liiiiiiiai»^^^ Ilia ii® !ii31SsiS!Sif:iii®!iS|silWi^ i’i'ffeiisiSiiiiiiiiiiSipliIji^ :j':!i!!;-'^.1#^ fiit itljf » sii:aiaipiiiifiitS;i:!il^ !ii|liSi»^^ iiiiiiiite^^ SiSSi:!! ifilii iJ•'^ liiiliiiiiiiis^ II 'i;i:i;i«:''jiias; ii illliil 11*^ i!ii:iisigi|i:a!=ii!iiiiiis^^^^^^^^^^^^ a!«yi i aas stsiHfi -r3 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE A Quarterly Review of Science T. N. Campbell, Editor Clark Hubbs, Assistant Editor Claude C. Albritton, Jr., John W. Forsyth, Guy T. McBride, Jr., and John G. Sinclair, Associate Editors VoL. Vll Printed in Austin. Texas, U. S. A. by The University of Texas Printing Division Published by THE TEXAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE 19 5 5 f f .') \ \ The Texas Journal of Science Index to Volume VII Printed in Austin, Texas, U.S.A, by The University of Texas Printing Division Published by THE TEXAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE 1955 A Affairs of The Texas Academy of Science, 117, 237, 356, 467. Allred, B, W., and Homer C. Mitchell, Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and T exas and Their Relation to Climate and. Soils, 7. ^ An Ecological Survey of Reptiles in Parts of Northwestern Texas, by M. J. Fouquette, Jr., and H, L. Lindsay, Jr., 402. A 'Study of the Nature of Pigment Cells of Oysters and the Relation of Their Numbers to the Fungus Dis¬ ease Caused by Dermocystidium marinum, by J. E, Stein and J. G. Mackin, 422. A Summer Study of the Biology and Ecology of East Bay, T exas, by George K. Reid, Jr,, 316, 430. B Bailey, Wilfrid C., Problems in Relo¬ cating the People of Zapata, Texas, 20; (with Charles H. Lange) Signifi¬ cant Factors in the Comparison of Explicitly Heterogeneous Cultures, 256. Baldauf, Richard J., Contributions to the Cranial Morphology of Bufo w. woodhousei Girard, 275. Bison Beyond the Pecos, by Erik K. Reed, 130. Blair, W. Frank, Differentiation of Mating Call in Spadefoots, Genus Scaphiopus, 183, Bobwhites, winter food, north-central Texas, 189. Bradley, Wm. G., Corrosion Control on the Hulls of Harbor Craft and Small Ships, 396. Bread, thiamine and riboflavin content. 64. Bufo w. woodhousei, cranial morphol¬ ogy, 275. C Qagatay, Babur, and Andree F. Sjo- berg, Notes on the Uzbek Culture of Central Asia, 72. Call of the Chuck-WilVs-Widow (Cap- rimulgus carolinensis ) , The, b5^ David Pettus, 344. Caprimulgus carolinensis, chuck-wilFs widow, call of, 344. Clabaugh, Stephen E,, and E. Joseph Weiss, Mineralogy of the ''Serpen- tine” at Pilot Knob, near Austin, Texas, 136. Contributions to the Cranial Morphol¬ ogy of Bufo w. woodhousei Girard, by Richard J. Baldauf, 275. Corrosion Control on the Hulls of Har¬ bor Craft and Small Ships, by Wm. G. Bradley, 396. Cottonseed and cottonseed cake, pro tein quality of, 227. Cross, Frank B., Walter W. Dalquest, and Leo Lewis, First Records from Texas of Hybopsis gracilis and Notropis girardi, with Comments on Geographic Variation of the Latter, 222. D Dalquest, Walter W., Frank B. Cross, and Leo Lewis, First Records from Texas of Hybopsis gracilis and Not¬ ropis girardi, with Comments on Geographic Variation of the Latter, 222. Darwin’s The Origin of Species and the Modern Concept of Evolution, by Arnold R, Kaplan, 389. 472 Davidson, Floyd F., Phylloxera devast- atrix and. Its Gall, 201. Davis, Nell, Thiamine and Riboflavin Content of Commercial White Bread. 64. Dawson, C. E., Observations on the Incidence of Derrnocystidium mari- num in Oysters of Apalachicola Bay, Florida, 47. Derrnocystidium marinum, incidence in oysters of Apalachicola Bay, Florida, 47 ; relation to pigment cells in oysters, 422. Differentiation of Mating Call in Spadefoots, Genus Scaphiopus, by W. Frank Blair, 183. Distribution of the Suckermouth Min¬ now, Phenacobius mirabilis, in Texas by Clark Flubbs and William F. Herzog. 