Spanish Seamen in the New World
During the Colonial Period

By

PAUL S. TAYLOR

Reprinted from The Hispanic American Historical Review,
Vol. V, No. 4, November, 1922

Reprinted from THB HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW,
Vol. V, No. 4, November, 1922

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD DURING
THE COLONIAL PERIOD

THE LEGAL STATUS OF SPANISH SEAMEN

The Spanish mariners of the New World were governed by the
laws of the Indies. Their conditions of service were perhaps
more vitally affected by the manner in which masters of ships
saw fit to exercise (or exceed) their authority. But beneath
both enactments and arbitrary authority lay the Consulado del
Mare, the maritime law at the basis of all legal relationships of
the sea, just as the Common Law is at the basis of all our legal
relationships on land. For this reason, an analysis of the cus-
toms of the sea, as contained in the Consulado del Mare, is
especially valuable as furnishing a background for a sketch of
the conditions of life among seamen of the colonial period.

The Consulado del Mare furnished the laws used by practically
all the Consulados of Spain, which for three or four centuries
were accepted as authority throughout the Mediterranean area.
It also furnished the basis of the laws of Oleron of about the same
period. The Consulado del Mare was compiled at Barcelona, in
all probability, according to an eminent authority, "by the scribe
of the Consular Court for the use of the Consuls of the Sea."1
The exact date of its origin is a subject of some disagreement.
Perhaps the more general opinion is that the laws were compiled
during the thirteenth century. This is the view of such men as
Capmany, Vinino, and Meyer.2 Twiss, writing at a later date

1 Sir Travers Twiss, ed., Monumenta juridica . . . . The Black Book
of the Admiralty, 4 vols. (London, 1871-1876. III. Ixxxix. Hereafter cited as,
Black book.

2 Antonio de Capmany y de Montpalou, Memorias historicas sobre la marina,
comer do y artes de la antigua cuidad de Barcelona, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1779-1792.)
I. part II. 175. Also see Charles Solomon Mitrani, "The Rise of the Spanish
Consulados . . . Berkeley, 1917" (unpublished manuscript in the University
of California Library).

631

632 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

(1874), states that he "considers the assumption to be well
founded that the Customs of the Sea in the form in which they
have come down to us in the Book of the Consulate of 1494 were
not compiled until some time after 1340 A.D."3 But regardless
of the exact date of origin, it is known that the Consulado del
Mare was the recognized maritime law of the South European
countries for several centuries.

The Consulado mentions six modes of hiring mariners: (1)
for the agreed voyage at a lump sum; (2) by the month; (3) by
the mile; (4) at the discretion of the managing owner; (5) for a
share in the freight; (6) for the right to load goods on their own
account.4 The contract of hiring was entered into when the
mariner's name was entered on the ship's register, or he had
shaken hands with the managing owner, a ceremony as binding
as if they had gone before a notary.5 In addition, an oath of
loyalty was required from mariners and all who received wages
aboard ship.6 Once the contract was made, the mariner could
go nowhere except with the consent of the managing owner.7
And the managing owner, on his part, could not dismiss the
mariner unless it was upon one of four conditions: (1) robbery;
(2) quarreling; (3) disobedience, and then only upon the fifth
occasion; or (4) breach of oath.8

The mariner's duties comprised anything he might be ordered
to do about the ship and its navigation. In the words of the
Consulado,

. . . the mariner is bound in all things which pertain to the ship,
to go to the forest and fetch wood, to saw and to make planks, to make
spars and ropes, to bake, to man the boat with the boatswain, to stow

* Black book, II.lxv.
*Ibid., III. 191, note 1.

6 "Coustumes de la Ville de Barcelone concernant la Marine et diverses Ordon-
nances des Hois d'Aragofl en langue Catalane [Consulado del Mare]." Original
text and translation in Black book, III. 50-657. Ch. cix. in, Black book III. 217.
(Chapter citations refer to both texts ; page citations in the Black book are given
only for the English translation. The original text may be found on the
opposite page.)

6 Ibid., Ch. xvi. in Black book, III. 89.

7 Ibid., Ch. cix. in Black book, III. 217.

• Ibid., Ch. Ixxx. in Black book, III. 187.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 633

goods and to unstow them; and at every hour when the mate shall
order him to go and fetch spars and ropes, to carry planks, and to put
on board all the victuals of the merchants, to heave the vessel over,
to go and fetch spars and ropes, to carry planks, and to aid to repair
the vessel, and he is bound to do everything to improve the condition
of the ship and of all which belongs to the ship whilst he shall be en-
gaged to the ship.9

A passage rather curious from our viewpoint, but not from
the mariner's, attests the fact that he was never free from duty
for very long intervals:

A mariner ought not to undress himself if he is not in a port for
wintering. And if he does so, for each time he ought to be plunged
into the sea with a rope from the yard arm three times; and after three
times offending, he ought to lose his salary and the goods which he has
in the ship.10

In those days, vessels were not always accustomed to draw up
alongside of wharves, so the mariner must be willing to step into
the water himself and carry the passengers ashore upon his
back; and if he was not willing, he was bound to reimburse the
passenger any loss he might incur.11

In general, freight was the mother of wages. But the mariner
was safeguarded against loss through unprofitable voyages,
for the Consulado held that in the last resort, the ship was liable
for wages, even to the extent of selling the vessel.12 One source
of mariners is indicated by the following passage concerning
wages :

. . . the managing owner may not dimmish the wages of any
one. And if a man is worth more than the managing owner believed
at the commencement, he ought to increase his wages; for many men
desire to leave a country, because they are not sufficiently appreciated,
and in order to get away from it, sell their personal services at a cheap
price.13

» Ibid., Ch. ex. in Black book, III. 219.

10 Ibid., Ch. cxxv. in Black book, III. 233. "Ought" should generally have been
translated as "must."

11 Ibid., Ch. cxxxi. in Black book, III. 235.

12 Ibid., Ch. xciii. in Black book, III. 199.
" Ibid., Ch. cv. in Black book, III. 215.

634 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

But evidently all mariners were not so eager to escape from the
country that they were willing to take low wages. For it is also
provided as follows:

Here let us suppose that the managing owner of a ship agrees with
a mariner, be he bad or good, skilful or unskilful, he has to pay him his
wages, nevertheless under this condition, that if the mariner has repre-
sented himself to be a caulker or a carpenter or a mate, and the manag-
ing owner has hired him upon that reliance, if the mariner knows noth-
ing, the managing owner of the ship or vessel is not bound to give him
anything beyond what the mate and the ship's clerk adjudge upon
their oath that he ought to have.14

A mariner who shipped for wages by the mile was bound to
go wherever the ship went, even "to the end of the world". But
if he signed for a voyage, then he was bound only for the partic-
ular voyage agreed upon. And if the vessel should be sold
before returning, it was the duty of the owner to provide him
with a ship to return to his home port.15

A customary scale of rations, enumerated in considerable
detail, is called for by the Consulado:

. . . the managing owner of a ship or vessel, which is decked,
ought to give to eat to the mariners on three days a week flesh-meat,
that is to say on Sundays, Tuesdays, and Thursdays, and on the other
days of the week porridge, and every evening of every day accompani-
ment with bread, and also on the same three days in the morning he
ought to give them wine, and also he ought to give them the same quan-
tity of wine every evening. And the accompaniment of the bread
ought to be such as follows, that is, cheese or onions or sardines or
some other fish. . . . Further the managing owner of the ship
or vessel is bound to double the ration of the mariners upon the solemn
feast days. Further, he ought to have servants to prepare the food
for the mariners.16

Compared" to the sea code of the Hanse Towns (which autho-
rized branding on the forehead), the penalty for desertion stipu-

14 Ibid., Ch. Ixxix. in Black book, III. 187.

15 Ibid., Ch. cxvi. in Black book, III. 225.
18 Ibid., Ch. c. in Black book, III. 211, 213.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 635

lated in the Consulado was mild. The mariner was bound to
make compensation to the owner for all losses incurred as a
result of the desertion, and in case he was unable to do so, he
could be imprisoned until such time as he was able to pay.17
And mariners who took away a ship without the consent of the
owner were similarly bound to make losses good, and could be
imprisoned, and a demand made against them, "just as against
persons who renounce their lord and dispossess him of his
authority."

