A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OF THE

RELATIONS OF MAN TO THE

LAND IN NICARAGUA

By
EDGAR G. NESMAN

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNOL OF

THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA
1969

■^,ff.',V.^''.S''''Y OF FLORIDA

3 1262 08666 373 8

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This dissertation represents the results of many
years of reading, listening, observing and thinking as
well as a full year of concentrated effort in research
and writing.

I would like to acknowledge the early help given
by my father. Glen V/, Nesman, who served for more than
a quarter of a century as a teacher and friend of rural
people in Michigan. In more recent times I have received
much counsel from professional colleagues throughout
Latin America, many of whom are working for the promotion
of agrarian reform, I am also indebted to thousands of
farmers in various parts of Latin America and especially
to hundreds of those in Nicaragua, who have shared with
me their problems and preoccupations, as well as their
joys and aspirations. Both the wealthy and the poor have
been kind enough to tell me of the intricate web of rela-
tionships that they have with the land that they love and
on which they live.

During my period of study at the University of
Florida, Professor T, Lynn Smith has been both an in-
spiring teacher and a constant guide in this study. With-
out his help this dissertation would not have been possible.

11

Many others have been instrijmental in aiding me
see the importance of particular aspects of this study.
I would like especially to mention the following: Dr.
Joseph S. Vandiver and Dr. Wilbur Bock of the department
of sociology; Dr. Raymond Crist of the department of
geography; and Dr. E. Shaw Grigsby of the Cooperative
Agricultural Extension Service. All five of those
mentioned have served as members of my supervisory
committee,

I also desire to mention those who have helped
with the production of the written manuscript, namely,
Mr. Parke Renshaw, Mrs. Eileen Brand, and Mrs. Shirley
Kester.

Most of all I am indebted to my wife, Marjorie,
who has been typist, reader, sounding board, and helper
in a thousand ways during the years that this work has
been underway.

Ill

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ^^

LIST OF TABLES ^^^

LIST OF FIGURES i^

ABSTRACT ^

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION 2

Scope of the Study 3

Sources of the Data and Methods k-

Importance of the Study ^

Order of Presentation 7

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE 8

General Works 8

Works In Man-Land Relations in Letin

America 17

The Study of the Relations of Man and

Land in Nicaragua 25

III. SIZE OF FARMS

29

Classification of Farms 3i^-

Size of Farms in Nicaragua 37

Regional Comparisons j+^

Size of Explotaciones and Land Use ... h-^
Factors Responsible for Present Pattern

of Landholding 53

Results of the Concentration of Land

Ownership and Control |°

Trends in Landholding °1

Summary and Conclusions "^

IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER

IV. LAND TENURE 71

Property Rights and Their Development . . 73
The Tenure Status of Nicaragua Farm

Personnel 80

Regional Variations In Tenure Status . . 91^
Variations In Tenure Status In Nicaragua

According to Size of Farm and Land

Use 101

Other Aspects of Land Tenure In

Nicaragua 10[|.

Summary and Conclusions 106

V. LAND DIVISION, LAND SURVEYS, aND LAND

TITLES 109

Types of Land Surveys Ill

Contemporary Land Division, Land Surveys,

and Land Titles In Nicaragua 11[|.

Causes of the Contemporary Situation . . 126

Results of the Contemporary Situation . , 128

Development and Trends 129

Summary and Conclusions 132

VI. SETTLEMENT PATTERNS 13i;

Principal Types of Settlement 135

Contemporary Settlement Patterns in

Nicaragua IJ^O

Variations In Settlement Patterns .... 114.5
Factors Responsible for Present-Day

Settlement Patterns li|8

Results of Present-Day Settlement

Patterns 114.9

Evolution and Trends 150

Summary and Conclusions 153

VII. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE 155

Contemporary Systems of Agriculture in

Nicaragua 158

Reasons for Present Systems 175

The Effect of Contemporary Systems of

Agriculture I78

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

CHAPTER

VII. SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE (Continued)

The Evolution of Agricultural Systems

in Nicaragua 179

Summary and Conclusions 192

VIII. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 195

GLOSSARY 20k.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 209

APPENDIX 220

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 232

VI

LIST OP TABLES
Table Page

1. Size of the Explotaciones Agropecuarios

in Nicaragua, 1963 39

2. Relative Importance of Various Sizes of

Explotaciones Agropecuarios by

Geographical Regions in Nicaragua,

1963 kS

3. Proportion of Crop Land, Pasture Land

and Forest Land by Geographical Regions

in Nicaragua, 1963 5l

I4.. Relative Importance of Cropland, Pasture-
land, and Forestland in Nicaragua by
Size of Explotaciones Agropecuario,
1963 52

5. Size of Explotaciones Agropecuarios in

Nicaragua, 1952 65

6. Comparative Size of Explotaciones

Agropecuarios in Nicaragua, 1952

and 1963 67

7. Explotaciones Agropecuarios According

to Size in Nicaragua, 1963 8I4.

8. Population Economically Active in

Agriculture and Stock Raising
According to Occupational Level in
Nicaragua, 1963 85

9. N'umber of Explotaciones Agropecuarios

According to Size and Tenure Status

in Nicaragua, 1963 90

10. Nvimber of Explotaciones Agropecuarios
According to Tenure Status by Geo-
graphical Regions in Nicaragua, 1963 . • 95

VI 1

LIST OP TABLES
Table Page

11. Amount of Agricultural Land in Different

Tenure Classifications by Geographical
Regions in Nicaragua, 1963 96

12. Number and Area of Explot aciones Agro-

pecuarios Under Rental Arrangements

by Geographical Region in Nicaragua,

1963 98

13. Number of Economically Active Persons

in the Rural Population According to

Occupational Level and Geographical

Region in Nicaragua, 1963 99

li|. Amount of Agricultural Land in Different
Tenure Categories According to Size of
Explotaciones Agropecuarios in
Nicaragua, 1963 102

15. Selected Aspects of Technification of

Agriculture in Nicaragua, 196? 173

16. N"umber of Oxen, Mules, Asses and Horses

in Nicaragua, 1952 and I963 190

Vlll

LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page

1. Republic of Nicaragua, Departamentos

and National Boundaries 1

2. Index of Available Topographical Maps

of Nicaragua 117

3. Index of Available Planimeter Maps of

Nicaragua Il8

[j.. Survey of Proposed Agricultural Colony

"El Guanacaston." 120

5. Settlement Patterns in the Pacific

Region of Nicaragua, 1961 li|2

6. Settlement Patterns in North-Central

Region of Nicaragua, 1961 II4I1.

7. Settlement Patterns in the Atlantic

Region, Nicaragua, 1961 lij.7

8. Agricultural equipment used in Nicaragua . 166

IX

Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate Council
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

A SOCIOLOGICAL STUDY OP THE
RELATIONS OP MAN TO THE LAND
IN NICARAGUA

By
Edgar G. Nesman
March, 1969

Chairman: Dr. T. Lynn Smith

Major Department: Sociology

This dissertation is an analysis of the institu-
tionalized relations of man to the land in Nicaragua.
Five aspects of the subject are dealt with in the study:
the size of farms; land tenure; land division, surveys,
and titles; settlement patterns; and systems of agri-
culture.

An investigation of this nature is important for
Nicaragua where a large proportion of the population is
directly dependent upon agriculture. No other socio-
logical study of this kind has been attempted in
Nicaragua. The frame of reference developed by Professor
T. Lynn Smith served as the principal guideline for this
study .

Most of the data used came from direct observation
and personal interviews with hundreds of Nicaraguans in
30 rural communities. These materials were gathered in
the course of seven visits to Nicaragua in the years
1961 to 1968. The 1963 censuses of population, agri-
culture, and housing also furnished large amounts of
highly pertinent data. Of course, much time had to be
expended In assembling pertinent materials and making
thousands of computations in order to bring the census
data to bear directly upon the ideas involved in this
dissertation. After the tentative findings had been set
forth in a systematic manner, the seventh trip to
Nicaragua was for the purpose of checking and verifying
the provisional conclusions.

The findings of the study are summarized under
four major headings: the present situation, the causes,
the effects, and the development and trends. Presently
there are approximately 1,500,000 inhabitants in
Nicaragua; and about ll|.0,000, or 60 per cent, of the
families, are economically dependent on agriculture and
stock raising. One half of these families are headed by
farm operators and an equal proportion by farm laborers.
A mere I4..O per cent of the farm operators control 59.8
per cent of the land in farms. The majority of the
farms are dependent on methods of cultivation that were
in use 5>000 years ago. In contrast, on a few large farms

XI

the latest machines and techniques are employed in the
production of crops for export.

Of all the factors responsible for the present
relations of man and land in Nicaragua, the cultural
heritage, which guarantees the privileged position of
the landed aristocracy, is probably the most important.
Other things that have helped perpetuate these relations
are: an abundance of agricultural land, a geographical
position which has fostered foreign intervention, in-
cessant factional strife and frequent civil wars, and a
highly centralized control of military, political,
economic, and governmental power.

Some of the effects of the present institutionalized
relationships of man to the land in Nicaragua are: low
crop yields, inefficient use of natural and human resources,
small incomes, and generally low levels of living. All of
these are characteristic of the majority of the families
dependent on agriculture and stock raising for a livelihood.

In tracing the developments and trends, it is found
that an agricultural society was in existence in Nicaragua
before the coming of the Spaniards. The conquerors
divided the possession of the land among themselves
according to their rank, and each used the products of
the land to maintain his social position. The close
association of power and prestige with ownership and
control of the land has persisted to this day. Since

xii

1950 there have been many demands for a more equitable
distribution of the ownership and control of the land and
its products among the farm personnel. Some changes have
been made as a result of the Agrarian Reform Law, passed
in 1963* However, much still remains to be done before
the needs and the demands of the largest sector of the
rural population can be met.

Xlll

HONDURAS

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Figure 1. Republic of Nicaragua, Depart amentos and National
Boundaries.-:;- Source: Republic of Nicaragua,
Census of 1963.

DEPART AMENTOS

1.

Boaco

9.

Madriz

a.

Managua

2.

Carazo

10.

Managua

b.

Lake

3.

Chinandega

11.

Masaya

Managua

k'

Ghontales

12.

Mat ag alp a

c.

Lake

5.

Esteli

13.

Nueva Segovia

Nicaragua

6.

Granada

li+.

Rio San Juan

7.

Jinotega

15.

Rivas

8.

Leon

16.

Zelaya

CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION

This study is a sociological analysis of the
relationships between man and the land in Nicaragua.
The specific objectives of this investigation are:
(1) to determine and portray the present relationships
of man to the land; (2) to trace the development of these
relationships from the pre-Columbian era up to the pre-
sent time; (3) to identify and to measure to some extent
the factors that are responsible for the present rela-
tionship; and (i^) to examine briefly how these relation-
ships have affected other aspects of Nicaragua's society.

Up to this time, there have been no broad and
general empirical sociological studies of rural social
organization in Nicaragua. The present work is an
attempt to help fill this gap. It is hoped that this
analysis and description of certain features of rural
society in Nicaragua will lay a foundation for future
meaningful investigations.

A niomber of questions were posed initially to
serve as guides as the work proceeded. They are as
follows: What are the geographical, historical and
demographic backgrounds of present man-land relations

in Nicaragua? To what degree are the ownership and
control of the land concentrated in the hands of a few
people? What legal property rights to the land does a
private individual enjoy and how are these rights dis-
tributed among those who depend on farming for their
livelihood? How is the land surveyed and divided, and
what system or lack of it is used in recording the titles
to the separate tracts? What settlement patterns prevail,
i.e., how are the dwellings arranged with respect to the
land and to one another? And finally, what are the ways
and means or the systems used in extracting products
from the soil?

Scope of the Study

The entire Republic of Nicaragua is the area
included in this study, but our particular concern is
with the rural people and the rural areas of the country.
Moreover, our primary concern is with the present situa-
tion, or that prevailing during the 1960's, although the
changes under way are considered as much as feasible.

The specific man-land relationships upon which
attention is focused are: (1) the size of the farms;
(2) land tenure; (3) land surveys, land division and
titles; (i|.) settlement patterns; and (5) systems of
agriculture. One chapter is devoted to each of these
subjects.

Sources of the Data and Methods

The pioneer nature of this present study has
necessarily had great bearing on the ways in which the
data were obtained. The descriptions and analysis here-
in presented are based largely upon extensive personal
observation in all parts of Nicaragua, informal inter-
views with hundreds of Nicaraguans in all levels of
society, and extensive statistical data in the censuses
and other official sources.

The personal observations and interviews were
made d\iring a period of fovjc years while I was super-
vising field work in adult education and community
development programs. This gave me intimate contact with
the inhabitants of 30 rural localities in western
Nicaragua. On two occasions I traveled extensively in
the other parts of the country as well. Because I
lodged in the homes of the people, I was able to talk
with them in an unhurried manner. As mutual confidence
was established, it was possible for me to learn about
their values and aspirations as well as to become
acquainted with the intricate web of social relation-
ships that serve as the framework for their lives. More
than 1,000 people have supplied some information and the
niimber includes people at every level, from the humblest
field laborers to high governmental officials.

5

The use of a daily journal served as an aid to
observation and also as the means of recording informa-
tion obtained during the interviews. Each evening, or
at the beginning of a new day, the main events of the
previous day were recorded. Portions of this record
are included in the Appendix under the title, "Rural
Life in Nicaragua."

Observations made by the members of the teams
working under my supervision were also of value to this
study. In each community studied the teams attempted
to determine the total number of inhabitants, the
occupations of the workers, and the level of living
of the various families. They also recorded many general
observations on the relationships of man to the land.

Most of the data used were originally gathered
and recorded by use of the Spanish language. All trans-
lations have been made with common usage in mind and are
based on my experience of 16 years in working with techni-
cians and rural people in Latin America. Any errors of
interpretation are my own, and for them I accept full
responsibility. A glossary of Spanish words is included
on pages 20i;-208.

The methods used in the tabulation and analysis
of the data are the conventional statistical devices.
No new scales or indexes were developed. Tabular cross -
tabulation and comparisons are used extensively.

Importance of the Study

Land has always been of importance to man. In
primitive societies the relationship had a mystical
quality. It is more than just the relation of soil,
food and life; it is the soil of a locality that is
important to man. This can be seen today in the high-
lands of Bolivia where the land of one's birth is con-
sidered almost a part of one's personality. The social
interaction and expectations that develop from this
relationship are deep and enduring, A study of any
society would be incomplete without an vmderstanding
of this bond.

In addition to the fact that no such study has
been made previously, there are several reasons for
the crucial nature of this understanding of present
relationships of the Nicaraguans to their soil. The
growth of the population, the social significance of
land ownership, the interrelation of agriculture and
the total life of the farmer, the change from subsistence
farming to commercial agricultvire, the political agitation
in favor of agrarian reform, social and behavioral changes
among rural people, and the inescapable influence of social
factors make imperative new understanding of basic man-land
relationships. This study attempts to help fill this gap
as well as add to the growing body of knowledge of man-
land relations in general.

Order of Presentation

The findings of this study are presented in
three main parts, an Introduction, a major consider-
ation of Man-Land Relationships, and, finally, the
Conclusions. The introductory section is composed of
two chapters, including the present one which presents
the nature and significance of the study. The second
chapter is dedicated to a review of the literature on
man-land relations in Nicaragua.

In the second part, the body of the dissertation,
one chapter is devoted to each of the five basic aspects
of man-land relations in Nicaragua. These are as follows
Chapter III, size of Farms; Chapter IV, Land Tenure;
Chapter V, Land Division, Land Surveys and Land Titles;
Chapter VI, Settlement Patterns; and Chapter VII, Systems
of Agriculture.

The final part, composed of a single chapter,
number VIII, is a Summary and Conclusions. This is
followed by a glossary of Spanish terms. The Appendix
contains portions of my daily journal entitled "Rural
Life in Nicaragua."

CHAPTER II
REVIEW OP THE LITERATURE

To be useful as a tool of analysis, a frame of
reference must be systematic, must provide categories that
can be measured, and must apply to a wide nvimber of situa-
tions. In reviewing the literature on the institutional
relationship of man to the land, it is important to trace
the gradual development and refinement of just such a
frame of reference.

This review is divided into three principal parts:
general works on man-land relations; titles dealing with
man-land relations in Latin America; and studies of man-
land relations in Nicaragua.

General Works

The development of the systematic study of the
institutional relationships between man and the land
follows the development of sociology in general and rural
sociology in particular as independent disciplines. In
l89ij-, Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent published
An Introduction to the Study of Society in answer to a
growing need for a textbook to be used in college courses

8

in sociology. In their description of the gradual
development of society, they mention such rural features
as settlement patterns, land tenure, and land division,
land surveys, and land titles in the two chapters entitled
"The Family on the Farm" and "The Rural Group." These
items were not treated in detail but were mentioned as
important considerations in the analysis of rural society.
Thus, even in the earliest publications of sociological
literature in the United States, the relationships of man
and land were given attention.

As sociology developed, the concern for rural society
became one of the foremost areas of interest. In 1913
John M. Gillette published the first textbook on rural
sociology. Constructive Rural Sociology.^ No section of
the book is specifically dedicated to man-land relations
but the chapter entitled "Types of Communities" makes
brief mention of types of settlement. Another chapter,
"Social Isolation and Socialisation" goes into considerable
detail as to the social effects of isolated farmsteads. In
the chapter, "Improvement of Agricultural Production" a
niimber of aspects related to systems of agriculture

Albion W. Small and George E. Vincent, An Intro-
duction to the Study of Society (New York: American Book
Comp any ,~T8WiT •

'^John M. Gillette, Constructive Rural Sociology
(New York: Sturgis and Walton, 1913).

10

are considered. Still another chapter entitled "Social
Aspects of Land and Labor in the United States" discusses
at length some aspects of size of farms and land tenure.
Gillette makes frequent reference to individuals and
groups that have had interest in rural problems, both
at home and abroad. The Report of the Country Life
Commission is mentioned often as well as publications that
describe rural life in England and Europe.

Bennett's book. Problems of Village Life, published
in 191i|. is an example of the work that was being done in
England.-^ This book is largely descriptive of rural life
in general but it does deal specifically with size of
holdings and land tenure. For one interested in going
back further in history, his book has included an excellent
bibliography of prior works on rural society including a
number that are more closely related to man-land relations.

In 1915 » a milestone in the systematic studies of
rural life was written by Galpin. His work. The Social
Anatomy of an Agricultural Community gave some insight
into settlement patterns and land tenure but its major
contribution was that of applying the scientific method
to the study of rural society.^

^Ernest M. Bennett, Problems of Village Life
(London: Williams and Norgate, 19111-77

^Charles J. Galpin, The Social Anatomy of an Agri-
cultural Community (Wisconsin Agricultural Experimen^E
Station Bulletin 3i|., Madison, 1915) .

11

In 1917, another text on rural society was written
Vogt's Introduction to Rural Sociology. In it considerable
space and detail were dedicated to size of farms and land
tenure in the chapter, "The Land Question and Rural Wel-
fare. "^ Available data are used in tabular form to show
how these two items are related to levels of living.
Settlement patterns are mentioned in a section of the
chapter, "Rural Social Organization."

In the 1920 's a number of works were added to those
previously mentioned, each making a contribution to the
development of an adequate frame of reference for the
study of man's institutional relationship to the land.
Gillette's Rural Sociology sioggested a classification for
different types of rural communities as well as categories
useful for the study of agricultural labor. ^ Taylor's
book. Rural Sociology called for more systematic studies
of rural society and made suggestions as to how they
should be done.' He makes ample use of census data in
his chapter "The Problem of Tenancy and Ownership" in
which he treats the problem of the concentration of owner-
ship and control of the land in detail. About this same

-^Evon A. Vogt, Introduction to Rural Sociology
(New York: D. Appleton and Gompany~l917) .

John M. Gillette, Rural Sociology (New York: The
Macmillan Company, 1922).

■7

'Carl C. Taylor, Rural Sociology (New York: Harper
and Brothers, 1926).

12

time (1927) two books appeared as a result of the studies
of Edmund de S. Brunner and his associates in the Institute
of Social Religious Research. These books reported the
findings of studies made of ll+O rural communities in the
United States. In these books as well as that of Taylor,
reference is made to the effect of the institutional re-
lationships of man and land on standards and levels of
living.

In 193O-I932, the outstanding three volume work,
A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology by Sorokin,

Zimmerman and Galpin, added a number of refinements to

q
the developing frame of reference.'^ The chapter "Social

Stratification of the Agricultural Population" treats
two of the fundamental aspects of man-land relations,
size of holdings and land tenure. Up to this time the
two had been largely combined and treated as "land
tenure." In this chapter six categories of farming enter-
prises are suggested with size as the major consideration.
Also the agricultural population is divided into 13 tenure
categories that range from the owners of large estates at

°cf. Edmund de S. Brunner, Gwendolyn S. Hughs, and
Marjorie Patten, American Agricultural Villages (New York:
George H. Dor an Company, 1927) ; and Edmund de S. Brunner,
Village Communities (New York: George H. Doran Company,
1927) .

*^Pitirim A. Sorokin, Carle C. Zimmerman, and Charles
J. Galpin, A Systematic Source Book in Rural Sociology,
(Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 3 Vols. 1930-
1932) .

13

one extreme to hired laborers at the other. Another
important contribution of this work is the chapter "The
Ecology of the Rural Habitat" which includes the paper
written by Dr. A. Demangeon that has since become a
classic description of rural settlement patterns. In
this article the principal types of settlement, agricul-
tural village and isolated farmsteads, as well as inter-
mediate types, are outlined and examples are presented.

In this same year a monograph entitled The Mormon
Village: A Study in Social Origins by Lowry Nelson
appeared. This also was a great step in the refine-
ment of the study of settlement patterns. This same
topic was carried even further by Terpenning in his ex-
tensive work Village and Open Country Neighborhoods ♦

In the chapter, "The American Neighborhood," a vivid
description of the isolated farmstead is presented. By

comparing settlement patterns throughout the world, the
developing frame of reference became broader in its
application.

In 1933 J Rural Social Trends by Brunner and Kolb

12
appeared. This was a portion of the report of the

^^Lowry ITelson, The Mormon Village; A Study in
Social Origins, Brigham Young University Studies, Number
3 (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University, 1930).

■^■'■Walter A. Terpenning, Villape and Open Country
Neighborhoods (New York: The Century Company, 1931)-

"""^Edmund de S. Brunner and John H. Kolb, Rural
Social Trends (New York: McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1933)

President's Research Committee on Social Trends which
had resurveyed the l40 communities and 21 of the 26
agricultural counties studied earlier by the Institute
of Social and Religious Research. The book deals with
the same general aspects of man-land relations studied
previously. The significance of this study here is that
the people doing the field surveys were the ones who
were later responsible for the refinement of the frame
of reference for the systematic study of man and land.
The survey was systematic, comparative and used measurable
categories, all of which are to be found in the later
studies of man and land.

In 1940 Smith published the first edition of his
book, The Sociology of Rural Life. Here the tools for
the study of the institutional relation of man to the
land were first presented In the form that they are used
in the present study in all aspects except "Systems of
Agriculture." In the section, "Rural Social Organization,"
specific chapters are found entitled: "Forms of Settle-
ment"; "Land Division"; "Land Tenure"; and "Size of
Holdings." In each chapter the categories are presented
in a systematic way. Justified as to their utility and
applied to the then current situation in the United States.

T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1940).

15
This is the first major work in which the topics, size of
holdings and land tenure, are separated into distinct
chapters. This separation adds greater precision to the
frame of reference.

At this same time, and in the years that followed,
there were a large number of books on rural sociology.
In them the subject of man-land relations was one of the
main considerations. In such books as: Rural Life in
Process by Landis; ^ Rural Sociology and Rural Social
Organization by Sanderson; ■'■^ Rural Life in the United
States by Taylor and associates (this book has a large
section, "Rural Regions," in which man-land relations
are compared from region to region and the effect they

have on levels of living) ;^^ Rural Social Systems by

17
Loomis and Beegle; and Th£ Study of Rural Society by

Kolb and Brunner, all give attention to the subject. •''^

^Paul H. Landis, Rural Life in Process (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 19i;0) .

15
-^Dwight Sanderson, Rural Sociology and Rural

Social Organization (New York: John Wiley and Sons.

TW2TT

Carl C. Taylor, et al.. Rural Life in the United
States (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 19i;9y";

17

'Charles P. Loomis and J. Allan Beegle, Rural

Social Systems (New York: Prentice-Hall, 1950).

-1 Q

John H. Kolb and Edmund de S. Brunner, The Study
of Rural Society (Cambridge: The Riverside Pres"s~of
Houghton-Mifflin, 1952) .

16

In 1952 Nelson published the book. The Mormon Village
based on the monograph first written in 1930. ° The
chapter, "Basic Patterns of Land Settlement" represents
a much improved presentation over the earlier writings.
This is but one example of how additional experience and
the work of others have contributed to the refinement of
the tools now available for the study of this topic.

One of the aspects of refinement of the frame of
reference has been that of overseas application. During
the 19i|-0's an excellent opportunity was afforded by the
assignments of those most interested in man-land relations
in the United States, to Latin America and other countries.
More details of this are given in the next section, "Works
in Man-Land Relations in Latin America," but it is also of
interest here. Comparative studies give further insights
into a phenomenon and also serve to broaden the theoretical
framework in which the phenomenon is viewed. As a result
of overseas application, a new and important aspect of man-
land relations was added in the 1953 edition of Smith's

The Sociology of Rural Life, that of "Systems of Agri-

PO
culture." At this point, the basic frame of reference

used in this dissertation became essentially complete;

Lowry Nelson, The Mormon Village (Salt Lake City;
University of Utah Press, 1952) .

^S. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life. 3rd
edition (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1953) •

17

it covered all five areas, specifying measurable cate-
gories in a systematic way; and it wts applied to both
regional and cross-cultural situations.

Works in Man-Land Relations in Latin America

The studies of the institutional relationship of
man to the land in Latin America did not follow the same
steps as in the United States. Sociology as a discipline
in Latin America was not empirically oriented in the
early years and did not concern itself with the problems
of a changing society. A number of scholars wrote about
rural problems but they were largely novelists, journalists
and historians. None the less, the works of men like
Freyre and especially his Casa Grande e Senzala (The
Masters and the Slaves), first published in 1933 in

Portuguese, is a great addition to the study of man and

21
land in Latin America.

North American sociologists had long been interested

in Latin American societies. In 1915, Ross published

South of Panama which wes a vivid description of life in

22
South America. Both this book and a later one. The

Social Revolution in Mexico were based on systematic

21

GilbertX) Freyre, The Masters and the Slaves (New

York: Alfred a. Knopf, 19^).

22

Edwerd A. Ross, South of Panama (London: George

Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1915T7

18

observation during his travels. In chapters entitled
"Labor," "Class and Caste," "Land Feudalism," and "Land
Reform" he emphasizes the close association of man-land
relations and the resulting societies of Latin America,

Geographers added much to the systematic study of
this same subject also. The works of McBride on Bolivia,
Mexico, and especially, his Chile; Land and Society
Included both vivid descriptions as well as statistical

information on the subject. Later, Simpson's The EJido;

25

Mexico ' s Way Out added to the prior work of McBrlde.

A great step forward in the study of man-land
relations in Latin America came when the same men who were
most concerned with this aspect of rural society in the
United States were invited to different countries of
Latin America on official assignments. In 1935, Problems
of the New Cuba; Report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs,
was published. Zimmerman was the person commissioned to
study rural life and he was able to apply the developing
frame of reference for the study of man-land relations to

23

Edward A. Ross, The Social Revolution in Mexico

(New York; The Century Company, 1923T'

p4 ,

George M. McBride, Chile; Land and Society (New

York; American Geographical Society, 1936) .

^^Eyler N. Simpson, The Ejldo: Mexico 's Way Out
(Chapel Hill; University of North Carolina Press, 1937).

Car!leC. Zimmerman, et al., Problems of the New
Cuba; Report of the Commission on Cuban Affairs (New York;
Foreign Policy Association, 1935TT

19

the task. This was but the beginning. In 19^2 and 1943
three rural sociologists (Smith, Taylor, and Whetten) were
sent by the U. S. Department of State to make sociological
studies of rural life in Brazil, Argentina, and Mexico,
respectively. Shortly after they returned, Nelson was
sent to Cuba on a similar assignment. And soon thereafter,
Leonard went to Bolivia as director of a cooperative agri-
cultural experiment station, and in that capacity he made
two studies of Bolivian rural communities, and eventually
published a book-length analysis of rural society in
Bolivia, By this time the frame of reference had been
sufficiently developed that all five sociologists (Lowry
Nelson, T. Lynn Smith, Carl C. Taylor, Nathan L. IVhetten,
and Olen E. Leonard) agreed on the general observational
categories to be used in the studies. This gave an oppor-
tunity to make comparative analysis of the relations of
man to the land in the different countries and also served
to test the theoretical frame of reference. From these

assignments a number of publications were forthcoming:

27

Smith's Brazil; People and Institutions; Taylor's Rural

Pft OQ

Life in Argentina; Whetten's Rural Mexico; Nelson's

27

T. Lynn Smith, Brazil; People and Institutions

(Baton Rouge; Louisiana State University Press, 19^()Y.

2ft

Carl C. Taylor, Rural Life in Argentina (Baton

Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 19A8) .

"Nathan L. Whet ten. Rural Mexico (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1948).

20

30
Rural Cuba; and Leonard ' s Bolivia ; Land, People &nd

Institutions. As a result of these and other investi-
gations by these men a number of monographs were also

published: in 1945, Tabio; A Study in Rural Social

32
Organization (Colombia) by Smith, Diaz, and Garcia; in

1947, Pichilingue: A Study of Rural Life in Coastal

33
Ecuador by Leonard; -"^ and in 1948, Canton Chullpas;

A Socioeconomic Study in the Cochabamba Valley of Bolivia

and , Santa Cruz: A Socioeconomic Study of an Area in

34
Bolivia., both by Leonard. Particular aspects of man-
land relations in these and other Latin American countries

were also considered in articles published in the Journal

35
Rural Sociology in the years that followed.

30

Lowry Nelson, Rural Cuba (Minneapolis: The

University of Minnesota Press, 1950).

