 9,000 feet, 
and from 10,000 to 12,000 feet is the realm of the great forests. 
Above that are the grasslands and the sources of medicinal herbs. 
The snow line begins at 18,000 feet, and above that is perpetual snow." 

Among the Ch’iang there are few trees and little underbrush below 
the altitude of 9,000 feet, owing to the activities of woodgatherers and 
to the pasturing of sheep and goats. The forests on the high moun- 
tains are the sources of fuel and of lumber. There is no coal in this 
region, and the coal of Kuan-hsien is considered too far away to be 
carried by men or pack animals over the mountainous roads. 


1 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, p. 56, 1943. 


Ji VG il 4E a BOF OD 3e HBO Fl Ah 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 1 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The Ch’iang live in the Temperate Zone, and it is estimated that 
there is a variation of 3 degrees Farenheit for every 1,000 feet in 
altitude. While the rainfall in central Szechwan is abundant, even 
as far west as Ya-chou and Kuan-hsien, the climate in the Ch’iang 
region is semiarid, with occasional droughts. This is because the high 
mountains serve as watersheds. It is reported that there is more 
rainfall in the higher altitudes where the mountains are covered with 
forests than in the lower altitudes that are under cultivation. 

The sides of the mountains are generally steep, with plenty of 
rocks and cliffs. The rivers and streams are so swift that ferryboats 
are not used. Even in the smaller streams men or women are some- 
times drowned when trying to wade across. There are droughts and 
floods. In the forests are wild animals that sometimes attack human 
beings, the domestic animals, and the crops. People fall over the steep 
cliffs. Thunder reverberates through the mountains and valleys, and 
lightning strikes and kills man or beast. Earthquakes shake down 
houses and cliffs. In 1933 the writer witnessed an earthquake that 
sent innumerable rocks rolling down mountainsides, shook down 
many cliffs, and completely destroyed the city of Tieh-ch’i, killing all 
the people who were in it at the time. Rolling rocks are an almost 
constant danger, and at Tung-men-wai in 1941 the writer saw a 
stone house the upper wall of which had been smashed in by a large 
rolling stone. Pestilences decimate the domestic animals and cause 
sickness and death among the people. Life is a hard struggle against 
an adverse natural environment. 

To the northwest are the Lu-hua and the Hei-shui people. To 
the west and the southwest are the powerful Chia-jung. To the 
north and the east, and in the cities and villages in the valleys, are the 
Chinese, and to the south are the Wa-ssit tribespeople who have 
cooperated with the Chinese in the subjugation of the Chiang. 


2. HISTORY 


References to the Ch’iang on the oracle bones and in Chinese his- 
tories are almost innumerable, and they cover, apparently, over 4,000 
years of human history. A full account of these would require a 
large volume, but the writer will mention only such facts and events 
as he regards as most important and most interesting. The writer can 
say confidently that he has not found or heard of one reference on 
the oracle bones or in any Chinese history that would indicate that 
the ancestors of the Ch’iang of western Szechwan migrated eastward 
from western Asia, or that they are descendants of the Israelites. On 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 3 


° TIEH-CHS 
‘k 


“TACHA, <1 -SHAW-CR 
CHIA‘SHAN-CHAL 


1s CH'l- PAN - KOU - 
CHI-cu ais ok F 
TUNG-LIN-SHAN? /, PAN-CH'IAO #& 4 


AO eee Ao OWEN: CHUAN SE Ml 


KAO- 
KUAN 
Bee car Hi vi 
en e - 
KUAN-CHAL Beets 


wy th 


“CHE: TK AN 8c i 
“$ JO KUANS} 3% Mi 


PI-HSIEN °¢ 


Fic. 1—Map of the Ch’iang region. It extends from Tieh-ch’i on the north to 
So-ch’iao on the south, and up the Tsa-ku-nao River to P’u-ch’i-kou. The main 
roads are along the Min and the Tsa-ku-nao Rivers. These roads have evidently 
been great trade routes and roads for migration for thousands of years. Sherds of 
neolithic painted pottery have been found near Wei-chou. 

The Wade system has been used in the spelling of the names of cities, towns, and 
rivers, excepting Chengtu and Szechwan. Elsewhere in this manuscript the gu of 
K’a-gu is spelled ku, the he of He-p’ing-chai is spelled ho, and the t’un of Chiu-tzt-t’un 
is spelled t’eng, in accordance with the Wade system. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the contrary there is strong evidence that in ancient times they lived 
in northeast China, and that they migrated westward, some proceeding 
on into Kansu, and others turning southward into northern and 
western Szechwan.” 

In the Shu King, or Book of Historical Documents, it is stated 
that Shun “drove (the chief of) San-miao (and his people) into 
San-wei, and kept them there.” In a note James Legge explains that 
“San-miao was the name of a territory embracing the present de- 
partments of Wu-khang in Hu-pei, Yo-kau in Hunan, and Kiu-kiang 
in Kiang-hsi. San-wei was a tract of country around a mountain of 
the same name in the present department of An-hsi, Kan-su.* The 
Chronological Handbook of the History of China dates this event 
as 3387 B. C.* Chinese histories state that the San-miao were Ch’iang.® 

During the Shang dynasty the Ch’iang lived west of the Chinese, 
whose capital was at An-yang. There are many references to the 
Ch’iang on the oracle bones. The Chinese made military expeditions 
against them, captured them, used them as slaves, and even sacrificed 
them to the ancestors and the gods of the Shang people.* On the 
oracle bones the upper part of the character meaning Ch’iang is the 
horns of a sheep or goat, and means sheep or goat 4¢, and the lower 
part isman $. It means people who raise sheep or goats. Today 
the Chinese word for Ch’iang #é consists of the character for sheep 
or goats above, and that for man below. A third character meaning 
magic A is sometimes added 5%. The Ch’iang of West China are all 
farmers, and they depend much on their flocks of sheep and goats. 


2 Creel, Herrlee Glessner, The birth of China, pp. 213-216. New York, 1937. 
Sst-ma Ch’ien, Shih Chi. ch. 116, No. 56. 

Liu Ch’ao-yang, The conquering of the Ch’iang by the Emperor Hsiao I. 
Studia Serica, vol. 5, 1046. 

8 Sacred Books of the East, edited by Max Miller, vol. 3, The Shu King, 
book 1, sect. 3, p. 4I. 

Hou Han Shu, by Fan Yeh, ch. 77, Commercial Press, 1932. 

4 Faber, Rev. Ernst, Chronological handbook of the history of China, p. 3. 

5 Hou Han Shu, Hsi Ch’iang chuan, ch. 77. 

Tung Tso-pin, The Ch’iang and Shu of the Yin dynasty, Shuo-wen Monthly, 
ch. 3, No. 5, Aug. 15, 1942. 

EE BAR YS FE Si B- 

K’ang Hsi Dictionary, A. D. 1716. 

Sung-p’an Hsien Chih, ch. 3, Frontier Defence, 1927. 


PSG EG R= BY - 
T’ung Tien ch. 180, p. 1013. 
if Hh. 


Liu Ch’ao-yang, The conquering of the Ch’iang, Studia Serica, vol. 5, p. 49. 
6 Creel, ibid., pp. 213-210. Ssti-ma Ch’ien, Shih Chi, ch. 116, No. 56. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 5 


At the end of the Shang dynasty the Ch’iang united with the Chou 
people in a war under Wu Wang j#t-F, or King Wu, against the 
Shang people, which resulted in the overthrow of the Shang and the 
establishment of the Chou dynasty. The Ch’iang took a leading part 
in this war, a fact that is stated in many Chinese histories.*’ The 
dramatic and eloquent speech of the Chou leader to-his allies at Muh 
is one of the bits of evidence that the Ch’iang were active participants 
in that great war. The opening words of that speech are: “And ye, 
O men of Yung, Shun, Kéang, Maou, Wei, Loo, P’ang and Po ;—lift 
up your lances, join your shields, raise your spears :—I have a speech 
to make.” § A note on the next page of the same book says, “The 
country of Shuh was the present dep. of Shingtoo (#f fh) in 
Szechwan. West and north from this was the country of the Keang; 
while that of Maou and Wei was to the east.” ® 

The grandmother of the Chou leader who overthrew the Shang 
dynasty was a Ch’iang woman. After the fall of the Shangs, the 
Ch’iang leaders were made feudal lords over four states including 
Ch’i. In 679 B. C., after the power of the Chou kings had greatly 
weakened, Duke Huan of Ch’i became president of the feudal lords 
with the power of King. “Thus the descendants of these people, who 
a few centuries earlier had been hunted down, enslaved, and sacrificed 
like cattle, came for a time to be rulers of the whole Chinese world.” ?° 

According to the Hsi-ts’ang T’ung-lan or History of Tibet, in 
700 B. C, the western Ch’iang had trade and other relations with the 
Chinese. They lived in Lung Shan, #[I, in the valleys of the I and 
the Lu Rivers, in the present provinces of Shensi and Kansu, and 
the northern part of Szechwan. The Great Wall was built about 
241 B. C. Han Wu Ti, about 130 B. C., caused the western Ch’iang 
to dwell around the fortresses of the Great Wall. At the time 
of the Emperor Huai of the Chin dynasty (about A. D. 310) Yao 
Ch’ang, the son of Yao I Chung of the Ch’ih T’ing Chiang, 
vanquished the Fu Ch’in dynasty and became king. He lived at 


7 Creel, ibid., chap. 4, sect 2, pp. 215-216. 

Li-fan T’ing Chih ch. 4, sect. 2, History of the Border. 

OE i fia ite. 

Shih Chi, ch. 4, sect. 2, Annals of the Chou. 

Chung Kuo Min Tsu Shih, chap. 11, The Ch‘iang race. 

PERE BR Te AM AS ohh. 
Tung Tso-pin, Shuo-wen Monthly, ch. 3, No. 7, Aug. 15, 1942. 

8 Legge, James, D.D., The Chinese Classics, vol. 3, pt. 2, pp. 301-302. 
Shih Chi, ch. 4, Annals of the Chou. 

® Legge, James, D.D., ibid., p. 302. 

10 Creel, ibid., p. 215. 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Ch’ang-an, now Sian of Shensi. After two generations his kingdom 
was destroyed by Liu Yi."* 

The histories of Yiieh-sui, and of the Ya-chou prefecture state 
that formerly some of the Chiang lived in the Ya-chou prefecture 
and southward toward Ytieh-sui.’* Other histories tell us that they 
have lived northward in the region of Wen-ch’uan, Wei-chou, Sung- 
p’an, and northward in Kansu. The history of Yiieh-sui tells of a 
bloody battle in which thousands of Ch’iang were killed and cap- 
tured.1* Numerous were the wars with the Chinese. During the 
Western Chin dynasty, A. D. 265-313, the Ch’iang became powerful, 
and Li Hsiung became emperor of Shu or Szechwan.'* Later Fu Ch’in 
became emperor of more than half of China, including Chengtu.** In 
A. D. 1441 a Tibetan tribe that assisted the Chinese against the 
Ch’iang was given lands near Wen-ch’uan, and since these people 
have been called the Wa-sst tribe.4* A war near Yiieh-sui in A. D. 
1574 was caused by a Chinese official stealing the wife of a Ch’iang 
leader, but the Ch’iang were defeated and severely punished.'® 
Near Tieh-ch’i in 1576 a number of Ch’iang leaders were buried 
alive.1? Finally, in the reign of Ch’ien Lung, #7, the Ch’iang took 
part in a great rebellion, but they were defeated, and have since been 
unable to dispute the power of the Chinese.'® 


11 Hsi-ts’ang T’ung-lan, History of Tibet, vol. 3, sect. 2, ch. 1. 


i st SE. 

12 Yq-chou-fu Chih, vol. 1, Directions to Readers. 
FE SH HE a - 

Yiieh-sui T’ing Ch’itan Chih, vol. 6, ch. 2. 

13 Thid, vol. 6, ch. 2. 

14 Hwa Yang Kuo Chih, ch. 9, p. 1. 

Chin Shu ch. 121, Records, No. 21, p. 1. 
Bie. 

15 Wen-ch’uan Hsien Chih. 

YC JI ER aE 

16 Yiieh-sui T’ing Ch’tian Chih, vol. 6, sect. 2. 
i 7B EG. 

17 Mao-chou chih, ch. 3. 

Be JH ae 

Sung-p’an Hsien Chih, ch. 3. 

PSG RS - 

18 Li-fan T’ing Ch’iian Chih, ch. 4, p. 40. 


PB AS Wig 4G. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 7 


In the Chiang region there have been unearthed in the sides of 
the loess terraces many tombs that were lined on all sides by slate 
slabs. They have been named the slate tombs, and at first it was 
assumed that they were graves of ancient Ch’iang people. In these 
there have been found, besides the skeletons, ancient bronzes and 
pottery, and sometimes Chinese coins. The Ch’iang tradition is that 
until very recent times the Ch’iang buried only by cremation, and 
that these are the graves of the Koh people, who at first disputed the 
possession of the land with the Ch’iang. Archeological evidence sup- 
ports this tradition and dates the tombs at between 500 and 100 B. C.*° 

The following tradition was related to the writer by several Ch’iang 
men, one of whom was Kou P’in-shan, a Christian leader who was 
killed by the Communists. Some Ch’iang give the length of the mi- 
gration as 3 years and 6 months, others as I year and 6 months, and 
still others as I year and several months. It was told the writer as 
given below by Ch’en Chen-shu, who lived above the village of 
K’a-ku. 

Far away and long ago there were two nations, Tzii La and Gu La. 
In a war between them Gu La (the Ch’iang people—Tztt La is an 
old name for China still used by the Japanese) was defeated, and the 
Ch’iang migrated a long distance, traveling a year and several months 
before they reached the place where they now live. On the way they 
crossed a river, using round boats covered on the sides and below with 
cowskins. One of the boats leaked, and the sacred books got wet. 
While the books were being dried in the sun, some goats came and ate 
them. The Ch’iang therefore have no written language, and the con- 
tents of the lost books are handed down by word of mouth from gen- 
eration to generation. 

When the Ch’iang reached West China, the Chinese and the Jung 
were at war. The Jung were defeated and retreated to Tsa-gu-nao. 
The Chinese retired to Kuan-hsien, leaving the country between 
Kuan-hsien and Tsa-gu-nao vacant, and the Ch’iang came in and occu- 
pied it. At that time the Ch’iang had sheep and goats and planted 
wheat but did not have corn. In the reign of Ch’ien Lung (A. D. 1737- 
1793) the Wa-ssi tribe came from Wu Sstt Ch’ang in Tibet and 
helped the Chinese in a war with the Ch’iang that lasted 12 years. 
There was a great battle at Wei Kwan, where a person can walk 
from the top of the mountain to the river without being seen by the 
enemy. The Ch’iang were defeated, and the Wa-ssii were given the 


19 Graham, David C., An archaeological find in the Ch’iang region. Journ. 
West China Border Res. Soc., vol. 15, ser. A, pp. 34-39. 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


land which they now occupy, between the Ch’iang and the Chinese.?° 

Since there are a number of tribes in Burma that have a similar 
tradition of the lost sacred books, we seem safe in assuming that this 
part of the tradition is legendary. 

In an article, “The Conquering of the Ch’iang” in Studia Serica, 
the author states his conclusion that in earlier times the Ch’iang 
lived farther east, and that they were pushed westward by the Yin 
Court and later Chinese governments, and that as they were forced 
westward one branch migrated in Kansu and another turned south- 
ward into Szechwan.*! This seems to agree with historic facts and 
traditions, and indicates that the Ch’iang of western Szechwan, and 
probably several other ethnic groups, are descendants of the Ch’iang 
of ancient times. 


3. THE LANGUAGE 


The language is monosyllabic and tonal. The number of tones is 
generally four. According to the numbering of the writer, tone I is 
the high level tone, tone 2 is the low level tone, tone 3 begins high and 
the voice is lowered as the word is being pronounced, and tone 4 begins 
low and ascends upward. Tones 3 and 4 occur much less frequently 
than tones 1 and 2. These tones correspond rather closely to tones 1, 
2, 3, and 4 as they occur in the Western Mandarin as spoken by the 
Chinese of Szechwan Province. Thus: 


papa 5 


a 4 


There is about an octave’s difference between the high level tone 
and the low level tone as pronounced by the Chinese of Szechwan. 
Among the Ch’iang this difference is not so great. Tone 1 is slightly 
lower than that of the Chinese, and tone 2 is a trifle higher than the 


20 Graham, David C., Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., vol. 14, ser. A, 
pp. 70-71, 1942. 

21 Liu Ch’ao-yang, The conquering of the Ch’iang by the Emperor Hsiao I. 
Studia Serica, vol. V, 1946. Published by the Chinese Cultural Studies Research 
Institute, West China Union University, Chengtu, Szechwan, China. 


SAR “AN CAE ETT.” 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH ’IANG—GRAHAM 9 


Chinese. Tones 3 and 4 as spoken by the Ch’iang and the West China 
Chinese are about the same. 

Prof. Wen Yu, formerly on the staff of the West China Union 
University, has made an extensive study of the Ch’iang language and 
dialects, with the hope of writing a grammar and dictionary of the 
Ch’iang. This will be very difficult if not impossible to accomplish 
because of the great variations in different localities. The writer once 
hoped to compile at least a vocabulary of the Ch’iang, but was foiled 
by the differences and variations that he found, much greater than in 
any other ethnic group with which he has been in contact. There are 
rare and strange sounds such as the rough h, the uvular g, the Welsh 
double 1, the dental t, the French j, and a consonant made deep in 
the throat with the mouth opened wide as when gargling, which the 
writer has indicated by the inverted question mark. 

Prof. Wen Yu has stated that the Ch’iang language may be divided 
into five or six different branches, “between which there are morpho- 
logical, philological and chronological differences perceptible, but not 
very considerable.” In some branches he has found case distinctions, 
a feature which he has not found in any other Sino-Tibetan lan- 
guage.** He found in the Hou-erh-k’u dialect certain affricative 
consonants pronounced with considerable force. The word ts’s means 
“to replace” as ordinarily pronounced, but means “three” when pro- 
nounced emphatically. He calls these two pronunciations ordinary 
and emphatic.” 

Prof. Wen Yu and others have compared the vocabularies of the 
Ch’iang with those of the Lolos, the Nashi, and others in the Burma- 
Tibetan language group, and in some cases they have found striking 
resemblances. Professor Wen regards the Ch’iang as an ancient 
form of the Burma-Tibetan. 


4. THE PEOPLE 


The Ch’iang people are dark yellow or brown in color, with eyes 
varying from dark brown to black, and hair coarse, straight, and black. 
Dr. W. R. Morse published anthropometrical measurements and ob- 
servations of the Ch’iang.** In this publication only the bare measure- 
ments were included, none of the indices or conclusions being worked 


22 Wen Yu, On the languages of Li-fan. Journ. West China Border Res. 
Soc., vol. 14, ser. A, pp. 31-34, 1042. 

23 Wen Yu, On the origin of certain emphatic consonants in Ch’iang dialects. 
Studia Serica, vol. 6, pp. 209-215, Chengtu, 1947. 

24 Morse, W. R., Schedule of physical anthropological measurements and 
observations on ten ethnic groups of Szechwan Province, West China. Journ. 
West China Border Res. Soc., Supplement to vol. 8, 1937. 


Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


out. Later Dr. Yen Yin published an article in which the indices 
were included. Some of the main results are as follows: 2° 


Range Mean 
SPACUICE cist terse bte te clelsye 149-182 159.51 + 0.42 
SPattypree crys a titistae oBeeecs ins 150-181 165.25 + 0.48 
Cephalic tidex: sisi. s bcs: 6’ 72-88 79.48 + 1.22 
Nasal inter Ul kceee's cece se 53-91 66.85 + 0.58 


In an article by William R. Morse and Anthony Yoh,” “Measure- 
ments and observations on certain aboriginal tribes of Szech’uan 
Province,” the Ch’iang were included, with measurements of 98 men. 
Some of the facts and measurements are as follows: 


Sotaterress ss Hisicsicis bil ees aii Range, 144-176 Mean, 101.2 

Sth HEIGHE Ys tiievscies «6 fe 79-90 a 87.8 

PSDAIT ee ictee este otese Sate obi " 145-187 *  3166:6 

Head @lengthi mre rcicieie sie cele Bs 15-21 18.5 

Head breadth /,.....0s0 e 12-17 g 15.1 

Fiead Heights.2...s.s's.8 = Q-14 . TI.5 

lane Glory icisd site cte ws 0 is Black, 90.68% ; black-brown, 8.15%; brown, 1.16% 

Fat aeTOLITG petetssetereetarerevess Straight, 48.20%; long waves, 39.40%, short waves, 
2.25%. 

Late MEXPEEE | osciec.as ola als Coarse, 74.30% ; medium, 17.95%; fine, 7.70%. 

Bye COLL OL ATS... ..<0. Brown, dark, 27.70% ; brown, medium, 43.60% ; brown 
light, 28.70%. 

Epicanithic fold ss.n coe Absent, 90.00% ; trace, 6.90% ; medium, .99%. 

Hair nacbody:. 2y.'ssitesc . Absent, 44.50%; trace, 55.50%. 

Shoveling of incisors.... Absent, 4.76% ; trace, 21.40% ; medium, 28.67% 

(medial). marked, 45.20%. 


An official publication of the Li-fan government in 1942, during 
a time of drought, estimated the Ch’iang population at about 28,000.77 
Some Chinese might possibly have been included in this estimate, and 
the Ch’iang in the districts of Mao-chou and Wen-ch’uan were not 
included. It seems safe, therefore, to estimate the number of Ch’iang 
in western Szechwan at between 50,000 and 100,000. Estimating the 
Ch’iang population is difficult because in some localities people of 
Ch’iang descent speak the Chinese language and call themselves 
Chinese. 


25 Yen Yin, The anthropometry of Ch’iang. Studia Seria, vol. 5, pp. 3-6, 1946. 

26 Morse, William R. and Anthony Yoh, Measurements and observations on 
certain aboriginal tribes of Szech’uan Province. Chinese Med. Journ., vol. 48, 
Pp. 1267-81, 10934. 

27 Report of the Drought-famine in Li-fan Hsien Li-fan government publica- 
tion, 1942. 


BB As = - — ae RA 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM II 


II. ECONOMIC LIFE 


To most of the Ch’iang people, the economic problem, that of earn- 
ing a livelihood, with plenty to eat and to wear, and of keeping out 
of debt, is a difficult one, and the results are sometimes in doubt. 
Once a family is in debt, it is nearly impossible to get out again. As 
stated under the previous heading, “The country,” the climate is 
semiarid, and droughts are not uncommon. Pestilences take the lives 
of human beings and also of domestic animals. By earthquakes, floods, 
fire, lightning, rolling stones, and in other ways, nature often strikes 
a hard if not a deadly blow. Wild animals attack human beings and 
domestic animals, and raid the growing crops. The poorer of the 
Chiang people are generally underclothed and underfed. On the 
other hand, the Ch’iang are an industrious and hard-working people, 
and men, women, and children join in the work of supporting the 
family. 


I. COMMUNICATION AND TRANSPORTATION 


The Ch’iang have no written language. There are therefore no 
newspapers, magazines, or books, excepting those published in the 
Chinese language for the Chinese, and few Ch’iang are able to possess 
or to read them. There is no radio or television, and no telephone or 
telegraph lines, for those connecting the Chinese towns and cities are 
for the use of the Chinese. 

Chinese-built roads connect the cities and towns inhabited by the 
Chinese in the valleys. These are generally narrow and paved with 
stones or stone slabs which are arranged in ascending and descending 
stairlike steps. Some, however, are unpaved, and some are paved 
with rough, uneven and unhewn rocks. In many places the roads are 
steep and crooked. On these roads wheeled vehicles cannot be used, 
and the writer has not seen or heard of such vehicles being used any- 
where in the Ch’iang region, not even a wheelbarrow. One travels on 
foot, in a sedan chair, or on horseback, or even on the back of a 
human being. 

There are two main trade routes meeting at an almost right angle 
at Wei-chou. One comes from Kuan-hsien, crosses the Yang-tzii-lin 
pass and drops to the east bank of the Min River, which it fol- 
lows northward all the way to Sung-p’an. Above Mao-chou a branch 
road turns westward up the Hei-shui River into the land of the 
Hei-shui and the Luh Hwa people. At Sung-p’an one road goes 
westward through the Po-lo-tzii country, one goes northward through 
the grasslands, and one turns eastward through the northern Szech- 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


wan. A second main artery of trade is a road that crosses the Min 
River at Wei-chou, follows the T’o or Tsa-ku-nao valley west to 
Li-fan, turns southwest to Tsa-ku-nao, then goes westward through 
the Chia-jung country into the marshes of Sikong and Tibet. These 
two main trade routes and their branches have been sources of migra- 
tion, trade, and cultural diffusion for thousands of years. 

The roads between Ch’iang villages are narrow, unpaved footpaths, 
often very steep. Sometimes they wind around the side of a moun- 
tain over the edge of a precipice. In some places they are built by 
skillfully cementing stones together and to the sides of perpendicular 
cliffs. There are places where the traveler is in danger of falling over 
a cliff or of being hit by rolling rocks. 

Loads are sometimes carried by pack animals—horses, mules, or 
cattle—but more commonly by human beings. Chinese coolies gen- 
erally use carrying poles or wooden racks, but Ch’iang men and 
women generally carry their loads on their backs by means of wooden 
carrying-racks, wicker baskets, or simply by ropes or straps tied 
around their loads. On account of the swiftness of the streams, there 
are practically no boats in the Ch’iang region. 

A small stream may be waded or crossed by means of large stones 
conveniently arranged. Sometimes a log or a board is laid across a 
stream. A bridge sometimes consists of a single large bamboo cable 
hanging across a stream or river, with two hollow wooden half- 
cylinders tied securely around the cable and often greased inside. 
A person wraps his arms around this arrangement, or he and his 
baggage may be tied to it, and man and baggage slide on the cable 
more than halfway across. Then the man pulls himself hand-over- 
hand up the other side, or he or his baggage or both at once may be 
pulled the rest of the way across by means of a rope. 

Large rope bridges have 9 or 10 bamboo cables on the bottom, on 
which boards are laid crosswise, and four or more cables on each side. 
The longest bamboo cables of this kind are held up and supported by 
several wooden trestles, the bridges sagging down between them. As 
a person walks over such a bridge, the whole bridge sways. 

One type of bridge is the false or corbelled arch. From both sides 
large timbers reach out, each higher one beyond the one below it, 
toward the middle of the stream, where the space between the two 
sides is spanned by long timbers. 

A very interesting type of bridge is called in Chinese a p’1en Cltao, 
or slanting bridge. This is used where a road must pass along the 
perpendicular side of a rock cliff over a swift mountain stream. Deep, 
round holes are chiseled horizontally into the perpendicular cliff about 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 13 


3 feet apart, and wooden poles are inserted into these holes. Boards 
are laid on these poles parallel to the cliff and are sometimes tied to 
the poles by means of vine ropes. These bridges jiggle as people or 
animals walk over them, causing the poles gradually to slip out of the 
holes and allowing the bridge to become more and more slanting until 
finally part or all of the bridge falls into the roaring torrent below, 
and with it any people, baggage, or animals that happen to be on the 
bridge at the time. After a catastrophe like this, the bridge is, of 
course, repaired. 


2. MONEY, MARKETING, BARTERING, AND BORROWING 


For centuries Chinese money has been the currency of the Ch’iang. 
Even in the slate tombs, which have been dated between 500 and 
100 B. C., only Chinese coins have been found. During the latter 
half of the Manchu dynasty, the money used was lump silver and 
brass cash. One ounce of silver was called a tael, and 10 ounces was 
a shoe or ingot of silver. The cash was a small, round brass coin 
with inscriptions giving the date and the value, and with a square hole 
in the center so that the coins could be strung on strings. One string 
was supposed to be 1,000 cash, but generally the count was from 
Io to 100 cash short. Near the end of the Manchu dynasty, silver 
dollars and brass or copper coins without the holes in the center 
appeared. 

The first silver dollars were Spanish or Mexican coins, but later 
the Chinese minted their own. The new brass and copper coins 
varied in value from I cash to 500. Early in the days of the Chinese 
Republic, paper notes appeared, with values of 5, 10, 20, and 50 cents, 
and values of I, 2, 5, and 10 dollars and up. During the second world 
war the Chinese National Government “called in” all silver money 
and other silver objects, making it illegal to possess silver money, and 
some nickel coins were issued, but finally only paper money was 
minted and used. There appeared paper notes valued at $100, $200, 
$500, $1,000, $10,000, $50,000, and $100,000. In 1948 the writer paid 
one million dollars for a cheap straw hat. 

There is some marketing in small villages, generally in temples, in 
homes, or on the streets. Bartering is still very common. If two 
objects of unequal value are traded, the difference may be paid in cash, 
or another object may be thrown in to make things even. 

The principal market places are the Chinese cities and towns. Here 
the Ch’iang bring their products—firewood, hides, corn, beans, wheat, 
buckwheat, pepper, vegetables, chickens, beef, mutton, eggs, medi- 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


cines, and other commodities, and with the money received for them 
they purchase salt, sugar, cotton cloth, vegetable oil, tea, tobacco, and 
other necessities. 

The interest paid on loans is very high. It varies from 60 to 300 
percent a year. This is one of the greatest hardships endured by the 
Ch’iang. If the borrower does not pay (as often he cannot), the 
lender may send a poor person to live with the borrower. This person 
stays in the borrower’s home, eats his food, smokes his tobacco, drinks 
his tea, and sleeps in his bed. This costs the borrower a great deal, but 
in the end the borrower must pay all he owes, both interest and princi- 
pal. He is not credited with what the poor man has cost him. Some- 
times the lender comes and takes away a pig, sheep, goat, cow, or 
some other valuable object. The contract may stipulate that the inter- 
est is from 2 to 6 pecks of corn, so that the rate of interest depends 
on the market value of the corn. 


3. HOUSES, TOWERS, AND VILLAGES 


Ch’iang houses are made of stone, wood, and clay. The walls are 
built of unhewn stone plastered together with clay, and the doors, 
ladders, floors, roofs, and sometimes windows are made of wood. 
Before building the walls, trenches are dug 2 or 3 meters deep, and 
these are filled with stones cemented together with clay. On these 
foundations the walls are built. Advantage is taken of the flat and 
smooth sides of the stones, so that the sides of the walls appear to 
be flat and the corners square. The clay used is generally the loess 
dirt which is abundant in the Ch’iang region. It is merely mixed with 
water before using. The walls are thicker at the bottom than near the 
top, so that the walls slope inward very gradually toward the tops 
of the houses. 

When building a house, saws, planes, chisels, and hatchets are used 
to shape the wood, and hammers to drive in the nails. A heavy 
wooden pounder with a handle through the top and a wide, flat bottom 
is used to pound the dirt on the roof level and firm, and an iron 
hammer, a wooden hammer or sledge, and a trowel are used in con- 
structing the walls. Hoes and shovels are used to dig the trenches 
for the foundations. 

The houses generally have two stories—sometimes three—besides 
the shed on the roof. The first story consists of an open court inside 
the front door, a latrine, and inner rooms or pens for the domestic 
animals. All the animals are shut inside these rooms or pens at night. 
The floors of the open court and the small rooms or pens are covered 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 15 


with straw, coarse grass, and twigs, and the animals tread on this for 
weeks or months, adding their urine and night soil. Of course, there 
is a bad smell. On this floor garden tools, hay, and fuel are stored. 
People live on the second floor, where there are usually one or two 
bedrooms, a kitchen, and a large room used for entertaining guests, 
as a dining room, and for other purposes. On this floor dogs, cats, 


Fic. 2—Drawings showing the first floor of a Ch’iang house, on which are 
the latrine and the pens for domestic animals; the second story showing the 
main hall, a bedroom, a kitchen and a kitchen stove resembling Chinese kitchen 
stoves; and the side view of the same house. Ch’iang homes are made of 
unhewn stone, are generally two stories high, and have flat roofs. At the rear of 
the roof is a shed for storing grain and vegetables. On top of this shed, in the 
center at the rear, is a shrine, capped by a sacred white stone, at which the 
5 great gods and the 12 lesser gods are worshiped. 


chickens, and sometimes goats are allowed to range, which does not 
make for cleanliness. On this floor people sit around the fire, smoke 
tobacco, visit, eat, and sleep. 

On the top of the house is a flat roof surrounded by a wall about 
2 feet high. At the rear of the roof is an open shed in which grain 
and vegetables are stored, and where women sometimes do their weav- 
ing. Here clothes are dried, and grain is dried, flailed, and winnowed. 
Here in fair weather children play, and the inmates of the house visit 
with each other and friends and relatives on the same roof, or with 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


neighbors on the roofs of other houses, or people enjoy simply gazing 
at the scenery. 

The rear wall projects higher than the shed, and at the middle is a 
shrine with an opening in front in which incense is burnt. The incense 
is sometimes incense sticks purchased in the Chinese market, but 
generally it is cedar twigs. On the top of the shrine is a sacred white 
stone, and just back of this is a small hole in which a green cedar 
twig is inserted upright at the time of worship. In front of the shrine 
the family worships the 5 great gods and the 12 lesser gods. 

To build this roof, large timbers are placed on top of or rather in 
the wall, parallel and a few feet apart. Thick boards are placed cross- 
wise on these timbers. On the boards are placed brushwood, mountain 
bamboo, and twigs. Dirt is thrown onto the twigs, bamboo, and brush- 
wood, and beaten hard. Thorns are mixed with the dirt and twigs to 
discourage the rats. There is a slight slope to the roof, so that the 
rain runs off instead of leaking into the house. 

In the villages the houses are close together, often wall-to-wall, 
and the streets are narrow, generally about 3 feet wide and seldom 
over Io feet in width. This gives a village the appearance of a forti- 
fication with high stone walls. The impression is heightened by the 
fact that nearly every village has one or more watch towers which are 
17 or 18 feet square at the bottom and often over 100 feet high. The 
village of P’u-wa has seven watch towers. 

The Ch’iang watch towers are always near villages, their location 
depending on the position of the villages, the lay of the land, and the 
need for defense. They are square and eight stories high. Each 
story or floor above the first floor is reached by inside ladders. The 
entrance to the first floor is reached by a ladder which can be drawn 
inside and the door closed. Each story has a wooden floor. On each 
side of a tower are eight small holes or windows, generally in the form 
of narrow crosses, one on each floor, for air, light, and formerly for 
shooting arrows at enemies. On the top, on the side of the higher 
land, the wall is built higher as a protection from enemies. In time of 
war women and children and the most valuable possessions are taken 
inside the towers for safety. 

Many Ch’iang villages are on cliffs or promontories that make 
defense easier, and nearly all are called Chai Tzu or fortified places. 
They are always located near creeks or springs and near fertile fields 
that are good for farming. 

Ch’iang houses often contain typical Chinese stoves made generally 
of stones and clay, with a fireplace underneath and two or three holes 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM ney 


for cooking vessels, the largest being for the Chinese kuo $} in 
which most of the food is cooked. 

Many Ch’iang homes have on the second story an oblong fireplace 
filled with ashes so as to protect the wooden floor from the fire and 
sparks. In this oblong space there is an iron band or circle with 
three equidistant iron legs and with three pieces of iron reaching 
almost horizontally toward the center from the places where the three 
iron legs are joined to the iron circle. These three horizontal pieces 
of iron support a cooking vessel over the fire. The diameter of this 
iron stove is nearly 3 feet, and in homes where these is no Chinese 
cooking stove, it is used for the cooking. Where there is a Chinese 
cooking stove, the iron stove is used less for cooking and more for 
warmth, and during cold weather fires are built here daily and kept 
burning most of the time. Members of the family and relatives and 
friends often sit around the fireplace and visit. People must not put 
their feet on the iron circle or the legs, because the entire stove is 
sacred and the legs are gods. 


4. OCCUPATIONS 


All Ch’iang are farmers. Even the priests and rulers or headmen, 
generally the most highly honored people in their communities, have 
fields which they farm or rent to others. Land, houses, and tools are 
generally owned by families and not by individuals. Every able-bodied 
member of the family is supposed to work. Men do the plowing, for 
there is a taboo against this being done by women, and women do the 
weaving. Women and girls generally do the sewing, spinning, and 
cooking, but in such work as farming, herding the domestic animals, 
and carrying loads, all the members of the family generally cooperate 
and do their share of the work. 

There are men, though few, who are blacksmiths, carpenters, 
painters, or masons, but these men are also farmers. There are no 
silversmiths or goldsmiths, for silver and gold ornaments are bought 
readymade from, or made to order by, Chinese silversmiths. Mem- 
bers of several families often cooperate in herding cattle, sheep, goats, 
and horses on the mountains. Few if any of the Ch’iang are mer- 
chants, although there are homes in which matches, vegetable oil, wine, 
salt, and a few other commodities are sold. 

Wood is used for fuel, although this is supplemented by corn stalks 
or husks, and wheat, barley, and buckwheat straw. The wood is 
gathered in the forests on the mountains, where it is tied into bundles 
and carried home on the backs of men or women. Sometimes the 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


bundles are thrown or rolled down precipices or steep hillsides to 
save labor. Most of the winter supply is gathered in the fall after 
the crops have been harvested. All loads are carried on the backs of 
men or women unless the family is fortunate enough to own one or 
two pack animals. Poor people often supplement the family income 
by carrying loads for other Ch’iang or for the Chinese. 

During the winter months some of the Ch’iang go to the Chengtu 
plain and dig or clean wells for the Chinese. It is believed that they 
are experts at this work. 

Most of the men enjoy hunting, which they generally do in the 
fall or winter months after the crops have been harvested. Several 
men with dogs cooperate and share the spoils. They kill leopards, 
pandas, monkeys, wild boars, deer, bears, wild mountain goats, pheas- 
ants, and other game, eating the meat and using or selling the skins 
of the animals. 

Most of the farms have been tilled for centuries, and their fertility 
is preserved and prolonged by fertilization. Much of the soil is 
terraced. New land is sometimes secured by cutting down trees and 
bushes, then burning them after they have become dry. Such land is 
very fertile for a few years, after which it is abandoned and allowed 
to grow bushes and trees. Later the process may be repeated. This 
custom is widespread among the highlands of West China and is very 
destructive to the forests. Sometimes the freshly tilled soil is 
washed away by the heavy rains, leaving the place unfit for forests 
or for cultivation. 

While the Ch’iang are farmers, they depend very much on their 
flocks, and especially their sheep and goats. Their flocks are the chief 
source of meat for food and for ceremonial offerings, and the wool 
and hides are used for bedding and for clothing. 


5. TOOLS, IMPLEMENTS, AND FURNITURE 


Most of the Ch’iang tools and implements are the same as those 
of the Chinese. In fact, they are made by Chinese for the Chinese, 
and are bought by the Ch’iang in the Chinese markets. The hoe is 
long and thick, and the handle is about 4 feet long. The ax and the 
hatchet are heavier and clumsier than those of foreign lands. The 
short, curved iron sickle is used to cut wood, wheat, barley, buck- 
wheat, corn, and grass. The loom has a wooden frame, and the spindle 
is often a stick of wood around which the thread or yarn has been 
wound. The plow differs from that of the Chinese in that there is 
a short upright stick pierced at right angles by a small wooden 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 19 


handle. The plowman has to stoop when he plows, and when he turns 
the plow around he lifts it out of the ground. The long beam is tied 
to the yoke, and the yoke is tied to the shoulders of the horses, cows, 
or oxen. The plowman sings as he plows, and it is asserted that if he 
stops singing the animal stops pulling. 

We have already described the Ch’iang stove which consists of an 
iron hoop with three legs. A variation of this is found in some homes 
and in many temples in the form of three pieces of stone skillfully 
chipped so that legs extend downward and the tops extend inward 
toward the center. The cooking vessel can rest on the extended tips of 
the stones in the center, and a fire can be built underneath. 

The beds of the Ch’iang are made of wood and resemble those of 
the Chinese. Some families have round wooden tables, but poorer 
families merely use planks between two long, four-legged stools. 
Some families have wooden or bamboo chairs bought from the 
Chinese, but many use only the typical long, four-legged wooden 
pan-teng #{%* or bench. Water is stored in stone vats or small tanks 
or in wooden barrels, and is carried in wooden barrels or tubs on 
people’s backs. In the bedrooms are wooden chests or boxes to con- 
tain quilts or clothing. Among the kitchen utensils are a thick, wide 
iron chopper with a wooden handle, knives, spoons, and ladles, iron 
and wooden dippers, teapots, tea kettles, and a large iron kuo or cook- 
ing vessel with a round wooden lid. 

The wooden rack or frame used for carrying loads on the back is 
widely used on the China-Tibetan border. A Ch’iang substitute for 
this is a wicker basket with straps that go over the shoulders and back 
under the arms. The basket is often filled up, and long objects like 
rolls of cloth or pieces of wood are laid horizontally across the top. 
Hunters carry daggers or short swords in their belts and generally 
use muzzle-loading guns. The Ch’iang eat with chopsticks out of 
small bowls, and food is placed on the table on plates or in large bowls. 


6. FOOD AND AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS 


On the farms the Ch’iang raise hemp, wheat, barley, buckwheat, 
corn, beans, peas, squashes, cucumbers, turnips, Chinese cabbage, 
cabbage, walnuts, tree pepper, apples, pears, peaches, and apricots. 
In the forests and on the mountainsides they gather wild fruits, 
berries, and vegetables. During a summer trip in the mountains above 
Mu-p’ing we counted 22 kinds of wild vegetables that were being used. 
Corn is the main product of the soil, and rice is almost never planted, 
even in the valleys. Bees are raised, but sometimes they are robbed 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


of their honey so late in the season that they die of starvation during 
the winter. 

Their domestic animals and fowls are dogs, cats, cattle, horses, 
donkeys, mules, pigs, sheep, goats, chickens, ducks, pigeons, and 
geese. In the forests and on the mountains are deer, takin, pandas, 
monkeys, wild boars, mountain goats, bears, leopards, pheasants, and 
wild pigeons. The above paragraphs summarize the food of the 
Ch’iang people. Tea is bought from the Chinese and drunk by people 
of all ages. Practically everybody drinks wine when he can get it. 
Dog meat is sometimes eaten, and leopards and monkeys are con- 
sidered to be both delicious and nutritious. Few of the Ch’iang can 
afford to buy rice, and when they do, it is generally for feasts and 
banquets. Wheat, barley, buckwheat, and corn are made into biscuits 
which are unleavened, for the Ch’iang do not leaven their bread. Corn 
is often ground and then boiled until it is nearly dry, then eaten with 
chopsticks from bowls as the Chinese eat their rice. 

Among some of the Ch’iang there is a taboo against killing cattle 
and eating them, probably a Chinese influence, because cattle are used 
for plowing. This custom, however, is not universal. Eggs are eaten 
only on special occasions, and meat is a luxury not generally available 
for ordinary Ch’iang families. 


7. CLOTHING AND ORNAMENTS 


The clothing generally worn by the Ch’iang is made of undyed hemp 
cloth, white or nearly white because that is the natural color. They 
raise their own hemp, and the cloth is woven by the women. Warmer 
clothing made of dark wool is often worn in cold weather. A third 
kind of clothing, generally without sleeves, is made of animal skins 
with the hair left on. Some of the Ch’iang wear clothing made of 
cotton cloth bought from the Chinese. Both men and women wear 
trousers. Instead of stockings, which are seldom worn, woolen puttees 
are wrapped first around the feet, then around the legs up to the 
knees. 

Straw sandals are seldom used, as the women make cloth shoes 
which are more comfortable and more durable. Those worn on special 
dress-up occasions are beautifully ornamented by flowers and butter- 
flies which are embroidered or sewn on the shoes by the women. 
Both men and women wear cotton turbans wrapped around their 
heads. 

The typical upper garment is a gown made of undyed white hemp 
cloth, which reaches a little below the knees. Those worn by the 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 21 


women are a little longer than those worn by the men, and are longer 
behind than in front, reaching in the back almost to the ankles. Those 
worn by the men are the same length in front and behind. The dark- 
brown woolen gown worn in winter is a little longer than the white 
hemp gown. In cold weather the sleeveless skin coat is worn with 
the hair turned inside, but in rainy weather it is worn with the hair 
turned outside. 

In some localities the best hemp gowns of both men and women 
have borders of blue cloth around the neck and down to the waist. 
On this blue cloth border simple ornamental stars, flowers, and 
geometrical patterns are embroidered in white. 

Both men and women wear cloth belts. Generally these are of 
white hemp cloth, but at Wen-ch’uan and at Li-fan there are many- 
colored woven belts of elaborate patterns. It seems evident that the 
Ch’iang at Wen-ch’uan have borrowed them from the Wa-sst, and 
the Ch’iang at Li-fan, from the Chia-jung, their near neighbors, 
since the Ch’iang in other localities do not make and wear such belts, 
and they are extensively used by the Wa-ssit and the Chia-jung. 

Many of the poor people do not have sufficient clothing to keep 
them warm in winter time, and they often catch colds and sometimes 
pneumonia. 

The ornamented belts are believed to have power to protect their 
wearers from demons that poison people. Women’s beits have parallel 
lines on both sides, the ornamental designs being in between the lines. 
The belts of the men have the ornamental patterns, but not the parallel 
lines. All belts are woven by women. It is believed by the Chia-jung 
that women have something dangerous about them, and that these 
ornamental belts, when worn by the women, have power to keep 
them under control. 

Women and girls 12 years old and older wear earrings. Finger 
rings and wristlets may or may not be worn by men or women. 
Chinese silver hairpins are bought in Chinese silver shops and proudly 
worn by the Ch’iang women. 

Chinese embroidery patterns are sometimes learned by Ch’iang 
women and embroidered on their sleeves or aprons. Beautiful Chinese 
lattice patterns are sometimes seen, although rarely, on the windows 
of important Ch’iang buildings. These have been done by Chinese 
carpenters who were accustomed to put lattice patterns on the windows 
of Chinese buildings. 

Interesting patterns are carved on the handles of Ch’iang cere- 
monial drums and on the sheaths of ceremonial swords. These seem 
to be distinctly Ch’iang designs. 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


III. FOLKTALES AND “MOUNTAIN SONGS” 
I. FOLKTALES 


Folktales do not seem to have so large a place among the Ch’iang 
as among some other ethnic groups in West China, certainly not so 
much as among the Ch’uan Miao. The writer has heard only four 
among the Ch’iang, and at least two of these would be regarded as 
historical and etiological traditions, for they are considered to be 
real history by the Ch’iang. 

The first of these is the story of the great migration estimated by 
some as requiring I year and several months and by others as 3 years 
and 6 months, during which migration the sacred books were lost 
through being eaten by goats. The second concerns the koh people, 
who, according to the tradition, disputed the possession of the land 
with the Ch’iang when the latter first arrived in this region. The 
tradition is that the Ch’iang were unable to win the struggle until 
they used the white stone as a weapon, after which they were vic- 
torious and the white stone became sacred. 

The story of a daughter of a god who came to earth and married a 
mere man is widespread among the tribespeople of West China. The 
writer has found this story among the Ch’uan Miao, among the Lolos, 
and among the Ch’iang. What seems amazing to the writer is that 
the Ch’iang have included this story among their sacred books. At 
both Lo-pu-chai and Ho-p’ing-chai at least one section or sacred 
book consists of the relating of this story. According to the priest 
at Lo-pu-chai the name of the god’s daughter was Mu Tseh and the 
name of the man who married her was Stu Ha. Both were unhappy 
and lonesome, and Mu Tseh suggested to Stu Ha that he speak to 
her father Mo-bi-da about the possibility of their getting married. 
The god asked Stu Ha what he had come for, and Stu Ha replied 
that he had come seeking a wife. The god told Stu Ha that he, a 
mere man, was no match for the god, and gave Stu Ha two almost 
impossible tasks to perform. One was to cut down and burn the 
trees in three great canyons, a method very common in the western 
highlands of China of preparing forest land for cultivation. “Cut with 
a knife (or axe) and burn with fire,” is the expression used for this 
procedure. Then he must plant 30 bushels of rape seed and later 
reap the harvest. These tasks Stu Ha succeeded in performing and 
so was given Mu Tseh in marriage. The god told Stu Ha to bring, 
driving them in front, 100 domestic animals, apparently as a wedding 
gift to her parents. When Stu Ha returned home there would be 
1,000 domestic animals following him, as a gift of the god to Mu 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 23 


Tseh and Stu Ha. Stu Ha was exhorted to comb his hair beautifully 
and wear his silver rings properly, and to await a lucky day. 

Mu Tseh gave birth to a son and a daughter. She was unhappy, 
for the Ch’iang home was dirty, the food was poor, and she was 
lonesome for her friends and the palace above. Out of sympathy for 
her Stu Ha advised her to return to her former home. Apparently 
she regretted leaving him, and asked what he would give her if she 
returned during the first lunar month. He replied, the jasmine flower, 
a yellow flower that blooms during the first moon in Szechwan, and is 
called “the welcome spring flower.” To her question as to what he 
would give her if she returned during the second moon, he replied, 
the shui tang flower, a beautiful flower that blossoms on the edges of 
pools. If she should return during the third moon, he would give 
her roses, which blossom on the edges of terraces. If she returned 
during the fourth moon he would give her buckwheat blossoms, and 
during the fifth moon wheat and barley which appear to blossom at 
that time in the fields. 

The following folktale is a translation by the writer from “Research 
in Western Szechwan,” published in 1943 by the Department of 
Education of China. 

In ancient times there were two shepherds, one named Ga and the 
other named Tsi Gai Bao. The former was strong, powerful, and 
wealthy, while the latter was poor and weak and was always op- 
pressed by the former. Qne day Ga stole a cow, and Ga and Tsi 
quarreled and went to the Jade (Pearly) Emperor to settle the affair. 
The Emperor asked Tsi about it, but he dared not tell the truth for 
fear of Ga. The Jade Emperor therefore thought of a way to find 
out. He ordered them to open their mouths. A piece of meat was 
found between Ga’s teeth, so that the facts were finally known. But 
because of this Ga hated Tsi, and asked him to return the money he 
had borrowed, together with a heavy interest of 500 percent. Tsi 
was poor and could not pay the money, so they again brought the 
case to the Jade Emperor. 

The Jade Emperor urged Ga to reduce the interest, but Ga refused. 
The Jade Emperor realized the ambitious intentions of Ga, and de- 
cided to use a trick to punish him. The Jade Emperor took two 
sticks, one of flax and the other of willow, with the outer skin (or 
bark) peeled off so that one could not be distinguished from the 
other. He gave Tsi the willow stick and Ga the flax stick and ordered 
them to beat each other, saying to them, “The one who breaks the 
stick first will get the interest.” Ga broke the flax stick with the first 
blow, and was pleased, but Tsi could not break the stick for quite a 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


while. Ga, being greedy for the interest, endured the beating, and 
finally the willow stick also broke. 

The two quarreled again, and the Jade Emperor thought of another 
trick. He gave them two stones, one of snow and the other of white- 
cloud stone (the white quartz of the sacred white stone), and ordered 
them to throw at each other, saying that the one who broke his stone 
first would win the case. He gave the white-cloud stone to Tsi and 
the snowball to Ga. Ga broke the snowball on the first throw and 
was very much delighted. Tsi threw the white stone and broke Ga’s 
backbone. Ga, being hurt badly, ran away, and Tsi pursued him. 

Later Tsi did not know where Ga was. He met a crow and asked 
the whereabouts of Ga. The crow was unwilling to tell him, although 
it had seen him. Tsi became angry and cursed the crow, saying that 
it had a black heart, a black skin, and black bones. It is said that 
from that time the crow has been black. Later Tsi met a magpie 
and asked him. The magpie had seen Ga and told Tsi that Ga ad- 
mitted his wrongdoing and would not come back again. He was 
willing to give up all the principal and interest. Tsi was pleased and 
called the magpie the lucky bird. He asked it to take word to Ga 
that he should live in the places where snow does not melt even 
during the summer, and the places where good crops grow all four 
seasons would be the territory of Tsi. Thus the land was divided. 
Later Tsi and his descendants lived happily and peacefully and pros- 
pered. Today it is believed that the ancestor of all human beings is 
Tsi. The Ch’iang believe that Ga still lives in the snow mountains, 
where there is snow throughout the whole year.”® 


2. “MOUNTAIN SONGS” 


The Ch’iang seem to be a cheerful people. As they carry heavy 
loads over the mountain paths or the main-traveled roads, or tend their 
flocks on the mountains, or work in their homes or in the fields, they 
often sing songs which they call “mountain songs.” Some are in the 
Chinese and some in the Ch’iang language. The following were ob- 
tained in the Chinese and translated into the English language. They 
were obtained in the region of Li-fan and Wei-chou. 


28 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, p. I, 1943. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 25 


i 


BAIN RA en EE tet 
SHHARBEM KEM AOR 
REG RAE AES RIN 


Below Mao-chou is Chiu-t’iao-kiai. 
Of 10 met hua trees, 9 have blossomed. 
I think of plucking one of the flowers (to wear in my hair). 
I am unacquainted, so do not dare to speak. 
We will only permit you to pick one and wear it on your head. 
We will not permit you to conceal it in your breast. 
(Sung by boys or young men to girls or young women.) 


BIWETR-KE see HS RMN 
BRIN RAS SE AF HK 
PCR IPL WK FRR RY 


Below Mao-chou is a cloud 
Just in front of Wei-chou. 
Wei Chou cannot be reckoned as a city. 
There is the Heir- -apparent tomb on Dragon Mountain. 
There is no water better to drink than on Dragon Mountain. 
There are no people better to visit with than the 

P’u-wa people. 

(Sung by girls or women.) 


3. 


a PRR RR TT BGR 
BHAAR TH #HMRRABA 
Axe BA+OA KRKRERMR-—F 


I rise early and am not refreshed. 

I open the window and see the clear sky. 

A good clear sky does not rain. 

A fine girl and I are not together. 

The moon is round on the fourteenth and the fifteenth 
(of the lunar month). 

In what year will the fine girl and I be together? 
(Sung by men and boys. Roundness symbolizes the 
completeness of a family; therefore this is a hint 
at marriage.) 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


4. 
ZR Re SFRMRRE 
AS eM MAR MEE AE Me 


The ears of corn are very yellow. 

T’ll trouble my relatives to come and help. 

We have nothing for you to eat. 

We will put honey on buckwheat biscuits. 
(This implies that the girl has grown up and suggests 
that the boy seek her.) 


B 
B PY ib E— tk RD AL Me TSR 
BLA RRMA RRB FRAR 


On the opposite mountain is a huai tree. 

The twigs and shoots will fall down. 

If the wind does not blow, the huai tree does not move. 

If you do not beckon your hand, I will not come. 
(Sung by a young man suggesting that the girl motion 
him to come.) 


6. 
ARERR KMERAAT 
Wwe RA FURR 


I am singing and you are listening. 

Your ear will develop a boil. 

While the sore on your ear is still uncured, 

The mountain song of the old person will come again. 


— Rt La || A ad a ABN 
LMM BEEF RHONA 


One tree has nine twigs. 

They bear both grapes and melons. 

They also bear long beans from Honan Province, 

and also bear peonies from Szechwan. 
(Sung by a girl or young woman suggesting that she 
could bear him fine sons like chiang tou, a very long 
bean, and fine daughters like Szechwan peonies.) 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 27 


8 


— eS 
hi tk 


One tree has nine twigs. 


PT HRERB 
HT YF RH 


When I have sold the tree I will marry your mother. 

If your mother does not like me because my beard is long, 

After I have shaved my beard we will worship the family god. 
(Sung by a young man ridiculing a girl. The last 


phrase implies marriage.) 


O. 
BARB BRHAE 


ib 75 7 1H OBB 


BB Bl 1b wk A EB 
Py )\) a fe) BB Te 


On a clear day it thunders loudly. 

My husband has gone to Shansi and never returns. 

In Shansi there is a younger brother who wants my husband. 
In Szechwan is a woman who hopes her husband will return. 


(Sung by a woman or girl.) 


iG FR-AE 
HEIN 3 AES at 1g 
Fe BG PLE ws 
iE YY 4H EF Ba 


Below Sung-p’an is a cloud 
Just in front of Mao-chou 


Sig Hara SY EB] DR IN Sak 
Py PY ah se Bk BC 
ig Yin SY ar IE PY 4B 
$8 5 BE EO OK 


The city of Mao-chou is built very well. 

The four gates are well covered with iron plates. 

Only the west gate is finely built. 

It is just opposite the directly-west bridge. 

On this bridge it is fine for horse racing. 

On the bell-and-drum tower it is fine for playing flutes. 
(Sung by a young man. Playing flutes is a good way 
to attract the girls. The character used implies that 
this kind of a flute is held at right angles to the face.) 


28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


ee 


HARARE RRR MR 
KAMER A HRARHAB 


A white brass pipe has a black handle. 

My sweetheart has a long lock of hair. 

You are both straight and beautiful. 

When you walk on the road you go swaying along. 
(Sung by a young man.) 


sme eRe RAK Iae 
($HGASRE LARRLES 


A white brass pipe is dotted with blue. 

In Chengtu it was bought for two hundred cash. 

If you want the pipe, take it along. 

When we visit again, do not desire money. 
(Sung by a young man. The last phrase means, do not 
desire gifts that cost too much money.) 


zs. 
RHRRBKRA BRR Bae H 
BRO LAMe REAM RA 


I am separated by a stream from the fine maiden. 

The leaves of trees hide us so we are invisible. 

If we two desire to meet, it is necessary for the creek 
to dry up and the leaves to fall. 
(Sung by young men and boys.) 


14. 
APR RAP OB PRL a ie 
tee RRB LSD RK 


You are on top of the opposite hill. 

On the opposite hill is a yang ling tree 
(possibly Eurya Japonica). 

I'll pluck a handful of leaves and sit on them. 

We two will sing a farewell song. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 29 


15. 
RHRERBKA BKRBERBS 
RERROBH cCAZRERE 


I am across the river from the fine maiden. 
When going or coming across we grasp the rope bridge 
(slide-rope, or a single bamboo cable for crossing streams. ) 
If only the fine girl has a fine heart, 
We two will pull a mating-rope. 
(Sung by young men. The mating-rope implies marriage.) 


16. 

RIN FRA PMERBTARE 
RAR EBM ODDHRR ERE 
(KERES RAE MRT RE 


Below Mau-chou are nine streams. 
There are new grinding-mills and sifters moved by the water. 
The little sister in the next house comes to use the grinder. 
Her voice asks for the sifter. 
If you want the sifter, take it away 
and use it very carefully. 
(Often sung by young men or boys in a building where 
grinding and sifting is done. It implies that his heart 
is favorable to her.) 


17, 
mee OB RR AB OR RRL 
SHPRRE RR SFOMmare 


When I ask you to sing, you do not sing. 

I will take you to the slaughter bench (where pigs are 
killed). 

I will use three chain hooks and hang you up high. 

A half a pound or four ounces will not be left. 
(Sung by girls or women. Implies that she will cut off 
all his flesh.) 


30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


18. 
EEA 60 LE de Tk el 
ee eR aT ee BER RO 


The singing boy sounds “dong, dong, dong.” 
On his back he carries a tube for blowing fires. 
I call you over there a beater of oil. 
Over here I will call you a stupid insect. 
(Sung by a girl jeering at a boy.) 


19 
HRMER I Me HES FRBAwOoBe 
EER MSH BH AE 3% KAA BE 


Fry the beancurd in oil, cook both sides brown, 
For the boy jeers at me, saying I have no heart. 
This year I will take you to school. 
Next year I will take you to prison. 
(Sung by a girl or a young woman jeering at a young man.) 


SBR FHXH Ye 78 1h KB 
MRE aKa eT | TER TR Ae in FO 


The leaves of the poplar tree are very round. 

You cannot sing all the mountain songs. 

When you have sung all the mountain songs, 

I will take you and marry you to a rotten stick. 
(Sung by boys or young men, The rotten stick 
implies a worthless man or rascal.) 


25Tte 


SLKEBTR -RRERRE 
MEAS WEE AB EG TB) HR 5 a WL BK 


When you cut wood on the cliff, you slide down the cliff. 
When you slide you slide into a monkey’s nest. 
The male and the female monkeys have all gone. 
There is left a small monkey who is singing mountain 
songs. 
(Sung by girls or women jeering at boys or men.) 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’ IANG—GRAHAM 31 


ZERR-TT BER PRA 
OL ARR TEWE KEE | ARR MIR TOF 


From the distance I see the fine maiden as a small speck. 
I can not bear to think of embracing her to my bosom. 
I call to my lover, have more courage. 
Although the scale weight is small, it can weigh 
a thousand catties. 
(The first two lines are sung by a man, the last two 
by a woman encouraging him.) 


Be. 
ReALRRE REBAR 
— Kah ke 22 OR OR TE GE TE An 


The groom is the north star in the sky. 

The sister (the girl singing) is the heart of the wood-vine 
in the back garden. 

The two are sitting in the (vacant) air. 

When we meet we must be careful lest people see. 
(Sung by a girl or young woman. It implies that it is 
dangerous for them because they may be found out.) 


IV. SOCIAL CUSTOMS 
I. SOCIAL LIFE 


The social life of the Ch’iang is very simple. There are no theaters 
or movies, excepting those of the Chinese in the Chinese cities and 
towns. There are practically no games. The children’s playthings 
are often broken pieces of tile or pebbles, and they are seldom seen 
playing. Play is regarded as a means of idling away time that should 
be used in the serious business of earning a livelihood. Even children 
have important tasks to perform and burdens to bear. 

There is very little gambling among the Ch’iang. When at leisure, 
the men sit and gossip, smoke, or drink tea, and the women chat as 
they spin yarn or hemp thread, make shoes or embroideries, or sew 
clothing. Practically everybody smokes and drinks wine when he can 
get it. 

Hunting is sometimes a serious business, and sometimes a pastime. 
The work in the fields is shared by men and women of all ages, and 
the workers generally sing “mountain songs” as they work. To all 
appearances they are happy. Sometimes they sing as they husk corn 


32 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


or do other work in their homes. Talking and singing are main 
pastimes of those who tend the flocks on the mountains. 

While gathering wood in the forests, people from different homes 
often work together, chatting and singing songs. When carrying 
loads several people are likely to stop at a convenient place to rest, 
chat, and smoke. 

During the first lunar month families invite friends and relatives 
to feasts where they eat, talk, smoke, and drink tea and wine. A 
popular amusement at such times is “playing lion.” Two men, 
covered with an imitation lion’s skin, pretend to be a lion and dance 
about and fight with a man, who is always victorious over the lion. 

At funerals and weddings there are feasts, and people of all ages 
meet, eat, drink tea and wine, smoke, and talk. People often go to 
market together, visiting as they walk or stop to rest. Neighbors 
often visit each other on the housetops or in their homes. 

The writer has heard of no social dances except those near Li-fan 
There is a taboo against using the funeral dance on any other occa- 
sion. In 1933 the writer witnessed an evening of dancing at Chiu- 
tzu-t’eng. The dance lasted several hours. There was a line of 12 
women on the right and 6 men on the left. First the men would sing 
a line or sentence of a song, dancing as they sang, then the women 
would dance and sing the same line. Then the second line would be 
sung, and so on, As the men or the women danced rhythmically to- 
gether, they swayed their arms and bodies from side to side, making 
graceful steps in unison, stamping the feet, quickly lowering the body, 
and turning completely around together while singing one sentence. 
There was a large jug of wine from which the dancers drank fre- 
quently through small bamboo tubes. When the wine became low, 
water was poured into the jug, so that the wine became weaker and 
weaker. Since this dance is common among the Chia-jung, whose 
boundary is only about 7 miles from Li-fan, and it is not practiced 
in most of the Ch’iang region, it seems safe to assume that the Ch’iang 
near Li-fan learned this dance from the Chia-jung. It should be 
emphasized that dancing among the Ch’iang is never two by two, a 
man with a woman. The men and women are opposite each other, 
and first the men, then the women, dance in unison. Some of the 
songs have been learned from previous dancers, and others are im- 
provised. It is believed by the Chinese that such singing and dancing 
has been learned from the Chia-jung and the Hsi-fan pq #} within 
the last 40 years.?° 


29 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, p. 24, 1943. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 2353 


When people quarrel and fight, friends exhort them and try to 
make peace. If they are not successful, they may go to the local 
Ch’iang leader or headman, who is appointed by the Chinese govern- 
ment. If again they are not successful, the case may be tried in the 
Chinese yamen or court. 


2. ENGAGEMENTS 


Among the Ch’iang, engagements are family affairs. The family 
of the man chooses the girl or the woman whom he is to marry, and 
the engagements are made through middlemen or go-betweens. When 
the two families have agreed, a refusal by either of the young people 
is not expected. The main consideration is the value of the girl or 
woman as a worker to the family of the groom. The writer heard 
of a 12-year-old boy who was married to a girl of 26. She was an 
excellent worker. Engagements and marriages are very expensive to 
the families of the grooms, and often they have to borrow money. 
Every Ch’iang man or woman gets married sooner or later. 

There is considerable flirting and lovemaking among the young 
people. Many of the “mountain songs” are songs in which love- 
making is encouraged. 

If a young man and a young woman fall in love and want to get 
married, it is necessary to get the consent of their families, who will 
endeavor to make the engagement through go-betweens. 

Sometimes, but not always, the horoscope is consulted. If it indi- 
cates that the marriage will be unlucky, the engagement is not con- 
summated. 

Always, when an engagement is made, the family of the groom 
must agree to give valuable presents to the family of the bride. These 
vary in different places, and with different families in the same locality. 
In 1933 the writer was told that near Tung-men-wai and Mu-shang- 
chai the family of the groom must give the family of the bride a 
pig’s head, a couple of jugs of wine, pork, shoes, stockings, and other 
things. At Ts’a-to in 1941 he was told that the gift should include 
a piece of pork, 3 jugs of wine, 2 large pieces of bread, incense, 
candles, etc. At Ta-ho-p’ing-chai he was told that the gift should 
include 8 rolls of cloth, black or blue but not white, 24 catties of 
pork, 2 large wheat biscuits, 3 jars of wine, 1 large wheat cake called 
in Chinese a kuo k’wei, 1 pair of earrings, I piece of brass wire, and 1 
pair of puttees. The objects, the amount, and the value vary according 
to the ability of the groom’s family to give. 

Men and women mingle freely, talk, and sing “mountain songs” 
when working in the fields. At night in the homes they sometimes 


34 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


husk corn and sing songs and talk until the wee hours of the morning. 
Sometimes in the songs they ridicule each other, and sometimes they 
make love. A man and woman may secretly give each other presents 
such as cookies, cloth, shoes, or embroidery. When two lovers can- 
not marry in this life, one may give the other a lock of hair as an 
expression of the hope that they may be married during a future 
incarnation. The woman’s husband does not object unless they commit 
fornication. 

The following notes on Ch’iang engagement customs are taken 
from a publication of the Chinese Ministry of Education: *° 

Engagements are made by parents through go-betweens, usually 
while those becoming engaged are very young. Sometimes parents 
make engagements for children while their mothers are pregnant 
and the children still unborn. If both children born are males, they 
will be regarded as brothers; if both females, as sisters; and if one 
is a girl and the other a boy, they will be engaged to be married. 

Go-betweens do not give presents to the family of the girl until 
after they become engaged. When they go to try to make an engage- 
ment, they take money with them. If the girl becomes engaged to 
the young man in question, then the go-betweens buy wine and give it 
to her family. After a half a month, the groom’s family buys more 
wine and gives it to the girl’s family. This wine is called engagement 
wine. The amount of wine given varies with the size of the girl’s 
family. The number of containers of wine also varies, but it must 
be an even number, for even numbers are lucky and odd numbers are 
unlucky. Among other things that are given are pork, sugar, rock 
candy, and money. The girl’s family gives a feast to friends and 
relatives, and the engagement is regarded as completed. 


3. MARRIAGE 


Marriage customs vary in almost every village, and in different 
families. A lucky day is chosen for the wedding. Generally a man 
cannot marry a woman who has the same family name. Sometimes 
people are married when very young—before they have reached 
teen-age. 

A family that has daughters but no sons to continue the family 
often adopts a son who marries a daughter, taking the family name. 
Of course the children have the same family name and belong to the 


30 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, pp. 21-23, 1943. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 35 


same family. The writer heard of one family in which this had been 
practiced for three generations. 

If an older brother dies, leaving a widow, a younger brother marries 
the widow, and the children that are born to them belong to the 
deceased brother. An older brother cannot marry the widow of a 
younger brother, at least in some villages. If there is no younger 
brother to marry the widow, she may be married to a cousin of her 
husband, and the children born belong to her first deceased husband. 

A Ch’iang who has attained to official rank under the Chinese 
government prefers not to marry a Chiang woman of lower rank, 
and often marries a woman of another ethnic group who is in a family 
of similar official rank. The headman at Chiu-tzi-t’eng in 1933 had 
married a Chia-jung woman, and in 1942 the official at P’u-wa had 
married a Chinese woman who could not speak the Ch’iang language 
and did not understand Ch’iang customs. 

During a wedding at Ho-p’ing-chai the bride and the groom are 
each given a cup of wine. Each drinks half of his or her cup of wine, 
then gives the cup to the other, who drinks the remainder of the wine. 

In 1933 the writer was told that near Ho-p’ing-chai and Lung- 
ch’i-chai the bride was taken to the home of the groom in a “flowery 
sedan chair,” or a much decorated bridal sedan chair. On arrival two 
persons helped the bride into the house, where she and the groom 
kowtowed to the house gods, the parents and grandparents of the 
groom, and to other relatives and friends. At Ho-p’ing-chai in 1941 
it was stated that the bride rode to the groom’s home in an ordinary 
sedan chair, escorted by her brothers and sisters, but not by her 
paternal uncles; that the groom’s family sent two boys and two girls 
10-odd years old to help escort the bride. On their arrival at the 
home of the groom, the bride and the groom bowed to the house gods, 
the parents and grandparents of the groom, to the groom’s uncles, 
then to other friends, relatives, and guests. 

Of course there are always wedding gifts and at least one wedding 
feast. 

Divorce is almost nonexistant among the Ch’iang. In rare cases 
when a man and his wife are not harmonious he sells her to another 
man, who takes her as his wife. An agreement is written in Chinese 
and sealed by the imprint of the husband’s palm. In the agreement 
he promises not to make any trouble with the new husband or his 
former wife, and not to require the new husband to pay him more 
money in the future. 

Sometimes a priest is invited to perform a religious ceremony as 
part of the wedding. He burns cedar twigs and possibly incense sticks 


36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


as incense, chants his liturgies, and worships the gods at the shrines 
on the housetops. He informs the gods about the marriage, and 
invokes their blessings on the young couple. 

The following information about Ch’iang marriages, apparently 
true in one or more Ch’iang localities, is from the previously mentioned 
publication of The Chinese Ministry of Education : ** 

When the young people are regarded as grown up, the man’s 
family sends to the family of the woman a gift of wine, and notifies 
them that the time has come for them to prepare for the marriage. 
This is generally done during the sixth or seventh lunar months, From 
this time on the young people must not speak to each other, even if 
they happen to meet. The marriage usually takes place during the 
winter or near the end of the lunar year. 

The day before the wedding the parents of the groom send from 
four to six people to escort or to fetch the bride. They take with 
them gifts, such as 6 Chinese feet of red cloth, 11 Chinese feet of 
rope, I comb, a bundle of firecrackers, a pair of red candles, 2 jugs 
of wine, cloth, and money. All these are placed on a large wooden 
platter, carried to the bride’s home, and presented to her family. The 
firecrackers are set off when they arrive at the home of the bride. 
When the bride and her relatives hear this, they all weep to show their 
regret at parting. When the people from the groom’s home enter the 
door, the relatives of the bride fire off guns to welcome them. The 
people from the groom’s home greet and congratulate the parents. The 
family of the bride light the candles and burn incense. They warm 
the wine, first pouring some in bowls or cups and offering it to the 
gods. After supper, the hosts and guests, relatives, and friends drink 
wine together. At the supper are those who came from the home of 
the groom to escort the bride, and friends and relatives of the bride. 

After supper the relatives and guests are encouraged to drink the 
wine according to their ages, beginning with the oldest. Sometimes 
and in some localities there are folkdances and singing. A typical 
song on this occasion praises the parents who worked hard to bring 
the bride up to wontanhood. Now that she is leaving, it is hoped that 
after her arrival at her husband’s home, she will be respectful and 
live peacefully with the brothers and sisters of the groom and will not 
bring shame to her family. During the singing friends and relatives 
are likely to weep. Later the unmarried girl friends give the bride 


81 Report of research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, pp. 21-23, 1943. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 37 


some embroidered shoes, and these girls join in the singing. Some- 
times the singing and dancing continue through the whole night. 

At some time later in the night the girl friends and others sing 
that when a girl is grown up she has to get married, so one need not 
be sorry. If the bride is filial to her parents-in-law and she and her 
husband love each other very deeply, they will live happily together 
to the end. The bride sings in reply expressing regret at leaving her 
relatives and friends, and saying that she cannot help crying and being 
sorry to leave. 

Next morning the bride, dressed in her wedding clothes, is carried 
on the back of her older brother to the family altar. If she has no 
older brother, some other male relative will do this. The parents sit 
near the altar while the bride kneels and kowtows, saying goodby to 
the ancestors and to the gods. After this the older brothers and 
sisters of the bride give her some chopsticks, and the older brother 
carries her on his back through the door. Before she enters her 
bridal chair (sedan chair), she throws the chopsticks over her shoulder 
behind her, and they are picked up by an older brother and his wife. 
This signifies that after the bride has left the family, they will always 
think of her while they are eating with the chopsticks. 

After the bride gets into her bridal chair (in some localities the 
sedan chair is not used, but she rides on a horse or is carried on the 
back of an older brother or another male relative), six or eight older 
brothers and girl friends and those sent from the home of the groom 
escort her to her new home, most or all of them riding on horseback. 
At the door of the groom’s home, members of his family give her some 
money and welcome her. No pregnant woman is allowed to be persent 
at this time. 

During the wedding there is a master of ceremonies who says, 
“This is a lucky day, and heaven and earth are open wide. The 
bride has arrived, and everything is lucky. On the east side peach 
blossoms are blooming, and on the west side apricot blossoms are 
blooming. Flowers and trees are smiling at each other to welcome 
the bridegroom into the hall.” At this time the bridegroom enters, 
and soon afterward the bride also comes into the room. The groom 
stands to the left and the bride to the right. The master of ceremonies 
calls to the bride and the groom to kowtow three times, “kneel, arise, 
kneel, arise, kneel, arise,” and the young people kowtow accordingly. 
Then they kowtow four times to the groom’s ancestors. Then the 
master of ceremonies says, “The ceremony is over. Let the groom 
remove the bride’s veil. Let the groom go to the central hall and the 
bride to her room.”” After the bride enters her room he says, “Heaven 


38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and earth are long. Let there be long life and happiness, and a house- 
ful of children and grandchildren for the new couple.” This is the 
end of the ceremony. 

Three days after the marriage ceremony, the bride and the groom 
bow or kowtow to the parents and other older relatives of the groom. 
Then they go to the home of the bride, carrying gifts with them. 
The gifts may be a black or a white sheep or goat, some lard, a pair 
of red candles, and other things. They remain 3 or 4 days, during 
which time they are feasted, and then they return to the groom’s 
home. Later the bride returns to the home of her family, remains 
there until New Year, which is generally not a long time, and then 
returns to the groom’s home. 

We need to remind ourselves that these customs vary in practically 
every village and in each family. 

The Ch’iang consider it to be shameful to be without offspring. 
To them it is therefore a disgrace not to be married, and there are 
no bachelors or old maids among the Ch’iang. 

Some of the writer’s informants among the Ch’iang stated, as noted 
above, that if an older brother dies a younger brother is under obliga- 
tion to marry his widow, but that if a younger brother dies an older 
brother is not allowed to marry his widow. On the other hand, the 
report on research in western Szechwan by the Chinese Ministry of 
Education states that the older brother may also marry the widow of 
a younger brother.*? This is very probably true among most of the 
Ch’iang people. 

People who have the same family name are regarded as members 
of the same clan, and do not marry each other. 


4. BIRTH 


Until very recently there were no trained physicians, midwives, or 
nurses in the Ch’iang region. A small hospital has been opened at 
Wei-chou and a dispensary at Li-fan by the Border Service Bureau 
of the Church of Christ in China, but they reach only a limited num- 
ber of the Ch’iang people. The ordinary Ch’iang midwife cuts the 
umbilical cord with scissors that have been washed in cow manure 
and does her work with hands, scissors, cotton, cloth, and other ma- 
terials and implements that have not been sterilized. The natural 
result is that the death rate of mothers at childbirth is high, and that 
of new-born babies is very high. 


32 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry of Educa- 
tion, pp. 21-23, 1043. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH IANG—GRAHAM 39 


For 40 days after the birth of a child, the mother must not leave 
her home. She is given presents of food and clothing by her relatives, 
and the girl’s relatives are invited to a feast, and the child is given a 
name. At Ts’a-to the writer was told that the mother might be given 
a peck of ordinary rice, a bowl of wine rice, 100 eggs, 10 catties of 
pork, clothing, shoes, and other similar presents. 

When the new-born baby is 4o days old, a ceremony of initiation 
is performed by the priest in front of the altar on the housetop or at 
the altar in the sacred grove. A goat is offered for a boy baby, and 
a chicken for a girl. A white string is tied around the baby’s neck, 
which in some places is cut off and placed on the altar, and in other 
localities is left on the neck of the baby until it falls off. Blood of 
the sacrificial goat or chicken and melted fat are daubed on the fore- 
head of the child. In some districts the child is given its name at this 
time. 

As persons grow older and have children, birthdays are often cele- 
brated. These celebrations grow more important on the fiftieth, 
sixtieth, seventieth, eightieth, ninetieth and one-hundredth birthdays. 
More honor is shown to great-grandparents than to grandparents, 
and to grandparents than to parents, according to rank and age. Hus- 
bands are more highly honored than their wives, brothers than sisters, 
older children than younger children. 

There is a feast, and numerous guests and relatives are invited. 
Many of these bring presents such as rice, eggs, shoes, wheat biscuits, 
vermicelli, sweetmeats, candles, and firecrackers. At the table and 
elsewhere the old person is given a seat of honor, and many kowtow 
to him or her, or at least bow and express their congratulations and 
good wishes. 


5. SICKNESS 


While the Ch’iang are physically strong, diseases are very common 
among them, for they have little knowledge of the laws of health and 
sanitation. Many of the poorer families suffer from malnutrition. 

The Ch’iang believe that all diseases are caused by demons, and 
when ill they seek the aid of the priest, who performs elaborate cere- 
monies of exorcism to remove the demon or demons that are causing 
the trouble. The writer has witnessed a number of these ceremonies 
of exorcism that were performed by priests, and some of these will 
be described later. 

On the first floor of Ch’iang homes are uncovered latrines and 
pigpens, which often swarm with maggots. The remainder of this 
floor is covered with straw, twigs, and leaves which remain there for 


40 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


weeks and become saturated with the urine and manure of the 
domestic animals. The unsavory air and smells rise into the rooms 
above, where the air is often smoky and the windows few and small. 
The inmates and visitors have the habit of spitting on the floor, and 
there is also the night soil of dogs, cats, chickens and other animals 
that are allowed to roam about. All this means that the floor is 
covered with germs. Babies playing on the floor get the germs on 
their fingers and then into their mouths. Sweeping stirs the germ- 
laden dust which gets into the lungs. Fleas, flies, lice, bedbugs, 
mosquitoes, and rats help spread disease. Smoke causes eye troubles, 
and colds easily turn into pneumonia. Epidemics of dysentery, measles, 
smallpox, typhoid, and other diseases spread rapidly among the people. 
Above O-erh, near the timber line, the writer was shown a large stone 
house which was unoccupied. During an epidemic every person in 
that house died. Believing that this was the work of demons, nobody 
after that was willing to live in the house. 

Medicines are often misused so that they are harmful and some- 
times cause death. Practitioners who call themselves doctors are 
sometimes worse than useless. At Mu-shang-chai the writer saw a 
Ch’iang priest, with an unsterilized needle, practice acapuncture on 
a Ch’iang woman’s hand. He pounded the big needle deeply into the 
flesh in several places, evidently to cure rheumatism. It pained her, 
and she cried out “Ay-yah.” There was danger of infection from the 
wounds. A Ch’iang friend at P’u-wa told the writer about the death 
of his daughter. She had a discharge in one of her ears, and the 
doctor cleaned it by squirting into it unboiled and unsterilized water. 
She died the next day with severe pains in her head. 


6. DEATH AND BURIAL 


In spite of their apparent good health and physical strength, the 
death rate among the Ch’iang is very high. In 1941 the writer en- 
deavored to conduct a survey of Ch’iang families to learn the ap- 
proximate death rate. It was evident that of 1,000 births, less than 
250 reached maturity. The percentage is much smaller than that, for 
babies that died under 2 years of age were not reported. The Ch’iang 
have a theory that babies that are stillborn or die at a tender age 
are not human beings at all, but a kind of demon that causes a woman 
to become pregnant, then is stillborn or dies soon after birth in 
order to cause troubles and hardships to the parents. Such babies 
are not buried in coffins or cremated. A hole is dug in the ground, 
and the corpse is thrown in and covered with dirt. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM AI 


We have referred to the high death rate of women at childbirth 
and of new-born babies. There is also a high death rate from diseases 
and accidents such as falling over cliffs, drowning, being attacked by 
wild animals, snake bites, etc. 

The Ch’iang believe that dreams are actual experiences. During 
dreams the soul is often away from the body and is in the locality 
where the dream is supposed to take place. During sleep, fainting, 
and unconsciousness, the soul wanders away, and if it does not re- 
turn, the person dies. When it is feared or believed that the soul 
has wandered away, friends or relatives try to call the soul back. 
Soon after death the priest performs a ceremony of calling back the 
soul, 

The writer once heard a mother, whose child was so sound asleep 
that it could not easily be wakened, calling back the soul of her child. 
In a loud, wailing tone she mentioned the child by name and urged 
it to return. Every time she called, friends and relatives who were 
present replied, “He has returned.” 

As soon as it is known that a person is dead, there is weeping. 
The person’s newest and best clothing is put on him, and he is placed 
in a coffin. For 2 or 3 days he is left in the home, after which he 
is carried out in the coffin and cremated or buried. Generally a priest 
performs a ceremony to open the way of the soul to the other world. 

The Ch’iang people say that formerly they did not bury in graves, 
but used cremation only. At present cremation is the only method in 
remote villages where Chinese influence is not strong. In localities 
where there is a strong Chinese influence, all are buried in graves 
excepting babies, whose burial has been described, and persons who 
die violent or unusual deaths—women who die at childbirth, people 
who are murdered, or die by drowning, falling over cliffs, from snake 
bites, from attacks by wild animals, from hanging, bleeding to death, 
etc.—all such are cremated. 

Nearly every village has several crematory houses, each of which 
is used by people having the same family name. These houses are 
small roofed buildings about 10 feet square. Each house is set on a 
stone base that rises about a foot above the ground. The sides are 
not boarded up, but there are large wooden posts at the corners, and 
between them small wooden posts a few inches apart. Before each 
cremation eight or more men lift the entire building off its base and 
place it at one side. After the fire of the cremation has died out, the 
building is again put into place. The cremation is performed inside 
the stone foundation. 

At Lung-ch’i-chai there is a large common grave which looks like 


42 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


a Chinese tomb. On the outside there is one large door, and inside 
there are two which are openings into two inner chambers or rooms. 
The doors are never closed. The cremation is done in two wooden 
sheds or crematory houses nearby, which are in a poor state of repair. 
The ashes of the men are deposited in the section of the tomb on the 
right (on the left or place of honor when one is facing away from 
the tomb), and those of the women on the left. The ashes na a great 
many people have been deposited here. 

Near the place of cremation is a flat stone. The coffin is placed on 
this stone while the relatives perform a funeral dance. Then the 
coffin is carried to the place of cremation and the cremation takes 
place while the priest chants the “sacred books.” The relatives weep 
while the coffin and the corpse are burnt to ashes. A bowl or jar is 
broken and the fragments thrown among the ashes. Next morning, 
after the fire has died out, the relatives come and gather up the ashes 
and deposit them in the tomb nearby. 

In cases of burial, sometimes a shallow hole is dug in the ground 
and the coffin placed inside, and sometimes the coffin is simply set 
down on the surface. A mound of dirt is erected over the coffin, and 
a tombstone placed in front. Sometimes sacred white stones are 
placed on the tops of the graves to help keep away demons. 

Near Ho-p’ing-chai and Ts‘a-to a small house of two or three 
stories is sometimes built for cremation, furnished much like an 
ordinary house, and the coffin containing the corpse placed on the 
first floor. The largest of these houses, used by the better-off Ch’iang 
families, have 3 stories with 18 wooden pillars. The priest performs 
his funeral ceremony by dancing and chanting his sacred books and 
incantations. The house is set on fire and the corpse cremated. Often 
here and elsewhere two wooden birds are placed on the coffin or 
nearby before the cremation, and these, believed to represent the 
soul of the dead person, are carried away to their homes by sons of 
the deceased and there preserved and honored, or onlookers seize 
them and take them to their homes, where the sons redeem them by 
money or by a gift, taking them home to be honored and preserved. 

When relatives and guests come to a funeral, they generally bring 
as presents such things as money, chickens, goats or sheep, wine, or 
spirit money. They remain and at funeral feasts eat the food and 
drink the wine and tea of the family of the bereaved. 

When a wife dies, generally her relatives come before the funeral 
and make careful inquiries and investigate to find out whether or 
not adequate preparations have been or are being made for the funeral. 
They also investigate the nature of the disease or other cause of 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 43 


death, and whether or not reasonable attempts were made to prevent 
death. In some localities there is a taboo against using funeral cloth- 
ing made of flax or wool. The relatives of the deceased woman may 
raise a quarrel if her funeral clothing is not good enough. 

The corpse usually remains in the home for 3 days, after which 
the funeral is held, which must be on a lucky day. Where Chinese 
influence is strong, there is a ceremony to ferry the soul of the 
deceased across the river to Hades. 

Near Wen-ch’uan, wealthy people build a funeral house of three 
stories, place the body of the deceased inside the house, then cremate 
the dead by setting fire to the house. Those less wealthy build a house 
of two stories, and poor families often cremate without erecting any 
such house at all. Still others do not cremate, but dig a hole, lower 
the coffin into the hole by means of leather or other straps, and cover 
the coffin with a mound of dirt. 


V. RELIGION 
I. THE SOUL AND THE FUTURE LIFE 


The Ch’iang do not have a very definite idea of life after death, and 
like the language and the customs, it varies with different people and 
in different localities. Some say that after death the soul goes to a 
dark and shadowy place. Some have heard the Christian doctrine of 
heaven and hell, and many, are acquainted with the Buddhist and 
Taoist beliefs concerning hell and paradise. 

With many the idea of the soul does not seem to be very definite 
or clear, while others have adopted the belief of the Chinese in three 
major souls and seven lesser souls. As has already been stated, it 
is believed that the soul may leave the body during dreams and 
while fainting or unconscious and that if the soul does not return 
the person will die. Priests endeavor to call back the souls of per- 
sons who have recently died, and failing in this they perform a cere- 
mony to open the way of the soul to the other world. The writer 
has heard mothers calling back the souls of children whose souls they 
believed had wandered away. 

Such memorial ceremonies as the Ch’iang practice correspond to 
those of the Chinese, from whom they have probably borrowed them. 
They affirm that they love their ancestors, living and dead. Said one, 
“Tf we offer food or burn paper money, what good does it do? If we 
offer food or wine, they cannot eat or drink it. Spirit money when 
burnt turns into smoke.” Some believe in reincarnation, and many 
believe in fate. Some, like the Chinese, commemorate their ancestors 


44 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


on the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, on the fifteenth of the 
seventh moon, and at New Year time. Some commemorate their 
ancestors in their homes on the first, fifteenth, and thirtieth of each 
month. 


2. THE WORLD VIEW 


The Ch’iang live on the sides and tops of mountains or in narrow 
valleys. The climate is cool and semiarid. Near them live the Chia- 
jung, the Wa-ssti, the Lu-hua, the Hei-shui, and the Po-lo-tzis, 
while in the main valleys and in the cities and towns are the Chinese. 
All these ethnic groups have at different times been dangerous enemies. 
Wild animals attack human beings, domestic animals, and the crops. 
People fall over cliffs, are struck by rolling stones, are drowned, are 
bitten by poisonous snakes, and are sometimes struck by lightning. 
While it is believed that all these and other calamities are often due 
to the work of demons, they also believe that nature is surcharged with 
a mysterious force that may do good or harm. The priests, the gods, 
and the sacred implements are believed to possess this mysterious 
power. 

In the ceremonies the priests and the gods are believed to make 
use of this power to heal diseases, to bring good crops, to cause 
domestic animals to grow and to multiply, and to bring happiness and 
a satisfying life which includes food, sex, clothing, housing, protection 
from enemies and the forces of nature, prosperity, numerous de- 
scendants, social prestige, and long life. 

Wherever the conception of a strange, mysterious potency—in 
other words, the mana concept—is found, there is also the taboo or 
taboos. Used in the right ways, this power is beneficial to man, but 
used in wrong ways it can be very harmful. The following is a partial 
list of Ch’iang taboos: 

The funeral dance must not be used except during funeral cere- 
monies. Cattle, used for plowing, must not be killed and eaten or 
used for ceremonial purposes. Women must not plow. After child- 
birth, the mother must not leave her home for 40 days. During men- 
struation a woman must not sleep with her husband. People must 
avoid speaking the word demon. Trees in the sacred groves must 
not be cut down. The first 3 days after the ceremony in the sacred 
grove, strangers must not travel on the main roads near this grove. 
Women cannot be present during the ceremonies on the housetops 
or in the sacred groves, and during ceremonies inside the houses they 
must stand at a distance. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 45 


3. THE GODS 


The Ch’iang are not monotheists, and there is no definite evidence 
that they ever have been. It is true that Rev. Thomas Torrance, in 
all his writings about the history, customs, and religion of the Ch’iang, 
has asserted that the Ch’iang are monotheists.** However, no other 
scholar or scientist who has made a careful first-hand study of the 
Ch’iang, such as Chuang Hstieh-pen, the author and traveler, and 
Prof. Hu Chien-min of the National University of Szechwan, has 
come to this conclusion. On the contrary, they have affirmed that the 
Ch’iang worship many gods, and some of them have given lists of 
the Ch’iang gods.** The writer has interviewed a large number of 
Ch’iang men, both priests and laymen, and every one of them has 
affirmed or given evidence that the Ch’iang believe in and worship 
many gods, besides believing that the gods of other racial groups are 
real gods and worshiping them when they wish to do so. A few have 
admitted to the writer that they purposely deceived Mr. Torrance. 
Many have given the writer lists of the Ch’iang gods which, after 
checking and rechecking, were found to be approximately correct. 
Translations of the “sacred books” repeated verbally by the priests 
have revealed long lists of Ch’iang gods on whom the priests call for 
help during their ceremonies. 

While the Chinese and the’ Tibetans make images of their gods, 
the Ch’iang gods have almost no images. The two exceptions are the 
god Abba Mula or Ndjei Dzu, the patron deity of the priest, and the 
King of Demons, whose head is sometimes carved on the top of the 
sacred cane. 

In a very few localities the supreme god is Shan Wang {|j =F or the 
mountain god, but in nearly all communities he is called Mu-bya-sei 
ma’ bja-* sei’), Mu-byei-sei, Mu-bya-shi, Mu-ta-be-ts’e, M-byei-sei, 
or Ma-byei-chi. Ch’i, sei, shi or ts’e means “god,” and the other two 
syllables mean “sky.” Literally it means sky god. At least at Mu- 
shang-chai, Lung-ch’i-chai, and Tung-men-wai, where Christian influ- 
ence has been strong, he is called Abba Ch’i. Abba means “father,” 
and this word, used also in the same sense among the Hebrews, is used 


83 Torrance, Rev. Thomas, The history, customs and religion of the Ch’iang, 
p. 28. The Shanghai Mercury Ltd., Shanghai, 1920. The religion of the Ch’iang. 
Journ. North-China Branch Roy. Asiatic Soc. vol. 54, pp. 151-152, 1923. China’s 
first missionaries, London, Thynne & Co. Ltd., 1937. 

84 Hu Chien-min, Beliefs and practices of the Ch’iang, pp. 10-16. Frontier 
Studies, 1941. 


WER Cm KKK. 


46 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


with this meaning very widely in the China-Tibetan border and in 
many other parts of China. The writer has been informed that abba 
for “father” is used by the Wa-ssit, by the Chia-jung, by the Chinese 
in the Ch’iang region, in parts of Yunnan, in northern Szechwan, near 
Shanghai, in Mukden, and in Fukien, Kuangtung, and Chekiang 
Provinces. Some Ch’iang have stated that the word abba is applied 
principally to Chinese gods, but in most localities among the Ch’iang 
it may be used with any god, and is always applied to the male 
ancestor god, Abba Sei. 


Shelf 


Sacred 
White 


Otone 
Fire place 
O = 
Shelf 
N 
a 
Ss 


Door 


CHIANG TEMPLE 


Fic. 3.—Drawing of a typical Ch’iang temple or sacred shelter in which part 
of the community ceremony of paying the vows is performed. The fireplace 
consists of three stones chipped into right angles, which are the fire god, the 
male ancestor, and the female ancestor. 


Generally the Ch’iang worship, in addition to the Ch’iang gods, as 
many of the Chinese house gods, kitchen gods, and other deities as are 
worshiped among an equal number of Chinese. They regard Chinese 
gods as real deities and worship them. 

The Ch’iang identify Mu-bya-sei with the Taoist supreme god, the 
Pearly or Jade Emperor. It seems to the writer that the conception 
of the Ch’iang in their god Mu-bya-sei is closely related to that of the 
Chinese T’ien or Heaven, the supreme god of the Chou people with 
whom the Ch’iang united against the Shangs, a conception which still 
persists among the Chinese people. 

There are five great gods among the Ch’iang, who are worshiped 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 47 


in the sacred groves and on the housetops, where there is generally 
only one shrine for the worship of these five gods. However, in the 
sacred grove at Lo-pu-chai there are five different shrines, one for 
each of the great gods, and between Ho-p’ing-chai and Ts’a-to the 
writer saw a house on which there were five shrines instead of one. 
At Ho-p’ing-chai they are as follows: 

1. Mu-bya-sei (ma* bja:* sei’), the supreme god. He gives good 
crops and rain, controls and protects people and families from illness 
and other calamities, and helps people if their hearts are good. 

2. Ru-be-sei (3(x)a° be’ sei”), who controls the earth and the soil, 
causes rain and good crops, protects people from illness and other 
calamities, and helps them. At least in some localities this is a female 
deity. 

3. Lo-lo-sei (lo-* lo-* sei”). He controls the snow mountains and 
the shrubs and herbs and trees that grow only a foot or two high 
near the snow line. 

4. P’i-ru-sei (P’i' xu’ sei’), who controls the forests and governs 
and protects wild animals and birds. 

5. Su-mu-sei (Su-* ma-’ sei’), who also controls forests and pro- 
tects wild animals and birds. 

The five great gods of Lo-pu-chai are: 

1. Mu-bya-shi (ma’ bja’ fi-*), the supreme god. He is also called 
Abba Shi (a-* ba:? fi-’). ‘ 

2. Ro-bo-shi, the earth deity (3(r)o-* bo-* fi-*). 

3. Ts’u-ga-shi (ts’a° Ga-* fi-*), who controls grain in the fields. 

4. Shi (fi-*), the female spouse of Ts‘u-ga-shi. 

5. Shi-wo-shi (fi:? wo-* fi-*), the Chinese god Kuan Shen Ren, 
Lord of Szechwan. He causes it to rain. 

All these five great gods are worshiped on the housetops and in 
the sacred groves during important ceremonies. The names of the 
gods and even the gods themselves vary in the different localities. 

In every village there are 12 lesser deities that are worshiped and 
considered together. As might be expected, they vary in different 
localities. At Ho-p’ing-chai they are as follows: 

I. Ji-gwe-sei (d3i-+ gwe? sei”), the family or house god who pro- 
tects the family and its inmates. 

2. Stu-ja-sei (stu:* d3a-* sei’), who controls and protects all 
domestic animals and fowls. 

3. Ndzi-ju-sei (ndza" d3u-’ sei’). He controls wealth, gold, silver, 
etc. 

4. Yi-mu-sei (ji:* ma’ sei’). She gives sons, protects women after 
they have conceived and during childbirth, and protects children. 


48 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


5. Mya-wei-sei (mja-* wei’ sei’), a goddess who protects men and 
boys. . 

6. Sti-per-sei (sti:* P’ar® sei’). This deity protects women and 
girls in matters connected with childbirth. 

7. Do-dzu-sei (To-* dzu:* sei’), a door god on the right side of 
the door, who keeps demons out of homes. 


Fic. 4.——Drawing of a shrine, copied from a Ch’iang priest’s sacred book 
used only for divination. The humanlike figures at the top are, right, the god 
of the sky or heaven, left, the earth goddess. The priest said that the three 
other great gods should have been drawn but that there was not room for their 
pictures. Drawing in the square beneath the figures resembling a peach is sup- 
posed to represent a large sacred white stone. (It is poorly shaped.) The 
12 triangles in a row at the top represent 12 small white stones for the worship 
of the 12 lesser gods. The 12 small round holes represent cavities for burning 
incense to the 12 lesser gods. On either side at the top are four sacred white 
paper flags. The circles at the top may (?) represent the sun being eclipsed 
by the moon. Here is definite and concrete evidence that the Ch’iang are not 
monotheists. 


8. Nu-nga-sei (na* Da: sei”), a door god on the left side of the 
door who also keeps out demons. 

g. Sbe-pri-sei (sbe* Pri’ sei”), who controls the five grains after 
they have been harvested and are in the house or bin. 

10. Mo-bo-sei (mo-* bo:* sei’), a fire god who controls fire in 
the home and prevents it from burning the house. 

11. A-ba-sei (a:* ba-* sei’), the male ancestor. He does not 
control anything, but is revered and worshiped. 

12, A-ta-sei (a-* Ta-* sei’), the female ancestor, who also controls 
nothing, but is worshiped and revered. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 49 


We have mentioned the Ch’iang stoves consisting either of three 
stones chipped so as to form angles, or of strong iron rims or bands 
with three iron legs. One of these, the iron leg that has in it a small 
hole in which an iron ring hangs, or the corresponding stone leg, is the 
fire god. At Lo-pu-chai he is called Mo-go-i-shi (mo-* Go-*i-"fi-’), 
and at Ho-p’ing-chai Mu-bo-sei (ma? bo-? sei?) or Mo-bo-sei 
(mo-* Bo-? sei’). The other two legs are A-ba-sei, the male ancestor, 
and A-ta-sei, the female ancestor. This might be called the Ch’iang 
triad. 

Generally the sacred white stones are not believed to be deities. 
There are, however, some white stones and other stones not white 
that are worshiped as living gods. 

The 12 lesser gods at Lo-pu-chai, as named and explained by the 
local Ch’iang priest, are: 

1. Mo-ts’o (mo-? ts’o*), male, regarded as the equivalent of the 
ancestors. 

2. Tsche-shyo-gi (tfe” Jjo-* d3i-’), male, who controls, helps, and 
protects all domestic animals. 

3. Zyei-dje (3ei? dze+), male, who controls and helps men and 
women when cutting firewood and grass for making fertilizer 
(thrown on the floors of the animal pens and rooms in the homes). 

4. U-mo (y* mo-*), male, who helps obtain numerous descendants. 

5. Shi-shto (fi-* fto-*), male, who assists all who have trades— 
carpenters, masons, even priests, helping priests remember their cere- 
monies and incantations. 

6. Mbje-p’er (mbje’ pd’), the male ancestor, who helps men and 
boys. 

7. She-p’er (fe’ pd-"), the female ancestor, who helps women and 
girls. 

8. Stro-je (Stro-* dge'), male, who controls people’s souls. People 
worship him when they are worried lest their souls depart and they 
die. 

g. Shi (fi-*), female, who controls grains in the bins or granaries. 

10. Mo-go-i-shi (Mo-? Go-? i+? fi-t), male, the fire god who con- 
trols fire and protects from fire. 

11. La-nga-du-du (la-* Da-* Tu-* Tu-*), male, who prevents 
people from coming in and quarreling. 

12. Ch’ai-shen (ts’ai’ san”) (no Ch’iang name), male, the god of 
wealth. 

The following is the list of 12 lesser deities as given by Mr. Kou, 
the priest at Mu-shang-chai, with such explanations as he was able 
to give. 


50 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


1. Nyei-Wiii (pei’ wyi-*), a god on the northwest corner of the 
main room in the house. 

2. Tzo-wii (tzo-* wy’). 

Sab ws (pir: ). 

Ae Tshu (t/a). 

5. U-mu-p’i (y* mu-’ p’i-”), who is above the wall of the house 
near the center. 

6. U-du-p’e (y*® Tu:’ p’e*), who is below U-mu-p’i. 

7. Mu-nga-dwe-dwe-dze-swe-tshi (mu-* Da-* Twe* Twe® dzo° swe" 
tfi:?), who is on the central pillar of the house. 

8. P’er-shi-jei-ts’e-mye (p's fi-* dzei’ fi-* tfe" me” (mje”) ). 

On the west wall of the house. 

9. Dzu-si-ji-go-wa-la-tshe (dzu-* si:* d3i-? Go-* wa:* la-* tfe’), 
the god of the big water jar. 

10. Nyu-ge-ze (pu?: ge* ze*), the god on the right side of the front 
door. 

11. Su-gu-be (sa* ga° be’), the god on the left side of the front 
door. 

12. Jei-tzu-ze-tzu-tse-mye (d3ei' tza* ze’ tzu-* fu-* tse’ me”), the 
god of the four corners of the house. 

There are white stones worshiped as deities at O-erh, at Ho-p’ing- 
chai, and at Hsiao-chai-tzu. At Chia-shan-chai in the temple is a white 
stone worshiped as a local deity. It is on a stone altar on the wall 
above a table and is called White Stone King. There is another white 
stone on the floor of the temple which is the fire god.** In the sacred 
grove at Lung-ch’i-chai is a slender black stone extending about 22 
inches above the ground which is worshiped as a local deity. In the 
temple is a white stone that is worshiped as a mountain god. In the 
upper village of K’a-ku is a shrine in which is a white stone that is 
worshiped by some as the grain god, and by others as Ts’ang Chieh 
& tf, a Chinese god of scholars. Near Hsiao-chai-tzt and Lo-pu-chai 
is a large rock that is not white, as big as a Ch’iang house, which is 
worshiped as a god that heals diseases. 

On a mountain across the river from Li-fan is a temple called Pai 
(white)-k’ung-sst. In it are three large white stones that are wor- 
shiped as gods. Four Chinese priests care for the temple and its 
gods, and Ch’iang, Chinese, and people of all other ethnic groups in 
this region worship these gods in order to be healed of their diseases. 


35 Report on research in western Szechwan, The Chinese Ministry Education, 
Division of Mongolia and Tibet, chap. 2, Worship of the White Stone, Divi- 
sion I, 1943. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 51 


In their worship they burn incense and make offerings. Yak and 
sheep and cattle are sometimes released near this temple, not as sin- 
bearers, but as a means of gaining merit by releasing or saving life, 
or lives, of creatures that would otherwise in due time be slaughtered 
and eaten. 

There are trees that are worshiped as gods. Near Ho-p’ing-chai 
such trees are called P’o-shya-sei (P’o: fja- sei). About 15 li from 
T’ao-tzti-p’ing is a tree that is worshiped as a deity. At Ru-ta-chai 
(14° Ta-* tfai'), which is near Chia-shan-chai, there is a Chinese 
temple in a sacred grove. Behind this temple is a great pine tree 
called Me-p’ok-sei or pine tree god and worshiped as the chief god 
of Ru-ta-chai. Incense is burned to it and offerings are made to 
it—on important occasions a black goat and two chickens. 

Every village or locality has a special local deity, so that theoreti- 
cally the gods of the Ch’iang are as numerous as there are villages 
and places that have names. When the priest chants his “sacred 
books” in his ceremonies, he mentions many localities, and with each 
locality its local god, calling on them to come and assist him in the 
ceremony. Lists of those from Lo-pu-chai and Ho-p’ing-chai will be 
found in the section devoted to sacred books or sacred chants. Be- 
low is the list as found in the “sacred books” of the priest at Mu- 
shang-chai. f 
Mu-shang-chai, the god Gwe-be-ch’i (gwe’ be’ tJi-*) (the founder). 
Pu-lan-ch’eng, the god Bo-o-sei (bo-* 0-* sei*, or be? sa” o-* tfei), (the founder). 
Lung-chi-chai, Ge-tsu-ch’ei (ge tsu-* tfei®) (the founder). 

P’u-wa, the god Mu-ni-o-chi or ch’ei (ma? ni-? o-* tfi-? or tfei’). 
Lung-chi-chai, the god Jei-t’a-ch’i (d3ei-° t’a” tJi-*) (local deity). 
Bu-lan-ch’eng, the god Ge-ts’u-ch’i (ge* ts’u” tJi-*) (local god). 
Ta-han-chai, the god Ru-wa-sei (ru-? wa-” sei”). 
Chin-tu, the god Ch’iung-tu-sei (t/joD* Tu:* sei’). 
Hsin-ch’'i (upper), Zu-kwe-sei (za” kwe* Sei”). 
Hsin-ch’i (lower), Gan-dzu-sei (gaen® d3u:? Sei’). 
Kwei-chai, T’a-bo-sei (t’a-* bo: sei”). 
P’a-p’o-sei (p’a” p’o-* sei”). 
Seh-ro-chai, Ze-jo-sei (ze* d30-? sei’). 
P’u-ch’i-chai, Ze-jo-sei (ze? d3o0°* sei’). 


The heads of many of the sacred canes used by the priests to 
exorcise demons are carved so that they resemble human heads. These 
represent the god who is king of demons and assists the priests in 
controlling the demons. 

Every priest has a patron deity called Abba Mula, Mo-lo-sei, or 
Abba-mo-lo-sei. In a few localities he is called Ndjei Chu, or Nyei- 
dzu. He is the patron or guardian deity and instructor of the Ch’iang 


52 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


priest, and without him the priest could no nothing. It consists of a 
skull of a golden-haired monkey wrapped in a round bundle of white 
paper. Its eyes are old cowry shells or large seeds. Inside are also 
dried pieces of a golden-haired monkey’s lungs, intestines, lips, and 
fingernails. It is so wrapped that the face of the skull is visible at 
one end, and the other end is closed. After each ceremony in the 
sacred grove, the priest wraps another sheet of white paper around 
it, so that it gradually increases in diameter. Some priests will not 
allow another person to touch his Abba Mula and only the priest 
worships this god. 

There is a god of the great roads who is worshiped on the great 
roads. It is like the wayside deity of the Chinese, except that there 
is no image. At Ho-p’ing-chai he is called Z(or R)ei-shwa-sei 
(3ei° fwa-* sei’). A thunder god who is a lesser deity in the sky, 
is called at Ho-p’ing-chai, Mu-er-go (ma* 8 go’). There is a creek 
god called at Ho-p’ing-chai K’we-swa-sei (K’we* swa:" sei’). This list 
of the Ch’iang gods is far from complete. 

The gods of the Chinese and the Tibetans are regarded by the 
Ch’iang to be real, living deities, and the Ch’iang seem to be very 
willing to worship them when they consider it to be to their advantage 
to do so. Moreover, some of the Chinese gods meet what the Ch’iang 
regard as real and important needs and are worshiped as if they were 
Ch’iang gods. 

Among the Chinese gods that the Ch’iang worship in their homes, 
in wayside shrines, and in Chinese temples are Wu Ch’ang and Mei 
Shan, the two gods of hunters; Lu Pan 44 $f, the god of carpenters ; 
the two Chinese door gods; the kitchen god; T’ai Shan Shih Kan 
Tang Ze 4 ie ; the t’'u-ti 4+-Hb ; Kwanyin, the goddess of mercy ; 
the goddess who heals measles and smallpox ; the goddess who gives 
sons; Shan Wang {lj=F the mountain god; the river god Wang I 
who also helps lumberman in the forests; Lin Kuan s’er the ef- 
ficacious god of the Taoists; Lao Tzii the founder of Taoism; Iang 
Miao P’u-sa Ah YY 22 hE or Iang Miao T’u-ti, the god of growing 
grain; Shui Kuan the water god; the earth mother; the horse god; 
the god of cows and buffaloes; the god of sheep and goats; Ch’uan 
Chu Jij=e, the lord of Szechwan; Kuan Shen Jen fj #2 A, Yu Huang 
the Pearly Emperor; Yao Wang the medicine god; Ti Chang Hh yee 
and Tung Ytieh Wang 3 #7, the two gods of hell; Ku Wang, 
the grain god; the military and civil gods of wealth, and the Buddhist 
gods Wei T’o and Amitabha. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 53 


4. THE PRIESTHOOD 


The Ch’iang are a reverent and devout people. They consider their 
religious ceremonies and rituals to be very important, and these must 
be conducted with exactness, reverence, and decorum. Since they 
have no written language, their sacred chants, which are their equiva- 
lents of “sacred books,” are taught by word of mouth, memorized, 
and passed on from generation to generation, from father to son or 
from teacher to pupil. Since there must be no incorrectness in the 
performances and repetitions, there is a special priesthood. The 
priests, however, are also farmers and have wives and children. They 
are regarded as very important people and are highly respected by 
all. They do not have a distinctive dress. 

In some places the priest is called a bi bo. At Mu-shang-chai he 
is called a bi bu. At P’u-wa he is called a bi mu. At Hsi-shan-chai he 
is called a 07 to. 

One reason that the priests hold a very large place in the lives of 
the Ch’iang people is the belief that by controlling and exorcising 
demons he can prevent and heal diseases. He is constantly sought by 
those who are sick. Moreover, the mysteries in his chants and incanta- 
tions which others do not understand and the priest himself is often 
unable to explain, increase the reverence and respect for him and his 
ceremonies. Add to all this the fact that he is believed to have contact 
with and the help of the gods, and that he possesses a mysterious, 
marvelous power that enables him to do very important and unusual 
things for the good of his fellow men, and it is not difficult to under- 
stand why the Ch’iang priest is held in high esteem by the Ch’iang 
people. 

At P’u-ch’i-kou it was affirmed that the red and the white priests 
wear the same kind of clothing, but that the red priests specialize in 
the exorcism of demons and also perform the great ceremonies of 
paying the vows. They asserted that the white priests perform cere- 
monies to pray for sons and good crops and for rain, ordain priests, 
and dedicate or initiate infants. The priests, they said, eat any kind 
of meat and drink wine, but the eating of pepper and pickles is taboo. 
The white priests perform the great ceremonies of paying the vows 
to the great gods for families on the housetops and for communities 
in the sacred groves. The red and the white priests, they said, worship 
different patron dieties. The patron dieties of the red priests are Sen 
Hou Tzu (a deified monkey), Sa Ho Sang, and Tsu Sa Chin. The 
white priests, they said, worship as a patron diety Hsi T’ien Fuh 
Chu, or Lord Buddha of the western paradise. They said that 


54 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the red priests use more of the demon language that cannot be under- 
stood, and the white priests use more of the Ch’iang language that 
can be understood. At Hsi-shan-chai it was asserted that red priests 
primarily emphasize the exorcism of demons and the white priests 
the performing of the great ceremonies of paying the vows on the 
housetops and in the sacred groves. In most Ch’iang localities there 
is no distinction between red, white, or black priests, who are simply 
Ch’iang priests and who perform all the functions of priests as prac- 
ticed by the Ch’iang. At Lo-pu-chai, however, the priest said that he 
belonged to the Wu Chiao, or religion of black magic, although he 
did about the same things and in the same way as the priests do 
elsewhere. 

One who wishes to become a priest must study under another 
priest from 3 to 15 years, paying well for his privileges, the length of 
time depending on his ability to memorize. When he has finished his 
studies, there is a ceremony of ordination. In the sacred grove the 
old priest repeats his sacred books or rather chants them, until day- 
break. At midnight a goat or a rooster is killed. The new priest is 
ceremonially washed around his eyes with water from a certain 
waterfall to enable him to see demons. This also purifies him and 
causes his head not to become confused and his hands not to fumble. 
The sheep, goat, or cockerel is offered to the gods, then boiled and 
eaten by those who are present. Each person present also eats a 
wheat biscuit. All is eaten up on the spot, and the family of the new 
priest pays for the meat and the wheat biscuits. Thereafter he is a 
priest, and all know about it and call on him when a priest is needed. 

The following are some of the functions of a Ch’iang priest: 

1. In the spring he performs a ceremony in which he prays for 
a good harvest and a prosperous year, promising or vowing in return 
to perform the great ceremony in the sacred grove in which the vow 
is paid, generally by the offering or sacrificing of one or more goats, 
but sometimes of chickens or a yak. 

2. On the first day of the fifth, eighth, or the tenth lunar month 
he performs the great ceremonies in the sacred grove in which he 
pays the vows. He dances, beats his drum, and chants his “sacred 
books.” 

3. He ordains new priests. 

4. He performs ceremonies of cremation. 

5. He exorcises demons. To accomplish this, he has many different 
ceremonies and incantations. 

6. He conducts funerals, either by burial or by cremation. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 55 


7. He performs a ceremony to open the way of the newly deceased 
soul to the other world. 

_ 8. He performs ceremonies at weddings in which he informs the 
gods that the young couple are married and invokes the blessings of 
the gods upon them. 

g. He performs the ceremonies of setting up new gods in homes. 

10. He divines to determine lucky and unlucky days — for funerals, 
for weddings, to begin a journey, to begin to build a house, and 
many other things. Sometimes he tells people where a missing per- 
son or a lost object can be found. In divining he sometimes uses 
split bamboo roots, sometimes a book in which there is no writing, but 
which contains pictures of the 12 creatures of the zodiac and other 
objects, people, and deities. 

11. He makes arrangements with the Earth Mother and the Earth 
Dragon so that they will permit the deceased to be buried and protect 
him. 

12. Formerly the clothing and some other objects belonging to 
the deceased were burned, but now they are purified by a ceremony 
performed by the priest in which he smokes the clothing and other 
objects over a fire. 

13. He informs the gods including the 12 lesser gods that the person 
has died. , 

As we have already stated, the priest is one of the most highly 
respected men in Ch’iang society, and he is always given money or 
food or other useful objects for his services. 


5. THE SACRED IMPLEMENTS 


The implements used by the priest in his ceremonies are holy and 
are therefore treated with reverence and respect. They are believed 
to be surchargd with supernatural power, so that they add to the 
efficiency and power of the priest. Their sacredness and potency are 
believed to increase with age. 