Discipline aboard ship was of course to be very strictly en-
forced. Necessarily much authority was left to the master, and
the mariner must be extremely careful in his conduct towards
him. A mariner who quarreled with the managing owner lost
half his wages and the goods he had in the ship.18 And heavier
penalities were exacted in proportion to the gravity of the
offense.

.... And if he raises a weapon against the managing owner, all
the mariners ought to seize him and bind him and put him into
prison, and take him before the local authorities, and those who will
not seize him ought to lose their goods and the wages which they will
receive or ought to receive for the voyage.19

Thus it was made the duty of the crew to assist actively hi dis-
ciplining itself. But the paragraph of the Consulado which deals
with the limits of the mariners' right of self defense, shows most
clearly his real status aboard ship.

Further, a mariner is bound to bear with the managing owner of a
ship, if he reproaches him, and if he runs to attack him the mariner
ought to run away to the bow of the ship and place himself by the side
of the chain. And if the managing owner passes the chain, he ought to
run away to the other side, and if the managing owner passes to the
other side, he may defend himself, calling persons to witness how the
managing owner ought not to pass the chain.20

17 Ibid., Ch. cxiii. in Black book, III. 221.

18 Ibid., Ch. cxviii. in Black book, III. 227, 229.
"Ibid.

" Ibid., Ch. cxx. in Black book, III. 229.

636 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE SEAMEN OF THE EXPLORERS

i

Spanish navigators explored the west coast of America from
the Horn to Alaska, and across the Pacific to the Orient. Their
ships were manned by rough, hardy seamen who underwent un-
told hardship and suffering from unremitting battle with wind
and wave, cold, exposure, starvation, disease, and death.

It was the policy of the king to allow none but Spanish mariners
in the New World, for reasons of greater secrecy surrounding the
wealth of his possessions. Nevertheless, it was found necessary
to enlist foreign sailors, especially in the earlier expeditions, be-
cause native Spanish seamen were lacking. Thus Magellan
carried besides the Spanish among his crew of 265 men, some
37 Portuguese, 30 or more Genoese and Italians, 19 French, and
others were Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes,
Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madierans, Biscainers, and natives
of the Azores and Canary Islands.21 In 1565 many Portuguese
sailed to the Philippines with Legazpi and caused him consider-
able anxiety, because in view of the relations between the two
nations, he found them not to be trusted.22 The sailors for the
later expeditions up the California coast were most probably
all Spaniards, or natives of the vicinity of San Bias, as in the
expedition of Martinez.23

In the main, the men seem to have served and sacrificed with
great fortitude, if not always with obedience, thoughts of glory
or love of adventure proving sufficient stimulus. Probably on
such expeditions a sufficient number of volunteers could be
found, if not all Spanish, then of other nationalities. At least

21 Andrea Ca da Mosto, II primo viaggio intorno al globo di Antonio Pigafetta
(Roma, 1894), p. 53, note 2. Quoted in translation in Emma Helen Blair, and
James Alexander Robertson, ed. and transl. The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898,
55 vols. (Cleveland, 1903-1908). XXXIII. 279. The latter work is cited here-
after as Blair and Robertson.

12 Miguel Lopez de Legazpi, Copia de una Carta que escribio . . . al Marques
de Falces, £ebu, July 7, 1569. Translation in Blair and Robertson, III. 44-53.
See p. 53.

2a Estevan Josef Martinez, Diary of the Voyage . . in . . the frigate
Princesa and the packet San Carlos ... in the present year of 1789. Trans-
lation by W. L. Schurz, p. 62 (unpublished manuscript in the Bancroft Library).

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 637

the writer has found but one case of shanghaiing recorded — that
of a man from the island of Teneriffe who was forcibly added to
the crew by the order of Magellan.24

The sailors were a rough class of men, intemperate (if the
example of the seaman on Bodega's schooner who drank himself
to death is at all typical of their love of strong drink),25 given to
excesses when they went ashore,26 commonly afflicted with
venereal diseases,27 irresponsible, and turbulent. They loved to
gamble and to barter, even with the very clothes they wore.
When Vizcaino issued out the extra supply of clothing at the
request of his men, to protect them from the cold, he thought
it necessary to issue at the same time an edict "to the effect that
no one should gamble or sell them, under pain of death.7'28 Mau-
relle records that his men cut their shirts, trousers, and jackets
into strips, and bartered these little rolls or bandages with the
Indians.29 And Governor Fages of California ordered that no
bales of goods should be opened until the San Bias vessels left
port, to avoid the waste of clothing in barter with the sailors.30

Mutinies were of frequent occurrence, especially in the expedi-
tions which crossed the Pacific. Although seamen took part in
these uprisings against authority, they were often led by men of
higher rank, actuated by motives of jealous ambition, who found
discontented elements in the crew ready to aid them. Thus,
royal officials led a mutiny against Magellan, which he suppressed

24 Blair and Robertson, XXXIII. 289, note 1.

25 Francisco Antonio Maurelle, Journal of a voyage in 1775 . . in the King's
schooner, called the Sonora, and commanded by Don Juan Francisco de la Bodega.
Translation in Barrington, Miscellanies . . . (London, 1781), pp. 471-634.
See p. 480.

26 Francisco Antonio Maurelle, Narrative of an interesting voyage in the frigate
La Princesa, from Manila to San Bias in 1780, and 1781. Translation in La
Perouse, A voyage round the world, in the years 1785, 1786, 1787, and 1788. 3 vols.
(Translated from the French, 1791), I. 340-418. See p. 375.

27 Martinez, supra, p. 58.

28 Sebastian Vizcaino, Diary, 1602-1603. Translation in Herbert Eugene
Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542-1706 (New York, 1916),
pp. 52-103. See p. 57.

29 Narrative of an interesting voyage in the frigate La Princesa, from Manila
to San Bias in 1780, and 1781. Translation in La Perouse, op. cit., I. 372.

30 Hubert Howe Bancroft, Works, 39 vols. (San Francisco, 1882-1890),
XVIII. 484.

638 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

by executing the ringleaders.31 But a short time thereafter a
second mutiny broke out. The crew of the San Antonio put
their captain, Alvaro, in irons, and after many difficulties returned
to Spain.32 Mutinies broke out in the expeditions on the Pacific
sent out by Cortes. One of the ship's companies mutinied against
their commander Hurtado de Mendoza, and returned to port.33
Another expedition came to an unfortunate end when Ximines,
in 1534, killed his superior, Bercerra, and took command, only
to be himself killed soon afterwards by Indians.34 In 1537 the
explorer Grijalva was killed by mutineers.35 The crew of one
of the ships of Loaysa, in the South Pacific, mutinied, throwing
the captain and his brother overboard. Like most of the mutin-
ous crews, they ran into difficulties. The ship went aground on
an island and the crew were overpowered by Indians. Saavedra,
crossing the Pacific from New Spain, found them, and brought
the mutineers to justice.36 The Legazpi expedition to the Philip-
pines in 1565 also has its record of mutinies. On the first occa-
sion Legazpi hanged four leaders, severely reprimanded others,
and as for the rest, merely imposed the order that no language
but Spanish be spoken. When a second mutiny occurred, two
more were hanged. The San Geronimo, sent to aid Legazpi, had
similar experiences. The captain and his son were murdered by
mutineers; and two of the latter were hanged following a second,
and successful counter mutiny.37

This frequency of mutiny no doubt reflected somewhat on the
severity of discipline aboard ship. The death penalty was
inflicted for mutiny and other crimes, and at least threatened for
lesser offenses. Bodega seems to have been a commander who
treated his men with great consideration. When they became

81 Maximilianus Transylvanus, De Molvccis Insulis. [Coloniae, 1523] Trans-
lation in Blair and Robertson, I. 305-337. See p. 318.

nlbid.t p. 319.