31

Glen E. Leonard, Bolivia: Land , People and

Institutions (Washington: The Scarecrow Press, 1952).

32

T. Lynn Smith, Justo Diaz Rodriguez and Luis

Roberto Garcia, Tabio: A Study in Rural Social Organiza-
tion (Washington: Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations,
192?5).

33

-^^Olen E. Leonard, Pichillngue: A Study of Rural

Life in Coastal Ecuador (Washington: Office of Foreign

Agricultural Relations, 194?).

34

•^ Olen E. Leonard, Canton CViullpas: A Socioeconomic

Study in the Cochabamba Valley of Bolivia (Washington:

Office of Foreign Agricultural Relations, 1946).

35

^ cf. John V. D. Saunders, "Man-Land Relations in

Ecuador" Rural Sociology (March, I96I).

21

The significance of this investigation for the
understanding of Latin American societies was considerable
but its importance in the development of a frame of
reference for the sociological study of the relation of
man and land was even greater. The comparative nature of
these studies reouired refinements in the concepts that
resulted in even broader applicability than had been
attained by the regional studies of Taylor and associates
in the United States in 19-^9.^^

Special attention should be given here to the
development of the study of systems of agriculture. In
the systematic frame of reference presented by Smith in
19^0, this was not one of the parts. Due to his work
in Brazil, some of it is first presented in the chapter
entitled, "Fire Agriculture" in the first edition of
Brazil; People and Institutions. -^ In the monograph he

wrote on Tabic it was included as a major concept in the

39
study of man-land relations. Later it was included as

such in the third edition of The Sociology of Rural Life

as well.

•^Taylor, et al ., Rural Life in the United States.

37

^' Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, 1st edition.

38

Smith, Brazil; People and Institutions. 1st edition,

39

Smith, Diaz, and Garcia, Tabio.

40

T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life , 3rd

edition (Nev; York: Harper and Brothers, 1953) .

22

With this refined instrument available, further
studies have been made in Latin America and publications
have resulted. In 1953, Turrialba: Social Systems and
the Introduction of Change by Loomis and associates
appeared;^ in 1955, Man and Land in Peru by Ford;^ in
1958, Land Reform and Democracy by Senior;^-^ and in 1961,
Guatemala: The Land and People by I-^Thetten.^^ This frame
of reference has also been used in dissertations written
xander Professor Smith's direction. In 195ij-, Schulman
finished his work entitled, A Sociological Analysis of
Land Tenure Patterns in Latin America. ^--^ In 1955, A
Sociological Study of the Relations of Man to the Land

^ Charles P. Loomis, et . al . Turrialba; Social
Systems and the Introduction of Change (Glencoe: The
Free Press, 1^371

^%homas R. Ford, Man and Land in Peru (Gainesville
University of Florida Press, 19551^

^-^Clarence 0. Senior, Land Reform and Democracy
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 195^) •

^Nathan L. Whetten, Guatemala: The Land and the
People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1961) .

^ Sam Schulman, A Sociological Analysis of Land
Tenure Patterns in Latin America. Doctoral Dissertation.
Gainesville: University of Florida, 1954*

23
in Boyaca (Colombia) was completed by Fals Borda. The
same study was later published in book form in Spanish
as. El Hombre y La Tierra en Boyaca. Prom previous
research Fals Borda has also written Peasant Society in
the Colombian Andes. ^' In 1967, a dissertation by Clements
considered the specific aspect of systems of agriculture
in Brazil.^ A number of recent works by Latin American
sociologists have included man-land relations in their
writings. Besides those of Fals Borda are: Soclologia
Rural by Solari;^^ Sociologia y Desarrollo Rural by Arce;^°
Sociologia; Introducion a su uso en Programas Agricolas

^ Orlando Fals Borda, A Sociological Study of the
Relations of Man to the Land in Boja.cK'. Unpublished
dissertation. TGainesviTTeT University of Florida, 1955) •

^'Orlando Fals Borda, Peasant Society in the Colombian
Andes (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1962).

^ Harold M. Clements, A Sociological Study of the
Mechanization of Agriculture in Minas Gerais, Brazil,
unpublished dissertation (Gainesville: University of
Florida, 1966).

k9 -'

^ Aldo E. Solari, Sociologia R\aral Latino- Americano

(Buenos Aires: Editorial Universitaria de Buenos Aires,

1963).

50

M. Antonio Arce, Sociologia y Desarrollo Rural
(San Jose: Lehmann, 1961).

2k

Rurales by Alers lyfpntalvo;-^ and Sociologia de Vida Rural

Co
by Hernani de Carvallio.-^

VJith the growing concern for agricultural develop-
ment in Latin America, there is need for tools to analyze
rural society. In recent years the Committee for Agri-
cultural Development (CIDA) has incorporated this general
frame of reference in their studies and found it to be
useful. ^^

The latest refinements of this frame of reference,
interestingly enough, have come about in a Latin American
setting. In 1967, the monograph, The Process of Rural
Development in Latin America and the book, Colombia;
Social Structure and the Process of Development, both by
Smith, represent this refinement .-^^

-^ Manuel Alers Montalvo, Sociologia: Introducion
a su uso en Frogramas Agricolas Rurales (Turrialba:
Edrtorral~SIC, I960).

-^Hernani de Carvalho, Sociologxa de Vida Rural
Brasileira (Rio de Janeiro: Sditora Civilizac'ffo Brasileira,
1951).

Pan American Union, Central /merica (Washington:
Inter -Am eric an Committee for Agricultural Development , no
date) .

T. Lynn Smith, Rural Development in Latin America
(Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 196?) and
T. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structure and the Process
of Development (Gainesville: University of Florida Press,
196Tn

25

The Study of the Relations
of Man and Land In Nicaragua

There have been no prior sociological studies of

the institutional relationship of man to the land in

Nicaragua. None the less, some 6v parts of man-land

relationships have been considered by geographers,

historians, Journalists, and land economists in their

writings. Descriptive accounts of rural life in general

are found in the early works: Travels in Nicaragua (1857)

55
by Scherzer; The States of Central America (1858) by

56 57

Squier; Historia de Nicaragua by Gamez; Nicaragua by

^8
Levy ; " and Documentos para la Historia de Nicaragua

-^ 59

edited by Vega Bolanos.

A closer approximation to the systematic study of
man-land relations can be found in more recent studies
made principally by economists. In Plan Nacional de

55

Carl Scherzer, Travels in Nicaragua, Vol. I

(London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longman and Roberts,

1857).

^°E. G. Souier, The States of Central America
(New York: Harper and Brothers, l55"8TT

-''Jose D. Gamez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua:
El Pafs, 1889).

^"Pablo Levy, Nicaragua (Paris: Libreria Espanola
de E. Denne Schmidt, 1873).

59 y -

Andres Vega Bolanos, Documentos ara a Historia

de Nicaragua, Tomo Primero. (Madrid: Ministerio de

Educacidn de la Republica de Nicaregua, 195^).

26
Desarrollo Economico j_ Social de Nicaragua (1965-69)
published by the Nicaraguan government, a systematic
study was made of the economic aspects of rural life in
Nicaragua and the resulting levels of living. Mainly
considered here were land holding and occupational
categories of the rural population. Even prior to this,
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
published a report entitled Economic Development of
Nicaragua in which categories and classification were
used to study farm size, land tenure, and levels of
living. Because of a preoccupation with agrarian
reform, a comparative study was made by the United States
Operations Mission in which some standardized criteria
were used to compare Nicaragua's agrarian structure with
those of other Latin American countries. In another
comparative study done by the Proyecto Interamericano de
Desarrollo Rural, different categories of land tenure as
generally considered by land economists were used to

Republica de Nicaragua, Plan Nacional de Desarrollo
Economico y Social de Nicaragua 1965-1969, Parte I (Managua:
Oficina de Planificaci5n, 1965) .

International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment, The Economic Development of Nicaragua (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953) •

°%nited States Government, Latin American USOM
Seminar on Agrarian Reform (V/ashington: International
Cooperation Administration, 1961) .

27
compare Nicaragua to other countries. -^ These same
categories were used by Maturana in his investigation
"Land Tenure."^ He used three basic categories for
analyzing farm size and separated the tenure groups into
farm owners and farm laborers. This study was of compara-
tive nature, including all five countries of Central
America. A more detailed study was done by Blandon in
his master's thesis in agricultural economics entitled
"Land Tenure in Nicaragua," -^

Finally, the two closest approximations to the
frame of reference used in the present study that have
been done in Nicaragua are to be found in the works
entitled. Central America prepared by the Inter-American
Committee for Agricultural Development and, Nicaragua;
Garacteristicas Generales de la Utilizacion y Distribucion
de la Tierra, a preliminary paper by the Food and Agricul-
tural Organization. In both of these studies specific
categories have been used for the analysis of the size of

Louis E. Heaton, Rural Development in Latin
America (New York: American International Association for
Economic and Social Development, 1963)*

■Egbert de Vries, Social Research and Rural Life
in Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean Region (Paris:
United Nations Educational and Scxentific Organization, 1966) ,

^Alfonso Blandon, Land Tenure in Nicaragua, \inpub-
lished master's thesis (Gainesville: University of Florida,
1952) .

°°Pan American Union, Central America.

"'United Nations, Nicaragua: Garacteristicas Generales
de la Utilizacion j_ Distribucion de la Tierra (Mexico City:
Food and Agriculture Organization, 19^77"^

28

farms and tenure groups. The latest census data have
been used and cross tabulations have been made. Very
little, if any, reference is made to the other institu-
tional aspects of the relations of man to the land, such
as settlement patterns, systems of agriculture and land
division systems. Some reference is made to resulting
crop yields and levels of living in the rural areas.

CHAPTER III
SIZE OF FARMS

In an investigation of the size of farms one must
seek to discover the manner in which the ownership and
control of the land are distributed among those who depend
upon agriculture for a livelihood. To accomplish this, a
clear distinction as to what constitutes a farm is neces-
sary, and an accepted unit of measiirement must be employed.

For the purpose of this study, a farm is a tract of
land that is owned or operated as a productive unit by one
person or a corporate entity; it is also assiomed that one
or more persons are involved in the enterprise and that
the production is of sufficient value to provide the
major part of the livelihood for at least one family. The
unit of measurement most common in Nicaragua is the man-
zana and is used instead of the acre or hectare.

Size of farms is the most important factor in the
relationships of man and land. Power and prestige vary
with the amount of land that an individual controls, so
that extent of land ownership has social as well as
economic consequences. This subject is not merely of

^One manzana 0.7 hectares 1.7 acres

29

30

recent concern but has been important throughout history.
The extent to which the ownership and control of the land
has been vested in a few hands has been a major problem in
many parts of the world since the days of Hammurabi. Lati-
fundium is a word that has been used to describe the con-
centration of landholding, and it generally has undesirable
connotations. This term was first used in connection with
the "broad estates" (latus fundus) observed in the Roman
Empire in about 80 B.C. As a result of military conquests
and slavery, large tracts of land were taken over by
officials of the empire. In the historical writings, there
are many vivid descriptions of the contrasting conditions

of life for the favored few who controlled the land and for

2

those who performed the labor.

With the breakdown of the Roman Empire and central-
ized power, a new type of large landholding -- the feudal
manor -- emerged. The peasants gradually lost all rights
to the land when they attached themselves to a strong lord
for protection. The contrasting conditions of lord and
serf, or colonus, were not unlike those of master and slave
in the Roman Empire.-^

2cf. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 191^-9 ed.. Vol. 11,
p. I|-93.

3j. Ackerman and Marshal Harris (eds.). Family Farm
Policy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19i|7 ) »
p. 213.

31

As coiranerce began to bring light to the Dark Ages,
a new type of large landholding emerged as a result of the
conquest and colonization of the New World. This was the
plantation, characterized by largeness, reliance upon
slave labor, foreign capital and management, and production
for export purposes. The sharpness of contrast between the
style of life of the plantation owners and managers and that
of the laborers even surpassed that prevailing on the
Roman latifundivun and the feudal manor. ^

The plantations of the southern United States have
had many of the characteristics of the landed estates of
past history. In other countries throughout the world,
the concentration of land in the hands of a privileged few
has been the focal point of wars and revolutions, including
some of those presently in progress. In Latin America many
of the social problems of today can be attributed to the
concentration in the ownership and control of the land.

Great contrasts in the size of farms and the
resulting rural societies have been observed in the twenti-
eth century. For example, in the plantation areas of the
southern United States, the situation is in sharp contrast
with the way of life I knew personally as a youth in a

^Ida C. Greaves, "Plantations in V/orld Economy," in
Pan American Union, Plantation Systems of the New World.
Social Sciences Monograph "^11 (Washington: D'rganization
of American States, 1959), pp. 13-1I4-.

32

farming community in the Midwest. In the latter, all of
the members of the community simultaneously were owners,
managers, and laborers on their farms. As I have traveled
about in Latin America, I have observed the same separa-
tion between landowner and laborer that I had known in the
South. The following paragraphs from my journal illustrate
this matter:

( Orient e, Cuba, January, 1952) As far as the
eye can see, the land belongs to one sugar
company. There are approximately 500,000 acres
here that stretch from beyond the bay to the
mountain range behind. The workers live in
small villages dotted about the plantation and
often in barracks, one door per family. Some
say that they can barely earn enough during
the harvest season to pay for the food they
have received on credit from the company store
during the dead season.

(The Dominican Republic, October, 1962) The
road from Santiago to Moca started out as an
excellent highway but all at once became a
rough country road. The only explanation that
I can find is that the good part goes only as
far as the entrance to the coffee plantation
of Sr. T.

(Southern Chile, April, 1962) The visit with
Don J. at the Fundo I. was most interesting.
The fundo has about 2,500 acres in all and over
a hundred inquilinos (agricultural laborers).
The house is an English-type mansion and the
grounds are well landscaped. It is a great con-
trast to the workers' houses that I visited yes-
terday. Don J. was a gracious host. Both he
and his brother-in-law discussed freely their
fear of losing their land if the wrong party
should be elected in the coming elections.

33

They admit that somehow the lot of the
inquillnos has to be improved but don't
feel that agrarian reform is the answer.

In an analysis of the similarities and differences
between two great over-all rural systems, T. Lynn Smith
has attempted to systematize the knowledge available on
the size of farms. He has focused attention upon the
effects of large farms in comparison with those of family-
sized farms. According to him, the folloviing are associ-
ated with the dominant position of large farms: (1) a
high degree of social stratification with a clear class
separation between the landowners and the laborers; (2)
little vertical social mobility so that the "agricultural
ladder" cannot function; (3) caste as an important factor
vihich can be an inherited social position passing from one
generation to the next; (Ij.) low average intelligence, and
particularly low levels of literacy and school attendance;
(5) restricted development of personality, with only a
selected fev/ equipped with the social graces considered
as a minimum necessity for the twentieth century; (6)
order-obey personal relations that are more akin to a
master-slave relationship than that between equals; (7) the
all -importance of routine, x;ith little application of new
skills to the job; (8) a belief that manual labor is de-
grading and something to do only if necessary and to
escape if possible; (9) lov; levels and standards of living
that can be observed in both health and education; and

31;

(10) little incentive to work and save, coupled with a
fatalistic attitude toward life and the future.^

In contrast, a rural society based on family-sized
farms is characterized by the opposite situation in each
of the ten points mentioned above. It is basically equali-
tarian and progressive, making for efficient use of both
hviman and natural resources. It permeates not only rural
society but all aspects of national life and gives a firm
foundation to build the future on.

Classifications of Farms

For some purposes it is useful to divide farms into
three categories: small, medium, and large. The distinc-
tion is based on the area involved in the farm. Generally,
small farms are those under five hectares, medium are from
five to I|.9 hectares, and those of 50 hectares or more are
considered as large farms.

This distinction based on physical size alone is
inadequate from many points of view. In some instances,
the excellent natural environment of a small plot will
allow production surpassing that of a much larger tract.
Also, if large amounts of capital are used for materials
and equipment, a highly intensive operation can be carried
on.

^T. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structure and
Process of Development (Gainesville: University of Florida
Press, 19^7), pp. «-2i|.

35

Whether a farm should be considered large or small
also depends on the type of farming that is employed. For
example, the production of fresh vegetables for the market
is highly intensive, and the economic product per unit of
land area is high. Cattle raising on unimproved pasture
is an example of an extensive type of enterprise, and
both the inputs and outputs are lower per unit of land
area. A more adequate classification of size of farms,
then, should make some allowances for the natural capabili-
ties of the land to produce and the type of farming employed.

There is one further factor that must be considered
in the selection of categories for use in the classification
of farms. This might be called the entrepreneur factor, and
probably it is the most important of all considerations. An
optimism size of farm would be that which could make efficient
use of the capital, the managerial ability, and the physical
labor of a farmer and his family. This can be further
illustrated by looking at the three specific categories.

Small farms are sometimes called mini fundi a, or
subsistence plots. Usually the quantity produced on this
type of farm is far below that necessary to sustain a
family. Therefore, unless the family income is supple-
mented from other sources of employment, the level of
living is extremely low. In Latin America these small
plots (minifundia) are found commonly to adjoin the ex-
tremely large farms, where periodic work is available.
These small farms are likely to be found on the hilly

36

lands that are left over and not suitable for large-scale
plantings or grazing. This land is often occupied without
clear title or under an arrangement with the large land-
owner, so that permanent improvements are not considered
a good investment. Small farms in TTicaragua can best be
described as those under five manzanas. In spite of the
inadequacies of a classification based on area alone, this
gives a starting point from x>rhich adjustments can be made.
Medium- si zed farms are also referred to as family-
sized farms. In their ideal type, these are found in
northi-;e stern Europe and in nidwestern United States, They
are not common in Latin i\merica. In this size of farm,
the entrepreneur factor operates most effectively. It
is here that the capital, the management skills, and the
physical labor of the farm family combine to give maximum
output per unit of input. The actual physical size is
difficult to determine, for constant innovation is a
characteristic of the family-sized farm. As mechanization
and other applications of technology are made, the size
may increase from 50 to 500 acres, while the farm still
uses only family labor with an occasional hired hand to
help. There are fevj instances in Nicaragua of this ideal
type. The closest category (and that which will be used
in this classification) pertains to those units from 5 to
ij.9 manzanas in size.

37

Large farms are sometimes called latifundia,
although the two terms are not completely synonjonous.
Latifundia is the term usually used to describe the ex-
tremely large farms on which little, if any, attempt is
made to make an intensive use of the land. It is the
contemporary large farms which involve the concentration
of land ownership described in the introductory paragraphs
of this chapter. On these large tracts of land that are
owned and operated by few individuals or corporate entities,
there is a division of functions, vxith ovjners and operators
hiring agricultural laborers to perform the physical work.
Production is often limited to one specialty, such as
cotton, sugar, or cattle. These large holdings are
exemplified by the plantations, the haciendas, the fundos,
the fazendas that are found throughout Latin America. For
the purposes of classification of farms in ?Ticaragua, all
holdings from 50 to 2,1^99 manzanas are considered as large
farms. Special attention is given to the farms of 2,500
manzanas and over, for these most nearly possess the
characteristics of latifundia.

Size of Farms in Nicaragua

In Nicaragua's 1963 Censos Nacionales : Agropecuario,
the agricultural units are called LTnidades de Explotacion
Agropecuario. These include: all land used totally or
partially for agricultural or cattle production, that

38

ovmed by the producer, that rented by him or that he Is
enabled to use by any other tenure arrangement, and that
which is under his administration though it is in more
than one tract as long as it is in adjoining comarcas
(the smallest political units). It does not include any
land that has been given by the owner to others through
a rental or any other tenure arrangement for the agricul-
tural year 1962-63.

As it is defined above, not every explotacion agro-
pecuario can be classified as a farm. For this reason,
the term "farm" will be used only when the explotacion
in question conforms to v:hat is commonly understood to be
a farm.

There was a total of 102,201 such explotaciones in
Nicaragua in 1963. Altogether 5»ij-6l,l62 manzanas are repre-
sented in these units, and this accounts for approximately

7
one-fourth of the total land area of the Republic' If

all establishments viere equal in size, there would be

slightly over 53 manzanas in each of them. Such is far

from the case, as can be noted in Table 1, Of particular

interest are the number of establishments and amount of

"^Republica de Nicaragua, Censos ITacionales 1963'
Agropecuario (Managua: Direcci6n General de Estadistica
y Censos, 1966) , p. xi.

7

'Egbert de Vries, Social Research and Rural Life in

Central America, Mexico and the Caribbelin Region CF^i'is:
UNESCO, 1966), p. 71.

39
TABLE 1

SIZE OF THE EXPLOTAC TONES aGROPECUaRIOS
IN NICARAGUA, 1963

Size of

Explot

ac

lones

Arei

a

Explotaclones
(manzanas)

Number

Per Cent

Manzanas

Per Cent

Under 1
1-4.9

2,258
33,9A8

2.2
33.2

1,328
83,042

1.5

Under 5

36,206

35.4

84,370

1.5

5-9.9

15,730

15.4

105,728

1.9

10-19.9

13,273

13.0

173,976

3.2

20-49.9

14,703

14.4

440,159

8.1

5-49.9

43,706

42.8

719,863

13.2

50-99.9

10,949

10.7

678,970

12.4

100-199.9

6,291

6.1

768,633

14.1

200-499.9

3,554

3.5

961,015

17.6

500-999.9

920

0.9

583,736

10.7

1000-2499.9

405

0.4

563,303

10.3

50-2499.9

22,119

21.2

3,555,657

65.1

Over 2500

170

0.2

1,101,272

20.2

Total

102,201

100.0

5,461,162

100.0

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Repifblica de

Nicaragua. Censos Nacionales 1963: Apropecuario.
(Managua: Direccion General de Estadfstica y Censos,
1966).

land in each category of the same: small (under five
manzanas), medium (from 5 to I4.9.9 manzanas) , large (from
50 to 2,14.99.9), and the latifundia (2,500 and over).
(See Table 1.)

T^ore than one-third of all units in Nicaragua con-
tain less than five manzanas apiece. The mean size of
these small establishments is 2.[\. manzanas. Some of these
are small quint as (country homes for those working in the
cities), but most of them are subsistence plots used by
the agricultural laborers. Many of these small units are
true minifundia. The following extract from my travel
notes gives some of the facts about a few of them.

(March 22, 1966, Los Altos) Los Altos is a
village of workers in the middle of the cotton
fields. One of the large cotton processing
plants is nearby, and some work at them as
well as in the fields. Most of the people
live here permanently but are entirely depen-
dent on cotton. Each house has a small plot
with some corn, some yucca (casava), and other 1.
plantings for household use. A number of pigs
are to be seen wandering about.

More than tvjo-fifths of the farms are of medium
size, yet the amount of land represented is comparatively
small (only 13*2 per cent). The mean size of these estab-
lishments is only 16.5 manzanas.

It would be hard to determine just how many of these
units should be considered as family-sized farm.s. More-
over, this will vary to some extent with the area of the
country involved and the capabilities of the land. The

family-sized farm does exist, however, as can be seen

from some of my field notes taken in the Laguna area:

(March 21, 1966, La Laguna) The Agricultural
Extension has worked closely with this com-
munity for a number of years. The people
have always shown more response and are
eager to learn. Upon leaving the highway
I noticed a new power line being erected.
Some of the young men were helping in the
clearing of the trees and brush. This was
one of the first communities to organize
an electric cooperative and raise the neces-
sary!^ amount of money to start the project.
The people of La Laguna do not live in close
village clusters but live on their small
farms. Upon arrival in the center of the
community, I found the Extension Agent help-
ing the Public Health workers in a school
vaccination project. They were also in the
process of installing a nvimber of toilets.
The community organization was eager to
start adult literacy classes and had already
invested in books for I4.O pupils. The agents
were proud of the progress being made.

By focusing attention upon the large establishments,

one observes that two-thirds of the agricultural land of

Nicaragua is embraced within the limits of only one-fifth

of the explotaciones. The number of proprietors of these

large estates, though, undoubtedly is considerably less

than the figure of 22,119, given in Table 1, because

many of the most affluent proprietors oxim not one but

several separate and distinct large landed estates. This

represents a considerable concentration of landholding.

An example of life on one of these large establishments

is commented upon in the following extract from my field

notes:

(March 8, 1966, Santa Cruz) There are no perma-
nent houses here and no real village. The

k2

scattered houses are no more than temporary
shelters because the land rental arrangements
do not allow any permanent buildings. In the
first school survey it was found that only
two people in this area could read and write.
Slightly over 2,000 people live here.

I talked at length with Don F. about the cotton
crop and how he became involved .... He had
started as an agricultural laborer and certainly
looks or lives no differently from the field
hands that work with him in the crop. He said
that most of the land in the area was worked under
the same rental arrangement that he has. He did
not say who the lando^^^ner Xiras.

Special attention must be directed to the explota-
ciones containing more than 2,500 manzanas. These are
not included in the large-establishment class for they
seem to represent a special case. On these immense
landed estates, little attempt is made at intensive culti-
vation of the land, if it is cultivated at all. The term
latifundia best applies to this category. There is a
greater concentration of ownership and control of the land
here than in the category of large establishments, Much
of this land is devoted to cattle grazing, as in the case
of the areas around El Salto. Again, my field notes are
illuminating:

(El Salto, December lli., 1961].) This evening
I talked ^^fith Don A. for over tv/o hours. He
and his associates are large landowners in
the area. He has 900 head of cattle at this
time. We discussed cattle problems and new
ways of treating diseases .... He has a
government post and enjoys working with cattle
as a sideline.

liOien all of the explotaciones of 50 manzanas and
over are added together, it is found that 85.3 per cent of
the land is controlled by 21. I|. per cent of the holders.
Considering those units of 200 manzanas and over, only
i^-.O per cent of the operators control 59.8 per cent of
the land. These figures do not represent land ownership,
and it is likely that many who were operating the land
at the time of the census had no more than a seasonal
lease arrangement with the owner. If figures were avail-
able to indicate land ox^mership, there is every reason to
believe that they would show an even higher concentration
of control of the land than that indicated by the data
given in Table 1,

The Ministerio de Sconomia (Ministry of Economics)
includes factors other than size in its classification
of explotaciones agropecuarios. The Ministry adjusts
for location, type of farming, level of technology, and
relation to markets. In comparing the results of its
compilation with those published by the Ministry of
Agriculture, it was found that there are 17,235> instead
of 10,211;. e:-5)lotaciones, classified as minifundia, and
61|4, instead of 106 explotaciones, classified as lati-
fundia. In both cases the agricultural census data of

a

1957 were used as a basis for calculations. This re-
classification indicates that the concentration in owner-
ship and control of the land in Nicaragua is even higher
than is indicated by the data as they are usually pre-
sented.

Regional Comparisons

There are three natural regions in Nicaragua, and
the 1963 census data can be combined so as to provide
information for each of these divisions. There are
5jl4-6l,l62 manzanas of agricultural land in the Republic
as a whole, distributed as follows: 1,823»90L|. manzanas
in the seven distritos (provinces) comprising the Pacific
region; 2,880,725 manzanas in the seven distritos which
make up the North-Central region; and 756,533 manzanas
in the two distritos which form the Atlantic region."
See Table 2, which gives the per cent of the explotaciones
and the per cent of land in each of the size categories
for each of the regions.

The Pacific region has a higher proportion of
minifundia and also of latifundia than either of the

Alfonso Blandon, Land Tenure in Nicaragua. Un-
published master's thesis. Gainesville: University of
Florida, 1962.

9 -
Republic a de Nicaragua, op. cit., pp. xiv-xvi.

TABLE 2

REL/iTIVE IMPORT-hNCE OF V/.RIOUS SIZES OF EXPLOTaCIONES
AGROPECUARIOS BY GEOGRAPHICAL REGIONS IN
NICARAGUA, 1963

Size
(manzanas)

Republic

Pacific

North
Central

Atlantic

Under 5

Per cent of
holdings

35.4

44.3

30.0

32.2

Per cent of

area

1.5

2.0

1.4

1.0

5-49.9

Per cent of
holdings

42.8

43.5

43.7

35.2

Per cent of
area

13.2

13.2

14.6

7.7

50-2499.9

Per cent of
holdings

21.2

11.9

26.2

32.4

Per cent of
area

65.1

54.2

73.1

60.8

Over 2500

Per cent of

holdings

0.2

0.3

0.1

0.2

Per cent of
cirea

20.2

30.5

10.9

30.5

Total

Per cent of
holdings

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Per cent of
area

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Source: Compiled and computed from
Nicaragua. Censos Nacional

data in Republi
.es 1963: Agropt

ca de
scuario.

(Managua: Direcci6n General de Estadfstica y Censos,
1966).

i;6

other regions. Some of the small plots are those
belonging to people who v;ork in the urban centers but
use the land to supplement their incomes; in other cases,
they are used by upper-class families as small country
estates. The Pacific region also has fewer large units
than the other regions, but they account nonetheless for
over 514- per cent of the land area. VJhen all of the estab-
lishments over 50 manzanas are grouped, 8I|..7 per cent of
the land area and only 12.2 per cent of the tracts are
accounted for. The Pacific region has the most intensive
agriculture and highest density of population in Nicaragua,
but there still is considerable concentration in the owner-
ship and control of the land, Blandon found that "the
existence of latifundias in close proximity to a large
nvimber of minifundias is typical" in this western region
of llicaragua.

The outstanding characteristic of the TTorth- Central
region is the relatively high percentage of medium and
large units. This is true only relative to the situation
in the other zones, for only ll|..6 per cent of the agricul-
tural land is in establishments of medium size. If all
units over SO manzanas are considered together, 81^.0 per
cent of the agricultural land of the ITorth-Central zone

Blandon, op, cit., p. 61,

k7

is accounted for. It Is hard to determine just hov; many
of the mediuni-sized establishments can be considered as
family-sized farms, but, because of the type of agricul-
ture, the topography, and the lack of a complete road
netvfork, it is probable that this zone has a higher pro-
portion of such farms than the other regions.

