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I

SOME

Historical Account

O F

GUINEA,

Its Situation, Produce and the general Dil- pofition of its Inhabitants.

WITH

An inquiry into the Rife and Progrefs of the Slave-Trade, its Nature and lament- able Effects.

ALSO

A Re-publication of the Sentiments of feve- ral Authors of Note, on this interefting Subject ; particularly an Extratt of a Treatife, by Granville Sharp.

— \ —

By Anthony Benezet,

A els xvii. 24, 26. God that ??iade the World hath

made of one Blood all Nations of Men, for to dwell on all the Face of the Earth, and hath determined the Bounds of their Habitation,

Eccles* viii. 1 1 . Becaufe Sentence again/1 an evil Work is not executed fpeedily, therefore the Heart of the Sons of Men is fully fei in them to do Evil,

Deut . xxxii. 34. Is not this laid up in Store with me and fealed up among my Treafure. To vie belongtth Vengeance and Recomptnce, their Foot fl?all Jlide in due Time, for the Day of their Calamity is at Hand ; and the Things that fhall come upon them make hafte.

PHILADELPHIA : Printed by Joseph Cruk-

shank, in Third- dree t, oppofite the Workhoufc.

M,DCC>LXXI.

CONTENTS.

A

CHAPTER I.

G E NE RAL account of Guinea ; particularly t h of e parts on the rivers Sene- gal and Gambia. Page I

C H A P. II.

Account of the Ivory-Coaft, the Gold-Coaft and the Slave- Coaft. 17

CHAP. III.

Of the kingdoms of Benin, Kongo and An-

1 Sola- 35

CHAP. IV.

Guinea, firfl dif covered and fid) due d by the Arabians. The Portuguefe make defcents on the coaft and carry off the natives. Qp- prejfon of the Indians ; De la Cafa pleads their caufe. 41

CHAP. V.

TheJLngliih'sfrf} trade to the coafl of Guinea : Violently carry offfome of the Negroes. 5 2

CHAP. VI.

Slavery more tolerable under Pagans and

Turks

CONTENTS-

Turks than in the colonies. As chriflianity prevailed ancient Jlavery declined. 63,

CHAP. VII.

Montefquieu's fentiments of Jlavery. Mor- gan Godwyn's advocacy on behalf of Ne- groes and Indians ', &c. 7 2 CHAP. VIII.

Grievous treatment of the Negroes in the colo- nies, &c. 85 CHAP. IX.

Dejire of gain the true motive of the Slave trade. Mi/reprefentation of the flate of the Negroes in Guinea. 96

CHAP. X.

State of the Government in Guinea, &c. 105

CHAP. XI.

Accounts of the cruel methods ufed in carrying on of the Slave trade, &c. 1 1 1

CHAP. XIL

Ext rafts of fever a I voyages to the coafl ofGv\~

nea, &c. 118

CHAP. XIII.

Numbers of Negroes, yearly brought from

Guinea, by the Englifli, &c. 128

CHAP. XIV.

Obfervations on the fituation and difpcfition of the Negroes in the northern colonies, &c. 132

CHAP.

CONTENTS.

CHAP. XV.

Europeans capable of bearing reafonable la- bour in the Weft Indies, &c. 141

Extracts from Granville Sharp'/ reprefenta- - tions, &c.

Sentiments of fever al author s9 viz. George Wallace, Francis Hutchefon, and James Fofter.

Extracts of an addrefs to the affembly of Vir- ginia.

Extraft of the bifbop of GloucefterV fermon.

ERRATUM.

Page 6 line 19. For four or five thoufand miles, read three or four thoufand.

INTRODUCTION.

T

"'HE flavery of the Negroes having, of late, drawn the attention of many ferious minded people ; feveral tracts have been publilTied fetting forth its inconfif- tancy with every chriftian and mo- ral virtue, which its hoped will have weight with the judicious ; efpecially at a time when the liber- ties of mankind are become fo much the fubject of general atten- tion. For the fatisfaction of the ferious enquirer who may not have the opportunity of feeing thofe tracts, and fuch others who are ilncerely defirous that the iniquity of this practice may become effec- tually apparent, to thofe in whofe

power

C-ffl 3.

power it may be, to put a ftop to any farther progrefs therein ; it is propofed, hereby, to republifh the molt material parts of faid tracts ; and in order to enable the reader to form a true judgment of this mat- ter, which, tho' fo very important, is generally difregarded ; or fo art- fully mifreprefented by thofe whofe antereft leads them to vindicate it, as to bias the opinions of people otherwife upright ; fome account will be here given of the diffe- rent parts of Africa, from which the Negroes are brought to Ame- rica; with an impartial relation from what motives the Europeans were firft induced to undertake, and have fince continued this ini- quitous traffic. And here it will not be improper to premife, that

tho'

[ *» T

tno* wars ariiino; from the common ravity of human nature, have pened, as well among the Ne- csas other nations and the weak ibmetimes been made captives to the ftrong; yet nothing ap- pears, in the various relations of the intercourfe and trade, for a long time, carried on by the Eu- ropeans, on that coaft, which would induce us to believe, that there is any rearfoundation for that argument, fo commonly ad- vanced, in vindication of that trade viz. u That the flavery of the Ne- " groes took its rife from a deftre, " in the par chafers, tofavethe lives " ofJv<b of them as were taken cap « f* fives in ivar, who would otherivi/c 11 have been facrificcd to the impla- ¥.. cable revenge of their conquerors!'

A

[ iv ]

A plea which when compared with the hiftory of thofe times, will ap- pear to be deftitute of Truth ; and to have been advanced, and urged, principally byfuch as were concerned in reaping the gain of this infamous traffic, as a paliation of that, againft which their own reafon and confcience, mull have raifed fearful objections.

Some Hiftorical Account &c;

CHAP. I.

GUINEA affords an e&fy Living

to its Inhabitants, with but little Toil. The Climate agrees well with the Natives;, but extreamly un^ealthful to the Europe- ans. Produces Provifions in the greateft Plenty. Simplicity of their Houfholdry. The Coaft of Guinea defcribed from the River Senegal to the Kingdom of Angola. The Fruitfulnefs of that Part lying on and between the two oreat Rivers Sena- gal and Gambia. Account of the diffe- rent Nations fettled there. Order of Go- vernment amongft the Jalofs. Good Ac- count of fome of the Fuiis. The*Mandi- gos ; their ManagementjGovernment, &c« Their Woriliip. . M. Adanfon's Account of thofe Countries. Surprizing Vegetati- on. Pleafant Appearance of the Country. He found the Natives very fcciable and obliging.

"H E N the Negroes are confidered barely in their preient abject ftate of flavery, broken spirited and deje&ed *

a&d

( * }

and too eafy credit is given to the account* we frequently hear or read of their barba- rous and favage way of living in their own country ; we mall be naturally induced to> look upon them as incapable of improve- ment, deftitute, miferable, and infenfible of the benefits of life ; and that our permitting them to live amongft us, even on the molt oppreffive terms, is to them a favour \ but on impartial enquiry, the cafe will appear to, be far otherwife; wefhallfind that there is fcarce a country in the whole world, that is better calculated for affording the neceflary comforts of life to its inhabitants, with lefs foiicitude and toil, than Guinea, j^nd that notwithfianding the long converfe of many of its inhabitants with' (often) the worft of the Europeans, they ftiil retain a great deal of innocent fimplicity ; and when not ftirred up to revenge from the frequent abufesthey have received from the Europeans in general ; manifeii themfelves to be a humane, fociable people, whofe faculties are as capable of im- ement as thofe of other people ; and that their ceconomy and government is, in many refpecrs, commendable. Hence it ap- pears they might have lived happy, if not diftu-rbed by the Europeans ; more efpecially^ if thefelaft had ufed fuch endeavours as their chiiilianprofeffion requires, to communicatq to the ignorant Africans that fuperior

knowledge

( 3 ) knowledge which providence had favoured them with. In order to fet this matter in its true light, and for the information of thofe well minded people who are defirous of being fully acquainted with the merits of a ca,ufe, whichis of theutmoft confequence;. as therein the lives and happinefs of thou- fands and hundreds of thoufands of our fel- low men have fallen, and are daily falling a facrifice to felfifh avarice, and ufurped pow- er, I will here give forue account of the fe-. veral divifions of thofe parts of Africa, from whence the Negroes are brought, with a fummary of their produce ; the difpofition of their refpeftive inhabitants ; their im- provements, &c &c. extra&ed from authors, of credit ; moftly fuch as have been principal officers in the Englifh, French and Dutch factories, and who refided many years in thofe countries. But firft it is neceffary to. premife, as a remark generally applicable to the whole coaft of Guinea, " That the AU " mighty who has determined and appointed the " bounds of the habitation of men on the face of " the earth" in the manner that is moft con- ducive to the well being of their different natures and difpoiitions has fo ordered it that altho' Guinea is extreamly unhealthy * to

* Gentleman s Magazine", S7ip'/>Iemen79"iy6^. ~ Extra, 1 of a letter wot e from the ijand of Senegal by Mr. Borne praciithner of phyfc there, to Dr. BrockUJby of London.

« To

( 4 ) to the Europeans, of whom many thou- fands have met there with a miferable and

untimely

" To form a juft idea of theunhealthinefs of the cli- " mate, it will be neceflary to conceive a country extend- " ing three hundred leagues eaft, and more to the i( north and fouth. Thro' this country feveral large «c rivers empty themfelves into the fea ; particular- (< \y the Sanaga, Gambia and Sherbro ; thefe du- c< ring the rainy months, which begin in July, and << continue till O&ober, overflow their banks and lay f* the whole flat country under water ; and indeed,. " the very fudden rife of thefe rivers is incredible, <•' to perfons who have never been within the tropicks cc and are unacquainted with the violent rains that •s fall there. At Galem, nine hundred miles from " the mouth of the Sanaga, lam informed that the << Waters rife one hundred and fifty feet perpendicular " from the bed of the river. This information I re- " ceived from a gentleman, who was furgeon's mate- «< to a party fent there, and the only furvivor of three " captains command, each confuting of one captain, " two lieutenants, one enfign, a furgeon's mate, three ■f ferj cants, three corporals and fifty privates.

" When the rains are at an end which ufually- « happens in October, the intenfe heat of the Sua " foon dries up the waters, which lie on the higher «« parts of the earth, and the remainder forms lakes << of fta^nated waters, in which are found all forts fr of dead animals : Thefe waters every day decreafe " till at laft they are quite exhaled and then the ef- <c flavia that arifes is almoft infuppor table. At this «<< feafon, the winds blow fo very hot from oif the < land, that I can compare them to nothing but the %* heat proceeding from the mouth of an oven. This '< occafions the Europeans :o be forely vexed with bi-

♦< 1

( 5 ) untimely end, yet it is not fo with the Ne- groes who enjoy a good date of health -j- and are able to procure to themfelves a comfort- able fubfiftance; with much lefs care and toil than is neceflary in our more northern cli- mate ; which laft advantage arifes, not only from the warmth of the climate, but alfo' from the overflowing of the rivers, where- by the land is regularly moiftned and ren- dered extremely fertile ; and being in many places improved by culture, abounds with grain and fruits, cattle, poultry, &c. The earth yields all the year a frefh fupply of food : Few clothes are requilite and little art neceflary in making them ; or in the conftruction of their houfes, which are very

fimple,

(t lious and putrid fevers. From this account you " will not be furprized, that the total lofs of Britlfh " fubjects in this ifland only, amounted to above two " thoufand fivehundred in the fpace of three years " that I was there, in fuch a putrid rnoift air as 1 have " defcribed.

f James Barbot, agent general to the French Af- rican company, in his account of Africa, page 105, fays, " The natives are feldom troubled with any «' diftempers, being little afFedled with the unhealthy " air; in tempeftuous times they keep much within " doors, and when expofed to the weather their fkins €i being fuppled and pores clofed by daily anointing << with palm oyl, the weather cail make but little ina- m predion on them."

( 6 ) Ample, principally calculated to defend them from the tempeftuous feafons and wild beads ; a few dry reeds covered with matts ferve to: their beds. Thee irniture,

except what belongs to cookery- gives the women but little trouble ; the moveables of the greajteft among them amounting only to a few earthen pots, feme wooden utenfils and gourds or calabaflies ; from thefe laft5 which grow almoflT naturally over their hutsy to which they afford an agreeable fhade? they are abundantly ftock't with: good clean veifels for moft houfhold ufe, being of dif- ferent iizes, from half a pint tofeveral gal- lons.

That part of Africa from which the Ne- groes are fold to be carried into flavery, commonly known by the name of Guinea, extends along the coaft fAflgf or-fiw thoufand miles. Beginning at the river Senegal, fitu- ate about the 17 th degree of north latitude, being the nearelt part of Guinea, as well to Europe, as to North America ; from thence to the river Gambia, andinafoutherlycourfe to cape Sierra Lecna, comprehends a coaft of about feven hundred Miles ; being the fame tracl for which Queen Elizabeth grant- ed charters to the the firft traders to that coaft: From Sierra Leona, the land of Gui- nea takes a turn to the eaftward, extending that courfe about fifteen hundred miles, in- cluding

( 7 ) eluding thofe feveral divifions known by the name of the Grain Coafl ; the Ivory Coaft ; the Gold Coafl and the Slave Coafl, with the large kingdom of Benin. From thence the land runs fouthward along the coaft about twelve hundred miles, which contains the kingdoms of Congo and Angola ; there the trade fot flaves ends. From which to the fouther- moft cape of Africa, called the cape of Good Hope, the country is fettled by CafFers and Hottentots : Who have never been concern* ed in the making or felling Haves.

Of the parts which are above defcribed, the firft which prefents itfelf to view, is that fituate on the great river Senegal, which is fatd to be navigable more than a thoufand miles, and is by travellers, defcribed to be very agreeable and fruitful. Andrew Brue principal fa£tor for the French African com- pany, who lived fixteen years in that coun- try, after defcribing its fruitfulnefs and plenty, near the Sea, adds J " th^ farther " you go from the Sea, the country on the " river feems the more fruitful and well im- " -proved ; abounding with Indian corn, " pulfe, fruit &c. Here are vaft meadows, " which feed large herds of great and fmall " cattle, and poultry numerous : The vil- " lages that lie thick on the river, fhew the " country is well peopled." The fame au- thor

J Aftley's coUca. vol. sf page 46.

( 8 ) thor in the account of a voyage he made up the river Gambia, the mouth of which lyes about three hundred miles fouth of the Se- negal, and is navigable about fix hundred miles up the country, fays Jj " That he was H furprized to fee the land fo well cultiva- " ted ; fcare a fpot lay unimproved, the " lowlands, divided by fmall canals, were c< all fowed with rice &c. the higher ground " planted with millet, indian corn and " peafe of different forts ; their beef excel- " lent ; poultry plenty and very cheap as " well as all other neceifaries of life." Fran- cis Moor, who was fen t from England about the year 1735, in the fervice of the African company, and refided at James fort on the river Gambia, or in other factories on that river about five years, confirms the above account of the fruitfulnefs of the country. William Smith who was fent in the year 172 6, by the African company, to furvey their fettlements thro'outthe whole coaft of Gui- nea, f fays, " The country about the Gam- " bia is pleafant and fruitful ; provifions of c- all kinds being plenty and exceeding " cheap." The country on and between the two abovementioned rivers is large and extenfive, inhabited principally hj thefe three Negro nations known by the name of Jalofs, Fulis andMandingos. The Jalofs

poffefs

"| Aitley's Collection ot voyages, vol. 2, page 86. f William Smka's voyage to Guinea, page 31, 34.

( 9 ) pofiefs the middle of the country, The Full*; principal fettlement is on both fides of the Senegal; great numbers of thefe people are aifo mixed with the Mandingos ; which laft are moftly fettled on both fides the Gambia. The Government of the Jalofs is reprefented as under a better regulation than, can be ex- peeled from the common opinion we enter- tain of the Negroes, We are told in the Col-. " lection, * That the King has under him fe- " veralminiftersof ftatewho affift him in the " exercife of juftice. The grand Jerafo is the M chief juftice thro5 allthe King's dominions, * andgoesin circuitfromtimetotimetohear " complaints and determine controveriies. cs The King's treafurer exercifes the fame em- " ployment, and has under him Alkairs, who " are governors of towns or villages. cc That the Kondi or vice Roy goes the circuit " with the chief juftice both to hear caufes " and infped- into the behaviour of the AU " kadi or chief magiftrate of every village in " their feveral diftrictsf." Vafconcetti an author mentioned in the collection fays, *£ The ancienteft are preferred to be the " Prince's counfei/crs, who keep always a- " bout his perfon, and the men of moft 4C judgment and experience are the judges?1

c m

■' Aftley's Collocaon, vol. 2, pag$ 35?

( io )

fbe FziUs are fettled on both fides of the ri- ver Senegal : Their country which is very- fruitful and populous, extends near four hundred miles from eaft to weft. They are generally of a deep tawny complexion, ap- pearing to bear fome affinity with the Moor's, wbofe country Xhey join on the north : They are good farmers and make great har- veft,ofcorn, cotton, tobacco &c, and breed great numbers of .cattle of all kinds. Bartholo- mew Stibbs, (mentioned by Fr : Moor J in his account of that country fays, \ " They were *' a cleanly i decent ;, indujlrious -people and very Ci affable" Put the moft particular account we have cf thefe people is from Francis Moor himfelf, who fays jj, " Some of thefe *■* Fuli blacks who dwell on- both fides the f* river Gapnbia, are in fubjeclion to the " Mandingos, arnongft whom they dwell, Y having been probably driven out of their Ci country, by war or famine. They have " chiefs of their own, who rule with much cc moderation. Few of them will drink brandy €; or any thing flronger than water and fu- *6 gar, being ftricl mahometans. Their ." form of government goes on eafy, be- " caufe the people are of a good quiet dif- ^ pofition and fo well inftrufted in what is

" right

% Moor's travels into diftant parts of Africa, page fp%. |1 Ibid, page 21.

( ** )

* right, that a man who does ill is the a- rc bomination of all, and nOne will fupport " him againft the chief. In thefe countries

* the natives are not eoveteous of land, ** defiling no more than what they ufe ; and " as they do not plough with horfes and

* cattle they can ufe but very little, there- u fore the Kings are willing to give the " Fulis leave to live in their country and ? cultivate their lands. If any of their #c people are known to be made flaves, all " the Fulis will join to redeem them ; they " alfo fupport the old, the blind and lame a- " mongft themfelves, and as far as their abi- m litiesgo,they fupply the neceffities of the

* Mandingos, great numbers of whom they c< have maintained in famine. The anther from his own observations fays, " They were " rarely angry, that he never heard them

* abufe one another/'

The Mandingos are faid by A. Brue before mentioned, " To be the moft numerous " nation on- the Gambia, befides which " numbers of them are difperfed over all " thefe countries ; being the moft rigid ma- 64 hometansamongft the Negroes, they drink " neither wine nor brandy, and are politer M than the other Negroes. The chief of the " trade goes thro' their hands. Many are " induftrious and laborious, keeping their " ground well cultivated and breeding a C 2 " good

( " )

11 good ftock of cattle, f Every town has '< an Alkali, or Governor, who has great " power ; for moft of them having two cc common fields of clear ground, one for " corn and the other for rice, the Alkali " appoints the labour of all the people. " The men work the corn ground, and " the women and girls the rice ground, u and as they all equally labour, fo he e- " qually divides the corn amcngft them ; *c and in cafe any are in want, the others *c fupply them. This Alkali decides all 4C quarrels, and has the firft voice is. all " conferences in town affairs." Some of thefe Mandigos who are fettled at Galern^ far up the river Senegal, can read and write arabic tolerably, and are a good hofpitable people, who carry on a trade with the In- land nations. u | They are extreamly pa*. *c pulous in thofe pares, their women be- " ing fruitful, and they not fufferingrany " perfon amongft them, but fuch are guil- " ty of crimes, to be made Haves." We are told, from Jobfon," |] That the mahometan u Negroes fay their prayers thrice a day. Each ". village has a prieft who calls them to their 4i duty. It's furprizing (fays the author) as " well as commendable, to fee the modefty,

" attentiou

f Aftley's Collet, vol. 2, page 269. % Aftley'sColtefl:. vol. 2, page 73,. \ Ibid. 296.

( i3 ) p attention and reverencethey obferve du- " ring their worfhip. He afked fome cf their " priefts the purport of their prayers and cere " monies ; their anfwer always was", "That ■" they adored God, byproflratingthemfelvesbe- " fore him ;that by humbling themf elves, theyac- H knowledged their own infignifitancy ; andfar- " ther entreated him to forgive their faults, and " to grant thorn all good and neceffary things, as cc well as deliverance fromeviL" Jobfon takes notice of feveralgoodqualkes inthefe Negroe priefts; j particularly their great fobriety. They gain their- livelihood by keeping fchool, for the education of the children* The boys are taught to read and write. They not only teach fchool, but rove a- bout the country ; teaching and inftruct- ing ; for which the whole country is o- pen to them mr and .they have a free re- courfe thro' all places, tho' the Kings may be at war with one another.

The three forementioned nations, practice feveraltrades, as fmiths, potters, fadlers, and weavers, Their fmiths particularly work neatly in gold and filver, and make knives, hatchets, reaping hooks, fpadesand fhares to cut iron, &c. &c. Their potters make neat tobacco pipes, and pots to boil their food. Some authors fay, that weaving is their principal trade ; this is done by the wQaiea and girls, who fpin and weave very C 3- . . fine

( 14 ) fine cotton cloth, which they die blue or black. | F. Moor fays the Jalofs particu- larly, make great quantities of the cotton cloth; their pieces are generally 27 yards long and but about 9 inches broad ; their looms being very narrow ; fhefe they few neatly together, fo as to fupply the ufe of broad cloth.

It was in thefe parts of Guinea, that M. Adanfon, correfpondant of the royal aca- demy of fciences at Paris, mentioned in fome former publications, was employed from the year 1 749, to the year 1753, whol- ly in making natural ' Mi&pbilofophical obfer- vations, on the country about the rivers Senegal and Gambia. Speaking of the great heats on Senegal, he fays, " J It is to them that they are partly indebted for the fer- tility of their lands, which is fo great, that with little labour and care, there is no fruit nor grain but grow in great plen- ty."

Of the foil on the Gambia, he fays, " || It is rich and deep, and amazingly fertile ; it produces fpontaneoufly, and almoft without cultivation, all the neceffaries of life 5 grain, fruit, herbs, and roots. E-

very

f F. Moor, 28.

1 M. Adaufon's voyoge to Senegal &c. page ~

J idem, page 164.

( 15 ) " very thing matures to perfection, and is " excellent in its kind." * One thing which always furprifed him, was the prodigi- ous rapidity, with which the fap of trees re- pair any lofs they may happen to fuftain in that country ; " and I was never (fays he) more aftoniihed, than when landing four days after the locufts had devoured all the fruits and leaves, and even the buds of the trees, , to find the trees co- vered with new leaves ; and they did not feerri me to have fuffered much." f" It was then, (fays the fame author?) J the fifh feafon ; you might fee them in fhoals approaching towards land. Some of thofe fhoals were fifty fathom fquare, and the fifh crowded together in fuch a manner as to roll upon one another, without be- ing able to fwim. As foon as the Negroes perceive them coming towards land, they jump into the water, with a bafketin one hand, and fwim with the other. They need only to plunge and to lift up their bafket, and they are fure to return load- ed with fifh." Speaking of the appear- ance of the country, and of the difpofition of the people, he fays, j| " Which way foever I turned mine eyes on this pleafant fpot, I beheld a perfect image of pure nature ;

" an

* M. Adanfon, page, 162.

% Idem page, 171, |j Ibid page, 54.

( *« )

an agreeable folitude, bounded on every fide by charming landfcapes ; >the rural fituation of cottages in the midft of trees ; the eafe and indolence of the. Negroes, re- clined under the (hade of their fpreading foliage ; the fimplicity of their drefs and manners ; the whole revived in my mind the idea of our firft parents, and I feemed to contemplate the world in its primitive H ftate. They are generaly fpeaking, very good natured, fociable and obliging, , I was not a little pleafed with this my firft reception; it convinced me, that there ought to be a confiderable abatement made in the accounts I had read and heard every where of the favage character of the Africans ■. I obferved both in Negroes and Moors, great humanity and fociablenefs ; which gave me ftrong hopes, that 1 fhould be very fafe amongft them, and meet with the fuccefs I defired, in my enquiries after the curiofities of the country " * He was agreeably amufed with the converfation of the Negroes, their fables, dialogues, and witty ftories with which they entertain each other alternately, according to their cuftoiDo Speaking of the remarks which the natives made to him, with relation to the ftars and flanets, he fays " It is amazing, that fuch

cc

* Adaafon, page, 252; ibid,

( '7 )

" a rude and iUeterate people, iliould reafon

" fo pertinently in regard to thofe heavenly

" bodies ; there is no manner of doubt, but

" that with proper inftruments, and a good

" will, they would become excellent aftrono-

" mers"

C H A 'P. II.

THE Ivory Coaft ; its foil and pro- duce. The character of the natives mif- reprefented by fome authors. Thefe mif- reprefentations occafioned by the Europe- ans having treacheroufly carried off many of their people. John Smith furveyor to the African company, his obfervations there- on. John Snock's remarks. The Gold Coaft and Slave Coaft, thefe have the mod European Factories ; and furnifh the greateft number of flaves to the Europeans* Exceeding fertile. The country of Axim ; and of Ante. Good account of the Inland people. Great fiihery, Extraordinary trade for flaves. The Slave Coaft. "The kingdom of Whidah. Fruitful and pleafant. The natives kind and obliging. Very popu- lous. Keep regular markets and fairs. Good order therein. Murder, adultery and thf ft feverely punifhed. The kings reve- nues «

( 18 ) nues. The principal people have an idea of the true God, Commendable care of the poor. Several fmall govern- ments depend on plunder and the /lavs trade.

THAT part of Guinea, known by the name of the Grab?, and Ivory Coaft 9 come, next in courfe. This coaft extends about 500 miles. The foil appears by ac- count to be in general fertile, producing abundance jof rice and roots; indigo and cotton £ it cultivation and tobac-

co would be exedient if carefully manufac- tured ; fifh in great plenty, their flocks greatly in s . ,d tft es are loaded

with fruit. They make a cotton cloth which fells well on the Coaft. In a word the country is rich ad the commerce advanta- geous and mighc be greatly augmented by fuch as would cultivate the friendihip of the natives ; thefe are reprefented by fome writ- ers as a rude, treacherous people ; whilft feve- ral other authors of credit give them a very different character ; reprefenting them as fenjibh) courteous and the fair eft traders on the coaft of Guinea. In the collection they are faid * to be averfe to drinking to excefs^ and fuch at do are feverely punilhed by the kings

order :

Colleft. 2- vol. page, 560.

( 19 ) order : on inquiry why. there is fuch a disa- greement in the character given of thefe people, it appears, thattho' they are natural- ly inclined to be kind toflrangers, with whom they are fond of tradings yet the frequent injuries done them by Europeans, has occafi- oned their being fufpicious andfhy\ the fame caufe has been the occafion of the ill treat- ment they have fometimes given to inno- cent Grangers, who have attempted to trade with them. As the Europeans have no fet- tlement on this part of Guinea, the trade is carried on by fignals from the fhips ; on the appearance of which the natives ufually come on board, in their canoes, bringing their gold-duft, ivory, &c. which has given opportunity to fome villainous Europeans, to carry them off with their effe&s, or retain them on board till a ranfom is paid. It is noted by fome that fince the European voy- agers have carried away feveral of thefe people, their miftruft is fo great, that it is ve- ry difficult to prevail on them to come on board. William Smith remarks ^"Aswe paft " along this coaft, we very often lay be- " fore a town and fired a gun for the na- " tives to come off^ but no foul came " near us ; at length we learnt, by fome " fhips that were trading down the coaft

that

* W. South,. page, in.

( 20 )

" that the natives came feldom on board " an Englifh fhip, for fear of being de- " tained or carried off; yet at laft fome ct ventured on board ; but if thefe chanced ct to fpy any arms, they would all immedi- " ately take to their canoes and make the " beft of their way home. They had " then in their poffeflion one Bejamin Crofs, " the mate of an Englifh veffel, who was " detained by them to make reprifals for cc fome of their men, who had formerly M been carried away by fome Englifh veffel.'* In the Collection we are told, * This villa- inous cuflom, is too often praflifed, chiefly by the Briflol and Liverpool fhips\ and is a great de- triment to the flave hade on the Windward Coafl. John Snock mentioned in B of man f when on that coaft wrote, u We caft anchor, but u not one Negro coming on board, I went on " fhore, and after having ftaid awhile on " the ftrand, fome Negroes came to me ; and " being defirous to be informed why they " did not come on board, I was anfwered, " that about two months before the Englifh 4C had been there with two iarge veffels, u and had ravaged the country, deftroyed u all their canoes, plundered their houfcs " and carried oft fome of their people ; up-

" on

* Aftley's colle&ion, vol. 2 pare, 475,

f W. Bofman's difcription cf Guinea p. 440,

( *} )

c< on which the remainder fled to the inland a country, where moft of them were at " that time ; fo that there being not much * to be done by us, we were obliged to cc return on board. * When I enquired ?* after their wars with other countries, " they told me, they were not often trou- " bled with them ; but if any difference ? happened, they chofe rather to end the " difpute amicably than to come to arms. f5> He found the inhabitants civil and good natured. Speaking of the king of Rio Se/lro, lower down the coaft, he fays, " He was a " very agreeable, obliging man, and that *• all his fubjecls are civil, as well as very M laborious in agriculture and the purfuits " of trade." Marchais fays, |j " That u though the country is very populous, " yet none of the natives (except criminals) " are fold for flaves." Vail! ant never heard of any fettlement being made by the Europeans on this part of Guinea ; and Smith remarks, § " That thefe coafts, which " are divided into feveral little kingdoms, Ci and have feldom any wars, is the reafon 44 the flave trade is not fo good here as on the Gold and Slave Coafts where the Eui o- D peans

# W. Bofman's defcription of Guinea, page, 439. f Ibid. 441. || Aftley's collection 2 vol. page, 565. § Smith's voyage to Guinea, 112*

u

( 22 )

* peans have feveral forts and factories/ A plain evidence this, that it is the inter- courfe with the Europeans and their fettle- ments on the co^fl which gives life to the Have trade.