83 Miguel Venegas, A natural and civil history of California . . . Trans-
lated from the original Spanish . . 2 vols. (Madrid, 1758). 1.133.

M/bV*., 1. 135.

56 James Burney, A chronological history of the discoveries in the South Sea. . .
4 vols. (London, 1803), I. 181.

"Ibid., I. 149.

87 Blair and Robertson, II. 143, 144, 148, 149.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 639

discouraged he gave them small presents, and in other ways
stimulated their enthusiasm.38 He took all precautions he was
able to against sickness and scurvy. Yet when two of his men
voluntarily went among the Indians, intending to remain, but
were made captives, causing Bodega much trouble in securing
their release, the commander had them laid across cannon and
each given a hundred lashes, after which he put them in irons.39
It was considered to be, and was made the duty of commanders
to punish severely blasphemy, gambling, immorality, and other
sins. Before departing on the expeditions, sailors were required
to take an oath of loyalty to the commander that they would
obey him and not mutiny, and they had to present a certificate
that they had confessed and received communion.40 Of those
who were enlisted for the voyages, not only their name, but their
father's name and his place of birth were entered on the register,
that their nationality might be known.41

The explorations were hazardous undertakings. Nearly
every expedition suffered losses from attacks by Indians when
the crew went ashore for food, wood, and water. The navigation
of the small craft required much labor and exertion of the sailors,
especially when storms were encountered, which was often.
The schooner Sonora in which Bodega conducted his exploration
up the coast in 1775 was but 36 feet long, 12 feet wide, and 8
feet deep, and carried a crew of a pilot, boatswain, boatswain's
mate, ten sailors, a cabin boy, and a servant.42 Not all the vessels

38 Maurelle, Journal of voyage in 1775, supra. Translation in Barrington,
op. cit., pp. 478, 479.

39 Juan Francisco de la Bodega y Quadra, Second voyage to the latitude of
sixty-one degrees in the frigate Nuestra Senora de los Remedies, alias La Favorita,
having a keel of thirty-nine cubits and a breadth of beam of thirteen, with a
draught aft of fourteen feet, and a draught forward of thirteen feet. In the year
1779. Translation by Herbert I. Priestley, p. 28. (Unpublished manuscript
in the possession of Herbert I. Priestley, Berkeley, California.)

40 Blair and Robertson, II. 61, 62, 91.

41 Ibid., 11.57.

42 Bodega y Quadra, First voyage to the latitude 58 degrees, in a schooner
having a keel of eighteen cubits and breadth of beam of six, manned by a pilot,
a boatswain, a boatswain's mate, ten sailors, a cabin-boy, and a servant. In the
year 1775. Translation by Mrs. Gertrude Mason, p. 1. (Unpublished manu-
script in the possession of Herbert I. Priestley, Berkeley, California.)

640 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

used were so small, yet the best of them were not large, and
afforded but poor protection to the mariners. Huge waves
would come sweeping over the gunwales, carrying away every-
thing above deck. On such a schooner as the Sonora, except
in a calm, the sailors could not perform their duties on the ship
without becoming thoroughly wet.43 Since they were used to a
warmer climate, they suffered greatly from the cold of the north-
ern latitudes. Their clothes became soaked by the rain and
spray, so that in spite of the extra issue of clothing provided by
the king, large numbers fell sick with severe colds contracted from
fatigue and exposure. There were no conveniences for their
care and protection, and few medicines. Consequently many
seamen died, and the work of exploration was hampered
accordingly.

The seamen's rations which Magellan supplied for his voyage
included wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans,
flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes,
figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice.44
Other Spanish explorers carried similar provisions, though prob-
ably none so complete a list. Martinez carried aboard his
frigate to Nootka Sound some goats, hogs, cows and calves.45
But not all ships were so well supplied. Often the men were
forced to go on short rations. For instance, Maurelle tells how
he was obliged to reduce the allowance to five ounces of bread,
three of pork, and two of beans, per day; and many cases were
far worse than his.46 Even so, the sailors would generally have
been adequately provided for, but for the spoiling of the rations
aboard ship. Fresh food would not remain fresh long, but soon
all became corrupted. The ships were dirty and swarming with
vermin and rats which attacked the rations. On board Mau-
relle's ship the cockroaches reduced the biscuit to a powder, and

18 Maurelle-, Journal of a voyage in 1775, supra. Translation in Barrington,
op. cit., p. 478.

44 Blair and Robertson, XXXIII. 278, note 25.

46 Martinez, supra, p. 157.

8 Narrative of an interesting voyage in the frigate La Princesa, from
Manila to San Bias in 1780, and 1781. Translation in La Perouse, op. cit.,
I. 409.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 641

bored through the water casks, letting the precious water run
out.47 Often the seawater found its way into the provisions,
and further damaged the food.

Under such conditions it was inevitable that disease, princi-
pally scurvy, should break out. Until almost the end of the
eighteenth century no long expedition was free from the ravages
of this disease. Scurvy and cold were the most powerful ob-
stacles to Spanish navigation of the Pacific. The death list was
large, chiefly among the crew, for the commanders were accus-
tomed to take somewhat better provisions for themselves.
Many of the diaries of the explorers tell of being forced to turn
back because not enough well persons were left aboard to navi-
gate the ship. Vizcaino, with his men dying of hunger, dared not
stop to receive food from Indians who offered it, as he did not
have men strong enough to raise the anchors.48

It was not generally known until Cook's voyage how to pre-
vent scurvy on a long voyage.49 Venegas tells how the crew of
a Manila galleon were cured by eating "pitahayas, acid fruits, and
fresh meat".50 Vizcaino records in his diary the efficacy of a
"small fruit like agaves, called juicolystlis".51 Martinez knew
somewhat better how to combat the dread disease. His list of
remedies included "wild celery, greens, the soft tender shoots of
the nettle, and various other plants whose taste is similar to that
of the radish leaf in salad".52 But none of them knew how to
provide for the time when the fresh provisions were exhausted,
so scurvy long remained tne chief hazard and cause of mortality
of Spanish seamen.

"Ibid., 1.366, 367.

4> Diary, 1602-1603. Translation in Bolton, op. cit., p. 98.

49 "Lemon juice as a specific against scurvy was known more than two hundred
and fifty years ago, as is shown in The Surgeon's Mate or Military and Domestic
Medicine; by John Woodfall, Master in Surgery; London, 1636; and was first
introduced into nautical diet in 1795, through the efforts of Drs. Blair and Gilbert
Blane, Commissioners of the Board for sick and Wounded Seamen." Frank W.
Reilly, "American commerce and the service," in Annual Report of the Supervising
Surgeon of the Marine-Hospital Service of the United States, 1874, p. 128, note b.

6» Vol. II. 124.

61 Diary, 1602-1603. Translation in Bolton, op. cit., p. 99.

52 P. 175.

642 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

THE SEAMEN OF THE INDIA TRADE ROUTE

Trade between Spain and America (called India in those days)
during the colonial period was for the most part conducted by
great merchant fleets, or flotas, convoyed by one or more vessels
of the royal armada. This precaution was necessitated by the
raiding of Spanish commerce by foreign buccaneers, for these
ships carried the coveted treasures of New Spain, and of the
Orient, brought to New Spain in the Manila galleons. For a
short time in the middle of the sixteenth century, when danger
seemed least, all restrictions upon sailings were removed, but in
1555 the flotas were restored. There were two main fleets, the
one with ships for the Gulf of Mexico, the other bound for the
ports on the north coast of South America. Vera Cruz and
Porto Bello were the destination ports which served the Mexican
and Peruvian trade.

Commerce with America was a monopoly in the hands of the
merchants of Seville, Spain, organized into the Universidad de los
Mareantes. This organization resembled the English gild mer-
chants, in that boats wains, mates, and mariners, as well as owners,
masters, and pilots, were included in the membership. The mari-
ners, however, were not allowed to hold office, nor to vote, but
received certain privileges, of which more will be said later.