A further observation can be made in relation to
medi\jm-3ized units. If the cut-off point vrere moved up
to 500 manzanas, then the medium-sized establishments
would accoiint for 67.O per cent of the agricultural land
area in the region. In some cases, a 500-manzana estab-
lishment could still be considered a family operation.
In a coffee plantation, however, which also is common in
such areas, even 50 manzanas X'^ould be too large for one
family to handle without the regular help of several
agricultural laborers. To determine the actual ni;imber
of family-sized farms, it x^:ould be necessary to use the
factors suggested by the Ministerio de Economia as v;ell
to engage in considerable careful observation in the region
itself.

The Atlantic is the least developed and most
sparsely populated of all the regions. Of the total land
area, it has the smallest percentage that is registered as
agricultural land. The outstanding feature here is the
small area in establishments of less than 50 manzanas.
Only 8.7 per cent of the agricultural land is found in

the categories of small and medium units. At the other
extreme, 91.3 per cent of the land is found in explota-
ciones of more than $0 manzanas.

Size of Explotaciones and Land Use

The land area of Nicaragua has never been used at
a level approaching its agricultural capabilities. In a
study made by the International Bank in 1952, it vjas
estimated that only 25 per cent of the potentially arable
land was being used. Blandon siommarized the data from
the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
and the Nicaraguan Agricultural Survey of 1958 and found
that only approximately 13 per cent of the land area could
be considered as cultivated agricultural land. This was
an increase from 7 per cent in 19l|9. He also calculated
that an additional l8 per cent was suitable for farming
but was not being cultivated; i\.S per cent was in forest;

9 per cent was in cities, roads, and so on; and 15 per

12
cent was not susceptible to use. a report on agricul-
tural development in Latin ^^erica by the American

International Bank for Reconstruction and Develop-
ment, The Economic Development of Nicaragua (Baltimore:
The Johns Hopkins Press, 1953)* P« xxiii.

clandon, op. cit . , p. 33.

International Association gave a slightly higher figure
of 16.2 per cent for the portion of agricultural land.^*--^

Fortunately, the Census of 1963 gives specific
data about the amount of land that is considered as
agricultural. This comprehensive inventory placed
5,i|6l,l62 manzanas in this category, a figure equal to
approximately 25 per cent of the total land area of the
Republic. ~^

This census also contains a classification of the
uses of agricultural land into the follov;ing seven cate-
gories:

1. Annual crops (cultivos anuales) ; arable
lands in seasonable crops and successive
crops of less than one year,

2. Permanent crops (cultivos permanentes) :
crops of longer duration that do not need
replanting after each harvest, not includ-
ing forest and pastures.

3. Fallovj land (tierras en descanso) : arable
land not planted during the 1962-63 season
but that has been used during the last
five years.

Ij., Planted pastures (tierras con pastos
sembrados) : land planted to pasture.

5. natural pastures (tierras con pastos

naturales) : land in natural pastures that
are used for grazing.

"■^Louis E. Heaton (ed.). Rural Development in Latin
.^erica (^ew York: /imerican International AssociatTon for
Economic and Social Development, 1963), Table III.

^Republica de Nicaragua, op. cit., p. xx.

50

6. Forest lands (tierras con bosque ^ montes) :
Including all virgin forest land anH
second growth which is potentially agri-
cultural land but has not been planted in
the last five years.

7. Other lands (otras tierras de la e::plota-
cion) : land occupied by buTTdings, roads,
swamps, etc., not actually usable for culti-
vation but part of the actual holding, ^5

For the purposes of this study, three main cate-
gories are used: crop land (combining 1, 2, and 3) > pas-
tures (combining l^ and 5) > and forest (combining 6 and 7).
Table 3 shov;s hox-; the proportion of the agricultural land
belonging in each of these varies from one region to
another. As can be observed, even in the region of highest
agricultural intensification (the Pacific), crop land
accounts for less than 25 per cent of the total. Almost
half of the agricultural land in the Pacific and North-
Central regions is pasture land. As can be expected,
forest lands account for over half of the relatively
undeveloped Atlantic region.

Of particular interest is the land use according to
size of the establishments. (See Table k-.) In the smaller
tracts, crop land is most important. In the largest estab-
lishments, pasture land predominates.

Several relationships betvjeen the size of the explo-
taciones and land use stand out. Specifically, as the size

^^Ibid., p.

XVlll.

51

^

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52

TABLE k

RELATIVE IMPORTANCE OF CROPLAND, PASTURELAND, AND FORESTLAND IN
NICARAGUA BY SIZE OF EXPLOTACIONES AGROPECUARIO, 1963

Size of
Explotaciones Area Cropland Pastureland Forestland Total
(manzanas) (manzanas) (per cent) (per cent) (per cent) (per cent)

Under 5 84,370 75 15 10 100

5-49.9 719,863 42 38 20 100

50-2499.9 3,555,657 23 46 31 100

2500 and over 1,101,272 6 57 37 100

Republic Total 5,461,162 23+ 46+ 30f 100

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Republica de Nicaragua, Censos
Nacionales 1963 : Agropecuario, (Managua: Direccion General de
Estadistica y Censos, 1966), pp. 107-112.

53

of the establishment increases: (1) the proportion of
crop land decreases; (2) the proportion of pasture in-
creases; and (3) the amount of unused land (forest land,
and so on) increases.

As is to be expected, land dedicated to specific
crops varies according to the size of the farm. Thus,
approximately 60 per cent of the corn, 60 per cent of the
beans, and 50 per cent of the rice are produced on ex-
plot aciones of less than 50 manzanas in size. On the
other hand, about 90 per cent of the cotton, 92 per cent
of the sugar, 80 per cent of the cattle, and 80 per cent
of the coffee are produced on establishments containing
more than 50 manzanas apiece, ' Corn, rice, and beans
are grown largely for internal constimption, whereas cotton,
coffee, sugar, and cattle are export crops.

Factors Responsible for
Present Pattern of Landholding

There are many factors responsible for the present
patterns of landholding in Nicaragua. The effects of some
of these go. far back in history, and others are of more
recent origin. The original grants of land made by the

'"Ibid., pp. 103-25.
^"^Ibid., pp. 125-i|8.

King of Spain to a favored few established a custom that
has not changed greatly in more than I4.OO years. It is
unlikely that afty of the original large grants have re-
mained completely intact, or that any large grants are
made as such today by the government; yet the same feeling
that land is a symbol of importance to the individual and
that it is a prize worth seeking persists today.

Political and military relationships are two impor-
tant factors that have given a preferential position to
some who today are large landowners. There is every indi-
cation that the National Guard is a vehicle of mobility in
Nicaragua, operating much as the church or education does
in other countries. In a study made by the International
Bank, it was found that some of those who might have been
able to invest in development projects were more likely
to invest their money outside of Nicaragua because they
felt that only those favored politically could succeed
financially.-^®

The years of internal strife have also affected
land ownership and control. It would be difficult to
document outright confiscation of land by the victors of
the factional disputes, but there are some indications
that such did occur. A few Nicaraguan exiles living in

""^International Bank, op. cit., p. 75.

ss

the Costa Rican lowlands have told me personally of
their own losses due to just such circumstances.

Land taxation policies are another factor in the
concentration of landholding. The International Bank
study found that only a small amount of government income
came from property taxes, and little came from taxes on
agricultural land. ° In the budget of 1966, approximately
12 per cent of government income did come from property

taxes, but there is no indication that any of this came

20
from direct taxes on the land. If the portion of the

Agrarian Reform legislation regarding land taxation is
enforced, it will undoubtedly bring changes in the land-
holding practices of ITicaragua.

Still another factor that has held back the develop-
ment of medium-sized farms is the lack of credit. The
International Bank report of 1952 made special mention of
the "ineffective credit system, especially for the provi-
sion of medium and long range agricultural and industrial
credits," A common practice is for a buyer to advance
money and take a lien on the future crop. He then charges
high interest on the loan he has made, and he also pays

19

Ibid. , p. 3ij.O.

Republica de Nicaragua, Presupuesto por Frogramas
1966 (Managua: Ministerio de Hacienda y CrSdito Publico,
19^), p. 12.

56

less than market price for the products at harvest time.
This credit system is so firmly entrenched that even

international cooperative credit organizations have a

21
hard time breaking it. Most of the crop buyers are also

landovjners.

The concentration of land ownership is even greater
than the figures indicate in Tables 1 and 2 because many
operators are renting land for the cropping season. The
abundance of public lands, the low population density of
the eastern half of the Republic, and the ease of renting
have all worked together so that there is not the great
demand for land that is found in many other parts of the
world today. As a result, the concentration of landhold-
ings in the hands of a fevj ox^ners has not been contested.
As population pressure increases, the demand is likely to
be sufficient to make some of the larger farms available
for more intensive cultivation.

Education is related to size of farms both as
cause and effect, A law was passed in 1917 that permitted
the acquisition of public lands. The procedure v;as simple,
and it was directed at opening up nev: opportunities for
agricultural laborers to acquire farm land of their ovm.
The law was suspended in 1952 because there were many

21

Statements made during informal discussions i-jith

CWA/USAID officials in ITicaragua, March, 1966.

57

abuses, and it v;as resulting in an increase of latifundia.

Lack of education was cited as the reason that the agri-
op
cultural laborers did not take advantage of the situation.

An agrarian reform law was pronulgated in December,

1961, vjith the following stipulations:

1. It would create an Agrarian Institute, as
a semi -autonomous agency, reporting to the
President through the Ministry of Agricul-
ture with broad responsibilities over land
settlement,

2. Land settlement v/ould involve public lands,
lands purchased by the A.grarian Institute,
and. Inhere necessarj^ for the realization of
a settlement project, expropriated land
with compensation determined by a board

of arbitration. In cases of expropria-
tion, the Constitution of Nicaragua
requires that immediate cash indemnity
be made .

3. A tax on agricultural land is introduced,
the revenue from which would be utilized
for programs of land settlement. This is
a significant proposal, as previously
land has not been specifically taxed in
Nicaragua,

I4.. Both directed and voluntary settlement are
contemplated. Any farmer who has occupied
public land and cultivated it for a period
of one year or more prior to the enactm.ent
of the law xijould be permitted to apply for
title, thereby securing up to ^0 hectares
iNTithout charge, and the balance, if he has
cultivated it adequately, at a price to
be determined by a board of e:^erts.

5. In the case cf directed settlement, land

x-zould be sold to the settlers, to be repaid

?p.

'United States Government, Latin ^^merican U30M
Seminar on A.grarian Reform (V/ashington: International
Cooperation Administration, 1961), p. lij.8.

58

over a period of 15 to 20 years, with
interest at a rate that is not to exceed
5 per cent. The amount to be repaid would
be reduced by 5 per cent for each son born
after the purchase contract is signed.
Supervised agricultural credit would be
introduced and adequate housing provided
for each settler in a government-directed
pro ject .23

The agrarian reform measures were included in Decree
797, which was finally passed in April, 1963, with the pro-
viso that it be administered by the newly formed Agrarian
Institute. ^ The main emphasis of the decree is on coloni-
zation of public lands, but it is too early to evaluate the
results as yet.

Results of the Concentration of
Land Ownership and Control

The low standards and levels of living found among
a large proportion of the rural people are direct results
of the concentration of landholdings. The International
Bank found "generally lov; standards of health and education."
A summary statement was made, which includes the following
items: (1) A few people in Nicaragua enjoy a high income
and a high level of living comparable to the best in Europe
or the United States; (2) the large majority of the people

23

Ibid., p. li|8.

24

Heaton, op. cit., Table I,

59

have low incomes and low levels of living; (3) the basic
diet is composed of corn, beans, plantains, and rice, but
it is lacking in protein; (Ij.) there is a lack of safe drink-
ing water even in the urban areas; (5) the literacy rate is
under 30 per cent; (6) there is a high incidence of malaria
and dysentery; and (7) infant mortality is high. -"

Considerable progress has been made since 1952, yet
there is room for much improvement. One of the striking
characteristics of rural Nicaragua is a lack of pure water
and sanitary facilities. Reports of the 1963 census indi-
cate that less than 1 per cent of the rural population
have access to water systems. An actual case which I
personally observed can be used as an example of the extent
of sanitary facilities. In one rural village I counted 90
families; but the only toilet facilities of any kind were
in the recently constructed school. These facilities were
considered a novelty. This village is less than an hour's
drive from the capital city of Managua. The Ministry of
Public Health is attempting to improve conditions.

^International Bank, op. cit., p. xxv.

26

Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963:

Vivienda Volumen II (Managua: Direccion General de
Estadlstica y Censos, 1965), P« xxii.

60

In the International Bank report of 1952, it v;as
recommended that, because of the low levels that were
encountered, both health and education be included in the
plan for economic development. Some outstanding improve-
ments can be noted in education in the subsequent period.
Illiteracy decreased from 62.6 per cent in 1950 to 1|9.2
per cent in 1963. Yet, the rate of illiteracy in the
rural areas was still at a high of 70.2 per cent, and
only 18.0 per cent of the rural children were attending
school. '

Another result of concentration in the ownership
and control of the land has been an exodus of rural labor-
ers to the urban centers. Durand and Pelaez have calcu-
lated that the urban population is increasing at an annual
rate of 5«9 per cent, while the rural population is in-
creasing at an annual rate of only 1.9 per cent (even
though the rural birth rate is higher than that of the
urban centers). The rural population accounted for
65.1 of the total in 1950 and was estimated at only 57-1

'Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Hacionales, 1963'
Educacion Vo lumen _I (Managua: DirecciSn 'General de
Estadlstica y Censos, 1965), p. xiii.

John D. Durand and Cesar A. Pelaez, "Patterns of
Urbanization in Latin America," Milbank Memorial Fund
Quarterly, Vol. 1+3, No. i;, (1965), P. 179.

61

29
per cent in 1960, ^ At the same time that difficult

conditions exist in the rural areas, there are many things
making it easier to go to the cities. These new alter-
natives increase the likelihood of migration.

The relationship betvjeen large landholdings, economic
position, and political power would be hard to determine
through examination of official government documents. As
one travels throughout the Republic and asks questions,
however, it is evident that those who are owners of the
large holdings also are prominent figures in the economic,
political, and military spheres. It is likely that the
rise to econom.ic and social position may come from politi-
cal and military participation, but landholding serves to
guarantee a continuance of this position.

Trends in Landholding

Agriculture already was well developed in Nicaragua
when the Spaniards arrived. This vjas particularly true in
the western coastal area where the TTicarano Indians resided.
In contrast with the nomadic life of the natives in the
central and eastern areas, these Indians had permanently
established villages and land boundaries. Land ownership
was communal, but they did have private ownership of

29

Louis J. Ducoff, "The Role of Migration in the

Demographic Development of Latin iteierica," Milbank Memorial

Tund Q,uarterly, Vol. k.3, No. i]., (1965), p. 199.

62

movable property. It was found that each area had a crude
mapping system that v;as used to help define the limits of
the lands pertaining to each village. There was no
scarcity of land, but the maps were used by the elders
in the event of a dispute over boundaries.--^

Gold was not abundant in TTicaragua, so the Spaniards
were forced to use the land as the major source of wealth.
Cultivation was begun almost immediately. The Spaniards
established plantations of indigo and cacao for export,
and they -undertook the production of cotton, citrus, sugar
cane, food crops, and cattle for internal cons\xmption. The
area of most intense cultivation was near what is now Rivas
and Granada. In the Leon area to the north, som.e attempts
at farming also were made, but the soil and climate were

not as favorable there. The central and eastern portions

31
of the country v;ere not colonized during the early period.-^

Landholding in Nicaragua followed the general
pattern of all of the New IJorld that was under Spanish
domination. Upon its discovery, the whole territory was
proclaimed as property of the King. By persuasion or
force much of the most desirable lands were taken over by

■5Q

Jose D. Gamez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua;
El Pai^s, 1889), p. 38.

^■""Ibid., pp. 51-56.

63

the conquistadores. The Spaniards of all ranks were
eager to get possession of large tracts of land. For
those of higher rank, direct grants were made by the
King; for those of lower rank, smaller grants were given
out by the leaders from lands that the King had designated
for this purpose. Small tracts of land were given in and
near the areas designated as villages and towns for build-
ing homes and planting gardens; also some land was avail-
able on a rental basis from the land grants made to the
communities. Prom the very beginning, specific land areas
were designated as Indian communal holdings but in practice
they were not respected. Grants of land were numerous in
themselves, yet it was the general practice for each re-
cipient to extend his boundaries far beyond the limits
of his legal possessions.

Another factor also influenced the size of holdings.
A very small portion of the total land had been allocated
and, due to lack of precise description of property boun-
daries, there was much dispute as to how much belonged to
each land holder. A general understanding developed that
physical occupation and use were also important factors
in the proof of possession. This accounts for a large
quantity of land that was obtained neither from royal
grants nor by purchase.

The tendency to grant large tracts of land, the
lack of adequate description of boundaries, the lack of

614-

adequate systems of recording the titles of ownership,
the understanding that possession and use were important
aspects of legal ownership, and the basic fact that land
was abundant, all tended to make the large landed estate
an ideal worth striving for.-^^

The concentration of land in the hands of a few
continued after the establishment of the Republic. The
Constitution of I838 respected private property and indi-
cated no great concern over the tendency toward large
holdings that had developed when Nicaragua was a Spanish
colony. The Constitution of 1939 showed for the first
time a concern for landholding. It stated that "property
has a social function, and the obligations of the owner
to society shall be determined by the State"; land taxation
was first mentioned; and the government x^fas charged with
encouraging the preservation of medi-um-sized and small
holdings and the division of latifundia.-^-^

Since 1939 the pressure for change in landholding
has been increasing in Nicaragua. It was not until the
Agricultural Survey of 1952 that an accurate appraisal of
the size of holdings could be made. The data from this
survey are summarized in Table 5* For comparative purposes.

^^Smith, op. cit., pp. 51-67 and 90-97.

33

-^^Blandon, op . cit . , p. 19.

65

TABLE 5

SIZE OF EXPLOTACIONES /.GROPECUiiRIOS
IN NICARAGUA, 1952

Size of

Explotaciones

(manzanas)

Per cent of

Explotaciones

(total)

Per cent of
total area

Under 5

19.9

0.8

5-9.9
10-19.9
20-49.9

15.0
16.7
20.7

1.5
3.3
9.4

5-49.9

52.4

14.2

50-99.9
100-199.9
200-499.9
500-999.9
1000-2499.9

15.2
7.3
3.6

0.9
0.5

14.5
13.5
15.0
9.2
10.5

50-2499.9

27.5

62.7

2500 end over

0.2

22.3

Total

100.00

100.00

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Alfonso Blandon,

Land Tenure in Nicaragua (Unpublished Master's Thesis,
University of Florida, 1962).

66

Table 6 is also presented to show the changes from 1952
to 1963. In this period of time, the number of holdings
in Nicaragua increased from 51j581 to 102,201, and the
area involved increased from 3,388,789 to ^,1\.G1,162
manzanas. Of particular interest to this study is the
fact that the trend shows a decrease in the relative number
of medixxn-sized holdings as well as the relative area in-
volved. It is in this category that the family-sized farm
is most likely to be found.

Summary and Conclusions

The degree to which the ownership and control of
the productive land is concentrated in the hands of a few
individuals is the most important aspect of man-land rela-
tionships. This chapter on size of farms has described
and analyzed the distribution of different sizes of agri-
cultural and stock raising establishments in ITicaragua
to discover to what degree this concentration exists.

Three main categories are used: small farms,
those under 5 manzanas in size; medi\am-sized farms, from
5 to i;9.9 manzanas; large farms, from 50 to 2,ij.99.9 man-
zanas; and latifundias, places of 2,500 manzanas and over.
Size as measured by area alone is not enough to determine
ownership and control of the land but, when it is combined
with land use, one obtains a good indication of how the
capital, management, and labor are applied in the enterprises,

67

TABLE 6

COMPARATIVE SIZE OF EXPLOTiiCIONES KGROPECUiiRIOS
IN NICARaGUA, 1952 kND 1963

Size of
Explota clones
(manzanas)

1952

1963

Per cent of

Per cent of

Explotaclones Area Explotaclones Area

Under 5
5-49.9
50-2499.9
Over 2500

19.9

0.8

35.4

1.5

52.4

14.2

42.8

13.2

27.5

62.7

21.2

65.1

0.2

23.3

0.2

20.2

Total

100.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Source: Compiled and computed from data In Alfonso Blandon,

Lend Tenure In Nicaragua (Unpublished Master's Thesis,
University of Florida, 1962), and Republlca de
Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963: Agropecuario.
(Managua: Direcclon General de Estadistiba y Censos,
1966).

68

The ideal social situation results when the farmer and
his family can provide all three elements.

In Nicaragua the Agricultural Census of 1963 pre-
sents adequate data on size of the agricultural establish-
ments. The small-sized units account for 35»ij- per cent
of all establishments, but they include only 1.5 per cent
of the agricultural land area of the Republic. The com-
parable data for the other categories are as follov;s:
medium-sized establishments, 1^2,6 per cent of the units
and 13.2 per cent of the area; large establishments, 21.2
per cent of units and 65*1 per cent of the area; latifundia,
0.2 per cent of \inits and 20.2 per cent of the area. These
figures indicate that there is a high degree of concentra-
tion in the ownership and control of the agricultural land
of I^Iicaragua. They also indicate that a large number of
extremely small plots are present. This latifundia-
minifundia combination likewise is characteristic of many
other parts of the world.

The size of the agricultural-pastoral units also
varies considerably from one to the other of the three
natural geographic regions in TTicaragua. The highly
developed Pacific region has a relatively more pronounced
1 at i fundi a-mini fundi a combination; the llorth-Central region
has a relatively high proportion of mediiom-sized establish-
ments; and the Atlantic region has a significantly high
proportion of large units.

69

When land-use is related to size of farms, a
clearer picture of some of these man-land relationships
emerges. Three main categories are used here to describe
the use of Nicaragua's agricultural land. As the size
of the establishments increases: the proportion of crop
land decreases; that of pasture land increases; and that
of forest land increases rapidly. As a specific example
of this relationship of land use, forest and pasture land
combined account for only 25 per cent of the area of small
establishments, and 91^ per cent of that in places of over
2,500 manzanas.

The concentration of landholding in Nicaragua is
not due to any one factor. Certainly the Spanish heritage
as a cultural pattern is an important starting point.
Other factors are: the political upheavals since inde-
pendence; the preferential position of a few individuals
because of political and military association; the absence
of an effective tax on land; the lack of agricultural cre-
dit for small farmers; misuse of public land grants; and
the low levels of education among rural people. In recent
times the growing concern over the inequalities in land
ownership and control has brought about changes in the law.
It is too early as yet to measure any significant changes
in the size of farms as a result of these laws.

It is not possible to relate completely present
social problems ajid the concentration in landholdings .
Undoubtedly the lov; levels and standards of living in the

70

rural areas do have a close relationship. Health and
sanitation problems have been mentioned by many authors
as an index to this situation. In spite of great efforts
of the government, illiteracy remains at a high of 70 per
cent of those ten years of age and over in the rural areas.
Because conditions have not improved in proportion to

e.^ipectations, many inaral people are migrating to the cities,
thus compounding the problems already found in providing
adequate urban facilities. An obvious result of the con-
centration of ownership and control of the land is the
contrasting style of life for those in different social
and economic positions.

The pattern of land ovjnership and control has
changed little since the days when Nicaragua was a Spanish
colony. There was slight opportunity for the pre-Columbian
customs to prevail over the all-pervasive Spanish desire
for land and the social power and prestige that went with
it. Independence did not greatly change this cultural
pattern, partly because land was abundant. Only in recent
times have pressure for change been great enough and social
contact with other areas of the world open enough to cause
the rural population to realize that something should and
could be done to bring about a more equitable distribution
of ownership and control of the land in Nicaragua.

CHAPTER IV
LAl^TD TEITTJRE

Men in their relation to the land have certain
propertj"- rights that are recognized by society. These
rights vary from mere customs, which are backed up by
different degrees of sanctions, to written laws, v;hich
the government has authority to enforce with more severe
measures. Land tenure deals with these legal property
rights, or the relationships that bind man and land
together. T^^ro aspects of these relationships are con-
sidered here: (1) the general nature of property rights
to the land in ^Ticaragua, and (2) the ways in which these
rights are distributed among the Nicaraguans who depend
upon agricultural and pastoral activities for a liveli-
hood.

Land as property is a form of wealth. To many
people landovmership is a possession that is as important
as gold. Land has further value because it is capable
of producing those things needed daily by man to sustain
life. Status and prestige in society come from the

T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), p. 271^

71

72

possession of scarce and valuable resources and, for
this reason, the individual \-jho possesses rights of
ownership and control of land can influence the actions
of others. As was pointed out in Chapter III, when the
ownership and control of the land in a society are con-
centrated in the hands of a few people, equality in social
relations is difficult if not impossible to achieve.

Land as a form of wealth differs from other mater-
ial objects in another important aspect: maintaining
physical possession of land as personal property repre-
sents a special problem because of its size. It is almost
impossible to put land behind walls high enough or strong
enough to prevent occupation by others. Squatter inva-
sions have plagued land owners throughout recent history
and are a major problem in some countries today. For
this reason, legal rights to the land as defined in
tenure relationships become extremely important. In the
case of land, physical possession does not always count
for the proverbial "nine points of the law." A legal
document is necessary to prove ownership. Thus, an accu-
rate description of the extent of legal rights to the
land becomes of vital significance in a study of man's
relationship to the land.

73
Property Rights and Their Development

In primitive societies there is every likelihood
that the rights novj considered commensurate X'Xith legal
ownership of land went with physical occupation and use:
that is, such rights essentially were held by the man
who cultivated a particular tract simpl;?- by reason of
his occupation and use of it. As society became more
complex and choice land was in greater demand, customs
developed in dealing v;ith problems of allocation and
transfer of claims to particular tracts of land. Gradu-
ally, oral and written agreements as to land rights and
responsibilities were assembled and codified. In the
course of time, the emphasis has shifted from mere
occupation and use of the land to the possession of
documents recognized by society as signifying some kind
of a legal title to the land.

The history of property rights to the land in
Mcaragua is much like that of the other Spanish colonies.
Before the coming of the Spaniards, the pressure of popu-
lation upon the land v;as not great, and since the native
Indians had not achieved a written language there ^^7as no
legal documentation to certify the rights of an individual
to the land. According to the customs and verbal agree-
ments with the tribe and among the tribes, land was allo-
cated according to need. Simple maps were developed to

define the limits of property rights as to area, but no
further codification of custom was observed.

The present-day tenure arrangements in Nicaragua
can be traced to the Spanish colonizers, but they were
not necessarily foiond in Spain. Land tenure provisions
in Spain had many recognized deficiencies, and these were
wisely corrected in the laws that were used in the colo-
nies. From the beginning, the land was claimed for the
Crown. This was one of the first "rituals" performed by
the conquistadores. The King began to dispose of the
land in liberal quantities, but not without reason or an
idea of its value. Rather specific stipulations were
made as to how the amount should vary in accordance with
the rank and position of the recipient,-^

During the first part of the colonial period, there
were three v;ays in which an individual could acquire pro-
perty rights to the land: (1) by grants given directly
by the King; (2) by assignment from the leaders of expe-
ditions whom the King had commissioned to distribute
rights to tracts of land to their followers; and (3) by
allotments also made by the leader of an expedition or
the council of a new settlement, of building lots. It

Jose D. Gamez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua:
El Pais, 1889), pp. 37-3^^:

T. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structure and Pro-
cess of Development (Gainesville: University of Florida
Press, 1967), pp. 90-91.

75

was later decreed that full rights to the land, equivalent
to fee simple were to be given after four years of resi-
dency. In addition, some lands were given to the new
settlements as communal property, namely e jidos adjacent
to the town plots for use as common pasture and propios
to be used or rented and with the proceeds to be used
for community purposes.^

Land was abundant and the grants were liberal, yet
there was always a desire for more land. By 1591 the dis-
putes over land possession were so numerous that a review
of all claims was decreed.

The publication of the Laws of the Indies in 1680
was another important development. The various regula-
tions that had been a part of colonial policy had been
codified and were published at this time. These laws
included stipulations in regard to land grants, conditions
necessary for definite title, time limits on land use and
construction of a dwelling, preference in 1 nnd grants,
methods of confirmation of land titles, Indian rights to
the land, location of lands for livestock in relation to
crops and villages, and methods of composicion (examination
of all land claims to regularize the titles),-'

^Ibid., pp. 91-92.
Ibid., pp. 92-97.

76

In spite of this, abuses were coininon, and the
King was forced to take corrective measures. However,
because of local pressures as well as the distance from
Spain, many of the decrees were never carried out. Some
of the problems that developed during this period remain
today in tenure relationships, and include: (1) the lack
of a clear definition of the grants made by the King to
individuals; (2) a general tendency for the recipient to
extend the boundaries of the grant beyond any reasonable
limits, and (3) the lack of an adequate method of register-
ing land transactions and preserving the records.

Today, property rights to the land in Nicaragua are
defined in the Constitution. As was true during the long
colonial period, these rights also have been essentially
equivalent to fee simple since the adoption of the
Constitution of I838. In essence, the state retains only
the right of eminent domain, those to the subsoil, and
that of taxation. In addition to the rights of ownership,
the social obligations of property ownership are also pre-
scribed. The articles of the Constitution of 1950 (which
is now in force) pertaining to property rights are as
follows:

Article 63. Property is inviolable. No one
may be deprived of his property except by

Alfonso Blandon, Land Tenure in Nicaragua. Master ' s
thesis (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1962) , p. 1[|_.

77

judicial Judgement, a general tax, or for
public use and social interest according to
law and upon prior payment in cash of just
compensation. In the event of national war,
or internal disturbance, or public calamity'-,
the competent authorities may use private
property to the extent required by public
good, leaving intact the rights to subsequent
compensation.