1. The hat. This is made of a golden-haired monkey skin and is 
believed to be very efficacious, greatly adding to the dignity and po- 
tency of the priest and his ceremonies. The eyes and ears of the 
monkey are left on, and the tail is sewed on at the back. The eyes 
enable the hat to see and the ears to hear, and add to the efficiency of 
the hat. The tail also adds to its efficiency. The front of the hat is 
ornamented with old cowry shells arranged in ornamental designs, 
one or two polished white bones that are said to be the kneecaps of 
tigers, and sometimes with carved sea shells. These ornaments im- 


56 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


prove the looks of the hat and also add to its efficiency. Other orna- 
ments believed to add efficiency when used are two cloth pennants, 
one or two small circular brass mirrors, and one or two small brass 
horse bells much like sleigh bells, on which the Chinese character 
wang =F meaning king is carved. Near Wen-ch’uan the priests some- 


Fic. 5.—Drawing of the ceremonial hat worn by the Ch’iang priest at Mu- 
shang-chai. It is ornamented by round white bone disks and cowry shells. 


times assist the magistrate in praying for rain and in turn are pre- 
sented with a small, thin silver plaque to be worn on the hat, on which 
is stamped the Chinese word shang #, or “reward.” This plaque also 
adds dignity and efficiency. | 

2. The drum, called at Mu-shang-chai bo (bo-) or mbo (mbo-?) 
and at Hsi-shan-chai, Ho-p’ing-chai, and Ts’a-to, bu (bu:) or r bu 
(abu:?). One side only is covered with goatskin, and inside is a 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 57 


wooden handle on which there is generally some simple carving. On 
one edge strips of paper are fastened to represent hair, and inside 
there is sometimes a small brass bell which jingles as the priest dances 
and beats his drum. There is only one drumstick. 

3. The sacred cane, which has a sharp iron tip at the bottom ena- 
bling the priest to stick the cane into the ground, and sometimes at 
the top a humanlike head carved to represent the king of demons. The 
sacred cane must be knotted or rugged in appearance. Sometimes on 
the side of the cane is the imprint of a wild vine that grew around 
the limb while the limb and the vine were alive, and at the top a snake 
head is carved so that the imprint of the vine and the carved snake 
head give the appearance of a snake coiled around the cane. The 
snake and the king of demons make the cane more efficacious in exor- 
cising demons, which is the only use made of the sacred cane by the 
Ch’iang priest. The king of demons controls and commands the de- 
mons, and the snake frightens them. This sacred implement closely 
resembles the sacred cane of the Taoist priests, which is used for the 
same purpose, and it is very likely that the Ch’iang priests borrowed 
it from the Taoists, making some adaptations of their own. 

4. A circular brass gong, 6 to 8 inches in diameter, concave on one 
side and convex on the other, with a tapper on the inside and a leather 
handle on the outside. This is very similar to the ceremonial brass 
gong used by the Nashi or Moshi and by the black lamas in Tibet and 
on the China-Tibetan border. 

5. A short sword or dagger used to kill the sacrificial goat or 
cockerel by cutting its throat. It also inspires fear in the demons. 

6. An iron or brass seal, on which are elaborate Chinese characters, 
used to print charms on paper. It is exactly like the seals used to make 
charms by Chinese Buddhist and Taoist priests and by the Chinese 
tuan kungs or magicians. 

7. Carved boards for printing charms on paper. The charms con- 
sist of Chinese characters. 

8. A leather bag in which the priest puts meat and other things 
given him for his services. 

g. A sacred bundle. It includes horns of wild mountain goats, 
halves of sea shells, scapulas and other bones of small animals and 
birds, shoulder blades, feet and claws of hawks and eagles, Chinese 
brass or bronze coinlike charms, small, round brass horse bells, and 
tusks of musk deer, wild boars, bear, leopards, tigers, and musk deer. 

10. A long, naturally-notched antelope horn which is used in the 
exorcism of demons. It was identified by Dr. Dolin of the Philadel- 
phia Museum as Panthrolops hodgsoni, a Tibetan antelope ranging 


58 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


from the borders of Kashmir to Chinghai. If a person has a pain in 
his hand, eye, back, or leg, the priest sticks the point of the horn into 
the ground, repeats his incantations, pours water into the disturbed 
ground, and the patient is healed. 

11. A brass hollow circle on the outside of which is carved the eight 
trigrams of the Chinese, and inside of which is a metal object so that 
the implement jingles when it is shaken during the ceremonies. 

Sometimes the Abba Mula or Ndjei Chu of the priest, his patron 
deity, is thought of as one of the sacred implements of the priest, 
probably because it is carried about by the priest or his helpers when 
he performs the great ceremony of paying the vows in the sacred 
groves. 

The sacred ceremonial implements are not destroyed or buried with 
their owner after the death of a priest. They are either given or sold 
to another Ch’iang priest who desires to own and use them. Some 
priests have more than one set of ceremonial implements. Thus these 
objects, becoming more and more holy and efficacious with age, are 
passed on from priest to priest, from generation to generation. 


6. THE SACRED CEREMONIES 


In every home there are ceremonies of various kinds. In some 
homes there is the worship of the family gods on the first, the fif- 
teenth, and the thirtieth of the month. There are also special occasions 
of worship and the payment of vows, and weddings and funerals. In 
these a member of the family officiates, except that on more important 
occasions the priest is called in. Friends and relatives may attend, 
but women are regarded as impure and unworthy and are not allowed 
to attend or witness the ceremonies on the housetops. They can wit- 
ness the ceremonies inside the house, but must stand respectfully at a 
distance and cannot participate. 

In the spring of the year the priest conducts a ceremony in which 
he prays for good crops and a prosperous year and promises or vows 
in return to sacrifice to the gods goats or cockerels, or yak or p’sen 
niu. The date of this ceremony varies in different localities. 

The most common sacrifices to the gods are full-grown goats— 
never a lamb. Very poor people offer chickens. Cattle are not offered, 
for they are used to plow the soil and should not be killed. More rarely 
yak or p’ien niu (half yak and half cattle) from the highlands are 
killed and offered. While the “sacrifices” are offered to the gods, only 
a very little of them is burned. The flesh and the blood are boiled and 
eaten by the worshipers at the end of the ceremony. What cannot be 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 59 


eaten at this feast is divided up between the families represented, taken 
to their homes and eaten there. 

The great ceremony of paying the vows in the sacred grove is one 
in which the whole community participates. There are one or more 
representatives from every family. It is regarded as the most important 
religious ceremony. The writer persuaded the priest and his assistants 
in two different villages to perform this great ceremony in his pres- 
ence, and to permit him to take pictures, ask questions, and make ob- 
servations. In addition, several priests have given rather complete 
detailed descriptions of these ceremonies as conducted by them in 
their sacred groves. The following is an account of this ceremony as 
performed at Ho-p’ing-chai: 

This, the most important ceremony of the year, occurs in different 
localities on the first day of the sixth lunar month, or the first day of 
the eighth moon, or the first day of the tenth moon. It is believed that 
formerly the ceremony was observed in many localities on all three 
dates, but that in recent years it is observed in each community only 
once a year. At Ho-p’ing-chai, Ts’a-to, Mu-shang-chai, and Lung- 
ch’i-chai it is observed on the first day of the eighth moon. At Lo-pu- 
chai it is observed on the first day of the tenth moon. The ceremony 
lasts all night, the five great gods are worshiped, and the vows made 
earlier in the year are paid by killing and offering goats, chickens, yak, 
Prien niu, and rarely, pigs. 

At Ho-p’ing-chai, on the morning of the thirtieth day of the sev- 
enth moon, the priest, and the goats to be sacrificed, are purified by 
being bathed in the smoke of cedar twigs. While this is being done the 
priest rings the ceremonial instrument called Gga r si. Toward even- 
ing the priest again bathes in pure water as a means of purification. 
The goats, which must be all black or all white, not black and white, 
are tied in the temple or shelter in the sacred grove. They must be 
watched and cared for by two men, who feed them grass and leaves. 
The goats must be male, full-grown, without blemish, and preferably 
5 or 6 years old. 

About dark or just after dark the procession starts from the village 
toward the temple. Only men and boys are allowed, and women can- 
not even witness the ceremony from a distance. The men are dressed 
in white homespun hemp clothing, which is undyed. The first master 
of ceremonies goes in front, and others follow in single file. He carries 
the Abba Mula, or patron deity of the priest, on a wooden platter. 
Before the Abba Mula is taken down, the priest worships it, chanting 
some of his ‘“‘sacred books” and burning incense to it. Then follows 
the second master of ceremonies, carrying three flags made of white 


60 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


paper. These flags are stuck up on the way at important points, and at 
the altar where the goat is offered. The third master of ceremonies 
follows, leading the goat. The fourth carries sacred water. The fifth 
is the bi bu, or the priest himself. He carries the goatskin drum, which 
he beats as he chants and dances. All the others follow. They proceed 
to the simple, unornamented building called a temple, where a fire is 
built under the three triangular stones that constitute the fireplace. 
Incense is burned before the sacred white stone, and the priest con- 
tinues to beat his sacred drum, dance, and chant his sacred books until 
daylight. In the temple is a large jug of wine from which the wor- 
shipers sip wine through small bamboo tubes. As the wine disappears, 
they add cold water and continue to drink. At daylight the goat and 
one cockerel for each family are killed. The throat of the goat is cut, 
and the blood is caught in a vessel. A little of the blood is sprinkled 
on the white flags, and the remainder is boiled and later eaten. The 
horns of the goat are cut off and deposited in front of the sacred white 
stone in the temple. 

This great ceremony is called in the Chinese language huan yuen, 
or paying the vows. The priest at Ho-p’ing-chai, on the fifteenth day 
of the first moon, goes to the sacred grove and prays to the sky god, 
Mu-bya-sei, and the earth god, Ru-bya-sei, for rain, good crops, pro- 
tection, and a prosperous year, and promises or vows in return to offer 
goats and chickens to the gods on the first day of the eighth moon. 

The rope by which the goat is led to the sacrifice must be new and 
clean. The goats must be full-grown and without blemish—that is, 
there must be no imperfections, out of respect for the gods. 

On the wooden platter on which the Abba Mula is carried, there is 
some barley and rice. Near the end of the ceremony the people kneel 
and the priest scatters this grain. Each person catches as much as he 
can. This grain is carried home and scattered into the granaries, which 
brings good luck and makes it more likely that all will go well in the 
homes during the year. 

White paper flags pasted or tied to small bamboo sticks are used in 
the ceremony of paying the vows. They have definite, accepted shapes 
and sizes, but vary in size and shape in different villages. One of the 
larger flags is stuck up by the roadside on the way to the sacred grove, 
and one or more on the altar near the white stone in the sacred grove. 
Smaller flags are carried to the homes and stuck up on the walls. At 
one ceremony witnessed by the writer, paper flags were stuck into the 
ground, and one large flag behind the patron deity of the priest and 
one smaller one on each side of the patron deity. 

The following notes were taken by the writer as he witnessed the 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 61 


ceremony of paying the vows to the five great gods in the sacred grove 
at Mu-shang-chai. 

The priest ceremonially washed his face and hands before begin- 
ning. He heated the sacred drum over a fire, beating the drum as he 
chanted. This makes the drum more resonant. Then he beat his drum 
with rhythmical beats as he continued to chant. After this had con- 
tinued for about an hour, he hung up a small bundle of wheat straw 
on the wall of the building outside the door. (This building was a 
small Chinese temple which was also used for a schoolhouse in the 
village of Mu-shang-chai.) Near its top the small bundle of straw 


al 


Fic. 6.—Drawing of white paper ceremonial flags used at Lung-ch’i-chai. On 
the largest and most important flag, which is square, are a miniature bow and 
arrow, a tiny fir or cedar twig, and two holes representing eyes. 


was divided into three branches, on the three ends of which he stuck 
three small, round pieces of unleavened and uncooked dough made of 
wheat flour. 

Following this the priest continued to chant or repeat his “sacred 
books” and to beat the drum. He burned incense to the wheat-straw 
bundle that he had hung up. At this time he was wearing his cere- 
monial hat and near him was his Ndjei Chu, or patron deity. 

Before leaving the temple he chanted six sections of his “sacred 
books.” Then the procession began. On the way he continued to beat 
the drum and to dance as he chanted his liturgies. 

In the parade were, first, the master of ceremonies, called the gwe” 
sa’-mu:*, He carried the Ndjei Chu, the patron deity of the priest, 
and the largest paper flag, and led the goat, which was entirely black, 


62 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


for it must be without blemish and of only one color. The second per- 
son (they walk in single file) is called the gwe’-i’ai’-mu’. He carried 
on his back a large basket in which were paper flags, wine, pork, the 
unleavened bread, the executing knife, wheat straw, and cedar twigs. 
This is the second master of ceremonies. The third person is merely 
a helper of the other masters of ceremonies. 

The fourth person was the priest, who continued to beat his drum 
and to repeat his sacred chants. He carried the sacred drum and the 
drumstick, wore his ceremonial hat, and carried the skin bag, the 
sacred bundle, and a ceremonial sword. 

All wore or preferred to wear undyed hemp clothing. The priest 
had no ceremonial gown. 

At a designated place, before reaching the shrine where the cere- 
mony was to be performed and the goat killed, water was poured into 
the ears and onto the neck and shoulders of the goat. In such circum- 
stances, if the goat shakes, shivers, or trembles, it is regarded as evi- 
dence that he is acceptable to the gods. If he does not, he must be 
changed for another goat that is acceptable. While this was being 
done, the priest knelt, repeated his sacred books, and beat his drum. 
Here one of the paper flags was stuck upright in the ground. The 
goat did shake himself vigorously. 

After his arrival in the temple or sacred shelter, the priest chanted 
14 sections of his sacred books, dancing and beating his drum. All this 
took a long time, as the priest added trills and sometimes merely beat 
his drum. He often spoke too rapidly to be understood. 

Later they again poured water into the ears of the goat, to make 
very sure that he was acceptable to the gods. The priest pulled out 
some of the goat’s hairs and put them in a crack at the top of the 
stick that formed the handle of the largest flag, tying them on with a 
string. Water was splashed on the flag. Then this flag was stuck up 
on the wall of the temple. The writer was told that the flag now would 
keep away demons and help avoid calamities that might come. 

The priest chanted six of his sacred books in the schoolhouse (Chi- 
nese temple), then started for the Ch’iang temple and the sacred grove. 
In the Ch’iang temple he chanted 14 sections of his sacred books. He 
chanted the final sacred book while the goat was being killed and the 
ceremony was being finished. 

On the big round cake of unleavened bread used in the ceremony, 
the priest placed a small goat made of dough, a lamp made of dough, 
and a small lump of dough. 

When the procession first arrived at the temple, the priest chanted 
and danced, burned cedar twigs as incense before the sacred white 
stone, and lighted a fire. Later they marched to the shrine near the 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 63 


temple where there was a sacred white stone standing upright like a 
tombstone. In the procession as they marched to this shrine, the per- 
son walking in front carried a flat, circular stone on which were 
placed the dough image of a goat, the dough lamp, and the small lump 
of dough. The second man led the goat, carried the large flag, and 
also carried the patron deity of the priest, Ndjei Chu. A third person 
carried the large round piece of unleavened bread on which was a 
knife for killing the goat, and some cedar twigs. The fourth man 
carried a dipper with which to catch the blood of the sacrificial goat. 

The stone circle with the dough objects on it was placed in front 
of the sacred white stone on the shrine. Here were also placed the 
round cake of unleavened bread, lighted candles, and incense. The 
priest remained in the temple and continued his chanting. At a signal 
a man cut the goat’s throat so that the goat soon bled to death, and 
firecrackers were set off. The blood of the goat was caught in a large 
dipper. The right ear, the testicles, and the penis of the goat were cut 
off. The penis and testicles were offered to the gods by being burned 
on cedar twigs on the circular stone. The ear was stuck on the top 
of the largest paper flag. 

They skinned the goat while the priest, before the shrine in the 
temple, continued to chant the last section of his sacred books, beat his 
drum, and dance. When the animal was partly skinned, the sheet of 
fat around the abdomen and whatever other fat could be found was 
cut off and placed on a fresh twig. 

Then, while the priest continued to chant, dance, and beat his drum, 
the four men encircled the shrine in the sacred grove four times. The 
first man carried the circular stone, the second man carried flags and 
the large wheat cake, and the third carried cedar twigs on which the 
tallow had been placed, and the fourth carried on his back the dead 
goat. The intestines of the goat had been removed and washed in the 
creek. They were brought back and cooked and later eaten. 

The procession, followed by the priest, went back into the temple, 
the priest meanwhile chanting, dancing, and beating his drum. In the 
temple they finished cutting up the goat, and one front leg and the 
skin, one ear of which had been cut off, were given to the priest. 

At the time that the goat was killed, the largest flag was splashed 
with blood, the left ear was cut off and stuck on top of the large paper 
flag, and the horns and the flag were placed on the shrine in the temple, 
which was supposed to have, but did not, a sacred white stone on it. 
The meat and blood were cooked, and there was a feast in which all 
present shared. Before beginning to eat, the brain and the kidneys of 
the goat were placed in a separate bowl, cooked, then offered to the 
gods before the shrine in the temple. 


64 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The Ch’iang custom is that the meat and blood that cannot be eaten 
at the feast is divided up among the families represented, taken home, 
and there eaten by the people in their homes. This time the meat and 
the cooked blood were taken to the school-temple, where next morning 
the men came together for a feast to which the writer was invited. 

At the end of the feast in the Ch’iang temple, when all were through 
eating, the priest began to chant and beat his drum, and the masters of 
ceremonies burned some cedar twigs as incense. The Ndjei Chu was 
placed beside the priest, with the skin and the meat which the priest 
was given as his reward. The priest gave a little of the fat of the 
goat to each worshiper, to be taken home and there offered to the gods. 


7. THE SACRED GROVES 


Every village or community has a sacred grove. Its trees, some of 
which are oaks, are sacred and must not be cut down. In or near it is 
an altar capped by a sacred white stone, and near the altar are one or 
more trees that are more sacred than the others. 

In front of this altar the sacrificial animal is killed. In or near the 
grove is a very simple building called a temple, the walls of which are 
made of beaten clay or unhewn stones plastered together with clay. In 
the floor is a three-legged stove and in one corner is an altar and a 
sacred white stone. 

Most of the great ceremonies are performed at night and very early 
in the morning. The sky and the mountains above, the darkness and 
the silence, the sacred trees and bushes and the altar below, the priest 
and the worshipers, give an atmosphere of awe and wonder so that 
the worshiper believes that he meets his gods and feels their very pres- 
ence. He experiences an emotional thrill that is realized through the 
belief that he has had actual communion with his gods. 

In recent years many of the trees in the sacred groves have been cut 
down, some by Chinese soldiers, some by Communists, and some by 
the Ch’iang themselves. In one village a number of the sacred trees 
were cut down, with general approval, in order to build a schoolhouse. 
The Ch’iang people of this village who wanted to cut down the trees 
obtained the moral support and approval of the magistrate of Li-fan 
as a guarantee that nobody would be able to make trouble. 


8. THE “SACRED BOOKS” 


It is well-known that the Ch’iang have no written language. How, 
then, can they have sacred books ? 
A Ch’iang priest sometimes has a book which contains many pic- 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 65 


tures, but not a word in writing or printing, which is used for divina- 
tion. This book is called in Chinese ?ieh suan p’an $B, or “iron 
abacus.” It is used for divination of all kinds, including the determina- 
tion of lucky days for weddings, for beginning a journey, to begin to 
build a house, to plant crops, and many other things. 

On one of these books there are pictures of the sun and other 
heavenly bodies, of trees, of priests, of the 12 creatures of the zodiac, 
of manlike beings said to represent diseases, and on one page a pic- 
ture of the sky god, the earth god, of 12 shrines for the worship of 
the 12 lesser gods, and of 4 ceremonial flags. The writer has not seen 
any two of these books that are alike. 

The pictures in another book were as follows: On the first page a 
solo tree on which a bell hangs, and under it a deer; on succeeding 
pages are a blacksmith and a forge and a man for whom the black- 
smith is working, making an ax to cut wood, and above the black- 
smith smoke; a priest and a demon of one who died from loss of 
blood ; a man covering up the ashes after cremation; the picture of a 
priest with a drum, and near him a cremation grave or heap of ashes 
and a temple in which is a Taoist priest ; a priest burning spirit money 
and performing a ceremony to exorcise demons; a demon of a person 
killed by a knife, sword, or spear; a priest and a tree with roots—on 
this page priests divine to determine lucky days to begin journeys and 
other important undertakings; a silversmith and a forge, and a man 
digging for gold, indicating a lucky day; a golddigger’s house, and a 
man with an umbrella; a priest and a pavilion; a man and two objects 
representing ingots of silver and indicating good luck; a man, and a 
tree without roots; next, the demon of a man who died from drown- 
ing ; a priest and a design representing a jug, and a man; a man and 
another person with a ferryboat, indicating good luck; and on the next 
few pages are a grave, a shed or house for cremating, an oblong object 
that indicated that several will die, a flowery mountain, and a worship 
shed or shrine. 

Priests who possess these books claim that they are indispensable 
for divination. With them they tell the future and solve many diffi- 
cult problems. 

The other kind of “‘sacred book” is not written, but memorized by 
the priests and repeated from memory during their ceremonies. They 
are the equivalents of the sacred books chanted by Buddhist and Taoist 
priests in China and by Tibetan lamas. Some of them are in the 
ordinary Ch’iang language and easily understood, some are at least in 
part not understood by any but the Ch’iang priests, and at least parts 
of some are not understood even by the priests themselves. Some 


66 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


sacred books or parts of them are said to be in an archaic form of the 
Chiang language. All this increases the sense of mystery, sacredness, 
and potency. The number of sections or “books” varies in different 
places and with different priests. At Ho-p’ing-chai the priest gave 
the number as 12, at Lo-pu-chai as 18, and at Mu-shang-chai as 21. 

All the sacred books are chanted or repeated in the great ceremonies 
in the sacred groves, and in some of the ceremonies by the priests on 
the housetops, but fewer at weddings, funerals, when enthroning new 
gods in the homes, and when exorcising demons. 

The sacred books are committed to memory by the Ch’iang priests, 
and only the priests know them. If paid enough, one priest will teach 
another, and so these books are handed down from father to son or 
from teacher to pupil, from generation to generation. In recent years 
some Ch’iang priests have died without teaching any successors, so 
that in some villages, including P’u-wa and Tung-men-wai, the line 
has ceased and there are no Ch’iang priests. 

Believing that valuable light might be thrown on the religion of the 
Ch’iang by the translation of these sacred chants, the writer persuaded 
several priests to repeat their sacred books to him and to help trans- 
late as much as possible. All priests regard these chants as very im- 
portant, and to be remembered and repeated accurately and with due 
reverence and respect, whether they are understood or not. 

The lists of gods as found in these “‘sacred books” is not complete, 
for the Ch’iang have many other gods, including stones and trees that 
are worshiped as deities. These lists ought to convince any person 
with an open mind that the Ch’iang are not monotheists, for every 
priest calls on many gods to help him in his ceremonies. The attitude 
expressed in the ‘“‘sacred books” of Lo-pu-chai toward these sacred 
books reminds us of that of the Sikhs of India toward their granth or 
sacred book, which they worship as a living god. 

The following translations of the sacred books of the priests at 
Ho-p’ing-chai and at Lo-pu-chai were published in an article by the 
writer in the Journal of the West China Border Research Society, 
vol. 14, series A, 1944, and are reprinted here because they are the 
best that the writer has been able to obtain. The sacred books of the 
priest at Mu-shang-chai were carefully written down in the Interna- 
tional Phonetic Script, but the priest understood and could explain so 
little that they are omitted here. 

The following are the sacred books or chants of the priest at Ho- 
p’ing-chai. The words and phrases were taken down in the Inter- 
national Phonetic Script, and the translations and interpretations are 
those given by the Ch’iang priest. The place names were taken down 
as pronounced by the priest. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 67 


Tue SacrEp Books or CHANTS OF THE Priest AT Ho-p’ING-CHAI IN THE 
CEREMONIES TO PAy THE GREAT Vows 


Section 1, Er Bo or Bo (8 bo? or bo’) 


ma? Ti-? zwe® (or 3e") Ti-’, 

zwe® To:' jo-* Ti-” 

© jo. Ti-? je", Ti? Tis jo" Ti-* 
se! jo-? Ti-? je®, se’ Ti-? jo-? Ti-” 

9-? jo-* Ti-? je*, mi-* tza* be” be* 

fia, fia” la® je’, so-* la-* be* be’, 

nie pi: ne je’, 

me? 3e7 (or se! or zwe') d3jei’ Ti-? 
be? ze" nTe? ji-? 

be? k’o-? nTe? ji-? 

Ti-* baa-? ma’ bja-? a-? no-? sei? 

pi’ su-? (sei*) lo-* lo-* a-? no-? sei? 
su'? mo:? sei”, su** mo-? jei” se’ na** ja* 
gwe? Ta: stu-? Ta-? sei’ za® nTa™ fja-? 
a-? ba-? sei? Ta? 1° wei? fa-* 

tfi-? gwei® sei? nTe? wei* fa-* 

ftu:? d3a:* sei? nTe* wei* fa:? 

ntzo* nd3u-* sei? nTe? wei? fa-” 

ji-? mu-? sei? nTe? wei? fa-* 

ma’ bu:? sei? nTe® wei’ fa-” 

mbja:* we? sei*, nTe® wei? fa-* 

Jti-? pd? sei? nTe” wei? fa-2 

sbe? psi:* (or pi:*) sei? nTe? wei® fa-* 
To-* ndzu-? sei? nTe wei® fa-” 

Y)a-* Da-* sei? nTe” wei® fa-? 

a.* Ta-* sei? nTe” wei’ fa-* 

bi-* bu-? d3u:* pi-* fa-* la-? nTe® Jwa-* fa-? 
p’o-? pa-* To-? t’u-? nTe sta? fa-* 

a7 | OAD 4-7 ste* 4-7'4'-* 1-782" 

im-* be* d30:7 [tja-? 1ju-* se* 51-7 31" 


SECTION 2, Er (6) 


& bi-? Ti-? mu-?, mi-? je? 6° mja’; swa-* swa:* mi-* je” 
eso me 2a’, o mi:* ji-* 
Bsa, a-* mo-*, o le* fje* 


Section 3, K’u (K’u-’) 
k’u-? so? me? Da-?, k’u:? -mi-? fi-? 3a-’, 
k’u:? sa? Da-? mo-?, k’u-? le? fi-? 1a°?, 
ma? Ta-? mae? ma’, a-* bu-? d3i-? 
bu:? d3i:? no-? & bo-* d3o0°” 
mat 10-7 sa’ fwa-? 5 go-* d30-” 
ma‘ 30-? dzae” bae’, 6° go-* d30-” 
sei’ mi:* Te? & go-* d30-? 


68 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 


Section 4, Nco 


i=? Do-* ge" tza-*, na? Doe? nle* jis? 
na? Do-* Te® tsa-? 
si-* Dos* ge" tsa-7, za" Do-* Te* ji" 


SEcTION 5, SHPA (Calling the local gods) 


nTjei® Ta:*, tsan? juen?, 

p'i-’ fjen*, saen® juen? 

ntjei Ta d3i ge, we ba: sei, 

p'i Jjen d3i- ge?, To-*? wa: sei 
Ta-? gu: d3i- ge, To: fwa> sei 
be? sa-? d3i-? ge® k’we? & bo-* sei? 
jus? tfi-:? d3i-* ge®, bu? 6? Ga-? sei? 
ja) tza, lin, lo-* [jo-* sei* 
Ta:* & pi-*, ze* be* sei? 

tsoD* d3i-* lo-*, su-® fti-? sei 
jin® he’ p’i-*, lo-? p’si* sei? 

t'ao® gwa-', k’we? bo:? sei® 

da-* jei® p’in, 3” be? sei? 

xa°? sus’, tfe” hwa:? sei? 

baD? tJjo-*, la-n® Ga?- sei’ 

mo-* To-* tfi', 1a-* be" sei? 

tfi-? p’a-? gau’, k’we? S*bo-* sei? 
tJi-? paD?® lo-D*, mba’ &’ka-? sei® 
ts’u-* ts’a-* d3i-*ge*, To-? fwa-* sei? 
jen* man® d3i-* ge®, 1a-? Tjo-* sei* 
tfi-n’ p’o-* d3i-* ge’, se” be? sei* 
wan’ tsan*, d3i-” ge, wei® ba‘? sei? 
be® swei? tsai*, t}wa-n" tsu-* sei? 
ffi-* fin? ewa-*, sa:* Tiu-* sei? 
tsoD’ tfy*, 1e” be? sei? 
xgae® no-*, we® ba? sei 
t’oD? ts’ao” d3i-"ge*, tswan’ p’u’ sei” 
po” ge’, po” Ti-? sei’, 

ja-* ge’ d3i-? ge*, 1a-? Ti-? sei’, 
bu.? d3u-* d3i-” ge’, wei® ba-* sei? 
gaen’ tfi-? d3i-? ge®, 1a-* be’ sei? 
t’oD? hwa’, 1a-? d30°? sei? 

tfe® je*, gza-* be* sei’ 

saen’ p’in’ d3i-? ge*, 1c” be’ sei? 
fin’ tfjao’, k’we? &°bo-* sei? 

ge® Te® bo-? bji-* fy? Ga-? sei? 
Ga:? Ta:* bo-? bji:7, Jy ni® sei* 
Tu:? li’, sei’ d30? sei* 

mbja:? p’'i:? d3i' ge*, we ba*? sei® 
ée* ma’, su-? na? sei” 

Xa pi asi-- ge, ae be* seit 

Ga: sa: d3i:* ge’, 5? gwe" na? sei” 


2 


135 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 69 


k’o-? 10°", bu-* dzu-? sei? 


ts’u-? ji-”, bu-* dzu-? sei? 

me”? 5° gwe' so” gwe’, sgwe’ se” Tu:* fja-? 

me tzu-* Ga-* po-* d3ju-*, p'i:* ja: na:* nTe* 
ia fia’, si-? & me’, te” fja-*, se* tza® ge? ju-* 


Section 6, Mu Dye A Dyvu (ma? d3e' a-? Tju-”) 


ma? dje’ tzu-? la-? mi:? fjo-* & gu-* mi-? fjo:? 

zwe® zwe' ge:* go-*, sa-? xu°* Iju-? wu-? 

ma? Ta:? wei* go-*, se” Tjo:* bia:? ge® go-* Tju:? se’ d30-? je" 
nTe? wu-? tza® na-?, tza* ju-* wu-? tza’ je? 

nTe? wu:? tza® na-?, tza® jus? wu? tza? je? 

mo-* Ta:* we’ go-*, Tju-? Te? Dgau? je? 


SECTION 7 


mie. be le? bo:*, fi-* zu-* fat ji-? 

ma? dzu? nTe? dzu-?, ts’u-? ji-? tza® Ge’ si-* tza* 
a pon [i-" Te’, ji-* Te si-* je%, 

w= pi-* tzu-* Ta-7, Tju-" Te* gei® je’, 

mba:? bu:? tju-? Te’ pe? ji?, su:? ba? Tju-? Te’, 
pe ji sus* bu’ na-* Ge’, tza” ge* si-* tza’, 

fi:? Te? xe? ju-’, ste? je? ts’wei’ tza’ t’wa°? tza? 
Te? & sa-* je*, me’ tza* zei” so? gwe' zi: na-? je 
tzo-* bo-* zi-? so-*, gwe?® zi-? na-? ji’, 

gwe® Ta:* ftja-* lju-%, stu-? Te* Jtja-? lju-? 
Swe la siti: La-*, set’ za’ zTa' fja-" 


2 


TRANSLATION OF THE SACRED CHANTS oR Books USED BY THE PRIEST AT 
Ho-P’ING-CHAI IN THE CEREMONIES TO PAY THE GREAT VOwsS 


SECTION I 


Heaven, earth, we call you from all about. 

From afar you have come together. 

I have called the many gods here from distant places. 

I call them, using the stone platter and small candles and wheat 
biscuits. 

Twelve grains of barley, fir tree seeds (from fir tree cones), 

Lung and heart (as offerings), all are prepared. 

I have purified with water. 

Rice I scatter, barley I scatter. 

Great Heaven, I have called you here. 

P’i-ru-sei and Lo-lo-sei, I have called you here. 

Su-mo-sei of the forests, your throne is prepared. 

Goats and cokerels, O gods, I offer to you. 

Abba-sei (male ancestral god), I call you here; 

Ch’i-gwei-sei (house god), come thou here; 

Shtu-ja-sei (god of domestic animals), come thou here; 

Ntzu-ndja (god of wealth), come thou here; 


7O 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 


Yi-mu-sei (goddess who gives sons, etc.), come thou here; 

Mu-bu-sei (fire god), come thou here; 

Mbya-we-sei (goddess who protects men and boys), come thou here; 

Shti-per-sei (goddess who protects women and children at 
childbirth), come thou here; 

Sbe-pri-sei (god of grain in the bin), come thou here; 

Do-ndzu-sei (door god on the left), come thou here; 

Nga-nga-sei( door god on the right), come thou here; 

I, the priest, with three (or nine) sticks of incense and candles 
lighted, 

Wheat biscuits (bread), pork, set down below, 

Chicken blood, heart, lungs, liver, 

Cedar twigs (burning) ; we receive all the gods together. 


SECTION 2 


Male gods, female gods, 
If there were no gods, I would not call. 
All that there are I will invite. 


SECTION 3 


Rolled here have, all have come. 
Sky, sun, can lighten, 

Rolled here have arrived, 

In the sky all have come, 

Stars of the sky have come, 
Gods all have come. 


SECTION 4 


Cow born, two cows have, 
Two cows, plows, 
Three cows, four cows (for sacrifices). 


SECTION 5, CALLING THE LocAL Gops 


Chengtu, (the Chengtu god) Tsun-yuen; 
Pi-hsien, (the god) San-yuen; 

The (god of) the large gate of Chengtu, We-be; 
The gates of Pi-hsien, the god Do-wa; 
Kuan-hsien the god Do-swa; 

Pai-sha-ch’i, the god Go-k’we-er-bo; 

Yu-ch’i, the god Su-er-ga; 

Yang-tzu-lin, the god Lo-shyo; 

Ta-er-p’'i, the god Ze-beh (the earth god) ; 
Chung-chi-lo, the god Lo-pr’i (a white stone god). 
T’ao-kuan Bk Hd, the god Kw’e-bo. 

Ta-yeh-p’ing, the god Zre-beh (an earth god). 
Wen-ch’uan 7 MM, the god Ch’éng Huang (a city god). 


135 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH IANG—GRAHAM 71 


Pan-ch’iao LES, the god Lan Kan. 

No-to-ch’i, the god Ra-beh (a cliff god). 

Ch’i-p’a-u, the god Kw’e-we-bo (a creek god). 

Ch’i-p’ang-lung, the god Mao-erka (dragon mouth). 

Ts’u-sha Ji Geh, the god Reh-be (a small earth god). 

Yen-men Ch’i Geh, the god Ra-dyo (cliff door). 

Ch’ing-p’o 77 YE Ji Geh, the god Reh-be (a small earth god). 

Wen-ch’eng ORR Ji Geh, the god We-ba. 

Bai-shui-chai Fi 7K Z€, the god Ch’uan Chu 

Ch’i-hsin-kua, the god Ra-dyu. 

Tsung-ts’u (or Ch’u), the god Re-beh. 

Mao-chou 7 DH the god We-ba. 

T’ung-ch’ao Ji Ge, the god Thuan-p’u (probably a Chinese god). 

P’o Ge, the god P’o-di (or Ti) (p’o means tree). 

Ra Ge Ji Geh (cliffs), the god Ru-di (a cliff god). 

Li-fan, the god We-ba. 

Kan-ch’i #2 7%, the god Ru-beh (a cliff god) % 

T’ung-hua, the god Ra-jo (clifflike gate god) ; 

Ch’eh-yeh, the god Re-beh; 

Ksing-ch’iao (new brige), the god K’we Erbo (gulch or creek) ; 

The larger Mu-p’ing, the god Shii-ga (god of animals) ; 

The small Mu-p’ing the god Shii-nji (lesser god of animals) ; 

T’ung-lin-shan, the god Sai-jo (god of pointed cliffs among 
mountains) ; 

Ma-liu-p’ing, the god We-ba (god of the flat) ; 

Geh-mu, the god Su-nu (or Su-mu, one of the five great gods) ; 

Ho-p’ing-chai, the god Re-beh (said to be a large rock near 
Ho-p’ing-chai, worshiped as an actual god) ; 

Ga-sa Gi Geh, the god Er-gwe-nu; 

K’o-ro (a canyon or creek), the god Bu-dzu; 

Ts’u-yi, the god Bu-dzu. 

I have called you all here. 

I, the priest, have lighted incense and candles, and have 
called the names of the gods; do not blame me.37 


36 Jn the lines above in which the priest is calling his gods, the Ch’iang lan- 
guage was used, but the names of cities, towns, and places, and also of Chinese 
gods, were pronounced the same as in the Chinese language of West China, and 
the Ch’iang words and names as in the Ch’iang language. All cities and places 
(left) excepting P’o Ge and Ra Ge (which are Ch’iang) have Chinese names. 
All the gods excepting Ch’eng Huang, Ch’uan Chu, and probably Lan (or Nan) 
Kan (which are Chinese) are apparently Ch’iang gods and their names are in 
the Ch’iang language. Some of the places named are very small, and the Chinese 
characters could not be obtained. The priest could not explain all the Ch’iang 
words—for instance, for Gi Geh. The Wade system has been used only for the 
Chinese words. 

87 It is possible that the priest feared that the gods would blame him for men- 
tioning their names to the inquirer, and injected this request that they should 
not blame him. 


72 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


SECTION 6 


Daughter of the sky god came down, could not marry men, 

people did not dare to go up; 

earth everywhere, came down and instructed people; 
Returned to the sky, god’s door big, brother and sister came out. 
They came down to earth, male a man and a woman then were; 
Gods went up to the sky again. 


SECTION 7 


In the beginning a sickle was made. 

Told him to prepare a road on the old mountain, 

Around right sent him up (to prepare the road) for the gods in 
the great festival (or ceremony). 

Flat make right, above must go and prepare the road on the 
mountain. The man Tze Ge Si Tzi carried knife on his back, 
thorny bushes, brambles, cut them off. Emperor road for paying 
vows, Officials’ road. Come and receive, goat and all complete, 
God, I give to you.38 


Tue Sacrep Books ok CHARTS OF THE CH’IANG Priest AT LO-PU-CHAI 
SECTION I (fe or fje) 39 


fe’ bi-® ped? ma’, za® & we’, 

fe? ma-? ned? ma’, g? dzu-* we, 

ma? Ge* Te? Ge*, ma? Ge? fe’, 

ji-? Get Te? Ga’, ji-? Ge* fe?, 

Ka-* Ge" Te" ge? Kar? Getic? 

Twa:? Ge" Te? Ga?, Twa:? Ge’ fje’, 
ko-? ‘Ge* Te" get k’o-* Ge fet 

6z* bu-* Ge* Te* Ge’ 

Oz bus (Get [je% 

fje® bi-® ned? mo-?, o°? na’ we’, 

fje® d3i-® fta®, fje® me? pad? mo-?, 

fau-? zgu-* we?, fje? d3i:? sta, 

sa” 3bi-* 31-* Sbi-”, fje? mo-? ji-’, 

na® 3bi-* ho-* 3bi-*, fe? mo? je’ (or ji: )*, 
fi-? 10-7 Te? t’10-", Ga-? fjae’ bo-? mi-?, 
fjei? mo:? je’, asgo-? 10°? Te? tad :?, 


88 The sky god had three daughters. One came down and married a human, 
being. The name of the god’s daughter was Mu Je, and the name of the man she 
married was Ze-bi-ge-swa. Before that time there was only this one human 
being on earth. After the marriage the daughter of the god gave birth to one 
son and one daughter. Later she returned to the sky and left her son and her 
daughter on earth. So it is related at Ho-p’ing-chai. 

It seems certain that the sacred books from Ho-p’ing-chai, as here given, are 
very much abbreviated both in number and contents. 

39 Sections 1 and 2 have to do with the exorcism of demons. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM TS 


ba:? tsa’? we me’, fje? mo-? ji-’, 
fie? mo-? ji-*, fje? mo-? p’ze’, 

fje® mo-? ji-’, ji-* To-* wa-? & fje*, 
fie? -mo-? p’se* To-”, na-* Ta? tsi-*. 


SECTION 2 (Twe) 


mo-* 10°" Te’, xo-* 10°? Te’, 

tfa:? Ta’ tfa-? we’, mo-? pja:* Twe’, 
mo-? pja:* Twe? fje, Tzwe? wo-? Twe’, 
tzwe’ li-? zgo-? fja-?, Twe? o-* 1Ta-? 
Twe? tza* 8 Ijo-7, Jtu:* zsgo-* 31-7, 
Me tza’ 3 ljo-*, sa-* ks1i-* 37°, 

Twe? tza? 5 Ijo-’, a-? Go-? mi-? 307, 

a:? d3zi:* 30-7, fi-* sta’ & ljo-?, 

a:" d3i:* mi-? 30°", a-* d3i* 30°? 

sa? & po-*, S#3a-? & po? 


SECTION 3 (ma-? wi-' fi-?) 


ma-? wei" fi-*, i? 3Ti-? ts’wei' fi-’, 
ma:* wei’ 3Ti-? ts’wei? 

fi-? za? ftu-*, sba-? wei’ y? ts’wei? 
za" za" ftu-*, dze? mo-? i-? sa’, 

dza’ za* Ga-?, so-? bo-? p’se’, 

s2° dza’ bo-? p’se*, be? mo-? ma:? be’, 
la? zo* tfi-*, tswei® ts’wei’ ma-? be? 
gu-* za’ fja-*, tzu-? ma-? a-? k’si-? 
Ta? ts’u-? fju:*, bai-? ni-? a-? Twe? 
sa 1a? fju-* 

o-* ma a:* k’si?, sa" ko* fy‘, 
zbu-* mo-? a-* k’si’, sa” p’a-? fy* 
sbo:? ma:? a:* ftu-?, sa® dza-? fy* 
hwei’ mo-? a-? k’si®, sa” hwei’ Jy* 
xa® mo-? a-? k’si-?, sa® p’e’ fy’, 
mae" pa" a? k’si-*, a -4idza-*fy* 
se Ja-" zo" 3a-*, Ta" zo" fy* 

ae d5i? fy’, 

zo-* we" li-*, gwe? dze! fy* 

ftao-? we? li-‘ 


SECTION 4, CALLING THE Gop Ro (a0-? fi-”) 


10-7 d3i-? mi-? dji-*, d3i-? mi-? 10-7, 10-7 fja-* mi-? Jja-? 
fja-® mi-? 10-7, fi-* 10-7 10-7 10-%, bo-? Ge? Jo-’, 

mo-* 10-7 su-* 10-”, 
Ga’ so* 10°*, 5? sga? 10°? spja:? 10°, ma:* Ta-* 10°? 
tzo* dzo* Twe* xa-*, Twe® d3i:? 10°%, li-? me? Ta?® 30°? 
fja-* d3i-* 10-7, xa? p’se* Ta? 30-7, fa-? d3i-? 10-7 
d3e? ma® Ta? 10-*, d3e? tle? bi-?, y? mo-? Ta? 10-’, 


74 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


y’ sge? 30-7, fi-? ma? Ta? 10-7, $e? fi-? p’se’, 
fi:* ts’uc* fy’, zu-? wet li-? gwe? d3ze" fy’, sto? we li-? 


SEcTION 5 (Te? fi-?) 


fa-? Der 1-4, 30-7 dzo-" 517, ma* Te" jv, sto-7 30-4 49": 

fi-* Te" 30-* Te", Te* [i-7 ge", mo-* De sto Le, be grese, 
mo:? d3i-? d3i? gu-*, d3i-? fi-? $e", mo-? ma-* dzi® go-?, De*fi-? 
be” sa* d3i®? go-*, ja-* fi-* ji?, zu-? be’ d3i:*, gar? k’u-? fi ji? 
tzo-? k’u-* d3i? gu-?, dza-? fi-? ji’, za? Te? d3i? gu-*, 3a-? za? ji?, 
sbi.* Te* d3i® gu-*, bo-? fi-? ji”, & Te" d3i? gu-7, dau-? fi-? 

dza* Ta* d3i" gu-?, ts’a** fi-* je", dzuc? Ta’ d3i? eu-7 ste* fi-7jr 
fi-* ts’o-* Jy’, 10-7 we* li-?, gwe? d3i’ fy’, sto-? we? li-? 


SEcTION 6 (fi-*) 


fi-* d3i-? mi-? d3i-?, d3i-? mi-? 10-7, fi-? fja® mi-? fja’, 

fja-? mi-? 10-7, dze® bi-* dze* Jja’, le? za® sbi-? 

dze* ma-* dze* fja-*, le® za” ma-?, wa-? & le” za*, bu-* le® zo?, 
zu? Ga* le" za* k’ wa": fe* zo", d3zi-* bik le, za, 

5° na’* sGo-*, zdo:? na’ 3a?, d3i:? tzu: le® zo’, 

ta” na* ze’, zdo-? na* sGo-*, zdo® na:? bo:”, fjei? d3i-? zdo-? 
fja-? na-* bo-?, fjei? d3i-* Jja-?, o-? baa-? le? za®, 

sda” na* sk’o-*, fja:*na’ zi”, o°? dzu:? le? za®, zda? na’ Ze, 
fja-? nat sko-*, zda? na-* bo-”, [jei? zgo-? zda’, 

Jja-? na-* bo-? fjei® zbo-? fja-?, 

jarvis" (or stus*): fy7, (ajac? dais* ie 

zga° ts’o-* fy’, fbja-? d3i-* fy-? 


SEcTION 7 (lA? ze”), FULFILLING THE VOWS 


mo-? d3i-* d3i* gu-?, d3i* le? ze”, mo-? me! d3i? gu-?, De? let za’, 
Jja-? pye* d3i? gu-?, so-* le! ze*, zu-? be’ d3i*® gu-?, k’u-? le? zo’, 
be? so? d3i? gu’, ja-? let 20°, d3u-2 gu-? d3i? gu, dza-? let z0%, 
za Ta’ d3i? gu-*, 3a-? le! zo®, fpi-? Ta? d3i? gu-*, zbo-? le! za’, 
te Ta? d3i? gu: pe ya ia Fe gi i Ns dsi’ gu-’, ts’a-? le* za’, 
d3u-? Tet d3i? es Stes lewzer 

fae tatsrines five, Ipja-? d5r fy*, zga® ts’'u-* Jy*, fpya-* d3i’ fy* 


Section 8 (K’u:*), THE Mate Ow. 


gwe? tza’ dzi-? fi-?, gwe? k’u:? fi-?, fba-? tza* d3i-? fi-?, 
pwe yshba-*fi-* k’ur* sa-* te pit, zo ey, Oe 

spa sa-*.t’s? mi-*, To-* lo:* o-4. 4 x07 Denso. 
k’u:? Xo: dzo-?; fie? fpa:? Do-? fpa-?, k’u-? Jpa? twa’, 
k’u:** ga® dzo:? mi:* mo:? fi:? bor? To:*, k’u-* ga® dio-?, 
k’u:* mi? tza-* me*, mo-? fi:? Ga:? tza-*, k’u-* tza-* dio-? 
k’u-* mi:* tza-* me?, mo-" fi-? Ga-? tza°?, k’u-? tza°* d1o-? 
k’u:? so-* dio-? mis”, 5? mo? fi:? Ta-? 1a°? k’u:* so:* dzwe’, 
so* la-* k’wa-?, Do-* la-? k’wa-? 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 75 


SEcTION 9 (sba:?), THE FEMALE OWL 


mo: 10°? d3o°*, na-? d30°7 le*, sba:? d30°7 le?, mo-* To-? & sba:’, 
Ksa-" 6 sba’, sbe* la* Te ma-*, fic’ Te ma:-*, 

ts’ei? mi-* wa-? tza’, gei’ ljo-? d3y*, mei® 1a* so-?, 

8Ti-? la’ swa-?, k’si-? mi-? wa-? tza*, gu-* ljo-? d3y* 

sbo-? 1a* so-*, d3i-? 1a? so-*, tJi-? mi-? wa-? tzo’, 

ts’wa"* ljo-? gy‘, tswa* ljo-? so-? 3a:? ljo-* so-*, 

fae so" ga°* so-*, lo-? [ji* so:*, ts'a-* sha? sa*? sha:*, 

lo-? dze* sba:*, fi-* ts’u-* fy*, fbja-? d3i’ sy‘, 

3a’ ts’o°? fy‘, Jbja-* (or Jpja-*) d3i* Jy’, 


SECTIONS IO AND II (dza’ and fbja-?) 


gwe? tza" dzi-? fi-*, gwe? 387 fi-?, fbja-? tza’ dzi-? fi-*, 
gwe® fbja:* fi-? li-? sa-? ta:* dge”, 38° Jta? ljo-’, 

flo-? pe’ fi? ge?, 38° awa-* ljo-*, sgo-* ma-? dze” dze’, 
oraze @ze". xoO** ma: te" te*, sae" te* te’, 

ga-* ljo-* mei” wo-*, 36° na°* so*? p’s’c*, 3a" wo-* bo-? pna-?, 
ga°* ljo:? ji-’, fbja:? ljo-* mei? wo-”, fbja-* na-* so-* p’se*, 
Jbja-* wer bo-? na-*, [bja-? ljo-? ji? mo-*, bo-* tzo:? d3i-* 
dzo* zdi-* tJja-*, zo-? bo-* tzo-? d3i*, 1a-? zdi-? tfa’, 

hwa:? tu-? dzu-? dze?, fjei® zTi-? tf’, fjei? bi-? bo-? li-?, 
su? 8ti-? tfa’, za” 1a°? mo-? d3e”, d3ei? 8? mo-? tfa? 

za’ tse’ mo-? tse®, k’si-? nat tfja-?, la? sa°? mae? Do-? 

f=" mo-* tfa*, 1a* si-* mi-? Do-7, ftu:7 na-? tha}, 

fi-* ts’u-? fy’, fbja-? d3i-* fy’, zga? sto-? fy*, 

fbja-? d3i* fy*. 


SECTION I2, ma’ tse’ tzu:* (or dzu’, or tzo-*) 


mbo-* ji:? ma-? mi-?, ma? tse’ (or tze’) wei‘, 
mbe” 3i-* ma-? mei’, 
stu:? xa-? wei‘, ma? tze! tzo-? (or tzu**) sa, za? 5° t’ai?, 
Std" xa°* tzo-" so”, fi:* 6" Cai’, mA° tse” tzu-7, 
zdo:? To:? Ga:? fwe?, mi:? Ga:? fwe?*, zo-? 1a* be’, 
mo: To:? we? gu:*, Ga-? ba? mo-? bi-? t’a-? ge*, nTe? d3i-? ga® na’, 
Ga-? ba-? mo-? bi-? t’a? sa’, stu:? xa-? tzu? To-7, 
Te? zo” zda:*, mo-* To-* we? gu-”, na-* bo-? ljo-? sa’, 
ts’wei? mo-* ljo-? sa, Ga: ba-? md-? bi-*, nTe? za” zda-?, 
ts’wei? mo: ljo-? ga*, Ga-? Twei’ t’u-*, me? na? le’, 
mo-? tze’ tzo-? To-?, 
ndze*? ma:? na’ dza?, fi-? li-? fjei? k’u-?, sa-* ga* tfe® na’, 
fi-? li-* fjei? k’u-?, 
d3a-? ga’ tfe? na’, go-? 3i-* fjei? Ta-7, Jjei gu-* tfe? na’, 
go-? 4i-* fje* Ta-’, 
Tu:* ga’ tle? na®, stu-? ha:? dzo-? sa’, Te® za* zda-*, go-* 31:7 fje* Ta-*, 
Tu:* na’ y’ sa-*, Ga-? ba-? mo’? bi-’, Te? za* zda:*, mo=* tze* tzo-*? To-’, 
dze’ ma-:* na-*, dze* bia-* a:* 1a*, pi? ga’ a-* d3i:*, fi-* stas* bei? tfi*, 
dsei* gu-* a-? 1a’, §° zbu-* gu-? a-? d3i-*, zbo-* sta-* bi-*, 


76 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


dzei® fi-? a-? 1a’, ma? tse’ tsu’’, dza® ge’ a-* d3i-*, dza” sa-* bei’, 

Ga-? & no-%, k’si:? na:* ny-*, mo: ts’o-* je” go-*, stus* je? go-?, 

mo-* (or ma?) tse? tzu:?, Ga-? To: fjei® fjei?, Du-* fjei® fjei-*, li-? swa-* & d3i’, 
“Ju: d5i* d3i*, a-* [i-? na-* To-*,stu:* xa-* dzo,,mo-%, fze tzu-" To, 
Te® za* zda:*, dzo® me™ so* tza*, dza* 5' go:*, [bja-* me” sa” tza” 

spja‘? 8 go? na-?, spe? la? dzo® Te”, ma‘? zga* wo-%, t’o:? & bi:” bi-”, 
ga‘? ge’ be®, ni-? 1a? dza® Te®, na® zga? we’, tzu:* go-* bi? bi-, 

ku-? ge" be’, fje? 1a? dzo? Te’, na-* zga* wo-*, tsa”? 1wa-? bi-* bi-’, 

ge? Ga‘? be®, dza? 1a’ dza” Te’, pa-* zga* wo-*, dzo* wa-* bi-* bi-? 

ni-? la-? be?, we? 1a’ dza® Te®, na-? gza* wa-, dzo® ia-? bi-* bi-’, 

dze? 1a® be®, dzo® xa°? mi-? xa**, ac? xa-? be*, dza* Go-* mi-” Go-?, 

a:? Go:? bi’, zat fjic? mi-? fjis? a:? ji? be’, a:* bu:* & fji’, 

a:? na? 1la*, a-? na? zga®, a-* 1a? d* fji*, fj? we 8 a-%, 

xa" [jr fbja-*, fi" teu" (oc stu:*) fy’, foja-tier iy, 

5° zga? ts’o” fy*, [bja-? d3i* (or gi’) sy*. 


SECTION 13 (mbo-?) 


mo-? d3e! mo-? pa:”, 10-7 d3e” tJe, mo-? dze* 10-7 d3e’, 
Twe® lja:? fi-? ge*, gwe? dze? Ga, so® la-* ma-? na-* 
nTo*? la:? t{ja?, so la: To*? la-*, 3ai® pie’ wa-* dzo’, 
gwe? d3e* Ga’, mo-? d30-" so-? 10°, mo-? bi-* dzo-’, 
sbo-? ndzo-? so-? 10°%, bo-? mia‘? dzo-”, pi’e’ 10°" sa‘? ge’, 
mbo*? zat ndzu:’, li:? lo-? sa** ge®, mbo:? t’a-? Jp’i-’, 
Ga-? zat me? za?, mbo-” za" dzu-*, Ga-? t’a-* mi-? t’a:”, 
mbo-? t’a-? spi-’, k’a-? 1a-? la-? be®, mbo-? la-? be’, 

d3u-? gu-? la-? tfe*, mbo-? la-? tfe*, 1u-? be” dze” gu-’, 

a: be" be’, lo-? pi-? d3e? gu-*, a” be* be’, 

ma-? zdo-? d3i? gu:?, hwei! p’o” p’o’, fpe* 1a” d3i? go** 
po:? Ta:? Ta-?, & zgo-? Ti-* 31-7, mbo-* d3e" fta’, 

mbo-? de? wu:? dza?, nTe? t’o® Jjo:?, mbo-? la:* Dwo-? dza’, 
Te? ho-? la-*, 


Section 14 (K’o-’) 


mo-? bi-? fi-? bi-’, k’o-? fi-? bi-®, mo-? ga-? so-? ga-’, 
k’o:? so-? ga°%, mo-? To-? we: gu:’, Da:* na-* sga** so’, 
k’o-? so” gi-®, t’at we! we? gu-”, fi:? pa-* wo-* so’, 

k’o-? fy? get, bu:? fbu-? tzu-? li-?, Twe* 8 wo-* me® le’, 
k’o-? tzu-? gi®, sa® za® dzu-? li-*, tfi:? Swo-? me? le’, 

k’o-? Ti-? ge’, zo® Ta’? d3i? go-? (or gu-*), 3a-? sgo-” t’wei’, 
fbi-? Ta? dsi? gu-?, 8 zbo-? sgo-? t’wei’, 8° Ta? d3i? go-’, 
dzu:” xo-? t’wei®, dza? Ta’ d3i? go?, ts’a-* xo-? ts’wei’, 

ndzu:? Ta’ d3i? go-*, ste? xo* t’wei’. 


Section 15 (d3e*) 


dse? fi-? fto-? ma’, fi-? Jto-® ma?, dze” fbe* sa-? ma’, fbe® 1a-* ma’, 
mo-? 30-7 nTe? ts’o*, zdi-? 10-1 ts’o-%, zdi-? 10-7 nTe” ts’0’, 
dzu:? 30°* ts’o°*, 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 


dzu-* 10-7 Te? ts’o-*, tzu-* tzu-? fi-? ma-%, 
‘ swa** swa-* ts’wei” 
p’ze’ 1a? a-? 1a’, fje? tfi-? ga®, ga-? la-? a-? Ia’, 
fje* tfi-* ga’, 
go-" la-* a-? la’, Jje® tfi-? ga*, ndza* la-* a-? 1a’, 
fje® tfi-? ga® 
fje"_ sot me* tfi-*, ndzo* sa® tfi-?, mo-? d3i-* tze® 1a, 
fje* ta? ste*; 
fza- pu-® tze* ja*, 2a-" 1a® ste’, a-* ske* j1* ske’, 
ma:* Ta:* ske’, 
pi-® ske® je” ske®, tzu-* p’u-* ske*, Jje* ske® je? ske’, 
pie* 10-7 wo-? bo-* 
fie? nu:? ske®, nd3u-? fj & ts’o-*, fji' & ts’o°, 
mo-? To:* zu:? be’, za* la-? be’, ni-* sko-? Ta:? ts’wa-? 
su:* sko-? zTa-? sko-*, swa-* swa:* tswei’, 
d3e” d3i-* Dwo-? tza’, 


nTe? ts’o-” fjo-*, d5ei® la-? Dwo-? tza*, Te” xo-? la-* 


SECTION 16 (zgu-*) 


mo-* To-? we’ gu:’, zgo-? ni:” zgo°? p’se", Jjei? zgo-* Jta’, 
Boo-— ple: ma: tije, y* pre tiie", y° pre a? Ja-*, 

ie GA xO°*, z0-" fja-* le*, zgo-" xa-* ma-* thje’, 

y’ xa" tfe*, y? xa°* tza* sa*, gwe® Ga’ xo-?, 

sto:* fja:? li-*, zbo-? pi-? ma:? tfje’, y? ni-? tfje’, 

y* ni-* a-* 3a-*, fwa-* Ga’ xo-7, fwa:? d3i-* tfju-’, 

Zea" d31-" Do-" tse’, Te* ts'o-* fjo-7, zgo-7 Ja-* wo-* tza%, 
Te? xo:? la-? 


SECTION 17 (ts’o-”) 


d3i-* ts’o-* bo-? d3e*, Ga-* ba-* ma® za’, ma-*? Ta-* fbi-* 
ks’e” bje* Te? Ga’, ts’o-? Ta’ fi*®, zgo-” bje* Te? Ga’, 

ts’o-? Ta-? fje*, sgo-? xa-? fin? Ta’, so-? dzgo-* we’ sa’, 
ts’o-? za* go-*, na-* wo-” fi-* ba-*, gwe® sko-* ts’wei? 

a°? tfe’ 10°* Go-*, 3c? 3 zbo- ts’wei®, za*? wa** 10°? Go-*, 
bi-? fbja-2 ts’wei, ts’o:2 dzi-1 D-2 tza2, Te? ts’o°? fjo-2, 
Eas la-* Do-* tse’, Te* ho-* la-*, 


Section 18 (so-*.) 


so-* bi:? pa-? 6? ma’, so-* li-? bi-*, so-? ma-* na-* & ma-?, 

so-? fje’ ma-*, mo-* To-? sa* d3u-*, fja-* sa® d3y’, 

jaa-> mi-* 3ei" (or rei"). To-*, zdo-* za" .d3y’,, p'a:* i:* swei® ge’, 
zgo-? Te? fta,® zgo-* xo-* mo-? ba-*, su-* jo-* tw’ei’, 

su-* sko-* mo-* ba:?, zTa:* jo:* tw’ei’, zda:* sko-® mo:? ba-?, 
p’'u-” jo:* ts’wei’, p’u-? xo-? mo-? ba:?, tJa:? jo-? ts’wei’, 

t{ja-? xo-? mo-? ba-’, sa-” jo:? ts’wei’, sa:® xo-” mo: ba: 

ji’ jo-* ts’wei’, 3ei” (or sei*) xo-? mo-* ba-?, ba-? jo-? tf’ wei’, 
ba-? xo-* mo-? ba:?, Dge? jo: ts’wei’, Dge” sko-* mo-* ba:? 


77 


78 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


ts’wa:* jo:” ts’wei’, ts’'wa:* xo-* mo:” ba:*, y® jo:* ts’wei* 

y’ seo:" Te" 'ts’o’, fi-* jo-* ts’wet yy 4a°7 4a°* Ve pun, 

dza* jo-? ts’ wei’, 3i-? To-* & ljo-?, tsa? a-* fi-7, 

nTo-:? Go-*, fi:? d3ja** fi-?, gwe? ni’, p’u-? bd? fi*, 

xa°? so:* & Iju:?, we? baa? fi-® 

ko-* tzé" 5 lju-?, to-? dzo-? fi-? 

pu-? tza? & Iju-’, sa-? dzu-* fi-* 

ts’a-? Ge’ & lju-*, swei? na-? fi-? 

wo:? tza? 5 Iju-*, swei” ga? fie’, 

wa? tza? 5° lju-*, ts’a:? Ga-* fi-* 

ja°? ba-* & lju’, 10°? ba-? fi-%, 

p’o:* so-? & Iju:*, we, ba:? fi-? 

so” Gu-* & lju-?, ToD ni-? fi-%, 

Xe? pu-* & lju:?, we? bia-? fi-*, 

be? fi-* ma-? ge®, ts’wo-? dio-* fi-*, 

soeipas: O° liu:*) zbar* quire 

t'e® p’e’ fjei? tswa-*, je zdu-? fi-*, 

mo:* t’o-? & lju-*, k’a®? bja-* fi-*, 

sa’ ma-* d3e* ge*, 1a-* swa- fi-’, 

& zee za:*7 S lju-*, y* fia? fa-*, 

bao™ fe" 3 lju-*, ‘to? tzo°*' Ji-7, 

oe? ami? F jue*, teas) eas da 

ta’ fta-* & lju-?, mé zgo-* fi-*, 

ma-* lo-* dze* ge*, fjei* zdu-* fi-%, 49 

3o-? mo-* bu-’, a-? d30-* 1a’, za” we’ mi-? dwa-’, 

d3i-? dzo-* fi-*, za® we" me? & wa’, & zbo-? mo°? fi-’, 

fi-? d3u-? o-? d3u-*, Te? zge? na*, mu-? d3u-? fgo-? d3u-*, 

Te? zge? na’, fi? kus? mu-? k’u:?, Ta? tzu-? na, 

3(41)i-? fi-? zgo-? Ti-?, Te® zda? na’, 

gwe” ljo-* ma-? stio-? Ijo-* ma-?, dze? 1a? dze? we? Jna-* dze* we’, 

ka-* sa°* bja:? Ga-*, Ji-? Ga* zbo- sta’, bo-* dza” bo-? fi?, 
t’a? zwei? we’, 

dze” Ga’ Te® ze’, Ga? Te’ 2%, a°? p’u-* jer p’'u-*, zda-* xo-" per’, 

gwe” lje? p’u-*, gwe? d3i-? sa*, pe’ zgo” Jje* dza* 3i-* Twei® me’, 


li-* sa:* tza', gwe® Ta-* te’, swe'tzs tze m- Iie,, fie pie’ fen, 


su-* 6° dze* dze*, sgo-* bo:? fyi’, 

So a-— day. mi-> Da-day— 

fie’ ts’u:* fy*, fbja-* d3:* fy*, zga? ts’u* Sy‘, 
{bia tidse ly. 


VOL. 


135 


40 The priest stated that if the ceremony is performed in the sacred grove, 
the 5 great gods are called, but not the 12 lesser gods. If the ceremony is per- 
formed on a housetop, in addition to the 5 great gods, the 12 lesser gods are 
called. He stated that these must not be called unless a real ceremony is being 
performed. The remainder of the ceremony, the sacred books chanted, varies with 
each day. The following words are used on a snake, tiger, and possibly on a 


horse day. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 79 


TRANSLATION 41 OF THE SACRED Books oR CHANTS OF THE CH’IANG PRIEST 
AT Lo-PU-CHAI 


SECTION I 


“What is your name, Mr. Wild Mountain Goat” (male demon king)? “My 
given name is The One With Wild Buffalo Horns.” “What is your name, 
Mrs. Wild Mountain Goat” (the wife of the demon king)? ‘My given name 
is The Person With a Chicken’s Bill.’ Wild Mountain Goat goes to a person’s 
kitchen. He goes to the person’s home. Wild Mountain Goat drinks warm 
wine in the home. He goes to the house where bitter things are sold. He eats 
bitter things. He goes to the lengthwise beams (of the second story). He goes 
to the crossbeams (across the beams mentioned above). He arrives at the 
crossbeams. (Fiercely spoken by the priest), “Male Wild Mountain Goat 
(name of the demon king), what are you doing here? You that injure people 
(another demon), your given name is Red Demon (demoniacal being).12 You 
came over the road that people travel. Red Demon rides the wooden horse with 
head outstretched, with nine horses, their feet treading along. Take the red 
demon outside. Invite the white (good) demon to come in and sit down.” 


SECTION 2 


There is a male deity whose surname is Horse and whose given name is De. 
The surname of his spouse is Horse and her given name is De. The surname 
of his oldest son is Du and his given name is Tsha We. There is a carpenter 
who planes (manufactures) wooden things well. He is an exceedingly good 
carpenter. He also chisels rocks well, making stone grinders, tops and bottoms, 
with good wooden bases and snouts. When handfuls of grain are put in, it 
flows out when well ground to pieces. The god on his shelf, invite him to come. 
Put three sticks of incense in the ashes of the incense burner. Invite the deity 
Dwe Tzu to come. “Can you build the house for worshiping gods?” “I can 
build it.” The god will build the temple (home for worship). Can you build 
it? I can build a (fine) house. 


SECTION 3, CALLING THE Gop Ma 


Call the god Ma here. We will erect a new god-house for worship. Call Ma 
to erect a building. (Arrange) for the god a seat to sit on. Call the servants, 
for it is dawn (the rooster has crowed). Call the apprentices to bring tools, 


41In making the following translation, every word and every phrase was 
written down in the International Phonetic Script, the meanings studied and 
written down in English, and the final translation made in consultation with 
and the approval of the Ch’iang priest. 

The phrase translated “he repeats three words” in section 6 probably refers 
to a magic formula, incantation, or chant. 

The sickle with nine teeth mentioned in section 17 reminds one of the neolithic 
sickle with a number of small, sharp teeth to do the cutting. 

42 This section is really an incantation. When asked why he spoke so fiercely 
near the end of the section, the priest replied that you must act gruffly toward 
the demons or they will act overbearingly toward you. 


80 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


efficient masons, efficient plasterers. White walls, opposite walls alike white. 
A man Beh, his given name Ma Beh, a scholar to divine the lucky days of the 
month. The worker, Ma Beh, with his hammer shapes stones, digs a ditch, and 
takes out the dirt with a basket. A hundred upright (wooden) pillars are 
erected firmly and perpendicularly. The main horizontal beams, a pair, erected 
level and parallel. The hundred crossbeams are fixed soundly, the hundred 
poles are nailed firmly, one thousand bamboo sticks woven together firmly, a 
hundred small-leafed bamboo twigs compactly laid down in order, a hundred 
loads of clay made smooth and firm with a hoe, one hundred black stones 
securely laid into place, the outer walls of the roof made firm above and below. 
The shrine (god-house) is built firmly, awaiting the time when sacrifice is 
provided properly. The house for the sacrificial goat is ready for the goat, 
and the soul of the goat is provided for. 


SECTION 4, CALLING THE Gop Ro 


(God) Ro, will you chant the sacred books or not? If you do not chant 
the sacred books, how will you be able to perform the ceremony of paying the 
vows? If you do not pay the vows you should perform the vows for both 
the sky god and the earth god (goddess?). Perform the ceremony of paying 
the vows to the gods in the house. When people perform the ceremony of 
paying the vows, it should be with sincere hearts. We will certainly pay the 
vows. Chinese pay their vows, Ch’iang also pay their vows. Both (ceremonially) 
pay their vows. Eat the (sacrificial) meat properly. Let the paying of the 
vows be correctly performed. At dawn finish the vow ceremony. Complete it 
when it is bright (daylight). When the sun is white, finish the vows, lead 
the male goat. The leader who carries the rooster shares in the ceremony. The 
cock and the goat will both be sacrified. Wood will be used for the ceremony, 
the split ginko wood white. The god flag is arranged properly. To the string 
we have tied the three hairs (from the goat’s ear). The horns are placed 
securely at the opening of the shrine. The ear of the goat is fastened onto the 
drum. 


SEcTION 5, THE Gops RECEIVE 


The gods having received the offerings have returned home. They have 
seen the vows performed. The gods have accepted the offerings. The people 
have received the hide and the hairs from the necks of the goats. The gods 
have received these offerings. The people are inside the house. The sacred books 
have been (or are being) chanted. The women are in the house. The cere- 
monial objects have been set down. The Taoist priest is in the house. The 
brass gongs are set down. The starlike (lamps or candles) are in the house. 
They have been blown out. The water ditch beside the house is dammed up. 
The magistrate has arrived in the house. The magistrate’s seal has been set 
down, The Ch’iang priest is in the house. His drum has been set down. The 
wealthy guests and relatives are in the house. Their ceremonial gifts have been 
laid down. The servants are in the house. Their tools have been laid down. 
The inner home is inside the open front door, where the household utensils are 
laid down. The gods have finished properly. We have completed the payment 
of vows. The goats have been rightly received by the gods, and they have the 
hairs from the goats’ necks. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 81 


SEcTION 6, SHI 


Shall we repeat the divine book or not? If not, how can we fulfill the vows? 
Shall we chant the words of the sacred books? If not, we cannot perform the 
vows. The divine ancient priest will repeat the words one by one. He is a very 
able priest. The (divine) woman priest will chant the words one by one. She 
is very efficient in working in the fields and in carrying loads on her back. 
It is difficult to write large characters, hard to write, but easy to chant. It is 
easy to write small characters. They are easy to write, hard to chant. The 
person chants the words, he repeats three words. Large stones can be easily 
brought. They are hard to push along, easy to build with. Small stones are easy 
to fetch. They are easy to push along, but hard to build with. The stones are 
plastered with clay firmly. The laborers have put into place three stones. The 
masons have built into the wall three stones. The house of the god is erected 
well. The house is plastered well with clay. The workers have built it cor- 
rectly. They have plastered it with clay. 


SECTION 7 


The god Gi is in his house. A message is sent up to him. The goddess is in 
her house. A message is sent up to her. The cypress tree near the house—a 
letter is hung up on it. The stars (regarded as deities) are in their houses. 
Flying up, the message is delivered. The scholar who chants the sacred books 
is in his house. The words are delivered to him. The deity named water is in 
his house. Smilingly the message is presented. The magistrate is in his house. 
The seal is presented. The priest Stu is in his house. The ceremonial drum 
is delivered to him. The house of the sky-lamp-post. The incense has been 
lighted and sent up. The simple (common) man is in his house, which is built 
and given. The house of the door braced with pillars is finished properly for 
the god. The goats and the flags are in order, the sacred books have been 
chanted correctly, the goats and the flags are arranged correctly. 


Section 8, THE Mate Ow 


A male goat is necessary to perform the vows. The goat is at hand, the owl 
bears the message. Flags of bamboo and paper are necessary to perform the 
vows. The goat and the ceremonial platter are ready. Who speaks for the skin 
of the owl (with the idea of eating the flesh)? It is the pine squirrel that 
speaks for it. A lonely traveler on the road speaks for it. The leopard with the 
hairy mouth wants to eat the male owl. The male owl measures his head in a 
peck measure. The owl’s head is so big that he measures it in an imperial 
peck measure. The eyes of the male owl are measured with a ruler. The eyes 
of the owl are as big as the imperial tea bowl. The tail of the owl is as big 
as the emperor’s broom. You could sweep the floor with the tail of the male 
owl. It sweeps the seats of the gods. We will sweep the place (before the 
gods) where the priest performs his ceremonies. 


SEcTION 9, THE FEMALE OWL 


Feathers and claws on the feet, there are four feet, the female owl has four 
feet. In the sky are birdlets, offspring of the female owl, one hundred children 


82 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


of the female owl. During the first lunar month draw a picture, a pretty picture. 
(There is) a vine-circled sacred stick, walking correctly in front. A rolling- 
pin is called (to make bread). A good encircled stick came (or was brought) 
properly inside the house which they call an upright bamboo stick, a vine- 
encircled cane.48 They say, “Since this has come we will (ceremonially) sweep 
the village (free of demons), and the grass plot (near the village).” The 
village and the grassy plot are important. Fir twigs and their butts are 
needed (as a ceremonial broom). The female owl whose nest is at the village, 
with a handful of fir twigs chase this mother owl away. The sacred books have 
been chanted properly, the goats and the flags have been arranged properly, 
incense and candles and the divine horse have been arranged properly. The 
goats and the flags are properly arranged. 


SECTIONS IO AND II 


The selling price has been fixed by the owner of the goats. The leader has 
paid the earnest money.*4 The shepherd herds the goats on the mountains. The 
thirsty goats are led to water. The arm of the caretaker is very long. The 
keeper leads the goats to graze. Their white teeth chew the grass. When they 
have eaten enough, the keeper leads them home. The mouth of the owner asks, 
“Why do you come back so early?” The caretaker replies, “They have finished 
eating.” They tend the goats with white cords. The leader has come. Has the 
unleavened bread been prepared? The cake of unleavened bread has not been 
prepared. When the cake of bread is ready, tie it with a white cord. When 
the cake of bread is cooked, place it in front of the god’s shrine. The cake of 
bread has come. A person fills the peck measure with grain. Buckwheat and 
peas are wanted. Pure water should be poured from the bowl onto the (red- 
hot) plowshare. We must pick up the plowshare with tongs. A good-looking 
round stick is used for the spindlewhorl. Join the threads together with your 
teeth. The three hairs from the neck of the goat are tied to the string of the 
bow. We must have the ceremonial sword. The bow is held ready in the 


43 Some of the sacred canes used by the Ch’iang priests are sticks around 
which a vine grew and wrapped itself so as to leave a deep impression around 
the stick. Some of them have on top what looks like a carved human head. 
This is regarded as the head of the demon king. Sometimes at the top of the 
encircling vine mark a snake’s head is carved. It then looks as though a snake 
were encircling the cane. The king of demons helps the priest control and 
exorcise demons, and the snake helps frighten the demons. The one purpose 
of this sacred cane is to control or exorcise demons. Sometimes the sides of 
the cane are ornamented by knots that grew there naturally when the cane was 
a live limb or small tree. This scared cane reminds one of the sacred cane used 
by the Taoist priest in China, which is also used exclusively for the exorcism of 
demons. It is very likely that the Ch’iang priest has borrowed this from the 
Taoist priest, and made some adaptations. 

44 When two people make a bargain as to the price of some object, the pur- 
chaser often pays a part of the purchase price as “earnest money.” This is 
regarded as a guarantee that he will complete the payment, and the acceptance 
of this earnest money is a guarantee on the part of the owner that he will not 
fail to sell at the price agreed upon. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 83 


hands (to shoot). One hundred bows are needed. Unless the quivers are 
leather, they are not desirable. All the bows and all the arrows in the quivers 
are needed. Without spear points the spears are undesirable. One thousand 
spears are needed. 

The gods have been finished (worshiped) properly, the goats and the flags 
are arranged properly. 


SECTION 12, THE GoppEss MU-TSEH-TSU 


Above there was one who was sorrowful, called Mu Tseh. Below was one 
who was sorrowful, called Stu Ha. Mu Tseh considered in her mind, and 
called from above the person below. Stu Ha considered in his mind, and called 
to the goddess above. Mu-tseh-tsu combed the hair of her head. After it is 
combed, she can get married. (She said), “In the sky is a house. Speak to my 
father Mo-bi-da about it, to see if he is willing or not.” Her father, Mo-bi-da, 
replied, “You child Stu Ha, what have you come here to do? In the sky we 
have a house. What have you come here for?” “I have come to seek a wife.” 
Father Mo Bi answered, “You have come to seek a wife. You are not a 
match for me. My daughter, Mu-tseh-tsu, if you want to get her, the moun- 
tain trees in three gulches (or canyons) you must go and cut down. The 
mountain trees in three gulches, you must go and burn them. Thirty bushels 
of rape (mustard) you must sow in the fields. Thirty bushels of rape, you 
must go and reap.” Stu Ha replied and said to him, “Thirty bushels of rape 
I have sowed and brought home.” “My daughter Mu Tseh I will marry to you. 
One oldest daughter is married to a god and cares for the house of the god. 
The second daughter is married to the Dragon King and cares for his home. 
The third one, Mu-tseh-tsu, is to be married to a common man. In front 
drive a hundred domestic animals. Behind a thousand will go back home. The 
hair of the head should be combed beautifully, the finger rings worn properly, 
beaten of silver. Await a lucky day.” 

Stu Ha, the groom said to the daughter, Mu-tseh-tsu, “My home is not 
good.” He told her to return home. “Thirsty and without food, go back home 
to eat.” “If I go back,” she said, “during the first moon (lunar month), what 
things have you to give me?” “The (jasmine) flower that welcomes the 
spring.” “If I return during the second moon, what have you to give me?” 
“The Shui Tang (water pool) flower that blossoms on the edges of wells.” “If 
I return during the third moon, what have you to give me?” “Roses which 
bloom on the edges of terraced fields.” “If I return during the fourth moon, 
what have you to give me?” “Buckwheat flowers that blossom in the fields.” 
“If I return during the fifth moon, what have you to give me?” “Wheat and 
barley which bloom in the fields.” “Has the barley ripened?” “All has turned 
yellow and ripened.” “Has the barley been reaped with a sickle?” “All has 
been reaped.” “Has the beard grown on the wheat?” “All (the wheat) has 
blossomed beards.” “One complete year, 1 month, 12 months, 12 flowers. One 
month, 30 days.” Three wheat biscuits have been cooked, the sacred books have 
been chanted properly, the goats and flags have been arranged properly, in- 
cense and candles have been arranged properly, the goats and flags have been 
properly arranged. 


84 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


SECTION 13 


A person has no house. He wants a house. He wants a house and land. 
He wants tools, firewood, and water. Goats and dogs are mine, and chickens 
and cats. I want also geese and ducks. Using a cane covered with white 
pewter, drive the goat ahead. The person sits down and winds yarn on the 
spindle, The aged father, yes, a woman sewing. The aged mother, yes, white 
mountains and cliffs. The sacred book is like a magistrate in his chair. On a 
low mountain is a perpendicular cliff. The sacred book (or chant) is like a 
priest. There is a pass over a mountain. A flower blooms on a cliff on a moun- 
tain pass. The sacred book has bloomed like a flower. A fir tree in full blos- 
som has been brought here. It is brought home. I brought it. Lights in the 
home are like stars. They blossom like a flower. A fir tree in full blossom has 
been brought here. Cedar twigs from the high mountains have been brought 
home. A dull white, the stone is here. The sacred book has been put down in 
the home. This house belongs to the sacred book, Ceremonially sweep (free of 
demons) the house. The sacred book can fly. We will chant the sacred book 
that has flown here. (Sacred book), you seem to me to be alive. 


SECTION 14 


An old person named Wood (or an old god?), a parent of this sacred book. 
A person makes a straw image and binds it with a cord. The sacred book binds 
the straw image. In the sky there is a house. There is a phoenix with feathers 
bright as silver. The phoenix went and saw the sacrificial goat. They have a 
home. A dog and a person went to look at it. They released the goat in the 
field. A cord of cotton. A weak cord that will break is undesirable. Tie the 
goat with a rope made of palm fiber. One circle and one knot are not enough. 
Lead the goat over here. The magistrate has a house. He takes the seal in 
his hand and presses down. The priest has a house. The ceremonial drum is in 
his hand ready to be beaten. The wealthy man has a house. Cedar twigs from 
the high mountains are taken in the hand and burned. The common people have 
houses. The red-hot plowshare is in the basin (for the leaders to purify them- 
selves by the steam). The second (inner) door has a house. The leaders are 
holding the goats and the white paper flags. 


SECTION 15 


There is a goddess whose name is Sto Mu. A priestess named Ra Mu. The 
priestess is efficient in chanting the sacred books. A hairy horse was lost. The 
horse fell off a cliff and was killed. The horse was lost by falling to death 
over a cliff. The knife cuts up the horse flesh (to eat). With a knife skin the 
horse and cut off its flesh, Carry water on the back and bring firewood. The 
fire ignites and heats the cooking vessel. One white person (there is). Drive 
the wild goat out of the woods. The wild goat could not be driven out. The 
(wild) man was driven out. (There was) one man with a rifle and a spear 
grasped in his hands. There was a palm tree. One stabbed the (wild) man with 
the spear. One prod, two prods. He prodded the palm tree. Three prods— 
again he prods. The wild man sat on the white pavement slab. He hacks the 
wild man with an ax, and prods (with his spear). He opens the main door of 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 85 


his house. (In the door) he was good to see (to those inside). The lights in 
the house were like stars in the sky shining down. The second watch in the 
night. (By and by) the mountains and the clouds were lightened with the break 
of dawn. When it is broad daylight we will return home. He is the sacred 
book Je Ji. Drive out the demons, go. The sacred book makes the demons fly 
away. Fly very quickly.*5 


SECTION 16 


In the sky in a circle are a black and a white stone. There are three stones 
there. The white stone is not wanted. One white chicken. With the chicken 
cleanse the throne of the god. Cleanse the lower places so the people will be 
happy. The yellow stone is not wanted. The yellow chicken is wanted, a yellow 
hen. Cleanse the sacrificial goat from head to foot. Cut off the three hairs 
from the goat’s neck and tie them to the large flag. The black stone is not 
wanted. We need a black chicken. One black chicken. Purify it from head to 
foot with the smoke of cedar twigs. Cleanse the cedar twigs while cleansing 
the sacred books. This is the stone that can fly. Quickly fly away. 


SECTION 17 


The priest’s apprentice teaches (or is taught). The aged father, the priest, 
is very good. Climb up eight mountain ridges. Take cedar twigs in the hands 
and scatter them. Climb up nine mountain ridges. The cedar twigs grow up. 
There is a golden yellow sickle. In all it has nine teeth (like a saw). Twigs 
of the crow bush, purify the goat’s mouth. Eighteen skin bags, purify with the 
smoke of cedar twigs the goat’s mouth. Eighteen skin bags, purify with the 
smoke of cedar twigs the barley and wheat. There are skin bags to hold buck- 
wheat. Purify with smoke the peck measure and the pint measure. Call the 
apprentice to ceremonially sweep the thrones of the gods. Let the apprentice 
take burning cedar twigs in his hands and with the smoke cleanse the thrones of 
the gods. The apprentice makes the demons fly away more quickly. Fly away 
quickly. 


Section 18, THE Gop So 


“God So,4® what is your name?” “My name is Mr. Sifter.’ “What is the 
name of So’s wife?” “It is Mrs. Sifter.” There came out of the sky, a light 
came forth. Behind the light in the road a tiger came. Into the pool of water 
a stone fell (displaced by the tiger?). With its lips the rock blew a wind, and 
the wind awakened the mountain. The mountain with its lips blew a wind, and 
the wind awakened the clouds. The clouds with their lips blew a wind, and the 
wind awakened the trees. The trees with their lips blew a wind, and the wind 
awakened the leaves, The leaves with their lips blew a wind, and the wind 
awakened the road. The road with its lips blew a wind, which awakened the 
resting place beside the road. The resting place beside the road with its lips 
blew a wind, which awakened the terraces. The terraces blew a wind which 
awakened the village. The village with its lips blew a wind, which awakened 


45 This section has the flavor of an incantation to exorcise demons. 
48 The word so means sifter. 


86 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the chickens. The chickens flapped with their wings (before crowing), and the 
people were awakened. 


(Calling to the local gods) 


Come, God of Chengtu, Ts’ang-a-shi (Liu Pi) ; 

God of Kuan-hsien, Hsi-jia-shi (Kuan Shen Yen) ; 

God of Yang-tzt-lin, P’u-ber-shi, big tree god; 

God of Wen-ch’uan, We-bra-shi, city wall god; 

Come God of Wei-chou, T’o-dzo-shi (Tu-ti) ; 

Come God of Yen-men, Ra-dzu-shi, or god of the pointed cliff ; 

Come God of So-ch’iao ruler of water (Shui Kuan) ; 

Come God of Hsiao-chai-tzu, Shui-ga-shi; 

Come God of Lo-pu-chai, god of the mountains ; 

Come God of Ch’ing-p’o, the lord of earth; 

Come God of Wen-ch’eng, big city wall god; 

Come God of Sugoo, Tong-nyi-shi; 

Come God of Hong-(Mung)-hsien (Mou Chow), big city wall god; 

Come God of T’u-ti-lin, the lord of the earth; 

Come God of Sung-P’an, the black yak god; 

Come God of Three Villages, the god of the three cliffs; 

Come God of Mo-t’o, the big cliff god; 

Come God of P’u-wa, the white cliff god; 

Come God of Mu-shang-chai, the phoenix god; 

Come God of Li-fan, the lord of earth; 

Come God of Er-go-mi, the thorn tree god; 

Come God of T’ung-hua, the thunder god; 

Come God of T’ung-li-shan, the god of the three mountain peaks.47 

This is the horse year and the tenth moon. Is it or not the first day of the 

month? It is the day of the Dragon God. Open the front door and the inner 
door, the silver door, the golden door. They are opened. The male and the 
female dogs are tied up. Push away the stones in the roads. The goat has come, 
and the three hairs are ready. Any sins the goats have (are that) the hills 
and ranges are used as pastures, and they eat all kinds of bushes, biting and 
chewing them—they have this sin. With the dipper pour water on the goat’s 
head. One tremble, two trembles, the goat has trembled. The gods have ac- 
cepted the goat. The three leaders dressed in white take the flags and hold 
them in their hands and fingers. They pick up the goat and kill it with’ the 
knife. There are three (knives, or leaders who do the killing?). The time has 
come for killing the goat. The huen and the p’e souls of the goat have been 
led away correctly, the ears are properly stuck upon the flags, the gods have 
returned properly, the incense and the candles are rightly arranged, the doors 
are properly closed, the incense and the candles are properly arranged. 


47 At Lo-pu-chai barley seeds are burned after calling each god. If this 
ceremony is performed in a sacred grove, the 5 great gods are called. If this 
ceremony is performed on a housetop, the 5 great gods and the 12 lesser gods 
are called. This can be done only in an actual ceremony, so it was omitted here. 
The remainder of the chant varies with each day. 

The romanization of the names of the gods and of the places of which the 
Chinese characters were not known are according to the pronunciations in 
Szechwan Province. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 87 


The Ch’iang regard each section of the sacred chants as a sacred 
book. It is evident that the division between sacred books and incanta- 
tions is not very distinct, for some of the sections of the sacred chants 
that are regarded as sacred books are definitely incantations. 


Q. INCANTATIONS AND EXORCISM OF DEMONS 


Belief in and fear of demons as the source of diseases and other 
calamities and simple or elaborate methods of exorcising them are 
widespread in central Asia. The writer does not know of one ethnic 
group among whom they are not to be found. It is also assumed that 
priests or shamans who have the right techniques can control and exor- 
cise demons. 

The minds of the Ch’iang are simply saturated with belief in and 
fear of demons. Diseases and all other calamities are caused or may 
be caused by demons. Priests, by their ceremonies, control, protect 
from, and exorcise demons. People avoid traveling at night as much 
as possible, for demons are regarded as more likely to be about at night 
than in the daytime. Demons fear and avoid light, and love dark 
places. 

There are many methods of controlling, protecting from, and exor- 
cising demons, and some of these methods are so widespread in West 
China that they are found among the Miao and the Lolos of Kuei- 
chow, Yunnan, and Szechwan Provinces, as well as among Tibetans, 
the Jung, and the Ch’iang. There are charms and incantations for 
practically every purpose, from the healing of a boil to the curing of 
a stomachache. 

Among the Ch’uan Miao the tusn kung or do nun exorcises demons, 
and the mo or priest conducts funerals and performs memorial cere- 
monies. Among the Ch’iang the same priest generally performs both 
kinds of ceremonies. 

The ceremonies of exorcism among the Ch’iang are sometimes long 
and elaborate and must be performed solemnly, reverently, and cor- 
rectly. To perform these ceremonies special priests or shamans are 
required. The writer has witnessed a number of the ceremonies of 
exorcism among the Ch’iang, and has been requested by the priest not 
to laugh, for that would spoil the spirit of reverence appropriate for 
such ceremonies. 

The following ceremony, witnessed by the writer at Mu-shang- 
chai, was performed by the local priest, Mr. Kou. A man had had 
bowel trouble for more than 20 days and requested the priest to exor- 
cise the demon that was causing it. 


88 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


A fire was made of corn cobs and cedar twigs, and a plowshare was 
placed on the fire. The priest began repeating incantations under his 
breath. Then he picked up some cedar twigs and moved them around 
above the plowshare. He then burned some paper or spirit money, 
repeating more incantations and occasionally saying loudly ‘“‘phit.” 
Often the incantations were repeated under the breath so that they 
could not be heard. Repeating more incantations, he threw some grains 
of barley onto the plowshare. Still repeating incantations, he picked up 
the red-hot plowshare with a pair of tongs and put his tongue against 
it so that one could hear a frying sound. He moved the plowshare 
over and around near the abdomen of the patient but without touching 
the abdomen, then placed the plowshare back into the fire. Then he 
trod on the plowshare with his bare foot, brushed the sparks off his 
bare foot, then trod with this bare foot on the man’s abdomen and 
chest. Again he lifted the red-hot plowshare out of the fire with the 
tongs, waved it back and forth over the man’s back, and put it back 
into the fire. With his bare foot he again trod on the red-hot plow- 
share and then on the man’s back. All this time he was repeating in- 
cantations. He then put the plowshare into water, and the man leaned 
over so that the steam rose onto his abdomen, chest, and face. Then 
the priest gave the man some of the water and he drank it. 

The priest would not tell the meanings of his incantations, saying 
that if he did they would not be efficacious. He told the writer that 
he had been paid one dollar for performing this ceremony. Next day 
the sick man admitted that he had not been cured. 

On August 16, 1942, a similar ceremony was performed at Lo-pu- 
chai by the priest, Mr. Chang. The ceremony was called sung mien 
ren in Chinese and nga mi shi in the Ch’iang language. The ceremony 
was performed to heal a woman who had a pain in the abdomen. 

After smoking some tobacco, the priest burned some paper spirit 
money. Then he poured two small cups of wine and lighted’ two 
candles and three sticks of incense. At this point he requested the 
writer not to laugh during the ceremony. He began chanting incanta- 
tions which continued through most of the ceremony. First he chanted 
under his breath, then audibly, in phrases of three or four syllables, 
which later grew longer. He now held his sacred cane upright in his 
right hand, the bottom or point of the cane resting on the ground. 
There was on this cane the imprint of a vine which had grown around 
it, and at the top a snake head had been carved, so that the cane looked 
as though a snake were coiled around it. The priest said that this made 
the cane more efficacious in frightening away demons, 

The chanting continued—now in a low talking tone, now very rap- 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 89 


idly. On the table is a peck measure full of buckwheat. Stuck upright 
in this buckwheat are the two lighted candles and the three lighted 
sticks of incense. On the table in front of the peck measure are two 
small cups of wine, some paper spirit money, and a wheat biscuit on 
which there is some pork. The priest goes to another room, where he 
burns incense to and worships the family gods. Then he sits down, 
chats with the spectators, and takes a long smoke. 

Again the priest begins to chant his sacred books and incantations, 
at first in three-syllable phrases. It is evident that the efficacy of the 
ceremony depends very much on these incantations. 

The priest pauses and drinks some tea, then he and all the specta- 
tors drink some wine. Then he takes the iron plowshare and places 
it in the fire. Then he continues the incantations—teh tzu do, he tzu 
bo, three syllable phrases followed by longer phrases. In this ceremony 
the priest does not wear his ceremonial hat or beat his drum, but he 
uses his sacred cane. After some time he again stops to rest and 
smoke. A man now kneads some dough, and the priest in his incanta- 
tions changes to a scolding tone. The priest now kneads the dough into 
five objects, a man, an incense vessel, a chicken, an object with one 
point, and an object with three points. He puts these inside a bamboo 
husk which he has made into the shape of a plowshare. 

After another pause and a smoke, the priest puts some incense twigs 
and three sticks of lighted incense on the edge of the fireplace as an 
offering to the fire god. A live chicken is brought, later to be sacri- 
ficed. On the uncooked buckwheat is placed five dollars from the 
family of the patient for his services. The priest puts lighted cedar 
twigs in the dough incense burner. Before the fire as an offering to 
the fire god he pours out two cups of wine and lights two candles. He 
burns spirit money before the fire and waves the chicken as an offer- 
ing. He pours some wine on the fire and throws some buckwheat into 
the fire. He continues to chant, waves the hen toward the fire, and 
burns more paper or spirit money. 

The patient, a woman, now comes into the room and sits down. 
The priest continues his incantations as they cut off the lower part of 
her long gown, and she puts on the upper part. Always chanting, the 
priest waves the dough objects and later the chicken around her head 
and body. She blows her breath on the face of the chicken, which is 
ahen. The hen is taken out toward the front of the house. The priest 
waves a dagger over and around the woman’s head and body. She 
takes off her upper gown and her shoes. The priest waves a coal of 
fire around the dagger, and sticks the dagger into the buckwheat. He 
lights more incense, then brings a bowl of water and a bowl of tea 


go SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and places them on the table. The priest prepares a long string, burns 
cedar twigs, chants under his breath, waves the cedar twigs over the 
water, puts the string on the back of the table, burns spirit money, 
waves burning incense sticks over the water, stamps his foot several 
times, claps his hands, blows on the water, then takes iron tongs and 
picks up the red-hot plowshare. He picks up the bowl of water with 
one hand and waves the plowshare over it with the other. He yells 
“phit” and spurts water from his mouth on her abdomen and feet— 
water from the bowl. 

Now, speaking in Chinese, he treads with his bare foot on the red- 
hot plowshare, then on her naked abdomen—this he does several times, 
pressing down with his foot on her abdomen as if pressing something 
out—they said it was the demon. Then he spurts water, and with his 
hands presses down on her abdomen to press out the demon. He 
scolds the demon and orders him to go. He continues this procedure 
for some time, now shouting “phit” and spurting water on her, now 
treading downward on her abdomen. He places the plowshare in the 
water, and she bends over, allowing the stream to cover her head and 
body. Then she inhales some of the steam. The priest then puts the 
plowshare on the ground and burns spirit money by placing it on the 
red-hot plowshare. The lips of the priest move, but there is no sound 
as he repeats his incantations; then he stamps with his feet and claps 
his hands. Then he waves his finger over the bowl of water, apparently 
to write charms on it, and gives the bowl of water to the woman, who 
drinks it all. He puts a little dough on the dagger and again burns in- 
cense. He picks up the string. Repeating incantations, he sits down 
on a stool beside her. She holds three sticks of lighted incense in her 
hands. Repeating incantations over the string which he holds in his 
hands, he ties the string around her neck, then cuts the string. He ties 
part of the string around her right wrist, then around her right ankle. 
Then, he touches her forehead, her hands, knees, and feet. Wheén he 
arises, all express their thanks to him. 

The priest goes outside the house, and before the front door he 
burns incense to his patron deity. Then there is a sumptuous feast, 
with wine and pork and other edibles. After the feast he again lights 
candles and incense, burns spirit money, and continues to chant, sway- 
ing back and forth. At the corner of the house he lights and sticks into 
the ground candles and incense, calling loudly to his patron deity. They 
bring to him the woman’s cloth turban and the piece of her garment 
that was cut off. He now waves burning spirit money over her face 
and hands and acts as if he were taking something out of her (the 
demon) and putting it in the flat, round sifting basket called in Chi- 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM gi 


nese a bo gi. In Chinese he calls upon the Pearly Emperor, then loudly 
commands the demon to depart one thousand, two thousand, and three 
thousand li, then calls out “gone.” “Yes,” reply the spectators. He 
throws a broom out of the door. In respect for the fire god, four men 
march around the fire carrying the dough objects, the chicken, a torch, 
incense, candles, and spirit money. 

They and others pass outside the door to the road and march on to 
the crossroads, where they put down beside the road the candles, in- 
cense, sifting basket, the woman’s clothing and shoes, the chicken, and 
the dough objects. The chicken’s throat is cut, its blood is splashed 
on the dough objects, and the chicken’s feet and the ends of its wings 
are cut off and tied to a string over the front door of the patient’s 
home. The chicken is placed on the ground, and the sifting basket, the 
clothing and shoes of the woman, the dough objects, and the candles 
and incense are burned to the god of the crossroads. For a time the 
sacred cane is stuck into the ground. The priest picks up the hen, 
and they all depart. The priest takes the chicken home as part of his 
reward, which includes money, pork, two candles, three sticks of in- 
cense, and spirit money to his gods. 

This was a long ceremony beginning at about 8: 30 p. m. and end- 
ing finally in the home of the priest at 3:15 a.m. After that the priest 
took a long smoke before going to bed. 

Another method of exorcising demons is to tread on a red-hot ko 
or iron cooking vessel with ceremonies and incantations similar to 
those we have just described. A manlike image is made of straw. This 
is stabbed with small bamboo knives or daggers, which are left sticking 
into the straw image. A cockerel is killed and offered to the gods and 
spirits, and the straw image is escorted outside the village and left 
beside the road. 

The sacred cane is used exclusively for the exorcism of demons. 
The priest at Ho-p’ing-chai told the writer that if, when traveling at 
night he met a demon, he would prod the cane into the ground so that 
it stood upright, and repeat an incantation, the demon would cer- 
tainly depart. The priest at Lo-pu-chai said that if when traveling at 
night he met a demon, he would prod the sacred cane into the ground 
in the same way, but would not repeat an incantation. The following 
is the incantation used by the priest at Ho-p’ing-chai with the sacred 
cane at night to exorcise demons, as given to the writer and translated 
by the priest : 

a-” ba-* ma® la-* bi-? bu-? ntze? mi-* ma? la-* 
mbu-* tzu-? la-* sa-* ma? la-? 
Sti To-* be* k’wei* ma’ la-? 


g2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


ma’ Ta-? Da-* tju-? ma? la-? 
t’a’ Ti-® si-? dju-? ma? la-? 
ze? dju-? bi-* dju-? ma? la-? 
o-? ge® fta-? bi-? ma? la-? 
o:? Ti-? sta-? mja-* ma? la-? 
TRANSLATION 
Abba Mula (the patron deity of the priest), I, the priest, 
invite you to come (and eat and drink), O god Mula. 
I carry the drum and ceremonial objects, Mula. 
The master of ceremonies and all the people have come, Mula. 
My eyes see, all the ceremonial objects are here, Mula. 
The aged leaders and the priest have come, Mula. 
The leaders among the men have come, Mula. 
We call the women, Mula. 


One method of exorcism is to hua shui, or to transform water. The 
priest repeats incantations and with his fingers draws charms above 
the water. Then the water is drunk by the patient. This method may 
be a part of a longer ceremony of exorcism such as that of treading 
the red-hot plowshare. 

Another method is to entice the demon into a jug, cover the jug 
with red paper, tie the paper on the jug with silk thread, and bury the 
jug upside down at the crossroads where many passers-by will walk 
over it. It is said that after the demon is imprisoned in the jug, he 
moves about so that he causes the red paper to move. 

Sometimes the demons are “‘swept” out of the house. A fire is built 
in one corner of the room, and the priest, after repeating incantations, 
takes hot oil into his mouth and spurts it onto the fire, causing the fire 
to blaze up. It is asserted that the fire never sets the house afire, even 
if the house has a straw roof. 

Sometimes a straw image of the mysterious nine-headed bird is 
made, incantations are repeated, a cockerel is killed, and the straw 
image is ceremonially carried out and deposited by the roadside. 

The following explanation of the ceremony of using the straw 
image of a nine-headed bird to exorcise demons was given the writer 
by the Ch’iang priest at Lo-pu-chai: 

If you see two snakes hooked together (copulating), or a bird flies 
over you and his droppings fall on you, or a hen crows, or a hen lays 
a very small egg, or a rat chews your clothes, or you dream that your 
teeth are falling out, or you dream that you are getting wood on the 
mountains, or a crow lights on your house and caws, or a frog or a 
toad gets into your house and croaks, or a female goat gives birth to 
three kids, all these are unlucky. You may become ill, or somebody 
may die, or you may get into a quarrel. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 93 


To exorcise the demon that is troubling you, the priest makes a 
straw image, called an erga, of a nine-headed bird. A rooster is killed 
and skinned, and his skin is used as a garment of the straw image. A 
five-colored (many-colored) paper flag is made and hung up on top of 
the house. The drum is beaten, the sacred books are chanted in the 
Chinese language. During the ceremony small, sharp pieces of bamboo 
are stabbed into the body of the straw image. The image is left with 
the flag on top of the house, on the wall. A fir branch is also stuck up 
on the wall near the straw image and the flag. They are left on the 
houses for at least half a year. If the image falls off, it is left there, 
but if it does not, it is thrown anywhere away from the house. Sec- 
tions I to 5 of the sacred books are chanted during this ceremony. 

Chinese door gods pasted on the front door prevent demons from 
entering a house. Sometimes a wall is built in front of this door, and 
a sacred white stone placed on top of it for the same purpose. A sacred 
white stone on top of a grave keeps demons away. 

Charms are used to protect from demons. A red cross or a red cloth 
image of a monkey is sometimes sewn onto the shoulder of a child’s 
garment as a charm. Small brass mirrors, old cowry shells, and Chi- 
nese coin charms are sewn onto the hats of children or onto their gar- 
ments to protect them from demons. Most priests have stamps or seals 
by which they stamp charms on paper. These charms consist of Chi- 
nese characters formed in strange shapes. The priest at Ho-p’ing- 
chai had four such charms. One used the name and power of Kwan- 
yin, the goddess of mercy, one the god of thunder, one the efficacious 
Taoist god Lin Kuan, and one Li Lao Chiin, the founder of Taoism. 

Incantations are often secret, and sometimes are pronounced under 
the breath. They should not be taught or explained to anybody who 
is not a priest or a geomancer. They should be used only in solemn 
sacred ceremonies, which are often of exorcism. They may be in the 
Ch’iang or in any other language, and the priest and the bystanders 
may or may not understand them. They may have an apparent and 
definite relation in their wording to the exorcism of a particular de- 
mon, or to demons in general, or they may be merely the relating of a 
legend or story. They are believed to be efficacious, some of them very 
much so, in producing desired results, including the exorcism of 
demons. 

The following incantations are given as illustrations. The first two 
are in the Chinese language and are so used by the Ch’iang priests. 
The third is used in the Ch’iang language. The International Phonetic 
Script and the explanations are such as were given the writer by the 
Ch’iang priest. 


94 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


WATE 
Sih Stk Beer heR 
—IR Rae} ree =k BAR kaa 


ipwet = led 
ARELBEA WES 
TRANSLATION 


Snow flowers bloom (it snows), snow flowers grow 
(the snow becomes thicker on the ground). 

The snow baby comes down (it snows). 

One comes down cold like snow, the second comes down 
cold like frost. 

Cold, cold like frost, cold, cold like snow. 

The orders of the most high Lao Chitin are like law. 


Raw, Mah, BA, Aah, Beat 
wh, FAPA wh, eR, TERA WEAERK 
eer, BIL, RAR, KA, 
Peo, MIE, woe FP, AEP, a 
ge PUB, SEA, RieEPR ORR, SEGRE, BS 
Si Ohes, ERR IGHE, 7RAESRR, HAR, RAS, 
Cae Mek, BAR, BH, kam, AS, 

ABBY, OAORERRA, EBRALBE, 
Heese in Baa. FHP AA, 
Heo TH, MAGS, MEZRASREMBE, 
AE) Raga, Daa, FRSCUPReE 
TE, RETR, MORSTH, ae CARMEIRIL, KAR 
ba, BiGkEaw, BRA, ARERR, —a He 
AHEM, ERAGE, BOR, —X—-TE, — 
BoOFH, =K=ETH, OKOFE, SAAT, 
—REREAB, Fees, BRALBE, 
Hy HEE 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 95 


TRANSLATION 


The T’u-ti in the east, the T’u-ti in the south, the T’u-ti in the west, 
the T’u-ti in the north, the T’u-ti of the bridge beams, the T’u-tis at the gate 
of the temple, the T’u-ti of the sky lamp post, the twenty-four T’u-tis beside 
the roads, the demons of the people who have died at night, the demons of the 
people who have died in daytime, the demons of the tree stumps, the demons 
of people who have committed suicide by cutting their throats, the demons of 
people who have drowned in rivers, the demons of those who have died violent 
deaths or have bled to death, the demons of exorcists whose souls are wander- 
ing, the wandering demons of carpenters, the wandering demons of black- 
smiths; Sir, I have bumped against the head of the horse you are riding, and 
against the tail of the horse you are riding (to prevent your departure). I will 
give you money of gold, silver, and brass ( or bronze). I will present you a 
tray of flowers. There is little water, but the money and the rice are plentiful. 
Come from the east and return to the east, come from the south and return to 
the south, come from the west and return to the west, come from the north and 
return to the north. When you come, do not deceive me, this apprentice magi- 
cian, or the others who have come (to look on). I have received the strict 
orders of the Most High Lao Chiin, like a legal command. I the apprentice 
magician, having in my mouth thirty-six teeth, carrying twenty-eight swords 
in my hands, can see three thousand /i distant and eight hundred Ji near. Master 
Nien Wang and the official recorder in hell, the small demons in hell, you see 
that my eyes are large and bright (with fierceness) ; I, the apprentice magician, 
holding in my hands one thousand clubs as white as jade:—first, I will not 
strike the sky, second, I will not strike the earth. I will strike straight at you 
demoniacal spooks and demons, Let the poisonous breath of the sky return to 
the sky, and the poisonous air of the earth return to the earth, also the poisonous 
year air, the poisonous month air, the poisonous day air, and the poisonous hour 
air, and the evil breath of one hundred and twenty fierce gods. Kiang T’ai 
Kung has arrived here. All the gods have assembled here. First, I will escort 
you one thousand li; second, I will escort you two thousand li; third, I will 
escort you three thousand Ji; fourth, I will escort you four thousand li; fifth, 
I will escort you five thousand li. Escorting you once, I will escort you to the 
nets of the sky and of the earth (where you will be caught) so you cannot 
return again. I am acting in accordance with the orders of the Most High Lao 
Chiin, which are like law. 
sa” Ga® ga?” fi-?, xo-7 mi-* 6 ma” 
xo** ga’ ga? fi-?, sd? mi-* 3? ma? 
sa? 5 la-? zo-*, na-? ljo-* zo-* (or 30-*) 
d° mo-* lji:* zo-?, 5° mo-? mi=* le? 

& mo-* dza' dzo-”, & mo-? mi-? le? 

3 mo-? ku-* kwe’, & mo-? bi:? nae? & mo-? 

xa:* o:? 5 mo-*, 5 mo:? ma:* nae? & mo-* 

we* kwa-:* 5 mo-”, & mo-? fi-* pae® & mo-* 

Tu-? lju-* & mo-*, & mo-? tsei’ nae® 6’ mo-” 

sa-* ts’a' & mo-*, d3i-* ji-* zda-* tsei’ & mo-” 

30°? ni-? d3a-? tjei? 6? mo-*; lo-? pi-*? ka:* zdé* mo-? 
xa‘? d3i:? ha-? lja-?, ha-? tsei’ tso-*, 6° mo-? tsei’ tso-", 
xa-? d3i-? ha-? lja-?, ha: tsei* bja-*, 6° mo-? tsei* bja-*, 


96 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


so** d3i-® To-? sa® dzu:? To? so*, &® mo*? To-? za? 
mo** jna** fi:* tso-*, dzu-* sa’ bo:*, mo* ge' zo’, 
sa” & no:*, & mo-? & no-? & fi-:* wei® fi-® 

& mo-*? & no-’, 
mba-? fi-* wei’ fi-*, & mo-? & no-’, dze? wo-*? we’ fi-%, 
&° mo-? & ts’a-*, Twa: tJu-® wei® fi-*, 6? mo-? & tfwi-® 
sa’ 6 jio**, o* 3a°? & plo-7, a:* dze dze” zsgo"" fio-*, 
a-* we” we® zsgo-* no-*, a-* ts’wa-* ts’wa:* zsgo-* no-* 


TRANSLATION (as approved by the Ch’iang priest) 


“T have not forgotten you, Er Mo, nor have you forgotten me, Er Mo. Since 
the demons injure people, for whom shall be wait to help us? Wait for Er Mo, 
the King of Demons. Er Mo has not arrived. It is necessary to wait for Er Mo. 
Er Mo has arrived.” “What is your name, King of demons?” “My name is 
Er Mo.” “What is the name of your wife?” “Her name is We Kwa Er Mo.” 
“What is your oldest son’s name, Er Mo?” “His name is Du Lyu Er Mo.” 
“What is the name of your oldest daughter, Er Mo?” “Her name is Sa Tzu 
Er Mo.” “How many sons and daughters have you, Er Mo? How many fields 
have you, Er Mo? How many fir trees have you, Er Mo?” “My home is very 
large, my implements are many, I have many pigs. They go to the mountains 
to get my wood. With iron hook and rope they drag to the home of Er Mo. 
Women gathering good roll it down, then carry it on their backs to my home.” 

“I will drive the demons away, I will even drive away Er Mo. I'll escort 
Er Mo to the crossroads, to the level resting place I will drive Er Mo. At the 
grindingstone I will press Er Mo down into the mortar. I will shut Er Mo 
in it. I will drive you quickly away. Paper (spirit) money I will give you as 
road money (to pay the expenses of travel). Do not injure this family. Injure 
nobody in this region. Injure nobody in this fortified village.” 48 


10. THE TRADITION OF HEBREW ORIGIN 


Before the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1911, there 
was no tradition of a Hebrew origin of the Ch’iang people. It was 
approximately 1915 when Rev. Thomas Torrance began to work 
among the Ch’iang. He sincerely loved them and tried to help them by 
teaching them the Christian religion, by opening schools (which he 
was prevented from doing), and by giving them good bulls and cock- 
erels with which to improve their stock. The Ch’iang also loved and 
respected Mr. Torrance. They told him that they were monotheists, 


48 This incantation is repeated in the Ch’iang language, after which another 
incantation is repeated in Chinese. It is used to exorcise the Hsueh Kuang Kuei, 
a demon of a person who is beaten to death, or fell off a cliff and was killed, 
or was stabbed or shot to death so that there was much bleeding. The demon 
is escorted to the crossroads, where a bo chi or bamboo sifter or winnower 
and spirit money are burned and water is poured out onto the ground. Er Mo is 
the king of demons, who is also a deity. Here he seems to be identified with 
the Hsueh Kuang Kuei. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 97 


and he believed them. This deception was comparatively easy because 
the Ch’iang do not make images of their gods. 

Mr. Torrance thought that he saw physical resemblances between the 
Ch’iang and the Hebrews, and also that he found numerous parallels 
in their social and religious customs. Both Mr. Torrance and Mr. Kou 
P’in-shan, his leading convert and probably his best friend among the 
Ch’iang, became convinced that the Ch’iang of western Szechwan are 
of Jewish descent. Mr. Kou wrote and published a pamphlet in which 
he stated this belief. Mr. Torrance stated in every one of his writings 
about the Ch’iang *° that they are monotheists and finally in his book, 
“China’s First Missionaries,” he asserted that the Ch’iang are descend- 
ants of the ancient Israelites. They found some real parallels such as 
the flat-roofed house and the marriage of a widow to her deceased 
husband’s brother, but some of their parallels are far-fetched. 

For instance, Mr. Torrance mentions the sacrifice of a lamb among 
the Ch’iang.°° The Ch’iang never sacrifice a lamb, but always a full- 
grown goat. Among the ancient Hebrews the lamb was often sacrificed 
as a sin offering, a propitiation for sins. Among the Ch’iang the 
goat is sacrificed or offered in payment of vows or promises made 
when praying to the gods for favors. Mr. Torrance mentions the 
sacred cane of the Ch’iang as evidence that the Ch’iang are Israelies.°* 
It is more likely that the Ch’iang have borrowed the sacred cane from 
the Taoists, who are very strong in the vincinity of Kwanhsien and 
in the Ch’iang region, for both the Taoist and the Ch’iang priests use 
the sacred cane for the same purpose, the exorcism of demons. Inci- 
dentally, the cane shown opposite page 98 in “China’s First Mission- 
aries” is not a Ch’iang sacred cane at all, but a Mount Omei pilgrim’s 
walking stick, made on Mount Omei and used by Chinese and other 
pilgrims to Mount Omei, but not used at all among the Ch’iang. Mr. 
Kou P’in-shan mentioned the fact that the Chinese history of Li-fan 
calls the Ch’iang in that region Pai (pronounced bei) Lan Ch’iang 


49 Rey. Thomas Torrance was a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. 
His mastery of the Chinese written and spoken language was excellent. He was 
recognized by his fellow missionaries as an authority on some phases of Chinese 
art and archeology, including pottery, porcelain, and bronzes. He sent a 
number of valuable objects to the British Museum and collected a goodly 
number for the West China Union University Museum. He was the first 
Westerner to discover and to prove that the so-called Mantzu caves of Szechwan 
are not, as everybody had believed, ancient dwellings of pre-Chinese aborigines, 
but Chinese Han dynasty cave-tombs. 