There was much variation in the composition of the flotas
and the size of the ships. Five hundred and fifty tons were
decreed as the maximum allowed on the India route, but the
difficulty of crossing the bar at San Lucar, in Spain, kept the
usual size down to more nearly 100 or 200 tons.

The manning scale of vessels in the India trade fixed by the
Ordinance of July 14, 1522, required that every vessel of 100
tons burden must carry at least fifteen mariners (or able seamen),
8 grummets (ordinary or apprentice seamen), and three ship's
boys.53 In 4552 the scale was raised somewhat, and declared to
be as follows:54.

M Clarence Henry Haring, Trade and Navigation between Spain and the Indies
in the time of the Hapsburgs (Cambridge, 1918), p. 272. Hereafter cited as Haring.

14 Manuscript collection of Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, 4 voJs. (Hydro-
graphic Office, Madrid, 1601-15). XXI. No. 30, cited, Haring, p. 274.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 643

Size of Ship Mariners Apprentices Boys

100-170 Tons 18 8 2

170-220 " 28 12 4

220-320 " 35 15 5

The merchant ships went armed, even to the mariners and
passengers.55 And it was required that all mariners in the India
route should be trained in artillery practice and regulations, and
be examined upon the results of their training.56

Foreign mariners (except from the Levant)57 were prohibited
from sailing in the India fleets.58 And on the other hand, because
of the scarcity of Spanish seamen, Spaniards were forbidden
to sail in foreign vessels, unless those ships should be in the service
of the India trade, in which case they must be manned by Span-
iards. The penalty for breach of this law was four years' service
in the galleys.59 Only in case of absolute necessity were mari-
ners to be enlisted in the Indies, and then, upon selection of the
best by examination, only enough, and no more, were to be
chosen.60

When it came time to enlist sailors, the general (or admiral)
set up his standard. To this standard men came to be examined,
and enrolled if found fit. No one was to be shipped as an able
seaman who had not served three years apprenticeship as a

65 Recopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Indias, 3 vols . (Madrid, 1791 ). Titulo
XXX, Libro IX, Ley XXXII. Hereafter cited as, Recopilacion.

5« Ibid., Titulo XXII, Libro IX, Leyes XIII, XIV, and XX.

67 Ibid., Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XIII.

™Ibid., Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XII. Haring, p. 261, citing Encinas,
Provisiones, cedulas, capitulos de ordenancas, 4 vols. (Madrid, 1596), I. 459, 461r
says that the prohibition "soon broke down. A royal decree of January, 1590,
admitted any stranger of Roman faith, save only the English; another of April,
1595, admitted as masters or pilots in the New Spain fleet all but the English,
French, and Dutch; and similar decrees are frequent in the first half of the following
century." Of Haring's statement the writer finds no support in the Recopilacidn.
On the contrary, and apparently in contradiction, Ley XII, cited immediately
above, which debars foreigners, was promulgated in 1553, and reiterated in 1609
and 1631. Of course it is well known that Spanish laws and decrees for the New
World were often more honored in the breach than in the observance.

59 Recopilacion, Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XV.

" Ibid., Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XIX.

644 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

grummet.61 Sailors had to be between twenty and fifty years of
age.62 Care had to be taken not to enlist passengers as mariners
or grummets for this was a favorite method of evading the emigra-
tion laws;63 nor were mariners to be enrolled as soldiers, for the
former were none too plentiful.64 On the ship's register was entered
the man's name, age, identification marks, place of birth, and his
father's name; also the man's rating, or capacity in which he was
to serve, together with his rate of pay, and the day.65

Sailors were bound to give security that they would serve and
earn their pay, and take an oath of obligation.66 But his Catholic
majesty Philip II, in 1582, decreed that no pay or rations were
to be given a sailor unless he could produce a certificate from one
of the religious that he had been at confession.67

When a mariner was under contract to serve one master, it
was illegal for him to contract to serve another. If he did so,
the penalty was double the amount of salary he would have
earned, and twenty days in prison. The master who enticed
him away knowingly, was also punished.68

In the middle of the sixteenth century a gild of merchants
engaged in the India trade was organized in Seville. A little
later a hospital was founded for mariners who fell sick from the
India voyage, or working aboard ship. In 1569 the gild and
hospital united as the Universidad de los Mareantes, with the all
inclusive membership before enumerated.69 Certain privileges
were granted to the umversidad by the king. Those which
included the mariners are given by Stevens as follows:

61 Enemas, op. cit., IV. 152, cited, Haring, p. 277.

6Z Jose de Veitia Linaje, Norte de la contratacion de las Indias Occidentals,
2 vols. in 1 (Sevilla, 1672). This work was made use of in the translation and
synopsis, Stevens, The Spanish rule of trade to the West-Indies (London, 1702), p.
166. Hereafter cited as Stevens.

M Ibid., p. 45.

64 Recopilacidn, Titulo XVI, Libro IX, Ley XII.

65 Stevens, pp. 166, 187, 188.
w Ibid., p. 166.

6T Ibid., p. 184.

" Recopilacidn, Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XVIII.

•* Haring, pp. 319, 320.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 645

. . . That two hundred Ducats per Month be distributed among
the Sailors of every Galeon [and ship of the armada and flota], above
their Pay, so that no one receive above four Crowns, and that all those
who serve in the India voyage shall be rewarded according to the ser-
vice they do. 8. That those who do not furnish good Provisions,
for the Armada's and Flota's, shall be punish'd. 9. That the Admirals
do not suffer the Sailors to be abus'd. 10. That Sailors serving aboard
the Armada's and Flota's, be exempt from Town Offices, if they think
fit. 11. That no Quarters [for troops] be taken up in the Houses of
such as serve in the India Voyage. . . . That a Seaman, who has
serv'd 20 Years, enjoy for ever after these Privileges, tho' he follow
not the Sea.70

Besides, mariners were free from arrest for debt.71 The royal
arm also stretched out to protect the sailors from the extortions
practiced upon them by the people of Vera Cruz. To check this
evil it was ordered that prices should be no higher to men of the
fleet than to the inhabitants.72

Judge Peters in 1807 declared that the Spaniards were "the
most unkind, and indeed unjust, to their sick mariners of any
people; for they neither pay them any wages nor maintain them.
. . ,"73 The mariners of the India trade thus apparently
had an advantage over other sailors of Spain, in that they were
entitled to the privileges of the hospital provided by the Uni-
versidad at Seville.

The ordinary daily ration for each person in 1534 was one and
one-half pounds of bread, two pints of drinking water and another
for bathing, and two pints of wine.74 Salt pork, fish, beans and
peas, oil, vinegar, rice and sometimes cheese and beef were also
part of the ration.75 In 1665 the allowance in the Windward
Flota was as follows:

70 Stevens, pp. 225, 226.

71 Ibid., p. 184.

72 Ibid.

73 Laberinto de Comer do, lib. tertio, cap. Navigantis, numero 18, cited,
Richard Peters, Admiralty decisions, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1807), I. Appendix,
cvii.