Next adjoining to the Ivory Co aft > are thofe called the Gold Coaft and the Slave Coaft ; authors are not agreed about their bounds ; but their extent together along the coaft, may be about five hundred miles. And as the policy, produce and oeconomy of thefe two divisions of Guinea are much the fame, I fhall defcribe them together.

Here theEuropeans have the greateft num- ber of forts and factories, from whence, by means of the Negro faftors, a trade is car- ried on above feven hundred miles back in the Inland country ; whereby great num- bers of flaves are procured, as well by means of the wars which arife amongft the Ne- groes, or are fomented by theEuropeans, as thofe brought from the back country. Here we find the natives more reconciled to the En- ropean manners and trade ; but, at the fame time, much more inured to war, and ready to afiift the European traders, in procuring loadings for the great number of veffels which come yearly on thofe coafts for flaves. This part of Guinea is agreed by hiftori- ans to be, in general, extraordinary fruitful and agreeable) producing (according to the

difference

( n )

difference of the foil) vaft quantities of rice and other grain ; plenty of fruit and roots ; palm wine and oyl, and fifli in great abundance; with much tame and wild cattle. Bofman, principal factor far the Dutch at D'Elmina, fpeaking of the country of Axim, which isfituate towards the beginning of the Gold Co aft, | fays, " The Negro inhabi- c tants are generally very rich, driving a c great trade with the Europeansfor gold : That they are induftrioufly employed either in trade, fifhing, or agriculture; but chiefly in the culture of rice, which grows here, in an incredible abun- dance, and is tranfported hence all over the Gold Coaft. The inhabitants in lieu returning full fraught with millet, jamms potatoes and palm oyl. The fame author fpeaking of the country of Ante, fays^ 1 This country, as well as the Gold Cbaft, abounds with hills, enriched with extra- ordinary high and beautiful trees ; its valleys, betwixt the hills, are wide and exteniivc, producing in great abundance very good rice, millet, jamms, potatoes, and other fruits, all good in their kind, He adds, " In fhort it is aland that yields c its manurersas plentiful a crop as they can ' wifli, with great quantities of palm wine and

*D 2 " oyl,

f Boimaivs '.leicnptioii of the coail of Guinea, p, 5. t Idem, p.

ti

( M ) ^C oyl, befides being well farniflied with all " forts of tame, as well as wild beafts ; but " that the laft fatal wars had reduced it to

a miferable condition, and dripped it of

moft of Its inhabitants.'* The adjoining country of Fetu, he fays, |] was formerly {6 powerful and populous, that it ftruck " terror into all the neighbouring nations ; " but it is at prefent, fo drained by continu- " al wars, that it is entirely ruined ; there " does not remain inhabitants fufficient to ". till the country ; tho' it is fo fruitful and CS pleafant that it may be compared to the " country of Ante, juft before defcribed ; " frequently, fays that author, when walk- " ing thro' it before the laft war, I have cc lea; it abound with fine well built and po- " pulous towns, agreeably enriched with Ci vaft quantities of corn, cattle', palm \ 4i and oyl. The inhabitants \ " themfelves without any difdndior " griculture, fome fow corn, others prefs " oyl and draw wine from palm trees, with " both which it is plentifully flored,"

William Smith gives much the fame ac- count of the before mentioned parts of the Gold Coaft, and adds, " Th& count: ci bout D'Elmina and Cape Coaft, ism " the fame for beauty and gooduefs, but « more populous ; and the nearer we come

" towards

| Boimaa, p. 41.

( «s )

cs towards the Slave-Coaft, the more de- *« lightful and rich all the countries are, " producing all forts of trees, fruits, roots " and herbs, that grow within the torrid " Zone." J. Barbot alfo remarks, f with reCpect to the countries of Ante and A- dom, " That the foil is very good, and " fruitful in corn and other produce, which " it affords in fuch plenty, that befides " what ferves for their own ufe they always " export great quantities for fale ; they " have a comnetent number of cattle, both M tame and wild ; and the rivers abundant- " ly ftored with fifh ; fo that nothing -is " wanting for the fupport of life, and to " make it eafy." In the Collection its faid,| " That the Inland people, on that part of " the coaft, employ themfelves in tillage " and trade, and fupply the market with " corn, fruit and palm wine ; the country " producing fuch vaft plenty of indian corn, " that abundance is daily exported, as well w by Europeans as Blacks reforting thither u from other parts.". " Thefe Inland peo- " pie are faid to live in great union and " friendfhip, being generally well temper- M ed, civil and tradable; not apt to " feed human blood, except when much " provoked; and ready toaffiftone another/' D 3 In

-j* John Barbot's defcription of Guinea, p. 154,- i Aftley's Collection, z, vol. p. 535.

( 26 )

In the Collection % it is faid, " That the " fiihing bufinefs is efteemed on the Gold

* Coafl next to trading ; that thofe who " profefs it are more numerous than thofe " of other employments. That the greateft

* number of thefe are at Kommendo, Mina

* andKormantin ; from each of which pla-

* ces, there goes out every morning, (Tuef- " day excepted, which is the Fetifh day, or ■* day of reft,) five, fix and fometimes eight <* hundred canoes, from 13 to 14 feet long, " who fpread themfeives two leagues at Ki fea, each fiiherman carrying in his canoe *' a fword, with bread, water, and a little " fire, on a large ftone, to roaft fifh. Thus " they labour till noon, wrhen the fea breeze <c blowing frelh, they return on the ihore, " generally laden with fifh 5 a quantity of ** which the Inland inhabitants come down *c to buy, which they fell again at the " country markets*"

William Smith f fays" The country about ^ Acra, where the Engliih and Dutch have *< each a ftrong fort^ is very delightful, and M the natives courteous and civil to ftrangers. " He adds, " That this place feldomVaiis

* of an extraordinary good trade from the " Inland country j. efpecially for Haves,

" wha > ■ t . ■ ■ i' *.k

j| Collection, vol. 2. page 640, t WiUiaiii Smith, p. i^y.

( 27 ) C6 whereof feveral arefuppofed to come fiortt " very remote parts \ becaufe it is not un- M common to find aMalayenortwo amongft

* a parcel of other flaves : The Malay* " people are originally natives' of Mallacca, « in the Eaft Indies, fituate feveral thoufand " miles from the Gold Coaft." They dif- fer very much from the Guinea Negroes y being of a tawny complexion, with long black hair,

Moft parts of the Slave Coafts are repre- fented as equally fertile and pleafant with the Gold Coaft : The kingdom of Whidali has been particularly noted by travellers. J William Smith and Bofman agree,. " That <c it is one of the moft delightful countries ** in the world. The great number and va- 44 riety of tall, beautiful and fhady trees* " which feem planted in gxoves ; the ver-

* dant fields every where cultivated, and no " otherwise divided than by thofe groves, " and in fome places a fmall foot path ; to- " gether with a great number of villages, " contribute to afford, the rnoft delightful w profped ; the whole country being a line " eafy and almoft imperceptible afcent, for " the fpace of 40 or 50 miles from the fea» " That the farther you go from the fea, the ft the more beutiful and populous the coun-- " try appears.. Th^t the natives were kind

-: ■■.-, " and

% Smith; p. 1^4, "Boimaji; p. 316.

( • » ) " and obliging, and fo induftrious, that- " no place which was thought fertile could " efcape being planted, even within the " hedges, which inclofe their villages. And " that the next day after they had reaped " they fowed again."

Snelgrave alfo fays, " The country ap- " pears full of towns and villages, and be- " ing a rich foil and well cultivated, looked " likean entire garden." In the Collection * the hufoandry of the Negroes is defcribed to be carried on with great regularity ; the " rainy feafon approaching they go into the u fields and woods, to fix on a proper place " for fowing ; and, as here is no property in " ground, the king's licence being obtain-- " ed, the people go out in troops, and firft " clear the ground from bufhes and weeds '- which they burn. The fields thus cleared " they dig it up a foot deep and fo let it ** remain for eight or ten days, till the reft " of their neighbours have difpofed their " ground in the fame manner. They then " confult about fowing, and for that end " affemble at the king's court, the next " Fetiih day. The king's grain muft be u fown firft. They then go again to the " field, and give the ground a fecond " digging, and fow their feed. Whilft

" the

* Colle&ion, 2 v©l. page, 651.

( *9 ) ' cc 'the king or governour's land is fov/- <; ing, he fends out wine* and flefh ready " drefied, enough to ferve the labourers. " Afterwards they in like manner fow the " ground allotted for their neighbours, as " diligently as that of the king ; by whom €< they are alfo feafted ; and fe continue to " work in a body for the publick benefit, " till every man's ground is tilled and fow- " ed. None but the king and a few great " men are exempted from this labour. Their •" grain foon fprouts out of the ground. " When it is about man's height and be- <; gins to ear, they raife a wooden houfe in M the centre of the field, covered with ftraw, " in which they fet their children to watch " their corn and fright away the birds."

Bofmnn * fpeaks in commendation of the civility, kindnefs and great induitry of the natives of Whydah; this is confirmed by Smith f who fays, " The natives here feem to w be the moft gentleman like Negroes in " Guinea, abounding with good manners k* and ceremony to each other. The infe- " rior pay the utmoft deference and refpecfc cl to the fuperior ; as do wives to their u hufbands, and children to their parents. 4C All here are naturally induftrious and find 4C contiant employment : the men in agri-

" culture,

♦ £ofaa*p. ?*7* t Smith p. 195.

( 3* ) culture, and the worn. tiniii'givtS

weaving cotton. The men, whole chief talent lies in husbandry, are unacquainted with arms ; otherwife being a numerous people, they could have made a better defence againft the king of Dahome, who fubdued them without much trouble." * Throughout the Gold Coaft there are regular markets in all villages, furniihed with provifions and merchandize, held every day in the week, except Tuefday j whence they fupply not an Jy the inha- bitants, but the European Ships. The Negro 'women are very expert in buying and felling, and extrearnly induiirious j for they will repair daily to market, from a confiderable diftance, loaded like pack horfes, with a child, perhaps, at their back, and a heavy burden on their Leads* After felling their wares, they buy nfii and other neceiiaries and return Lomeioaded as they came.

" | There is a market held at Sabi, every fourth day ; alfo a weekly one in the pro- vince of Aplogua, which is fo reforteel toy that there" are ufhally five or fix thoufand merchants. Their markets are fo well regulated and governed, that feldom any diforder happens ; each fpecies of mer- chandize

Cclteft. 2. vol p. 657 f Colieft. 3. vol. p. ai.

( 3* )

# chandize and merchants have a feparate f place allotted them by thcmfelves. The ¥ buyers may haggle as much as they will, " but it mull be without noife or fraud. " To keep order the king appoints a judge, -" who with four officers v, ell armed, iafpecls ¥ the Markets, hear all complaints, and in a " fummary way decides all differences ; he *' has power to feize and fell as flaves all ■" who are catched in ftealing, or difturb- " ing the peace. In thefe markets are to " be fold men, women, children, oxen, 41 fheep, goats and fowls of all kinds: Eu- " ropean cloths, linen and woollen ; print-

# ed callicos, filk, grocery ware, china, gold " duft, iron in bars, oy. in a word moft forts " of European goods : as well as the pro-

" duce of Africa and Afia. They have

" other markets refembling our fairs, once -" or twice a year, to which all the country " repair, for they take care to order the " day fo in different governments as not to f* interfere with each other.3''

With refpect to government, William Smith fays, " f That the Gold Coaft and " Slave Coafts are divided into different dif- cc triers, fome of which are governed by " their chiefs or kings ; the others being

# more of the nature of a commonwealth,

" are

^_^ ._ 1 1 - i - -

f Smith -p.. 1 93,

( 52 ) ' C£ are governed by fome of the principal " men, called Caboceros, who Bofman fays, 4; are properly denominated civil fathers; " whole province is to take care of the well- 4C fare of the city or village and to appeafe " tumults." But this order of government has been much broken fince the coming of the Europeans, Both Bofman and Barbot mention murthcr and adultery to be fever ely pa- nifoed on the Coafl^ frequently by death ; and robbery by a fine proportionable to the goods fiolen.

The income of fome of the king's is large. Bofman fays, " That the king of Whydah's " revenues and duties on things bought and 44 fold are coniiderable ; he having the tithe 44 of all things fold in the market, or im- 4t ported in the country/ ' f Both the abovementioned authors fay, fix tax on fiavesfbippedoffin this king's dominions ^ in fome years amounts to near twenty t hoi if and pounds. BoTman tells us, " The Whydah Negroes 4C have a faint idea of a true God, afcribing cc to him the attributes of almighty power 4C and omniprefence ; but God, they fay, is " too high to condefcend to think of man- 4C kind, wherefore he commits the govern* 4t ment of the world to thofe inferior dre- " ties which they worfhip," Some authors

fay

t Bofinaa 337. Barbot. p. 335.

( 33 ) fay the wifeft of thefe Negroes are feniible of their miftake in this opinion, but dare not forfake their old religion, for fear of the po- pulace riling and killing them ; this is con- firmed by William Smith who fays, " That *; all the natives of this coaft believe there is " one true God, the author of them and all " things ;and that they have fome apprehen- *c fion of afutureftate ;and that almofl every u village has a grove, or public place of wor- *c fhip,to which the principal inhabitants, on " a fetday, refort to make their offerings/* In the Collection * it is remarked as an ex- cellency in the Guinea government, w That " however poor they may be in general, " yet there are no beggars to be found " amongft them ; which is owing to the *c care of their chief men, whofe province " it is to take care of the welfare of the " city or village ; it being part of their office " to fee that fuch people may earn their " bread by their labour ; fome are fet to " blow the fmith's beilowT\s, others to prefs " palm oyl, or grind colours for their matts " and fell provifion in the markets. The " young men are lifted to ferve as foldiers, " fo that they fuffer no common beggar." Bofman afcribes a further reafon for this good order, viz. " That when a Negro* E finds

* Aftley's CoJk#. 2 vol. page 619.

( 34 ) " finds he cannot fubfift, he binds himfelf cc for a certain fum of money, and the " mafter to whom he is bound, is obliged ?? to find him neceffaries : that the matter " fets him a fort of talk, which is not in the " leaft flavifh, being chiefly to defend his " mafter on occafions ; or in fowing time " to work as much as he himfelf pleafes. f " Adjoining to the kingdom of Whydah, are leveral fmall governments, as Coto, great and fmall Popo, Ardrah, &c. all fitu- ate on the Slave Coaft, where the chief trade for flaves is carried on. Thefe are govern- ed by their refpettive kings, and follow much the fame cuftoms with thofe of Why- dah ; except that their principal living is or) plunder, and the Have trade*

CHAP.

f Bofinau, p. 119.

( 35 )

CHAP. III.

THE kingdom of Benin. Its extent.

Efteemed the mod potent in Ganiea. Fruitfulnefs of the foil. Good difpofition of the people. Order of government. Punifhment of crimes. Large extent of the town of Great Benin. Order main- tained. The natives honeft and charitable. Their religion. The kingdoms of Kong§ and Angola. Many of the natives profefs chriftianity. The country fruitful. Dif- pofition of the people. The adminiftrati- on ofjuftice. The town of Leango. Slave trade carried on by the Portuguese. Here the flave trade ends.

'EXT adjoining to the Slave Coaft, is the kingdom of Benin, which though it extends but about 1 70 miles on the Sea, yet fpreads fo far inland as to be efteemed the moll potent kingdom in Guinea. By Ac- counts the foil and produce appears to be, in a great meafure, like thofe before defcribed; and the natives reprefented as a reafonable good natured people : Artusfays * " They U are a fincere, inoffenfive people, and do

" no

m Collect. 3, vol. page 228.

( 3* ) " no lnjuitice either to one another or te* " ftrangers." William Smith -j- confirms this account, and fays, " That the inhabi- " tarits are generally very good natured cc and exceeding courteous and civil. When *.* the Europeans make them prefents, which " in their coming thither to trade they " always do, they endeavour to return them " doubly."

Bofman tells us, J " That his countrymen c* the Dutch, who were often obliged to Ci to truft them till they return the next " year, were fure to be honeftly paid their " whole debts.

There is in Benin a confiderable order in government. Theft, murther and adultery being feverely punifhed. Barbot fays, * " If " a man and a woman of any quality be rprifed in adultery, they are both put to <£ death, and their bodies are thrown on a " dunghill, and left there a prey to wild M beafts." He adds, " The feverity of " lav/ in Benin againii adultery jj amongft

" all

f Smith, p. 228. % W. Bofman, p. 405.

* Barbot, p. 237.

j| By this account of the punifliment inflicted on adulterers in this and other parts of Guinea, it ap- pears the Negroes are not infenfible of the flnfulnefs of iiich pracliies. How ftrange mud it then appear to the

furious

( 37 ) " all orders of people, deters them from " venturing ; fo that it is but very feldoni " any perfons are punifhed for that crime." Smith fays, " Their towns are governed by " officers appointed by the king, who have " power to decide in civil cafes, and to raife " the publick taxes ; but in criminal cafes " they muft fend to the king's court, which " is held at the town of Oedo or Great Be- " nin. This town which covers a large ex- " tent of ground, is about fixty miles from

" the

ferious minded amongft thefe people, (nay how incon- fiilent is it with every divine and moral law, amongft ourfelves,) that thofe chriftian laws which prohi- bit fornication and adultery, are in none of the Englifh governments extended to them : but that they are allowed to cohabit and feparate at pleafure i And that even their mafters think fo lightly of their mar- riage engagements, that when it fuits with their inte- reft, they will feparate man from wife, and children from both, to be fold, in different, and even diftant parts ; without regard to their fometimes grievous lamentations; whence it has happened, that fuch of thofe people who are truely united in their marriage covenant,. and in affection to one another, have been driven to fuch defperation as either violently to des- troy themfelves, or gradually to pine away, and die with mere grief. It is amazing, that w hi Iff the clergy of the eftablifhed church, are publickly expreffinga con- cern, that thefe oppreffed people mould be made ac- quainted with the chriflian religion; they fhould be thus, fuffered, and even forced fo flagrantly to infringe one, cf the principle injunctions, of our holy religion L

( 3^ ) « the Sea." * Barbot tells us, " That it con- u tains thirty flreets, twenty fathom wide, " and almoft two miles long, commonly €Q extending in a ftraight line from one gate " to another; that the gates are guarded

* by foldiers ; that in thcie ftreets markets " are held every day of cattle, ivory, cotton " and many forts of European goods. This u large town is divided into feveral wards " or diftricts, each governed by its refpcc- c- tive king of a ftreet, as they call them ; c; to adminifter juftice, and to keep good " order. The inhabitants are very civil and cc good natured, condefcending to what the t; Europeans require of them, in a civil " way." The fame author confirms what has been faid by others of their juftice in the payment of their debts ; and adds, " That they above all other Guineans are <€ very honeft andjufl in their dealings, and

* they have fuch an aversion for theft, that <c by the law of the country it is punifhed " with death." We are told by the fame author, f " That the king of Benin is 44 ^bie upon occafion to maintain an army " of a hundered thoufand men ; but that 46 for the molt part, he does not keep thirty " thoufand." William Smith fays, " The

natives

* J. Barbot, page 358. 359, i Barbot, r>. 569,

( 39 ) c natives are all free men ; none but fo c reigners can be bought and fold there, f c They are very charitable, the king as well ' as his fubjecb." Bofman confirms this, J and fays, u The king and great lords fubfift c feveral poor at their place of refidence on 1 charity, employing thofe who are fit for c any work, and the reft they keep for 6 God's fake, fo that here are no beggars/'

As to religion thefe people believe there s a God the efficient caufe of all things, but ike the reft of the Guineans they are fuper« ftitioufly and idolatrouily inclined.

The laft divifion of Guinea-frorn which flaves are imported ; are the kingdoms of Kongo and Angola, thefe lye to the fouth of Benin, extending with the intermediate- land about twelve hundered 'miles on the Coaft. Great numbers of the natives of both thele kingdoms profefs the chriftian religion, which was long fince introduced by the Portuguefe, who made early fettle- ments in that country.

In the Collection it is faid, that both in Kongo and Angola the foil is in general fruitful, producing great plenty of grain, Indian corn and fuch quantities of rice that it hardly bears any price, with fruits, roots and palm oyl in plenty.

The ^— r r t

t W' Smith, p, 369 J Bofman, p. 409;

( 40 )

The natives are generally a quiet people who difcover a good underftanding, and behave in a friendly manner to ftrangers, being of a mi!d converfation, affable and eafily overcome with" reafon.

In the government of Kongo, the king appoints a judge in every particular divifion, to hear and determine difputes and civil caufes ; the judges imprifon and releafe, or impofe fines according to the rule of cuftora; but in weighty matters every one may ap- peal to the king, before whom all criminal caufes are brought, in which he giveth fen- tence; but feldom condemneth to death.

The town of Leango ftands in the midft of four lordlhips, which abound in cornr fruit &c. Here they make great quantities of cloth of divers kinds very fine and curi- ous ; the inhabitants are feldom idle : they even make needle work caps as they walk in the ftreets.

The Have trade is here principally ma- naged by the Portuguefe ; who carry the trade far up into the inland countries. They are faid to fend off from thefe parts fifteen thoufand flaves each year.

At Angola, about the ioth degree of fouth latitude ends the trade for flaves.

C'H A P.

( 4i )

CHAP. IV.

THE ancienteft accounts of the

Negroes, is from the Nubian Geography, and the writings of Leo the African. Some account of thofe authors. The Arabians pafs into Guinea. The innocen- cy and fimplicityof the natives. They are fubdued by the Moors. Heli Ifchia fhakes off the Moorifli yoke. The Por- tuguefe make the finft defcent in Guinea ; from whence they carry off fome of the natives : More incurfions of the like kind, ThePortuguefe ereft the firft fort atD'EI- mina : They begin the flave trade. Cada Mofto's teftimony. Anderfon's account to the fame purport. Dela Gaza's concern for the relief of the oppreffed Indians. Goes over into Spain to plead their cauie, His fpeech before Charles the fifth.

TH E moft ancient account we have of the country of the Negroes, particu- larly that part fituate on and between the two great rivers of Senegal and Gambia, is from the writings of two ancient authors, one an Arabian and the other a Moor. The

firft

( r- )

firft | wrote in Arabic about the twelfth cen- tury. His works printed in that language at Rome, were afterwards tranflated in- to Latin and printed at Paris, underthe pa- tronage of the famous Thuanus, chancellor of France, with the title of Geographica NubienJiSt containing an account of all the nations lying on the Senegal and Gambia. The other wrote by John Leo, J a Moor born at Granada, in Spain, before the Moors were totally expelled from that king- dom. He refided in Africa ; but being on a voyage from Tripoli to Tunis, was taken by fome Italian Corfairs, who finding him poffeffed of feveral Arabian books, beiides his own manufcripts, apprehended him to be a man of learning* and as fuch prefented him to Pope Leo the ioth. This Pope en- couraging him, he embraced the Romifh re- ligion ; and his description of Africa was published in Italian. From thefe writings we gather, that after the mahometan religi- on had extended to the kingdom of Moroc- co, fome of the promoters of it, croffingthe iandy defarts of Numedia, which feparates that country from Guinea, found it inhabi- ted by men, who tho' under no regular government and deftitute of that knowledge the

f Sec travels into different parts of Africa by rr. Moor, with a letter tp the pubiiflur. i Ibid.

( 43 ) the Arabians were favoured with, lived in content and peace. The firft author parti- cularly remarks, " That they never made 44 war or travelled abroad ; but employed " themfelves in tending their herds, or la- 44 bouring in the ground. J : Leo fays p. " 6$. That they lived in common, having 44 no property in land, no tyrant nor fupe- " rior lord, but fupported themfelves in an 44 equal ftate, upon the natural produce of 44 the country, which afforded plenty of 44 roots, game and honey. That ambition " or avarice never drove them into foreign 44 countries to fubdue or cheat their neigh- 46 bours. Thus they lived without toil or 44 fuperfluities." " The ancient inhabi- 4C tants of Morrocco who wore coats of mail, 44 and ufed fwords and fpears headed with 44 iron, coming amongft thefe harmlefs and 4C naked people, foon brought them under 44 fubjeftion, and divided that part of Guinea 44 which lies on the rivers Senegal and Gam- 44 bia into fifteen parts ; thofe were the fif- 44 teen kingdoms of the Negroes, over which 44 the Moors prefided and the common peo- 44 pie were Negroes. Thefe Moors taught 44 the Negroes the mahometan religion and 44 arts of life ; particularly the ufe of iron, be- 44 fore unknown to them : About the 14th. 44 century, a native Negro called Helilfchia 44 expelled the Moorilh conquerors; but the

44 ti

«

( 44 ) the Negroes threw off theyokeof a foreign " nation, they only changed a Libyan for a Ne- " groemafter. Heli Ifchia himfelf becoming " king, led the Negroes on to foreign wars 4< andeftabli&edhirnfelf in power over a very c< large extent of country." Since Leo's time, the Europeans have had very littleknowledge cfthofepartsofAfrica;nor do they know what became of his great empire* It is highlyproba- blethat it broke into pieces, and that the na- tives again refumed many of their ancient cuftoms ; for in the account publifhed by William Moor, in his travels on the river Gambia, we find a mixture of the Moorifli and mahometan cuftoms, joined with the original fimplicity of the Negroes. It ap- pears by accounts of ancient voyages, col- lected by Hackluit, Purchafe and others, that it was about fifty years before the dif- covery of America, that the Portuguefe at- tempted to fail round cape Bojadorwhichlays between their country and Guinea ; this af- ter divers repulfes, occafioned by the violent currents, they effected ; when landing on the weftern coafts of Africa they foon began to make incurfions into the country and to feize and carry off the native inhabitants. As early as the year 1434, Alonzo Gonzales, the firft who is recorded to have met with the natives, being on that coaft, purfued

and

( 45 ) and attacked a number of them, when fome were wounded, as was alfo one of the Por- tuguefe, which the author records, as the firtt blood fpilt by chriftians in thofe parts. Six years after, the fame Gonzales again at- tacked the natives, and took twelve prifon- ers ; with whom he returned to his vef- fels ; he afterwards put a woman on fliore, in order to induce the natives to redeem the prifoners ; but the next day 150 of the in- habitants appeared on horfes and camels, provoking the Portuguefe to land, which they not daring to venture, the natives dis- charged a volley of ftones at them, and went off. After this the Portuguefe ftill continued to fend veffels on the coaft of A- frica, particularly we read of their falling on a village, whence the inhabitants fled and being purfued, 25 were taken. " He that M ran beft^ fays the author •, taking the moft : " in their way home they killed fome of " the natives, and took fifty- five more pri- f* foners. f Afterwards Dinifanes Dagra- " ma, with two other veffels landed on the " ifland Arguin, where they took 54 Moors; " then running along the cGaft 80 leagues f* farther they atfeveral times took 50 {laves; " but here feven of the Portuguefe were kill- cc ed. Then beingjoinedby feveralothervef- " fels, Dinifanes propofed to deftroy the F " ifland

f Colle&ion, vol. 1, page 13.

( 4< ) £< ifland, to revenge the lofs of the feven Por- ** tuguefe, ofwhich the Moor's beingappriz- " ed fled ; fo that no more than 1 2 were found c< whereof only four could be taken ; the cc reft being killed, as alfo one of the Por- " tuguefe." Many more captures of this kind, on the coaft of Barbary and Guinea, are recorded to have been made in thofe ear- ly times by the Portuguefe j who in the year 1481, erected their fir ft for tat D'Elmina on that coaft, from whence they foon open- ed a trade for flaves with the Inland parts of Guinea.

From the foregoing accounts it is un- doubted that the practice of making flaves of the Negroes, owes it origin to the early incurfions of the Portuguefe on the coaft of Africa, folely from an inordinate delire of gain ; this is clearly evidenced from their own hiftorians, particularly Cada Mofto a- boutthe year 1455, who writes, " * That cc before the trade was fettled for purchaf- " ing flaves from the Moors at Arguin, <c fometimes four, and fometimes more Por- €C tuguefe veffels, were ufed to come to that cc gulf, well armed, and landing by night V would furprife fome fiftiermen's villages ; " that they even entered into the country cc and carried off Arabs of both fexes, whom " they fold in Portugal." And alfo " That

" the

c

* Colle&ion, vol. 1. page, 576.

( 47 )

u rfie Portuguefe and Spaniards fettled on " four of the Canary iflands, would go * to the other ifland, by night, and feize cc fome of the natives of both fexes, whom " they fent to be fold in Spain."

After the fettlement of America thofe de- valuations and the captivating the miferable Africans greatly increafed.