50 Torrance, Thomas, China’s first missionaries, pp. 35, 87. London, 1937. 

51 Thid., pp. 96-102. 


98 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and insists that this is a transliteration of the word Abram.*? The 
Chinese word for Abraham is pronounced in Szechwan Ya Bei (or 
Beh) La Han ( #5 {4 7y22 ), and shortened to Ya Bei (or Beh) Lun, 
but never to Bei (or Beh) Lun. The Chinese word for Orchid 
Ch’iang, the term in question, in Szechwan is pronounced bei lan 
i igj. In an article published in The Southwestern Frontier pq 7 
758 in 1944, Mr. Ting Su discusses this name and shows that there 
is an Orchid Mountain north of the Ch’iang region, and that the 
Ch’iang living near that mountain were given the name Orchid 
Ch’iang.** Mr. Torrance mentions a Ch’iang cry of distress, “ya-wei,” 
believing that it means Yaweh or Jehovah. ‘“Ai-yah” and “ai-o-wei” 
are cries of distress widely used in Szechwan and the China-Tibetan 
border, which in this case is shortened to “ya-wei.”°* Aba or Abba 
for “father” is used by the Ch’iang, but it is also used by the Chinese 
in the Ch’iang region, by the Wa-sstt just south of the Chiang, by 
the Chia-jung just west of the Ch’iang, by the Chinese in northern 
Szechwan and in parts of Yunnan, and in several other provinces of 
China. The flat-roofed house and the high stone watch tower are 
widespread among the peoples of the China-Tibetan border. The 
sacred grove, similar even in the fact that the oak is one of the most 
common sacred trees, has existed in past ages in regions as far apart 
as Germany and eastern Asia. 

The writer reiterates that in all his contacts with the Ch’iang, not 
one of them ever told him that they are monotheists. Many of them 
willingly gave him lists of the gods they worship and explained their 
functions. Some of the Ch’iang, however, through the influence of 
Mr. Torrance and of Kou P’in-shan, became convinced that the 
Ch’iang are descendants of the ancient Israelites. The following is the 
writer’s translation of Mr. Kou’s tract in which he expresses his belief 
that the Ch’iang are descendants of the Hebrews. 


An Open LETTER TO THE TA CH’IANG PEOPLE CONCERNING 
THE ORIGIN AND ENp or PayInG Vows 


By Kou P’in-shan, of Mu-shang-chai 


Ch’iang brothers and friends of every place and fortified village, we live in 
between the borders of the Chinese and the Tibetans, adjacent to the Rung on 
the west, and bordering on the Chinese territory on the east. If we wish to 


52 Tbid., p. 46. 

53 Ting Su, The Orchid Ch’iang and the Orchid Mountain, in The South- 
western Frontier, published by the Chengtu Southwest Border Research Society, 
pp. 6-7, 1942. 

T Si A bal 96 82 Ga Bel DU i 2 es 5 1 oy. 


54 Torrance, Thomas, ibid., p. 122. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 99 


communicate with the Jung, the language is different. We cannot read the 
Tibetan literature, and we do not believe in the religion of the Lamas. Although 
we have intercourse with the Chinese, there are inconveniences. There are two 
reasons. First, our religious customs are different. We have to offer sacrifices 
and pay our vows in forests. Second, our place is very cold and our products 
not abundant. We wear linen (hemp) clothing. Few of our children can read. 
Therefore they do not understand the good points of the Ch’iang, and we live 
generation after generation in our locality. We converse with and help each 
other, do our duties, and let it go at that. There is no place where the source 
of our sacrifices can be investigated. We only know that they have been 
inherited from our ancestors. Now, Mr. Torrance of the American Bible 
Society has toured Wen-ch’uan, Li-fan, and Mao-chou, and found out that 
the sacrifices of every fortified village correspond to those of the Book of 
Exodus in the Bible, and he sent especially the preacher Ch’en Pin-Ling of the 
Bible Society to sell books in every village, and to preach and exhort people. 

I got a copy of Genesis, Exodus, and the Four Gospels, and studied them, 
then understood that our sacrifices which worship the God of Heaven have 
the same roots as those methods of sacrifice of ancient Israel. Israel had a 
sacrificial altar on which to sacrifice lambs which must be without blemish. 
While killing the lamb, they scattered the blood with straw for remission of 
sins and the paying of vows, and to pray to the God of Heaven, and they pre- 
pared unleavened bread and mutton, which they all divided and ate, which cor- 
responds to our custom of paying vows. Generation after generation the 
Israelites had this ceremony. Then Jesus Christ came to earth to be the Lamb 
of God, and to bear the sins for the people of all nations. This was because the 
blood of the sheep could not remove sins, and it was necessary for Jesus Christ 
to do the work of redemption on the cross before people could be truly saved. 
He died for sinners and after three days became alive again, to cause all who 
believe in Him to be free from sin and to be saved. According to this, the 
sacrifices of our Ch’iang ancestors were really excellent, but could not com- 
pletely save people. Alas, at that time they had not heard about the coming of 
Jesus Christ, fulfilling the ancient ceremonies. Jesus’ way of redemption is 
certainly dependable. Because he was human, he could do the work of redemp- 
tion for men. Because he was divine, he could bear the sins of all men, and 
become the Savior of the people of all nations. 

From ancient times we have regarded white as righteous, black as evil. We 
set up a white stone to symbolize the holiness and purity of the God of Heaven. 
We took a sheet of white paper and before it stuck a white flag to indicate our 
good purpose of worshiping God. If we study the Christian Bible, we know 
that God is most holy and pure, and exceedingly just, and most kind and 
righteous. If we wish to worship Him, we must deeply repent of our former 
sins, and depending on His redeeming merit, sincerely pray before we can be 
well-pleasing to Him. In ancient times our ancestors observed the custom of 
sacrificing and killing sheep. Now on the flats by the rivers many have for- 
gotten and have deserted the old religion of our ancestors, and worship idols 
of clay and wood. Those images of dead people certainly cannot save people. 
The only real god is the Father of Heaven, who is the Ma-bei-ch’i that we 
worship. The coming to earth of Jesus Christ fulfilled our ancient ceremonies of 
sacrifice. We must trust Him for salvation. 

This life is the living forever of the soul, which enjoys this happiness of 
heaven. Therefore the Bible says, “The wages of sin is death, but the gift of 


I00 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


God through our Lord Jesus Christ is everlasting life.’ All who are led by 
God’s Holy Spirit are children of God. The Gospel (Christian) church, when 
it worships God, often calls God Heavenly Father, and calls heaven the kingdom 
of God. As a human father loves his sons and daughters, the Heavenly 
Father even more loves us as His sons and daughters, and prepares the paradise 
of His kingdom to reward our sufferings on earth. My Ch’iang friends, please 
think carefully. We understand that the fact that Jesus fulfilled our ancient 
sacrificial ceremonies is a matter of great joy. I urge you all to quickly study 
the Bible and understand clearly the doctrine. We live in a bitterly cold land 
and wear hemp clothing, regard white as superior and do not dye them; in all 
these ways the former generations imitated the kingdom of heaven and re- 
garded white as pure. From this you can see that we are their descendants and 
ought to follow the high and pure teaching, sincerely repenting, trusting in the 
saving grace of Christ, and with pure white hearts worshiping God, forever 
becoming His sons and enjoying happiness. Let those who wish to understand 
this doctrine please talk about it with Mr. Ch’en Pin-ling and me. 


The following are important facts: 

1. The Ch’iang are not monotheists. They worship 5 great gods, 
12 lesser gods, many local gods, and even some trees and rocks as liv- 
ing deities. Moreover, they regard the Chinese gods as real gods, and 
gladly worship any that they consider to be important and advantage- 
ous for them. 

2. While there are parallels in their cultural traits to those of the 
Hebrews, there is none that cannot be very satisfactorily explained 
without reference to Jewish customs. 

3. The Ch’iang have no taboo against the eating of pork. 

4. There is no evidence of Hebrew origin in the Ch’iang tradition. 
Mr. Kou P’in-shan and others have told the writer that Gula is the 
Ch’iang people, and Chila the Chinese. Many have said that the 
Ch’iang have probably come from eastern China. 

5. The Chinese are a very historically-minded people. They fave 
written hundreds if not thousands of histories and gazetteers, and sev- 
eral of these historians are among the greatest the world has known. 
It would be practically impossible for a large group of Israelites to 
migrate into China without this being noted in Chinese histories. There 
is no such reference in Chinese histories, but many that indicate that 
the Ch’iang migrated westward from their early home in northeast 
China. 

6. There is not one physical characteristic of the Ch’iang that would 
convince a physical anthropologist that they are of Jewish descent. 
They are a dark-eyed, dark-haired, and dark-skinned race, with hair 
that is generally straight or with long waves. 

7. The evidence of history, language, customs, and physical char- 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM IOI 


acteristics indicates that these people are members of the Burma-Ti- 
betan branch of the yellow race. 

The writer had intimate contacts with the Ch’iang, including Mr. 
Kou P’in-shan, and with Mr. Torrance in the summer of 1933. At 
that time none of the Ch’iang had any idea that they were descendants 
of the ancient Hebrews and had migrated from the west. Indeed, 
Mr. Kou suggested to the writer that the war with the Chinese proba- 
bly occurred in the northeast of China. Mr. Torrance then believed 
that the Ch’iang were monotheists and had begun to suspect that they 
had migrated from the west. Later Mr. Torrance came to believe 
that the Ch’iang are descendants of the ancient Israelites and con- 
vinced his Ch’iang friends and followers. Thus the tradition was born 
and developed. A Ch’iang Christian at T’ao-tzti-p’ing told the writer 
that the Ch’iang purposely deceived Mr. Torrance into the belief that 
the Ch’iang were monotheists because of Mr. Torrance’s very strong 
disapproval of polytheism and idolatry. 


VI. CONCLUSION 


This book is the result of several years of first-hand contact with 
and study of the Ch’iang people, and of research in Chinese histories 
and the writings of Chinese and Oriental scholars. 

The task of studying and interpreting as accurately as possible the 
lives and customs of these people is not an easy one. The natural 
reticence of the people, their willingness to give illusive and inaccurate 
answers that they believe will satisfy the inquirer, and the great varia- 
tion in different localities in language and customs, make the work 
a very difficult one. The researcher cannot always tell when he is being 
deceived, and he needs to be extremely careful, checking and recheck- 
ing the information he is given.*® 


55 In the summer of 1942 the writer spent a few days in P’u-ch’i-chai. The 
night before, he stayed in the home of a farmer near P’u-ch’i-kou, a few miles 
away. The farmer was very friendly and gave much valuable and interesting 
information. At P’u-ch’i-chai the writer mentioned the information the farmer 
had given. “Who gave you such accurate information?” they asked in astonish- 
ment. The writer gave the farmer’s name. On the way back to Li-fan, the 
writer again stayed overnight in the home of the farmer. Apparently our host 
had been rebuked for giving us so much accurate information, for he was much 
less friendly and refused to tell us anything more. 

The same summer the writer stayed a few days in Lung-ch’i-chai. The aged 
priest repeated some of his sacred chants, which the writer wrote down in the 
International Phonetic Script, with such explanations as the priest chose to 
give. By-and-by the priest came to the phrase, “ha nu ch’i.” Ha nu means 12, 
and ch’i means god or gods. The phrase refers to the 12 lesser gods. With a 
cunning look in his eyes, the priest said that it meant the 12 tribes of Israel. 


102 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The Ch’iang are being gradually absorbed by the Chinese. There 
is cultural absorption by social and commercial contacts, and there is 
intermarriage. In recent years Chinese schools have been established 
by the Chinese Government in the Ch’iang villages. In these schools 
the Chinese language and culture are taught. A normal school has 
been established in Wei-chou, to which both Chinese and Ch’iang 
students are admitted. 

There are families of Ch’iang descent that no longer call themselves 
Ch’iang. There are localities where the people are Ch’iang but speak 
the Chinese language and have adopted Chinese dress and customs. At 
P’u-wa the headman is a Ch’iang who has married a Chinese wife, 
and in 1942 only two or three of the oldest people could speak the 
Ch’iang language. 

The Ch’iang are not monotheists, but worship many Ch’iang gods 
and many Chinese gods. The Ch’iang gods have no images, with the 
exception of Abba Mula, the patron deity of the priest, and the King 
of Demons, whose head is carved on some of the sacred canes. There 
are 5 great gods, among which the supreme god is generally Mu-bya- 
sei, the sky god. He seems to closely resemble T’ien X, or Heaven, 
the supreme god of the Chou people with whom the Ch’iang united 
in 1121 B. C, to overthrow the Shang dynasty. There are 12 lesser 
deities, many local and special gods, and some trees and stones are 
actually worshiped as gods. Chinese gods with or without images are 
regarded and worshiped as real and living deities. Mu-bya-sei is iden- 
tified by many with the Taoist Jade Emperor, and in recent years he 
has been identified with the god of the Jews and Christians. 

Sacrifices are gifts or offerings to the gods to secure their favors, 
in payment of vows or fulfilment of promises. In the spring there is 
a ceremony in which the gods are asked for good crops, rain, and a 
prosperous year, and promised that in return there will be gifts or 
offerings later in the year, generally in the fall. These offerings are 
on the housetops or in the sacred groves. Worship on the housetops 
is a family affair, but that in the sacred grove is participated in by the 
whole community, there being one or more representatives from every 
family. Only men can participate in or witness the ceremonies on the 
housetops or in the sacred groves, for women are believed to be im- 
pure and unworthy. In the homes the ceremonies may be conducted 
by members of the family, but on important occasions the priest is 
called in to officiate. The ceremonies in the sacred groves are always 
conducted by the priest, assisted by laymen who are called masters of 
ceremonies. The priest has the sacred implements and knows the 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 103 


sacred chants, the incantations, and the methods of performing the 
ceremonies. 

In the sacred groves one of the most common sacred trees is the 
oak, but there are other kinds also. The sacred white stone is con- 
sidered to be holy, and a likely and appropriate object or place near 
which one can worship his gods and enjoy actual communion with 
them. These white stones generally cap the shrines in the sacred 
groves, in the Ch’iang temples, and on the housetops. They are also 
placed on the tops of graves and on walls built before the main doors 
of houses to keep away demons. 

Formerly cremation was the only way to dispose of the dead. In- 
creasingly this method is being reserved for those who have died vio- 
lent or unusual deaths and might become demons ; people who die nor- 
mal deaths are buried in graves. 

There is no written language. The “sacred books” include a kind 
of book consisting entirely of pictures and used only in divination, and 
religious chants that are memorized by priests and taught by one priest 
to another. The priesthood seems to be gradually dying out. 

There are many ceremonies to exorcise demons, who are believed 
to be the cause of sickness, death, and many other calamities. These 
ceremonies include “sweeping the house,” treading a red-hot plow- 
share, transforming water, and shutting a demon in a jug which is 
buried upside down at the crossroads. These ceremonies are per- 
formed by the priests. 

The priest is highly respected. He, his ceremonies, his sacred imple- 
ments, and the gods are believed to possess a mysterious potency so 
that he can perform wonders for the benefit of the people. There are 
also taboos, for this strange power is dangerous if it is wrongly used. 

The Ch’iang are a comparatively primitive people, and in their re- 
ligious ceremonies they seek food, rain, good crops, long life, numer- 
ous descendants, increase of domestic animals, protection, social pres- 
tige or honor, and a successful and satisfying life. There is evidence 
that many of them regard the sacred books as living beings and be- 
lieve that the ceremonial hat is able to see and to hear. Even trees and 
stones are worshiped as deities. To understand and interpret these 
people as correctly as possible, the student should learn as much as 
he can about the cultures and history of the Chinese, the Tibetans, and 
other ethnic groups in central Asia. He should also have a knowledge 
of primitive religion and of primitive peoples. He should study what 
others have written about the Ch’iang and should have an intimate and 
first-hand knowledge of the Ch’iang people. 

There is no evidence that the Ch’iang are descendants of the He- 


Shang Shu, Mu Shih P’ien 


# ke # 


104 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


brews. All the evidence is to the contrary. Their language, customs, 
and physical characteristics indicate that they belong to the Burma- 
Tibetan branch of the yellow race. According to Chinese history, they 
came centuries ago from northeast China and were pushed westward 
by the Chinese. Some of them went into Kansu and possibly farther 
west, and others turned southward into Szechwan. Formerly they ex- 
tended beyond Sungpan into Kansu in the north and into the Ya-chou 
Prefecture and near Ytieh-sui in the south, but now they extend only 
from Tieh-ch’i on the north to So-ch’iao on the south, and from a few 
miles east of Wen-ch’uan, Wei-chou, and Mao-chou on the east to 
the village and creek called P’u-ch’i-kou and about 20 ii up T’o or 
Tsa-ku-nao River from Li-fan, on the west. 

As to the future of the Ch’iang of western Szechwan, one can only 
conjecture. Will they be completely absorbed by the Chinese, or will 
a goodly number of them cling to their old customs, traditions, and 
religion? Only time can tell. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


HISTORIES, GAZETTEERS, AND BOOKS IN CHINESE 


| 
t 


The book of historical docu-) 
ments, translated by James 


Legge. Chinese Classics, vol.' 


3, London, 1865. 


Shih Chi Ssit-ma Ch’ien | 
mc a] 1 5@ | 

Chien Han Shu Pan Ku History of the former Han Dy-| 
By Ye Be BE TA nasty, chiian 95, 90. | 

Hou Han Shu Fan Yeh History of the later Han Dy-. 
se fi = Fi We nasty, chiian 116, 117. 

Shui Ching Chu The classic of rivers. | 
IK £ YE 

Chin Shu Fang Ch’iao History of the Chin Dynasty, 
ze oar EE (ies chiian 112, 114. 

Wei Shu Wei Shou History of the Wei Dynasty, 
fi, ar BW chiian, 110. 

Pei Shih Li Yen-shou History of the northern dynas- 

dk as HE = ties, chiian 96. 


The Old T’ang Shu 


Ge = 


Hsin T’ang Shu 


ot ee 


Ou-yang Hsiu 


Bk Bs te 


Old history of the T’ang Dy- 
nasty. 


New history of the T’ang Dy- 
nasty, chiian 221. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH ’IANG—GRAHAM 105 
Sung Shih T’o T’o History of the Sung Dynasty, 
| Ru A At chiian 485, 491. 
Ming Shih Chang T’ing-yii History of the Ming Dynasty, 
ARO AR ORE OE chiian 330. 
!T’ai Ping Yi Lan Li Fang A.D. 997. chiian 780 to Sot. 
KD fl 2 
Ch’iin Shu K’ao So Chang Chiin-ch’ing 1508. Chiian 22. 
2 £ BR = fe 
Ch'in Shu Chi Shih Yiian Hai Anonymous 1513. Chiian 47. 
2 FH Ui ie 
| T’ang Lei Han Yi An-ch’i 1603. Chiian 116 to 120. 
Be 4 ae 4 
Ch’ien Ch’iieh Lei Shu Ch’en Jen-hsi 1620. Chiian 12, 14. 
2 We Sa 2 
Ku Chin T’u Shu Chi Ch’eng By Imperial order 1725. Vol. 50 to 52. 
; 
ms + fl ae ee eK 
Wan Pao Ch’iian Shu Ch’en Chi-ju 1738. Chiian 4. 
i Ge BR ASS fits 
Encyclopedia (Dictionary) The Commercial Press 
Bt Ui My 7% ENS PE 
K’ang Hsi Tsti Tien The K’ang Hsi dictionary. 
ke FR se uh 
Chung Hua Min Kuo Pai Mei-ch’u The geography of the Republic 
= ee es of China, vol. 4, 1926. 
Ch’iian Chih 
Hae IR a ab 
Chung Kuo Min Tsu Shih Wang T’ung-ling History of the Chinese race, 
+ WRK # Al ae 1932. 
Chung Kuo Min Tsu Shih Lit Sst-mien History of the Chinese race, 
eR RK e Be BB th 1934. 
Chung Kuo Min Tsu Shih Sung Wen-ping History of the Chinese race, 
+e R RK & y, a ae 1935. 
Szechwan Ku Tai Cheng Te-k’un A cultural history of ancient 
af fe hip Szechwan, 1946. 
Wen Hua Shih 
DO Ji aR BC Hee 
Mao Pien Chi Shih Chu Huan An account of events at the 
i ki Hi K th Mao-chou border, 1536. 
Wen Chih Chi Liieh 
Ww wm # mM 


P’ing-shan Hsien Chih 
Bw Mm & 


Chang Tseng-min 


ie it Be ee 


P’ing-shan gazetteer, 1778. 


106 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


Ma-pien T’ing Chih Lueh 
a a ae 
Wu Chieh Pei Chih 
va ge 
Ya-chou Fu Chih 
RE IN WF GR 
Chih Li Sung P’an 
T’ing Chih 
WAR WB we 
Szechwan T’ung Chih 
U2) ee os 
Hua Yang Kuo Chik 
Sui-ching T’un Chih 
ee op Hi OR 
Mao-chou Chih Li Chou Chih 
mW RM 
Ch’ien-hsi Chou Chih 
Pa IN 
Chih Li Li-fan T’ing Chih 
i SR ERAGE pee 
Sung-p’an Chih Liieh 
awe ER we 
Shu Tien 
jh 
Hsi-tsang T’u K’ao 
Pa Ha BG 
Chieh-chou Chih Li Chou Chih 
he ON BRON 
Lei-po T’ing Chih 
rh OB fe ae 
Wei-tsang T’ung Chih 
Ytieh-sui T’ing Ch’iian Chih 
me HW 2 
P’ing-shan Hsien Hsii Chih 
Bw R @ & 
Yiieh-sui T’ing Chih 
iw We 
Kao-t’ai Hsien Chih 


T’an Shih-hao 
mo: 
Wu P’eng-ao 
ce WS 
Ts’ao Lun-pin 
Wo in 
Wen Ch’eng-kung 
im KK #€ 


Ch’ang Ming 
i | 


Li Han-ytian 
= I 90 
Yang Chia-i 
Lu Shou-sung 
Se 
Wu Keng-mei 
Fe BE OH 
Yiian Ch’ing 
i OBS 
Chang Shu 
ike ey 
Huang P’ei-ch’iao 
[a 
Yeh En-p’ei 
Ch'in Yun-lung 
mm fe 
Ho Lin 
Ril UK 
Ma Chung-liang 
BR wm & 
Chang Chiu-chang 
me Ate ee 
Sun Ch’iang 
te OU 
Hsii_ Chia-jui 
TE OR Ft 


VOL. 135 


Ma-pien T’ing gazetteer, 1805 
Wuc-chieh gazetteer, 1808. 


Ya-chou gazetteer, 1811. 


Sung-p’an T’ing gazetteer, 1812, 
| 
| 
{ 

Szechwan gazetteer, 1816. : 

History of Hua Yang Kingdom: 
f 
t 

Sui-ching gazetteer, 1825. 

Mao-chou gazetteer, 1830. 

Ch’ien-hsi gazetteer, 1835. 

Li-fan T’ing gazetteer, 1866. 

A brief account of Sung-p’an, 


1873. 
A study on Szechwan, 1876. 


Chieh-chou gazetteer, 1886. 


Lei-po T’ing gazetteer, 1893. 


Gazetteer of Tibet, 1896. 


Jueh-sui T’ing gazetteer, 1897. 


P’ing-shan gazetteer, 1808. 


Yuieh-sui gazetteer, 19006. 


Kao-t’ai gazetteer, 1921. 


No. I 


——————— 


“Nan-ch’uan Hsien Chih 

ie s R om 

Chung Kuo Pien Chiang 

ob Be 

Ch’uan Hsi Tiao Ch’a Chi 

oS) e WM # ae 

‘Ch’iang Jung K’ao Ch’a Chi 
:, 2 Se FF 

Tung Tien 

i Sih. 

‘Hsi-ts’ang T’ung-lan 


He WH 


Ch’uan Hsi Ch’iang Yii Chih 
Ch’u Pu Fen Hsi 


MW VG 5 a ZO) A St Ht 


Ch’iang Tsu Chih Hsin Yang 
Yi Hsi Wei 

Ke hk -Z 1a HN A BS 

Pai-lan Ch’iang Yu Pai-lan 
Shan 

B bd 36 52 8 Bel 

Yin Tai Ti Ch’iang Yu Shu 

BE TK 89 5G BA Ay 


Li-fan Hsien San Shih I Nien 
Han Chai Pao Kao Shu 


BR ar = 4 SRR 


Min Ch’uan Lo-pu-chai Ch’iang 
Yu Yin Hsi 


1K Ji) HE BK SE IE ae HR 


Lo-pu-chai Ch’iang Min Ti Tuan 


Kung 


He AR FE SE IR AY is ZS 


Sung Li Mao Min Ti Chieh Shao 


Hk BB BE oc HS SP A 


Min Ch’uan Wa-sst Tsu Ch’iang 


Yu Yin Hsi 
OC MN oH MLSE BB HK 


Liu Lang-sheng 


i) tt 
Hua Ch’i-yiin 
se = 
Ministry of Education 


Chuang Hsitieh-pen 


a 


ARTICLES IN CHINESE 


by Wen Yu 
El AG 
by Hu Chien-min 
HOE OR 
by Ting Su 


T Si 


by Tung Tso-pin 


m {FO A 


by Wen Yu 
bl A 


by Chang Tsung-nan 
seh Wags 

by Liu En-lan 
2) Bh Bl 


by Wen Yu 
bl AG 


CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’IANG—GRAHAM 107 


Nan-ch’uan gazetteer, 1929. 
China’s frontier, 1934. 


A report on an investigation in 
western Szechwan, 1943. 


Researches among the Ch’iang 
and Jung, 1937. 


Ch. 189, p. 1013. 


History of Tibet. 


A tentative classification of the 
Ch’iang languages in western 
Szechwan. Bull. Chinese Stud., 
vol. 2, 1941. ‘ 


Beliefs and practices of the 
Ch’iang tribesmen. Frontier 
Stud., 1941. 


The Pai-lan Chiang and the 
_ Pai-lan Mountain. Southwest- 
ern Frontier, No. 14, 1942. 


The Ch’iang and Shu in the Yin 
Dynasty. Shuowen Monthly, 
vol. 3, No. 7, 1942. 


A report on the drought famine 
in Li-fan, 1942. Published by 
the Hsien Government of Li- 
fan. 


Phonology of the Ch’iang lan- 
guage, group II, Lo-pu-chai 
dialect. Bull. Chinese Stud., 
vol. 3, 1943. 

The Tuan Kung of the Ch’iang 
tribesmen at Lo-pu-chai. Fron- 
tier Serv., vol. 1, No. 2, 1943. 


An introduction to Sung, Li, 
Mao, and Min. Frontier Serv., 
vol. 1, No. 2, 1943. 

Phonology of the Ch’iang lan- 
guage. Bull. Chinese Stud., 
vol. 1, 1943. 


| 
108 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 1 


Chiang Min Ti Ching Chi Huo by Hu Chien-min The patterns of economic activi) 

Tung Hsing Hsi HW) # ties of the Ch’iang people 
P We we = Racial Stud., No. 4, - 
Fe IS BY aE gt Te Wh I sX acial Stud., No: 4, 1044 
Li-fan Hou-erh-k’u Ch’iang by Wen Yu Phonology of the Ch’iang lan. 
Yu Yin Hsi BH guage. Bull. Chinese Stud. 
8 2 hh 9G a HK vol. 4, 1945. | 
Ta Chiang Jen T’ung Hsin Lun by Kou P’in-san The origin of the sacrifices of 
Huan Yiian Pen Mo a) ye = the Chiang, a tract printed 
HAs BRAK by the Canadian Mie 


Press, Chengtu. 


BOOKS AND ARTICLES IN WESTERN LANGUAGES 


t 
ABADIE, MAuvRICE J. J. 
1924. The races of Tonkin. Paris. 
ArnscouGH, THomas M. 
1915. Notes from a frontier, a study of conditions in the tribal regions on 
the Tibetan border. Shanghai. | 
Baser, E. CoLBorne. | 
1882. A journey of exploration in western Szechuan, in “Travels and re- 
searches in western China.” 
BisHop, Mrs. ISABELLA L. 
1897. A journey in western Szechuan. 
Boparp, A. 
1921. Voyage a Songp’an et au Thibet, in “Asie Francaise.” 
CHENG TE-K’UN. 
1945a. The southwestern barbarians. Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., 
vol. 16. | 
1945b. An introduction to the southwestern peoples of China. Journ. West | 
China Border Res. Soc., vol. 16. 
CREEL, HERLEE GLASSNER. 
1937. The birth of China. New York. 
Epear, J. H. | 
1935. The Nine Yi, Pa Ti, Seven Yong and Six Man. Journ. West. China f 
Border Res. Soc., vol. 7. 
GraHAM, D. C. 
1924. A collecting trip to Songpan. Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., 
vol. 2. 
1934. A summer collecting trip among the Ch’iang. Journ. West China | 
Border Res. Soc., vol. 6. | 
1942. The customs of the Ch’iang. Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., | 
vol. 14. 
1945a. Incantations and the exorcism of demons among the Ch’iang. Journ. 
West China Border Res. Soc., vol. 16. | 
1945b. The “Sacred Book’ or religious chants of the Ch’iang. Journ. West | 
China Border Res. Soc., vol. 16. | 
HE peg, G. G. 
1922. Map of part of Tribes Country. Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., 
vol. 1. 


NO. I CUSTOMS AND RELIGION OF THE CH’ IANG—GRAHAM 109 


HoworrH, H. H. 
1879. History of the southwest barbarians. Journ. Anthrop. Inst., vol. 9. 
IvaAnorsky, A. O. 
1887. History of wild tribes, southwest China (in Russian). Tokyo. 
ir Cur. 
1928. The formation of the Chinese people, An anthropological enquiry. 
Cambridge. 
Liu CH’A0-YANG. 
1946. On the conquering of the Ch’iang Fang. Studia Serica, vol. 5. 
Mission D’OLLone. 
(n.d.) Texts historiques concernant les peuples non chinois de la chine, in 
“Documents scientifiques de la mission d’ollone.” 
Morse, WILLIAM R., and You, ANTHONY. 
(?) Measurements and observations on certain aboriginal tribes of 
Szech’uan Province, Chinese Med. Journ., vol. 48, pp. 1207-1231. 
NICHOLL. 
1880. The aboringinal tribes of western China. Proc. Roy. Geogr. Soc., 
vol. 2. 
THOMPSON, STITH. 
1946. The folktale. Amer. Journ. Folklore. 
ToRRANCE, THOMAS. 
1920. The history, customs, and religion of the Ch’iang: an aboriginal peo- 
ple of western China. Shanghai. 
1934. Free translation of a stone tablet at Lifan, forbidding Ch’iang men 
from marrying their deceased brothers’ wives. Journ. West China 
Border Res. Soc., vol. 6. 
1934. The basic spiritual conceptions of the religion of the Ch’iang. Journ. 
West China Border Res. Soc., vol. 6. 
1937. China’s first missionaires. London. 
WEN Yu. 
1942. On the languages of Li Fan. Journ. West China Border Res. Soc., 
vol. 14, ser. A. 
1947. On the origin of certain emphatic consonants in the Ch’iang dialects. 
Studia Serica, vol. 6. 
YEN YIN. 
1946. The anthropometry of the Ch’iang. Studia Serica, vol. 5. 


ci, 
14. 


15, 
17. 
18. 


SOD ON AM 


EXPLANATION OF PLATE 3 


A small wooden jug or vial. It is apparently an imitation in wood of the 
bronze vial shown in figure 3. 


. Bronze bell. Length 47 mm., width 45 mm., thickness 27 mm. 


Small bronze vial or jug. Smooth and bright except where patinated. 
Length 53 mm., maximum diameter of body 28 mm. 


. Bronze ornament with holes through sides for sewing onto shields or armor. 


They vary in size. Length of this one 74 mm., maximum width 34 mm. 


. Bronze pendant. Length 61 mm., width 33 mm. 
. Bronze handle of sword or dagger, about one-fifth natural size. 


Hollow circular bronze pendant. 
Hollow rectangular bronze pendant. 


. Brass cooking vessel. Height 138 mm., maximum diameter 160 mm. 
. Two-handled earthenware jug with ornamental circles on the sides and two 


rows of vertical lines around the neck. They are made of gray clay and 
sometimes polished black. We know of no specimens of this kind found 
in ancient tombs anywhere else in the world, although some slightly 
resembling them have been found with neolithic painted pottery in Kansu. 
They vary greatly in size. There is a simpler kind without the ornamental 
circles on the sides. 

12, 13, Ornamental bronze bars with two, three, and four bulbs. 

A pan liang or half-tael coin. About nine-tenths of the coins in the slate- 
slab tombs are Chinese pan liang, the remainder being wu chu. This 
is one evidence that the tombs were made near the end of the Chou or 
during the early Han dynasty. 

16. Disklike bronze buttons or ornaments. 

Small bronze button or ornament. 

A bronze ring ornamented with birds. Diameter of the ring 41 mm. 


Aside from the two-handled jug shown in figure 10, the pottery of the 
slate tombs corresponds to that found in Chinese Han dynasty tombs. The slate- 
tomb culture is dated by archeologists between 500 and 100 B.C. 

Illustrations and information are reprinted from an article by the writer in the 
Journal of the West China Border Research Society, vol. XV, Ser. A. 


IIO 


Pie vis 


A. hee or Ne Lay Stes | 4 
Cites + ue 
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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


a a FA 


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D- Kehoe & aadatic SLE TLS EV ATRL Potty 

J + ede todve > tee e Cap Rt Agee eee 

G. 2hierd erg ne RGAE XK XS Eaxre 

be CLOREKAT SE LEARS Fo RHEL HEH 
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Sette fe ER ANE He Ay Rae ok Shee | gt ee 
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+ Sal a ede ae ie 


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Gov- 


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ssued to the writer by Generalissimo Chiang 


Picture of a passport 1 


Upper, 
K’ai-shek in the summer of 1941 for research among the Chiang. 


Lower, 


5 


OEM C2 


Pandas are found in the Ch’iang region. 


ernors of four Chinese provinces looking at a white panda. 


ond from the right. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL: 135, NOS a, Pie 


Upper, A slate-slab tomb on the side of a terrace in the Ch’iang region. 
Bia ¢ 3 Fe = 
Lower, A Chiang farmer at Tung-men-wai ce RE =. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOES 135; NOs, RES 3 


Objects found in slate-slab tombs in the Ch’iang region near Li-fan, 
Wei-chou, and Wen-ch‘uan. (For explanation, see p. 110.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOE. 235; NO! api 


eee ieesiee tied se 


Upper, Mr. Kou, a Chiang of Mu-shang-chai, with his wife and child. Lower, 
A Chiang headman and family near Wen-ch'uan. Note the belts worn by 
the women. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOESAS5 NOs 2) PES 


Upper, Chiang woman and girl wearing woven belts. Lower, The rope 
bridge consisting of bamboo cables and boards across the Min River at So-ch‘iao. 
The weight of this bridge sometimes breaks the bamboo cables. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL= 135, NO} a RE 


Ls 


oa 


. . weet WP ions 


Upper, A perilous bridge called a p’ien ch‘iao in western Szechwan. It is 
built on the side of a perpendicular cliff over a swift mountain stream. Holes 
are chiseled into the side of the cliff and poles are stuck horizontally into the 
holes. Such bridges are dangerous because the poles gradually slip out of the 
holes and the bridge finally falls into the stream. Lower, A man with baggage 
crossing a bridge consisting of a single bamboo cable over a turbulent moun- 
tain stream. 


: 6 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOESIS5) NOn i RES 7 


Upper, A cobalt bridge near Wei-kuan in the Ch’iang region. 
Lower, Chiang road built over a cliff. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLES 135, NOS Pies 


Upper, The village of Ts’a-to-kou showing flat-roofed Chiang houses and 
Chinese temple and house with sloping roof. Lower, A village showing flat- 
roofed stone houses and watch towers. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOERIS5 NO Pg 


Upper, The village of Mu-shang-chai, showing the tower and houses beyond. 
Note the terraced hillside in the background. Lower, A street between two 
stone houses, with a tall stone tower beyond the houses. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, 


Upper, Stone towers at P‘u-wa, with tops broken off. 
Lower, A Chiang woman weaving cloth. 


NO) 2 Rio 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 1, PL. 11 


Chviangs: Upper, left, Man carrying home a basket of ripe corn; right, woman 
carrying wood. Lower, left, WWoman carrying water in a wooden tub; right, hunter 
holding his gun and powder horn. The gun is a muzzle loader. 


VOL. 135,"NO2 2) PE 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOES 1357 NOt 1, RES 23 


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Upper, left, A house with five shrines, one for each of the five great gods; 
right, temple or sacred shelter near a sacred grove. Center, The Ch’iang priest 
at Lung-ch’i-chai, standing in front of the shrine on his housetop. The shrine 
has a hole for burning incense, and is capped by a sacred white stone. There 
are twelve small stones around the base of the large one for the twelve lesser 
gods. Lower, A house used in cremating the dead. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO) ay Rea 


Upper, left, A sacred grove near Wei-chou; right, a shrine in a sacred grove near 
Lo-pu-chai, with five places to burn incense to each of the five great gods. The usual 
sacred white stone is missing, it’s place marked by the writer’s white hat. Lower, left, 
Priest dressed in white hemp cloth with ceremonial hat, drum and drumstick, and a farmer 
dressed in dark blue cotton cloth and wearing a white cotton turban; right, the priest at 
Mu-shang-chai, wearing his ceremonial hat and sword and holding his ceremonial drum, 
with a lay helper dressed in white hemp cloth. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOLES 135) NO. 1, RES 15 


Upper, A boy sitting by a fireplace in a Ch’iang temple. The fireplace is 
composed of three stones chipped to form right angles. Each stone is a god—the 
fire god, the female ancestor, the male ancestor. Center, A stove consisting of an 
iron circle and three iron legs which are worshiped as gods. Lower, Men 
walking to the sacred grove to pay vows by offering sacrifices to the five great 
gods. As usual they are dressed in homespun white hemp garments and are 
walking in single file. The man in front is carrying a white rooster to be 
offered. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 1, PL. 16 


Upper, left, The patron deity of a Ch’iang priest, called abba mula or ndjei chu. It 
consists of the skull and other parts of a golden-haired monkey wrapped in white 
rice paper; right, a priest’s sacred drum with ornamented handle. Center, Ceremonial 
brass gong used by priests. Lower, Antelope horns used by priests to exorcise demons. 
(Gong and horns courtesy of American Museum of Natural History.) 


INDEX 
Abba Mula, priest’s patron diety, 51-52 | Food, 19-20- 


Absorption by Chinese, 102 Forests, 1, 17-18 
Agriculture, 17-20 Fuel, 1, 17-18, 32 
Amusements, 31-33 Funerals. See Burial 
Animals, domestic, 20 Furniture, 19 


Future life, 43 
Bartering, 13-14 
Birth, 38-390 Geography, 1-2 
Books, sacred, 64-87, 103 Gods, 45-52 
Borrowing, 13-14 Chinese, 46, 52, 71 
Bridges, 12-13 Five great, 46-47, 102 
Burial (funerals), 32, 40-43, 103 Images of, 45 


Local, 51 
Ceremonies, sacred, 58-87, 103 Priest’s patron, Abba Mula, 51-52, 
Charms, 93 102 
Chia-jung (or Jung), 2, 7, 12, 21, 32, Stone, 50-51 
35, 44, 46 Supreme, 45, 46, 102 
Chinese gods, 46, 52, 71 Tree, 51 
Chuang Hstieh-pen, 45 Triad, 46 
Climate, 2) Twelve lesser, 47-50, 102 
Clothing, 20-21 Groves, sacred, 64 


Communication, I1-13 


Cremation, 41-43, 103 Hebrew origin, tradition of, 2, 96-101, 


103-104 
History, 2-8 
Houses, 14-17 
Hu Chien-min, 45 
Hunting, 31 


Dances, funeral, 44 
Social, 32 

Death, 40-41 

Deities. See Gods 

Demons, 30, 51, 87-96, 103 

Diseases. See Sickness 

Divination, 64-65 

Divorce, 35 

Dreams, 41 


Implements, 14, 18-19 
Sacred, 55-58 

Incantations, 90, 91-92, 93, 96 

Interest, 14 


ye Israelites, 2 
Economic life, 11-21 d 


Embroidery, 21 : 
Engagements, 33-34 Kansu (province), 4, 6, 8, 104 


Exorcism of demons, 39, 51, 87-96, 103 Kou P’ing-shan, 7, 98-101 
Kuan-hsien, 1, 7, 10, 71 


Feasts, 32 

Five great gods, 46-47, 102 Language, 8-9 

Flags, 60-63 Li-fan,. I, 12, 21, 24, 38, 50,71, 104 
Folktales, 7-8, 22-24 Loess deposits, 1 


113 


IIi4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Mana, mysterious power, 44, 103 Shaman, 87 

Mao-chou, iii, I, II, 25, 27, 20, 71, 104 | Sheep and goats, I, 3, 4, 97 

Map, 3 Sickness, 2, 39-40 

Marketing, 13-14 Songs, 24-31, 32, 34, 36 

Marriage, 34-38 Soul, 43 

Money, 13 Sung-p’an, iii, 6, II, 27, 104 

Morse, W. R., 9, 10 Supreme god, 45, 46, 102 
Szechwan (province), 2, 4, 5, 8, 26, 27, 

Occupations, 17-18 104 

Omens, unlucky, 92 

Oracle bones, 2, 4 Taboos, 20, 44 

Ornaments, 21 Temples, 46, 62, 63, 64, 103 


Terraces, I 

Tombs, slate, 7 

Tools, 18-19 

Torrance, Rey. Thomas, 45, 96-98, 101 
Towers, 16 

Transportation, 11-13 

Tree gods, 51, 64 

Trees, sacred, 64 

Twelve lesser gods, 47-50, 109 


Phonetic table, v-vi 

Physical characteristics, 9-10 
Population, 10 

Priests, 53-55, 87, 88-91, 102-103 


Religion, 43-101 
Roads, 11-12 


“Sacred books,” 64-87, 103 Villages, 16 

Sacred ceremonies, 58-87, 103 

Sacred groves, 64, 103 Wa-ssil, 2, 7, 21, 46 

Sacred implements, 55-58 Wei-chou, iii, I, 6, II, 12, 24, 25, 104 
Sacrifice, 102-103 Wen-ch’uan, iii, 1, 6, 10, 21, 43, 70, 104 
San Miao, 4 Wen Yu, iv, 9 


Schools, 102 World view, 44 


hata 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 2 


Charles D. and Mary Waux Galcott 
Research Fund 


MORPHOLOGY AND TAXONOMY OF 
THE FORAMINIFERAL GENUS 
PARAROTALIA LE CALVEZ) 1949 


(WitH Five PLatTEs) 


By 
ALFRED R. LOEBLICH, JR. 


California Besearen Cecpoen 
a Habra, Calif 


AND 


HELEN TAPPAN 
U. S. Geological Survey 


TILT 


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ETN: 
tee tINGTO on, 


(PusticaTion 4303) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
DECEMBER 3, 1957 


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THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


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Charles D. and Mary Waux Walcott Research Fund 


MORPHOLOGY AND TAXONOMY OF THE 
FORAMINIFERAL GENUS PARAROTALIA 
LE CALN EZ). 19a 


By ALFRED R. LOEBLICH, JR. 


California Research Corporation 
La Habra, Calif. 


AND 


HELEN TAPPAN 2 
U. S. Geological Survey 


(WitH Five PLaTEs) 
INTRODUCTION 


Material collected by the writers from the Paleocene and lower 
Eocene of the Atlantic and Gulf Coastal Plains was found to contain 
foraminiferal species with distinctive apertural characters. A com- 
parison of this material with some collected by the authors in England 
and France in 1953-1954 showed the presence of related species in 
somewhat younger Eocene and Oligocene strata, and proved that 
these species belong to the genus Pararotalia Le Calvez. 

The earlier and more primitive species show better the ee ee 
apertural development of this genus; they made possible the later 
recognition of these same apertural characters in the type species. 
The generic definition is therefore here emended and the type species, 
Pararotalia inermis (Terquem), is redescribed. 

Other new species are here described from the Paleocene and 
Eocene of the Atlantic and Gulf Coastal Plains and the Oligocene 
of England and France. 

Certain species previously described as Rotalia or Globorotalia are 
also shown to belong to Pararotalia. These include Rotalia armata 
d’Orbigny from the Miocene, R. byramensis Cushman (and R. 
incisura Todd, here shown to be a synonym of byramensis) from the 


1 Publication authorized by the Director, U. S. Geological Survey. 
2 Mrs. Helen N. Loeblich. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 2 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Oligocene, R. parva Cushman from the Oligocene, R. canui Cushman 
(part, from the Oligocene of France; not including Rotalia stellata 
Reuss, 1856, from the German Oligocene, for which canui was pro- 
posed as a new name), and Globorotalia spinigera Le Calvez from 
the middle Eocene, Lutetian, of France. 

In addition to the type species, Pararotalia inermis (Terquem), 
only P. subinermis Bhatia from the Oligocene has been previously 
placed in this genus. This latter species is also here described and 
figured. 

One additional specimen, from the Miocene of France, is figured as 
Pararotala species. The lack of sufficient material makes specific 
identification impossible, but it is here recorded for its stratigraphic 
interest. 


GEOLOGIC OCCURRENCE 


Previously reported from the middle Eocene and Oligocene, the 
genus is now known to range from the Paleocene (Landenian) to 
Miocene (Burdigalian) (see fig. 1). The oldest species known, 
P. macneili, new species, is from the Matthews Landing marl mem- 
ber of the Porters Creek clay (Midway group) of Alabama, equiva- 
lent to a part of the Landenian stage of the European section. The 
other Paleocene species, P. ishamae, new species, also occurs in the 
lower Eocene. The lower Eocene (Ypresian) of Europe contains 
P. calvezae, new species, and the middle Eocene (Lutetian) contains 
P. imermis (Terquem) and P. spinigera (Le Calvez). Reaching its 
climax in the Oligocene, Pararotalia is represented by P. subinermis 
Bhatia, P. curryi, new species, P. parva (Cushman), and P. byramen- 
sis (Cushman). From the Miocene, only P. armata (d’Orbigny) has 
been described, although a single specimen of an undetermined species 
is also here figured. 

Although no species are yet reported from the upper Eocene or 
lower Miocene, further search will undoubtedly show their presence. 

In addition to the above-mentioned species, which are here illus- 
trated and described, the specimen figured by Kaasschieter (1955, 
pl. 9, fig. 2) as Rotalia rimosa Reuss from the lower Aquitanian-upper 
Burdigalian of the Aquitaine Basin of France, also appears to be a 
Pararotalia. The species was originally described from the Oligocene 
of southern France (Gaas), and although the original figure does not 
show the true apertural character, it seems to represent the same 
species as that of Kaasschieter. As no material of this species was at 
present available to the writers, this species cannot here be definitely 
allocated. 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 3 


subinermis 
byramensis 


oO 
‘= 
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a 
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a. 
wn 


Helvetian 


MIOCENE |Burdigalian 


Aquitainian 


Stampian 


OLIGOCENE 


Lattorfian 


2 me FLT ETT L LED 


Fic. 1.—Geologic occurrence of known species of Pararotalia. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


MORPHOLOGY 


The character of the aperture of Pararotalia is discussed in detail 
in the generic diagnosis which follows. Only general comments on 
its relationship to the taxonomy are here included. 

Pararotalia was originally separated from Rotalia Lamarck because 
of the areal aperture, which was first observed in P. imermis 
(Terquem). Le Calvez (1949, p. 33) noted that other species which 
she considered as fRotalia were otherwise similar (e.g., Rotala 
armata, R. audouini) but that they had an “ouverture typique de 
Rotalia,” 

Kaasschieter (1955, p. 86) considered Pararotalia to be only a sub- 
genus of Rotalia, regardless of the apertural character. He added 
that specimens of R. audouini “were observed which are in this re- 
spect identical with R. imermis, but other individuals show typical 
Rotalia-apertures or a position in between the two extremes. Un- 
fortunately most of our specimens are too badly damaged for a clear 
analysis of this important characteristic.” He also added that “R. 
byramensis Cushman is entirely within the range of variation of our 
specimens of FR. audouini.” 

Examination of FR. audouini shows that this species always has a 
completely basal aperture, dissections showing no earlier chambers 
that have developed the umbilical apertural plate characteristic of 
Pararotalia which leaves an areal opening in the face of the chamber. 
Rotalia byramensis is, however, a true Pararotalia, the areal aperture 
being well developed. Dissection of specimens of Pararotalia always 
shows this areal aperture in earlier chambers, as here shown in P. 
imermis, even in specimens in which it is absent from the final chamber. 
Such dissections show that the margin of the next chamber is added 
so as to curve around the areal opening, and the later umbilical plate 
is only secondarily attached at its lower margin, expanding anteriorly 
to cover the umbilical portion of the previously extraumbilical- 
umbilical interiomarginal opening. Thus, in a large suite of speci- 
mens of any species, one may observe both those specimens with basal 
aperture exposed and those with areal aperture and umbilical plate. 
In those species with relatively open umbilicus, such as the P. 
ishamae—spinigera group, this plate may also be secondarily broken 
out. This character has undoubtedly led to some taxonomic confusion, 
and specimens of the same species may have been variously placed 
in one or the other genus, or the genera regarded as transitional 
(Ixaasschieter, 1955, p. 86). 

A comparison of the various species here illustrated suggests that 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 5 


two lineages developed within the genus. The simplest and geologi- 
cally oldest species, Pararotalia macneili, new species, and P. ishamae, 
new species, are simple discorbidlike forms with rounded and inflated 
chambers, without peripheral spines, and without a strongly angled 
umbilical shoulder. The umbilicus is relatively open and the umbilical 
apertural plate can be easily observed. Later species show a pro- 
gressive development of angularity of chambers, the development of 
nodes at the more acute umbilical shoulders, and the appearance of 
peripheral spines and keels. Young specimens of the lower Eocene 
P. calvezae show the ancestral type, with nonspinose rounded cham- 
bers, whereas the adult test becomes more angled with peripheral 
spines. This lineage becomes more ornate with the development of 
the umbonal thickening and pustules on the spiral sides, nodes at the 
umbilical shoulder on the opposite side, the peripheral keel, and the 
more prominent spines of P. spinigera (Le Calvez). This group 
continues into the Oligocene, as represented by P. curryi, new 
species, and P. parva (Cushman), and in the Miocene by P. armata 
(d’Orbigny). 

A second and more specialized group branched off in the middle 
Eocene and Oligocene with the development of a more lenticular test, 
limbate sutures and peripheral keel, and characterized in particular 
by a very sharply angled umbilical shoulder, which together with the 
prominent umbilical plug serve to close the umbilicus and obscure the 
umbilical apertural plate, although the areal aperture is distinct and 
prominent. This group is represented by P. inermis (Terquem) in 
the middle Eocene, P. byramensis (Cushman) and P. subinermis 
Bhatia in the Oligocene. 


RELATIONSHIPS OF THE GENUS 


Although many of these species have been regarded by earlier 
workers as Rotalia, and the genus Pararotalia has even been con- 
sidered as a subgenus of Rotalia, there is actually no close relationship 
between these genera. As recently revised by Smout (1954, 1955) the 
present genus would not even belong to the same family (Rotaliidae) 
or superfamily (Rotaliidea) as the genus Rotalia. 

Smout restricted the superfamily Rotaliidea to include forms having 
the test built of radial, laminated calcite and (1955, p. 202) “canalicu- 
late with no aperture, or pores on the apertural face, or pores else- 
where, sometimes with interiomarginal intercameral foramina, or 
showing derivation from such a form.” All genera of the Rotaliidae 
“have radial canals or fissures or umbilical cavities and intraseptal 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and subsutural canals are common if not universal.” Rotalia s. s. is 
typical of this group. 

The superfamily Discorbidea, according to Smout (1955, p. 202), 
includes genera that are “noncanaliculate with an interiomarginal 
aperture, areal aperture, or showing derivation from such a form.” 
Furthermore (Smout, 1954, p. 10), “perforation of the intercameral 
foramen as an aperture seems universal in the Discorbidea.” Smout 
(1954, p. 10) included in the superfamily the families “Discorbidae, 
Amphisteginidae, Cymbaloporidae, Planorbulinidae, and perhaps, the 
Globorotaliidae.”’ 

Pararotalia does not have radial canals or fissures, nor does it have 
intraseptal and subsutural canals and thus does not belong to the 
Rotaliidae. It does have an interiomarginal aperture (originally) 
and areal aperture (derived from the basal aperture, by the addition 
of the umbilical apertural plate) and thus belongs to the superfamily 
Discorbidea and most probably to the family Discorbidae. 

Furthermore, as many of the species of “Rotalia’ which have been 
confused with species of Pararotalia also have a basal aperture, al- 
though lacking the later umbilical apertural plate and consequent 
secondarily areal aperture, they do not belong to true Rotalia, but 
possibly also should be referred to the Discorbidea. Additional study 
of these forms is necessary for generic placement. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


The writers wish to acknowledge the field assistance of M. Henri 
Tintant, Université de Dijon, France, who accompanied us in the col- 
lecting at Grignon, France; of Mr. Dennis Curry, Pinner, Middlesex, 
England, and Mr. A. G. Davis, London, England, in the collecting 
of the Oligocene Middle Headon beds of southern England; and of 
Mr. Richard Page, Smithsonian Institution, in the collecting of the 
Aquia formation of Virginia. Illustrations of the various species 
are camera lucida drawings prepared by Patricia Isham, scientific 
illustrator, U. S. National Museum. 


SYSTEMATIC DESCRIPTIONS 
Family DISCORBIDAE Cushman, 1927 
Genus PARAROTALIA Le Calvez, 1949, emended 
Pararotalia LE Catvez, Mém. Expl. Carte Géol. Dét. France, Rev. Foram. 


Lutétiens. II Rotaliidae, p. 32, 1949. 


Type species —Rotalina inermis Terquem, 1882. Fixed by original 
designation and monotypy. 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 7 


Test free, trochospiral, planoconvex to biconvex, umbilicus filled 
with a plug which may be broken out in preservation, chambers 
rounded to ovate in plan, may have smoothly rounded periphery or 
may develop a short, blunt peripheral spine on each chamber, umbilical 


Fics. 2, 3—Pararotalia parva (Cushman). 


2. Outline drawing of specimen, showing protruding lip above an open interio- 
marginal aperture (i.a.) with umbilical apertural plates (u.p.) present on earlier 
chambers around the umbilical plug (p.), but not on final chamber. 

3. Outline drawing of specimen with umbilical apertural plate (u.p.) cover- 
ing umbilical margin of final chamber, and partially closing the primary aperture, 
leaving open only the areal aperture (a.a.) typical of the genus Pararotalia. 
Early chambers also show umbilical apertural plates (u.p.) around the um- 
bilical plug (p.). 


region of each chamber partially covered by secondary umbilical 
plates; sutures flush to moderately depressed, straight to gently 
curved; wall calcareous, perforate, radial in structure, smooth or 
variously ornamented with large, solid spines or fine scattered spines 
or nodes; aperture on the umbilical side, originally interiomarginal 
and extraumbilical-umbilical (see text figs. 2, 4), with a lip above; 
a thin and delicate secondary umbilical plate is then formed before 
the development of the next chamber (text figs. 3, 5), covering the 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


umbilical portion of the aperture and leaving visible only a narrow, 
elongate, comma-shaped or slitlike areal portion of the aperture 
roughly paralleling the base of the apertural face, an internal septum 
being formed at the junction of the umbilical plate and the chamber 
wall, and the septum may be reflected at the surface by a more or less 
distinct suture; this thin umbilical plate may be very narrow and 
almost unnoticeable or relatively large and commonly broken away 
after development, showing only the interiomarginal aperture. 

Remarks.—Pararotalia Le Calvez differs from Globorotalia Cush- 
man in having an areal aperture, formed by a secondary umbilical 
plate which partially covers the umbilical portion of the aperture, and 
leaving open only a slitlike portion of the aperture. 

Eponidella Cushman and Hedberg superficially resembles the pres- 
ent genus in having chamberlets on the umbilical side (similar in 
appearance to the umbilical plates of Pararotalia) and an areal aper- 
ture, but the aperture of Eponidella is restricted to the face of the 
final chamber and does not have the morphologic relationship to the 
secondary umbilical plates that is found in the present genus. 

This genus was originally described as having a simple areal aper- 
ture, which is strongly suggested in the type species. The observation 
of the secondary plate in other species and strong similarity in final 
appearance of the areal apertures led the writers to examine care- 
fully at high magnifications a large suite of specimens of the type 
species from Grignon, France. Although the external suture is almost 
invisible (text figs. 4, 5), dissected specimens proved the presence of 
this secondary umbilical plate in the type species also (see pl. 1, 
figs. 3a, b), hence the generic diagnosis is herewith emended. 

The species thus far studied show an evolutionary trend from a 
biconvex test with lobulate periphery and rounded chambers to a 
nearly lenticular or planoconvex test with angular chambers and a 
keeled, spinose, or stellate periphery. 

The secondary umbilical plates are more prominent in the early 
species, with a well-marked suture at the junction of this plate and 
the chamber wall, and the fragile nature of the plates coupled with 
their later development allows for a greater frequency of specimens 
in which it has not yet been developed in the final chamber or has been 
secondarily destroyed. Younger species show a much narrower series 
of plates restricted to the area below the umbilical shoulder and 
commonly obscured by a combination of elevated umbilical shoulder 
and protruding umbilical plug. They also seem to be formed almost 
simultaneously with the original chambers, as very few of the speci- 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 9 


mens show the early marginal aperture either before its development 
or by later breakage. 
Range.—Paleocene (Landenian) to Miocene (Burdigalian). 


Fics. 4, 5.—Pararotalia inermis (Terquem). 


4. Outline drawing of specimen, showing narrow lip above the open interio- 
marginal aperture (i.a.) in the final chamber through which can be seen the 
areal aperture of the penultimate chamber and its umbilical apertural plate 
(u.p.). Plate of earlier chambers nearly hidden beneath the overhanging um- 
bilical shoulder (s.) of the chambers, and further protected by the extremely 
large umbilical plug (p.). 

5. Outline drawing of specimen with umbilical apertural plate (u.p.) cover- 
ing umbilical margin of final chamber, partially closing the primary aperture, 
leaving open only the areal aperture (a.a.), typical of the genus. Umbilical 
plates are more difficult to see and are better protected in these angular and 
sharply keeled species. 


PARAROTALIA ARMATA (d’Orbigny), emended 
Plate 5, figures 2a-c 
Rotalia (Rotalie) armata v’OrBicny, Ann. Sci. Nat., sér. 1, vol. 7, p. 273, 1826. 
Test free, trochospiral, biconvex, periphery acute, peripheral out- 
line stellate, spiral side evenly convex, umbilical side with chambers 


Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


strongly inflated near the umbilical shoulder, tending to form a circle 
of umbilical nodes, umbilicus filled by a large rounded and greatly 
elevated plug; chambers in 2 whorls, 6 to 7 in the final whorl, each 
with a short, blunt spine at the peripheral chamber angle; sutures 
limbate, nearly flush and gently curved on the spiral side, depressed 
and radial on the umbilical side; wall calcareous, smooth except for 
the umbilical plug, the umbilical node on each chamber and the periph- 
eral spines, the peripheral border nonperforate and keel-like ; aperture 
interiomarginal, on the umbilical side, the lower portion secondarily 
closed by an umbilical plate, leaving only a small areal opening. 

Figured hypotype 0.33 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—Pararotalia armata is characterized by the stellate out- 
line, depressed sutures on the umbilical side, elevated plug, and the 
nodes formed on each chamber at the umbilical shoulder. It is similar 
to P. byramensis (Cushman) in general appearance, differing in the 
stellate outline, more compressed test, and the more regularly convex 
spiral side. 

Types and occurrence.—Figured hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5807) 
from the Miocene (probably Burdigalian) at Dax, Dept. Landes, 
France. 


PARAROTALIA BYRAMENSIS (Cushman), emended 
Plate 1, figures Ia-c 


Rotalia byramensis CUSHMAN, U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 129-E, p. 99, pl. 23, 
fig. I, 1922; Prof. Pap. 129-F, p. 138, 1922—-CusHMAN and Topp, Contr. 
Cushman Lab. Foram. Res., vol. 22, p. 100, pl. 16, fig. 23, 1946. 

Rotalia dentata Parker and Jones? CusHMaANn, U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof, Pap. 
129-E, p. 100, pl. 23, fig. 2, 1922. 

Rotalia incisura Topp, U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 241, p. 30, pl. 5, fig. 25a-c, 
1952. 


Test free, relatively large, trochospiral, planoconvex to biconvex, 
periphery angular to keeled, peripheral outline angularly lobulate ; 
all of the 14 to 24 whorls visible on the flat to gently convex spiral 
side, only the 7 (rarely 6 to g) chambers of the final whorl visible on 
the elevated umbilical side, chambers radially elevated on the umbilical 
side, forming a nodelike projection at the umbilical shoulder, then 
dropping sharply into the deep umbilicus, which is completely filled 
with an umbilical plug in small specimens, but in large specimens a 
deep and narrow umbilical depression remains around the umbilical 
plug, each chamber with a single short peripheral spine at the dorsal 
angle, the rate of increase in chamber size and resultant overlap of 
the preceding chamber resulting in a slight variation in apparent posi- 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN II 


tion of these spines in earlier chambers from near the midpoint of 
the chamber to near the following suture, this variation occurring 
from chamber to chamber in the same specimen; sutures gently 
curved, distinct, limbate, and may be elevated on the spiral side, 
deeply incised and radial on the umbilical side ; wall calcareous, finely 
perforate, surface smooth or more rarely somewhat wrinkled in large 
or gerontic specimens, ornamented by the raised sutures and periph- 
eral keel and spines; aperture interiomarginal, extraumbilical-umbili- 
cal, secondarily filled at the umbilical margin with an umbilical plate 
which leaves only a small rounded or ovate areal aperture completely 
surrounded by a narrow lip. 

Greatest diameter of figured hypotype 0.40 mm. 

Remarks.—Pararotalia byramensis resembles most closely P. 
inermis (Terquem) from the Eocene (Lutetian) of France, but the 
chambers increase more rapidly in height, the peripheral outline is 
more angularly lobulate and the chambers more strongly spinose, and 
the sutures are more limbate and elevated on the spiral side. 

The holotype of P. byramensis is a somewhat atypical specimen, as 
it is a gerontic form which is unusually large, with more than the 
usual number of chambers per whorl. It has g in the final whorl, but 
earlier whorls show the more common number of 7 per whorl, similar 
to the average specimen at that size. Noting the differences of the 
type byramensis, the smaller specimens were later placed in a separate 
species, Rotalia incisura Todd (1952), which was said to differ from 
R. byramensis in having “shorter spines, which originate from the 
sutural angle rather than the central part of the chamber, and project 
tangentially forward rather than radially, and in the lesser protrusion 
of the chambers, such that except for the spines the periphery would 
be only very slightly lobulated. This species also differs in its strongly 
limbate dorsal sutures and the presence of a blunt keel on the periph- 
ery, and in its lack of surface ornamentation.” These differences, 
however, vary considerably from specimen to specimen, and from 
chamber to chamber of even the “holotypes” of the two species. The 
type of R. byramensis has more limbate sutures than that of R. 
imcisura, in contrast to their descriptions, and both are distinctly 
keeled. Examination of a large suite of specimens from the type 
locality of the Byram formation collected by the writers, shows all 
gradations between these two “species,” hence they are here considered 
synonymous. 

Types and occurrence.—Holotype (Cushman Coll. 25563) from 
the Byram formation, Pearl River at bridge, Byram, Miss. 

Figured hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5697) from the Byram formation, 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


west bank of Pearl River, just north of suspension bridge east of 
Byram, Hinds County, Miss. Collected by A. R. Loeblich, Jr., Oc- 
tober II, 1941. 


PARAROTALIA CALVEZAE Loeblich and Tappan, new species 
Plate 2, figures 3a-7c 


Test free, trochospiral, biconvex, umbilicus filled with a protruding 
plug, periphery subacute to rounded, peripheral outline gently lobu- 
late to stellate, chambers in 2 whorls, 5 to 6 in the final whorl, more 
commonly 5, one or more may have a single peripheral spine, cham- 
bers gently convex on the spiral side, with a subangular umbilical 
shoulder on the opposite side, umbilical portion partially covered by 
an elongate secondary umbilical plate; sutures distinct, depressed, 
radial on the umbilical side, gently curved on the spiral side; wall 
calcareous, distinctly perforate, ornamented with the peripheral 
spines; aperture on the umbilical side, interiomarginal and extra- 
umbilical-umbilical, with a narrow lip on the forward margin paral- 
lelling the outer periphery of the test, the very narrow secondary 
umbilical plate covering the umbilical portion of the aperture, but 
largely within the angle formed by the umbilical shoulder so that only 
those of the latest chambers can be well seen. 

Greatest diameter of holotype 0.35 mm. Paratypes range from 
0.23 to 0.35 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—This species differs from P. spinigera (Le Calvez) in 
being more biconvex, in possessing a more rounded rather than keeled 
periphery, more depressed sutures on the spiral side, in being smaller 
and with more commonly 5 rather than 6 chambers in the final whorl. 
It is probably ancestral to P. spinigera, which is larger, more highly 
ornamented, and has a more angular periphery, chambers, and um- 
bilical shoulders. 

This species is named in honor of Mme. Yolande Le Calvez, Bureau 
des Recherches Géologiques et Géophysiques, Paris, France, in recog- 
nition of her excellent work on the Foraminifera of the Lutetian of 
the Paris Basin. 

Types and occurrence.—Holotype (U.S.N.M. P5686) and figured 
paratypes (U.S.N.M. P5687a-d) from the lower Eocene, Ypresian, 
about 8 feet above the base of the exposure in the brick pit at Gan, 
about 8 kilometers south of Pau, Dept. Basses Pyrénées, France. 
Collected by H. T. and A. R. Loeblich, Jr., April 1954. 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 13 


PARAROTALIA CURRYI Loeblich and Tappan, new species 
Plate 3, figures 5a-7c 
Rotalia canui CUSHMAN (part; not Rotalia stellata Reuss, 1856), Bull. Soc. 
Sci. Seine-et-Oise, sér. 2, vol. 9, No. 4, p. 55, pl. 3, figs. 2a-c, 1928.— 
BuatiA, Journ. Paleontol., vol. 29, No. 4, p. 684, pl. 66, figs. 32a-c, 1955. 

Test free, small, biconvex, periphery subacute, peripheral outline 
lobulate to stellate, spiral side strongly convex, umbilical side with a 
large umbilical plug; chambers sightly inflated on both sides with 2 
whorls, commonly 6 chambers in the final whorl, but young specimens 
may have only 4 or 5 chambers per whorl, adult chambers commonly 
each with a single short, blunt peripheral spine; sutures depressed 
and gently curved ; wall calcareous, finely perforate, surface of early 
whorl somewhat nodose on the spiral side, a peripheral spine is com- 
monly developed on some of the chambers of adult tests, but may not 
be present in young tests or on the final chambers of adult tests; 
aperture interiomarginal, with a distinct lip at the upper forward 
margin, the lower portion of the aperture secondarily closed by an 
umbilical plate which leaves only a small areal opening. 

Holotype 0.23 mm. in diameter. Paratypes range from 0.15 to 
0.38 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—This species is very similar in appearance to P. parva 
(Cushman) but is somewhat thicker and more robust, with a more 
closed umbilicus. 

Cushman (1928, p. 55) proposed Rotalia canui as a new name for 
Rotalia stellata Reuss, 1856, not FR. stellata Ehrenberg, 1840. Inas- 
much as Cushman proposed a new name for the homonym of Reuss, 
the type specimen must be that of Reuss and cannot be “Jeurs (holo- 
type)” as Cushman erroneously stated (1928, p. 55). The species of 
Reuss is from the Oligocene, Casseler Schichten, of Luithorst, Ger- 
many, and is a larger planoconvex species with more angular chambers, 
similar to Pararotalia armata (d’Orbigny), although an areal aperture 
was not noted and Reuss’s species may not belong to the present genus. 
However, Cushman figured as Fk. canui from the French Oligocene 
a specimen with more gently lobulate peripheral outline, less acutely 
angled periphery, and a typical Pararotalia aperture. One of the 
French specimens of Cushman is here figured (pl. 3, fig. 7). Bhatia 
(1955, p. 684) also recorded the present species as Rotalia canui from 
the Middle Headon, Brockenhurst beds of England. His figured 
specimen lacks the umbilical apertural plate on the final chamber and 
thus shows only an interiomarginal aperture. The French and English 
species is thus quite distinct from that of Reuss, and this species is 
here named for Mr. Dennis Curry of Pinner, Middlesex, England, in 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


recognition of his work on the English Tertiary stratigraphy and 
paleontology. Mr. Curry accompanied the writers in 1953 while col- 
lecting from the Tertiary of southern England and the Isle of Wight. 

Types and occurrence.—Holotype (U.S.N.M. P5808) and figured 
paratype (U.S.N.M. P5809) from the Oligocene (Lattorfian), Middle 
Headon, Brockenhurst beds, at White Cliff Bay, east coast Isle of 
Wight, England. Collected by H. T. and A. R. Loeblich, Jr., with 
Dennis Curry and A. G. Davis. 

Figured paratype (U.S.N.M. P5810) from the Oligocene, Stam- 
pian, at Jeurs, Dept. Seine-et-Oise, France. 


PARAROTALIA INERMIS (Terquem), emended 
Plate 1, figures 2a-3b 


Rotalina inermis TERQUEM, Mém. Soc. Géol. France, sér. 3, vol. 2, p. 68, pl. 6, 
fig. Ia-c, 1882. 

Pararotalia inermis (Terquem) Le CALvEez, Mém. Expl. Carte Géol. Dét. France. 
Réy. Foram. Lutétiens. II Rotaliidae, p. 32, pl. 3, figs. 54-56, 19040. 


Test free, trochospiral, lenticular, biconvex, periphery sharply 
acute and strongly keeled, all whorls visible on the convex spiral side, 
only the 7 to 8 chambers of the last whorl visible on the deeply um- 
bilicate opposite side around the prominent umbilical plug ; chambers 
much inflated near the umbilicus, forming nodelike elevations at the 
umbilical shoulders; sutures curved, limbate, but flush on the spiral 
side, radial and deeply depressed and slitlike on the umbilical side; 
wall calcareous, finely perforate, surface smooth, except for the nodose 
umbilical elevations of the chambers, the umbilical plug, peripheral 
keel, and rare short peripheral spines of solid nonporous calcite; 
aperture an areal ovate opening surrounded by a slight lip, and may 
have as a minor toothlike projection from the upper margin the rem- 
nant of an earlier upper lip of the marginal aperture, the final areal 
opening due to secondary constriction by very narrow umbilical plates 
developed below the umbilical shoulder and closely joined to the lower 
chamber margin, the presence as a distinct structure being evident 
internally in dissected specimens. 

Hypotypes range from 0.28 to 0.50 mm. in diameter. 

Types and occurrence-—Hypotypes (U.S.N.M. P5693a-b) from 
the middle Eocene, Lutetian, Calcaire grossier (Zone IV of Abrard), 
in the sand pit at Grignon, now in the Parc d’Ecole Nationale d’Agri- 
culture, Grignon, Dept. Seine-et-Oise, France. Collected by H. T. 
and A. R. Loeblich, Jr., with Henri Tintant, April 1954. 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 15 


PARAROTALIA ISHAMAE Loeblich and Tappan, new species 


Plate 3, figures 1a-4 


Test free, tiny, trochospiral, periphery rounded, peripheral outline 
gently lobulate, about 2 whorls visible on the spiral side, final whorl 
composed of 5 chambers, umbilical side deeply umbilicate, with a 
protruding umbilical plug ; sutures gently arcuate, somewhat thickened 
and those of final whorl very slightly depressed on the spiral side, 
less thickened and more depressed on the umbilical side; wall cal- 
careous, finely perforate, surface smooth and unornamented ; aperture 
interiomarginal, extraumbilical-umbilical, a relatively high open arch, 
with a narrow lip above, but with the umbilical portion commonly 
secondarily covered by an umbilical plate which leaves open only the 
narrow ovate or slitlike areal remnant of the aperture nearest the 
peripheral margin of the test, the portion of the plate adjacent to the 
aperture somewhat thickened to resemble a lower lip. 

Greatest diameter of holotype 0.20 mm. Paratypes range from 
0.13 to 0.28 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—This more primitive-appearing species is smaller and 
does not develop the peripheral spines of P. calvezae, new species, 
and P. spinigera (Le Calvez), lacks the nodose ornamentation of the 
early spire, and is more nearly biconvex, without a keel or angular 
periphery. A few small specimens of P. calvezae approach the char- 
acteristics of this species, suggesting that these later and more ornate 
species may have developed from such an ancestral type. 

Types and occurrence-—Holotype (U.S.N.M. P5689) and figured 
paratype (U.S.N.M. P5690) from the Aquia formation, 3-foot shell 
bed between two 1-foot indurated layers 10 to 13 feet above the base 
of the exposure, west bank of the Potomac River near mouth of 
Aquia Creek, 5. 10° EB. of ‘Brent: Point; Va. Collected’ by A: R. 
Loeblich, Jr., and Richard Page, 1956. 

Paratype (U.S.N.M. P5691) from the Nanafalia formation, at 
the type locality of the formation, Nanafalia Landing, Tombigbee 
River, Marengo County, Ala. Collected by A. R. Loeblich, Jr., July 
1950. 

Paratype (U.S.N.M. P5692) from the Matthews Landing marl 
member of the Porters Creek clay, Naheola Landing, Tombigbee 
River, SE} sec. 30, T. 15 N., R. 1 E., 11 miles east of Jachin, Choc- 
taw County, Ala. Collected by A. R. Loeblich, Jr., July 1956. 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


PARAROTALIA MACNEILI Loeblich and Tappan, new species 
Plate 2, figures 1a-2b 


Test free, small, trochospiral, biconvex, periphery subacute, periph- 
eral outline lobulate ; chambers arranged in about 2 whorls, all visible 
on the spiral side, only the 6 or 7 of the final whorl visible around the 
large, protruding umbilical plug on the opposite side; inflated cham- 
bers of nearly equal breadth and height ; sutures gently curved, slightly 
depressed on the spiral side, those of earlier whorl somewhat obscured 
by the nodose surface ornamentation, sutures nearly radial and de- 
pressed on the umbilical side; wall calcareous, finely perforate, surface 
hirsute with numerous short, blunt spines ; aperture originally interio- 
marginal, extraumbilical-umbilical but secondarily closed by a narrow 
umbilical plate which leaves only the small ovate areal opening typical 
of the genus. 

Greatest diameter of holotype 0.20 mm. Paratypes range from 
0.13 to 0.25 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—Pararotalia macneili, new species, differs from P. 
ishamae, new species, in having a strongly hirsute wall, and more 
globular-appearing chambers. Pararotalia spinigera (Le Calvez) 
differs in having angular chambers and a peripheral keel, a nodose 
umbilical shoulder around the umbilical plug, and in having a more 
coarsely perforate wall, a single peripheral spine per chamber instead 
of the completely hirsute wall. 

The species is named in honor of F. Stearns MacNeil, U. S. Geo- 
logical Survey, in recognition of his contributions to the stratigraphy 
of the Paleocene of Alabama. 

Types and occurrence.—Holotype (U.S.N.M. P5694) and figured 
paratype (U.S.N.M. P5695) from the Matthews Landing marl mem- 
ber of the Porters Creek clay, Naheola Landing, Tombigbee River, 
SE+ sec. 30, T. 15 N., R. 1 E., 11 miles east of Jachin, Choctaw 
County, Ala. Collected by A. R. Loeblich, Jr., July 1956. 


PARAROTALIA PARVA (Cushman), emended 
Plate 4, figures 4-5c 

Rotalia dentata Parker and Jones var. parva CuSHMAN, U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. 
Pap. 120-F, p. 139, pl. 35, figs. 1, 2, 1922; U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 133, 
P. 47, 1923. 

Rotalia parva Cushman, CuSHMAN and Topp, Contr. Cushman Lab. Foram. 
Res., vol. 22, p. 100, pl. 16, figs. 24, 25, 1946; Topp, U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. 
Pap. 241, p. 40, pl. 5, fig. 26, 1952. 

Test free, trochospiral, periphery rounded, peripheral outline lobu- 
late to stellate, umbilicus filled with broad umbilical plug; chambers 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 17 


of nearly equal breadth and height, commonly 6 in the final whorl, 
more rarely 5 to 54, early whorls nodose on the spiral side; sutures 
radial, slightly depressed in the final whorl, those of earlier whorls 
obscured on the spiral side by the nodose ornamentation; wall cal- 
careous, finely perforate, smooth except for the umbonal nodes, and 
a single solid imperforate spine at the peripheral margin of each 
chamber ; the spines may, however, be lacking in some of the later 
chambers or in rare specimens may be absent from all chambers; 
aperture interiomarginal, extraumbilical-umbilical, later filled with 
a secondary umbilical plate which leaves open only a small areal open- 
ing at the end nearest the test periphery, this areal opening surrounded 
by a lip, formed partially by the secondary plate and partially by the 
upper lip of the original opening. 

Hypotypes range from 0.18 to 0.38 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—Originally described as Rotalia, this species has little 
in common with that genus, completely lacking the internal canal 
system of true Rotalia. The very distinctive areal aperture, visible 
even on the holotype, has never been accurately described. Early de- 
scriptions mentioned only the number of chambers and size of periph- 
eral spines, and did not discuss the aperture (Cushman, 1922, 1923; 
Cushman and Todd, 1946). Todd (1952, p. 40) described the aper- 
ture as “a rather large arched opening under the ventral edge of the 
last formed chamber.” Specimens do occur that show the open arched 
marginal aperture (one of the two specimens figured by Cushman and 
Todd [1946] shows this, although they figured only the spiral side). 
The other specimen figured by Cushman and Todd (1946), the holo- 
type selected by Cushman (1922), and many other specimens in the 
Cushman collection show the typical areal aperture of Pararotalia. In 
other specimens, however, extraneous matter obscures the aperture 
and umbilical region because of inadequate preparation of material. 

Pararotalia parva is very similar to P. spinigera (Le Calvez) in 
appearance, but has less angular and more globular chambers, and a 
more gently rounded umbilical shoulder and relatively larger umbilical 
plug, which leaves open very little of the umbilical depression. Para- 
rotahia parva differs from P. ishamae in possessing peripheral spines 
and in being about twice as large. 

Types and occurrence-—Holotype (Cushman Coll. 59665) from the 
type locality of the Mint Spring marl member of the Marianna lime- 
stone, shell and sand bed at foot of high waterfall, Mint Spring Bayou, 
Vicksburg, Miss. Collected by C. W. Cooke and E. N. Lowe. 

Paratype (Cushman Coll. 59664) from same horizon, foot of high 
waterfall in Glass Bayou, near Vicksburg, Miss. 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Figured hypotypes (U.S.N.M. P5696a, b) from the Byram forma- 
tion, west bank of Pearl River, just north of suspension bridge east 
of Byram, Hinds County, Miss. Collected October 11, 1941, by 
A. R. Loeblich, Jr. 


PARAROTALIA SPINIGERA (Le Calvez), emended 
Plate 4, figures 1a-3 

Globorotalia spinigera (Terquem) Le Catvez (not Rosalina spinigera Terquem, 
1882), Mém. Expl. Carte Géol. Dét. France. Réyv. Foram. Lutétiens. II 
Rotaliidae, p. 39, pl. 6, figs. 97-99, 1949. 

Globorotalia spinigera LE CALvEz, ibid., LV Valvulinidae, Peneroplidae, Ophthal- 
midiidae, Lagenidae, p. 48, 1952. 

“Rotalia” spinigera Terquem, GULLENToPS, Mém. Inst. Géol. Univ. de Louvain, 
vol. 20, p. 17, pl. 1, figs. 15a-c, 1950. 

Test free, trochospiral, planoconvex, spiral side gently to strongly 
convex, umbilical side flattened and umbilicate with an umbilical plug, 
periphery angled, peripheral margin lobulate to stellate; chambers in 
about 2 whorls, 5 to 6 in the final whorl with a single short, blunt 
spine arising from the periphery of each chamber or the spines may 
be reduced or absent in the later I or 2 chambers; early chambers 
appear nodose on spiral side, later portion gently convex and of 
nearly equal breadth and height, chambers with a rather abrupt 
umbilical shoulder on the umbilical side which may become sufficiently 
pronounced as to suggest a node at the umbilical shoulder, umbilical 
portion of chambers covered by a secondary plate which reaches from 
the umbilicus over the umbilical portion of the aperture, flaring out- 
ward to form a lower lip to the thus constricted areal remnant of the 
aperture ; sutures radial, distinct, and deeply depressed on the umbili- 
cal side, gently curved and somewhat depressed in the later whorl on 
the spiral side, those of earlier whorls being obscured by the nodose 
surface of the early whorl; wall calcareous, relatively coarsely per- 
forate, the umbonal knobs, peripheral spines, umbilical plug, and the 
nodes at the umbilical shoulder appearing solid and imperforate, 
secondary umbilical plates relatively thin and delicate and appear less 
coarsely perforate ; aperture on the umbilical side, interiomarginal and 
extraumbilical-umbilical with a short spatulate lip covering the for- 
ward one-third of its upper margin, the secondary umbilical plate later 
covering the umbilical portion of the aperture to the lower margin of 
the spatulate upper lip, leaving visible only a narrow comma-shaped 
areal opening and flaring to form a protruding lower lip to the aper- 
ture, which is roughly parallel to the lower margin of the chamber. 

Hypotypes range from 0.30 to 0.55 mm. in diameter. 

Remarks.—This species was described by Le Calvez (1949, p. 39) 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 19 


as Globorotalia spinigera (Terquem). She stated that the original type 
of Terquem had disappeared, but on the basis of the original figures, 
she identified as Terquem’s species this form which was stated to be 
frequent at Grignon and Septeuil. In the addenda to this publication 
Le Calvez (1952, p. 48) later stated that types of additional species 
had been found, including a slide of Rosalina spinigera Terquem. 
The two individuals contained therein were not the same as the present 
species, but Le Calvez identified one as a badly preserved Rotalia 
septifera (Terquem) and the other as a good specimen of Rotalia 
armata d’Orbigny. She therefore placed Rosalina spinigera in the 
synonymy of Rotalia armata and the present species was considered 
as a distinct species, Globorotalia spinigera Le Calvez. 

The specimen figured by Le Calvez and the description given repre- 
sent forms in which the delicate secondary umbilical plate of this 
species has been broken away, giving the erroneous appearance of a 
simple interiomarginal aperture. 

Gullentops (1956) recently suggested that Rotalia spinigera might 
belong to Pararotalia or to Neorotalia Bermudez, 1952, stating (p. 19) 
that among some hundreds of specimens of R. spimigera there were 
some with an areal aperture. He believed that only the aperture of 
the final chamber was marginal, and that all earlier ones were wholly 
areal. The present writers have also observed and figured (pl. 4, 
fig. I) a complete specimen with an areal aperture on the final 
chamber. Gullentops referred the species spinigera to the genus 
“Rotalia,’ in the sense of Cushman, although he stated (p. 19) that 
it had not the least resemblance to the group of FR. trochidiformis. He 
also commented that the genus Pararotalia had not yet been completely 
defined. Gullentops (1956, p. 18) placed both Rotalia dentata var. 
parva Cushman and R. canwi Cushman in the synonymy of R. spini- 
gera, thus implying that they also have areal apertures, and could 
belong to Pararotalia. We agree to their congeneric status, but believe 
the younger species can be separated from P. spinigera, as discussed 
under their respective descriptions above. 

Types and occurrence-——Hypotypes (U.S.N.M. P5688a-c) from 
the middle Eocene, Lutetian, Calcaire grossier (Zone IV of Abrard), 
in the sand pit at Grignon, now in the Parc d’Ecole Nationale d’Agri- 
culture, Grignon, Dept. Seine-et-Oise, France. Collected by H. T. 
and A. R. Loeblich, Jr., with Henri Tintant, April 1954. 

In the description given by Le Calvez (1949, p. 39), this species 
was recorded as frequent at Grignon and Septeuil, but no locality was 
given for the specimen figured, nor was a holotype mentioned in either 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


publication of Le Calvez. The specimens here figured are from the 
Grignon locality and may thus be topotypes. 


PARAROTALIA SUBINERMIS Bhatia, emended 
Plate 5, figures Ia-c 


Pararotalia subinermis Buatta, Journ. Paleontol., vol. 29, No. 4, p. 683, pl. 67, 
figs. 3a-c, 1955. 


Test free, relatively large, periphery keeled and sharply angled, 
peripheral outline subangular ; about 2 whorls visible on the flat spiral 
side, only the 7 chambers of the final whorl visible on the strongly 
elevated umbilical side, chambers about twice as high as broad, wedge- 
shaped in outline, much elevated around the umbilicus and with acutely 
angled umbilical shoulders, umbilicus with a large and strongly pro- 
truding plug; sutures flush, straight but oblique on the spiral side, 
deeply incised and radial on the umbilical side ; wall calcareous, finely 
perforate, surface minutely granular in appearance ; aperture appear- 
ing to be a narrow areal slit as the umbilical apertural plate is obscured 
at the surface by the strongly protruding chambers with acutely 
angled umbilical shoulders. 

Diameter of figured topotype 0.50 mm. 

Remarks.—This species differs from Pararotalia inermis (Ter- 
quem) in the more angled peripheral outline, the flatter spiral side 
with straight and oblique rather than curved sutures, and the more 
elevated umbilical side with large umbilical plug which nearly com- 
pletely fills the umbilicus. 

Types and occurrence.—Figured topotype (U.S.N.M. P5811) from 
the Oligocene (Lattorfian), Middle Headon, Brockenhurst beds, at 
White Cliff Bay, east coast of Isle of Wight, England. Collected by 
H. T. and A. R. Loeblich, Jr., with Dennis Curry and A. G. Davis, 
September 24, 1953. 


PARAROTALIA species 
Plate 5, figures 3a-c 


A single specimen of a Pararotalia was obtained from the Miocene 
(Burdigalian) near Dax. It somewhat resembles P. curryi, new spe- 
cies, but is more strongly keeled, more compressed, and has relatively 
higher chambers. The umbilical side lacks a plug, but as only a single 
specimen is available, it is not certain whether or not this is an acci- 
dental feature. The elevated chambers around the umbilicus some- 
what resemble P. spinigera (Le Calvez) but the spiral side is less 
convex and the peripheral spines less prominent. 


NO. 2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 21 


Diameter of figured specimen 0.35 mm. 

Types and occurrence.—Figured specimen (U.S.N.M. P5812) 
from the Miocene, Burdigalian, at Mont de Marson, near St. Avit, 
region of Dax, Dept. Landes, France. 


REFERENCES 


Buatta, S. B. 

1955. The foraminiferal fauna of the late Palaeocene sediments of the Isle 
of Wight, England. Journ. Paleontol., vol. 29, No. 4, pp. 665-693, 
pls. 66, 67. 

CusHMAN, J. A. 

1922. The Foraminifera of the Mint Spring calcareous marl member of the 
Marianna limestone. U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 129-F, pp. 123- 
143, pls. 29-35. 

1923. The Foraminifera of the Vicksburg group. U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. 
Pap. 133, pp. 11-57, pls. 1-8. 

1928. Foraminiféres du Stampien du Bassin de Paris. Bull. Soc. Sci. 
Seine-et-Oise, sér. 2, vol. 90, No. 4, pp. 47-62, pls. 1-3. 

CusHMAN, J. A., and Topp, R. 

1946. A foraminiferal fauna from the Byram marl at its type locality. 

Contr. Cushman Lab. Foram. Res., vol. 22, pp. 76-102, pls. 13-16. 
GULLENTOPS, F. 

1956. Les foraminiféres des sables de Vieux-Joncs (Tongrien supérieur). 

Mém. Inst. Géol. Univ. de Louvain, vol. 20, pp. 1-25, pl. 1. 
KAASSCHIETER, J. P. H. 

1955. Part 3. Smaller Foraminifera. In Drooger, C. W., Kaasschieter, 
J. P. H., and Key, A. J., The microfauna of the Aquitanian- 
Burdigalian of southwestern France. Verh. Kon. Nederl. Akad. 
van Wetensch., Afd. Natuurk., ser. 1, vol. 21, No. 2, pp. 50-90, 
pls. 2-13. 

Ler CAtvez, Y. 

1949. Révision des Foraminiféres Lutétiens du Bassin de Paris. II. Ro- 
taliidae et familles affines. Mém. pour servir a l’explication de la 
carte géologique détaillée de la France, pp. 1-54, pls. 1-6. 

1952. Révision des Foraminiféres Lutétiens du Bassin de Paris. IV. Valvu- 
linidae, Peneroplidae, Ophthalmidiidae, Lagenidae. Mém. pour 
servir a l’explication de la carte géologique détaillée de la France, 
pp. 1-64, pls. 1-4. 

Smout, A. H. 

1954. Lower Tertiary Foraminifera of the Qatar Peninsula. Monogr. 
British Mus. Nat. Hist., pp. 1-96, pls. 1-15, text figs. I-44. 

1955. Reclassification of the Rotaliidea (Foraminifera) and two new Cre- 
taceous forms resembling Elphidium. Journ. Washington Acad. 
Sci., vol. 45, No. 7, pp. 201-210, figs. I-10. 

Topp, R. 

1952. Vicksburg (Oligocene) smaller Foraminifera from Mississippi. U. S. 

Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 241, pp. 1-53, pls. 1-6. 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES 


PuiateE 1. Pararotalia byramensis, P. inermis 
Fig. 3b XX 255, all other figures « 146. 


Fig. 1. Pararotaha byramensis (Cushman) «62... . 0000s 0600's see ea = vee 10 
1a, Spiral view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5697) from the Byram 
formation (Oligocene) of Mississippi, showing low convexity and 
thickened sutures. 1b, Umbilical view, showing thickened sutures 
and umbilical plug. 1c, Edge view, showing much elevated umbilical 
side, angular umbilical shoulder, and areal aperture. 

Bigs; 2.'3 Pararotalia unermts ((lenduent) ne een ecaecenne ocr ee ee eeee 14 

2a, Spiral view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. Ps693a), showing curved 
sutures and lobulate keeled periphery. 2b, Umbilical view, showing 
nodes at the umbilical shoulder and the large umbilical plug. 2c, 
Edge view, showing areal aperture, with apertural umbilical plate 
mostly obscured by the elevated, nodose, and acutely angled umbili- 
cal shoulder. 3a, Edge view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5693b), from 
which most of final chamber has been removed, showing curvature 
of final chamber remnant around the areal aperture of the preceding 
chamber, and the remains of the secondary umbilical plate external 
to the chamber wall but attached to it, which is of much reduced 
height in this species. 3b, Enlargement of apertural portion of 
fig. 3a. Both from the Calcaire grossier, Lutetian (middle Eocene) 


of France. 
Piate 2. Pararotalia macneil, P. calvezae 
All figures & 146 
Figs. 1, 2. Pararotalia macneili Loeblich and Tappan, new species....... 16 


Ia, Spiral view of holotype (U.S.N.M. P5694), showing small 
size and hispid surface, but lack of large peripheral spines such as 
are found in younger species. 1b, Umbilical view, showing low 
umbilical plug and areal aperture. 1c, Edge view, showing biconvex 
test, rounded periphery, and areal aperture. 2a, Umbilical view of 
paratype (U.S.N.M. P5695) which shows the low interiomarginal 
aperture before development of the umbilical plate. 2b, Edge view. 
Both from the Matthews Landing marl member of the Porters 
Creek clay (Paleocene) of Alabama. 

Figs. 3-7. Pararotalia calvezae Loeblich and Tappan, new species......... 12 

3a, Umbilical view of paratype (U.S.N.M. P5687a), with interio- 
marginal aperture and umbilical plug, and the lobulate peripheral 
outline of juvenile specimens. 3b, Edge view. 4, Umbilical view of 
paratype (U.S.N.M. P5687b), with well-developed secondary um- 
bilical plate, resultant areal aperture, and small peripheral spines 
on some chambers. 5a, Spiral view of paratype (U.S.N.M. P5687c), 
showing nodose early spire. 5b, Umbilical view, showing areal aper- 
ture. 5c, Edge view. 6, Umbilical view of paratype (U.S.N.M. 
P5687d), with areal aperture above the umbilical plate. 7a, Spiral 
view of holotype (U.S.N.M. P5686), showing short, blunt periph- 
eral spines. 7b, Umbilical view, showing umbilical plug and areal 


NO. 


Figs. 1-4. Pararotalia ishamae Loeblich and Tappan, new species 


Figs. 5-7. Pararotalia curryi Loeblich and Tappan, new species 


Figs. 1-3. Pararotalia spinigera (Le Calvez) 


Figs. 4, 5. Pararotalia parva (Cushman) 


2 THE GENUS PARAROTALIA—LOEBLICH AND TAPPAN 


aperture. 7c, Edge view. All from the Ypresian (lower Eocene) 
of France. 


Piate 3. Pararotalia ishamae, P. curryi 


All figures 146 


1a, Spiral view of holotype (U.S.N.M. P5689), showing small 
discorbidlike test. 1b, Umbilical view, showing areal aperture and 
umbilical plug. 1c, Edge view, showing rounded periphery and areal 
aperture. 2, Umbilical view of large paratype (U.S.N.M. P5690), 
showing interiomarginal aperture. Both from the Aquia formation 
of Virginia. 3a, Spiral view of paratype (U.S.N.M. P5691) from 
the Nanafalia formation of Alabama. 3b, Umbilical view, showing 
areal aperture and well-marked umbilical plate. 3c, Edge view. 
4, Oblique umbilical view of dissected paratype (U.S.N.M. P5692) 
from the Matthews Landing marl member of the Porters Creek clay 
of Alabama, showing areal aperture and umbilical plate. 


5a, Spiral view of holotype (U.S.N.M. P5808). 5b, Umbilical 
view, showing pronounced umbilical plug, areal aperture and umbili- 
cal plates. 5c, Edge view. 6, Umbilical view of paratype (U.S.N.M. 
P5809), showing open interiomarginal aperture on final chamber, 
before development of umbilical plate, small peripheral spines, and 
elevated nodes at the umbilical shoulder of the chambers. Both from 
the Brockenhurst beds, Lattorfian (Oligocene) of England. 7a, 
Spiral view of large paratype (U.S.N.M. P5810) from the Stampian 
(Oligocene) of France, showing small peripheral spines. 7b, Um- 
bilical view, showing interiomarginal aperture. 7c, Edge view. 


Pate 4. Pararotalia spimigera, P. parva 


All figures * 146 


1a, Spiral view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5688a), showing stellate 
outline, strongly developed peripheral spines, and early nodose 
whorls. 1b, Umbilical view, showing strong umbilical nodes of the 
chambers, umbilical plug, and areal aperture with bordering umbili- 
cal plate. 1c, Edge view, showing planoconvex test, with the for- 
ward lip of the areal aperture largely obscuring the opening from 
this view. 2, Edge view of dissected hypotype (U.S.N.M. Ps688b), 
showing areal aperture and well-marked umbilical plate of penulti- 
mate chamber. 3, Umbilical view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5688c), 
showing final chamber, retaining the interiomarginal character of 
the aperture before the development of the umbilical plate. All from 
the Calcaire grossier, Lutetian (middle Eocene) of France. 


4, Umbilical view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5696a), showing large 
umbilical plug, areal aperture, and umbilical plate. 5a, Spiral view 


enw, 61s! Sie ee « 


ey 


oY 


23 


Page 


15 


13 


18 


16 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Page { 
of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5696b), showing thickened sutures, lobu- 
late and spinose periphery. 5b, Umbilical view of specimen with in- 
teriomarginal opening in final chamber, and prominent lip at forward 
margin of aperture. 5c, Edge view, showing biconvex, nearly sym- 
metrical test, contrasting with the planoconvex test of P. spinigera. 
Both from the Byram formation (Oligocene) of Mississippi. | 


Pate 5. Pararotalia subinermis, P. armata, P. species | 
All figures & 146 


Fig. 1. Parorotalia suibmermis Bhatia, (222.0% 220% oo c's ese = oles oe seen 20 
1a, Spiral view of topotype (U.S.N.M. P5811) from the Brocken- 
hurst beds, Lattorfian (Oligocene) of England, showing prominent 
keel, thickened sutures, and polygonal outline. 1b, Umbilical view, 
showing very large umbilical plug and angular umbilical shoulder 
of the protruding chambers. 1c, Edge view, showing areal aperture, 
large and cylindrical umbilical plug and acutely angled umbilical 
shoulder which largely obscures the narrow umbilical plates. 
Fig. 2. Pararotaha armate(d' Orbigny) <2) cee ess asses cc eee ss eee 9 
2a, Spiral view of hypotype (U.S.N.M. P5807) from the Burdi- 
galian (Miocene) of France, showing stellate outline. 2b, Umbilical 
view, showing large umbilical plug and small areal aperture. 2c, 
Edge view, showing lenticular outline of this species, protruding 
umbilical plug, areal aperture, and very narrow umbilical plate of 
final chamber. 
Fig.'3. Pararatahaxspectes. feo re a cia cre tens laos cate ane ote eel ehe stele a etetees 20 
3a, Spiral view of specimen (U.S.N.M. P5812) from the Burdi- 
galian (Miocene) of France, showing stellate outline, peripheral 
keel and spines. 3b, Umbilical view, showing chamber nodes around 
the umbilicus, which lacks a plug, although this may have been 
broken out in preservation or preparation. 3c, Edge view, showing 
typical areal aperture. 


PLATES 


Fea | 


} 


\MITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 2, PL. 1 


PARAROTALIA BYRAMENSIS, P. INERMIS 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


ITHSONIAN MISCELLANEO ) VOL. 135, -NO: 2; Pie 


PARAROTALIA MACNEILI, P. CALVEZAE 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


PARAROTALIA ISHAMAE, P. CURRY] 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLEC 


PARAROTALIA SPINIGERA, P. PARVA 


planation at end of text.) 


COLLECTIONS 


S 


J 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOU 


P. ARMATA, P. SPECIES 


PARAROTALIA SUBINERMIS, 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 3 


Charles B. and Mary Waux CHalcott 
Research Hund 


GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND, 
CANAL ZONE 


(With TuHreE Prates) 


By 


W. P. WOODRING 
Geologist, United States Geological Survey 


WE INCR 


<a Rs 


(PuBLicaTIon 4304) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
FEBRUARY 11, 1958 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


CONTENTS 


Page 

PR MSERELOR Sapte alashvrelatnve ieee wGiSics aula at aid: We wale eee Maem RNS eames % 
Reetecete ts A CKT OLE iticie) Chard as ties oa bs ado ue Sole hotel rae ences 3 
Mearrapiicand seonorphic setting. oc... hE oa ae soe ede 5 
eMetAMN MEGIODICCALITES @.025 she Sale cca tke de he coe ee ee eee aes eee 9 
Sedimentary rock formations and fossils: .3.....055ccc0060es ence ee ence 10 
NpeNGy POT TIIAEIOR Cet Sa Dette oarcig) aisle d Sale Seeieele Gdlte MAREN men ee ete ates 10 
Sematto TOLMAN | Seo eay aches Ms 6 ce BSG Site See ea 18 
RRS CS Neate Ning t es HE a Be as cl 4-0! 'o pay diose a nate: GL atee tame eenetae eae ate 28 
BN ed Rae aia cai sche Ad stole 6 coi 4, spre BIO Mo Whe. tae: he eet O tage earn 28 
SSE EE aay eis ye ea fe cia ais ei el sash: ¢'s,40 4! "a ofaislaapecate doje ec gein eeaieteReeaere etckne mote 30 
Barro Colorado’s contribution to geologic history of Panama land bridge... 31 
ers St UPIOCAUIES fi ae Sis, a's ish oa od oie a o's ae. e bela oleeanaee epee petals oe 34 
EME RMSE INICGESY 52 cici5 sue! alg inicls. ais: «)ais''s' 6 +4 0's, lle! etayae ig Seater mesa o eee 35 
PRPMUAUN DN cana taitys alsisrsie Sats acca alarvioueaia's wie.9 d'w-aie sitye'e bis. as iw SaSale ete aaa cond ai 36 
“PELTED PEPYS Tg VE OPE ee URE Re Oa a7 


ili 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PLATES 
Following page 
. Geologic map and structure section of Barro Colorado Island....... 12 
. Laboratory clearing and surrounding forest, Barro Colorado Island... 39 
. Boulder conglomerate of Bohio formation at Salud Point, Barro 
Colorado Island «asd s.0:s,05.4) 5/250 eee ne ers Perera ete 39 
FIGURES 
Page 
. Map showing site of Barro Colorado Island before damming of Rio 
Chagres ‘to fori 'Gatus' Wakes en eid aanacicn ee ere eee 4 
. Map of Canal Zone and adjoining parts of Panama showing location 
of :Barto’ Colorado Islatid, ie hc ee ccc oue ee seas cack oot esa cere 6 
. Sedimentary rock formations in Gatun Lake area and on Barro 
Colorado ‘Tslatd! oo Sitemeter ite mince vice sien ote II 


Charles DB. and Mary Waux Walcott Research Fund 


GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND, 
CANAL’ ZONE: 


By W. P. WOODRING 
Geologist, United States Geological Survey 


(With THREE PLATES) 


INTRODUCTION 


Barro Colorado Island has been a wildlife reservation since 1923, 
at first as the Institute for Tropical Research in America under the 
direction of the National Research Council, and since 1946 as the 
Canal Zone Biological Area, administered by the Smithsonian Insti- 
tution. Though hundreds of papers and books have been published on 
research conducted on the island, only a few sentences on the geology 
have appeared. One of these sentences deserves special mention, for 
it was written by a mammalogist: ‘There are many outcrops of rock, 
chiefly Bohio conglomerate” (Enders, 1935, p. 387). No geologist 
could write a more pertinent one-sentence statement concerning the 
geology of the island. The present account is intended primarily for 
visitors who may be interested in the geologic background and what it 
means in terms of geologic history, particularly the geologic history 
of the Panama land bridge. For that reason it includes matter that is 
elementary to geologists. An additional purpose is to show that geo- 
logical fieldwork is rewarding in a superficially unpromising forested 
area, provided sufficient time and facilities are available. 

During six weeks in January and February (two of the four dry- 
season months), 1954, Mrs. Woodring and I were granted residence 
privileges on the island, while I studied its geology and that of nearby 
areas accessible by launch and cayuca (dugout). 

Fieldwork on Barro Colorado was a memorable experience. It was 
like working in an unfenced combined zoological park and botanical 
garden. Agouti, coati, howling monkey, and white-faced monkey 
were seen every day; three-toed anteater, collared peccary, and iguana 


1 Publication authorized by the Director, U. S. Geological Survey. For sum- 
mary see page 36. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 3 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


frequently ; the elusive little squirrel monkey, three-toed sloth, nine- 
banded armadillo, white-tailed deer, nutria, and crocodile occasionally. 
While I was writing notes near the mouth of the first stream south of 
Fuertes House, 13 collared peccaries, adults and young, slowly filed 
across the stream not more than 15 meters ? upwind, unaware of my 
presence. Spoor of big cats and tapir was the only indication of 
those animals, the largest on the island. A pair of semidomesticated 
young tapirs frequently appeared in the clearing during the evening. 
To our surprise the male one evening chased a tame deer all over the 
clearing. He probably was resentful because the deer had just been 
fed. From the vantage point of the laboratory veranda, where so 
much could be seen, we watched white-faced monkeys making their 
tremendous leaps in the forest canopy, some of them pausing in a 
balsa tree to bury their heads deeply in the vaselike flowers, exactly 
as shown in Chapman’s photograph (1938, pl. 5). 

Parrot, parakeet, toucan, and antbird were ever present in the for- 
est, and brilliant little honeycreepers were seen every evening in a leaf- 
less tree in front of the laboratory veranda. Great tinamou, whose 
haunting flutelike whistle will always be associated with memories of 
dawn and dusk, and crested guan (both game birds elsewhere) were 
common. Black-throated trogon, rufous motmot, and oropéndola 
were not unusual in the forest. A colony of oropéndolas, which re- 
turns to the clearing year after year to build its long pendent nests in 
a tall sandbox tree near the Chapman Cottage, was engaged in that 
task. 

The big trees—cedro espinosa (Bombacopsis fendleri)—plotted on 
plate 1 are not exceptional but are located along trails, where their 
towering height and massively buttressed trunks are well displayed. 
The scarlet-flowered passionflower vine and the purple-flowered jaca- 
randa were in bloom in the forest. It was too early for the guayacan, 
which in March brightens the forest with clouds of bright yellow 
blossoms. 

Interesting as the animals and plants may be, they have no bearing 
on the geology, except their effects on a geologist, who may be unable 
to resist the temptation to spend more time on nongeologic observa- 
tions than he is accustomed to. 

There was only one drawback to fieldwork and that was due to a 
personal susceptibility. I found no effective way to keep off my body 
the minute ticks that are prevalent during the dry season, and their 


2 Metric units are used in this paper, not only because Barro Colorado is in the 
midst of metric-using countries, but also to conform with the system of marking 
trails on the island. 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 3 


slightest bite raised a blister. I envied the young people, from schools 
in the Canal Zone and Panama, who were attired in shorts for a day- 
length visit and evidently were not bothered. They, however, were 
not much exposed to ticks on the well-traveled trails near the 
laboratory. 

For an introduction to the island and its unusual opportunities and 
beauty, a prospective visitor could do no better than to read Chap- 
man’s two delightful books (Chapman, 1929, 1938). 


HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 


The flooding of Gatun Lake, through the construction of Gatun 
Dam on Rio Chagres, began in 1911 and was completed in 1913-14. 
Before the damming, the site of Barro Colorado was the high north- 
eastern part of a ridge between the valley of Rio Gigante (part of 
which now is Gigante Bay) and Laguna de Pefia Blanca (now Pefia 
Blanca Bay). The ridge was designated Loma de Palenquilla (fig. 1). 
The high part of Loma de Palenquilla owed its altitude to a thick cap 
of basalt, although that was not then known. (The name Palenquilla, 
displaced westward to the west side of Pea Blanca Bay, survives as 
the name for a point.) Loma de Palenquilla is labeled on a French 
map prepared in 1844 and published in 1845 (Garella, 1845). Varro 
Colorado, presumably named for a bluff of red clay, also appears on 
the map as the name of a settlement of Rio Chagres near the north- 
east end of Loma de Palenquilla. On a French map dated 1886 Varro 
Colorado Arriba is on the north side of the Chagres and Varro Colo- 
rado Abajo a little downstream on the south side, and the ridge is 
labeled “Lomas de Palenquillo” (Wyse, 1886). The outline of what 
was to become Barro Colorado Island is well shown by two 1o-meter 
contours on the last of the French maps, which was published in 1899 
and was used in the drafting of figure 1 (Etienne and others, 1899). 
The outline of the island in figure 1 and slight modifications of minor 
drainage features are taken from a modern map of the same scale, 
but the contours on the French map agree remarkably well with the 
outline. The only serious error on the French map is the drawing of 
a stream practically along the crest of the present Bohio Peninsula. 
The French map was prepared under the auspices of a Commission of 
the second French canal company, a member of which was the French 
geologist Marcel Bertrand, well known for his early work on over- 
thrusting in the complexly deformed subsurface coal fields of north- 
ern France and on recumbent thrust sheets (nappes) in the Alps. 
Bertrand collaborated with a resident Swiss engineer, Philippe Zir- 
cher, in preparation of the most satisfactory of the early accounts of 


79550! 


Prats 
por’) 
oy , 
2; Bohio ao 
‘ Soldado Que 
Vamos y. Via 
Si Vamos @ 
ey > b : 
LON FRENCH A -ocKk ,Buena Vista 
NaN aL SS Pena Blanca oe Rio Aqua_ Salud 
Meta igs 


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SS aN 
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Scale 1:100 000 
1 0 1 2 3 4 5 Kilometers 
| PPIPRA (PAPA (ace oel Co EL ee | (ae A ay) 
1 0 1 2 Miles 


[ea i ogee ee ee) 


Fic. 1—Map showing site of Barro Colorado Island before damming of Rio 
Chagres to form Gatun Lake. Outline of island shown by broken line. Modified 


from map in report of Commission of second French canal company (Etienne 
and others, 1899). 


4 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—-WOODRING 5 


the geology of the proposed canal route (Bertrand and Ziircher, 
1899). Two famous French geologists were involved in the early 
work: Marcel Bertrand and the paleontologist Henri Douvillé. With 
few exceptions, Douvillé’s (1891, 1898, 1915) age assignments have 
stood the test of time. 

In its lower course Rio Chagres was a wide stream, and under the 
drive of the trade winds during the dry season tidewater extended 
upstream almost to Loma de Palenquilla (Kirkpatrick, in Chapman, 
1938, p. 206). In the early 1850’s, before completion of the Panama 
Railroad in 1855, small iron-hulled steamers plied the river up to Gor- 
gona, 12 kilometers in a direct line above Varro Colorado, to supple- 
ment the fleet of smaller vessels in accommodating the swarm of 
California-bound gold-rush travelers. From Gorgona, bongos (large 
dugouts) ascended the river to Las Cruces, a short distance upstream 
from the present site of Gamboa, where passengers disembarked for 
the arduous trip by muleback or on foot to Panama City. 

During the French construction periods (1881-89, 1895-99) or 
later, Loma de Palenquilla was used for an unexpected purpose. This 
episode, revealed by countless bottles of assorted design and a French 
iron dump car set up as a boiler—all near the summit of Barro Colo- 
rado—was discussed by Enders (1935, p. 388) and Chapman (1938, 
pp. 207-209). They concluded that this remote spot was the scene of 
illicit rum-distilling operations and surmised that the summit area, 
now sparsely forested, was cultivated to supply sugarcane. As sug- 
gested by Chapman, archeological excavations doubtless would throw 
light on this chapter of the island’s history. 


GEOGRAPHIC AND GEOMORPHIC SETTING 


Barro Colorado, the largest and highest island in Gatun Lake, is 
25 kilometers in a direct line south-southeast of Colon and about the 
same distance north of the continental divide (fig. 2). It is roughly 
circular and roughly dome-shaped, and reaches an altitude of 164 
meters above sea level, or 138 meters above the normal level of Gatun 
Lake. The greatest diameter is 54 kilometers and the area 15 square 
kilometers. Though the island is small, it is so deeply indented that 
the length of the shoreline is about 50 kilometers. The Panama Canal 
channel extends north and east of the island. The closest approach is 
at Salud Point, a view of which is shown on plate 3. 

With the exception of the laboratory clearing of 24 hectares and 
a few insignificant clearings elsewhere, the entire island is forested, 
but not all the forest is primary. Plate 2 shows the laboratory clearing 
and the surrounding forest. A network of well-kept trails extends 


VOL. 135 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


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REPUBLYY 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 7 


over the island and a marked launch channel encircles it. Metal mark- 
ers, bearing the name of the trail and the distance in hectometers from 
the laboratory or from the end of the trail heading toward the labo- 
ratory, are set at 100-meter intervals on the trails. The 1: 20,000 Army 
Map Service topographic maps (contour interval 20 feet, converted to 
an interval of 20 meters on plate 1), now available, and especially the 
network of trails and their markers, convert the island into an area 
that has horizontal control perhaps unequaled elsewhere in American 
tropical forests. The island therefore offers an exceptional oppor- 
tunity for geologic work. 

Streams arranged in a radial pattern drain the island. A few of 
the streams have been casually named; for example, Lutz Creek and 
Allee Creek for the minor streams along the east and west sides, re- 
spectively, of the laboratory clearing. On a recent map of a small 
part of the island (Schneirla, 1956, fig. 4, and earlier publications), 
the stream on which fossil locality 42h * is located is appropriately 
labeled Fossil Creek and that crossed by the Shannon, Balboa, and 
American Museum of Natural History (A.M.N.H. of plate 1) Trails 
is labeled Shannon Creek. Perhaps other investigators have named 
streams in which they were interested. In describing the geology it 
would be convenient to have names for the principal streams, but the 
trails are so closely spaced that a brief phrase is sufficient for locating 
a stream with reference to the nearest trail. The major streams and 
some of the minor streams, such as that on the east side of the labora- 
tory clearing, are perennial, but during the dry season their flow is 
greatly reduced. 

The topographic maps used as a base for plate I were constructed 
photogrammetrically. The top of the forest canopy is so uneven, 
ranging from 15 to 45 meters above the ground, that some minor 
drainage features inevitably were misinterpreted. Corrections in 
streams and trend of contours, particularly in the western part of the 
island, were sketched in the field and transferred to plate 1. 

Nearly all the slopes are steep except in an area of considerable 
extent at the top of the island, which is designated the upland surface. 
The 20-meter contours of plate 1 show this surface as an area of low 
relief above an altitude of about 120 meters. The stream courses in 


3 The localities at which fossils were collected are described on pages 34-35, and 
all except 427, which is very close to 42h, are plotted on plate 1. They have num- 
ber and letter designations because they are intercalated in a series of report 
numbers established before the fieldwork on Barro Colorado was undertaken. 
The same series of report numbers is being used in a report to be published as 
Professional Paper 306 of the U. S. Geological Survey. 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the upland surface are wide swales, dry in the dry season, The upper 
part of the upland surface is sparsely forested and the swales are 
covered with a dense growth of pita (wild pineapple), indicating, as 
suggested by Enders and Chapman, that much of the upland surface 
formerly was cultivated. 

The present remnant is all that is left of a surface formed at a 
time when the streams were graded to a base level (the ancient Rio 
Chagres) several tens of meters higher, with respect to present sea 
level, than Rio Chagres before flooding of Gatun Lake. The origin 
of the upland surface is mentioned again on page 33. 

Steep-gradient streams flowing in narrow ravines are now destroy- 
ing the remnant of the upland surface. These streams are cutting 
farther and farther back into the surface by headward erosion. A 
neck of the surface, extending northeastward toward the laboratory 
clearing, is now being cut off from the main body. At the base of 
the neck, a northward-flowing steep-gradient stream and its tribu- 
taries (crossed by bridges on the Wheeler Trail northeast of the sum- 
mit of the island) captured the headwaters of southward-flowing low- 
gradient streams. Barring unforeseeable events, the headward erosion 
of all the streams will continue until the upland surface is completely 
consumed. 