74 Haring, p. 273.
7* Ibid., p. 278.

646 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

Biscuit 24 . 0 ounces

Water 4.5 pints

Bocallao, or Poor-Jack 8.0 ounces

Beans and Peas 2.0 ounces

Oil 1.5 ounces

Vinegar 0. 15 pint

Wine 0.75 pint

This was the ration for four days in the week. The other three,
instead of fish, beans and peas, eight ounces of bacon, an ounce
and a half of rice, and a small portion of cheese was substituted.76
When rations were cut, sailors were entitled to an indemnifi-
cation called "pinch gut money". In order to avoid the payment
of this, if possible, the Casa de Contratacion, or India House of
Trade, issued this precautionary order:

, . . that provisions be not shortened without evident necessity,
because it has happened that a great quantity of Provisions has by
these means, been brought into Port, where the Bisket is sold for the
fifth part of its value, which is a very great loss.77

Until late in the sixteenth century at least, sailors were hired
on shares. The owner of the ship and the sailors each chose a
representative to make the settlement at the end of the voyage.
The amount of the freight was computed. Then they deducted
the amount paid for the convoy service, and two and one-half
per cent for distribution as a bounty among sailors and grummets
who had rendered extraordinary service. Of the remainder, two
thirds went to the owner. The remaining third was apportioned
among the crew on the basis of a whole share to each able bodied
seaman, two thirds of a share to each grummet, and a fourth
to each boy.78

Later, sailors shipped for agreed wages, but seem still to have
been allowed to carry a limited amount of goods as a private
investment. To each mariner was alloted thirty-four jars of
wine as his share, and to each grummet ten jars.79

76 Stevens, pp. 206, 207.

77 Ibid., p. 174.
™Ibid., pp.222, 223.

7» Recopilacidn, Titulo XXI, Libro IX, Ley XIII.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 647

Sailors, grummets, and boys were entitled to four months'
advance wages when enlisted. To prevent desertion, no pay was
to be given in the Indies,80 unless a certificate could be presented
proving that the seaman had remained on account of illness, or
other legitimate excuse, which prevented him from returning
on the same vessel in which he came.81 Among the crew of each
vessel in the India trade, 200 ducats above the regular pay was
to be distributed as a reward for meritorious service.82 If the
men were not paid promptly within three days of when pay was
due, the master was liable to arrest, and for each day's delay,
every sailor was entitled to two reals, every grummet to a real
and a half, and every boy, one real.83

The conditions of life aboard the India ships were much the
same as elsewhere among Spanish seamen in the New World. The
ships were filthy, crowded, often unseaworthy, and inadequately
manned. The prevalence of shipwreck was frightful, and
buccaneers abounded. The profits were between 200 and 300
per cent, but the casualties also were enormous.

The principal disciplinary offenses were blasphemy, gambling,
immorality, desertion, and crime. It was forbidden for any
sailor to go ashore at the Azores under penalty of 200 lashes and
ten years in the galleys.84 Sometimes mariners deserted before
the ships left Spain.85 But desertion in the Indies was the most
strictly prohibited, as it was the more common also, since many
came as seamen to evade the emigration laws.

Permission to go ashore in the Indies was hedged about with
restrictions, and every effort was made to ascertain and punish
such as planned to desert. Guards were posted on the Porto
Bello-Panama road to catch fugitives. India officials and com-
manders of ships were ordered to do all in their power to appre-
hend and proceed against deserters, and those who gave them
refuge. Some seamen who wished to remain in the Indies sought

80 Stevens, pp. 183, 184.

« Recopilacidn, Titulo XXI, Libro IX, Ley XLVI.

vibid., Titulo XXV, Libro IX, Ley XXII.

83 Stevens, p. 48.

•* Ibid., p. 176.

«5 Recopilaeidn, Titulo XXXIII, Libro IX, Ley XX

648 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

immunity from capture by flight to the altar and other sacred
places. Thereupon the king promulgated a law against such
immunity, and ordered that such deserters should be taken from
the altar and returned to Spain.86

These were the conditions under which Spanish sailors lived
and labored. If Spanish officials complained of the scarcity of
mariners, the cause of the scarcity is readily to be found in the
conditions which prevailed in the calling.

THE MERCHANT SEAMEN OF THE PACIFIC

The discovery of a return route from the Philippines to Mexico
by Urdaneta in 1565 made possible for the first time the estab-
lishment of a direct trade route across the Pacific Ocean. A
regular trade was soon opened between Manila and Spain, by
way of Mexico. The Pacific commerce was restricted to one or
two annual galleons sailing between Manila and Acapulco, in
Mexico. These Manila galleons, as they were called, were fitted
out at royal expense and commanded by a royal officer. In
size they ranged from small pinks87 to galleons of 2000 tons,88
but the more usual size, when there were two annual ships, was
not larger than 500 tons, carrying crews averaging about 115
men.89 The last galleon sailed from Manila in 1811, and re-
turned in 1815. The commerce then fell into private hands, and
the ports of San Bias, Guayaquil, and Callao were opened to
engage in it.90

" Ibid., Titulo IV, Libro I, Ley III.

87 Domingo Fernandez Navarrete, An account of the empire of China. Trans-
lation in [Churchill, Awnsham] comp., A collection of voyages and travels (London,
1752), I. 1-311. Seep. 213.

" Admiral Sir Samuel Cornish, to Cleveland, Manila Bay, November 10, 1762.
In Blair and Robertson, XLIX, 57-59. See p. 58.

19 Antonio Jose Alvarez de Abreu, Extracto historial del expediente que pende en
el consejo real, g supremo de las Indias, a instancia de la ciudad de Manila, y demds
de las Islas Philipinas, sobre la forma en que se ha de hacer, y continuar el comercio,
y contratacion de los texidos de China en Nueva-Espana (Madrid 1736). Transla-
tions of parts of this work are in Blair and Robertson, XLIV. 227-312, and XLV.
29-88. See XLIV. 279.

90 Edward Gaylord Bourne, Historical introduction in Blair and Robertson,
1.66.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 649

There was some trade on the Pacific from the earliest days of
the conquest, between Mexico and Peru, but it was restricted to
an annual galleon, and during some periods, prohibited altogether.
The annual supply ships from San Bias to Alta California were
not for commercial purposes. Both routes were insignificant in
comparison to the Manila-Acapulco line.

The voyage to Manila ordinarily required from seventy-five
to ninety days, but the return to Acapulco usually took from
seven to nine months, owing to the necessity of sailing northward
beyond the belt of trade winds into the westerlies.91 America
was approached in the latitude of Cape Mendocino; then the
galleons turned southward, and sailed along the California coast
down to Acapulco. By a renowned traveler who made the
voyage to Mexico in 1697, it was characterized as

the longest, and most dreadful of any in the world; as well because of
the vast ocean to be cross'd, being almost the one half of the terraque-
ous globe, with the wind always a-head; as for the terrible tempests
that happen there, one upon the back of another, and for the desperate
diseases that seize people, in seven or eight months lying at sea, some
times near the line, sometimes cold, sometimes temperate, and some-
times hot, which is enough to destroy a man of steel, much more flesh
and blood, which at sea had but indifferent food.92

The crews which manned the galleons were composed chiefly
of Spaniards and Filipinos (Indians, as they were called). The
Spaniards were the sailors, or mariners, corresponding to what
we know as able seamen. The Indians were rated as common
seamen, corresponding to a lower rating such as our ordinary
seamen. Spaniards, too, sometimes sailed as common seamen,
but their wage was very much higher than Indian seamen of the
same rating.93 The difference in wage, however, was not based
upon difference of ability, for the seamanship of the natives was

91 Ibid., Blair and Robertson, I. 65.

92 Giovanni Francesco Gemelli Cared, A voyage round the world. Translation
in Churchill, supra, IV . 1-658. See p . 453 .

93 Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, Reformacion de suelos y raciones,
September 4, 1635. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XXVI. 198-215. See
p. 206.

650 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

universally accorded high praise. Viana's description is as
follows :

. . . There is not an Indian in those islands who has not a remark-
able inclination for the sea; nor is there at present in all the world a
people more agile in manoeuvers on ship board, or who learn so quickly
nautical terms and whatever a good mariner ought to know. Their
disposition is most humble in the presence of a Spaniard, and they show
him great respect; but they can teach many of the Spanish mariners
who sail in these seas. . . There is hardly an Indian who has sailed
the seas who does not understand the mariner's compass, and therefore
on this [Acapulco] trade-route there are some very skilful and dextrous
helmsmen. Their disposition is cowardly, but, when placed on a ship,
from which they cannot escape, they fight with spirit and courage.94

Common seamen could be secured without difficulty, the
natives being ready to volunteer in spite of the great risks and
hardships of the voyage.95 But with many of them, shipping as
seamen was merely the chance to escape from captivity or worse
conditions in the Islands. Once in Mexico they deserted and
remained there.96 With the Spanish sailors, conditions were
somewhat different. Appeals were continually sent from Manila
to the king, asking for more sailors, who were sent out from
Spain to Mexico, where they boarded the galleon for the Philip-
pines.97 And it was deemed necessary to provide additional
payment for sailors, by increasing the allowance of goods carried

94 Francisco Leandro de Viana, Demonstracion del misero deplorable estado de
las Islas Philipinas, Manila, February 10, 1765. Translation in Blair and Robert-
son, XLVIII. 197-338. See p. 301.