Anderfon in his hiftory of trade and com- merce, at page 336, fpeaking of what paflf- £din theyeari5o8, writes" That the Spani- *< ardshadbythis time found that the mifer- u able Indian natives, whom they had made <c to work in their mines and fields, were not " fo robuft and proper for thofe purpofes, \ %c as Negroes, brought from Africa; where- 1 ^ *< fore they, about that time, began to im- " port Negroes for that end into Hifpaniola, " from the Portuguefe fettlements, on the " Guinea coafts; and alfo afterwards for their cc fugar works ;" This oppreffion of the In- dians, had, even before this time, rouzed the zeal, as well as it did the compaflion of fome of the truly pious of that day ; parti- cularly that of Bartholomew Delas Cafas, bifhop of Chapia ; whom a defire of being inftrumental towards the converfion of the Indians, had invited into America. It is ge- nerally agreed, by the writers of that age, that he was a man of perfect difintereftednefs, and ardent charity ; being affected with this F, 1 ^ fad

( 43 ) fad fpe6tacle, he returned to the court of Spain, and there made a true report of the matter ; but not without being ftrongly op- pofed by thofe mercenary wretches, who had enflaved the Indians ; yet being flrong and indefatigable, he went to and fro, be- tween Europe and America, firmly deter- mined not to give over his purfuit, but with his life. After long folicitation and innu- merable repulfes, he obtained leave to lay the matter before the Emperor Charles the fifth, then King of Spain. As the con- tents of the fpeech he made before the King in council, are very applicable to the cafe of the enflaved Africans, and a lively evidence that the fpirit of true piety fpeaks the fame language in the hearts of faithful men, in all ages, for the relief of their fellow crea- tures, from oppreilion of every kind, I think it may not be improper, here to tranfcribe the moft interefiing parts of it. <; I was, " fays this pious bifhop, one of the firft who " went to America ; neither curioi'ky, nor 6i intereft prompted me to undertake fo " long and dangerous a voyage, the faving " the fouls of the heathen was my fole ob- " jech Why was I not permitted, even at " the expence of my blood, to ranfom fo " many thoufand fouls, who fell unhappy " victims to avarice or luft ? I have been " an eye witnefs to fuch cruel treatment of

" the

a

a

( 49 ) ff the Indians, as is too horrid to be menti"

u oned at this time, It is faid that bar"

cc barous executions were neceflary to pu- " nifli or check the rebellion of the Ameri- " cans ; — but to whom was this owing ? " did not thofe people receive the Spaniards " who firft came amongft them with gentle- " nefs and humanity ? Did they not fhew more joy, in proportion, in lavishing treafure upon them, than the Spaniards di<4 greedinefs in receiving it ? — but our avarice was not yet fatisfied ; — tho' they gave up to us their land and their riches, " we would tear from them their wives, their

" children and their liberties. To black-

" en thefe unhappy people, their enemies " aflert, that they are fcarce human crea- " tures ; — but it is we that ought to blufh, for having been lefs men, and more bar- barous than they.- What right have

we to enflave a people who are born free and whom we difturbed, tho' they never

offended us ? They arereprefentedas

a ftupid people, addicted to vice ; — but have they not contracted moft of their vices from the example of the chriftians ? And as to thofe vices peculiar to them- felves5i have not the chriftians quickly ex- ceeded them therein ? Neverthelefs it mud be granted, that the Indians ftili re- main untainted with many vices ufual a- F 3 " mongft.

a.

( 5* )

mongft the Europeans ; fuch as ambition, blafphemy, treachery, and many like monfters, which have not yet took place with them ; they have fcarce an idea of them ; fo that in effect, all the advantage we can claim, is to have more elevated notions of things, and our natural facul- ties more unfolded and more cultivated

than theirs. Don't let us flatter our

corruptions, nor voluntarily blind our- felves ; all nations are equally free*; one nation has no right to infringe upon the freedom of any other ; let us do towards thefe people as we would have them to have done towards us, if they had land- ed upon our fhore, with the fame fuperi- ority of ftrength. And indeed, why fhould not things be equal on both fides ? How long has the right of the ftrongeft been allowed to be the balance of juftice? What part of the gofpel gives a fancHon to fuch a do&rine ? In what part of the whole earth did the apoitles and the firft pro- mulgators of the gofpel ever claim aright o- ver thelives, thefreedom, or thefubftance of the Gentiles ? What a ftrange method this of propagating the gofpel, that holy law of grace, which from being flaves to Satan, initiates us into the freedom .of

the children of God ! Will it be poffi-

ble for us to infpire them with a love to

« its

( 51 )

** its dictates, while they are fo exafperat- " ed at being difpoffefled of that invaluable cc blefling, Liberty ? The apoftles fubmitted ft to chains themfelves, but loaded no maa " with them* Chrift came to free not to

« enflave us.- Submifliqrv to the faith

" he left us, ought to be a voluntary act^ " and fhould be propagated by perfuafion, " gentlenefs and reafon.**

" At my firft arrival in Hifpaniola, add- 4C ed the biftiop, it contained a million of " inhabitants, and now (viz. in the fpace " of about twenty years) there remains fcarce " the hundredth part of them ;- — thoufands •* have perifhed thro5 want, fatigue, merci- u lefs punifhment, cruelty and barbarity. " If the blood of one man unjuftly fhed, " calls loudly for vengeance, how ftrong " mull be the cry of that offo many unhap- " py creatures which is fhedding daily ?M — The good bifhop concluded his fpeech, with imploring the king's clemency for fubje&s fo unjuftly oppreifed ; and bravely declared, that heaven would one day call him to an account, for the numberlefs acts of cruelty which he might have prevented. The king applauded the bifliop's zeal ; promifed to fecond it ; but fo many of the great ones had an intereft in continuing the oppreflion, that nothing was done ; fo that all the In- dians in Hifpaniola, except a few who

had

( 5* ) had hid themfelves in the moft inacceflible mountains, weredeflroyed.

CHAP. V,

Firft account of the Englifh trading

to Guinea. Thomas Windham and feve- ral others go to that coaft. Some of the Negroes carried of by the Englifh. Queen Elizabeth's charge to captain Hawkins re- fpecting the natives : Neverthelefs he goes on the coaft and carries off fome of the Negroes. Patents are granted. The king of France objects to the Negroes be- ing kept in flavery : As do the college of Cardinals at Rome. The natives, anin- offenfive people j corrupted by the Euro- peans. The fentiments of the natives concerning the Have-trade, from William Smith : Confirmed by Andrew Brue and James Barbot.

IT was about the year 1551, towards the latter end of the reign of king Edward the fixth, when fome London merchants fent out the firft Englifh fhip, on a trading voyage to the coaft of Guinea ; this was foon ellow ed by feveral ethers to the fame parts;

but.

( 53 ) but the Englifh not having then any planta- tions in the Weft Indies, and consequently no occafion for Negroes, fuch {hips traded only for gold, Elephants teeth and Guinea pepper. This trade was carried on at the hazard of loiing their fhips and cargoes, if they had fallen into the hands of the Portu- guefe, who claimed an exclufive right of trade, on account of the feveral fettlements they had made there. * In the year 1 553, we find captain Thomas Windham trading along the coaft with 140 men, in three fhips, and failing as far as Benin, which lies about 3000 miles down the coaft, to take in aload of pepper, j- Next year John Lock traded a- long the coaft of Guinea, as far as D'Elmina, when he brought away confiderable quanti- ties of gold and ivory. He fpeaks well of the natives, and fays, J " That whoever " will deal with them muft behave civilly, for " they will not traffic if ill ufed" In 1555, William Towerfon traded in a peaceable manner with the natives, who made com- plaint to him of the Portuguefe, who were then fettled in their caftle at D'Elmina, fay- ing, " They were bad men, who made them " flaves if they could take them, putting irons on " their legs."

This

* Aftley's Colle&ion, vol. 1 page, 139. * \ Collection vol. 1. p. 148. \. Ibid. 157.

( 54 ) This bad example of the Portuguefe, was foon followed by fome evil difpofed Englifh- men, for the fame captain Towerfon relates^ " f That in the courfe of his voyage, he *4 perceived the natives, near D'Elmina, un- * willing to come to him, and that he was M at laft attacked by them j which he un- u derftood was done in revenge for the " wrong done them, the year before, by " one captain Gainfh, who had taken away " the Negro captain's fon, and three others* " with their gold &c. this caufed them to " join the Portuguefe, notwkhftanding. ** their hatred of them, againfl the Eng- " liftw" The next year captain Towerfon brought thefe men back again ; wrhereuporr the Negroes fhew'd him much kmdneis. | (Quickly after this another inftance of the ?4me kind occurred, in the cafe of captain George Fenner, who, being on the coaft •with three veffels, was alfo attacked by the Negroes, who wounded feveral of his peo- ple, and violently carried three of his men to their town. The captain fent a meffen- ger, offering any thing they defired for the ranfom of his men ; but they refufed to de- liver them, letting him know, - " That " three weeks before, an Engltjb Jbip which

" came

f Colle&ion, vol. i. p. 148, % Ibid. 157.

( 5$ ) €< came in the road, had carried off three of " their people, and that tilt they were brought " again they would not reflore his men, even the? " they foould give their three fhips to releafe " them." It was probably the evil conduct of thefe and fome other Englishmen, which was the occafion of what is mentioned in Hill's naval hiftory, viz. " That when cap- " tain Hawkins returned from his firft voy- " age to Africa, Queen Elizabeth lent for " him, when flie exprefTed her concern, " leaft any of the African Negroes Ihould " be carried off without their free confent ; ." which (he declared would be deteftable., " and would call down the vengeance of " heaven upon the undertakers." Hawkins made great promifes, which neverthelefs he did not perform, for his next voyage to the coaft appears to have been principally cal- culated to procure Negro flaves ; in order to fell them to the Spaniards in the Weft In- dies ; which occafioned the fame author to ufe thefe remarkable words. " Here bega?z " the horrid 'practice of forcing the Africans in- iQ toflavery, an injuflice and barbarity, which, €Q fo fure as there is vengeance in heaven for " the worfl of crimes will fometime be the de- " flrudion of all who ad or who encourage it." This captain Hawkins, afterwards fir John Hawkins, feems to have been the firft Eng- lishman who gave public countenance to this

wicked

( 5<* ) wicked traffic : For Anderfon before menti- oned, at page 461, fays, " That in the 44 year 1562, captain Hawkins, aflifted by " fubfcription of fundry gentlemen, now 44 fitted out three fhips, and having learnt 4C that Negroes were a very good commodi- 44 tyin Hifpaniola, he failed to the coaft of 44 Guinea, took in Negroes, and failed with 44 them for Hifpaniola, where he fold them, 44 and his Englifh commodities, and loaded 44 his three veffels with hides, fugar and 44 ginger, &c. with which he returned 44 home, anno. 1563, making a profperous 44 voyage." As it proved a lucrative bufi- nefs, the trade was continued both by Hawkins and others, as appears from the na- val chronicle, page 55, where it is faid, 44 That on the 18th of O&ober, 1564, cap- 44 tain John Hawkins with, two fhips of 700 44 and 140 tuns failed for Africa, that on 44 the 8th December they anchored to the " fouth of Cape Verd, where the captain 44 manned the boat, and fent eighty men in 44 armour, in the country ; to fee if they 44 could take fome Negroes, but the natives 44 flying from them, they returned to their 44 fhips, and proceeded farther down the 44 coaft ; here they ftaid certain days, fend- 44 ing their men afhore, in order, as theau- 44 thor fays, to burn and fpoil their towns « and take the inhabitants. The land they

44 obferved

( 57 ) cc observed to be well cultivated, there be- " ing plenty of grain and fruit of feveral " forts, and the towns prettily laid out. On " the 25th., being informed by the Por.tu- xi guefe, of a town of Negroes called Bym- " ba, where there was not only a quantity " of gold, but 140 inhabitants, they refolv- " ed to attack it, having the Portuguefe for *c their guide ; but by mifmanagement €Q they took but ten Negroes, having feven " of their own men killed and 27 wounded, " They then went farther down the coaft, " when having procured a number of Ne- <Q groes, they proceeded to the Weft Indies, ic where they fold them to the Spaniards/* And in the fame naval chronicle, at page 76', it is faid, " That in the year 1567, Francis " Drake, before performing his voyage " round the world, went with fir John " Hawkins, in his expedition to the coaft " of Guinea, where taking in a cargoe of " flaves, they determined to fteer for the " Carribee Iilands." How queen Elizabeth fuffered fo grievous an infringement of the rights of mankind to be perpetrated by her fubjecls ; and howfhe was perfuaded about the 30th year of her reign, to grant patents for carrying on a trade from the north part of the river Senegal, to an hundred leagues beyond Siera Leona, which gave rife to the prefeut African company, is hard to account G for,

( 58 )

for, any otherwife than to have arifen from the mifreprefentation made to her of the fi- tuation of the Negroes, and of the advan- tages, it was pretended, they would reap from being made acquainted with the chriftian religion. This was the cafe of Lewis the 13th, king of France, who Labat, in his account of the ifles of America, tells us, 44 Was extreamly uneafy at a law by which 44 the Negroes of his colonies were to be 4C made flaves ; but it being ftrongly urged u to him, as the readied means for their 46 conversion to chriftianity, he acquiefed 44 therewith." Nevertheless, fome of the chriftian powers did not fo eafily give way in this matter, for we find, M f That cardie 46 nal Cibo, one of the Pope's principal mi- 4i nifters of ftate, wrote a letter on behalf 44 of the college of cardinals or great coun- 44 cil at Rome, to the miffionaries in Congo, 44 complaining that the pernicious and abo- w minable abufe of felling flaves was yet con- 44 tinued ; requiring them to remedy the 44 fame if poffible, but this the miffionaries Ci law little hopes of accomplishing, byrea- 4C fon that the trade of the country lay 4C wholly in flaves and ivory."

From the foregoing accounts, as well as o- ther authentick publications of this kind, it appears that, it was the luft of unwarrantable

gain,

t Collection, vol. 3. page 164.

( 59 )

gain, which firft ftimulated the Portuguefe, and afterwards other Europeans, to engage in this horrid trafiick. By the moft authen- tick relations of thofe early times the natives were an inoffenfive people, who when civil- ly ufedv traded amicably with the Europe- ans. Its recorded of thofe of Benin, the largeil: kingdom in Guinea, f That they were a gentle loving people, and Reynold fays, ts I They found more fincere proofs of love and " good will from the natives, than they, could U find f torn the Spaniards and Portuguefe, even " tho* they had relieved them from the greatefl £* tnifery" And from the fame relations there is no reafon to think otherwife but that they generally lived in peace amongft .themfelves ; for I don't find, in the nume- rous publications I have perufed on this fub- je£t, relating to thefe early times, of there be- ing wars on thatcoaft, nor of any fale of cap- tives taken in battle, who would have been otherwife facrificed by the victors * : Not- G 2 withftanding

f Collection, vol. i. page 202.

% J-dem. 245..

# Note, this plea falls of itfelf, for if the Negroes apprehended they ihould be cruelly put to death, if they were not lent away, why do they manifeft fuch reluctance and dread, as they generally do at being* brought from their native country i William Smith ac page 28, fays, M The Ganibians abhor Jlavejy; and 'will at- li tempt apy thing* tho" finer fo defperate, to avoid it ," and « omas

c #> I

withftanding fome modern authors, in their publications, relating to the Weft Indies, defirous of throwing a vail over the iniquity of the Have trade, have been hardy enough, upon ineer fuppolition or report, to aflert the contrary,

It was long after the Portuguefe had made a practice of violently forcing the na- tives of Africa into flavery, that we read of the different Negroe nations making war up- on each other, and felling their captives. And probably this was not the cafe, till thofe bordering on the coaft, who had been ufed to fupply the veflels with nrceffaries, had become corrupted, by their inter- courfe with the Europeans, and were exci- ted by drunkennefs and avarice to join them in earning on thofe wicked fchemes ; by which thofe unnatural wars were perpetrat- ed ; the inhabitants kept in continual alarms; the country laidwafte; and as William Moor exprefles it, Infinite v.umbers f&ld into flavery ; but that the Europeans are the principal caufe of thefe devaluations, is particularly eviden- ced by one, whofe connection with the trade

would

, . . - -.....■

Thomas Philips in his account of a voyage he perform' cd to the coait of Guinea, writes, " They, the Negroes* M are Jc hath to leave their <re^i country ', that they have often n leaped ent tf the canx, bmt or fl?ip into the fea, and kept « e Widtr water I ill they wen-dr&MKJte avridtexg taken upz! ■

C 6i )

would rather induce him to reprefent it in the faireft colours, to wit, William Smith, the perfon fent in the year 1726, by the A- frican company to furvey their fettlements j who, from the information he received of one of the factors, who had refided ten years in that country, fays, " f 7 hat the dif 4C cerning natives account it their great eft un- " happinefs that they were ever vifited by the

u Europeans ." u That we chriftians intra-

M duced the traffick of /laves , and that before u our coming they lived in peace?'

In the accounts relating to the A- frican trade, we find this melancholy truth farther afferted, by fome of the principal directors in the different factories, particular- ly^. Brue fays, " \ "That the Europeans were " far from defiring to ad as peace-maker* a- u mongft the Negroes, which would be afling " contrary to their intereft, fmce the greater the " wars the more /laves were procured" And William Bofman alfo remarks, " |] That one " of the former commanders gave large fums " of money to the Negroes of one nation to induce " them to attack fome of the neighbouring nati- " ons, which occaftoned a battle which was " more bloody than the wars of the Negroes ufu- G 3 " ally

■j- William Smith, page 266. \ Collection 2 vol. p. 98. \ Bofman p. 31*

( 62 )

ally are" This is confirmed by J. Bar* bot, who fays, " That the country of 'D'El- " mina, which was formerly very powerful and populous, was in his timefo much drained of its inhabitants, by the intefline wars, fo- mented amongfl the Negroes by the Dutchy that there did not remain enough inhabitants. te till the country"^

u

a

CHAP.

( *3 )

CHAP. VI.

The conduct of the Europeans and

Africans compared. Slavery more tole- rable amongft the ancients than in our co- lonies. As chriftianity prevailed amongft the barbarous nations, the inconfiftency of Slavery became more apparent. The charters of manumiffion, granted in the early times of chriftianity, founded on an apprehenfion of duty to God. The an- cient Britons and other European nations, in their original ftate, no lefs barbarous than the Negroes. Slaves in Guinea ufed with much greater lenity than the Ne- groes are in the colonies. Note^

How the Haves are treated in Algiers j as alfo in Turkey.

SUCH is the woeful corruption of human nature, that every practice which flat- ters our pride and covetoufriefs, will find its advocates ; this is manifeftly the cafe in the matter before us ; the favagenefs of the Negroes, in fome of their cuftoms, and par- ticularly their deviating fo far from the feel- ings of humanity, as to join in captivating

and

( ^ )

and felling each other, gives their inter eft ed oppreflbrs a pretence for reprefenting them as unworthy of liberty, and the natural rights of mankind; but thefe fophifters turn the argument full upon themfelves, when they inftigate the poor creatures to fuch jflbocking impiety, by every means that fatanick fubtilty can fuggeft ; thereby fhewing in their own conduct a more glaring proof of the fame depravity, and, if there was any reafoa in die argument, a greater unfitness for the fame precious enjoyment; for though iomc of the ignorant Africans may be thus corrupted by their intercourfe with the bafer of the European natives, and the ufe of ftrong liquors, this is no excufe for high profeffing chrifiians, (bred in a civilized country, with fo many advantages unknown to the Africans ; and pretending to a fuperior degree of gofpel light.) Nor can it juftify them in railing up fortunes to themfelves, from the mifery of ethers, and calmly projecting voyages for the fei- zureof men, naturally as free as themfelves ; and who, they know, are no otherwife to be procured, than by fuch barbarous means, as none but thofe hardned wretches who are loft to every fenfe of chriftian companion, can make ufe of. Let us diligently compare and impartially weigh the iituation of thofe f^norant Negroes, "and thefe enlightened

chriftiansj

( *5 )

chriftians ; then lift up the fcale and fay* which of the two are the greater favagcs.

Slavery has been of a long time in prac- tice in many parts of Alia ; it was alfo in ufage among the Romans when that empire fiourifhed ; but, except in fome particular inliances, it was rather a reafonable fervitude, no ways comparable to the unreafonable and unnatural fervice extorted from theNegroes in our colonies. A late learned author * fpeaking of thofe times which fucceeded the diffolution of that empire accquaints us, that as chriftianity prevailed, it very much removed thofe wrong prejudices and prac- tices, which had taken root in darker times : after the irruption of the northern nations, and the introduction of the feu- dal or military government; whereby the moft extenfive power was lodged in a few members of fociety, to the depreflion of the reft; the common people were little better than ilaves, and many were indeed fuch : but as chriftianity gained ground, the gentle fpirit of that religion, together with the doc- trines it teaches, concerning the original equality of mankind ; as well as the impar- tial eye with which the almighty regards men of every condition, and admits them to a participation of his benefits ; fo far mani-

fefted

* See Robertfon's hiftory of Charles the "5th.

( tt )

fefted the inconfiftency of flavery with ehri{° tianity, that to let their fellow chriftians at liberty was deemed aa act of piety, high- ly meritorious and acceptable to God. *

Accordingly

* In the years 13 15 and 13 18 Louis X and his brother Philip, kings of France, ifiiied ordonances, declaring, " That as all men were by nature free- *' born, and as their kingdom was calied the kingdom 4i of Franks, they determined that it mould be lb in " reality, as well as in name ; therefore they appoint- " ed that enfranchifements mould be granted throu 3 u out the whole kingdom, upon juft and reasonable " conditions." " T lefe edicts were carried into imme-

li diate execution within the royal domain."

€i~ In England as the fpirit of liberty gained ground, the M very name and idea of perfonal Servitude; without 4< any formal interpofition of the legislature to prohibit *« it was totally banifhed."

" The effecls or fuch a remarkable change in the ** condition of fo gr^at a part of the people, could not f< fail of beino; confiderable and extenfive. The huf- •"* bandman, mafter of his own induftry, and fecure of " reaping for himfelf the fruits of his labour, became " farmer of the fame field where he had formerly •' been compelled to toil for the benefit of another. The ■ *' odious name of mailer and of Have, the mo ft morti- " fying and deprefling of all diftinclions to human V nature, were abolifhed. New profpecls opened, «< and new incitements to ingenuity and enterprife «' prefented tnemfelves, to thofe who were emancipa- «< ted. The expectation of bettering their fortune, as << well as that of raffing themfelves to a more honor- << able Condition, concurred in calling forth their " activity and genius ; and a numerous clafs of men,

<< who

( <>! ) Accordingly a great part of the charters granted for the manumiffion or freedom of flaves about that time, are granted pro amorc Dei, for the love of God, fro mercede animtf^ to obtain mercy to the foul. Manumiffion was frequently granted on death bed, or by latter wills. As the minds of men are at that time awakened to fentiments of humanity and piety, thefe deeds proceeded from reli- gious motives* The fame author remarks, That there are feveral forms of thofe manu- miffions ftiil extent, all of them founded on. religious confederations ; and in order to procure the favour of God. Since that time the prac- tice of keeping men in flavery gradually ceafed amongft chriftians, till it was renewed in the cafe before us. And as the prevalen- cy of the fpirit of chriftianity caufed men to emerge from the darknefs they then lay under, in this refpeft ; fo it is much to be feared, that fo great a deviation therefrom, by the encouragement given to the flavery of the Negroes in our colonies, if continued, will by degrees reduce thofe countries which fupport and encourage it j but more imme- diately

" who formerly had no political exigence, and were " employed merely as initruments of labour, became " uieful citizens, and contributed towards augmenting " the force or riches of the fociety which adopted " them as members.'* William Robertfon's Hiflory of Charles the 5th, 1 vol. p. 35.

( <S8 )

diately thofc parts of America which are ir* the practice of it, to the ignorance and barbarity of the darkeft ages.

If inftead of making flaves of the Negroes, the nations who affume the name and cha~ racier of chriftians, would ufe their endea- vours to make the nations of Africa ac- quainted with the nature of the'ehriftian religion, to give them a better fenfe of the true ufe of the bleffings of life, the more beneficial arts and cuftoms would, by de- grees, be introduced amongft them ; this care probably would produce the fame ef- fect upon them, wThich it has had on the in- habitants of Europe, (formerly as favage and barbarous as the natives of Africa.) Thofe cruel wars amongft the blacks would be likely to ceafe, and a fair and ho- norable commerce, in time, take place throughout that vaft country. It was by thefe means that the inhabitants of Eu- rope, though formerly a barbarous people, became civilized. Indeed the account Ju- lius Csefar gives of the ancient Britains in their ftate of ignorance is not fuch as flxould make us proud of ourfelves, or lead us to defpife the unpolifhed nations of the earth, for he informs us, <c That they lived in many " refpecb like our Indians, being clad with " fkins, painting their bodies, &c." He alfo adds, w That they brother with brother,

" and

( *9 )■ H and parents with children had wives in " common," A greater barbarity than any- heard of amongft the Negroes, Nor doth Tacitus give a more honourable account of the Germans, from whom the Saxons, our immediate anceilors, fprung. The Danes, who fucceeded them, (who may alfo be numbered among our progenitors) were full as bad, if not worfe.

It is ufual for people to advance as a pal- liation in favour of keeping the Negroes in bondage, that there are flaves in Guinea, and. that thofe amongft us might be fo in their own country ; but let fuch confider the in- confiftency of our giving any countenance to flavery becaufe the Africans, whom we "efteem a barbarous and favage people, allow of i t, and perhaps the more from our example. Had the profeflors of chriftianity acted in- deed as fuch, they might have been inftru- mental to convince the Negroes of their er- ror in this refpeci ; but even this, when inquired into, will be to us an occafion of bluihing, if we are not hardned to every fenle or iharne, rather than a pafliatiori of our iniquitous conduct, as it will appear that the iiavery endured in Guinea, and other parts of Africa, and in Alia, * is by H no

* In the hiftory of the piratical dates of Barba y, printed in 1750, faid to be wrote by a peribn who re- '

fided

( 70 ) no means fo grievous as that in our colo- nies* William Moor fpeaking of the natives

living

fidedat Algiers, in a public character, at page 265 the author fays, " The world exclaims againft the Alge- " rines for their cruel treatment of their ilaves, and c< their employing even tortures to convert them to €t mahometanifm : but this is a vulgar error, artfully £t propagated for felfifti views. So far are their {laves " from being ill ufed, that they mull have committed M fome very great fault to fufFer any punifhment. ■•* Neither are they forced to work beyond their *' ilrength, but rather fpared left they fhould fall fick. €Q Some are fo pleafed with their ntuation that they *i will not purchafe their ranfom, though they arc €i able." It's the fame generally through the maho- metan countries, except in feme particular inftances, as that of Muley Ifnmael late emperor of Morocco, who being naturally barbarous, frequently ufed both his fubjects and flaves with cruelty. Yet even under him the ufage the flaves met with was, in general, much more tolerable than that of the Ne- groe flaves, in the Weft Indies. Captain Braithwaite, an author of credit, who accompanied conful general Ruffe), in a congratulatory ambaffy to Muley Ifnmael's iticceflb-r, upon his acceffion to the throne, fays, " The *\ the fituation of the chriftian flaves in Morocco «' was not near fobad asreprefented, — That it was true tc they were kept at labour by the late emperor, but «« not harder than our daily labourers go through. — " Mafters of fnips were never obliged to work, nor " fuch at had but a fmall matter of money to give «« the Alcaide. — Whenfick they had a religious houfe <c appointed for them to go to, where they were well " attended : and whatever money, in charity was

" feat

( 71 ) Jiving on the river Gambia, f fays, Ci That <c fome of the Negroes have many hoiife *; flaves, which is their greateft glory ; " that thofe Haves live fo well and eafy, " that it is fometimes a hard matter to 4C know the flaves from their mailers or " miftreffes. And that though in fome " parts of Africa, they fell their flaves born " in the family, yet on the river Gambia *c they think it a very wicked thing/1 The author adds, u He never heard of but " one, that ever fold a family flave, except " for fuch crimes as they would have been " fold for, if they had been free.,, And in Aftley's collection fpeakingof thecuftoms of the Negroes in that large extent of country

further

4i Cent them by their fr rends in Europe, was their •' own." Eraithwaite's revolutions of Morocco.

Lady Montague, wife of the Englifh arobaflador, at Conftantinople, in her letters vol. 3. page 20 writes, " I know you ex peel: I fhould fay fomething particular " of the {laves; and you will imagine me half a <* Turk, when I don't fpeakof it with the fame hor- i: ror other Chriitians have done before me; but I '* cannot forbear applauding the humanity of the *; Turks to thefe creatures, they are not ill ufed, and " their flavery, m my opinion, rs no worfe than fervi- " tude all over the world. It's true they have no " wages, but they give them yearly cloaths to a high- " er value than our falaries to our ordinary Jt> " vants."

t W. Moor, p. 30.

( 72 )

further down the Coalt particularly dcnomi^ nated the Ceaft of Guineajt is faid,f " They have not many Haves on the Coaii, none but the king or nobles are permitted to buy or fdi any, (q that they are allow- ed only what are neceflary for their fami- lies,, or tilling the ground*?' the fame author adds, " That they generally life their " JIaves welt7 andfeldom correct them.97

CHAP. VII.

Montefquieu 3 fentimenrs on flave-

ry. Moderation enjoined by the Mo- faic law in the puniihment of offenders. Morgan Godwyn's account of the con- tempt and grievous rigour exercifed upon the Negroes in his time. Account from Jamaica relating to the inhuman treatment of them (here. Bad effefts attendant oh Have keeping ; as well to. the mailers as the naves. Extracts from fcveral laws relating to Negroes. Rich- ard Baxter's fentiments on flave keeping.

THi\T celebrated civillian Montefquieu, in his treatife on the fpirit of laws, on the article of Ilavery fays, " // is neither

" 7:

f CollcSion 2 vol. p. 647.