In general the topographic features reflect the geologic background, 
but the upland surface is an exception. It bevels a thick cap of basalt 
and also conglomerate, the most durable rocks on the island—an indi- 
cation that the surface bears witness to a long interval of erosion, The 
high, rugged nothern part of the island, westward from the laboratory 
clearing, is underlain by conglomerate of the Bohio formation, which 
is not readily eroded. The stream courses in that area are narrow 
ravines or miniature gorges. Rugged slopes are formed by the same 
kind of rock southwestward from the western part of the Barbour 
Trail. On the west side of the second main stream west of the Dray- 
ton Trail, the slope is very precipitous for a vertical distance of 30 
meters, 

The softer rocks of the Caimito formation form subdued slopes 
and more open ravines than the hard rocks of the Bohio formation. 
Such features are characteristic of both the marine rocks in the west- 
ern and central parts of the island and the nonmarine volcanic rocks in 
the eastern part, although the volcanic rocks include thin flows of 
basalt and small intrusive bodies of basalt. 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND——-WOODRING 9 


GENERAL GEOLOGIC FEATURES 


Though no account of the geology of Barro Colorado has been pub- 
lished, the island has appeared on several geologic maps. MacDonald’s 
small-scale map (about 1: 260,000), published in 1915 and again in 
1919, shows the Bohio formation cropping out over the entire island 
(MacDonald, 1915, pl. 4; 1919, pl. 153). MacDonald, who was resi- 
dent geologist during the last two years (1911-13) of the canal-con- 
struction period, was not carrying on geologic mapping—he was en- 
gaged in engineering geology. He saw the readily identified Bohio 
formation at the north end of Loma de Palenquilla during trips on 
the French Canal and Rio Chagres, and later along the north coast of 
Barro Colorado during trips on Gatun Lake. A geologic map of the 
Gatun Lake area on a scale of 1 : 62,500 was published in 1950 (Jones, 
1950, pl. 2). That map shows the same major rock units on Barro 
Colorado as plate 1 of the present account. Aside from the greater 
detail on plate 1 commensurate with its larger scale (1: 20,000), the 
chief difference is that on plate 1 the eastern third of the island is 
shown to be underlain not wholly by basalt, but by a volcanic facies 
of the Caimito formation that includes basalt. The representation of 
Barro Colorado on a recently issued 1: 75,000 geologic map of the 
Canal Zone and adjoining parts of Panama (Woodring, 1955) is a 
generalized version of plate 1. The generalization includes the show- 
ing of basalt in the eastern third of the island and the omission of a 
branch of the Barro Colorado fault. 

A visitor to Barro Colorado, who missed the basalt at the stream 
crossed by the Nemesia Trail 60 meters west of Nemesia 2, could 
travel every meter of the 36 kilometers of trails without seeing a 
single outcrop of unweathered rock. He would think, if he thought 
about it at all, that the island is geologically monotonous: an expanse 
of red clay with here and there scattered “boulders,” or less rounded 
masses, that have an oxidized ferruginous coat of varying thickness 
and a heart of hard black rock. The red clay is a product of oxidation 
and hydration. At least in field features, the red-clay product from 
different parent material cannot be distinguished. There is one partial 
exception to that generalization. If the weathering has not gone too 
far and the clay, as seen in stream banks, shows somewhat rectangu- 
lar, small, whitish blobs, it may be concluded that the blobs are kaolin- 
ized ghosts of feldspar crystals and that the parent material presuma- 
bly is basalt. It would be uncertain, however, whether it is solid 
basalt, agglomerate containing fragments of basalt, or conglomerate 
made up of basalt boulders. 


10 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The high-gradient streams have cut through this mantle of red clay, 
ranging in thickness from a few meters to 15 meters, and afford satis- 
factory exposures of fresh rock. In fact, many of these streams are 
lined by continuous, or practically continuous, outcrops for considera- 
ble distances. Outcrops can be seen also on some of the low-gradient 
streams, particularly along these underlain by the marine rocks of the 
Caimito formation, but many of them, especially short streams, are 
not rewarding. 

Exposures of unweathered rock away from streams were found 
only in the northwestern part of the island, where conglomerate of the 
Bohio formation crops out along the shore of the bold headlands jut- 
ting into Gatun Lake. These headlands are open to a long fetch of 
the lake, and every afternoon during the dry season white-capped 
waves are raised by the trade winds. The westernmost peninsula, 
which is narrow and very precipitous, is the only place where natural 
outcrops—again conglomerate of the Bohio formation—were ob- 
served on the crest of a ridge. 

The geology of Barro Colorado is basically simple. As may be seen 
in figure 3, only two of the six major sedimentary rock units cropping 
out in the Gatun Lake area are found on Barro Colorado: the Bohio 
and Caimito formations. The outcropping strata of both are of late 
Oligocene age. Neither the base of the Bohio nor the top of the 
Caimito is represented on the island. Both formations include two 
mapped units of different facies. The bulk of the Bohio is nonmarine, 
but the formation includes thin tongues of marine strata. In the west- 
ern and central parts of the island the Caimito consists of marine 
strata, whereas in the eastern part the marine strata are replaced by 
nonmarine volcanic rocks. 


SEDIMENTARY ROCK FORMATIONS AND FOSSILS 
BOHIO FORMATION 


The Bohio formation was named for Bohio (originally Bohio Sol- 
dado), a village on the Panama Railroad, located on a bluff overlook- 
ing Rio Chagres (fig. 1). The site of Bohio is close to the north bor- 
der of plate 1, north of French Lock Point on de Lesseps Island. That 
island, Orchid Island, and the northwestern part of Barro Colorado, 
therefore, are in the type region of the formation. During the gold- 
rush travel across the isthmus and later as the center of French opera- 
tions, Bohio was a town of several thousand inhabitants. In the Canal 
Zone the name, which is in use for the long peninsula north of Barro 
Colorado and for the point at the end of the peninsula, is anglicized 


Millions} Geologi ; Barro Colorado Island 
of years 


Toro limestone 
member 


Caimito formation hela 
marine facies volcanic facies 


Las Cascadas agglomerate 


? _ Bohio formation <2? 
Marine member ? 
of Bohio(?) ° S 
formation - : 


Gatuncillo formation 


wl 
z 
i 
2) 
Q 
= 
a 
wi 
z 
ig 
18) 
ie] 
Q 
a 
(e) 
w 
z 
i 
Q 
| 
wi 
Zz 
rr 
rr 
a 
< 
a 


Basement complex 


CRETACEOUS(?) 


Fic. 3—Sedimentary rock formations in Gatun Lake area and on Barro Colorado Island. 
Vertical ruling indicates gap. Broken horizontal line indicates that base or top of formation is 
not represented. Approximate age in years adapted from Simpson (1947, p. 481). 


II 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and the accent is dropped. The formation was named by R. T. Hill, 
the first American geologist to study the geology of the canal route 
(Hill, 1898, p. 183). He used the spelling ‘““Bujio,’ which appears on 
some early maps. 

The maximum thickness of the Bohio formation in the Gatun Lake 
area is estimated to be 300 meters. On Barro Colorado, however, only 
about the uppermost 125 meters are exposed. The entire formation, 
overlying the Gatuncillo formation, of middle and late Eocene age, 
crops out northwest of Gamboa. On Barro Colorado the Bohio in- 
cludes both nonmarine and marine strata. 

Nonmarine strata.—The Bohio is the most distinctive sedimentary 
rock formation in the Gatun Lake area. The principal constituent is 
conglomerate made up almost entirely of boulders, cobbles, and peb- 
bles of basalt. There is no conglomerate like it in older or younger 
formations. Moreover, the basaltic debris is embedded in a matrix 
consisting chiefly of coarse-grained, angular grains of basalt. The 
conglomerate is rudely stratified or unstratified and unsorted, and in- 
cludes some imperfectly rounded and angular pieces of basalt. Boul- 
ders that have a diameter of 2 meters are not unusual, but the maxi- 
mum diameter generally is a little less. In extensive exposures, such as 
those on the headlands west of the laboratory clearing, an occasional 
boulder of other rocks may be seen: altered lava, diorite, and slaty 
rock. Sharp-edged pieces of white chert are strewn along a shallow 
ravine near the northwest end of the Standley Trail and also down- 
stream from locality 42h, east of the Shannon Trail. Both localities 
are in the outcrop area of the Bohio formation. Though the chert was 
not seen in place, it presumably is derived from chert boulders in the 
conglomerate. 

In the laboratory clearing and along the ravines emptying into Ga- 
tun Lake east and west of the landing, the conglomerate may be 
readily observed. That fresh rock is not far below the surface in the 
clearing is indicated by the hillside excavation for the new laboratory 
building near the southwest end of the clearing. At a depth of a meter 
rotten remnants and ghosts of boulders and cobbles can be made out. 
They consist of igneous rock, evidently basalt, showing kaolinized 
feldspar crystals. The weathered rock in the excavation disintegrates 
into coarse-grained sand. A 2-meter boulder in the ravine east of the 
landing, 10 meters upstream from Gatun Lake, looks like a small out- 
crop of basalt. It is breaking up along joints into sharp-edged frag- 
ments. Good exposures of conglomerate, including a long chute just 
below the Chichi Cottage, halfway down the slope from the labora- 
tory, are readily accessible along the ravine at the west edge of the 


9°11’ 


79°50’ 


pper Oligocene 


EXPLANATION 
SEDIMENTARY ROCKS 


Caimito formation 


Marine facies 
Tuffaceous sandstone, 
tuffaceous siltstone, 
limestone. 


I 


Voleanic facies 
Basaltic agglomerate, gray- 
wacke, extrusive and intru- 
sive basalt. 


TERTIARY 


5 = 2 ae 
* ie <=, | JSS 


ar 


> a 
Strike and dip of strata 
x 42d 


Fossil locality 


9°10' 


—_ PS 
Qa = 


9°09' 


Mona Grita 
Island 


9°08) - 
79°52" 79°51" 79°50' 
Base from Army Map Service maps Geology by W. P. Woodring. Surveyed in 1954 
mete, SECTION ALONG LINE A-A’ . 

2 BEND IN meters 
SECTION 200 
100 

o 
~100 
—200 


GEOLOGIC MAP AND STRUCTURE SECTION OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND, CANAL ZONE 
Seale 1: 20 000 


j Kilometer 


I 
Loi ee ee 
1 Mile 
J 


Contour interval 20 meters 


$ 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—-WOODRING 13 


clearing. In fact, conglomerate forms waterfalls, cascades, chutes, or 
pavements on every stream in the outcrop area of the Bohio, both west 
of the laboratory and in the narrow strip extending from the Bar- 
bour Trail south-southwestward to the south coast west of the Drayton 
Trail. On the first stream east of the northwest end of the Standley 
Trail, a pavement of conglomerate extends to the edge of Gatun Lake. 
The most extensive exposure close to the laboratory is at Salud Point. 
The view of Salud Point shown on plate 3 suggests a beach boulder 
rampart. Though the big boulder in the left foreground and others at 
the water’s edge are loose, the others are in rock outcrop. © 

Interlayered with the conglomerate are beds of massive sandstone 
like that forming the matrix of the conglomerate. Most of the sand- 
stone contains scattered small cobbles and pebbles. Such sandstone, 
made up principally of coarse, poorly sorted angular grains of basalt 
in a claylike binder, and containing some feldspar but little quartz is 
a particular kind of sandstone called graywacke. Both the conglomer- 
ate and the graywacke have features of nonmarine deposits, and silici- 
fied wood is found in the Bohio of the Bohio Peninsula (Berry, 1918, 
p. 132). 

Marine strata.—Fossiliferous marine or brackish-water sandstone 
of another type was found in three areas: West of the Miller Trail 
(locality 42d), south and southeast of Fuertes House (localities 42¢e, 
42f, 42g), and between the Van Tyne and Shannon Trails (localities 
42h, 421). Upstream from locality 42f sandstone containing crumbly 
molds of unrecognizable pelecypods is underlain by carbonaceous 
shale, 75 centimeters thick. Some of the sandstone is as poorly sorted 
and as coarse-grained as the graywacke, but all of it is made up of less 
basalt, more feldspar and quartz, and less of the claylike binder. This 
type of sandstone is designated subgraywacke. Carbonized plant de- 
bris, apparently mostly bits of wood, is abundant in most of the sub- 
graywacke. At locality 42d, however, the subgraywacke has little 
carbonized debris, and some of the rock, in the form of harder, ir- 
regularly shaped lumps, is somewhat calcareous, 

Fossils and age.—Locality 42g is the only place where fossils were 
found in conglomerate: a cluster of oyster shells in the hard matrix 
around a cobble. A considerable number of marine fossils occur in 
the subgraywacke, especially at locality 42d, which yielded 80 species 
representing 6 phyla. Though no marine fossils were heretofore 
known in the present outcrop areas of the Bohio formation in the 
Gatun Lake area, Wyse (1886, p. 17) mentioned fossil shells near 
Bohio Soldado, and Howe (1908, pp. 220-221) found them in car- 
‘bonaceous sandstone penetrated in coring operations at the French 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Lock site. His description fits the carbonaceous subgraywacke of 
Barro Colorado. The lock-site excavation now is the launch channel 
between Orchid and de Lesseps Islands. Anyone who has passed 
through the channel will remember the concrete French canal mark- 
ers, shaped like bottle-necked sentry boxes, lined up on the islands. 

The fossils collected are listed in the table on pages 15-17. 

Except for Elphidium aff. E. craticulatum and Quinqueloculina 
akneriana, the smaller Foraminifera, all from locality 42d, are poorly 
preserved. Heterostegina antillea, Archaias compressus, Miogypsina 
antilea, and M. gunteri from Barro Colorado localities have recently 
been described and illustrated by Cole (1957). The remaining larger 
Foraminifera, as represented at other localities in the Canal Zone, 
were treated in his 1952(1953) publication. 

The two species of corals include an incomplete specimen of Ga- 
laxea. Ina personal communication, J. W. Wells reports that, except 
for an undescribed species in the lower Miocene Tampa limestone of 
Florida and the Barro Colorado form, Galaxea is a tropical western 
Pacific genus ranging from Pliocene to Recent. 

The list of mollusks is preliminary and shows hardly more than the 
generic makeup, aside from some among the first 13 species—the only 
ones studied so far. The new species among these and eventually the 
other identifiable species are to be described in a report, “Geology and 
Paleontology of Canal Zone and Adjoining Parts of Panama,” to be 
published as U. S. Geological Survey Professional Paper 306. The 
mollusks found at locality 42d are notable, not only on account of 
their diversity and the large number of specimens, but also because 
they include the only nautiloid in some 260 collections of Tertiary mol- 
lusks from the Canal Zone and adjoining parts of Panama now being 
studied. The nautiloid is a species of the genus Aturia, widely dis- 
tributed in both hemispheres in deposits of Eocene to Miocene age. 

The fossils from localities 42d, 429, 42h, and 42i indicate a shallow- 
water marine environment. Anomalocardia (locality 421), however, 
now is a brackish-water genus and probably always has been adapted 
to that environment. Neritina (locality 429), Crassostrea (the type of 
which is the eastern oyster, C. virginica), the only fossil from locality 
42e and occurring also at 42d and probably (in the form of a young 
shell) at 42g, and Tagelus (locality 427) tolerate a fairly wide range 
of salinity. Locality 42f yielded a mixture of fresh-water (Hemusi- 
nus), brackish-water (Polymesoda, Anomalocardia), brackish-water 
or marine (Crassostrea, Tagelus), and marine genera. At locality 
42f the fossils were collected from slide material choking the stream 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 15 


Fossils from upper part of Bohio formation 
[R, rare; F, few; C, common; A, abundant] 


Localities 


42d | 42e | 42f | 42g | 42h 
Smaller Foraminifera (identifications by Ruth Todd) : 


RIPE GINGT, SI ccc eee e puede ie ewds OSes PEDERE R 
Elphidium aff. E. craticulatum (Fichtel and Moll).| C 
RUMI ESE. PS a heh aie «die deisee a de ws vs Melee NG R 
MMR EUEE STI Ae sic. cobatie ees sis es vale Seat See eo. R 
OE TE CES) IRS oe ee R 
Quinqueloculina akneriana d’Orbigny............ R 
ONAMPIGCUIING SP) ev ccs dice crs cece stew see vee te R 
(UU ELS Se es ee ne i ea R 
Larger Foraminifera (identifications by W. S. Cole) : 
Heterostegina antillea Cushman...............0. A 
Archaias compressus (d’Orbigny)............05. A 
Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) canellei Lemoine 
STC en RATA) OULVALL Garis ws ced aie sone Staite eer R R 


Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) giraudi R. Douvillé.| R 
Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) waylandvaughant 


REM eettie  RN aa SMR A Srl Ais shee c.e at's eee ele hE 8 8 R 
Lepidocyclina (Nephrolepidina) vaughan 
MGISIIITIATIN erate ne ore ee ala em ciale os bs 8 salp aes 8 eh R 
Miogypsina (Miogypsina) antillea (Cushman)...| R C 
Miogypsina (Miogypsina) gunteri Cole.......... R 
Misiaentined Sponge spicules. ...0....0. sess cece sees R 
Corals (identifications by J. W. Wells) : 
Asterosmilia exarata (Duncan)..............0: R 
(Gallon, Soke S bo tionee doe. b bob BOR Aaa CO ia R 
Mollusks (identifications by W. P. Woodring) : 
Gastropods: 
Solariella n. sp. cf. S. depressa Dall........ R 
IN GREET Ba Bel bere OPeS GORIOCE Re DEC AACOEIECE R 
Hemisinus (Longiverena) n. sp., cf. 
FIENGETATOLIUS COOKGs false e ccc tls weiss eos A 
(CORELTIIDED, ORT Bio Sg OOe ORIG E CODA Tc R 
WNMECE IN GHICOTIUS) SIV. 3) dre.0,0.5,6.0/4 0.0 4 0'2 = 6 00.2 F ?R 
PAI IEP RISD: 528) oh ev aaicids,cla.s os ¥ 0 ».6 Sire eset 6 56 F ?R 
SUZZOVSTLUR 6 Aelbichs SAnhis6 CASTER er rInIC F 
Globularia (Globularia) aff. G. fischeri (Dall)| A F 
Pachycrommium aff. P. guppyi (Gabb)...... R 
Turritella cf. T. altilira Conrad..........++6. R 
Turritella n. sp. aff. T. venezuelana Hodson..| A °F 
Cerithium (Thericium) n. sp......00.eeeeees A ?R 
Orthaulax cf. O. pugnax (Heilprin)........ R 
SEGAL IS RCDESI IR die a biel s (onic, w'esece wale ale la ceherae R 
LDrCertale Sale Fatal by en ee SS Rea See DERE R eee R R 
MnaGICIA es ENUSIOE s , 0c, sseh< erere sion, cieiselere eelere ars R 


WATECIONS ) SE HO GRAND MOSSE OO Doar ick: R 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL, 135 


Fossils from upper part of Bohio formation—continued 


Localities 
Mollusks—continued — 
Gastropods—continued 42d 42e | 42f | 429 | 42h | 42% 
Buccinid Vaenusits eesiek tues oe cee ae R 
INGSSQTAUS SD ool aoe he ee eee ee eee R 
Mitra CT sara) spice cadtiacees ssc eek. R 
Plochelaea cf. P. crassilabrum Gabb......... R 
A GORONEE? "SP e ois! tre oasis ahaa ee eee Ala ataloa ne R R 
Cancellara spe eee ee done oa cree ona eae R 
Conus Spsct de Se eee ee eee ee oar tae C 
Straten eb rie SP. sheleiatse bie ie hae stage oun oe R 
Borsonine? }tureid,) Senus? say oth couse eee R 
Clavine turaid,  Cetsis ts she claia'c dice oes etareeicnre R 
ALCLEGWNSD., Ric cin ss tuigrs dicisletooueie Miki Sec R 
A CTEOCING SDN aie chee ctolele iin ee SOC eee R 
ATPSESDS vais Seiad Wb sigh tda tis ele aly’ bcienttiiases A 
5) COPHARAETASD i dshivais o sctiare eres citunk Rhea ce as A Cc 
Par aadellig, Sie iaccee Saks shale aihn die stoi tains R R 
Scaphopods : 
DENT ALYIN SD... Satu cos spon ake tos laaateiweeits R 
Siphonodéentaliain?, Sp. ok ide dss dees oases R 
Pelecypods : 
INDIRIIDIGS DS So Bhs GBD GA CRO ono nbaodbec oT aT R 
Adrana cf. A. crenifera (Sowerby).......... (eo R 
Orinayoldid? (SP Soinisiw ace ss anvomien aid veciieee R 
Anadara cf. A. notabilis (Réding)........... R 
Anadara)(Cunearca) sp. scicled (as law segs lee R ?R 
Pecten (Flabellipecten) aff. P. gatunensis 
Dose aie Winica, cet sharele be abolarevaleca: metas lei laRe tna R 
Anomia aff. A. berryi Spieker...........000- R 
Ce aSSOSINEOISD. 03 don cc cikelc on eae weenie es R R R ?R 
ViCMerscavtae Spore Boe cic ie woe tats eeieis eRe R 
Polymiesoda spe, dese vs be hoe eek en R 
EMCMOMGE. SP 5 6) ikais sles oe oles Labia Saale R 
VE EROEAN SDL Pia 'ssnta.8 et sateisialatgion oe eerste etann R 
Miltha cf. M. woodi (Olsson)............+- R 
Dinaricelia: Se ie. asics ds sais aiein'e 4 cto ste en terete R 
Diplodowia sp: (large): ii ees. de cack oh cee R A R 
Diplodonta sp: (sual). is. sieves siete gators F 
Trachycardium cf. T. dominicense (Gabb)...| A R 
Trachycardium cf. T. dominicanum (Dall)... R 
Dosinia aff. D. delicatissima Brown and 
PUsbiy. ss Hoes Slee a sts Ge eles se tie+ ane eae C 
Macrocallista cf. M. maculata (Linné)...... R ?R 
Chione'cf. C. spencers Cooke... .....0.0.000%% A F R 
AWOMGBLOCOTIIG ISDA). a's de octds gs eeatiae> Was C 
Pleiorytis cf. P. caroniana (Maury)......... R 
PO CLMGASDS bles oct oe ney ger eceene Nae al ouiniets R R R 


Mellinids: nsteents sews ce icveoes oes eee R 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND——-WOODRING 17 


Fossils from upper part of Bohio formation—continued 


Localities 
Mollusks—continued ————- 
Pelecypods—continued 42d | 42e | 42f | 429 | 42h | 42% 
RESINS che Oh eae sei sis cis n'a &, ¢ sip wie R 
Eh DE aS il ich ee aa aa een oid Mg Ay R 
Bere Sie pe ek on PA F R 
PPRMMELS SDA ekg Aue Nueeea es EMRE e ds R 
MERE GEORG Fed ae Bia fataic & who's lata eae F 
Labiosa aff. L. undulata (Gould)............ R 
MN SRE HURT SBE otha cc wig Soha: s Syeilcinle sin ays'eie y ole. (@ EF 
Merpale sp: (Clatee) sues s cathe cs scccees R 
arewia sp. (stall), oo scans sss dae ecde sas F R 
C0 RES aC a eae es aS R 
Cephalopod: 
Aturia cf. A. curvilineata Miller and 
PRDOUASISORY | ocd io/ tae We EES «eat aa’. cee ee R 
Ostracodes (identifications by I. G. Sohn) : 
BPE USL) S18. cer. 8d siete bis ade ¢b.a.r-eu aes C 
SLE US Pe ES A ae a R 
Oytherine? eytherid) genus? so... 6)... ec eee ce R 
EEE athe och ehinie t aaveid's ov:d.aje aid dao ae R 
Gentist,rall. Macrocypriss ooo ..ie 6s ccc dice oh R 
Decapod crustaceans (identifications by H. B. Roberts): 
Callianassa aff. C. vawghani Rathbun............ R 
Callianassa floridana Rathbun................0.- F 
Undeterminable callianassid limb fragments...... (e 
MMICEHtinedtiSh tOOth). ose care new aasalos ss cmaee eee R 


to the east and leaving a scar on the ridge slope, where the locality is 
plotted. 

The larger Foraminifera and mollusks show that the upper part of 
the Bohio formation is late Oligocene, agreeing with the age previ- 
ously determined for the upper part of the formation at the continen- 
tal divide along the Transisthmian Highway east of the Canal Zone 
(Woodring and Thompson, 1949, pp. 231-232; Cole, 1952 [1953], 
p. 6). All the larger Foraminifera except two (Archaias compressus 
and Miogypsina gunteri) are found in late Oligocene rocks elsewhere 
in the Canal Zone and all occur in late Oligocene deposits of other 
regions. Lepidocyclina and Miogypsina became extinct in Miocene 
time. Lepidocyclina first appeared in the early Eocene and Miogyp- 
sina in the late Oligocene. 

Like late Oligocene molluscan fanuas elsewhere, that from the 
Bohio of Barro Colorado has as a minor element an Eocene survivor 
(Globularia), a genus that has a time span of late Oligocene to early 
Miocene (Orthaulax), and a strong representation of genera and sub- 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


genera that first appeared in late Oligocene time and reached their 
fullest development in late Tertiary and modern seas (Naticarius, 
Dosuua, Chione, Anomalocardia). Globularia, however, survived until 
late early Miocene time. In the Canal Zone Globularia aff. G. fischeri 
is found in formations of both late Oligocene and the early half of 
early Miocene age, and G. fischeri itself occurs in the late early Mio- 
cene of Florida. The Barro Colorado species of Anomalocardia is 
the earliest species of that genus. 


CAIMITO FORMATION 


The Caimito formation takes its name from a construction-period 
junction on the Panama Railroad near the present Darien station, 8 
kilometers west of Gamboa. The formation was named by MacDonald 
(1913, p. 569). Though no type locality was specified, he evidently 
intended Caimito and its vicinity to be the type region. It is not a 
good type region, but the characteristic lithology is shown there and, 
according to the regional relations near Darien, it is evident that the 
Caimito overlies the Bohio formation. 

The prevalence of rhyolitic tuff, generally greatly diluted by detrital 
material, is a distinctive feature of the Caimito formation as far as 
the Gatun Lake area is concerned. The tuff (partly vitric and partly 
devitrified) forming a 15-meter cliff at the north abutment of the 
bridge at Barbacoas (10 kilometers west of the present site of Gam- 
boa), where the original line of the Panama Railroad crossed Rio 
Chagres, is presumed to be an example of undiluted tuff of the Cai- 
mito. The tuff at Barbacoas was described by practically every geolo- 
gist and engineer who examined the rocks along the railroad. Boutan’s 
(1880, pp. 19-20) early account is a good example and so is R. T. 
Hill’s (1898, pp. 184-186), whose publication includes petrologic de- 
scriptions of the tuff by Wolff and Turner. There is a possibility that 
the tuff represents overlapping younger deposits of the lower Miocene 
Panama formation, but that possibility seems to be remote. This mat- 
ter can no longer be resolved, for the entire area is under Gatun Lake. 

The Caimito is the most widely distributed formation in the Gatun 
Lake area. It consists chiefly of tuffaceous sandstone and tuffaceous 
siltstone. Hard algal-foraminiferal limestone, soft marly foraminif- 
eral limestone, conglomerate, tuff, and agglomerate (coarse, angular, 
waterlain volcanic debris in a tuff matrix) are minor but significant 
constituents in the marine facies of the formation. The conglomerate 
lacks the great basalt boulders of conglomerate in the Bohio formation 
and, except for local basal deposits, is made up of cobbles and pebbles 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 19 


representing a greater variety of rock types. The matrix of the con- 
glomerate (even of the local basal basaltic conglomerate), unlike con- 
glomerate of the Bohio, contains tuff (Jones, 1950, p. goo). The total 
thickness of the Caimito is estimated to be at least 300 meters, but on 
Barro Colorado only about the lowest 100 meters of the marine facies 
crops out. The thickness of the volcanic facies on the island is esti- 
mated to be about the same. 

Jones (1950, pp. 900-901 ) recognized three members in the Caimito 
formation of the Gatun Lake area. The lower member, consisting of 
basaltic conglomerate, was found only locally. The middle member is 
made up of tuffaceous sandstone and lenticular limestone, and the 
upper member (the thickest and most widely distributed part) of tuf- 
faceous sandstone and siltstone, tuff, agglomerate, and sandy lime- 
stone. Whether the lower member represents a distinct time interval 
and is overlapped by the middle member or grades northwestward 
(seaward) into strata like those in the middle member—and is there- 
fore indistinguishable from the middle member—is uncertain and may 
be indeterminable, as much of the critical area is under water. At all 
events, the marine facies of the Caimito of Barro Colorado, resting 
directly on the Bohio formation, consists of rocks like those in the 
middle member. Jones found that to the east-southeast, near and 
southeast of Gamboa, the Caimito grades into volcanic rocks of the 
Las Cascadas agglomerate of the Gaillard Cut area (the part of the 
canal excavation southeastward from Gamboa across the continental 
divide). He reached the conclusion that only the lower member grades 
into the Las Cascadas, but it seems to be more probable that more of 
the Caimito, if not the entire formation, is involved in the gradation. 

The actual contact between the Caimito and Bohio formations was 
not observed on Barro Colorado Island, although on several streams 
in the northwestern part of the island the contact lies within narrow 
stratigraphic and horizontal limits. The contact evidently represents 
a sharply marked change in rock types and doubtless indicates a dis- 
continuity. If so, it is a minor discontinuity, for the strata below and 
above the contact are of late Oligocene age. 

A marine facies of the Caimito crops out in the western and middle 
parts of Barro Colorado and a nonmarine volcanic facies in the east- 
ern part. 

Marine facies—Well sorted or moderately well sorted, tuffaceous, 
fossiliferous sandstone, ranging from gritty and coarse-grained to 
very fine-grained and silty, is the chief constituent of the marine 
facies. Soft sandstone of medium grain is the most widespread type. 
Some of the sandstone, however, is slightly or moderately calcareous 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


and therefore moderately hard. Medium-grained, somewhat carbona- 
ceous sandstone, containing slightly calcareous lumps, forms a pave- 
ment upstream from the mouth of the first stream east of the end of 
the Armour Trail (locality 54m). Gritty, calcareous somewhat car- 
bonaceous sandstone and somewhat calcareous flaggy sandstone are 
exposed on the second stream west of the end of the Armour Trail 
(locality 541). Silty, very fine-grained, richly fossiliferous sandstone 
was found at locality 54n, on the same stream as that for 54m, just 
mentioned. Conglomerate made up of small pebbles was observed 
about 100 meters downstream from locality 547 on the stream crossed 
by the Conrad Trail at Conrad 2. 

Lenticular beds of limestone, not more than a few feet thick, are 
widespread on the north slope of the island. Though the limestone 
is a minor constituent, it is conspicuous. Hard algal-foraminiferal 
limestone is the common type. Soft, marly, foraminiferal limestone 
crops out in an area straddling the northwestern part of the Standley 
Trail. Such limestone is accessible at locality 54f, 30 meters down- 
stream from the Standley Trail on the stream crossing the trail 60 
meters northwest of Standley 11. Limestone of a different type strikes 
across the lower fork of the first long stream east of the Armour 
Trail. It is hard and contains scattered pebbles and fragments of cal- 
careous algae, mollusks, and echinoid. 

Nonmarine volcanic facies—East of the Barro Colorado fault the 
marine facies is absent. In its place are nonmarine volcanic rocks 
and detrital rocks derived from a volcanic source: basaltic agglomer- 
ate; gritty, coarse-grained, poorly sorted, tuffaceous graywacke ; and 
moderately coarse-grained, somewhat better sorted, tuffaceous gray- 
wacke. Agglomerate is exposed on the little stream heading at Bar- 
bour 12 (the third stream east of the laboratory clearing) and forms 
a small gorge downstream from locality 42h east of the Shannon 
Trail. Outcrops of basalt in this area of volcanic rocks evidently 
represent thin flows and small intrusive bodies. 

It cannot be directly demonstrated that the volcanic and associated 
tuffaceous detrital rocks are the equivalent of some part of the marine 
facies of the Caimito formation. Nevertheless that interpretation is 
supported by the relations between the Caimito formation and the Las 
Cascadas agglomerate. There is no indication of interfingering of thin 
volcanic strata with marine rocks on the second stream east of the 
laboratory clearing. Likewise there is no indication of interfingering 
of thin marine strata with volcanic rocks on the next stream to the 
east. To be sure, interfingering may take place on the intervening 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 2I 


ridge, but that is unlikely in view of the short distance between the 
streams: 350 meters. Therefore it is concluded that the two facies 
are separated by a fault, the Barro Colorado fault. The further con- 
clusion is reached that the volcanic and associated detrital rocks are 
intermediate in the transition between the marine deposits of the Cai- 
mito formation and the wholly volcanic rocks of the Las Cascadas 
agglomerate and that the intermediate rocks, instead of being in their 
normal geographic position south-southwest of Barro Colorado, have 
been displaced northward along the fault. 

Fossils and age.—Fossils are widespread and locally abundant in 
the marine facies. Very fine-grained silty sandstone at locality 54n 
yielded planktonic discoasters and other coccolithophores and a rich 
fauna of smaller Foraminifera, including a large number of plank- 
tonic species. A preliminary list of the coccolithophores is as follows. 


Discoasters and other coccolithophores from Caimito formation at locality 54n 
[Identifications by M. N. Bramlette. R, rare; F, few; C, common; A, abundant] 


Discoaster deflandret Bramlette and Riedel................c0eeeeees (es 
Discoaster aff. D. deflandrei Bramlette and Riedel (some characters 
intermediate between those of D. deflandrei and D. woodringi)..... C 
Discoaster woodring: Bramlette and Riedel...........ccceccccceeves G 
Discoaster aff. D. challengeri Bramlette and Riedel.................. F 
Discoaster perplexus Bramlette and Riedel...............ccceceeees F 
Thoracosphaera imperforata Kamptner..........ccesccccccccccseces F 
apncnoninns alice. Defandre. .. 306s. J0'5< lee eds yee re ae Sees F 
MPNCUDUINUSE Shs gare kees'e es Caled als be wehbe Seem alee cmeetee eum ee rhe ee c 
Goccolitives ci. C: pelagicus.. Wallich) i: ..0065550505. 00 ce se cele. ic 
Coccolithus cf. C. leptoporus (Murray and Blackman).............. R 
RETOUR SDL Re Se Ree Nic kee k Lok oe ae te wae memtbatge cess ste vies Le: 
Pe CEMIEIES IS NSA a's sie sion ois ealstessrtne wane @ee eae em aatea nt ae 4 F 
Hehcosphaera ‘aft; Hf. cartert Kamptner...... ccc cccscacccccetceecs C 
Rhabdosphaera cf. R. claviger (Murray and Blackman)............ R 
Unidentified coccoliths, including many having diameter of 2 to 3 
MRM CPt eee Acie on aide os. avers cin o nial Toietetac amend Mee evetetameiaraverors. mak A 


The coccolithophores, as outlined by Bramlette and Riedel (1954, 
p. 386), are minute biflagellate protists found in vast numbers in the 
near-surface waters of the oceans. They have a calcareous skeleton. 
The discoasters are not known to be living and therefore their rela- 
tions to typical coccolithophores are uncertain. Some of the species 
in the preceding list were described in the paper just cited. 

The following is a preliminary list of smaller Foraminifera col- 
lected at locality 54n. 


22 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Smaller Foraminifera from Caimito formation at locality 54n 


[Identifications by H. M. Bolli. R, rare; F, few; C, common; A, abundant] 


A Mi PWASTE GINGESP wy e.acrsenc sineataicta Solstice in die orate aie ea R 
Angulogerina byramensts (Cushman) oy... osc acs « cai see eee ee R 
Angulogerina cooperensis ‘Cushinan:, 5: 1.2c.02.. 2... ae ae cae eee eee F 
Anomalinoides trimtatensis (Nuttall)... ......-....2.+cecrecce eee F 
Arenobulsmuna? spi oes Re Boe eT ae ee eee R 
Bermudezina cubensis (Palmer and Bermtidez).............00e0008 R 
Bohwna byramensts. Cushman, 5/5. out asin edie Misianaotieionins eee F 
Boliwima caudriaeg Cashman and Renz? 3 4. sss nas «tee eee R 
Bolwma'ci. B. coche: ‘Cashman and ‘Adams. :7.::......e.sseeee cee F 
Bohving’ spe! AGS Ae A M.S. SO ee F 
Bulinina ci, :B) clazanensis Cushman’, «0/0 peared ss apes lle nee R 
Bulimina inflata alligata Cushman and Laiming...............eee008 R 
Bulimina (Globobulimina) perversa Cushman.............eeeeeeees R 
Bulemma pupoides'd Orbiony? cscs. cance occ < 4s atece ee seen R 
Cassidulina bradw (Norman) 300205 ates ccs ces cae ce shee eee R 
Cassidulinalaevigaia VOrbignyy ss ee eae F 
Cassidulina. subglebosa. Brady x... 2 .<b « sagaleisaa sli «ideob i on eee F 
Cassigerinella chipolensis (Cushman and Ponton)............eeee08% F 
Catapsydrax cf. C. dissimilis (Cushman and Bermtidez)............. R 
Catapsydrax cf. C. stainforthi Bolli, Loeblich, and Tappan........... R 
Ceratobulimina alazanensis Cushman and Harris............e..e0ee. R 
Chilastomella (spo. /s 228s osc oC RO Ot sha oe ee R 
Cibtcides americanus ‘Cushman: esheets Sink soba. Ad. ae eee F 
Cibicides aff. C. compressus Cushman and Renz..............seeeee- F 
CADACIDES SDs) oa o:5, «3.5 bala eiaa.aid ax MORE RTAET ele IU, PETAL, oC F 
Clavulina cartmata Cushman and Renz... :kjnes 6 ss o> ace F 
Ehrenbergina caribbea Galloway and Heminway...............ee00 F 
Eph AG SD ee besos lk eR Or Ee. ee eee F 
Goudryina. funts Cushman? 45.0): sceweles aepertes wind 08 eee F 
Globigerina bradyt Wiesner... ¢ Sisco eis bisiese <co  win.s oic-ciale F 
Globigerina ciperoensis angustiumbilicata Bolli...........eececceees A 
Globigerina cf. G. ciperoensis ciperoensis Bolli..........cececceccees F 
Globigerina ch.)G.. trilocularis @OcDIgAY C2 .<o0's «at so yes ake C 
Globigerina venesuclana Hedberg. os. ce a « «siss # ols cise» aia ce Ae F 
Globigerinoides triloba immatura LeRoy.........ccccccccccccccccecs F 
Globorotaha Ruglers: Boll... case seu vote aeclsise re cde os cs Ree F 
Globorotalia mayeri Cushman and Ellison.............ceseecceesces C 
Globorotalia obesa!Bollt. o. 2 SR ROR Oe eee F 
Globorotaka opima nana: Bolli is. ptspas Gas WeBesid ds ols cal ER F 
Globorotalotdes: sutert Bolin 008 82): camineecneys .naanae eine F 
Gimbelina cubensis Palimer osc 05 sc. cins)c/o.os <0 4: »/s.9a0s oe R 
Giimbelina goodwini Cushman and Jarvis............ceeceeceececes R 
Gimbelina ‘parallel Beckmani sf Pea eee R 
Gtimbelinaisps (sib OUR BERR ORE RE eee R 
Giimbelina sp., group of G. trinitatensis Cushman and Renz......... R 
Gutiulina jarvist Cashman and Ozawa? .....:.0.0.+0ss0enessan@aaee R 
GULTANNG SBE a hiok ns sigh Maan oF iet SE 6 CRORE ON Ue COREE Ee R 
Gyroidina cf. G. parva Cushman and Renz.........22 cccceccccces F 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 23 


Erste SB et ie ans eee 5b ep slaainsvom wae 4 oalele PAG Eaten Sie Flak ra Ew elarwis F 
Gyroidinoides byramensis campester (Palmer and Bermtdez)........ F 
PIOGiUnMnG CLEGONS, (GC OLDIGNY,) 8. «sos xavier «sly we ss adie cele © 5 F 
MELG CHEST ae ste ei ragene esis wo iehel cher sistays serena ave ete Scohar teat tele reyevalce raleneea eels tals R 
agena ci. L. sulcata ‘(CWalker and’ Jacob)... Fi Oe ee ete eee as ae F 
PL EPICRU ME TSI DNS hls PON ASE oil. LOSS eRe TOR OE OL ae tee R 
INodosaria lLOngiscatardi@rpieny, o.. nine eis etnies eee acicisie aicinnoiele oe F 
GO SENUE DOMME A TEANIE 2 ave, & ain mdiecn «2, slate eaiauiMies oaiaiepnale o-6 sie.etaicios os R 
Nodosaria spinicosta adelinensis Palmer and Bermtdez.............. R 
Wasogseria vericorais: CEAtSI)! soos ssc wea tate snleace t alshace viet belo «is R 
Nonson ancisum kernensis Kleinpell.....c0.06...cccccscccsacnecsseces R 
Nonion pompilioides (Fichtel and Moll) ........... ccc cece cece F 
PETITES OS | CMG aeG 6 REO ERC OR OT RIIECIAG Cin DOGG DEOMI Coe R 
Plomulariavenesuelana Terber ee ois, 30:00:00 stele nie ale oars ciel alseiae crores R 
UT ORS) Vite AO Eee SOOT GRO EER TSG BE Ain SHG Gat oe ca co once R 
Plectofrondicularta floridana Cushman «iis... Joiss icleide ve ville ie ode oa Re 
Plectofrondicularia morreyae Cushman.........cccccccccccsceceeees R 
Pseudogiandulina comatula (Cushman), 3 .2c sides cele vie cc cee cals de F 
iPsendogiundulina laenoata ((d Orbieny,)\ os soasccrie eden selectins R 
Pullen bulloides. Ca’ Orbigny iiss ds. 4 «0k Sinaia eles oe Whee ee ode See R 
dcammine polita: Berinudez 2. «a... «:<..'ssaloeiaieiueieate a eben Waleed ohn enale R 
HREOPNOGAGCOSEGDSCTIMILG CZ ajay a: spa, 0,000/47yausl wie epnei oe tO ROA SIRS R 
Robulus sp., group of R. americanus (Cushman) .............0eee0e- Cc 
PERO FULTLES AS [Aa or chai a as Shs e510 fay sy opa'svay ss shed ESISEI SIRT Ghee AMatatat a alas IM re keTe eta fenete cvois R 
Robulus sp., group of R. subaculeatus glabratus (Cushman).......... F 
SAP IEC UIA SCH EL CUDOTS 5 5 os icies a, done & &d.scrardoustin vatn eceivelalenaiin ta’ navel eiove: ws R 
es eMeiiciiL, Pini ¥ (OC UISHITVIAN ) «sy seca. «jo Sabie vafalieys Spats ee iaktrmaale mide «relays R 
PAEEMVOIND FEMURS (CZI ZCI) «6 's.u a 's'3) mare ¥< tien Emer alates a eee aegis ay ov F 
Siphogenerina aff. S. multicostata Cushman and Jarvis.............. R 
wipnogenerma iransversa Cushinan.'.\. 2).\.1.'. sect siceeis ness herdale we on 6 (C 
SSE WOMANS PNAS eee Sah tare giclee aoe avdlnnS Gao oh etch aoe eee Re rota tler eta C 
Stphonodosaria verneuth (d’Orbigny) ....c0.ccsescccccevecceccceces F 
Siphonodosaria nuttalli gracillima (Cushman and Jarvis) ?.......... F 
NP LGETOVUIN GN VOTIO OTIS UINELISS). 2c cie1, siers eels ale case tee teehee olneicloss F 
Spiroloculina jarvis: Cushman and Todd? 0.2 sc.ccccee ce enas os cs R 
hexiulana ct. [vex cavata | Cushman csiss cerretrars ecto eiate aire cineieie 2 ss F 
Rectulanact. T.-vasicaensis Bermitdez P2013. 020 Mas He eee F 
Uvigerina auberiana attenuata Cushman and Renz.............0+000- F 
Uuigerina capayara, Poedbene jasc +...s\»:sonieratebiars vig puree © Vile la tase ale aie F 
Uvigerina tsidroensts Cushman and Renz 0.0. isis sc e.g:0in sie delays & eoteisiers R 
Uvigerinella sparsicostata Cushman and Laiming..............0e000- R 
Vaginulina aft. V. alaganensis Nuttall... ccc c cc ce ccc ccc v ewes F 
Y aloulneria imacquahs (d’Orbigtiy:?)....\ ice scies de vcs hace cele sass F 
PEE LUNGS SOT RON, oo SaI8 FEU eT redone at eid ow de 3 R 
VP ulculina pachyheius Hadley s.:c:ca8. E¢ehee Paws os es Bek week R 


Smaller Foraminifera are fairly common in the Caimito formation 
of Madden basin, east of the Canal Zone, and in the Pacific coastal 
district east of Panama City, but the fauna at locality 54n is by far 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the largest found anywhere. It is especially rich in planktonic species: 
the species of Cassigerinella, Catapsydrax, Globigerina, Globigeri- 


nodes, Globorotalia, and Globorotaloides. A collection from locality 
53, including Siphogenerina, has not been identified. 
Larger Foraminifera from the Caimito are listed below. 


Larger Foraminifera from Caimito formation 
[Identifications by W. S. Cole. R, rare; C, common; A, abundant] 


Localities 


53 | 54f | 54h | 54k 
Operculinoides panamensis (Cushman).............. 


Heterostegina antillea Cushman.............ecceeee R 
Heterostegina israelskyi Gravell and Hanna.......... A 
Archaias compressus (d’Orbigny) ..........ccccceecees R 
Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) canellei Lemoine and 

FR CRN oe sesntneintvaretorate Stororesevnvoruerdiade, MERRY A R G A 


Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) giraudi R. Douvillé... 
Lepidocyclina (Lepidocyclina) yurnagunensis 


MUO GOGNOPSIS, VW. AUZ IAN chs csnaeinioarcaraasvono atone whasioers R 
Lepidocyclina (Nephrolepidina) vaughani Cushman...| R 
Miogypsina (Miogypsina) antillea (Cushman) ....... CG A 
Miogypsina (Miolepidocyclina) panamensis (Cushman) R 


Larger Foraminifera are the most widespread fossils in sandstone, 
siltstone, and limestone of the Caimito formation. In fact, with a 
little search the small orbitoid Lepidocyclina canellei can be found in 
most outcrops of those rock types. In weathered sandstone, however, 
the fossils are leached and rotten. Collections were made at 12 locali- 
ties, but only 5 were selected for identification. Hand specimens of the 
soft marly limestone at localities 54e and 54f contain hundreds of 
Heterostegina, closely matted and lying flat parallel to the bedding. In 
the preceding list the occurrences for locality 53—on the north coast 
of the islet (Slothia Island) off the laboratory landing, where the fos- 
sils are found in sandy calcareous siltstone—are taken from Cole’s 
1952(1953) publication (p. 7), which includes illustrations of Lepido- 
cyclina canellei from that locality. In his recent publication (1957) the 
species of Heterostegina and Miogypsina are described and illustrated. 

The type material of Lepidocyclina canellei was collected by an en- 
gineer of the first French canal company on Rio Chagres at Pefia - 
Blanca. As shown in figure 1, Pefia Blanca was located 1.2 kilometers 
northwest of what now is Pefia Blanca Point at the northwest end of 
Barro Colorado. It got its name from an outcrop of soft whitish rock, 
probably calcareous siltstone. Lemoine and R. Douvillé (1904, p. 20) 


Aa 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 25 


named Lepidocyclina canellei for the original collector. It is one of the 
most widely distributed fossils of late Oligocene age in the entire 
Caribbean region. 

The following mollusks were found in the Caimito formation. 


Mollusks from Caimito formation 
[Identifications by W. P. Woodring. R, rare; F, few; C, common; A, abundant] 


Localities 


Gastropods: 
solartciia? isp: (immature).............. R 
SE EEC RS SRR Ee eee oe R 
Natica (Natica?) sp. (operculum)...... R 
ERTIES IN LD Cans take atta cise eS aie 44 
BIPM SAU Lande Ree tel wise ac d)e eels 
Architectonica (Architectonica) sp....... 
Semicassis (Echinophoria) sp. ......... 
Ficus ci. F. pilsbryt (B. Smith)..:....... 
MRM EMIS etc Se oak fea aces eek cc ees R 
Prensa eaperss tes saee lee RN. R 
Mrvimbea) sit Secihsils Si ueieiend, tee cacs. R 
De MIRE asthe tia ole dyld « Suede oes weeps R 
BITRE Saco clade aish3\c. iase\ ssasesk sgivee. ecm 6 R 
PeCURAEMET, CTIUSE | ore bc nicscc,s oye es 00 s R 
Coihca okt Doce tl aR A A ea 
MPPADIEFEDFMI SDS 0.8) oo oko Puck ec eadee vee 
Turricula (Orthosurcula?) sp. .......... R 


A AAA BW 
wa 
aw 


aw 


IEE OT OES ON ann a R 
AOI ee cai as er eSyo.o 6 R 
Borsonia? (Paraborsonia?) sp............ 

SUMO UEISDY. Se ahsina ge date moter wean dbase °R F 
Premarin gird (Si 2. cis Hb.) Rab Sle bs eles R 

BOPP IAPR SIai-oecsle- are six ae lateld said ain dca. « R 


aw 


Been ESM ati hia W iaiaie crvtaie.biatwiets ae alge w 6 0s 

AIMEE SE, Oc a ate ka nies dlaccrsin eines a ve ae R 

Vaginella cf. V. chipolana Dall........... 

eh 21S Sen ee ee R 
Scaphopods: 

Dentalium cf. D. uscarianum Olsson...... R 

OMA IIME SID tai ss aol 98 asada 9s bw wt Ori 4A 
Pelecypods: 

INITS TIES CORN es GB OOGA EROS OL TOD OOS 

Acila cf. A. isthmica Brown and Pilsbry.. F 

BV CIEE! PEN a0 discs wisiAinrsaie 6 5.0% Bediwlelaed 

SEO SDS Waters sa uicatee utes ceaeclacdes R G 


roa 
wy 
hy 


vs) 
Ann 


AAA 


aw 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Mollusks from Caimito formation—continued 


Localities 


——— ee 

Pelecypods—continued 549 | 54h | 547 | 54k | 54l | S4m | San’ 

Orfhayoldia 2 “spn va ccaccctistes aes esieteniree R 

Dn PNS Oe 1a ae Laer ane an te ae Re oe R 

Ostreid, genus? (immature)............. R 

Venericardia?. (Spin teenies hoe nee R 

Gallbeinaresi.wonn ina. a somee eae ee R A R 

ParUHUCANa SP. 4egeeRe ne loe sind is Oe 4 ele ok 

LAANOME SPL otek Crore leas Ta ene 

IMACHOCOTOMUMISD: cloriamelce ceeioe hic iieen en °R 

Lirophora? sp. (immature).....:........ RG 

Gemmine venerid, genus? (immature).... R 

Tellina sp. (of medium size)............. 

Felina spi (small ee: 32 02 veawe caetave see 

ihellina (Enyllodingisp- sess soe eee eee 

TGEGSRESD., CATA e ie at sees whe ele ae oe ee R | 

Chsprdaria Spo ek 304 Wes ckeaes otenee R 


mia 
re 


aw 
aw 
aw 


The identifications in the preceding list are preliminary, except 
those for the first eight species. As may be seen from the list, all ex- 
cept a few of the species are rare, a notable exception being the large 
species of Dentalium, D. cf. D. uscarianum. 

Locality 54n yielded the following ostracodes, most of which are 
poorly preserved. 


Ostracodes from Caimito formation at locality 54n 


[Identifications by I. G. Sohn. R, rare; F, few] 


Cytherella 2: Sips ihcdccewis: cand atelabeyy det iste eis 5’> Ses eh > Sis a F 
BOO PPG? SP. o.0 3.0 sense a'e oe ahs ehamedd eed dee +2480 eee R 
PUP GEV DVIS SDs. sais s bisa Sein le Soe hae Rae ee 8h ane oe coe R 
Kestoleperis? Sp. s.sbkieieale-ves aOR eUae ake woes Sle 4 ee ee R 
Keptthe: Sp; Bs og sedis Kia obo aha ee aor eee eee ae Soe eee F 
Cythertdenisp: 5 0.4 sie ani dais alas elem eile Seale oht'S. R 
TE GNG OYAMG SPO wis apaishertcn seve paseo ORS ratio es alahe escola tas) shake eee R 
Cytherura or Cytheropteron 2 Spins ocnis dae onc aee von ss ots a eee F 
Bracnyenthere Spey os t-c/-4 Jalisco salt ued wae aes ae R 
FF CMACHERCNE SD. adic casa Zoe aetee came eare as ee ona Cae aa ee R 
Trachylebents 4 ‘sppias iC ino ls eee F 
Lotoconcha? Sp) eels sails aes Sela ee a ale Lies Be Re R 
Genus ?) aft: \Orthonotacythere s.\c.c«tesinwese nance «554,05 he pee R 


The fossils from the Caimito formation indicate both shallow-water 
and moderate-depth environments. The algal-foraminiferal limestone 
on the north slope of the island and the pebbly limestone on the south 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 27 


slope containing fragments of calcareous algae, mollusks, and echinoid 
(fragments of Aequipecten, Amusium, and Clypeaster) point to shal- 
low water. The other fossiliferous strata contain a faunal assemblage 
indicating depths of 100 to 200 meters. Though the occurrence of 
great numbers of planktonic coccolithophores and planktonic foram- 
inifera in itself does not demonstrate deposition in moderately deep 
water, the absence of adult typically shallow-water fossils at locality 
54n and elsewhere support the inference that much of the formation 
actually represents a moderately deep-water environment. The mol- 
lusks include a relatively large percentage of moderately deep-water 
turrid gastropods (Turricula and the eight genera following that 
genus) and pteropods (Vaginella, Cavolina), a planktonic group of 
gastropods. Heretofore only a shallow-water facies was known in 
the Caimito, at localities eastward and southward from Barro Colo- 
rado—that is, at localities farther landward in the Caimito sea. 

The Caimito formation, like the exposed part of the Bohio forma- 
tion on Barro Colorado, is of late Oligocene age. In a personal com- 
munication, M. N. Bramlette reports that the assemblage of cocco- 
lithophores suggests that found in the Globigerinatella insueta zone 
of Trinidad and other Caribbean localities. He adds that it does not 
suggest assemblages of later age, but may be the equivalent of that 
in the Globigerina dissimilis zone, which underlies the Globigerinatella 
insueta zone. (Though both zones formerly were considered of Oligo- 
cene age, they are now designated as Miocene. ) 

H. M. Bolli assigns the foraminiferal fauna at locality 54n to the 
recently defined Globorotalia kuglert zone of Trinidad (Bolli, 1957, 
p. 118). According to the recent downward shifting of the Oligocene- 
Miocene boundary adopted by the micropaleontological laboratory of 
the Trinidad Oil Co., Ltd. (so as to include in the lower Miocene the 
presumed Caribbean equivalents of the European Aquitanian stage), 
the Globorotalia kugleri zone is at the top of the Oligocene. The 
downward shifting of the Oligocene-Miocene boundary was suggested 
by H. G. Kugler (1954). It has the effect of bringing into agreement 
age assignments of Caribbean foraminiferal zones and molluscan 
zones. The age advocated for the molluscan zones agrees with age 
assignments adopted by the U. S. Geological Survey for southeastern 
United States. 

The assemblage of larger Foraminifera is typical for upper Oligo- 
cene throughout the Caribbean region. 

The molluscan fauna cannot be compared with other Caribbean 
faunas, not even with the fauna of the Caimito itself at other locali- 
ties. So far only a few species have been recorded from formations 


28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


in the Caribbean region that are of late Oligocene to early Miocene age 
and are of comparable depth facies: such as the Uscari shale of 
southeastern Costa Rica and the Las Perdices shale of Colombia. The 
mollusks of the Caimito, however, are intermediate between those of 
Eocene and Miocene age. When they are studied, they may be found 
to include species closely related to those in the Oligocene Vicksburg 
group of southeastern United States, which contains faunas of com- 
parable depth facies. In southeastern United States Scobinella is an 
Focene and Oligocene genus, but in the Caribbean region it survived 
until early Pliocene time. If the fossil from the Caimito listed as Bor- 
sonia? (Paraborsonia?) sp. is a species of Paraborsonia, it is the 
earliest species of what is otherwise a Miocene subgenus. 


IGNEOUS ROCKS 
BASALT 


Basalt is hard black rock, generally showing in hand specimens 
crystals of feldspar and ferromagnesian minerals in a dense ground- 
mass. It occurs as lava flows and intrusive bodies. In the form of 
somewhat angular or rounded boulderlike masses, covered with an 
oxidized rind, it is the rock most frequently seen along the trails on 
Barro Colorado, especially on and immediately below steep slopes 
leading to the upland surface. Not only are the angular and boulder- 
like masses strewn along the trails, but the heads of streams draining 
the upland surface, notably those in the swalelike valleys in the sur- 
face itself, are choked with them. Though the “boulders” are indis- 
tinguishable from real boulders, that term is reserved for the large, 
rounded, or imperfectly rounded, product of stream and wave ero- 
sion. With few exceptions, the “boulders” seen along the trails are 
the product of spheroidal weathering. They are formed by the break- 
ing off of angular blocks along joints and the smoothing of the edges 
by spalling of the oxidized rind. They may be seen in place in the 
low cliff of weathered basalt at Colorado Point, at the end of the 
Barbour Trail. At a few places in the northwestern part of the island 
basalt boulders, weathered out of conglomerate of the Bohio forma- 
tion, were found on trails ag follows: On steep slopes on the Fair- 
child Trail, on the Gross Trail between Gross 8 and 9, on the Miller 
Trail at Miller 18 and farther northwest, and on the Pearson Trail 
between Pearson 10 and 11. These boulders, however, generally are 
smaller than the “boulders” resulting from spheroidal weathering. 
Areas of basalt cannot be exactly outlined by the occurrence of the 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 29 


boulderlike masses, for they creep far down slopes and are carried by 
floods far downstream. 

The areal relations of the thick cap of basalt almost coinciding 
with the upland surface indicate that it is a flow with a maximum 
exposed thickness of about 85 meters. The outer edge of the flow 
in general is marked by a steep slope and concentrations of “boulders” 
resulting from spheroidal weathering. The foot of the steep slope at 
an altitude of 75 meters on the Snyder-Molino Trail 100 meters 
southwest of the old laboratory, for example, was mapped as the edge 
of the basalt. An outcrop of fairly fresh rock was seen in the thick 
cap along the stream on which locality 42e is located, but nowhere 
else. 

Basalt also occurs on the island as dikes and sill-like intrusive 
bodies. (Sills are parallel to the layering of intruded layered rock 
and dikes cut across the layering.) Two sill-like bodies were mapped 
on the north slope of the island. An outcrop of fresh basalt in the 
larger body may be seen at the crossing of the stream on the Nemesia 
Trail 60 meters west of Nemesia 2. Other outcrops are accessible 
on a stream 15 meters north of Barbour-Lathrop 7 and farther north 
on the same stream. 

Dikes a few feet wide—too narrow and of too limited known ex- 
tent to plot on plate 1—were observed in outcrop areas of the Bohio 
formation on both the north and south slopes of the island. 

For the most part the basalt in the volcanic facies of the Caimito 
formation is greatly weathered and not identified with any assurance. 
Much of the weathered rock probably is basaltic agglomerate. Never- 
theless both extrusive and intrusive basalt seem to be present. The 
fairly fresh basalt on the stream immediately below the crossing of 
the Chapman Trail at Chapman 9 and upstream on the east fork of 
the same stream is thought to represent thin flows. Jones (1950, 
p. 901) mentioned columnar basalt, presumably intrusive, on the 
south coast of the island. 

The extrusive and intrusive basalt are indistinguishable in field 
examination. No microscopic study of these igneous rocks was under- 
taken. The following notes on similar rocks of the same age else- 
where in the Canal Zone are extracted from a manuscript by D. F. 
MacDonald that was found in the papers of W. H. Dall at the U. S. 
National Museum. The larger crystals and most of the groundmass 
of a basalt flow in the Gaillard Cut area consist of feldspar, mostly 
labradorite, and augite. The groundmass is distinctly crystalline, 
though very fine-grained. Magnetite, apatite, and ilmenite are acces- 
sory minerals. Epidote fills cracks in broken feldspar crystals and 


30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


occurs in cloudy masses in the interior of feldspar crystals. Labrador- 
ite, andesine, and augite are the principal constitutents among the 
larger crystals in basalt forming dikes in the Gaillard Cut area. Some 
of these dike rocks also contain enstatite and a little biotite. The 
groundmass is made up of laths of plagioclase and grains of augite, 
but generally includes a little glassy material. Magnetite and ilmenite 
are the chief accessory minerals and a little chlorite and serpentine 
are present. 

In the Gatun Lake area basalt is not known to be younger than the 
Caimito formation. In that area, however, no deposits of early Mio- 
cene age crop out. In the Gaillard Cut area basalt intrudes formations 
of Oligocene(?) and early Miocene age, and basalt flows are inter- 
bedded with the Oligocene(?) rocks and the dated Oligocene forma- 
tions in the southeastern part of the Gatun Lake area. The basalt on 
Barro Colorado represents this Oligocene and early Miocene episode 
of volcanic and intrusive activity. 


STRUCTURE 


Structurally Barro Colorado west of the Barro Colorado fault is a 
shallow, irregularly warped syncline trending in an east-northeastward 
direction and plunging westward. East of the fault the structure is 
unknown, except in the northwestern segment where the strata dip 
southeastward. In the northwestern part of the island the Bohio 
formation evidently is arched in a gentle asymmetric anticline, the 
north limb being steeper than the south limb. The crest of the anti- 
cline was not satisfactorily located. Indeed, there is a remote possi- 
bility that the strata dipping in opposite directions are separated by 
an undetected fault. The 20° dips on the north coast of the island 
and on de Lesseps Island are taken from Jones’s (1950, pl. 2) map. 
Except for that area, the strata generally dip more gently. Two other 
exceptions may be noted: the 35° northwestward dip on the stream 
on which locality 42e is located and the 20° northward dip adjoining 
the minor western branch of the Barro Colorado fault. The 35° dip 
was measured in strata including readily deformed carbonaceous 
shale and is not of regional significance. The 20° dip is attributed to 
deformation resulting from movement along the fault. 

The Barro Colorado fault and its minor branch are the only faults 
that were recognized. The fault is shown on Jones’s (1950) map, 
but on that map and also on a more recent map (Woodring, 1955) 
the main fault north of the split into two branches was not shown. 
The fault is thought to extend northeastward and southwestward 


A ae 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 31 


beyond the island, as indicated on the maps just cited. The relative 
vertical displacement is downward to the east a few tens of meters 
on the minor branch, and on Bohio Peninsula, north of Barro Colo- 
rado, the relative displacement on the main fault also is downward 
to the east. As outlined in the discussion of the volcanic facies of the 
Caimito formation (p. 21), there is fairly convincing evidence that 
the principal displacement on the main fault is horizontal, the east 
side being displaced northward relative to the west side. In M. L. 
Hill’s (1947, pp. 1670-1671) useful classification, the Barro Colo- 
rado fault is a left lateral fault. (A left lateral fault is a wrench— 
Blatt of German geologists—or transcurrent fault, along which the 
side opposite an_ observer looking across the fault is relatively dis- 
placed to the left.) The displacement may be as much as Io to 15 
kilometers. 

When I first briefly visited Barro Colorado in 1947, under the 
guidance of S. M. Jones, he pointed out two outcrops at locality 54, 
on the stream along the east side of the laboratory clearing. Con- 
glomerate of the Bohio formation striking east-northeastward was 
exposed in the stream bed and fossiliferous calcareous sandstone of 
the Caimito formation on the east bank, striking more to the north. 
In view of the regional relations of the two formations in this area, 
it was concluded that the two outcrops were separated by a concealed 
fault, now designated the minor branch of the Barro Colorado fault. 
In 1954 no trace of either outcrop could be found. They evidently 
were covered by debris during floods in one or more of the inter- 
vening wet seasons. Downpours of 104 millimeters of rain in 1 hour 
and 266 in 24 hours have been measured on the island (Zetek, 1956, 
Pip 182). 

The Bohio and Caimito formations probably were deformed in 
early Miocene time before deposition of the middle Miocene Gatun 
formation, This matter is discussed in the forthcoming U. S. Geo- 
logical Survey publication. 


BARRO COLORADO’S CONTRIBUTION TO GEOLOGIC HISTORY 
OF PANAMA LAND BRIDGE 


Though Barro Colorado is only a small segment of the Panama 
land bridge and its rocks represent only a very small fraction of the 
geologic history of the bridge since the known history began in Cre- 
taceous(?) time, it offers contributions to that history. Its chief 
contributions are in late Oligocene paleogeography and paleontology. 
Its sedimentary rocks and fossils amply confirm what had been known 
or inferred previously: that the Bohio sea and the Caimito sea ad- 


32 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


vanced southeastward from the ancestral Caribbean Sea. The shallow- 
water marine fossils from the Bohio formation and the moderately 
deep-water fossils, including the planktonic species, from the Caimito 
formation are new additions to documents covering the geologic his- 
tory of the bridge. 

During the early part of late Oligocene time when the upper part 
of the Bohio formation was deposited, high-gradient streams flowing 
northward from a volcanic center west of the present Canal Zone 
deposited a great quantity of coarse basaltic debris on an alluvial 
plain, the seaward edge of which shifted northward and southward. 
Locality 42f, south of Fuertes House, was close to the mouth of one 
of the streams. The fossils found there include snails that lived in 
the stream, other mollusks that lived in the brackish tidal inlet at the 
mouth, and still others that lived in the sea outside the inlet. Locali- 
ties 42d and 42h were farther out in the sea but close to the shore. 
At that time there was no land bridge, for marine deposits are found 
in the upper part of the Bohio formation at the continental divide 
east of the Canal Zone. 

Deposition of the coarse basaltic material ceased as a result of a 
change in the regimen of the streams, following mild deformation. 
When deposition was resumed at the beginning of Caimito time, the 
sea had advanced farther inland south of Barro Colorado and inun- 
dated an extensive area to the east and southeast. Volcanoes, located 
in the same general region as the earlier basaltic center, contributed 
rhyolitic ash to the sediments, which were of much finer grain than 
the earlier basaltic sediments. Though Barro Colorado then was the 
site of moderately deep-water deposition, shallow-water deposits ac- 
cumulated here and there on mounds that reached upward to at least 
about 100 meters below the surface of the water, where calcareous 
algae could grow. 

It may be worth while to attempt to date the island’s upland surface 
in terms of what is known about the late Tertiary and Pleistocene 
history of the bridge, although the island itself has nothing to con- 
tribute to dating, other than the preservation of a remnant of a sur- 
face that evidently is not very old. During, or after, emergence and 
tilting of the early Pliocene Chagres sandstone, the land stood at 
least some 60 meters (perhaps as much as 90 meters) higher, with 
respect to sea level, than at present. This high stand took place dur- 
ing late Pliocene and Pleistocene time (early Pleistocene, according 
to subsequent history), for then the land bridge was completed and 
the great interchange of North American and South American land 
mammals was under way (Simpson, 1950, pp. 379-383). During the 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 33 


high stand an extensive area now covered by shallow water in the 
Bay of Panama presumably was dry land and the bridge was at least 
twice as wide as it now is. The ancient Rio Chagres and its tributaries 
cut deep, wide valleys, which were partly outlined by drilling opera- 
tions during construction of the canal and later. These valleys then 
were filled with sediments, evidently in middle or late Pleistocene 
time, during a lower stand of the land with reference to sea level. 
At Gatun Dam, at an altitude of 6 meters above sea level, the sedi- 
ments have a thickness of some 60 meters. According to Thomp- 
son’s (1947, p. 22) description of these Pleistocene deposits, they 
consist of silty clay, plastic clay, and black organic muck. The black 
muck is the most characteristic, and at some localities the thickest, 
constituent. It includes lenses of matted, partly decomposed wood, 
leaves, and other plant remains. The muck is a swamp deposit, prob- 
ably laid down in mangrove swamps. It should yield a rich harvest 
to anyone interested in pollen and spores. 

In the valley of Rio Chagres the muck extends inland to Gamboa 
and on the Pacific side, where the Pleistocene deposits are not known 
to have a thickness of more than 15 meters, to the upper end of 
Miraflores Locks. Marine fossils have been found as far inland as 
the lower end of Gatun Locks and the upper end of Miraflores Locks. 
In other words, during this episode of Pleistocene submergence the 
width of the isthmus was two-thirds of the present width and a wide 
tidal inlet extended 35 kilometers inland from the sea at the site of 
Gatun Locks. 

The surface of low relief, represented by the upland surface on 
Barro Colorado, evidently was formed during the later part of this 
episode of submergence, at a time when the ancient Rio Chagres was 
flowing in an alluviated valley some tens of meters above the present 
valley. R. T. Hill’s (1898, p. 183) Baila Monos Plain, now sub- 
merged, may be part of the ancient valley. 

If the channel cutting and channel filling took place at the same 
time in the Caribbean and Pacific parts of the bridge, the relations 
between land and sea are not solely the result of eustatic changes of 
sea level resulting from glaciation and deglaciation in high latitudes, 
for the channels on the Caribbean side are four times as deep as 
those on the Pacific side. The latest relative movement, an emergence 
of a few meters, affects both coasts and may be due entirely to a 
eustatic lowering of sea level. 

The wood and other plant material in the Pleistocene muck is not 
suitable for radiocarbon dating, even if it were young enough. A very 


34 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


high moisture content is a characteristic feature of the muck (Thomp- 
son, 1947, p. 22). 
FOSSIL LOCALITIES 


Per- 
manent 
Report} USGS | Field 
No. No. No. Description 


Bohio formation 


42d 18837 207 Northern part of island, stream heading west of 
Miller Trail near Miller 17, about 100 meters 
above mouth. Somewhat calcareous, medium- 
grained subgraywacke. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

42e 18835 205 Northern part of island, stream southeast of Fuertes 
House, about 275 meters above mouth. Con- 
glomerate. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

42f 18836 206 | Same stream as that for locality 42e, but about 
60 meters upstream and from slide on west side 
of stream. Poorly sorted subgraywacke. W. P. 
Woodring, 1954. 

42g 18832 203 Northern part of island, stream crossing Pearson 
Trail at Pearson 6, about 365 meters above 
mouth. Poorly sorted subgraywacke. W. P. 
Woodring, 1954. 

42h 215 Eastern part of island, stream east of Shannon 
Trail, about 365 meters above mouth. Somewhat 
calcareous, coarse-grained gritty subgraywacke. 
W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

42% 18845 215a:| Same stream as that for locality 42h, but 30 meters 
downstream. Soft muddy subgraywacke. W. P. 
Woodring, 1954. Not plotted on plate 1. 


Caimito formation 


53 53 North coast of low islet (Slothia Island) 400 me- 
ters northeast of laboratory landing. Soft sandy 
calcareous siltstone. S. M. Jones and W. P. 
Woodring, 1047. 

54 46 Stream on east side of laboratory clearing, 150 me- 
ters above mouth at landing. Calcareous tuff- 
aceous sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 1947. 

54a. Northeastern part of island, second stream east of 
laboratory clearing, 150 meters above mouth. 
Soft sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

54d 202 Northwestern part of island, stream heading north 
of Zetek Trail at Zetek 9, about 550 meters 
north-northwest of Zetek 9. Calcareous tuff- 
aceous sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 


NO. 3 


Report 
No. 


54¢ 


54f 


549 


54) 


54k 


54) 


54m 


54n 


GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—-WOODRING 35 


Per- 
manent 
USGS 

No. 


18840 


18841 


18833 


18834 


18842 


18843 


18844 


FOSSIL LOCALITIES—continued 


Field 
No. 


202a 


201 


210 


210a 


2II 


204 


2044 


212 


213 


2130 


Description 


Caimito Formation 


Same stream as that for locality 54d, but about 
200 meters downstream. Soft marly limestone. 
W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Northwestern part of island, stream crossing 
Standley Trail 60 meters northwest of Stand- 
ley 11, about 30 meters downstream from trail. 
Soft marly limestone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Western part of island, first stream north of Zetek 
House, about 300 meters above mouth. Soft 
medium-grained sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 
1954. 

Same stream as that for locality 549, but at mouth. 
Soft sandstone containing calcareous lumps. 
W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Western part of island, mouth of small stream 
450 meters south-southeast of Zetek House. Soft 
sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Southwestern part of island, stream crossing Con- 
rad Trail at Conrad 2, about 365 meters upstream 
from mouth. Soft sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 
1954. 

Same stream as that for locality 547, but about 
60 meters upstream from mouth. Soft sandstone. 
W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Southwestern part of island, second stream north- 
west of end of Armour Trail, 60 meters above 
mouth. Gritty sandstone and somewhat cal- 
careous sandstone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 

Southwestern part of island, small stream 400 me- 
ters northeast of end of Armour Trail, 15 meters 
above mouth. Medium-grained sandstone con- 
taining somewhat calcareous lumps. W. P. 
Woodring, 1954. 

Same stream as that for locality 54m, but 100 me- 
ters above mouth. Very fine-grained silty sand- 
stone. W. P. Woodring, 1954. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


Arrangements for the fieldwork were made with Mr. James Zetek, 
Resident Manager from the time when Barro Colorado was set aside 
as a wildlife refuge until his retirement in 1956. During our resi- 


36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


dence on the island he was absent from the Canal Zone, recovering 
from a serious illness. Mrs. Adela Gomez, his assistant, offered what- 
ever services and facilities were needed. Sr. Ancelmo Mena, an 
employee of the Panama Canal Company, who has a keen eye for 
fossils and enjoys collecting them, served as my assistant. 

I am indebted to the following paleontologists for identification of 
fossils: coccolithophores, M. N. Bramlette, of the Scripps Institution 
of Oceanography (University of California) and the U. S. Geological 
Survey ; smaller Foraminifera of the Caimito formation, H. M. Bolli, 
of the Trinidad Oil Company, Ltd.; larger Foraminifera, W. S. 
Cole, of Cornell University and the U. S. Geological Survey ; corals, 
J. W. Wells, of Cornell University and the U. S. Geological Survey ; 
decapod crustaceans, H. B. Roberts, of the U. S. National Museum ; 
smaller Foraminifera of the Bohio formation, Ruth Todd, of the U. S. 
Geological Survey; ostracodes, I. G. Sohn, of the U. S. Geological 
Survey. I also am indebted to A. A. Olsson, Research Fellow of the 
Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, for advice concerning 
the mollusks, and to my colleagues W. H. Bradley and W. T. Pecora 
for reading the manuscript and offering suggestions for improvement. 


SUMMARY 


Barro Colorado, the largest and highest island in Gatun Lake, has 
a maximum diameter of 54 kilometers, an area of 15 square kilome- 
ters, and reaches an altitude of 164 meters above sea level, or 138 
meters above the normal level of Gatun Lake. With the exception 
of the laboratory clearing of 24 hectares and insignificant clearings 
elsewhere, the entire island is forested. 

The high central part of the island is a remnant of a surface of 
low reliefi—the upland surface—formed in middle or late Pleistocene 
time when the streams were graded to a base level several tens of 
meters higher, with respect to present sea level, than Rio Chagres 
before flooding of Gatun Lake. 

Two fossiliferous sedimentary rock formations, the Bohio and the 
Caimito, crop out on Barro Colorado and the outcropping strata of 
both are of late Oligocene age. Neither the base of the older forma- 
tion (Bohio) nor the top of the younger crops out. The outcropping 
thickness of the Bohio is estimated to be 125 meters, that of the 
Caimito 100 meters. Two mapped units of different facies in both 
formations are recognized: a prevailing nonmarine facies and a minor 
marine facies in the Bohio, an extensive marine facies and a more 
restricted nonmarine volcanic facies in the Caimito. 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 37 


Small dikes and sill-like bodies of basalt intrude the Bohio for- 
mation and the volcanic facies of the Caimito formation, and in 
nearby areas rocks of the marine facies of the Caimito also are 
intruded by basalt—the last intrusive episode in the Gatun Lake area. 
The thick cap of basalt on the upland surface evidently is a flow. 
Thinner basalt flows and basaltic pyroclastic rocks are found in the 
volcanic facies of the Caimito formation. 

Structurally the island west of the Barro Colorado fault is a shal- 
low, irregularly warped syncline trending in an east-northeastward 
direction and plunging westward. The Barro Colorado fault and a 
minor branch of that fault trend northeastward. The facies distribu- 
tion of the Caimito formation indicates that the principal displace- 
ment on the main fault is horizontal, the east side being displaced 
northward relative to the west side; that is, the evidence is fairly 
conclusive that the main fault is a left lateral fault. The displacement 
may be as much as 10 to 15 kilometers. 


REFERENCES 


Berry, E. W. 

1918. The fossil higher plants from the Canal Zone. U. S. Nat. Mus. 

Bull. 103, pp. 15-44, pls. 12-18. 
BERTRAND, MARCEL, and ZURCHER, PHILIPPE. 

1899. Etude géologique sur l’isthme de Panama. Compagnie Nouvelle du 
Canal de Panama, Rapport de la Commission, app. 1, pp. 83-106, 
map, structure sections, Paris. 

Bott, Hans M. 

1957. Planktonic Foraminifera from the Oligocene-Miocene Cipero and 
Lengua formations of Trinidad, B. W. I. In Studies in Foraminifera, 
U. S. Nat. Mus. Bull. 215, pp. 97-123, pls. 22-29. 

BouTtan, E. 

1880. Note sur la constitution géologique de l’isthme de Panama. Annales 

de Mines, ser. 7, vol. 18, pp. 5-58, 2 pls. (map and profiles). 
BraAMtetteE, M. N., and Rrieper, W. R. 

1954. Stratigraphic value of discoasters and some other microfossils related 
to Recent coccolithophores. Journ. Paleont., vol. 28, pp. 385-403, 
pls. 38, 39, 3 figs. 

CHAPMAN, F. M. 
1929. My tropical air castle. 417 pp., illus., New York. 
1938. Life in an air castle. 250 pp., 31 pls., New York. 
CoE, W. S. 

1952 (1953). Eocene and Oligocene larger Foraminifera from the Panama 
Canal Zone and vicinity. U. S. Geol. Surv. Prof. Pap. 244, 41 pp., 
28 pls., 2 figs. 

1957. Late Oligocene larger Foraminifera from Barro Colorado Island, 
Panama Canal Zone, Bull. Amer. Paleont., vol. 37, No. 163, 
pp. 309-338, pls. 24-30. 


38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Dovuvittt, HENRI. 
1891. Sur l’age des couches traversées par le canal de Panama. Compte 
Rendu Acad. Sci., vol. 112, pp. 497-499. 
1898. Sur l’age des couches traversées par le canal de Panama. Bull. Soc. 
Géol. France, ser. 3, vol. 26, pp. 587-600. 
1915. Les couches a orbitoides de l’isthme de Panama. Compte Rendu Som. 
Soc. Géol. France, 1915, No. 16, pp. 129-131. 
Enopers, R. K. 
1935. Mammalian life histories from Barro Colorado Island, Panama. Bull. 
Mus. Comp. Zool., vol. 78, pp. 385-502, 5 pls. 
ETIENNE, PAUL, and others. 
1899. Rapport de la Commission. Compagnie Nouvelle du Canal de Panama, 
127 pp., 5 pls. (maps and profiles). 
GaRELLA, NAPOLEON. 
1845. Projet d’un canal de jonction de 1’Océan Atlantique et de l’Océan 
Pacifique a travers l’isthme de Panama. 233 pp., maps, profiles, 
Paris. (Translation: Project of a canal to connect the Atlantic 
and Pacific Oceans across the Isthmus of Panama. U. S. 3oth 
Congr., 2d sess., House Rep. 145, pp. 506-590, map, 1849.) 
ion ome\Y ian Be 
1947. Classification of faults. Bull. Amer. Assoc. Petrol. Geol., vol. 31, 
pp. 1669-1673, 1 fig. 
Jaliaviin 15 Ab. 
1808. The geological history of the Isthmus of Panama and portions of 
Costa Rica. Bull. Mus. Comp. Zool., vol. 28, pp. 151-285, 109 pls., 
24 figs. 
Howe, Ernest. 
1908. The geology of the Isthmus of Panama. Amer. Journ. Sci., ser. 4, 
vol. 26, pp. 212-237. 
Jones, S. M. 
1950. Geology of Gatun Lake and vicinity, Panama. Bull. Geol. Soc. Amer., 
vol. 61, pp. 893-922, 2 pls., 2 figs. 
Kucter, H. G. 
1954. The Miocene-Oligocene boundary in the Caribbean region. Geol. 
Mag., vol. 91, pp. 410-414. 
LeMOoINE, P., and DovuvitLé, R. 
1904. Sur le genre Lepidocyclina Giimbel. Soc. Géol. France Mém. 
32 (vol. 12), pp. 1-42, pls. 1-3. 
MacDona_p, D. F. 
1913. Isthmian geology. Ann. Rep. Isthmian Canal Commission, 1913, 
app. S, pp. 564-582, pls. 65-77. 
1915. Some engineering problems of the Panama Canal in their relation to 
geology and topography. U. S. Bur. Mines Bull. 86, 88 pp., 29 pls., 
9 figs. 
1919. The sedimentary formations of the Panama Canal Zone, with special 
reference to the stratigraphic relations of the fossiliferous beds. 
U. S. Nat. Mus. Bull. 103, pp. 525-545, pls. 153, 154, figs. 26, 27. 
ScHNEIRLA, T. C. 
1956. The army ants. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian Inst., 1955, pp. 379-406, 2 pls., 
4 figs. 


NO. 3 GEOLOGY OF BARRO COLORADO ISLAND—WOODRING 39 


Stmpson, G. G. 
1947. A continental Tertiary time chart. Journ. Paleont., vol. 21, pp. 480- 
483. 
1950. History of the fauna of Latin America. Amer. Sci., vol. 38, pp. 361- 
380, Io figs. 
THOMPSON, T. F. 
1947. Geology. Rep. Governor Panama Canal under Public Law 280, 
79th Congr., Ist sess., app. 8, 84 pp., 38 figs. 
Woonrinc, W. P. 
1955. Geologic map of Canal Zone and adjoining parts of Panama. U. S. 
Geol. Surv., Misc. Geol. Invest., Map I-1, scale 1: 75,000. 
Wooprinc, W. P., and THompson, T. F. 
1949. Tertiary formations of Panama Canal Zone and adjoining parts of 
Panama. Bull. Amer. Assoc. Petrol. Geol., vol. 33, pp. 223-247, 
2 figs. 
Wyse, L. N. B. 
1886. Le canal de Panama. 399 pp., maps, woodcuts, Paris. 
ZETEK, JAMES. 
1956. Report on the Canal Zone Biological Area. Ann. Rep. Smithsonian 
Inst., 1955, pp. 129-135. 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 4 


A NEW THEORY ON COLUMBUS'S 
VOYAGE THROUGH THE BAHAMAS 


(WirTH Five PLatTeEs) 


By 


Epwin A. LInK AND Marion C. LINK 


(PuBLicaTIONn 4306) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
JANUARY 20, 1958 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


uy 


FOREWORD 


The discovery of the New World was one of those turning points 
that shape the course of history. Since the birth of Christ there had 
not been an occurrence so potentially important to the history of 
western civilization. Of all the events of that epoch-making voyage, 
none equals that moment when white breakers off the island of 
Guanahani were sighted in the light of an early morning moon. 

Columbus remained at Guanahani only a very short time and then 
in a flush of excitement pushed on to other islands. He never returned 
to the point of his first landfall, his energies being devoted to new 
and more alluring lands to the south. 

During the period of the first Spanish settlements in the West 
Indies, the Bahamas lay off the beaten path and they returned to 
obscurity to be visited only by slave raiders and pirates. The question 
of the site of the first landfall seems to have received little attention 
until early in the nineteenth century. Since that time several widely 
divergent theories have been advanced on the landfall site and 
Columbus’s first days in the New World. The principal source from 
which historians have drawn in propounding their theories is the 
transcription from Columbus’s Journal appearing in Bartolome de las 
Casas. Bartolome is supposed to have made his transcription from 
the Journal that Columbus had sent to the Court at Barcelona after 
his return to Spain. 

It is highly unlikely that Columbus would send the original of the 
Journal prepared on shipboard but would most probably send a 
“smooth” copy. Thus the Journal as it appears in the surviving Las 
Casas manuscript must be at least third-hand. Two other factors add 
to the confusion. The appearance of the Bahamas has changed con- 
siderably since the first landfall. The large trees that grew on the 
islands in the time of Columbus have disappeared almost without 
exception, and many of the islands now present a much lower sil- 
houette from a distance. The loss of the trees has led to extreme 
erosion of the soil, and islands once fertile are now comparatively 
barren and rocky. 

Also, it should be remembered that Columbus approached these 
islands as a man full of wonder. He and his crews believed they were 
in the fabled East Indies known to Europe only through obscure 
writings and rumor; and Columbus was sailing into the unknown. 
When we sail into the Bahamas today, we can visualize the entire 
archipelago on the strength of accurate modern charts. It is impossible 
for a modern man to approach these islands with the same attitude 


iii 


iv SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


with which Columbus approached them. Thus a psychological barrier 
is added to those of inaccurate documentary sources and completely 
altered terrain. 

For these reasons the site of Columbus’s landfall will probably never 
be known with certainty. (The possibility of discovering additional 
Columbus material in Spain is very slim indeed.) At best we can 
attempt to formulate a theory that contains fewer contradictions with 
the Journal than others and that is based on the limits of possibility 
imposed by distance and known sailing capabilities of Columbus’s 
ships. The paper presented here attempts to do just that. The authors, 
Edwin A. and Marion Link, are well fitted for such a task. 

Edwin A. Link is the inventor of the world-famed Link Trainer. 
He has pioneered improvements in air navigation technique that are 
now accepted practice on all the world’s airways. This same interest 
in the subject of navigation is demonstrated in his life-long experience 
in offshore sailing. 

Mr. Link became interested some years ago in tracing some of the 
early history of the New World through the newly expanding medium 
of marine archeology. Since that time he has developed equipment 
and processes for underwater search and recovery that have yielded 
invaluable additions to our knowledge of life at sea some centuries 
ago. In this connection he first became interested in Columbus’s dis- 
covery of the New World, the controversy over the place of his first 
landfall, and the final resting place of the flagship Santa Maria, which 
foundered on a reef somewhere in the vicinity of the harbor at Cap 
Haitien, Haiti. A carefully planned expedition to this area in the 
spring of 1955 resulted in the recovery of an anchor which there is 
good reason to believe came from this long lost and famous ship. 
Following this effort, when climatic conditions made it no longer 
possible to work on this site, Mr. Link turned his attention to tracing 
the route of Columbus on his first voyage through the Bahamas. 

Marion Link’s experience as a journalist and writer and her in- 
tense interest in history are demonstrated in the development of the 
paper presented here. 

In publishing this monograph the Smithsonian Institution of course 
takes no sides in the major problems considered, but wishes only to 
assist in making available to scholars the Links’ interesting thesis 
concerning a highly important event in American history. 


MENDEL L. PETERSON 
Head Curator of Armed Forces History 
U.S. National Museum 
Smuthsonian Institution 


CONTENTS 


Daan A ye sacs hcg GPA Spas hs reais) « fst 2 a asarelage wierd iclelel ace Siausyayeletevaiumiats Bushauwisha Page 
WMO Foe fee SU Say iels Pad thin} Resi cae eae eee I 
SMPMUR IE Tae Ts ete coe Rees vies e) cig L's 2S Da ae aha e ers erate ae eps ie ae 
Nea viueretraces Columbus's route: 2... 6. se ci socilecemeerae ce sees 7 
Wate island not Columbus's San Salvador... 0.5. 52620 eeccs ences nese 19 
Columbus’s route to Cuba not by way of Mayaguana, Acklin, and Grand 
TWN RU tea mmer reyte A akste less creicc ey ei ate io: ays sie, « die aie cy algrarcishaledelahehabonareteteteteraretavelerss se 21 
ME RE ioe lay hc 5: 2a « adn Seine. ,as4ane, dihetes Mle ee me mre tore satay ods 26 
anaes R RPI oe cn che aetna a ailing, ia. wiaie 0 iors wR paVS AMP mete oeereteeierece 26 
ame cRA IS Rrer este See ale cect sede: 6) ws Sie Swe or'a os a Shcolal alate tev eee ake me metas sete 30 
Chart 1, Routes proposed by Dr. Samuel Eliot Morison and Capt. P. 
RVASTHTOO rao err ate: sceted aye sssoybilolatelianstailelar a.ayfahaies araiebovergpatererarevalerePetaeesoietenarers 32 
Ghar.) Route proposed by Edwin A. Link... 3.20.0 0.68 cass sais ale 32 


Appendix: Excerpts from the Journal of the first voyage of Columbus.. 33 


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A NEW THEORY ON COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE 
THROUGH THE BAHAMAS 


By Epwin A. Link anp Marion C. LINK 
(WiTH Five PLATES) 
INTRODUCTION 


It is our belief that Christopher Columbus made his first landing 
in the New World on the shores of the Caicos Islands and not on 
Watling as is generally accepted today. We have also reached the 
conclusion that Columbus’s little fleet followed a course through the 
Bahamas differing from any previously put forth by other investi- 
gators of his first landfall and route. 

These convictions are the result of a most careful search of avail- 
able charts, both past and present, and a thorough study of original 
source material and the studies and opinions of later-day historians. 
This was followed by a personal reconnaissance of the possible courses 
that Columbus might have sailed through the Bahamas, covering the 
whole area first by airplane and then by small boat. 

It was our intention at the start of our search to compare especially 
two suggested courses—one commencing at Watling Island, the pres- 
ently acknowledged San Salvador(1),* and continuing on to Rum 
Cay, Long Island, Crooked Island, and past the Ragged Islands to 
Cuba as advanced by several scholars including the well-known his- 
torian, Dr. Samuel Eliot Morison(2) ; the other proposed by Capt. 
P. Verhoog, Dutch Columbophile and retired officer of the Holland- 
America Line(3), beginning with a landfall at Caicos and leading 
from there to Mayaguana, to Acklin, to Great Inagua, and thence 
toward the Ragged Islands and Cuba. 

Dr. Morison, who has made probably the most complete investiga- 
tion into the Columbian voyages since the landfall, records his beliefs 
as to the probable First Landing and the track followed thereafter in 
his magnificent two-volume book “Admiral of the Ocean Sea” pub- 
lished in 1942. Dr. Morison actually sailed what he believed to be the 
Great Explorer’s course from Watling Island through the Bahamas 
to Cuba(4). 


1 Numbers in parentheses refer to Notes on pages 26-30. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 4 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Captain Verhoog, whose lifetime hobby has also been concerned 
with Columbus, bases his conclusions on a thorough study of the 
subject from the original sources, augmented by experience gained 
from frequent sailings through the Bahamas as captain of large 
steamers en route to and from the Caribbean and South America. He 
summarizes his conclusion that Caicos was Columbus’s San Salvador 
in a carefully considered treatise entitled ““Guanahani Again,” pub- 
lished in Amsterdam in 1947. Both men, besides being thorough 
scholars, are also practical seamen and navigators. 

In our own reading we had never felt that the area around Watling 
Island answered Columbus’s description of San Salvador. But when 
we first read Verhoog’s “Guanahani Again” we were immediately 
struck with the reasonableness of his arguments for selecting Caicos 
as the site of the First Landing. We had long ago eliminated all 
other theories, including those of Navarrete, Markham, Washington 
Irving, G. V. Fox, and Capt. A. B. Becher of the Royal Navy(5), 
because of palpable fallacies in their deductions. Only the conclusions 
of Dr. Morison, which are similar to those advanced by Lt. J. B. 
Murdock of the U. S. Navy in 1884(6), and of Captain Verhoog as 
to these suggested courses seemed reasonable. 

And as we examined these latter possibilities, we resolved to make 
an attempt to verify or refute the conflicting claims of Morison and 
Verhoog by tracing both routes by boat and by airplane after first 
making a thorough study of each. 

Our first step was to apply each passage in the Admiral’s account 
of his first voyage to both Morison’s and Verhoog’s theories. We 
then took a modern chart of the Bahamas and traced out the two 
tracks, measuring off distances and directions as their sponsors pic- 
tured them (chart 1, opp. p. 32). Both had many good points and 
both contained many discrepancies. This is certainly understandable 
when one considers the inaccuracies and outright errors that must be 
included in Columbus’s account because of the loss of the original 
Journal, as well as in inaccurate copies of the text that have come 
down through the centuries. Available copies today have not come 
from the original Journal but from Las Casas’s “Historia de la 
Indias” (7), in which he abridged most of the original log, repeating 
in detail only those entries from October 12 to 24. 

It was a common practice in those days of hand-written copies to 
assemble a group of copiers, each making his own copy at the dicta- 
tion of a reader. Thus errors could easily creep into the text depend- 
ing on the accuracy and sharpness of hearing of the writers(8). Las 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 3 


Casas’s rendering of Columbus’s Journal from the explorer’s not too 
legible handwriting could in itself have been responsible for many 
errors. 

As to charts, there are none in existence today of Columbus’s 
original voyage through the Bahamas(g). And after the discovery, 
the Spaniards were so busy colonizing the areas to the south that many 
years elapsed before any thought was given to the original landfall. 
For centuries the Bahama Islands were very sketchily and inaccurately 
charted, and the designated place of landing varied with each map- 
maker. To add to the confusion, the names given to these islands were 
seldom twice the same. 

After centuries of study by numerous investigators, researchers 
today have come to realize that their best chance of establishing the 
details of Columbus’s landfall and course is by resorting to the original 
Journal and applying the information derived from it to the most 
accurate of present-day charts(10). But even here there are prob- 
lems, for these charts too, some of them dating back more than a 
century, contain many errors. There seemed to be only one way to 
overcome these difficulties, and that was actually to sail the most likely 
courses, thereby affording an opportunity to check Columbus’s descrip- 
tions of the places he visited with the existing topography of those 
same islands today. 

It was during our study of the Journal that we were struck with a 
passage concerning Columbus’s approach to the second island. Re- 
searchers in the past have all concluded that Columbus visited and 
named four islands on his voyage through the Bahamas, namely, San 
Salvador, Santa Maria de Concepcion, Fernandina, and Isabella. We 
read and reread various translations of the Journal for Sunday, 
October 14, and Monday, October 15, which indicated that Columbus 
had sailed for a second island after visiting San Salvador, but “as 
from this island I saw another, larger, to the west, I clewed sails up to 
navigate all that day until night, and still was not able to reach the 
westerly point ; this island I named Santa Maria de Concepcion.” 

As we studied the charts while attempting to apply this passage, we 
saw that by using Caicos as the first island it would have been possible 
for Columbus to sail past the north shore of Mayaguana and on to- 
ward Samana, which could have been his Santa Maria de Concepcion, 
where he could have anchored at the western end for the night. From 
there he could have gone on to Long Island, which could have been his 
Fernandina. From here on, the course seemed naturally to follow that 
laid out by Morison to Crooked Island and thence to the Ragged 
Islands. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The more we studied this route, the greater its possibilities seemed. 
There is no need here to go into the reasons by which Morison and 
Verhoog reached their contradictory conclusions. Our concern was to 
compare their two theories and then to investigate the possibilities 
in this new idea which had evolved. 

Capt. P. V. H. Weems, USN Retired, a world authority on navi- 
gation(11), and Mendel L. Peterson, Lt. Comdr. U. S. Navy Reserve 
and curator of armed forces history, U. S. National Museum, Smith- 
sonian Institution, accompanied us on Sea Diver (pl. 1, fig. 1), our 
65-foot diesel trawler, to check and compare the three possible tracks. 
Captain Weems had first introduced us to the Verhoog theory and was 
an ardent champion of its feasibility. Mr. Peterson, who was well 
grounded in the history of that period, supplied a fund of informa- 
tion and a completely open mind to the problem. 

We visited Turks Island, Caicos, Watling, Great Inagua, Crooked, 
and Long Islands and sailed the courses between these islands and 
any others where Columbus might have gone. We studied every 
sentence in that particular section of the Journal, attempting to apply 
them to the situation as suggested by each of the three theories. 

But first we flew(12) over these islands several times to obtain a 
clearer picture of their layout and the possible courses from one to 
the other. Our view of them from the air was a revelation, for in 
the wide expanse revealed below us, we could visualize topography 
and relative distances as in no other way. 

Ours was the first expedition to visit the Bahamas in search of the 
Columbus track with the intention of investigating not one but three 
possible solutions, Most students of the subject had reached their 
conclusions only from a study of books and charts without ever 
having had the opportunity to visit the places in question. Morison 
had sailed only the course he had previously determined was the 
correct one, while Verhoog had viewed only the main channels of the 
islands from the deck of a fast ocean liner. We were fortunate to 
be able to appraise each possible course first-hand on the scene. 

Because we found many differences in various translations from 
the Spanish into English, we early realized the necessity of enlisting 
the aid of a competent Spanish language scholar to interpret the 
original text for us. This we found in Dr. Armando Alvarez 
Pedroso(13) of Havana, Cuba, author of “Cristobal Colon, Biografia 
del Descubridor,” a man well versed in old Spanish and necessarily 
a thorough student of Columbus. 

To test our theory of the existence of an unnamed island that 
Columbus passed by after leaving San Salvador, we asked Dr. 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 5 


Pedroso upon our first meeting to read the original Spanish text for 
October 14 and 15 and to make a simple chart of his interpretation 
of it. He verified our conclusions completely. Later, in order to con- 
firm his own interpretation, Dr. Pedroso queried Dr. Ramon Menén- 
dez Pidal, president of the Royal Academy of Spanish language in 
Madrid, who replied that he could find no fault with it. Since then 
we have asked many others to interpret this section of the Journal, 
with the same result. Almost invariably they conclude that Columbus 
passed an island that he did not name before anchoring for the night 
off the shore of one he called Santa Maria de Concepcion. 

Without taking undue liberties with the text of the Journal we were 
able to conclude that it was entirely feasible for Columbus to have 
landed at Caicos and to have sailed from Mayaguana to Samana to 
Long Island to Crooked. It was impossible to follow either Dr. 
Morison’s or Captain Verhoog’s proposed courses without finding 
startling and many times unexplainable discrepancies. 

To substantiate our conclusions we shall attempt to set down the 
questions we faced, to compare the sites we visited and their relative 
agreement with the descriptions in Columbus’s Journal, and to point 
out the errors in each theory. 


COLUMBUS’S LANDFALL 


But first let us follow the Santa Maria, the Nia, and the Pinta as 
they approach the shores of the New World. Let us try to visualize 
this Caicos Archipelago as the setting for the First Landfall. 

It is the night of October 11, 1492, and Columbus’s little fleet is 
boiling along toward the west with sails full set. For several days 
there have been evidences of land, including a variety of birds, broken 
branches, even a carved stick; and the sailors are eagerly watching 
for their first glimpse of the Indies for which they are searching. 
They are particularly keen because Columbus has offered an award 
of 10,000 maravedis(14) annually from his sovereigns to him who 
first sights land. 

Columbus too is on the alert, and at 10 o’clock he calls Pero 
Gutiérrez to verify the sight of a light he has descried on the horizon. 
Soon after, a sailor on the forecastle calls out that he sees a light(15). 
They increase the vigilance of their watch, and at 2 o’clock Rodriguez 
de Triana catches the first glimpse of the white banks and beaches of 
Guanahani glowing in the moonlight (16). 

Nearly 500 years later from aboard Sea Diver, 7 miles north of the 
northernmost point of Turks Island, our party found that we could 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


see the top of its high bluff and the lighthouse that surmounts it. We 
realized that Columbus, standing on the poop deck of the Santa Maria 
14 feet above the water on that historic night, could easily have seen 
the flicker of an Indian campfire on this point as it appeared and 
disappeared behind the rolling seas(17). Or if the light “like a small 
wax candle raised and lifted up” were a torch carried in the canoe 
of some Indian fisherman a few miles offshore, according to the dip 
tables it would still have been visible to Columbus 5 miles away(18). 

In either case, the glimpse of a light in the enveloping darkness 
argued convincingly the presence of land nearby. And although 
Rodriguez de Triana is named in the Journal as being the first actually 
to sight land, Columbus used the presence of this light to justify his 
claim for the reward of the 10,000 maravedis annually for himself. 
This he would never have done unless he was convinced that the light 
they saw was real and therefore necessarily on land or near land. 

Sea Diver approached Caicos to the west on approximately the 
same course Columbus could have followed, with the lighthouse on 
Turks Island bearing 170°, its beach just visible 7 miles away. At 
noon Sea Diver’s log records sighting directly ahead a spot known 
as Grassy Creek with a white sand beach. We were 2 miles offshore, 
and the water depth was 60 feet. Perhaps it was near here that 
Columbus dropped his anchor at daylight and launched the ship’s 
boats to go ashore. Although Columbus makes no mention of anchor- 
ing, there is little doubt that he did so, as the three ships remained in 
this location for nearly three days, arid in order to launch the long 
boats, which were carried over the main hatch, it was necessary to 
drop the sails so that the main yardarm could be used to swing them 
over the side. 

Columbus’s description of Guanahani(19) easily fits Caicos, which 
is “very large and very flat; with very green trees, and much water. 
In the center of it, there is a very large lagoon; there are no moun- 
tains, and all is so green that it is a pleasure to gaze upon it.” Ac- 
cording to Las Casas the island was bean-shaped(20), about 15 leagues 
in length(21). It was also known as Triango(22), or Triangulo, thus 
attributing to it a 3-sided formation. 

We attempted to take Sea Diver into Grassy Creek harbor to 
anchor, with the intention of launching a small boat and cruising 
around the north point of the island as Columbus might have done. 
However, when we were only partly inside we encountered so many 
coral heads we decided to turn back. We could have gone in easily 
in a smaller boat. Farther in we could see that the water was calm 
and would make an excellent small-boat harbor close to shore, where 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOES 235, NOs 4, PES 


: => 2 


i@ 


1. Sea Diver, 65-foot diesel trawler owned by E. A. Link, which was used in 
surveying the possible courses Columbus may have sailed through the Bahamas, 
anchored off a low Bahamian cay close beside a native fishing sloop. 


2. In Sea Diver’s deck cabin, Capt. P. V. H. Weems and Mr. and Mrs. Link study 
charts and notes concerning the proposed expedition. (Photograph by Peter Stack- 
pole, courtesy Life magazine. ) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO! 4) Pile 


1. Dr. Armando Alvarez Pedroso examines bones from a lead casket with a plate 
bearing the name of the Great Discoverer, which has been in the keeping of the 
cathedral of Santa Domingo since 1542. Dr. Pedroso was signally honored, as this 
ceremony is reserved by the Dominican Government for its most distinguished guests. 
(Photograph by S. Ferreira Quartel.) 


2. Ed Link at the wheel of Sea Diver while Captain Weems plots course from north 
of Turks Island to Caicos where the expedition believes Columbus made his first 
landfall. (Photograph by Peter Stackpole, courtesy Life magazine. ) 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 7 


there was an ideal location for an Indian village on the banks of the 
creek. In fact, we subsequently found the ruins of a later settlement 
there. It seemed very possible that it was along this shore that “they 
saw naked people, and the Admiral went ashore in the armed boat” 
and planted the royal standard to claim this territory for Spain. 

Columbus spent the remainder of that day, October 12, and the 
next in becoming acquainted with the people, exploring the nearby 
land, and attempting to converse with the natives in sign language to 
aid in determining the geography of the islands that surrounded him. 
He inquired where gold could be found and was told that “going to 
the south or rounding the island to the south, there was a king who 
had great vessels of it, and very many.” 

On Saturday night he recorded in his Journal, “I resolved to wait 
until the following afternoon, and, after, to leave for the southwest, 
for, as many of them indicated to me, there was land to the south and 
to the southwest and to the northwest, and that those of the northwest 
used to come to attack them very often.” 

At dawn on Sunday he ordered the ship’s longboat and the boats 
of the caravels to be made ready and “went along the island in a 
north-northeasterly direction, in order to see the other part, which 
lay to the east, to see what was there, and also to see the villages.” 
As they progressed along the shore there was a constant pageant of 
Indians with gifts lining the shore and making gestures for them to 
land. Columbus wrote that he “feared to do so, seeing a great ridge 
of rocks which encircled the whole of that island, and in the middle 
there is deep water and a harbor large enough for all the ships of 
Christendom, the entrance to which is very narrow. It is true that 
inside this belt there are some shoals, but the sea is no more dis- 
turbed than the water in a well.” 

He also noted where a fort could be built, ‘a piece of land, which 
is formed like an island although it is not one, on which there were 
six houses; it could be cut in order to form an island, in two days.” 
Near the said piece of land, he said, was the loveliest grove of trees 
and much water. “I examined the whole of the harbor, and afterward 
returned to the ship and set sail. I saw so many islands, that I could 
not decide to which I would go first.” 


SEA DIVER TRACES COLUMBUS’S ROUTE 


With Sea Diver once more in deep water and clear of the scattered 
coral heads off Grassy Creek, we headed north-northeast as Columbus 
had recorded to follow the coastline toward Cape Comete, which 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


jutted into the sea ahead of us. To the south a barrier reef followed 
the outline of the shore. The whole long, low coast was dotted with 
white beaches and occasional ledges. The high trees which must have 
graced this island in Columbus’s time were now replaced by a low 
scrub and an occasional second-growth pine. There were several 
likely sites for Indian villages along the way with an occasional inlet 
where small boats could take shelter. Two miles below Cape Comete 
we found a sand beach protected by a continuation of the reef, then 
more rocks continuing to the point. Perhaps it was here that Colum- 
bus first went ashore. 

A. continuous reef made out around Cape Comete, then curved 
west and northwest following the direction of the shore. It was be- 
tween this reef and the scalloped, curving sandy shore that we found 
the beginning of a reef harbor “large enough for all the ships of 
Christendom, the entrance to which is very narrow.” For the reef 
continued in a solid line as far northwest as the eye could see, enclos- 
ing a sea “no more disturbed than the water in a well.” In the distance 
we could see many islands fading into the horizon and were particu- 
larly aware of what appeared to be an unusually large island to the 
west beyond the irregular, low rounded hills and white beaches. Once 
around Cape Comete, Sea Diver was in much quieter water, even out- 
side the reef, for we were now sheltered from the prevailing southeast 
wind. 

Here Columbus could easily have seen, as he records in his Journal, 
“so many islands that I could not decide to which I would go first.” 
(See pl. 4, fig. 1.) The Indians he had taken aboard “made signs to 
me that there were very many, so many that they could not be counted, 
and they mentioned by their name more than a hundred.” 

It is easy to see why, with these glimpses of land to the west, 
Columbus would enthusiastically return to his fleet and get it under- 
way in that direction. There is nothing that says he headed southwest. 
Instead the Journal records, ‘‘For that reason I sought for the largest 
and resolved to steer for it, which I am doing. It will be 5 leagues 
away from this island of San Salvador; the others, some are farther 
away and some are less.” 

Sea Diver sailed past two headlands, either of which might have 
served as the “and formed like an island although it is not one” of 
Columbus’s description. We had previously flown over these and ob- 
served that they were high, with narrow necks connecting them with 
the shore. They jutted out into the ocean, while visible behind each 
of them was a fair-sized lake which certainly in those early days must 
have been surrounded by “the loveliest grove of trees.” One was 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 9 


Cape Comete; the other, at the entrance to Lorimer Creek, guarded 
a narrow channel between the reefs leading into the tremendous reef 
harbor, which could indeed have held all the ships in Christendom at 
that time (pl. 3, fig. 1). Today this harbor has silted up from erosion 
due to the removal of trees and vegetation upon the bordering land. 
The Going-Through Creek, which used to be 20 feet deep, is now only 
4 feet(23) ; but not so long ago when sisal was raised on these lands, 
this harbor was used by many seagoing ships. We later took Sea 
Diver into Jacksonville at the end of the harbor where we found the 
remains of a dock and a railroad formerly used to transport sisal. 

We went ashore on Cape Comete with the small boat after anchor- 
ing Sea Diver outside the reef. Quick brown iguanas scurried out 
of our way across the hot stones of the point. Stone tables were lined 
up along the ridge where today’s fishermen spread conchmeat to dry 
for preservation. It was easy to visualize the six thatched houses of 
the Arawaks which Columbus had seen. Just past the narrow neck 
of the point on the mainland was the glimmer of a lake. We ex- 
amined the possibilities of separating this bit of land from the island 
proper. It would take more than two days work, but it could be done. 
We did not go ashore on the second point at Lorimer Creek, for we 
already knew from the air photos we had taken (pl. 3, fig. 1) that 
this also would easily fit the description of an islandlike piece of 
land which could easily be separated from the mainland and which 
was near trees and water. 

We sailed the courses to and from Turks Island and up and down 
this eastern shore many times, as our headquarters for Sea Diver 
over a period of weeks was at Cockburn Harbour, South Caicos. 
During that time Captain Weems (pl. 3, fig. 2) spent two days in a 
small native sailing boat with two Bahamians exploring the shoreline 
of Caicos and its inner harbors. At many places where he went ashore 
he saw stumps of huge trees, testimony to the size of those from 
which the Indians once fashioned their dugout canoes. He was told 
that near Jacksonville there were to be seen Indian carvings in 
shallow caves. He reported many scattered lakes and the ruins of 
old plantation buildings. He saw wild horses and pigs. He was con- 
vinced that this reef harbor at Lorimer Creek was that which Colum- 
bus had admired. And he was impressed at the illusion of “many 
islands” fashioned from the continuation of the Caicos group visible 
to the northwest. 

Columbus must have gotten his small fleet underway early in the 
afternoon of that Sunday to reach the end of North Caicos by dark. 
He lay to that night fearing to come to land to anchor before daylight 


IO SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


because of possible coral heads in the water between him and shore. 
By daylight he found himself within sight of Mayaguana, the next 
island “‘and as the island was more than 5 leagues distant, or maybe 
7, and the tide delayed me, it was about midday when I arrived at 
said island, finding that the coast which lies toward the island of San 
Salvador runs north-south and has 5 leagues, and that the other, 
which I followed, runs east-west and has more than Io leagues.” 

It is impossible to see Mayaguana Island from Caicos. We also 
found it impossible to see from one island to another anywhere on 
these suggested courses of Columbus, although Columbus frequently 
notes seeing the island ahead. Granting that several centuries ago the 
air may have been clearer, and that the additional height due to the 
tall trees on these islands at that time would make it possible to pick 
up the land at greater distances, it is doubtful if Columbus even then 
could have seen even the shortest stretch under consideration(24). 
Instead, it is more likely that he used the verb loosely to mean that 
he understood (perhaps from the captive Indians aboard) that such an 
island was there and that he picked up his next landfall each time 
after leaving the previous island in the distance. 

It must be borne in mind that Columbus had no means of measuring 
distance from one island to the next or of figuring the length of a 
coastline except the practiced judgment of a lifetime at sea and then 
much would depend on the height of the land which he could not 
know. Hence his estimate of 10 leagues for the north shore of 
Mayaguana which the fleet followed was fairly close, while that of 5 
leagues for the shore facing San Salvador was much too high, for he 
only glimpsed from a distance the shoreline leading away to the south. 

Even though Columbus were correct in setting down a guess as to 
the number of miles or leagues from one point to another, or the 
length of a shoreline, we still would not know the answer in terms 
of today’s nautical miles, for there is no agreement as to the length 
of a Columbus mile or league. Whenever Verhoog converts Colum- 
bus leagues into miles he multiplies by 4, that is, 1 Columbus league 
is equal to 4 nautical miles. On the other hand, Morison figures 4 
Roman miles of 4,850 feet to 1 Columbus league. Thus his Columbus 
league would be 3.185 nautical miles. But Morison complicates this 
by declaring that Columbus used both a shore league and a sea league 
and that his shore league was only 1.5 nautical miles(25). 

We preferred to chart the possible courses, then plot the exact 
distances from one point to the next in nautical miles (charts 1 
and 2). By applying the elapsed time given by Columbus between 
these points, it was then possible to ascertain whether that particular 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS Wolk, assy, IMO ah lr 73) 


ii 


ie 


er | 
| 


“a Ai 
Pe 


1. The harbor at Jacksonville, Grand Caicos, guarded by a peninsula near Lorimer 
Creek entrance and protected by a solid barrier reef on the seaward side. (See Jour- 


nal, Sunday, October 14.) 


2. Captain Weems examines remains of an old fort on the peninsula near Lorimer 
Creek, Grand Caicos, where Columbus may have contemplated erecting a fortification. 
(See Journal, Sunday, October 14.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 4, PL. 4 


t. View of Grand Caicos Island with Lorimer Creek in the background, demonstrat- 
ing why Columbus could have been deluded into the idea of seeing many islands. (See 
Journal, Sunday, October 14.) 


8 
a es 


2. There is little fresh water to be found in the Bahama Islands today, and even 
in Columbus’s time it was probably difficult to locate. Here, some of Sea Diver's 
crew collect fresh water for her tanks from a lagoon near Fort George, Caicos. 
Left to right: Edward Kemp, Vital Jetty, and Captain Weems. (See Journal, 
Wednesday, October 17.) 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK It 


section of the course was feasible. His estimates of distance may have 
been subject to error, but we felt it was safe to rely upon the elapsed 
time he stated. Thus we knew that between dawn and noon it would 
have been possible for the three ships to sail the 30 miles between 
the southern end of Long Island and the northern tip of Crooked 
Island, as Morison claims, while it would have been impossible for 
the same ships in the same time to sail the course from the southern 
tip of Acklin Island to the northernmost point of Great Inagua 87 
miles away at an average speed of 12 knots, as Verhoog suggests. 

There is no record of the sailing speed of the Santa Maria. We 
are told only that it was slower than the two caravels. However, we 
do know that a broad and clumsy craft with a deep, round belly such 
as the Santa Maria’s could not be pushed through the water with 
much speed. We also know that a square rigger did not have the 
capacity for speed of the present-day rigs. Yet today 8 knots is a good 
speed for any of the trim sailing craft that cruise Bahamian waters. 
With all sails set and the best conditions of wind and sea, they scarcely 
ever exceed 12 knots. It is inconceivable that the ships of Columbus’s 
time could have reached these speeds. We believe that 8 knots is 
about as fast as the Santa Maria would ever have traveled. On the 
other hand, with apparently normal winds, Morison has Columbus 
averaging under 2 knots on his suggested course from Watling Island 
to the western end of Rum Cay. With light winds he averages 24 
knots from Rum Cay to Long Island; yet in rain and failing winds, 
he would have covered approximately 70 miles from the northern to 
the southern tip of Long Island at an average speed of 6 knots. How 
can one account for these variations? 

In applying our theory, as can be seen from table 1, at no time 
would Columbus have to exceed the possible speeds in order to cover 
the point-to-point distances in the declared space of time. With the 
brisk east or southeast wind normal in these areas he could easily have 
covered the distance from San Salvador to Santa Maria, at no time 
averaging more than 7 knots; and later when he was badgered with 
rain and failing winds he still could have made the 24 to 5 knots 
required, 

So, wherever possible, we compared the exact mileage between 
points with whatever estimates of distance Columbus had given, using 
approximately 3 nautical miles to a Columbus league. But we knew 
that errors in dead reckoning could be made even by the Great Navi- 
gator; for, while sometimes the distance quoted was for a course 
actually sailed, at other times it was merely a careful guess made after 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


gazing at a faraway horizon or a coastline disappearing into the 
distance. He had no instruments to aid him. 