95 Pedro de San Pablo, O. S. F., Advirtio qve invia a su magd. Fr. Po. de sant
Pablo Predicador y ministro Prouincial de la Proua. de st Grego. Dilao, August 7,
1620. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XIX. 71-76. See p. 74.

96 Captain Sebastian de Pineda, Relacion hecha por el . . en cosas tocan-
tes a las yslas filipinas ainsi de fabricas de galeones pataches y galeras y otros
pertechos como de cosas tocantes a la guarda y conserbacion de dichas yslas.
[Mexico, 1619?] - Translation in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 169-188. See p. 183.

97 Dr. Santiago de Vera, Copia de carta del governador de Filipinas al Arzo-
bispo de Megico, Manila, June 20, 1585. Translation in Blair and Robertson,
VI. 66-75. See p. 72. And, Diego Aduarte, O.P.,HistoriadelaprovinciadelSancto
Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores en Philipinas, lapon, y China (Manila, 1640) .
Translations of the essential parts of this work, with synopses of those parts
omitted, in Blair and Robertson, XXX., XXXI., and XXXII. See XXX. 203.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 651

as private investment, in order to encourage Spanish seamen to
enter the Acapulco trade.98 In 1724 hardly one third of the
men aboard the galleon were of Spanish birth." Yet notwith-
standing the scarcity of Spanish mariners, foreign sailors were
barred from the South Sea by royal decree in 1572.100

The sailors of the galleons were a rough class of men, discon-
tented,101 living hard, hazardous lives, and dying in poverty and
discomfort.102 They were variously described by men of the
time as "the poor sailors in the continual dangers of their fearful
duty";103 as "a class of men who lack pity, and have too much
greed";104 and as "an ungodly people, guilty of sins of the flesh
as well as other offenses, who know naught except to commit
offenses against those with whom they deal".105 Doubtless the
descriptions fitted the subject. Los Rios submitted as one of
his recommendations to the king

. . . That slave women be not conveyed in the ships, by which
many acts offensive to God will be avoided. Although that is pro-
hibited by your royal decree, and it is also entrusted to the arch-
bishop to place upon them the penalty of excommunication and to
punish them, this evil has not been checked; and many sailors — and

98 Dr. Santiago de Vera, Carta del Presidente de la Audiencia de Filipinas>
Manila, July 13, 1589. Translation in Blair and Robertson, VII. 83-94. See
pp. 87, 88. See also Alvarez de Abreu, op. cit., Blair and Robertson, XLIV. 307.

99 Alvarez de Abreu, loc. cit.

100 Stevens, p. 253.

101 Licientiate Andre's de Alcarez [Letter to Felipe III.], Manila, August 10,
1617. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 31-56. See p. 36.

10S Licientiate Caspar de Ayala, Carta del . . fiscal de la Audiencia de
Filipinas, Manila. July 15, 1589. Translation in Blair and Robertson, VII.
112-136. See p. 125.

103 Andres de San Nicolas, Recollect, Historia general de los religiosos descalzos
del Orden de los Ermitanos del gran Padre y Doctor de la Iglesia San Avgvstin, de la
congregacion de Espana, y de las Indias (Madrid, 1664) . Translation of the parts
relating to the Philippines in Blair and Robertson, XXI. 111-185. See p. 183.

104 Casimiro Diaz, O.S.A., Conquistasdelaslslas Filipinas . . . (Vallado-
lid, 1890). Translations and synopses of excerpts in Blair and Robertson, XXV.
151-200; XXIX. 259-276; XXXVII. 149-284; XLI. 294-296; XLII. 117-312; XLV.
170-173. See XXXVII. 212.

105 Miguel de Benavides, O.P., Carta del obispo de Nueva Segovia que trata del
estado de Manila, Tulac, May 17, 1599. Translation in Blair and Robertson, X.
190-197. See p. 194.

652 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

even others, who should furnish a good example — take slave women and
keep them as concubines.106

The Indian seamen who deserted at Acapulco, although married
in the Islands, did not hesitate to remarry in Mexico.107 On the
Espiritu Santo in 1618, seventy-five Indians came as common
seamen, but not more than five returned.'08

In the Philippines, the king encouraged the marriage of poor
Spanish sailors with native women, and interested himself in the
provision of dowries for the Indian women for this very purpose.109
His Catholic majesty also found it necessary to establish hospi-
tals, and provide physicians and care for both Indian and Spanish
sailors and seamen, whose poverty was such that they could not
provide for themselves. Said the king in his instructions to the
governor of the Philippines,

. . . I have been told that . . . both of them suffer extreme
need; . . . Both classes die in discomfort, through having no
building in which to be protected from the ravages of the climate, and
through the lack of beds, food, medicines, nurses, and other necessities.110

Such was the type, and status of the men who manned the
galleons.

Very early it was decreed that sailors and common seamen
should be examined before enlisting to determine their fitness for
the duties at sea.111 This proved to be necessary for the reason
that often as many as half those listed as sailors on the galleon
were not sailors at all, but persons who had secured the position
through favoritism in order to gain passage, and to share in a

105 Hernando de los Rios Coronel, [Reforms needed in the Philippines], (Madrid
1619?) . Translations of two documents in Blair and Robertson, XVIII . 289-309,
and XVIII. 309-342. See XVIII. 300,301.

107 Pineda, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 184.

108 Ibid.

109 Felipe II, Ynstruccion a Gomez Perez Dasmarinas, San Lorenzo, August 9,
1589. Translation in Blair and Robertson, VII. 141-172. See p. 157.

110 Ibid., VII. 143, 144.

11 Felipe II, and Felipe III, [Laws regarding navigation and commerce.],
June 14, 1583-July 25, 1609. Translation of excerpts in Blair and Robertson,
XXV. 23-37; XVII. 27-50. See Law XL, Blair and Robertson, XVII. 36.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 653

profitable trade.112 And natives from the interior, ignorant of
the art of sailing, were often enrolled and shipped by the factor.113

The pay received by sailors in 1635 was reported to be 150
pesos per year and 30 gantas of cleaned rice per month for sailors;
Spanish common seamen received 100 pesos and 30 gantas of
rice; Indian common seamen received 48 pesos and 15 gantas of
rice.114 In 1637 wages were higher, sailors receiving 175 pesos and
common seamen 60 and one half pesos.115 Gemelli Careri in
1697 gave sailors' wages as 350 pieces of eight for voyage from
Manila to Acapulco and return. Seventy-five pieces of eight
were paid at Cavite as advance pay, which was customary; but
to prevent desertion at Acapulco, and insure return to Manila,
the remaining 275 pieces of eight were not paid until the return,
for as Gemelli Careri said, "if they had half, very few would
return to the Philippine islands for the rest".116

But it was found that wages alone were inadequate. A royal
decree had declared that seamen should carry no more boxes or
clothing than indispensably necessary, for the reason that they
unduly cumbered the ships. In the boxes of course was mer-
chandise carried as a private investment.117 But officials in the
Philippines protested that wages were insufficient incentive, that
greater zeal and willingness to render loyal service would be
secured if the men had a stake in the treasure ships, and that
more Spaniards would be brought into the service of the Acapulco
trade.118 Accordingly permission was granted to carry small
amounts, the exact amount to be allowed being a bone of con-

113 Los Rios, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 298.
113/fa'd., pp.299, 300.

114 Hurtado de Corcuera, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XXVI. 206.

115 Juan Grau y Monfalcon, Memorial informatorio al rey nuestro senor en sv
real y svpremo conseio de las Indias. . . . Sobre las pretensiones de aqvella
comercio con la A ueva Espana (Madrid, 1637) . Translation in Blair and Robert-
son, XXVII. 55-212. Seep. 130.