( 73 )

€c ufeful to the majler nor /lave ; to the flave^ C6 becaufe he can do nothing through principle " (or virtue,) to the majler becaufe he con- " trails with his /lave all forts of bad habits , " infenfibly accuftoms himfelf to want all " moral virtues, becomes, haughty, hafly, hard " hearted, pajfionate, voluptuous and cruel. The lamentable truth of this affertion was quickly verified in the Englilh plantations. When the pra&ice of Have keeping was in- troduced, it foon produced its natural effe&s ; it reconciled men ofotherwife good difpofitions to the mod hard and cruel meafures. It quickly proved what under the law of Mofes was apprehended would be the confequence of unmerciful chaftife- ments. Deut. xxv. 2. " And it /hall be if " the wicked man be worthy to be beaten, that " the judge /hall cau/e him to lie down, and to " be beaten before his face, according to his u fault, by a certain number ; forty ftripes he u may give him and not exceed" And the reafon rendered is out of relpeft to human nature, viz. " Left if he /hould exceed and " beat him above the/e with many ftripes, then " thy brother fhould feem vile unto thee" As this effect foon followed the caufe, the cruel- eft meafures were adopted, in order to make the moft of the poor wretches labour; and in the minds of the mafters fuch an idea was excited of inferiority in the nature of thefe H 3, their

( 74 ) their unhappy fellow creatures, that they loon efteemed and treated them as beafts of burden : pretending to doubt, and fome of them, even prefuming to deny, the efficacy of the death of Chrift extended to them.^ Which is particularly noted In a book intitled the Negroes and Indian's advc- cate, dedicated to tlie then Archbifhop of Canterbury : wrote fo long fince as in the year 1680, by Morgan Godwyn, thought to be a clergyman of the church of England. * The fame fpirit of fympathy and zeal which

ftirred

m — ^— — ^— ■ 1 ■

* There is a principle which is pure placed in the human mind, which in different places and ages hatb jhad different names ; it is however, ptiFe, and pro- ceeds from God. — It is deep and inward, confined to. no forms of religion, nor excluded from any, where the heart ftancs in perfect fincerity. In whomfoever, this takes root and grows, of what nation foever they become brethren in the beft fenfe of the expreffion. Ufing ourfelves to take ways which appear mod eafy to us, when inconfiftent with ' that purity which is without beginnings we thereby fet up a government of our own, and deny obedience to him whcfe fervice is rue liberty. He that has a fervant, made fo wrong- fully, and knows it to be fo, when he treats him other- wife than a free man, when he reaps the benefit of his labour, without paying "him fuch v ages as are reason- ably due to free men for the like fervice ; thefe things, though done in calmnefs, without any fhew of difor- der, do yet deprave the mind, in like manner and with as great cerrainty, as prevailing cold congeals water. Thefe fteps taken by mailers, and their cbndfiic? fink- ing the minds of their children, whilft young, leave leis room for that which is good to work upon them.

The

( 75 > ftirred up the good Biihop of Chapia to plead with fo much energy the kindred caufe

of

The cuftoms of their parents, their neighbours and the people with whom they converfe, working upon their minds ; and they from thence conceiving wrong ideas of things, and modes of conduct, the enterance into their hearts became in a great meafure ihut up againft the gentle movings of uncreated purity.

From one age to another the gloom grows thicker and darker, till error gets eftablifhed by general opini- no ; that whoever attends to perfect goodnefs and re- mains under the melting influence of it, finds a path unknown to many, and fees the neceflrty to lean up on the arm of divine itrength* and dwell alone, or with a few, in the right,, committing their caufe to him, who is a refuge to his people. Negroes are our fellow creatures, and their prefent condition among its requires our ferious confideration. We know not: the time when thole fcales, in which mountains are weighed may turn. The parent of mankind is gracious ; his care is over his imalleft creatures ; and a multi- tude of men efcape not his notice ; and though many of them are trodden down and defpifed, yet he remem- bers them. He fecth their affliction, and looketh upon the fpreading increafmg exaltation of the opprelfor. He turns the channel of power, humbles the molt liaughty people, and gives deliverance tothe oppreiTed* at iuch periods as are conMent with his infinite juftice and goodnefs. And wherever gain is preferred to equity, and wrong things publickly encouraged, to that degree that wickecineis takes root, and fpreads- wide anrjngit the inhabitants of a country, there is a real caufe for forrow to all fuch, whofe love to man- kind (lands on a true principle, and wifely confider the end and event of things." > Confideration on keeping' Negroes, by John Woolman, part 2 p. 50. 4

( 7* ) of the Indians of America, an hundred and fifty years before, was equally operating about a century paft on the minds of fome of the well difpofed of that day, amongft others this worthy clergyman, having been an eye witnefs of the oppreffion and cruelty exer- cifed upon the Negro and Indian flaves, endeavoured to raife the attention of thofe in whofe power it might be to procure them- relief j amongft other matters in his addrefs to the Archbifhop, he remarks in fubftance^ " That the people of the of ifland Barbadoes " were not content with exercifing the — ** greateft hardnefs and barbarity upon the " Negroes, in making the moft of their " labour, without any regard to the calls of " humanity ; but that they had fufFered fuch " a flight and undervalument to prevail in " their minds, towards thefe their opprefled " fellow creatures, as to difcourage any ftep " being taken whereby they might be made " acquainted with the ehriftian religion* " That their conduct towards their Haves " was fuch as gave him reafon to believe, " that either they had fiiffered a fpirit of " infidelity, a fpirit quite contrary to the " nature of the gofpel, to prevail in them, " or that it muft be their eftablifhed opinion, " that the Negroes had no more fouls than " beafts; that hence they concluded them * to be neither fufceptible of religious im-

44 prefiions,

( 77 ) «c preiHons, nor fit objecls for the redeeming *< grace of God to operate upon. That " under this perfuafion and from a difpoli- " tion of cruelty, they treated them " with far left humanity than they did " their cattle : for fays he, they do not Ci ftarve their horfes, which they expect " fhould both carry and credit them on the " road ; nor pinch the cony, by whofe milk •c they are fuftained, which yet to their cc eternal flume, is too frequently theJot and " condition of thofe poor people, from whofe " labour their wealth and livelihood doth " wholly arife ; not only in their diet, but in " their cloathing and overworking fome of " them even to death; which is particularly *c the calamity of the moft innocent and iabo- Ci rious ; but alio in tormenting and whip- " ping them almoft and fometimes quite to death, upon even fmall mifcarriages. He apprehends it was from this prejudice again ft the Negroes that arofe thofe fuper- cilious checks and frowns he frequently met with, when ufing innocent argu- ments and perfuafions in the way of his duty as a minifter of the gofpel, to labour H for the convincement and converfion of Cq the Negroes ; being repeatedly told, with' ** fpiteful fcOilings, (even by fome efteem- '< ed religious,) that the Negroes were no 4< more fufceptible of receiving benefit, by

becoming

.%

( 73 ) " becoming members of the church, thaf* " their dogs and bitches ; the ufual anfwer " he received when exhorting their mailers 4C to do their duty in that refpeel, being, 4C What thefe black dogs be made chriflians ; **'' what they be made like us, with abundance " more of the fame ? Neverthelefs* he re- 4C marks that the Negroes were capable, 4C not only of being taught to read and cc write, &c. but divers of them eminent " in the management of bufinefs. He de- " clares them to ha_Y£ an equal right with " us to the merits of Chrift ; of which, if 45 through neglect or avarice they are de- " prived, that judgment which was dc- 4C nounced againft wicked Ahah, muft 4C befal us : Our life fhall go for theirs. The " lofs of their fouls will be required at our 6C hands, to whom God hath given fo bleffed " an opportunity of being infh umental to «' their folvation."

He complains, " That they were foffer- 4C ed to live with their women in no " better way than dii eel fornication ; no <c care being taken to oblige them to conti- " nue together when married ; but that 44 they were fuffered at their will, to leave 4C their wives and take to other women. I " fhall conclude this fympathizing clergy- 4C ma^s observations with an inftance he 44 gives, to fliew that not only difcou-

" ragements

C 79 ) €i ragements and feoffs, at that time " prevailed in Barbadoes, to eftablifh an " opinion that the Negroes were not capa- " bleof religious impreflions; but that even " violence and great abufes were ufed to " prevent any thing of that kind taking " place. It was in the cafe of a poor Negro, *4 who having at his own requeft, prevail- " ed on a clergyman to adminifter baptifm *c to him, on his return home, the trutifh " overfeer took him to taik, giving him to " underftand that, that was no fundays " work for thofe of his complexion, that he , " had other bufinefs for him, the neglect u whereof fhould coft him an afternoon's ■*c baptifm in blood, as he in the morning " had received a baptifm with water, (theie " fays the parfon were his own words,) " which he accordingly made good, of " which the Negroe complained to him, & and he to the governor : neverthelefs, " the poor miferable creature was ever af- " ter fo unmercifully treated by that inhu- " man wretch, the overfeer, that to avoid " his cruelty, betaking himfelfto the woods, " he there perifhed." This inftance is ap- plicable to none but the cruel perpetrator, and yet it is an inftanceof what, in a greater or lefs degree, may frequently happen when thofe poor wretches are left to the will of fuch brutiih inconfiderate creatures as thofe

overfeers

C Bo ) *overfeflte often are. This is confirmed m a Hi/lory of Jamaica wrote in thirteen let- ters, about the year 1 740, by a perfon then •r.efiding in that ifland who writes, as follows," " I ihall not now ester upon the queftion whether the flavery of the Ne- groes be agreeable to the laws of nature or not, though it feexns extreamly hard they fhould be reduced to ferve and toil for the benefit of others, without the leaft advantage to themfelv.es. Happy Britannia whereflavery is never known;whereliber- ty and freedom chears every misfortune, here (fays the author \) we can boaft of no fuch bleffing ; wg have at leait ten flaves to one freeman. I incline to touch the hardfhips which thefe poor creatures fuffer, in the tendered manner, from a particular regard which I have to many of their mailers ; but I cannot con- ceal their fad circumftances uitirely: the moft triviaj error is punhlied with terri- ble whipping. I have feen fome of thern treated in that cruel manner, for no other reafo.n but to fatisfy the brutifh pleafure of an overfeer, who has their punifhrnent moftly at his difcretion. I have feen their bodies all in a gore of blood, the fkia torn off their backs with the cruel whip ; beaten pepper and fait rubbed in the wTounds, and a large ftick of fealing wax

" dropped

( 8i ) ** dropped Ieifurely upon them.dPlt is no "" wonder, if the horrid pain of fuck inhu- 0 man. tortures incline them to rebel. Molt <4 of thefe ilaves are brought from the coaft cs of Guinea : When they firft arrive, it's ? obferved they are fimple and very inno- " cent creatures ; but foon turn to be " roguifh enough : And when they come to * be whipt, urge the example of the whites H for an excufe of their faults.

Thefe accounts of the deep depravity of mind attendant on the practice of flavery,. verify the truth of Montefquieu's remarks of its pernicious effects. And altho' the fame- degree of oppoiltion to inftructing the Ne- groes may not now appear in the iflands as formerly ; efpecially fmce the fociety ap- pointed for propagating the Gofpel have poffefTed anumber ot Negroesin oneof them; rieverthelefs the fituation of thefe oppreffed people is yet dreadful, as well to themfelves, as in its confequences to their hard tafk-maf- ters, and their offspring, as muft be evident to every impartial peribn who is acquainted with the treatment they generally receive, or with the laws which from time to time have been made in the colonies, with refpecfc to the Negroes ; fome of them being abfolute- ly inconfrftant with reafon, and fhocking to humanity. By the 329th ad of the ai- fcmblyof Barbadoes, page 125, it is enact-- I ed

V ( 02 )

cd. " "Hfcit if any Negroe or other (lave tin" " der punifhment, by his mafter or his or* *c der, for running away, or any other ** crime or mifdemeanors, towards his faid -" mafter, unfortunately fhail fuffer in life *c or member, (which feldom happens,) no ** perfon whatibever fliall be liable to any •" fine therefore. But if any man fihall, of " wantonnefs, or only of bloody mindednefs or C€ cruel intention, willfully kill a Negro or other f* /lave of his own, he/hall pay into the publick H treafury, fifteen pounds flerling" Now that the life of a man fhould be fo lightly valued, as that fifteen pounds fhouid be judged a fufficient indemnification of the murder of a man, even when it is avowedly done will- fully* wantonly, cruelly or of bloody mindednefs ^ is a tyranny hardly to be parrelleFd ; never- thelefs human laws cannot make void the righteous law of God, or prevent the inqui- sition of that awful judgment day, when, P* at the hand of every man? s brother the life of cc man /hall be required" By the law of South-Carolina, the perfon that killeth a Negro is only fubject to a fine or twelve months imprifonment : It is the fame in moft, if not all the Weft-Indies. And by an aft of the affembly of Virginia, (4 Ann.Ch. 49. fed. 27. p. 227.) After proclamation is is iffued againft flaves. " That run away w and lie out, it is lawful for airy perfon what-

" fever

C «$ )

€* foever to kill and deflroy fitch flavtt, by fucff u ways and means, as he, fhe or they /hall u think fit, without accufation or impeachment *c of any crime for the fame"* And left .pri- vate intereft ihould incline the planter to mercy, it is provided, " That every flavefo " killed in furfuance of this ad,fhall be paid « for by the pub lick"'

It was doubtlefs, a like fenfe of fympathy with that expreffed by Morgan Godwyn7 before mentioned, for the opprefle4 Negroes, and like zeal for the caufe of religion, fo ma- nifeftly trampled upon in the cafe of the Negroes, which induced Richard Baxter, an eminent preacher amongft the diffenters in the laft century, in his chriflian directory, to exprefs himfelf as follows, viz. " Do you " mark how God hath followed you with " plagues, and may not confcience tell you, " that it is for your inhumanity to the fouls

" and bodies of men." " To go as pi-

" rates and catchup poor Negroes, or people " of another land, that never forfeited life " or liberty, and to make them flaves, and " fell them, is one of the worft kinds of " thievery in the world ; and fuch perfons, 9 are to be taken for the common enemies tc of mankind, and they that buy them and " ufe them as beads for their meer commodi- 4i ty, and betray, or deftroy, orneglecft their

" fouls

I 2

( 84 )

cc fouls, are fitter tobe calleddevrls incarnate <c than chriftians : It is an henious fin to buy " them, unlefs it be in charity to deliver <c them. Undoubtedly they are prefently " bound to deliver them, becaufe by righ$ " the man is his own, therefore no man elfc " can have a juft title to him.9'

CHAP,

( 85 )

CHAP. VIII.

Griffith Hughes's account of the

number of Negroes in Barbadoes. Cannot keep up their ufual number with- out a yearly recruit. Excefilve hard- ihips wears the Negroes down in a fur- piiiing manner. A fervitude without a condition, inconfifiantwithreafon and na- tural juftice. The general ufags the^ Ne- groes meet with in the Weft Indies. In- human calculations of the ftrength and lives of the Negroes. Dreadful confe- quences which may be expected from the cruelty exercifed upon this oppreiTed part of mankind*

"¥TE are told by Griffith Hughes, rec- |T|/ tor of St. Lucy in Barbadoes, in his natural hiftory of that iiland, printed in the year 1750, " That there was between. " fixty five and feventy thoufand Negroes, iC at that time, in the ifiand, tho5 formerly " they had a greater number: That in or- V der to keep up a neceffary >er, they

cc v/ere obliged to have a yearly fupply from rica : That the hard labour, and often"

want

( 8<J ) " want of necefiaries, which thefe unhappy

" creatures are obliged to undergo, deftroy a " greater number than are bred there/5 He adds, " That the capacities of their minds 44 in common affairs of life are but little in- 4i ferior, if at all, to thofeof the Europeans. 44 If they fail in fome arts, he fays, it may " be owing more to their want of education u and the depreilion of their fpiriis by 11a- 4i very, than to any want of natural abili- u ties.'5 This deftruction of the human fpecies, thro' unnatural hardfhips, and want of neceffary fupplies, in the cafe of the Ne- groes is farther confirmed in an account of the European fettlements in America, printed London, 1757, where it is faid,par. 6. chap, nth. " The Negroes in our colonies en- " durcaflavery more compleat, and attend- 44 ed with far worfe circumftances, than what any people in their condition fufier in any ether part of the world or have fuffered in any other period of 44 time : Proofs of this are not wanting. 44 The prodigious wafte which we experience 46 in this unhappy part of our fpecies, is a 44 full and melancholy evidence of this " truth. The ifland of Barbadoes (chc Ne- 4i groes upon which do not amount to eigh- 4; ty thoufand) notwithftanding all the i; means which they ufe to encrea/e 1: w by propagation, and that the climat

44 hi

u

U

( 37 ) C< in every refpect (except that of being " more wholefome) exactly refembling the u climate from whence they come ; not- " withftanding all this, Barbadoeslies under " a neceffity of an annual recruit of five <c thoufand flaves, to keep up the flock at *c the number I have mentioned. This pro- iC digious failure, which is at leaft in the *' fame proportion in all our iilands, fhews " demonftrativelythatfome uncommon and •c unfupportable hardfhip lies upon the Ne- " groes, which wears them down in fuch a " furprifing manner/'

In an account of part of North America, publifhedby Thomas Jeffery 1761, the au- thor fpeaking of the uiage the Negroes re- ceive in the Weft India iilands, fays, " It is " irnpoflible for^a hitman heart to reflect up- " on the fervitude of thefe dregs of man- " kind, without in fome meafure feeling for " their mifery, which ends but with their

" lives. Nothing can be more wretched

" than the condition of this people. One " would imagine, they were framed to be " the difgrace of the human fpecies, banifh- " ed from their country, and deprived of c; that blefiing liberty, on which all other " nations fet the greateft value ; they are in ci a meafure reduced to the condition of " beafls of burden. In general a few roots, " potatoes efpecially, are their food, and

two

( 88 )

tc two rags, which neither fcreen them from " the heat of the day, nor the extraordinary " coolnefs of the night, all their covering; u their fleep very fhort ; their labour almoft " continual: they receive no wages, but " have twenty lafhes for the fmalleft fault.51 A thoughtful perfon, who had an opportuni- ty of obferving the miferable condition of the Negroes, in one of our Weft India iflands, writes thus, " I met with daily ex- " ercife * to fee the treatment which thofe " miferable wretches met with, from their u matters ; with but few exceptions. They " whip them moll unmercifully on fmali <c occafions : you will fee their bodies all " whaled and fcarred ; in fliort, they feem ic to kt no other value on their lives, than " as they coft them fo much money, and are " reft rained from killing them, when angry, " by no worthier consideration, than that " they lofe fo much. They act as though they " did not look upon them as a race of hu- ff man creatures, who have reafon, and re- " membrance of misfortunes ; but as b " like oxen, who are ftubborn, ha j arid " fenfelefs ; fit for burdens and deiigned to " bear them: they wont allow theni u have any claim to human privnege *• fcarce indeed, to be regarded as the " of God. Thousrh it wa c: .liftent

*' the juftice of our muker to pro::

. « -

C 89 )

^ the fentence on our common- parent', 64 and through him on all fucceeding genera- " tions, That he and they Jhould eat theh 44 bread by the fweat of their brows : yet does 14 it not Hand recorded by the fame eternal 0i truth, That the labourer is worthy of his 4; hiret It cannot be allowed, in natural 44 juftice, that there ftiouid be a fervi- " tude without condition, a cruel, endlefs, 44 fervitude. It cannot be reconcileable to 44 natural juftice, that whole nations, nay 44 whole continents of men, fhould be de- 44 voted to do the drudgery of life for others* " be dragged away from their attachments " of relations and focieties, and be- made to 44 ferve the appetite and pleafure of a race 44 of men, whofe fuperiority has been ob- 44 tained by illegal force.

Sir Hans Sloan in the introduction to his natural hiftory of Jamaica in the account he gives of the treatment the Negroes met with there, fpeaking of the punifhments infli&ed on them, fays, page 56 u For rebellion the 44 punifhment is burning them by nailing 44 them down on the ground, with crook- 44 ed fticks on every limb, arid then apply- ing the fire by degrees from the feet and hands, burning them gradually up to the head, whereby their fains are extrava- gant. For crimes of a lefs nature, gelding or chopping oiFhalpthe foot with an axe,

44 Tor

u

( 90 J

** For negligence, they are ufually

" whipped by the overfeers with lance-wood

" fwitches. — After they are whipped

" till they are raw, fome put on their fkins " pepper and fait to make them fmart ; at " other times their matters will drop melted * wax on their fkins, and ufe feveral very " exquifife torments"7 In that iiland the owners of the Negroe flaves, fet afide to each a parcel of ground, and allow them half a day at the latter end of the week, which with the day appointed, by the divine in- junction, to be a day of reft and fcrvice to God, and which ought to be kept as fuch, is the only time allowed them to manure their ground. This with a few herrings, or other fait fifh, is what is given for their fupport. Their allowance for cloathing in the ifland is feldom more than fix yards of oznabrigs each year. And in the more northern colonies, where the piercing weft- eriy winds are long and fenfibly felt, thefe poor Africans fufier much for want of fuili- cient cloathing, indeed fome have none till they are able to pay for it by their labour. The time that the Negroes work in the eft Indies, is from day break till noon; then again from two o'clock till dark, (dur- ing which time they are attended by over- feers who feverely fcourge thofe who appear to them dilatory,) and before they are dif- fered

( 91 ) fered to go to their quarters, they have ftilt fornething to do, as collecting herbage for the horfes, gathering fewel for the boilers,, &c. fo that it is often paft twelve before they can get home ; when they have fcarce time to grind and boil their Indian corn : whereby if their food was not prepared the evening before, it fometimes happens, that they are called again to labour before they cau fatisfy their hunger. And here no delay or .excufe will avail, for if they are not in the field immediately upon the ufual notice, they muft expe£t to feel the overfeers lafh. In crop time (which lafts many months,) they are obliged (by turns,) to work moft of the night, in the boiling houfe. Thus their owners from a defire of making the greateit gain by the labour of their flaves, lay heavy burdens on them, and yet feed and cloath them very fparingly, and fome fcarce feed or cloath them at all ; fo that the poor creatures are obliged to fhift for their living in the befc manner they can ; which occaiions their being often killed in the neighbouring lands, ftealing potatoes or other food, to fatisfy their hunger, And if they tak^ any thing from the plantation they belong to, though under fudb pi lg want, their owners will ft them feverely, for taking a little of they have fo hardly laboured for; Selves riot in the greateit luxury

( 9* ) luxury and excefs. It is a matter of afto- nifhment how a people who, as a nation, are looked upon as generous and humane, and fo much value themfelves for their uncom- mon fenfe of the benefit of liberty, can live in the practice of fuch extreme oppreflion and inhumanity, without feeing the incon- fiftency of fuch conduct, and feeling great remorfe. Nor is it lefs amazing to hear thele men calmly making caculations about the ftrength and lives of their fellow men ; in Jamaica if fix in ten, of the new imported Negroes furvive the feafoning, it is looked upon as a gaining purchafe. And in moft of the other plantations, if the uegroes live eight or nine years, their labour is reckoned a fufficient compenfation for their coft. If calculations of this fort were made upon the ftrength and labour of beafts of burden it would not appear fo ftrange, but even then a merciful man would certainly ufe hisbeaft with more mercy than is ufually fliewn to the poor Negroes. Will not the groans, the dying groans, of this deeply afflicted and op- preffed people reach heaven, and when the cup of iniquity is full, mud not the inevit- able confequence, be the pouring forth of the judgments of God upon their oppreffors ? But alas ! is it not too manifeft that this op- preflion has already long been the object of the divine difpleaiuie? For what heavier

judgment,

( 93 ) judgment, what greater calamity can befal any peoplevthan to become "fubject to that hardnefs of heart, that forgetfulnefs of God, and infenfibility to every religious irapref- fion ; as well as that general depravation of manners, which fo much prevails in thefe colonies, in proportion as they have more or lefs enriched themfelves at the expence of the blood and bondage of the Negroes.

It is a dreadful confideration, as a late author remarks, that out of the flock of eighty thoufand Negroesin Barbadoes, there die every year five thoufand more than are born in that ifland ; which failure is probably in the fame proportion in the other iilands. In effect this people is under a necejfity of being entirely renewed every fixteen years. And what muft we think of the management of a people, who far from increaiing greatly, as thofe who have no lofs by war ought to do, muft in fo fhort a time as fixteen years, without foreign recruits, be entirely con- fumed to a man. Is it not a chriftian doc- trine, that the labourer /* worthy of his hire ? .and hath not the Lord by the mouth of his prophet pronounced " wo unto that man who 46 buildeth his houfe by unrighteoufnefs, and his " chambers by wrong* ^';ho ufes his neighbours " fervice without wages, andgiveth him nought " for his work ?" And yet the poor Negroe flaves are conftrained, Jike the beafts, by K beating

( 94 ) beating to work hard without hire or recom- mence, and receive nothing from the hand -or their unmerciful matters, but fuch a wretched proviiion as will fcarce fupport .them under their fatigues. The intolerable .hardships many of the flaves undergo is fuifi- ciently proved by the fhortnefs of their lives* And who are thefe miferable crea- tures that receive fuch barbarous treatment irom the planters? Can we reftrain our juft indignation when we confider that they .are undoubtedly his brethren ! his neigh- bours ! the children of the fame father ; andfome of thofe for 'whom Chrift died^ as truly as for the planter himfelf. Let the opulent planter or merchant prove that his Negroe Have is^not Lis brother ; or that he is not his neighbour^ in the fcripture fenfe of thefe appellations ; and if he is not able to dp fo, hoy/ will he juftify the buying and felling of his brethren, as if they were of no more confideration than his cattle ? The wearing tl^m out with continual labour, before they have lived out half their days? The fevere whip- ping and torturing them even to death, if they reiift his infupportable tyranny; Let the hardieft flave-holder look forward to that tremendous day, when he muft give an account to God of his ftewardfhip, and let him ferioufly confider, whether at fuch a time, he thinks, he Ihali be able to fatisfy

himfelf.

(9$ )

llimfelf, that any act of buying and felfingy ar the fate of war, or the birth of children, ia his houfe, plantation, or territories, or any other circumftance whatever, can give him fuch an abfolute property in the perfons of men, as will juftify his retaining them as Haves, and treating them as beafts. Let hin> diligently eonlider whether there will not: always remain to the Have a fuperior proper- ty or right to the fruit of his own labour ? and more efpecially to his own perfon, that being which was given him by God, and ¥,iiich none but the giver can juftly claim-,

C II A P.

( 9* J

CHAP. IX.

THE advantage which would

Jiave accrued to the natives of Guinea, if the Europeans had acted towards them agreeable to the dictates of humanity and chriftanity. An inordinate defire of gain in the Europeans-, the true occafioa of the ilave trade. Notice of the mifre- prenfations of the Negroes, by mod au- thors, in order to palliate the iniquity of the flave trade. Thofe mifreprefentations refuted, particularly with refpecl to the Hottentot Negroes.

o

FROM the foregoing accounts of the natural difpofition of the Negroes, and the fruitfulnefs of molt parts of Guinea, which are confirmed by authors of can- dour, who have wrote from their own knowledge, it may well be concluded, that the Negroes acquaintance with the Euro- peans might have been a happinefe to them, if thefe iaft had not only bore the name, but had alfo acted the part of Chriftians, and ufed their endeavours by example as well as precept, to make them acquainted with the

glad

( 97 ) glad tidings of the gofpel ; which breathes peace and good will to man, and with that change of heart, that redemption from fin, which chriftianity propofeth ; innocence and love might then have prevailed, nothing would have been wanting to compleat the happinefs of the fimple Africans : but the reverfe has happened; the Europeans for- getful of their duty, as men, and chrif- tians, have conducted in fo iniquitous a manner, as muft neceffarily raife in the minds of the thoughtful and well difpofed Negroes, the utmoft fcorn and deteftation. of the very name of chriftians. All other confiderations have given way to an infati- able defire of gain, which has been the principal and moving caufe of the moll ini- quitous and dreadful fcene that was, perhaps, ever acted upon the face of the earth ; in- Head of making ufe of that fuperior know- ledge, with which the Almighty, the common parent of mankind, had favoured them, to strengthen the principle of peace and good will in the breafts of the incautious Negroes; the Europeans have, by their bad example, led them into excefs of drunken nefs, debauch- ery and avarice ; whereby every paffion of corrupt nature being inflamed, they have been eafily prevailed upon to make war, and captivate one another ; as well to furnilh means for the exeffes they had been habi- K 3 tuated

( 9^ )

t dated to, as to fatify the greedy deiire gain in their profligate employers ; who to this intent have furnilhed them with prodi- gious quantities of arms and amunition. Thus they have been hurried into confufion, diftrefs and all the extremities of temporal mifery ; every thing, even the power of their kings, has been made fubfervient to this wicked purpofe, for inftead of being protectors of their fubjects, fome of thole rulers corrupted by the exceflive love of fpirituous liquors, and the tempting baits laid before them by the factors, have invad- ed the liberties of their unhappy fubjects, and are become their oppreffors.