When he estimated first 5 and later 7 leagues from San Salvador 
to the next island, the 5 was a guess ahead, the 7 after he had sailed 
the course. But it took him so much longer than he had expected that 
he stated he believed a tide had held him back. We found no currents 
anywhere we sailed in the Bahamas, in deep, open water, strong 
enough to affect seriously either time or distance(26). Furthermore, 


TABLE I.—Columbus’s First Voyage to the New World: 
Average Sailing Speeds Through the Bahama Islands (Link Theory) 


Average 
Distance speed 
(nautical Hours (approx. 
Track covered miles) (approx. ) knots) 
October 14: 
Left Caicos—early afternoon. 
Off Northwest Caicos—by dark........... 40 6 ) 
October 15: 
To east of Mayaguana—dawn............ 40 10 4 
Off northwest Mayaguana—noon.......... 35 Gi 5 
Off southwest Samana—sunset............ 50 7 7 
165 30 55 
October 16: 
Left Samana—tio a.m. or noon. 
Arrived Long Island—in night............ 60 12 5 
Arrived Long Island—at dawn............ 60 18 3 
October 17: 
Left north of Clarencetown harbor—before dark. 
Arrived south end of Long Island—in 
CAanly, sNOLNING. aiktickis kveran arcs eerie ee 30 12 24 
October 19: 
Left Long Island—dawn. 
Arrived Crooked Island—before noon...... 30 6 5 


Columbus had absolutely no means of judging current when he was 
away from shore. 

The amount of magnetic variation that influenced Columbus’s com- 
pass in the fifteenth century is today a subject of much speculation 
and the cause of great differences of opinion. Morison notes that 
Columbus’s routes seldom crossed a region where the compass varia- 
tion was more than 6° or half a point, and that a good part of the 
time while in the West Indies he was in the zone of no variation(27). 
Verhoog’s opinion, on the other hand, swings from a variation of 20°, 
more or less, either easterly or westerly, to a later decision that it 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 13 


must have been more than a point, probably about 15°, easterly, more 
or less(28). 

As in the Watling theory, we did not find it necessary to apply any 
variation in order to work out the route from Caicos we believe 
Columbus followed, whereas Verhoog was forced to apply corrections 
for magnetic variation in order to make certain sections of the Journal 
fit his suggested course. How else explain his variance with the 
compass headings which Columbus gave between Fernandina and 
Isabella, and again when he left Isabella for Cuba by way of the 
Columbus banks, south of the Islas de Arena? 

We quote the next passage because of its importance in substan- 
tiating our theory that Columbus passed by Mayaguana Island without 
stopping and without naming it, and that the second island, which he 
named Santa Maria de Concepcién and on which he landed, was 
Samana, or Atwood Island as it is known today, some 50 miles beyond. 


And as from this island I saw another, and larger, to the west, I clewed 
sails up(29) to navigate all that day until night, and still was not able to reach 
the westerly point; this island I named “Santa Maria de Concepcion” and, about 
sunset, I anchored near the said point to see if there was gold there... 


Columbus had every reason to sail past the reef-guarded north coast 
of Mayaguana, for there is no way through the reefs for its entire 
length. Also if he continued to hold the same course that he probably 
steered along the northeast shore of Caicos, it would have carried him 
past Mayaguana to a position within sight of Samana. In studying 
the chart, one may question why he would choose an island apparently 
as small as Samana when he might equally well have headed for 
Acklin, as Verhoog suggests. We had previously noted in our study 
of the charts that Acklin, while much larger in area than Samana, was 
low and flat on its northern part, while Samana had hundred-foot 
elevations. We later checked this from the air, approaching on the 
course we felt Columbus may have taken, at a low altitude over the 
water. We were able to discern Samana long before Acklin came 
in sight. 

We later proved this on Sea Diver by setting a similar course from 
off the north shore of Mayaguana. When our radarscope showed we 
had reached a spot which was 12 miles from Acklin and 13 from 
Samana, it was possible to see Samana from the masthead, but Acklin 
was still invisible. Eight miles from Samana the whole shoreline could 
be seen from the deck by eye. It covered at least 45° of the horizon 
and, with the tops of its hundred-foot hills, looked like a large island. 

Columbus then goes on to say, “It was nevertheless my will not to 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


pass any island without taking possession of it, although having taken 
one, it could be . . . said of all. And I anchored and was there until 
today, Tuesday, when at dawn I went ashore in the armed boats and 
landed.” This could be interpreted as an explanation for not stopping 
at these other islands along the way, as, having taken possession of 
one, he had taken possession of all, particularly as this statement 
follows the one in which he said he sailed until night in an attempt to 
reach the westerly point. 

Whether Columbus anchored at the northwest point of Mayaguana 
as Verhoog believes, or the southwest point of Samana where he 
spent the night and part of the next day exploring the island, is 
answered by his noting that “as the wind blew more strongly across 
from the southeast, I didn’t want to detain myself, and went back 
to the ship.” A sudden wind from the southeast would not have 
disturbed a ship in the shelter of the northwest part of Mayaguana 
Island but would have made the anchorage at Samana a risky 
spot(30). Consequently, “After that I set sail to go to the other large 
island which I was seeing to the west,’ Columbus records. 

Although at this point, instead of sailing on to Long Island, which 
we believe was Columbus’s Fernandina, we set Sea Diver’s course 
toward Acklin Island to check the possibilities of Verhoog’s theory 
that it was Fernandina, let us for the sake of continuity follow 
Columbus to Long Island. We will return later to indicate why we 
do not believe Acklin could have been Columbus’s Fernandina. 

The three Spanish ships left the island of Santa Maria about 
10 a.m. (or noon) (31) and headed for Fernandina, which Columbus 
estimated was about 9 leagues to the west. As the wind was blowing 
from the southeast but veering south, they were able to hold a steady 
course toward the distant island which Columbus guessed to have a 
coastline of some 20 leagues running generally northwest and south- 
east. Because of light winds, Columbus was unable to reach the 
island “in time to be able to see the bottom in order to anchor in a 
clear place,” and so he stood off and on until morning when he saw 
a village and anchored. 

If we accept Columbus’s statement in the Journal that Fernandina 
was 8 or g leagues to the west of Santa Maria, how then can we 
explain a route that shows Columbus sailing nearly 20 leagues to 
reach Long Island from present-day Samana? There is the remote 
possibility of an error in translation or interpretation over the cen- 
turies, but this is unlikely. As we have pointed out, however, there 
was a generous time allowance for him to have covered this 60 miles 
from 10 a.m. or noon of one day to sometime in the darkness of early 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 15 


morning of the next. Similar discrepancies exist in both Morison’s 
and Verhoog’s theories. 

Indian canoes bringing gifts and food struck out from a village on 
Fernandina during the night and swarmed around the three ships. 
After sending men ashore for water, Columbus set out at noon to sail 
north-northwest in order to round the island. He said it was his wish 
“to follow the coast of this island where I was, to the southeast, be- 
cause it all trended north-northwest and south-southeast, and I wanted 
to take the said route to the south and southeast” where “lies the island 
which they call Samoet, where the gold is.” But the wind was blow- 
ing from the southwest and south, and their Indian counselors told 
them that they could reach Samoet more quickly by rounding Fernan- 
dina to the north. 

“And when I was about 2 leagues from the cape of the island,” 
Columbus wrote, “I found a very wonderful harbor with a mouth, or 
rather it may be said with two mouths, since there is an islet in the 
middle, and both mouths are very narrow, and inside it is more than 
wide enough for a hundred ships, if it be deep and clear and there be 
depth at the entrance.” 

Columbus thought it well to examine this harbor closely and to 
take soundings and so anchored outside and went into it with all the 
ships’ boats only to find that it was shallow. Thinking that it was 
the mouth of a river, they carried water casks to be filled, but when 
they arrived they found no river. So while his men accompanied the 
people of a nearby village in a search for water, Columbus waited on 
the shore for two hours walking among the trees and enjoying the 
“loveliest sight that I have yet seen.” 

Columbus’s description of the harbor corresponds almost perfectly 
to Clarencetown just a few miles north of the rocky cape that stands 
out prominently halfway down the lower section of Long Island. As 
we first viewed it from the air, the harbor at Clarencetown appeared 
large, protected by a point of land and an island and a line of reefs 
under water with apparently two channels leading into it. Later when 
we visited it with Sea Diver we found that only one channel was 
navigable. Within, there was only a limited section that would have 
been deep enough for the ships of that day. The surrounding territory 
must have been beautiful at that time with fertile soil and tall trees, 
for even today the little village there is a lovely spot. 

From there Columbus navigated to the northwest until he “had 
discovered all that part of the island as far as the coast which runs 
east and west. . .” About then the wind fell and began to blow 
from the west-northwest, and they were forced to turn back. They 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


“navigated all this night in an east-southeasterly direction, sometimes 
due east and sometimes southeast ; this was done in order to keep clear 
from land, because there were very thick clouds and the weather 
was very bad. There was little wind and this prevented me from 
going to land to anchor.” 

The next morning, after a night when it rained very heavily from 
after midnight until near daybreak, found them at the end of the 
island to the southeast where they anchored until the weather cleared. 
They then continued the circuit of the island when they could do so 
“and anchored when it was no time to sail.” 

At dawn the morning of the roth they set out to seek Samoet, the 
island that was to yield the gold they were seeking. Columbus sent 
Pinta to the east-southeast, Nijia to the south-southeast, and he 
guided Santa Maria to the southeast. They were to follow these 
courses until midday, then change courses and rejoin Santa Maria 
if they had not sighted the island, but they had only been underway 
3 hours when they saw an island to the east, “and all the three vessels 
reached it before midday at its northern point, where there is an islet 
and a ridge of rocks on its outside, to the north, and another between 
it and the main island.” 

Far away on the western coast they could see a distant cape toward 
which they headed. It was “indeed lovely, round and very deep, with 
no shoals off it. At first the shore is stony and low, and farther on 
there is a sandy beach. . . . the coast forms a big neck of land(32), 
and is very thickly wooded with very large trees.” Back of it there 
was one elevation which could not be called a mountain but which 
beautified the rest of the island, and there was much water in the 
center of the island. Columbus anchored that night off this cape, 
which he named Cape Hermoso, noting, “I believe that it is on an 
island separated from that of Samoet and there is another small 
island in between.” 

We on Sea Diver found Columbus’s description of Isabella fitted 
Crooked Island almost perfectly when we visited there, anchoring 
overnight south of Bird Rock, which was probably Columbus’s Isleo. 
From the air we had previously noted a long L-shaped lagoon just 
inshore from the point opposite Bird Rock (pl. 5, fig. 1) (this does not 
appear on the present-day charts) and a large lake a few miles inland. 
The 200-foot hill near the center of the island and the wide curving 
sweep of beach from the point south-southwest to a conspicuous cape 
in the distance, even the break that separated Crooked from Fortune 
Island with a tiny island in the middle, all met Columbus’s description. 
When we went ashore we found fertile ground and stumps of tre- 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 17 


mendous trees; the smell of flowering shrubs and flowers was heavy 
in the air. 

The next morning Columbus weighed anchor from Cape Hermoso 
and “anchored off the southwest point of this island of Samoet 
which point I named ‘Cape de la Laguna’ and which island I named 
‘Isabella’.” He hoped to steer northeast and east from the south- 
east and south, for he understood from the Indians aboard that 
there he would find the village and its king. But he “found the bottom 
so shallow everywhere that I could not enter or navigate to that 
point.” And seeing that it would be a very great detour to follow 
the route to the southwest and around the southern end of the island, 
he determined to return by the way he had come from the north- 
northeast to the west. 

Thus he must have anchored at the break between Crooked and 
Fortune Islands, hoping to find a way across the bight within. Then 
realizing that this was impossible, he reasoned that it would be closer 
to sail back toward the present Bird Rock, his Isleo, and then along 
the northern coast to seek the Indian village in the eastern part than 
to go to the southwest and so around the long part of the archipelago. 

After anchoring at Cape del Isleo the next morning they went 
ashore and found a village from which the inhabitants had fled and 
“very extensive lagoons, and on them and all around them there are 
wonderful woods.” He was deeply impressed by the beauty of the 
island and remarked about the powerful perfume of flowers. They 
took water for the ships in a lagoon near the cape and lingered here 
for four days. Columbus was forced to change his plan to round the 
island to the north for “the wind must blow from different directions 
and it does not blow just as men may wish.” There was no wind, 
only a dead calm, and it rained heavily during this time. Also his 
observations on the natives who finally appeared convinced him that 
there was little gold there. 

On Wednesday, October 24, is recorded the last entry in Columbus’s 
own words: “This night, at midnight, I weighed anchor from the 
island of Isabella, from Cape del Isleo, which is on the north side, 
where I was anchored, to go to the island of Cuba.” He navigated to 
the west-southwest. 

It would have been impossible for him to sail in this direction if 
Cape Hermoso actually lay west of Cape del Isleo as recorded Octo- 
ber 19(33). This must necessarily be an error in the Journal’s text, 
for he could not have sailed south-southwest against a coastline 
running east and west without running aground. Furthermore, when 
Columbus approached the north point of Isabella from Fernandina, 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


east-west, he would have sighted Cape Hermoso long before sighting 
and reaching Cape del Isleo. 

The fleet was afflicted with more rain and a failing wind as they 
set out for Cuba. They were with little wind until after midday 
“when it began to blow very lovingly’ (34), and they set all sails to 
catch whatever wind there was. At nightfall Columbus recorded 
that Cape Verde on the southwest part of Fernandina lay to his north- 
west about 7 leagues distant. About then the wind commenced to 
blow so hard that he shortened sail, apprehensive of making such 
speed in the stormy night. At dawn he figured they had only gone 
2 leagues the whole night. 

They continued to the west-southwest until 9 that night making 
5 leagues, then changed course to the west. The next afternoon they 
sighted land, a string of “seven or eight islands in a row, all lying 
from north to south.” These were undoubtedly the Ragged Islands, 
for the fleet finally anchored in shallow water south of them. “It was 
everywhere shallow water for 5 or 6 leagues” is a perfect description 
of the Columbus banks south of the Ragged Islands. The captive 
Indians told them it was a day and a half journey by canoe from these 
islands to Cuba. Sure enough, after sailing to the south-southwest 
all day, “before night they saw land.” 

As Sea Diver’s owner was already familiar with the vicinity of the 
Ragged Islands and the Columbus banks, having previously visited 
them on Sea Diver in search of the wreck of an ancient Spanish 
treasure ship, we did not retrace this leg of the voyage. He verified 
that the topography corresponded in every way with Columbus’s de- 
scription and his approach from Crooked Island. He concurred com- 
pletely with Morison and the others who had previously selected 
Crooked Island and the Ragged Islands as Columbus’s route to Cuba. 
But after our investigation of Caicos and the route leading from there, 
we were more eager than ever to compare this possible course with 
the one commencing at Watling Island. This was next on our plan 
of search. 

We anchored Sea Diver off the small settlement of Cockburntown 
on the west coast of Watling Island within sight of a marker com- 
memorating Columbus’s first landing(35). A tall monument also 
has been erected on a high bluff on the east shore(36), a spot very 
difficult of access either by land or sea, as it would require portaging a 
boat from lake to lake to reach it by land, and the sea on the eastern 
shore is so rough and the scattered coral heads so dangerous that it 
would be foolhardy to try to reach it by boat. 

Previously we had flown over this island, noting that it was nearly 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL 135, NOS 47 PES > 


Present-day Bird Rock with its lighthouse can be seen off the northwest point of 
Graked Island, which was probably Columbus’s island of Samoet. The conspicuous 
lagoon in the foreground does not appear on present-day charts of this island. (See 
Journal, Sunday, October 21, and Monday, October 22.) 


- 
ra 
xz 


2. Coral-encrusted anchor believed to have come from the Santa Maria, Columbus’s 
flagship, found by the Link expedition in the harbor of Cape Haitien, Hispaniola, in the 
spring of 1955, is cee for his country by Prefect Guillaume Sam, Governor of 
northern Haiti. To his left are the Honorable Roy T. Davis, American Ambassador 
to Haiti, Mr. and Mrs. Link, and Captain Weems. (Photograph by Peter Stackpole, 
courtesy Life magazine. ) 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 19 


half lakes and that the rocky headlands and sandy beaches of its 
eastern shore were almost inaccessible owing to the broken coral heads 
offshore. Only one part of the island appeared approachable for a 
boat of any size—that small section along the western coast where we 
anchored Sea Diver, 

On our first day at Watling we completely circumnavigated the 
island with Sea Diver, first heading north along the west coast and 
then skirting the coral reefs that form the reef harbor on the north 
shore. As we headed south, Sea Diver rolled heavily in the big seas 
which stormed the rocky eastern shore and broke upon the scattered 
coral heads. There was no solid reef anywhere on the east side of 
the island. Nowhere was there a sign of a protected landing or a calm 
bit of water for anchoring. 

Even Dr. Morison conceded that Columbus must necessarily have 
landed on the west coast of Watling, although Columbus makes no 
mention of such a fact. To the contrary his Journal reads: “They 
reached a small island of the Lucayos” and “Immediately they saw 
naked people, and the Admiral went ashore in the armed boat.” As 
Watling is some 13 miles long by 7 miles wide, it would have taken 
several additional hours to reach the landing spot that Morison picks 
on the western shore(37). 

On the second day we anchored Sea Diver off Green Cay on the 
northwest side of the island and headed our small boat across the 
reef harbor toward the rocky point on the eastern shore which Mori- 
son believes may have been Columbus’s “piece of land formed like an 
island although it is not one.” We had scarcely left Sea Diver when 
we regretted our rashness, for we found ourselves heading into a 
choppy sea which threatened to drown our outboard, and we did not 
dare turn back for fear of being swamped. When we reached the 
point we found salt spray dashing high above the cliffs on the sea- 
ward side. In order to negotiate the return to Sea Diver with a 
following sea it was necessary for two of the party to go to Cock- 
burntown by land. Was this the harbor “no more disturbed than the 
water in a well”? 


WATLING ISLAND NOT COLUMBUS’S SAN SALVADOR 


After this investigation of Watling Island and its environs, follow- 
ing a survey of Rum Cay and the northern tip of Long Island, we 
concluded that Watling could not have been Columbus’s San Salvador 
for the following reasons: 

1. There is little possibility that Columbus could have seen a light 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


4 hours before sighting San Salvador if he were approaching Watling 
Island, for there are no islands to the east of Watling in any direction, 
and no fisherman would venture 30 miles out to sea in an open canoe 
at night with strong winds and heavy seas, even though he were able 
to maintain a light for the necessary period of time. However, in 
approaching Caicos it would be simple to glimpse a light on or near 
Turks Island 4 hours previous to the landfall. Columbus cer- 
tainly could not have been mistaken when he claimed to see a light, 
for several others on board also saw it; and he would never have 
claimed the 10,000 maravedis from his sovereigns without the light 
as proof that land also was necessarily there. 

2. The eastern coast of Watling is virtually unapproachable, with 
heavy seas breaking over thickly scattered coral heads along the 
rocky shore. There is no mention in the Journal of Columbus’s 
having gone to the western side of the island to land. 

3. Watling Island does not fit the description of San Salvador as 
well as Caicos. True, it does have a large lake in the middle, but it is 
not “very large and very flat” as compared with Caicos. It is 13 miles 
long, about a third the length of Caicos, while Las Casas describes 
San Salvador as 20 leagues long; and while Watling might be de- 
scribed as bean-shaped, it is certainly not triangular, as Las Casas 
implies. 

4. Columbus describes “a great ridge of rocks that encircled the 
whole of that island.” The only line of barrier reefs on Watling are 
on the north side where they form a large harbor. Elsewhere there 
are only scattered coral heads, 

5. lf Columbus landed on the west shore of Watling and went in 
the ships’ boats in a north-northeast direction to explore, this would 
have brought him to the reef harbor on the north side, which he de- 
scribed as ‘“‘no more disturbed than the water in a well.” We found 
it so rough even in a moderate prevailing wind that we were forced 
to put two of our party ashore before we dared return across it. Also 
the commanding officer at a nearby U. S. Naval base(38) told us that 
his men were forbidden the greater part of the time to go out on 
it in small boats because of its rough condition. On the contrary, we 
had found the reef harbor on the northeast side of Caicos to be shel- 
tered from the prevailing wind. 

6. We visited a rocky island point on the east side of the harbor 
fordable from the mainland at low tide which might have been Co- 
lumbus’s “piece of land which is formed like an island although it is 
not one,” but unlike Caicos this point had no body of water near it on 
the shore, and because of the heavy salt spray from the ocean it is 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 21 


doubtful if ‘the loveliest grove of trees that I have ever seen” would 
have flourished near it. There are none today. 

7. There is no justification for the statement “I saw so many islands 
that I could not decide to which I would go first.” Watling is too 
small to give the impression of many islands within itself, and no other 
islands are visible in any direction. Even with the added height of the 
virgin forests of that day, it is doubtful if Columbus could have 
sighted Rum Cay, the nearest island, whereas the Caicos archipelago 
is made up of many islands. 

8. Rum Cay is too small to answer Columbus’s description of the 
second island: “The coast which lies toward the island of San Salva- 
dor runs north-south and has 5 leagues, and that the other, which I 
followed, runs east-west and has more than 10 leagues.” Rum Cay is 
6 to 12 miles. Rum Cay is southwest of Watling and does not “lie 
toward” it, as does Mayaguana to Caicos. 

g. Although it does not appear on the charts, we found Columbus’s 
“maravilloso puerto,” according to Morison, a few miles north of 
Burnt Ground on the northern part of Long Island, a shallow indenta- 
tion separated from the sea by two narrow mouths and a rocky islet 
between them. It had no depth whatsoever, and neither entrance was 
deep enough to permit access by the ships’ boats. It was far too small 
to hold a hundred ships. We hold with Lieutenant Murdock (who 
otherwise selected the same route for Columbus as Morison) that 
Clarencetown harbor farther down the eastern shore answered the 
description more aptly (39). 

10. The coast does not run east and west at the northern tip of Long 
Island, but after rounding the point it immediately falls off to the 
southwest. Thus it would be impossible for Columbus to have “‘dis- 
covered all the part of the island as far as the coast which runs east- 
westerly.” 

11. Furthermore, with rain and failing winds, it is doubtful if Co- 
lumbus could have covered the distance from the northwesternmost 
point of Long Island to the southern end from dusk of one night to 
dawn the next day, a distance of approximately 70 miles. 

From here on we have no differences with the accepted theory that 
Columbus went on to Crooked Island and from there to the Ragged 
Islands, the Columbus banks, and Cuba. 


COLUMBUS’S ROUTE TO CUBA NOT BY WAY OF MAYAGUANA, 
ACKLIN, AND GRAND INAGUA 


It now only remains to show why, even though the first landfall 
was on Caicos, Columbus’s fleet did not sail to Cuba by way of 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Mayaguana, Acklin, and Great Inagua as Verhoog believes. Instead, 
we are convinced they passed by Mayaguana to Samana, and then to 
Long Island, where their route joined the one proposed by Morison 
and other like-minded researchers. These are our reasons: 

1. The eastern coast of Acklin Island is almost completely guarded 
by a barrier reef more than a mile offshore. Columbus states that “all 
the coast is free from rocks, except that there are some stones near 
the land under water.” Because it would be next to impossible to go 
to a village on the shore through the reefs, Verhoog causes him to sail 
northward along the coast until he reaches an anchorage spot near the 
northeast point. It should be noted that there is no barrier reef along 
the shore of Long Island. 

2. Acklin Island runs generally northeast-southwest, while Colum- 
bus describes Fernandina in several passages as running northwest- 
southeast, and later describes sailing it to the southeast to reach the 
southern point. 

3. On a course from Mayaguana to the point where Verhoog indi- 
cates that Columbus made contact with Acklin, the fleet would have 
passed very close to French Cays, two large, flat land masses which 
at that time may have had trees and appeared more prominent than 
today. There is no mention of them. 

4. Either from the chart or glimpsing it from the air, one might 
possibly visualize the break between Crooked and Acklin Islands as 
the “maravilloso puerto” that Columbus described 2 leagues from the 
cape. However, when Sea Diver sailed this course we found that the 
barrier reef kept us more than a mile from shore, making it impossible 
to see any details of this spot which Columbus described so vividly. 
We could not even make out an opening in the shore line. “At a dis- 
tance of two lombard shots from land(4o), the water off all these 
islands is so deep that it cannot be sounded,” according to Columbus. 

5. When the wind shifted and Columbus “navigated all this night 
in an east-southeasterly direction, sometimes due east and sometimes 
southeast,” he would not have found himself the next morning as he 
describes ‘‘at the end of the island to the southeast,” for Acklin Island 
swings sharply to the southwest. The distance of approximately 80 
miles is also too great to have been covered overnight, for Columbus 
states there was little wind. 

Columbus’s fleet weighed anchor from the southern end of Fer- 
nandina at dawn on Friday, October 19, to reach the island he later 
called Isabella. Thus Verhoog would have him sail from the southern 
tip of Acklin to Great Inagua. Before Columbus had sailed for 3 
hours he reported seeing an island to the east toward which they 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 23 


started. They reached it “before midday, at its northern point, where 
there is an islet and a ridge of rocks on its outside, to the north, and 
another between it and the main island. ... There was a north 
wind, and the said islet lay on the course of the island of Fernandina, 
from which I had departed east-west” and extended for 12 leagues 
to a cape he named Cape Hermoso. 

At 4:30 in the morning on April 5, 1955, Sea Diver’s bearing was 
65° on Castle light just off the southwest point of Acklin. She was on 
a course of 120° heading for Great Inagua island. At her cruising 
speed of 8 knots we calculated it would take us 11 hours to cover the 
87 nautical miles between us and the northeast point of Great Inagua. 

Our lookout from the masthead did not sight land until 3:12 that 
afternoon. Already it was three hours past the time Columbus recorded 
having arrived at his destination. At 4 p.m. we could distinguish Little 
Inagua off the port bow with the higher hills of Great Inagua many 
miles ahead on the starboard bow. At 5:30, almost dusk, we finally 
reached Northeast Cape on Great Inagua. Columbus, supposedly hav- 
ing arrived there at noon with his clumsy sailing vessels, would already 
have sailed the additional 44 miles to Cape Hermoso (Northwest 
Point) where he reported anchoring for the night. 

Little Inagua with its 5 miles of beaches on the west, and 7 on the 
south, lay 5 miles to the north of us. It was certainly no “isleo”’(41), 
for it was almost the size of Rum Cay. We wondered how Colum- 
bus’s ships would have had time to investigate the reefs that he re- 
ported lying north and south of it and still have had time to reach 
Cape Hermoso before dark. Also we found that Northeast Cape (Ver- 
hoog’s Cape del Isleo) would have provided no good anchorage, for 
on the seaward side it was bordered with reefs and beset by heavy 
seas, while on the inward side there was very deep water right up to 
the shoreline. The southern shore of Little Inagua was completely 
exposed to the heavy seas of the open ocean. There was no place for 
Columbus’s ships to have spent the four days preceding their de- 
parture for Cuba. 

As a result of this journey and a later one to the western shore, we 
found these additional discrepancies in Captain Verhoog’s theory : 

6. Columbus said he navigated east-west to reach the northern point 
of Isabella, off which was an islet. We found it necessary to sail a 
course of 120° to reach Northeast Cape on Great Inagua from Acklin 
Island. 

7. Columbus’s fleet sighted the island 3 hours after leaving Fer- 
nandina and sailed the entire distance from dawn until noon. We on 
Sea Diver did not sight land for 9 hours after leaving Acklin, and it 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


was a total of 11 hours before we reached the cape, traveling at a 
speed of 8 knots. 

8. There are reefs along the greater part of the northern shore of 
Great Inagua including the northern shore of Northwest Point. 
Columbus says “with no shoals off it.” 

9g. Verhoog then takes* Columbus to Southwest Point, which he 
selects as Cape de la Laguna “in order to steer northeast and east from 
the southeast and south,” where he understood he would find the 
Indian village and its king. He found the water everywhere so shallow 
he could not enter or navigate to that point. 

Although this is a perfect description of the bight inside Crooked 
Island, it certainly does not describe Great Inagua. Nor would 
Columbus have said ‘following the route to the southwest, it was a 
very great detour.” However, at Crooked Island archipelago he would 
have had to sail southwest from Cape de la Laguna in order to round 
the island to the south. Verhoog says Columbus turned back because 
of the shallow waters off the south side of Great Inagua, but a glance 
at the chart will show that this was no more discouraging than many 
places he had already been and that he could easily discern deep 
water to seaward. 

10. According to Verhoog, Columbus sailed over 200 miles from 
Great Inagua to reach Cuba when it would have been possible to take 
a direct route of only 48 miles from his anchorage at Southwest 
Point. His explanation that the longer course was a canoe route(42) 
does not hold, as, except for the Columbus banks, the entire route 
would have been across deep ocean waters far from land. However, 
the proposed route from Crooked Island to Cuba does qualify as 
the nearest and safest canoe route, as well as being one with which 
the Indians would have been familiar. 

From the southern end of Great Inagua it would have been possible 
on clear days to see the high mountains of Cuba(43). Sea Diver's 
owner was able to see the Cuban ranges at an even greater distance 
from the Columbus banks. Certainly the Indians aboard would have 
been aware of Cuba’s presence so nearby and would have counseled 
the shorter course. 

11. When Columbus left for Cuba from Cape del Isleo (or North- 
east Point) he sailed west-southwest. If this course had not carried 
him ashore on Great Inagua, it would have eventually taken him to 
Cuba—but not, as he states, by way of the Ragged Islands and the 
Columbus banks, which are west-northwest of this point. 

12. This west-southwest course would never have taken him to a 
position where Verhoog’s Cape Verde on the south point of Acklin 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 25 


Island bore to the northwest of him at 7 leagues distance, as Columbus 
states. Also on this course he would have been forced to sail through 
the dangerous reefs along the east edge of the Columbus banks(44) 
in order to anchor there. 

13. Neither would Columbus on this oblique course have seen the 
Ragged Islands like a chain of “seven or eight islands in a row, all 
lying from north to south.” The course from Crooked Island, how- 
ever, would have brought him straight toward these islands and then 
south to the Columbus banks, so that they would have answered this 
description. 

Verhoog wonders about the mysterious large island of Baneque, 
northeast of Cuba. There is no doubt that Great Inagua was Baneque, 
but because Verhoog had already allocated it as Isabella, he was 
nonplussed. A brief study of Verhoog’s own chart shows that on 
November 19 Columbus sailed north-northeast from Puerto Principe 
(Port Tanamo) on the north coast of Cuba, for a distance of 7 
leagues. At this point the Journal records that Columbus “saw the 
island of Baneque due east,’ from which he was 60 miles away. A 
modern chart will also show that this could only be Great Inagua, for 
there is no other island in such a location. 

By 10 o'clock the next morning he had navigated 18 leagues farther 
to the northeast-quarter-north, when he says “‘Baneque lay to the east 
southeast, from which direction the wind blew so that it was contrary 

. seeing that it did not change, and that the sea was rising he 
resolved to return to Puerto Principe. . . He did not wish to go on 
to the islet which he called /sabella which was 12 leagues from him. 
. . . because the Indians whom he carried with him whom he had 
taken in Guanahani which he called San Salvador and which was 
& leagues from that Isabella, might get away.” 

As Great Inagua is already ruled out because of the contrary wind, 
only Crooked Island archipelago is left to qualify as Isabella. But 
to fortify his argument that Great Inagua was Isabella, Verhoog 
quotes the passage that San Salvador was 8 leagues (32 Columbus 
miles) from Isabella. True enough, Great Inagua is 34 miles from 
the Caicos Islands, while it is probably three times that distance from 
the Crooked Islands to either Caicos or Watling. That there is such 
a difference is not surprising, however, when one considers that 
Columbus could not see Isabella, or the Crooked Island archipelago, 
but only guessed at its location from the dead reckoning he had kept 
during the intervening weeks while the ships sailed across strange 
and uncharted waters. The 8 leagues he mentions must necessarily 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


have been only a guess, which happened to correspond with the 
distance between Caicos and Great Inagua. 

The fact that Great Inagua was Baneque and not Isabella is further 
supported by an,entry in the Journal on December 5 when, as the 
Santa Maria was poised at the eastern end of Cuba with Haiti to 
the southeast, it records Columbus’s desire once more “to go to the 
island of Baneque which lay to the northeast, according to that which 
the Indians he had with him said.” Once again Great Inagua was 
the only possible island to the northeast of him. 


CONCLUSION 


As Sea Diver made her way from island to island in an attempt to 
ferret out every last clue to this 500-year-old mystery of where 
Columbus first landed and voyaged in his discovery of the New 
World, a great deal of time on board was spent in studying pertinent 
books and charts. With Captain Weems’s knowledge of navigation 
and the sea, and Mendel Peterson’s background of history, plus the 
lively interest of all of us in our subject, many profitable hours were 
devoted to discussion of all phases of the problem. 

It was only after long and serious deliberation both during our 
journey and afterward, the gist of which I have attempted to record 
here, that we came to the conclusion that this new course which the 
expedition’s leader had evolved contained fewer discrepancies and 
fitted more completely the descriptions given by Columbus from be- 
ginning to end than either of the other two. 

Therefore, we submit as our considered opinion that Columbus 
landed first at the Caicos Islands and not at Watling Island and that 
he followed a course through the Bahamas from Mayaguana to 
Samana to Long Island, from there to Crooked Island, the Ragged 
Islands, the Columbus banks, and Cuba. 


NOTES 


1. Called Watling Island since the seventeenth century by the English. In 
1926 it was named San Salvador or Watling Island by an Act of the British 
Parliament (16-17 George V, ch. 27). 

2. Samuel Eliot Morison, professor of history at Harvard University, Rear 
Admiral, USNR; author of many books and papers on Columbus; leader of 
the Harvard-Columbus expedition in 1939 and 1940 with the barkentine Capitana 
and the ketch Mary Otis. 

3. Capt. Pieter Verhoog’s entire material on the Columbus landfall and track 
was lost during a bombardment of Rotterdam in 1943, and he had to start all 
over again. A student of Spanish literature and the early voyages of discovery, 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 27 


he has been a contributor to Dutch newspapers and periodicals since he retired 
in 1953 as Commanding Officer of the SS. Nieuw Amsterdam. 

4. On the ketch Mary Otis. 

5. Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, author of “Coleccién de los Viajes y 
Descubrimientos,” vols. 1-3, Madrid, 1825-1820, consisting of many important 
documents from the Spanish archives including Las Casas’s rendering of the 
First Voyage from Columbus’s Journal in the first up-to-date transcription to 
appear in print. Navarrete selected Grand Turk Island as San Salvador, the 
route continuing to Caicos, Little Inagua, Great Inagua, and Cuba. 

Washington Irving, author of a four-volume “Life and Voyages of Chris- 
topher Columbus,” published in 1828, based on the findings of Navarrete. He 
selected Cat Island as San Salvador, then Concepcion Cay, Exuma, Long Island, 
Mucarras, and Cuba. 

Capt. A. B. Becher of the British Royal Navy, author of “Landfall of Colum- 
bus,” published in the Royal Geographical Society Journal in London in 1856, 
selected Watling Island for the landfall, followed by Long Island, Exuma, 
Crooked, Ragged, and Cuba. He believed that Columbus passed an unknown 
island to reach Santa Maria de Concepcion, in this case Rum Cay. 

Hon. Gustavus V. Fox, served as assistant secretary of the Navy under Abra- 
ham Lincoln. He wrote a monograph, “An Attempt to Solve the Problem of 
the First Landing Place of Columbus in the New World,” published by the 
U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey in 1882. Samana or Atwood Island was his 
choice for the first landfall followed by Crooked, Long, Fortune, and Ragged. 

Clements R. Markham, one-time president of the British Hakluyt Society, 
which published his “Life of Christopher Columbus” and translation of Colum- 
bus’s Journal in 1882. He inclined toward Watling Island as the first landfall. 

6. Related in his “Cruise of Columbus in the Bahamas, 1492,” published in 
Proc. U. S. Naval Inst. in 1884. 

7. Fray Bartolome de Las Casas’s abstract of the Journal of Columbus on 
his First Voyage can be found in Cesare de Lolli’s “Raccolta di Documenti e 
Studi,” Publicati Dalla R. Commissione Colombiana, Rome, 1892-1894, as well 
as in Navarrete’s record. Although the original log has been lost, it is believed 
it was originally in the possession of his son, Fernando Coldn, and that it later 
came into the possession of Las Casas; for Fernando Colon’s “Historie” com- 
pares very closely to Las Casas’s interpretation in many passages, indicating 
that they came from the same source. The Las Casas manuscript is now pre- 
served in Madrid. 

8. For example, on October 16, in referring to the island of Fernandina, the 
Journal records, “and all this coast runs north-northwest and south-southwest,” 
while on October 17 it reads, in referring to the same island, “because it all 
trended north-northwest and south-southeast.” In the Spanish there is only this 
difference between SSW. and SSE.: sursudueste as compared to sursueste. It 
would be easy to make a mistake either in copying or setting type. Columbus 
also spelled the word for west gueste and vueste. 

9. A chart of the location of Navidad, the first settlement in the New World, 
on the north coast of Hispaniola, made by the Admiral in 1493 is still in 
existence. 

10. United States Navy Hydrographic Office charts Nos. 944 and 948 with 
British surveys of the Bahama Islands on the first chart from 1836 to 1885, and 


28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


on the second, from 1829 to 1848. These charts have been combined and reduced 
and are included as charts 1 and 2 following page 32 of this paper. 

11. Founder of the Weems System of Navigation and a cofounder of the 
Institute of Navigation. Captain Weems is the author of many books on naviga- 
tion and has invented and developed several navigation instruments and aids. 

12. In a Grumman Widgeon owned by Mr. Link and based first at Nassau 
and later at Caicos Island. 

13. Doctor of Laws, writer and member of Cuba’s Academy of History. Dr. 
Pedroso has the honor to be one of the few to have viewed the remains of 
Columbus in their original lead casket in the Cathedral of Santa Domingo, in 
Ciudad Trujillo, Dominican Republic. (Pl. 2, fig. 1.) 

14. This reward amounted to almost a year’s salary for an ordinary seaman. 

15. According to Oviedo’s account. The seaman was told by Salcedo, the 
Admiral’s servant, that it had already been seen. 

16. Markham says that on the night of the 11th the moon rose at II p.m, 
and at 2 a.m. on the morning of the 12th it was 30° above the horizon. It would 
have been shining brightly on the sandy shores of an island some miles ahead, 
being in its third quarter. 

17. Fernando Colon, in his “Vita del Ammiraglio,”’ described the light as 
like a candle that went up and down as if people on shore were passing with 
it from one house to another. (Cap 21.) 

18. If the poop deck of the Santa Maria were 14 feet from the water, a man 
standing on this deck, his eye level at 19 feet, would be able to see an object 
on the horizon 5 miles away, according to the Dip Table calculations in Weems, 
P.V.H., “Line of Position Book,” 2d ed., Annapolis, 1928. 

19. The Indian name for the island that Columbus christened San Salvador. 
The prefix guana- stands for “place of much water.” Many Arawak names 
started thus if the location contained water, such as Guanabacoa, Havana, 
famous for its marvelous springs and fountains. The name does not come from 
the iguana as has been suggested previously. 


20. “Tiene la dicha isla forma de una haba... .” Las Casas, Apologética 
Hist., cap. 1, p. 241. 
21. “Isla de 15 leguas de luengo, poco mas o menos . . .” Las Casas, Historia 


de las Indias, I, cap. 40, p. 291. 

22. “Esta primera tierra fué una isleta de las que llamamos de los Lucayos, 
que las gentes de éstas, islas por proprio nombre Ilamaban Guanahani, la ultima 
sillaba aguda, que en las cartas del marear que agora se pintan, llaman Triango, 
como ignorantes, los pintores, de la antiguedad .. .” Las Casas, Apologética 
Hist;, cap.) 1, p.24r- 

23. “The creeks dividing the islands, from Grand Caicos to South Caicos, 
are now fordable, yet it is not so long ago that vessels of some size could reach 
the inner waters of the bank by passing between the islands.” West Indies 
Pilot, vol. 3, 3d ed., p. 168, London, 1933. 

24. That of Watling Island to Rum Cay, a distance of 19 miles. 

25. The theory of a land league and a shore league suits Morison’s Watling 
theory very well, but nowhere in any records of Columbus’s sailings is there 
mention of such a system. It could be very confusing when sailing in a group 
of islands like the Bahamas to know when to apply the proper standard. 

26. Both Dr. Morison and Captain Verhoog agree that the effect of currents 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 29 


in the Bahamas is negligible. (Admiral of the Ocean Sea, vol. 2, cap. 13, p. 255, 
and Guanahani Again, pp. 17-10.) 

27. Admiral of the Ocean Sea, vol. 1, cap. 13, p. 246. 

28. Guanahani Again, p. 64; Columbus Landed on Caicos, Proc. U. S. Naval 
Inst., vol. 80, No. 10, p. 1105, 1954. 

29. “. . . y como desta isla vide otra mayor al oueste, cargué las velas por 
andar ...” Spanish dictionaries agree that the verb cargar means to “press” 
or “crowd” or “load on,’ while velas means sails. However, Lieutenant Mur- 
dock says “any dictionary of nautical terms shows that the true rendering of 
cargué las velas is ‘I clewed up the sails,’” meaning furled the sails. Unfortu- 
nately, the English term “to clew up sails” also seems to have an ambiguous 
meaning which may be interpreted either to make sail or to furl sail. Accord- 
ing to Webster’s New Collegiate Dictionary “clew”’ means “to haul a sail by 
means of lines up to a yard or mast.” 

The same phrase is used at the beginning of the entry for October 15 in the 
Journal: “Avia temporejado esta noche... é en amaneciendo cargar velas,” 
or, “I had lain to that night . . . ready to clew up sails at daybreak.” Surely, 
the same phrase used as it is in two separate places in the record for October 15 
must have the same meaning; and that meaning must necessarily be to make or 
crowd on sail, following as it does the explanation that Columbus had lain to 
that night. 

30. “Poor anchorage on the south shore of Samana about two miles from the 
eastern end.” West Indies Pilot, vol. 3, 3d ed., p. 15, London, 1933. 

31. The Journal mentions, “So I departed at about 10 o’clock” in the entry 
for October 15, but the next day records, “I departed from the island of Santa 
Maria de Concepcion, when it was already about midday.” 

32. “. . . haze una grande angla.”’ This has been interpreted as “forms a big 
angle’ by many translators, but the Spanish word would then be the masculine 
“angulo” instead of the feminine “angla,” and it is doubtful if such an error 
could have occurred in transcribing the original text. 

33. “After the islet the coast runs to the west and extends for 12 leagues to 
a cape, which I named Cape Hermoso.” Journal, Friday, October 10. 

34. Gently, mildly. 

35. Inscribed “Christopher Columbus made the first recorded landing in the 
New World on this beach, Oct. 12, 1492. Yawl Heloise, Feb. 25, 1951.” By 
what right or proof this was erected is a matter for conjecture. 

36. Placed there in 1891 by the Chicago Herald Expedition. 

37. In the vicinity of Hall’s Landing. 

38. A United States guided-missile base established there recently. 

39. See “The Cruise of Columbus in the Bahamas, 1492,” by J. B. Murdock, 
USN, Proc. U. S. Naval Inst., vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 480-481, 1884. 

40. Opinion varies between 500 and 1,000 yards for a lombard shot. 

41. Isleo—a small island close to a bigger one; isleta—a small isle or islet; 
isla—isle or island. 

Verhoog argues that Bird Cay off Crooked Island was too small to be an 
isleo, that it was an isleta. We argue that Little Inagua was too large and too 
far from Great Inagua to be called an isleo, that Columbus would have called 
it an isla just as he did the Islas de Arena, even though they were much smaller 
than Little Inagua. 


30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


His only use of isleta was in describing the “piece of land which is formed 
like an island although it is not one,” when later on in the text he said; “. .. y 
después, junto con dicta isleta.” He used isleo in describing the island at the 
entrance to the “maravillosa puerto,” “. .. porque tiene un isleo en medio,” 
and the small island near Isabella, “. . . adonde haze un isleo.” 

42. A route selected because of its proximity to land whenever possible and in 
the most sheltered waters. 

43. There is a mountain range up to 4,020 feet on the eastern end of Cuba 
opposite Great Inagua. 

44. The chart shows reefs, rocky heads, even a cay, with the notations “edges 
well defined” and “strong ripples.” 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Christopher Columbus 
BeEcHER, A. B. 
1856. The landfall of Columbus on his first voyage to America. Journ. 
Roy. Geogr. Soc., vol. 26, pp. 189-202. 
CoLUMBUS, CHRISTOPHER. 
1823. Book of privileges, a collection of authentic documents of that cele- 
brated navigator. London. 
1827. Journal, translated by Samuel Kettell. Boston. 
1847. Letters, select letters and other original documents translated and 
edited by R. H. Major. London. 
1892. Autografi de Cristoforo Colombo in Raccolta di documenti e studi, 
vol. 1, Pt. 1, by Cesare de Lollis. Rome. 
1892a. Collected works, writings of Columbus descriptive of the discovery 
and occupation of the New World, edited with an introduction by 
Paul Leicester Ford. New York. 
1893. Journal, translated with notes and an introduction by Clements R. 
Markham for the Hakluyt Society. London. 
1924. Journal of first voyage to America, introduced by Van Wyck Brooks. 
New York. 
1924a. Letter to Sanchez concerning the first voyage to the New World 
with a foreword by Donald B. Clark. San Francisco, 
1930. Select documents illustrating the voyages of Columbus, translated by 
Cecil Jane and printed for the Hakluyt Society. London. 
1938. Journal, a log of the first voyage, copied out in brief by B. Las Casas 
and illustrated by J. O’H. Cosgrove II. New York. 
1939. Journal, texts and translations of Columbus’s first voyage. Hispanic- 
American Hist. Rev., vol. Io. 
CoLuMBUS, FERDINAND. 
1812. History of the life and actions of Admiral Christopher Columbus and 
of his discovery of the West Indies, by his own son Ferdinand 
Colon, from John Pinkerston’s general collection of voyages and 
travels, vol. 12, pp. 1-155. London. 
CrRoNAU, RUDOLF. 
1921. Discovery of America and the landfall of Columbus, one of two 
monographs based on personal observation. New York. 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 31 


Fox, Gustavus VASA. 
1882. An attempt to solve the problem of the first landing place of Colum- 
bus in the New World. Washington. 
Gipss, GEORGE. 
1846. Observations tending to show that Grand Turk Island was the first 
spot Columbus landed. Proc. New York Hist. Soc. 
GouLp, R. T. 
1927. The landfall of Columbus, an old problem restated. Geogr. Journ., 
vol. 69, pp. 403-429. 
1929. Enigmas, including the landfall of Columbus. London. 
HarrissE, HENRY. 
1866. Notes on Columbus. New York. 
HERRARA, ANTONIO DE. 
1740. Historia general, translated by Capt. John Stevens. 
Hoses, Witt1AM HERBERT. 
1950. The track of the Columbus caravels in 1492. Amer. Hist. Rev., 
vol. 30, No. I. 
IrvING, WASHINGTON. 
1828. A history of the life and voyages of Christopher Columbus, in four 
volumes. London, New York. 
Las Casas, BARTOLOME DE. 
1875. Historia de las Indias. Madrid. 
Major, RicHarp H. 
1871. The landfall of Columbus. Journ. Roy. Geogr. Soc., vol. 41, 
PP. 193-210. 
MarKHAM, CLEMENTS R. 
1882. Life of Christopher Columbus. London. 
Martyr, PETER D’ANGHIERA. 
1555. The decades of the Newe Worlde of West India, translated by Richard 
Eden. London. 
MENENDEZ PipaL, RAMON. 
1942. La lengua de Cristébal Coldn, el estilo de Santa Teresa y otros 
estudios sobre el siglo XVI. Madrid. 
Mortson, SAMUEL ELIOT. 
1942. Admiral of the Ocean Sea, a life of Christopher Columbus, in 2 
volumes. Boston. 
Murpock, J. B. 
1884. The cruise of Columbus in the Bahamas, 1492. Proc. U. S. Naval 
Inst., vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 449-486. 
NAVARRETE, MARTIN FERNANDEZ DE. 
1922. Viages de Cristébal Colon, con una carta. Madrid. 
OtscHKI, LEONARDI. 
1941. What Columbus saw on landing in the West Indies. Proc. Amer. 
Philos. Soc., vol. 84, pp. 633-659. 
Oviepo y VALDES, G, F. 
1851. Historia general y natural de las Indias. Madrid. 
Peproso, ARMANDO ALVAREZ. 
1944. Crist6bal Colén, biografia del descubridor, with a prologue by Clar- 
ence H. Haring. Habana. 


32 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


STEWART, GLENN. 
1931. San Salvador Island to Cuba, a cruise in the track of Columbus. 
Geogr. Rev., vol. 21, pp. 124-130. 
VERHOOG, PIETER.. 
1947. Guanahani again, the landfall of Columbus in 1492. 
1954. Columbus landed on Caicos. Proc. U. S. Naval Inst., vol. 80, No. 10, 
pp. IIOI-IIII. 


A selected list of books and articles on Christopher Columbus can be found 
in the Library of Congress of the United States, Division of Bibliography. 


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APPENDIX 


EXCERPTS FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE FIRST 
VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS (OCTOBER 11 THROUGH 
OCTOBER 27, 1492) AS TRANSLATED FROM THE 
SPANISH BY ARMANDO ALVAREZ PEDROSO 


Thursday, October 11 


He sailed to the west-southwest; they had a rougher sea than they had ex- 
perienced during the whole voyage. They saw sandpipers and a green branch 
near the ship. Those in the caravel Pinta saw a cane and a stick, and they 
secured another small stick, carved, as it appeared, with iron, and a piece of 
cane, and other grass which grows on land, and a small board. Those in the 
caravel Niyia also saw other indications of land and a small branch, covered 
with dog-roses. At these signs, all breathed again and rejoiced. On this day, 
to sunset, they went 27 leagues. After sunset, he sailed his former course to the 
west; they probably made 12 miles an hour, and up to two hours after mid- 
night they had made 90 miles, which are 22 leagues and a half. And because 
the caravel Pinta was swifter and went ahead of the Admiral, she found land 
and made the signals which the Admiral had commanded. This land, a sailor, 
who was called Rodrigo de Triana, first sighted, although the Admiral, at 10 
o'clock at night, being on the castle of the poop, saw a light. It was, however, 
so obscured that he would not affirm that it was land, but called Pero Gutiérrez, 
a gentleman of the bedchamber to the King, and told him that there seemed to 
be a light, and that he should look at it. He did so, and saw it. He also said 
the same to Rodrigo Sanchez de Segovia, whom the King and Queen had sent 
in the fleet as controller, and he saw nothing since he was not in a position from 
which it could be seen. After the Admiral had so spoken, it was seen one or 
two times, and it was like a small wax candle, raised and lifted up. Few thought 
that this was an indication of land, but the Admiral was certain that he was 
close to land. Accordingly, when they had intoned the “Salve Regina,” that all 
sailors are accustomed to pray and chant in their manner, when they are all 
together, the Admiral asked and urged them to keep a good lookout from the 
forecastle and to watch carefully for land, and to the one who should first tell 
him that he saw land, he would give at once a silk doublet, apart from the 
other rewards which the sovereigns had promised, which were 10,000 maravedis 
annually to the one who first sighted it. Two hours after midnight, land ap- 
peared, at a distance of 2 leagues from them. They shortened all sail, remain- 
ing with the mainsail, which is the great sail without bonnets, and layed to, 
waiting for day, a Friday, on which they reached a small island of the Lucayos, 
which is called in the language of the Indians “Guanahani.” Immediately they 
saw naked people, and the Admiral went ashore in the armed boat, and Martin 
Alonso Pinz6n and Vicente Yanez, his brother, who was captain of the Niza. 
The Admiral brought out the royal standard, and the captains went with two 
banners of the green cross, which the Admiral flew on all the ships as a flag, 


33 


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APPENDIX 


PACERPES FROM THE JOURNAL OF THE FIRST 
VOYAGE OF COLUMBUS (OCTOBER 11 THROUGH 
OCTOBER 27, 1492) AS TRANSLATED FROM THE 
SPANISH BY ARMANDO ALVAREZ PEDROSO 


Thursday, October 11 


He sailed to the west-southwest; they had a rougher sea than they had ex- 
perienced during the whole voyage. They saw sandpipers and a green branch 
near the ship. Those in the caravel Pinta saw a cane and a stick, and they 
secured another small stick, carved, as it appeared, with iron, and a piece of 
cane, and other grass which grows on land, and a small board. Those in the 
caravel Nijia also saw other indications of land and a small branch, covered 
with dog-roses. At these signs, all breathed again and rejoiced. On this day, 
to sunset, they went 27 leagues. After sunset, he sailed his former course to the 
west; they probably made 12 miles an hour, and up to two hours after mid- 
night they had made 90 miles, which are 22 leagues and a half. And because 
the caravel Pinta was swifter and went ahead of the Admiral, she found land 
and made the signals which the Admiral had commanded. This land, a sailor, 
who was called Rodrigo de Triana, first sighted, although the Admiral, at 10 
o'clock at night, being on the castle of the poop, saw a light. It was, however, 
so obscured that he would not affirm that it was land, but called Pero Gutiérrez, 
a gentleman of the bedchamber to the King, and told him that there seemed to 
be a light, and that he should look at it. He did so, and saw it. He also said 
the same to Rodrigo Sanchez de Segovia, whom the King and Queen had sent 
in the fleet as controller, and he saw nothing since he was not in a position from 
which it could be seen. After the Admiral had so spoken, it was seen one or 
two times, and it was like a small wax candle, raised and lifted up. Few thought 
that this was an indication of land, but the Admiral was certain that he was 
close to land. Accordingly, when they had intoned the “Salve Regina,” that all 
sailors are accustomed to pray and chant in their manner, when they are all 
together, the Admiral asked and urged them to keep a good lookout from the 
forecastle and to watch carefully for land, and to the one who should first tell 
him that he saw land, he would give at once a silk doublet, apart from the 
other rewards which the sovereigns had promised, which were 10,000 maravedis 
annually to the one who first sighted it. Two hours after midnight, land ap- 
peared, at a distance of 2 leagues from them. They shortened all sail, remain- 
ing with the mainsail, which is the great sail without bonnets, and layed to, 
waiting for day, a Friday, on which they reached a small island of the Lucayos, 
which is called in the language of the Indians “Guanahani.” Immediately they 
saw naked people, and the Admiral went ashore in the armed boat, and Martin 
Alonso Pinzon and Vicente Yanez, his brother, who was captain of the Nijia. 
The Admiral brought out the royal standard, and the captains went with two 
banners of the green cross, which the Admiral flew on all the ships as a flag, 


33 


34 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


with an F and a Y, and over each letter their crown, one being on one side of 
the ** and the other on the other. When they had landed, they saw trees 
very green and many waters and fruit of various kinds. The Admiral called 
the two captains and the others who had landed, and Rodrigo de Escobedo, 
notary of the whole fleet, and Rodrigo de Segovia, and said that they should 
bear witness and testimony how he, before all of them, was taking possession, 
as in fact he took, of the said island in the name of the King and Queen, his 
sovereigns, making the declarations which are required, as is contained more 
at length in the testimonies which there were made in writing. Soon many 
people of the island gathered there. This which follows are the actual words 
of the Admiral, in his book of his first voyage and discovery of these Indies. 

“I,” he says, “in order that they might feel great amity toward us, because 
I gathered that they were a people to be delivered and to be converted to our 
holy faith rather by love than by force, gave to a few of them some red caps 
and some glass beads, which they hung around their necks, and many other 
things of little value. At this they were greatly pleased and became so entirely 
our friends that it was a wonder to see. Afterward they came swimming to 
the ships’ boats, where we were, and brought us parrots and cotton thread in 
balls, and spears and many other things, and we exchanged for them other 
things, such as small glass beads and hawks’ bells, which we gave to them. 
In fact, they took all and gave all they had, with good will, but it seemed to 
me that they were very deficient people in everything. They all go naked as 
their mothers bore them, and the women also, although I only saw one, a very 
young girl. And all of the men whom I did see were young, as I did not see 
one who was over 30 years of age, very well built, with very handsome bodies 
and very good faces. Their hair is coarse and short, almost like the hairs of a 
horse’s tail; they wear their hair down over their eyebrows, except for a few 
strands behind, which they wear long and never cut. Some of them are painted 
black, and they are the color of the peoples of the Canaries, neither black nor 
white, and some of them are painted white and some red and some in any 
color that they find. Some of them paint their faces, some their whole bodies, 
some only the eyes, and some only the nose. They do not bear arms or know 
them, for I showed them swords and they took them by the blade and cut 
themselves through ignorance. They have no iron. Their spears are certain 
reeds, without iron, and some of these have a fish tooth at the end, while others 
are pointed in different ways. They are all generally fairly tall, good looking, 
and well proportioned. I saw some who bore marks of wounds on their bodies 
and by signs I asked them what was that, and they indicated to me that people 
had come from other islands, which are near, and wished to capture them, and 
they had to defend themselves. And I believed and still believe that they came 
here from the mainland to take them as prisoners. They should be good 
servants and of quick intelligence, since I see that very soon, they repeat all 
that is said to them, and I believe that they would easily become Christians, 
for it appeared to me that they had no creed. Our Lord willing, I will take 
from here, at the time of my departure, six of them to your highnesses, so 
that they may learn to talk. I saw no beast of any kind in this island, except 
parrots.” All these are the words of the Admiral. 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 35 


Saturday, October 13 


“As soon as day broke, there came to the shore many of these men, all young, 
as I have said, and all of a good height, very handsome people. Their hair is 
not curly, but loose and coarse as the hair of a horse; all have very broad 
foreheads and heads, more so than any people that I have seen until now. 
Their eyes are very lovely and not small. They are not at all black, but of 
the color of the Canarians; nothing else could be expected, since this is on 
the same line, from east to west, with the island of Hierro in the Canaries.1 
Their legs are very straight; none are bow-legged. They are not big bellied, 
their stomachs being very well shaped. They came to the ship in boats, which 
are made of a tree trunk and are like a longboat all made of one piece. They 
are very wonderfully carved, considering the country, so large, that some 
carried 40 and 45 men. Others are smaller, so that in some but a single man 
came. They row them with a paddle, like a baker’s shovel, and they travel 
wonderfully. 

If one capsize, all at once begin to swim and raise it upright, baling it out 
with gourds which they carry with them. They brought balls of spun cotton 
and parrots and spears and other trifles, which it would be tedious to write 
down, and they gave all for anything that was given to them. And I was atten- 
tive and tried to know if there was gold, and I saw that some of them wore 
a small piece hanging from a hole which they have in the nose, and from signs 
I was able to understand that, going to the south or rounding the island to 
the south, there was a king who had great vessels of it and very many. I 
endeavored to make them go there, and afterward saw that they were not 
inclined for the journey. I resolved to wait until the following afternoon, and, 
after, to leave for the southwest, for, as many of them indicated to me, there 
was land to the south and to the southwest and to the northwest, and that 
those of the northwest used to come to attack them very often. So I resolved 
to go to the southwest, to seek the gold and precious stones. This island is 
very large and very flat; with very green trees and much water. In the center 
of it, there is a very large lagoon; there are no mountains, and all is so green 
that it is a pleasure to gaze upon it. The people are very peaceful and since 
they long to possess something of ours, but thinking that nothing will be given 
to them unless they give something in return, so, as they have nothing, they 
take what they can and immediately jump into the water and swim. But all 
that they do possess, they give for anything which is given to them, so that 
they exchange things even for broken pieces of bowls and bits of broken glass. 
I even saw 16 balls of cotton being traded for three ‘ceotis’ of Portugal, which 
are worth a Castilian ‘Blanca,’ and in these balls there was more than 25 pounds 
of spun cotton. I forbade this and did not allow anything to be taken; I would 
command to be taken all of it, if there would be a large quantity, to be de- 
livered to your highnesses; this grows here in the island; but owing to lack 
of time, I cannot give a definite account; and here is also found that gold 
which they wear hanging from the nose. But, in order not to lose time, I 
wish to see if I can make the island of Cipango. Now, as it is night, they 
all left to land . . . in their boats.” 


1 There is a note on the right side margin of this entry (Las Casas’s hand- 
writing) which reads: “The islet of Guanahani is on Hierro’s island latitude.” 


36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Sunday, October 14 


“At dawn, I ordered the ship’s longboat and the boats of the caravels to 
be made ready, and I went along the island in a north-northeasterly direction, 
in order to see the other part, which lay to the east, to see what was there, 
and also to see the villages. And I soon saw two or three, and people that came 
to the beach, calling us and giving thanks to God. Some brought us water, 
others various eatables; others, when they saw that I was not inclined to land, 
jumped into the sea and came, swimming, and we understood that they asked 
us if we had come from heaven. One old man got into the longboat, and all 
the rest of the men and women cried in loud voices: ‘Come and see the men 
who have come from heaven; bring them food and drink.’ Many men and 
women came, each one with something, giving thanks to God, lying on the 
ground and raising their hands to the sky, and then shouting us to come to 
land. But I feared to do so, seeing a great ridge of rocks which encircled 
the whole of that island, and in the middle there is deep water and a harbor 
large enough for all the ships of Christendom, the entrance to which is very 
narrow. It is true that inside this belt there are some shoals, but the sea is 
no more disturbed than the water in a well. And in order to see all this, I went 
this morning, in order to be able to give an account of all to your highnesses 
and also to know where a fort could be built. I saw a piece of land, which is 
formed like an island although it is not one, on which there were six houses; 
it could be cut in order to form an island, in two days, although I do not see 
that it is necessary to do so, for these people are very unskilled in arms, as 
your highnesses will see from the seven whom I ordered to be taken with us, 
so that they may learn our language and then send them back. However, when 
your highnesses so command, they can all be carried off to Castile or held cap- 
tive in the island itself, since with 50 men they would be all kept in subjection 
and forced to do whatever may be wished. Near the said islet, moreover, there 
are the loveliest groves of trees that I ever saw, and as green and in as full 
leaf as those of Castile in the month of April and May, and much water. I 
examined the whole of that harbor, and afterward returned to the ship and set 
sail. I saw so many islands that I could not decide to which I would go first. 
Those men, whom I had taken, made signs to me that there were very many, 
so many that they could not be counted, and they mentioned by their name 
more than a hundred. For that reason I sought for the largest and resolved to 
steer for it, which I am doing. It will be 5 leagues away from this island of 
San Salvador; the others, some are farther away and some are less. All are 
very flat, without mountains, and very fertile; all are inhabited and they make 
war upon one another, although these people are very simple and very well-built 
men.” 


Monday, October 15 


“I had lain to that night, fearing to reach land and anchor before daylight, 
as I did not know whether the coast was free from shoals, ready to clew up 
sails at daybreak. And as the island was more than 5 leagues distant, or maybe 
7, and the tide delayed me, it was about midday when I arrived at said island, 
finding that the coast which lies toward the island of San Salvador runs 
north-south and has 5 leagues, and that the other, which I followed, runs east- 
west and has more than 10 leagues. And as from this island I saw another, 
larger, to the west, I clewed sails up to navigate all that day until night, and 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK a7 


still was not able to reach the westerly point; this island I named ‘Santa Maria 
de la Concepcion’ and, about sunset, I anchored near the said point to see if there 
was gold there, because those whom I had taken aboard from the island of 
San Salvador told me that there they wore very large golden bracelets on the 
legs and arms. I well believed that all that they said was a trick in order to 
get away. It was nevertheless my will not to pass any island without taking 
possession of it, although having taken one, it could be... said of all. And 
I anchored and was there until today, Tuesday, when at dawn I went ashore 
in the armed boats and landed. The people were many, naked, and of the same 
type as those of the other island of San Salvador; They allowed us to go 
through the island and gave us everything I asked from them. And as the 
wind blew more strongly across from the southeast, I didn’t want to detain 
myself, and went back to the ship. A large boat was alongside the caravel 
Nina, and one of the men from the island of San Salvador who was in it, jumped 
into the sea and left on it; and during the middle of the night before, the other 
. . . and went after the boat, which fled so that there was not a boat that could 
have overtaken it, since he was way ahead of us. But they reached land and 
left the boat, and some of those with me went ashore after them, and they all 
escaped like chickens. The boat which they had abandoned we brought on 
board the caravel Nia; to this caravel it was coming from another direction, 
a second small boat with a man who wished to barter a ball of cotton, and 
some sailors jumped into the sea, because he would not come on board the 
caravel, and seized him. I was on the poop of the ship and saw everything, 
I ordered him brought to me and gave him a red cap and some small beads of 
green glass, which I put on his arm, and two hawks’ bells, which I put in his 
ears, and ordered his boat, which was also in the ship’s longboat, to be 
returned to him and sent him ashore. After that I set sail to go to the other 
large island which I was seeing to the west. I ordered that the other boat, 
which the Ni#ia was towing astern, should be also set adrift. Afterward, on 
land, the other, to whom I had given the things mentioned and from whom I 
had refused to take the ball of cotton, although he wished to give it to me, was 
received by all of those people, and was much astonished and quite sure that 
we were good people and that the one who had run away had somehow wronged 
us and that accordingly we had kept him. It was to create this impression that 
I had so acted with him, ordering him to be set free and giving him the said 
presents, in order that we may be held in this esteem, so that when your high- 
nesses again may send somebody here, they may not be unfriendly. All that 
I gave to him was not worth 4 pennies. So I departed at about 10 o'clock, 
with a southeast touching south wind, in order to pass over to this other 
island which is very large, and all these men, whom I carry with me from 
the island of San Salvador, make signs that there is in it very much gold and 
that they wear it as bracelets on their arms and on their legs, and in their 
ears and nose and on their necks. From this island of Santa Maria to this 
other there were 9 leagues, from east to west, and all this side of the island 
runs from northwest to southeast. It seems that the coast may extend for 
some 28 leagues or more on this side, and is very flat, without any mountain, 
as San Salvador and Santa Maria, and all of it beach, free from rocks, except 
that they all have some large stones near the land under water, for which it 
is necessary to keep a sharp lookout when the intention is to anchor, and not 
to anchor very near the shore, although the waters are always very clear and 


38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the bottom can be seen. At a distance of two lombard shots from land, the 
water off all these islands is so deep that it cannot be sounded. These islands 
are very green and fertile with very soft winds, and it is possible that there 
are many things in them, which I do not know, because I do not wish to delay, 
in order to look for gold, sailing to and visiting many islands. And since these 
give such proofs, because they wear it on their arms and legs (and it is gold, 
because I showed them some pieces of it which I have) I cannot fail, with 
the aid of Our Lord, to find the place whence it comes. Being in the middle 
of the channel between these two islands, namely, that of Santa Maria and this 
large one which I name ‘Fernandina,’ I found a man, alone in a boat, going 
from the island of Santa Maria to that of Fernandina. He was carrying with 
him a piece of their bread, about as large as the fist, and a gourd of water 
and a piece of reddish earth reduced to powder and then kneaded, and some 
dried leaves, which must be a thing highly prized among them, since already 
at San Salvador they presented me with some of them. He also carried with 
him a basket of their make, in which he had a string of glass beads and two 
Castilian pennies, through which I know that he came from the island of San 
Salvador and had crossed to that of Santa Maria and was on his way to 
Fernandina. He came alongside the ship. I had him come on board, as he 
wanted to do so, and ordered to bring his canoe on board also, and all that 
he had with him to be kept safe. I commanded that bread and honey should 
be given to him to eat, and something to drink, and will take him to Fernan- 
dina. Then I will give him back all his belongings, in order that he may extend 
a good opinion of us, so that with the favor of God, when your highnesses 
send some one here, those who come may receive honor and they may give 
us all that they have.” 


Tuesday and Wednesday, Octover 16 and 17 


“T departed from the island of Santa Maria de Concepcion, when it was 
already about midday, for that of Fernandina, which loomed very large to the 
westward, and sailed all that day in a calm. I could not arrive in time to be 
able to see the bottom in order to anchor in a clear place, for it is necessary to 
be very careful in this matter so as not to lose the anchors, and accordingly I 
stood off and on all this night until day, arriving then at a village, where I 
anchored, to which had come the man whom I found yesterday in the boat in 
the middle of the channel. He had given such good reports of us that all this 
night there was no lack of boats alongside the ship; they gave us water and 
everything they had with them. I ordered something to be given to each of 
them, that is to say, some small beads; a string of ten or a dozen glass beads; 
some brass timbrels, of the kind worth a penny each in Castile, and some leather 
straps; all these things they regarded as most excellent. When they came on 
board, I also ordered they should give them sugar molasses to eat. And after- 
wards, at the hour of tierce, I sent the ship’s boat ashore for water, and with 
good will they made signs to my people showing where the water was; and 
themselves carried the full casks to the boat; they were delighted to please us. 
This island is very large, and I am resolved to go around it, because, as far 
as I can understand, there is in it or near it a mine of gold. This island is 
almost 8 leagues away from that of Santa Maria in an east-west direction; and 
this cape where I came, and all this coast runs north-northwest and south- 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 39 


southwest; I saw quite 20 leagues of it, but it did not end there. Now, as this 
is being written, I have set sail with a south wind in order to try to go around 
the whole island and to go on until I find Samoet, which is the island or city 
where there is gold, as say all that come on board the ship, and also those 
from the island of San Salvador and from Santa Maria. These people are like 
those of said islands and have the same speech and manners, except that the 
ones here seem to me to be somewhat more civilized and courteous, and more 
intelligent, since I saw that they have brought cotton and other trifles to the 
ship and they know how to bargain better than the others. And in this land 
I also saw cotton cloths made like mantillas; the people are more capable and 
the women wear in front of their bodies a small piece of cotton, which scarcely 
hides their secret parts. This island is very green and flat and very fertile, and 
I have no doubt that the whole year they sow panic grass and reap it, and 
also other things. I saw many trees very different from ours, and many of 
them had branches of different kinds, and all coming from one trunk; one 
branch is of a kind and the other of another, and they are so unlike each other 
that it is the greatest wonder of the world. How great is the difference between 
one and another! For example, one branch has leaves like those of a cane and 
another like those of a mastic tree; and thus, on a single tree, there are five 
or six different kinds and all so different from each other. They are not 
grafted; so that it cannot be said that it is the result of grafting; on the 
contrary, they are wild and these people do not care for them. In them I have 
not seen any creed, and I believe that they would be speedily converted to 
Christianity, since they have a very good understanding. The fish here are so 
different from ours that it is a wonder; some of them are shaped like cocks, 
of the finest colors in the world: blue, yellow, red, and of all colors; others 
in a thousand different colorings, and the colors are so fine that there is not a 
man that would not be astonished and take a long time watching them. There 
are also whales. I saw no animals of any kind on land, except parrots and 
lizards. A boy told me that he saw a large snake. I did not see any sheep or 
goats or other animals, but I have been here a very short while, only half a 
day. But, if there had been any, I could not have failed to see one. I will 
describe the circuit of this island after I have gone around it.” 


Wednesday, October 17 


“At midday I left the village where I was anchored, from which I had taken 
water, in order to go around this island of Fernandina; the wind was southwest 
and south, and since my wish was to follow the coast of this island where I 
was, to the southeast, because it all trended north-northwest and south-south- 
east, and I wanted to take said route to the south and southeast, because in that 
direction, as all the Indians whom I have with me say and from signs of 
another, towards the south, lies the island which they call Samoet, where the 
gold is, and since Martin Alonso Pinzon, captain of the caravel Pinta, where 
I stationed three of these Indians, came and told me that one of them very 
definitely made him understand that the island could be rounded more quickly 
in a north-northwesterly direction, and I saw that the wind would not help 
me on the course which I wished to steer, being favorable for the other course, 
I sailed north-northwest. And when I was about 2 leagues from the cape of 
the island, I found a very wonderful harbor with a mouth, or rather it may be 


40 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


said with two mouths, since there was an islet in the middle, and both mouths 
are very narrow, and inside it is more than wide enough for a hundred ships, 
if it be deep and clear and there be depth at the entrance. I thought it wise to 
examine it closely and sound it, and so I anchored on the outside coming into 
it with all the ship’s boats; we saw that it was shallow. And as I thought, 
when I saw it, that it was the mouth of a river, I had ordered to bring 
barrels to fill them with water, and on land I found some eight or ten men, 
who immediately came to us and showed us a village near there, where I sent 
the people for water, some of them armed and some with barrels, and so they 
took it. And as it was some distance away, I was kept there for two hours. 
During this time I walked among the trees, and it was the loveliest thing that 
has ever been seen, seeing so much verdure in such a great scale like that of 
Andalusia in May; all the trees are as different from ours as day is from 
night, and so is the fruit, the grass, stones, and everything else. It is true that 
some trees were of the same kind as some in Castile, but yet there is a great 
difference in the whole, and the rest of the trees of other kinds are so many 
that there is no one who could identify or compare them with those of Castile. 
The people are like the ones already mentioned. They are of the same type 
and as naked and of the same height, and they offer what they have for what- 
ever is given to them. Here I saw that some boys from the ships exchanged 
some little pieces of broken dishes and glass for their spears. The others, who 
went to get the water, told me that they had been in their houses and that they 
were inside very swept and clean, their beds and coverings being like nets of 
cotton. The houses are all like tents, and very high and with good chimneys, 
but in the many villages which I have visited I have not seen any with more 
than 12 to 15 houses. They saw here that married women wore cotton drawers, 
but girls do not, except some who were already 18 years old. There are here 
mastiffs and small dogs, and here they found a man who had in his nose a 
piece of gold, which might have been half the size of a Spanish gold coin, on 
which they saw letters. I was angry with them because they had not bargained 
for it and given whatever might be asked, in order that it could be examined, 
to see what kind of money it was. They replied to me that they didn’t dare to 
bargain. After the water had been carried, I returned to the ship and set sail, 
and navigated to the northwest till I had discovered all that part of the island 
as far as the coast which runs east-westerly. Afterward all these Indians be- 
gan to say that this island was smaller than the island of Samoet and that it 
would be well to turn back in order to arrive at it sooner. There the wind fell 
and then began to blow from west-northwest, and so blowing contrary to the 
course which we had been following. Therefore I turned back and navigated 
all this night in an east-southeasterly direction, sometimes due east and some- 
times southeast; this was done in order to keep clear from land, because there 
were very thick clouds and the weather was very bad. There was little wind 
and this prevented me from going to land to anchor. This night it rained very 
heavily from after midnight until near daybreak, and it is still cloudy and 
ready to rain. We are at the end of the island to the southeast, where I hope 
to anchor until the weather clears, in order to see the other islands that I 
should visit. It has rained, more or less, every day since I have been in the 
Indies. Your highnesses may believe that this land is the best and most fertile 
and temperate and level and good that might be found in the world.” 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS'S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 4I 


Thursday, October 18 


“After it was light, I followed the wind and sailed around the island as far 
as I could, and anchored when it was no time to sail; but I did not land, and 
at dawn I set sail.” 


Friday, October 19 


“At dawn I weighed anchors and sent the caravel Pinta to the east and south- 
east, and the Nifia to south-southeast, while I sailed in the ship to the southeast, 
and gave orders that they should follow these courses until midday, and that 
they should then change their course and rejoin me. And then before we had 
sailed for three hours, we saw an island to the east, toward which we steered, 
and all the three vessels reached it before midday, at its northern point, where 
there is an islet and a ridge of rocks on its outside, to the north, and another 
between it and the main island, which the men from San Salvador, whom I 
have with me called ‘Saometo’ and which I named ‘Isabella.’ There was a 
north wind, and the said islet lay on the course of the island of Fernandina, 
from which I had departed east-west. After that islet the coast runs to the 
west and extends for 12 leagues to a cape, which I named Cape Hermoso. It 
is on the west part and it is indeed lovely, round and very deep, with no shoals 
off it. At first the shore is stony and low, and farther on there is a sandy beach 
which is the character of most of that coast, and there I anchored this night, 
Friday, until morning. All this coast, and the part of the island which I saw, 
is mainly a beach; the island is the loveliest thing that I have seen, for, if the 
others are very lovely, this is more so. It has many tall trees and they are 
very green, and this land has a bigger height than the other islands which 
have been discovered. There is in it an elevation, which cannot be called a 
mountain, but which serves to beautify the rest and it seems that there is 
much water in the middle of the island. From this part, to the northeastern 
side, the coast forms a big neck of land, and is very thickly wooded with very 
large trees. My wish was to anchor there, in order to land and see such 
beauty; but the water was shallow and I could not anchor unless far from the 
shore; but the wind was very favorable to reach this cape, where I am now 
lying at anchor, and which I have named Cape Hermoso, because such it is. So 
I did not anchor on that neck of land. Looking at this cape, so green and 
lovely, and all the other things and lands of these islands that are so lovely, 
I do not know where to go first, and my eyes never get tired of looking at 
such lovely verdure, so different from ours. I still believe that they have 
many herbs and many trees which will be of great value in Spain for dyes 
and as medicinal spices, but I do not recognize them and this gives me a great 
sorrow. When I arrived here, at this cape, there came from the land the scent 
of flowers or trees, so delicious and sweet, that it was the most delightful thing 
in the world. In the morning, before I leave I will go to land to see what 
there is here at this point. It is not in the village but farther inland, where 
these men, whom I have with me, say the king is, and that he wears much 
gold. In the morning I wish to go far enough inland until I find the village 
and see or talk with this king, who, according to the signs which these men 
make, rules all these neighboring islands and is clothed and wears on his 
person much gold, although I do not trust much what they say, both because 
I do not understand them well and because they are so lacking in gold that any 


42 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


small amount which this king may wear would seem to be much to them. This 
point here I call Cape Hermoso. I believe that it is an island separated from 
that of Samoet and there is another small island in between. I make no 
attempt to examine so much in detail, since I could not do that in 50 years, 
because I wish to see and discover as much as I can, in order to return to your 
highnesses in April, if it please Our Lord. It is true that, if I arrive anywhere 
where there is gold or spices in large quantity, I shall wait until I have col- 
lected as much as I am able; and that’s why I do nothing but sail to see if I 
can find it.” 


Saturday, October 20 


“Today, at sunrise, I weighed anchor from the place where I was with the 
ship, anchored off the southwest point of this island of Samoet, which point I 
named ‘Cape de la Laguna’ and which island I named ‘Isabella,’ in order to 
steer northeast and east from the southeast and south, where the village and 
its king were, as I understood from these men whom I have with me. I found 
the bottom so shallow everywhere that I could not enter or navigate to that 
point, and saw that, following the route to the southwest, it was a very great 
detour. Therefore I decided to go back by the same way which I had come 
from the north-northeast, to the west, and round this island in that direction; 
and the wind was so light that I never made the entire coast until night, and 
as it is dangerous to anchor off these islands except in daytime, when it is 
possible to see where you can anchor, since the bottom varies everywhere, 
some part being clean and some not, I proceeded to stand off under sail all this 
Sunday [sic] night. The caravels anchored, because they found themselves near 
land earlier, and they thought that by making the usual signal, I should go and 
anchor, but I did not wish to do it.” 


Sunday, October 21 


“At 10 o'clock I arrived here at this ‘Cape del Isleo’ and anchored, as did 
the caravels. After having my meal, I went ashore, where there was no village 
but a single house, in which I found nobody, and I believe they fled in terror, 
because in the house were all their household goods. I did not allow them to 
touch anything, and proceeded to examine the island, with these captains and 
people. If the others, already seen, are very lovely and green and fertile, this 
is much more so, and has many and very green trees. There are very extensive 
lagoons, and by them and all around them there are wonderful woods; here 
and in the whole island all is green and the grass is as that in April in 
Andalusia. The singing of little birds is such that it seems that man could 
never wish to leave this place; the flocks of parrots darken the sun; and fowl 
and small birds are so different and so unlike ours, that it is a marvel. 
There are, moreover, trees of a thousand types, all with their various fruits 
and all with marvelous scent. I am the unhappiest man in the world because 
I do not recognize them, for I am very sure that all are of great value, and 
I am bringing specimens of them and also of the herbs. As I was walking 
around one of these lagoons, I saw a snake, which we killed, and I am bring- 
ing its skin to your highnesses. When it saw us, it jumped into the lagoon 
and we followed it, as the water was not very deep, until we killed it with 
our spears. It is 7 palms in length; I believe that there are many similar in 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 43 


these lagoons. Here I recognized the aloe, and tomorrow I am resolved to have 
10 quintals brought to the ship, since they tell me that it is very valuable. 
Further, going in search of very good water, we went to a village near here, 
half a league from where I am anchored. When the people heard us, all fled 
and left their houses and hid their clothing and whatever they had in the un- 
dergrowth. I did not allow anything to be taken, even of the value of a pin. 
Afterward, some of the men among them came toward us and one came quite 
close. I gave him some hawks’ bells and some little glass beads, and he was 
well satisfied and very happy. And to be more friendly making some request 
of them, I asked him for water; and after I had returned to the ship, they 
came to the beach with their gourds full, and were delighted to give it to us; 
so I ordered to give them another string of small glass beads and they said 
that they would come back tomorrow. I was anxious to fill here all the ships’ 
casks with water; accordingly, if the weather allows it I shall set out to go 
around this island, until I can speak with this king and try to see if I can obtain 
from him the gold which I hear that he wears. After that I wish to leave for 
another very large island, which I believe must be Cipango, according to the 
indications that the Indians that I have are giving me; they call it ‘Colba’ in 
which they say that there are ships and very many and magnificent sailors; 
and from this island I intend to go to another which they call ‘Bohio’ and they 
also say is very large. The others, which lie between them, I shall see lightly 
and if I find a quantity of gold or spices, I shall decide what to do. But I am 
still decided to sail to the mainland and to the city of Quinsay and deliver the 
letters of your highnesses to the Grand Khan, request a reply and return 
with it.” 
Monday, October 22 


“T have been waiting here all night and today to see if the king of this place 
or other persons would bring gold or anything else of importance. There came 
many people, who were like those of the other islands, just as naked and just 
as painted, some white, some red, some black, and many other ways. They 
brought spears and some cotton balls to barter, and here they exchanged them 
with sailors for bits of glass, broken cups, and pieces of broken clay bowls. 
Some of them wore some pieces of gold, hanging from the nose, and they gladly 
exchanged them for a hawk’s bell, of the type for a sparrow hawk’s leg, and 
for glass beads; but the quantity is so small that it amounts to nothing. It is 
true, that laying aside whatever little thing which might be given to them, they 
still regarded our arrival as a great wonder, and they believed that we had 
come from heaven. We carried water to the ships from a lagoon which is here, 
near Cape del Isleo, for so I named it. And in said lagoon, Martin Alonso 
Pinzén, captain of the Pinta, killed another snake like that of yesterday, 7 
palms long; and here I ordered to be collected as much aloe as was found.” 


Tuesday, October 23 


“Today I would like to sail to the island of Cuba, which I believe must be 
Cipango, according to the indications which these people give me concerning 
its size and riches. I will not delay here any longer or ... round this island 
to go to the village, to have a talk with this king or lord, as I had decided, in 
order not to delay too long, since I see that there is no gold mine here and 
because to go around these islands, the wind must blow from different direc- 


44 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


tions and it does not blow just as men may wish, and also since it is wise to go 
where large trade can be found. I say that it is not right to delay, but to go on 
our way and to discover many lands, until a very profitable . . . land is reached. 
My impression, however, is that this one is very rich in spices, but I have no 
knowledge of these matters, which gives me the greatest sorrow in the world, 
for I see a thousand kinds of trees, each one of which bears fruit after its kind 
and all as green now as they would be in Spain in the months of May and 
June, and a thousand kinds of herbs, and also of flowers. And in all this none 
was recognized but the aloe, of which I have ordered a great quantity to be 
brought to the ship to take to your highnesses. I have not sailed yet for Cuba 
because there is no wind, but a dead calm, and it is raining heavily as it did 
yesterday, without being cold at all. On the contrary during the day it is hot 
and nights are mild as in May in Andalusia, in Spain.” 


Wednesday, October 24 


“This night, at midnight, I weighed anchor from the island of Isabella, from 
Cape del Isleo, which is on the north side, where I was anchored, to go to the 
island of Cuba; of this I hear from these people that it is very large, having 
much trade, and having in it gold and spices, and great ships and merchants; 
they showed me that I should steer west by southwest to go there. This I be- 
lieve because I think that, if it be as all the Indians of these islands and those 
whom I carry with me in the ships give me to understand by signs, for I do 
not know their language, it is the island of Cipango, of which marvelous things 
are told; and in the spheres which I have seen and in the drawings of world 
maps, it is placed in this region. And so I sailed until daybreak to the west 
by southwest, and at dawn the wind fell and it rained, and so it was almost all 
night. I was thus with little wind until after midday, and then it began to 
blow very lovingly, and I set all my sails on the ship, and two bonnets, and 
the foresail and spitsail, the mizen, main topsail, and the boat’s sail on the 
poop. So I went on my course until nightfall, when Cape Verde, in the island 
of Fernandina, which is on the south side in the western part, lay to my north- 
west, and was 7 leagues away from me. And as the wind blew hard, and I 
did not know what distance there was to the island of Cuba, and in order not 
to arrive at night, because all these islands lie in very deep water, so that no 
bottom can be found beyond two lombard shots’ distance, and then it is all 
patchy, one part being rocky and another sandy, and hence it is impossible to 
anchor safely, except when it is possible to see, I decided to take in all sail, 
except the foresail, and to proceed under it. After a short while, the wind 
became much stronger and I made a considerable distance, at which I felt 
misgiving, and as there were thick clouds and it was raining, I ordered the 
foresail to be furled, and that night we scarcely sailed 2 leagues, etc.” 


Thursday, October 25 


After sunrise, until 9 o’clock, he sailed to the west by southwest. They made 
about 5 leagues. Afterward he changed the course to the west. He went 8 
miles an hour, until 1 o’clock in the afternoon, and from then until 3 o’clock, 
and they sailed about 44 miles. Then they sighted land and it was seven or 
eight islands in a row, all lying from north to south. They were 5 leagues 
away from them, etc. 


NO. 4 COLUMBUS’S VOYAGE—LINK AND LINK 45 


Friday, October 26 


He was to the south of said islands. It was everywhere shallow water for 5 
or 6 leagues. He anchored about there; the Indians whom he carried with him 
said that from these islands to Cuba it was a journey of a day and a half for 
their boats, which are small vessels of a single piece of wood, carrying no 
sail. These are canoes. From there he set out for Cuba, because from the 
indications which the Indians made to him concerning its greatness and its 
gold and pearls, he thought that it was that land, that is to say, Cipango. 


Saturday, October 27 


They weighed anchor, at sunrise, from those islands, which he called “Islas 
de Arena” (“Sand Islands”), on account of the little depth of water which 
there was to the south of them up to a distance of 6 leagues. He made 8 
miles an hour to the south-southwest until 1 o’clock and they sailed about 40 
miles, and by nightfall they had gone about 28 miles more, on the same course; 
and before night they saw land. They spent the night on watch while it rained 
heavily. On Saturday, up to sunset, they went 17 leagues to the south-southwest. 


NOTES TO APPENDIX 


I. The above translation has been made directly from Father Las Casas’s auto- 
graph kept at Madrid, as transcribed in “Raccolta di Documenti e Studi Pubbli- 
cati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana del Quarto Centenario dala Scoperta dell’ 
America,” pt. I, vol. I, pp. 15 to 30. 

II. Special care has been taken to follow closely Columbus’s old Spanish 
wording. Accordingly, the translator has retained as far as the modern English 
language allows, the same phrases, idiomatic expressions, equal paragraph di- 
visions, and punctuation employed by the Discoverer. 

III. Some Spanish words used by Columbus (because they are archaic Cas- 
tilian) have today quite a different meaning. In these cases the significance as 
denoted by the Admiral has been translated into English. 

IV. It is my belief that this is a thoroughly dependable translation. 


ARMANDO ALVAREZ PEDROSO 
Havana, May 11, 1956 


aan 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 5 


Charles DB. and Mary Waux Galcott 
Research Fund 


MINERALOGICAL STUDIES ON 
GUATEMALAN JADE 


(WitH Four PLatEs) 


By 
WILLIAM F. FOSHAG 
Formerly Head Curator, Department of Geology 


United States National Museum 
Smithsonian Institution 


AN VF HsON Ses | 
SUIT Nas 
ewlNG GTO 


(PusiicaTion 4307) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
DECEMBER 3, 1957 


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THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 
” 
a 


Charles BD. and Mary Waux Walcott Research Fund 


MINERALOGICAL STUDIES ON GUATEMALAN 
JADE? 


By WIt.i1AM F. FosHac 2 


Formerly Head Curator, Department of Geology 
United States National Museum 
Smithsonian Institution 


(Wiru Four PLateEs) 


INTRODUCTION 


Wherever the stone called jade was known to early cultures it was 
used extensively in the shaping of celts and similar artifacts. In the 
more advanced civilizations it was also used in objects of ceremony 
and adornment. The characteristics of the material that probably ap- 
pealed particularly to the ancient artisan were the toughness of the 
stone, which permitted him better to exercise his artistic inclinations, 
and the capacity of the mineral to receive and retain a high and lus- 
trous polish. 

The earliest recognized use of jade was by the inhabitants of the 
neolithic lake dwellings of Europe. Among the forms of jade used 
as celts during thoses early times are jadeite, nephrite, and chloromel- 
anite, minerals known to occur at a number of localities in that region 
but sufficiently rare to entail a special knowledge of the stone to en- 
able the artisan to seek it out. 

The use of jade in the form of ceremonial celts was widespread in 
the islands of the Pacific. The occurrence of jade in New Zealand 
was first reported to the voyager Captain Cook. This form of nephrite 
jade was called poonamu by the Maori aborigines and, in addition to 
celts, was used by them for ceremonial war clubs and small figurines. 
Rough nephrite and celts are also known from New Guinea, and celts 
from New Caledonia, Fiji, and other islands of Oceania. 

Jade was widely used in China. The earliest objects are those of 
the Shang Dynasty (fourteenth to twelfth centuries, B.C.), but the 


1 Published originally in Spanish in Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala, 
vol. 6, No. 1, 1954. This English version is published with the kind permission 
of the Instituto de Antropologia e Historia, Guatemala City. 

2 Dr. Foshag died in Washington, D. C., on May 21, 1956. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 5 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


high artistic development of its elaboration presupposes a long period 
of previous development, probably reaching back into neolithic times. 
The sources of the earliest jades are unknown but were probably 
localities in China now forgotten or exhausted. Nephrite jade from 
Turkestan made its appearance in abundance during the Han Dynasty 
(206 B.C.-A.D. 220) and continues in use to this day. Jadeite jade 
from Burma did not come into use in China until the latter part of 
the eighteenth century. 

In America simple nephrite jade celts were found in use by the 
aborigines of the Amazon River by the explorers of the early six- 
teenth century, and rough nephrite has been found in Bahia, Brazil. 
Simple nephrite tools were used by the Indians of the Pacific North- 
west and Alaska, who obtained the raw material from the Frasier and 
other rivers of British Columbia. 

Finally there was the widespread and varied use of jade by the 
indigenous culture of Mesoamerica, in an area extending from 
Guanajuato, Mexico, to Panama. 

The use of jade by ancient and modern Chinese is widely recog- 
nized, owing largely to the fact, perhaps, that this material continues 
in use to the present day and remains a common article of sale in the 
stock of many jewelers. As a consequence, people are quite familiar 
with this material and understand something of its nature and even of 
the mysticism that surrounds its use. An erroneous notion that jade 
is known only from China is widespread. It is less well known that 
jade was known and extensively used by the early indigenous cultures 
of Mesoamerica and that this indigenous American jade is equal in 
quality and comparable in the artistic merit of workmanship to the 
finest Asiatic product. The term “jade” is, in fact, of Spanish origin 
and referred to the American material long before the Asiatic ma- 
terial was known to the Western world. 

Our knowledge of Chinese jades is comprehensive, not only for the 
abundance of material available for study, but also because of the 
very early accounts of its use and the details of the mysticism associ- 
ated with it found in early Chinese works. Laufer (1912, p. 8) men- 
tions works in Chinese as early as A.D. 1092. The Ku yu tu p’u, 
“Illustrated Description of Ancient Jades,’ was published in 1176, 
and Ku yu tu, “Ancient Jades Illustrated,’ by Chu Téh-jun, in 
A.D. 1341. A huge bibliography has since grown up about this sub- 
ject, including not only archeological, ethnological, and art studies, 
but researches in the mineralogy, petrology, and geology of the 
material. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG _ 3 


In contrast to this, the writings relating to American jade are com- 
paratively few. These consist of rather casual mention of jade by the 
early chroniclers of the Conquest of Mexico (Cortés, Diaz del Cas- 
tillo, the Anonymous Conqueror, Sahagin, Motilinia, Tezozomoc, and 
Torquemada) and a few mineralogical studies on archeological jade. 
The latter have been far too few to fully characterize the mineralogi- 
cal range of the so-called jades. 

Since the earliest known American jades show an extraordinarily 
high artistic merit, being, in fact, superior in this respect to later 
American jades, it presupposes a long and ancient artistic develop- 
ment during a civilization or culture of which we are now totally 
ignorant. When these missing chapters in the history of the indige- 
nous Central American cultures are eventually revealed, it will more 
than likely be found that the development of the art of jade carving 
will not only parallel that of China, but be essentially contemporane- 
ous with it. It is already apparent that the artistic zenith in jade 
carving during the Chou Dynasty of China is contemporaneous with 
the apogee of hard-stone carving attained by the “Olmecs” about the 
same time. This does not imply that the two arts are connected in 
origin and development, but that, by a curious coincidence, the two 
had their beginnings at about the same time, although differing in 
design and probably in significance, but comparable in technique and 
merit. 

It is unfortunate that outstanding examples of hard-stone carvings 
of the early indigenous American cultures do not have a wider repre- 
sentation among the important museums of the world; otherwise their 
very high artistic merits, gaged even by modern standards, would be 
widely recognized. The finest of the early examples have a strength 
and simplicity of line and form not exceeded by any other culture. 
One need only examine a few of the portrait heads of ‘“Totonacan” 
or “Olmecan” origin to recognize in them the highest elements of 
artistic expression. Their simple stylization produces an effect that is, 
to many students of this type of art, more exciting and exhilarating 
than the naturalistic forms developed by the Greeks. Like all similar 
arts, however, the period of early pure art was followed by a period 
of decadence, in which intricacies and frivolities of design were intro- 
duced and naturalistic tendencies became more evident, although some 
designs of pure line and concept persisted even into Aztec time. 

With the final conquest of the indigenous races of Central America 
by the Spanish and the supplanting of the indigenous cultures and 
arts by Europeanized forms, the use and knowledge of jade very 
rapidly disappeared. The sources of supply of jade were soon lost, if 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


they were not already depleted before the arrival of the Spaniards. 
With this loss of an advanced indigenous art, the folklore associated 
with it also largely disappeared. So thoroughly was the appreciation 
of jade eradicated from the indigenous mind that knowledge of the 
material, its art, and its folklore apparently disappeared from a region 
where but a a few years previously it was held in the highest esteem 
—a jewel appropriate to the kings and the gods. 

The present study of the mineralogical nature of Mesoamerican 
jade is based upon the extensive collections of the Instituto de Antro- 
pologia e Historia de Guatemala. Included in this material are the 
collections obtained by the Division of Historical Research of the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington made during their extensive ex- 
cavations at Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj, San Agustin Acasaguastlan, and 
Uaxacttin. Also included is the Rossbach collection, at Chichicaste- 
nango, under the direction of the Instituto. The study was supple- 
mented by an examination of the important Nottebohm and Robles 
collections. 

Mineralogical determinations were made by means of the petro- 
graphic microscope using the technique of determining optical prop- 
erties by the use of immersion liquids. This technique was supple- 
mented by an occasional examination by means of X-ray diffraction 
patterns. Both of these methods proved to be easy and precise for 
the identification of the jade minerals. 

The program of study was proposed and supervised by Lic. Hugo 
Cerezo Dardon, Director of the Instituto, whose constant interest and 
assistance made the study possible. Sr. Antonio Tejeda Fonseca, 
chief of the section of Museologia, similarly cooperated in all ways 
to expedite the study. Dr. Stephen Borhegyi, then of the staff of the 
Instituto, permitted me to share his enthusiasm for the treasures of 
the museum’s collections. 

Dr. Alfred V. Kidder, chief of the Division of Historical Research 
of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, was my constant mentor 
during this study. It would be difficult, at this point, to recognize 
how much that is contained in this report, and which I now claim 
for my own, was not actually imbibed from his vast knowledge of 
Mesoamerican jade. Similarly, Robert Smith and Edward Shook 
have guided my footsteps along the paths of archeological mineralogy. 

I am greatly indebted to Sr. Carl Heinrich Nottebohm, of Guate- 
mala City, and Sr. Vitorines Robles, of Quetzaltenango, for their 
pleasant reception and their permission to study the interesting jades 
of their collections. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 5 


HISTORY OF THE USE OF JADE 


The Spanish explorers first encountered jade during the Crijalva 
expedition along the coast of Yucatan (1518), as mentioned by Bernal 
Diaz del Castillo (1632, vol. 1, p. 47). Describing the Indian settle- 
ments at the mouth of the Rio Grijalva, he wrote: 


Moreover, we wished to give them some of the things we had brought with us. 
As they understood what was said to them, four of the canoes came near with 
about thirty Indians in them, and we showed them strings of green beads and 
small mirrors and blue cut glass beads, and as soon as they saw them they 
assumed a more friendly manner, for they thought they were chalchihuites 
which they value greatly. 


And again (p. 52), in writing of Montezuma’s interest in the ar- 
rival of the Spaniards, he stated: 

All this news had been brought to him painted on a cloth made of hennequen 
which is like linen, and as he knew that we were coasting along toward his 
provinces he sent orders to his governors that if we arrived in their neighborhood 
with our ships that they should barter gold for our beads, especially the green 
beads, which are something like their chalchihuites, which they value as highly 
as emeralds. 


An indication of the great value placed by the Aztecs on jade is 
expressed by Montezuma’s words to Cortés upon the presentation of 
several of these stones in tribute: “I will also give you some very 
valuable stones, which you will send to him in my name; they are 
chalchihuites and are not to be given to any one else but only to him, 
your great Prince. Each stone is worth two loads of gold.” (Vol. 2, 
Pp. 130-137.) 

There is little specific mention of the use of jade among the Maya 
in the early Spanish chroniclers, although these people must have 
known of this material. Some of the regions contiguous to the Mayan 
area paid tribute in jade to the Aztec conquerors, as, for instance, 
Kolotlan, Maxtlan, and Tehuantepec (Tezozomoc, 1614, p. 539). In 
their campaigns of conquest the Aztecs under Montezuma reached as 
far as Honduras and Nicaragua. In these excursions they passed 
through Guatemala, collecting tribute; “y pasando adelante, Ilegaron 
ala Vera Paz, haciendo estas, y otras cosas semajantes. Y de esta 
Tierras, les tributaran después Oro, y Plumas Verdes, y otras cosas, 
que la Tierra daba, y producia, y Piedras, asi de Esmeraldas, como 
Turquesas, de mucho valor y estima; . . .”’. (Torquemada, 1613, lib. 
2d, cap. 41.) 

“Certain precious stones” are mentioned by Gaspar Antonio Chi 
(1581, p. 231) as being used as money by the natives of Yucatan. 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


In early colonial times the knowledge of jade persisted as far south 
as San Salvador, for Garcia de Palacio (1576, in Squier, 1860, pp. 
51-52) mentions “unos Chalchibites” being found on an island in a 
lake near Coatan, not far from Santa Ana. 

It appears, however, that the Maya made little use of jade at the 
time of the Spanish Conquest. This apparent lack of appreciation 
of a stone so highly prized during the classic periods was probably 
a result of the general decline of the Mayan cultures after the collapse 
of the Second Empire. 

Many of the arts practiced by the Aztecs were acquired by them 
from the remnants of an earlier culture inhabiting the Valley of 
Mexico, the culture of a people referred to in the chronicles as Tol- 
teca. The Aztecs attributed to their predecessors many cultural vir- 
tues including the development of the lapidary art. Torquemada 
(1613, lib. la, cap. 14, p. 37) stated, “‘y dicen de ellos que trageron el 
Maiz, Algodon, y las demas Semillas, y Legumbres, que ai en esta 
Tierra; y que fueron grandes Artifices de labrar Oro, y Piedras pre- 
ciosas, y otras muchos curiosidades.” And Sahagtin (1530, lib. 10, 
cap. 29): ‘‘Ellos mismos (Las Toltecas) por su gran conocimiento 
hallaron y descubrieron las piedras preciosas, y las usacron ellos pri- 
mero, como son las esmeraldas y turquesa fina y piedra azul fina, y 
todo género de piedras preciosas.”’ 

Information on earlier uses of jade depends entirely upon archeo- 
logical investigations. Such studies have revealed a much wider use 
of this material. The Maya, during both Early and Middle Classic 
periods, not only used it freely but were highly skilled in the artistic 
elaboration of this refractory stone. No finer examples of Mayan- 
style artistry are known than the magnificant specimens from Nebaj 
and Kaminaljuyu. Zapotecan and Mixtecan jadework have equally 
high merit as collections from Monte Alban will show. 

Finally, jade has been found in Pre-Classic sites in both Guatemala 
and Mexico. The discoveries of Shook at Finca Arizona (1945) and 
of Shook and Kidder at Kaminaljuyi (1952) indicate that the cult 
of jade was already well established, sources of supply for fine stone 
readily at hand, and the involved techniques of its lapidary elabora- 
tion developed. And if the mysterious “Olmec” culture was con- 
temporary with the “Archaic” or Pre-Classic cultures as discoveries at 
Tlatilco, Mexico, indicate, the artistic elaboration of jade reached its 
apogee at a very early period. This Olmec art is so advanced that 
centuries of development by perhaps still unknown cultures must be 
postulated to explain its attainment. 

Chronological dating, based upon the rate of decay of carbon 14, 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 7 


now indicates that the earliest known use of jade in Mesoamerica 
dates back to about 1500 B.C. (Libby, 1952, p. 90). Its use by the 
indigenous cultures of Mesoamerica continued to about A.D. 1600. 
Monardes in his “Historia Medicinal” (1569) wrote that jades were 
then no longer readily obtainable, since they had been largely bought 
up from the caciques and nobles for export to Europe as “piedras de 
ijada.” It then remained in vogue as an ornamental and ceremonial 
stone among the cultures of Mesoamerica for more than 3,000 years. 


NOMENCLATURE 


There are no references to jade in mineralogical or pharmacological 
literature before the discovery of America. Undoubtedly our knowl- 
edge of this mineral began with the opening of the New World. The 
Portuguese explorers of Brazil found a green stone, which they called 
amazonstone, in use among the natives. This term is now restricted 
to a green variety of microcline, a member of the feldspar group of 
minerals. Another stone of grayish-green or dark-green color was 
also encountered, chiefly in the form of celts. This mineral is a 
variety of actinolite or tremolite, members of the amphibole group of 
minerals, and is now called nephrite. 

The Spanish conquerors of Mexico found a precious green stone, 
somewhat similar in appearance to the two Brazilian stones, being 
used and highly prized by the Aztecs and other indigenous people of 
Mesoamerica. The Aztecs called this chalchihuitl. 

The early Spanish chroniclers frequently referred to the fine green 
stone from Mexico as emerald. This is not surprising since they knew 
only the inferior emeralds from Austria and Egypt, which the finest 
Mesoamerican jade surpassed in color, for the superlatively fine emer- 
alds from Colombia were as yet unknown to them. The very high 
esteem in which the Aztecs and other indigenous tribes held this stone 
undoubtedly fostered this error. To the early chroniclers “chalchi- 
huitl’” meant “emerald.” Thus Torquemada (1613, vol. 2, cap. 45, 
p. 521), in describing the preparation of the corpse of deceased nobles 
prior to cremation says, “ponianle en la boca una Piedra fina de esmer- 
alda que los Indios llam chalchihuitl” ; Tezozomoc (1598, pp. 375, 
434) refers to “esmeraldas y otras muchos generos de piedras chal- 
chihuitl,” etc. 

The Aztecs, too, had their particular terminology for jade and its 
varieties. Generically, it was known to them as chalchihuitl. 

Molina (1585) defines chalchihuitl as “esmeralda basta.’ Accord- 
ing to Mena (1927, p. 7) the word “chalchihuitl” is derived from the 
Nahuatl xalxihuitl (xalli, sand or jewel ; xihwitl, herb or herb colored). 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Molina also defines ralli as a certain arenaceous stone (cierta piedra 
arenisca), a characterization that might apply to a distinctly granular 
rock. The term probably means herb-green stone. 

Sahagtin (1530, lib. ll, cap. 8, p. 3) describes various categories of 
this stone, as follows: 

Quetzalitztli: “son precious de mucho valor, llamanse asi porque 
quetzalli quere decir pluma muy verde, y etztli piedra de navaja, la 
qual es muy pulida y sin mancha ninguna, y estas dos cosas tiene la 
buena esmeralda que es muy verde, no tiene mancha, y muy pulida y 
transparente es resplandeciente.” It is unlikely that this stone is truly 
emerald, for no emeralds have yet been found in the Mesoamerican 
region, either naturally or in archeological sites. The stone referred 
to is probably the finest quality of emerald-green jade, similar to the 
Chinese fet-tsui or imperial jade. Such fine green and almost trans- 
parent jade is found rarely in small objects, usually of Olmec origin. 
A small pendant of this quality stone is in the Nottebohm collection. 

Quetzalchalchihuitl: ‘es muy verde y tiene manera de chalchihuitl ; 
dicese asi porque es muy verde y tiene mancha ninguna, y son trans- 
parentes y muy verdes, las que no son tales tienen razas y manchas, 
y rayas mezceladao!”’ 

Except for the quality of transparency mentioned by Sahagtn for 
quetzalitzli, this description suggests the fine, green, uniformly 
colored jade that is found among Olmec pieces. No important pieces 
of this quality stone have, as yet, been encountered in Guatemalan 
collections. 

Chalchihuites: “Son verdes y no transparentes, mezcladas de 
blanco; tisanlas mucho los principales, trayéndola, en las mufiecas, 
atandolas en hilo y aquello es sefial de que as persona noble el que la 
tral; a los macequales no les era lecito traela.”’ 

This stone is undoubtedly the common jade of green and white 
color, such as is found so abundantly at Kaminaljuyu. 

Thilayotic: “Es del género de los chalchihuites, tiene mezcela de 
negro y verde.” Leon (1938, vol. 3, 353) renders this term as mala- 
chite, but it is doubtful that this translation is correct. The native 
lapidary would hardly associate the soft malachite with the hard and 
tough chalchihwtl. Etymologically the word is derived from the 
Nahuatl tliltic (black) and ayotic (adjectival form of ayotl, gourd), 
that is to say “dark-green gourd color.” This suggests the finer quali- 
ties of the jade mineral chloromelanite, as exemplified in the earplug 
from Uaxactun (3619)* of bottle-green color, or some of the forms 


3 These numbers refer to the catalog numbers of the collection of the Insti- 
tuto de Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 9 


of diopside-jadeite like the curious serpent-head from Uaxactuin 
(3307) of forest-green color. 

Iztacchalchihuitl: ‘“Algunas de estas piedras entre blanco tienan 
unas vetas verdes o de azul claro, tienen también otros colores entre- 
puestos con lo blanco, y todas estas piedras tienen virtud contra las 
enfermedades.” 

Sahagtn (1530, lib. 11, cap. 8, p. 4) classes this stone as jasper. 
Its etymology (iztac, white—chalchihuitl) and its description sug- 
gest the white forms of jade with little green coloration, such as one 
finds in the Kaminaljuyt collections. It may also refer to those mix- 
tures of jadeite'and albite in which the albite predominates (jadeitic 
albite). 

Xiuhtomoltetl: “Es como chalchihuitl verde y blanco mezclado; es 
hermosa; Traen esta piedra de hacia Guatimala y de Xoconochoo; 
no se hace por aca, hacen de ella cuentas para poner en las mufiecas.” 

Molina defines xiuhtomolli as “turquesa, piedra preciosa.” 

Sahagun (lib. 10, cap. 29, p. 4) also mentions “chalchihuites fingt- 
dos” used by the common people to whom the use of jade was denied. 
This material may have been any one of the lesser stones found in 
archeological deposits and which show the poorer qualities of work- 
manship—metadiorite, serpentine, or muscovite. 

Monardes (1569) refers to this stone as piedra de yjada and ap- 
pears to have been the first to use this term in print: 

The other stone, which is called piedra de yjada and which appears to be the 
finest kind of emerald-plasma, tends toward green with a mixture of white, the 
deepest greens are the best. These are worn in various forms, as the Indians 
have worn them from ancient times, some like fish, others like bird heads, others 
like the beak of parrots, also others like round spheres, all perforated for the 


Indians were accustomed to carry them because of their effect in pains of the 
side or in the stomach, for which they are supposed to have wonderful effects. 


Early writers in Latin (Hernandes, 1615; Clutius, 1627; Bar- 
tholinus, 1628; de Laet, 1647, etc.) translated the term “piedra de 
ijada” into its Latin equivalent “lapis nephriticus.” In the French 
translation of the term it became pierre l’ejade or, simply, jade (Buf- 
fon, 1749). 

To which mineral, the Brazilian or the Mexican, was first ascribed 
the virtue of alleviating pains in the loins or the kidneys cannot be 
determined. The Aztecs, as far as the record shows, did not impute 
any such property to chalchihuitl. A statement by Wittich (1589) 
that “one can buy such stones for kidney-stones from the Portuguese 
of Antwerp for sufficient money” suggests that their source was in 
some Portuguese colony. 


Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Camillus Leonardus (1502), writing immediately before the dis- 
covery of Mexico, makes no mention of either name, although he 
describes about 200 stones used in medicine, including two, cogolites 
and lyncis, given as specifics for diseases of the bladder and kidney 
stones. 

In the mid-seventeenth century the nephritic stone of the Orient 
became known in Europe, while the Mexican stone was soon forgot- 
ten, probably because examples of Mexican jade became rare. Within 
50 years after the Spanish Conquest of that region Monardes (1569) 
reported that the stones were rare since they had already been bought 
up from those caciques and nobles who possessed them. The name 
“jade” was then transferred from the original Mexican stone to the 
oriental material to such an extent that some later writers denied the 
occurrence of true jade in America. 

The mineralogical name nephrite was first applied to lapis nephriti- 
cus (pierre nephritique) by Werner (1780), but it remained for 
Damour (1846), investigating the jade of “India,” to demonstrate 
its true mineralogical affinities as a compact variety of the amphibole 
minerals tremolite and actinolite. In a later study Damour (1863) 
found that a second mineral, a silicate of aluminum and sodium, was 
also included in the material called jade. This new mineral species he 
named jadeite. It was not until 1881 that chemical analyses by Da- 
mour showed that the Mexican stone was also jadeite. Thus, in a 
curiously indirect manner, the “piedra de yjada” of the Spaniards 
became associated with the modern mineralogical species name jadeite. 

A list of early Spanish chroniclers and others who referred to jade 
is given below: 


1519 Cortés (inventory): piedras verdes. 

1519 Cortés (Merced): chalchihuitl (apocryphal ?). 

1530 Pedro Martir: piedras verdes, esmeralda. 

1530 Sahagtin: piedra verde preciosa, chalchihuitl, chalchihuites (pl.), 
quetzalitztli, quetzalchalchihuitl, tlilayotic, esmeralda. 

154! Motolinia: chalchihuitl. 

1552 Martin de la Cruz and Juannes Badianus (Badianus MS.): 
smaragdus, yztacquetzalletztli, quetzalytztli. 

1554 Lopez de Comara: esmeralda. 

1505 Monardes: piedra de yjada. 

1571 Molina: chalchihuitl. 

1576 Garcia de Palacio: chalchibites, chalchivites, piedra de yjada. 

1580 Francisco de Castefiada: chalchihuites. 

1585 Duran: piedra verde rica. 

1590 Acosta: esmeralda, piedra de hyjada. 

1598 Tezozomoc: esmeralda, chalchihuitl. 


1601-1615 Herrera y Tordesillas: piedra verde rica, chalchibite, chalchihuitl, 
esmeralda, piedra de yjada. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG II 


1609 Boetius de Boodt: osiada, kalsbee, kalssuwyn, siadre. 

1612 Vasquez de Espinosa: piedra de ijada. 

1613 Torquemada: esmeralda, chalchihuites, piedra verde. 

1615 Hernandez (Ximenes): lapis nephriticus, ytlibayotea-quetzalitztli. 
1632 Diaz del Castillo: chalchihuites. 

1644 Boetius de Boodt (French edition): pierre nephritique. 

1647 Joannis de Laet: lapido nephritico, itztli-ayotli, quetzal itztli. 
1732-1735 Zedler: jade, pierre nephritique, griestein. 

1788 Werner: nephrite. 

1865 Damour: jadeite. 


A mineral closely related to jadeite occupies a mineralogical posi- 
tion intermediate between it and its pyroxene congener, diopside, a 
silicate of calcium and magnesium. It is appropriately called diopside- 
jadeite to indicate its relationship to these two mineral species. Wash- 
ington (1922a, pp. 321, 325) proposed the additional names tuxthie 
and mayaite for this mineral, an unjustifiable redundancy of names. 

Another closely related mineral has a chemical composition inter- 
mediate between jadeite and acmite, a sodium iron silicate, the iron 
analogue of jadeite, or between jadeite, acmite, and diopside. Because 
of its characteristic dark-green color it has been named chloromela- 
nite (Damour, 1865). 

For convenience we may append here the definitions for the min- 
eralogical forms of jade. 

Jadeite: A mineral species of the pyroxene group of minerals, 
essentially a silicate of sodium and aluminum. 

Diopside-jadeite: A mineral species of the pyroxene group of min- 
erals, intermediate between jadeite and diopside, essentially a silicate 
of sodium, calcium, magnesium, and aluminum. 

Chloromelanite: A mineral species of the pyroxene group of min- 
erals, intermediate between jadeite and acmite, or jadeite, acmite, and 
diopside, essentially a silicate of sodium, calcium, magnesium, iron, 
and aluminum. 

Nephrite: A compact variety of the minerals tremolite (calcium 
magnesium silicate) or actinolite (calcium magnesium iron silicate), 
mineralogical species of the amphibole group of minerals. 