116 Gemelli Careri, op. cit., in Churchill, IV. 463.

117 Felipe II, and Felipe III, supra, Law LII, in Blair and Robertson, XVII.
48, 49.

113 Licientiate Crist6bal Tellez de Almazen, Carta de la Audiencia, Manila,
July 6, 1606. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XIV. 140-148. See p. 145.
Also, Alvarez de Abreu, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XLIV. 271, 307.

654 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

tention between Philippine officials, who sought to raise it, and
Spanish officials, who sought to lower it.119

But even with a fixed rate of wages, and permission to carry
goods for investment on his own account, the pay of the sailor
was by no means certain. In 1589 one of the Philippine officials
wrote to the king of grave evils existing in this matter.

. . . They should be paid in Nueva Espana as this treasury is too
poor. As the money for their wages must be sent, sometimes it is not
brought, and at other times it is lost, thereby causing the sailors to
die of starvation. Therefore the sailors serve half-heartedly, and de-
sert; and there is great negligence in the dispatch of the fleets.120

A decree in accord with the recommendation was promptly
issued.121

Wages were not paid in money, but by a warrant, or voucher,
which was supposed to be convertible into cash — and was, but
not when presented by the sailor. In 1621 the archbishop of
Manila wrote to the king as follows:

One could not believe the injury that is done to the soldiers and
sailors, and to all the wage-earners, by not paying the vouchers earned
by their labor and sweat; and on the other hand, by buying these for
much less than their face value. For, being rendered desperate, they
sell vouchers valued at one thousand pesos for one hundred, and the
lamentable thing is that, if they did not sell them, they would never be
paid. Scarcely have they sold the vouchers when they are immediately
paid, and the purchasers even take the poor wretches to the office of
accounts, so they may be present at the payment, and that it may
appear justified, by their saying that they did it of their own accord,
for which they give a receipt. As it is the price of blood, and they see
that others take that price, it is a grief and sorrow that cries to heaven
for redress. . . ,122

119 Ibid.

120Dr. Santiago de Vera, Carta del Presidente de la Audiencia de Filipinas,
Manila, July 13, 1589. Translation in Blair and Robertson, VII. 83-94. See
pp. 87, 88.

121 Ibid., marginal note.

122 Miguel Garcia Serrano, O. S. A., Estado del Arcobispado de Manila tocante
a las cosas de gobierno eclesiastico y segular, Manila, July 30, 1621. Translation
in Blair and Robertson, XX. 76-100. See p. 96.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 655

Fifteen years later this flagrant evil was unabated, and corrup-
tion continued to hold full sway. In 1636 another letter to the
king again recited the abuse as practiced by corrupt officials.

As for those poor men, they have not been paid in one, three, ten,
or fifteen years. They sell their warrants during such times for the
fourth, fifth, or sixth part of their face value; and many have been paid
at one hundred pesos for one thousand. The warrants are bought
by the servants of the auditors, royal officials, governors, and other
ministers, and to them is paid the face value.123

Besides the abuses which have been mentioned, the sailors were
subjected to petty annoyances by the collectors of port dues at
Acapulco, who, when examining the former's small chests and
wretched belongings, "practice many extortions on them so that
many refuse to return".124

It is evident that the compensations of the sailors were uncer-
tain at best. And when compared to the 100 to 150 per cent
profits commonly made by the merchants, and the severe hard-
ships, petty annoyances, and great risks undergone, one cannot
but conclude that the sailors and seamen were but poorly recom-
pensed for their indispensable services in a trade which yielded
such enormous profits.

Discipline aboard ship was enforced with severity, though
probably the Spanish ships of those days were not worse than
aboard many American ships within the memory of men still
living. Gambling, swearing and blasphemy, and immorality
were all punishable, as of course mutiny, desertion, quarreling,
and insubordination. Putting men in the bilboes, ducking them
from the yard arm, keel-hauling, and the lash, were well known
forms of inflicting punishment. When the sailors and seamen
sought release from discipline by going ashore at Acapulco, and

123 Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, [Letter on administrative and financial
affairs.], Manila, June 30, 1636. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XXVI. 150-
156. Seep. 151.

124 Los Rios, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 301. See also Alonso
Fajardo de Tenza, [Letter to Felipe III.], Manila, August 15, 1620. Translation
in Blair and Robertson, XIX. 90-172. See p. 97.

656 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

behaved as they pleased, the king extended the jurisdiction of
the ship's officers to cover the time while they were in port.125

Life aboard ship could not have been attractive, except for
the glamor which has always surrounded going to sea. Ships
in those days were the antithesis of cleanliness. Rats and vermin
swarmed over the vessel. The most vivid account of the condi-
tions comes from the experience and pen of Gemelli Careri.

. . . the galeon is never clear of an universal raging itch, as an
addition to all other miseries . . . the ship swarms with little
vermine, the Spaniards call Gorgojos, bred in the bisket; so swift that
they in a short time not only run over cabins, beds, and the very
dishes the men eat on, but insensibly fasten upon the body. . . there
are several other sorts of vermin of sundry colours, that suck the
blood.126

Besides these discomforts, he, like others, complains of the
"terrible shocks from side to side, caus'd by the furious beating
of the waves". The galleons were always overladen with mer-
chandise, and the decks were crowded with the chests of the
sailors, hen-coops, and bales of goods. The very narrowness of
the quarters was distressing, and on one galleon at least, led to
civil war which was stopped only through the efforts of the
fathers who were aboard.127

Provision for rations aboard ship was most unsystematic and
improperly attended to. In the first place, those who furnished
the rations for the crew often put in food of poor quality.128
Then also, the passengers and religious, who were often numerous,
consumed food provided for the crew.129 Stowaways were an
additional drain upon provisions.130 So also were the slaves of

126 Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, [Letter to Felipe IV.], Cavite, July 11,
1636. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XXVI. 269-290. See pp. 272, 273.
186 Gemelli Careri, op. cit., in Churchill, IV. 464.
m Aduarte, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XXX. 129.

128 Admiral Hieronimo de Banuelos y Carillo, Relation de las islas Filipinas
(Mexico, 1638). Translation in Blair and Robertson, XXIX. 66-85. See p. 84.

129 Recopilacidn de leyes, libro IX, titulo XXVI, ley IX, cited in Blair and
Robertson, XVII. 133.

180 Gregorio Lopez, S. J., [Relation of 1609-1610], Manila, July 1, 1610. Trans-
lation in Blair and Robertson, XVII. 100-143. See p. 133.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 657

the passengers and sailors, who in addition stole whatever food
they could lay hands upon;131 for even the slaves who aided the
sailors in their necessities were not provided for by the king's
allowance of food and water.132 For these reasons the sailors had
to spend their wages buying provisions for themselves and their
slaves. This was often the cause of overloading the ships, and
was responsible for failure to carry the proper kinds of food,
because of which the Indian common seamen suffered most,
since they were less used to provide for themselves than the
Spanish sailors.133 The Indians were even permitted to die of
hunger and thirst aboard ship for lack of adequate provision and
care.134 The various messes aboard stocked themselves as best
they could. Swine, hens, fruit, and an abundance of greens
were put on the deck until the ship looked like a floating garden.

But these never lasted the entire voyage. If fish could be
caught en route the passengers and crew were fortunate, for the
food became corrupted, and the water gave out unless the
supply could be replenished from the rainfall.

Gemelli Careri, who traveled as a cabin passenger, gives the
most graphic account of the hardships and fare aboard the gal-
leon. Eating at the boatswain's mess, he began with fresh
fowl, but ere long he found himself eating the king's allowance
of rations to the men, of which he gives us a description.