Here it may be necefiary to obferve, that the accounts we have of the inhabitants of Guinea, are chiefly given by perfons engag- ed in the trade, who, from felf interefted views, have defcribed them in fuch colours 3s were leaft likely to excite compaffion and refpeft, and endeavoured to reconcile fo manifeft a violation of the rights of mankind to the minds of the purchafers ; yet they cannot but allow the Negroes to be pofeffed of fome good qualities, though they contrive as much as poffible to call a {hade over them. A particular inftance of this appears in Ait- ley's collection 2 vol. p. 73, where the au- thor fpeaking of the Mandingo's fettled at Galcm, which is fituated poo miles up the

Senegal,

( 99. ) Senegal, after faying that they carry on 2 commerce to all the neighbouring king- doms, and amafs riches, adds, " That ex- u cepting the vices peculiar to the blacks , they u are a good fort of people, honeft, hofpi- " tablejuft to their word, laborious, induf- " trious and very ready to learn arts and " fciences." Here it is difficult to imagine what vices can be peculiarly attendant on a people fo well diipofed as the author de- scribes thefe to be. With refpect to the charge fome authors have brought againft them as being void of all natural affe&ion, it is frequently contradi&ed by others: ia the 2 voL of the collec. p. 275, and 629, the Negroes of North Guinea, and the Gold Coaft, are faid, to be fond of their Child- wn, whom they love with tendernefs. And Bofman fays p. 340, " Not a few in his " country (viz. Holland) fondly imagine, * that parents here fell their children ; men M their wives, and one brother the other; u but thofe who think fo deceive them- " felves ; for this never happens on any cc other account but that o'f neceffity, or " fome great crime. " The fame is repeated by J. Barbot, page 326, and alfo confirmed by Sir Hans Sloan, in the introduction to his natural hiftory of Jamaica ; where fpeaking of the Negroes, he fays, " They are ufually £ thought to be haters of their own

" children,

( ioo >

44 children, and therefore 'tis believed that 44 they fell and difpofe of them toftrangers 44 for money ; but this is not true, for the « Negroes of Guinea being divided into. 44 feveral captainfhips, as well as the Indians: 44 of America, have wars, and belides thofe 44 flain in battle, many prifoners are taken, 44 who are fold as flaves and brought thither;, 44 but the parents here although their child- 44 ren are flaves for ever, yet have fo great 46 love for them,, that no mailer dares fell, 44 or give away one of their little ones, 44 unlefs they care not whether their parents 44 hang themfelves or no." J. Barbot fpeaking of the occafioa of the natives of Guinea being reprefented as, a treacherous people, afcribes it to the Hollanders (and doubtlefs other Europeans,) ufurping autho- rity, and fomenting divifions between the Negroes. At page i io he fays, " It is well " known that many of the European nations 44 trading amongft thefe people, have very 44 unjuftly and inhumanly, without any 44 provocation, flolen away, from time to 44 time, abundance of the people, not only 44 on this coaft, but almoft every where in 44 Guinea who have come on board their u fhips in a harmlefs and confiding manner^ 44 thefe they have in great numbers car- 44 ried away, and fold in the plantations with 44 other flaves, which they had purchafed."

And

( roi >

And although fome of the Negroes may Be juflly charged with indolence and fuppinefs, yet many others are frequently mentioned by authors as a careful r, induflricus and even laborious people. But nothing fhews more clearly how unfafe it is to form a judgment of diilant people from the accounts given of them by travellers, who have taken but a tranfient view of things,, than the cafe of the Hottentots, viz. thofe feveral nations of Negroes who inhabit the moft fouthern part of Africa: thefs people are reprefented, by feveral authors, w7ho appear to have very much copied their relations one from the other, as fo favage and barbarous as to have little of human, but the fhape ; but thefe accounts are ftrongly contradicted by others, particularly Peter Kolben has given a cir- cumfiantiai relation of the difpofition and manners of thofe people, j He was a man of learning, fen t from the court of Pruffia, folely to make stftronomical and natural ob- servations there; and havingno intereft in the ilavery of the Negroes, had not the fame inducement as moft other relators had, to mlfreprefent the natives of Africa. He re- iided eight years at and about the Cape Good Hope, during which time he examin- ' ed with great care into the cuftoms, manners

and

t See Kolben's account of the Cape of Good Hope,

( 102 %

and opinions of the Hottentots; whence lie fets thefe people in a quite different light'? from what they appeared in former authors, whom he corrects, and blames'for the falfe- hoods they have wantonly told of them, at p. 6 1 . he iays, " The detail we have in feve- " ral authors, are for themoft part made up " of inventions and hearfays, which gener- " ally prove faife."— Neverthelefs, he allows they are juftly to be blamed for their floth. — The love- of liberty and indolence is their all : compulfion is death to them. While nc-eejfity oblige? the m to work, they are very tractable, obedient and faithful ; but when they have got enough to fatisfy the -prefent want, they are deaf to all further entreaty. He alfo faults them for their naftinefs, the effefts of Goth, and for their Jove of drink ; and the practice of ibme unnatural cuftoms, which long ufe lias eiiablifhed amongft them; which neverthe- lefs, from the general good difpofition of thefe people, there is great reafon to believe they might be perfuaded to refrain from ; if a truly chriitian care had been exten- ded towards them; he fays,. " They u are eminently diflinguiflied by ma- ** ny virtues, as their mutual benevQ- " lence, friendfhip and hofpitality ; they " breathe kindnefs and good will, to one t€- another ; and feek all opportunities of " obliging. Is a Hottentots afliflance re- quired

i i*Z )

0 quired by one of his countrymen, foe " runs to give it ; Is his advice afked he f* gives it with fincerity. Is his countryman ■P in want, he relieves him to the utmoft of cC his power."*' Their hofpitallity ^extends even to European ftrangers : in travelling through the Cape countries, you meet with a chearful and open reception, in whatfo ever village you come to. In fliort he fays, p. 339, "The integrity of the Hotten- " tots ; their ftrictnefs and celerity in the iC execution of juftice, and .their charity ar,e " equalled by few nations. In alliances their " word is f acred; there being hardly any thing, " they look upon as a fuller crime than breach jpf 45 engagements. Theft and adultery they fu- " nijh with death** They firmly believe there is a God, the author of all things, whom they call the God of gods : but it does not appear that they have an jnftitution of worfhip dire&ly regarding this fupreme Deity. When preffed.on this article, they excufe themfelves by a tradition, " That " their firfl parents fo grievoufly offended " this great God, that he curfed them and their " foflerity with hardnefs of hectrt ; fo that u they know little about him, and have lefs in- U dination to ferve him" (As -has been al- ready remarked,) Thefe Hottentots are the only Negroe nations bordering on the fea, we read of3 who are not concerned in mak- ing

( «>4 3 ing or keeping flaves. Thofe flaves mrtde ufe of by the Hollanders at the Cape, are brought from other parts of Guinea. Num- bers of thefe people told the author, " That •*c the vice they faw prevail amongft chrif- c; tians ; their avarice, their envy and hat- " red of one another ; their reftlefs difcon- *c tented tempers, their lafcivioufnefs and c< injuftice, were the things that principally " kept the Hottentots from hearkening to u chriftianity."

Father Tachard a Trench jefuit famous for his travels in the Eaft Indies, in his ac- count of thefe people, fays, " The Hotten- *V tots have more honefty, love and libera- " lity for one another, than are almoil any •4C where feen amongft chriftianSh."

CHAP.

( ">5 )

CHAP. X.

Man-flealing efteemed highly cri- minal and punifliable by the laws of Guinea : No Negroes allowed to be fold for Slaves there but thofe deemed prifon- ersofwar, or in puniftiment for crimes. Some of the Negroe rulers, corrupted by the Europeans, violently infringe the laws of Guinea. The king of Barfailay noted in that refped.

BY an enquiry into the laws and cuftoms formerly in ufe and ftill in force amongft the Negroes, particularly on the Gold Coaft, it will be found, that provifioh was made for the general peace, and for the iafety of individuals ; even in W. Bofman's time, long after the Europeans had eftablifh- ed the Have trade, the natives were not publicly enflaved, any otherwife than in punifhment for crimes ; when prifoners of war ; or by a violent exertion of the power of their corrupted kings. Where any of the natives were llolen, in order to be fold to the Europeans, it was done fecretly, or at ieafi only connived at by thofe in power; I* this

( ?o6 ) this appears from Barbot and Bofman's ac- count of the matter, both agreeing tha£ Man-ftealing was not allowed on the Gold Coaft. The firft, f fays, « Kidnap- " P?n£ or flealing of human creatures is pu- " nijhed there^and even fometimes with death!* AndW.Bofman, whofe long refidence on the coaft, enabled him to fpeak with certainty, fays } " That the laws were ft- " vere again]} murder ■, thievery a?td adul- CQ tery" and adds," That -"man-ftealing was " puniftjed on the Gold Coaft with rigid " feverity, and fometimes with death itfelf** Hence it may be concluded, that the fale of thegreateft part of the Negroes to the Europeans is fupported by violence, in defi- ance of the laws, through the, knavery of their principal men*, who, (as is too often the cafe with thofe in European countries) under pretence of encouraging trade, and cncreafing the public revenue, difregard the dictates of juftice, and trample upon thofe liberties which they are appointed to pre- ferve.

Fr. Moor alfo mentions, Man-ftealing as being difcountenanced by the Negroe Go- vernments

\ Barbot, page 303. * % Bofman, page 143.

* Note. B arbor, page 270 fays, the trade of flaves is in a more peculiar manner the bufinefs of kings, rich men and prime, merchajus, exclufrveof the inferior fort ofblacks.

( ™1 )

rnments on the river Gambia, and fpeaks of the ihflaving the peaceable inhabitants, as a violence, which only happens un- der a corrupt adminiftration of juftice ; he fays, " * The kings of that country "■'' generally advife with their head men, w icarcely doing any thing of confequence, "" without confulting them firft, except u the king of Barfailay, who being fubje£t *4 to hard drinking is very abfolute. It is " to this king's infatiable thirft for brandy, u that his- Subjects freedoms and fami- " lies are in io precarious a fituation j" " JWhenever this king wants goods or " brandy, he fends a meffenger to the Eng- ""lilh Governor at James Fort, to defire he "' would fend a floop there with a cargo ; " this nerjus^ being not at all unwelcome^ the " Governor fends accordingly ; againit the cc arrival of the Hoop, the King goes and " ranfacks fome of his enemies towns, " feizing the people, and felling them for ** fuch commodities as he is in want of, c; which commonly is brandy, guns, pow- " der, balls, piftols and cutlaifes for his at- " tendants and foldiers ; and coral and fil- " ver for his wives and concubines; in cafe w he is not at war with any neighbouring " king, he then falls upon one of his own " towns, which are numerous, and ufes " them in the fame manner; " He often

goes

Moor, page 61, % Idem, page 46,

' ( io8 )

" goes with fome of his troops by a " town in the day time, and returning in " the night, fets fire to three parts or it, and " putting guards at the fourth, there feizes " the people as they run out from the fire, " he ties their arms behind them, and " marches them either to Joar or Cohone,. " where he fells them to the Europeans."

A. Brue, the French diredfor gives much the fame account, and fays,* "That " having received goods he wrote to the " King, that if he had a fufficient num- " ber of flaves, he was ready to trade. " with him. This prince, as well as the " other Negroe monarchs, has always a, " fureway of fupplying his deficiences, by " felling his own fubjecls, for which they " feldom want a pretence. The King had " recourfe to this method by feizing three " hundred of his own people, and fent word " to the director that he had the flaves rea- " dy to deliver for the goods." It feems,, the King wanted double the quantity of goods, which the fadlor would give him for thefe three hundred flaves ; but the fac- tor refufing to trufthim, as he wras already, in the company's debt, and perceiving that this refufal had put the king much out of temper, he propofed that he fhould give him a licence for taking fo many more of his people, as the goods he flill wanted were

worth ;

& Collect Vol. II. page 29.

( 109 ) Worth ; but this the King refufed, faying, " It might occafion a disturbance amongft " his fubjecb."* Except in the above in- ftance, and fome others, where the power of the Negroe Kings are unlawfully exerted oyer their fubje&s ; the flave trade is carried on in Guinea with fome regard to the laws of the country, which allow of none to be fold but prifoners taken in their national wars, or people adjudged to flavery in pu- niftiments for crimes ; but the largenefs of

the

* Note. This Negroe king, thus refufing to com- ply with the Factor's wicked propofai, fliews, he was fenfible his own conduct was not juftifiable ; and it likewife appears the Factor's only concern was to pro- cure the greateft number of flaves, without any re- gard to the injuftice of the method, by which they were procured. This Andrew Brue, was, for a long time, principal director of the French African factory in thofe parts ; in the management of which, he is in the collection faid to have had extraordinary fuccefs. The part he ought to have acted as a Chriftian towards the ignorant Africans feems quite out of the queftion; the profit of his employers appears to have been his fole concern ; at page 62, fpeaking of the country on the Senegal river, he fays, " It was very populous, " the foil rich, and if the people were industrious, " they might, of their own produce, carry on a vc- cc ry advantageous .trade with ftrangers ; there being " bui few things in which they could be excelled ; •' but (he adds) // is to be hoped the Europeans ivill *' let them into the fecr-ei V A remark unbecoming ha- manlty, much more chrifuanity !

( no )

the country, the number of kingdoms or commonwealths, and the great encourage- ment given by the Europeans, afford fre- quent pretences and opportunities to the bold defigning profligates of one kingdom to furprize and feize, not only upon thofe of a neighbouring government, but alfo the weak and helplefs of their own ;* and the unhappy people taken on thofe occafions, are, with impunity, fold to the Europeans, Thefe practices are doubtlefs difapproved of by the moil confiderate amongft the Ne- groes, for Bofman acquaints us, that even their national wars are not agreeable to- fuch. He faysf " If the perfon who occa- " fioned the beginning of the war be taken, cc they will not eafily admit him to ranfom, " though his weight in gold fhould be of- " fered, for fear he fliould, in future, form " fome new defign againft their repofe."

CHAP.

* This inhuman practice is particularly defcribed byBrue, in Collect. Vol. II. page 98, where he fays, w That fome of the natives, are, on all occafions, M endeavouring to furprize and carry off their- coun- « try people. They land (fays he) without noife, * and if they find a lone cottage without defence, they ■- furround'it, and carry off all the people and effects •« to their boat, and immediately reimbark." This feems to be moftly praftifed by fome Negroes who dwell en the fea coaft.

f Bofman, p. J 55*

( "I )

CHAP. XL

An account of the Hiocking inhu- manity ufed in the carrying on of the flave trade, as deferibed by factors of diffe- rent nations, viz. By Francis Moor on the river Gambia, and by John Barbot, A. Brue and William Bofman thro' the coaft of Guinea. Note. Of the large reve- nues arifing to the kings of Guinea from the Have trade.

FIRST Francis Moor, factor for the Eng- lifh African company on the river Gambia, f writes, " That there is a num- " ber of Negro traders called joncoes or iC merchants, who follow the flave trade, as " a bufinefs, their place of refidence is fa " high up in the country, as to be fix *' weeks travel from James Fort, which is * fituate at the mouth of that river. Thefe 46 merchants bring down elephants teeth, " and in fome years two thoufand flaves, " moll of which they fay, are prifoners m taken in war* They buy them from the

" different

t Moor, page 28 >

( II* )

6 different princes, who take them ; many 8 of them are Bumbrongs and Petcharies ; c nations, who each of them have different c languages, and are brought from a vaft 1 way inland. Their way of bringing them 1 is tying them by the neck, with leathern 6 thongs, at about a yard diitance from each c other, thirty or forty in a firing, having c generally a bundle of corn or elephants c teeth upon each of their heads. In their c way from the mountains, they travel thro' ' very great woods, where they cannot for 6 fome days get water ; fo they carry in fkin c bags enough to fupport them for a time. ' I cannot, (adds Moor) be certain of the c number of merchants who follow this c trade, but there may, perhaps, be about c an hundred, who go up into the inland 1 country, with the goods which they buy 1 from the white men, and with them pur- ' chafe, in various countries, gold, flaves, c and elephants teeth. Befides the flaves ' which the merchants bring down, there c are many bought along the river : Thefe 6 are either taken in war, as the former are, ' or men condemned for crimes ; cr elfepeo- c pleftolen, which is very frequent. — Since the flave trade has been ufed all punifhments are changed into flavery ; there being an advantage on fuch condemnation," they

« ; Jlrain

( "i >

€c ft rain for crimes very hard, in order to get the " benefit of felling the criminal"

John Barbot, the French factor, in his account of the manner by which the flaves are procured, fays, " f The flaves fold by " the Negroes, are for the moft part prifon- f ers of war, or taken in the incurfions cc they make in their enemies territories ; u others are ftolen away by their neigh- u bours, when found abroad, on the road, cc or in the woods y, or elfe in the corn & fields, at the time of the year when their " parents keep them there all the day to cc fcare away the devouring fmall birds." Speaking of the tranfattions on that part of Guinea, called the Slave Coaft, where the Europeans have the moft factories, and from whence they bring away much the greateft number of flaves, the fame author and alfo Bofman * fays, " The inhabitants " of Coto do much mifchief in ftealing thofe " flaves they fell to the Europeans from the

" upland country. That the inhabitants

" of Popo, excell the former, being en- " do wed with a much larger fliare ofcou* cc rage, they rob more fuccefsfully, by " which means they increafe their riches " and trade :" The author particularly re- marks,

f John Barbot, page 47, • Bofman, page 3 10,

( "4 ) marks, " That they are encouraged in this'' " fraElice by the Europeans ; fometimes it " happens according to the fuccefs of their' " inland excurfions, that they are able to cc furniih two hundred Haves or more in a <c few days.'* And he fays, ** |- The blacks " ofFida, or Whydah are fc expeditious in " trading for Haves, that they can deliver a:

" thoufand every month/' " If there

" happens to be no ftock of Haves there, " the factor muft truft the blacks with his cl goods to the value of one hundred and " fifty, or two hundredpounds, which goods " they carry up into the inland country u to buy flaves at all markets *, for above

"fix

f Barbot, page 326.

* When the great income which arifes to the Ne- groe kings on the Slave-Coaft, from the flaves brought thro' their feveral governments to be (hipped onboard - the European veffels, is considered, we have no caufe to wonder that they give fo great a countenance to ' that trade, William -Bofman fays, page 337. '• That H each Jhip <mhieh comes to Whydah to trade, reckoning one " with another either by toll, trad: or cujiom, pays ** about four hundred pounds and fometimes fifty Jhips '* come hither in a year.'* Barbot confirms the fame and adds, page 350. u That in the neighbouring kingdom of " Ardah the duty to the king is the value cf feventy or eighty " flaves for each trading jhip ." Which is near half as much more as at Whydah, nor can the Europeans concerned in the trade with any degree of propriety blame the African Kings for countenancing it, while

they

.( "S ) *c fix hundred miles up the country, were «; they are kept like cattle in Europe ; the " flaves fold there being generally prifoners " of war, taken from their enemies like " other booty, and perhaps fome few fold u by their own country men, in extream 6C want or upon a famine, as alfo fome as a " puniihment of henious crimes." So far Barbot's account, that given by William Bofman is as follows, " j| When the Haves u which are brought from the inland coun- tries, come taWhydah, they are put in c< prifon together, when we treat concern- " ing buying them, they are all brought out €C together in a large plain, where, by our " furgeons, they are thoroughly examined, " and that naked, both men and women, " without the leaft diftinflion or modefty.* ; Thofe

they continue to fend veffels on purpofe, to take in the fiaves which are thus ftolen, and that they are permit- ted under the fan&ion of national laws to fell them to the colonies,

|| Bofman, page 340.

* Note from the above account of the indecent and {hocking manner in which the unhappy Negroes are treated, it is reafonable fprperfons unacquainted with thefe people to conclude them to be void of that natu- ral modefty, fo becoming a reafonable creature; but thofe who have had intercourfe with the blacks in thefe northern colonies know that this would be a wrong conclufion ; for they are indeed as fufceptible 4>f. modefty and flume as other people-. It is the xm*

parallel'd

( IKS )

" Thofe which are approved as good are fet " on one fide ; in the mean while a burning 6i iron, with the arms or name of the com- " pany, lies in the fire, with which ours are " marked on the breaft. When we have a- " greed with the owners of the flaves, they " are returned to their prifons, where from " that time forward they are kept at our " charge, coft us two pence a day, each " Have, wrhich ferves to fubfift them like cri- 4C minals on bread and water j fo that to

" fave

parellel'd brutality to which the Europeans have by long cuftora been inured, which urgeth them, without blufhing, to act fo fhameful a part. Such ufage is certainly grievous to the poor Negroes, particularly the women ; but they are flaves, and muft fubmit to this, or any other abufe that is offered them, by their cruel tafk-mafters, or expeel tobe inhumanly tormented in- to acquiefcence. That the blacks are unaccuftomed t® fuch brutality, appears from an inftance mention- ed in Aftley's Collection, vol. 2. page 201. viz. " At an audience which Cafseneuve had of the king c< of Congo, where he was ufed with a great deal of «' civility by the blacks, fome flaves were delivered «c to him. The king obferving Cafseneuve (according W to the cuftom of the Europeans) to handle the <c limbs of the flaves, burft out a laughing, as did «< the great men about him ; the faclor afking the *c interpreter the occafion cf their mirth, was told <( it proceeded from his fo nicely examining the flaves. " Neverthelefs the King was fo 'afoamed of it that he deji- " red him for dscaicfs fake to do Min a more private man* " rier.

( "7 ) %c fave charges, we fend them on board our " fhips the very firft opportunity, before <c which their mafters flrip them of all they cc have on their backs,, fo that they come on " board ft ark naked, as well women as 46 men. In which condition they are obliged " to continue, if the mafter of the fhip is not " fo charitable (which he commonly is) as to " beftow fomething on them to cover their " nakednefs. Six or feven hundred are <;-fometimes put onboard a veflel, where cc they lie as clofe together as its poflible for ** them to be crowded,"

M CHAP-

( xr-8 )

CHAP. XII. jExtrads of feveral Journals of

Voyages to the coaft of Guinea for Slaves, whereby the extreme inhumanity of that traffick.is defcribed. Melancholy account of a fhip blown up on that coaft with a great number of Negroes on board. In- fiances of Clocking' barbarity perpetrate^ by mafters of veffels towards their flaves. Inquiry why thefe fcandalous infringe- ments both of divine and human laws are overlooked by the government.

TH E mifery and bloodfhed attendant on the Have trade, is fet forth by the -following extracts of two voyages to the .coaft of Guinea, for flaves. The firft in a veffel from Liverpool, taken verbatim from the original manufcript of the Surgeon's Journal, viz.

" Seftro, December the 29th, 1724, No " trade to day, though many traders come •" on board ; they informed us, that the <c people are gone to war within land, and & will bring prifoners enough in two or « three days, in hopes d£ which we ftay."

The

( **? )

The 30th. " No trade yet, but our tra- ** ders came on board to day, and informed c; us the people had burnt' four towns of " their enemies, fo that to-morrow we ex- •* peel flaves off: another large fliip is come «* in. Yeftei day came in a large Londoner ."

The 31ft.- " Fair weather, but no trade " yet ; we fee each night towns burning,

* but we hear the Seftro men are many of " them killed by the inland Negroes, fo

-** that we fear this war will be unfuccefs-

* ful."

The 2d of January, " Laft night we fa-w " a prodigious fire break out about eleven cc o'clock ; and this morning fee the town " of Seftro burnt down to the ground ; (it " contained fome hundreds of houfes)fo that " we find their enemies are too hard for " them at prefent, and confequently our " trade fpoiled here ; therefore, about feven " o'clock we weighed anchor, as did like- " wife the three other veffels, to proceed " lower down."

Thefecond relation, alfo taken from the original manufcript Journal of a perfon of < redit, who went furgeon on the fame trade, inaveflel from New-York, about twenty years paft, is as follows ; viz. w Being on the " coaft, the Commander of the veffel, ac- ci cording to cuitorn, fent a perfon on fhore 46 with a prefent to the King, acquainting

" him

( 1M )

44 him with his arrival, and letting him M know, they wanted a cargo of flaves. The* " King promifed to furniflu them with- 4C flaves ; and, in order to do it, fet out ta ic go to war againft his enemies ; defigning " to furprife fome town, and take all the iC people prifoners : Some time after, the " king fent them word, he had not yet met " with the defired fuccefs ; having been " twice repulfed, in attempting to break up 44 two towns ; but that he ftill hoped to pro- " cure a number oi flaves for them ; and in " this defign he perfifted till he met his ene- " mies in the field ; where a battle was ic fought, which lafted three days, during " which time the engagement wasfo bloody, " that four thoufand five hundred men *c were flain on the fpot." The perfon who wrote the account beheld the bodies as they lay on the field of battle. " Think " (fays he in his Journal) what a pitiable " fight it was to fee the widows weeping 4i over their loft hufbands, orphans deplor- " ing the lofs of their fathers, &c. &c" In the 6th Vol. of Churchill's collection of Voy- ages, page 219, we have the relation of a voyage performed by Captain Philips, in a fhipof45o tuns, along the coaft of Guinea, for elephants teeth, gold, and Negro flaves, intended for Barbadoes ; in which he fays* that they took " feven hundred flaves o?i

" board.

( til )

' board, the men being all put in irons two

£< by two fhackled together to prevent their

6 mutinying or fvvimming afhore. That the

6 Negroes are fo loath to leave their own

" country, that they often leap out of the

" canoe, boat, or (hip, into the fea, and keep

. " under water till they are drowned to a-

" void being taken up, and faved by the

" boats which purfue them." — They

had about twelve Negroes who willingly -drowned themfelves ; others ftarved them-

felves to death. Philips was advifed

to cut off the lesrs and arms of fome to ter-

o

rify the reft, (as other. Captains had done) but this he refufed to>do : From the time of his taking the Negroes an board too his ar- rival at Barbadoes, no lefs than three hun- dred and twenty died of various difeafes.*

Reader

# The following relation is infer ted at the requefi of tie Author^

THAT I may contribute all in my power towards the Good of Mankind, by infpiring any indi- viduals with a fuitable abhorrence of that deteftablc practice of trading in our fellow- creatures, and in fome meafure atone for my neglect of duty as a Chriftian, in engaging in that wicked traffic, I offer vto their ferions confideration fome few occurrences of which I was- an. eye-witnefs. That being flxuck with the wretched and affecting fcene they may foo- ter that humane principle, which is th^ noble and diftinguifhed characteristic of man, and improve rt to the benefit of their children's children., Abo as

( *** }

Reader, bring the matter home to thy own heart, and confider whether any fituation can be more completely miferable than that of

theft

About the year 1749, I failed from Liverpool to- the coafl of Guinea : Some time after our arrival I was ordered to go up the country a confiderabls dillance ; upon having notice from one of the Ne- groe Kings, that he had a parcel of flaves to diipofe of ; I received my inftruetions, and went, carrying with me an account of fuch goods we had on board to exchange for the flaves we intended to purchafe. Upon being introduced, I prefented him with a fmall cafe of EngHJb fpirits, a gun, and fome trifles, which having accepted, and underftood by an In- terpreter what goods we had, the next day was ap- pointed for viewing the flaves ; we found about twa hundred confined in one place. But here how fhali I relate the affecting fight I there beheld ! How can I fufficiently defcribe the filent forrow which appear- ed in the countenance of the afflicted father, and the painful anguiih of the tender mother, expecting to be forever feparated from their tender offspring; the diitreiTed maid wringing her hands in prefage of isr future wretchednefs, and the genera] cry of the -innocent from a fearful apprehenfion of the perpetu- al flavery to which they were doomed ! Under a fenfe of my offence to God, in the perfon of his creatures ; I acknowledge I purchafed eleven, who I conducted tyed, two and two to the fhip. Being but a fmall vefTel, (ninety ton) we fcon purchafed our cargo, confiding of one hundred and feventy flaves, whom thou may'fl: Reader range in thy view, as they were fhackied two and two together, pent up within the narrow confines of the main deck, with the

complicated

( m I

thefe diftreffed captives. When we refledr that each individual of this number had pro- bably fome tender attachment, which was broken by this cruel reparation ; fome pa- rent or wife who had not an opportunity oS mingling tears in a parting embrace^ per-*

haps*

complicated diftrefs-of ficknefs, chains and contempts > deprived of every fond and focial tie, and in a great meafure reduced to a ftate of.defperation. We had' not been a fortnight at fea, before the fatal confer quence of this deipair appeared ; they formeda defign of recovering their natural right, Liberty, by rif- ing and murdering every man on board, but the good^ nefs of the Almighty rendered their fcheme. abortive,, and his mercy fpared us to have time to repent. The plot was difcovered ; the Ringleader ty'd by the two thumbs over the barricade door, at fun>rife received a number of lafhes* in this fituation he remained till fun-fet, expofed to the in f alts and barbarity of the brutal crew of failors^ with full leave to exercife their cruelty at pleafure. The confequenee of this was,, that next morning the miferable fufferer was found dead, flead from the fhoulders to the waift. The next victim was a youth, who, from too ftrong a fenfe ef his milery refufed nourishment, and died ; difregard- ed and unnoticed, till the hogs had fed on part of his flefli. Will not Chriftianity blufh at this impious fa- crilege ? May the relation of it ferve to call back the ftruggling remains of humanity, in the hearts of thofe who from a love of wealth, partake in any degree of this oppreiTive gain, and have fuch an effect on the minds of the fincere, as may be productive of peaces the happy effect of true repentance for paft tranfgre (li- ons, and a refolution to renounce all connexion with ic for the time to come.