Article 65» Property, by virtue of its social
function, imposes obligations. The law shall
determine their amount, nature, and extent.

Article 66. The right of property, as far
as Its exercise is concerned, is subject to
the limitations imposed by the maintenance
and progress of social order. The law may
impose obligations or easements of public use
and may regulate questions of rent.

Article 6?. Property, regardless of who may
be the owner, is governed exclusively by the
laws of the Republic, and is subject to public
charges, in accordance with the Constitution
and the laws.

Article 68. For reasons of public or social
interest, the law may establish restrictions
or prohibitions or the acquisition and trans-
fer of certain kinds of property because of
its nature, condition, or location in the
territory.

Article 71. The State shall encourage the
proper division of uncultivated large holdings
(latifundcs) , and will favor the preservation
and spread of medium and small holdings.

Article 74. Any person may freely dispose of
his property by any legal title. VJlth respect
to x^fills, he ^^^lll be bound by the provisions
of law relating to the conjugal portion and
allowance for support.

Any entailment of property or endowment in favor
of mortmain is prohibited, excepting only those
established in order to constitute a family
estate or in favor of social welfare establish-
ments and official centers of institutions and
culture.

78

Article 75. The family estate (patrimonio
f anilicVy^is established on the basis that it
shall be inalienable, unattachable, and exempt
from every public charge. This principle shall
be regulated by law.

ilrticle 21^1. Lands, woods, waters, and in gen-
eral all property of public use belong to the
State, except for legally acquired rights. The
Law shall prescribe the conditions for their
use by the State, or for granting them to indi-
viduals, in fee or by another title.

Article 21^2. The riches of the subsoil belong
to the State. Their exploitation by individuals
may be authorized only on the basis of participa-
tion by the State in the profits. Excepted from
this provision are stones for building or orna-
mental purposes, pozzuolana, sand, slate, clay,
lime, and other substances generally used in
construction, 7

Although the essential elements of property rights
to the land in Nicaragua have not changed from those speci-
fied in the early constitutions, there have been some
development and clarification. The right of disposition
(presently in Article 7ll-) was first stated in the Consti-
tution of l893> as was the protection against entailment.
Statements much like those in Articles 65, 66, and 71 were
first included in the Constitution of 1939, and it is
these which provide the legal basis for agrarian reform."

Article 63 was amended by the National Congress in
1966 to read "for reasons of Agrarian Reform, when

''Pan American Union, Constitution of the Republic
of Nicaragua — 1950 (Washington: Organization of Ameri
Spates, 1966), pp. «, 9, and 38.

can

o

Blandon, op. cit., pp. 18-19'.

79

uncultivated latifundia are considered, the payment can

be made in government bonds, the duration, interest and

o
other conditions of which will be fixed by law.'

Some of the more important property rights to the
land that are available to the individual are the follow-
ing: (1) the exclusive right of physical possession and
occupation; (2) the right of disposition, that is, to sell
or to give it to another; (3) the right to make improve-
ments, either by altering the land itself or making con-
structions upon it; (1|) the right to use it for productive
purposes, i.e. to decide what to produce, when to produce,
how much to produce, and how to produce it; and (5) the
right to the products secured from the land as v;ell as
the right to dispose of them as desired. Except for the
restrictions specified in the Constitution, these are
constituted rights of legal ownership and they are of
unlimited duration. However, there are varying degrees
of rights that belong to others besides owners. For this
reason, it is important to determine hov; the rights are
distributed among all of those who participate in farming
and animal husbandry.

'Republica de TTicaragua, Mem or i a (Managua: In-
stitute Agraria de TTicaragua, 1957) , n.p.

80

Tlie Tenure Status of
ITicaraguan Farm Personnel

The second fundamental part of the study of land
tenure involves a determination of the distribution of
the bundle of property rights to the land among the agri-
cultural personnel. In this analysis one must deal
specifically with the two large categories, namely farm
operators and farm laborers into which that personnel is
divided.

The first step necessarily is the determination of
the approximate number of families dependent on agricul-
ture and stock raising. After this has been accomplished,
the second step is to estimate the absolute and relative
importance of farm operators and farm laborers respective-
ly. As a final step, the absolute and relative importance
of some of the specific categories of farm operators and
farm laborers should be calculated.

It must be emphasized again that an explotacion
agropecuario is not synonjTuous v;ith v/hat is generally
understood as a farm. The major difference is that the
category of explotaciones includes not only all of the
tracts of land that properly may be classified as farms,
but also very large numbers of small subsistence tracts
used by farm laborers.

'Smith, Colombia, p. 108

81

The ITumber of Fanilies Dependent on Agri culture and Stock
Raising-

Separate sets of compilations lead us to the con-
clusion that in ITicaragua approximately li^.2,000 families
are dependent on agriculture and stock raising for a
livelihood. The manner of making these estimates is set
forth in the follov/ing paragraphs.

First, 12ii.,560 heads of families have been classed
as being economically active in agriculture and stock
raising. This includes some families that live in
urban centers as well as those residing in rural areas.
However, it does not include any families that are headed
by persons who are not economically active, and for this
reason is an understatement.

Second, the 1963 census enumerated a total of
li|.0,708 rural dwellings. This number includes the homes
of rural families that are not engaged in farming but it
does not include those of agricultural personnel who live
in urban centers. These two groups are approximately
equal in number so that the original figure is close to
the actual number of families of farm personnel.

11 y

rJepublica de Nicaragua, Censos !-Tacionales 1963:
Poblacion Volumen V (Managua: DirecciSn General de Esta-
distica y Censos, 1967), p. 385.

-^^Republica de ITicaragua, Censos ITacionales 1963;
Vivienda Volumen T (Managua: Direccion General de Esta-
dlstica y Censos, 1965), p. xi.

82

Third, a sliohtly different approach gives 11^2,232
farm families. This result is obtained by dividing the

total rural population (908,296) by the mean size of rural

1 3
families (6.1;). Again, the rural families not engaged

in agriculture and the urban families who live by farming

are not taken into account, but they are approximately

equal in number.

Four, 279,637 people are reported as being econom-
ically active in farming. If this number is divided by
the mean n\:!mber of persons per family who are economically
active (1,88), the computation gives an estimated llj.0,87i;
farm families,^ These figures include both rural and
urban persons.

Thus, although the figures by no means should be
considered exact, there is very good reason for taking
lii.2,000 as a fair approximation of the actual number of
agricultioral families in !Micaragua.

Farm Operators.

The determination of the numbers and proportions
of Nicaragua's families vjho belong in the categories of

^•^Republica de 'Nicaragua, Gensos Kacionales 1963 •
Poblacion Vo lumen I (Managua: Direccion General de Esta-
dlstica y Gensos, 196I;) , p. :acii,

^Republica de Nicaragua, Gensos Ilacionales 1963:
Poblacion Vol-omen III (Managua: Direccion General de
Estadlstica y Gensos, 1967), p. 8.

83

farm operators and farm laborers, respectively, is not
easy. It is to be ass"umed that there is one farm opera-
tor family for each farm, but, as indicated above, every
e:q)lotacion agropecuario is not a farm. Many of the
small plots are merely qu.intas (small country estates
of people i\iho vjork in the city) and many others are tracts
given in use to farm laborers as partial payment for their
vxork on large farms. For this reason, all of the explota-
cibnes containing less than 1 manzana, one-half of those
involving from 1 to lj..9 manzanas, and one -third of those
of from 5 to 9.9 manzanas are excluded from the category
of farms. If these subtractions are made, 79,823 e:<:plo-
taciones agropecuarios are left and most nearly meet the
requisites for classification as farms. (See Table 7.)

Another approach can be used also. The census
enumerations account for 11^8,977 farmers, stockraisers,
farm administrators and unpaid family workers in Nicaragua,
(See Table 8.) Considering that there are 1.88 persons
from each family that are economiically active, it follows
that there are 79, 21^3 families of farm operators.

Both of these approaches give approximately the
same number of farm operators; ho^^:ever, it is likely that
the figures arrived at through both approaches are too
high. There are many explotaciones of above 10 manzanas
In size that probably should not be considered as farms,
for the same reason as that for which the smaller tracts

Qk

TABLE 7

EXPLOTACIONES AGROPECUARIOS ACCORDING TO SIZE
IN NICARAGUA, 1963

Size of Explotaciones
(in Manzanas)

Explotaciones

Niimber

Per Cent

100.0

2.2

33.2

15.1;

13.0

Ik.k

10.7

6.1

3.5

0.9

O.ij.

0.2

Total

Less than 1

l-i|.9

5-9.9

10-19.9

20-I;9.9

50-99.9

100-199.9

200-1+99.9

500-999.9

IOOO-2I4.99.9

2500 and over

102,201

2,258

33,9i|8

15,730

13,273

li4-,703

10,9lj.9

6,291

3,551

920

l|05
170

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Republica de

Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales, 1963: Agropecuario
(Managua: Direcci5n General de EstadTstica y
Censos, 1966), p. xiv.

85

TABLE 8

POPULATION ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE 111 AGRICULTURE ATO
STOCK RAISING ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL
IN NICARAGUA, 1963

Nvimber of Persons
Occupational Categories Economically Active

Cultivators, stock raisers and
administrators of explota-

ciones agropecuarios 91»51|-3

Cultivators and stock raisers 91,0[i.9

Administrators kSk-

Farm laborers and gardeners 185,385

Laborers 125,28?

Unpaid family workers ^7 ,k3k

Operators of agricultural

machines 1,651

Gardeners and caretakers 652

Other laborers 361

Total population economically active

in agriculture and stock raising 276,828

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Republics. ^de
Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales, 1963: Poblacion
Volumen V (Managua: Direccion General de
Estadlstica y Censos, 196?), P. 131.

86

were previously excluded. Their exclusion would lower
the first calculation. It is also likely that not all
of the unpaid family labor should be considered as part
of the family of farm operators. If so, this would lower
the second figure. For these reasons, the number of farm
operator families in Nicaragua is calculated to be approxi-
mately 72,000, or US per cent of all agricultural families
in Nicaragua.

In Nicaragua, there are a number of common terms
used to denote the various types of farm operators. The
meanings vary slightly from place to place and from common
to legal usage, but they are generally ■understood by all.
These terms are used here to describe the specific cate-
gories of operators.

^ P^opietario is one who has legal title to land
and is operating it as a farm. He enjoys all of the
rights provided by the Constitution; in fact many of its
restrictive aspects are not generally enforced.

An arrendatario is a farm operator who secures the
use of land for a stated time and usually for a set pur-
pose, through payment of a fee to the owner, usually in
cash and in advance. At the present time a large amount
of land is being rented in the Pacific region for use in
cotton production; and the annual rent is around 300
Cordovas (approximately $i;2) per manzana. The duration
of the rights to the land is restricted to the cropping

87
season, the right of capital improvement is withheld,
the decision-making rights are restricted to a specific
crop, and no transferral rights are granted. This
arrangement is made verbally where small amounts of land
are in question, and by written contract in large trans-
actions. Usually the arrendatario operates on borrowed
capital; therefore, the credit agencies insist on a
written lease. Commercial crop land is usually rented
on an annual basis with an option to continue for another
year. Land for other crops is rented on a long-term basis
and more of the rights are transferred to the renter for
the duration of the contract.

A comunero (also known as an e jiditario) is actually
a renter and is a farm operator who uses municipio lands.
He pays an annual rental fee and can sell his rights to
another by a carta de venta (a written bill of sale that
has been notarized) . The cumunero does have the essential
right of decision-making in all matters of farm operation
but the duration of his tenure is insecure.

A usufruct ario is generally understood to be a
farm operator who is allowed to occupy and use land that is
owned by another. No legal contract is involved and the
duration of these rights is always in question. This has
been a stable arrangement in the past, but recent agrarian
unrest has fostered a desire for legal recognition on the
part of the usufruct ario.

88

A poseador is a squatter, i.e., a farm operator
who occupies and uses land that has no other legal owner.
This is the case of those who live on national lands
(tierras baldias) . All of the rights are in question,
but there is a recognized procedure for getting a provi-
sional title ( tftulo provisorio) and later a legal title.
This was common in the North-Central and Atlantic regions,
although the Agrarian Reform laws have recently changed
the procedures for securing titles.

An ocupante (also called precarista and paracai-
dista) , also a squatter, is a farm operator who occupies
without permission land that legally belongs to another.
There are no recognized rights in this situation in
Nicaragua, and the number of forced evictions and legal
actions to get such interlopers off the land is increasing
daily.

These common designations do not coincide with the
tenure categories used in the agricultural portion of the
Census of 1963> for the latter are based on land classi-
fications and not on an analysis of the agricultural popu-
lation. The categories of land as defined in the Census
are as follows:

1. Owner-operated (propias) : Farms with legal
title that are operated by the owner.

2. Usufruct (usufruto) : Lands not owned by the
operator but from which the operator has rights
to crops and benefits.

89

3. Lands rented from a municipio (e jidos) :
Lands belonging to a county-like municipio,
to which the operator has cultivation rights
and pays an annual fee.

1^. Lands rented from private owners ( arren-
dadas) : Lands rented for cash, for an amount
of the crop, for services rendered, for a
share of the crop or for any other form of
payment .

^. Lands occupied without title ( ocupadas sin
titulo) : Public or private lands that the
operator cultivates without any legal title.

6. Other forms (otras formas de tenencia) :
Lands occupied by colonos, or any other form
of tenancy not mentioned above. ■'-5

The number of families in each of the categories of

farm operators as calculated from the data available in

Tables 7 and 8 presented previously as well as Table 9

are as follows: propietarios, 32,^00; arrendatarios,

i^jOOO; comuneros, 7,500; usufructarios, 5>000; poseadores

y ocupantes, 19,000; and mixed operation, 1^.00. When all

of these are added together, the total is 72,000 operators

which is the same as the total number of families of farm

operators presented previously. These calculations are

made with the necessary adjustments to eliminate those

explotaciones agropecuarios that cannot be classified as

farms.

^Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963?
Agropecuario, p. xvii.

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Farm Laborers.

The remaining Nicaraguan farm personnel must be
classified as laborers because they do not exercise the
managerial functions in the production process. The
number of families headed by farm laborers is estimated
by subtracting the families of farm operators from all
families of farm personnel, and the figure secured is
70,000 families.

The above calculations can be checked by using the
information of Table 8. The nxxmber of farm laborers
(125»287) is divided by the mean nvimber of persons per
family that are economically active (1.88) . This gives
a total of 68,059 such families. However, if some of the
unpaid family workers are considered in this category then
the n\amber is increased thus approaching the 70,000 as
previously calculated. All of this means that almost one-
half of the families dependent on agriculture and stock
raising in Nicaragua do not have the property rights to

the land which are necessary to be classified as farm

16
operators.

The Food and Agricultural Organization of the
United Nations has combined all of the data of the 1963
Census that relate to land tenure and size of holdings.
This collation, which shows a farm population of 283*000,
indicates that 79.8 per cent of the rural families are
either completely without land, have insufficient land
to furnish a rainimxam income, or have few if any legal
rights to the land they are now using. Food and Agri-
cultural Organization, Nicaragua; Caracteristicas

92

Nicaraguan farm laborers fall into several cate-
gories, each of which is denoted in a common parlance by
a specific term. First in these categories are the peones
or jornaleros, who work by the hour, by the day, or by the

Generales de la Utilizacion y Distribucion de la Tierra
(A preliminary report prepared by the office of^the Food
and Agricultural Organization of the United Nations in
Mexico), p. 59.

In an earlier attempt to separate agricultural
laborers from farm operators, Maturana compiled the occupa-
tional data from the 1950 Census and later data on the size
of agricultural holdings. He found a farm population of
206,800 in which the proportion of agricultural laborers
is greater than the proportion of farm operators and their
families.

Still another attempt has been made to separate the
two categories with size of farm as the criterion. Each
family was assumed to have five members, resulting in a
total of 133,300 farm families. Of these, 10.7 per cent
were self-employed operators of family-sized farms, and
28.5 per cent were self employed on farms of subfamily
size. The remaining 14.6.3 per cent were wage-earning
families. Maturana has noted that the underemployment of
those who live on the subfamily-sized farm means that most
of them should be classified as wage earners instead of
self employed. If this classification is made, then 7k'^
per cent should be categorized as farm laborers and only
25.2 per cent of the heads of farm families as operators.
Sergio Maturana, "Land Tenure" in Egbert de Vries (ed.).
Social Research and Rural Life in Central America, Mexico
and the Caribbean Region. (Pari^: The United Nations
Educational and Scientific Commission, 1966), pp. 73-9i|-.

In an earlier study, Schulman calculated that the
economically active agricultural population of Nicaragua
was divided into 19.3 per cent farm operators and 80.? per
cent farm laborers. Sam Schulman, A Sociological Analysis
of Land Tenure Patterns in Latin America. Doctoral disser-
tation (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1951^-), P. 29ij-.

93

job. They are told what to do and how to do it by the
farm operator or his representative. The only right they
have is to receive an agreed upon wage and, until recent
minim-urn wage legislation, even this was uncertain.

Aparceros are those who are paid a share of the
crop for their labors instead of a cash wage. These are
often classified as renter-operators instead of laborers,
but close examination reveals that they do not exercise
the right of decision-making. The managerial functions of
combining land, labor, and capital in order to carry on one
or more farm enterprises are exercised by the operators for
whom they work, but not by the aparceros themselves.

The colonos are agricultural laborers who are allowed
the use of small plots of ground on large haciendas or plan-
tations as partial payment for their labor. They too are
often classified as operators, but they lack all of the
essential rights of an operator. The bulk of their time
and energy is spent working under supervision on the
hacienda or plantation and even the right of decision-making
on their small plot is limited. No major improvements can
be made without express approval from the landowner. By
living on the hacienda or plantation, the colono even for-
feits some of his rights as a free laborer to move about
and look for better work.

91;

Arrimados are much like colonos in that they are
given some kind of housing and perhaps a plot of ground
while they are working in the area. Their stay is of
short duration, and they can be classified as migratory
laborers.

The approximate nimibers in the specific categories
of families headed by farm laborers are as follows: peones
and jornaleros, 58,000; aparceros, 7»000; colonos, 3,000;
and arrimados, 2,000, Included in these numbers were
those who are listed in the census as operators of ex-
tremely small plots as well as the specific laborer
categories. (See Tables 7 and 8.)

It should be mentioned here that all of these approx-
imations are lower than the exact figures but were adjusted
to conform with the total number of families headed by
agricultural laborers (70,000) as calculated earlier.
This suggests that there are probably from two to three
thousand families that could be shifted from the operator
to the laborer category. At any rate the n\jmber of families
headed by farm laborers is approximately equal to that num-
ber headed by farm operators.

Regional Variations in Tenure Status

The census data make possible an examination of the

variations in the tenure status of the farm personnel from
region to region. Tables 10 and 11 present the number of

95

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explotaciones agropecuarios and also the area in each of
the census tenure categories in the three geographical
regions. Table 12 gives further details of the different
rental arrangements. Table 13, which gives the occupa-
tional activity of the rural population, is also helpful
in indicating the distribution of the rights to the land
in the different geographical regions.

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teresting observations can be made in relation to regional
variations. In the Pacific region the proportions of the
following are the highest: (1) owner-operated establish-
ments and area of the same; (2) cash-rented establishments
and area of the same; (3) laborers and employees; and (1;)
sharecropper xanits and area of the same. This also is
the region where the proportions of the following are the
lowest: (1) patronos and self-employed; (2) usufruct and
comunero-operated establishments and area of the same; and
(3) land area operated without legal title.

It would appear that there are some contradictions
when the high proportion of owner-operated explotaciones
is compared with the low proportion of self employed and
the corresponding high proportion of laborers. These
apparent contradictions are explained by the fact that the
Pacific region is characterized by minifundia, which inflate
the listing of owner-operated holdings; yet these "owners"
gain most of their livelihood by working as laborers or

98

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99

TABLE 13

NUMBER OF ECONOMICALLY ACTIVE PERSONS IN THE RURAL

POPULATION ACCORDING TO OCCUPATIONAL LEVEL AND

GEOGRAPHICAL REGION IN NIG.^AGUA, 1963

Rural Population

Economically Pacific North -Central Atlantic Republic
Active Region Region Region Total

5,095 69k 7,378

3.6 2.9 1.6

11,018 1,877 26,931

7.7 7.7 9.ij.

ij.6,891 5,061- 110,967

33.0 20.8 38.9

l|ij., 699 10,062 82,807

31.1]- 1|1.3 29.0

31;,1;11 6,6i|3 57,075

2lt..2 27.3 20.0

158 32 360

0.1 - 0.2

11].2,272 2l|,370 285,518

100.0 100.0 100.0

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Republica de Nicaragua,
Censos Nacionales 1963: Poblacion Volumen III (Managua:

Direccion General de Estadistica y Censos, 1967),
pp. 110-137.

Owner-employers
Number

1,589

Per cent

1.3

Employees
Number

11]., 036

Per cent

11.8

Laborers

Number

59,012

Per cent

l]-9.7

Self employed
Number

28,0l|8

Per cent

23.6

Unpaid family
workers

Number

16,021

Per cent

13.5

Unclassified

personnel
Number

170

Per cent

0.1

Total population
Number

118,876

Per cent

100.0

100

employees and should not be considered as farm operators
at all. At the other extreme there is a high proportion
of latifundia, which accounts for the large area in owner-
operated units. The high proportion of laborers, employees,
and sharecroppers indicates a greater concentration of the
rights to the land in the hands of a few in the Pacific
than in any other region of Nicaragua. When the pertinent
data are brought together, it appears that less than one-
third of the farm personnel in this region are responsi-
ble for decision-making of the kind required of farm
operators.

As the North-Central region is compared with the
rest of the Republic, it is found to be neither extremely
high nor low in most categories. It does have the highest
proportion of usufruct and land used by comuneros and has
moderately high proportions of sharecroppers and area
attributed to them. It also has the lowest proportion of
land that is rented for cash. In this region, the rights
to the land seem to be more evenly distributed than they
are in the Pacific. Approximately one-half of those related
to the land apparently qualify as farm operators. However,
the duration of these rights is insecure as can be seen in
the large proportion in usufruct, establishments on land
belonging to the municipios and land operated without
title. Even the rights of decision-making are limited if
the duration is insecure.

101

A number of extremes can be observed in comparing
the Atlantic region with the rest of the Republic. It
has the highest proportion of: (1) patronos and self
employed; (2) establishments and area of the same operated
without legal title; and (3) establishments and area of
the same operated vmder "other forms," which includes
colonos. This region has the lowest proportion of: (1)
establishments and area of the same that is owner-operated;
(2) laborers and employees, and (3) establishments listed
as sharecropper units and area in the same.

The Atlantic is a frontier region, and as the data
indicate, the rights of decision-making are widely dis-
tributed among those who are related to the land. Yet,
the duration of these rights is more in question here
than in any other region. The resulting combination of
circumstances relating to property rights to the land is
less favorable here than in the North-Central area.

Variations in Tenure Status in Nicaragua
According to Size of Farms and Land Use

Data showing variation in tenure status according
to size of farms are given in Table li;. In those estab-
lishments of less than five manzanas in size, the two
major proportions are renter-operated (33 per cent) and
owner-operated (31 per cent). The amount (13 per cent)
of land operated on a usufruct basis is also significant.

102

TABLE IJ4.

/iMOUNT OP AGRICULTURAL LAND IN DIFFERENT TENURE CATEGORIES
ACCORDING TO SIZE OF E:TL0TACI0NES AGROPECUARIOS

IN NICARAGUA, 1963

Tenure

Size

of Establishments-::-

Categories

Under 5

5-1^.9.9

50-2i;99.9

Over 2500

Total

Ox^rned

25,859

362,375

2,168,853

1,085,932

3,6i|.3,019

Usufruct
granted

11,002

1+8,059

7i|-,8l9

-

133,880

Rented from
municipio

ks2k9

91,793

31+0,793

7,91+0

M+1+,775

Rented from
pri vat e
owner
Total

28,215

5i|, 908

56,506

800

11+0, 1^29

Cash

11,291

20,365

k3,kBl

800

75,907

Services

2,U50

3,001

769

-

6,220

Share

7,380

11,06]+

• 898

-

19,3i|.6

Other

7,090

20,i;78

11,388

-

38,956

Without title

8,381

lI|-3,772

892,14.56

6,600

1,051,209

Other forms

6,66ij.

18,956

22,230

-

1+7,850

All categories

(manzanas) 81+, 370 719,863 3,555,657 1,101,272 5,1+61,162

All categorie::
(number of
farms)

36,206 1+3,706

22,119

170

102,201

In manzanas.

Source: Compiled and computed from data in Republica de
Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963: Agropecuario
(Managua: Direccion General de Estadlstica y Censos,
1966), pp. 95-100.

103

Of the establishments of 5 to [4.9.9 manzanas in
size, fully one-half are owner-operated, one-fifth are
operated without legal title, and li^ per cent is used
by those who rent from the municipios.

In the establishments of 50 to 2,i|99.9 manzanas
in size, almost two-thirds (61 per cent) is owner-operated
and approximately one-fourth is operated without legal
title. This circumstance deserves special attention
because a total of 1,051,209 manzanas of agricultural land
in Nicaragua is operated in this way, and 892,i|56 manzanas
(85 per cent) are in this size category. Further attention
can be directed to the municipio lands, which accovmt for
only 10 per cent of the land in this size category but do
include 79 per cent of all of the )\l\i\ ,77$ manzanas of
municipio lands of the Republic.

In the establishments of 2,500 manzanas and over in
size, almost all (98 per cent) are owner-operated. The
rest of the tenure categories involve insignificant
amounts of land when considered on the basis of size or
in relation to the totals for the Republic.

Some general observations can be made in the rela-
tionship of tenure categories and the size of establishments
As the size increases: (1) the proportion of agricultural
land that is used by owner-operators increases, and (2)
the proportion of agricultural land that is operated on a
usufruct basis decreases. The proportion of land used by

101;

comuneros and that operated without title both decrease
as the establishments become extremely small or extremely
large in size (minifundia and latifundla) .

There are no cross tabulations showing the relation-
ship between tenure and land use in the published census
data. An indirect comparison can be made by using size-
of-farms data as the common point of reference. A high
proportion of the small grains (corn, beans, and rice) is
raised on the farms of less than 50 manzanas in size, and
they are the ones which have the lowest proportion of
owner-operators. Cattle, coffee, sugar, and cotton pro-
duction are highest on the farms over 50 manzanas in size,
and they are largely owner-operated. Further investigation
is necessary to confirm these relationships.

Other Aspects of Land Tenure
in Nicaragua

The present land tenure arrangements in Nicaragua
can be traced to the same causes mentioned in relation to
the size of agricultural establishments. The heritage of
the Spanish conquest and colonization was that of a landed
aristocracy and a large laboring class who lived in slavery
or at a semi-servile level. Possession of land was a mark
of power and prestige from the time of the introduction of
Spanish culture into the territory which now includes the
limits of the Republic of Nicaragua. It was natural that

105

those who obtained land would seek to retain possession
of it for themselves and their descendants. The articles
of the Constitution and the related laws gave legal back-
ing to property rights, with full sanctions of the State
for any who did not respect them.

It is only recently that the idea of the land owner's
obligations to society has been seriously considered. Actu-
ally little has been done in the way of significant taxa-
tion of agricultural land or even of that classified as
latifundia. It also is only recently that there has been
some question as to whether it is "just natural" for society
to be divided into a small privileged landed aristocracy
and a large mass of agricultural laborers. The fact that
the Agrarian Reform Law is directed at the establishment
of family-sized farms and offers owner operation to those
now working as laborers gives evidence of this. Whether
custom and law will implement this in any large degree
remains to be seen.

For the approximate 75 per cent of those economically
dependent on agriculture who are either laborers or who
work places that are too small to qualify as family-sized
farms, the present tenure arrangements contribute to their
disadvantaged position. It is among these families that
poverty, health problems, illiteracy, and general levels
of living are the lowest. Above all, their participation
in, and contribution to, the general development of society
is very small.

106
S\ainmary and Conclusions

Two aspects of the relationships of man to the
land discussed in this chapter: the nature of the bundle
of property rights to the land in Nicaragua, and the way
these rights are distributed among those who are related
to the land. Land as an item of wealth differs in many
aspects from other property, so that land tenure, or the
legal relationship of man and land, is of importance in
any study of society.

The history of property rights to the land in
Nicaragua is much like that of the other Spanish American
countries. Rights were defined in the Laws of the Indies
and later in the Constitution of the independent Republic.
The rights today are essentially in fee simple, as they
have been since the founding of the Spanish colony. This
means that the private owner has almost complete control
over the land. The government retains the right of emi-
nent domain, the right of taxation, subsoil rights, and
the right to define the social obligations of land owner-
ship. The government has exercised very little the rights
it retains.

Although the 1963 Census shows that a high propor-
tion of the land is in establishments that are owner-
operated, close analysis of occupational data demonstrate
that farm laborers represent fully as large a proportion
of the farm personnel as do the operators.

107

The Pacific region is characterized by high pro-
portions of laborers, low percentages of the self employed,
and a poor distribution of the rights to the land. In the
North-Central and Atlantic regions there is a better dis-
tribution of the managerial rights but a lack of security
in the duration of all rights to the land. As the size
of establishment increases, there is a proportional in-
crease in owner operation, a proportional decrease in
tenancy, and a proportional decrease in land operated on
a usufruct basis. Relatively little of the land owned
by the municipios is used in agricultural establishments
that should be classified either as latifundia or mini-
fundia. Owner-operators cultivate most of the land in
units that qualify as family-sized farms.

Only indirect observations can be made as to the
relationship between tenure and type of farming. The
data suggest that small grain crops for local consumption
are raised by those with relatively few rights to the
land, while cattle, coffee, sugar, and cotton are pro-
duced by those who are owner-operators.