GEOLOGICAL OCCURRENCE 


Jadeite has not been found in place in Guatemala * or in other parts 
of Mesoamerica, although there can be no doubt that the archeological 
material is of an indigenous origin, for it has distinctive characteris- 


4 Since this has been written, fine jadeite of a lichen-green color has been 
found in situ near Manzanal, Guatemala, by Robert Leslie, Guatemala City. 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


tics that distinguish it from jades from other sources. Some clue as 
to its source can be obtained from a mineralogical study of the arti- 
facts and a comparison of this jade with other jadeite occurrences. 

In localities where jadeite has been found in situ, it is always 
closely associated with serpentine rocks and accompanied by the 
mineral albite in a pure and distinctive form. Thus, at Tawmaw and 
other nearby localities in Burma, the source of oriental jade, the jade- 
ite forms segregation veins in serpentine. The veins have an outer 
zone of green chlorite schist and black amphibolite. Immediately ad- 
jacent to the jadeite bodies is an enveloping shell of albite that grades 
successively into jadeitic albite and albitic jadeite to the central mass 
of relatively pure jadeite (Chibber, 1934, pp. 26-77). Other occur- 
rences of jadeite in Japan (Kawano, 1939; Iwao, 1953) and Cali- 
fornia (Yoder and Chesterman, 1951) are similarly associated with 
serpentine and albite. The mineralogical nature of the Guatemala 
jadeite is exactly similar to the jades of these localities. Particularly 
significant is the close association of pure albite with the jadeite and 
the chemical composition of the jadeite, indicating that the geological 
environment of Guatemala jade is very similar to these other jadeite 
occurrences. About Tawmaw, and in California, too, glaucophane 
schist, chlorite schist, and actinolite-zoisite granulite are found in close 
association with the jadeite-bearing rocks. These same rock types are 
found among the stone artifacts included in Mesoamerican collections. 

Since the characteristic association of jadeite in all the known oc- 
currences is with serpentine bodies intrusive into crystalline rocks, 
one can reasonably expect that any Mesoamerican occurrence would 
be similarly situated. Serpentine is an uncommon rock, not widely 
distributed. Any Mesoamerican area of serpentine, therefore, is a 
possible source of jadeite. 

A small area of serpentine, in part a laminated form called antig- 
orite schist, is known near Tehuitzingo, state of Puebla, Mexico. 
This occurrence forms a ridge extending from Tlachinola to Teco- 
lutla and Atopoatitlan. The associated crystalline rocks are quartzite, 
mica schist, and hornblende schist. A cursory exploration of this small 
area by the writer did not reveal jadeite or any evidence of primitive 
mining. Some of the serpentine, however, has a distinctive antig- 
oritic character, entirely similar to the antigorite of many Olmec 
figurines. At the foot of this serpentine ridge is a group of small 
ancient mounds indicating that the locality was known to an early 
indigenous population. 

A few small occurrences of serpentine are shown near Chimalapa, 
in southern Chiapas, on Sapper’s geological map of Guatemala (Sap- 


13 


GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 


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14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


per, 1937), but nothing is known of the details of the petrology of 
these masses. 

The important occurrences of serpentine are within the confines of 
Guatemala. A belt of this rock extends along the north slope of the 
Motagua Valley, including the south slopes of the Sierra de Chuactis 
and Sierra de las Minas, and a contiguous mass south of the Rio 
Motagua and east of Sanarate. A second zone lies along the Rio 
Negro, extending from Zacapulas to Santa Rosa, and a third area is 
found along the western shore of Lake Yzabal, from Estor to Caha- 
bon. These areas are shown on figure 1. There is, finally, a small 
area exposed on the coast of Guanaja Island. 

Pieces of unworked jade recovered by archeological explorations 
have been in the form of water-worn pebbles. Many of the worked 
pieces, too, show distinct evidences of having an original pebble or 
cobble shape. In general, the pieces show only moderate abrasion, 
indicating that they were not transported far from their original 
source by the streams. Such unworked pebbles of jade have been re- 
covered in archeological excavations at Kaminaljuyi, San Agustin 
Acasaguastlan, and Quirigua. Partially worked pieces of jade or 
workshop material are not uncommon in Guatemalan sites. 

The favorable geology for jade in the Sierra de Chuacts and 
Sierra de las Minas, as well as the concentration of unworked and 
partially worked jade materials in sites along and contiguous to the 
Motagua River Valley, suggests this area as a source of some, if not 
all, of the Mesoamerican jade. 

The beds of the streams draining from these serpentine areas 
should be carefully examined for pebbles and cobbles of jade. Follow- 
ing such jade pebbles, when encountered, upstream should lead to the 
actual outcropping of the mineral. Jade pebbles, when wetted, should 
resemble the polished artifacts in both color and luster. 


CHEMICAL PROPERTIES 


The mineral jadeite, the principal component of Guatemalan jades, 
is a sodium aluminum silicate, whose chemical composition is repre- 
sented by the formula NaAlSi,O,. As a member of the pyroxene 
group of minerals the composition of jadeite can be modified by the 
addition of the molecules of other members of this group, with which 
the jadeite molecule can mix in any proportion. The commonly as- 
sociated molecules are those of diopside, CaMgSi,O,g and acmite 
NaFeSi,Og. When mixed with diopside the variety of jadeite is 
called diopside-jadeite or tuxtlite; and when mixed with acmite, or 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 15 


diopside and acmite, the variety is called chloromelanite. Jadeite and 
its two varieties, diopside-jadeite and chloromelanite, are found among 
the jades of Guatemala. 

A number of chemical analyses of Mesoamerican jades have been 
published in scientific literature, but all of them previously reported 
have been made on samples in which the jadeite was mixed or con- 
taminated with accessory minerals, chiefly albite in varying propor- 
tions. The analyses given by Washington (1922a, p. 322) are, for 
example, mixtures of this kind. Calculations of the composition of 
the jade mineral contained in such samples can lead to erroneous re- 
sults or interpretation, particularly where the percentage of the con- 
taminant is high. To best understand the mineralogical nature of jade, 
and to allow a ready and accurate comparison between specimens, it 
is desirable to first separate the jade mineral in pure form. This can 
be accomplished by the use of heavy liquids and electromagnetic sepa- 
rators. The analysis of the pure mineral is more diagnostic and gives 
a more accurate basis for comparison of the jades with each other. 
The analyses given below were made upon samples of the purified 
mineral. Their purity was checked by examining the powder prepared 
for analysis under the petrographic microscope. 

From the material available for analysis, five samples were selected. 
These cover satisfactorily the range in variation shown by Guate- 
malan jade. The results of the chemical analyses are given in table 1. 
For comparison an analysis of Asiatic (Burma) jade and of Euro- 
pean chloromelanite are included, as well-as the composition of the 
theoretically pure jadeite and diopside-jadeite (equal proportions of 
the two molecules). 

It is common practice in mineralogy to calculate the chemical com- 
position of a mineral in terms of theoretical pure mineral molecules 
of the components of a complex series such as pyroxene. These inter- 
pretations frequently serve to simplify the comparison of various 
members of a family. This has been done for the analyses above and 
the results are shown in table 2. 

From a study of the analyses and the molecular composition of the 
jadeites given in tables 1 and 2 it is apparent that there are three dis- 
tinct mineralogical varieties included in Guatemalan jades: (1) jade- 
ite with a limited content of diopside (about 10 percent—Nos. 3, 4, 
5); (2) diopside-jadeite with a chemical composition almost exactly 
halfway between its component and members (jadeite 50 percent, 
diopside 50 percent—Nos. 6, 7), and (3) chloromelanite, or acmitic 
jadeite (No. 8). 

These analyses suggest that there are at least three centers of pro- 


VOL. 135 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


16 


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NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 17 


venience for Guatemalan jade, not necessarily, however, widely sepa- 
rated. The three jadeites Nos. 3, 4, and 5 are remarkably similar to 
each other in chemical composition, considering their differences in 
physical appearances, and are, perhaps, derived originally from a cir- 
cumscribed area. The black jades, or chloromelanite, are a ferrian or 
acmitic variety of the jadeitic jade and closely related to it. The com- 
positions of the diopside-jadeite (tuxtlite) of the Tuxtla statuette and 
of the fragment from some workshop material from Kaminaljuytt are 
so similar that it seems almost certain that their ultimate source was 
the same. 


TABLE 2.—Molecular composition of jadeites 


te 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 
MAMPI?) bcclocicie'eid 0 s.3.6 964 890 89 84 45 45 77 38 
MNGITNITE eis ee etals to's I 2 2 2 12 16 
DiOpsiderss:scs0s%farlss 14 10 12 12 49 49 II 42 
WEDEESH ace ae 2isis ess 5 8 2 I 2 4 4 

1. Varieties. 

2. Jadeite; Burma. 

3. Blue jade; Mexico. 

4. Jadeite, pea green; Guatemala. 

Se eaee Kaminaljuyti boulder; Guatemala. 
6. Diopside-jadeite; Kaminaljuyu, Guatemala. 
7. Diopside-jadeite; Tuxtla, Mexico. 

8. Chloromelanite; Guatemala. 

9. Chloromelanite; Norway. 


A comparison of these molecular compositions also shows clearly 
an appreciable difference in composition between the Burmese jadeite 
(964 percent jadeite, 14 percent diopside) and Mesoamerican jadeite 
(89 percent jadeite, 10-12 percent diopside). It would also be of in- 
terest to point out that there is no equivalent of diopside-jadeite 
among oriental or any other jade, and that the Mesoamerican chloro- 
melanites differ very appreciably from European chloromelanites. The 
jadeite of recently discovered occurrences in California show, in 
turn, appreciable differences in chemical composition from the Meso- 
american materials. 


OPTICAL PROPERTIES 


Even to a person with only a moderate familiarity with the uses of 
a petrographic microscope, the identification of jade by optical meth- 
ods is rapid and easy. To one with experience in petrographic tech- 
niques a great deal of useful information can be obtained through the 
use of this instrument. A minute fragment, or a small amount of 
powder scraped from a broken edge or a rough corner yields enough 
material for the necessary observations. A rapid and approximate 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


determination of the mean index of refraction (”) of the mineral 
not only distinguishes jade from other similar materials but also al- 
lows the separation of jade into its more specific minerals—jadeite, 
diopside-jadeite, or chloromelanite. 

The mean index of refraction can be determined most easily by 
comparing the index of refraction of the mineral with that of a liquid 
of known index. This method is known as the immersion method.® 

Many minerals (the optically biaxial group) have three distinct 
indices of refraction, corresponding to the three principle directions 
in the crystal lattice of the substance. In the jade minerals the low- 
est index (a) and the highest index (y) are easily determined. The 
intermediate index (8) is more difficult to determine. Fortunately 
no great accuracy in the determination of the indices of refraction is 
required to distinguish the jade minerals from others with which it is 
likely to be confused. A determination of the mean index (n) suf- 
fices to distinguish jadeite and its congeners from other minerals used 
in the indigenous cultures of Mesoamerica. 

To determine the mean index of a refraction of a mineral it is nec- 
essary only to crush a small fragment on a glass microscope slide, 
place a drop of appropriate liquid on the crushed mineral, cover with 
a cover glass, and observe the grains under the petrographic micro- 
scope, using inclined illumination and a moderate magnification. The 
simplest device to obtain inclined illumination is to introduce the tip 
of the finger below the condenser of the microscope. This operation 
casts a shadow over a part of the visible field of the microscope. If 
the index of refraction of the immersion liquid matches that of the 
mineral, one edge of the mineral grain appears red, the opposite edge 
blue. 

The indices of refraction for jadeite of known composition from 
Mesoamerica and jadeite from Burma introduced for comparison are 
given in table 3. 

The variations in the indices of refraction show that the value in- 
creases with an increase in the diopside content of the mineral; that 
is, in the change from jadeite to diopside-jadeite. Unfortunately this 
change is rather strongly modified by an increase in the iron content 
of the mineral, as is usual in all minerals where iron is a variable con- 
stituent. This is particularly clearly the case in chloromelanite, where 
a high acmite content raises the indices of refraction to the highest 
in the jadeite group. 


5 The procedure is described in Larsen, Esper S., and Berman, Harry, The 
microscopic determination of the non-opaque minerals. U. S. Geol. Surv. Bull. 
848, 1034. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 19 


The values show, however, that a jade with a mean index of refrac- 
tion ranging from 1.66 to 1.67 is jadeite, one of 1.68 is either diopside- 
jadeite or chloromelanite. These latter two can be easily distinguished, 
under the petrographic microscope, by their birefringence. Diopside- 
jadeite shows bright interference colors—yellow, green, red—between 
crossed nicols, while chloromelanite shows birefringence colors in 
gray, or even of an anomalous blue to brown color change. 

From table 5, which gives the optical properties of other minerals 
used by the early indigenous artisan, and with which jadeite might be 
confused, it is apparent that the mean index of refraction of jadeite, 


TABLE 3.—Indices of refraction—jadeite composition 


n a y jd. Ac; Di. Others Name * 
Tiere sistas 1.66 1.654 1.667 96 B 2 Jadeite 
Fay al 1.66 1.655 1.673 84 2 12 2 Jadeite 
Gs ek eens 1.66 1.658 1.672 89 I 10 Jadeite 
Biras cia 1.67 1.663 1.679 81 I 12 6 Jadeite 
eves eles. 1.68 1.666 1.688 444 24 47 2 Diopside-jadeite 
Olea es 1.68 1.668 1.688 45 @ 49 4 Diopside-jadeite 


rev cieets tats 1.68 1.674 1.690 77 12 II Chloromelanite 


* jd. = jadeite, Ac. = Acmite, Di. = diopside. 

1. Jadeite. Burma. : 
as eas block, white, mottled pale green, Type III jade. Analysis No. 2. Kaminaljuyut 

0. 2078). 

3. ‘“Blue-jade,’’ fragment, greenish gray, Type II jade. Analysis No. 3. Mexico. 

4. Large celt, pea green. Analysis No. 1. Guatemala. 

5. Tuxtla statuette, pale greenish gray. Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., vol. 60, No. 2409, p. 4, 
1922. 

6. Fragment, pea green. Analysis No. 5. Kaminaljuyu (B 158). 

7. Celt, grayish green. Analysis No. 4. Quetzaltenango. 


diopside-jadeite, and chloromelanite are so appreciably different from 
other minerals likely to be confused with them that a rapid determina- 
tion of this property should serve to positively differentiate them from 
all other minerals. In actual practice it was found that a glance at a 
few grains immersed in an appropriate liquid served to distinguish 
jadeite and its congeners from other jadelike minerals. The only 
caution required is to assure that the minute fragment detached for 
examination is not a grain of albite, a mineral frequently intermixed 
with jadeite. In the case of jadeitic albite, where a small amount of 
jadeite is intermixed with albite, the whole field of the microscope 
slide should be scanned to find the few scattered grains of jadeite 
that may be present. 

More precise determinations of the indices of refraction would 
yield information from which a reasonably accurate estimate of the 
chemical composition of the jadeite could be deduced, but such deter- 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


minations require a more detailed knowledge of the optical properties 
of minerals and a more refined technique than an archeologist is likely 
to acquire. Such determination, however, should eventually prove 
very useful to the archeologist when correlations of the various types 
of jadeite are required. 

Examination by X-rays.—Wherever the appropriate X-ray equip- 
ment is available the identification of jade by this means is definite 
and rapid. The identification depends upon the characteristic pattern 
of lines that each crystalline mineral yields by the diffraction of a 
narrow beam of X-rays upon a photographic film. This method has 


Fic. 2.—X-ray diffraction patterns of jadeite, diopside-jadeite, chloromelanite, and nephrite. 


the advantage that a minute amount of powder scraped from a broken 
edge or from a perforated hole suffices to produce the characteristic 
pattern of lines of the mineral. The only precaution that must be 
taken is that the powder be derived from the jadeite itself and not 
from some extraneous small pocket of albite or other associated min- 
eral. The easiest method for identification is to compare the photo- 
graphed diffraction lines with a standard pattern of jadeite, diopside- 
jadeite, or chloromelanite. Closely related minerals, or the congeners 
of a single mineral series such as the three jade minerals, will have 
very closely similar patterns of lines, so that they are easily recog- 
nizable as related substances. Usually a slight shift in the disposition 
of the lines is apparent in the patterns of closely related minerals, so 
that their relationship is easily established and yet their differences 
are apparent. In figure 2 the X-ray patterns for jadeite, diopside- 
jadeite, and chloromelanite are shown, together with one of nephrite. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 21 


The differences between the jade minerals are readily apparent, while 
the similarities of the jadeite series are obvious. 


JADE TYPES 


While the jades of Guatemala show many differing aspects and 
characteristics, a few distinct types, particularly among the more im- 
portant objects, are apparent. The finest pieces of raw material were 
reserved for important objects, but small, stained or otherwise imper- 
fect material was not rejected but found a ready use in lesser objects. 
Many nondescript and generally unclassifiable varieties are found 
among the minor objects, such as beads and small crude ornaments. 

Seven readily recognizable physical varieties sufficiently character- 
istic to lend themselves to ready identification were encountered in the 
collections. In some cases the type was represented by numerous ex- 
amples, in others specimens were rare but were encountered in collec- 
tions from widespread localities. 

Type I. Jadeite-—One of the most distinctive types, and the variety 
popularly associated with the term “jade.” Color, various shades of 
apple, grass, or emerald green, frequently mottled white, grayish 
green, or ash gray. Luster vitreous to pearly. Translucent (rare), 
semitranslucent to opaque. Fine to medium granular, distinct, although 
not always apparent on highly polished surfaces. Sometimes a mosaic 
pattern of grains is distinct. 

The usual quality of this type is fine apple green in color, mottled 
white or gray, and semitranslucent. It is scarcely distinguishable from 
the green Burmese jade common in our present gem market. The 
finest quality has a uniform body texture, is translucent and of a rich 
emerald-green color (Nottebohm collection) and is comparable to the 
so-called imperial or Fei-t’sui jade of China and, like it, is very rare. 

Frequently associated minerals with this type of jade are albite in 
white, sugary-grained nests, and muscovite in rich green plates. The 
latter frequently appear in the polished surface as apple-green rods. 

The abundant jade of Kaminaljuyt, of this type, was used as orna- 
ments, pendants, earplugs, beads, and other forms. Found in Pre- 
Classic, Early Classic, and Late Classic sites. 

Type II. Jadeite——The so-called “blue” or “Olmec” jade. Color 
varies from pearl gray through various shades of pallid, greenish gray 
(mineral gray, gnaphalium gray, tea green, pea green, etc.) to slate, 
olive, or dark ivy green. Its principal diagnostic characteristics, other 
than its color, are a textureless body, pearly luster on its polished sur- 
face, and chalcedony-like diaphaneity through the edges, or, in the 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


finer quality of the mineral, through the entire stone. A frequent 
feature is a curdy mottling, or lighter ghostlike patches within the 
body of the stone. This type of jade, not uncommon in Mexico, Nica- 
ragua, and Costa Rica, has so far seldom been encountered in Guate- 
mala. A small figurine from Kaminaljuyt (3046) is a beautiful ex-— 
ample of this stone. Small celts of fine stone are in the Robles and 
Nottebohm collections. It is a pure jadeite, without accessory min- 
erals. Found in Pre-Classic and Early Classic sites. 

Type III. Jadeite——Color white to pale yellow green, Oural green 
or light fluorite green. Translucent. Luster vitreous to waxy. Two 
subtypes may be recognized: (a) granularity distinct to sharp, some- 
times in a sharp and distinct pattern of mosaic, coarse angular grains; 
(b) granularity indistinct on polished surface, the luster on the pol- 
ished surface waxy. A specimen of rough jade of this type from 
Manzanal, Motagua Valley, shows the main mass to be of type III 
(b) with indistinct mosaic grain structure on the polished face, but 
with well-defined mosaic structure of the weathered surface, and as 
a zone about the mass, apparently due to exposure and weathering. 
This type is commonly seen in plaques with Mayan-type faces carved 
in low relief, particularly from sites in the Quiché. Fine examples 
are in the Rossbach collection and have been figured by Lothrop 
(1936, e.g., figs. 58a, 59a, b). Associated minerals are rare and incon- 
spicuous ; it sometimes contains a little albite, or sparse spangles of 
mica. Found in Early Classic and Late Classic sites. 

Type IV. Albitic jadeite—Color dense white or pale ash gray 
mottled with Hay’s green, zinc green, dull yellow green, or sage 
green. Distinctly granular to structureless on polished surface. 
Opaque. Luster pearly. Usually as beads (Kaminaljuyut, 3053), some- 
times as disks or earplugs (Uaxacttin, 4683). Albite usually abun- 
dant and intimately mixed with the jadeite. Found in Early Classic 
and Late Classic sites. 

Type V. Diopside-jadeite.—Color, various shades of dark green, 
Cossack green, Civette green, stone green, leaf green, etc. Structure 
distinctly granular, prismatic, the prismatic grains usually reticulated, 
sometimes radiating. Sometimes traversed by fine spider-web cracks 
(Kaminaljuyu, 3022). Often discolored on the surface to a dark 
smoky grayish green. Abundant as round or tubular beads and simi- 
lar minor objects, particularly in collections from the Quiché (Nebaj, 
4802). Some small carved pendants are also of this material. Found 
in Early Classic sites. 

Type VI. Jadeite—Color light gray and green, including tea green, 
pea green to sage green, and storm gray. Granular, short prismatic to 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 23 


equigranular, distinct. Color and structure uniform. Found as large, 
well-shaped celts. It contains no apparent accessory minerals. 

Type VII. Chloromelanite—This ferruginous variety of jade is 
commonly found in Guatemala in the form of celts, although very 
few examples have been recovered in controlled excavations. Its color 
is very dark green, dull black to dusky dull green, rarely lighter in 
color than Russian green. An indistinct mottling is frequently appar- 
ent. The dark-green color is often evident only in shallow cracks in 
the stone. Other dark-colored rocks such as diorite or diabase may be 
confused with this mineral, but of 269 black celts in the collections 
of the Instituto de Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala examined, 
225 of them, or 83 percent, were made of chloromelanite. 

Apparently the objects of chloromelanite were of utilitarian nature, 
celts of various shapes (Kaminaljuyu, 3197; Uaxacttin, 483, etc.), 
chisels, reamers, etc. Some of these tools are shown in plate 2, 
figure I. It is interesting to note that chloromelanite celts are still used 
by Guatemalan potters to polish the pottery before burning. Potters in 
Chinantla state that they search for these polishing celts in the sur- 
rounding hills. 

Rarely are objects of high merit carved from this stone. Outstand- 
ing exceptions, however, are a “Totonacan” ceremonial celt, carved in 
the form of a turkey’s head (2216), a fine example of artistic carv- 
ing; an earplug from Uaxacttin (3619) in a flawless piece of deepest 
green material; a monkey figure, simply but effectively carved, with 
a curious cartouche-like inscription on its base. Several elaborately 
carved celts in several collections appear to be simple chloromelanite 
celts with later fraudulent carving. 

Chloromelanite has been found in Pre-Classic, Early Classic, and 
Late Classic sites. Celts in this material are represented in the collec- 
tions of the Instituto de Antropologia e Historia de Guatemala from 
Chukmuk, Chutex-Tiox, Guatemala (Roosevelt Hospital), Kaminal- 
juyu, Los Cerritos, Nebaj, San Agustin Acasaguastlan, San Andrés 
Sajcabaja, Uaxacttin, Xa-pom, Zacaleu, and Zacualpa. 

It should not be supposed that these jade types are unrelated or 
from distinct proveniences. Types I and III show frequent grada- 
tions into each other (Nebaj, 4753), and less typical examples of 
types I and V cannot always be readily distinguished. Borderline ex- 
amples of VI and VII can be found, but are rare. 

There are many aspects of jade that cannot be classified, usually 
among the minor objects. Many of these owe their nondescript char- 
acter to an impure nature and poor quality of the stone or to surface 
staining. This classification, however, should prove useful in certain 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


correlations and particularly in their origins when their provenience 
becomes known. 


OTHER MINERALS 


Other minerals having some resemblance to jade were used by the 
indigenous cultures of Guatemala for ornamental objects. The ancient 
jadeworker must have been aware of the different nature of these 
stones from true jade because of their differences in workability. Usu- 
ally these stones were used only in minor objects in Guatemala, such 
as beads or small simple pendants, and usually, too, the lapidary did 
not expend his best efforts on these materials. Notable exceptions to 
this rule are the fine steatite vase from Kaminaljuyi (2718) and the 
muscovite figure from Uaxacttin (921). 

Among Mexican cultures, other stones than jade were sometimes 
used for important pieces. Among these one can mention fine Olmec 
figurines in serpentine and remarkable Aztec work in diorite, metadi- 
orite, aplite, and rock crystal. 

Actinolite—A calcium, magnesium, iron silicate, a member of the 
amphibole group of minerals. When actinolite is compactly reticu- 
lated and tough it is called nephrite. The mineral found in archeo- 
logical collections in Guatemala consists of a rather loose aggregate 
of parallel, splintery grains, is often loosely coherent and does not 
take a good polish, and should not be classed as nephrite. The color 
varies from sage green, pea green, andover green to deep grayish 
olive and is frequently stained. Fracture hackly, cleavage distinct, 
breaking into needlelike prisms. Index of refraction, 1.635. Specific 
gravity 2.94. Hardness, variable owing to its loosely coherent char- 
acter, 3-5. Silky luster on the cleavages of the individual grains. The 
common type of artifact in actinolite is in the form of “button” beads 
(Nebaj, 4811, 4813). It has been found as beads at Chalchitan, Pa- 
raiso, and Quetzaltenango. 

Albite-—This member of the feldspar group of minerals is usually 
white but in Guatemalan artifacts it is frequently green (tea green, 
dark bluish glaucous, pea green, andover green) by included jadeite 
or hornblende. It shows a strong tendency to absorb stain, either 
burial or smoke, so that it is colored superficially gray, brown, or 
black. Much of the albite shows a granularity resembling that of 
jadeite, and it is sometimes difficult to distinguish these two minerals 
with the unaided eye. If a smal! fragment is crushed between two 
slips of glass, albite breaks readily with a characteristic crackle, while 
jadeite is much tougher and resists crushing. 

Albite is a common associate of jadeite. In its natural occurrence 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 25 


one would expect that the outer portions of jadeite bodies would be 
rimmed with albite and that intermediate zones would consist of vary- 
ing proportions of albite and jadeite. Many fine jade pieces show 
nests or veinlets of albite. All degrees of mixture can be found among 
objects in the collections. One form is essentially albite containing 
dispersed jadeite. In thin section, under the microscope, the material 
consists of a mosaic of clear, untwinned albite grains containing 
scattered, etched, ragged prisms of jadeite (n=1.665). Albite of 
similar appearance contains needles of green hornblende in place of 
jadeite rods. For the mixture of jadeite in albite the term jadeitic 
albite is suggested. 

The most important object in jadeitic albite is the Miraflores head- 
piece from Mound E-III-3, Kaminaljuyi (Shook and Kidder, 1952, 
p. 115, fig. 81). This object, embellished with 31 pieces, shows several 
types of albite. The pale-green elements are of jadeitic albite, the 
dark-green pieces hornblendic albite. 

Several other objects of jadeitic albite have been found at Kaminal- 
juyu, a broken celt and a broken pendant. Beads of this material are 
sometimes encountered in collections. It seems to have been widely 
used but seldom in important pieces. 

It is interesting to note here the occurrence of jadeitic and horn- 
blendic albite with jadeite at Manzanal, discovered by Robert Leslie. 
In general appearance and microscopic character they are exactly like 
the jadeitic albites found as artifacts in Guatemalan collections. 

Beryl.—The only mention of beryl in use by the early indigenous 
populations is a reference by Antonio de Herrera (1601-1615) : 

Esmaltan, engasten i labren Esmeraldas, Turquesas, i otras Piedras, i agu- 
jereaban Perlas; pero no tan bien como en Europa. Labran el Cristal, mui pri- 
mamente, i hacen viriles grandes i pequefios, dentro de los quales melen Imagenes 
entalladas de Madera, tan pequefias, que en el espacio de una figuran un Christo 
en Cruz, con San Juan, i Nuestra Sefiora a los lados, i la Magdalena al pie, i 
en la misma Madera, en la otra parte, otras figuras de manera, que en el viril 
hace dos haces, que si no se viese cada dia, parece cosa imposible. 


The Robles collection, Quetzaltenango, contains three rough pieces 
of beryl (aquamarine) recovered from a tomb near Salcaja. The 
color ranges from pale aquamarine blue to pale aquamarine green. 
All three pieces are broken fragments without crystal faces. This is 
the only reported find of archeological aquamarine in America. 

Beryl has a hardness of 73 to 8, or greater than that of quartz. 
The primitive lapidary would find it an extremely refractory stone to 
work, and it could be fashioned only with other beryl or some still 
harder stone. 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Chlorite—This soft mineral of dark-green color and pronounced 
scaly texture was not used in objects of artistic quality. It is a soft 
material, owing to its scaly structure, and is easily whittled into shape. 
Most of the camahuiles, or crudely carved triangular figurines, of the 
Quiché are of this material. Except for these camahuiles only a few 
crude beads of this mineral were found. 

Glaucophane.—This mineral was found but once, as a broken celt 
without known locality. It is mixed with albite and chlorite. The 
color is black, slightly mottled pale greenish gray. The mineral is 
easily identified under the petrographic microscope by its pleochroism, 
the color changing, upon rotation of the mineral between crossed nic- 
ols, from pale buff to pale lavender or blue. The principal signifi- 
cance of this mineral is its geological association with jadeite, both 
minerals found about the peripheries of serpentine bodies. 

Jasper—Two forms of this aphanitic variety of quartz have been 
encountered in Guatemalan collections. One is a compact stone of 
green color, usually more grayish in tone than the common green 
shades of jade. Among the various shades of color may be mentioned 
bice green, deep dull yellow green, stone green, and bluish-gray green. 
An apple-green form, resembling chrysoprase, has been found at 
Uaxacttin (8741). Sahagtn (lib. 11, cap. 8) mentions a form of 
green jasper which was called xoxouhquitecpatl by the Aztecs, “Hay 
una manera de pedernales verdes que se llaman xoxouhquitecpatl 
(xoxouhqui= green, tecpatl=jasper) que tiran a chalchihuites; los 
lapidarios los Ilaman tecélic; porque son blandos de labrar; tienen 
pintas de azul claro.” 

A second form is chalcedonic silica impregnated with a green 
chloritic mineral which gives it a green color. This form is almost 
always associated with crystalline calcite, which weathers out, leaving 
the highly polished jasper in high relief in a deeply etched soft brown 
matrix. 

Both the jasper and the jasper-calcite mixture are so distinctive 
that it is likely that each had a single source of origin. 

Jasper is fairly widespread as minor objects but not in abundance. 
It has been found at Uaxacttin, Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj, the Quiché, and 
about Quetzaltenango. A full-face figure of Quiché type in this stone 
is in the Nottebohm collection. 

Metadiorite——This material is a rock, rather than a mineral, and 
petrologically would be termed albite-zoisite-actinolite-muscovite 
granulite. Since, however, it is a metamorphic rock derived from 
diorite, a simpler designation, metadiorite, would be appropriate. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 27 


This distinctive material has peculiar significance for archeological 
studies since it is easily recognized and has a wide distribution in 
Mesoamerica. It is abundant in the form of beads and figurines in 
the state of Guerrero, Mexico, which seems to be the center of its 
dispersal, but with what culture it is associated is still unknown. It is 
perhaps the “‘chalchihuitl fingida” referred to by Sahagun as a ma- 
terial used by the common people, chalchihuitl being restricted to gods 
and nobles. This characteristic rock is also encountered in Guatemalan 
sites but it is rare. All sites at which extensive excavations have been 
carried out have yielded a few artifacts of this material, from Piedras 
Negras and Uaxacttin in the Petén to the Pacific Coast, including 
Kaminaljuyu, San Agustin Acasaguastlan, Quetzaltenango, and the 
Quiché. 

The stone is mottled green, with small areas of dark cress-green, 
meadow-green, or cassock-green color in a white to glaucous-green 
ground. When freshly broken it has a fine saccharoidal fracture, 
which sometimes shows the glint of small mica flakes. Its specific 
gravity varies from 3.07 to 3.20, depending upon the relative propor- 
tions of its various constituents. It takes a good polish, but not as 
well as does jade. It is frequently mistaken for and classified as jade. 

In Guatemala metadiorite has been recognized only in the form of 
beads (Kaminaljuyt, 3072; Nebaj, 4740) or crude earplugs (Kamin- 
aljuyti, 2501, 2502, 2503, 2543, and one in the Nottebohm collection). 

Microcline, variety amagonstone-—This is one of the feldspar 
group of minerals which shows various colors of green or pale blue, 
including such hues as light blue green, lumiere blue, glaucous green, 
dark bluish glaucous, or light blue green, also waxy white and ash 
gray. Its luster is duller than that of jade. Particularly diagnostic of 
this mineral is a coarse, well-defined cleavage. A cross-hatched pat- 
tern of color, the result of an internal twinning of the mineral, is 
also diagnostic when observed. 

Amazonstone is rare but fairly widespread. Its distribution and use 
suggest that it was prized, but rarely available. Cleavage plates, either 
in their natural state or polished and used as thin beads or small pend- 
ants, have been encountered. Its most common use was as small 
beads, often in combination with jade beads of similar size and shape 
(Nebaj, 4769). A crystal of characteristic natural habit was drilled 
for use as a pendant (Rossbach collection). A small bead of this 
stone was also found at Piedras Negras. It is widespread but rare 
in Mexico. 

The Aztec xiuitl, which Sahagin (lib. 11, cap. 18, p. 279) 
describes as “turquesas bajas; estas turquesas son hendidas y man- 


28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


chadas, no son recias, algunas de ellas son cuadradas y otras de otras 
figuras,” is almost certainly amazonstone. It was used in mosaics, for 
which its ready cleavage made it easily adaptable (Monte Alban). 
Cleavage flakes, perforated for stringing, have been found in Quer- 
rero. A group of natural crystals (“son cuadradas,” that is, in the 
form of crystals), perforated for use as a pendant is in the National 
Museum of Mexico. 

Broken natural crystals showing the crystal faces of the prism 
(110) and of the base (oo1) and the distinct cleavage are in the 
Rossbach collection at Chichicastenango. 

The decided similarity in color of much of the amazonstone to 
turquoise would easily lead to a confusion of these two minerals. The 
irregular coloration, mentioned by Sahagtn, is frequently evident in 
the natural mineral and is commonly observed in the Middle Ameri- 
can material. A characteristic feature often observed in the Meso- 
american material is a cross-hatched color marking due to crystallo- 
graphic twinning. 

Muscovite.—This mineral, a silicate of potassium and aluminum, is 
an important member of the mica group. It is best known in the form 
of isinglass, a platy transparent mineral that can be readily split into 
thin plates or sheets. The variety found among the artifacts is a fine- 
scaly compact form called sericite or a fine-scaly green form known 
as fuchsite. These two forms grade into each other. 

Sericite is made up of minute to small scales. Often these scales 
have a more or less parallel orientation so that an artifact of this 
material will show a silky sheen or pearly luster in certain directions. 
The scaly nature of the mineral may not be readily apparent on a 
polished surface, but can be readily recognized on a broken face. The 
scaly nature of the stone may also manifest itself in scattered small 
silvery reflections. 

The color of sericite varies from light olive gray to pale yellow- 
green, kildare green, bice green, and similar shades. When the min- 
eral is well compacted, it shows a waxy translucency especially when 
wetted. It has a hardness of 24, and cannot be scratched with the 
fingernail, which will serve to distinguish it from steatite. Density 
2.80-2.90. Its mean index of refraction is 1.595. 

“Shoe button” beads are commonly of this mineral (Nebaj, 4767, 
4783), also round beads, rondels, and simple pendant forms. Figu- 
rines or elaborate carvings in this material are seldom encountered. 
A notable exception is a carved figure from Uaxacttin (921) described 
by Kidder (1947, pp. 47-48). The sides of this figure show the silky 
sheen of the minute orientated scales of the mineral. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 29 


Prehnite—This mineral is a silicate of lime and alumina, sometimes 
found among the jades of Mexico, but not yet found in Guatemala. 
Its general appearance is very similar to jade type III. In color it is 
pale green. A common diagnostic characteristic is the presence of 
small metallic flakes of native copper embedded in the mineral. This 
metal may be oxidized on the surface of the object to green malachite. 
When this green crust is scraped off the metallic copper below is re- 
vealed. Another diagnostic criterion is the frequent presence of small 
cavities with characteristic crystals of prehnite. The mineral takes 
and retains a high polish. Beads are common in some parts of Mexico. 
Fine figurines have also been found. Although found widely dis- 
tributed as worked objects, its peculiar association with native copper 
suggests a very limited occurrence, probably in an area of old basaltic 
rocks, 

Serpentine —This is a common mineral in Guatemala, making up 
large parts of the Sierra de Las Minas, Chuacts, and Santa Cruz. It 
is now extensively used in the manufacture of fraudulent antiquities 
to be sold to tourists at Chichicastenango and other centers. There 
are three principal varieties: common serpentine, antigorite, and pre- 
cious serpentine, or williamsite. 

Serpentine, common.—Ordinary serpentine is a rather dull, luster- 
less material usually of various shades of dull gray green. Some of 
the more pleasing colors are olive green, calla green, cedar green, ivy 
green, grape green, or lime green, also bone brown to black. It is 
structureless and shows no granularity. The stone usually takes only 
a poor polish. Its use is confined largely to beads and to poorly exe- 
cuted figurines, except in Mexico where Olmec figures of high artistic 
merit are found in this material. A “long-nose”’ is in the Nottebohm 
collection. Numerous beads of this mineral, from the Quiché, are in 
the Rossbach collection, being among the most common materials 
among the lesser bead forms. 

Serpentine, variety antigorite—This variety of serpentine is char- 
acterized by a distinct fissile structure. It can be split easily into thin 
irregular plates. Usually the objects made of this variety of serpen- 
tine are crudely done, except the fine Olmec figurines of Mexico, 
which are sometimes in this variety of serpentine. Antigorite, similar 
in all respects to that of many Olmec pieces, is found in abundance at 
Cerro Palon, near Tehuitzingo, state of Puebla, Mexico. Very few 
objects of this material have been found in Guatemala. 

Three thin plates (5112), part of a large mosaic disk, show the 
fissile character of antigorite. Their provenience is unknown. 

Serpentine, variety williamsite—The precious variety of serpen- 


30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


tine, williamsite, is sometimes difficult to distinguish from jade. It 
is, however, very rare. A cylinder, 8} cm. long and 14 cm. in diame- 
ter, of a somewhat grayish oil-green color, translucent and with a 
waxy luster, is in the Robles collection. The material of this cylinder 
resembles the Chinese yu-yen stone, a variety of serpentine much used 
to imitate the nephrite jade from Turkestan. 

Talc, variety steatite or soapstone —This stone can be easily identi- 
fied by its softness and slippery or greasy feel. It is readily scratched 
by the fingernail. It is never of fine green color but shows dingy 
shades of gray, greenish gray, buff, brown, or red to black. It does 
not take a good polish. It is fairly abundant in the Quiché and many 
poorly worked beads are in the Rossbach collection. A finely worked 
vase of waxy luster and gray color is from Kaminaljuyi (2718). A 
few beads are in the collections from Nebaj. A string of beads from 
Zacualpa (1121) includes many steatite beads. Among the miscel- 
laneous small beads from the Quiché, steatite is the most common 
material. A few small flares and spindle whorls in this material were 
found in the Rossbach collection. A string of unusually long, tubular, 
well-worked beads of this stone are in the Nottebohm collection. 

Turquoise.—In contrast to the important use that the Aztecs and 
other Mexican cultures made of turquoise, especially in the form of 
elaborate mosaics, the almost complete absence of this mineral in the 
Guatemalan collections is noteworthy. The only turquoise recovered 
is in the form of some very small concretionary masses and small 
mosaic plates of a pale robin’s-egg blue and cobalt green to a very 
pale buff color from Nebaj. 

Zoisite—A calcium aluminum silicate, an important mineral con- 
stituent of metadiorite, but also found in pure masses. Three distinct 
varieties were found in Guatemalan artifacts: (1) A translucent stone 
closely resembling jadeite of type III but showing little apparent 
granularity. Its color is usually mottled, Paris green and white, or 
Paris green and light buff. Under the petrographic microscope it ap- 
pears black under crossed nicols. Index of refraction 1.725; specific 
gravity 3.07; hardness 53-63. Tough and hard to crush. It was rarely 
used as small pendants (Nottebohm collection), or as beads. (2) A 
mottled stone resembling jade of type I, but the color an opaque dense 
white with included areas of meadow-green pyroxene. Index of re- 
fraction 1.725; specific gravity variable. Takes only a fair polish. 
This form of zoisite is usually found in small irregular beads, appar- 
ently small pebbles little modified from their original shape. (3) 
Dense opaque greenish or bluish mineral resembling a poor grade of 
amazonstone, frequently containing irregular lenses of smoky-gray 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 31 


albite. Color mytho green to dark bluish glaucous. Index of refrac- 
tion 1.705, with medium low birefringence; hardness 53-64. Usually 
in the form of tubular or barrel-shaped beads. 

Zoisite has been found in collections from Kaminaljuyt, Patzin, 
Quiché, and Quetzaltenango. 

Artifacts of these minor minerals are found only in small numbers 
in the tombs rich in fine jade (Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj). At Uaxacttn, 
where jade objects were scarcer and of poorer quality, the proportion 
of these lesser stones increased. These materials seemed to have been 
abundantly used in the Quiché. A lot of miscellaneous beads in the 
Rossbach collection (700 in g strands) showed the following per- 
centages: steatite 30, serpentine 29, jade 13, tremolite 10, zoisite 5, 
muscovite 5, miscellaneous (chlorite, jasper, shell, microcline, un- 
identified) 4, marble 3, albite 1. 

Very probably these minor stones will be found in all important 
archeological sites where comprehensive collections will be available. 
Their distribution, as far as they have been collected to date, is as 
follows: 

Actinolite-tremolite: Chalchitan, Nebaj, Paraiso, Quiché, Salcaja. 
Albite: Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj, Patzin, Quiché, Quetzaltenango, San Agustin 

Acasaguastlan, Uaxactun. 

Amazonstone: Nebaj, Piedras Negras, Quetzaltenango, Quiché, Paraiso. 
Jasper: Kaminaljuyu, Paraiso, Piedras Negras, San Agustin Acasaguastlan. 
Metadiorite: Asuncion Mitla, Kaminaljuyt, Nebaj, Patzun, Piedras Negras, 

Quiché, Uaxacttn. 

Muscovite (including fuchsite) : Cadenas, Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj, Paraiso, Patzun, 

Quetzaltenango, Quiché, San Agustin Acasaguastlan, Zacalena, Zacualpa. 
Serpentine: Kaminaljuyu, Nebaj, Patzin, Quetzaltenango, Quiché. 

Steatite: Kaminaljuyui, Nebaj, Patzun, Quetzaltenango, Quiché, Zacualpa. 
Ziosite: Kaminaljuyt, Quetzaltenango, Quiché, Patzun. 


PHYSICAL PROPERTIES OF JADEITE AND JADELIKE MINERALS 


The usual method of distinguishing jadeite and differentiating it 
from minerals of similar appearance is by the determination of certain 
physical properties, particularly specific gravity and hardness. There 
are also minor characteristics of color, luster, fracture, and texture 
that are frequently diagnostic. A brief familiarity with these char- 
acteristics will be a great help in recognizing the various minerals, 
but cannot be used as positive determinative criteria. The physical 
properties of these minerals are brought together in table 4. 

More precise identification of the mineral species can be made by 
determining the mean index of refraction of the mineral. These are 
given in table 5. 


VOL. 135 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


32 


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VOL. 135 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


34 


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Jepnsuy 
Asayuryds 
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Hoa oO + 


36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


In the foregoing table the mean index is given as the average value 
of the lowest index (a) and the highest index (y). The interference 
colors are those colors shown by crushed grains when the nicol prisms 
of the petrographic microscope are in crossed position. These colors 
are a measure of the birefringence or the difference between the low- 
est index of refraction (a) and the highest (y), and have diagnostic 
value. 


LOCAL CHARACTERISTICS 


When the probably limited occurrences of jadeite in nature in 
Mesoamerica and the wide distribution of the material as artifacts 
over an extensive region are considered, the pronounced local miner- 
alogical character of the jade collections is rather striking. Kidder, 
Jennings, and Shook (1946, p. 105) have already noted this variation 
in the kinds of jade from different Guatemalan sites. The collections 
from Kaminaljuyu, for example, are strikingly different from those of 
the Quiché. On the other hand, the wide distribution of many of the 
minor varieties of hard stones, apparently similarly dispersed from a 
single limited area, is also noteworthy. The unique metadiorite, for 
instance, so common as artifacts in the state of Guerrero, Mexico, has 
been found in almost all the Guatemalan collections. At the present 
time we can only call attention to this erratic distribution of jade, 
without indicating what vagaries of trade have brought it about. 

There is no indication at present of any pronounced temporal varia- 
tion in the varieties of jade. The principal types of stone have been 
found in Archaic or Middle Culture collections, through the Classic 
to materials of the historical epoch. The largest collection of Archaic 
(Miraflores) jade material is that recovered at Finca Arizona, and 
described by Shook (1945), and now in the Petrilli collection. This 
includes both bright-green jade (type I) and “blue” jade (type IT). 
Jade of these two types was also found sparingly at the Archaic site 
at Tlatilco, Mexico. Collections of jade from Archaic sites, however, 
are too meager to show the possible range in all its varieties. 

The possible exception to the long use of all types of jade may be 
the so-called “blue jade’ (type IL) commonly found in Olmec objects, 
and which may be confined to Archaic and Early Classic cultures, or 
if used in later cultures, may have been derived, secondarily, from 
Olmec sources. 

Only a few examples of chloromelanite have been recovered in con- 
trolled excavations, and so its distribution cannot be satisfactorily 
delimited, although it appears to be abundant and widespread. This 
mineral has been found in Archaic or Pre-Classic sites, as well as 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG a7 


Early and Late Classic material, and celts of this material, recovered 
from archeological sites, are still used by present-day potters in 
Guatemala. 

The minor stones seem to have a time range similar to that of jade, 
although the collections are too meager to completely determine their 
distribution. Albite, for instance, was used in Pre-Classic (Miraflores, 
Kaminaljuyti) Early Classic (Uaxacttin) and Late Classic (Nebaj, 
Uaxacttin). 

Some of the local characteristics of the hard stones used will be 
given in the following notes: 

Uaxacttin—Uaxactin is situated in the low, densely forested area 
in northern Petén. Geologically this region is a coastal plain made up 
of sedimentary rocks of Tertiary age, and not likely to contain de- 
posits of jade. Extensive excavations were undertaken here by the 
Carnegie Institution of Washington, the results of which have been 
reported by Riketson and Riketson (1937). The artifacts recovered 
during these excavations have been described by Kidder (1947). 

Considering the number of graves encountered during these excava- 
tions and the lavish offerings that they contained, the amount of jade 
recovered was small, and the quality of the material was poor. That 
a lack of appreciation of this stone was not the cause of this paucity 
of material is indicated by the careful re-use of material, such as the 
adaption of almost insignificant fragments of rich colored mineral, 
and of sliced beads in mosaics (447, 449). The mural painting un- 
covered in edifice B-XIII by the Carnegie Institution indicates a 
simple use of ornaments, earplugs, nose ornaments, necklaces, and 
belts of beads. 

The jades of Uaxacttin are a rather heterogenous lot, with no im- 
portant pieces of fine stone. Most abundant is the pale green jadeite 
(type III), chiefly in the form of large and small beads, but none of 
the flat, carved faces commonly observed in such jade from sites in the 
Quiché. 

Diopside-jadeite of various shades of green, such as sage green, 
dark ivy green and stone green, is second in quantity, and was used 
chiefly as very thin mosaic plates (461), or large coarse mosaic ele- 
ments (8807). A curious serpent head in four articulated parts (455) 
is in this stone. This material was rarely used as beads. 

Fine green jade (type I) was highly prized but apparently was rare. 
Its principal use was in mosaics (447, 449) where it is obviously re- 
used material, salvaged from beads and earplugs, or cabachons cut 
from small, even tiny fragments. 

The mottled ash-gray to dark grayish-green jade (type IV) has its 


38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


best representation in a perforated disk (445). Several other speci- 
mens of similar material are included in the collection. 

A rich chloromelanite earplug in very dark-green, finely textured 
material (469) is an outstanding object in this stone. 

Albite is in unusually large proportion in the Uaxactun collection. 
In one example, a broken earplug of sea-green color (496), the work- 
manship is unusually good for one of the lesser stones. Jasper is 
represented by a fine green bead (466), some small chrysoprase green 
plates (8741), a poor chert pendant, and a calcitic jasper bead. Meta- 
diorite, muscovite, and fuchsite are also represented in the collection. 

A large seated idol of compact, finely scaly muscovite, Niagara 
green in color, is the most important object in this material now 
known. It has been described by Morley (1946, p. 926) as the largest 
known jade figure. The scaly texture of the stone is evident on the 
sides of the head, nose, arm, and thighs. 

The predominance of pale green jade (type III), the generally poor 
quality of the material, and the rather heterogenous character of the 
jade are suggestive of material from Quiché sites. 

Piedras Negras.—A small collection of stones from this site is of 
minor importance. It contains small objects or beads of jade (types 
I, III, and V), as well as jasper, metadiorite, and amazonstone. 

San Agustin Acasaguastlin.—Numerous archeological sites are 
situated in the Motagua River Valley. This region is geologically 
favorable for the occurrence of jadeite since a large part of the north 
slope of this valley is occupied by serpentine, the important rock asso- 
ciated with jadeite. 

The material available for study was the collection made by A. L. 
Smith during excavations in 1940 and described by Smith and Kidder 
(1943). The collection contains no outstanding jade object, although 
it was reported that many burials were encountered in the exploration 
of the site. The jades showed a wide variety including beads of fine 
emerald and apple-green color (type I), pale green (type III), and 
pea green (type V). Other material includes albite, muscovite, fuch- 
site, green jasper, and calcitic jasper. 

The collection includes an unusually large proportion of rough and 
partially worked material, including a workshop lot (1762) containing 
Ir roughed-out beads and similar material. There is also included in 
the collection a stream-worn pebble of muscovite of fine color (1664), 
a polished earplug core (1763), and two rough partially worked pieces 
(1674, 1679). This large proportion of workshop material suggests 
that the San Agustin Acasaguastlan area was a center of a jade-work- 
ing industry. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 39 


Kaminaljuyt.—Rich collections of jade have been recovered in ex- 
cavations at this site in the outskirts of Guatemala City (Kidder, Jen- 
nings, and Shook, 1946; Kidder, 1949). The area lies within the vol- 
canic ash deposits immediately associated with the volcanoes to the 
west, but crystalline rocks, including serpentine, are exposed only a 
short distance to the north. 

The Kaminaljuyt jade objects are characterized by fine-quality 
stone and good polish. None of the other Guatemalan collections com- 
pares with the Kaminaljuytt material in its large proportion of fine 
stone. Particularly striking are the large numbers of objects of fine 
apple-green to emerald-green jadeite (type 1). The pale-green jade 
(type III) is also better colored and more limpid than similar jade 
from other sites. The single example of “blue” jade (type II), a 
small figurine pendant (3046), is of unusualy fine quality, rare even 
among Olmec examples. 

Fine apple-green jadeite, similar in appearance to the green jadeite 
from Burma, makes up one-half of the jades of the collection. The 
pale-green jade (type III) makes up about 20 percent of the collec- 
tion. This material is vitreous in luster, and sometimes shows such a 
coarse and distinct granularity that it has a striking mosaic structure. 
The jade of type III, common in collections from the Quiché, is simi- 
lar, but has a waxy rather than vitreous luster and rarely shows the 
distinct granularity of the Kaminaljuyt stone. This latter variety is 
lacking in Kaminaljuyt collections. 

Jade of type IV, a dense white stone mottled with greenish-gray 
color is represented by six examples, the most characteristic of which 
is a string of 56 beads (3053), 53 of which are of this type of jade. 

Of the stones other than jade, muscovite—usually the bright green 
form, fuchsite—is the most abundant. Two rich green vases of scaly 
fuchsite (4720, 4721) are, perhaps, the finest examples of this ma- 
terial yet found. Metadiorite is represented by six objects, four of 
which are crude earplugs (2501-3, 2543) of similar material. A bead 
is exactly similar to the metadiorite so abundant as beads in Guerrero, 
Mexico. A string of 16 beads (3072) contains a number of structure- 
less zoisite beads, pale apple green in color, streaked with gray granu- 
lar albite. This material, too, is abundant among beads from Guerrero. 

Except for two small beads, steatite is represented only by a beauti- 
ful vase of pale greenish-gray color carved with a figure of Tlaloc, 
and shows traces of cinnabar powder. This is the finest example of 
Mesoamerican work in steatite known. 

Other materials from Kaminaljuyt are serpentine, jasper, and cal- 
cite-jasper. 


40 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The jades of the Kaminaljuyu collections are distinct from other 
Guatemalan collections in the large proportion of high quality of both 
the bright-green and the pale sea-green stone, the important objects 
in fuchsite and steatite, and the low proportion of the lesser stones. 
Kidder, Jennings and Shook (1946) have called attention to the simi- 
larity of the Kaminaljuyt jade to that of Copan, Petén, and British 
Honduras, and its distinct quality from the Quiché stone. 

Finca Arigona.—A small collection of jade was recovered from 
burials in mounds at Finca Arizona, on the Pacific coastal plain near 
San José. This collection, now in the Petrilli collection, was not seen, 
but the descriptions of the objects by Shook (1945) suggest definitely 
characteristic material of type I and type II jade. The collection is 
interesting in that it represents the best collection of Archaic (Mira- 
flores) jade yet found. 

Patzin-Godinez (Nottebohm collection).—The Nottebohm collec- 
tion consists mainly of objects originating in the vicinity of Patzin 
and Godinez, situated in the volcanic area lying immediately east of 
Lake Atitlan. The material is undocumented except for its general 
provenience. No systematic excavations have been undertaken in this 
region. Some of the specimens in the collection may be from other 
areas. 

The most abundantly represented jade in this collection is the pale- 
green variety showing little granularity on the polished surface (type 
III, b). Eighty-five percent of the important objects are in this type 
of jade. There are 11 fine examples of the Quiché type of carved 
face, all but 2 of which are in type III jade. The exception is carved 
from a jade so similar in its peculiarities to a long bead from EI Sitio, 
in the collection of the Instituto de Antropologia e Historia de Guate- 
mala that these two pieces may well have been cut from the same 
rough material. Still another Quiché carved face is in calcite-jasper, 
the only important object in this material I have encountered. A 
small carved Quiche face is in porcellanous white and green zoisite. 

The gray, even-grained jade (type VI) is well represented in this 
collection by celts and other objects. A rather crudely executed figure 
of a fish, 14 x 53 cm., was obviously adapted from a pebble, with part 
of the original surface still evident. There is also a large, roughly 
tabular mass of this type of jade, essentially a rough piece, but partly 
shaped by pecking and grinding. 

Several examples of jade type II are included, the most interesting 
of which is a flat peltoid pebble shaped into a celt by grinding two 
flat faces upon it to form the bit (pl. 3, fig. 2, c). A small highly 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG AI 


polished and well-formed celt 34 cm. long is greenish gray in color 
and has a translucent, evenly textured chalcedony-like body. 

Chloromelanite is represented by two large celts, one with a face 
carved on its face (which may be recent work) and two small well- 
shaped and highly polished celts of tooth size. These two small “celts” 
and two similar ones in pale ash-gray jade in this collection appear 
to be unique. 

Several specimens in this collection show well the association of two 
different types or aspects of jade in a single object, indicating that 
jades of different appearance need not necessarily have distinct pro- 
venience. There is, for example, a carving in pale sea-green, waxy 
jade (type IIT, b) which grades into compact gray jade (type VI). 

In addition to jade, the collection contains objects in serpentine, 
jasper, zoisite, steatite, albite, muscovite, calcite-jasper, and metadio- 
rite. Of particular interest among these lesser stones is a “long-nose”’ 
face in serpentine, similar to one from Nebaj (4742) ; a second “long- 
nose” in albite ; and a crude earplug in metadiorite exactly similar in 
workmanship and material to four in the Kaminaljuyt collection 
(2501-3). Also unusual among collections is a string of 17 very 
long, well-polished steatite beads. 

In stone, the Patzun-Godinez material shows strong affinities to 
general collections from the Quiché. This is especially true of the 
relative abundance of the pale sea-green jade (type III). In this re- 
spect the collection is similar to the jades recovered at Zacualpa. 

Quiché (Rossbach collection)—The Rossbach collection was 
gathered together by the former parochial priest, Father Rossbach, of 
Chichecastenango, and is now housed in a small public museum in that 
town. Except for a small collection from Zacualpa the collection con- 
sists of minor objects presented to him by members of his and neigh- 
boring parishes. Presumably the specimens are derived largely from 
sites in the Department of Quiché. 

The Quiché material, as illustrated by the material in this collec- 
tion, shows a wide variety of jade, usually of poor quality, and an 
abundance of lesser stones. It should be considered, perhaps, not as 
characteristic of the materials of the area, but of the variety of stones 
used in minor objects. 

The small objects of jade are usually of nondescript quality. Im- 
pure and discolored stone is common, and much of it appears altered 
and stained subsequent to working. Of the distinctive and recogniza- 
ble types, the pale-green variety (type III) is most abundant. Fine 
apple- to emerald-green stone is rare. The collection contains many 
pebble-shaped pieces, crudely carved into full or profile face pendants 


42 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


by straight or curved line incisions, with shallow drilled indentations 
to represent the eyes. Numerous small earplugs, varying from flat 
to cupped forms, are largely in jade, but a few in jasper, albite, and 
fuchsite are also represented. 

A great variety of beads are included in the collection. Nine strands, 
including about 700 individual beads, gave the following percentages 
of stone varieties: Steaite 31 percent; serpentine 27 percent; jade 14 
percent ; actinolite 10 percent ; zoisite 5 percent; muscovite 2 percent ; 
miscellaneous 7 percent. Among the miscellaneous materials are mar- 
ble, jasper, calcite-jasper, metadiorite, and amazonstone. 

A stone not found in other sites is a granular white marble streaked 
or mottled grayish green or bright green by fuchsite. Some of the 
larger objects in this material are undoubtedly fraudulent work but 
some of the small objects appear authentic. 

Within the Department of Quiché are areas of serpentine rocks in 
which some of the jade from this area may have its origin. 

Nebaj.—The Nebaj collection includes more than 100 specimens, 
many of them of unusual artistic merit. Among the objects are three 
plaques, collected by A. L. Smith and described by Smith and Kidder 
(1951; 4733, 4734, and 4735), outstanding objects of Mayan art. The 
plaque (4733; Smith and Kidder’s fig. 59b) is the finest example of 
Mayan jade carving as yet discovered. Other striking examples of 
Mayan jadework are a string-cut example of jade (4760; Smith and 
Kidder’s fig. 52f£) ; a jade skull with inset earplugs (4764; Smith and 
Kidder’s fig. 56) ; a long squarish bead 13 x 3 cm. drilled longitudi- 
nally, a remarkable example of drilling (4802; Smith and Kidder’s 
fig. 58c). 

While the jade of this collection is in general of high-quality ma- 
terial, few of the larger and important pieces fall within the recog- 
nized types, differing in texture and frequently in color from the 
commoner types I and III. I have pointed out, however, in a descrip- 
tion of the jade types, that only a part of the material can be divided 
into reasonably clear-cut categories, and that much fine jade has indi- 
vidual physical characteristics that separate it from other jade. The 
variation in the varieties of jade from Nebaj is in contrast with 
Kaminaljuyu jade where a strong similarity of the material runs 
through the collection. 

Lapidary techniques are quite varied, ranging from the involved 
techniques of the large plaques to objects ornamented with simple 
grooved lines and incised circles. The details are adequately described 
in Smith and Kidder’s report. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 43 


Minor objects, in addition to those of jade, include a wide variety 
of materials: serpentine, muscovite, amazonstone, actinolite, steatite, 
metadiorite, jasper, jasper-calcite, marble, and albite. 

The Early Classic material from Nebaj includes jade, types I, III, 
and IV, muscovite, jasper, amazonstone, rock crystal; Late Classic, 
jade types I, ITI, IV, and V, muscovite, jasper, jasper-calcite, amazon- 
stone, albite, metadiorite, and serpentine. Differences in this list are 
probably due to the larger number of Late than Early Classic pieces. 

It is interesting to note that the single ‘“long-nose” figure (4742) is 
of a light, fine-grained serpentine, as are most of the few other “long- 
nose” faces known. 

Zacualpa—tIn the Rossbach collection at Chichicastenango are a 
number of specimens that can be identified as some of the material 
described by Lothrop (1936) from Zacualpa. These pieces are carv- 
ings characteristic of this area and which Lothrop has classified as 
Oaxacan, Pipil, and Quiché styles of decoration. 

Fine green stones, like the jade of Kaminaljuyu, are absent in this 
small collection. The pale-green stone without distinct granularity 
(type III, b), which is not represented in the Kaminaljuyt jades, is 
the common type. 

Zoisite, actinolite, muscovite, and steatite have been found at Za- 
cualpa as beads. A string of beads (1121) contains 34 beads of jade- 
ite, 57 of zoisite, 63 of steatite, and 14 of muscovite. 

Quetzaltenango Valley (Robles collection) —Of the major pieces 
in the Robles collection, most of which came from the vicinity of 
Quetzaltenango, the jades are, for the most part, types not distinctly 
classifiable. Of the 99 major pieces, 25 percent belong to the pale- 
green granular jade (type III, a), 12 percent to the nongranular 
pale-green jade (type III, b), 6 percent to the gray celt jade (type 
VI), and 2 percent “‘blue” jade (type II). Fifty-two percent of the 
specimens cannot be readily assigned to any type of jade. Also in- 
cluded among the stone objects, chiefly as beads, are steatite (38 
pieces), jasper (27), serpentine (23), zoisite (21), albite (9), ama- 
zonstone (5), and miscellaneous (13). 

Three small broken fragments of aquamarine, pale blue to pale 
green in color, are the only examples of this mineral found in Guate- 
malan collections. 

In the large percentage of pale-green jade (type III) and the large 
proportion of miscellaneous stones among the minor objects, this col- 
lection has strong similarities to the collections from the Quiché. The 
number of pieces of celt jade (type VI) suggests the collections from 
Patztin-Godinez. 


44 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Among the noteworthy examples of stone is a cylindrical rod of 
precious serpentine 84 cm. long. This serpentine resembles the finest 
quality of the Chinese “yu yen” stone, a fine green, evenly textured 
serpentine. A monkey head in black chloromelanite, 4 cm. high and 
44 cm. across, well carved in simple design and with a curious car- 
touche-like inscription on its base, is one of the few well-carved 
figures in this type of jade. Among examples in type VI jade are two 
carved pendants. This type of jade is usually restricted to long, nar- 
row well-made celts. It is probable that these pendants are late 
fraudulent carvings made from early celts. 

Paraiso.—A small collection of 21 pieces came from Paraiso and 
are in the Robles collection. It contains jades of miscellaneous aspect, 
including objects in jade types I and III. Also included are beads or 
minor objects of actinolite, amazonstone, calcite-jasper, and muscovite. 
This small lot is similar to the materials common in the Quiché 
material. 

Zacaleu.—A small collection of minor objects from Zacaleu con- 
sists of small beads of green jade (type I) and pale-green jade (type 
III). Serpentine, fuchsite, and metadiorite are also included. The 
few minor specimens in the collection show a strong affinity to the 
Kaminaljuyt jades in mineral character. 


LAPIDARY TECHNIQUES 


The Mesoamerican lapidary was an artisan of the highest skill, 
well acquainted with the virtues of the various stones with which he 
had to deal. Sahagtin (1530, lib. 10, cap. 7) has given us the attri- 
butes of the lapidary: 

El lapidario esta bien ensefiado y examinado en su oficio, buen conocedor de 
piedras, las cuales para labrarlas quitales la raza, cortales y las junta, o pega 
con otras sutilmente con el bettin, para hacer obra de mosaico. 

El buen lapidario artificiosamente labra y inventa labores, sutilmente escul- 
piendo y puliendo muy bien las piedras con sus instrumentos que usa en su oficio. 

El mal lapidario suele ser torpe o bronco, no sabe pulir sin que echar a perder 
las piedras, labrandolas atolondronadas o desiguales, o quebrandolas, o hacién- 
dolas pedazos. 


Seler (1890) has reproduced and translated a portion of Sahagun’s 
original Nahuatl text relating to the art of the lapidary as practiced 
by the Aztecs at the time of the Spanish conquest, and now preserved 
in the archives of the Academy of History, Madrid. His rendition is 
not always clear as to the lapidary techniques employed. I present 
here a new translation in which the interpretations are more in con- 
formity with lapidary practices and principles. Definitions were taken 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 45 


from the dictionary of Molina (1585) and grammatical construction 

from the grammars of Molina (1585) and Garibay (1940). The 

Nahuatl text can be found in Seler, and in Saville (1922). 

1. The master lapidary (1)° cuts rock crystal, amethyst, chalchihuitl 
[common jade] (2), and quetzalitztli [fine jade] (3) with an 
abrasive (4) and hard copper. 

2. And he scrapes it with a trimmed flint (5). 

3. And he perforates it and drills it with a small metal tube (6). 

4. Then he carefully smooths it, polishes it, gives it luster (7) and 

so prepares it. 

He polishes it (8) in [or with] wood (g) so that it shines. 

Or the lapidary polishes it with bamboo (9) and so prepares it. 

And in the same manner the amethyst is prepared. 

First he breaks it into pieces (10) and trims it with [a] copper 

[instrument] because he works only the good red material. 

9g. To prepare it in this manner it is not necessary to break it with 
[a] copper [instrument]. 

1o. And then he grinds it and smooths it and makes it shine, and 
polishes it with wood, using the polisher with which they clean 
and prepare it. 

11. And the stone called eztecpatl (11) [bloodstone] is very hard 
and is not easily cut with the abrasive. 

12. And it is broken by striking with a stone. 

13. Also the flawed stone which is no good is thrown away (12) and 
is not polished. 

14. They select and seek only the good [stone], the good [stone] 
they polish, the blood-colored [stone] and the well-spotted 
[stone, i.e., the bloodstone]. 

15. It is ground then upon a very hard stone (13) that comes from 
the country of the Matlatzincatl. 

16. It is good for this purpose for the bloodstone is as hard as the 
stone and they grind each other. 

17. Then it is smoothed with abrasive and polished with emery (14). 

18. And then it is prepared and polished with bamboo. 

1g. And in this manner they make it sparkle and give it the brilliance 
of the sun. 

20. And that [stone] called vitzitziltecpatl [hummingbird stone, 
opal] (15) resembles that bird. 

21. When finished it is as if painted, white and green and like fire, 
similar to a star and like a rainbow. 


ete vot 


6 Numbers in parentheses refer to notes following this section. 


46 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


22. It is ground and polished only with sand. 

23. And that [stone] called xiuhtomolli [turquoise] is not hard, 
emery is not used to grind it or to smooth it or to polish it, 
but worked with bamboo it is made to shine like the sun and to 
reflect light. 

24. And the teoxihuitl [precious turquoise] is not very hard. 

25. In the same manner it is polished and cleaned with fine sand, 
and the good [stone] is given the brilliance of the sun with a 
turquoise polisher. 


NOTES 


(1) “Tlateque tulteca,” “tlatecque tulteca.’ The Aztecs attributed to the Toltecs 
a mastery of many of the arts. “Y dicen de ellos, que trageron el Maiz, 
Algodon, y las demas Semillas, Legumbres, que ai en esta Tierra; y que 
fueron grandes Artifices, de labrar Oro, y Piedras preciosas, y otras 
muchas curiosidades’ (Torquemada, 1613, lib. I*, cap. 14.). For this 
reason master craftsmen or artists were referred to as “tulteca”; “Eran 
poco Guerreros, y mas dados al Arte de Labrar Piedras (que esto quiere 
decidr Tulteca, como ya hemos dicho), que 4 otro Arte alguno.” 

(2) “Chalchihuitl,” “esmeralda baja’ (Molina); “son verdes y no transpar- 
entes, mezcladas de blanco” (Sahagtn) ; ordinary jade. 

(3) “Quetzalitztli,’ “esmeralda” (Molina); “las esmeraldas que se llamen 
quetzalitztli” (Sahagtn, lib. 11, cap. 8); fine jade. 

(4) “Teoxalli,’ “teuxalli? =esmeril (Molina); “los Lapidarios cortaban, y 
labraban las Piedras preciosas, con cierta arena, que ellos sabian, aunque 
aora la cortan con Esmeril, y hacian de ellas las figuras, que querian” 
(Torquemada, 1613, pt. 2D., lib. 13, cap. 34). “El Esmeril se hace en las 
provincias de Andhuac y Tototepec, son unas pedrezuelas pequefiuelas ; 
unas son coloradas y otras, etc., y los lapidarios las muelen, y con la 
arena limpian y pulen las piedras preciosas. Una manera de margagita 
que sale del metal, cuando se lavan después de molidos; otra manera de 
margagita negra que se hace en muchos partes; otra manera de esmeril 
de pedernales molidos, son unos pedernales o piedras recias que se hacen 
hacia Huaxtepec, en los arroyos, traidas por aca, muélenlas y con aquel- 
las debastan las piedras preciosas, para después purificarlas con el otro 
esmeril arriba dicho” (Sahagun, libro 11, cap. 10). 

(5) “Tecpatl tlatetzotzontl’”’ =“pedernal martillado” (Molina); probably a 

_ jasper tool fashioned by flaking. 

(6) “Tepuztlacopintli” = “cafiuto de estafio horador piedras preciosas” (Molina, 
vide cafuto). The use of metal tubes for drilling may have been a 
Spanish introduction. It is unlikely that the Aztecs used the metal tin 
extensively. “Antes que viniesen los espafioles a esta tierra nadie se 
curaba de la plata, ni del plomo; buscaban solamente el oro en los 
arroyos....” (Sahagtn). Lothrop (1952, p. 14) describes an orna- 
mented disk of tin from the cenote of Chichén-Itz4. Holmes (1897) 
describes the leg bone of a large bird used as a drill in a Mexican 
travertine (“onyx”) object from Chalco, Mexico. Hollow bamboo rods, 
used in conjunction with an abrasive, would serve well for perforating. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 47 


(7) “Temetzuia.” Molina defines this term as “pegar o soldar con plomo.” 
Seler translates it “to give a matt finish.” It probably signifies “to give 
a leadlike luster.’ Jade, when well polished, has a pearly luster that 
may be compared to that of lead. This metal was probably unknown to 
the Aztecs before the advent of the Spaniards (see note 6). 

(8) “Pepetlaca, tonameyotia, tlanextia, cuecueyoca.” All have the same con- 
notation—to sparkle, to glitter. Their combined use here, and in other 
passages, is an example of the redundancy of terms commonly used by 
the Aztecs. 

(9) “Ytech quahuitl,’ “anozo quetzaldtatl.’ A hard wood or bamboo, used 
with an abrasive, is an efficient means of polishing stones, and yields a 
surface showing the characteristic features of the indigenous polish. 
“El que vende espejos es de los lapidarios, porque también corta sutil- 
mente piedras del espejo, y las raspa con el instrumento que Ilaman 
teuxalli, y las asierra con un bettin hecho de estiercol de murciélegos, 
y pulelos en unas cafias macizas que se llaman quetzalotatl”’ (Sahagin, 
lib. 10, cap. 24). “El que vende piedras preciosas, o es lapidario, es de 
esta propiedad, que sabe labrar sutilmente las piedras preciosas y pulirlas 
para hacer relucir, y algunas las pule con la cafia maciza que llam 
métatl; y algunas lima, y algunas adelgaza” (Sahagun, lib. 10, cap. 16). 

(10) “Molena,” etc., “amollentar la tierra” (Molina). “Cuando los que conocen 
las piedras hallan alguna piedra preciosa dentro de ella, primeramente 
la quiebran, y sacan la piedra preciosa de donde esta, y luego la debastan, 
y después la raspan, y después la limpian para que resplandeza, y después 
la esmeran sobre una cafia mazica” (Sahagun, lib. 11, cap. 8). 

(11) “Eztecpatl’; ezstli= sangre, tecpatl = pedernal; eztet] = piedra de sangre 
(Molina). Varieties of jasper, including bloodstone in the form of 
pendants or the so-called “pulidores” have been found in the Valley of 
Mexico and other localities. 

(12) “Itepetlayo”; tepeua=“echar algo por el suelo” (Molina), that is, to 
discard. “Las piedras preciosas no se hallan asi como estan ahora, en 
poder de los que las tienen, o que las venden, asi hermosas y pulidas y 
resplandecientes, mas antes se crian en unas piedras toscas que no tienen 
ninguna apariencia ni hermosura, que estan por esos campos, o en los 
pueblos; las traen de aca, para alla, y otras tales piedras muchas veces 
tienen dentro de si piedras preciosas, no grandes sino pequefiitos; algunas 
las tienen en el medio, otras en las orillas o en las costados” (Sahagtn, 
lib. 11, cap. 8). 

(13) “Ytech tetl cenca tlaquauac” = “junta a una piedra muy dura.” Sahaguin 
(lib. 10, cap. 8) defines teuxalli as an instrument for grinding gems, 
“las raspa con el instrumento que Ilam teuxalli.” Molina calls this stone 
teuxalli, “piedra arenisca como molejon parar amorar herramienta.”’ Two 
stone objects, one in the collection of the Instituto de Antropologia e 
Historia de Guatemala and one in the Robles collection, are grooved in 
such a manner as to suggest their use in grinding stones in the manner 
here indicated. Drucker (1952, p. 146) describes saws of a gritty stone 
from La Venta. 

(14) “Ezmellil” = esmeril. The use of esmeril was probably introduced by the 
Spanish, for no deposits of this nature are known in Mesoamerica. “Los 
Lapidarios cortaban y labraban las Piedras preciosas, con cierta arena, 


48 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


que ellos sabian, aunque aora la cortan con Esmeril, y hacien de ellos 
las figuras que querian (Torquemada, 1613, pt. 2D, lib. 13, cap. 34). 

(15) “Vitzitziltecpatl,’ “hummingbird jasper.” Seler apparently confuses this 
stone with huitzitziltetl. Sahagtin says of the latter, “hallase esta piedra 
a las orillas de la mar entre la Arena.” Its occurrence suggests the 
operculum of a conch. The description of vitzitziltecpatl suggests precious 
opal. This stone occurs in several places in Mexico and has been en- 
countered in some archeological sites. 


Undoubtedly the lapidary techniques used by the Aztecs, and de- 
scribed by Sahagtin were derived from, and were essentially the same 
as, those used by earlier cultures, but they had undergone some 
changes with time. Copper instruments were a late introduction, for 
this metal appears to have been unknown to the earliest cultures. 
Bird bones or bamboo stems were probably the forerunner of the 
copper tube. The use of emery was a very late introduction by the 
Spaniards as noted by Torquemada. 

Essentially the lapidary process of the Aztecs was carried out some- 
what in the following manner: 

The raw material was not always suitable for lapidary use, but 
frequently was broken, trimmed, and the suitable material selected, 
the worthless stone being rejected. The selected material was shaped 
with a trimmed hard stone, or rubbed down into shape upon a selected 
hard stone suitable for this purpose. It was ground, smoothed, and 
then polished, using either wood or bamboo and an appropriate 
abrasive. 

In spite of the primitive means to which the lapidary was restricted, 
he was able to achieve results of the highest merit in the elaboration 
of such refractory materials as jade and other hard stones. Except 
for the few details given us by Sahagun and Torquemada, the early 
techniques can only be inferred from the evidence yielded by worked 
and partially worked objects found at archeological sites. Collections 
recovered from the Motagua River Valley and vicinity appear to be 
exceptionally rich in unworked jade and workshop material, suggest- 
ing that this region was an important jadeworking center. Interesting 
workshop lots have been found at Kaminaljuyu (Kidder, Jennings 
and Shook, 1946), San Agustin Acasaguastlan (Smith and Kidder, 
1943), and Uaxacttin (Kidder, 1947). 

Workshop lots in the collections of the Instituto de Antropologia e 
Historia de Guatemala are as follows: 

Kaminaljuyt (3077) : Lot of small pebbles, sawed pieces, and ear- 
plug cores. The pebbles are of type III jade, and are angular with 
worn edges. The earplug cores are almost pure white jadeite. From 
Tomb I, Mound A. 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 49 


Kaminaljuyt’ (B-158): Lot of broken pieces of jade and many 
small fragments, rough unfinished jade bead disks apparently sal- 
vaged from other material, crystal or quartz; rock containing plates 
of specular hematite, perhaps used as source of hematite for polishing 
rouge. 

Uaxacttin (8736): Rough ground pieces of jade (for mosaic) ; 
sawed beads (for mosaics like Uaxacttin mosaic earplug 3294) ; 
broken beads of albite and metadiorite. 

San Agustin Acasaguastlan (1762): 6 bead blanks of jade; bead 
blank of jasper; 3 tubular bead blanks of jade, sawed; rough pebble 
of jade, partly drilled ; small earplug core; small jade tool; 2 roughed- 
out small jade pendants ; 2 finished but crude jasper pendants ; miscel- 
laneous roughed-out and broken pieces ; rough pebble of jasper ; rough 
piece of chalcedony ; small quartz crystal. 

In addition to rough mineral pieces, a number of examples of re- 
worked objects or of salvage material were encountered, indicating 
that jade of fine quality was highly prized and probably rare. Such 
examples are polished earplug cores (San Agustin Acasaguastlan, 
1763), small earplug made from an earplug core (Kaminaljuyt, 
2965), sliced jade beads used in mosaics (Uaxacttin, 3293, 3294), 
sawed and broken beads reworked (Uaxacttin, 8736). 

The jadeworking techniques have been described by Kidder, Jen- 
nings, and Shook (1946, pp. 118-124) in detail. A few additional ob- 
servations will be given here. 

The specimens in Guatemalan collections show evidence of pecking, 
grinding, rasping, sawing, drilling, reaming, polishing, incising, grav- 
ing, and string sawing. 

Abrasives.—According to Torquemada (1613, pt. 2D, lib. 13, cap. 
14), the lapidaries “cortaban y labraban las Piedras preciosas, con 
cietar arena, que ellos sabian.” The hardness of jade, 6-7 on the scale 
of hardness of Mohs, requires an abrasive of equal or greater hard- 
ness to cut or polish it. Sahagtin (lib. 11, cap. 10) describes the 
abrasive used by the Aztecs as follows: 

El esmeril se hace en las provincias de Anahuac y Tototepec, son unas 
pedrezuelas pequefiuelas; unas son colorados y otras, etc., y los lapidarios las 
muelen, y con la arena limpian y pulen las piedras preciosas. Una manera de 
margagita que sale del metal, cuando se lavan después de molidos; otra manera 
de margagita negra que se hace en muchos partes; otra manera de arena que 
sale de los espejos cuando se pulen, o se labran, otra manera de esmeril de 
pedernales molidos, son unos pedernales o piedras recias que se hacen hacia 


Huaxtepec, en los arroyos, traidas por aca, muélenlas y con aquellas desbasten 
las piedras preciosas, para después purificarlas con el otro esmeril arriba dicho. 


50 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


The red stones mentioned in the above list may be garnet (hd. 64- 
74) or rouge (hd. 64-7). Margagita or pyrite has a hardness of 64 
and was much used for mirrors. Margagita negra is probably specular 
hematite, a material found in tombs at Kaminaljuyu. This material, 
when finely ground, is the familiar polishing powder known as polish- 
ing rouge. Pedernal, or piedra recia, is quartz (hd. 7) or any hard 
stone which, when crushed into a fine sand or powder, would serve its 
purpose. 

Garnet is widely used as an abrasive today, its sharp lune-shaped 
fracture making it particularly useful for the dressing of iron and 
steel objects. Hematite as rouge is also widely used as a polishing 
medium in present-day lapidary practice. Flint, as ground flint, tripoli, 
or other forms of fine-grained silica, are also useful in modern lapi- 
dary techniques. Esmeril, as such, was a Spanish introduction into 
Mesoamerican lapidary techniques, as stated by Torquemada. 

Crushed jade itself can also be used as a cutting, grinding, and 
polishing medium. In this connection it is interesting to note the find 
of crushed jadeite in the jadeworkers’ tomb at Kaminaljuyt described 
by Kidder, Jennings, and Shook (1946, pp. 85, 120, fig. 3a). This ma- 
terial, probably contained in a small sack or pouch, consists of crushed 
angular jadeite fragments of medium to coarse size (maximum grain 
size, 3 mm.) mixed with specular hematite, feldspar, quartz, augite, 
hornblende, olivene, muscovite, biotite, magnetite, a few grains of cin- 
nabar, rock fragments of andesite, and mica schist. Of these minerals 
the feldspar, quartz, augite, hornblende, olivene, biotite, and magnetite 
are normal constituents of the volcanic ash that covers the region 
about Kaminaljuyi. The clean nature of this sand suggests that it 
was derived from the bottom of arroyos, or was washed free of ac- 
companying clay and slimes. The jadeite, specular hematite, musco- 
vite, and mica schist are foreign to the area. Cinnabar is also foreign 
to this area, but is probably an accidental contaminant, as it has no 
lapidary value, although it was frequently used as a pigment for paint- 
ing jade objects. In the workshop material (B-158) broken frag- 
ments of jade were found, as well as a rock fragment containing 
specular hematite. Material such as this sand could serve satisfactorily 
for sawing, grinding, and polishing jade when used with a metal or 
wooden instrument. 

Abrasives harder than jadeite or quartz sand, such as corundum or 
emery, were probably unknown to the Mesoamerican lapidaries. Beryl 
(hardness 8) is a useful abrasive and was known to the indigenous 
inhabitants of the region, but it is a rare mineral and very local in its 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG SI 


distribution. The small fragments of this mineral in the Robles col- 
lection show no evidence of having been used either as a tool or as an 
abrasive. 

Pecking.—The technique of pecking with a round or blunt stone 
tool was commonly used in the elaboration of round beads and celts. 
The rounded balls of jade from which earplug pairs were cut were 
shaped by pecking. Unfinished examples of such objects often show 
the percussion marks of the pecking instrument, as, for example, 
some of the bead blanks shown in plate 2, figure 2, and the earplug 
blank in plate 4, figure 1, b. Many celts show the percussion scars on 
the poll and sides, and light percussion “ghosts” below the polish of 
the face (pl. 3, fig. 2, b). This operation seems to be confined to the 
lesser qualities of jade and was not observed in the fine green-colored 
stone, where the percussion “ghosts” would detract from the beauty 
of the material. 

A number of chloromelanite tools, some of them broken, show 
rounded and scarred surfaces, suggesting their use as percussion in- 
struments. The durability and toughness of chloromelanite makes it 
a suitable stone for this purpose. 

Pecking was also used for delineating designs upon polished sur- 
faces, as on thick mosaic plaques. Such designs were sometimes pro- 
duced by pecking since they show a rough pitting and a lack of sharp- 
ness at the edges. The features of the lines suggest, however, that the 
percussion was accomplished by means of a pointed instrument care- 
fully placed and then struck with another object. In this manner 
better control of the design could be obtained than by simple pecking. 

Grinding.—Grinding as a means of pre-forming an object in jade 
would, with the means available to the ancient lapidary, be a tedious 
and laborious process. While some objects show evidences of grind- 
ing, this technique does not appear to have been widely used. Peck- 
ing and sawing appear to have served the lapidary better. It was 
used, however, on rough stone where the piece already had an ac- 
ceptable shape and needed only slight modification. In the process of 
grinding, the jade object was probably rubbed upon the stone grinder. 
Two flat stones with wide grooves, one in the collection of the Insti- 
tuto de Antropologia, the other in the Robles collection, were per- 
haps used as grinding stones. 

Several objects in Guatemalan collections show distinct evidence of 
this technique. A celt in the Nottebohm collection was obviously 
ground from an appropriately shaped pebble (pl. 3, fig. 2, c). Another 
specimen in this collection is a large, essentially rough mass of jade 


52 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


(pl. 3, fig. 2, a), but shows abundant traces of pecking and grinding. 
Coarse mosaic plates were usually shaped by grinding and modified 
by rasping. Blanks for tubular beads were often shaped by grinding, 
after sawing. 

Striations on the face of flat earplugs and the general flatness of 
the flares indicate that grinding was used in the shaping of the flare. 
Grinding was also used to square off the stem and to smooth the 
edges of the flare. Striations also suggest that the flaring type of 
earplug was fashioned and smoothed by grinding, after the preliminary 
sawing to shape, to impart a smooth surface preparatory to polishing. 

Large, heavy beads were frequently ground at each end to eliminate 
irregular or ragged edges. 

Undoubtedly, grinding was used extensively where minor modifica- 
tions of shape were required in the elaboration of the design. 

Rasping.—The technique of rasping is not greatly different from 
that of grinding, although a different tool was probably required. In 
the operation of rasping a comparatively narrow filelike tool was ap- 
plied to the stone, the rasped surface yielding a number of small 
striated facets, while in grinding the object was frequently applied to 
the stone, yielding a single broad surface. The only objects in which 
rasping appears to have been used extensively are small mosaic plates, 
the purpose of the operation being to reduce the mosaic wafers to 
an appropriate thickness. The striated character of the rasped surface 
indicates that the tool offered a medium-grained, unpolished surface 
of hard stone. Such a tool may have been similar to the “texalli” of 
the Aztecs, defined by Molina as “piedra arenisca como molejon para 
amorar herramienta.” 

Sawing.—This technique was commonly used whereby larger pieces 
of jade were cut into slabs or thin wafers for further elaboration. 
Many of the larger plaques show the saw cuts on the back of the 
object. The sawing was usually accomplished first from one side, 
then the other, and the slab then broken, leaving a rough septum be- 
tween the two cuts. In very thin waferlike sections, as for mosaic 
plates, the cut may continue through the stone to obviate possible 
breakage. The large jade boulder from Kaminaljuyt shows a number 
of broad saw cuts where pieces were removed for working. By apply- 
ing a straightedge to some of these cuts they were found to be en- 
tirely straight or very slightly concave. Remnants of the cut groove 
indicate that the cutting edge of the instrument was hardly more than 
a millimeter thick. The three fine Nebaj plaques (4733, 4734, 4735) 
showed the original sawed surface on the back and the cuts are like- 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 53 


wise entirely straight. A metal tool, as of copper, used in conjunc- 
tion with crushed jade or sand would serve admirably for this pur- 
pose. Trials with the thin axlike copper objects, sometimes identified 
as money, were found to be efficient saws when used with abrasive, 
but these celtlike objects do not show the wear that such a use would 
undoubtedly induce. Lacking such a metal tool, a hard wood or bam- 
boo saw would serve. Convex cuts, such as would result in string or 
cord sawing, were not encountered. 

Sawing in this manner was a rather ancient accomplishment, for it 
is shown by some of the mosaic pieces from a Miraflores headdress 
from Kaminaljuyt. 

In addition to the use in the sawing of plaques, this technique was 
widely used in the pre-forming of long tubular beads. Several bead 
blanks roughed out by sawing were encountered in the collections 
(pl. 3, fig. 1), and such beads as the 12-cm.-long one from Nebaj 
were pre-formed in this manner. 

Sawing was an essential process in pre-forming both the flat and 
flaring types of earplugs (pl. 4, fig. 1, b). Sawed earplug blanks of 
both types are known. The cutting groove indicates a cutting edge 
of the saw about a millimeter in thickness. 

Mosaic plates were also sawed in a similar manner. Some of these 
jade mosaic plates are only 4 mm. or less in thickness. A small plate 
from Kaminaljuytt 1 x $x .05 cm., consisting of a single grain of fine 
green jadeite and with marked cleavage cracks, shows distinct marks 
of sawing, and demonstrates the precision and care with which fine- 
quality material was treated. 

Although sawing was frequently employed in the elaboration of fine 
ceremonial celts in “blue” jadeite in Olmec examples, this technique 
does not appear to have been used in the more utilitarian celts of the 
Guatemalan area. 

Sawing techniques were also used in some of the decorative ele- 
ments of figurines and pendants. Earplug flares are sometimes notched 
by sawing (Nebaj). 

Thin mosaic plates from Uaxacttin were divided by sawing. The 
cut indicates a sawing edge of about 14 mm. in thickness. 

Drilling—Amazing examples of drilling are sometimes found in 
Mesoamerican artifacts, and a wide variety of drills were used. Small 
or thin objects were usually single-drilled, that is, from one side only, 
to yield a small conical hole. Larger objects were double-drilled, 
first from one side, then the other, to yield a biconical hole. Large 
objects were similarly drilled, the meeting of the two holes, unless 
reamed out, shows a thin broken septum. 


54 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Both solid and tubular drills were used. The solid drills were used 
chiefly for drilling beads and for the small cup-shaped depressions 
frequently used as elements of design, as in the corners of mouths of 
faces, and in headdress design (pl. 4, fig. 2, b). Such drills may have 
been jade-tipped rods, the four figures shown (pl. 1, fig. 1, b, c, e, f) 
being, perhaps, such jade points. Large blunt drills were used in 
larger cup-shaped depressions and in rings or ringlike beads. By using 
jade drill points no abrasive is required, sufficient dust being gener- 
ated by the friction of the two stones to act as a satisfactory abrasive. 

Some remarkable examples of drilling are found in the Guate- 
malan collections. The fine Nebaj plaque (4733) was drilled trans- 
versely for suspension for its entire width of 14 cm. A long bead 
from Nebaj was drilled for a length of 12 cm. Both objects were 
double-drilled, first from one side, then the other, to meet so per- 
fectly in the middle of the stone that the join is hardly perceptible. 

Hollow drills were widely used (pl. 4, fig. 1, b, c). The resultant 
core could be used for small objects. These hollow drills sometimes 
had a diameter of 3 cm. or more. Drill grooves in the cores indicate 
that the cutting edge of the tool had a thickness of about a millimeter. 
These hollow drills were probably of reed or bamboo (the Aztec 
quetzalotatl) or bird bones (Holmes, 1897, pp. 304-309). Sahagun 
mentions tubes of metal (teputztlacopintl), used for drilling precious 
stones, but these are probably a late introduction into the lapidary 
techniques, perhaps by the Spaniards. 

In order that such drills should be effective, an abrasive must be 
applied to the cutting edge. For soft stone any hard-rock powder 
would be suitable, but for jade some hard mineral such as crushed 
jadeite or fine quartz sand would serve the purpose. 

Large hollow drills were used principally in the elaboration of ear- 
plugs. The inner diameter of the stem was almost always prepared in 
this manner. In the earplug blank with its accompanying core (3068, 
pl. 4, fig. 1, b) the stone was drilled from the sawed side to the bot- 
tom of the hemispherical mass and the core tapped free. The core is 
slightly tapering, 13 cm. at the top, 2% cm. at the bottom. A remnant 
of the cutting groove at the bottom of the core indicates a cutting 
edge of the drill 13 mm. wide. The drilled hole is 24 cm. wide at the 
top, and 2 cm. wide at the bottom. An earplug from Nebaj (4782) 
shows further evidences of the use of large drills. The central hole 
was drilled first from the flat face of the earplug blank, then from the 
rear. A circular septum indicates where the two drill holes met. A 
second, and larger drill, 13 cm. inside diameter, was now used to drill 
the cylindrical stem to a length of 14 cm. A circular groove at the 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 55 


base of the stem indicates that this drill had a cutting edge I mm. in 
thickness. This earplug was completed by sawing the back of the 
flare by horizontal cuts, polishing the stone and reaming the throat. 

Certain elaborately pierced designs may have been produced by 
drilling a series of contiguous holes, which could then be joined by 
grinding to form a flowing design. Such a technique was used by the 
Olmec lapidaries. 

A few measurements of the dimensions of hollow drills were made 
upon the circular elements of designs and show a range from an in- 
side diameter of 1 to 6.5 mm. and with a thickness of the drill from 
2 to 14 mm. The ratio of interior diameter to thickness of the drill 
walls is usually about 5-6:1, but occasionally one varied widely from 
this ratio. 

A drilling technique appears to have been used to produce shallow 
cup-shaped earplug flares (Nebaj, Uaxacttin). The instrument used 
appears to have been a thick, blunt drill producing a shallow depres- 
sion, which could then be polished. In the case of the Nebaj flares the 
diameter of the tool was 20 mm., and in the broken Uaxacttin flare 
8 mm. This technique could be classified as grinding, except that a 
rotating tool was probably used. 

Conically pointed drills were also used to perforate beads or to drill 
holes in pendants for suspension, but to judge by the septa remaining 
in biconically drilled holes, the blunt drill was preferred. 

Beads were sometimes first drilled on both sides with a blunt, solid 
drill to form two cup-shaped depressions, and the perforation then 
completed by a smaller, more cylindrical drill to yield a small hole. 

Reaming.—Drilled holes were frequently smoothed by reaming. 
This is particularly common in the stem and throat of earplugs (Kid- 
der, Jennings, and Shook, 1946, fig. 145, a, b). The flaring throat of 
some earplugs may well have been produced by reaming. The neatly 
beveled edge of the horizontally flared earplugs was certainly pro- 
duced in this manner. Large beads were sometimes reamed after 
drilling to yield a widely tapering hole. 

Several stone tools in chloromelanite, appropriate for reaming, were 
encountered in Guatemalan collections. Plate 1, figure 2, e, is almost 
certainly a reamer and fits well the reamed throat of some of the ear- 
plugs. Plate 1, figure 2, a, would also serve such a use, while figure 
2, c, seems to be a reaming tool of general utility. It should be noted 
that reamers such as those illustrated are also suitable, through shape 
and hardness, for use as polishers. 

Polishing.—The polished surfaces of Mesoamerican jades show 
characteristics different from those on modern lap-polished surfaces. 


56 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Under the microscope or a hand lens one can see that the eminences 
are polished but that the intergrain depressions are rough. The reflec- 
tions from a polished surface are a pattern of brilliant spots separated 
by an irregular anastamosing network of dull areas. Such a surface 
would result from fine grinding with a hard tool. In modern polish- 
ing with a felt lap and an appropriate polishing powder, the entire 
surface is polished, since the soft felt penetrates the intergrain fis- 
sures to produce a smoothed and polished valley. The result is a 
completely polished surface with a microscopically undulating surface. 
in addition, the “pull” of a felt lap leaves a series of minute orien- 
tated ridges not shown by fine grinding or polishing with a hard 
surface. The distinctive surface features should serve to distinguish 
authentic Mesoamerican polishing from modern lap polishing. 

Probably the early jade polishing was accomplished with jade 
polishing tools. Experiments by the writer have shown that small 
jade celts, such as are shown in plate 1, figure 2, d, f, are efficacious 
in polishing a properly prepared jade surface. The resultant polish 
shows the same characters as the authentic Mesoamerican polish. 
There is no evidence that a polishing powder was used other than 
the dust developed by the abrasion of the celt upon the jade surface 
being polished. 

A similar polished surface can be obtained easily and quickly by 
polishing a smoothly ground surface with the outer surface of a 
bamboo rod, using an appropriate abrasive. A hard wood surface 
would also serve this purpose but is less efficacious than bamboo. 
Polished surfaces on obsidian or rock crystal produced in this manner 
show characters different from the polished surface of jade, because 
of their lack of granularity. 

Incising.—A simple pattern of fine incised lines, without further 
modification, is sometimes found upon unimportant objects. Such 
incising was perhaps accomplished by edged jade tools like that shown 
in plate 1, figure 1, d, or fine jade points. 

Another manner of incising was by means of tubular drills. Cir- 
cular elements, as for eyes, and lune-shaped curves, made by holding 
the drill at an angle, as for the nose or mouth, are frequent in the 
Mayan heads of the Quiché region. Other decorative elements, such 
as representation of earplugs, circles on cheeks or foreheads of fig- 
ures, or simply random circles on flat surfaces are also encountered. 
Deeper and more intricate graving forms the basic technique in the 
more elaborate carvings. This was done with abrasive tools to form 
a deep groove. Frequently the eyes, nose, and mouth of faces are 


NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 57 


produced by this means, as well as head bands and the delineation 
of the headdress. 

Such incising can be accomplished with sharp-bitted celts of jadeite 
or chloromelanite. Finer detail can be performed with finely pointed 
jadeite rods, such as one from Mexico in the collections of the U. 5S. 
National Museum. Large celts, such as the one shown on plate 1, 
figure 2, f, would serve for roughing out the larger elements of some 
designs. 

String sawing.—A specimen from Nebaj (4760) representing a 
turkey (?) shows large commalike elements in the design which may 
have been produced by string sawing. The design begins at a drilled 
hole and continues in a tapering commalike pattern. The cut has 
been polished, thereby obliterating any marks of the tool used. A flat 
bead from Kaminaljuyt representing a parrot’s head in profile shows 
a single such element to delineate the bird’s beak. In a small serpent 
figure, also from Kaminaljuyti, the long slitlike mouth is probably by 
the same technique. Certain straight elements, as the mouth or head- 
band lines in effigies, may have been made by string sawing, but there 
are no clearly diagnostic criteria to prove this. 

Superb examples of string sawing in jade, and similar to the speci- 
men from Nebaj, from Costa Rica, are in the Bliss collection, Na- 
tional Gallery of Art, Washington, D. C. 


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ed., 2 vols., atlas. Mexico, 1867-80.) 
EsKoLa, PENTTI. 

1921. On the eclogites of Norway. Videnskaps. Skr. Kristiania, I, Mat. 

Nat. K1., No. 8. 
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1576. Carta dirigida al Rey de Espafia. In Squier, E. C., Collection of rare 
and original documents and relations concerning the discovery and 
conquest of America, New York, 1860. 

Gartpay K., ANGEL Marta. 
1940. Llave del Nahuatl. Otumba, Mexico. 
HERNANDEZ, FRANCISCO. 

1615. Quatro libros de la naturaleza de las plantas y animales, que estan 
recibidos en el use de la medecina en la Nueva Espafia. Also under 
title “Rerum medicinarum Novae Hispaniae thesaurus seu nova 
plantarum, animalium et mineralium Mexicanorum historia a 
Franc.” Hernandez en Indius compilata, a Nardo Ant. Reccho en 
unum volumen digestata, etc., Rome, 1648. 

HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE. 

1601-1615. Historia general de los hechos de los castellanos en las islas y 

tierra firme de mar oceano. Ed. Robredo, Mexico. 
Hormes, WiLit1AmM H. 

1897. Archeological studies among the ancient cities of Mexico. Pt. II. 
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Iwao, SHUICHI. 

1953. Albitite and associated jadeite rock from Kotaki District, Japan: 

A study in ceramic raw material. Geol. Surv. Japan, Rep. No. 153. 
Kawano, Y. 

1939. A new occurrence of jade (jadeite) in Japan and its chemical prop- 
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Kipper, A. V. 

1947. The artifacts of Uaxactin. Carnegie Inst. Washington Publ. 576. 

1949. Jades from Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington, Div. Hist. Res., 
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NO. 5 GUATEMALAN JADE—FOSHAG 59 


Kipper, A. V.; JENNINGS, JESSE D.; and SHook, Epwin M. 

1946. Excavations at Kaminaljuyi, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington 

Publ. 561. 
LAUFER, BERTHOLD. 

1912. Jade, a study in Chinese archeology and religion. Field Mus. Nat. 

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1938. Ensayo de nomenclatura e identificacion de las laminas 98 a 138 del 
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LEONARDUS, CAMILLUS. 

1502. The mirror of stones. (English tr., London, 1750.) 
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1952. Radiocarbon dating. Chicago. 
LotHrop, SAMUEL KIRKLAND. 

1936. Zacualpa. A study of ancient Quiché artifacts. Carnegie Inst. Wash- 
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1952. Metals from the cenote of sacrifice, Chichén Itza, Yucatan. Mem. 
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Mena, R. 
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Mortey, SYLVANUS GRISWOLD. 
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SHook, E. M. 

1945. Archeological discovery at Finca Arizona, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. 
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SHook, E. M., and Kipper, ALFrep V. 

1952 Mound E-III-3, Kaminaljuyt, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington 

Publ. 596. 


60 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


SmitTH, A. L., and Kipper, A. V. 
1943. Explorations in the Motagua Valley, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. 
Washington Publ. 546, Contr. 41. 
1951. Excavations at Nebaj, Guatemala. Carnegie Inst. Washington Publ. 
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TEzozomoc, FERNANDO ALVARADO. 
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1613. Los veinte i un libros retuales i Monarchia Indiana, con el origen y 
guerras de los Indios Occidentales, etc. Several eds., 3 vols. (Ed. 
Hayyhol, Mexico, 1943.) 
WASHINGTON, HEnry S. 
1922a. The jades of Middle America. Proc. Nat. Acad. Sci., vol. 8, pp. 319- 
326. 
1922b. The jade of the Tuxtla statuette. Proc. U. S. Nat. Mus., vol. 60, 
No. 24009, pp. I-12. 
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1589. Bericht von wunderbarden bezoardishen Steinen, etc. Arnstadt. 
Yover, Hatten S., Jr. 
1950. The jadeite problem. Amer. Journ. Sci., vol. 248, pp. 225-248, 312-334. 
Yoper, H. S., and CHESTERMAN, CHARLES W. 
1951. Jadeite in San Benito County, California. California Div. Mines Spec. 
Rep. 10-C, pp. 308, September. 


PLATES 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS WAo}L. aleieyy Ne) Sy, lrite al 


1. Jade-working tools. a, Crushed jadeite abrasive, Kaminaljuyu; b, f, jadeite drill 
points(?), San Agustin Acasaguastlan; c, e, jadeite drills(?); d, jadeite graver(?), 
San Agustin Acasaguastlan (natural size). 


2. Jade-working tools. a, Jade, drilled hole with central pointed core, Nottebohm col- 
lection; b, chloromelanite reamer, Nottebohm collection; c, chloromelanite reamer and 
polisher(?), Nottebohm collection; d, jadeite polishing celt (5041); e, earplug reamer, 
Kaminaljuyu; f, large jadeite polishing celt (5039), 14 cm. long. (See footnote 3, p. 8, 
for explanation of numbers in parentheses.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135; NOS=S)s Riba 


1. Chloromelanite tools, polishers, polishing celts, gravers, and percussion tools. b, c, J, 
1458; g, 5041; h, 5042; 1, 5048; e, Chichecastenango, 65094; a, f, no numbers. e is 14 cm. 
long 

g. 


2. Jade-working techniques. a, Small jadeite fragments for small beads, Kaminaljuyu; , 
small beads made from a; c, jadeite bead blanks, pecked round but not polished or drilled 
(3077), Kaminaljuyu; d, bead blanks; ¢e, f, cylindrical roughed-out jadeite bead blanks 
(1765), San Agustin Acasaguastlan; g, jadeite bead, drilled but unpolished (2908), 
Kaminaljuyu; h, finished jadeite bead (2955), Kaminaljuyu. (Natural size.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VO 357 NO 5, Riess 


1. Jade-working techniques. a, Large jadeite bead (4802), 13 cm. long, made by sawing, 
polishing, and drilling; b, sawed jadeite bead blank (3077), Kaminaljuyu; c, sawed and 
shaped but not drilled jadeite bead blank (3027), Kaminaljuyu; d, completed jadeite 
bead, sawed and rounded (4745), Nebaj. 


2. Jade-working techniques. a, Jadeite used in celts, partly shaped by pecking and 
grinding, Nottebohm collection ; ), jadeite celt, like a; the white spots are percussion scars, 
the celt well polished; Nottebohm collection; c, a flat pebble of jadeite ground into a celt; 
the sides and poll are unworked pebble surface, the front and bit are shaped and polished ; 
Nottebohm collection. The large jade block is 17 cm. maximum length. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NOS \5)3P ieee 


t. Jade-working techniques. Earplugs: a, Jadeite pebble (3146), such as is used in the 
forming of earplugs; b, jadeite, pecked round, sawed, and drilled (3608), Kaminaljuyu; c, 
shaped and drilled block of jadeite (5116), an earplug blank(?); d, finished earpltug of 
jadeite (5003). a, b, and d are all in the same type of jade. (About 4 natural size.) 


2. Jade-working techniques. Figurines: a, Water-worn pebble of jadeite; b, figure carved 
from water-worn pebble of jadeite. (About natural size. ) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 6 


mee VISE INTERPRETATION OF THE 
EXTERNAL REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS 
OF MALE INSECTS 


By 
R. E. SNODGRASS 


Research Associate 
Smithsonian Institution 


(PusiicaTion 4309) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
DECEMBER 3, 1957 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


ob 


CONTENTS 


Page 

VEEN HEHE NTC ELIT OMY Ve facas crea ars Ciard(eiava ce oveutisre ave: scot acaneletetal ove pavenncelerohsiatehe dorset etch aterere I 
feeeroatiray Collembola, Diplutas see ncicmre cctuscrice stir cette aise II 

BPPON SLUM EAT aero. tn!) ioe sisi a, 0 aVoie wera eal i seinen tre eerecmeley eee aetna nm Tiehchec 12 
MRP TINIETIELOPLCEA: «0.0.0.5 os % os 0sluee vibitie Ju hoe Uc ma dear ames saeisle signe « 14 
WUE DAEAOUETD <c5..'o.¢ s s 6 so clo siore's oo dejece heise erealeiania andes calesmnis saa 16 
V. Isoptera, Embioptera, Zoraptera, Plecoptera, Psocoptera............ 19 
RPM) SE OMEEI A’ - < afors 260) exe Al v ave sile ovocailc, oat ereievatausl oveleyens evayaig cbaelstoverahe re bcaheelever seve 20 
Pm ferntereka CRE VTCHOLA ) oc.0.5 e/a chew « slots ale iere oiajaseisicla we ernie serais vieleia(s 23 
DORM OUREIECT 1 os cia 5.2100 Save o.e.s.c'k a's ¢ anvele s siaywie Oil mimeianetataete ge escara mae melas 28 
ERMINE CE 5 se a ka adc 0 0 an CoS Sind opin cee tiacie amide bie tiene ese oe 31 
REI VISECT ST eo esis oct ce bigs ois Soe 8 Cin a patale wane a Have hs Cane Wale weeleiahe wie eee 35 
POISE NICOLE As he ticles cies coi ieie ee, ds Creerale RID eae tetereitere oeehe Pioneers eres 37 
PRON OPEC clever a's c ats c's 4 oin0's Ha 'a eniears Mecaisicmeh teammate msiucdeice sys 41 
ROME tec r oa 5 vic yw kin Gnd a's 0.0 nce 0.00) s0, nis tateve DeLee Kise Richer este wisi ae alae 43 
SUMMER RTCMEIP EET aco 6 5-4 0.8 ack ds ve vale. doce le ae etainie METRE SIA med fonb eciafave ore we 49 
PIRPIRII AE GAR a) ae 2S 8 ees wee. «lee cccles¢.0'syeinoleseye db aici iahaiaa ata ei aiare aie) atbi avetetal arate 52 
RUINMEMR ANOS OG! te LIOUTES 11. fis cuca so « oe © m0 wie sa ciaheysjetoya oie ieve hyo tine iehaele 55 
eee MCCS avec fs Oey ia'aig alee. aieces cuss dsr bs claan twas tainieie emnimemt es elaeetteacde 56 


iii 


mA REVISED INTERPRETATION, OF . THE 
EXTERNAL REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS 
OF MALE, INSECTS 


By R. E. SNODGRASS 
Research Associate of the Smithsonian Institution 


INTRODUCTION 


There is nothing in taxonomic biology so hard to eradicate as a 
dead idea embalmed in a traditional nomenclature. This observation 
applies particularly to the study of the external genital organs of male 
insects. The great diversity in structural detail of the genitalia gives 
these organs a value for the identification of insect species almost 
equal to that of fingerprints for the identification of human indi- 
viduals. On the other hand, the very structural diversity of the organs 
makes it difficult to understand their fundamental nature and the 
homologies of their parts. Consequently in taxonomic descriptions of 
the genitalia there is such a lack of uniformity in concepts of ho- 
mology and in the adopted terminology that one specialist hardly 
knows what the other is talking about. Those who are interested in 
current nomenclatural systems used by taxonomic specialists are 
referred to the “Taxonomist’s Glossary of Genitalia in Insects,” 
edited by S. L. Tuxen (1956). 

When homologies cannot be determined by comparative anatomy 
alone we must have recourse to ontogeny. Fortunately something of 
the development of the genitalia is now known in most of the major 
orders of insects. On the basis of this scattered information the 
writer has attempted in the following discussions to analyze the sub- 
ject anew in the hope of arriving at a better understanding of the 
fundamental structure and the homologies of the genitalia, from which 
a uniform terminology might be devised. 

The development of the external genital organs has been described 
in Thysanura by Lindsay (1939), and Qadri (1949) ; in Orthoptera 
by Else (1934), Roonwal (1937), and Qadri (1940) ; in Hemiptera 
by Christophers and Cragg (1922), Pruthi (1925a), George (1928), 
Metcalfe (1932b), Rawat (1939), and Qadri (1949) ; in Coleoptera 
by Kerschner (1913), Pruthi (1924), Metcalfe (1932a), and Srivas- 
tava (1953) ; in Siphonaptera by Sharif (1937); in Trichoptera by 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 6 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Zander (1901); in Lepidoptera by Zander (1903), Mehta (1933), 
and Rakshpal (1944) ; in Diptera by Christophers (1922), Christo- 
phers and Barraud (1926), and Abul-Nsar (1950) ; in Hymenoptera 
by Michaélis (1900), Zander (1900), Tiegs (1922), Snodgrass 
(1941), and D’Rosario (1942). 

In all these insect orders the definitive genital structure, whether 
simple or complex, is derived from a pair of small ectodermal out- 
growths (fig. 1 A, PhL), which appear on the nymph or larva, and 
may be termed the primary phallic lobes (phallos, emblem of genera- 
tion). The terminal ampullae (Amp) of the vasa deferentia (Vd) 
are commonly observed to lie partly within the lobes. In the Ephem- 
eroptera (B) the primary lobes become a pair of penes (Pen) ; in 
Thysanura they unite to form a simple median penis. In the higher 
orders, from Orthoptera to Hymenoptera, each primary lobe divides 
into two secondary lobes (C), or phallomeres, which may be desig- 
nated mesomeres (Mmr) and parameres (Pmr). Between the bases 
of the mesomeres an ectodermal ingrowth forms the ductus ejacula- 
torius (Dej), the opening of which is the gonopore (Gpr). The 
ampullae unite with the inner end of the duct and are carried inward 
with its further growth. In the Orthoptera the four phallomeres 
develop into organs of various types. In the higher orders the meso- 
meres become hallowed on their opposed surfaces and unite with each 
other to form the tubular median organ known as the aedeagus (D, 
Aed). The lumen of the aedeagus is thus not a continuation of that 
of the ejaculatory duct, but a newly formed extension of the genital 
passage, which may be distinguished as the endophallus (Enph) ; its 
opening at the end of the aedeagus is the phallotreme (Phtr). The 
endophallus with the gonopore at its inner end (F, Gpr) is usually 
eversible from the aedeagus (1), bringing the gonopore to its tip. 

The parameres elongate and usually become the principal genital 
claspers of the adult. If they are not completely separated from the 
aedeagus (I‘) the three parts are supported on a common phallobase 
(Phb). Usually, however, the parameres retain only a narrow basal 
connection with the aedeagus (F), and they may be so far displaced 
laterally (G, H) as to appear to be independent appendages of the 
ninth segment. 

Inasmuch as the name “paramere” has been given to so many dif- 
ferent parts of the adult genital structure, some writers contend that 
the term is thereby rendered meaningless and should be discarded. 
This verdict, however, is equivalent to denying a true claimant his 
rights because of impostors, The term paramere was coined by Ver- 
hoeff (1893), and by him was specifically given to the lateral genital 


ee ainsi Hes Sa =eGpr 


a 4 \/ ‘/ one 


VW 


TITS 


Privr Minr jirtigh 


Fic. 1—Diagrams illustrating the common origin and various types of 
development of the phallic organs. 


A, the primary phallic lobes (PhL) invaded by the ampullae (Amp) of the 
vasa deferentia (Vd). B, penes of Ephemeroptera, giving exit to the genital 
ducts. C, the usual division of the phallic lobes into mesomeres (Mmr) and 
parameres (Pmr); ejaculatory duct (Dej) developed between the mesomeres, 
opening through the gonopore (Gpr). D, mesomeres united to form the aedeagus 
(Aed) ; aedeagal lumen, or endophallus (Enph), opening through the phal- 
lotreme (Phtr). E, aedeagus and parameres not completely separated from com- 
mon phallobase (Phb). F, aedeagus and parameres with only narrow basal con- 
nections. G, parameres removed from aedeagus. H, parameres more widely 
displaced from aedeagus on margin of ninth abdominal sternum (JX), divided 
into basimeres (Bmr) and telomeres (Tmr). I, aedeagus with endophallus 
everted, bringing the gonopore to its tip. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


lobes of Coleoptera. These lobes have been shown to be derived from 
the lateral branches of the primary phallic rudiments. Structures of 
other insects having the same origin, therefore, are legitimately para- 
meres (side parts) regardless of what they may be called by taxono- 
mists. 

Because of their community of origin, the parameres and the 
aedeagus are primarily closely associated at their bases, and this con- 
dition where it occurs in the adult (fig. 1 E, F) should be a relatively 
primitive one. Generally the phallic organs lie close behind the ninth 
abdominal sternum (E, XS), or before the margin of its anteriorly 
reflected posterior part. To better serve their clasping function, how- 
ever, the parameres tend to move away from the aedeagus along the 
sternal margin (G), and in many of the higher insects they have come 
to have a lateral position on the ninth segment (H), where they are 
commonly mistaken for ninth-segment appendages. Gustafson (1950) 
says, ‘“There is a strong tendency for the gonapophyses (parameres) 
of the male to fuse with the phallus.” Considering the common origin 
of the parameres and the “phallus” (aedeagus), however, the facts 
should be stated in the reverse—the parameres have a tendency to 
separate from the aedeagus. Finally, in the higher orders, the para- 
meres may become two-segmented by a secondary constriction divid- 
ing each clasper into a proximal basimere (H, Bmr) and a distal 
telomere (Tmr). The telomeres have been called also harpagones 
(sing. harpdgo, a grappling hook). 

Inasmuch as the parameres and the aedeagus are developed from 
a single pair of primary genital lobes, the three parts together are 
here termed the phallus, or phallic organs, though the name “phallus” 
is sometimes given to the aedeagus alone. The phallic organs serve 
the dual function of copulation and intromission. 