C r*4 1

haps feme infants, or aged parents, whom his labour was to feed, and vigilance protect; themfelves under the moft dreadful appre- henflon of an unknown perpetual flavery ; confined within the narrow limits of a vef- fel, where often feveral hundred lie as clofe as pollible : Under thefe aggravated diftref- fes, they are often reduced to a fiate of dJfpair, in which many have been frequently killed and feme deliberately, put to death under the greateft torture, when they have attempted to rife in order to free themfelves from prefent mifery and the flavery defigned them*. Many accounts of this nature might be mertioned, indeed from the vail number of veffels employed in the trade, and the repeated relations in the public prints of Negroes riling on board the veffeis from Guinea, its more than probable that many fuch inftances occur every year. I fhall only mention one example of this kind, by which the reader may judge of the reft ; its in Aitley's Colleftion 2 vol. p. 449, .related by John Atkins, furgeon on board Admiral Ogle's fquadron, of one " Harding, mailer of a veffel in which feve- " ral of the men Haves and a woman flave " had attempted to rife, in order to recover " their liberty ; fome of whom the matter, * of his o\v;; authority, fentenced to cruel " death, making them firft cat the heart

" and

I *fi T

€* and liver of one of thofe he had killed 4C The woman he hoifted by the thumbs, " whipped and flafhed with knives before " the other flaves till fee died."* As de~

teftable

# A memorable inftance of fome of the dreadful eP feds of the flave- trade, happened about five years pail, on a fhip from this port, then at anchor about three; miles from {tore, near Acra Fort, on the coaft of Gui^ jiea. They had purchafed between four and five hun- dred Negroes, and were ready to fail for the Weft- Indies. Its cuftomary on board thofe veffels to keep the men fhackled two by two, each by one leg to a fmall iron bar ; thefe are every day brought on the deck, for the benefit of air, and leaft they fhould at- tempt to recover their freedom, they are made faft to two common chains, which are extended on each fide the main deck : The women and children are 36ofe. This was the fituation of the flaves onboard this vefi fel, when it took fire, by means of a perfon who was drawing fpirits by the light of a la™p ; the cafk burft- ing, the fire fpfead withfo much violence, that in a- bout ten minutes, the failors apprehending it impoflP ble to extinguish it, before it could reach a large quantity of powder they had on board, concluded it neceffary to caft themfelves into the fea, as the only chance of faving their lives ; and firft, they endea- voured to loofe the chains by which the Negroe men were faftened to the deck, but in the confufion the key being mi fling, they had butjuft time to- loofe one of the chains by wrenching the ftaple; when the vehe- mence of the fire fo encreafed, that they all, but one man, jumped over board, when immediately the five having gained the powder, the veffel blew up with all the fiaves who remained. faftened to the one chain, and;

fach-

[ 126 J

teftable and Shocking as this may appear,, to fuch whofe hearts are not yet hardened by the practice of that cruelty, which the love of wealth by degrees introduceth into" the human mind ; it will not be ftrange. to1 thole who have been concerned or employed in the trade.

Now here arifes a necefiary qu^ery to thofe who hold the balance of juftice, and who muft be accountable to God for the life they have made of it ; that as the principles on which the Britifh conftitution is founded,, are fo favourable to the common rights of mankind, how it has happened that the laws which countenance this iniquitous traffic, have obtained the fanction of the legislature j and that the executive part of the govern- ment fliould fo long Aiut their ears to con- tinual

fuch others as had not followed the faiiors examples. There happened to be three Portuguefe veffels in fight, who, with others from the fhore, putting out their boats, took up about two hundred and fifty of thole poor fouls who remained alive ; of which number about fifty died on fhore, being moftly of thole who v. tie "were fettered together by iron (hackles, which as they jumped into the fea, had broke their legs, and thefe fractures being inflamed, by fo long a (truggle in the fea probably mortified, which occaiionei the death of every one that was fo wounded. The two hundred re- maining alive, were foon difpofed of, for account of the owners to other purchasers.

c 127 :

tinual reports of the barbarities perpetrated againft this unhappy people, and leave the trading fubje&s at liberty to trample on the moft precious rights of others, even with- out a rebuke. Why are the matters of vef- fels thus fuffered to be the fovereign arbiters of the lives of the miferable Negroes, and al- lowed with impunity, thus to deftroy (may I not properly fay to murder) their fellow .creatures, and that by means fo cruel, as cannot be even related but with ihame and ;Jiprror»

CHAP.

[ 12B ]

CHAP. XIII.

Ufage of the Negroes, when they

arrive in the Weft-Indies. An hundred thoufand Negroes brought from Guinea every year to the Englifh Colonies. The number of Negroes who die in the paffage and feafoning. Thefe are, properly fpeak- ing, murdered by the profecution of this infamous traffic: Remarks on its dreadful effefts and tendency.

WHEN the veflels arrive at their de- flined port in the colonies, the poor Negroes are tobedifpofed off to the .plant- ers, and here they are again expofed naked, without any diftinction of fexes, to the bru- tal examination of their purchafers ; and this, it may well be judged, is to many an- other occafion of deep diftrefs. Add to this, that near connections muft now again be fe- parated to go with their feveral purchafers^ this muft be deeply affecting to all, but fuch whofe hearts are feared by the love of gain. Mothers are feen hanging over their daugh- ters, bedewing their naked breafts with tears, and daughters clinging to their pa- rents,

[ 129 1 rents, not knowing what new ftage of dif* trefs muft follow their feparatien, or whe- ther they fhall ever meet again. And here what fympathy ! What commiferation do they meet with ! Why, indeed, if they will not feparate as readily as their owners think proper, the Whipper is called for, and the lafh is exercifed upon their naked bodies, till obliged to part. Can any human heart, v/hich is not become callous by the praclife of fuch cruelties, be unconcerned, even at the relation of fuch grievous affliction, to which this opprefledpart of our fpecies are fubjeded.

In a book printed in Liverpool, called, The Liverpool Memorandum^ which contains amongft other things, an account of the trade of that port, there is an exact lift of the veflels employed in the Guinea trade, and of the number of flaves imported in each veflel ; by which it appears, that in the year 1753, tke number imported to America by one hundred and one veflels belonging to that port, amounted to upwards of thirty thoufand, and from the number of vefiels employed by the African company, in Lon- don and Briftol, we may, with fome de- gree of certainty, conclude, there are one Hundred thoufand Negroes purchafed and brought on board our fhips yearly from the coaft of Africa. This is confirmed in Ander-

N fon's

r ?3* i

ibn'shiftory of Trade and Commerce, late- ly printed j where it is faid,* " that Eng- " land fupplies her American colonies with M Negroe flaves, amounting in number to " above one hundred thoufand every year." When the veffels are full freighted with flaves, they fail for our plantations in Ame- rica, and may be two or three months in the voyage, during which time, from the filth and {tench that is among them, diftempers frequently break out, which carry off com- monly a fifth, a fourth, yea fometimes a third or more of them : fo that taking all the flaves together, that are brought on board our fhips yearly, one may reafonably fup- pofe that atleaft ten thoufand of them die on the voyage. And in a printed account of the ftate of the Negroes, in our plantations, it is fuppofed that a fourth part more or lefs die at the different iflands, in what is called the feafoning. Hence it may be prefumed, that at a moderate computation of the flaves who are purchafed by our African mer- chants in a year, near thirty thoufand difc •upon the voyage and in the feafoning. Add to this, the prodigious number who are •killed in the incuriions and inteftine wars, by which the Negroes procure the number of flaves wanted to load the veffels. How

dreadful _ .-■■-■ . . •

• Appendix to Aadcrfon"'* Hiftory, page 63.

t Hi I

dreadful then is this ilave-trade, whereby fo many thoufands of our fellow creatures, free by nature, endued with the fame rati- onal faculties, and called to be heirs of the fame falvation with us, lofe their lives, and are truly and properly fpeaking murdered every year; for it is not neceffary in order to convict a man of murder, to make it ap- pear, that he had an intention to commit murder. Whoever does, by unjuft force or violence, deprive another of his liberty, and while he hath him in his power, continues fo to opprefs him, by cruel treatment as e- ventually to occafion his death, is actually guilty of murder. It is enough to make a thoughtful perfon tremble, to think what a load of guilt lies upon our nation on thjs account, and that the blood of thoufands of poor innocent creatures murdered every year in the profecution of this wicked trade, cries aloud to Heaven for vengeance. Were we to hear or read of a nation that deftroye^ every year, in fome other way, as many human creatures as perifh in this trade, we ihould certainly conuder them as a very bloody barbarous people. If it be alledged, that the legislature hath encouraged and Hill does encourage this trade. It is anfvver- ed, that no legislature, on earth, can alter the nature of things, fo as to make that to be eight which is contrary to the law of God, N 2 th<?

( »'J* )

the fupreme legiflator and governor of the the world, and oppofeth the promulgation of the gofpel of peace on earth? and good will to man. Injuftice may be methodized and eftablifhed by law, but ftill it will be injuftice as much as it was before, though its being fo eftablifhed, may render men more infenfl- ble of the guilt, and more bold and fecure in the perpetration of it.

CHAP. XIV. Obfervations on the difpofitioa

and capacity of the Negroes : Why thought inferior to that of the Whites; . Affecting inftances of the flavery of the Negroes. Reflexions thereon.

DOUBTS may arife in the minds of of fome, whether the foregoing ac- counts relating to the natural capacity and good difpofition of the inhabitants of Gui- nea, and of the violent manner in which they are faid to be torn from their native land, is to be depended upon on j as thofs

Negroes*

( *33 )

Negroes, who are brought to us, are not heard to complain, nor do but feldom ma- nifeft fuch a docility and quicknefs of parts, as is agreeable thereto. But thofewho make thefe objections, are delired to note the ma- ny difcouragements the poor Africans labour under when brought from their native land. Let them confider, that thofe affli&ed ftran- gers, though in an enlightened ' Chriftian coun- try', have yet but little opportunity or en- couragement to exert and improve their na^ tural talents : They are conftantly employed in fervile labour, and the abje<5t condition in which we fee them, naturally raifes an idea of a fuperiority in ourfelves ; whence we are apt to look upon them as an ignorant and contemptible part of mankind . Add to this, that they meet with very little encourage- ment of freely converiing with fuch of the Whites, as might impart inftru£Uon to them. It is a fondnefs for wealth, for authority or honour which prompts moft men, in their endeavours to excel ; but thefe motives can have little influence upon the minds of the Negroes; few of them having any reafon- able profpecl of any other than a ftate of fla- very ; fo that, though their natural capaci- ties were ever fo good, they have neither in- ducement or opportunity to exert them to advantage : This naturally tends to deprefs their minds* and fink their fpirits into ha- N 3 bits

( 134 3 bits of idlenefs and floth, which they would ^ in all likelihood, have been free from, had they flood upon an equal footing with the white people. They are fuffered, with impunity, to cohabit together, without be- ing married, and to part, when folemnly en- gaged to one another as man and wife ; notwithftanding the moral and religious Jaws of the land, ftrictly prohibiting fuch practices. This naturally tends to beget ap- preheniion in the moft thoughtful of thole people, that we look upon them as a lower race, not worthy of the fame care, nor liable to the fame rewards and punifhments as our- ielves. Neverthelefs it may with truth be faid, that both amongft thofe who have ob- tained their freedom, and thofe who re- main in fervitude, fome have manifefted a ftrong fagacity and an exemplary upright- nefs of heart. If this hath not been gene- rally the cafe with them, is it a matter of fur- prize ? Have we not reafon to make the iame complaint of many white fcrvants, when difcharged from our fervice, though many of them have had much greater op- portunities of knowledge and improvement than the blacks ; who even, when free, la- bour under the fame difficulties as before, having but little accefs to, and intercourfe with the moft reputable white people ; they remain confined within their former limits

of

( *35 ) of converfation. And if they feldom com- plain of the unjuft and cruel ufage they have received in being forced from their native country, &c* it is not to be wondered at j it being a confiderable time after their arrival amongft us, before they can fpeak our lan- guage ; and, by the time they are able to exprefs themfelves, th^y have great reafon to believe, that little or no notice would be taken of their complaints, yet let any per- fon enquire of tliofe who were capable of re- flection before they were brought from their native land, and he will hear fuch affe&ing relations, which, if not loft to the common feelings of humanity, willfenfibly affect his heart. The cafe of a poorNegroe, not long lince brought from Guinea, is a recent in- ftance of this kind. From his firft arrival, he appeared thoughtful and dejefted, fre- quently dropping tears when taking notice of his mailer's children, the caufe of which was not known till he was able to fpeak En- glifh, when the account he gave of himfelf was, u That he had a wife and children in " his own country \ that fottie of thcfe be- " ing lick and thirfty, he went, in the night " time, to fetch water at a fpring, where ¥ he was violently feized and carried away f€ by perfons, who lay in wait to catch men, " from whence he was tranfported to Ame- " rica. The remembrance of his family,

friends

( Hf )

'E friends and other connections-, left behind^, " which he never expected to fee any more, " were the principal caufe of his dejection " and grief." Many cafes equally affecting might be here, mentioned, but one more in- flate which fell under the notice of a per- fon of credit will fuffice. One of thefe wretch- ed creatures, then about 50 years of age, informed him, " That being violently torn " from a wife and feveral children in Gui- " nea, he was.fold in Jamaica, where never " expeding to fee his native land or family " any more, he joined himfelf to a Negroe " woman, by whom he had two children ; " after fome years, it fuiting the intereft " of his owner to remove him, he was fe- " parated from this fecond wife and child* " ren, and brought to South-Carolina, ' where, expecting to fpend the remainder of his days, he engaged with a third wife, by whom he had another child ; but here the fame confequence of one man. being fubjed to the .will and pleafure of another " man occurring, he was feparated from *' this laft wife and child, and brought in- *' this country, where be remained a ilave. Canany,whofemindisnot rendered quite obdurate by the love of wealth, hear thefe relations, without being deeply touched with fympathy and forrow j and doubt- iefs the cafe of many,\ery many of thefe af- * ' Aided

a

a

[ r-37 1 flicled people, upon enquiry would be found to be attended with circumftances equally tragical and aggravating. And, if we en- quire ofthofe Negroes who were brought away from their native country when child- ren, we fliall find moil of them to have been llolen away when abroad from their pa- rents, on the roads, in the woods, or watch- ing their corn-fields. Now, you that have fiudied the book of confeience, and you that are learned in the law, what will you fay to fuch deplorable cafes. When, and how have theie oppreffed people forfeited their liberty ? Does not juftice loudly call for its being reftored to them ? Have they not the fame right to demand it as any of us fhould have,. if we had been violently fnatcK- ed by Pyrates from our native land ? Is it not the duty of every difpenfer of juftice, whois not forgetful of his own humanity, to remember, that thefe are men, and to de- clare them free ? Where inltances of fuch cruelty frequently occur, and are neither enquired into, nor redreifed by thofewhofe duty it is* to fe.ek judgment \ and relieve the op** prejed, Ifaiahi. 17. What can be expected but that the groans and cries of thefe fuffer/- ers will reach Heaven, and what fliall we do when God rifeth up and when he vifitethj What will ye anfwer him ? Did not he that made tJiem, make, us ^ and 4id,mt one faflnon us in the.vjomb. Job xxxi. 14. CHAP.,

<3<

C H A P. XIV.

The Expediency of a general

freedom being granted to the Negroes confidered. Reafons why it might be pro- ductive of advantage zndfafety to the Co- lonies.

IT is fcarce to be devoted, but that the foregoing accounts will beget in the' heart of the considerate readers, an earneft defire to fee a flop put to this complicated evil, but the objection with many is, What fhall be done with thofe Negroes already imported and born in our families i Mult they be fen t to Africa? That would be to f xpofe them in a ftrange land to greater dif- ficulties than many of them labour under at ■prefent- To fet them fuddenly free here, ■would be, perhaps, attended with no lets difficulty ; for undisciplined as they are in religion and virtue, they might give a loofe to thofe evil habits, which the fear of a m af- ter would have retrained* Thefe are objec- tions wThich weigh with many well difpofed people, and it muft be granted thefe are dif- ficulties in the way j »or can any general

change

( J39 ) change be made or reformation effe&ed without fome ; but the difficulties are not fo great but that they may be .furmounted. If the government was fo confiderate of the iniquity and danger attending on this prac- tice as to be willing to feek a remedy, doubt- lefs, the Almighty would blefs this good intention, and fuch methods would be thought of, as would not only put an end to the unjuil oppreilion of the Negroes, but might bring them under regulations that would enable them to become profitable members of fociety. For the furtherance of which, the following propofals are offered to coniideration ; to be improved by thofe in whofe power it is to remedy this mighty evil. In the firlt place, let all farther impor- tation of Haves be abfolutely prohibited, and as to thofe already purchafed, or born among us, after ferving fo long as fhall be adequate to the money paid, or the charge of bring- ing Jthem up, which may be decided by courts of juitice, let them by law be declared free. Let every Have thus fet free, be enrolled in the county couris, and obliged to be a re- fident daring acei tain number of years with- in the laid county, under the care of the overleers of the poor. Thus being, in fome ■fort, itiii under the direction of governors and the notice of thofe who were formerly acquainted with them, they would be oblig- ed

( M° ) ed to act the more circumfpe&ly, and maTce proper ufe of their liberty, and their child- ren would have an opportunity of obtaining fuch inftru&ion as is neceffary to the com- mon occafionsof life, and thus both parents and children might gradually become ufeful members of the community. And further, where the nature of the country would per- mit as certainly the uncultivated condition of our fouthern and moft weftern colonies eafily would ; fuppofe a fmall tract of land were afligned to every Negroe family, and they obliged to live upon and improve it, (when not hired out to work for the white people) this would encourage them to exert rheir abilities and become induftrious fub- jecls. Hence both planters and tradefmen would be plentifully fupplied with chearfufr and willing minded labourers, much vacant land wrould be cultivated ; the produce of the country be juftly encreafed ; the taxes for the fupport of government leffened, to individuals by the encreafe of taxables. And the Negroes, inftead of being an object of Terror*, as they certainly muft be to the go- vernments ^* - !■

* The hard ufage the Negroes meet with in the plantations, and the great difproportion between them and the white people, will always be a juft caufe of terror In Jamaica andfome parts of South-Caroli- ea, it is fuppoied that there are fifteen blacks to one white.

C Mi ) vernments where their numbers are great, would become interefted in their fafety and welfare.

CHAP. XV.

Anfwer to a miftaken opinion, that

the warmth of the climate in the Weft- Indies will not permit white people to la- bour there. No complaint of difability in the whites in that refpect in the fettle- ment of theiflands. Idlenefs and difeafes .. prevailed as the ufe of flaves encreafed* The great advantage which might accrue to the Britifh nation, if the flave trade was entirely laid afide, and a fair and friendly commerce eftablifhed through, the whole coaft of Africa.

IT is frequently offered as an argument in vindication of the ufe of Negroe flaves* That the warmth of the climate in the Weft Indies, will not permit white people to la- bour in the culture of the land ; but upon an acquaintance with the nature of the cli- mate, and its effe&s upon fuch labouring O white:

( *fr 1

white people as are prudent and moderate in labour and the ufe of fpirituous liquors^ this will be found to be a miftaken opinion* Thofe iflands were, at firft, wholly cultivat- ed by white men ; the encouragement they then met with for a long courfe of years was fuch as occafioned a great encreafe of people. Richard Ligon, in his hiftory of Barbadoes, where he rciided from the year 1647 to 16505 about 24 years after itfrfirfi fettlement, writes, " that there was thea

* fifty thoufand fouls on that ifland, be-

* fides Negroes ; and that though the wea- cl ther was very hot, yet not io fcalding,. " but that fervants, both Chiiftians and

* flaves laboured ten hours a day." By cither accounts we gather, that the white people have fince decreafed to lefs than one half the number which was there at that time ; and by relations of the firft fettle- ftients of the other iflands, we do not meet with any complaints of unfitnefs in the white people for labour there, before flaves were introduced. The ifland of Hifpaniola, which is one ofthelargeft of thofe iflands, was at firft planted by the Bucaneers, a fet of har- dy laborious men, who 1 continued io for a long courfe of years, till following the ex- ample of their neighbours in the purchafe and ufe of Negroe Slaves, idlenefs and ex- cefs prevailing, debility and difeafe aatural-

l7

( M3 > ly fueceeded, and have ever fince conti^ nued. If, under proper regulations, liber- ty was proclaimed through the colonies, the Negroes, from a dangerous grudging half fed flaves, might become able willing mind- ed Labourers* And if there was not a fuffi- cient number of thefe t^ do> the neceffary work, a competent number of labouring people might be procured from Europe, which affords numbers of poor diftreffed ob- jects, wha> if not overlooked, with proper ufage, might, in feveral refpects, better an- fwer every good purpofe in performing the neceffary labour in the iflands than the flaves now do*

A farther confiderable advantage might accrue to the Britifh nation in general, if the flave trade was laid afide, by the cultiva- tion of a fair, friendly and humane com- merce with the Africans, without which it is not poffible the inland trade of that country fhould ever be extended to the de- gree it is capable of; for while the fpirit of butchery and making flaves of each other is promoted by the Europeans amongft the Negroes, no mutual confidence can take place ; nor will the Europeans be able to travel with fafety into the heart of their country to form and cement fuch commer- cial friendfhips and alliances as might be neceffary to introduce the arts and fciences

amongft

( x44 ) amongft them, and engage their attention: to inftruciion in the principles of the Chri- ftian religion, which is the only fure foun- dation of every focial virtue. Africa has a- bout ten tho-ufand miles of fea coaft, and extends in depth near three thoufand miles from e^ft to weft, and as much from north to fouth ; ftored with vaft treafures of mate- rials neceflary for the trade and manufac- tures of Great-Britain, and from its climate and the fruitfulnefs of its foil, capable, un- der proper management, of producing, in the greateft plenty, moft of the commodities which are imported into Europe from thofe parts of America fubjecl to the Englifh Go- vernment,^* and as in return they would take our manufactures, the advantages of this trade would foon become fo great, that it is evident this fubjeft merits -the re- gard and attention of the government,

• See note page, 109.

EXTRACT

FROM A

^, REPRESENTATION

OF THE

IN JUSTICE A

AND

DANGEROUS TENDENCY

OF TOLERATING

SLAVERY,

O R

Admitting the leaft Claim of private Pro- perty in the Perfons of Men in England,

By GRANVILLE SHARP.

LONDON: Printed M DCCLXIX.

PHILADELPHIA: Re-printed by Joseph Cruk- jhank, in Third-ftreet, oppofxte the Work-iioufe. M DCC LXXI.

CONTENTS.

The occafion of this Treatr All Perfons during their refidsnce in Great-Britain arefubjetls ; and as

fuch, bound to the laws and under the Kings prote&ion. By the Eng- lijlo laws, no man, of -what condition

foever, to be imprifoned, or any way deprived of his Liberty without a legal procefs. The danger of Sla- very taking place in England. Pre- vails in the Northern Colonies, not' tvithftanding the people s plea in fa- vour of 'Liberty '. Advertifements in the New-York Journal for the f ale of Slaves. Advertifements to the

famepurpofe in the public. prints in England. The danger of confining any perfon without a legal warrant, lnftances of that nature. Note. Ext rati of fever al American law Refections thereon.

EXTRACT, &c.

SOME perfons refpeclable in the law, having given it as their opinion, u That a /lave , by coming from the Weft-Indies " to Great-Britain or Ireland, either with or " without his mafter, doth not become free, or u that his mafter fs property or right in him is

*' not thereby determined or varied; and

" that the mafter may legally compel him to re-

" turn again to the plantations" This

caufes our Author to remark, that thefe Lawyers, by thus ftating the cafe, merely on one fide of the queftion, (I mean in fa- vour of the mafter) have occafioned an un- juft prefumption and prejudice, (plainly in- con fiftent with the laws of the realm) and a- gainft the other fide of the queftion ; as they have not fignified that their opinion was only conditional and not abfolute, and muft be underftood on the part of the maf- ter, " that he can produce an authentic agree- ment 6r contrad in writing, by which it jbatl appear, that thefaidflave hath voluntary bound him/elf without compuljion or illegal durefs" Page 5. Indeed there are many inftances of perfons being freed from flavery by the laws

of

( 4 )

of England, but (God be thanked) there is neither law nor even a precedent, (at leaft I have not been able to find one) of a legal determination to juftify a matter in claim- ing or detaining any perfon whatfoever as a ilavein England, who has not voluntarily- bound himfeif as fuch by a contract in writ- ing.

Page 20. An Englifli fubjeft cannot be made a Have without his own free confent*

but : a foreign Have is made a fubjecfe

with or without his own confent ; there needs no contract for this purpofe as in the ether cafe ; nor any other aft or deed what- foever, but that of his being landed in Eng- land ; for according to a ftatute of 3a d Hen- ry, VIII. c. 16. Se6t. 9. u Every alien orftran- " gtr* born out of the King's obeifance, not beings 4C denizen, which now or hereafter floall come, [* into this realm, or elfewhere within the " King*s dominions, fhall, after the faid frfi cc of September next coming, be bounden by and " unto the laws and ftatutes of this realm, and * to aUandfngular the contents of the fame"

Now k muit be obferved, that though, this law makes no diftinftion of bond Or freey neither of colours or complexions, whether of black, brown, or white, for " every alien " orflranger (without exception) are bounden. w by and unto the law, &c."

This binding or obligation, is properly

expreiibci

C 5 3

exprefied by the Englifh word Ligeance, (a Ligando) which may be either perpetual or temporary. Wood 6. i. c. 3. p. 37. but one of thefe is indifpenfably due to the Sovereign from all ranks and conditions of people, their being bounden unto the laws, (upoQ, which the Sovereign's right is founded) ex- prefles and implies this fubje&ion to the laws, and therefore to alledge, that an alien is not a fubject, becaufe he is in bondage, is not only a plea without foundation, but a con- tradiction in terms, for every perfon who in any refpect is in fubje&ion to the laws, muft undoubtedly be a fubjeft.

I come now to the main point c< that

every man, woman, or child, that now is, or hereafter Jhall be an inhabitant or refiant of this kingdom of England, dominion of Wales, or town of Berwick upon 'Tweed" is, in fome refpect or other, the King's fubject, and as- fuch, is abfolutely fecure in his, or her per* fona I liberty, by virtue of a ftatute, 31ft Car* II. ch. 11, and particularly by the 1 2 th Sect* of the fame (wherein fubjecls of all condi- tions are plainly included.)

TIal act is exprefsly intended for the bet- ter fecuring the liberty of the fubject, and for prevention of imprisonment beyond the leas. It contains no diftinction of " natural born, naturalized, denizen, or alien fubjefl, nor $f white or black, freemen or even of bond men,'*

(except

( 6)

(except in the cafe already mentioned of a contract in writings by which it fhall appear, that the /aid /lave have voluntarily bound him- felf without compuljion or illegal durefs) allowed by the 13th Seel, and the exception likewiie in the 14th Seel, concerning felons, but they are all included under the general titles of " thefubjett, any of the faid fubjefts," every fuch perfen, &c. Now the definition of the word " perfonry in its relative or civil capaci- ty (according to Wood. b. i.e. 11. p. 27) is either the King or a fubjefi. Thefe are the only capital diflinclions that can be made ; though the latter confifls of a variety of de- nominations and degrees.

But if I were even to allow, that a Negroe flave is not a fubjecfl, (though I think I have clearly proved that he is)" yet it is plain, that fuch an one ought not to be denied the be- nefit of the King's court, unlefs the flave- holder fhall be able to prove likewife, that he is not a Man, becaufe every man may be free to fue for and defend his right in our toufts9fzyt aflat- 20th Ed w. III. Ch. 4. and elfewhere according to law. And no win of what eflate or condition that he be, {\\9t can be no exception whatfoever) fhall be put out $f land or tenement, nor taken nor rmprifoned, riGr difmherited, nor put to death, without being brought in anfwer by due procefs of the law. 28th Edw. III. Ch. 3. No man therefore, cf

what

..( 7 )

what eft ate or condition that he be, can law- fully be detained in England as a flave, be- caufe we have no law, whereby a miximay be condemned, to flavery, without his own con*- fent, (for even convidted felons muft, " m open court pray to be tranfported") fee Habeas Corpus act, Seel. 14. and therefore there cannot be any u dueprocefs of the law" terjd- ing to fo bafc a purpofe : It follows, there- fore, that every man who prefumes to de- tain any per/on whatsoever as a flave, other- wife than by virtue of a written contract, acts manifeftly without " due procefs of the law" and consequently is liable to the flaves *i adion of falfe imprifonment" becaufe " every man may be free to fuse9 &c. fo that the flave-holder cannot avail himfelf of his imaginary property, either by the afliftance of the common law, or of a court of equity, {except it appears that the faid /lave has voluntary bound himfelf without com- fulfion, or illegal durefs) for in both, his fuit will certainly appear both unj#ft and indefen- fible. The former cannot afftft him, becaufe the ftatute iaw at prefent is fp f ar from fup- pofinsf any man inaftate of flavery, that it cannot even permit fuch a ftate, except in the two cafes mentioned in the 1 3th and 1 4th Seftion of the Habeas Corpus aft ; and the courts of equity likewife muft neceflarily decide againft him, becaufe his mere merce- nary

( 8 )

nary plea, of private property, cannot, equit- ably in a cafe between (man and man?)fan& in competition with thzt fuperior property which every man mull neceffarily be allowed to have in his own proper per/on.