. . . At last he depriv'd me of the satisfaction of gnawing a good
bisket, because he would spend no more of his own, but laid the king's
allowance on the table; in every mouthful whereof there went down
abundance of maggots and Gorgojos chew'd and bruis'd. On fish days
the common diet was old rank fish boil'd in fair water and salt; at
noon we had Mongos, something like kidney beans, in which there were
so many maggots, that they swam at the top of the broth, and the
quantity was so great, that besides the loathing they caus'd, I doubted
whether the dinner was fish or flesh. This bitter fare was sweeten'd
after dinner with a little water and sugar; yet the allowance was but a
small cocoa shell full, which rather increased than quenched drought.

111 Los Rios, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 301.
"2 Ibid.

»*Ibid., p. 325.
184 Ibid., p. 300.

658 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

Providence reliev'd us for a month with sharks and Cachorretas the
seamen caught, which, either boil'd or broil'd were some comfort. Yet
he is to be pity'd who has another at his table; for the tediousness of
the voyage is the cause of all these hardships. 'Tis certain, they that
take this upon them, lay out thousands of pieces of eight in making
the necessary provision of flesh, fowl, fish, bisket, rice, sweetmeats,
chocolate, and other things; and the quantity is so great, that during
the whole voyage, they never fail of sweetmeats at table, and chocolate
twice a day, of which last the sailors and grummets make as great a
consumption, as the richest.135

On solemn feast days an extra allowance of rations was served out.
An interesting custom, related by Gamelli Careri, of the Sailor's
Court of Signs (held aboard the galleon when the first signs of
approach of land appeared), depicts a happier side to the life of
the sailors.

. . . A canopy being set up for the sailors court of Senas, or signs,
after dinner the two Oydores or judges and the president took their
seats, being clad after a ridiculous manner. They began with the
captain of the galeon, chief pilot, . . . and other officers of the
ship; and after them proceeded to the trial of the passengers. The
clerk read every man's indictment, and then the judges pass'd sentence
of death, which was immediately bought off with money, chocolate,
sugar, biscuit, flesh, sweetmeats, wine and the like.136

These payments seem to have satisfied a turbulent and not too
well fed crew, who, were they not appeased, were ready to inflict
the kind of punishments with which they were most familiar.

. . . The best of it was, that he who did not pay immediately, or
give good security, was laid on with a rope's end at the least sign given
by the president-tarpaulin. I was told a passenger was once kill'd
aboard a galeon, by keelhauling him; for no words or authority can check
or persuade a whole ship's crew. . . The sport lasted till night,
and then all the fines were divided among the sailors and grummets,
according to custom.137

135 Gemelli Careri, op. oil., in Churchill, IV. 464,
136 /6id., p. 467.
137 Ibid.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD 659

This picture of the Court of Signs, and others of amusements
for crew and passengers — cockfighting, plays, dancing, and other
entertainments — show that there was a lighter side to the life of
the sailor aboard ship. But from the viewpoint of today, the
balance seems to have been all the other way.

His very calling was hazardous in the extreme. It was not at
all uncommon for men to be washed overboard and drowned by
the huge waves which at times swept over, and well-nigh
submerged the small craft of that day. More than one galleon
was wrecked and went down, or was driven back to Manila by
storms with half the crew lost. Then, too, the galleons often
sailed poorly repaired through the fault of the shore workers.138
Pirates of all nations were active in preying upon such rich
treasure ships, and the sailors and seamen might at any time be
called upon to defend the ship with their lives against capture
by these buccaneers or sea-dogs.

A worse enemy of the seamen, particularly the Indians, was
the severe cold encountered on the voyage. They come from a
hot climate, and when, without protection, they were exposed
to the severities of weather in the higher latitudes, they died in
large numbers. They used to come aboard the galleon without
clothes, and until the king provided clothing to be issued them
as a protection, they had nothing to shelter them. They had no
quarters other than the deck, often. Navarrete, describing the
situation aboard his ship which was "not convenient nor big
enough to celebrate that high mystery " [mass], said: "We had
hardly room to stand. No body could live under deck, it was so
full of provisions and commodities. All men lay exposed to the
sun and air."139

So it happened that many were frozen to death, or died of
exposure. The lot of the Indian seamen was especially cruel.
As Los Rios said, they were "treated like dogs".

. . . They are embarked without clothes to protect them against
the cold, so that when each new dawn comes there are three or four

138 Los Rios, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII, 322.

139 Fernandez Navarrete, op. cit., in Churchill, 1. 213.

660 THE HISPANIC AMERICAN HISTORICAL REVIEW

dead men. . . besides, they are treated inhumanly and are not
given the necessaries of life, but are killed with hunger and thirst. If
he were to tell in detail the evil that is done to them, it would fill many
pages.140

The Indians, however, were not the only victims of the cold, for
the sudden changes of climate, and exposure to wind and rain
worked great hardship among all on board, and was the cause of
much sickness and death. The treatment of the sick was shame-
fully neglectful. Gemelli Careri relates the callousness of the
captain of his galleon, whose personal profits from the single trip
were, according to his own estimate, 25,000 or 30,000 pieces of
eight :

. . . Abundance of poor sailors fell sick, being exposed to the con-
tinual rains, cold, and other hardships of the season; yet they were not
allow'd to taste of the good bisket, rice, fowls, Spanish bread and
sweetmeats put into the custody of the master by the king's order, to
be distributed among the sick; for the honest master spent all at his
own table.141

But the worst danger was from disease. For three centuries
European navigators in the New World were afflicted with the
scourge of scurvy and beri-beri, especially the former. It was
Captain James Cook, the Englishman, who first proved the use
of lime juice as an anti-scorbutic, and thus removed one of the
greatest hindrances to exploration and maritime commerce. The
Spanish navigators paid especially heavy toll to these diseases,
the cause of which was lack of fresh provisions, or food containing
vitamines. Again we turn to Gemelli Careri for a description of
these perils:

. . . There are two dangerous diseases in this voyage, more es-
pecially as they draw near the coast of America; one is the aforesaid
Berben [beri-beri], which swells the body, and makes the patient die
talking: The other is call'd the Dutch disease, which makes all the
mouth sore, putrifies the gums and makes the teeth drop out. The

14e Los Rios, op. cit., in Blair and Robertson, XVIII. 300.
141 Gemelli Careri, op. cit., in Churchill, IV. 464.

SPANISH SEAMEN IN THE NEW WORLD CGI

best remedy against it, is going ashore. This is no other, but the
eea-scurvy.142

The proportion of deaths among the crew and passengers was
often enormous. For instance, on one vessel with 400 persons
aboard, 208 died before Acapulco was reached.143 On another,
the San Nicolas, 330 died.144 A voyage on which only three
persons died was regarded as most "propitious".145 Probably
extremely few, if indeed any at all, of the voyages from Manila
to America were made without suffering to a greater or less degree
from the ravages of these diseases. And on most trips, the
sufferings were terrible, and the death list very long.

Small wonder then, that from such a voyage, and such condi-
tions, the survivors frequently preferred to desert at Acapulco
(or California, when the galleon stopped there),146 rather than
return to the Philippines. Wages were paid only in the Philip-
pines, and bonds were required of sailors and seamen in the
endeavor to check the large number of desertions in Mexico.147

Such were the conditions which prevailed among seamen
engaged in Spanish commerce across the Pacific, a trade which
flourished for over three centuries.

PAUL S. TAYLOR.148

University of California.

142 Ibid., p. 468.

143 Pedro Cubero Sebastian, Peregrination del Mu-ndo de. . . (Zaragoza,
1088), p. 268. Quoted, Blair and Robertson, I. 65, 66, note 105.

144 Alonso Fajardo de Tenza, [Letter to the King.], Manila, December 10,
1621. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XX. 127-155. See p. 128.

145 Diaz, op tit., in Blair and Robertson, XXXVII, 190.

146 Bancroft, op. tit., XVIII. 484.

147 Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, [Letter to Felipe IV.], Cavite, July 11,
1636. Translation in Blair and Robertson, XXVI. 269-290. See p. 284.

148 Acknowledgment is gratefully made for the very helpful guidance and
criticism of Professors Herbert Ingram Priestley and Herbert Eugene Bolton.