Specific examples of the development and the adult structure of 
the phallic organs will be given in subsequent parts of this paper. 
While the aedeagus and parameres are almost constant parts of the 
adult genital apparatus, either or both may be absent, and many sec- 
ondary accessory parts appear that have little relation in the different 
orders. These secondary structures must be given specific names in 
taxonomy. Finally, there may be processes and lobes of various kinds 
developed on the eighth, ninth, and tenth abdominal segments that 
appear to serve some function in copulation, in which even the cerci 
of the eleventh segment may be involved. All these structures 
together with the true genitalia are often termed collectively the 
terminalia. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—-SNODGRASS 5 


In the Thysanura the penis lies between a pair of stylus-bearing 
plates which probably are correctly regarded as the coxae of former 
ninth-segment limbs. In some species of Machilidae endite processes 
arise from the inner basal angles of the coxal plates and embrace the 
penis (fig. 2G, Endt). In the Ephemeroptera the coxae are united in 
a plate behind the ninth sternum (fig. 3 A, Cx) and the styli (Sty) are 
usually developed into long clasping organs. Distinct coxal plates and 
styli are again found in the orthopteroid Grylloblata (fig. 5 A), but 
where styli are present in other insects the coxae are united with the 
sternum. The occurrence of coxal plates and styli in these three 
groups of insects has furnished a basis for most theories on the ho- 
mologies of the genital structures in the other insects. 

The stylus-bearing plates are commonly called “coxites” by stu- 
dents of the genitalia, but, if the plates are supposed to be the coxae 
of former limbs, why the addition of ite, a biological suffix meaning 
“a part of”? ‘“Coxopodite,” on the other hand, is a perfectly good 
compound, meaning the “‘coxal part of a leg,” but it is unnecessary. 
The fact, already noted, that the parameres of the adult insect very 
commonly have a lateral position on the ninth sternum has led quite 
naturally, from a study of adult anatomy, to the current interpretation 
of the parameres as being the coxal plates of the ninth segment, 
termed “gonocoxites.” That they are often two-segmented strengthens 
this concept because the distal segments then are “gonostyli.” How- 
ever, this interpretation entirely ignores the development of the para- 
meres from lateral branches of the primary phallic lobes, and the fact 
that they thus have a common origin with the aedeagus. In spite of 
this, the theory of the coxal nature of the parameres survives by 
hypothetical manipulation of certan facts concerning the aedeagus. 

The aedeagus of the adult insect may be either wholly membranous 
or entirely sclerotic, but in some cases the sclerotization takes the 
form of lateral plates or rods in the aedeagal wall, which are called 
“penis valves,” though nothing about them suggests a valvular nature. 
According to the theory that the parameres are the coxal plates of the 
ninth segment, the aedeagus must have a connection with these plates. 
The “penis valves,” therefore, are supposed to be derived from endite 
processes of the coxal plates, such as are present in some species of 
Machilis (fig. 2G, Endt). As this theory is elaborated and dia- 
grammed by Michener (1944), the endites are assumed to unite with 
a primitive median penis to form the aedeagus, and thus become the 
“penis valves” of this organ. But here theory assumes priority over 
facts. The coxal endites of Machilidae are not united with the penis, 
they are not present in other male thysanurans, nor are there cor- 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL! P35 


responding structures in other male insects. The so-called ‘‘penis 
valves” are well developed in Hymenoptera (fig. 15, 7), but they are 
clearly seen to be only lateral sclerotizations of the otherwise mem- 
branous aedeagus. The penis of Thysanura is formed by the union 
of two rudiments entirely comparable to the phallic lobes of other 
insects that give rise to both the aedeagus and the parameres. The 
same rudiments in the mayflies develop directly into a pair of penes 
having no connection with the coxal plate of the ninth segment. There 
is no convincing anatomical evidence, therefore, that the parameres 
are ninth-segment coxae, or that the aedeagus has any relation to the 
latter. 

The next question that comes up is: do the phallic organs belong 
to the ninth or the tenth segment of the abdomen? Most writers refer 
them to the ninth, but there is sufficient evidence in the lower insects 
to warrant the belief that primarily the phallic rudiments are devel- 
oped on the tenth segment. Their origin at least in part on the tenth 
segment has been observed by Roonwal (1937) in Locusta, by Qadri 
(1940, 1949) in Orthoptera and Hemiptera, by Sharif (1937) in 
Siphonaptera, and by Tiegs (1922) in the chalcid Nasonia, Else 
(1934) claimed to have traced the phallic rudiments from the append- 
age buds of the tenth abdominal segment in the embryo of Melano- 
plus. In nymphal insects the rudiments are described as formed in the 
genital chamber just behind, or above, the ninth abdominal sternum, 
but in holometabolous larvae they may appear to be actually on the 
venter of the ninth segment, in which a sternal plate has not yet been 
formed. Embryological studies on Thysanura and Orthoptera have 
shown that the vasa deferentia first extend into the tenth segment, on 
which presumably were the primitive male genital openings. The 
forward looping of the vasa deferentia in adult Orthoptera from be- 
neath the long cercal nerves of the eleventh segment, as they are 
carried forward by the ejaculatory duct, is highly suggestive, as the 
writer (1937) has shown, that the vasa deferentia primarily ended in 
the tenth segment. The fact that the phallic organs get their muscula- 
ture from the ninth segment might be taken as evidence that they 
belong to this segment. Since, however, the tenth sternum is com- 
monly much reduced, it is possible that the phallic musculature is de- 
rived from the original intersegmental muscles between the ninth and 
tenth sterna. 

Writers who have taken it for granted that the phallic organs rep- 
resent a pair of segmental limbs point out that they cannot be append- 
ages of the tenth abdominal segment, because in lepidopterous and 
tenthredinid larvae the limbs of this segment are present as prolegs, 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 7 


and two pairs of appendages cannot be developed on one segment. 
However, numerous reasons have been given by Hinton (1955) for 
believing that the prolegs are secondary organs adapting the long- 
bodied larvae for crawling and climbing. He shows that neither in 
their structure nor in their musculature do the prolegs have any like- 
ness to thoracic legs, and concludes that they are new locomotor 
organs developed on the site of the disappeared embryonic leg vestiges. 
Now we must consider the question as to whether or not the phallic 
organs themselves represent a pair of legs. 

A proper interpretation of the nature of the adult genital organs 
could be deduced only from a knowledge of what the organs were 
in the primitive ancestors of the insects, but this we do not know. In 
the minds of most entomologists, or at least in their writings on the 
insect male genitalia, there seems to be little question that the phallic 
organs are specially modified segmental appendages of the ninth or 
the tenth abdominal segment. Some go so far even as to see in the 
dual branching of the primary lobes a retention of a supposedly bira- 
mous limb structure. Among the arthropods, however, the biramous 
limb is a crustacean specialty, and it is too much to believe that it 
should occur among the insects only in the male genital appendages. 
This theory would have to assume that the endopodites unite to form 
the aedeagus, and it does not account for the undivided penes of the 
mayflies. Generalization can be stretched to the breaking point. 

Only one writer, Else (1934) in his study of Melanoplus, has 
claimed to have observed the derivation of the phallic rudiments 
from abdominal appendage buds of the embryo, specifically those of 
the tenth segment. Wheeler (1893), on the other hand, said the 
tenth-segment limb buds on the embryo of Xtphidium gradually be- 
come smaller and finally disappear. Most observations on the origin 
of the phallic rudiments show that the buds usually appear first on 
the nymph or the larva, and often in the later instars. The post- 
embryonic appearance of the phallic rudiments, therefore, suggests 
that they are not equivalent to the transient limb vestiges on the abdo- 
men of the embryo. 

Michener (1944) has reasonably said: “That the copulatory organs 
are new structures seems far less probable than that they are derived 
from pre-existing structures.” His further contention, however, that 
the pre-existing structures were segmental limbs would assume that 
there is no alternative. Are we to imagine that before these limbs were 
modified into genital organs the male insects used a pair of legs for 
the discharge of the sperm? If so, where were the gonopores in rela- 
tion to these legs? Among other modern arthropods, as in Limulus, 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the pycnogonids, and many of the crustaceans and diplopods, the 
gonopores are on the limb bases, and usually open through a pair of 
penes. In some of the crustaceans and diplopods the penes are on the 
sternum between the legs, and the two may be united in a single 
median penis. In the insects typical paired penes are present in the 
Ephemeroptera. Hence it would seem quite probable that the primitive 
male insects should have had a pair of penes on the genital segment, 
and that the oviducts of the female opened separately, as they still do 
in the Ephemeroptera. A logical deduction, therefore, is that the 
paired phallic rudiments of modern insects represent a pair of primi- 
tive penes. A penis origin of the phallic lobes is further suggested by 
the fact that the terminal ampullae of the vasa deferentia usually lie 
partly within these lobes (fig. 1 A). Though in the higher insects 
the genital ducts do not open through the phallic lobes, in the Ephem- 
eroptera and those Dermaptera that have paired penes the ducts dis- 
charge individually through the latter, and therefore primarily must 
have opened through the primitive penis lobes. In insects that have a 
median ejaculatory duct developed between the phallic lobes, the 
mesodermal ampullae withdraw from the lobes and open into this sec- 
ondary ectodermal outlet (fig. 1 C). 

Admittedly it is difficult to imagine that from a pair of simple penes 
could have been evolved the large and complex genital organs of the 
higher insects. Yet, whatever the primary phallic rudiments may be, 
they do develop into all the variety and complexity of the mature 
genitalia. 

It is true that in some arthropods in which the female has a sperm 
receptacle the actual intromission of the sperm by the male is ac- 
complished by a pair of legs, but these legs are not those of the seg- 
ment bearing the genital openings or penes. In most of the malacos- 
tracan crustaceans, for example, the male genital outlets are on the 
last thoracic segment, but the sperm is received by the modified first 
two abdominal appendages (pleopods) and by them introduced into 
the receptacle of the female. Likewise in the diplopods the penes are 
on the third body segment, and the intromittent appendages are usu- 
ally one or both pairs of modified legs on the seventh segment. In 
these cases the male practices what amounts to artificial insemination, 
as does the male spider with his pedipalps. This method of insemina- 
tion has no counterpart among the insects. 

The concept of a penis origin of the phallic lobes leads to a much 
broader generalization than does the idea that they represent a pair 
of segmental limbs. We may then correlate the organs of sperm emis- 
sion in all the arthropods, whether they are penes on the leg bases, 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 9 


paired or single penes on the venter of the genital segment, or the 
variously developed phallic organs of most insects. To this may be 
added the fact that the phallic organs in their early development never 
have the structure of a leg, and it is only in their higher evolution 
that they suggest anything of a leg nature. On the contrary, the 
mouth parts of insects, which unquestionably are remodeled legs, 
always show in their structure or development their leg origin, and 
the leg structure is most evident in the lower orders. 

The frequent occurrence of the genital apertures on the coxae of a 
pair of legs among the arthropods may perhaps be traced back to the 
Onychophora, in which the nephridia open at the mesal sides of the 
leg bases. The genital ducts are merely a particular pair of nephridial 
ducts (coelomoducts) that have come to serve as gonoducts. Where 
penes occur, they are secondary ectodermal outgrowths around the 
mouths of the ducts. It is quite reasonable, therefore, to suppose that 
in the early arthropod ancestors of the insects the penes were on the 
bases of a pair of legs. That these legs are represented by the para- 
meres, however, seems very improbable, since each phallic rudiment 
becomes a penis in the mayflies, and parameres are lateral branches 
of the primary lobes developed principally in the higher insects. In 
their simplest functional form the phallic lobes are penes not associ- 
ated with appendages, each of which is penetrated by an ectodermal 
duct that connects with the terminal ampulla of a vas deferens, 

Many of the lower invertebrates that are permanently aquatic dis- 
charge the reproductive elements freely into the water, where union 
between the ova and spermatozoa takes place. This method of propa- 
gation would not be practicable with land animals, and most of the 
arthropods have improved on it by the development of sperm re- 
ceptacles in the female and intromittent organs in the male. By this 
device the inseminated female can fertilize the eggs whenever the 
eggs are mature, a method particularly favorable for life on land. 
Since, however, most Crustacea have sperm receptacles and intromit- 
tent organs, it is probable that the ancestors of the terrestrial arthro- 
pods were thus equipped before they left the water, but the great 
diversity in the segmental position of the genital openings and the 
spermatheca in different arthropod groups would indicate that the 
organs have been separately developed and not derived from a com- 
mon ancestor. In Limulus and the arachnids the genital ducts in both 
sexes open consistently on the eighth body segment, from which fact 
it might be inferred that the same was true of the trilobites. By con- 
trast, the gonopores of the mandibulate arthropods are on different 
segments in the several classes and even within a single class, so we 


Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


have no evidence as to what may have been the primitive position of 
the genital outlets in these arthropods. 

The manner by which the diversity in position of the genital outlets 
came about in the evolution of the early arthropods is difficult to 
understand. Gustafson (1950) has proposed as an explanation that 
“it seems most probable that the primitive ancestors of the Arthropoda 
possessed paired gonads, gonoducts and gonopores in nearly every 
segment of the body,” and that differences in the position of the out- 
lets resulted from “segmental localization” of the gonads. This idea is 
a rather extravagant assumption, and embryogeny gives no support to 
any such theory. Multiple segmental gonads with separate nephridial 
outlets might have been present in some remote worm progenitor of 
the arthropods, but among modern forms multiple gonopores occur 
only in some of the aberrant pycnogonids, and even the Onychophora 
have a single genital opening. It is hardly to be supposed, therefore, 
that the early arthropods themselves had more than one pair of geni- 
tal outlets. Still it is difficult to account for the later differentiation 
in the segmental position of the gonopores. 

From the work of Tiegs (1940, 1947) on the progoneate Sym- 
phyla and Pauropoda it appears that functional genital ducts may be 
secondary ectodermal ingrowths that connect with the gonads, while 
the primary, posterior mesodermal ducts degenerate. Yet we cannot 
invoke secondary duct-formation of this kind as a general explanation 
of the differing positions of the gonopores, because the ectodermal 
ducts are usually connected with mesodermal ducts. It is possible, 
however, that during the anamorphic development of the early arthro- 
pods, by mutations and selection, different coelomic ducts were utilized 
as genital outlets. In this connection it is significant that in the chilo- 
pods the genital opening is always on the last body segment regardless 
of the number of segments in the adult centipede, showing that the 
genital segment is not numerically determined as such in development. 
Among the geophilid centipedes the number of body segments differs 
in different species, and even between individuals of the same species. 

As the several modern groups of arthropods became differentiated, 
a single fixed position of the genital outlets would not be convenient 
for all types of body structure. For a crustacean swimming with its 
abdomen the gonopores are best situated on the thorax, while with the 
arachnids the genital outlet is quite appropriate on the anterior part 
of the abdomen, and with the centipedes and insects the posterior part 
of the body serves best for copulatory purposes. The progoneate 
modern myriapods, however, seem to have found the opisthogoneate 
condition of their ancestors unsatisfactory and developed new, ecto- 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS a 


dermal genital outlets on the anterior part of the body. Even here, the 
segment of the gonopores in Symphyla is not the same as in Pau- 
ropoda and Diplopoda. 

External fertilization of the eggs is still prevalent even among those 
arthropods in which the females have sperm receptacles. The female 
crayfish, for example, discharges her eggs on the venter of the thorax 
while she lies on her back, and the eggs are inseminated as they flow 
backward over the orifice of the spermatheca. In the insects the sper- 
matheca and the oviduct open into a genital chamber, but this chamber 
is merely an outside space partly enclosed by the sternal plate beneath 
it. The eggs discharged from the oviduct are here fertilized from the 
spermatheca. The “uterus” of most viviparous insects is an enlarge- 
ment of the genital chamber and is thus anatomically equivalent to 
the incubation pouch of a marsupial. In only a few insects are the 
eggs inseminated in the ovaries or in the haemocoele. The discharge 
of spermatozoa into a genital chamber or directly into a spermatheca 
involves possession by the male of efficient organs of copulation and 
intromission, and with such organs the insects are more amply pro- 
vided than are any of the other arthropods. 

The great structural diversity in the male genitalia of insects is the 
delight of taxonomists, the despair of morphologists. In the follow- 
ing sections of this paper, however, an attempt will be made to show 
that the parts of the male genital apparatus in all the principal orders 
of insects can be uniformly interpreted and named as here proposed, 
if the known facts of their development are given priority over theo- 
retical generalizations. 


I. PROTURA, COLLEMBOLA, DIPLURA 


The genital equipment of these entognathous hexapods offers noth- 
ing that contributes to an understanding of the genitalia in Thysanura 
and Pterygota. The complex male genital organ of Protura arises be- 
tween the eleventh and twelfth abdominal segments and clearly can 
have no homologue in the other hexapods. In the Collembola the 
genital opening is on the posterior part of the fifth abdominal seg- 
ment, but external genitalia are absent. In the male dipluran Hetero- 
japyx there is a genital pouch behind the eighth sternum, which con- 
tains in its dorsal wall a small plate, apparently the ninth sternum, 
bearing a pair of styluslike processes. Immediately behind this plate 
is the simple genital opening. Though the Collembola are the oldest 
hexapods known in the geological record, having been found in the 
middle Devonian, they are certainly not ancestral to the other orders. 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


They are an early offshoot from the hexapod line, which proved to be 
so successful that the Collembola have continued to the present time 
with few evolutionary changes. 


II. THYSANURA 


Inasmuch as the thysanurans are more closely related to the winged 
insects than are any of the other apterygote hexapods, it is reasonable 
to suppose that they should give us a reliable picture of the basic 
structure of the insect male genitalia, and most theories on the nature 
of the genital organs take their start from the Thysanura. However, 
it is well known that appearances are sometimes deceptive, and that 
apparent likeness is not always evidence of homology. 

In most thysanuran species there is a pair of large, triangular stylus- 
bearing plates on the under side of the ninth abdominal segment (fig. 
2, IXCx). These plates presumably are coxal remnants of former 
appendages, as are similar plates on the preceding segments, in which 
there may be a small sternal plate at their bases. Between the bases 
of the ninth-segment coxal plates arises a small median genital outlet 
tube, commonly called the penis, though functionally it is not an 
intromittent organ. 

Sweetman (1938) has described the elaborate courting maneuvers 
of the sexes of Thermobia domestica, after which the male deposits 
a spermatophore on the surface in front of the female. Then, after 
being touched as a signal by the male, the female walks over the 
spermatophore until her genital region comes in contact with it. The 
spermatophore adheres to the female, but soon she turns around and 
bites it, and finally eats it. The fate of the contained spermatozoa is 
not recorded. Most remarkable is the mating behavior of Machilis, as 
described by Sturm (1952). The participants first meet head to head. 
Then the male attaches nearby a thread extruded from the penis, and 
with the female turns through a half circle until the female is parallel 
to the thread with her ovipositor directed toward the attachment point. 
Now the male discharges several droplets of sperm on the thread, 
which the female attempts to take into her ovipositor with the assist- 
ance of the male, who reaches back with one of his antennae, loads it 
with sperm from the thread, and delivers it to the ovipositor of the fe- 
male. After insemination is thus accomplished, the female departs. 
The whole performance lasts about five minutes. 

In some species of Machilidae the penis is closely flanked by a pair 
of endite processes (fig. 2G, Endt) from the mesal basal angles of 
the coxal plates. ‘rom this simple structure in the Thysanura has 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 13 


been evolved the theory that the coxal plates become the lateral genital 
claspers (parameres) of the higher insects, and that the aedeagus has 
been formed by the union of the coxal endites with a primitive median 
penis. Unfortunately, the known facts of the development of the 
genital organs do not substantiate this interpretation. 

The thysanuran penis is double in its origin, being formed in nym- 
phal instars by the union of two primary lobes entirely comparable 
with the phallic rudiments of other insects. In Machilis, as described 


Fic, 2.—Thysanura. 


A-D, Ctenolepisma longicaudata Esch., developmental stages of the penis 
(from Lindsay, 1939). E. Ctenolepisma urbana Slabaugh, mature penis. F, 
same, end of abdomen, ventral. G, Machilis variabilis Say, ninth-segment coxal 
plates and penis, dorsal. 


by Qadri (1940), the penis rudiments are present in the genital cavity 
of very young nymphs and develop independently of the ninth-seg- 
ment appendages. In Céienolepisma, according to Lindsay (1939), 
the penis rudiments appear first on the eighth instar as a pair of 
small lobes on the intersegmental membrane at the base of the cleft 
between the coxal plates of the ninth abdominal segment (fig. 2 A, 
PhL). In the tenth instar (B) the rudiments have increased in size, 
in the eleventh and twelfth instars (C, D) their opposed surfaces are 
concave, and finally the two lobes unite to form the tubular organ of 
the adult (E). The mature penis appears to be divided into a proximal 
and a distal section, but since the ampullae (Amp) of the vasa defer- 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


entia (Vd) open into the base of the distal section (Gpr), the latter 
alone is the true penis, the proximal part being a secondary outgrowth 
of the genital chamber wall. The very short undivided terminal part 
of the exit passage is said by Qadri (1953) to be formed as a shallow 
depression between the bases of the primary penis lobes, and therefore 
represents the ejaculatory duct. In an immature instar the ampullae 
end blindly, and just behind each is a penis bud. This relation of the 
ducts to the penis rudiments suggests that the latter were primitively 
a pair of penes. 

In its ontogenetic development the thysanuran penis has no rela- 
tion to the ninth-segment coxal plates, and the endites of the latter 
are not united with it. The independence of the penis in its origin 
from ninth-segment structures, Qadri notes, obviously assigns the 
penis lobes to the tenth segment, and this conclusion is supported by 
the observation of Heymons (1897) that the embryonic male genital 
ducts in Lepisma end in the tenth abdominal segment, where presuma- 
bly they opened to the exterior through a pair of primitive penes. 
The penis rudiments of Thysanura do not divide to form parameres 
as do the phallic lobes in most of the higher insects, but the double 
origin of the penis clearly identifies the thysanuran organ with the 
aedeagus of the other insects. 

The coxal plates and styli of the ninth segment are not known to 
have any genital function. The abdominal styli, unlike the coxal styli 
of the thorax, are musculated and perhaps may be remnants of tel- 
opodites ; they serve to support the abdomen and are active in loco- 
motion. The coxal endites of the ninth segment of Machilis are male 
homologues of the second gonopophyses, or valvae, of the female ovi- 
positor. In some species the first gonopophyses are represented in the 
male by a pair of small endites on the eighth segment. 


III. EPHEMEROPTERA 


The mayflies characteristically have a pair of long clasping styli 
(fig. 3 A, Sty) arising ventrally from a transverse plate (Cx) behind 
the ninth abdominal sternum. The styli are movable by muscles 
(smcl) from the supporting plate, which fact identifies the plate as 
the fused coxae of the ninth segment. An enlarged basal joint of the 
stylus, therefore, cannot be mistaken for the coxal plate. In some 
forms (C) evidence of the dual nature of the plate is retained. The 
styli are usually long, curved, jointed arms by which the male securely 
grasps the abdomen of the female during mating, but they may be 
relatively simple (G), and in some species they are typically styliform 


(E). 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 15 


Also characteristic of the mayflies is the presence of a pair of penes 
(fig. 3 A, B, C, F, Pen) giving exit individually to paired genital 
ducts. The penes arise from two small, transverse plates (B, XS) or 
a single plate (D) in the membrane between the ninth sternum and 


cxmel 


Fic. 3.—Ephemeroptera. 


A, Ephemera simulans Walker, end of abdomen, ventral. B, same, coxal plates 
removed, exposing tenth sternal plates bearing penes. C, Blasturus nebulosus 
Walker, end of abdomen, ventral. D, Habrophlebiodes bettent (Needham), 
tenth sternum and penes. E, Oniscigaster distans Eaton, larva, end of abdomen, 
ventral. F, Campsurus decoloratus (Hagen), tenth sternum and penes. G, 
Trichorythrodes fallax Traver, end of abdomen and single penis, ventral. 


the paraprocts, as may be seen by removal of the underlying coxal 
plate (B). These plates evidently represent the tenth abdominal 
sternum, since muscles from the ninth sternum are attached on them 
(B, xmcl). The complete independence of the penis plates and the 
penes from the coxal plate of the ninth segment is quite out of har- 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


mony with the idea expressed by some writers that the penes are 
“endopodites” or “gonapophyses” of the ninth-segment appendages ; 
or, more briefly said, the theory is not in harmony with the facts. 

In some species the penes are armed with processes of various 
shapes (fig. 3 F), and the usual two penes may be united at their bases 
or combined in a single organ (G), but the ducts remain separate. 
The structure and musculature of the mayfly penes in seven genera 
have been described by Levy (1948), who says that the penes of 
Siphlonurus have muscles arising on the ninth sternum; in four other 
genera there are only muscles that lie entirely within the penes, which 
probably flex them mesally, while in Ephemera and Blasturus there 
are no penis muscles, 

The larval penes are merely a pair of short simple lobes projecting 
from above the coxal plate of the ninth segment (fig. 3 E, pen). Ac- 
cording to Qadri (1940) the penes are developed in the young larva 
from a pair of outgrowths in the genital chamber behind the ninth 
sternum. The rudiments do not divide during their growth, and the 
various processes or hooks that may be developed on them have no 
likeness to the parameres of higher insects. The ephemerid penes 
are the most primitive male genital organs of the insects, and since 
it is hardly to be questioned that they are homologues of the primary 
phallic lobes of other insects, the inference is clear that the latter were 
originally a pair of penes. The Ephemeroptera in no way suggest that 
the insect male genitalia took their origin from a pair of legs. The 
penes are ectodermal outgrowths on the venter of the tenth abdominal 
segment containing the ends of the genital ducts. As such, they have 
exact counterparts in various other arthropods as shown in the 
Introduction. 


IV. DERMAPTERA 


The Dermaptera have no styli or appendages of any kind on the 
ninth abdominal segment. The genital equipment of the male is either 
a pair of penes with individual ducts, or a single organ containing 
both ducts or only one duct. The presence of paired penes would 
appear to be the more primitive condition within the order, but the 
females of all species have only a single genital opening. 

Paired penes are characteristic of the Labiduroidea. In Anisolabis 
maritima (fig. 4 E) each organ consists of a long basal stalk bearing 
two apical lobes. The mesal lobe (Mmr) is a hollow continuation of 
the stalk giving exit to the contained duct. The lateral lobe (Pmr) 
appears as a sclerotized appendage of the stalk. The two penes are 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS My 


4 1 ‘ 
Per rMmr Pmr M 


XS OTA” CS 


, \ 
Pmr Mmrs Pmr 


Fic. 4.—Dermaptera. 


A, Forficula auricularia L., transverse section through primary phallic lobes 
of first-instar nymph (from Qadri, 1940). B, same, genitalia of full-grown 
nymph (from Qadri, 1940). C, Hemimerus hanseni Sharp, genitalia of nymph 
(from Qadri, 1940). D, Anisolabis maritima (Gené), genital organ of last- 
instar nymph. E, same, genital organ of adult. F, Forficula auricularia L., 
genital organ of adult. G, Anisolabis maritima (Gené), diagram of double penes 
and ducts. H, Hemimerus hanseni Sharp, diagram of single genital organ with 
two ducts. I, Forficula auricularia L., diagram of single genital organ with one 
functional duct. 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


united at their bases in a large, internal apodemal plate (4) on 
which the phallic muscles are attached. The long ejaculatory ducts 
of the penes (G, Dej) unite in a short common duct (Dejcn), which 
joins a vesicle (Ves) that receives the two vasa deferentia (Vd). 
Neither the intromittent organ nor the exit system of the adult, there- 
fore, is strictly double as in Ephemeroptera. In the last nymphal 
stage of Anisolabis the genital organ is an elongate structure (D) 
divided only at its distal end into median and lateral lobes. These 
lobes, however, are entirely comparable to the mesomeres and para- 
meres of higher insects, so that there can be little question that the 
mesal lobes of the adult organ (E, G, Mmr) are the persisting 
mesomeres and the lateral lobes (Pmr) the parameres. In Forficula 
Qadri (1940) has shown that the single phallic organ of the adult (1) 
arises from a pair of typical phallic rudiments in the first-instar 
nymph (A, PhL), which later (B) unite at their bases and divide 
distally into mesomeres and parameres. The adult male organ of 
Dermaptera, therefore, is double in its origin, and its rudiments are 
comparable to the penes of Ephemeroptera. Phallic parameres make 
their first appearance in the Dermaptera. 

Hemimerus talpoides has a single genital organ (fig. 4H) with 
two parameres, but the mesomeres are united in a common median 
lobe (mL) comparable to the aedeagus of the higher insects, except 
in that it gives exit to the two primary ducts. In the nymphal organ 
of Hemimerus (C), as shown by Qadri (1940), the phallic lobes are 
broadly fused at their bases and divided distally into mesomeres and 
parameres. Clearly the median lobe of the mature organ of Hem- 
imerus is formed by the union of the mesomeres. 

The phallic organ of Forficula (fig. 4 F) resembles that of Hem- 
imerus (H) in that it has a single median lobe, but one duct (I, 
dej) is abortive, the other (Dez) alone remaining as the functional 
genital outlet. According to Qadri the median phallic lobe of For- 
ficula is formed mainly from the right mesomere of the nymph (B), 
the left one being reduced and practically obliterated. In both Hem- 
imerus (H) and Forficula (1), as in Anisolabis (E, G), the base 
of the external part of the genital organ is produced into a large 
apodemal plate (Ap). The adult organ of Forficula (F, 1) has a 
close resemblance to the nymphal organ of Antsolabis (D), and it is 
apparent that the apodeme of the adult organ is merely an extension 
of the undivided base of the nymphal organ (B, C). 

If the separate openings of the ejaculatory ducts on the phallic 
mesomeres in Dermaptera has any phylogenetic significance, it must 
mean that primitively the ducts opened through the primary phallic 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 19 


lobes themselves, and that these lobes represent a pair of primitive 
penes such as those of the Ephemeroptera. On the other hand, the 
development of parameres at lateral branches of the phallic rudiments 
appears to relate the penis rudiments of the Dermaptera to the primary 
phallic lobes of the higher insects. 

The evolution of a single phallic organ from a pair of primary rudi- 
ments in the Dermaptera, however, does not parallel the phallic de- 
velopment in the higher insects from a pair of similar rudiments, The 
mesomeres of the Dermaptera are penetrated individually by ectoder- 
mal exit ducts, which Qadri (1940) says are formed in Forficula dur- 
ing the second nymphal instar. The two ducts unite in a short com- 
mon duct that joins the vesicle of the earlier-formed vasa deferentia. 
Where the two mesomeres are united, the median lobe thus formed 
contains the ends of both ducts, or only one functional duct if the 
other is reduced. In the development of the higher insects, on the 
other hand, the phallic lobes are never penetrated by ducts; the com- 
mon ejaculatory duct is formed as an ectodermal ingrowth between 
the bases of the lobes, and, when the latter unite to form an aedeagus, 
the duct discharges through the aedeagal lumen. It is only in their 
earliest stage of development, therefore, that the phallic organs give 
evidence of their common origin from a pair of genital lobes, which 
in the mayflies still function as individual penes. 


V. ISOPTERA, EMBIOPTERA, ZORAPTERA, PLECOPTERA, 
PSOCOPTERA 


The members of these orders offer little of interest in a general 
study of the male genitalia. Ninth-segment styli are present in most 
of the Isoptera, but if the termites ever had phallic organs they have 
been greatly reduced or entirely suppressed. In a few species of 
Isoptera and Embioptera the ejaculatory duct opens on a small penis, 
but in neither order are parameres present. The Zoraptera have a 
small tripartite genital organ, with the genital opening on the base of 
the median prong. The Embioptera are characterized by the division 
of the ninth abdominal tergum into asymmetrical plates of various 
forms, and the presence of mesal lobes on the bases of the cerci. 

The Plecoptera have no styli or appendages of any kind on the 
ninth abdominal sternum. The ejaculatory duct discharges through 
a long, probably eversible endophallic sac, which opens either directly 
to the exterior or on a small penis. In Chloroperla, according to 
Qadri (1940), the penis is formed from a pair of small outgrowths in 
the anterior end of the genital chamber between the ninth and tenth 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


abdominal sterna, and each rudiment divides into a dorsal and a ven- 
tral lobe as in Orthoptera, 

In the Psocoptera there is a variously developed median genital 
organ, or aedeagus, and a pair of lateral arms on each side, generally 
termed the outer and inner parameres (see Badonnel, 1956, and Klier, 
1950). The inner parameres are probably branches of the outer 
parameres, but since, so far as the writer knows, the development of 
the organs has not been studied, we cannot be sure of their homolo- 
gies. Badonnel (1934), however, observes that since the parameres 
and the aedeagus are branches of the same trunk, they may be con- 
sidered as lobes having a common origin. A full account of the in- 
ternal and external genital organs of male Psocoptera, mating of the 
sexes, and insemination of the female by a spermatophore is given 


by Klier (1956). 


VI. ORTHOPTERA 


Among the orthopteroid insects ninth-segment styli occur in the 
males of Grylloblattidae, Blattidae, Mantidae, and Tettigoniidae. In 
the last three families the styli arise directly from the margin of the 
sternal plate, which presumably is a coxosternum. In Grylloblatta 
(fig. 5 A), however, the styli (Sty) are carried on large, asymmetrical 
coxal plates (Cx) movably articulated on the ninth sternum. Accord- 
ing to Walker (1943) the coxal plates are strongly musculated, but 
the styli have no muscles. There can be no question here that the 
coxal plates and styli are ninth-segment appendages corresponding 
with the coxal plates and styli of the ninth abdominal segment in 
Thysanura ; they have no anatomical relation to the phallic organs. 

The genital equipment of Grylloblatta consists of two soft lobes at 
the sides of the gonopore (fig. 5B). The short right lobe, or right 
phallomere (yPhm), has several irregular plates in its dorsal wall; the 
left lobe (JPhm) is a long, twisted, saclike structure. The rudiments 
of these organs in the nymph are shown by Walker (1922) to be a 
pair of low, rounded lobes (C, PhL) behind the ninth sternum. Since 
the adult organs are developed directly from these primary lobes, 
which evidently represent the phallic rudiments of other insects, the 
adult lobes are not equivalent to parameres, and are here termed 
simply phallomeres (phallic parts). 

The phallic organs of the Orthoptera in general present a great 
diversity of structure characteristic of the different families. From 
the studies of Qadri (1940) on the development of the genitalia in 
Blattidae, Tettigoniidae, and Acrididae, and the observations of other 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 21 


Fic. 5.—Orthoptera. 


A, Grylloblatta campodeiformis Walker, end of abdomen, left (from Walker, 
1922). B, same, end of abdomen with mature genital structures, posterior (from 
sketch by Walker). C, same, end of abdomen of half-grown male nymph (from 
Walker, 1922). D, Periplaneta americana (L.), primary phallic lobes of second- 
instar male nymph (from Qadri, 1940). E, same, genitalia of later nymphal 
instar, F, Blatta orientalis L., male genitalia of adult, dorsal. G, Blattella 
germanica (L.), male genitalia of adult, dorsal. 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


writers, it is probable that in all the orthopteroid insects the external 
genital organs arise from a single pair of primary rudiments. The 
primitive phallic lobes as generally seen in the nymph lie behind the 
ninth abdominal sternum and thus appear to belong to the tenth seg- 
ment. Though Else (1934) claimed to have traced them from the 
appendage buds on the tenth segment of the embryo in Melanoplus, 
his observation has not been verified. In a former paper on the 
structure of the adult organs of Orthoptera, the writer (1937) failed 
to observe their origins in the earliest instars. 

The two primary phallic lobes, according to Qadri in the families 
studied by him, split horizontally into four secondary lobes, two dor- 
sal and two ventral. These four phallomeres either remain as lobes 
surrounding the gonopore, or they become variously combined and 
elaborated into complex genital structures. A relatively simple con- 
dition is retained in the Mantidae and among the Blattidae in Blatta 
and Pertplaneta, In Periplaneta Qadri says the primary genital rudi- 
ments (fig. 5 D, PAL) are present in the base of the genital chamber 
in the newly hatched nymph. Later the primary lobes divide hori- 
zontally into four parts, which are at first dorsal and ventral, but the 
two lobes on the left unite (E), and finally in the adult of both 
Periplaneta and Blatta (F) they form a highly complex composite left 
phallomere (/Phm). The right dorsal phallomere (rPhm), armed 
with a hook and spines, overlaps the left phallomere, and with its 
base are associated a complex of plates in the wall of the genital 
chamber. These phallomeres serve as copulatory organs. The right 
ventral phallomere (vPhm) remains as a simple lobe beneath the 
gonopore, and probably manipulates the spermatophore. This type of 
genital apparatus undergoes many modifications in other blattid 
genera. 

A quite different type of genital structure is found in the genera 
Blattella, Supella, Ectobius, and Leucophaea. Here there are present 
only two, asymmetrical phallomeres (fig. 5G) sunken into pouches at 
the sides of a short, membranous median penis (Pen), through which 
opens an endophallic sac (Enph). In Leucophaea maderae, van Wyk 
(1952) says the left phallomere is first formed in the fourth-instar 
nymph as a lobelike outgrowth of the genital chamber wall above the 
ninth sternum; the rudiment of the right phallomere appears in the 
sixth instar. The membranous median penis is formed “by an evagi- 
nation of the genital chamber wall around the mouth of the ductus 
ejaculatorius,’ and “could not be identified in the nymphal stages.” 
It is interesting to note that in this group of blattids the genitalia’ 
resemble those of Grylloblatta in that there is only one pair of phal- 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 23 


lomeres, apparently developed directly from phallic lobes of the 
nymph. 

The development of the genital organs in the Orthoptera from a 
single pair of rudiments leaves no doubt that in their origin the geni- 
talia of Orthoptera are homologous with those of other insects. In 
their later growth, however, they follow special lines of development, 
giving rise to adult structures having no counterparts in other orders. 
The primary phallic lobes may develop directly into a pair of phal- 
lomeres, and though more commonly each divides into two parts, the 
resulting four phallomeres never form a typical aedeagus and para- 
meres. The Orthoptera are genitalic individualists, 


VII. HEMIPTERA (RHYNCHOTA) 


It is difficult to give an intelligible general account of the male 
genitalia in this order because of their apparent differences in differ- 
ent groups. The genital parts have consequently been variously in- 
terpreted and named by taxonomists according to what particular 
theory of homology is accepted. That the structural differences in 
the organs are more apparent than real, however, can be deduced from 
comparative studies of selected forms and from what is known of 
the development of the organs. 

In most of the Homoptera a pair of parameres is more or less 
closely associated with the aedeagus, and the three parts are developed 
from a pair of typical phallic rudiments. The primary phallic lobes 
are said by Qadri (1949) to be visible from the very onset of post- 
embryonic development. They arise behind the ninth abdominal 
sternum, are innervated from the tenth-segment ganglion, and there- 
fore must belong to the tenth segment. Other writers have commonly 
referred the phallic organs of the Homoptera to the ninth segment 
of the abdomen, and some regard them as derivations of ninth- 
segment appendages; but these writers have given no evidence in 
support of theories that are not in accord with the facts of devel- 
opment. 

The ninth abdominal sternum of some Homoptera bears a pair of 
lobes of various length, called “subgenital plates.” Pruthi (1925a), 
after showing that the aedeagus and the parameres develop from one 
pair of primary lobes and the subgenital plates from an entirely dis- 
tinct pair, says: “The subgenital plates seem to be the coxites of the 
ninth sternum; and both the aedeagus and the parameres, derived 
from a primitive single pair of appendages, correspond to the endop- 
odites.”” To discredit any such idea as this, we have only to refer 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


back to the Thysanura to see that the phallic rudiments have no con- 
nection with the ninth-segment coxal plates, which latter are supposed 
to be represented in the homopteron by the subgenital plates. There 
is little evidence that the subgenital plates are other than mere lobes 
of the ninth sternum, though they may be flexibly attached on the 
latter. If they are ninth-segment appendages, then the common inter- 
pretation that the parameres are “coxites” becomes untenable. 

A relatively simple condition of the homopterous genitalia, in which 
the parameres are closely associated with the base of the aedeagus, 
is seen in the Indian cicadellid Idiocerus atkinsoni, described by 
Pruthi (1925b). The aedeagus (fig. 6B, Aed) is a long slender organ, 
for most of its length adnate on the dorsal wall of the genital cham- 
ber; proximally it is supported on a median basal plate (BP). The 
two long, divergent parameres (Pmr) are articulated on the basal 
plate of the aedeagus, which appears to serve as a fulcrum for their 
movement by muscles attached on basal apodemal arms (Ap). In 
addition to these phallic organs there is a pair of long narrow sub- 
genital lobes (A, sgl) flexibly attached on the ventral arc of the 
ninth sternum (JXS). 

The development of the genitalia of Idiocerus has been shown by 
Pruthi (1925b) to proceed in the usual manner from a pair of 
primary phallic rudiments (“‘paramere” lobes) that divide and even- 
tually form the aedeagus and parameres. The subgenital plates are 
outgrowths from the ninth abdominal sternum. Metcalfe (1932b) 
likewise describes the origin of the aedeagus and parameres in the 
cercopid Philaenus spumarius from a pair of ectodermal outgrowths 
that appear in an early nymphal stage at the sides of the gonopore 
(fig. 6J, PhL). Ata later stage (K) each primary lobe divides 
into two secondary lobes, mesomeres (Mmr) and parameres (Pmr), 
and still later the mesomeres unite to form the aedeagus. Both 
Pruthi and Metcalfe contend that the phallic lobes and the subgenital 
plates pertain to the ninth segment, and conclude that they represent 
respectively the “telopodites” and “‘coxites” of this segment. Qadri 
(1949), on the other hand, regards the phallic lobes of Hemiptera 
as belonging to the tenth segment, and as having thus no relation to 
the subgenital plates of the ninth segment. Since there is no con- 
crete evidence of any anatomical relation of the phallic rudiments with 
the subgenital plates or other appendages of the ninth segment, we 
may accept the developmental facts as described by these writers, and 
pass over their theoretical interpretations. 

Since the aedeagus and parameres are developed from common 
rudiments, a close association of the three parts, as in Idiocerus (fig. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 25 


Fic. 6.—Homoptera. 


A, Idiocerus atkinsoni Leth. (Cicadellidae), ninth and tenth abdominal seg- 
ments, lateral, with subgenital lobe of left side. B, same, aedeagus and para- 
meres, ventral. C, Stictocephala bubalus (Fab.) (Membracidae), aedeagus and 
parameres, ventral. D, Megameles sp. (Delphacidae), abdomen. E, same, end of 
abdomen, posterior. F, Perigrinus maidis (Ashm.) (Delphacidae), end of abdo- 
men, posterior. G, Poblicia fuliginosa (Oliv.) (Fulgoridae), end of abdomen, 
left. H, same, showing parameral apodemes convergent to end of aedeagal 
apodeme, anterior. I, Laternaria sp. (Fulgoridae), right paramere and muscles, 
mesal. J, Philaenus spumarius L, (Cercopidae), section through primary phallic 
lobes of young nymph (from Metcalfe, 1932b). K, same, later stage, primary 
lobes divided into mesomeres and parameres (from Metcalfe, 1932b). 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


6B), must represent the retention of a relatively primitive condi- 
tion in the adult. In some other Homoptera, however, the parameres 
become displaced laterally from the aedeagus (C) and lose their con- 
nection with the basal plate of the latter. In still others the para- 
meres become movably seated on the margin of the ninth sternum, 
as in the Delphacidae (D, E, F), in which they are articulated close 
together (E, F, Pmr) on the ventral rim of the ninth segment. From 
this position the parameres may be supposed capable of moving out- 
ward to the lateral parts of the segment. Thus we find in the Ful- 
goridae (G) a pair of large clasper lobes (Pmr) arising from the 
sides of the ninth segment. In this position the parameres are readily 
mistaken for ninth-segment appendages (“‘coxites”). Qadri (1949) 
asserts that the fulgorid claspers, in fact, are not derived from the 
phallic rudiments, but are formed at a later stage of development, 
and are therefore ninth-segment appendages. However, the fulgorid 
claspers (I) have the structure and musculature of the parameres in 
other families, and the evidence of lateral displacement of the para- 
meres is too evident to be discounted. The apodemes of the fulgorid 
claspers, moreover, converge to the end of the median aedeagal 
apodeme (H, Apa). 

The aedeagus of the Homoptera presents numerous modifications 
and complexities of structure in different families and genera, but 
with its features we need not be concerned in the present discussion. 

In the Heteroptera there is present in most families a pair of small 
movable appendages borne on the ninth abdominal segment well 
separated from the aedeagus. Typical examples are shown on figure 
7 at G, H, K, L (Pmr). According to Qadri (1949) these appen- 
dages are developed in the last nymphal stage quite independent of 
the phallic lobes, and are therefore styli of the ninth segment. Dupuis 
(1955), however, questions the accuracy of Qadri’s observations, and 
he interprets the heteropterous claspers as displaced phallic parameres. 
A comparative study of the genital organs in different families will 
bear out Dupuis’s conclusions, and it seems hardly probable that 
claspers should be developed from two different sources in the same 
order. 

A simple condition of the genital organs among the Heteroptera 
is seen in the nymph of Cimicidae (fig. 7D). Here there is a simple 
median aedeagus (Aed) flanked by a pair of small parameres (Pmr). 
The three parts are shown by Christophers and Cragg (1922) to be 
developed from a pair of primitive phallic lobes (A, PhL) that first 
appear on a young nymph between the ninth and tenth abdominal 
segments. With further development each lobe divides into a meso- 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 27 


Fic. 7.—Heteroptera. 


A-E, Cimesx lectularius L., development of the phallic organs (from Christo- 
phers and Cragg, 1922). A, nymph at end of penultimate instar, ventral; B, 
later stage; C, last instar; D, later stage of same; E, near end of last instar, 
ventral. F, Naucoris cimicoides (L.), aedeagus, parameres, and dorsally reflected 
end of ninth sternum, dorsal. G, Euschistus servis (Say), end of abdomen, 
dorsal. H, Anasa tristis (DeG.), end of abdomen, dorsal. I, Euschistus vario- 
larius (P. de B.), paramere. J, Anasa tristis (DeG.), paramere. K, Hesperola- 
bops picta (H., M., and P.), end of abdomen, dorsal. L, Notonecta variabilis 
(Fieb.), ninth abdominal segment and proctiger, left. 


28 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


mere and a paramere (B); later the mesomeres unite to form the 
aedeagus (C, D). Finally the left paramere (E, /Pmr) becomes long 
and sharp-pointed, serving the adult male as an instrument (formerly 
called the “penis’”) for piercing the integument of the female to 
allow the injection of sperm from the aedeagus. There is no question 
that the parameres of the bedbug are phallic derivations. 

In Naucoris cimicoides (fig. 7 F) the slender aedeagus (Aed) is 
closely embraced by a pair of arms (Pmr) that unquestionably ap- 
pear to be parameres. They are so interpreted by Rawat (1939), 
who says they arise in the same way as the parameres of Homoptera, 
and that one of the basal muscles of each organ is attached on a 
ridge connecting the paramere with the base of the aedeagus. There 
is thus no doubt that the claspers of Naucoris are true parameres. 
In the adult, however, they are displaced from the aedeagus and are 
articulated on the margin of the dorsally reflected posterior part of 
the ninth sternum (F, /XS). 

The secondary articulation of the parameres on the edge of the 
ninth sternum, which occurs in many insects, gives these appendages 
a fulcrum for more effective movement, and, once established, there 
is nothing to prevent their migration to a more lateral position. Thus 
among the Heteroptera we find the parameres in various degrees 
separated from the aedeagus (fig. 7G, H) until they come to have 
the appearance of being appendages of the ninth sternum (K, L). 
Regardless of their position, however, the parameres have the same 
structure (IF, I, J), each being produced basally into a muscle-bearing 
apodeme. We may conclude, therefore, that in all the Hemiptera the 
claspers, whatever their position may be in the adult, are phallic 
parameres. 


VIII. COLEOPTERA 


The male genital organ of the beetles is characteristically a tripartite 
structure composed of the aedeagus and parameres supported on a 
proximal plate, or phallobase. The shape and relative size of the 
parts are highly variable in different species. The terms here used 
are not those commonly found in the nomenclature of coleopterists, 
in which the phallobase is the “basal piece,” the phallobase and the 
parameres together the “tegmen,” the parameres the “lateral lobes,” 
and the aedeagus the “median lobe” or “penis.” According to a cur- 
rent theory of genital homologies, however, as reflected in a paper by 
Wood (1952) on Coleoptera, the phallobase is the “gonocoxite” and 
the parameres are “gonostyli.’ This nomenclature presupposes a 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 29 


relation of the parts so named to the ninth-segment appendages of 
Thysanura, which is not borne out by the known development of the 
genital organs in Coleoptera, as in other insects, from a single pair 
of primary phallic rudiments. It may be noted here again that the 
term paramere was first given by Verhoeff (1893) to the lateral 
phallic lobes of Coleoptera, and thus has unquestioned priority for 
these structures, though it has been applied to various other parts of 
the genitalia. 

The phallobase in what is probably its generalized form is an 
elongate ventral plate (fig. 8 B, Phb) with its margins folded dor- 
sally (A), and sometimes fused in a complete arch over the base of 
the aedeagus (F, 1). However, it may be reduced to a small basal 
collar (C). In other cases the phallobase becomes a narrow U-shaped 
band (F) curved over the base of the aedeagus (Aed) with long arms 
carrying the parameres (Pmr). As a modification of this form it 
may take that of a V (G) enlarged around the aedeagus (H). In 
some species the phallobase is provided with a large apodeme (I, J, 
Apb) giving attachment to strong muscles (1, mcl) of the parameres. 

The parameres are of various sizes and shapes; in some species 
they are movably articulated on the phallobase (fig. 8A, B, C, F, 
Pmr), in others they are continuous with it (G, H, I). In a few 
species parameres are absent. The aedeagus is usually a sclerotic 
tube lying between the parameres (A, B, C, Aed), or between the 
arms of the phallobase (F, H). It may be provided with a pair of 
long aedeagal apodemes (A, H, Apa). In Phyllophaga (1) there is 
a single aedeagal apodeme covered by the apodeme of the phallobase 
(Apb). The aedeagus contains an eversible endophallus, which when 
everted appears as a simple sac, or vesica, or as a long tube that 
becomes the functional intromittent organ, or penis, with the gonopore 
at its apex. 

The development of the male genitalia of Coleoptera from a single 
pair of primary phallic rudiments has been described by Kerschner 
(1913) and by Pruthi (1924) in Tenebrio molitor L., by Metcalfe 
(1932a) in Sitodrepa panicea L., by Pradhan (1949) in Anthrenus 
fasciatus Herbst, and by Srivastava (1953) in Triboliwm castaneum 
Herbst. 

In the larva of Tenebrio molitor, according to Pruthi, there ap- 
pears just behind the ninth abdominal sternum a small pocket in the 
body wall with a minute external opening. The lateral walls of the 
pocket become thickened, and when the larva is almost fully grown 
the thickenings project into the lumen of the pocket as a pair of 
conspicuous budlike lobes. On the approach of pupation each bud 


30 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Fic. 8.—Coleoptera. 


A, Ceruchus striatus Lec. (Lucanidae), phallus, dorsal. B, same, ventral. 
C, Ceratognathus niger Westw. (Lucanidae), phallus, dorsal. D, Stegobium 
(Sitodrepa) paniceum (L.) (Anobiidae), horizontal section of phallic lobes of 
prepupa (from Metcalfe, 1932a). E, same at later stage, phallic lobes divided 
into mesomeres and parameres (from Metcalfe, 1932a). F, Stenotrachelus 
aeneus Payk. (Serropalpidae), ninth abdominal segment and protruding phallic 
organs, left. G, Cerambycid sp.?, phallobase and parameres, dorsal. H, same, 
with aedeagus, ventral. I, Phyllophaga chiriquina (Bates) (Scarabiidae), 
phallic organs, left. J, Pseudolecanus capriolus (L.) (Lucanidae), phallic organs 
in functional position, left. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS oil 


splits into two lobes, forming thus two pairs of processes which are 
the rudiments of the aedeagus and the parameres of the mature organ. 
During pupation the genital pocket enlarges and its inner end everts, 
carrying with it the four genital lobes, which thus come to be borne 
on an undivided basal stalk (the future phallobase). The median 
lobes, which are grooved on their opposed surfaces, now come to- 
gether and unite, first along their dorsal margins and then ventrally, 
producing in this manner a tubular organ, which is the aedeagus. The 
lateral lobes develop directly into the parameres. 

The development of the genital organs of the anobiid Sitodrepa 
panicea as described by Metcalfe is very similar to that of Tenebrio. 
In the larval stage a depression of the body wall is formed behind the 
ninth abdominal sternum, from which, in the pupal stage, a median 
ingrowth becomes the ejaculatory duct. Then there arises at the sides 
of the mouth of the duct a pair of ectodermal outgrowths (fig. 8 D, 
PhL), which are the primary genital rudiments. Each rudiment soon 
divides by a vertical cleft into a pair of secondary lobes (EK). Then 
the lobes of the inner pair (Mmrs) fuse along their dorsal and 
ventral margins to form the aedeagus, the lateral lobes become the 
parameres (Pmr). In beetles that have no parameres, such as Gas- 
teriodea polygoni L. and Anthonomus pomorum L., Metcalfe says 
the primary genital lobes fuse to form the aedeagus without any 
preliminary division, 

Though neither Pruthi nor Metcalfe appear to have any doubt 
that the genital organs of Coleoptera belong to the ninth abdominal 
segment, it is to be noted that they both describe the rudiments as 
arising in a pocket behind the ninth sternum. It might be suspected, 
therefore, that the organs really pertain to the venter of the reduced 
tenth segment. Ninth-segment styli are not present in any adult 
Coleoptera, but Pruthi describes a pair of small styluslike papillae on 
the posterior margin of the ninth sternum in the larva of Tenebrio, 
which are lost at pupation. He regards these structures as “coxites” 
of the ninth segment, but he states significantly that they have no 
connection with the genital rudiments. 


IX. MEGALOPTERA 


In this group we first encounter a two-segmented structure of the 
genital claspers, which is characteristic also of the Trichoptera, 
Mecoptera, orthorrhaphous Diptera, and some Hymenoptera. De- 
velopmental studies of the genital organs in Trichoptera, Diptera, and 
Hymenoptera have shown that the claspers in these orders are formed 


32 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


from lateral branches of the primary phallic lobes, and that the seg- 
mentation results from a secondary constriction in the primarily un- 
divided clasper. The claspers in these orders are therefore phallic 
parameres, though they have generally been called “coxites” and 
“styli’” on the theory that they represent the ninth-segment append- 
ages of Thysanura. A theory, however, cannot take precedence over 
the known facts of development. The two segments of the holo- 
metabolous parameres were termed by Crampton (1942) basimeres 
and distimeres, but linguistically telomere should be preferable to the 
hybrid “distimere.” 

Since apparently no studies have been made on the development 
of the genital organ in the Megaloptera or other Neuroptera, we must 
depend on comparative anatomy for an interpretation of homologies. 
The close association of the claspers with the aedeagus in some adult 
Megaloptera, however, leaves little doubt that the three parts are 
derived from common rudiments as in other insects. 

In the species of Aguila illustrated at C of figure 9 the male genital 
complex consists of a pair of large, two-segmented parameres and a 
thick, bottle-shaped aedeagus. The long basimeres (Bmr) embrace 
the aedeagus (Aed) and are closely connected with its base, but 
laterally they are attached to the margins of the ninth segment (A). 
The movable telomeres (C, Tmr) are each articulated on the end 
of an internal ridge of the basimere (B, 77) and equipped with ab- 
ductor and adductor muscles. Ventrally from the bases of the para- 
meres two narrow sclerotic ridges converge into the under wall of 
the aedeagus (C) and follow the edges of a median groove of the 
latter to its distal end. The lateral walls of the aedeagus are formed 
by two long plates. The phallotreme is a transverse aperture at the 
apex of the aedeagus, and opens from a large, probably eversible, 
endophallic sac. 

The genital organ of Agulla adnixa (fig. 9D) is similar to that 
of the species just described, but the parameres and the aedeagus are 
broadly continuous at their bases, Where they separate there is at- 
tached ventrally on each side a hooked triangular plate (a). In Agulla 
arizonica (E, F) each plate has a thick posterior arm. These plates 
are termed “fragmenta of the coxopodites” by Ferris and Penne- 
baker (1939), but in A. arizonica (G) they arise distinctly from the 
base of the aedeagus. Michener (1944) likens the plates to the clasp- 
ettes of Diptera and the volsellae of Hymenoptera, but they are not 
comparable to either of these structures, both of which are associated 
with the parameres. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 33 


Fic. 9.—Megaloptera. 


A, Agulla sp., end of abdomen, left. B, right telomere and muscles from 
basimere, mesal. C, same, phallic organs, ventral. D, Agulla adnixa (Hagen), 
phallic organs, ventral. E. Aguila arizonica Banks, phallic organs, ventral. F, 
same, end of abdomen, left. G, same, ninth abdominal tergum and aedeagus, left, 
parameres removed. H, Corydalus cornutus (L.), end of abdomen, ventral. 
I, same, end of abdomen, lateral. J, same, ninth abdominal tergum and para- 
meres, dorsal. K, same, right telomere and muscles from basimere, mesal. 

a, a, accessory phallic plates. 


34 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


In Corydalus cornutus the parameres are highly developed, but 
the aedeagus is greatly reduced and is scarcely perceptible as a distinct 
organ. The basimere of each paramere is a large lateral plate (fig. 
91, Bmr) attached to the narrow ninth segment, which is mostly 
concealed within the eighth segment. Dorsally (J) the basimeres are 
separated only by a median tongue of the ninth tergum (JXT), but 
ventrally (H) a wide sternal plate intervenes between their lower 
margin. The basimeres each bear two pairs of arms (I, J), a long, 
forcipate dorsal pair (dl) and a shorter ventral pair (vl). The two 
arms on each side, however, are branches of a single telomere as 
shown by the fact that they arise from a common base (K) inflected 
into the end of the basimere, on which two large muscles are attached. 

The genital structure of Agulla is cited by Michener (1944) as 
showing that “the gonocoxites, gonostyli, and the penis are clearly 
homologous with those of Machilis”’ The likeness between the two, 
however, must be visible only to one whose vision is clarified in the 
light of a theory. The “gonocoxites” and the penis of Machilis have 
quite separate origins, and even in the adult there is no actual con- 
nection of the coxal plates with the penis. The demonstrated origin 
of the parameres and the aedeagus in other holometabolous insects 
from a common pair of rudiments is good reason for believing that 
the closely associated claspers and aedeagus of the adult Agulla 
had a like origin, and that the megalopterous claspers are phallic 
parameres. 

The genitalia of the Planipennia do not resemble those of the 
Megaloptera, and are difficult to understand. The principal clasping 
organs in some families are a pair of large, variously armed lobes 
articulated on the dorsal part of the ninth abdominal segment. Ferris 
(1940) refers these lobes to the tenth segment, and Carpenter (1940) 
calls them “anal plates.” The small aedeagus is supported on a trans- 
verse plate in the floor of the genital chamber, which Carpenter calls 
the tenth sternum, and it may be such. A similar plate arched over 
the base of the aedeagus in the mantispid Climaceiella is the “coxo- 
podite” of Ferris (1940). In reference to the same species Michener 
says ‘a sclerotic arch extends between the bases of the gonocoxites 
over the aedeagus,” which “appears to be a fusion product of the 
bases of the gonocoxites.” The union of the bases of a pair of legs 
behind the sternum of their segment would be a rare anatomical 
event, but, as we shall see, the parameres of the higher insects are 
frequently connected by an interparameral bridge. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 35 


X. TRICHOPTERA 


The trichopterous genitalia include a median aedeagus and a pair 
of lateral parameres. The parameres are articulated on the posterior 
margin of the ninth abdominal segment (fig. 10 A, E) and are 
musculated from the sternum (C, E). In some families the parameres 
are undivided lobes (E, Pmr), in others they are distinctly two-seg- 
mented (A) and the telomere is provided with antagonistic muscles 
arising in the basimere (C). Because of the apparent relation of the 
parameres to the ninth abdominal segment, as seen from the side, the 
parameres are commonly regarded as gonopods of this segment, and 
their parts are called “gonocoxites” and “‘gonostyli.” This interpreta- 
tion, however, ignores the ontogenetic evidence of the origin of the 
claspers in common with the aedeagus from a pair of primary phallic 
rudiments, and their subsequent lateral migration to the sides of the 
ninth segment. 

The development of the trichopterous male genitalia has been fully 
described for species of Limnophila by Zander (1901). The first 
rudiments of the organs appear toward the end of the larval period, 
when there is to be seen in sections just behind the ventral margin 
of the ninth abdominal segment a small, flask-shaped pouch. From 
the inner wall of the pouch there grows out a pair of small lobes. 
Then, on the median dorsal wall of each lobe a vertical cleft is formed, 
by which the primary lobe is partly divided into two secondary lobes 
(fig. to F, Pmr, Mmr). The cleft deepens until each primary lobe is 
completely divided (G), while the pouch becomes wider. The two 
median lobes quickly unite to form the aedeagus (Aed) ; the lateral 
lobes, or parameres (Pmr), however, move slowly toward the side 
walls of the pouch and become broad, flat appendages (‘‘valvae” of 
Zander) projecting outside the pouch. When the larva begins to 
change to the pupa, the genital pouch flattens out, bringing the para- 
meres and the aedeagus to the outer surface of the body. The base of 
the aedeagus, however, becomes surrounded by a circular ingrowth 
of the body wall, which is the aedeagal pocket of the adult. This 
account by Zander shows clearly that the trichopterous claspers are 
parameres derived with the aedeagus from a pair of primary phallic 
lobes, and that their lateral position in the adult is secondary. 

Further evidence of the phallic nature of the trichopterous claspers 
may be seen in the fact that the two basimeres are often connected in 
the adult by a broad sclerotic bridge (fig. 10 B, pmB) in the ventral 
wall of the genital chamber below the base of the aedeagus. Close 
behind the bridge is a dorsally inflected posterior part of the ninth 


36 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Fic. 10.—Trichoptera. 


A, Neuronia semifasciata (Say), end of abdomen, left. B, same, end of abdo- 
men, posterior. C, same, right paramere and muscles, mesal. D, aedeagus and 
crypt, left. E, Platycentropus maculipennis Rambur, end of abdomen, left. F, 
Limnophilus bipunctatus, genital pocket with primary phallic lobes dividing into 
mesomeres and parameres (from Zander, 1901). G, same, later stage, phallic 
lobes completely divided, mesomeres united to form aedeagus (from Zander, 
IQOI). 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 3/7 


sternum (JXS). It is evident, therefore, that in such species the 
parameres have simply expanded their united bases along the margin 
of the sternum until their free parts have attained a lateral position on 
the ninth segment. In both their development and in their adult 
structure the trichopterous claspers attest that they are not primarily 
ninth-segment appendages. The position of the parameral bridge 
immediately adjoining the reflected posterior margin of the ninth 
abdominal sternum (B, /XS) is suggestive that the bridge is derived 
from the tenth sternum. From the middle of the bridge a lobe (ful) 
extends upward and supports the lower rim of the aedeagal pouch 
(Crpt). This lobe is the “juxta” of lepidopterists ; it appears to serve 
as a fulcrum for the movement of the aedeagus. 

The aedeagus of the Trichoptera is a large sclerotic organ (fig. 
10 D) arising from a pouch, or aedeagal crypt (Crpt), of the genital 
chamber wall above the parameral bridge (B, pmB). The aedeagus 
of Neuronia (D) in the nonfunctional position is ensheathed in a 
groove on the ventral side of the tenth segment (A, X). In some 
species long processes arise from the base of the aedeagus, which may 
be dorsal, ventral, or lateral (E, Prph). These aedeagal processes 
have been called “‘titillators” and “parameres,”’ but, as suggested in 
the Introduction, such structures might be termed paraphyses. 

The tenth segment often has a pair of appendicular processes of 
various forms and sizes arising from its base. In Neuroma (fig. 
10 A) these processes are long, slender lateral arms, suggesting by 
their position the so-called “socii” of Lepidoptera, but it seems 
improbable that they are cerci. 


XI. LEPIDOPTERA 


The genitalia of Lepidoptera have many features in common with 
those of Trichoptera, particularly in the presence of large lateral 
parameres (“harpes,” “valvae’) articulated on the ninth abdominal 
segment, and in the partial ensheathment of the aedeagus in a pouch 
of the genital chamber wall. Furthermore, the bases of the para- 
meres may be confluent in an interparameral bridge behind the margin 
of the ninth sternum. 

In some Lepidoptera, as in Carpocapsa (fig. 11 A), though the 
parameres (Pmr) are attached laterally on the ninth abdominal 
sternum, their bases converge medially behind the sternum (B) and 
are here articulated on a small median plate (BP) in the floor of the 
genital chamber. From this plate an arm (ful) extends upward and 
forks around the mouth of the aedeagal pouch. The base of the 


38 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


— 


= ——— 


Fic. 11.—Lepidoptera. 


A, Carpocapsa pomonella (L.), terminal abdominal segments and genital 
structures, left. B, same, genitalia, ventral. C, same, right paramere, mesal. 
D, Bombyx mori (L.), genitalia and ninth abdominal sternum, ventral. E, 
Malacosoma americanum (F.), end of abdomen, posterior. F, Promalactis 
holozona Meyrick, left paramere, mesal. G, Sepsis artica (Freyer), basal part 
of right paramere, mesal. H, Pseudoletia umipuncta (Haw.), left paramere, 
mesal. I, Feltia herilis (Grote), right paramere, mesal. J, Heliothis phloxiphaga 
Grt. and Rob., left paramere, mesal. 

a, b, prongs of mesal armature of paramere; c, plate in mesal wall of paramere. 


NO. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 39 


aedeagus is thus dissociated from the interparameral plate only by 
being sunken into a pouch above it. Otherwise the plate supporting 
the aedeagal pouch is quite comparable to the basal plate of the 
aedeagus in those Homoptera in which the parameres are articulated 
on it (fig. 6B). The articulation of the parameres on the basal plate 
that supports the aedeagus in Carpocapsa suggests that the parameres 
and the aedeagus have a common origin as in other insects. The flexor 
muscles of the lepidopterous parameres are shown by Forbes (1939) 
to arise on the inner face of the supporting plate of the aedeagus; in 
Carpocapsa these muscles (fig. 11 B) arise on the branches of the 
arm that embrace the aedeagal pouch. 

The arm of the basal plate that supports the aedeagal pouch (fig. 
11 B, ful) is the juxta of lepidopterists, but the word “‘juxta” is an 
adverb and not a noun in Latin. The arm apparently serves as a 
prop for the movement of the aedeagus, and is here termed the 
aedeagal fulcrum. 

In some other lepidopterous families, as seen in Bombyx (fig. 
11D), the bases of the parameres are united in an interparameral 
bridge (pmB) lying close to the margin of the ninth sternum, as in 
the trichopteron Neuronia (fig. 10 B). In Bombyx, however, there 
is no fulcral arm from the bridge to the aedeagal pouch. 

An interesting condition is seen in Malacosoma (fig. 11 E), show- 
ing the extent to which modification may be carried without disrupt- 
ing the fundamental plan of structure. The parameral bridge (pmB) 
with the aedeagal fulcrum (ful) has the shape of a W, the lateral 
arms of which extend far above the level of the aedeagal pouch, 
where they support a pair of short, rodlike parameres (Pmr). The 
ventral part of the ninth sternum (JX) is a large plate beneath the 
bridge with its posterior end reflected forming a pocket like the toe 
of aslipper. The eighth sternum (VJIIS) projects ventrally beyond 
the ninth and is produced upward in a pair of long, tapering lateral 
arms behind the ninth segment. 

Studies on the developmental origin of the lepidopterous claspers 
are not all in harmony. Mehta (1932, 1933) claimed that the phallic 
rudiments in Pieris and other species, which appear in the fourth 
larval instar, unite to form only the aedeagus. The rudiments of the 
claspers (valvae) he says are formed later than the aedeagal lobes 
toward the end of the larval period as thickenings of the lateral walls 
of the genital chamber. Mehta contends, therefore, that the claspers 
are appendages of the ninth abdominal segment. 

On the other hand, Zander (1903), and Rakshpal (1944) say that 
both the claspers and the aedeagus of species they studied are de- 


40 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


veloped from a single pair of phallic rudiments as in other insects. 
According to Zander, in Paraponyx stratiolarius a pair of genital 
rudiments first appears in a small flask-shaped pouch on the ventral 
region of the ninth abdominal segment toward the end of the larval 
period. The lobes divide in the usual manner into four secondary 
lobes; those of the median pair unite to form the aedeagus. The 
lateral lobes move posteriorly on the walls of the pouch, and when 
the latter opens out, as the larva enters the pupal stage, these lobes 
are carried to the exterior, where they grow quickly into strong 
appendages, which are the parameres (valvae) of the adult. Like- 
wise Rakshpal finds that in Galleria and Acroia both the aedeagus 
and the parameres are formed by the splitting of a pair of primary 
phallic rudiments. The parameral lobes (valvae) he says become 
separated from the aedeagus shortly before pupation. It seems fair 
to conclude that Mehta failed to observe the lateral displacement of 
the clasper rudiments, and that the lepidopterous valvae are truly 
phallic derivatives, and are therefore parameres as in Trichoptera. 
The close association of the parameral bases with the aedeagus in 
the adult supports this conclusion. 

The parameres of Lepidoptera are highly variable in shape and 
relative size, but there is no division into a basimere and a muscularly 
movable telomere as in many of the Trichoptera (fig. 10 C). On the 
mesal surface of each paramere in many lepidopterous families, how- 
ever, is an armature consisting of one or two variously developed 
processes, with which is associated a long muscle arising in the base 
of the paramere (fig. 11 F, G, H, I, a, b). 

A typical example of the parameral armature is seen in Sepsis 
arctica (fig. 11 G). Here there is a long, strong, tapering distal proc- 
ess (a) turned ventrally from a thickened base with a proximal exten- 
sion apparently articulated on the end of an elongate plate (c) in the 
mesal wall of the paramere. A slender dorsal recurved arm of the 
plate bears a small second free process (b). In the notch between 
the plate and its arm is attached a large muscle (mcl) from the ex- 
treme base of the paramere. In the genus Pseudoletia (H) there 
are two very small processes arising side by side, with the muscle 
attached on one of them. In Feltia herilis (1) the single, hooked 
process has a basal arm on which the muscle is attached, but it is 
little movable on the paramere. An unusual structure is seen in 
Promalactis holozona (F) in which the parameral armature consists 
of a single, long, sharply elbowed arm ending in two tapering prongs. 
This appendage is articulated on the paramere, and evidently is 
movable by the muscle attached on its base. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS AI 


The parameral armature was termed the “stylus’ by Warren 
(1926), who illustrated it in numerous species of Hesperiidae. Most 
lepidopterists call the major process the “clasper,” and the smaller 
one the “ampulla” because it is sometimes enlarged at the end. The 
presence of a muscle associated with these structures, sometimes 
attached directly on the base of the major process, might suggest 
that the latter is the telomere of a two-segmented paramere displaced 
proximally on the mesal surface. However, in most cases the prongs 
seem to be firmly fixed on the parameral surface, and to have only 
an indirect connection with the muscle. Yet it is difficult to account 
for the presence of a muscle within the paramere if it has no homo- 
logue in other orders. Forbes (1939) says the muscle of the clasper 
is “found in every member examined of the Lepidoptera which has 
a functional valve.” The writer, however, has failed to see the muscle 
in such forms as Carpocapsa (fig. 11 C) and Heliothis (J), which 
have no parameral armature. 


XII. MECOPTERA 


The mecopterous genitalia resemble those of Trichoptera that have 
large, two-segmented claspers borne on the ninth abdominal segment. 
In Panorpa (fig. 12 A) the oval basal segments (Bmr) of the claspers 
are set into deep emarginations of the ninth-segment annulus; the 
hooklike distal segments (Tmr) are articulated on the basal segments 
and are provided with abductor and adductor muscles (C). The ter- 
gum of the ninth segment is produced into a pair of short arms; the 
sternal region bears two long subgenital lobes (sgl) projecting pos- 
teriorly. The aedeagus is a complex structure (G) between the bases 
of the claspers. 

Most students of the mecopterous genitalia, including Ferris and 
Rees (1939), Grell (1942), and Tjeder (1956), have regarded the 
panorpid claspers as gonopods of the ninth abdominal segment com- 
posed of “gonocoxites” and “gonostyli.” In this they conform with the 
terminology formerly used by the writer (1935), which is here dis- 
carded as no longer tenable. Apparently no studies have been made 
on the development of the mecopterous genitalia, but when we turn 
from Panorpa to Merope a condition is found strongly suggestive that 
the claspers are phallic parameres. In Merope tuber the claspers are 
long, slender, two-segmented arms (fig. 12 D) ; their bases converge 
above the ninth sternum and are united above and below the aedeagus 
(E, Aed), which is mostly invaginated between them. Crampton 
(1931) noted that the claspers of Nannochorista appear to be solidly 


42 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


united, and Michener (1944) says the claspers of Apterobittacus, Bit- 
tacus, and Panorpa “are fused both above and below the base of the 
aedeagus, encircling a genital foramen,” but he appears to attach no 
significance to this fact. Yet it is evident that there is here an inti- 


Fic. 12.—Mecoptera. 


A, Panorpa sp., end of male abdomen, left. B, same, ninth abdominal segment 
and parameres, dorsal. C, same, paramere with muscles of telomere. D, Merope 
tuber Newm., end of abdomen, and parameres, dorsal. E, same, united bases of 
parameres and end of aedeagus. F, same, aedeagus, dorsal. G, Panorpa sp., 
aedeagus. 


mate association of the claspers with the aedeagus characteristic of 
insects in which the claspers are known to be developed from lateral 
lobes of the phallic rudiments. From anatomical evidence, therefore, 
we can hardly avoid the conclusion that the claspers of Mecoptera are 
phallic parameres, which, as in Trichoptera, may be more or less dis- 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 43 


placed laterally on the margin of the ninth segment. Though Cramp- 
ton (1931) regarded the mecopterous claspers as “gonocoxites,” he 
later (1942) asserted that they must be parameres as in related ho- 
lometabolous insects. 

The aedeagus of Merope tuber (fig. 12 F) is an oval, capsulelike 
structure with a pair of long, dorsal basal arms, pointed lateral lobes, 
and two tapering, spine-bearing distal processes. It is mostly enclosed 
by the united bases of the parameral basimeres (E, Aed). In Panorpa 
the aedeagus is highly variable in different species. In the species 
shown at G of the figure it is a flattened structure with tapering 
lateral processes and a pair of posterior arms. Surrounding the base 
is a narrow U-shaped sclerotization in the supporting membrane, the 
arms of which are produced into a pair of free processes at the sides 
of the aedeagus. These processes have been called “parameres,” but 
since no strictly comparable structures have been observed in other in- 
sects, they would appear to be special developments in the Mecoptera. 


XIII. DIPTERA 


In this order the male genitalia attain a varied and complex struc- 
ture. While many of their unusual features are simply modifications 
of the basic structure of the genital organs, others are secondary addi- 
tions to it. The problem of determining whether secondary parts in 
different families are homologous or not and of devising names for 
them is the business of the taxonomists. The major problem for the 
morphologist concerns the nature of the clasping organs of the Or- 
thorrhapha, and the question of their possible homologues in the 
Cyclorrhapha, but some attention must be given also to the nature of 
the secondary organs. 

In the Nematocera the claspers are two-segmented appendages 
closely resembling the parameres of Trichoptera and Mecoptera. They 
are usually articulated on the ninth segment, but are often interpolated 
between the tergum and the sternum of this segment, and may even 
be partly or entirely fused with the sternum. Consequently the clasp- 
ers of the Diptera have commonly been regarded as “gonopods” of 
the ninth segment. Arising from the mesal surfaces of the basal seg- 
ments of the claspers there may be variously developed structures 
that form a pair of “inner claspers”’; and long or short processes are 
sometimes closely associated with the base of the aedeagus. All these 
structures have been differently interpreted and named by different 
students of the dipterous genitalia, leading to a great confusion of 
terminology and ideas of homology, which has been amply reviewed 


44 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


by Crampton (1942), who fortunately has left us a sound morpho- 
logical basis for a uniform nomenclature. 

A relatively simple structure of the genital organs is seen in the 
Culicidae. It must first be observed that the eighth abdominal seg- 
ment and the ninth segment with its appurtenances in the mosquitoes 
have been inverted (fig. 13 A), so that the claspers (Pmr) are dorsal 
in position and the proctiger (Pigr) ventral. According to Christo- 
phers (1922) the inversion is completed in Culex fatigans 24 to 48 
hours after emergence of the adult. The ninth segment is greatly 
reduced (A) and is normally concealed within the eighth. The irregu- 
lar tergum is produced into a pair of processes beneath the bases of 
the claspers (B) ; the small sternum (C) somewhat overlaps the upper 
surfaces of the claspers. In the following descriptions “dorsal” and 
“ventral” will be used in a morphological sense. 

The typical structure of the culicid genitalia is well shown in Ano- 
pheles (fig. 13 D). The large, two-segmented claspers are membran- 
ously attached to the annulus of the ninth segment. Between their 
bases is a short, slender aedeagus (Aed) connected with the proximal 
angles of the claspers by a pair of small basal plates (bp). Arising 
proximally from the mesal surface of each clasper is a broad, mostly 
membranous, spine-bearing lobe (clsp), known as a claspette or 
claspette lobe. In Anopheles the two lobes are confluent ventral to the 
aedeagus, but in other species the claspettes may be entirely sep- 
arate and take on various forms. In Aedes pullatus (E), for example, 
they are sclerotic hook-shaped processes (clsp). Claspettes of this 
type have usually been termed “parameres” by dipterists without 
checking on their credentials. The anatomical unity of the genital 
parts in the mosquito, together with their development from a single 
pair of rudiments, leaves no doubt that the true parameres are the 
large outer claspers. 

Christophers (1922) has shown that the whole genital complex of 
Anopheles is developed from a single pair of primary phallic lobes, 
which he called the ‘‘proandropodites.” The primary rudiments (fig. 
14A, PhL) are formed behind the ninth abdominal sternum as the 
larva_enters its last instar. The lobes at first sink into pockets of the 
epidermis, but in the pupa they are everted and become relatively 
large (B). With further development a secondary lobe (C, Mmr) is 
budded off mesally from the dorsal side of the base of each primary 
lobe. A fissure now surrounds these mesal lobes and cuts them off 
from the principal lobes (D). The mesal lobes elongate (E) and then 
unite (F, G) to form the aedeagus (Aed), or “phallosome” of Chris- 
tophers. The main lobes become the parameres (C, Pmr), or “an- 


VIT VIS IXS 


Pmr 


Fic. 13.—Diptera. 


A, Aedes aegypti (L.) (Culicidae), end of abdomen with segments pulled apart, showing 
inversion of segments VIII and IX. B, Anopheles quadrimaculatus Say (Culicidae), ninth 
tergum and parameres. C, same, ninth sternum_and parameres. D, same, aedeagus and 
parameres, dorsal. E, Aedes pullatus  (Coq.) (Culicidae), ninth tergum, parameres, and 
claspettes. F, Forcipomyia cilipes (Coq.) (Heleidae), claspettes and aedeagus, ventral. 
G, Forcipomyia specularis (Coq.) (Heleidae), right paramere, claspettes, and aedeagus, 
ventral. H, Palpomyia sp. (Heleidae), claspettes united in a median lobe. I, Lucilia sericata 
Meigen (Calliphoridae), Rea of aedeagus and associated processes. J, Blepharocera tenuipes 
Walker (Blepharoceridae), aedeagus and paraphyses. K, Tabanus sulcifrons (Macq.) 
(Tabanidae), aedeagus and paraphyses in base of aedeagal pouch. L, same, parameres an 
outer end of aedeagal pouch. M, Bibio longipes Lw. (Bibionidae), ninth abdominal segment 
and left paramere. N, Tipula triplax Walker (Tipulidae), parameres and adminiculum, 
posterior. 

b, b, basal arms of claspettes; c, basal union of claspettes. 


45 


46 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


dropodites,” each of which is finally divided into a large basal segment 
and a slender distal segment. At the base of each paramere appears 
a fold (G, bf), apparently the rudiment of the claspette lobe. 
Likewise, though under different names, the parts of the genital 
apparatus of Phlebotomus are shown by Christophers and Barraud 
(1926) to be derived from a single pair of primary genital lobes (here 
termed “‘precoxites”) that appear in the last larval instar at the bases 


Aéa oF = e week 


Fic. 14.—Diptera, development of the phallic organs of Culicidae. 


(From Christophers, 1922, with names used in this paper.) 


A, primary phallic lobes behind ninth abdominal sternum of last larval instar. 
B, same, later stage. C, differentiation of primary lobes into mesomeres and 
parameres within pupal cuticle. D, mesomeres uniting around the gonopore. 
E, later stage, mesomeres enlarged. F, mesomeres united to form the aedeagus. 
G, folds (bf) developed on bases of parameres, probably rudiments of claspette 
lobes. 


of the anal lobes. In the pupa a pair of median lobes is cut off from 
the bases of the primary lobes and form the intermediate parts of the 
genital complex. The aedeagus of Phlebotomus is quite different from 
that of the mosquito ; it is sunken into an ensheathing pouch and has 
two long apical processes that project from the mouth of the pouch. 
The lateral lobes become secondarily constricted into basal parts 
(“coxites’’) and distal parts (‘‘styles”). There are no claspettes or 
other secondary structures developed from the parameres of Phleboto- 
mus. 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 47 


These accounts of the development of the phallic organs in two 
species of Diptera show that the claspers are lateral branches of the 
primary phallic rudiments, and are therefore parameres as in other 
insects. Crampton (1942, p. 85) has strongly contended that “if com- 
parative morphology has any meaning at all, the segmented genital 
forceps flanking the aedeagus in male Mecoptera, Trichoptera, Dip- 
tera, etc., must be homologous with the genital forceps, or parameres, 
flanking the aedeagus in male Hymenoptera, Coleoptera, etc., instead 
of representing the coxites and styli of lower insects, as maintained 
by other investigators.” 

Van Emden and Hennig (1956) object to Crampton’s use of the 
term paramere for the lateral claspers. They say that the develop- 
mental studies of Abul-Nasr (1950) on dipterous genitalia “seem to 
have proved that the structures under discussion are genuine gono- 
pods.” Actually, what Abul-Nasr has shown is that the entire genital 
complex of Ditpera is derived from a pair of primary lobes as in other 
insects. The primary lobes divide each into two secondary lobes, one 
lateral, the other mesal. The lateral lobes become the claspers; the 
mesal lobes form the aedeagus and whatever structures may be inter- 
mediate between the aedeagus and the claspers. In the case of “Chi- 
ronomus” (Tendipes), however, in which there is no aedeagus, mesal 
lobes developed on the basal segments of the claspers evidently become 
the endoparameral processes of the adult called “parameres.” These 
processes are solid outgrowths from the distal parts of the basimeres, 
and clearly are secondary structures not equivalent to the claspettes of 
other species. An identity of the lateral claspers with gonopods of 
the ninth segment is apparently taken for granted in Abul-Nasr’s dis- 
cussion ; by his own evidence the claspers are phallic parameres. 

The adult structure of the genitalia in many nematocerous families 
is similar to that of the Culicidae, but the parts themselves are highly 
variable in form. Parameral claspers are present in most of the Or- 
thorrhapha; they may become displaced laterally from the adeagus 
and attached laterally on the annulus of the ninth segment. In Ta- 
banus (fig. 13 L) the basimeres are united ventrally with each other ; 
in various nematocerous and brachycerous species the basimeres may 
be partly or entirely fused with the ninth sternum (M). Among the 
Tipulidae the basimeres are often so deeply interpolated between the 
tergum and the sternum of the ninth segment that the writer for- 
merly (1904) interpreted them as the “pleura” of this segment. The 
telomeres likewise are variable and may be complicated by the devel- 
opment of accessory lobes (N). 

The claspettes of the Nematocera are of interest because of the 


48 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


various forms they assume. They are always connected with the inner 
faces of the parameres, and thus appear to be secondary outgrowths 
of the latter. As already noted, in the Culicidae they may be mem- 
branous lobes confluent beneath the aedeagus (fig. 13 D) or entirely 
independent sclerotic arms (E). In the Heleidae the claspettes may 
be broad platelike appendages of the parameres, but in species of 
Forcipomyia (F, G) they are long, slender processes connected with 
the parameres by only a pair of basal arms (b, b). In F. cilipes (F) 
the two claspettes are joined by a narrow median basal bridge (c), 
which in F. specularis (G) becomes a wide plate solidly supporting 
the claspette processes. Finally the claspettes in some species are 
themselves united in a single median process (H), which may take 
the form of a broad spatulate lobe. In the last case “claspette”’ be- 
comes a doubtfully appropriate term; but nomenclature often is not 
sufficiently elastic to keep pace with the anatomical versatility of insect 
structures, 

Another set of structures occurring in various unrelated species are 
outgrowths arising at the base of the aedeagus, which are quite dis- 
tinct from the parameral claspettes. In Blepharocera tenuipes (fig. 
13 J) four long arms (Prph) arise from a small basal plate that sup- 
ports also the rodlike median aedeagus (Aed). In Tabanus sulcifrons 
(K) the aedeagus and a pair of long slender accessory processes con- 
nected with its base arise from the inner end of a deep pouch that 
opens by a narrow aperture between the parameres (L, aedP). These 
basal processes of the aedeagus, which occur also in some other 
insects, seem to have been given no special names; they are here 
termed in general paraphyses (lateral outgrowths). Structures per- 
haps of a similar nature are the short processes arising from a basal 
plate of the aedeagus in the muscoid flies (I). These processes are 
commonly called “gonapophyses,” but Crampton (1942) suggests the 
name gonites for them, since the term gonapophyses commonly refers 
to the valves of the female ovipositor. Some recent writers, however, 
call the processes “parameres” in the belief that they represent the 
phallic parameres of other Diptera. That they cannot be parameres 
is pointed out by Crampton, since they are present in some brachycer- 
ous families that have true lateral parameres. 

In the Cyclorrhapha parameral claspers appear to be suppressed. 
Some writers suggest that a pair of lobes or arms on the lower pos- 
terior angles of the ninth tergum are “gonopods” representing the 
parameres, but we have no account of the development of the geni- 
talia in the cyclorrhaphous flies. The lobes in question may be solid 
outgrowths of the tergum, flexible at their bases, or freely movable by 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 49 


muscles, and they probably serve as claspers, but it is incongruous 
that either gonopods or parameres should be borne on the tergal plate 
of a segment. Crampton called these lobes “surstyli.” Paired lobes 
or processes of various shapes and sizes are of common occurrence 
on the ninth abdominal tergum throughout the insects, and, as already 
noted, are conspicuous in some Culicidae (fig. 13 B). 


XIV. HYMENOPTERA 


The genital organ typical of male Hymenoptera (fig. 15 A) differs 
in several respects from that of other insects. The parameres are 
never entirely separated from the aedeagus, the three parts being 
united proximally in a common base. Between the parameres and the 
aedeagus on each side is a pincerlike organ known as the volsella 
(Vol.). These several elements are differentiated at an early stage of 
development (D) from the primary phallic rudiments (C). Finally, 
the whole phallic structure of the adult is supported on a sclerotic 
basal ring (A, BR) 

The basal ring is typically an annular sclerite; it may be much re- 
duced or incomplete, but rarely is it absent. According to Zander 
(1900) the ring is formed relatively late in development from the 
epidermis at the base of the primary phallus. Yet it becomes an es- 
sential part of the adult organ, since the extrinsic phallic muscles 
from the ninth abdominal segment are inserted on it. 

The hymenopterous parameres are usually elongate, undivided 
lobes of various shapes united proximally with the aedeagus (fig. 
15 G, Pmr). In most of the Chalastogastra, however, the parameres 
are distinctly segmented into basimeres and telomeres (L), and the 
telomeres are movable by muscles from the basimeres. In some of 
the Clistogastra the distal part of the paramere may be flexible or 
even articulated on the basal part (N), but in only a few such cases 
is the telomere provided with muscles. The writer (1941) limited 
the term “paramere” to the free terminal part of the clasper, or to 
the movable telomere, and called the basal part the “parameral plate” 
because it is so intimately united with the base of the aedeagus; but 
clearly the whole structure is the paramere. 

The free part of the aedeagus projects from between the bases of 
the parameres (fig. 15 A, G, L, Aed) and assumes various forms. 
Characteristically it contains a pair of rods (A, 7) in its lateral walls, 
the apices of which usually project as free points. These aedeagal 
rods are called “parameres” by Beck (1933), who says they “are the 
gonapophyses of the ninth sternite.” Other writers more commonly 


50 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


——, 
Lie, 


Fic. 15.—Hymenoptera. 


A, diagram of general structure of hymenopterous phallic organ, ventral. 
B, Vespula maculata (L.), genital disc on venter of ninth abdominal segment of 
penultimate larval instar. C, same, phallic lobes in pocket of integument of 
next larval instar. D, same, phallic organ of pupa, dorsal. E, same, ventral. 
F, same, phallic organ of adult growing from within pupal organ. G, same, 
adult phallus. H, diagram of primitive hymenopterous aedeagus, ventral. I, aede- 
agal groove closed, bringing phallotreme to apex. J, typical phallic structure of 
Apoidea. K, Megaryssa lunator (F.), volsella and muscles. L, Xiphydria 
maculata (Say), phallus, ventral. M, Anthophora abrupta Say, penis and sagit- 
tae, ventral. M, Bombus lapidarius (L.), phallus, dorsal. 


h 
} 
, 
¥ 


ES 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 5I 


term them the “penis valves,’ which Michener (1944) defines as 
“mesal basal processes of the gonocoxopodites,” and homologizes them 
with the ninth-segment coxal endites of Machilis (fig. 2G, Endt). 
However, the aedeagal rods of the Hymenoptera have no connection 
with the parameres, which are supposed to be the “‘gonocoxites” of the 
ninth segment. Their bases are prolonged into free apodemes (fig. 
15, H, I, J, Apa), on which the aedeagal muscles are attached. De- 
prived of any theoretical status, the rods are simply lateral sclerotiza- 
tions of the aedeagus supporting the aedeagal apodemes. 

In most of the bees the aedeagal rods have become almost entirely 
separated from the median membranous part of the aedeagus (fig. 
15 J, M, N), giving the apoid aedeagus a tripartite structure. The free 
lateral rods are then known as the sagittae (J, Sag), but their identity 
with the rods in other forms is shown by the fact that they still carry 
the aedeagal apodemes (J, M). The median remnant of the aedeagus 
may be termed the penis (pen). The sagittae of Bombus are said by 
Zander (1900) to be developed directly from the aedeagal lobes of the 
primary phallic rudiments, the penis being a secondary outgrowth 
between them. This observation shows at least that the aedeagal rods 
belong to the aedeagus and not to the parameres or “coxites.” In 
some of the Hymenoptera, particularly among the Chalastogastra 
and Ichneumonidae, the aedeagus appears to retain a primitive struc- 
ture in that it is widely open below (H, L) with the phallotreme (H, 
Phir) at the base of the ventral channel. In most cases, however, the 
aedeagus is closed below, bringing the phallotreme to the apex (I, J, 
M,N). 

An endophallic sac traverses the aedeagus from the phallotreme and 
may project beyond the aedeagal base, where it receives the ductus 
ejaculatorius (fig. 15 H, Dez). The honey bee has no aedeagus, since 
the primary median lobes of the phallic rudiments do not unite. Both 
the mesomeres and the parameres remain undeveloped and in the 
adult form only a pair of small lobes guarding the phallotreme. The 
endophallus, on the other hand, is enormously developed, and when 
partly or fully everted becomes the functional intromittent organ. 

The volsellae appear to be phallic elements peculiar to the Hymen- 
optera. In most families they are well developed, but in the bees they 
are much reduced or absent. Typically each volsella consists of an 
elongate plate on the ventral surface of the phallus lying close to the 
inner margin of the corresponding paramere (fig. 15 A, L, Vol). At 
its free distal end the volsellar plate bears two small processes that 
form a pincer, one being an immovable projection or cuspis (A, K, 
cus) of the plate, the other a curved or hooked digitus (dig) movably 


52 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


opposed to the cuspis. Both cuspis and digitus are strongly muscu- 
lated (K), and a large protractor muscle of the entire volsella arising 
in the neighboring paramere is attached on the inner end of the plate. 
Retractor muscles arise proximally in the paramere and on the 
aedeagal apodeme. A full description of the phallic musculature and 
mechanism of a braconid is given by Alam (1952). The elaborate 
musculature of the volsellae seems to show that in the insects special 
muscles can be developed wherever they are needed. The volsellae 
evidently are important elements of the genital mechanism in Hymen- 
optera. According to observations of Peck (1937) on ichneumonids 
taken during mating, the volsellar pincers grasp the membrane near 
the female gonopore, keeping the membrane taut while the aedeagus 
is inserted. In the braconid Stenobracon Alam says the two digiti 
enter the gonopore. The volsellae are developed from a pair of small 
ventral lobes of the pupal phallus (D, E, Vol) and are thus independ- 
ent primary elements of the hymenopterous genital complex. 

The development of the hymenopterous phallus has been described 
by Seurat (1899) in the braconid Dorcytes; by Michaélis (1900) in 
Apis; by Zander (1900) in Vespa, Bombus, and Apis; by Boulangé 
(1924) in Sirex; and by Snodgrass (1941) in Vespula and Apis. In 
Vespula the genital rudiments are first visible as a pair of minute 
thickenings in a small disc (fig. 15 B, gd) on the posterior part of the 
venter of the ninth abdominal segment of a late-instar larva. Beneath 
the disc in a pocket of the integument of the enclosed instar are two 
small primary phallic lobes (C, PAL). In the pupa (D) the primary 
lobes have divided into six secondary lobes united on a common base. 
The median dorsal lobes (Aed) will form the aedeagus, the lateral 
lobes (Pmr) the parameres, and the ventral lobes (D, E, Vol) the 
volsellae. The greatly larger phallus of the adult (F, 7Phl) will then 
develop from within the pupal organ (PPh), and finally take on the 
mature structure (G). The whole genital complex of the adult thus 
takes its origin from a single pair of minute phallic rudiments. 


SUMMARY 


1. The organs associated with the genital outlet in the male insect, 
in all orders in which their ontogenetic origin has been observed, are 
developed from a pair of primary phallic lobes that appear on the 
nymph or larva. 

2. In the lower insects there is evidence that the phallic rudiments 
pertain to the tenth abdominal segment. In the higher insects they 
usually rise on the apparent posterior part of the ninth segment of the 


No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 53 


larva, but in the adult they are situated behind the sternal plate of 
this segment. 

3. The terminal ampullae of the vasa deferentia usually lie at least 
partly within the phallic lobes, suggestive that originally they may 
have opened through the lobes, and that the latter, therefore, were a 
pair of penes. This suspicion appears to be confirmed in the Ephem- 
eroptera, if the rudiments of the two penes in this order are hom- 
ologues of the phallic lobes in other insects, as they appear to be. 
The ephemeropterid penes are penetrated by ectodermal exit ducts 
that unite with the vasa deferentia. 

4. In insects other than the Ephemeroptera a secondary median 
ectodermal ejaculatory duct grows inward between the bases of the 
phallic lobes. The ampullae of the vasa deferentia then withdraw 
from the lobes to unite with the inner end of this duct, which becomes 
the definitive genital outlet. 

5. In the Thysanura the primary phallic lobes unite to form a sim- 
ple median penis giving exit through a very short ejaculatory duct to 
both vasa deferentia. 

6. The primary phallic lobes of insects that have lateral copulatory 
claspers associated with a median intromittent aedeagus divide each 
into two secondary lobes. The secondary lobes of the median pair, or 
mesomeres, unite with each other to form the aedeagus, the lateral 
lobes, or parameres, become the claspers. Secondarily in their devel- 
opment the parameres may become two-segmented. 

7. Stylus-bearing plates of the ninth abdominal segment, which are 
commonly regarded as the coxae of former limbs of this segment, are 
present in Thysanura, Ephemeroptera, and Grylloblattidae. The cur- 
rent idea that the parameral claspers are “coxites” equivalent to these 
stylus-bearing plates ignores the fact that the parameres are derived 
along with the aedeagus from the phallic lobes, and that the single 
penis of the Thysanura is also formed from two primary phallic lobes 
that have no actual connection with the coxal plates. The idea ex- 
pressed by some writers that the phallic lobes are the telopodites of 
ninth-segment appendages would imply that the telopodites of a primi- 
tive pair of legs have united to form an intromittent organ, the aedea- 
gus, an interpretation hardly to be taken seriously. Likewise, the 
theory that endites of the ninth-segment coxae, such as are present 
in some species of Machilidae, have united with a primitive median 
penis to form the aedeagus is untenable since it is not supported by 
observed facts. The coxal endites of Machilidae are not united with 
the penis, which, moreover, is itself formed from two primary lobes. 
The so-called ‘“‘penis valves” of the aedeagus of some insects, inter- 


54 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


preted as “coxal endites,” are merely lateral sclerotizations of the 
aedeagal wall. 

8. In some Orthoptera styli are borne on the ninth sternal plate of 
the male abdomen, in which case it is evident that the corresponding 
coxae have been incorporated into the definitive sternum. Yet the phal- 
lic lobes in this order divide as usual each into two secondary lobes. 
Therefore, if these secondary phallic lobes in Orthoptera are equiva- 
lent to the mesomeres and parameres of other insects, the parameres 
are not coxal plates, or “coxites.” However, in the Orthoptera the 
phallic lobes do not form typical parameres and an aedeagus. 

9. The commonly held idea that the phallic lobes represent a pair 
of appendages of the ninth or tenth abdomina! segment must assume 
that the male genital organs were once a pair of legs. It is not ex- 
plained, however, in what manner these legs became modified into an 
intromittent organ containing the genital outlet and into a pair of 
lateral claspers. If the phallic lobes of modern insects ever had any 
relation to appendages, it seems more probable, by comparison with 
other arthropods, that they were originally penes on the coxae of a 
pair of legs. If so, the supposed appendages themselves have been 
suppressed, and the isolated penes then developed into the aedeagus 
and parameres of modern insects. If the parameres represent the 
coxae of the vanished legs, they must be theoretically regenerated 
from the penes they once bore. Considering the known facts concern- 
ing the ontogenetic development of the phallic organs, it needs a 
strong imagination to visualize their evolution from a pair of legs. 
Though Else (1934) claimed to have traced the phallic rudiments of 
Melanoplus from tenth-segment limb buds on the embryo, it is per- 
haps possible he confused the limb buds with the genital rudiments. 
Other writers describe the phallic lobes as making their first appear- 
ance on the nymph or larva, after the abdominal limb buds of the 
embryo have disappeared. 

10. Since biological theories of origins and evolution cannot be sub- 
jected to experimental tests, as can theories in physics, and since we 
cannot go backward in time to observe the facts, no biological theory 
is really capable of demonstration. For practical purposes, therefore, 
in the study of the insect male genitalia, if we care to disregard ques- 
tions of the nature of the primitive phallic organs, and theories on 
the homologies of the adult organs, we still have the known facts of 
their ontogenetic development. It has been demonstrated that the 
aedeagus and claspers are derived from a pair of primary rudiments, 
and this fact gives us a basis for homologizing these major parts of 


NO. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 55 
the genitalic complex throughout the insect orders. On this assured 
information a simple, uniform terminology can be based. 

11. Most taxonomists seem to regard the preservation of a tradi- 
tional anatomical nomenclature as something to be desired above all 
else; but the result is confusion, since each taxonomist has his own 
traditional nomenclature. The plan here offered, therefore, would 
relieve this confusion, and is one that can be consistently followed if 
nomenclatural uniformity is desired. In addition to the major phallic 
organs, however, numerous secondary structures have been developed 
independently in nearly all the insect orders. Such structures neces- 
sarily must be given special names for taxonomic purposes. 


ABBREVIATIONS ON THE FIGURES 


AcGld, accessory gland. 
Adm, adminiculum. 

Aed, aedeagus. 

aedP, aedeagal pouch. 
Amp, ampulla. 

Ap, apodeme. 

Apa, aedeagal apodeme. 
Apb, apodeme of phallobase. 


bf, basal fold. 

Bmr, basimere. 
bp, basal plate. 
BP, basal plate. 
BR, basal ring. 


Cer, cercus. 

cf, caudal filament. 
clsp, claspette. 

Crpt, aedeagal crypt. 
cus, cuspis. 

Cx, coxa. 

cxmcl, coxal muscle. 


dej, nonfunctional duct. 
Dej, ductus ejaculatorius. 


Dejen, ductus ejaculatorius conjunctus. 


dig, digitus. 
dl, dorsal lobe of telomere. 


Endt, coxal endite. 
Enph, endophallus, 
Eppt, epiproct. 


fi, flagellum. 
ful, fulcrum (juxta). 


gd, genital disc. 
Gpr, gonopore. 


iPhl, imaginal phallus. 
IPmr, left paramere. 


mcl, mcls, muscle, muscles. 
mL, median lobe. 
Mmr, Mmrs, mesomere, mesomeres. 


Papt, paraproct. 

pc, pupal cuticle. 

pen, median lobe of aedeagus. 
Pen, penis. 

Phb, phallobase. 

PhL, primary phallic lobe. 
Phm, phallomere. 

Phtr, phallotreme. 

pmB, interparameral bridge. 
Pmr, paramere. 

PPh, pupal phallus. 

Prph, paraphysis. 

Ptgr, proctiger. 


ri, ridge. 

rMmr, right mesomere. 
rPhm, right phallomere. 
rPmr, right paramere. 


S, sternum. 

Sag, sagitta. 

sgl, subgenital lobe. 
smcl, stylus muscle. 
Sty, stylus. 


56 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 
T, tergum. Vir, virga. 

tl, tergal lobe. vl, ventral lobe of telomere. 

Tmr, telomere. Vol, volsella. 


tp, tergal process. 

xl, lobe of tenth segment. 
Vd, vas deferens. x-x, cut edge of genital chamber. 
Ves, vesicle. 


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No. 6 REPRODUCTIVE ORGANS OF MALE INSECTS—SNODGRASS 59 


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60 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 7 


THE ANATOMY OF THE LABRADOR 
DUCK, CAMPTORHYNCHUS 
LABRADORIUS (GMELIN) 


(WitH Five Pirates) 


By 
IEASUULIN2 Se We UIMNEIENPAD NZ 
Assistant Curator of Birds 
Peabody Museum of Natural History 
Yale University 
AND 
ROBERT S]BUGSCH 


University Museums 
University of Michigan 


(PusLicaTion 4334) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
MAY 28, 1958 


‘ THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


THE ANATOMY OF THE LABRADOR DUCK, 
CAMPTORHYNCHUS LABRADORIUS 
(GMELIN) 


By Puitie S. HUMPHREY 
Assistant Curator of Birds 
Peabody Museum of Natural History 
Yale University 
and 
Ropert S. Butscu 
University Museums, University of Michigan 


(With Five PLates) 


Very little is known about the anatomy of the Labrador duck. Wil- 
son (1829, p. 370) briefly described the trachea of the male and re- 
marked, in addition, that “the intestines measured six feet .. .” 
Leib (1840, pp. 170-171), describing a supposedly new species of 
Fuligula (grisea), which later turned out to be “the young of Jabra- 
dora in a plumage heretofore undescribed or figured .. . ,” said 
of the trachea that “the labyrinth of the male is large.” The sternum, 
coracoid, and furcula (articulated) are illustrated in Rowley (1877), 
but there are no published measurements or descriptions of these 
bones, the only known skeletal remains of the Labrador duck. 

The paucity of anatomical, behavioral, and distributional infor- 
mation about the Labrador duck accounts for considerable uncertainty 
as to the relationships of the genus. Rowley (1877, pp. 215-216), 
with some misgivings, followed Newton (1875, p. 735) and put the 
Labrador duck in the eider genus Somateria, saying (op. cit., p. 217) 
that it “had better remain among the Eiders, in which group it ap- 
pears to be the least beautiful member.” Rowley’s evidence for this 
arrangement was the eiderlike modified feathers of the cheek of the 
adult male Labrador duck. Delacour and Mayr (1945, p. 33) said 
that “the extinct Labrador duck (Camptorhynchus) seems to be about 
halfway between the eiders and the Old-squaw. The male is colored 
more like an eider, the female more like a scoter or Old-squaw.”’ The 
possibility that the eiders (Somateria and Polysticta) do not belong in 
Delacour and Mayr’s tribe Mergini (Humphrey, in press) leads us to 
wonder whether the eiders or the scoters are the closest relatives of 
the Labrador duck. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 7 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Realizing that a great deal could be learned about the osteology 
and other aspects of the anatomy of the Labrador duck by dismantling 
a study skin of the species, we discussed the problem with Dr. Her- 
bert Friedmann, curator of birds, United States National Museum, 
who agreed to lend us a specimen of a male with the understanding 
that we reassemble the specimen after having removed its skeletal 
elements. Our original purpose was to describe as much as possible 
of the pterylosis and osteology of the specimen. However, we found 
on removing the limb bones that their distal musculature is well 
enough preserved to warrant description. We plan to describe the 
myology and detailed osteology of the appendages in a separate 
publication, 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


It would have been impossible for us to undertake our study of the 
Labrador duck without the specimen lent to us by the U. S. National 
Museum through the courtesy of Dr. Herbert Friedmann. We are 
very grateful to him for allowing us to study this specimen and for 
giving us helpful advice at the inception of our project. We are also 
grateful to Dr. Hugh B. Cott, Museum of the University of Cam- 
bridge, England, for lending us the only known sternum, coracoids, 
and furcula. These elements will be described in a future publica- 
tion on the osteology and myology of the Labrador duck. Dr. Robert 
R. Miller gave generously of his time, taking several X-rays, without 
which our study would have been very much more difficult. William 
L. Brudon exposed and processed all photographs of the specimen. 
The late Dr. Josselyn Van Tyne gave us much helpful advice and 
allowed us full use of the facilities of the bird division, University of 
Michigan Museum of Zoology. We are grateful to Peter Stettenheim, 
Richard L. Zusi, and Dr. Robert W. Storer for advice and assistance. 

Humphrey’s part of this study was supported by the National Sci- 
ence Foundation as part of a project on the anatomy of the trachea of 
ducks and the classification of that group. 


SPECIMENS 


Study skin.—The specimen lent us by Dr. Friedmann is a male in 
adult plumage and bears U. S. National Museum catalog number 
1972. This specimen is one of a pair presented by S. F. Baird to the 
Museum. According to Baird (1860, p. 804), the data for this speci- 
men are as follows: “Locality:—North Atlantic . . . Whence ob- 
tained :—S. F. Baird . . . Collected by:—J. J. Audubon.” In 1846 
Audubon gave Baird a pair of Labrador ducks, one of which is 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 3 


U.S.N.M. No. 1972 (Phillips, 1926, p. 61). There is some question 
as to the origin of the pair of birds Audubon gave Baird. Audubon 
(1843, p. 329) says: “The Honorable Daniel Webster of Boston 
sent me a fine pair killed by himself, on the Vineyard Islands, on the 
coast of Massachusetts, from which I made the drawing for the plate 
before you.” That these birds may have been the ones given by 
Audubon to Baird is suggested by Ridgway’s statement (in Dutcher, 
1891, p. 210) that “there were two specimens (male and female) .. . 
in Professor Baird’s private collection. . . . They are the pair fig- 
ured and described by Audubon, and given by him to Professor 
Baird.” How did Ridgway know that these two birds were in fact 
the ones figured by Audubon? Phillips (1926, p. 61) has the follow- 
ing to say in his list of specimens in the U. S. National Museum: 
“t male adult, No. 1972, skin from Baird’s collection, given to him by 
Audubon, figured by Audubon in his plate of the species. Is this one 
of a pair presented to Audubon by Daniel Webster who shot them 
‘on the Vineyard Islands’?” There seems to be no proof that the two 
Baird specimens are the ones described and illustrated by Audubon, 
although it seems likely that this was the case. If so, we have Au- 
dubon’s word that the two birds were collected by Daniel Webster. 

Sternum, coracoids, and furcula.—Through the courtesy of Dr. 
Hugh B. Cott, the only known sternum, coracoids, and furcula of a 
Labrador duck were lent to us by the Museum of the University of 
Cambridge, England. These elements are wired together in their 
proper articulated relationship and mounted on a stand. According 
to Rowley (1877, p. 214), they were “part of the large collection 
made by Messrs. Alfred and Edward Newton, now in the Museum 
of the University of Cambridge.” Alfred Newton (1896, p. 222) 
states that the specimen from which these bones were taken “was 
killed by Col. Wedderburn in Halifax harbour in the autumn of 
1852. . . . The skin of this example is in Canon Tristram’s collec- 
tion, its sternum, which was figured by Rowley . . . , is in the Cam- 
bridge Museum.” Phillips (1926, p. 62), listing the material in 
Colonel Wedderburn’s collection, mentions “1 male shot by him in 
Halifax Harbor; sternum in Cambridge Museum.” 


METHODS 


Before beginning to dismantle the study skin of the Labrador duck, 
we made a series of X-rays, photographs, and measurements of it. 
All such records of the specimen are on file at the U. S. National 
Museum. The X-rays were particularly useful, for with their help 
we were able to learn what bones were present in the study skin before 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


attempting to remove them. The photographs, each showing a milli- 
meter rule in the picture, serve as a permanent record of the original 
condition of the specimen. 

The following X-rays were made of the study skin: 


View of body of specimen, showing wings, feet, and tail. (Hard ray.) 

Lateral view of head. (Hard ray.) 

Ventral view of head. (Hard ray.) 

Right wing (prior to removal of bones) ; under surface of wing closest 

to film. (Soft ray; exposure 12 minutes. ) 

5. Left wing (prior to removal of bones) ; upper surface of wing closest 
to film. (Soft ray; exposure 12 minutes.) 

6. Right wing (prior to removal of bones) ; upper surface of wing closest 
to film. (Hard ray.) 

7. Left wing (prior to removal of bones); upper surface of wing closest 
to film. (Hard ray.) 

8. Right wing (prior to removal of bones); under surface of wing closest 
to film. (Hard ray.) 

9. Left wing (prior to removal of bones); under surface of wing closest 
to film. (Hard ray.) 

10. Right wing (after removal of bones); under surface of wing closest 
to film. (Soft ray; exposure 12 minutes.) 

11. View of spinal tract of opened skin; feathered surface of skin closest 

to film. (Soft ray; exposure 34 minutes at a distance of 20 inches.) 


ye What 


Measurements of the specimen prior to removal of any bones are 
as follows: Right wing, chord, 220 mm.; left wing, chord, 220 mm. ; 
tail, 78 mm. 

Butsch took care of all the dismantling and relaxing operations on 
the specimen. He began by removing the wings and legs. Each 
appendage was dealt with individually, and work on each was largely 
completed before beginning on the next. Relaxing a leg or a wing in 
a box of damp sand took a day or so; removing the bones from an 
appendage and taking care that they remained articulated and that 
none of the musculature was damaged generally took the better part 
of a day. Before beginning work on the wings, Butsch drew a de- 
tailed plan of the spread wing, using the unrelaxed folded wing as a 
model. This basic drawing of the spread wing was later modified 
when we completed our study of the pterylosis of the wing from the 
relaxed specimen. When study of the wings and legs was completed, 
Butsch relaxed the body of the specimen and opened the midventral 
incision. This incision was extended a slight distance anteriorly to 
facilitate taking an X-ray (“soft ray”; see Robert R. Miller, 1957) 
of the spinal tract of the opened skin. We did not, however, extend 
the incision far enough anteriorly to allow us to include all the spinal 
apterium in the X-ray. The skin of the neck was not opened, nor was 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 5 


what remained of the skull disturbed. The only skeletal elements re- 
maining in the specimen are the incomplete skull, the pygostyle, and 
the ungual phalanges of the feet. 

When examination of the dismantled specimen was completed, 
Butsch replaced the bones with wire, tow, etc., and put the specimen 
back together again. This took several days. 

Before we began our study, this specimen was in rather poor con- 
dition. The neck was weak and had a large tear in it from which 
cotton protruded ; there was a transverse break in the skin of the belly 
near the tail. Most of the exposed plumage that should have been 
white was gray with dirt. 

The completed specimen is considerably improved in appearance, 
parts of it having been washed and degreased; it is also substantially 
more durable. Plate 1, figures I and 2, are photographs of the speci- 
men before work was begun on it; plate 2, figures 1 and 2, are photo- 
graphs of the same specimen after dismantling, removal of the limb 
bones, and reassembling of the parts. 


PTERYUOSIS 


In studying the pterylosis of the Labrador duck we depended not 
only on several careful examinations of the specimen but also on 
X-rays (both “soft” and “hard”) of the wings (with and without 
bones) and of the spinal and other tracts. All drawings have been 
critically compared to the specimen many times. 

We have followed Compton (1938) in naming the various feather 
tracts and their regions. We have followed Howard (1929) in 
naming bones and parts of bones. To avoid confusion we have re- 
tained the older nomenclature of the digits of the wing (digits I, IT, 
and III, digit I being the pollex and bearing the alula) instead of 
following Montagna (1945). 


ALAR TRACT 


Primaries ——There are 11 primaries, of which the eleventh (the 
distalmost) is very much reduced. Primaries 1 through 5 cross the 
intermetacarpal space and are attached to metacarpal II; primary 6 
is also attached to metacarpal II but passes distal to the intermeta- 
carpal space. Primary 7 is attached to digit III. Primaries 8 and 9 
are attached to phalanx I (proximal) of digit II; primary Io is 
attached to phalanx 2 of digit II; primary 11 (reduced) is attached 
to the minute phalanx 3 of digit II. 

Primary 11 of each wing became detached during the skinning 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


process. The measurements of the right eleventh primary are as fol- 
lows: Total length (i.e., shaft length), 29.8 mm. ; calamus length, 5.8 
mm. ; rhachis length, 24.0 mm. ; greatest width, 3.9 mm. The eleventh 
primary is slightly shorter than its greater upper primary covert. 
The distal end of the inner vane of primary Io is incised for ap- 
proximately 45 mm.; the outer vane is not incised. The distal end 


Fic. 1.—Diagram showing arrangement of feathers on dorsal surface of wing 
of male. (Compare with wing on plate 3. The same base drawing was used for 
both figures.) 


of the inner vane of primary g is also incised for approximately 45 
mm. but less deeply than in primary 10. The outer vane of primary 
9 is incised for approximately 45 mm. The outer vane of primary 8 
is incised but less deeply than in the ninth primary. 

The primaries, arranged in order of decreasing length are: 9-10-8-7 
(right wing) ; 9-10(equal)-8-7 (left wing). 