How then is the flave-holder to fecure what he efteems his property? Perhaps he will endeavour clandeftinely to feize the fuppofed flave in order to tranfport him, (with or without his confent) to the colonies, where fuch property it allowed: But let him take care what he does, the very attempt is pu- nifhable, and even the making over his pro* perty to another for that purpofe, renders him equally liable to the fevere penalties of the law, for a bill of fale may certainly be included under the terms expreffed in the Habeas Corpus act, 12th Se£t. viz. " Any war- rant or writing for Juch commitment, detainer^ imprifonment or tranfportation, &c" It is alfo dangerous for a counfellor or any other perfon toadvife" (fee the ad " fhallbeadvifing") fuch proceedings by faying, " that a mafter may legally compel him, (the liave) to return again to the plantations" Like wife an Attorney, Notary-public, or any other perfon, who fliall prefume to draw up, negotiate, or even towitnefs a bill of fale, or other inftrument, for fuch committment, ire. offends equally againft the law, becaufe, " All, or aw per- fon or perfons that fhall frame > contrive Writt^

feal

( 9 )

feat or counter Jign any warranty or writing for fitch commitment, detainer , imprijmment or tranf- portation, er Jhall be adviftng, aiding or affiji- ing in the fame ■, or any of them" are liable to all the penalties of the aft. " And the Plain- fffil in every fuch a6lion, foall have judgment to recover his treble cofls, befides damages ; %vhich' damages fo to be given , Jhall not be lefs tlmnfivg hundred founds ;" fo that the injured may have ample fatisfaction for their fufferings ; and even a judge may not direct or inflruefc a jury contrary to this flatute whatever his private opinion may be concerning property in Haves ; becaufe, no order or command, nor no injunction, is allowed to interfere with this golden act of liberty.

I have before obferved, that the ge- neral term, " every Alien,3' includes all flrangers wkatfiever, and renders them fub* jefi to the King and the laws during their re- fidence in this kingdom ; and this is certain- ly true, whether the aliens be Turks, Moors, Arabians, Tartars, or even favages from any part of the world. — Men are rendered ob- noxious to the laws by their offences, and not by the particular denomination of their rank, order, parentage, colour or country, and therefore, though we xhould fuppofe, that any particular body of people whatfoe- ^ver were not known, or had in confidera- iion by the legiflature at the different times B when

( " ) when the fevere penal laws were made, yet no man can reafonably conceive, that fuck men are exempted on this account from the penalties of the faid laws, when legally con- victed of having offended againft them.

Laws calculated for the moral purpofe of preventing opprefiion, are likewife ufually fuppofed to be everlafting,, and to make up a part of our happy conftitution ; for which reafon, though the kind of oppreffion to be guarded againft, and the penalties for of- fenders are minutely defcribed therein, yet the perfons to be protected are comprehend- ed in terms as general as poflible ; that " no ferfon who now is, or hereafter flmll be an in- habitant or rejiant in this kingdom, (fee Habe- as Corpus a<3:, Seel. 12th) may feem to be excluded from protection. The general terms of the feveral ftatutes before cited are lb full and clear, that they admit of no ex- ception whatfoever, for all perfons, (Ne- groes as well as others) muft be included in the terms ; " the fubjeft ; — nofubjed of this realm that now is, or hereafter fhall be an in- habitant,^, any fubjeft ; every fuch ferfon, fee Habeas Cor. act. Alfo, every man may be free to fue,&c. 20th Edward III. Cap. 4, and no man, of what eflate or condition than he be, fhall be taken nor imprifoned. &c. True juf- tice makes no refpeft of perfons, and can never deny to any one that blefling . to

( M )

which all mankind have an undoubted right, their natural liberty : Though the law makes no mention of Negroe flaves, yet this is nojuft argument for excluding them from the general protection of our happy confti- tution.

Neither can the objection, that Negroe flaves were not " had in confideration or contemplation" when thefe laws Were made, prove any thing againfl them ; but, on the contrary, much in their favour ; for both thefe circumftances are ftrong prefump- tive proofs, that the practice of importing flaves into this kingdom, and retaining them as fuch, is an innovation entirely foreign to the fpirit and intention of the laws now in force.

-Page 79- A toleration of flavery, is,

in effeft, a toleration of inhumanity ; for there are wretches in the world, who make no fcruple to gain, by wearing out their flaves with continual labour, and a fcanty allowance, before they have lived out half their natural days. 'Tis notorious, that this is too often the cafe in the unhappy coun- tries where flavery is tolerated.

See the account of the European fettle- ments in America, Part VI. Chap. u. con- cerning the c c mifery of the Negroes, great wafle of them, &c. which informs us, not only of a moft fcandalous profanation of the B 2 Lord's

[ 12 ]

Lord's day, but alfo, of another abomlnati" on, which muft be infinitely more heinous in the fight of God, viz. oppreilion caiTied to fuch excefs, as to be even deftruciive of the human fpecies.

At prefent the inhumanity of conftrained labour in excefs, extends no farther in Eng- land, than to our beafts, as poft and hack- ney horfes, fand affes, &c.

But thanks to our laws, and not to the general good difpofition of mailers* that It is fo, for the wretch, who is bad enough to mal-treat a helplefs beaft, would not fparc his fellow man, if he had him as much in his power*

The maintenance of civil liberty, is there- fore, abfolutely neceffary to prevent an en- creafe of our national guilt, by the addition of the horrid crime of tyranny. — Notwith- ftanding that the plea of neceflity cannot here be urged, yet this is no reafon why an increafc of the practice is not to be feared.. Our North America colonies afford us a melancholy inftance to the contrary ; — for though the climate in general is fo whole-* fome and temperate, that it will not autho- rife this plea of neceflity for the employment of Haves, any more than our own, yet the pernicious practice of flave-holding is be- come almoft general in thofe parts. At New- York, for initance, the infringement on ci- vil

£ H 1

vil or domeftic liberty is become notorious, notwithftanding the political controverfies of the inhabitants in praife of liberty ; but no panegyrick on this fubjeft (howfoever elegant in itfelf) can be graceful, or edify- ing from the mouth, or pen of one of thofe provincials ; becaufe men, who do not fcru- ple to detain others in flavery, have but a very partial and unjuftclaim to the prote&ion of the laws of liberty ; and indeed it too plainly appears, that they have no real re- gard for liberty, farther than their own private interefts are concerned ; and (confe- quently) that they have fo little deteftation for defpotifm and tyranny, that they do not fcruple to exercife them whenever their ca- price excites them, or their private intereft feems to require an exertion of their power over their miferable flaves.

Every petty planter, who avails himfelf of the fervice of flaves, is an arbitrary mo- narch, or rather a lawlefs Bafhaw in his own territories, notwithftanding that the imagi- nary freedom of the province wherein he re- fides, may feem to forbid the obfervation.

The boafted liberty of our American co- lonies, therefore, has fo little right to that facred name, that it feems to differ from the arbitrary power of defpotic monarchs, only in one circumftance, viz. that it is a many- headed monfter of tyranny, which entirely fub- B 3 verts

I 14 1

"verts our moft excellent conftitution, becauCr liberty and flavery are fa oppofite to eacli ether, that they cannot fubfift in the fame community. " Political liberty (in mild or *c well regulated governments) makes civil li~ " berty valuable ; and whofoever is deprived " of the latter i is deprived alfe of the former" This obfervation of the learned Montefquieu^ Ihope, fufticiently juftifies my cenfure of the Americans for their notorious violation

of civil liberty. The New- York Journal,

or, The General Advertifer, for Thurfday, aid October 1767, Gives Notice, by Adver- tisement of no lefs than eight different per^ fons who have efcaped from flavery, or are put up to public fale for that horrid pur- pofe. . That I may demonftrate the indecency of fuch proceedings in a free country, I fhall take the liberty of laying fome of thefc Ad- vertifements before my readers, by way of example.

Ci To be SOLD for Want of Employment, 65 A likely firong active NegroeMan, of " about 24 years of age, this country born, " (N.B. A natural born fubjecl) underftands " moft of a Baker* s trade and a good deal " of farming bufinefs, and can do all forts " ofhoufe-work:— Alfo, A healthy Negroe " Wench, of about 21 years old, is a tole- " cable Cook, and capable of doing all forts

« of

( 15 ) " of houfe-work, can be well recommend- " ed for her honefty and fobriety : She has M a female child of nigh three years old,. " which will be fold with the Wench if re- " quired, &c" Here is not the leaft confi- deration or fcruple of confcience for the in- humanity of parting the mother and young child. From the ftile, one would fuppofe the Advertifement to be of no more importance than if it related merely to the fale of a cow and her calf, and that the cow fhouid be fold with or without her calf according as the purchafer fhouid require. — But not only Negroes, but even American Indians are de- tained in the fame abominable flavery in our colonies, though there cannot be any rea- fonable pretence whatfoever, for holding one ofthefe as private property; for even, if a written contra£t fhouid be produced as a voucher in fuch a cafe, there would ftill remain great fufpicion, that fome undue ad- vantage had been taken of the Indians igno- rance concerning the nature of fuch a bond. V Run away9 on Monday the 2 ift inftant,

"from J— n T ^Efq; of Weft-Che ft er

u County, in the province of New-Tor k9 " An kidian flave, named Abraham, he w may have changed his name, about 23 " years of age, about five feet five inches.'* Upon the whole, I think, I may, with juftice conclude, that thofe Advertifements

difcover

( 16 )

difcover a fhamelefs proftitution and in- fringement on the common and natural rights of mankind. — But hold ! perhaps the Americans may be able, with too much juftice, to retort this fevere reflection, and may refer us to news-papers publifhed even in the free city of London, which contain Advertifements, not lefs difhonourable than their own. See Advertifement in the Pub- lic Ledger of 3 1 ft December, 1761. « For SAL E,

" A healthy Negroe GIRL, aged a- " bout fifteen years; fpeaks good Engli£hr " works at her needle, wafhes well, does " houihold work, and has had the fmall- " pox. By J. W. &c;'

Another Advertifement, not long agor offered a reward for flopping a female Have who had left her miftrefs in Hatton-garden. And in the Gazetteer of 18th April 1769, appeared a very extraordinary Advertife- ment, M7ith the following title.

" Horfes, TimWiJky, and black Boy, " To be Sold, at the Bull and Gate Inn, " Holborn, A very good Tim Wifty, little " the worfe for wear, &c." afterwards " a u Chefnut Gelding" — Then, A very good grey " Mare"— and laft of all, (as if of the leaft confequence)" A well ?nade good tempered Black " Boy, he has lately had the fmall-pox, and M will be fold to any gentleman. Enquire *' as above." Another

( '7 ) Another Adveitifemcnt in the fame pa* per, contains a very particular defcription

of a Negroe man, called Jeremiah —- ,

H and concludes as follows : — Whoever de^

" delivers him to Capt. M U y, oa

" board the Elizabeth at Prince's flairs, Ro« f? therhithe, on or before the 31ft inftant, 44 fhall receive thirty Guineas Reward, or 44 ten Guineas for fuch intelligence as fliall " enable the Captain or his Mailer, effectu- " ally to fecure him. The utmoft fecrecy " may be depended on." It is not on ac- count of ftiame, that men, who are capable of undertaking the defperate and wicked employment of kidnappers, are fuppofed to be tempted to fuch a bufinefs, by a promife, u of the utmoft fancy." But this mull be from afenfeof the unlawfulnefs of the act propof- ed to them, that they may have lefs reafoi* to fear a profecution. And as fuch a kind of people are fuppofed to undertake any thing for money, the Reward of thirty Guineas was tendered at the top of the Advertife- ment in capital letters. No man can be fafe, be he white or black, if temptations to break the laws are fo fhamefully publifhed in our news-papers.

A Creole Black Boy^ is alfo offered to fale in the Daily Advertifer of the fame date.

Beiides thefe inftances, the Americans may perhaps taunt us with the fhameful

treatment

( Iff )

treatment of a poor Negroe fervant, who not long ago was put up to Tale by public auc- tion, together with the effects of his bank- rupt mailer. Alfo, that the prifons of

this free city have been frequently proftitut- ed of late by the tyrannical and dangerous practice of confining Negroes, under the pretence of flavery, though there has beeit no warrants whatfoever for their commit- ments

This circumftance of confining a matt without a warrant, has fo great a refem- blance to the proceedings of a Popifii inqui- fition, that it is but too obvious what dan- gerous practices fuch fcandalous innovations' (if permitted to grow more into ufe) are li- able to introduce; No perfon can be fafe, if wicked and defigning men have it in their power, under the pretence of private pro- perty as aflave, to throw a ir^an clandeftine- ly without a warrant into goal, and to con- ceal him there, until they can conveniently difpofe of him.

A free man may be thus robbed of his li- berty, and carried beyond the feas, with- out having the leaft opportunity of making his cafe known ; which fhould teach us how jealous we ought to be of all imprifonments made without the authority, or previous examination of a civil magiftrate.

The diftinctiun of colour will, in a fhort

time,

( *9 )

time, be no prote&ion againft fuch outra- ges, efpecially, as not only Negroes, but Mullatoes, and even American Indians, (.which appears by one tof the Advertife^ ments before quoted) are retained in flavery in our American colonies; for there are many honeft weather-beaten Englifhmen, who have as little reafon to boaft of their complexion as the Indians. And indeed the more northern Indians, have no difference from us in complexion, but fuch as is occa- sioned by the climate or different way of living. The plea of private property, there- fore, cannot by any means juftify a private commitment of any perfon whatfqever to to prifon, becaufe of the apparent danger and tendency of fuch an innovation. This dangerous practice of concealing in prifon, was attempted in the cafe of Jonathan Strong; for the door-keeper of the P«lt--y C — pt — r (or fome perfon who afted for him) abfolutely refufed for two days to per- mit this poor injured Negro to be feen or fpoke with, though a perfon went on pup- pofe both thofe days to demand the fame*

J All laws ought to be founded upon the

principle of " doing as one would be done by" and indeed this principle feems to be the ve- ry bafis of the Englifh conftitution, for what precaution could poffibly be more ef- fectual for that jpurpofe, than the right wte

enjoy

( 20 )

^njoy of being judged by cur Peers, credi- table perfons of the vicinage ; efpecially, as we may likewife claim the right of except- ing againft any particular juryman, who might he fufpected of partiality.

This law breathes the pure fpirit of liber- ty, equity and focial love ; being calculated to maintain that confideration and mutual regard, which one perfon ought to have for another howfoever unequal in rank or fta- tion.

But when any part of the community, under the pretence of private property ,is de- prived of this common privilege, 'tis a vio- lation of civil liberty, which is entirely in- confiftentwith the focial principles of a free itate.

True liberty protects the labourer, as well as his Lord ; prefcrves the dignity of hu- man nature, and feldom fails to render a province rich and populous; whereas, on the other hand, a toleration of flavery is the higheft breach of focial virtue, and not only tends to depopulation, but too often renders the minds of both matters and flaves utter- ly depraved and inhuman, by the hateful extremes of exaltation and depreffion.

If fuch a toleration fhould ever be gener- ally admitted in England, (which God for- bid) we fhall no longer deferve to be efteem- cd a civilized people ; becauie, when the

cuftora

.1 2I }

<uftoms of uncivilized nations, and the'tiim ized cuflems which dij grace our own colonics** are become fo familiar, as to be permitted amongft us with impunity, we ourfelvcs muft infenfibly degenerate to the fame de- cree of bafenefs with thofe from whom fuch bad cuftoms were derived, and may tpo foon have the mortification to fee the hateful extremes of tyranny and flavery /of- fered under every roof?*

Then muft the happy medium of a well regulated liberty be neceflarily compelled to find fhelter in fome more civilized country, where focial virtue, and that divine preceptv " Thou fh alt love thy neighbour as thyfelf" are better underftood.

An attempt to prove the dangerous ten- dency, injuftice and difgrace of tolerating flavery amongft Englishmen, would in any former age have been efteemed as fuperflu- ous and ridiculous, as if a man fhould un- dertake in a formal manner to prove, that darknefs is not light.

Sorry am I, that theJepravity of the pre- sent age has made a demonftration of this kind neceffary.

Now that I may fum up the amount of

what has been faid in a fingle fentence, I

fhall beg leave to conclude in the words of

the great fir Edward Coke, which though

C fpoken

="

r M ]

ipokcn on a difFerent occafion, are yet ap- plicable to this, fee Rufhworth's Hift. Col. An. 1628. 4. Caroli. fol. 540.

" It would be no honour to a king or " kingdom, to be a king of bondmen or >' Haves, the end of this would be both de- " decus -J- and damnum \ both to king and Ci kingdom, that in former times have been &i fo renowned/'

Note, at page 63. According to the laws of Jamaica printed at London in 1756. " If ."■ any Have having been one whole year in u this ifland, (fays an aci, N° 64, claufe 5. fi* p. 114) fhall run away, and continue ab- <c fent from his owners fervice for the fpace <c of thirty days, upon complaint and proof *' &c« before any two juftices of the peace, 46 and three freeholders, &c. it fhall and u may be lawful for fuch juftices and free- " holders to order fuch flave to be punifhed £g h y cutting off one cf the feet offuch/lave^ or " infli6t fuch other corporal punifhment as " they Jh 'all think Jit." Now that 1 may in- form my readers what corporal punifhments are fometimes thought fit to be inflicted, I will refer to the teftimony of fir Hans Sloan, (fee voyage to the iflands of Madeira, Barba- does, &c. and Jamaica, with the natural hif- tory of the laft of thefe iflands, &c. London

1707.0 f Diigrace. % Lois-

( n )

tfoj9 Introduction, p. 56, and 57.) " The Ct punifhment for crimes of Haves (fays he) " are ufually for rebellions burning them, by

* nailing them down on the ground with

* crooked flicks, on every limb, and then " applying the fire by degrees from the feet 65 and hands, burning them gradually up ** to the head, whereby their fains are ex- 4C travagant ; for crimes of a lefler nature- ** gelding, or chopping off half the fool with. •* an axe. Thefe puniihments are fuffered

w by them with great conflancy.- -For

" negligence, they are ufually wrhipped by cc the overfeers with lance-wood fwitches, " till they be bloody, and feveral of the " fwitches Woken, being firfl tied

" their hands in the mill houfes.— ^ A

'* ter they are whipped till they are raw, w fome put on their fkins jpepper and fait, i4 to make them fmart ; at other times their 64 mailers will drop melted wax on their &i fkins, and ufe feveral very exquijite torments " Sir Hans adds, " Thefe puniihments are " fometimeS merited by the blacks, who are f a very perverfe generation of people, and ** though they appear very harfh, yet are cc fcarcs equal to fome of their crimes, and " inferior to what puniihments other Euro- ff pean nations inflict on their fiaves in the ri iLuiUi.dks, as may be feen by Moquet,

* and other travellers/' Thus fir Hans Sloan

endeavours

( M ) endeavours to excufethofe fhocking cruel ticsr but certainly in vain : becaufe no crimes whatfoever can merit fuch fevere punifh- ments, untefs I except the crimes of thole who devife and inflict them. Sir Hans Sloan indeed, mentions rebellion, as the principal crime, and certainly it is very juitly efteeiri- ed a moil heinous crime, in a land of liber- ty, where government is limited by equita- ble and juft laws, if the fame are tolerably well obferved ; but in countries where ar- bitrary power is exercifed with fuch intolera- ble cruelty, as is before defcribed, if refin- ance be a crime, it is certainly the moft nafc- tural of all others.

But the j 9th claule of the 3.8th act, would indeed on a flight perufal induce us to conceive, that the punifiiment for rebelli- on is not fo fevere as it is represented by fir Hans Sloan ; becaufe a flave, though deem* ed rebellious, is thereby condemned to no greater punifhment thantranfportation. verthelefs if the claufe be thoroughly confi- dered we {hall find no reafon to commend the mercy of the legiflatufe ; for it only proves, that the Jamaica law-makers will not fcruple to charge the flighteft and molt natural offence* with the moft opprobrious epithets ; and that a poor flave who per- haps has no otherwife incurred his matter's

difpleafure

( *5 )

difpleafure than by endeavouring (upon the juft and warrantable principles of felf-prefer- vation) to efcape from his matter's tyranny, without any criminal intention whatfoever, is liable to be deemed rebellious, and to be ar- raigned as a capital offender. " For every <c Have, and flaves that (hall run away and con- " tinue butfor the fpace of twelve months, ex- u cept fuch fla ve or flaves as fhall not have been " three years in this ifland, lhall be deemed M rebellious ," &c. (fee act 38, claufe 19. p. 60.) Thus we are enabled to define what a Weft Indian tyrant means by the word rebellious. But unjuft as this claufe may kem^ yet it is abundantly more merciful and confideratfc than a fubfequent act againft the fame poor- miferable people, becaufe the former affigns no other punifhment for perfons fo deemed rebellious than that they, " Shall be tranf* ported by order of two juftices and three freeholders," &c. whereas the latter fpares not the blood of thefe poor injured fugitives: For by the 66th a£t, a reward of 50 pound is offered to thofe who, " fhall kill or bring " in alive any rebellious /laves ," that is, any of thefe unfortunate people whom the law has " deemed rebellious " as above ; and this premium is not only tendered to commifil- oned parties (fee 2d. claufe) but even to any jjrivate" hunt eryflave or other per/on " (fee 3d.

claufe.)

L 26 ]

Thus it is manifeflv that the law treats thefe* poor unhappy men with as little ceremony and confideration, as if they were merely wild beads. But the innocent blood that is fhed in confequence of fuch a deteftable law,, muft certainly call for vengeance on the murderous abettors and actors of fuch de- liberate wickednefs: And though many of the guilty wretches fhould even be fo hard- ened and abandoned as never afterwards to* be capable of iincere remorfe, yet a time will undoubtedly come, when they will fhudder with dreadful apprehenlions, on account of the infufficiency of ib wretched an excufe, as that their poor murdered brethren were.-, by law " deemed rebellious " But bad as thefe laws are, yet, in juftice to the free- holders of Jamaica, I muft acknowledge, that their laws are not near fo cruel and in- human as the laws of Barbadoes and Vir- ginia, and feem at prefent, to be much more reafonable than they have formerly been, many very oppreflive laws being now expired, and others lefs fevere enacted in their room*

But it is far otherwifein Barbadoes ; for by the 329th aft, p. 125. " If any Negro- " or other Have, under punifhment by his "matter, or his order, for running away, " or any other crimes, or mifdemeanors to-

" wards

( *7 ) " wards his faid mailer, unfortunately {half " fuffer in life, or member, (which feldorn ** happens) (but it is plain by this law that " it does fometimes happen) no per/on what- ** ever pall be liable to any fine, therefore, but if ** any man pall, of wantonnefs, or only ofbloo- *** dy mindednefs •, or cruel intention, wilfully w kill a Negro or other fiave of his own" — Now the reader, to before, will naturally ex- pert, that feme very fevere punifhment muft in this cafe be ordained, to deter, the wanton, bloody minded, and cruel wretch from wilfully killing his fellow creatures ; but alas! the Barbadian law-makers have been fo far from intending to curb fuch aban- doned wickednefs, that they have absolute- ly made this law on purpofe to fkreen thefe enormous crimes from the juft indignation of any righteous perfon, who might think himfelf bound in duty to profecute a bloody minded villain ; they have, therefore, pre- fumptuouflytakenupon them to giveafanfti- on, as it were, bylaw, to the horrid crime of wilful murder ; and have accordingly or- dained, that he who is guilty of it in Barba~ does, though the aft fho'ald be at tended with, all the aggravating circumftances before- mentioned, " fhall pay into the publick treafu- ry (no more than) fifteen pounds fterling ;" but if he fhall kill another man's, he ihall pay to

the

( 28 ) the owner of the Negro, double the value* and into the public treafury, twenty fvs found s flerling, and he fhall further, by the next jufticeof the peace, be bound to his good behaviour, during the pleafure of ths governor and council, and not be liable to any other punifbment or forfeiture for thefame*.

Themoft confummate wickednefs, Ifup* pofe, that any body of people, under ths fpecious form of a legiflature were ever guil* ty of: This ad contains feveral other claufes which are fhocking to humanity, though too tedious to mention here.

According to an act of Virginia (4 Anne ch. 49. fee, 37. p. 227.) " after proclamation " is iflued againft flavesthatrun away and lie " out, it is lawful for any perfon whatfoe- " ver, to kill and dejlroy fuch flaves by fuch " ways and means as he, fhe, or they fhall think "fit, without accufation or impeachment of " any crime for the fame," &c And left private intereft fhould incline the planter to mercy, (to which we muft fuppofe fuch peo- ple can have no other inducement) it is pro- vided and enacted in the fucceeding claufe, (N° 38.) " That for every /lave killed, in pur- " fuance of this aft, or put to death by law, a the mafter, or owner of^xuch Have, fhall <* be paid by the public"^

AlfO;

( ^ )

Alfo by an act of Virginia (9 Geo. I. ch. 4. feci. 18. p. 343) it is ordained, " That, u where any iiave fliall hereafter be found * notorioufly guilty of going abroad in the " night, or running away, and lying out, " and cannot be reclaimed from fuch difor- " derly courfes by the common method of •* puniihment, it (hall and may be lawful, " to and for the court of the county upon " complaint and proof thereof to them made •6 by the owner of fuch Have, to order and " direct every fuch Have to be puniihed by " difmembering er any other way, not touch- " ing life, as the faid county court Jhdil " think fit:'

I have already given examples enough of the horrid cruelties which are fametimes thought jit on fuch occafions. But if the in- nocent and moft natural ad of " running a- " way" from intolerable tyranny deferves fuch relentlefs feverity, what kind of puniih- ment have thefe law-makers themfelves to expect hereafter, on account of their own enormous offences ; alas ! to look for mercy (without a timely repentance) will only be another inftance of their grofs injuftice! ic Havingt heir confciences feared wit h a hot iron" they feem to have loft all app.rehenfions that their fiaves are men, for they fcruple not to number them with beafts. See an

act

( 30 / act of Barbadoes, (N° 333. p. 128.) itrtitled* €" An act for the better regulating oiautcriefy ? in open market/' here we read of " Ne- " groes, cattle, coppers, and fills, and other " chattels, brought by execution to open 7 market to be outcried," and thefe (as if all of equal importance) are ranged together u in great lets or numbers to he fold"

- — —Page 70. In the 329 act of Barba* does (p.- 122) it is aflerted, that, " brutifh4 " flaves defer ve not, for the bafenefs of their ** condition, to he tried by a legal trial of u twelve men of their peers or neighbourhood, " which neither truly can be rightly done, * as the fubjetts of England" are ;*; (yet ilaves alio are fubjecls of England, whilft they remain within the Britiih dominions, notwithfeandbgthisinfinuution to the con-" irary) " nor is execution to be delay'd to- w wards them, in cafe of fuch horrid crimes " committed/5 &c.

A fimilar do&rine is taught in an act of Virginia, (9 Geo. L ch. 4. feci. 3. p. 339.) wherein it is ordained/' that every flave com-- 44 mitting fuch offence as by the laws ought ** to bepunithed by death or lois of member, ■* (hall be forthwith committed to thecommon- " goal of the county, &c. And the fheriff of w fuch county, upon fuch commitment, fhall *' forthwith certify the fame, with the caufe

" thereof^

C 33 1

£< thereof, to the governor or commander ia. *c chief, &c. who is thereupon defired and im- " powered to iflue a commiffion of oyer and €C terminer ; Tofuch perfons as he fli all think fit ; " which perfons, forthwith after the receipt of " fuchcommiffion,areimppweredandrequir- cc <ed. to caufethe offender to be publicly ar- " raigned andtried, &c. without the folerani- fs ty of ajury,&Co Now let usconflder the dan- gerous tendency of thofe laws. As Englifh- men, we flrenuoufly contend for this abfo- jute and immutable neceffity of trials by ju- ries : but is not the fpirlt and equity of this old Englifh do&rine entirely loft, if we partially confine that juftice to ourfelves a- lone, when we have it in our power to ex* tend it to others ? The natural right of all mankind muft principally juftify our infill- ing upon this neceffary privilege in favour of ourfelves in particular, and therefore if we do not allow that the judgment of an impartial jury is indifpenfably neceffary in all cafes whatsoever, wherein the life of man is depending, wre certainly undermine the equitable force and reafon of thofe laws, by which we ourfelves are prcleBed^ and con- sequently are unworthy to be efteemed, ei- ther Chriftians or Englifhmen.

Whatever right the members of a pro- vincial affembly may have to enad bye laws,>

for

( 3^ ) for particular exigences among themfelves^ yet in fo doing, they are certainly bound in xiuty to their fovereign, to obferve mod firictly, the fundamental principles of that conftitution, which his -majefty is fworn to maintain ; for wherefoever the bounds of the Britifh empire are extended, there the common law of England muft of courfe take place, and cannot be fafely fet afid.e by any private law whatfoever, becaufe the intro- duction of an unnatural tyranny muft necef- farily endanger the king's dominions. The many alarming infuiTeftions of flaves in the feveral colonies, are fufficient proofs of this. The common law of England ought there- fore to be fo eftablifhed in every province, as to include the refpective bye laws of each province ; inftead of being by them excluded which latter has been too much the cafe.

Every inhabitant of the Britifli colonies, black as well as white, bond as well as free, are undoubtedly the kings fubj efts , during their refidence within the limits of the king's dominions, and as fuch, are entitled toper- fonal protection, however bound in fervice to their refpective matters. Therefore, when any of thefe are put to death, " without the " folemnity of 'a jury" I fear that there is too much reafoa to attribute the guilt. of murder ^ to every perfou concerned in ordering the

fame,.

r S3 i

lame, or in confeating thereto ; and all A pcrfons are certainly refponfible to the ki> and His laws,* for the lofs of afubjecl. The horrid iniquity, injuftice, and dangerous tendency of the feveral plantation laws, which I have quoted, are ib apparent, that it is unneceffary for me to apologize for the freedom with which I have treated them. If fiich laws are not abfolutely neceffary For the government of Haves, the law-makers muft unavoidably allow themfelves to be the mod cruel and abandoned tyrants upon earth, or perhaps, that ever were on earth. On the other hand, if it be faid, that it is impofii- bie to govern {laves without fiich inhuman feverity and defccftablq injuftice, the fame will certainly be an invincible argument a- gainft the leaft toleration of fiavery amongil chriftians, becaufe the temporal profit of the ' planter or mailer, however lucrative, can- not compensate the forfeiture of his ever- lafting welfare, or (at leaft I may be allow- ed to fay) the apparent danger of fuch a for- feiture.