There is little doubt that the large proportion of
those related to the land who have few rights and receive
small benefits are at a disadvantage economically and
socially. The same observations as to health, education,
and general levels of living could be made here that were
made in the chapter on size of farms. Just as output

108

efficiency in the agricultural pursuits of these workers
is low, their contributions to the general well-being of
society also are small. They see new opportunities in
the cities and are ready to migrate as soon as the oppor-
tunity arises.

CHAPTER V
LAND DIVISION, LAND SURVEYS, AND LAND TITLES

When the possession and control of land is to be
distributed among individuals, there must exist accepted
ways to measure, to divide, and to record the titles to
the tracts given to each person. In a society that
recognizes the institution of private property, these
functions are accomplished through land surveys, systems
of land division, and procedures for titling.

These three aspects of man's relation to the land
are closely interrelated. Unless an adequate inventory of
the total land area has been made and major divisions have
been indicated by some kind of markings, it is almost im-
possible to assign tracts to individuals with any degree
of accuracy. An accepted pattern of land division also
must be recorded on paper in such a way that it conforms
to the way things actually are on the land. Only when all
three of these aspects have been worked out together can
legal ownership of a specific tract of land be certain.

Two especially important aspects of land division
are considered in this chapter. First, are the surveys
definite, determinate, and permanent? Second, how does

109

110

the system of land division affect social interaction
and the resulting social welfare?

In Nicaragua it is no longer possible for a man
to find a piece of land to his liking and physically de-
fend it against other claimants. Furthermore, in the
absence of a definite, determinant, and permanent system
for surveying land, many difficulties and problems have
recurred in recent times in man-land relationships in
Nicaragua and a number of the other countries of Latin
America. The following passage from my field notes
illustrates the nature of some of these problems.

(San Carlos River, Costa Rica, 1962) Don A.
spent considerable time telling me about the
problem of linderos (property lines) with his
neighbor, Sr. C. When he was cleaning the
line last week, he was told that the property
limits were only to the edge of the stream and
did not continue in a straight line. This
makes a difference of about 10 manzanas of
land, although it is still in virgin forest
and both land owners have plenty of land that
has not been cultivated. Neither has legal
title to the land, although both have lived
in the area for some time. As there is no
written description of the boundaries, defi-
nition of the boundaries depends on the word
of each. If a court case were to come up,
which is likely, it would depend on witnesses
and would be a distasteful case. This is the
kind of situation which caused the shooting
of a man near the Tres Amigos River last year.
Everyone on the river is trying to get some
legal recognition of his right to the land.

■^Gf. T. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structure
and Process of Development (Gainesville: University of
Florida Press, 1967), PP. ll4-7-i|9.

Ill

This case is typical of thousands of social problems
caused by the lack of adequate surveys and titles records
in many of the Latin American countries.

Unless a survey is based on permanent and easily
defined reference points, further problems arise. For
example, there are some farms near the one mentioned
above where the river, which forms parts of their bound-
aries has changed course, and this has given rise to
serious disagreements. When unstable features such as
meandering streams are used in the descriptions of bound-
aries of properties, an adjustment is necessary after each
change. Men are not always disposed to make these changes
readily, and friction and conflict often result.

Where new lands are to be settled, the need for
adequate land division, surveys, and titles is primary.
Even though the land may be settled on a volunteer or
spontaneous basis, it is less costly to set up efficient
systems before settlement begins.

Types of Land Si;irveys

Systems of land division may be classified generally
as: (1) metes and bounds, (2) river front patterns; (3)
rectangular systems based on astronomical observations, and
ik) other special systems.

2
T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (New

York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), PP. 2^4.6-73.

112

The system of metes and bounds is a haphazard
method that is used where land is abundant. Such markers
as trees, streams, and other physical features are used
to indicate the limits of the various claims. This system
has been used in the settlement of new areas throughout the
world and was extensively used in the settlement of what is
now the United States during the period from about 1750 to
1787. The cost of rectifying difficulties arising from
this pattern at a later date is high and is levied on the
society as a vjhole. Not only are there constant disputes
over boundaries, but the helter-skelter settlement pattern
allows for little of the social interaction which is neces-
sary for community operation.

River front patterns develop where rivers are the
natural means of transportation. This became a highly
developed cultural pattern in Europe and especially among
the French. The pattern has generally evolved by limiting
the amount of frontage given to any one settler, and
allowing greater length to the boundaries running from the
river. This system has at least one semipermanent point
of reference, the river -- a more enduring marker than
those usually used in metes and bounds. The river also
serves as a common system of transportation, which allows
for a settlement pattern that promotes social interaction.
Often the farms are narrow enough so that the homes can be
rather close together on both sides of the river.

113

Unfortunately, the river front pattern does not provide
permanent boundaries: when the stream changes the course
and the banks of the river are no longer at the same site,
many tremendous difficulties arise.

Rectangular systems based on astronomical observa-
tions utilize the same measuring techniques as those used
in calculating the latitude and longitude of the earth.
As the ultimate sources of the fixed points used in this
system are astronomical and do not depend on "the shifting
sands" of the surface features of the land, a farm is
located in a specific area with dimensions that will not
change through the years and can be easily remeasured at
any time. As roads are built into this system and the
farms are divided into rectangular plots, a grid or
checkerboard tjpe of arrangement is formed, such as is
found in most of rural United States today.

Other forms of land division have been devised in
specific circumstances. In Cuba, a circular system was
used by the Spaniards in allotting land to the early con-
querors. This pattern seemed to work reasonably well
while there was plenty of land available, but later it
caused many boundary disputes. The system has many of
the characteristics of indiscriminate location, as can be
observed today when flying over Cuba. One source of fric-
tion has been the odd-shaped corners of land that are left
over between the circles. These little fragments are

llij.

called reallngos, and the case of Realingo Dieziocho is
one of the historic land disputes of the Cuban Republic.^
Two aspects should be considered in evaluating the
different systems of land division. The first is mathe-
matical and the second is social. Mathematically, the
system must describe the tract accurately, it must locate
it in relation to other tracts, it must not change over
time, and all of the calculations should be simple.
Socially, the system of land division should facilitate
interaction so that goods and services can be provided
economically and so that community problems can be solved
cooperatively. Of the different patterns mentioned, only
the rectangular type or its modifications fit the first
requirement; the river front type satisfies the aspect
of social interaction; and ordinarily the system of
metes and bounds satisfies neither of the requirements .'+

Contemporary Land Division, Land Surveys, and
Land Titles in Nicaragua

Presently in Nicaragua the methods used for survey-
ing, for land division, and for recording titles to land
leave much to be desired. The present surveys are indef-
inite, indeterminate, and impermanent. A system that

Lowry Nelson, Rural Cuba (Minneapolis: University
of Minnesota Press, 1950), pp. 51^.-90.

^Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, pp. 263-73.

115

provides accurate and detailed description of all lands
within the national territory is a prerequisite to divi-
sion and titling of the land. No such accurate method of
survey of lands was devised in Nicaragua before the pro-
cess of division began, nor has there been one since. ^

In an attempt to correct this situation. Articles
122 and 123 of the Agrarian Reform Act of 1963 provided
for a cadastral survey. This, however, actually is con-
siderably more than a real property survey. Thus, after
a lengthy study, the following recommendations were made
as to the procedure that should be used:

1. A cadaster should be started by the Insti-
tute under the National and Municipal
Lands Commission created by Article 122

of the Land Reform Act. The photograph
or map portion of the cadaster should be
graphical, based insofar as possible on
representations of the property boundaries
as shown on the new 1:20,000 scale aerial
photography. No attempt should be made at
this time to develop a mathematical or
legal cadaster. If in time such a cadaster
should become desirable, the Cartographic
Agency should undertake its construction.
At the present time the necessity for such
a cadaster is far in the future. In any
event, the increasing use of courses and
distances in boundary descriptions will
gradually provide much of the data neces-
sary for a numerical cadaster.

2. The various items constituting the registry
portion of the cadaster should be entered

^Pan American Union, Central America (Washington:
Inter-American Committee for Agricultural Development,
325, 3-E-7185), p. i|.5.

116

on punch cards for recovery by automatic
data processing. Such cards can furnish
rapid information on the ownership and
economic factors affecting land. Among
these are statistical data, census infor-
mation, and natural resource elements.

3. Consideration should be given to establish-
ing a regular mathematical subdivision
system of laying out tracts of land in
large areas to be settled. A large portion
of the public lands in the Atlantic drainage
not settled at present could thus be sur-
veyed. A description of the system used in
the United States for the survey of public
land goes beyond the scope of this report.
However, it is believed that the use of the
United States system of surveys or some com-
parable system should be explored. °

Aerial photographs will facilitate future surveying
and mapping work. As of 1966 it was calculated that verti-
cal photographs on a mediuin scale (scales above 1:30,000)
were available for from 70 to 90 per cent of the total
area of the Republic of Nicaragua. ' Figure 2 shows the
extent of topographical maps that are available. Figure 3
gives the same information concerning planimeter maps.
This system is a rectangular one and has as its base,
fixed astronomical points of reference.

Local surveys are made when needed in connection
with large land transactions and especially when bank

Clark L. Gumm, "Report on the Establishment of a
Cadaster for Nicaragua" (unpublished report by the Chief
Cadastral Engineer of the Bureau of Land Management of the
United States Department of the Interior, 1965) , PP. 2l|.-25.

'Louis E. Heaton, Rural Development in Latin America
(New York: American International Association'^ 19637^ p"^^ 11 ■

117

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119

credit is involved. It is based on metes and bounds.
(See Figure l^,) Yet, the process is expensive on a local
and isolated basis and is used only in exceptional cases.
Because of a lack of enabling legislation, it appears
that it will be some time before a rectangular survey
method is used in land division and titling.

In common transactions also, property boundaries
are described in metes and bounds. Other systems of land
division are almost nonexistent in Nicaragua. Natural
objects or local landmarks are used as reference points.
The following entries found in the records of the proper-
ty registry of the departamento of Masaya give ample evi-
dence of this. The registry was established in 1883;
before that time all property in Nicaragua was registered
at two locations, Leon and Granada.

Buying and selling entry n\amber 22, property
registry nimiber 20. Sr. don Manuel Barrera,
of legal age, a farmer near this city and a
resident of Tisma, sells to don Marcelo Vega,
of legal age, storekeeper of this neighborhood,
sixteen manzanas of land located in Tisma
bordering on the east with land of don Jose
Jaime, with a road between; on the north with
land of the buyer, don Marcelo Vega; on the
west with unclaimed land; and on the south
with the pasture of don Jose Juan Baray, with
a road between; for the sum of sixty pesos
simple, $60. This is all in the public
records as presented before the scribe don
Jose Antonio Solano at eleven o'clock on the
twentieth of January of the year eighteen
hundred and eighty-three. Signed with the
interested party at three o'clock on Tuesday
the twelfth of June of eighteen hundred and

120

121

eighty-three. Amended by Manuel Barrera. n
(Signed: Marcelo Vega and Grego Poiginer)

The above example was one of the first properties

to be registered in Masaya. Later in the same year the

following entry was made in reference to another property:

Buying- selling report number 107: Enfracio
Perez, of legal age, laborer and resident of
Sanbrano, sold to don Sirando Plata, of legal
age and a resident of this locality, a right
to land in the place known as Santa Cruz for
the sum of thirty-two pesos strong ($32) with
location to the north of this city and approxi-
mately four lequas (about 20 kilometers) in
distance and which borders with land of don
Trincito Miranda on the east; with the town
of Nindiri on the west; on the north with the
plot of don Jeronimo and on the south with
don Efrain. Signed by the interested party
in Masaya at Ij. o'clock on the first of
December of eighteen hundred and eighty-three.
(Signed: Ernedardo Sambrano)9

After 1901; a new system of property registry was

used, but the method of describing the land remained much

the same. The registry books were slightly smaller, but

each entry was made across the two open sheets instead of

on a single sheet. There was room in the registry for any

special conditions of the sale, cancellations, and any

mortgages levied on the property. The following is part

of an entry made in 1907 :

Rustic farm number 11: ... a farm of fruit
trees of approximately twenty manzanas situated

o

Republica de Nicaragua, Registro de Propiedad:
Ano 1883 (Masaya: Oficina de Registro Publico, 1883) .

^Ibid.

122

in the valley of La Laguna in the proximity
of Masaya with the following boundaries:
on the east with the land of Jacinto Pilarte
and Celedino Morales; on the north with that
of Julio Espinoza and Juan Rives; on the
south with those of Jose Maria and Juan
Rivas ... .10

Even this system of description is without fixed
points that can be used to locate this tract as a unique
piece of land.

Today the description of property is much the same

as it was in I883 and earlier. One of the entries made

in the 1968 registry reads in part as follows:

Book 359, number 2l\SSh' ... a rustic farm
located within the jurisdiction of El Raizon
of this departamento, composed of land that
measures thirteen thousand three hundred and
thirty-three square varas (one vara - 32.8?
inches) within the following boundaries: to
the east a neighborhood road and land of
Pedro Ignacio Reyura Lopez; to the west, the
successors of Jose de Jesus Miranda; to the
north, Eusevio Reyura Lopez; and to the south,
Pedro Ignacio Reyura Lopez. This farm that is
now listed as n\imber 2l\.SBk. is a part of the
larger farm listed as nujiiber 205ij-3 in folder
2 of volume 162 . . . .H

All titles of ownership of land are recorded in the

Registro de Propiedad (property registry) which, as in the

case of Masaya, is located in the capital cities of each

Ibid. , p. 2I4..
■'■"'"Ibid., p. 82.

123

of the 16 departamentos. The property registry is combined
with an office for the registry of mortgages and a regis-
try of persons. Leases may be registered, but the practice
is not common. As can be observed in the sample entries,
each title transaction is given a niimber, and the registry
volume and year are recorded. The owner of the property
receives a true copy of this entry, and it serves as
documentation of his rights. These registry books are
open to the public so that anyone can investigate a trans-
action.

In certain special cases, a double entry is made in
reference to one piece of property. If a farm extends over
departamento boundaries, then it will be listed on the
books of each departamento involved. Double entry is also

used to record large farms that are subdivided for leasing

12
purposes.

Registry is only one aspect of the titling proce-
dure. Early titles came from direct grants or purchases
from the Spanish Crown or the governments that were estab-
lished later. In recent times, titles have been secured
through prescription, the Agrarian Law of 1917, and the
Agrarian Reform Act of 1963. The procedures for securing
title through prescription and through provisions of the

"""^Alfonso Blandon, Land Tenure in Nicaragua, Master's
thesis (Gainesville: University of Florida, 1962), p. 15.

\2k

Agrarian Law of 1917 are outlined in the following

paragraphs:

PRESCRIPTION -- Prior to adoption of the
Constitution of 1939, all national lands were
subject to prescription in the same manner as
private lands. One exception was public land
if possession was based on a "just" title. A
just title is one which, although transferring
ownership, involves some circumstance that
renders it ineffective of itself as proof of
alienation.

Where lands were held under a just title, pre-
scriptions would run from the date that title
was recorded in the Public Register Office.
After ten years of occupation and use, the
claimant could go before the court and pre-
sent his witnesses and bona fides. If the
judge decided that ownership was in the
petitioner, he would issue a decision to
that effect. The decision would provide
the basis for a clear title for recording
in the Property Register. Similarly, clear
title could be obtained after 30 years with-
out a title.

The possibility of prescription is a constant
threat to private land owners and is largely
responsible for the large number of well-
built fenced enclosures in Nicaragua.

AGRARIAN LAW OF 1917 -- This law, as amended
at various times until 1952, provided another
method for the disposition of public lands.
Under this law, public lands, with some excep-
tions, could be granted by the Executive with
or without payment .

Under the purchase requirements, a written
application for an allotment of public land
was made to the head of the Department. The
application described the lands desired and
furnished other pertinent information. With-
in three days after receipt, a hearing was held
at which witnesses testified as to the physical
condition and other circiom stances which might
affect an allotment. If the decision was

125

favorable, the land was classified for allot-
ment, and a public notice was issued giving
30 days for the presentation of protests.
After consideration of any protest, the
application could be allowed. The lands
were then assessed and the purchase price was
determined. The cost, depending ^on the type
of land, varied from 30 to l50 cordobas per
hectare. In addition the land also was sub-
ject to surcharge for commercial forest lands
and accessibility to arteries of commerce.
If the land was not suitable for agriculture
or stock raising, the price per hectare was
20 cordobas.

The law required that after appraisal a ^sur-
veyor's report should be submitted and if all
was in order the land was marked out on the
ground. A provisional title could be issued
at this time if a bond was posted to insure
payment. After five years an inspection was
made to see if the cultivation requirements
had been met. If less than half the land had
been cultivated, only title to twice that in
cultivation could be obtained. Within the
meaning of the law, stock raising could quali-
fy under the cultivation requirement. When
all requirements were met, final title was
issued which could be recorded in the office
of the Public Register.

There is some uncertainty as to whether the
Agrarian Law of 1917 is still in effect,
although the Land (Agrarian) Reform Act of
1963 provides that all provisions of the
Agrarian Law in contradiction with the later
act are repealed. However, the Agrarian
Institute comes into control of national
lands only after such lands are transferred
to their jurisdiction by the Executive. To
date few transfers have been made. Because
of this situation, the point has been made
that settlement under the Agrarian Law is
still permissible. 13

■^^Gumm, op. cit., pp. 3» k'

126

There are three main objectives in the titling
procedures outlined in the Agrarian Reform Act of 1963:
(1) the formation of new agricultural colonies on unused
national lands; (2) the clarification of titles of those
now living on municipio lands; and (3) clarification of
the title of those on land that is of questionable owner-
ship. The titles of ownership will be given to the agri-
cultural colonists when they have met all of the stipulations
of the original application contract, after they have paid
25 per cent of the value of the property, and if, at that
time, the whole farm is under cultivation. ^ At the

latest report 1,311 titles have been given out under this

1"^
program. -^ Apparently little action has been taken with

regard to the other two aspects of the Agrarian Reform

Act of 1963.

Causes of the Contemporary Situation

The present situation is a reflection of the past.
Land has been abundant since the Spaniards first set foot
on Nicaraguan soil. There was little reason why land
should not be made available to those who could make it

■^^Republica de Nicaragua, Golonias Agricolas
(Managua: Instituto Agrario de Nicaragua, 196L|-) , p. 10.

■^^Republica de Nicaragua, Memoria 1966 (Managua:
Instituto Agrario de Nicaragua, 196b) , p. 26.

127

productive. The desire for land was also strong, and
these two conditions fostered land grabbing. It was to
the advantage of those receiving land that the perimeters
be "open" at least on one side. No one questioned the
custom of extending the boundaries to include much more
than the original grant.

Even today, Nicaragua has a relatively low popula-
tion density, and the amount of potential farm land is as
great as the amount now in cultivation. The past custom
of extending boundaries and the present abundance of land
have made it difficult to change attitudes toward land
surveys, land division, and titling procedures.

There are two other factors that tend to maintain
the present situation: the cost involved because of the
geographical features in making an adequate survey, and
the property taxes that will be levied once the farms are
clearly defined. The Agrarian Reform legislation has
contemplated such a survey as a basis for land taxation
but, curiously enough, the enabling laws have not been
passed by Congress. As with any projected social change
toward which there is resistance, it is useful to discover
who is benefiting from the situation as it presently exists,
It would appear that the land owners benefit because taxes
cannot be levied, and the lawyers benefit because there is
an increasing amount of litigation.

128
Results of the Contemporary Situation

The lack of land surveys, of a clear description
of land divisions, and of accurate titles has undoubtedly
contributed to the low levels of living found in the rural
areas. Low investment is a characteristic of Nicaraguan
agriculture, but there is little incentive to invest vmless
the boundaries and titles are beyond question. If the
title to the land is not definite and clear, it is almost
impossible to get credit to invest in improvements or
even in production enterprises. Without capital invest-
ments the output per person or per unit of land remains
at a low level.

If social services are to be made available to the
r\iral population, tax revenues must be increased. Al-
ready some attempts have been made to provide basic edu-
cational and health services to all areas of the Republic,
yet taxes from the land represent only a small contribu-
tion to the national budget. Usually money from land
taxes is applied directly to building roads and schools.

Although no documentation is available, it is not
unrealistic to suspect that unscrupxilous people have taken
advantage of the lack of clarity in land division and land
titles. In dealing with rural people who are not too sure
of their rights to the land, I have found that they live in
fear of being manipulated so as to lose their land.

129

Sometimes this anxiety Is unfounded, but there have been
enough cases to perpetuate apprehension In each new
generation.

Development and Trends

Before the Spaniards came to Nicaragua, only simple
maps were used by the natives to describe the limits of
the land of each village. Any boundary disputes were
settled by the tribal chiefs, and such differences prob-
ably were not a source of major conflict because land
was plentiful.

Land division began almost immediately upon the
arrival of the conqulstadores. References to land are
to be found in the earliest exchanges between the offi-
cials and the Spanish Crown. Individuals requested land
in large quantities so that it might be occupied and
brought into production. A further motivation was that
the natives of the area might be Christianized. Often
land was requested for its strategic location in the
defense of an area.

Such a request was made by Capltan Gil Gonzales

de Avila in a letter sent to the King of Spain in 1521;.

In this letter are a number of requests for mercedes

(land grants), from which the following is extracted and

translated:

A petition for 10 square leguas (one legua
equals approximately foixr kilometers) of

130

land that is located at the northern side
of the mouth of the great fresh water sea
and an equal amount at the southern side.-'-^

This request was made by the capitan for himself and "to

be granted in perpetuity to him and his offspring."

Land that was requested and granted was described
with little regard for exactness. Descriptions might
define a boundary as extending "to the borders of the
deep stream," "as far as the crest of the hill," "to the
limits of the land of Sr, X." In only a few cases were
geometrical angles used to describe contingent borders.

As time went on, these transactions were handled
locally. All privately owned land was registered in a
local public office, and contracts for transfer of the
land were known as asientos. The lack of accurate descrip-
tions in the division and registration of lands was the
cause of many disputes and litigation. This situation
continues up to the present time.

A number of laws have been passed in relation to
land titles and procedures for titling. Such legislation
is included in the Civil Codes of I87I, 1901;, and 1929;
in the Commercial Codes of I889, 1916, and 19l|-9; in the
Code of Civil Procedure of I87I, 1905, and 1950; in the

Andres Vega Bolanos, Documentos para la Historia
de Nicaragua Tomo Primero. (Madrid: Ministerio de
Educacidn de la Republica de Nicaragua, 195U) P* 113*

131

Mining Code of I906; and in the Labor Code of 19i;5.
These laws are in addition to the articles of the Consti-
tution, and they relate to liens, mortgages, inheritance,
sale-purchase contracts, foreclosures, establishment of
bovmdaries, and modification and recording of deeds in
the public registry. There is some question as to the
constitutionality of some of these laws."'"'''

Recently, there have been further moves "to put the
house in order" in regard to land division and titles. The
work of the National Agrarian Institute has been widely
publicized. The fact that some rural people have received
title to farm land has given hope to others. The mapping
project is providing materials that can soon be used to
equate visible boxmdaries with existing registered farms.
Already, many farmers in the Pacific region have realized
that a clear title with undisputed boundaries is necessary
even if they have to pay taxes as a result. Land that
rents for 300 cordovas a year per raanzana can well afford
the maximum tax of five cordovas per manzana. It is fre-
quently commented in Nicaragua that much more can be done
if Congress will pass legislation approving the proposed
survey and titling procedures of the Agrarian Reforro Law.

17

Blandon, op . cit ♦ , p. 19.

132
Siaitxmary and Conclusions

Land division, land surveys, and land titles are
those means by which land is measured, divided, and recorded,
The methods of accomplishing these functions are important
in a study of the relation of man to the land because the
property rights to the land pertain to a specific land that
is in a specific geographical location. The lack of clar-
ity in regard to land rights is the cause of many social
problems in the rural world today and is partly respon-
sible for slow economic development in some areas.

The contemporary system of land division that pre-
vails in Nicaragua is that of metes and bounds.

The lack of a survey of the lands has made it im-
possible to develop any accuracy in the division and
description of individual farms. Consequently there is
much difficulty in including the exact location and dimen-
sions on the land titles, as can be observed in the entries
in the property registry.

Some of the reasons for the present situation are:
the abundance of agricultural land, the strong desire for
land acquisition, the custom of extending boundaries of
areas claimed for those legally justified, the high cost
of surveying because of the geographical features of the
country, and the desire of owners to keep their land off
the tax rolls.

133

Some of the effects of the present situation are:
a general insecurity in the property rights to the land;
lack of investments in agriculture; lack of tax revenue
for schools, roads, and health facilities; constant dis-
putes over boundaries; and a slow rate of agricultural
development.

Undoubtedly the historical development of this
aspect of man-land relations in Nicaragua is a factor in
the present situation. Before the Spaniards came, little
emphasis was placed on exact boundaries because there was
abundant land. During the time of the Spanish colony,
some attempt was made to describe the grants of land made
by the King, as well as later subdivisions of these grants,
Things have changed little up to the present time. The
Agrarian Reform Act of 1963 proposes major changes, start-
ing with a national survey as the basis for clearing up
present disputes over boundaries and giving an exact
mathematical basis for future divisions of public lands.
Also contemplated are clear titling procedures and an
equitable tax on land. However, these measures are depen-
dent upon enablirig legislation, which has not been passed
as yet.

CHAPTER VI
SETTLEMENT PATTERNS

Settlement patterns denote the spatial arrange-
ments of the dwellings of people living on the land; i.e.
the manner in which the homes are arranged in relation to
one another and to the fields which are used by the fami-
lies living in them. There is a close relationship between
settlement patterns and land division, land surveys, and
titles.

Farming differs from most other occupations in the
amount of space that is needed for production. The farmer
has to ma_ke a choice of whether to have his house close to
the land he works or close to those of his neighbors. If
he chooses to live adjacent to other families, then village
patterns of settlement result. If he elects to reside on
the land, then scattered settlement patterns result. If
the land is surveyed in certain ways, such as by metes and
bounds, and is not part of a planned division scheme, then
isolation of the various farm families may be great.

Although the settlement pattern is a choice that
all those living on the land must make, it is not an indi-
vidual choice. Like all cultural patterns, it develops

I3i|

135

over time and because of diverse circumstances, but once
established, it is the accepted waj of settling on the
land and is difficult to change.

Principal Types of Settlement

There are two aspects to be considered in evalua-
ting settlement patterns: efficiency in social interaction,
and efficiency in agricultural production. The two are
often in conflict with each other, and the best arrange-
ment may be one of compromise. These aspects can best be
seen by examining the three patterns of settlement used by
rural people to note the advantages and disadvantages of
each. ^

In the village type of settlement, the dwellings

are grouped together in some kind of village or hamlet.

In this small center a school, a church, some kind of

market or trading establishment, and a sports field are

often found. Unless the space is limited, there may be

near each house a small garden plot and even some barns

or stables for animals. A Me:d.can agricultural village

described in my field notes is an example:

(San Juan de Acosac, Mexico, 1965) San Juan
is an agricultural village about an hour's ride

T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), PP • 199-200.

%'. Lynn Smith, Colombia: Social Structure and
Process of Development (Gainesville: University of
Florida Press, 1967), pp. 257-58.

136

on the bus from Puebla. It is at high altitude
and specializes in vegetable crops. Surround-
ing the village are fields of carrots and cab-
bage as well as corn and alfalfa. Each of the
homes in the village is surrounded by adobe
walls. There are two entrances to each home:
one is through the front door and the other is
a solid wooden gate that goes into a courtyard.

At the home where I stayed there were grains
and other products stored in the inner patio
of the home. I also noticed that the court-
yard was used for keeping the animals at night
and for storing a small wagon and other farming
equipment. There are always chickens in the
courtyard and they sometimes enter the patio
of the house. Along one wall of the courtyard
was a planting of peppers and some other plants
that I didn't recognize. A cutting of hay is
brought in with the animals in the evening,
and manure is carried out in the morning. By
noon it is rather warm, and the smell of ani-
mals in the village is noticeable.

There are a number of small stores here, a large
church, a big school, a soccer field, and a
system of electric lights. Water is a problem,
and it is obtained from streams and from cuts
in the ground that serve as well-cisterns.
Some of these cuts are deep and seem hazardous
for animals and children. There is a large
water trough in the lowest spot in the village,
where a stream runs that is used by everyone
for washing the vegetables before they go to
the market in Puebla and Mexico City. Not all
of the houses have toilets and there is no
village sewer. If this were at a lower ele-
vation, there would be problems of sanitation.

In a village pattern of settlement, there are often

in the area surrounding the nucleus zones that are dedicated

to different kinds of production. Nearest the village are

found garden plots if there is not room near the dwelling.

Next there may be field crops. The pastures and land used

less intensively, such as forest land, are usually furthest

from the village. VJhere water is a problem, irrigation is

137

reserved for the choice land near the village. This
system of zones is one of the reasons that the village
settlement pattern is often accompanied by fragmentation
of holdings. Such a pattern causes further loss in effi-
ciency as the farmer travels from plot to plot in his
daily labors.-^

In an attempt to give needed protection as the
harvest approaches, it is often the custom to erect a
temporary shelter in the fields and have a member of the
family there at all times. The following extract from
my field notes gives an example of this:

(Cochabamba Valley, Bolivia, 1966) As we
approached Malco Rancho, it was evident that
the potato harvest was at its peak. Whole
families were in the fields. The plots were
so close together that it appeared as if the
whole village had turned out, and there was a
sense of festivity in the air. In the center
of each of the plots was a temporary shelter
on stilts. I was not sure if this was used
for storage of the crop or what its purpose
was; I was told that a member of the family
stays there at every moment until the crop
is completely harvested.

In contrast with the agricultural village, an
isolated farmstead type of settlement is one in which
the dvjellings of the farmers are dispersed over the land-
scape, each on the land pertaining to the respective
family. This pattern permits the farmers to be close to

^Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, pp. 216-18.