Primary coverts——There are 10 greater upper primary coverts of 
which the tenth (distalmost) is quite reduced (see pl. 3, and fig. 1) 
and the ninth is slightly reduced. Greater upper primary coverts 1 and 
2 have pale markings on outer webs. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 7, PL. 1 


1. Ventral view of study skin of male Labrador duck, Camptorhynchus labradorius, 
in its original condition. (U.S.N.M. No. 1972.) 


SCALE IN cm, 


Dorsal view of study skin of male in its original condition. 


to 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOE 35; NOS Pia 


et . sie 3 ¢ Kg 
— <a 


1. Ventral view of study skin of male after removal of limb bones. 


2. Dorsal view of study skin of male after removal of limb bones. 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 7 


There are 10 middle upper primary coverts of which the tenth 
(distalmost) is slightly reduced and the first is greatly reduced. 
Middle upper primary coverts 9 and 1o are dark colored and lack the 
white edging present on the others. 

There are 11 greater under primary coverts of which the eleventh 
(distalmost) is quite reduced and the tenth is slightly reduced (see 
pl. 4 and fig. 2). 


Fic. 2—Diagram showing arrangement of feathers on ventral surface of 
wing of male. (Compare with wing on plate 4. The same base drawing was 
used for both figures.) 


Secondaries——We have been unable to discover any satisfactory 
definition for the proximal limit of the secondaries in Anseres. All 
feathers forming a continuation of the secondary series in the region 
of the elbow were counted as secondaries even though they have no 
direct connection with the ulna. We do not recognize the terms 
“tertial” or “tertiary.” 

There are 17 secondaries. The Labrador duck is diastataxic—that 
is, lacks the fifth secondary. In numbering the secondaries, we have 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


assigned a number (5) to the missing fifth secondary. Secondaries 
12 through 16 are elongate and secondaries 17 and 18 are shorter than 
secondaries 1 through 11. The secondaries, arranged in order of de- 
creasing length are: 14-15-13-16-12-11-1(11 through 1 equal in 
length) -17-18. 


8 =) 10 I 12 13 


Fic. 3.—Dorsal view of secondaries 1 through 13 from the right wing of 
male. The missing fifth secondary (the Labrador duck is diastataxic) was 
assigned the number 5. 


In order adequately to describe the distribution of pattern and 
texture on the dorsal surface of each of the secondaries, these feathers 
are described individually in the following. Secondaries 1 (distal) 
through 11 (proximal) lack markings on the distal margins of the 
inner and outer webs. The outer web of secondary 11 has a slightly 
velvety texture. 

The pattern in the medial and proximal parts of each of secondaries 
1 through 11 is best shown in a diagram (see fig. 3). 


~~ 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 9 


Secondaries 12 through 14 have pearly-gray and black edgings on 
‘the distal margin of the outer web (see pl. 3). Secondary 12: distal 
half of outer web velvety ; distal third of inner web near shaft velvety. 
Secondary 13: distal two-thirds of outer web velvety ; distal third of 
inner web velvety although velvety structure does not run to margin 
of the web. Secondary 14: distal two-thirds of outer web velvety ; 
distal half of inner web velvety although the velvety texture does not 
extend to the margin of the web except at the distal quarter of the 
feather ; there is a narrow black margin on the distal sixth of the 
inner web. Secondary 15: distal two-thirds of outer web velvety ; 
distal half of inner web velvety. The whole margin of the inner web 
is soft gray; this gray margin decreases in width toward the distal 
end of the feather and is darkest (almost black) at the distal end of 
the feather. Secondary 16: distal half of outer web velvety; distal 
quarter of inner web velvety. Secondary 17: distal third of outer 
web velvety ; distal eighth of inner web velvety. Secondary 18: not 
at all velvety. 

Secondary coverts.—There are 18 greater upper secondary coverts 
of which numbers 17 and 18 are very much shorter than the others. 

There are 17 greater under secondary coverts. Numbers 1 through 
13 have brownish-gray tips ; numbers 1 through 7 have only a narrow 
margin of brownish gray at the tip; from 8 through 13 this apical 
mark increases in size. The proximal four greater under secondary 
coverts (numbers 14 through 17) are entirely dark in color and 
show no pattern; all four of these feathers are reduced in size—17 
the most, 14 the least. 

Alula and claw—The alula has four quills; the distalmost one 
became detached during skinning. There is a very small element at 
the distal end of digit I; this may be a much-reduced claw. 

Carpal remex.—The carpal remex, carpal covert, and middle carpal 
covert present. 


SPINAL TRACT 


Our study of the pterylosis of the trunk of the Labrador duck was 
necessarily limited because of the inadvisability of using the more 
usual method of clipping the feathers. Nor was it possible to make a 
careful examination of the interior of the skin. The fragility of the 
skin and the accumulation of fat obscuring many of the feather bases 
made it inadvisable to conduct a prolonged examination which might 
damage the specimen. 

The following description of the pterylosis of the trunk is based 
entirely on an X-ray (“soft ray”) of the opened skin. A contact 
print of the X-ray was made and the feather tracts were traced from 


10 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


the print. Insofar as possible, the feather tracts were drawn feather 
by feather. Because certain feather areas were difficult to interpret 
from the X-ray, and because we could not compare our drawing with 
the specimen itself, we cannot be sure that the drawing is entirely 


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Fic. 4—Pterylosis of trunk of male. This diagram was traced from the 


positive print shown on plate 5. For the nomenclature of the feather tracts and 
their regions, see text figure 5 (opposite) and the text. 


accurate. This is the case for the humeral tract and for the enlarged 
feathers (flank feathers) at the dorsocaudal margins of the sternal 
regions of the ventral tract. The loss of feathers from certain areas 
of the skin is another possible source of error. There seem to be 
feathers missing from the area of the junction of the humeral tract 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH Tt 


(right side) and the ventral cervical and sternal regions of the ventral 
tract. There are probably some feathers missing from the posterior 
part of the pelvic region of the spinal tract, and from the femoral 
tracts. 


ABDOMINAL 


RIGHT LEFT 


Fic. 5.—Nomenclature of the feather tracts (and their regions) of the trunk 
of the male. Feathered areas are shown in black. The feathered areas outlined 
with a scalloped margin extend beyond the limits of the diagram. The letter “A” 
marks the holes cut in the skin when the wings were removed. The letter “B” 
marks the locations of the legs. (Compare with plate 5 and text figure 4.) 


Plate 5 and figures 4 and 5 illustrate as much of the skin as could 
be studied. The feather tracts outlined with a scalloped margin (see 
fig. 5) extend beyond the limits of the diagram. The wings and legs 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


of the specimen were removed before the X-ray was taken. The 
letter “A” on figure 5 marks the holes cut in the skin when the wings 
were removed. The letter ““B” marks the locations of the legs. 

Because there seem to be no natural boundaries between most of 
the feather tracts (or their regions) on the trunk of the Labrador 
duck, we have avoided drawing any arbitrary divisions between them. 
We were unable to delimit the following regions illustrated by Comp- 
ton (1938, pp. 182, 190): Lateral scapular and lateral pelvic regions 
of the spinal tract ; axillar and subaxillar regions of the ventral tract. 
Weare not sure that what we have designated the “postpelvic region” 
of the Labrador duck corresponds to Compton’s term. 

The posterior margin of the pelvic region shown in plate 5 and 
figures 4 and 5 is slightly anterior to the uropygial gland. 

Compton (1938, pp. 182-183) divides the spinal tract into six 
regions: (1) Dorsal cervical, (2) interscapular, (3) lateral scapular, 
(4) dorsal, (5) pelvic, and (6) lateral pelvic. Compton includes the 
postpelvic region in the caudal tract. 

We judge that our figures (pl. 5 and figures 4 and 5) show the 
posterior ends of the paired dorsal cervical regions. There is no per- 
ceptible division between the posterior end of the dorsal cervical 
region of each side and the anterior margin of the corresponding 
interscapular region. The dorsal cervical regions are each bounded 
laterally by an interscapular apterium and medially by the unpaired 
spinal apterium. We do not know how far anteriorly the spinal 
apterium extends. This should be determined on another specimen 
as the extent of the spinal apterium is a matter of considerable in- 
terest. The spinal apterium terminates posteriorly at the posterior 
junction of the interscapular regions. The interscapular regions join 
at a median, unpaired feather (anteriormost encircled feather on fig. 
4). From the median unpaired feather caudad, the interscapular 
region is a single median region. Two rows posterior to the median 
unpaired feather which forms the caudal limit of the spinal apterium 
there is a second median unpaired feather. The dorsal region con- 
tinues caudally from the interscapular region without any break. Nor 
is there any perceptible break between the dorsal region and the pelvic 
region. The spinal tract anterior to its junction with the paired 
femoral tracts forms a continuous Y-shaped area of feathers. Pos- 
terior to its junction with the femoral tracts, the pelvic region becomes 
considerably broader and terminates caudolaterally on each side in 
the so-called postpelvic regions which may or may not be distinct 
from the median posterior part of the pelvic region. We have no 
way of knowing how many feathers are missing from this part of 
the specimen. 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 13 


HUMERAL TRACT 


The paired humeral tracts (comprising the scapulars) are each 
bounded laterally and caudally by a lateral thoracic apterium. Medi- 
ally each is bounded by an interscapular apterium. Anteriorly each 
humeral tract merges with a dorsal spur of the ventral cervical 
region of the ventral tract and with the anterodorsal extremity of the 
sternal region. Drawing boundary lines in this area of junction seems 
to us an arbitrary matter ; we therefore refrained from doing so. 

We are vague about the arrangement and number of feathers in 
the humeral tract. There was so much overlap of the calami of the 
large feathers that the X-ray did not give a clear picture. We did 
not feel justified in risking damage to the specimen to obtain a more 
accurate idea of the disposition of the scapular feathers. 


FEMORAL TRACT 


The paired femoral tracts join the pelvic region medially and 
extend laterally and ventrally to merge with the corresponding ab- 
dominal region of the ventral tract. The femoral tract is bounded 
anteriorly by a lateral thoracic apterium and posteriorly by a caudal 
apterium. Near the junction with the abdominal region, the femoral 
tract becomes very narrow. This narrow area in each femoral tract 
lies anterior to the place on the skin where the leg was located. 


~ VENTRAL TRACT 


Compton (1938, pp. 189-191) divides the ventral tract into five 
regions: (1) Ventral cervical, (2) sternal, (3) axillar, (4) subaxil- 
lar, and (5) abdominal. Our figures (pl. 5 and figs. 4 and 5) illustrate 
parts of the ventral cervical, sternal, and abdominal regions. All 
these regions are paired, the two sides being separated by a narrow, 
midventral apterium. Because the specimen was prepared by the 
original collector by making an initial midventral incision, the mid- 
ventral apterium was obscured. The edges of the incision were puck- 
ered and drawn together so much anteriorly that a midventral apter- 
ium could not be distinguished in that area. The midventral apterium 
was present between the abdominal regions but its width and posterior 
extent could not be determined. 

The paired ventral cervical regions each merged posteriorly with 
the corresponding sternal region. At this area of junction a spur 
arises and extends dorsally and posteriorly to join with the dorsally 
located humeral tracts. The ventral cervical and dorsal cervical 


14 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


regions merge on the lateral surfaces of the base of the neck and 
presumably extend anteriorly uninterrupted. 

The paired sternal regions extend from the ventral cervical region 
caudad over the breast to merge posteriorly with the corresponding 
abdominal regions. The lateral and posterior end of each sternal 
region is a lobe-shaped area of feathers bounded by the lateral thor- 
acic apterium dorsally, and by a narrow extension of the lateral 
thoracic apterium caudally and ventrally. The posterior, dorsolateral 
rows of feathers of the sternal region are the large flank feathers. 


CAUDAL TRACT 


Compton (1938, p. 197) includes the following in the caudal tract: 
(1) Rectrices, (2) upper tail coverts, (3) under tail coverts, (4) 
postpelvic region, (5) tuft and covering of the uropygial gland, (6) 
postventral region, and (7) anal circlet. 

This specimen of the Labrador duck has 14 rectrices. The tail is 
graduated, the paired “deck” feathers being the longest (79 mm.) and 
the lateralmost rectrices the shortest (59 mm.). DeKay (1844, p. 
326) lists 16 rectrices for the Labrador duck. 

We counted 14 greater under tail coverts; however, we are not 
certain of this count. We could not distinguish satisfactorily between 
lateral greater under tail coverts and feathers which were not greater 
under tail coverts. 

There are seven upper tail coverts on the left side and six upper 
tail coverts on the right side of this specimen. Counting the medial 
pair of upper tail coverts as 1, right upper tail covert number 3 is 
missing. Anterior to the V-shaped row of upper tail coverts there is 
a V-shaped row of short, stiff feathers. This area consists of three 
or four rows of feathers. At the apex of the V these feathers are 
short (12 mm.) and somewhat downlike (although the rhachis is 
very stiff) ; they increase in length (the longest was 25 mm.) and 
become less downlike toward the anterolateral extremities of the V. 
The barbs of these feathers do not adhere to one another. The uro- 
pygial- gland is bounded caudally and caudolaterally by the arms of 
this V-shaped area of feathers. 

When this specimen was originally prepared, most of the uropygial 
gland was removed from the inner surface of the skin and the 
base of the tail. The posterior end of the gland (papilla) and the 
superficial covering of the gland were left untouched by the original 
preparator. We removed what remained of the uropygial gland and 
its dermal covering. This part of the specimen has been preserved 


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VOL. 135, NO. 7, PL. 3 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


(‘1 oansy 3x9} y}IM Burm areduioy) “peasy jo MATA [ESIOP ¢ JTRUI JO MATA [e19}e[OSIOp JYSTY 


VOL. 135, NO. 7, PL. 4 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


(-z a1n3y 3X9} YIM Burm oredurod) "Peoy JO MITA [B1ZUA‘ [BUI JO MITA [P19}e[OIPUIA WSN 


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NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 15 


in alcohol. The uropygial gland is tufted (as in other Anseres) and 
anterior to the papilla is covered with feathers. The tuft on the 
papilla of the uropygial gland is tawny in color and consists of 36 
smaller tufts which are oriented in a definite pattern on the posterior 
surface of the papilla (see figs. 6 and 7). The papilla anterior to the 


Fic. 6.—Dorsal view of papilla of uropygial gland of male. 


VENTRAL 


@ 60600006 

ee @@e @ ® 

@ @,°e® oe 

@ 2. © 

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DORSAL 


Fic. 7—Diagram showing distribution of feather tufts on posterior surface of 
papilla of uropygial gland of male. 


tuft is naked. We could not determine how many orifices there are in 
the papilla of the uropygial gland. There is a median sagittal groove 
on the dorsal surface of the papilla (see fig. 6). 

The postpelvic region of the caudal tract has been discussed else- 
where (see section on spinal tract). Because of the condition of the 
skin we were unable to distinguish the postventral region of the 
caudal tract or an anal circlet. 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


CAPITAL TRACT 


Compton (1938, p. 177) has divided the capital tract into 11 areas. 
Because the head of the Labrador duck (and other Anatidae) appears 
to be covered uniformly with feathers it seems to us pointless in this 
case to attempt to subdivide arbitrarily the capital tract into the areas 
described by Compton. 

The patch of modified feathers on the cheek of the male (see pls. 3 
and 4) is the only noteworthy feature of the capital tract of the Lab- 
rador duck. Rowley (1877, pp. 216-217) felt that this patch of modi- 
fied feathers was decisive evidence that the Labrador duck is related 
to the eiders. Rowley states that “there is one point of resemblance, 
however, which (though a superficial one), in the absence of the bird 
in the flesh, decided me. It is the presence in the male Pied Duck of 
those stiff and glistening feathers in the head, which (so far as I have 
been able to discover), among Ducks, belong to the Eiders alone . . .” 

Wilson and Bonaparte (1878, p. 126), describing an adult male 
Labrador duck, say: “The plumage of the cheeks is of a peculiar 
bristly nature at the points .. . In young birds, the whole of the 
white plumage is generally strongly tinged with a yellowish cream 
color; in old males these parts are pure white, with the exception of 
the bristly pointed plumage of the cheeks, which retains its cream tint 
the longest . . .” Audubon (1843, p. 330) described the feathers “on 
the lower part of the cheeks” as being “very stiff, having the terminal 
filaments more or less united into a horney plate.”’ 


BILL 


Audubon (1843, p. 330) described the bill of an adult male Labra- 
dor duck as follows: 


Bill nearly as long as the head, rather broader at the base, the sides nearly 
parallel, but at the end enlarged by soft membranous expansions to the upper 
mandible. The latter has the dorsal outline at first straight and declinate, 
then direct and slightly convex, at the extremity decurved; the ridge broad at 
the base, convex toward the end; the side sloping at the base, then convex, the 
extremity broad and rounded, the unguis broadly obovate; the margins soft, 
expanded toward the end, and with about 50 lamellae, of which the anterior 
are inconspicuous. Nasal groove oblong, nostrils linear-oblong, sub-basal near 
the ridge. Lower mandible flattened, curved upwards, with the angle very 
long and narrow, the dorsal line very short, and nearly straight, the nearly 
erect edges with about 30 large and prominent lamellae; the unguis very broad. 


Wilson (Wilson and Bonaparte, 1878, p. 126), discussing the bill of 
a male, says that “towards the extremity it widens a little in the 
manner of the Shovellers, the sides there having the singularity of 


Se in ee ie Oe 


—— FS 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH G7 


being only a soft, loose, pendulous skin . . . the edges of both man- 
dibles are largely pectinated.” 

The lamellae on the lower mandible are large as Audubon has 
pointed out; most of them are much larger than those of the upper 
mandible. The anterior 12 lamellae project about 2 mm. laterally 
from the rami; they become progressively smaller posteriorly. The 
posteriormost five or six lamellae project less than 1 mm. from the 
rami. The largest lamella in the upper mandible projects 1.3 mm. 
anteromesially ; counting from anterior to posterior, lamellae 8 
through 12 project 1.2 to 1.3 mm. from the mesial surface of the 
upper bill. The anteriormost four lamellae are little more than 
wrinkles in the ramphotheca; lamellae 13 through 23 become pro- 
gressively smaller posteriorly. The upper mandible bears 30 lamellae 
on the left side and 31 on the right ; the lower mandible has 23 lamel- 
lae on each side. Audubon must have included both sides in his 
count of “about 50 lamellae” for the upper mandible. 

There is very little information on the food and feeding habits of 
the Labrador duck. According to Audubon (1843, pp. 329-330) and 
Wilson (Wilson and Bonaparte, 1878, pp. 126-127), it subsisted on 
the common mussel, small clams, small shellfish, fry, and various kinds 
of seaweeds. Audubon (1843, p. 330) said that “it procures its food 
by diving amidst the rolling surf over sand or mud bars; although at 
times it comes along the shore, and searches in the manner of the 
Spoonbill Duck.” 

We cannot even speculate on the function of the loose flaps of skin 
on the end of the upper mandible of the Labrador duck. The infor- 
mation on the food habits of the species is so scanty that there is no 
way of knowing whether it had a highly specialized diet to which its 
peculiar bill was adapted. Phillips (1926, p. 60), commenting on the 
extinction of this duck, said: ‘‘A far more reasonable view, suggested 
to me by Mr. Outram Bangs, is to suppose that the Labrador Duck 
had very specialized food habits and that changes in the molluscan 
fauna, brought about by increased population along our coast, may 
have proved disastrous. Such changes in minute shell-fish are known 
to have taken place.” 


FEET 


Audubon (1843, p. 330), describing the feet of the adult male 
Labrador duck, said that they were “very short, strong, placed rather 
far behind ; tarsus very short, compressed, with two anterior series of 
rather small scutella, the sides and back part reticulated with angular 
scales. Hind toe very small, with a free membrane beneath; outer 


18 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS €OLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


anterior toes double the length of the tarsus, and nearly: equal, the 
inner much shorter, and with a broad marginal membrane. Claws 
small, slightly arched, compressed, rather acute.” 

As Audubon pointed out, the Labrador duck has two rows of 
rather small scutes on the anterior surface of the tarsometatarsus; 


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there are about 14 scutes in the row, of which the row of scutes on 
digit III forms a continuation. There are about 12 scutes on the lateral 
row. There is a third row of about 11 small scutes on the medial sur- 
face of the tarsometatarsus bordering the medial margin of the row 
leading to digit III. (See fig. 8.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOE. 135, NO: 7, PE. 5 


Positive print of X-ray (“soft ray’) of inner surface of opened skin of male showing 
feather tracts. (Compare with text figures 4 and 5.) 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH I9 


COLORATION OF SOFT PARTS 
There is considerable disagreement in the literature concerning the 
colors of the soft parts of the adult male Labrador duck. Opinions on 


this subject are summarized in table 1. Numbers corresponding to 
parts of the bill are illustrated in figure 9; see also the dorsal view of 


the head illustrated in plate 3. 


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Fic. 9.—Dorsal view of head of male. For explanation see text and table 1. 


Study of the upper bill of Labrador duck specimen U.S.N.M. 1972 
convinced us that the area marked “3a” in figure 9 could well have 
been orange in color. We have no evidence on this point except for 


a slight difference in the appearance of area “3a” suggesting that it 
might have been differently pigmented than area “3.” 


TRACHEA 


There is no known specimen of the trachea of the Labrador duck. 
Wilson (1829, p. 370) describes the trachea of the male Labrador 
duck as follows: 


The windpipe of the male measures ten inches in length, and has four en- 
largements, viz., one immediately below the mouth, and another at the interval 


VOL. 135 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


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NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 2I 


of an inch; it then bends largely down to the breast bone, to which it adheres 
by two strong muscles, and this has at that place a third expansion. It then 
becomes flattened, and before it separates into the lungs, has a fourth enlarge- 
ment much greater than any of the former, which is bony, and round, puffing 
out from the left side. 


Leib (1840, p. 171) says only that “the labyrynth of the male is 
large.” 

The tracheas of male white-winged and surf scoters are the only 
ones having any resemblance to that described by Wilson for the male 
Labrador duck. Male white-winged and surf scoters are the only 
species of waterfowl known to have an expansion of the trachea im- 
mediately posterior to the larynx. The Labrador duck differs from 
the scoters in having two midtracheal expansions (the white-winged 
and surf scoters have but one) in addition to an expansion at either 
end of the trachea. For figures of the tracheas of scoters see W. 
deW. Miller (1926, p. 2). 


RELATIONSHIPS 


We judge that the Labrador duck should be placed in the tribe 
Mergini along with the scoters, oldsquaw, bufflehead, goldeneyes, and 
mergansers. The eiders, as Humphrey (in press) has pointed out, are 
best taken out of the Mergini as originally defined by Delacour and 
Mayr (1945) and placed either in, or close to, the tribe Anatini. The 
Labrador duck seems to us most closely allied with the scoters and the 
oldsquaw. In a linear classification the genera are probably best 
arranged as follows: 


Melanitta 
Camptorhynchus 
Clangula 
Bucephala 
Mergus 


We have little evidence on which to base our tentative remarks on 
the relationships of the Labrador duck. Wilson’s (1829, p. 370) 
description of the trachea of a male strongly suggests affinities with 
the scoters. The plumage patterns of the male and female suggest 
affinities not only with the scoters but also with the goldeneyes and 
mergansers. Humphrey (Ph.D. thesis), discussing plumage characters 
of the scoter-goldeneye—merganser group (Mergini), says that “ex- 
cept for three species (Oidemia nigra, Melanitta perspicillata, and 
Clangula hyemalis) both sexes have extensive white on the proximal 
part of the wing (dorsal surface). This white area always includes 
most of the secondaries ; it may also include most of the greater upper 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


secondary coverts and, in some species, a varying number of the lesser 
upper secondary coverts.” This is not true of the eiders. The Labra- 
dor duck shares with most species of the scoter-goldeneye—-merganser 
group the character of a dorsal white patch on the secondaries. This 
seems to us additional evidence for placing it in the tribe Mergini. 

In the hope that we will be able to find more evidence clarifying 
the relationships of the Labrador duck, we are now engaged in a com- 
parative study of the pterylosis, appendicular myology, and osteology 
of the Labrador duck, scoters, oldsquaw, and eiders. 


LITERATURE CITED 


Avubugson, J. J. 
1843. The birds of America, vol. 6. 
Batrp, SPENCER F. 
1860. Birds of North America. 
CoMPTON, LAWRENCE V. 
1938. The pterylosis of the Falconiformes with special attention to the 
taxonomic position of the osprey. Univ. California Publ. Zool., 
vol. 42, pp. 173-212. 
DeKay, JAmes E. 
1844. Zoology of New York, Part 2, Birds. 
DeELacour, JEAN, and Mayr, Ernst 
1945. The family Anatidae. Wilson Bull., vol. 57, pp. 3-55. 
DutcHER, WILLIAM. 
1891. The Labrador duck—A revised list of extant specimens in North 
America, with some historical notes. Auk, vol. 8, pp. 201-216. 
Hai, ARCHIBALD. 
1862. On the mammals and birds of the District of Montreal. Canadian 
Nat. and Geol., vol. 7, pp. 426-427. 
Howarp, HILDEGARDE. 
1929. The avifauna of Emeryville shellmound. Univ. California Publ. Zool., 
vol. 32, pp. 301-304. 
Humpaurey, Puitir S. 
The relationships of the sea-ducks (Mergini). Unpublished Ph.D. 
thesis, 1955. 
Classification and systematic position of the eiders. Condor, vol. 60. 
(In press, 1958.) 
Lets, GEorcE C. 
1840. Description of a new species of Fuligula. Journ. Acad. Nat. Sci. 
Philadelphia, vol. 8, pp. 170-171. 
Miter, Ropert R. 
1957. Utilization of X-rays as a tool in systematic zoology. Systematic 
Zool., vol. 6, pp. 29-40. 
Miter, W. pEW. 
1926. Structural variations in the scoters. Amer. Mus. Nov., No. 243, 
pp. I-5. 


NO. 7 ANATOMY OF LABRADOR DUCK—HUMPHREY AND BUTSCH 23 


MontacGna, WILLIAM. 
1945. A re-investigation of the development of the wing of the fowl. Journ. 
Morphology, vol. 76, pp. 87-113. 
Newton, A. 
1875. Birds. Encycl. Brit., oth ed., vol. 3, pp. 694-778. 
1806. A dictionary of birds. 
PENNANT, THOMAS. 
1792. Arctic zoology, vol. 2. 
Parerips, J. C. 
1926. A natural history of the ducks, vol. 4. 
Row ey, G. D. 
1877. Somateria labradoria (J. F. Gmelin). Ornithological Miscellany, 
vol. 2, pp. 205-223. 
Witson, ALEXANDER. 
1829. American ornithology, vol. 3. 
Witson, ALEXANDER, and Bonaparte, C. L. 
1878. American ornithology, vol. 3. 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 8 


Charles BD. and Mary Waux THalcott 
Research Fund 


MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON 
POSSIL BIRDS 


(Wirth FIve Prates) 


By 
ALEXANDER WETMORE 


Research Associate 
Smithsonian Institution 


(Pusiication 4335) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
JUNE 26, 1958 


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BALTIMORE, MD., U. S. A. 


Charles DB. and Marp Vaux Walcott Research Fund 
MISCELLANEOUS NOTES ON FOSSIL BIRDS 


By ALEXANDER WETMORE 


Research Associate 
Smithsonian Institution 


(With Five Pirates) 


The following observations cover some recent studies. While the 
separate accounts have no relationship to one another other than that 
concerned in the general field of paleo-ornithology, it has seemed desir- 
able to present them as sections under one general title, rather than 
as separate notes published individually. 


I. OBSERVATIONS ON THE GENERA OF FOSSIL KITES, WITH 
DESCRIPTIONS OF TWO ADDITIONAL SPECIES 


The first fossil species described as a kitelike hawk from North 
America was Proictima gilmorei Shufeldt (1913, p. 301) based on a 
right coracoid from the lower Pliocene of Phillips County, Kans. 
While the author called it a kite, he was not definite regarding its af- 
finities, as he remarked that “it is not far removed from such genera as 
Ibycter or Milvus or Ictinia.”’ His uncertainty is evident when it is 
remembered that his “Ibycter,” now a synonym of Dapftrius, is a 
species allied to the caracaras in the family Falconidae, while Milvus 
and /ctinia are found in the subfamily Milvinae of the family Accipi- 
tridae. 

The second bird assigned to this general category of fossil hawks 
was Proictinia effera Wetmore (1923, p. 504), named from a tarso- 
metatarsus with associated phalanges from the lower Miocene of the 
Agate fossil quarry in Sioux County, Nebr. Though my study of 
Shufeldt’s type of P. gilmorei in 1923 was sufficient to indicate that 
it was a species of the Accipitridae, skeletons of enough of the modern 
species of kites were not available then to give clear understanding of 
relationships. In view of this I placed effera tentatively in Shufeldt’s 
genus Proictinia. Recently, when Brodkorb (1956, p. 368) named 
Proictinia floridana on the distal end of a tarsometatarsus from the 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 8 


2 SMITHSONIAN, MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


lower Miocene of Gilchrist County, Fla., he described it also tenta- 
tively in Proictinia as it is generally similar to effera. In the 35 years 
since 1923 there have been important additions to the collection of 
skeletons of kites and allied species in the United States National 
Museum so that now better understanding of their characters is 
possible. With further fossils in this general area of related species 
now at hand for description it is desirable to make a detailed examina- 
tion to determine more definitely the generic relationships of those 
already named. 

The type coracoid of Proictinia gilmorei appears most like that 
of the Everglade Kite Rostrhamus sociabilis (Vieillot) among living 
kinds, differing from that species in the more central position of the 
tubercle on the dorsal face of the shaft, in a slight thickening of the 
inner edge of the bone opposite this tubercle, and in being slightly 
shorter and more robust. Though the distinction between the two is 
not of great amount, it appears sufficient to maintain Proictinia as a 
valid genus, since the coracoid is an element that shows slight varia- 
tion in species that are closely related. Through its resemblance to 
Rostrhamus it is therefore to be placed near that genus in the sub- 
family Milvinae. 

Since Proictinia gilmorei and P. effera are represented by different 
parts of the skeleton, their relationship may be determined only by 
analogy. It has been stated above that on the basis of the coracoid gil- 
moret is most like Rostrhamus sociabilis among living kites. Compari- 
son of the tarsometatarsus of the fossil Proictinia effera with that of 
living Rostrhamus shows that this second fossil differs in form, hav- 
ing the upper end of the outer face of the shaft distinctly narrowed 
below the head, the lower end of this same surface immediately above 
the trochlea for digit 4 broader, and the tubercle for insertion of the 
tibialis anticus slightly more elevated and located relatively nearer 
the head. In each of these particulars the fossil is nearer the living 
species of Milvus, as represented by Milvus milvus, M. migrans, and 
M. lineatus. P. effera differs from Milvus in having the tarsometatar- 
sus relatively slighter throughout, this being especially apparent in 
the proportions of the head and of the second and third trochleae in 
comparison to the total length of the bone. The tibialis anticus 
tubercle also is weaker and is located higher on the shaft, and the 
attachment for the external ligament is less evident. The fourth 
trochlea is heavier as it is in Rostrhamus. 

In view of these comparisons it seems warranted to describe in the 
subfamily Milvinae as an additional genus— 


no. 8 FOSSIL BIRDS—WETMORE 3 


PROMILIO, new genus 


Characters.—Similar to Milvus Lacépéde, but tarsometatarsus rela- 
tively longer and more slender; tubercle for insertion of the tibialis 
anticus tendon weaker, and located higher on the shaft, toward the 
head; attachment for the external ligament less evident; fourth 
trochlea relatively heavier ; second and third trochleae weaker ; inner 
ridge on head of hypotarsus relatively longer. 

Type.—Proictinia effera Wetmore, which becomes Promilio efferus 
(Wetmore). 

Proictinia floridana Brodkorb, which differs mainly from the type 
species in slightly smaller size, and larger distal foramen which opens 
lower down on the shaft, is also to be referred to this genus, where 
it will be listed as Promilio floridanus (Brodkorb). 

Milvus deperditus named by Milne-Edwards (1871, p. 461) from 
lower Miocene (Aquitanean) deposits at Langy in the Department of 
Allier, France, according to the original description and figures 
appears to be a small species of kite. It seems to resemble Milvus, 
the genus in which it was described, in form of shaft, and in form 
and relatively short length of the inner head of the hypotarsus (or 
talon). The attachment for the external ligament is less evident, and 
the articular facet for the first metatarsal apparently is relatively 
shorter and smaller. It seems to be distinct from Promulio, but the 
type should be examined in detail to determine that it is truly a form 
of the genus Milvus. 

The only other fossil genus requiring consideration that has come 
to my attention is Thegornis, in which Ameghino (1895, pp. 598-600) 
described two species from the Miocene of Patagonia. These are 
named from the distal ends of two right tarsometatarsi, which in the 
illustration accompanying the description appear rather similar to one 
another in outline but differ decidedly in size. Lambrecht (1933, 
p. 421) listed these two, without special comment, adjacent to 
Proictinia, apparently indicating possible relationship to the Milvinae. 
Superficially, the larger one, Thegornis musculosus, does suggest a 
kite, but on close comparison with Milvus and Rostrhamus which are 
the genera apparently most similar, it is seen that the second trochlea 
of musculosus appears heavier, the base of the shaft relatively more 
slender, and the trochleae smaller. This indicates placement in another 
subfamily of the Accipitridae, perhaps in the Circinae. While rela- 
tionship may be decided finally only by direct examination of the 
types, it appears definite that the two species of Thegornis are not to 
be included in the Milvinae. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Apparently the Milvinae were as varied in kinds in the latter part 
of the Tertiary as were the Buteoninae, since following this prelimi- 
nary discussion I have for description two additional species that 
are to be named in the genus Promilio, as follows: 


PROMILIO EPILEUS, new species 


Characters —Femur (pl. 5, fig. 2) similar in size to that of Milvus 
lineatus (J. E. Gray), but head, including the neck, relatively smaller ; 
shaft somewhat more slender; rotular groove narrowed, with the 
ridges bounding it on either side longer ; internal condyle with articu- 
lar surfaces slightly less swollen, the planes being flattened rather than 
rounded. 

Type-—Museum of Comparative Zoology No. 2716, right femur 
(a section missing from center of shaft), from Lower Miocene, 
Thomas Farm, 8 miles north of Bell, Gilchrist County, Fla., collected 
February 1955, by S. J. Olsen. 

Measurements.—Transverse diameter of bone through head 15.0, 
transverse diameter of shaft near center 6.7; transverse breadth of 
distal end 14.9 mm. 

Remarks.—The present species is readily separated from the other 
kites allocated to this genus by greater size, as it is approximately 
50 percent larger than any of them. The missing part of the shaft 
is that adjacent to the nutrient foramen, the break being slightly 
more than is indicated by the gap shown in the drawing. The general 
resemblance to Milvus, except in the points noted in the diagnosis, 
indicates its systematic position in the subfamily Milvinae, where it 
appears related to others now allocated to Promulio. 

The name epileus was applied by Pliny to a kind of hawk. 


PROMILIO BRODKORBI, new species 


Characters.—Tarsometatarsus (pl. 5, fig. 1) similar to that of Pro- 
milio efferus (Wetmore), but definitely larger, the bone being heavier 
throughout; intercotylar area of head relatively broader and more 
prominent ; the attachment for the external ligament more prominent, 
with the upper end of the shaft supporting it more compressed; 
anterior face of shaft below head decidedly concave. 

Type.—Collection of Pierce Brodkorb No. 1775, proximal two- 
thirds of left tarsometatarsus, from Lower Miocene, Thomas Farm, 
8 miles north of Bell, Gilchrist County, Fla. 

Measurements.—Transverse breadth of head 11.0; width of outer 


no. 8 FOSSIL BIRDS—WETMORE 5 


face of shaft, near center, 6.0; anterior-posterior diameter of head 
through hypotarsus 9.3 mm. 

Remarks.—The present species in size apparently stood more or 
less midway between Promilio efferus and P. epileus named above. 
It is named for Dr. Pierce Brodkorb, in recognition of his contribu- 
tions to our knowledge of fossil birds, particularly those of Florida. 


II. A SPECIMEN OF BATHORNIS CELERIPES 


Dr. James Bump, Director of the Museum of Geology, South 
Dakota School of Mines and Technology, has sent me for examina- 
tion a fossil collected from the base of the Scenic member of the 
Middle Oligocene, 2 miles east of Scenic, S. Dak., which I have identi- 
fied as Bathornis celeripes Wetmore. The specimen (catalog No. 422) 
includes a leg nearly complete, except for the femur, and the distal 
ends of right and left humeri. The tibiotarsus, tarsometatarsus, and 
phalanges, which were found associated in such a manner that there 
is no doubt as to their belonging to the same individual, agree defi- 
nitely with the abundant material of Bathornis celeripes from the type 
locality in the Brule formation of the Upper Oligocene, near Tor- 
rington, Wyo. The new material is of especial interest for the pres- 
ence of tendons from the back of the tarsus, an element infrequently 
preserved in fossil bird remains. The tendons in this area in the 
living Cariama cristata regularly are calcified so that they appear as 
firm as the tarsometatarsus with which they are associated. Their 
preservation in this specimen of Bathornis is indication of a similar 
condition in this genus, confirming still further the supposed rela- 
tionship of the Bathornithidae with the Cariamidae. 

The two fragments of humeri are of equal interest, since they con- 
stitute the first representation of this part of the skeleton in any of 
the four species that have been described in the Bathornithidae. The 
bones (pl. 4, fig. 2) have the shafts distorted by having been some- 
what flattened by pressure, and the right fragment has part of the 
posterior surface at the articular end missing. The two, however, in 
combination serve to illustrate this part of the skeleton sufficiently to 
bear out also the assumptions of relationship of the family with the 
living Cariamidae of South America. 

Allowing for the distortion mentioned, the size of the humeri is 
approximately that of larger specimens of Cariama cristata of the 
Cariamidae, and the general appearance, particularly the outline, is 
similar to that species. The ulnar trochlea is about as long as that of 
Cariama, but the bulk is less. The radial trochlea does not appear 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


to differ. These details are shown in the drawings (pl. 4, fig. 2). 
Aside from this there is little that may be said as to characters because 
of uncertainties due to distortion. Also because of this distortion it 
has not seemed desirable to give detailed measurements, as these 
might be misleading. 

The two humeral fragments were found with the leg bones in such 
a way that they are supposed to have come from the same individual 
bird. This is indicated also by the size, since they have the dimen- 
sions, with due allowance for crushing, to be expected in Bathornis 
celeripes. The species Bathornis cursor Wetmore, found associated 
with B. celeripes in the Oligocene deposits at Torrington, has the 
lower limb bones decidedly larger, so that it would be expected that 
the wing also would be larger. 

The general impression to be derived from these wing bones veri- 
fies the earlier idea that Bathornis was a cursorial species that retained 
the power of flight but that it did not regularly utilize this. In this 
apparently it was like the two living species in the family Cariamidae, 
Cariama cristata and Chunga burmeisteri. 

The drawings illustrating this note are the last made for me by my 
friend, the late Sidney Prentice. 


III. THE CANADA GOOSE IN THE PLEISTOCENE OF MINNESOTA 


The Canada Goose, Branta canadensis (Linnaeus), distributed 
across the continent in the present day, seems to have had equally 
wide range for a long period of time, since its bones have been 
reported from Pleistocene deposits in Oregon, California (including 
offshore Santa Rosa Island), and Florida, and from beds of supposed 
Pleistocene age in Nevada. As an additional, interior, link between 
the western and the southeastern localities it is of interest to report 
the occurrence of the species at St. Paul, Minn. The record is based 
on the distal end of a right ulna, sent to me for identification by 
Scott K. Wright of that city. Mr. Wright reports that the bone was 
found at the bottom of a large trench dug by the City Water Depart- 
ment in an ancient peat bog. Bones of the Pleistocene Bison occi- 
dentalis came from the same trench, though it is noted that there were 
also-other remains identified as the modern Bison bison. While the 
goose bone was not encountered in place, having been found, as 
stated, in the bottom of the trench, Mr. Wright believes it to be of 
Pleistocene age. This conclusion is substantiated by the condition of 
the bone, which has lost all free animal matter, in addition to having 
the dark brown discoloration usual to specimens found in peat de- 


no. 8 FOSSIL BIRDS—WETMORE 4 


posits. The occurrence of Bison bison should not preclude a late 
Pleistocene age so that it appears proper to record the occurrence as 
Pleistocene. 


IV. THE IDENTITY OF THE PLEISTOCENE CRANE 
GRUS PROAVUS MARSH 


Grus proavus was named by Marsh (1872, p. 261) from “Post- 
pliocene deposits of Monmouth County, New Jersey,” on the basis 
of “a nearly perfect sternum, a femur, and a few other less important 
remains, which are probably all parts of the same skeleton.” The 
brief original description has been the only source of information on 
this fossil bird to date, since while the type material was listed as “in 
the collections of the Yale Museum,” subsequently it could not be 
found in the Peabody Museum of that institution. In fact, it was 
recorded by Shufeldt (1915, pp. 65, 77) as apparently lost. 

It appears that Marsh was in error in ascribing the specimens to 
“the Yale Museum,” since William F. Rapp, Jr. (1944, p. 218) found 
in the paleontological collections at Princeton University an avian 
sternum marked “Grus proavus,’ which was appropriate in size to 
match Marsh’s description. Subsequently, a femur came to light 
that also matched Marsh’s description, so that Dr. Glenn L. Jepsen 
reached the definite conclusion that these two bones were the im- 
portant parts of the original type material. More recently Dr. Donald 
Baird has confirmed this belief, a decision in which I am fully in 
accord. When Dr. Baird mentioned the matter to me recently I asked 
to see the bones, a privilege that Dr. Jepsen has kindly accorded me. 
The two specimens are illustrated, natural size, in the accompanying 
plates. 

The sternum, now Princeton University Department of Geology 
No. 16258, bears the ancient marking printed in ink “Grus proavus 
N.J.” While Marsh noted it as “a nearly perfect sternum” the bone 
has suffered somewhat with the passage of years as the posterior 
end and much of the keel are missing, and part of what remains has 
been broken and repaired. It is fortunate that the main portion, 
including the anterior end, is intact as this part furnished the dimen- 
sions published in the original description. Marsh gives these as 
follows: 

Width of sternum between outer ends of coracoid grooves.... 45 mm. 


Marit, O< Stertiting At MAGIC .,.0.0 wc acacia s om vielen se Seabees 39 
iistance between coracdid roOVES 2 ec. ss wee ews actccwse be 5 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


These sizes check exactly in the specimen at hand. The color of the 
bone is dull earthy brown. While it is not mineralized there is no 
indication of organic material other than the bony structure itself. 
Though much of the keel is missing, the basal part of the anterior 
cavity that originally held the tracheal loop is intact, except for a 
small irregular hole in the bottom, as are the costal margins, and the 
anterior end, barring a few minor breaks. Apparently the specimen 
was never washed, as a few flakes of somewhat sandy soil, blackish 
in color, still cling closely to irregularities on the under surface at the 
anterior end. 

Marsh’s statement as to the characters by which the sternum may 
be separated from that of the living sandhill crane does not hold. 
He wrote that his specimen differs “in not having the grooves for the 
coracoids meet on the median line. They are in fact separated from 
each other by a space nearly equal to the width of the adjacent groove. 
The sternum is, moreover, less constricted near the middle than in 
G. canadensis.” Actually, the variation in four sterna of living Grus 
canadensis of the larger subspecies (two of which are certainly sub- 
species tabida while the third, without locality, is assumed to be the 
same) covers completely the form found in the fossil. 

The femur, catalog No. 16528-A, is lettered ‘‘N.J.” in the same 
hand as the sternum. This bone lacks the anterior articular head and 
neck with adjacent parts, but is otherwise complete. The texture of 
the bone is like that of the sternum, while the color is lighter brown. 
Marsh, in the original description wrote, “The femur differs from 
the corresponding bone in that species [i.e., Grus canadensis] mainly 
in having the shaft less curved: in other respects the resemblance is 
close.” He gave the following measurements: 


Leneth’ (approximate) Vor femurs: o/2ce sacsie + abinee cee 126 mm. 
Transverse diameter of shaft at middle..................00. 12.5 
Dransverse diameter. of sdistal end. «c../c:s.ncseecoenes eee 26 


Here, also, the measurements are so exactly identical as to leave 
no question but that this bone is the actual one that Marsh had in 
hand. On careful comparison with the corresponding femora of three 
of the modern skeletons listed above, it is found again that the rather 
slight amount of individual variation, including the curvature of the 
shaft, covers the characters found in the fossil. 

There is no hesitation, therefore, in assigning Grus proavus Marsh 
as a synonym of the sandhill crane Grus canadensis (Linnaeus), with 
the observation that the fossil belongs in the category of the larger 
subspecies, e.g., Grus canadensis tabida Peters, whose modern range 


no. 8 FOSSIL BIRDS—WETMORE 9 


has reached, casually at least, to New England, eastern New York, 
and the District of Columbia. Monmouth County, in east-central 
New Jersey, is to be added to the Pleistocene range of Grus cana- 
densis. 


V. PLEISTOCENE BIRD RECORDS FROM ONTARIO 


Bones of birds from deposits of Pleistocene age have been found 
in abundance at several localities in the United States, but until now 
none has been reported from Canada. Recently Dr. Hugh R. Thomp- 
son of the Department of Geography at Hamilton College, McMaster 
University, has placed in my hands a small collection secured near 
Hamilton, Ontario, from a find made early in 1955 by J. N. Weber 
(1955, p. 2) during an investigation of rock shelters in the Hamilton 
area. 

The bones were obtained in two small caves, located 6 feet apart, 
and were collected through the efforts of Dr. Thompson and his 
colleagues, Dr. D. M. Davies and Dr. D. E. Dalzell of the Department 
of Zoology, and Dr. G. V. Middleton and R. V. Best of the Depart- 
ment of Geology. The bone-bearing deposit consisted of sediments 
ranging from medium sand to raisin gravel, underlying much coarser 
deposits from 3 to 4 feet in depth that constituted a part of the former 
shoreline of Pleistocene Lake Iroquois during the period of shrinkage 
of that body of water. The site is at an altitude of about 275 feet 
above sea level, and is dated as Late Pleistocene (late Lake Iroquois). 
According to Dr. Thompson, the bone bed is interpreted as an inshore 
lake-bottom deposit that became covered with true beach material as 
the lake level lowered. 

Four species of birds are represented, as follows: 

Wood Duck, Aix sponsa (Linnaeus). A complete cranium, and the 
distal end of a right humerus. This is the first Pleistocene record of 
this species. 

Barred Owl, Strix varia Barton. The shaft of a left humerus. This 
owl has been found previously in Pleistocene deposits at several 
localities in Florida. 

Red-winged Blackbird, Agelaius phoeniceus (Linnaeus). A com- 
plete left ulna. The species has been identified from the Pleistocene 
of Florida. 

Common Grackle, Quiscalus quiscula (Linnaeus). A sternum 
nearly complete. The grackle also has been found in Pleistocene beds 
in Florida. 


10 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Mammal remains associated with the birds are more abundant, the 
following 10 species having been identified by Dr. Charles O. Hand- 


ley, Jr.: 


Short-tailed shrew, Blarina brevicauda Say. 
Chipmunk, Tamias striatus (Linnaeus). 

Gray squirrel, Sciurus carolinensis Gmelin. 

Red squirrel, Tamiasciurus hudsonicus (Erxleben). 
Flying squirrel, Glaucomys sabrinus (Shaw). 
White-footed mouse, Peromyscus sp. 

Meadow mouse, Microtus pennsylvanicus (Ord). 
Pine mouse, Pitymys pinetorum (LeConte). 
Muskrat, Ondatra zibethicus (Linnaeus). 

Red fox, Vulpes fulva (Desmarest). 


There are also part of the jaw of a frog (Rana sp.) and vertebrae 
of a colubrid snake, identified by Dr. Doris M. Cochran, a few bones 
of a pickerel (Esox sp.), determined by Dr. Leonard P. Schultz, 
and two snails, Mesomphix (Omphalina) cupreus (Rafinesque), 
identified by Dr. Harald Rehder. 

The material is preserved in the collections of the U.S. National 
Museum, through the kindness of Dr. Thompson. 


REFERENCES 


AMEGHINO, FLORENTINO. 
1895. Sur les oiseaux fossiles de Patagonie et la faune mammalogique des 
couchees a pyrotherium. Bol. Inst. Geogr. Argentino, vol. 15, Nov.- 
Dec., 1894, pp. 598-600, fig. 43. 
BroDKoRB, PIERCE. 
1956. Two new birds from the Miocene of Florida. Condor, vol. 58, No. 5, 
PP. 367-370, 2 figs. 
LAMBRECHT, KALMAN. 
1933. Handbuch der Palaeornithologie. xx + 1,024 pp., 209 figs. Berlin. 


Mars, O. C. 
1872. Notice of some new Tertiary and post-Tertiary birds. Amer. Journ. 
Sci., ser. 3, vol. 4, Oct., pp. 256-262. 
Mitne-Epwarps, ALPHONSE. 
1869-1871. Recherches anatomiques et paléontologiques pour servir 4 l’his- 
toire des oiseaux fossiles de la France. Vol. 2, 632 pp., with pls. 
Paris. 
Rapp, WILLIAM F., Jr. 
1944. The type of Grus proavus. Wilson Bull., vol. 56, No. 4, p. 218. 
SHUFELDT, R. W. 
1913. Further studies of fossil birds with descriptions of new and extinct 
species. Bull. Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 32, art. 16, pp. 285-306, 
pls. 51-59. 
1915. Fossil birds in the Marsh collection of Yale University. Trans. 
Connecticut Acad. Arts Sci., vol. 19, Feb., pp. 1-110, 15 pls. 


no. 8 FOSSIL BIRDS—WETMORE II 


WEBER, JON N. 
1955. Hamilton cave yields Pleistocene fossils. Nat. Speleological Soc. 
News, vol. 13, No. 4, p. 2. 
WETMoRE, ALEXANDER. 
1923. Avian fossils from the Miocene and Pliocene of Nebraska. Bull. 
Amer. Mus. Nat. Hist., vol. 48, art. 12, pp. 483-507, 20 figs. 


PLAGES 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 8 PL. 1 


Cotypes of Grus proavus Marsh, lateral view, about natural size. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 8, 


~Cotypes of Grus proavus Marsh, ventral view, about natural size. 


es 2 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 


Cotypes of 


Grus proavus Marsh, dorsal view, about natural size. 


2 


o, 


PL. 


WwW 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 8, PL. 4 


1. Cotypes of Gris proavus Marsh, anterior view, about natural size. 


2. Humerus of Bathornis celeripes Wetmore, about natural size. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOIES 135, N05 8) RES 5 


1. Type of Promilio brodkorbi, about natural size. 


2. Type of Promulio epileus, about natural size. 


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SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 9 


Charles D. and Mary Waux Walcott 
Research Fund 


NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS 


(Wit Eicut PLates) 


By 
PORTER M. KIER 


Associate Curator, Division of Invertebrate Paleontology 
and Paleobotany 
United States National Museum 
Smithsonian Institution 


(PUBLICATION 4337) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
AUGUST 4, 1958 


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Charles DB. and Mary Waux Walcott Research Fund 


NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS 
BY PORTER M. KIER 
Associate Curator, Division of Invertebrate Paleontology 


and Paleobotany, United States National Museum 
Smithsonian Institution 


(Wits Eicur PLates) 


INTRODUCTION 


Seven new species and one new genus of Paleozoic echinoids are 
described in this paper. One of the two new species of Archaeocidaris, 
A, immanis, is represented by a magnificent specimen, remarkable not 
only for its size, being the largest cidarid ever recorded, fossil or Re- 
cent, but is the first specimen of the genus showing the original shape 
of the echinoid. Furthermore, it is the first certain Archaeocidaris 
from the Pennsylvanian. A study of the ambulacral plates of this 
species, and of other species of the genus, shows that the plates are 
highly imbricate, a feature not previously known. 

Archaeocidaris aliquantula and Lepidechinus cooperi are new spe- 
cies from the Gilmore City formation.: The numerous specimens of 
these species in the United States National Museum were collected 
by Dr. Lowell R. Laudon at the same locality where he collected his 
beautifully preserved crinoids. 

In the Jackson collection at the Museum of Comparative Zoology at 
Harvard, the author found several specimens of a new species from 
Crawfordsville, Ind., which clearly represent a new cidarid genus. 
This genus, herein named Polytaxicidaris, is the first cidarid known 
with more than four columns in each interambulacrum. Also, as its 
interambulacral plates are similar to those of Archaeocidaris, its dis- 
covery makes unwise the referring of isolated interambulacral plates 
or spines to Archaeocidaris, as has been done frequently in the past. 

A new species of Palaechinus, P. tetrastichus, is described from 
the Mississippian of Montana. This is the first species of this genus 
found in the United States, and is based on several specimens col- 
lected by R. M. Stainforth of the Carter Oil Co. 

One of the two new species of Lepidesthes, L. grandis, is of con- 
siderable interest not only because of its great size, but also as it has 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 9 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


more columns (20) in each ambulacrum than any other member of 
the genus. The plates of the holotype are very well preserved, and 
from a study of them it is evident that although the plates do imbri- 
cate, the test was not flexible, as has been presumed in all echinoids 
with imbricating plates. The other new Lepidesthes, L. alta, is repre- 
sented by one specimen, and is the first one of the genus preserving 
its original shape. The test is extremely high, being one of the highest 
in proportion to its width of all known echinoids. 

A specimen of Archaeocidaris blairi (Miller) is described in which 
the apical system has been revealed by removal of the interambulacral 
plates which had shifted over the apical area. The apical system was 
hitherto unknown in this genus. This species was placed by Jackson 
in synonymy with Archaeocidaris legrandensis Miller and Gurley, but 
is here separated and redescribed. Finally, a specimen of Lepidesthes 
collettt White from a new locality is figured. 


ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 


I am greatly indebted to Dr. G. Arthur Cooper who had, several 
years ago, cleaned, photographed, and tentatively described the Gil- 
more City echinoids. The photographs used in this paper of these two 
species were taken by him. I also acknowledge his helpful suggestions 
made during the writing of this paper, and express my great apprecia- 
tion for his part in making it possible for me to study echinoderms 
at the United States National Museum. 

Dr. M. H. Nitecki, curator of the Walker Museum at the Univer- 
sity of Chicago, very kindly lent me the type specimen of Archaeoci- 
darts legrandensis, and Dr. N. D. Newell sent to me from the Ameri- 
can Museum of Natural History a cotype of Archaeocidaris wortheni. 
I am indebted to Dr. L. R. Laudon for the echinoids from Gilmore 
City, and to B. H. Beane for specimens from Gilmore City and 
LeGrand, Iowa. Mrs. J. H. Renfro collected the specimens of Lepi- 
desthes grandis, and J. L. Borden and Dr. N. D. Newell collected the 
specimen of Archaeocidaris immanis. Dr. J. Thomas Dutro, Jr., 
brought to my attention the specimens of Palaechinus tetrastichus, 
and Dr. Donald W. Fisher and Clinton F. Kilfoyle very kindly 
searched through their Crawfordsville material at the New York State 
Museum and located two specimens of Polytaxicidaris dyeri. 

Finally, through the courtesy of Dr. C. O. Dunbar, I was able to 
study the Paleozoic echinoids at the Peabody Museum at Yale, and 
through the kindness of Dr. H. B. Whittington, the echinoids of the 
Jackson collection at the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard. 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 3 


Family ARCHAEOCIDARIDAE McCoy 
Genus ARCHAEOCIDARIS McCoy, 1844 


Type species—Cidaris urii Fleming, by subsequent designation, 
Bather, 1907, p. 453. Generic name Archaeocidaris validated in Opin- 
ion 370 under plenary powers by suppression under same powers of 
generic name Echinocrinus Agassiz, 1841. Opin, Internat. Comm. 
Zool. Nomencl., vol. 11, pp. 301-320, 1955. 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS IMMANIS Kier, new species 
Plates 1, 2, 3A; text figures 1, 2 


Diagnosis.—Species characterized by large size, slightly developed 
basal terrace, and frequent occurrence in ambulacra of plates sepa- 
rated from perradial suture. 

Material——tThe specimen occurred in a dense oolitic limestone, and 
was cleaned by grinding away this matrix with a dental machine. As 
the secondary spines were in place on the test before cleaning, the 
echinoid was obviously little disturbed during its burial by oolitic 
sands. The test is complete except for the peristomal plates, the lan- 
tern, and most of the apical system. The original calcite of the plates 
is present, with the only change being the filling of the interstices of 
the plates with clear calcite making their microstructure remarkably 
clear, 

Shape-—Specimen showing no sign of crushing, presumably re- 
taining original shape. Test low, 145 mm. in horizontal diameter, 55 
mm. high, with concave apical and peristomal regions. Largest cidarid 
described with largest previously known (Mortensen, 1928, p. 10) 
only 110 mm. in horizontal diameter. 

Apical system.—Most plates of apical system missing except in oral 
portion of one interambulacrum having along its midline three columns 
of small plates with outer columns perforated by longitudinal series 
of pores, three to five in each plate (text fig. 1). Plate arrangement 
not clear as this part of test dissolved during fossilization with many 
plates now absent or only partially preserved. Pores, because of regu- 
lar pattern, symmetrical occurrence, probably original with echinoid, 
being unlikely that boring animal would drill such orderly series of 
holes. Plates perhaps representing single genital plate split into smaller 
plates, pores being genital pores, as frequently occurring in the 
Echinothuridae (Agassiz and Clark, 1909, p. 147). 

Ambulacra.—Extremely narrow, each approximately 6.5 mm. wide 
at midzone, one-thirteenth width of interambulacrum, sinuous, reflect- 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


ing curved surface of adambulacral plates, with 20-25 plates to each 
adambulacral plate at midzone. Pore pairs uniserial, outer pore larger, 
more elongated transversely than inner pore. Plates imbricating 
strongly orally, and under adambulacral plates, extension or flange of 
each ambulacral plate (pl. 3A, fig. 2) extending aborally from near 
junction of aboral ambulacral suture and perradial suture. Flange 
thin, sloping slightly inward, not visible where plates in proper posi- 
tion but seen only where plates displaced away from perradial suture. 
Ambulacral plate figured in plate 3A, figure 2, revealed by removal 
of two plates immediately aboral to it. Every second or third plate in 
a series separated (text fig. 2) from perradial suture by expansion of 
tubercle-bearing portion of adjacent ambulacral plate. This arrange- 
ment of ambulacral plates never described before in any other archaeo- 
cidarid, and not found during author’s examination of many species 
of genus. In portion of ambulacra aboral to last tubercle-bearing 
interambulacral plate, ambulacra nearly straight, with lower plates, 
outer pore of pore pair more elongated, being slitlike in appearance. 

Interambulacra.—Broad, each averaging 85 mm. in width at mid- 
zone, with four columns in each area. Plates of two inner columns 
hexagonal, at midzone each being approximately 25 mm. wide, 17 mm. 
high. Adambulacral plates narrower, pentagonal with adradial side of 
plate curved, plate at midzone 22 mm. wide, 17 mm. high. Most inter- 
ambulacral plates bearing one large perforated tubercle with diameter 
approximately one-half height of plate. Each tubercle with steep-sided 
boss, well-developed parapet, straight neck, deeply perforated mame- 
lon, with perforation extending to base of boss. Tubercle illustrated 
in plate 3A, figure 1, not showing deep perforation because plates not 
broken in vertical section through perforation but at angle to it. Most 
of plates with no basal terrace or scrobicule although slightly devel- 
oped in several. Secondary tubercles in row around margin of each 
plate with approximately 30 on plate at midzone. Aboral interambula- 
cral plates much smaller, lacking tubercles, one of most oral bearing 
incipient tubercle with slightly developed boss, no perforation. In 
nearly complete column, five small aboral plates without tubercles, 
seven large plates with tubercles. Plates imbricating strongly over 
ambulacra, very slight imbrication of plates of median columns over 
adambulacral plates. No evidence of aboral imbrication except in small, 
thin, tubercleless plates in aboral region. 

Spines.—Portions of several primary spines visible in matrix ; circu- 
lar in section, hollow, longitudinally finely striate, long, tapering, with 
well-developed ring. Longest portion of spine 35 mm. long, but less 


Fics. 1-4.—1, 2, Archaeocidaris immanis Kier, new species: 1, Aboral portion of inter- 
ambulacrum showing small perforated plates between the two inner columns. These plates 
may represent a divided genital plate, X 1. (See pl. 1.) 2, Portion of an ambulacrum 
showing every second or third plate in a series separated from perradial suture by expansion 
of tubercle-bearing portion of adjacent plate, X 4. (See pl. 2, fig. 4.) Both holotype, 
U.S.N.M. 90763. 

3, 4, Archaeocidaris blairt (Miller): 3, Aboral surface showing portion of apical system, 
with genital plates revealed by removal of aboral interambulacral plates which had shifted 
over apical area during flattening of test, X 2.6. (See pl. 4A, fig. 1.) Figured specimen 
U.S.N.M. $3828. 4, Same specimen, but showing oral surface, X 2.6. 


6 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


than one-third diameter of thickest spine which must have been con- 
siderably longer. Small spines attached to secondary tubercles on edge 
of interambulacral plates approximately 7 mm. long, longitudinally 
striated, hollow, nontapering. 

Type.—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 90763. 

Horizon and locality—Pennsylvanian (Dewey limestone), NE} 
sec. 33, T. 23 N., R. 12 E., Washington County, Okla. 

Discussion—This specimen is remarkable not only because of its 
great size, but also as it is the first specimen of Archaeocidaris showing 
its original shape and the first well-preserved member of the genus 
from the Pennsylvanian. It is easily distinguished from all the other 
species of Archaeocidaris, based on reasonably well-preserved speci- 
mens, by its large size, slightly developed basal terrace and scrobicule, 
and by the frequent occurrence in the ambulacra of plates separated 
from the perradial suture. 

The presence of imbrication in the ambulacral plates of Archaeoci- 
daris casts further doubt on any lineage of the Cidaroida from the 
Archaeocidaridae as proposed by Mortensen (1928, p. 58), and Dur- 
ham and Melville (1957, p. 245). It seems more reasonable to con- 
sider, as Jackson did (1896, p. 237; 1912, p. 249), that the archaeoci- 
darids are not ancestors of the post-Paleozoic cidarids, and that the 
cidarids never passed through a four-columned interambulacrum stage. 
Hawkin’s series (1943, p. lxv), with the cidarids passing through Mio- 
cidaris, is much preferred to any lineage through Archaeocidaris. 

Morphological note——In no other species of Archaeocidaris have 
ambulacral plates been described with a flange for perradial overlap. 
This flange, however, is probably present in all species of this genus, 
as the author has seen it in every specimen having ambulacral plates 
of every species studied including the following: A. wortheni Hall 
(American Museum Natural History, cotype, 7747/1), A. agassizi 
Hall (U.S.N.M. $3825), A. legrandensis Miller and Gurley (Univer- 
sity of Chicago Museum, holotype, 6198), A. aliquantula, new species 
(U.S.N.M. 136453), A. blairi (Miller) (U.S.N.M. S3828), A. new- 
berryt Hambach (U.S.N.M. $3899), A. rossica (Buch) (Mus. Comp. 
Zoology, Harvard, 3087). Jackson (1912, pl. 12, fig. 10) shows a 
vertical perradial suture in his figure of an ambulacral plate of A. ros- 
sica. However, I have examined this specimen and found the per- 
radial suture to be oblique, not vertical, with each plate having a flange 
as described above. 

The ambulacral plates were removed and separated in a specimen 
of A. agassizi (see Jackson, op. cit. pl. 13, fig. 4). In Jackson’s figure 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 7 


and in plate 3B, figure 3, the overlapping of the plates is not apparent 
where the plates are in normal position, but their separation (pl. 3B, 
fig. 4) reveals the flange and perradial overlap. 

This overlap in the ambulacral plates of Archacocidaris results in a 
stronger suture between the plates than that found in plates with a 
vertical suture (see p. 23). 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS ALIQUANTULA Kier, new species 
Plate 3C 


Diagnosis—Species characterized by small size, with coarse radial 
plications on interambulacral plates extending from basal terrace to 
margin of plates. 

Material——tThere are many loose specimens and many crowded on 
slabs. All are flattened and covered with spines, and on many speci- 
mens the secondary spines are still attached. The presence of attached 
spines, and the occurrence of a thin layer of marl over the echinoids 
indicates that they were smothered and buried by a deposit of cal- 
careous mud which prevented disturbance of the tests by scavengers 
and currents (Laudon, 1957, p. 963). 

Shape.—Probably originally low, with shape similar to Archaeoci- 
daris immanis. 

Apical system.—On paratype U.S.N:M. 136467 two plates present : 
genital 2 with madreporic pores, ocular II with one pore. 

Ambulacra.—Only short portions and isolated plates present with 
two columns of low uniserial primaries each bearing one secondary 
spine. Ambulacra narrow, apparently straight, beveling under adam- 
bulacral plates, with approximately four to five ambulacral plates for 
each adjacent adambulacral plate at midzone. Each plate bearing flange 
for perradial overlap. 

Interambulacra.—Broad, composed of four columns of thin imbri- 
cating plates. Adambulacral plates pentagonal, higher than wide; 
plates of inner columns hexagonal, wider than high. Plates imbricat- 
ing aborally and over ambulacra, each bearing one large centrally lo- 
cated tubercle deeply perforated with bottom of pit extending to near 
base of boss. Basal terrace slightly developed, not visible on many 
specimens. Secondary tubercles around margin of each plate with 25 
to 30 on plate at midzone; coarse radial plications extending from 
tubercles, across slightly developed scrobicule to basal terrace. 

Peristome.—Large, 5 mm. in diameter on specimen 13 mm. in hori- 
zontal diameter, covered with numerous small, low plates imbricating 
orally. 


8 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Lantern.—Inclined with deep foramen magnum. 

Spines.—Primary spines extremely long, over 30 mm., length 
greater than horizontal diameter of echinoid. Spines slightly striated, 
no spinules, well-developed milled ring, hollow from near tip to near 
milled ring with cavity approximately one-half width of spine. Sec- 
ondary spines short, striated, present on ambulacral plates, peristomal 
plates, and around margin of each interambulacral plate. 

Types.—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 136451; paratypes, U.S.N.M. 
136452-3. 

Horizon and locality——Mississippian (Kinderhookian—Gilmore 
City formation) quarries of Northwestern States Portland Cement 
Co. and Pennsylvania Dixie Cement Co., about one mile northwest of 
Gilmore City, Pocahontas County, Iowa. Collector: Lowell R. 
Laudon. 

Discussion.—Of all the species of Archaeocidaris, this species re- 
sembles most A. blairi (Miller) from the Meramecian of Missouri. 
It is distinguished from this species by its less developed basal terrace 
and scrobicule, and in having coarse radial plications extending from 
the secondary tubercle on the margin of each interambulacral plate 
to the basal terrace, as contrasted to A. blairi in which extremely fine 
radial plications occur along the basal terrace but do not reach these 
secondary tubercles. 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS BLAIRI (Miller) 
Plate 4A; text figures 3, 4 


Eocidaris blairi Miller, 1891. Advance Sheets, 17th Rep. Geol. Surv. Indiana, 


DAgssDisgl2) ool ae: 
Archacocidaris legrandensis (part) Jackson, 1912. Mem. Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., 
vol. 7, pp. 260-261, pl. 8, figs. 7, 8, pl. 9, figs. 12, 13. 


In order to explain the function of the pore-bearing plates in the 
aboral interambulacrum of Archaeocidaris immanis described above, 
it was essential to learn the nature of the apical system in Archaeoci- 
daris. Except for several possible genital plates described by Jackson 
(1912, pp. 265-266) the apical system is unknown in the genus. A 
search was made of all the specimens in the U. S. National Museum 
and any specimen that might have the plates was cleaned. On a speci- 
men of A. blairi occurred a plate larger than the others, pierced with 
one pore, and located on the edge of the periproctal area. As this plate 
beveled under adjacent interambulacral plates, these plates were re- 
moved, revealing seven more pores of what was obviously a genital 
plate. The removal of similar plates at the aboral extremities of the 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 9 


ambulacra and interambulacra revealed two more genitals, including 
the madreporite and two oculars. It is apparent that the flattening of 
the test of an Archaeocidaris forces the thin, nontuberculate aboral 
interambulacral plates up and over the genitals and oculars, thus hid- 
ing the apical system from view. 

As the above-mentioned specimen of A. blairi is from the same lo- 
cality, Boonville, Mo., as Miller’s type specimen, and as it shows fea- 
tures not visible on his types, it warrants description. 

Material—tThere is one well-preserved specimen, which, although 
flattened, shows most of its interambulacral plates. It is 24 mm. in 
horizontal diameter, 7 mm. at its greatest height. 

Apical system.—Genitals 1, 2, 3; oculars I, III visible. Genital 2 
broad, rounded (text fig. 3), width nearly equal to height, larger than 
other genitals, pierced with eight genital pores and numerous madre- 
poric pores. Genital 3 narrow, with eight or nine pores; genital 1 
partly uncovered, six pores visible. Genital pores extremely small 
being of approximately same size as ambulacral pores. Ocular plates 
small relative to genitals, each pierced in oral region by one small pore. 
Both ocular and genital plates thin, beveling under interambulacra. 
Imbrication relationship of oculars to ambulacra not clear. Many 
small, irregularly shaped periproctal plates within ocular-genital ring. 

Ambulacra.—On most of test not visible due to slippage of inter- 
ambulacral plates over ambulacra at time of flattening of specimen. 
Plates thin, beveled for perradial imbrication. 

Interambulacra.—Four columns in each area with from 9g to 11 
plates in a column; plates of median columns hexagonal, wider than 
high, largest plate approximately 5 mm. wide, 4 mm. high. Adambula- 
cral plates pentagonal, narrow, width less than height, imbricating over 
ambulacra. Large perforated tubercle with well-developed basal ter- 
race and wide scrobicule on each plate except near apical area. Ex- 
tremely fine radial plications on edge of basal terrace. Aborally, first 
three or four plates in a column bearing no tubercles ; here plates thin, 
strongly imbricating aborally. In area 3, most oral plate bearing one 
incipient perforate tubercle, no basal terrace. 

Lantern.—Portions of two pyramids visible; foramen moderately 
deep. 

Figured specimen.—U.S.N.M. $3828. 

Horizon and locality—Mississippian (Meramecian—Warsaw for- 
mation), from Boonville, Mo. 

Discussion.—Jackson (1912, p. 260) placed A. blairi in synonymy 
with A. legrandensis, as he was unable to see any difference between 


Io SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Miller and Gurley’s type specimens of A. legrandensis and Miller’s of 
A. blairi. However, I have studied the type specimens of A. legrand- 
ensis, and they are so poorly preserved that it is not possible to deter- 
mine whether or not the specimens represent the same species as A. 
blait. Considering the difference in the age of the specimens, A. le- 
grandensis being Kinderhookian and A. blairi Meramecian, it seems 
best to maintain the two species. 


POLYTAXICIDARIS Kier, new genus 


Two columns in each ambulacrum ; numerous columns in each inter- 
ambulacrum. Interambulacral plates thin, imbricating slightly abor- 
ally, beveling over ambulacra ; adambulacral plates same size as plates 
of inner columns. Perforated tubercles on most ambulacral and inter- 
ambulacral plates. 

Type species.—Polytaxicidaris dyeri Kier, new species. 

Discussion—This genus belongs to the family Archaeocidaridae. 
Jackson (1912, p. 206) placed three genera in the family: Eocidaris, 
Archaeocidaris, and Lepidocidaris. Eocidaris was based on isolated 
interambulacral plates and cannot be maintained as a usable genus 
(Mortensen, 1928, p. 58). Polytaxicidaris differs from Archaeoci- 
daris in having more than four columns in each interambulacrum, and 
in having perforate tubercles on most of the ambulacral plates. It dif- 
fers from Lepidocidaris in not having every third ambulacral plate 
higher and wider at the midzone than the others, in having perforate 
tubercles on most of the ambulacral plates, and in not having a high 
rounded area beyond the scrobicular ring on each interambulacral 
plate. Mortensen (1928, p. 58) did not consider Lepidocidaris as an 
archaeocidarid but placed it among the lepidocentrids because of the 
absence of a cortex layer on the spines in Lepidocidaris. However, the 
presence of a cortex layer cannot be considered a diagnostic feature 
of the archaeocidarids because most of the species of Archaeocidaris, 
based on well-preserved tests, do not have this layer as shown by the 
fine longitudinal striations, and lack of spinules on the spines. Both of 
these characters are considered by Mortensen (1935, p. 48) as evi- 
dence of a lack of cortex. He further distinguishes Lepidocidaris 
from this family by the enlargement of every third ambulacral plate 
at the midzone. However, the ambulacral plates are not always similar 
in other genera of the family as shown above in Archaeocidaris im- 
manis (see text fig. 2) and in Polytarxicidaris. It therefore seems 
more reasonable to consider Lepidocidaris as an archaeocidarid. 

Mortensen included Nortonechinus among the archaeocidarids, but 


NO. Q NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER LE 


until the number of ambulacral columns is known in this genus, its 
reference to this family can only be tentative. Polytaxicidaris is easily 
distinguished by its interambulacral plates which are more regular in 
outline and bear a more pronounced primary tubercle, with the scro- 
bicular tubercles occurring around the margin of the plate instead of 
being in a ring as in Nortonechinus. 

The discovery of a species of Paleozoic echinoid having interam- 
bulacral plates similar to those found in Archaeocidaris, but belonging 
to a separate genus, makes unwise the erection of species of Archaeo- 
cidaris based on isolated interambulacral plates. 


POLYTAXICIDARIS DYERI Kier, new species 
Plates 4B, 5A; text figure 5 


Diagnosis ——Having only one reasonably well-preserved specimen, 
diagnosis of species not possible. 

Material—There are six specimens, all preserved as impressions 
in a siltstone. The holotype is represented by two impressions, one of 
the oral surface, the best preserved of all the impressions; the other 
of the aboral surface showing part of both the inner and outer surface 
of the plates. Both the apical system and peristome are absent owing 
to the breaking through of the test of the lantern. The other specimens 
are not as well preserved and show only portions of the test. All the 
specific description is based on the holotype except for details of the 
spines from the paratypes. 

Shape.—Not known, specimen flattened during or after burial. 

Ambulacra.—Detailed structure not visible, narrow, approximately 
one-fifth width of interambulacra, straight with curved adradial mar- 
gins reflecting curved margin of adambulacral plates, with approxi- 
mately four pore pairs to each adjacent adambulacral plate. On oral 
surface, single regular series of small perforated tubercles running 
length of each half-ambulacrum between pore pairs and perradial su- 
ture, one-half as many tubercles as pore pairs. Because of poor pres- 
ervation, not certain whether tubercle on every other ambulacral plate 
as in Archaeocidaris (text fig. 2) or on a compound plate with two 
pore pairs, as in Jurassic genus Paracidaris (illustrated in Mortensen, 
1928, p. 478). On aboral surface, at midzone, tubercles as described 
above for oral surface, but nearer apical system apparently more tu- 
bercles, with one tubercle for each pore pair, poor preservation pre- 
venting certainty on this point. 

Interambulacra.—Seven columns visible in all areas of holotype ex- 


I2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


cept in one. In this area, although probably seven originally present, 
only six visible, as portion of test not preserved where seventh column 
would occur. Column 5 in middle of each interambulacrum with 
columns 6 and 7 on either side. Plates thin, imbricating slightly abor- 
ally, beveling over ambulacra, with well-developed, perforated primary 
tubercle near center of plate, slightly developed basal terrace, row of 
secondary tubercles around margin of each plate with approximately 
25 on plate at midzone. Plates of inner columns hexagonal, wider than 
high except for initial plate of columns 5, 6, 7 where higher than wide, 
pentagonal, and usually without primary tubercle. Adambulacral plates 
pentagonal with curved adradial margin, approximately same size as 
plates of inner columns. 

Spines.—Primary spines of interambulacral plates longitudinally 
finely striate, tapering, with well-developed milled ring. No complete 
spine, longest fragment 12 mm. long. Ambulacral spines smaller, long- 
est 6 mm, long, with well-developed milled ring, slight taper. Second- 
ary spines, formerly attached to scrobicular tubercles, small, less than 
2 mm. long, details not discernible. 

Types—Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard: Holotype, 
3354; figured paratype, 3353; unfigured paratype, 3352. New York 
State Museum, Albany: Paratypes, 11060-1. 

Horizon and locality.—Mississippian (Osagean, Borden Group), 
Crawfordsville, Ind. Collector: C. B. Dyer. 


Family PALAEOCHINIDAE McCoy 
Genus PALAECHINUS McCoy 
PALAECHINUS TETRASTICHUS Kier, new species 
Plate 5B; text figures 6-10 


Diagnosis —Species characterized by four columns of similar plates 
in each interambulacrum, with five ambulacral plates to each adam- 
bulacral plate at midzone. 

Material——There are portions of five specimens present on a slab 
of irregularly bedded, argillaceous, bioclastic limestone. These speci- 
mens are flattened, with some plates shifted from their original posi- 
tion on the tests. Their plates are well preserved, still retaining their 
microstructure, and with the tubercles still present on their external 
surfaces. 

Shape.—Vertically elongated as indicated by slight curvature of 
ambulacral margins throughout length. 

Apical system.—Three or possibly four genital plates on holotype, 


Fics. 5-10.—5, Polytaxicidaris dyeri Kier, new species: Aboral surface based 
on cast of holotype, Museum of Comparative Zoology, coll. 3354, «2. (See 
pl. 4B, fig. 4.) 

6-10, Palaechinus tetrastichus Kier, new species: 6, Holotype, U.S.N.M. 
730454, X 1.5... (See pl 5B; fig. g.) 3, Paratype, U,S.NUM, 136458, X.1.5. 
8, Paratype, U.S.N.M. 136457, 1.5. (See pl. 5B, fig. 3.) 9, Paratype, 
U.S.N.M. 136455, X 1.5. (See pl. 5B, fig. 2.) 10, Paratype, U.S.N.M. 136456, 
S15. (See pl. 5B; fig. 3) 


I4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


two small, pentagonal, with three pores, third large with five pores, 
fourth may be genital plate, larger than other three, pentagonal with 
two pores on one margin of plate, no pores visible on other margin. 
Several smaller, angular, probably periproctal plates in same region 
with genital plates. 

Ambulacra—At midzone, 4 to 5 mm. wide, one-fourth width of 
interambulacra, with two columns of similar primary plates in each 
area. Five plates to each adambulacral plate at midzone, four near 
oral, aboral extremities. Plates pentagonal except where hexagonal 
opposite suture between two adjacent interambulacral plates. Pore 
pairs in peripodia, uniserial. Four to five secondary tubercles on each 
plate between pore pair and perradial suture. 

Interambulacra-—At midzone, 18-19 mm. wide, four columns in 
each area. Plates of inner columns hexagonal, much wider than high ; 
adambulacral plates pentagonal, slightly wider than high, notched 
along adradial suture for ambulacral plates, very slightly beveled under 
ambulacra. Sutures between interambulacral plates vertical with no 
indication of imbrication. Approximately 60 secondary tubercles on 
plate of inner column at midzone. 

Lantern.—Not preserved. 

Spines.—Several spines on tests and in matrix: narrow, longest 
4 mm. long, vertically finely striated. 

Types—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 136454; paratypes, U.S.N.M. 
136455-8. 

Horizon and locality—Mississippian (Madison formation, Lodge- 
pole member) at type section of Lodgepole limestone, Little Chief 
Canyon, Fort Belknap Indian Reservation. Collector: R. M. 
Stainforth. 

Discussion—Three other species of Palaechinus are known with 
four columns of interambulacral plates in each area. P. quadriserialis 
Wright from the Lower Carboniferous of Ireland differs in having 
narrower adambulacral plates, and ambulacra with plates alternately 
enlarged at adradial margin. P. globulus Jackson from the Tournai- 
sien of Belgium is easily distinguished by its spheroidal shape and in 
having smaller and narrower plates in the inner columns of the inter- 
ambulacra, and in having eight ambulacral plates to each adambulacral 
plate as opposed to five in P. tetrastichus. P. visetensis Jackson from 
the Viséen of Belgium is easily distinguished by its extremely verti- 
cally elongated test with a spiral twist, and by its high interambulacral 
plates. 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 15 


Family ECHINOCYSTITIDAE Gregory 
Genus LEPIDECHINUS Hall 
LEPIDECHINUS COOPERI Kier, new species 
Plate 6; text figures II, 12 


Diagnosis ——Species characterized by small size, similar ambulacral 
plates with four plates to each adambulacral plate, and five columns 
in each interambulacrum. 

Material—tThere are many specimens of this species, most of them 
occurring on slabs. All are flattened except for one slightly crushed 
test. 

Shape.—Spherical to slightly higher than wide. 

Apical system.—Well preserved in holotype (text fig. 11), portion 
in paratype U.S.N.M. 136460. Oculars large, pierced by one pore in 
oral portion of plate, insert except possibly ocular IT in holotype being 
separated from periproct by genitals I and 2, separation resulting from 
displacement of plates during fossilization. Genital plates slightly 
larger than oculars except genital 2, much larger, approximately twice 
size of other genitals, not pierced by madreporic pores. Genitals 2, 
5, 1 pierced by two pores each, genitals 3, 4 by one. Periproctal plates 
small, irregular in shape. 

Interambulacra.—Five columns of thin imbricating plates in each 
area; adambulacral plates high, pentagonal; plates of inner columns 
approximately as wide as high, hexagonal. Plates imbricating abor- 
ally, laterally from center over ambulacra. Shape and occurrence of 
initial plates of columns exactly as shown by Jackson (1896) to be 
typical of most Paleozoic echinoids, with initial plate of column five 
(text fig. 12) pentagonal with apex of pentagon pointing orally ; ini- 
tial plate of column three hexagonal, although in some interambula- 
cral areas heptagonal, followed by pentagonal initial plate of column 
four. Single plate in first row of each area. 

Peristome.—Small, surrounded by ambulacral plates with initial 
plate of interambulacrum separated from peristome. 

Lantern.—Small, inclined, foramen magnum deep, braces block- 
shaped identical to those in Lepidechinus towensis Jackson (1912, 
pl. 63, fig. 3). Portions of epiphyses and teeth visible, but shape not 
clear. 

Spines.—Test covered with small, striated secondary spines with 
slightly dilated bases. Each ambulacral plate bearing one spine be- 
tween pore pair and perradial suture. Approximately 15 spines on 
each interambulacral plate. 


16 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


13 14 


Fics. 11-14.—11, 12, Lepidechinus cooperi Kier, new species: 11, Apical system 
of holotype, U.S.N.M. 136458, & 8. (See pl. 6, fig. 1.) 12, Oral interambulacrum 
of paratype, U.S.N.M. 136460, * 6. (See pl. 6, fig. 4.) 

13, 14, Lepidesthes colletti White: Both surfaces of specimen U.S.N.M. 136466, 
xX 2. (See pl. 8B, fig. 6.) 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 17, 


Types.—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 136458; paratypes, U.S.N.M. 
136459-60. 

Horizon and locality—Mississippian (Kinderhookian—Gilmore 
City formation) quarries of Northwestern States Portland Cement 
Co. and Pennsylvania Dixie Cement Co., about 1 mile northwest of 
Gilmore City, Pocahontas County, Iowa. Collector: L. R. Laudon. 

Discussion—This species is easily distinguished from the other 
two species of Lepidechinus having five columns in each interambula- 
crum: L. iowensis Jackson from the Mississippian of Burlington, 
Iowa, and L. belgicus Jackson from the Viséen of Belgium. L. towen- 
sis is much larger, has wider ambulacra, and its ambulacral plates are 
higher with every third plate in a column much larger than the other 
two. In L. iowensis there are seven ambulacral plates to an adambula- 
cral plate, whereas there are only four in L. coopert. Furthermore, 
in L. iowensis every third plate in a column is considerably larger. 
The known specimens of L. belgicus are so poorly preserved as to 
make comparison difficult ; however, the ambulacra are much narrower 
in L. belgicus than in L. coopert. 


Genus LEPIDESTHES Meek and Worthen 
LEPIDESTHES ALTA Kier, new species 
Plate 7; text figures 15-20 


Diagnosis.—Species characterized by high test, 3 columns in inter- 
ambulacrum at midzone, Io to 12 in ambulacrum. 

Material_—This species is based on one silicified specimen, which 
is for the most part an internal mold, except where the plates are still 
present in the oral portion of interambulacrum 5, its adjacent ambula- 
cra, and most of the apical system and peristome. The silicification is 
coarse with the surface details of the plates not preserved. The test 
is not flattened vertically, but is slightly compressed through its width. 

Shape—tTest highly inflated, higher than wide, height 80 mm., 
average width 60 mm. with greatest width aboral to midzone, narrow- 
ing orally. Apical system at apex of test; peristomal region only 
slightly concave. 

Apical system.—Partially preserved (pl. 7, fig. 5) with portions 
visible of genitals 1, 2, 4; oculars III, IV. Genital 2 approximately 
twice as large as other genitals, three pores visible, probably five or six 
originally, presence or absence of madreporic pores not possible to de- 
termine because of coarse silicification. Genitals 1, 4 with five, possibly 
six, genital pores. Oculars insert, nearly as wide as genitals, consid- 
erably lower, each with one pore near aboral margin. 


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Fics. 15-20.—Lepidesthes alta Kier, new species: 15-19, Casts of interior 
surfaces of ambulacra I, II, III, and interambulacra 1, 2, respectively, of holo- 
type, U.S.N.M. 80554, 1. (See pl. 7.) In these areas of holotype, plates 
absent, being represented by mold of interior surface of plates. Drawings of 
casts reversed in order to show plates in proper position as viewed from the 
exterior. 20, Exterior surface of portion of ambulacrum V and its adjacent 
interambulacra. In this portion of the holotype, the plates are still represented, 
therefore showing the arrangement of the plates at the exterior of the test, 
X 1.5. (See pl. 7, figs. 2, 4.) 


NO. Q NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER I9 


Peristome.—Very small, less than 10 mm. in diameter or one-sixth 
horizontal diameter of test. Bordering area composed of many columns 
of very low, wide ambulacral plates with at least three or four plates 
in each column. Interambulacra not reaching peristome, separated 
from it by ambulacral plates. 

Ambulacra.—Average width at midzone 23 mm., nearly twice width 
of interambulacra. In most of ambulacra I, IJ, III, V (text figs. 
15-17) plates preserved as internal molds, showing different shape, 
size than would be visible on exterior. On interior, plates of ambula- 
cral columns adjacent to interambulacra larger than those of inner 
columns, but on exterior, of approximately same size. Exterior of 
plates preserved only in oral portion, plates low, width twice height, 
hexagonal with plates of columns adjacent to interambulacra narrower, 
pentagonal or hexagonal. In small portion of ambulacra IV showing 
exterior outline near midzone, plates narrower, width equal to height. 
Actual outline of isolated plate not known. Plates imbricating orally, 
laterally beveling under interambulacra, 60 to 80 plates in one column. 
No spinose processes evident on ambulacral plates as described by 
Cooper (1931, p. 537) in Lepidesthes warrensis. Pore pairs situated 
eccentric of center of plate on side nearest adjacent interambulacra, 
away from median line of ambulacra, with two inner columns of pores 
farther apart than others. 

Interambulacra.—One-half width of ambulacra: 11 mm. at mid- 
zone. Three columns in each area except near peristome (text fig. 20) 
where four, in arrangement similar to that figured by Jackson (1912, 
pl. 67, fig. 8) in specimens of his Lepidesthes worthem. Plates of 
median columns hexagonal, wider than high; adambulacral plates nar- 
rower, higher than wide, with rounded adradial border. Plates imbri- 
cating aborally, laterally over ambulacra, with plates of median col- 
umns beveling strongly over adjacent adambulacral plates, on interior 
appearing very narrow, in some cases not evident (text fig. 18). 

Type.—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 80554. 

Horizon and locality—Mississippian (Meramecian—hbase of St. 
Louis or Warsaw limestone), Highland Rim, west of Nashville, Tenn. 

Discussion.—This specimen is remarkable as it preserves the orig- 
inal shape of the echinoid. All previously described specimens of 
Lepidesthes have been flattened. Because of its high test, this echinoid 
must have had some difficulty maintaining an upright position, and it 
is probable that its tube feet were extremely long, extending from am- 
bulacral plates well up on the test, to reach the sea floor and steady the 
animal. Presumably it lived in quiet water, as is true of modern echi- 
noids of similar shape (Mortensen, 1935, p. 49). 


20 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Of all the species of Lepidesthes, this one resembles most L. wor- 
theni from the Keokuk group at Crawfordsville, Ind. Both species 
have three columns of interambulacral plates at the midzone with four 
near the peristome. L. alta differs in having wider interambulacra, 
and ambulacra with 10 to 12 columns at the midzone as opposed to 8 
in L. wortheni. Finally, the oral ambulacral plates are lower in 
L. worthent. 


LEPIDESTHES GRANDIS Kier, new species 
Plate 8A; text figures 21, 22 


Diagnosis.—Species characterized by large size, 20 columns in each 
ambulacrum, four in each interambulacrum. 

Material_—There are four flattened fragments. The holotype, the 
largest, is 90 mm. wide, 85 mm. high, 20 mm. thick, with one surface 
showing the midzone portion of two ambulacra, one interambulacrum, 
and a portion of the lantern; the other surface showing the oral por- 
tion of an ambulacrum. The other fragments are small, showing por- 
tions of the ambulacra, and interambulacra. In all the fragments, the 
plates are very well preserved with the tubercles, peripodia, and spines 
present. The aboral portion of the test and the apical system are not 
preserved. 

Shape.—Not known. Test extremely large with an approximated 
horizontal diameter over 130 mm. 

Ambulacra.—Extremely wide, approximately 65 mm. at midzone, 
five times width of interambulacra ; 20 columns at midzone. Plates im- 
bricating orally, with greatest imbrication in oral portion of test, lat- 
erally beveling under interambulacra. At midzone, plates hexagonal, 
wider than high, plates of median columns lower, wider than other 
plates. Pore pairs in peripodia in upper middle of exposed portion of 
plates except in median columns where occurring on side of plate away 
from median suture. Pores oblique to surface with pore pairs on under 
surface located more orally than pore pairs on upper surface. Edges 
of plates notched and grooved (see pl. 8A, fig. 3) resulting in inter- 
locking of plates when in original position; imbrication slight. Oral 
of midzone, plates gradually lose hexagonal shape becoming irregular 
in outline, with exposed portion of plates considerably wider than 
high, with curved contacts with adjacent plates. Plates oral of midzone 
(see pl. 8A, fig. 4) approximately twice as thick as midzone plates, 
pore pairs located in center of exposed portion of plate immediately 
below adjacent aboral plate, pores not as oblique as in midzone plates. 
Imbrication very great with less than one-half area of plate exposed 


NO. Q NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 21 


Fics. 21-22.—Lepidesthes grandis Kier, new species: 21, One side of holotype, 
U.S.N.M. 136461, showing most of width of portion of an ambulacrum at the 
midzone and a portion of an adjacent interambulacrum, XI. (See pl. 8, fig. 1.) 
22, Other side of holotype showing portion of ambulacrum oral to midzone, X I. 


22 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


to surface, with low angle from horizontal of edge or sutural portion 
of plates. In many plates aboral portion bilobed (see pl. 8A, fig. 5) 
with lobes extending on either side of pore pairs on under surface of 
adjacent aboral plates. Paratype U.S.N.M. 136464 with many low, 
lathlike plates probably from peristome. 

Interambulacra.—At midzone four columns of hexagonal, higher 
than wide plates imbricating aborally, laterally over ambulacra. Plates 
notched, grooved, interlocking when in original position. In paratype 
U.S.N.M. No. 136462, oral portions of interambulacrum visible with 
plates more imbricate, more rounded than at midzone. Several poreless 
plates lying near this interambulacrum possibly representing fifth col- 
umn but due to shifting of plates not possible to be certain. 

Lantern.—One pyramid, two half-pyramids, portion of two epiph- 
yses, one brace present on holotype. Lantern large with pyramid 
25 mm. high, 22 mm. wide. Foramen magnum shallow, with sides of 
wide-angled pyramid corrugated for attachment of interpyramidal 
muscles. Epiphyses cap half-pyramids, extremely wide extending high 
above upper limits of outline of half-pyramid but not joined, widest 
epiphyses ever described in Paleozoic echinoid. Outer surface of each 
epiphysis corrugated where plate joins half-pyramid. Tip of brace 
exposed between two adjacent epiphyses. 

Spines.—Longitudinally deeply striated, expanded bases, tapering, 
with approximate maximum length of 5 mm. Secondary tubercles on 
most of surface of interambulacral and ambulacral plates. 

Types.—Holotype, U.S.N.M. 136461; paratypes, U.S.N.M. 
136462-4. 

Horizon and locality—Pennsylvanian (Strawn group, Millsap Lake 
formation). Found in wash on old Evans farm, 3 mile south of Den- 
nis, Hood County, Tex. Collector: Mrs. J. H. Renfro. 

Discussion Having 20 columns in each ambulacrum immediately 
distinguishes this echinoid from any other known species of Lepi- 
desthes. Previously the maximum number of columns known in an 
ambulacrum of Lepidesthes was 16. The great size of its test further 
distinguishes L. grandis from all other species of this genus. The only 
other echinoid having as many columns in each ambulacrum is Meeke- 
chinus elegans Jackson, with 20 columns. In Meekechinus, however, 
primary tubercles occur on both the interambulacral and ambulacral 
plates. These tubercles are the distinguishing feature between Meeke- 
chinus and Lepidesthes. 

Morphological notes —The imbrication of the plates in Lepidesthes 
has always been considered as evidence of former flexibility of the 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 23 


test. While flexibility accompanies imbrication in the Echinothuridae 
and no doubt in some Paleozoic echinoids, it apparently did not occur 
in this species of Lepidesthes, as it is obvious that no sliding could 
have occurred along the sutures between the plates. The ambulacral 
and interambulacral plates at the midzone of the test are notched and 
grooved along their edges preventing any movement. In the oral por- 
tion of the test the ambulacral plates could not have shifted without 
cutting off the tube feet of an adjacent plate. The imbrication served 
not for flexibility but rather for strength, with the elimination of a 
vertical suture. Where the angle of the sutural portion of a plate is 
low, the sutural area is great with a strong bond resulting between the 
plates, but where the suture is vertical the thickness of the suture can 
be no greater than the thickness of the plate. For example, a plate 
with an edge having an angle of 30 degrees to the horizontal will have 
twice the sutural area of a plate with a vertical suture. Furthermore, 
the vertical suture is more susceptible to fracture as it is parallel to 
the force of a blow upon the surface of the test, whereas the oblique 
suture is at an angle to the blow with part of the force being trans- 
mitted through the plate rather than along the plate surface. 


LEPIDESTHES COLLETTI White 
Plate 8B; text figures 13, 14 
Lepidesthes collettt White, 1878. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Philadelphia, p. 33. 


In the U. S. National Museum is an echinoid from the Warsaw 
limestone at Boonville, Mo., which can be referred to this species. 
White’s holotype, long missing, is now at the U. S. National Museum 
(135221) (Trumbull, in press) and was available for comparison. 
The Boonville specimen is similar in all respects to the holotype. 

Figured specimen.—U.S.N.M. 136466. 

Horizon and locality—Mississippian (Meramecian—Warsaw lime- 
stone), Boonville, Mo. 


LITERATURE CITED 


Acassiz, A., and Crark, H. L. 
1909. Hawaiian and other Pacific Echini. The Echinothuridae. Mem. Mus. 
Comp. Zool., vol. 34, pp. 135-204, pls. 60-89. 
BaTHERr, F. A. 
1907. Echinocrinus versus Archacocidaris. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., ser. 7, 
vol. 20, pp. 452-456. 
Cooper, G, A. 
1931. A new species of the echinoid Lepidesthes. Amer. Journ. Sci., vol. 22, 


Pp. 531-538, 2 figs. 


24 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


DurHAM, J. W., and MEtviLte, R. V. 

1957. A classification of echinoids. Journ. Paleont., vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 242- 

272, 9 text figs. 
Hawkins, H. L. 

1943. Evolution and habit among the Echinoidea: Some facts and theories. 

Quart. Journ. Geol. Soc. London, vol. 99, pp. lii-Ixxv. 
Jackson, R. T. 

1896. Studies of Palaeechinoidea. Bull. Geol. Soc. Amer., vol. 7, pp. 171-254, 
pls. 2-9, 5 text figs., table facing p. 242. 

1912, Phylogeny of the Echini, with a revision of Paleozoic species. Mem. 
Boston Soc. Nat. Hist., vol. 7, 443 pp., 76 pls. 

Laupon, L. R. 

1957. Crinoids. Jn Treatise on marine ecology and paleoecology, vol. 2, 

Paleoecology. Geol. Soc. Amer. Mem. 67, pp. 961-972. 
Mirter, S. A. 

1891. Palaeontology, Advance Sheets, 17th Ann. Rep. Dept. Geol. and Nat. 

Res. Indiana, pp. 611-705, pls. 1-20. 
MortTENSEN, Tu. 

1928. A monograph of the Echinoidea. I. Cidaroidea. 551 pp., 24 pls., 
173 text figs. Copenhagen and London. 

1935. A monograph of the Echinoidea. II. Bothriocidaroida, Melonechi- 
noida, Lepidocentroida, and Stirondonta. 647 pp., 89 pls., 377 text 
figs. Copenhagen and London. 

TruMBULL, FE. J. 

Shumard’s type specimens of Tertiary mollusks from Oregon and 
other types formerly at Washington University, St. Louis. (To be 
published in Journ. Paleont.) 

Walter, C. A. 

1878. Descriptions of new invertebrate fossils from the Carboniferous and 
Upper Silurian rocks of Illinois and Indiana. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. 
Philadelphia, 1878, pp. 29-37. 


EXPLANATION OF PLATES 
PLATE I 


Archaeocidaris tmmanis Kier, new Spe€CieS.......-..esecercsercctcvcceses 3 
Aboral view, 1, holotype, U.S.N.M. 90763. Specimen photographed 
under glycerine with that portion of specimen showing only matrix later 
air brushed out by Lawrence B. Isham, scientific illustrator. Penn- 
sylvanian (Dewey limestone), NE} sec. 33, T. 23 N., R. 12 E., Washing- 
ton County, Okla. Portion of interambulacrum visible in upper right- 
hand portion of photograph depicted on text figure 1. 


PLATE 2 


Archaeocidants' tmmanis Kier, NeW SpecieS.|... 0... «0-265 ss 3cecass eee 3 
I, 2, Side views, X 1; 3, oral view, 4; 4, enlarged view of portion of 
ambulacrum visible in lower part of figures 1 and 3 of this plate, with 
drawing of same region on text figure 2, X 3, holotype, U.S.N.M. 90763. 
Photographed under glycerine. 


NO. 9 NEW AMERICAN PALEOZOIC ECHINOIDS—KIER 
PLATE 3 
A. Archaeocidaris immanis Kier, new species...........ceeeeccceceeseece 


1, View of fracture surface across interambulacral plates showing ab- 
sence of basal terrace, X 1. Photographed under glycerine. 2, View of 
ambulacral plate showing well-developed flange for perradial overlap, 
X 8, holotype, U.S.N.M. 90763. 

Percnacociaares assist. Frall . io sci. en's se dee Soi annls bale raty ean oe ate 

3, View showing ambulacral plates in place; 4, view showing isolated 
ambulacral plates after their removal from area shown in figure 3. Note 
that perradial flange is not visible where plates in original position 
(fig. 3) but visible where plates separated, 6, figured specimen, 
U.S.N.M. $3825. Mississippian (Lower Burlington), Burlington, Iowa. 

C. Archaeocidaris aliquantula Kier, new species.........ecceceeeeceeeeees 

5, Oral view, X 4, holotype, U.S.N.M. 136451; 6, view of interambu- 
lacral plates showing coarse radial plications extending from basal ter- 
race to margin of each plate, * 4, paratype, U.S.N.M. 136452; 7, view 
of ambulacral, interambulacral, plates, and primary and secondary spines, 
x 4, paratype, U.S.N.M. 136453. Mississippian (Kinderhookian), Gil- 
more City formation, Gilmore City, Iowa. 


moaecnaraciwarns Glas. (Millet \o sin. cance cae boc ces cig e ne « elas waters cule 
1, Aboral view; 2, oral view. X 2, U.S.N.M. $3828. Photographed 
under glycerine. Mississippian (Warsaw), Boonville, Mo. Drawing of 
specimen on text figures 3, 4. 
B. Polytaxicidaris dyeri Kier, new specieS...2........eceee eee eeeeee eens 
3, View of oral surface; 4, cast of oral surface; 5, view of aboral sur- 
face, X 2, holotype, Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard, 3354. 
Mississippian (Osagean), Borden Group, Crawfordsville, Ind. Drawing 
of figure 4 on text figure 5. 


PLATE 5 


A. Polytaxicidaris dyeri Kier, new species........-.s2eeeeee cere eee eens 
1, View of paratype, X 2, Museum of Comparative Zoology, Harvard, 
3353. Mississippian (Osagean), Borden Group, Crawfordsville, Ind. 
B. Palaechinus tetrastichus Kier, new specieS.... 1-0. .e eee ee cece eee e eens 
2, View of paratype, X 1, U.S.N.M. 136455; 3, view of slab containing 
holotype, U.S.N.M. 136454, the large specimen, and two paratypes, 
U.S.N.M. 136456 (upper right) and U.S.N.M. 136457 (lower left), 
1. Mississippian, Madison formation, Lodgepole member, at type sec- 
tion of Lodgepole limestone, Little Chief Canyon, Fort Belknap Indian 
Reservation. Drawings of specimens on text figures 6, 8, 9, 10. 


PLATE 6 


Lepidechinus cooperi Kier, new SHECIES e « viirw 2s sine invelavelaye sia an doe Avia areintelateeB 
1, Aboral view, X 4, holotype, U.S.N.M. 136458. Drawing of apical 


II 


II 


12 


15 


26 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


Page 
system of this specimen on text figure 11. 2, Oral view of lantern, X 4, 
paratype, U.S.N.M. 136459; 3, aboral view; 4, view of portion of oral 
side, X 4, paratype, U.S.N.M. 136460. Drawing of oral portion of inter- 
ambulacrum of this specimen on text figure 12. Photographed under 
glycerine. Mississippian (Kinderhookian), Gilmore City formation, Gil- 
more City Iowa., 


Lepidesthes alia Kier, newsspectes ..)4 i). -citeisich . Wok i ene «ee oe ee 17 
1-2, Side view; 3, aboral view; 4, oral view; 1; 5, view of apical 
system, X 2. Drawings of specimen on text figures 15-20. Holotype, 
U.S.N.M. 80554. Mississippian (Mermecian), base of St. Louis or War- 
saw limestone, Highland Rim, west of Nashville, Tenn. 


PLATE 8 


Ay Lepidesthes, grandis Wier; new. (SpeCleSis,....0/-.<.-14 shalom ie Soe coe eee 20 
1-2, Views of both surfaces of holotype showing in figure 1 the ambu- 
lacrum near the midzone with portion of an interambulacrum on upper 
right-hand side, and in figure 2 portion of an ambulacrum oral to the 
midzone, 1, holotype, U.S.N.M. 136461. Drawings of this specimen on 
text figures 21, 22; 3, surface and edge view of midzone ambulacral 
plate showing notched sutural surfaces; 4, surface and edge view of two 
oral ambulacral plates, * 4, plates from paratype, U.S.N.M. No. 136462; 
5, enlarged view of plate from ambulacrum of holotype showing bilobed 
aboral margin, X 4. Pennsylvanian (Allegheny), Strawn Group, Mill- 
sap Lake formation. Found in wash on old Evans farm, 3 mile south of 
Dennis, Hood County, Tex. 
By Lepidesthes <collecte  Winites cievctsisie.siocete's idee sieio ths telesese secon eee 23 
6, View of specimen U.S.N.M. 136466, * I. Drawings of specimen on 
text figures 13, 14. Mississippian (Meramecian), Warsaw limestone, 
Boonville, Mo. 


THSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 1 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS IMMANIS KIER, NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


NEW SPECIES 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS IMMANIS KIER 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 3 


A 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS IMMANIS KIER, NEW SPECIES; ARCHAEOCIDARIS AGASSIZI HALL; AND 
ARCHAEOCIDARIS ALIQUANTULA KIER, NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 4 


ARCHAEOCIDARIS BLAIRI (MILLER) AND POLYTAXICIDARIS DYERI KIER, NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 5 


POLYTAXICIDARIS DYERI KIER, NEW SPECIES, AND PALAECHINUS TETRASTICHUS KIER, 
NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 


LEPIDECHINUS COOPERI KIER, NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 7 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 


LEPIDESTHES ALTA KIER, NEW SPECIES 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135, NO. 9, PL. 8 


<a 


LEPIDESTHES GRANDIS KIER, NEW SPECIES, AND LEPIDESTHES COLLETT! WHITE 


(See explanation at end of text.) 


ES ee cet 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS 
VOLUME 135, NUMBER 10 
(Enp oF VOLUME) 


Roebling Fund 


PeRIODICITIES IN’ IONOSPHERIC DATA 


By 
GIGSABBOR 


Research Associate, Smithsonian Institution 


See, 
eine 
NO Oe: 


(PuBLIcaTION 4338) 


CITY OF WASHINGTON 
PUBLISHED BY THE SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION 
MAY 28, 1958 


THE LORD BALTIMORE PRESS, INC. 
BALTIMORE, MD., U.S.A. 


a} 


Roehling Fund 


PERIODICITIES IN IONOSPHERIC DATA 


By C. G. Assor 
Research Associate, Smithsonian Institution 


In an earlier paper + I gave preliminary figures that indicated periods 
in ionospheric data which agreed in length with periods in solar varia- 
tions and in weather. They are integral submultiples of 273 months. 
In a still earlier paper ? I showed other relationships appearing to exist 
between solar variation and ionospheric data. The ionospheric data 
then available were insufficient to yield fully convincing conclusions 
on these relationships. With more recent data now available, I return 
to the subject. 


THE MASTER PERIOD 


Before going on I will refer to the master period which I assign as 
273 months. My friend Herbert Griinhagen has discussed this period 
with me in correspondence. His own, extensive studies of periodic 
phenomena have led him to prefer 22.6 years, or 271.2 months. Though 
the difference from 273 months is less than 1 percent, yet in a long 
series like go years a subordinate integrally related period would many 
times trend in opposite phases, using these two different values. I 
therefore wished to decide definitely between them. As precise solar- 
constant values are recorded only since 1920, it is necessary to use the 
longer records of some related phenomenon. The 10%-month period 


(223 months ) is strong in Washington precipitation, though I be- 
2 


lieve meteorologists do not yet give it credence. I therefore com- 

puted the amplitude of the period, %7 the disputed master period, 

from Washington precipitation of 1854 to 1957. I made three such 

computations with gh or. and 275 months. In these computa- 
2 2 2 

tions I used the precautions I employ in my weather forecasts, as 


1 Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 122, No. 4, 1953. 
2 Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 107, No. 4, 1947. 


SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS, VOL. 135, NO. 10 


2 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


described in several of my papers.* In the tabulations for the present 
purpose I used only months when Wolf sunspot numbers exceeded 20. 
These months were 790 in number. The results found were as follows, 
zero phase, January I, 1957. 


TasLe 1.—Values in Washington precipitation in percentages of normal 


Period Range 
a 105-7 103.4 102.5 100.7 1009 96.3 97.3 97:9 98.0 97.7 9.4% 
= 95-7 95.8 93.4 96.1 99.3 102.0 103.7 108.0 104.8 101.1 14.6% 
= 109.8 102.4 103.3 99.3 95.4 92.9 96.2 97.6 98.8 104.5 16.9% 


As expected, the phases of the three periods differ. The ranges of 
the last two are, within the precision of the determination, approxi- 
mately equal, and are both definitely greater than the range of the 
first. As it is more convenient in computation to use the integral 
submultiples of 273 than those of 275, I shall continue to use 273 as 
the master period. 


PERIODS IN IONOSPHERIC PHENOMENA 


The periods I am about to consider are exact integral submultiples 
of 273 months, and are approximately the same I have used in long- 
range weather forecasts. The list with several recent additional ones 
was published January 1958 in the Journal of the Association for Ap- 
plied Solar Energy, at Phoenix, Ariz. Values of the quantity h’F,, pub- 
lished by the Bureau of Standards in “Tonospheric Data,” July 1944 
to June 1957, were employed. From these tabulations Mrs. Hill com- 
puted the daily mean values for the average of the hours II, 12, 13, 
and from these the monthly mean values. In a few cases (about 5 in 
total number), where the observations were fragmentary, monthly 
values were interpolated harmonious to the trend of the complete 
observations of similar months. 

As I had used these observations for the years 1944 to 1952 in an 
earlier publication, I employed the mean monthly value 315, then 
determined, rather than to do that earlier work all over, using the 
mean from 1944 to 1957. It makes little difference in the departures 
from the mean, merely altering the whole list of departures by a few 
units up or down, all in the same direction. 


8 See, for instance, Smithsonian Misc. Coll., vol. 134, No. 1, p. 5, 1956; or 
Journ. Solar Energy, Sci. and Eng., vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 3, 4, 1957. 


NO. 10 PERIODICITIES IN IONOSPHERIC DATA—ABBOT 33 


Taking the monthly departures of h’F, from 315, I arranged them 
in a table by months of the year and found the mean monthly normals 
and their average departures from the means as follows: 


TABLE 2.—Monthly mean departures of h'Fs from 315 


Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sept. Oct. Nov. Dec. 
—69+9 —60+14 —27424 +29+30 +88+26 +89+25 +93+19 +73435 o11 —52+13 —7It1I0 —73+9 


From these figures the mean average deviation is +19 and the mean 
probable error of the monthly mean departures from 315 is +15. I 
subtracted the appropriate values in table 2 of the monthly departures 
of h’F, from the mean value 315, for the interval July 1944 to June 
1957. I then tabulated these departures from the monthly means for 
many periods up to 20 months, which are integral submultiples of 


a a a a GE ee 
. A A CN A, TP ey 
: ea cA 
s a an a LS 
‘ RP i (WN TB) 
; sea As i a | 
Elma A GG RE ca Ce 
oe On UN SO A EN I SD 
a Gi le VAN ae TSS 
S OA Re A Ae i es) OE TT 
a A SD 7 AG ad A Cd 
: GSE 7 NN AB RO RS a FF 
= fae a a a a TA i 
oe is Ac GN Ha A STP Fae Fe 
a ie HE Zana Malian Need tT 
: Ps es 
me a NY ee a WB 
: i Ae ae 0 ID al age MD 
oe EON ANS (S00 WAIN RAPD Mg WF 
8 SG UR ace es lM DUN ENT 
a ds 0 aR (FW OT PGES 
es SMR am NYC NS 
Ge GN ST ME CT OTC 
: ne SE RE NO DT SET ES 
f i PRS sco SO TPR RS P< 

ce eS Pa a HATS 

Fit i A A i SU J 

tas i aM Ma hi cl A 


ee 


Fic. 1.—Periods in months integrally related to 273 months. Top line: 27%s, 
44, 54s months. Second line: 6%5, 7 months. Third line: 9, 10$ months. Fourth 
line: 113 months; dotted curve, preliminary. Fifth line: 154 months. 


4 SMITHSONIAN MISCELLANEOUS COLLECTIONS VOL. 135 


273 months. In several cases where small but real amplitudes were 
expected, the curves carried subordinate overriding periods, integrally 
related to those sought. I give two instances. The period 8%4 months 
was found to be almost completely comprised of the period 8%4~+3 
and another 8%4+4. So the period 8%s months disappeared. The 
period 113 months carries a feeble superrider of 113+3. I show 


TABLE 3.—Periodicities in monthly values of departures in h'Fs 


Monthly 
periods March of departures and probable errors 
27% = 4+-1.6 —2.5 +0.2 
ame Sil SETI ail ha) f 
4% —5.4 +07 +0.1 +4.8 
cist Be Sets Eup Oi Sat HS 
54s —4.2 +2.6 +2.6 +1.5 +0.5 


+1.6 +1.6 Sete Sait ILS 
645 +6.9 +2.7 —2.7 —7.4 —2.2 —0.6 
SETS +1.8 nes +18 +1.8 +1.8 


7 —3.3 +11 +2.6 +3.4 —0.7 —3.3 —3.2 
+2.0 +2.0 +2.0 +2.0 +2.0 2.0 +2.0 
oF +2.1 —2.9 —4.2 —5.0 —2.2 +4.6 —I.4 —4.4 
SaAhi Sai Sar 2.1 Saeki SEAYI S270 2.5 
+3-9 +1.0 
=E2.1 E21 ae 36 gi Ac oi Ai 
105 —8.5 —7.2 —4.1 —I1.7 +1.6 +2.4 +8.5 +7.2 
sea SeeHiI Bey) Sa7 1 Al Seri E27 2 
=70:5 —3.9 
EE2a1 EIE2c 


11z +4.2 +7.9 +7.8 +0.5 +0.1 —I0.0 —4.9 —4.3 
+2.2 ee Save Bay Be} “E22 ene) sole 23 


—5.1 —28 —0.7 

be i +22 aoe ing ae sf oy Ae 
152 —3.4 +8.3 +6.0 +7.1 +5.1 —I1.4 —2.5 +0.2 

2:3 eta? 28 mf “233 +213 £918 s£3\9 

—3.1 —1.7 —5.3 —7.3 —8.7 —4.7 —0.3 


2,3 23 +2.3 23 +2.3 +2.3 2.3 


these two cases in figure 1 and table 3. Figure 1 gives curves for 23 
and 4%s months derived from a tabulation for 8%4 months. The 
dotted curve with 11% months is the preliminary before removing 
11g+2. In six other tabulations which I made (not here shown), 
superriding integrally related periods were entangled with the periods 
sought, in complexities which I did not take time to ferret out and so I 
omit those 6 cases. As will appear in table 3 and figure 1, I present 
nine clear cases of periodicity in the quantity h’F, not obscured by 
overriders. 


NO. IO PERIODICITIES IN IONOSPHERIC DATA——-ABBOT 5 


By inspection of table 3 and figure 1 readers will see the march of 
h’F, values in the periods integrally related to 273 months. Within 
the limits of precision indicated by the probable errors, the curves are 
fairly regular. The ranges of amplitude of the curves are from 14 to 
5 percent of the average monthly value 315. These ranges are only 
about one-fifth as great in percentage as the ranges of weather periods 
found in percentages of normal precipitation. Yet they are about 20 
times as large as the percentage changes of the solar constant of radia- 
tion. All alike, these three varieties of phenomena proceed in periods 
integrally related to 273 months. A theoretical solution of their corre- 
lation would be interesting indeed. 


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