Oppreffion is a mod grievous crime; and the cries of thefe much injured people (though they are only poor ignorant hea- thens) will certainly reach heaven ! The fcriptures (which are the only true foundation of all laws) denounce a tremendous judg- ment againli tlae man who fhould offend e- D ven

( 34 ) tren one little one; " It were better for hiite' " (even the merciful Saviour of the world 4t hath himfelf declared) that amillftone were: " hanged about his neck and he call into *c the lea, than that he fhould offend one of ** thefe little ones.5' Luke, xvii. 2. Who then lhall attempt to vindicate thofe inhu- man eftablilhments of government, under which, even our own countrymen fo griev- oufly offend and opprefs, (not merely one, or a few little ones, but) an irnmenfe multi- tude of theA9 women, children, and the chil- dren of their children, from generation to ge- neration ? May it not be faid with like juftice^ it were better for the Englifh nation that thefe American dominions had never exifted, or even that they fhould have been junk into the lea, than that the kingdom of Great-Britain fhould be loaded with the horrid guilt of tolerating fuch abominable wickednefs ! In fhort, if the king's prerogative is not fpeedily exerted for the relief of his majefly's opprefled and much injured fub- ie&s in the Britifh colonies (becauic to relieve ZIm ftibjett from the oppreffion of petty ty- rants, is the principal ufe of the royal prero- gative, as well as the principal and mofl na- tural means of maintaining the fame) and for I he extenfion of the Britifh conftitutibn to thoft diflant colonics whether in the Eall

or

} 35) /eft Indies, it muft inevitably he allow- ed, that great fliare of this enormous guilt will certainly reft on this fide the water.

I hope this hint will be taken notice of by thofe whom it may concern ; and that the freedom of it will be excufed, as from a ley- al and difmtereJJed advifer.

D i

Extracts from the wri tines of fcve

cV

ral noted Authors, on the Subject of the Slavery of the Negroes, viz. George Wal- lace, Francis Hutchefon, 'James Fofter.

GEORGE W A L L I S, in his ftf- tcm of the principles of the laws of Scot- land, fpeaking of the flavery of the Negroes in our colonies, fays " We all know that they (the Negroes) are purchafed from their. Princes, who pretend to have aright todif- pofe of them, and that they are, like other commodities, tranfported by the merchants who have bought them, into America, in or- der to be expofed to fale. If this trade ad- mits of a moral or a rational juftification, every crime, even the moft atrocious, may be jollified- Government was inftituted for the good of mankind ; kings-, princes, governors, are not proprietors of thofe who arc fubject to their authority ; they have not; a right to make them miferable. On the contrary, their authority is vefted in them, they may, by the juft exercife of it, the happinefs of their people. Of v have not a right to difpofe of tlieii liberty, them for flaves. Be-

tides,

( 37 ) fides, no man has a right to acquire purchafe them; msnand their liberty are not (in commcrcio) they are not either faleable or purchafable. One, therefore, has nobo- dy but himfelf to blame, in cafe he fliall nnd himfelf deprived of a man, whom he thought he had, by buying for a price, made his own ; for he dealt in a trade which was illicit, and was prohibited by the moft obvious dictates of humanity. For thcfe reafons every one of thofe unfortunate men who are pretended to be flaves, has a right to be declared to be free, for he never loft his liberty ; he could not lofe it ; his prince had no power to difpofe of hiin. Qf courfe the fale was ipfojure void. This rijg he carries about with him, and is entitled e very where to get it declared. As foon> therefore, as he comes into a country in which the judges are not forgetful of their own humanity, it is their duty to remem- ber that he is a man, and to declare him to be free. I know it has been faid, that que- flions concerning the ftate of perfons ought to be determined by the law of the country to which they belong ; and that, therefore., one who would be declared to be a Have ia America , ought, in cafe he fhould happen to be imported into Britain^ to be adjudged % according to the law of America to be a flave ) a doctrine than which nothing can be

more

C 33 )

more barbarous. Ought the judges of any- country, out of refpecr to the law of ano- ther, to (hew no refpecV to their kind, and ? humanity j out of refpect to a law, which is in no fort obligatory upon them, ought they to difregard the law of nature, which is obligatory on all men at all times, and in all places : Are any laws fo binding as the eternal laws of juftice ? Is it doubtful, whether a judge ought to pay greater regard to them, than to thofe arbitrary and inhu- man ufages which prevail in a diftant land ? Aye, but our colonies would be ruined if flavery was abolifhed. Ee it f 0 ; would it BOt from thence follow, that the bulk of mankind ought to be abufed, that our pockets may be filled with money, or our mouths with delicacies ? The purfes of highwaymen would be empty in cafe robberies were to- tally abolifhed ; but have men aright to ac- quire money by going out to the highway ? Have men a right to acquire it by rendering their fellow creatures miferable ? Is it law- ful to abufe mankind, that the avarice, the vanity, or the paffions of a few may be gra- tified r No ! There is fuch a thing as juftice, to which the moft facred regard is due. It ought to be inviolably obferved. Have not thefe unhappy men a better right to their li- berty, and to their happinefs, than our A- merican merchants have to. the profits which they make by torturing their kind? Let

thereto

( 39 )

therefore our colonies be ruined, but let us not render fo many men miferable. Would

not any of us, who fhould be fnatched

by pirates from his native land, think him- felf cruelly abufed, and at all times entitled to be free. Have not thefe unfortunate Afri- cans ^ who meet with the fame cruel fate, the fame right ? Are not they men as well as we, and have they not the fame fenfibili- ty ? Let us not, therefore, defend or fup- port a ufage which is contrary to all the laws of humanity.

But it is falfe, that either we or our co- lonies would be ruined by the abolition of ilavery. It might occafion a ftagnation of bufinefs for a fhort time. Every great al- teration produces that effeft ; becaufe man- kind cannot, on a fudden, find ways of dif- pofing of themfelves and of their affairs : But it would produce many happy effe&s. It is the flavery which is permitted in Ameri- ca that has hindered it from becoming fo foon populous as it would otherwife have done. Let the Negroes free, and in a few generations, this vail and fertile conti- nent would be crowded with inhabitants j learning, arts, and every thing would flou- rifh amongft them ; inflead of being inha- bited by wild beafts, and by favages, it would be peopled by philofophers, and by men/-

Francis

C 4* )

Francis Hutchefon profeflbr of philofphy, at theuniverfity of Glafcow, in Ymfyjlem of moral philofophy, page 211, fays, " He who detains another by force in flavery, is always bound to prove his title. The flave fold or carried into a diftant country muft not be obliged to prove a negative, that he never forfeited his liberty. The violent poffeffor muft in all cafes foew his title, efpecially where the old proprietor is well known. In this cafe each man is the original proprietor of his own liberty. The proof of his loiing it muft be incumbent on thofe who deprive him of it by force. The Jewifh laws had great regard to juftice, about the fervitude of Hebrews^ founding it only on confent or fome crime or damage, allowing them al- ways a proper redrefs upon any cruel treat- ment ; and fixing a limited time for it, un~ lefs upon trial the fervant inclined to prolong it. The laws about foreign flaves had ma- ny merciful provifions againft immoderate feverity of the mafters. But under chrifti- anity, whatever lenity was due from an He- brew towards his country man muft be due towards all ; fince the diftinclions of nati- ons are removed, as to the point of huma- nity and mercy, as well as natural right, nay fome of thefe rights, granted over fo- reign flaves may juftly be deemed only fuch indulgences, as thofe of poligamy and di- vorce^

( 41 )

vorce, granting only external impunity in fuch practice, and not fufficient vindication of them in confcience."

Page ?5> lt>s P^aded that, u In fome barbarous nations unlefs the captives were brought far flaves they would all be mur- thered. They therefore owe their lives, and all they can do, to their purchasers ; and fo do their children, who would not other- wife have come into life : But this whole plea is no more than that of the negotium uti- le geflum^ to which any civilized nation is bound by humanity, 'tis a prudent expen- five office done for the fervice of others with- out a gratuitous intention ; and this founds no other right than that to full compenfati- on of all charges and labour employed for the benefit of others.

Afet of inaccurate popular phrafes, blind us in thefe matters, captives owe their lives, and all to the purchafers, fay they. Juft in the fame manner, we, our nobles, 2nd princes, often owe our lives to mid- vaves, chirurgcons, phyficians,dn\ one who was the means of preferring a man's life h not therefore entitled to make him a Have, and fell him as a piece of goods. Strange that in any nation where a fcnCe of liberty prevails, where the chriftian religion is pro- fefled, cuftom and high profpecb of gain can {o ftupify the conscience of men, and

al

C 42 >

all fenfe of natural juftice, that they cart hear fuch computations made about the va- lue of their fellow-men, and their liberty, without abhorrence and indignation.

James Fojter, T). D. in his difcourfes on na- tural religion and jocial virtue, alfo fhews his juft indignation at this wicked practice, which he declares to be ''a criminal and out- rageous violation of the natural right of man- kind." At page 156, 2 vol. he fays, " Should we have read concerning the Greeks or Ro- mans of old, that they traded, with view to make fiaves of their own fpecies, whom they certainly knew that this would involve in fchemes of blood and murther, of deftroyr ing, or enflaving each other, that they even fomented wars, and en^ap-ed who!? Q&tyQRJ and tubes in open hoftilities, for their pwn private advantage ^ that they had no detef- tation of the violence and cruelty ; but on- ly feared the ill fuccefs of their inhuman en- terprifes ; that they carried men like them- felves, their brethren, and the off-fpring of the fame common parent, to be fold like beafts of prey, or beafts of burden, and put them to the fame reproachful trial, of their foundnefs, ftrength and capacity for great- er bodily fervice ; that quite forgeting, and renouncing, the original dignity of hi:: nature, communicated to all, they treated them with more feverity and ruder difci-

plinCj

( 43 )

pline, than £ven thee* or the afs> who are

-void of under]} anding fhould we not if

this had been the cafe, have naturally been led to defpife all their pretended refinements of morality ; and to have concluded, that as they were not nations deftitute of politenefs, they mull have been entire Ji rangers to virtue and benevolence.

But, notwithstanding this, we ourfelves (^vho profefs to be chriflians, and boaft of the peculiar advantage we enjoy, by means of an exprefs revelation of our duty from heaven) are in effect, thefe very untaught and rude heathen countries. With all our fuperiof light, we inftil into thofe, whom we call fa- •vage and barbarous, the moft defpicable o- pinion of human nature. We, to the ut- moft of our power, weaken and diffolve the univerfal tie, that binds and unites mankind. We practice what we fhould exclaim againft, as the utmoiiexcefs of cruelty and tyrann r, if nations of the world, differing in colour, and form of government from ourfelves, were fo pofleffed of empire, as to be able to reduce us to a ftate of unmerited and bra- tiih fervitude. Of confequence we facri- fice our reaibn, our humanity, our chriiH- anity to an unnatural fordid gain. We teach other nations to defpife and trample under foot, all the obligations of fecial vir- tue. We take the moft cffo&ual method

to

( 44 ) to prerent the propagation of the gofpel, by reprefenting it as afcheme of power and barbarous oppreffion, and an enemy to the natural privileges and rights of men.

Perhaps all, that I have now offered, may be of very little weight to reftrain this enor- mity, this aggravated iniquity. However I dill have the fatisfacrioa, of having enter- ed my private proteft againft a practice which, in my opinion, bids that God, who is the God and Father of the Gentiles, un- converted to chriftianity, moft daring and bold defiance, and fpurns at all the principles both of natural and revealed religion.

EXTRACT

EXTRACT

From an ADDRESS

I :; the

VIRGINIA GAZETTE,

of March 19, 1767.

Mr. RIND,

PERMIT me, in your paper, to addreis the members of our affembly, on two points, in which the public intereft is very nearly concerned.

The abolition of flavery and the retriev- al of fpecie in this colony, are the fubjeccs en which I would befpeak their attention. ■

Long and ferious reflections upon the na- ture and confequences of flavery have con- vinced me, that it is a violation both of jlif- tice and religion ; that it is dangerous to the fafety of the community in which it prevails ; that it is deftru&ive to the growth of arts and fciences ; and laftly, that it pro- duces a numerous and very fatal train of vices, both in the flave, and in his matter.

To prove thefe aflertions, fliali be the pur- pofe of the following effay.

That flavery then is a violation of juftice, E will

( 45 ) will plainly appear, when we confider what juftice is. It is truly and limply defined, as by Jujliman, conftans et perpetua voluntas^ ejus fuunv cuique tribuendi ; a conftant endea- vour to give every man his right.

Now. as freedom is unqueftionably the birthright of all mankind, Africans as well as Europeans, to keep the former in a ftate of flavery, is a con'ftant violation of that right, and therefore of juftice.

The ground on which the civilians, who favour flavery, admit it to be juft ; namely, confent, force and birth, is totally difputa-' ble. For furely a man's own will and con- fent, cannot be allowed to introduce fo im- portant an innovation into fociety as flave- ry, or<to make himfelf an outlaw, which is really the ftate of a Have, fince neither con- senting to, nor aiding the laws of the fociety, in which he lives, he is neither bound to o- bey them, nor entitled to their protection. * To found any right in force, is to frus- trate ail right, and involve every thing in cdnfufion, violence and rapine. With thefe two the laft muft fall, fince if the parent cannot juftly be made a flave, neither can riie child be born in flavery. " The law of nations, fays b^ron Montefquieu, has doom- ed prifoners to flavery, to prevent their be- ing flain ; the Roman civil law, permitted debtors whom their creditors might treat

in;

( ¥ )

ill, to fell themfelves. And the law of n^ t-ure requires that children, whom their parents being flaves cannot maintain, fhould be Haves like them. Thefe reafons of fche civilians are not juft, it is not true that a captive may be flain, unlefs in a cafe of abfolute neceffity ; but if he hath been re- duced to flavery, it is plain that no fuch ne- ceffity exifted, fincehe was not flain. It is Hot true that a free man can fell himfelf, for fale fuppofes a price, but a flave and his pro- perty becomes immediately that of his maf- ter, the Have can therefore receive no price, nor the mailer pay, &c. And if a man cannot fell himfelf, nor a prifoner of war be reduced to flavery, much lefs can his child." Such are the fentiments of this il- luftrious civilian ; his reafonings, which I have been obliged to contract, the reader in- terefted in this fubject, will do well-to con- fult at large.

Yet even thefe rights of impoikig flavery^ queftionable, nay refutable as they are, we have not to authorize the bondage of the Africans. For neither do they confent to be our flaves, nor do we purchafe them of their conquerors. The Britifh merchants obtain them from Africa by violence, artifice and treachery, with a few trinkets to prompt thofe unfortunate****peop!e to enflave one another by force or ilratagem. Purchafe

them

( 47 ) them indeed they may, under the authori- ty of an act of the Britifh parliament. An act entailing upon the Africans, with whom we are not at war, and over whom a Britifh parliament could not of right aflume even a ihadow of authority, the dreadful curfe of perpetual flavery, upon them and their chil- dren for ever. There cannot he in nat there is not in all kijlory, an in fiance in which every right of men is more flagrantly violated. The laws of the antients never authorized the making Haves, but of thofe nations whom they had conquered ; yet they were heathens and we are chriitians. They were milled by a monftrous religion, di veiled of humanity, by a horrible and barbarous vvor- fhip ; we are direfted by the unerring pre- cepts of the revealed religion we pofleis, en- Kghtned by its wifdom, and humanized by its benevolence ; before them were gods de- formed with paffions, and horrible for eve- ry cruelty and vice ; before us is that in- comparable pattern of meeknefs, charity, love and juftice to mankind, which fo tran- icendently diftinguifhed the founder of chri- ftianity and his ever amiable doclrines.

Reader, remember that the corner ftone of your religion is to do unto others as you would they ihould do unto you ; afk then your own heart whether it would not ab- hor any one, as the mod outrageous viola- tor

( 48 ) tor of that and every other principle of right, juftice and humanity, who fhould make a flave of you and your pofterity for ever. Remember that God knoweth the heart, lay not this flattering unction to your foul, that it is the cuftom of the country ; that you found it fo : that not your will but your ne- ceffity confents. Ah! think how little fuck an excufe will avail you in that awful day, when your Saviour fhall pronounce judg- ment on you for breaking a law too plain to be mifunderftbod, too facred to be violated* If we fay we are chriftians, yet act more in- humanly and unjuftly than heathens, with what dreadful juftice muft this fentence of our bleffed Saviour fall upon us : " Not e- very one that faith unto me Lord, Lord, fhall enter into the kingdom of heaven, but he that doth the will of my father which is in heaven." (Matthew vii. 21.) Think a moment how much your temporal, your eternal welfare depends upon an abolition of a practice, which deforms the image of your God, tramples on his revealed will,. infringes the moil facred rights, and vio* lates humanity.

Enough I hope has been afferted to prove that flavery is a violation of juftice and re- ligion ^ That it is dangerous to thq fafety of the ftate in which it prevails, may be as fafely afferted..

What

( 49 )

What one's own experiencehas not taught^ that of others muft decide. From hence does hiftory derive its utility ; for being, when truly written, a faithful record of the tranfactions of mankind, and the confe- quences that flowed from them, we are thence furnilhed with the means of judging what will he the probable effect of tranfactions fi- milar among ourfelves.

We learn then from hiftory, that flavery, wherever encouraged, has fooner or later been productive of very dangerous commo- tions. I will not trouble my reader here with quotations in fupport of this affertion, but content myfelf with referring thofe who- may be dubious of its truth, to the hiftories of Athens ', Lacedemon, Rome* and Spain.

How long, how bloody and destructive was the conteit between the Moorifh flaves, and the native Spaniards ? and after almoft deluges of blood had been flied the Spaniards obtained nothing more, than driving them into the mountains. Lefs bloody in- deed, thoJ not lefs alarming have been the infurreclioris in Jamaica ; and to imagine that we fhall be for ever exempted from this calamity, which experience teaches us to be infeparable from flavery, fo encouraged, is an infatuation as aftonifhing as it will be furely fatal. &c, &c.

EXTRACT

EXTRACT

O F A

S E R M O N,

PREACHED BY THE

BISHOP of GLOUCESTER,

ESefore the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, at their anniverfary . meeting, on the 21 ft of February, 17^6.

FROM the free-favages I now come (the laft point I propofe to confider) to the favages in bonds- By thefe I mean the vaft multitudes yearly ftolen from the oppo- fite continent, and facrificed by the colo- nifts to their great idol, the God of Gain. But what then, fay thefe fincere worfhip- pers of Mammon, they are our own property, which we offer up. Gracious God! to talk (as in herds of cattle) of property in rational creatures ! creatures endowed with all our faculties, pofleffing all our qualities but that of colour j our brethren both by nature and

grace.

- ( 5i ) grace, ftiocks all the feelings of humanity, and the dictates of common fenfe. But, a- las! what is there in the infinite abufes of fociety which does not fhock them ? Yet nothing is more certain in itfelf, and appa- rent to all, than that the infamous traffic for flaves directly infringes botk divine andr human law. Nature created man free;, and grace invites him to *iffert his freedom. In excufe of this violation, it hath been pretended, that though indeed thefe mife- rable outcafts of humanity be torn from* their homes and native country by fraud and violence, yet they thereby become the; happier, and their condition the more eligi- ble. But who are You, who pretend to judge of another man's happinefs ? That: ftate, which each man, under the guidance of his maker, forms for himfelf; and not one man for another. To know what con- stitutes mine or your happinefs, is the fole prerogative of him who created us, and caft us in fo various and different moulds. Did your flaves ever complain to you of their unhappinefs amidil their native woods and defarts ? Or, rather, let me aik, did they ever ceafe complaining of their condition under you their lordly mailers ? where they fee, indeed, the accommodations of civil life, but fee them all pafs to others, them- felves, unbenefited by them. Be fo graci- ous

( ft )

T)us then, ye petty tyrants over Iranian free- dom, to let your Haves judge for themfeves, what it is which makes their own happinefs. And then fee whether they do not place it in the return to their own country, rather than in the contemplation of your grandeur, of which their miicry makes ib large a part. A return lb pafilonately longed for, that defpairing of happinefs here, that is, of e- fcaping the chains of their cruel talk mailers, they confole themfelve^s with feigning it to be the gracious reward of heaven in their future ftate ; which I do not find their haughty mafters have as yet concerned them- felvcs to invade. The lefs hardy indeed wait for this felicity till overwearied nature lets them free ; but the more refolved have recourfe even to felf- violence, to force a fpec- dier pafTage.

But it will be Hill urged, that though what is called human happinefs be of fo fan- taftic a nature, that each man's imagination creates it for himfelf, yet human mifery is more fubftantial and uniform throughout all the tribes of mankind. Now, from the worll of human miieries, the favage Africans by thefe forced emigrations, are intirely fe- cured, fuch as the being perpetually hunted down like beafts of prey or profit, by their more favage and powerful neighbours — In

truth,

C 53 ) truth, a bleffed change ! — from beincr hi ed to being caught. But who are they that nave fet on foot this general Hunting? Are they not thefe very civilized vio- lators of humanity themfelves ? who temps the weak appetites, and provoke the wild paffions of the fiercer lavages to prey udoh the reft"

THE E N P,

I N D E X.

A /ID ANSON (M.) his account of the country yj^ on the rivers Senegal and Gambia, 14. Extra- ordinary fertility, ibid. Surprising vegetation, 15. Beautiful afpecl of the country, 16. Good difpofition of. the natives, ibid. AAvcrtifements in the New-Tori journal 9 for the fale of fiaves, part ii. 14. Alfo in the news papers of London, p. ii. 16. Africa, that part from whence the Negroe fiaves are brought; how divided, 6. Capable of a -confider- able trade, 143. Alien, (every) or ftranger coming within the kings

dominion becomes a fubjecl, p. ii, 4. Ancienteft account of the Negroes, 41. Were thca

a fimple innocent people, 43. Angola, a plentiful country, 39. Character of the natives, 40. Government, ibid. B

BARB ADO E S, (laws of) refpefting Negroe fiaves, p. ii, 26. Barbot, [John) agent general of the French African company, his account of the Gold-Goaf, 25. Of the S lave- Goaf , 27. Bofman [William) principal factor for the Dutch, af: D'Elmina, his account of the Gold-Goaf, 23. Of the Slave-Goaf. 27. Brae [Andrew) principal factor of the French African company, his account of the country on the river Senegal, 7. And on the river Gambia, 8.

Benin

The I N d ex.

. 'kingdom of^ goccl characre%k>f the na Pimifhment of crimes, ;6. Order of government," . Largcnefs and order of the city of Grem

• ol- Britain; (ancient] in th€:r ordinal Rate no lefs barba- rous than the 4ft 68. Baxter [Richard) his teftimony again ft flaverv, 8;. C '

CORRUPTION of fome of the kings of Guinea, 107.

D

DE la Cafa (bifhop of Chap: a) his concern for the ms, 47. His fpeech to Charles the emperor cf Germany aod king of Spain, 48. Pro- digious deftruvfrion of the Indians in Hifpaniola, yt* r, in every man, its effe&s on thole ■who obey its dictates, 14. E

ELIZABETH (queen) her caution to cap- tain Hawkins, not to enflave any of the Ne- • groes, 55.

h, their firft trade on the coaft of Guinea, 52. Europe. v-; are the principal caufe of the wars which.

fubfift amongft the Negroes, 61 . Engliih laws, allows no man, of what condition fo- ever to be deprived of his liberty, without a legal procefs, p.ii, 6. The danger of confining any pericn without a warrant, p. ii, 18. F

FISHING, a confiderablebufmefs on the Gui- nea coaft, 26. How carried 0

his teftimony againft llavery, p. ii, 42. Negroes good farmers, 10. Thofeon xhz Gam- bia particularly recommended for their induftry and good behaviour, ;

. (king of) objects to the Negroes, in his domi- nions, being reduced to a ftate of flavery, 58.

G

The I n d E x*

A* A MB I A (rCer) 8, 14.

VJ Cloacejier bifliop of) extras of his fermon, p. ii, 50.

Godivyn [Morgan) his plea in favour of the Kegroes and Indians, 75. Complains of the cruelties ex- ercifed upon flaves, 76. A falfe opinion prevailed in his time, that the Negroes were not objecls of re- deeming grace, 77.

Gold-Coaft, has feveral European factories, 22 J Great trade for ilaves, 22. Carried on far in the inland country, ibid. Natives more reconciled to the Europeans ; and Raore diligent in procuring flaves, 22. Extraordinary fruitful and agreeable, 22, 25. The natives induflrious, 24.

Great-Britain, all perfons during their reildence there are the king's fubjecls, p. ii, 4.

Guinea, extraordinary fertile, 2. Extreamly unheal- thy to the Europeans, 4. But agrees well with the natives, ibid. Prodigious raiiing of waters,. ibid. Hot winds, ibid. Surprising vegetation, 1.5. H

HA IV KJ N S (captain) lands on the coaft of Guinea and feizes on a number of the natives,, which he fells to the Spaniards, 5-.

Hottentots mifreprefented by authors, 10 1. True ac- count given of thefe people by Kolben, 102. Love of liberty and floth their prevailing paffions, 302. Diftinguiftied by feverai virtues, 103. Firm in alliances, ibid. Offended at the vices pre-domi- nant among ft chriftians, 104. Make nor keep no flaves, ibid.

Hughei (Griffith) his account of the number of Ne- groes in Barbadoes, 85. Speaks well of their na- tural capacities, 86.

Hufbandry of the Negroes, carried on in common,. 28.

Hutcbefon (Francis) his declaration againft fiave:\v p. ii, 40.

V JALOF

The Index. I

J A L 0 F (Negroes) their government, 9. Indians grievoufly oppreffed by the Spaniards, 47. Their caufe pleaded by Bartholemew De la Cafa,

48.

Inland people good account of them, 25.

Ivory Coajiy fertile, &c. 18. Natives falfely repre- fented to be atreacherous people, ibid. Kind when •well ufed, 19. Have no European factories amongft them, 21. And but few wars ; therefore few flaves to be had there, 22.

Jury, Negroes tried and condemned without the fo- lemnity of a jury, p. ii. 30. Highly repugnant to the Englifh conftitution, p. ii. 32. Dangerous to thofe concerned therein, ibid. L

LAWS, (in Guinea) fevere againft man-ftealing and other crimes, 106. M

MA N D 1 G 0 E (Negroes) a numerous nation, 11. Great traders, ibid. Laborious, 11. Their government, 13. Their worfhip, ibid. Manner of tillage, ibid. At Galem they fuffer none to be made Haves, but criminals, 20. Malayensy (a black people) fometimes fold amongft

Negroes, brought from very diftant parts, 27. Markets regularly kept on the Gold and Slav e-Coafts, 30. Montefquieu his fentiments on flavery, 72. Moor [Francis) factor to the African company, his account of the flavetradeon the river Gambia, in. Mofaic law merciful in its chaftifements, 73 % Has refpecl: to human nature, ibid. N

NATIONAL wars difapproved by the mofr confiderate amongft the Negroes, no. Negroes (in Guinea) generally a humane, fociable people, 2. Simplicity of their way of living, £. Agreeable in converfation, 16. Senfible of the da- mage.

The Index.

mage accruing to them from the flave trade, 6f. Miireprefented by moft authors, 98. Offended at the brutality of the European factors, 116. Shock- ing cruelties exercifed on them by mafters of vef- fels, 124. How many are yearly brought from Guinea by the JEnglifn, 129. The numbers who die on the paflage and in the feafoning, 1.20.

ffegroe flaves (in the colonies) allowed to cohabif and ieparate at pleafure, 36. Great wafte of them, thro' hard ufage in the iflands, §6. Melancholly cafe of two of them, 236. Propofals for fetting them free, 129. Tried and condemned without the folemnity of a jury, p. ii. 30.

Negroes (free) difcouragement they meet with, 133. P

PORTUGUESE carry on a great track for flaves at Angola, 40. Make the firft incurfions into Guinea, 44. From whence they carry off fome of the natives, ibid. Beginners of the flave trade, 46. Erect the firft fort at D'Elmina. R

ROME (the college of cardinals at) complain of the abufe offered to the Negroes in felling them for flaves, 58.

S

SENEGAL (river) account of,. 7, 14. Ship (account of one) blown up on the coaft of Guinea with a number of Negroes on board, 125. Slave trade how carried on, at the river Gambia, in. And in other parts of Guinea, 113. At Whidah, 115. Slaves, ufed with much more lenity in Algiers and in Turkey than in our colonies, 70, Likewife in Guinea, 71. Slavery more tolerable amongft the ancient Pagans than in our colonies, 6^. Declin- ed as chriftianity prevailed, 65. Early laws in France, for its abolifhment, 66. Ifputanend to would make way for a very extenfiYe trade thro'

Africa/

The Inde x.

Africa. 143. The danger of flavery taking place in England, p. ii, 20.

fir Hans) his account of the inhuman and ex- travagant pumihments inflicted on Negroes, 89.

{William) furveyor to the African company, . his account of the Ivory-Coaft, 20. Of the Gold- Coaft, 24.

U

VI RG I N I A (laws) refpectlng Negroe flaves,. p. ii. 28.

ria (addrefs to the affembly) fetting forth the inicuitv and danger of flavery, p. ii, 45. W \J7JLLIS {George) his teftimony againft flave- V V ry, p. ii, 36.

r, white people able to perform the necefTa- ry work there, 141.

■ h (kingdom of) agreeable and fruitful, 27. Fatives treat one another with refpetf, 29.

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