138

their work and at the same time to protect their crops
and animals. It prevails in most parts of the United
States; and in some parts of the Midwest a mile or so
may separate the homes of neighbors. In areas of Europe
and Latin America this pattern is also found, but it is
not as common as it is in the United States. Costa Rica
is exceptional in this regard, as most of the rural popu-
lation lives on isolated farmsteads. In spite of the Laws
of the Indies that were imposed by the Spanish Crovjn on
the colonies, it v;as impossible to keep the people from
going back to live on their land. This was due in great
part to the fact that everyone was a land owner, and each
cultivated his own land with only the help of his family.^

Social isolation is the price that is paid for the
increased efficiency of production in the isolated farm-
stead. This settlement pattern fosters reserve and formal-
ity in all social relationships. In extreme cases there is
a lack of the social graces necessary for any kind of plea-
sant interchange. Cooperative community efforts are
difficult in these cases, and such services as schools,
roads, churches, and electric power are difficult to
establish sind maintain.

Jose Manuel Salazar ¥. . , Tierras j_ Colonizacion
en Costa Rica (San Jose: Universidad de Costa Rica, 196^),
p. W'

139

A third type of settlement pattern has occurred
where special planning or geographical circumstances have
fostered it. This can be classified as the line village.
In this type of settlement, families live on the land that
they work but, because of the arrangement of the farms,
they also live close to their neighbors. French settle-
ments in different parts of the world have shown this
tendency. An important factor is a river, which serves
as a ready built "road" near which all of the settlers
build their dv/ellings. Farms of this type are narrow and
deep, thus reducing the distance between the homes.'*

Realizing the advantages of this type of settlement
pattern, those planning certain colonization projects have
used it. They have found that it is efficient from a pro-
duction standpoint and that it fosters necessary social
interaction. Perhaps the outstanding example of this
kind of planning can be seen in the "circular" line
village found in Israel. The following extract from my
field notes gives some of the outstanding characteristics
of the Moshav Nahalal.

(Moshav Nahalal, Israel, July, 1965) The
Freudenberg family live on one of the 75
farms that form the community. Their modern
house faces a circular drive that is about
three miles in circumference. It looks much

■^Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life, pp. 213-16.

like a city street with modern houses, some
50 yards from each other and all facing the
center circle. Behind the houses are the
barns and other outbuildings, with the kitchen
garden directly behind the house. Beyond
the barns are orchard trees and then the
irrigated fields. At the very back of the
farms are unirrigated lands that are planted
to grain crops once a year. The farm is
wedge-shaped, narrow at the front where the
house is located and wide at the back of the
farm. In the center circle are service facil-
ities of all kinds -- schools, a synagogue, a
community center, a swimming pool, a sports
field, the water supply, the electrical plant,
a fruit-packing plant, a milk-processing
plant, a granary, a feed mill, a store, and a
machinery repair center. Although the farms
are individually owned and operated, the
services are all run as a cooperative.

Using these three types as a standard of comparison,

the contemporary settlement patterns of Nicaragua are

li sted.

Contemporary Settlement Patterns in Nicaragua

A modified village pattern of settlement can be
observed in many parts of Nicaragua. These villages are
not as compact as those in the highlands of Mexico or
Bolivia. There are no adobe walls to enclose the court-
yards, perhaps because of a need for all of the possible
breeze to dispel the heat. Other than this, the appear-
ance is that of an agricultural village.

Los Ri z o s is an example of such a village. It is
located approximately one hour from Managua in the San
Rafael Sur area. There are approximately 90 homes in the

village, and also a small store, a school, and a chapel.
Each of the homes has an area that is used for growing
some root crops, and there are a few chickens that belong
to each family. Horses can be seen in the village at
almost any time, and they sometimes are tied near the
house and eat hay that has been cut for them. The horses
are used for riding, and oxen are used for hauling. Ox-
carts are a common sight. The pasture lands are outside
the village. Most of the people of this village work on
cattle farms, or as field laborers on large farms nearby.
Many of them also have small plantings of their own. In
this same general area, there are four other villages much
like this one. This general pattern has been observed
around Masaya, Leon, and Chinandega. It is much the same
for the whole Pacific region where the land is level and
is cultivated. (See Figure 5.)

Upon close analysis, it is apparent that these vil-
lages are not true agricultural villages but clusters of
dwellings belonging to agricultural laborers. It is true
that many of those living in such locations as Los Rizos,
Los Sanchez, and Los Gutierrez have small plots that they
cultivate outside the living area, but the inhabitants of
these caserios (village-like settlements) are essentially
agricultural laborers. This is more akin to the settle-
ment pattern of the hacienda or the plantation than the
agricultural village.

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In contrast, the farm operator who is a full-time
farmer generally lives on his land. For this reason the
predominant settlement pattern in Nicaragua is the isolated
farmstead. Away from the plantation and hacienda areas,
the individual farmsteads can be seen dotted about in the
countryside. (See Figure 6. ) Most of the large land
owners live in urban centers and visit their farms only
from time to time. The manager or overseer of these large
holdings lives on the land, as do at least part of the
laborers. The farm renters also live on the land, although
the rental contract may prohibit them from making any
permanent constructions.

In the colonization projects sponsored by the
National Agrarian Institute, provisions have been made for
each family to live on its land. In some cases a modified
line village plan has been used so that the essential
services are available and social interaction is possible.
From the literature, it appears that the primary consider-
ation is to have each family live on its land.

Republica de Nicaragua, Memoria (Managua:
Institute Agrario de Nicaragua, 1967)* P. 7.

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Variations in Settlement Patterns

There are noticeable differences in the settlement
patterns prevailing in the three geographical regions of
Nicaragua, In the densely populated sections of the
Pacific region, the village-like clusters are common.
These are the same areas where the cattle haciendas, the
cotton plantations, and the sugar cane plantations are
found. In the hill and mountain areas the smaller farms
are located, and the operators live on scattered farm-
steads.

The North-Central region is more hilly and moun-
tainous than the other regions, and there the scattered
farmsteads prevail. Often the farm homes are in the
numerous river valleys, so that contact is facilitated
to some extent. In the cattle lands of Ghontales, the
cluster of hacienda laborers' homes gives a village-like
appearance to the settlements. This is also true of the
coffee plantations around Matagalpa.

The Atlantic region is a frontier area, and the
rugged individual who stakes out his claim there expects
to live apart from others. It has been found that most
of those settling in this area came from mountainous areas
of the North-Central region rather than from the densely

li|.6

populated Pacific region. Many agricultural laborers
have a desire to be on their own, but they have been
accustomed to life in the caserios and would find living
in isolation difficult. Closer to the Atlantic coast,
the isolation is less. In this area are found many of

Q

Jamaican and Mesquito backgrounds. The navigable rivers
and coastal lagoons serve as means of transportation and
communication and some examples of line-village types of
settlement can be seen. Settlement has gone on rapidly
along the new Rama Road that connects the Atlantic to the
rest of the western part of the Republic. (See Figure ?•)
So far, no directed settlement has been carried out there,

but the National Agrarian Institute has planned major

g
colonization projects for this area.

The variations to be noted in settlement patterns
in Nicaragua give further indications of how custom pre-
vails in man's relation to the land. The question has
often been asked: Why do the poverty-stricken agricul-
tural laborers of the Pacific region continue to live in

Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963:
Poblacion Vol-umen IV (Managua: DirecciSn General de
Estadistica y Censos, 1967), pp. 2^-26.

The Mesquito Indians maintained a separate kingdom
for many years which included almost one -half of the dis-
tritos of Zelaya. This kingdom was backed by British
interests and there was a free interchange with Jamaica
during this period.

^Republica de Nicaragua, Memoria.

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that area when there are vacant fertile lands waiting
to be claimed in the Atlantic region? Recently, as I
was talking to a man x^fho was contemplating such a move,
he expressed the reason very clearly. He said, "A man
does not like to move away from his people and his place."
This man was formerly an agricultural laborer but, being
of an enterprising nature, he is now renting and operating
50 manzanas of good cotton land in the Pacific region.
The increasing rate of rent is squeezing him out, but he
prefers economic loss to social isolation.

Factors Responsible for Present-Day
Settlement Patterns

The fonn of settlement is a cultural pattern that
is borrowed or transmitted rather than invented. Village
and scattered farmsteads patterns are both found in the
cultural heritage of Nicaragua. Moreover, geographical
features, land use, the time of settlement, the tenure
relationships, the size of holdings, and the years of
political upheaval have all contributed to the contempor-
ary situation.

Isolated farmsteads seldom arise where large pro-
portions of the land are owned and operated by a few people,
Usually, it is more convenient to have the laborers living
in a central location instead of being scattered over the
land. In Nicaragua, for those who sought to escape these

li;9

conditions, the alternative was to stake out a claim on
uninhabited land and physically occupy it hoping that some
day physical occupation could be backed by legal recogni-
tion of ownership. Many have persevered, and isolated
faiTusteads prevail today; yet the cost of isolation and
lack of protection during political strife have forced
many to go back to the safety of n\ambers.

Results of Present-Day Settlement Patterns

There are a nvunber of characteristics to be noted in
those areas where isolated settlement patterns prevail.
Migration to these areas is increasing, and the proportion
of males to females is greater than it is in the more
populous areas. School facilities are inadequate.
Illiteracy is high and school attendance is low where
there are isolated settlement patterns. Levels of living
are low, as can be seen in the high proportions of homes
without water, without sanitary toilets of any kind; there
are also few radios. The fertility index is generally
high in these areas, although the proportion of legal
marriages is low.

In the extreme cases of isolated settlement, such
as the Atlantic region, the distance from farm to farm and
to the nearest trade center makes it impracticable for the
government to provide social services. Often these ser-
vices come only when community pressure is applied, but

150

there is little feeling of community even to request
government help. This region also has the highest pro-
portion of land occupied without legal title.

There are further aspects that cannot be measured
in statistics. The social graces that are considered
minimum equipment for the twentieth century are lacking in
families growing up in these isolated situations. A good
exainple of this was provided me by a school teacher from
the depart amento of Nueva Segovia. He said that it is
common in many areas for the children to hide when a
stranger comes to the farm. He has had trouble as a
teacher getting the children to come to school even when
schools are provided. He has found that to visit a family
in an isolated home he must pick the time of day when the
farmer is in the house if he is to find anyone at home.

It must be noted that the problems of health, edu-
cation, and general levels of living are not completely
dependent on settlement patterns. The concentration of
the land and the inadequate distribution of the property
rights to the land have also been shown to affect the levels
of living.

Evolution and Trends

Pre-Columbian settlement patterns in Nicaragua were
not \iniform. In the Pacific, there were established agri-
cultural villages. From the villages, the farmers and their

151

families went out to the surrounding fields, as was the
custom in all of the areas of Central America where corn
was king.-*-^ This pattern did not conflict with the desires
of the Spanish conquerors. It was easier to control the
labor force if they were all together, and it was easier
to use the agricultural land if the people were not living
on it. Also, the Laws of the Indies prescribed the agri-
cultural village as the settlement pattern that should
prevail.

In the Atlantic, pre-Columbian agriculture and
settlement patterns were different. Rather than seden-
tary seed growers, the Indian tribes were migratory hunters
and gatherers. The tribal organization was not as formal
and there were few established villages. Individual fami-
lies were freer to move about on their own in order to
search for better food sources. As the land and labor
of the Indians were portioned out to the conquering
Spaniards, the only escape was to the east. Even the
Indians who were accustomed to living in close tribal
unity foiind isolation a better alternative than slavery and
death. Nor did all the Spaniards get large land grants, and

Carl 0. Sauer, Agricultural Origins and Dispersals
(New York: The American Geographical Society, 1952) ,
pp. [{.0-60.

^ "^"^Jose D. Gamez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua:
El Pais, 1889), p. 50.

152

some of those who got no grants preferred independence
in isolation to dependence on a large hacienda. The net
result was that the hills and mountain areas became areas
of isolated settlement, and the level areas of the Pacific
region came to be occupied by the plantations and haciendas
where the laborers lived in caserios.

The transition from the predominance of the agri-
cultural village to the present scattered farmsteads type
of settlement can be seen in a reference made by Squier
in his travels in l8i|.7« He observed that most of the
people lived in towns and went out daily to labor in the
fields. He noted that the forest was dotted with small
clearings where the people had their plantings. It is
likely that these observations were made in relation to
the small plots in the hills for the level areas of the
Pacific region were occupied by the plantations and
haciendas long before this time. He also noted that a

general state of banditry and violence prevailed in the

12

isolated country areas at that time.

The push into the unoccupied lands has taken place
at an increasing rate in recent years. The growth of the
rural population between 19^0 and 1963 in the North-Central
and Atlantic regions was I4.I.6 per cent and 3k'B per cent,
respectively, as compared to 21;. 5 per cent in the Pacific

12

E. G. Squier, The States of Central America (New

York: Harper and Brothers, lb5y)» p. 361;.

153

13
region. -^ As Indicated above in these areas the scattered

farmsteads type of settlement prevails.

Sioirmiary and Conclusions

Most Nicaraguan farm families live on their land in
scattered farmsteads type of settlement. There are many
village-like clusters in the rural areas but, upon close
examination, the majority of the residents of these are
found to be farm laborers and not farm operators. The
owners of the large farms are city dwellers.

The village-like clusters are most common in the
Pacific region where the proportions of minifundia and
latifundia are high. In the North-Central region, most
of the families live on their farmsteads. In this area,
there are few laborers so that the village-like clusters
are not common. In the Atlantic region, most of the farm
families live on widely separated farms.

A number of factors account for the present settle-
ment pattern. The village-like clusters are part of the
heritage from the pre-Columbian culture as well as from
the Spanish colonizers. The scattered farmsteads were

13

Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963-

Poblacion Volumen I (Managua: Direcci6n General de

Estadlstica y Censos, 196if ) , pp. xvi-xviii.

produced in part by a desire of the laborers to escape
servitude on the plantation or hacienda. Other factors
such as geographical features, type of agriculture, and
political instability have also been important.

A consequence of the scattered farmstead type of
settlement is a lack of social interaction and the scarcity
of community institutions and facilities such as schools,
roads, and churches. It also probably has done much to
prevent the development of effective local self-government.
The youth that grow up in these areas have little oppor-
tunity for preparation for the future.

Due to spontaneous and planned colonization, the
number of people living on their land is increasing in the
eastern portion of Nicaragua. There, a fex^ line-village
type of settlements are developing, but most of them are
made up of single farmsteads. In the Atlantic region, new
settlements are rather chaotic, although the government is
trying to promote planned colonies and the ways and means
of establishing clear titles to the land.

CHAPTER VII
SYSTEMS OF AGRICULTURE

The concept, system of agriculture, is an analytical
device that is helpful in the observation of the intricate
activities that take place in the production process. A
system of agriculture has been defined as "that integrated
set of ideas, cultural traits, skills, techniques, prac-
tices, prejudices and habits employed by the members of a
given society for extracting a living from the soil."

The term "system" aptly applies in discussing this
aspect of man-land relations because there are many elements
involved, and these elements are with one another as parts
of a functioning whole. Anyone who has lived and worked on
a farm realizes how closely the production process is inter-
related and how it shapes all of the family's activities,
as well as those of the community. The daily care of
animals means a routine schedule around which other
activities are planned. During the season of the harvest,
all other activities are adjusted to fit the special

■^T. Lynn Smith, The Sociology of Rural Life (New
York: Harper and Brothers, 1953), p. 32ir^

155

156

situation. All of the jobs necessary to make each of the
different enterprises successful are woven into a complex
pattern. The result is a balance of expenditure of time,
energy, materials, and equipment.

Systems of agriculture are more than mere patterns
of farm management dealing with the different activities of
the production process. Much more important in the study
of man-land relations are the aspects that make it truly a
socio-cultural system. Agriculture is a way of life in
which all of the cultural heritage is applied at every
moment as the individual works with the land and with his
fellow men in achieving the desired production.

Good examples of the close interrelation of the
elements of an agricultural system can be seen where sub-
sistence agriculture predominates. All of the traditional
ways of doing things have a quality of ritual that is not
easily changed. The time and manner of preparing the soil,
the preparation of the seed to assure germination, the ways
in which the planting is done, and so on until the crop is
safely stored -- everything is done with fear of a misstep
that will result in a poor crop. The system includes all
the activities in the field as well as the festivals and
religious rites of the community. What the producer is
and does is related to the production process, and any
change is likely to bring disaster. The following extract
from my field notes illustrates this point.

157

(Oriente, Cuba, 1956) In the farmers' meeting
tonight the leaf-cutting ant was discussed. It
has been extremely costly this year and has de-
stroyed a number of young citrus plantings. One
farmer spoke, suggesting that the only remedy
that really works is to take several ants, put
them in a paper bag, swing the bag in a circle
over your head, at the same time repeat seven
"Ave Marxas," then crush the bag and throw it out
of the field saying "to the devil." It was inter-
esting to note that no one disagreed with this
remedy, although one farmer suggested that DDT
had also worked.

It is evident that this practice was part of an intricate

pattern of beliefs, values, habits, traditions, and accepted

customs of the community that could not be changed unless

the new practice could be seen to fit.

All of this suggests that an analysis of agricultural
production based on the concept of systems of agriculture
can be extremely fruitful. If agricultural production must
be increased to win the battle with hunger and if each pro-
duction practice is merely one part of a systematic way of
life that cannot be changed separately, then it follows
that the attempt to introduce separate practices by them-
selves will have little success.

Going beyond the point of hunger, if the levels of
living are to be raised for the rural population and in
turn for the whole country, the system-of-agriculture
approach has further meaning. T. Lynn Smith has suggested
that the system of agriculture that is used by a people
has more to do with determining the level of living than

158

any of the other factors that have been suggested as
determinants. Even those natural resources which we
consider to be desirable are of little utility until the
values and technology of a society make them useful.

The six basic agricultural systems as developed
and described by Smith are used in this study. These are:
(1) river bank plantings, (2) fire agriculture or felling
and burning, (3) hoe cultvire, (i|.) elementary plow culture,
(5) advanced plow culture, and (6) mechanized farming.^

Contemporary Systems of Agriculture
in Nicaragua

Nicaragua is a land of contrasts in many respects and
particularly in the methods that are used in extracting pro-
ducts from the soil. One can observe the most modern equip-
ment and techniques used in the production of cotton and,
on a neighboring hill-side, the smoke rising as the sub-
sistence farmer burns off the vegetation to prepare for
his small planting of corn. The latter practice pre-dates
even the crudest hoe or plow in man's experience as a cul-
tivator of the soil. The six basic systems of agriculture
are presented here, along with indications of the extent
to which they are used in Nicaragua.

^Ibid., p. 325.
^Ibid., p. 330.

159

River Bank Planting

This is but a step above mere collecting as a means
of obtaining products from the soil. The system is char-
acterized by the use, as a seed bed, of the soft soil left
on the banks of a receding stream. The beast of burden is
the human being, and the tools are the feet and hands of
the woman who does the planting.

There is little evidence that this system of agri-
culture is relied upon to any great extent in Nicaragua.
Small plots of corn and other crops are sometimes planted
along the rivers and streams in areas that are below the
high water line; when this occurs, it is usually to take
advantage of good soil and to be near water in case simple
irrigation is needed. Often the planting is close enough
to the water level for the roots to go down and obtain
enough moisture even in the driest part of the year.
Simple tools, such as the hoe and machete (long knife),
are used in weed control. The products are taken from the
plots on pack horses if the harvest is large enough, but
usually the planter himself is the means of transportation.

No figures are available to indicate the extent of
crops grown in this manner. From personal observation, I
would judge that a very small proportion of Nicaraguan
crops come from this type of production.

160

Fire Agriculture or Felling and Burning

As a system, fire agriculture is much like river
bank planting but here it is fire instead of water that
prepares the seed bed. First, the trees and brush are
cut and left to dry. When the materials are dry enough and
the weather suitable, it is burned leaving a soft, pliable
and ash-covered seed bed. Few, if any, tools are used. A
digging stick is often employed to make the hole for the
seeds but, if the soil is soft enough, the human foot serves
the purpose, A negligible amount of effort is required for
weed or insect control, for the fire leaves little insect
or plant life to compete with the crop. The harvest is
usually large enough to be carried off on the back of an
animal, on a sled arrangement, or even on a simple wheeled
vehicle.

This practice is extremely depleting of soil re-
serves. Particularly in tropical areas, the most impor-
tant agricultural factor in the soil is the amount of
organic matter, which comes from decayed plant life. If
the organic matter is burned, it never reaches the soil
and, further, the organic matter in the soil itself is
burned. Fire agriculture has been modified to a rotation
system of burning, where the land is allowed to go back to
second-growth vegetation from time to time so that the
organic matter is not completely burned out. In any event.

161

production gradually declines over the years with this
system of agriculture.

In Nicaragua, fire agriculture is used extensively.
Just prior to spring planting, usually in the month of
April, smoke can be seen on the horizon in all directions.
This could be compared to spring plowing where other systems
of agriculture are used. Many arguments are used to defend
the practice of burning. Some say that they have always
done it that way, and that it is the customary way to
raise crops. Usually, there is agreement that it does make
the soil "tired" after a few years and it must be left to
"rest." Some planters report that they have tried plant-
ing by other methods, and that such methods resulted in
smaller crops, even though they prepared the seed bed and
controlled the weeds and insects. They are absolutely
correct in this observation, and it is one that anyone
attempting to change the practice or the system should take
into account. Volcanic soils may be extremely acid, even
beyond the point of tolerance for many crops such as corn.
A corn plant can grow perfectly in such soils, but, when
it comes time to form grain, phosphorus is needed in
rather large quantities. This element becomes insoluble
and unusable when the soil is even slightly acid, even
though it may be abundantly present in the soil. The
ashes left from burning the dried brush and plants neutra-
lize the soil acidity, thus freeing the phosphorus and

162

giving higher grain production. Naturally, these are only
short-range increases, for once the phosphorus is used up
or leached off, the soil will produce a very small crop
even with ashes to help.

The most important reason for the extensive use of
fire agriculture is that it fits into a total system of
production and rural life. To change from burning to
another practice would mean changing many things, including
the orderly way that the agricultural calendar is arranged
according to custom. There are alternatives, such as the
planting of velvet beans, which completely choke out every-
thing else, can easily be chopped down, decay quickly so
that a mulch is formed for the new seed bed, and add organic
matter and needed chemical elements to the soil. Yet this
practice has been tried and abandoned because it does not
fit the system.

As with river bank plantings, there is no way of
calculating the amount of production that comes from the
system of fire agriculture. Prom personal observation, I
would say that most of the grains grown on the small- and
medium-sized holdings are products of this system. This
is especially true in the North-Central and Atlantic re-
gions because of the hilly land that does not lend itself
to plowing. It is commonly referred to as desmonte y
quema (felling and b\arning). A stick (espeque) is used
for planting in most cases, although a hoe is sometimes

163

used. Particularly in the hilly land, the crop is hauled
from the field in a cruzeta (wooden cross frame) on the
back of a horse.

Hoe Culture

Hoe culture as a system of agriculture introduces
the practice of soil preparation by means of man-made tools,
In the most elementary form of this system, a crooked stick
is used to prepare the soil. The stick is selected and
prepared to do the job in the best manner possible. Today
a metal blade is attached to the stick to make it into a
hoe. Other tools such as a sickle or machete are used in
the harvest. Animal power is used for transportation,
although the crops are often carried on the back of the
farmer. Fertilization and irrigation may be part of this
system. The hoe also allows for weed control during the
growing period, which is not possible with river barik
plantings and fire agriculture. Even with as simple a
tool as the hoe, considerable control of the environment
is possible.

Because of the extensive use of fire agriculture,
hoe culture as such is not as common in Nicaragua. The
hoe is often used, but it is used in conjunction with
burning. After the land has been burned over, it is left
a while before it is further conditioned by the hoe. In
most of the Republic, the macana is used instead of the

1614-

hoe. This implement has a longer handle and is not as
wide as the hoe. It is open-faced like a shovel so that
it is pushed instead of pulled. Particularly in corn
culture, the young plants are cultivated with the hoe or
macana to prevent any competition from weeds.

Where coffee is grown on the high hillsides, hoe
culture is common. Fire agriculture is impossible because
of the multi-season life of the coffee plantings, yet some
kind of cultivation is needed periodically. It is not
possible to use animals and plows, since the terrain is
too steep. A hoe, a macana, a simple shovel, or a special
knife are the only implements that give satisfactory re-
sults. Coffee is also a crop that is fertilized. In some
of the larger plantations, streams have been diverted for
irrigation purposes. The coffee is carried by the pickers
to be measured at the edge of the field and is then trans-
ported by pack horses or in oxcarts to the plants where it
is processed.

It is not possible to give any exact statistics on
the proportion of Nicaraguan production that comes from hoe
culture. From observation I would judge that it is less
important than fire agriculture. It is found as a pre-
dominant system in coffee farming and this occupies only

165

2.6 per cent of the farm land in the Republic although it
does represent approximately l[j_ per cent of all crop land.^

Rudimentary Plow Culture

The first use of draft animals was in the prepara-
tion of seed beds, and this was a real breakthrough in the
evolution of the methods of producing food. Rudimentary
plow culture represents the beginning stage of man's
attempts to break the soil with a crude, pointed instrument
that is pulled by a large four-footed animal. In most
cases, this animal is the ox, and usually the plow itself
is little more than a pointed piece of wood that roots the
soil instead of turning it. There are other instruments
besides the plow in this system: the soil is further bro-
ken up and leveled with a sled-type of drag, the harvesting
is done with a knife or sickle, threshing is done by
beating, and the crop is transported with the help of
animals.

Rudimentary plow culture is common in Nicaragua.
Particularly on the small- and medium-sized farms, oxen
are to be seen working in all of the many operations of
agricultural production. (See Figure 8. ) This is par-
ticularly true in the Pacific region where most of the

Republica de Nicaragua, Censos Nacionales 1963 ♦
Agropecuario (Managua: Direcci6n General de Estadlstica
y Censos, 1966), pp. xx-xxiii.

166

Figure 8. Agricultural equipment used in Nicaragua. Upper:
native plow for use with oxen. Lower: a hiller
also pulled by oxen.

167

terrain is not rugged and the land is freer of stijinps than
the other regions. Of the 55»909 oxen (bueyes) enumerated
in the 1963 census, 31j^02 were in the Pacific zone. There
were 22,912 in the North-Central region and only 1,595 in
the Atlantic region.

The oxen are hitched with a head-yoke instead of the
neck-yoke. A good set of horns is an asset, for it pro-
vides a secure place to lash the yoke. From the yoke, a
long pole (timon) goes back to a simple plow that has but
one handle and a wooden point covered with metal in the
shape of a long cone. The plow is pulled through the
ground by sheer force, and there is little adjustment
possible that can improve the efficiency. If the ground
is hard, a stone may be lashed to the plow for deeper
penetration. The same plow is used as a harrow, and the
land may have to be gone over a nxxmber of times. The plow
is also used to make the furrow for planting and later for
weed control in a row crop such as corn.

The spike-point type of plow is being replaced in
some areas by one with a strong moldboard that works much
better in sod. The adjustments are few and it seems to
give good results. Where this turning plow is used, other
implements are needed, such as a harrow and a cultivator,
because a plow with a moldboard does not double as a drag
and a cultivator as does the spike-pointed plow. There

168

are no data available on the nvunber or types of plows now
in use in Nicaragua.

The oxcart is even more conspicuous than the plow.
As one travels in the rural areas, and even on the high-
ways, oxen can be seen pulling the two-wheel carts with
any and every kind of load imaginable. The speed of the
oxcart can be judged by the fact that the driver usually
is walking and has no trouble keeping up with the vehicle.
The oxen are guided with a long stick that is also used
as a prod. There are still many carts with solid wooden
wheels covered with steel rims, although rubber-tired
wheels are coming into use.

In Nicaragua, except on the large farms, the grain
is harvested with the machete. The machete is one instru-
ment that is never lacking and is probably the first tool
that the farmer buys. In the case of upland rice, which
is common in most areas of the country, the stalks of
grain are dried in the field and then threshed. A thresh-
ing floor is prepared by placing canvas on the ground and
a vertical wooden platform at one end. Small packets of
stalks are beaten against the platform, and the grain falls
on the canvas. The flail is not used. Later, the worker
cleans the grain by scooping it up and dumping it from as
high as he can reach. If the wind is not strong enough to
blow away the chaff, then it must be fanned as it falls.
In wet weather and also when grain is stored for home

169

consiAmption, it is not threshed but stored in bundles in
the house or other shelter. The stalks are cut off,
leaving only the heads; these are hung from the rafters.
Corn is also stored this way, and the best place for such
storage is the large open kitchens, where the smoke serves
to dry and preserve the grain.

Another familiar sight in the country homes is the
large mortar and pestle (pilon) . This equipment is closely
related to rice growing or, better, rice consumption. The
rice must be hulled before it is usable, and the pilon is
used for this purpose.

Advanced Plow Culture

Efficiency is the outstanding characteristic in
the system of agriculture denominated as advanced plow
culture. This system has developed where there has been
a constant effort to improve the efficiency in the use of
land, labor, and energy. The ox is replaced by the horse
because the horse is faster and smoother in gait; the
cumbersome neck hitch and heavy wooden center tree are
replaced by the collar and a light-weight system of hitches
that can balance each animal of the team for the job. The
rooting plow is replaced by the turning plow, which has
adjustments for depth and soil differences. Each operation,
from seed bed preparation to storage of the crop, is made
more efficient by labor-saving devices. Such machines as
the sulky plow, the spring -toothed and spike-toothed

170

harrows, the drill, the walking and riding cultivators,
the mowing machine, the hay rake, the hay loader, the
reaper, the threshing machine, and the important four-
wheeled wagon are all part of the advanced plow culture.
Even special breeds of horses are developed to add more
power to farm operations.

We should make one observation before further dis-
cussing advanced plow culture in Nicaragua. Efficiency in
agriculture takes place only where there is incentive for
it. Advanced plow culture is closely related to the family-
sized farm. As indicated in Chapter IV, it is here that
the combination of capital, management, and labor in the
person of the farm operator gives the highest incentive
for efficiency. Each task that is performed is analyzed
by the performer, and some truly ingenious inventions
have come out of the process. When invention itself be-
comes part of a cultural pattern, it is not strange to
see the farmer's contributions to technology, such as
steel being used to make a plow scour on prairie soil,
or a sickle-bar mower replace hand cutting of hay and
later become a grain reaper, or a corn planter, mounted
on wheels, doing more work in an hour than one man can
do in a whole day. It is not by chance that the highest
development of advanced plow culture has taken place where
the family-sized farm prevails.

171

Advanced plow culture is not common in Nicaragua.
This is not to say, however, that agriculture has not
advanced beyond the stage of rudimentary plow culture,
but that the conditions in Nicaragua have not been con-
ducive to the widespread development of efficiency in
the use of land, labor, and energy. On the larger farms,
though, there has been a leap from rudimentary plow cul-
ture to mechanized agriculture. A good example of this
can be seen in the jump from the oxcart to the jeep and
from the ox-drawn plow to the tractor plow.

Horses are common in Nicaragua, as are mules and
donkeys. For the most part, these are not used as draft
animals but for riding and packing. The 1963 census
accounts for 17^,768 horses, i).3»627 mules, and 6,726 don-
keys (asses). The greatest numbers of all three animals
are found in the North-Central region, where trails are
more common than roads or lanes.-'

Mechanized Agriculture

Mechanized agriculture is characterized by tractor
power. There is hardly a person in Nicaragua today who
has not seen a tractor at work. All of the large farms
in the Pacific region use tractor power unless they are

5

Ibid. , p. xxxvii.

172

dedicated exclusively to cattle raising on native grass.
Tractors are not as common in the North-Central and
Atlantic regions because of the terrain, although the
lumbering operations have introduced them to even the
more remote areas. The latest data available (1967) ac-
count for 2,1^.09 tractors. The distribution of tractors,
as well as other components of mechanized agriculture, can
be seen in Table 15.

Mechanization has been applied to all phases of
cotton production except harvesting, and even this
application is now beginning. A few enterprising young
men are buying equipment and hiring it out for custom
plowing, cultivating, spraying, and hauling at harvest
time. The next step is for them to rent land and put in
the crop for themselves. Mechanization has gone to the
point of widespread use of small planes for spraying and
dusting.

In other large-scale enterprises such as sugarcane
production, mechanization is applied to all stages except
harvesting. Coffee producers have applied various levels
of mechanization but more at the stage of processing than
in the field. The growing of corn, rice, and beans is not

Republica de Nicaragua, Informe Anual (Managua:
Banco Central de Nicaragua, 1967), p. lOljr;

173

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171;

highly mechanized except where these crops are grown on a
large scale.

An interesting situation is developing in some
areas because of the availability of custom plowing and
other services. Some small farm operators find it to their
advantage to hire someone to plow their land instead of
keeping oxen of their own. There is diversity of opinion
as to whether the outcome is the same. Some feel that the
land is not prepared as well, and others have frankly con-
fessed that many other parts of the system are changed
when they get rid of the oxen.

Further indications of the degree of mechanization
of agriculture can be seen in the products and techniques
used in Nicaraguan agriculture. (See Table 15.) Con-
siderable amounts of chemical fertilizers, insecticides,
fungicides, and herbicides are being used. Also sprinkler
irrigation is being used on a large scale in some areas
to offset the lengthy dry season.

In svimmary, the prevailing systems of agriculture
in Nicaragua are: (1) fire agriculture, practiced as such
in much of the North-Central and Atlantic regions; (2) rudi-
mentary plow culture, characteristic of the smaller farms
in the Pacific region and, where the terrain permits, in
the North-Central region; and (3) mechanized agriculture,
practiced on the large farms in the Pacific region and to
some extent in the North-Central region. Burning is also

175

common in pasture renovation, and in getting rid of the
residue of former crops in both rudimentary plow culture
and in mechanized agriculture. Advanced plow culture is
conspicuous by its absence, due largely to the lack of
family-sized farms.

Reasons for Present Systems

The level of technology applied to the efforts of
extracting products from the soil is closely related to
values and attitudes. These, in turn, are the result of
cultural traditions that persist through many generations.
For example, the attitude toward work, and particularly
field work, is one of disdain. This has been present in
Nicaragua since the Spaniards first came as conquerors
and masters but not as tillers of the soil. The desired
relationship to the land is that of owner or operator,
but not as a laborer.

Another observable set of values or attitudes is
that which concerns education. Education is not generally
regarded as a means of improving agricultural techniques.
Rural people have a high regard for education, but it is
seen as a means of leaving agriculture instead of improv-
ing it. A farmer who wishes for his son to continue on
the farm will consider that his training should be done
on the farm. The cultural pattern of education in
Nicaragua involves preparation for urban life but not

176

for a better life in the country. Except in special cases,
the teachers are oriented toward urban life and values.
These attitudes, as part of the cultural heritage of the
present inhabitants constitute a major reason for the
existence of the present system of agriculture in
Nicaragua.

The Indians were using fire agriculture and a simple
version of the macana long before the arrival of the
Spaniards. The conquerors brought with them hoe culture
and rudimentary plow culture. There have been no large-
scale transplantations of farmers with a cultural back-
ground of advanced plow culture in Nicaragua as there
were in North America. Without these farmers to introduce
and perpetuate this advanced system, it would take many
centuries and rather special conditions for it to evolve
if it developed at all.

There are also some conditions and special situa-
tions that are responsible for maintaining the prevailing
systems of agriculture in Nicaragua: the lack of family-
sized farms in which the entrepreneurial factor operates
to increase efficiency and improve techniques; the lack
of an effective land tax that puts a premium on intensive
use of the land; the internal strife during the history of
the Republic in which plunder and destruction have limited
orderly progress; the lack of adequate credit facilities
for the small producer; the lack of market security

177

resulting in minimxjm capital input in production; the in-
security of tenure which fosters resource mining instead
of resource development; and the lack of farm-to-market
roads which will allow quick delivery of perishable pro-
ducts to the consumer. All of these elements contribute
to the insecurity of attempting new techniques. At the
same time, the security of old and tried ways of doing
things, of continuing the many activities and practices
that "all fit together," make change and innovation
difficult.

In spite of this, agriculture in the Pacific region
has changed more in the last ten years than it did in the
previous century. With the commercialization of cotton
production, many changes have been noted. Supervised cre-
dit has been made available by international buyers; thus
a guaranteed income has been assured. The production has
been guided by expert technicians whose recommendations
must be followed as a prerequisite to the receiving of
credit. Marginal producers are being squeezed out by the
competition for the land on the rental market. The sub-
sistence plots have been eliminated as a result of this
competition and of the lack of rights to the land. In
the areas of cotton production, the choices have been
limited to adopting the new mechanized system of agri-
culture or leaving. The large owners have adopted the

178

system or rented to those who did; the small land owners
have adopted the system and rented more land or left the
area.

Key people in this new system are the tractor drivers
and operators of special machinery. They are much differ-
ent from the traditional agricultural worker and have
skills that surpass those of their employers. Instead of
being bound to the inefficient routine of the field worker,
they are oriented toward efficiency, the learning of new
skills and the improvement of the present ones. It is
not strange that they often have their own equipment and
rent land to become farm operators themselves. They are
younger men who are oriented toward mechanics and are given
as much backing by their fathers as economic circiomstances
permit.

The Effects of Contemporary Systems
of Agriculture

Low crop yields are among the immediate results of
the prevailing systems of agriculture. Corn is produced
and consumed in large quantities, yet the national mean
yield in 1966-6? was only 13.6 quint ales per manzana
(roughly li; bushels per acre). Bean production is also

179

low, averaging an estimated 10,9 quint ales per manzana
(approximately 620 pounds per acre) .

On the other hand, cotton yields are high, giving
35 quintales of fiber per manzana (approximately 660
pounds per acre). The other crops produced using mechani-
zation -- bananas, sugar, and, in sane cases, coffee --
also have higher yields.

As we have seen, primitive agricultural methods and
soil depletion have brought about declines in production.
This in turn is responsible for inadequate income and low
levels of living for the majority of those who live in the
rural areas. The gap is so great between the systems of
agriculture used on the small- and medium-sized farms and
the large mechanized operations that abandonment of the
small operation is easier than an attempt to improve.
For this reason, many migrate to the city and others leave
for new lands to the east.

The Evolution of Agricultural Systems
in Nicaragua

The cultural heritage that is applied to present-day
agriculture in Nicaragua is rooted deep in time and in
places beyond the limits of the Republic. Nicaragua, like

n

Republica de Nicaragua, Informe Annual, p. 93.

^United Nations, Nicaragua: Caracterf sticas
Generales de la Utilizaci6n y DJltrJ:^.H£l2H ^ 1^ Tierra
(Mexico City: Food and Agricultural Organization, 1967),
p. 80.

180

all of Central America, was the scene of two converging
types of native food production, Sauer has called them
the "seed planting culture" and the "vegetable planting
culture." The seed planters were centered to the north
of Nicaragua near the present border of Honduras and
Mexico, In this culture, a workable combination of corn,
beans, and squash was developed. It found suitable soil
of volcanic origin and an advantageous climate with a
clear division between wet and dry seasons. Prom this
center, the seed culture spread far to the north but
only slightly to the south, reaching into the former
Nicaraguan province of Guanacaste (now a part of Costa
Rica) . The seed planters did not inhabit all of
Nicaragua but only what is today the Pacific region."

Everything that was done had its relation to corn
and the corn field. The temples and sacrifices were used
to assure a bountiful crop. The calendar year was
divided according to the cycles of the corn field. There
were ceremonies related to field location, water sources,
field marking, cutting and burning trees, seed planting,
weeding, ear bending, harvesting, storing the grain, and
grinding the first meal. The tools that were used in this
system of agriculture were few: the digging stick, the

9
Carl 0. Sauer, Agricultural Origins and Dispersals

(New York: The American Geographical Society, 1952), pp.

I4.O-6O.

181

stone axe, and the grinding stone (metate) . The grain
was transported on the backs of humans, about 75 po\jnds
being considered a load and 8 to 10 leguas (approximately
35 miles) a day's journey. Fire had been used widely in
the preparation of seed beds long before this period of
history and v;as used here extensively. These were not
nomadic groups, shifting from one spot to another, but
were relatively stable. They gradually reached further
into the forest to satisfy the needs for fuel and new
lands. It v;as a workable system of agriculture and it
allowed for enough surplus in production for the building
of great temples, as are found in Guatemala and Mexico.

The second cultural pattern of food production,
that of the vegetable planters, came from a center in
present-day Colombia. This pattern spread along the
Atlantic watershed up through the areas currently in
Panama, Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and on into Honduras. The
most highly developed occupational skills were fishing,
boating, and hunting. The crops were peanuts, pineapple,
manioc (casava, yucca), sweet potatoes, peach palm (pejibae) ,
malanga (root crop), and tobacco. The muscovy duck was the
one common domestic animal, although some records mention
a low-slung dog also. All of the humid Atlantic watershed

Hubert Herring, A History of Latin America (New
York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1955), PP • 37-39.

182

of Nicaragua was considered the domain of this cultural
pattern, although the population was extremely sparse.
This area includes the present-day Atlantic region and
most of the North-Central region. The nomadic life of the
hunter and gatherer was common for most tribes; yet, there
were sedentary beginnings: a river bank system of agri-
culture developed and animals were domesticated.

At the time and in the area of the Spanish conquest
of Nicaragua the agricultural arts of the seed planters
were well advanced. The natives were cultivators of the
soil and considered this as the main source of public
wealth. Corn was the principal crop, and it was accompanied
by beans, squash, and pvutipkins. Cacao, cotton, tobacco,
plantains, onion, sweet potatoes, potatoes, and various
other root crops were also found. Hague was planted for
both fiber and the juice that was easily fermented.
Indigo was cultivated for tinting. A niomber of animals
had been domesticated; deers, pheasants, mountain turkeys,
wild pigs, and tepescuente (a piglike animal found only in
Central America) were common. The most advanced tribes
were the Niqueranos and Chorotegas living near the Pacific
Ocean. Their methods of agriculture and crop specialties
were almost identical to those found today among the

11

Sauer, op. cit., pp. 14.0-60.

183

Queche in Guatemala. Metal instruments such as simple
axes and points for the digging stick had been perfected.

Fire agriculture as a working system was the accepted

12
cultural pattern.

There had been some cultural diffusion between the
vegetable planters and the seed planters by the time of
the Spanish conquest. Cacao came from the vegetable
planters, but it was a highly prized crop among the seed-
planting Pacific tribes. Special ceremonies were conducted
during the seed selection, a ritual was used for germina-
tion, and the planters engaged in sexual relations the
night before planting to insure fertility. This crop was
of special interest because the seeds were used for money,

and only the most wealthy could afford to use chocolate

1 "^
in their diet, -^

The Spaniards who came to Nicaragua were not farmers;
yet they made a profound impact on the systems of agri-
culture that were to follow. Spain's agriculture in the
fifteenth century was probably the most retarded of all
western Europe. It was burdened by a latifundia system,
which concentrated the control of the land in the hands
of a few people. There was a monopoly of the mesta (the

Jose D. Gamez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua:
El Pais, 1889), pp. 37-5^7^

13

Ibid. , p. 5i|.

181;

sheep raisers' association) which allowed flocks to be
driven across the central plateau, trample the cultivated
fields, and thus accelerate erosion by stripping the
hillsides of protective cover. The system of mayorazgo
(primogeniture) passed on the estates intact to the oldest
son of each family. This system allowed little breaking
up of the large land holdings and even fostered a tendency
for them to become larger. There was negligible incentive
for effective use or improvement of agriculture under
these circumstances. The tiller of the soil was considered
to be at the very bottom of the list of preferred occupa-
tions, in contrast to the high prestige of the soldier,
the cleric, or the poet. All manual labor was held in
"stubborn contempt." ^

As a consequence of these traditional attitudes,
large land holdings were important to the Spanish conqueror.
They meant power, prestige, and a new home. He quickly
set out to dominate the Indian who occupied the land. His
object was to take the land away from the Indian, yet
somehow keep him to work it. The priest Bartolomeo de
las Casas was deeply disturbed by conditions in Nicaragua
in the seventeenth century. He saw the planters in the
area of Leon treat the Indian slaves worse than the Negro

Tierring, op. cit., pp. 78-82,

185

slaves had ever been treated in the West Indies. There
was no distinction as to age, sex, or rank; all were
forced to do the bidding of their masters, who "wasted
their products in revelry." Las Casas writes bitterly,
"If their contributions of corn were not punctually de-
livered, or if any part of their labor was not performed
to the satisfaction of their masters, they were immediately
condemned to death." -^

There was an early introduction of Spanish animals
and equipment into the territory of Nicaragua. In a letter
of authorization sent by the King of Spain to the authori-
ties in Panama on December 20, 1527, permission was given
to move "horses, mares, cows, sheep, pigs," and other
animals and equipment. The list of practices and mater-
ials that came from Spain includes: fertilization of crops,
irrigation, seed selection, stock improvement, use of iron
and steel implements, the wheel, the oxcart, oxen, chickens,
hogs, sheep, goats, sugar, wheat, barley, oats, bananas,
oranges, limes, peaches, and coffee. ' Some of these
importations flourished in the new land, such as the

Carl Scherzer, Travels in Nicaragua (London: Long-
man, Brown, Green, Longman and Roberts, 1657) , I, p. 92.

-1/1

Andres Vega Bolanos, Docianento para la Historia de
Nicaragua (Madrid: Ministerio de Educaci6n de la Repliblica
de Nicaragua, 195J+) , VI, 283.

Herring, op. cit., p. 201.

186

horses that later ran wild in droves; others were short-
lived because of unsuitable climate or of lack of interest
on the part of the colonists.

The major change in agriculture after independence
was in the labor supply. Slavery was no longer possible,
although the reduction of this source through disease,
escape, and killing had been considerable before that time.
One of the earliest accounts of life in the Republic is
found in the travel records of the German doctor, Scherzer,
in 1857. He was dismayed at the low levels of production
in a land with such great potential. Cattle and corn were
the two main products. Indigo had been abandoned as a
major crop. He sums up the situation by saying: "Trade,
agriculture and industry alike languished under the
blighted influence of war and civil discord."

A few years later Squier traveled extensively and
observed "all of the known tropical plants": cotton,
sugarcane, indigo, tobacco, rice, cacao, coffee, bananas,
plantains, beans, tomatoes, yams, citrus, melons, limes,
lemons, oranges, pineapples, guavas, coconuts, sarsapa-
rilla, vanilla, ginger, gum, and many others. Corn was
seen everywhere and was the principal article of food.

18

Scherzer, op. cit., p. 120.

187

Cattle were also important, and the hides were exported.
In spite of the variety of products and the ease of
marketing, there was little commercial agriculture at that
time.-*-^

Toward the end of the nineteenth century another
European traveler. Levy, wrote a detailed report of agri-
culture after his extensive visit to Nicaragua. He
classified the farming into two categories: the huerta
and the hacienda. The huerta was the name used for small
plantings of products for every-day cons-umption, including
corn and plantains. The hacienda was a large farm with a
production specialty, although some diversity was needed
to sustain the workers and the animals. Of particular
interest were the haciendas dedicated to cattle, coffee,
cacao, sugarcane, indigo, cotton, and rubber.

Levy described in detail the system of agriculture
that was most common. In preparing land for planting,
first came the socolar, where the small brush and vines
were cut away; next the desmontar, where the large trees
were chopped down but the roots were left in the ground;
after a time of drying the quemar or burning was done to
prepare for planting. Often it was necessary for a
requemar, a second burning, where the land was new. When

19

E. G. Squier, The States of Central America (New

York: Harper and Brothers, 1558), pp"^! 363-68.

188

corn was to be planted, the desmonte and quema were done
at the end of the summer. The planting was done as soon
as the first rains came. In planting, a small bag of
seed was tied to the belt, and a metal pointed stick was
used in the left hand to make the holes. Two and three
grains were placed in each hole and then the foot was
used to cover each hill.

The agricultural instr\mients used were listed as
an axe, a machete, a hoe, a macana, a barreta (an all-
metal pole), a shovel, an oxcart, a yoke and hitching
equipment, and a sillon (packing frame) for the pack mule.

Animal power common at that time was provided by oxen,

20

pack mules, and riding horses.

Levy was most impressed by the inefficient agri-
cultural practices. "The agricultural procedures in
Nicaragua are yet, in most plantings, the same as they
were 300 years ago and the innovations are only accepted
with difficulty in the whole Republic." He calculated
yields to be extremely low, considering the potential.
He was also critical of cattle raising. Because it was in
the hands of the richest and most influential families and
required little labor except burning, it contributed to
the backwardness of agriculture. Fences were not required

Pablo Levy, Nicaragua (Paris: Libreria Espanola
de E. Denne Schmitz, 1873), PP. kk^'k^.

189

on the cattle haciendas, and a fence law could never be
passed because the Congress was dominated by the cattle

men. Anyone wanting to plant had to fence the cattle out,

21

which added considerably to the cost of production.

Recent trends in the use of animals can be observed
in Table 16. The decrease in the use of oxen and the in-

crease in the use of tractors (1,153 in 1952 and 2,1^.00

23
in 1955 ) indicate some shift from rudimentary plow cul-
ture to mechanization. Many of the large farms have
shifted from oxen to tractors, and a niomber of the smaller
farmers hire tractor work done and no longer depend on
oxen. The Atlantic region is still in a stage of develop-
ment where fire agriculture prevails and is only gradually
moving to rudimentary plow culture.

The increase of mules as compared to the decrease
in oxen might suggest a shift to advanced plow culture.
In reality, the mule is used more as a pack and riding animal
than for pulling. The increase of mules in the Pacific
could partly be attributed to a change from oxcart to
mule cart. This is particularly true in urban hauling.

Ibid., pp. i;58-79.

22

Lyle B. Norris, Statistical Abstract of Latin

America -- 1965 (Los Angeles: Latin American Center,
University of California, 1966), p. 63.

23

Pan American Union, America en Gifras 1965

Situacion Economica: 1 (Washington: Institute Inter-
americana de Estadistica, 1966), p. 27.

190

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191

The North-Central zone relies heavily on pack animals
to get products over rough terrain where only trails are
available. In this same region, the number of asses has
also increased. They are used for pack animals as well
as for breeding purposes. The figures suggest that the
North-Central zone serves as the major source of mules
for the other regions.

Horses are used almost exclusively for riding
purposes and as pack animals. The breed of horses used
in Nicaragua is small and does not have the pulling power
that a work horse needs. The increase in horses in all
regions of the country is not related to any changes in
systems of agriculttire.

For the majority of those who work the land, the
systems of agriculture have changed little since the time
the seed planters first settled in Nicaragua. Fire is
still the most common means of seed bed preparation.
This is especially true when improved pasture land is
included with crop land. The rudimentary plow system
that was imported by the Spaniards is giving way to
mechanized agricultiire. The hoe culture system still
prevails on the coffee and cacao farms. Advanced plow
culture has not been part of the development of agricul-
ture in Nicaragua, nor will it likely be in the future.

192
Summary and Conclusions

A system of agriculture is all of those ways and
means used by man in taking products from the soil. It
also includes the attitudes and values that motivate the
activities. Because farming is a way of life which is
integrated, it is not possible to separate the job cate-
gories that a farmer performs or even the different enter-
prises in which he is engaged. This concept is important
in analyzing the productive aspect of man's relation to
the land. Without an understanding of agriculture as a
system, it is difficult to promote changes, although
change must come if food production is to increase to
meet the needs of an increasing population.

We have examined six systems that are used in the
analysis of Nicaraguan agriculture. River bank plantings
are the most primitive type: seeds are planted in the
soft soil left by receding streams. There is little of
this kind of planting in Nicaragua. Fire agriculture,
which uses fire to burn off all that has grown on the
land and leaves the soil clear for the desired crop, is
one of the most common methods of planting in Nicaragua.
Hoe culture is more advanced in that it uses tools. This
system is also widely used in Nicaragua, the most common
tool being the macana. Rudimentary plow culture, which
makes use of animal power to pull simple tools, also is

193

widespread in Nicaragua, Although advanced plow culture,
characterized by horse-drawn equipment, is highly efficient,
it is an almost nonexistent system in Nicaragua. Finally,
mechanized agriculture is centered on the tractor and all
the machines that go with it. This system is rapidly
being adopted in the large commercial farming operations.

A number of factors are responsible for the contrast
in agricultural systems in Nicaragua today. Attitudes
toward land and work from the past, present-day education,
lack of family-sized farms, lack of credit, lack of market-
ing facilities — all of these work together to foster the
use of traditional methods. On the other hand, where
marketing facilities, credit, and technical help are avail-
able, such as in cotton, a ji:imp from primitive plow culture
to mechanization has taken place in a short time.

Because of the antiquated techniques used in much
of Nicaraguan agriculture, yields are low. From low
yields, low income and low levels of living follow.

The history of man's agricultural relation to the
land in Nicaragua goes back many centuries. In pre-
Colijmbian times, there was a convergence of seed culture
from the north and vegetable culture from the south.
Later, the Spaniards brought animal culture and imposed
a system of grazing as well as new cultivation techniques.
Present-day agriculture in Nicaragua has elements of all

this cultural past as well as some special adaptations
caused by climate and geography. Though recent trends
are toward mechanization, the majority of those who till
the soil in Nicaragua are using techniques that were well
known 5»000 years ago.

CHAPTER VIII
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

The portion of the earth's surface that is called
Nicaragua has many desirable characteristics as a place
to live. Its natural endowments offer the possibility of
livelihood to many people. The combination of rich soils,
adequate rainfall, varied elevations, abundant sources of
water, and a lengthy growing season offers the optimum
conditions for plant and animal growth.

The population of this land base numbers slightly
over 1,500,000. It is the least densely populated of the
Central American countries. In relation to the land poten-
tial it is also sparsely inhabited.

Of the total population, approximately 60 per cent
is dependent on agriculture and stock raising for its
livelihood. As nearly as can be calculated, approximately
114-0,000 families are thus employed. These families are
almost evenly divided into two categories: farm operators
and farm laborers. In general, the farm operators live on
their land in isolated farmsteads. The farm laborers live
in village-like clusters near their places of emplojrment.

The distribution of the ownership and control of
the land among the farm operators is very unequal, A

195

196

small number of operators (1.5 per cent) control a high
proportion (1|1.2 per cent) of the agricultural land. At
the opposite extreme, a large number of operators (35.i4-
per cent) have the use of only a small proportion (1.5
per cent) of this land.

Just as the amount of land is unequally distributed,
so are the property rights to the land. In Nicaragua the
tenure rights tend to increase with the size of the farm.
This means that the operators who have large farms also
have greater legal security than those farmers with
smaller tracts.

There has been no adequate method used to survey
the land in Nicaragua, and most land divisions and pro-
perty boundaries are open to dispute. This further contri-
butes to the uncertainty of land possession.

Many contrasting methods are used in extracting
products from the soil. Fire is used in a high proportion
of the farms as an aid to agricultvire. Sometimes this is
the major operation and the production system is merely
felling and burning or fire agriculture. Rudimentary
plow culture is also common where the oxen are able to
work on level land. Hoe culture is often used in the
growing of row crops. Mechanized agriculture is increasing
where commercial crops are grown for export.

There are three geographical regions in Nicaragua,
and man's relation to the land varies somewhat from region

197

to region. The Pacific region contains a high proportion
of level lands, and the year in this area is divided into
two seasons: wet and dry. Two-thirds of the population
of the Republic live here, but the proportion engaged in
agriculture and stock raising is lower than in the other
regions. It is here that the concentration in ownership
and control of the land is the highest. Some other
characteristics of this region are: large numbers of
agricultural laborers; a large proportion of minifundia;
an unusually large amount of the land area which has
legal title; a considerable amount of absentee ownership;
a major part of the land dedicated to commercial crops
for export; and rapid mechanization of agriculture.

The North-Central region has a more varied climate
and topography. It has fewer urban centers here than the
Pacific region, and relatively more of the inhabitants
are engaged in agriculture and stock raising. This
region contains an unusually great proportion of family-
sized farms. Other characteristics of the region are:
a high proportion of isolated farmsteads; extensive use
of fire agriculture, hoe culture, and rudimentary plow
culture; and relative inaccessibility to markets and
other services.

The Atlantic region is the largest in area, but
vast portions of it are unused. The topography is
rugged, and the rainfall constant. Few roads have been

198

constructed, and boats are the common mode of transpor-
tation. The population in this region is sparse and
most of its inhabitants are settled along the navigable
parts of the rivers. Most of the farm personnel are
operators of subsistence plots. Some of the farms are
extremely large, but the possessors of most of them lack
legal titles. Here fire agriculture is used extensively.
Some cattle are produced on a commercial basis.

The causes of the unequal distribution of the
rights to the land and its products among the farm per-
sonnel range from historical to cultural. The ways in
which the rights to the land were given out at the time
of the Spanish conquest established a cultural pattern
that has been modified only slightly over the years.
Because of the strategic location of Nicaragua, interna-
tional politics has fostered internal violence in which
the victors have claimed the spoils (including the
ownership and control of land) . Modern communication
and cultural interchange have introduced new techniques.
These new techniques, such as those applied to the pro-
duction of cotton, contrast greatly to those used by the
large majority of the farm population. Population is
increasing rapidly, and so are the expectations of what
life should offer to the individual. Access to land
continues to be seen as the road to position, prestige,
and economic security. At the same time, the demand for

199

products that can be secured on a large scale and with the
efficiency of mechanized methods does not foster breaking
up the large farms so that a more even distribution of
this essential item for "the good life" can be accomplished,
Cultural patterns are hard to change, particularly when the
present system is profitable to those who have vested
interest in the present situation.

The effects of the present relations of man and
land in Nicaragua are also many and complicated. As a
direct result, the capabilities of both the land and the
people are being used inefficiently. Moreover, some of
the cultivation methods are resulting in a rapid deple-
tion of the soil. At the same time the low economic and
educational levels of most of the farm personnel probably
contributes to the rapid increase of the population. The
pxirchasing power of the farm laborers and operators of
subsistence plots does little to stimulate manufacturing;
and the lack of industry in turn denies alternative
employment opportunities to those who would like to
change occupations.

The large proportion of the farm personnel which
is engaged in routine physical labor and is denied
opportunities for decision-making, results in little
incentive for increased efficiency in production. Good
yields are found only in those export crops that are
produced by mechanized techniques.

200

The inability of the small farmers to acquire
desirable land and the insecurity of boundaries and legal
possession all make for the least possible investment in
the production process of time, energy, and capital. For
this reason, it is much easier for them to continue using
the systems of agriculture of the past than to try new
ways that only add more uncertainties to an already in-
secure existence.

For those who have sought to claim land for their
own, the price has been isolation. The isolated farm-
steads of the North-Central region, the Atlantic region,
and even the hills and mountains of the Pacific region
are without the services, including medical care, educa-
tion, and communication, that allow for effective social
interaction.

The over-all situation relative to the relations
to the land of the families that depend on agriculture
for a livelihood has been listed by the director of the
Agrarian Reform Institute as follows: Approximately
50,000 families (14.00,000 people) are landless; another
50,000 families have very little land; and only 10 per
cent of those related to agriculture and stock raising
are proprietors of large farms. Thus, from 80 to 90 per
cent of the rural population lack land. Moreover, they
are illiterate, in poor health, and depend on curanderos
(spiritist healers). They are undernourished, they pay

201

a high rent; they are in debt, lose half the value of
the crop in the marketing negotiations, and they are
forced to buy at high prices. Further, the yields are
so low that in the year 1963-61^., I6l,i;65 guintales
(1 quintal = lOO pounds) of corn, 192,000 quintales of
rice (30 per cent of the amo\mt produced nationally),
and 2,911,9/+8 kilos (1 kilo = 2.2 pounds) of milk pro-
ducts were imported.

Many of the components of the present institutions
governing man's relation to the land in Nicaragua have
been borrowed from other cultures. Prior to the arrival
of the Spaniards two cultures existed in this area:
(1) a seed growing culture had been brought by peoples
from the north and this was localized in the western
part of the country; and (2) a vegetative planting
culture, which had been brought up from the south. The
Spanish conquest was also an attempt at cultural domina-
tion which almost succeeded; yet some of the pre-Columbian
practices continue in use today. In more recent times the
ideal of the family-sized farm and the components of a
mechanized system of agriculture have been borrowed from
the United States and western Europe.

The most recent trends may be summarized as follows:
(1) there has been a continuous addition of virgin lands

Republica de Nicaragua, Mem or i a 1966 (Managua:
Institute Agrario de Nicaragua, 196t5), pp. 7-9.

202

to the area already under cultivation produced by an
increasing number of settlers who are colonizing the
forest and mountain areas on a voluntary and individual
basis; (2) there is some increase in the number of people
who depend on agriculture and stock raising for a liveli-
hood, but a considerable decrease in the proportion of
farmers in the total population; (3) the n\jmber of farm
operators who own or control enough land or enough secur-
ity of tenure to enable them to gain a livelihood for their
families that will meet their standards is decreasing; and
(i;) congressional leaders are reluctant to make necessary
changes in laws that might promote access of all farm
families to the agricultural land.

Up to this point the trends mentioned have empha-
sized problems more than improvements. There are, how-
ever, a number of developments already in process which
may bring improvements. The Agrarian Reform Law of 1963
is one of these. The major goal of its proponents is to
increase the number of family-sized farms, thereby in-
creasing the volume of farm products and bringing about
a more equitable distribution of the same among the
population. Already over 1,300 farms have been distri-
buted to farming families. Most of this has been done in
the colonies that have been established in the Pacific
region. The success has been over played, but it has been
great enough to prove that this is a workable method.

203

The aerial mapping program has progressed to the
point that a new system of property survey, based on
permanent fixed points, soon can be used. This should
help in defining the boundaries of lands and make more
exact descriptions of properties possible in the deeds
to the same. As this is done, the land tax may be imple-
mented to provide money for further improvement of the
social conditions in the rural areas. Unfortunately, an
enabling act ordering completion of the survey project
and obligating the payment of property taxes on the land
has not been passed by Congress.

Another development which must be taken into
account in the future consists of the growing demands
of farm laborers who expect something better from life
than they have known in the past. All of them have
visited the cities and some have remained in them; but
even those who return to the country now realize that
there are attractive alternatives.

Those in responsible government positions agree
that the discontent of the laborers should not be allowed
to increase indefinitely. The desire for ownership of
land by the landless is great; and the amount of land
that is unclaimed or of doubtful ownership also is con-
siderable. Present plans are to make these two factors
offset one another and thus improve the over-all relations
of man and land in the Republic.

GLOSSARY

The definitions given for the following Spanish
terms are according to general usage in Nicaragua and
may not correspond exactly with the meaning in other
Spanish- speaking countries.

Aparcero: share cropper or share hand.

Arrendado: rented.

Arrendatario: one who operates a farm on rented

land.

Arrimado: a migratory laborer who lives tempor-
arily on another's land.

Asiento: a contract for the legal transfer of
land.

Bueyes: oxen.

Barret a: a crowbar.

Carta de venta: a notarized bill of sale.

Caserio: a disorderly grouping of the huts of the
campesinos.

Colono: an agricultxiral laborer who is paid in
usufruct of a small plot of ground on a
large hacienda or plantation as partial
payment for his work.

Comarca: a subdivision of the municipio; it is the
smallest administrative unit in Nicaragua*

Com\inero: a person operating a farm on land belong-
ing to a municipio.

c6rdova: a unit of Nicaraguan money; 1 Cordova
equals $0.11^. US.

20k.

205

Cruzar: to cross; plowing land for the second

time at right angles to the first plowing.

Cruzeta: a wooden cross frame placed on a horse's
back and used for holding the pack.

Gultivos anuales: annual crops.

Cultivos permanent es: perennial crops.

Curandero: a spiritist healer (quack-doctor).

Departamento: one of the major or state-like

political units into which Nicaragua
is subdivided.

Desmontar: to cut down the large trees in prepara-
tion for planting.

Desmonte y quema: felling and burning.

Ejiditario: see "comunero."

Ejido: lands belonging to a municipio.

Encoraienda: a grant of Indians, during the colonial
period, requiring the grantee to provide
for the spiritual and temporal welfare
of his charges, and giving him the
privilege of exacting tribute from
them.

Espeque: planting stick.

Fazenda: large landed estate as found in Brazil.

Fundo: large landed estate as found in Chile.

Hacienda: type of large farm in Spanish America;
usually used for cattle production.

Huerta: a farm dedicated to small plantings of
products for home consumption.

Inquilino: a farm laborer in Chile.

Kilo: a unit of weight equal to 2.2 pounds.

Latus Fundus: the "broad estates" first observed

in the Roman Empire about 80 BC .

206

Latifundia: extremely large farms on which

little, if any, attempt is made to
make an intensive use of the land.

Legua: a unit of linear measure, approximately
equal to four kilometers.

Lindero: property line.

Macana: long-handled instrxjment used for hand
cultivating; much like the hoe except
that it is open faced and is pushed
instead of pulled.

Machete: long-bladed knife.

Mague: a crop grown for fiber.

Malanga: a root crop (yanthasoma spp.).

Manioc: yucca (manihot esculenta) .

Manzana: a unit of land measurement equal to 0.7
hectares or 1.7 acres.

Mayorazgo: the system of primogeniture that passed
on the estates intact to the oldest son
in each family.

Merced: a land grant.

Mesta: the sheep raisers association of Spain at
the time of the conquest.

Met ate: a grinding stone for corn meal.

Mini fundi o: a small subsistence farm.

Ministerio de Economxa: Ministry of Economics.

Municipio: a county-like political subdivision.

Ocupado sin titulo: land occupied without legal

title.

Ocupante: one who occupies land that legally belongs
to another, a squatter.

Otras formas de tenencia: other forms of tenancy.

Paracaidista: see "ocupante."

207

Patrimonio familiar: family estate.

Patrono; land owner who hires laborers,

Pejibae: peach palm. (Guilielma gasipaes.)

Peones: farm laborers.

Pilon: large mortar and pestle,

Poseador: a person who occupies land that has no
legal owner.

Precarista: see "ocupante."

Propias: owner operated lands.

Propietario: land owner.

Quinta: country house of well-to-do Nicaraguan.

Quintal: unit of weight equal to 100 pounds.

Quemar: to burn (as in preparation for planting).

Registro de propiedad: property registry.

Requemar: to burn land over for the second time.

Sillon: a packing frame for a mule.

Socolor: to cut the small brush and vines in
preparation for planting.

Tepescuente: a pig-like animal found only in
Central America.

Tierras baldias: unpatented portions of the public

domain.

Tierras con bosques y montes: forest lands.

Tierras con pastos naturales: land in natural

pastures.

Tierras con pastos sembrados: land in planted

pastures .

Tierras en descanso: fallow land.

Timon: the tongue of a plow.

208

Titulo provisorio: a provisional title to the

land.

Unidad de explotacion agropecuario: an agri-
cultural stock raising unit or
roughly a farm.

Usufructario: one who is given the right to plant

and harvest on the land belonging to
another.

Usufructo: usufruct.

Vara: a unit of linear measure equal to 32.8 inches,

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Whetten, Nathan L. Guatemala: The Land and the People. New
Haven: Yale University Press, 1961.

219

V/hetten, Nathan L. Rural Mexico. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1%B~'

V/innie, William VJ., Jr. The Lower Papaloapan Basin: Land
and People . Unpublished Dissertation. Gainesville:
University of Florida, 1956.

Ziiratierman, Carle C, et al. Problems of the New Cuba:
Report of the Commission on Cuban Af f air s . New
York: Foreign Policy Association, 1935.

APPENDIX
RURAL LIFE IN NICARAGUA

The following paragraphs are selections from the
entries made in my daily journal. These notes were taken
over a period of seven years on as many visits to Nicaragua,
Some of the areas and farms have been revisited so that
some of the paragraphs include changes that are taking
place.

There are many details that are lacking in official
publications but yet needed to give one a feeling of how
things operate in a society foreign to him. Field obser-
vations help one see how everything fits together and
serve to give further meaning to statistical data. This
section is included because it does fill in some of these
details that give added insight into rural life in Nicaragua.

(December 10, 1961) While flying over Nicaragua, I have
been impressed by the lakes and the volcanos. It appears
that some of these volcanos are still active and others
have been in recent activity.

Upon arriving at the airport, I noted a number of
contrasts to the conditions that I left in Costa Rica
some 50 minutes before. The weather here is much warmer
and it is dry. The people are of darker features gener-
ally, and their manner is less reserved than I had grown
accustomed to in Costa Rica.

I am also impressed by the presence of military
personnel and installations. There are many uniformed

220

221

officials at the airport. Along the highway into Managua
all traffic is stopped and checked at a military post.

(December 16, 1961) Conversations throughout the week
with the young men in the seminar (Literacy and Community
Development) emphasize the low levels of education that
prevail in the rural areas. Some localities that they
mentioned still have no school facilities and it is rare
to find a person who can read and write,

Don G. discussed at length his problems as a teacher
in the school he and some interested neighbors had started
in the northern depart amento of Nueva Segovia. He mentioned
the extreme isolation of the people who live on their sub-
sistence plots and the lack of social contact which make
the children fearful of strangers.

A visit to the Managua market today gave me a good
idea of the products that are grown and consumed by most
people. Corn is used in many forms and specially in small
"tortillas." Both tortillas and tamales are sold ready
to eat, or the ground corn paste can be purchased to take
home to cook. The majority of the fruit and vegetable
products seem to be sold by individuals who have portable
stands set up in the street in the center of the market
area. Most of these stands are tended by women.

In spite of the military check points on the high-
way, everyone seems to be traveling. There are many buses
coming in from outlying areas, covered with dust, in
varying states of repair, but always full of people and of
products for sale. Numerous pick-up trucks, jeeps and micro-
buses also carry people and products to and from the city.

(September 23, 1962) Few things seem to have changed since
my visit in 1961. In the airport-Managua area, there
appear to be more small industrial plants than before.

(September 2[|., 1962) The trip to Diriamba took about an
hour. We drove southwest from Managua up into the high-
lands. The air is cool and damp compared to the heat of
the city. We passed through an area that had been blighted
by volcanic gases a few years before. The crops in the
area had been completely destroyed and still have not been
replanted because of poor soil conditions. The remains of
a few houses can be seen,

Diriamba is the center of a coffee growing district
and has a different aspect than Managua, The air is cooler

222

than in the lowlands. The streets are cleaner, although
many are not paved. The pace of life seems slower than
in the capital city. There are some isolated farmsteads
to be seen in the surrounding countryside, but most of
the families seem to live in small village clusters. I
was told that most of the coffee is grown on large farms
instead of small- and medium-sized units.

(September 28, 1962) Twenty-four people have been taking
part in the weeklong seminar on Literacy and Community
Development. During the week it has been possible to learn
something of the social, economic, and educational problems
in the different areas of the country. Nine of the sixteen
departamentos were represented in the group. Half of those
present were rural pastors, and the rest were teachers.
Some of the pastors also serve as school teachers. One of
the frequently expressed concerns was that of a lack of
adult motivation to learn. There is also some anxiety over
political unrest.

(July 26 to 29, 196i|.) The purpose of this trip was to
locate the best places for field work experience for the
39 trainees of the International Seminar on Literacy and
Community Development being held at the time in Costa
Rica. The brief visits to Leon, Central San Antonio,
El Salto, Sabana Grande, and Tipitapa gave an opportunity
to see parts of Nicaragua not seen before. These are all
in the western and most populated area of the country.
There are a number of large agricultural operations such
as sugar, cotton, and cattle farms in this area. The
people live in village clusters for the most part. Don
R. (El Salto) mentioned 16 cluster villages that he visits
frequently on foot or bicycle.

The houses in these villages are built of varied
materials. There are a few made of cement blocks with
tile roofs. Others use wood, adobe, or palm bark for
siding. Some used tin or palm leaves for roofing mater-
ial. A few homes have cement tile, or wood floors, but
most have only packed dirt. Few toilets can be observed
throughout the countryside, and water comes from neighbor-
hood wells or is carried from a stream or river.

(November 5> I96I4., trip by chartered bus from Alajuela,
Costa Rica to Managua) We crossed the frontier at 2:30
p.m. In general, the highways of Nicaragua seem to be in
better condition than those of Costa Rica. Long stretches
of area between Lake Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast are
used for cattle grazing. There are few houses and not

223

many trees -- just cattle and grass. Frequently men can
be seen on horseback, and often large herds of cattle are
being driven along the highway. The land nearer Managua
is not as level, and the farms are smaller and dedicated
to row crops.

The quint a (country home) of the G. family is in
great contrast to the small houses we had seen along the
highway and in the villages. Their hospitality was gracious
and complete.

(November 8, 196I|., visits to El Salto and Masatepe) Differ-
ent crops are to be seen as the elevation and degree of
levelness of the land change. Cotton and cattle are found
on the low, level lands; coffee on the highlands; and small
grains and fruits on the intermediate areas.

(November 10, 19614., visit to the coffee plantation, Armenia)
The workers are just beginning to come in for the picking
season. They come from many parts of Nicaragua and live in
the sheds provided as barracks. Both men and women pick
coffee, and some bring children with them also. The large
drying floor and processing plant make up the main installa-
tions. There are no sanitary facilities.

Brief visits were made to the villages of Los Rizos,
Los Gutierrez, San Pablo, and Los Sanchez. All except
San Pablo are village-like clusters. San Pablo is near
the cement factory, and many work there. The trip was
made by jeep with considerable difficulty. Two stops
were made to get permission to drive through large farms,
as the public road could only be traveled by foot or horse-
back. Three rivers were forded in the trip, and at one
point the jeep had to be counter-balanced on a hillside to
keep from overturning. There are a number of small farms
but much of the land was in large tracts. Some of the
small operations are on a rental or share basis with the
owner. Most of the people live in the villages. There
are oxcarts to be seen in all of the villages, and some
tractor equipment was observed on the large farms. The
common tools to be seen everywhere were the machete and
the macana (hoe-like tool).

(November 12, I96I4., a trip to Los Rizos) All day was spent
in this village and in another smaller village further up
in the hills. During the slack work season, many of these
people make charcoal. As a result of this enterprise few
large trees are left. Great concern was expressed over a

22[|-

small stream and a spring that no longer furnished enough
water for the corranunity. The gradual drying up of the
stream coincides with the clearing of the hillsides.

There is a new school in Los Rizos, constructed with
help from Alliance for Progress funds. The people are
proud of it, and it has the only toilet in the village.
At a meeting with the farmers in the evening, we noted
a high degree of interest in community improvement and
increasing their agricultural production. Many requested
help with their own agricultural problems.

(November 13, I96I4., all-day visit in Los Gutierrez) One
of the main enterprises in this village is a lime kiln
owned by the Somoza family. Also, many people work on a
Somoza farm that accounted for most of the land. The small
river that runs beside the village is considered a real
asset. Many women wash their clothes there. It also
serves as the source of drinking water. Returning to the
highway we passed a large dam that forms a reservoir for
water and electrical power. This belongs to the cement
factory.

(December li;, 1961;, a visit to the dam at El Salto) This
is one of three dams that were built in the 1930 's as part
of a plan to bring electricity to all of the Pacific zone.
The dam has never been used, although it measures 1? meters
wide and 15 meters high. The people of El Salto do not
know why the dam has not been used. Another like it in
Las Juntas is used for the cement factory. A third one
in San Rafael (five kilometers distance) is also unused.

(December 1?, 1961;) I visited with don R. in his office
at the Seguridad Social and got names of people in govern-
ment agencies. Later I visited with two departments of
Public Health, obtained written material, an offer of
demonstration toilets, and saw the results of their health
surveys in rural areas.

I talked with Ing. R,, director of the Agricultural
Extension Service, and got first-hand information on their
program. He confessed that there were many problems and
little backing for an extensive program. Fifteen copies
of 20 different agricultural bulletins were given for
distribution in the villages.

(A trip to Las Maderas in the evening) We passed
again through the cotton area of Chilamatillo and into
the beginning of rolling hills. This was a Ivimbering

225

area 20 years earlier but now the second growth only
serves for charcoal. Some farming is done on a small
scale on the cut-over land but most of the villagers
work as cotton laborers or deal in lumber from other areas,

(December l8, 196I|., a visit with don J., national director
of the credit unions) He spoke of the problems faced by
the small producer and how they were helping establish
marketing cooperatives in some of the coffee areas. Films
were made available for the villages.

(An afternoon and evening visit to Masatepe) This
is an old town in the rolling hills south of Managua. I
talked with a grain dealer about the kind of fruits and
grains produced in the area and also talked at length
with don N., a successful businessman of the locality.

(November 19, 19614-, a visit to the Ministry of Education)
I talked with don A., chief of the division of Literacy
and Community Development. He indicated that literacy is
their key concern at the moment. He feels that adult
illiteracy in the rural areas reaches 70 per cent. One
of the great problems mentioned was that of the agricul-
tural laborer and his lack of skills.

(An afternoon and evening trip with Mr. M. to
Jicarito de Leon) Mr. M. is working in the establishment
of rural electrical cooperatives. The problems of rural
life were discussed at length. He contrasted the situation
in Nicaragua with midwestern United States and saw many
difficulties in establishing successful electrical coopera-
tives because of the differences.

(November 20, 196[|., visits to the ministries of Public
Health and Education) A plan for direct help to the
villages was reconfirmed and the process for initiating
this help was agreed on.

(A trip to Chinandega in the afternoon and evening)
This is a cotton growing center. The town is of good size
but I was impressed with the poor repair of the streets.
Waste water runs into the unpaved streets, leaving a mix-
ture of dust and mud.

(February 21, 1966, a trip by car from Alajuela, Costa
Rica to Masaya, Nicaragua) Things look much the same as
they did in years previous. There is some improvement in

226

the highways and, except for a small stretch, they are
all paved and in good repair. The large cattle ranches
have changed very little.

(February 23, 1966, a trip to Managua and the airport)
There appears to be an increase in economic activity, and
more small factories can be observed between Managua and
the airport. At the military checkpoint the traffic is
no longer stopped for inspection. The highways leading
into Managua are full of buses, trucks, micro-buses, and
jeeps.

(February 26, 1966) Dr. A. from the government clinic in
Tipitapa explained the services that are available in re-
lation to public health. He also outlined the health
problems of the rural villages,

(a visit to Nindiri) The fame of this town goes
back to the precolonial times. The name signifies "town
of the chief." There is a private museum of pre-Columbian
artifacts located here. Most of the men work in the
cotton harvest and are not in the village at this time of
the year. The village is known for its indifference to
change,

(a visit to San Luis) This is an area of small
clusters of houses at a number of spots. There are three
villages within 15 minutes walk. Don J. owns a mediijm-
sized farm that is operated by the family and some hired
help at times. The main cash crop is cotton. He has his
own oxen and a few cattle as well. His well is used by
the neighbors, and they come to him and dona J. for advice
on many things. His house is of wood but it is painted
and there are flowers in the yard. He is building an
addition to the back of the house and has had a sanitary
toilet for some time. He lights his house with a gasoline
lantern. All of the family are literate and have helped
others to learn to read.

(February 27, 1966, a visit to the Masaya market) The
market was full of people as well as products. Besides
the regular articles found in all markets, there are many
typically Nicaraguan items made of straw or wood. (This
is a famous tourist spot.) Masaya is very dusty at this
time of the year; only half of the streets are paved and
the wind is strong enough to keep the dust moving.

227

(February 28, 1966) The Masaya market was completely
destroyed by fire in the predawn hours. The women set
up provisional stands in the central plaza by the church,
and there was the usual sale of agricultural products.

(March 1, 1966, a revisit to Nindiri) I watched the in-
stallation of a water system by the government. This is
the first time that water has been available other than
from open wells or from streams. One of the trainees
reported finding a baby in a dirt corral in one of the
houses,

(A visit to the village of Niciniohomo) Traveling
on a side road off from the highway and up into rolling
hills, I saw many isolated farmsteads. These are small
family operations that grow a variety of fruits and grains.
They have their own oxen and a few simple implements. The
Niciniohomo school is large and has 16 teachers.

(March 3, 1966, a visit to the local office of Public
Health) The health problems of the Masaya area were dis-
cussed. The officials were particularly concerned with
the low level of health habits of the rural people. Toilets
were offered to the villages at less than cost.

(March i|, 1966, a visit to the local office of the Extension
Service) The director and home agents discussed at length
the problems of the rural areas and gave some examples of
progress. Some of the problems expressed were: low levels
of literacy, low levels of health, lack of agricultural
credit, lack of land available to the small farmers of the
area, continued use of outdated farming methods, large
families, and lack of motivation for improvement. Both
agents spoke with pride of the progress of one community.
La Laguna. A trip to La Laguna was suggested.

(March 6, 1966, talk with the community president of
Monimbo) He told of the customs of Monimbo as a village
of the past and the resentment that some of the older
people had for the school teacher. Some of the young
people who had been to school no longer respected the
authority of the elders. Monimbo offers a contrast to
nearby Masaya. Almost all the houses are of thatch, and
the streets are winding paths cut from the dirt. This is
where the festivals for the dead are held each year, and
the teacher considers such things as contributing to the
backwardness of the village. In spite of this, the

228

teacher has been in her school for 12 years and chose to
live in the coimnunity instead of commuting, as so many
rural teachers do. The president of the community admitted
that the men were at a great disadvantage even as agri-
cultural laborers because they did not know how to read
and write.

(March 8, 1966, a trip to Santa Cruz, near San Luis)
There are no permanent houses here and no village. The
scattered houses are only temporary shelters because the
land rental arrangements do not allow any permanent build-
ings. In the first school survey, it was found that only
two people in this area could read and write. There were
slightly over 2,000 people in all.

I talked at length with don E, about the cotton
crop and how he became involved. He owns a large truck
that is used on the farm when needed, but his son uses
it most of the time for commercial hauling. He also has
a new diesel tractor with complete equipment for cotton
farming except for harvesting. He indicated that this was
the third year he has invested in cotton and it has gone
well with him. He borrowed 50,000 c6rdovas on his equip-
ment to rent the land and pay the planting expenses. If
things went well he hoped to rent more land and add another
tractor. Most of the land in the area is worked on a
rental basis according to him. He did not say who the
owner was. Don E. had started as an agricultural laborer
and dresses no different from the field hands that worked
for him.

(March 21, 1966, a visit to La Laguna village) The agri-
cultural extension agents have worked closely with this
community for a number of years. The people have always
shown more response and are eager to learn. Upon leaving
the highway I noticed a new electric power line being
erected. Some of the young men are helping in the clear-
ing of the trees and brush. This is one of the first
communities to organize an electric cooperative and raise
the necessary amount of money to start the project. The
people of La Laguna do not live in a close village cluster
but live on their small farms. Upon arrival in the center
of the community I found the extension agents helping the
public health workers in a school vaccination project.
They were also in the process of installing a number of
toilets. The community organization is also eager to
start adult literacy classes and has already invested in
books for i^O pupils. The extension agents are proud of
the progress of this comm-unity.

229

(March 2i|, 1966, visits to Niguiniohomo and Caterina)
Both of these coramunities are much the same. There has
been a greater response to cormnunity betterment here
than in the cotton areas. As in La Laguna, most of the
people live on their land and work very little as laborers
on larger farms. The production level is close to sub-
sistence and there is little chance for mechanization
because of the hills and the length of the dry season.

(March 23, 1966, San Luis) Through the visits of the
doctors and the use of the film strips by the seminar
trainees, the people became interested in building toilets.
The last of six cement platforms were delivered today and
the people paid 20 cordovas each for them.

(June 13, 1968, a talk in Managua with Ing. B. who has
had considerable experience with agrarian reform in Nica-
ragua) He feels there are many problems in using avail-
able data in the study of man and land in Nicaragua. The
categories used in the different agricultural census are
not the same. The most accurate material comes from the
latest investigation of the Banco Central. None of the
material is accurate enough for computer analysis. He
also feels that any study of rural society in Nicaragua
must employ a wholistic approach using all of the infor-
mation available from the various academic disciplines.

From this conversation, I also gather the impression
that agriculture in the Pacific region has changed com-
pletely with the commercialization of cotton production.
All of the subsistence farmers are being pushed out and
are migrating to the cities or to the North-Central region.
Because of the value of land, a new emphasis on property
rights is emerging,

(June li;, 1968, a trip to Matagalpa and Jinotega in the
Worth-Central region) This is a complete change from the
Pacific lowlands. The terrain is rugged, with steep moun-
tains and intermittent valleys. Farms can be seen scattered
across the countryside, some in coffee, some in small grains
and some in pasture land. Corn has been planted for a month
now and is presently being cultivated by hand and with oxen
where the land is level enough. Beans and rice are just
now being planted,

I am told that further in the mountains there are
still tierras baldias (unoccupied national lands) that are
being settled. This land can still be claimed in the

230

following way (according to the extension agent) : up to
100 manzanas can be selected; the municipio judge is called
out to verify the land measurements; a docioment called a
"titulo provisorio" is drawn up; after a hearing this land
is registered^and later a legal title is given. The cost
is 25 to 50 Cordovas. (I assume that this is per manzana.)

Land can also be purchased but can run as high as
i].,000 Cordovas per manzana. If the land has no title, then
only the cultivation rights are sold and the maximum price
is about 500 Cordovas per manzana.

The land is prepared for planting in the following
way where it is level enough to use oxen: first, roturar
(to break up) using a native plow; second, cruzar (to
cross) using the same plow but going across the original
furrows; then, planar (to level) using a leveling log
pulled crossways; and finally, surcar (to furrow) done with
the plow and at the distance desired for planting the crop.
Hillside land is planted by first burning and then using
the espeque (planting stick).

Some farm laborers come into the area to help in the
coffee harvest. It was felt that there was no great problem
with laborers, as there was in the cotton areas. Here al-
most everyone has land of his own.

(June 15, 1968, visits to San Lucas, San Ramon, and Santa
Cruz, all near Masaya^^ It was interesting to visit the
farm of don J. and dona J, again after more than two and
one-half years. The whole area has become even more dedi-
cated to cotton production than before. A large plantation
near their farm had three cotton pickers and a whole yard
full of other new machines. Many small houses for the
laborers have been constructed also. This company has
15,000 manzanas under cultivation. The rural electrifica-
tion project has reached this area, and all of the houses
have installations. The area looks more prosperous in
many respects, but the problem of adult illiteracy persists.
Most of the laborers are neither interested in learning
nor do they make any effort to send their children to
school. All of the toilets that were bought previously
have been installed and are in use.

Don J. has just planted 5 of his I8 manzanas to
corn. The rest he will plant to cotton in July. For the
first time he hired his land plowed by tractor for l\.0
Cordovas per manzana. He did the rest of the operations
himself, but could have had it disced for 20 Cordovas per

231

manzana and planted by machine for an additional 20. ^He
has oxen, a native plow, a hiller, and an oxcart of his
own.

Don E. is still renting land, although he changed
tracts when the price went up to 300 cordovas per manzana.
He has often considered going to the North-Central or
Atlantic regions to claim new land but is "too old to
start something new." Because of the fluctuations in
cotton prices, he has started planting corn. Last year
he got yields as high as 50 quintales per manzana (approxi-
mately 50 bushels per acre) using fertilizer and complete
mechanization. I saw his son, don G. (who has driven
tractors for years) cultivating sesame with a horse hooked
up to a one-row cultivator. This was considered quite a
novelty by the neighbors.

(June 17, 1968, a discussion in Managua with officials of
the National Agrarian Institute) Most of the morning was
spent with Dr. T. and Mr. R. We discussed some of the^
basic problems of rural society in Nicaragua and what is
proposed by the Agrarian Reform Law. Of particular inter-
est were some of the legal problems that were encountered
in the attempts to change the agrarian structure.

(June 18, 1968, a visit to the Agricultural Extension
office in Masaya) I was interested in hearing about the
Plan Masaya (a comprehensive development plan for the
depart amento of Masaya) from the agents. All of the
government agencies are cooperating in this project and
it is well underway. La Laguna is one of the communities
chosen for a pilot study. The progress of this community
has continued since my visit in 1966.

(A visit with the national office of malaria control)
There is probably no other organization that has closer
contact with the people in isolated rural areas than the
field workers of SNEM. I talked with the field supervisor,
who travels all over the republic. He was able to give me
valuable information on settlement patterns and systems of
agriculture in all parts of the country. He also gave me
sketch maps of some of the small areas in each of the
geographical regions.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

Mr. Edgar G. Nesman was born in Lansing,
Michigan on December 2k, 1926. His undergraduate
studies were pursued at Michigan State University, at
East Lansing, Michigan, where he received the degree of
Bachelor of Science in Agricultural Mechanics in 1950.
Subsequently, graduate work was done at Scarritt College
in Nashville, Tennessee, and later at Michigan State
University, where he received the degree of Master of
Science in Agricultural Extension (with a minor in
Rural Sociology) in I960.

Mr. Nesman served as a professor and consultant
in rural work with the Methodist Church in Latin America
from 1950 to 1966. He lived part of this time at the
Agricultural and Industrial School in Oriente, Cuba, and
later in Costa Rica. He has traveled in most of the other
countries of Latin America, and has taught and conducted
special surveys in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, Peru, Bolivia,
Mexico, the Dominican Republic, Panama, and Chile.

He was honored with a graduate school fellowship
at the University of Florida in 1966, is listed in Who' s
Who in Methodism, is a member of Alpha Kappa Delta,

232

233

national honorary sociological fraternity, and a member
of Alpha Zeta, national honorary agricultural fraternity,

This dissertation was prepared under the direction
of the chairman of the candidate's supervisory committee
and has been approved by all members of that committee.
It was submitted to the Dean of the College of Arts

and Sciences and to the Graduate Council, and

was approved as partial fulfillment of the requirements for
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

March 1969.

Dean, Col

Supervisory Committee

Dean, Graduate School

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