69. E F^xpository Drawing in the Biological Sciences, by Ruth M. Sanders, 38. F First Records from Texas of Hybopsis gracilis and Notropis girardi, with Comments on Geographic Variation of the Latter, by Frank B. Cross, Walter W. Dalquest, and Leo Lewis. 222. Forgers, MMPI profiles of, 196. Fouquette, M. J., Jr., and H. L. Lind¬ say, Jr., An Ecological Survey of Reptiles in Parts of Northwestern Texas, 402. G Geology and the Paleontologic Method, by William J. Morris, 239. Goedicke, T. R., Origin of the Pinnacles on the Continental Shelf and Slope of the Gulf of Mexico, 149. Gulf of Mexico, origin of pinnacles on continental shelf and slope, 149. H Herzog, William F., and Clark Hubbs, The Distribution of the Suckermouth Minnow, Phenacobius mirabilis, in Texas, 69. Hubbs, Clark, On a Texas Record of Notropis boops based on an Apparent Hybrid between N. venustus and N. fumeus, 346; (with William F. Her¬ zog) The Distribution of the Sucker¬ mouth Minnow, Phenacobius mira¬ bilis, in Texas, 69. Hussain, Anwar, Abdul Wahhab, and Azhar Saleem, Some Studies in the Protein Quality of Cottonseed and Cottonseed Cake, 227. THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Hybopsis gracilis, first record in Texas. 222. I Indians, Delaware, Walam Glum of, 57; Coahuiltecan, social organiza¬ tion. 357. Industry and the Conservation of Nat¬ ural Resources, by George K. Reid, Jr., 249. K Kaplan, Arnold R., Darwins The Ori- gen of Species and the Modern Con¬ cept of Evolution, 389. Koeninger. Rupert C., The MMPI Pro¬ files of Forgers, 196. L Lake Texoma, physico-chemical and biological features, 164. l^ange, Charles H., and Wilfrid C. Bailey, Significant Factors in the Comparison of Explicitly Hetero¬ geneous Cultures, 256. Lewis, Leo, Frank B. Cross, and Walter W. Dalquest, First Records from Texas of Hybopsis gracilis and Notropis girardi, with Comments on Geographic Variation of the Latter, 222. Lindsay, H. L., Jr., and M. J. Fou¬ quette, Jr., An Ecological Survey of Reptiles in Parts of Northwestern Texas, 402. M Mackin, J. G., and J. E. Stein, A Study of the Nature of Pigment Cells of Oysters and the Relation of Their Numbers to the Fungus Disease Caused by Dermocystidium mari¬ num, 422. Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisi¬ ana, Oklahoma, and T exas and T heir Relation to Climate and Soils, by B. W. Allred and Homer C. Mitchell, 7. Migrant Labor as a Conservation Prob¬ lem, by John G. Sinclair, 212. Mineralogy of the “Serpentine'' at Pilot Knob, near Austin, Texas, by E. Joseph Weiss and Stephen E. Clabaugh, 136. Mitchell, Homer C., and B. W. Allred, Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas and Their Relation to Climate and Soils, 7. MMPI Profiles of Forgers, The, by Rupert C. Koeninger, 196. INDEX TO VOLUME VII 473 N Newcomb, William W., Jr., The Walam Olurn of the Delaware Indians in Perspective, 57. Notes on the Breeding Behavior of the Common Tree-frog (Hyla versi¬ color ), by David Pettus, 345. Notes on the Winter Foods of Bob whites in North-central Texas, by Paul W. Parmalee, 189. Notes on the Uzbek Culture of Central Asia, by Babur Qagatay and Andree F. Sjoberg, 72. Notropis boops, Texas record of, 346; N. furneus, apparent hybridization with N. venustus, 346; N. girardi, first record in Texas, 222. O Observations on the Incidence of Dermocystidium marinum in Oys¬ ters of Apalachicola Bay, Florida, by C. E. Dawson, 47. On a Texas Record of Notropis boops Based on an Apparent Hybrid be¬ tween N. venustus and N. furneus, by Clark Hubbs, 346. Origin of the Pinnacles on the Conti¬ nental Shelf and Slope of the Gulf of Mexico, by T. R. Goedicke, 149. Oysters, incidence of Dermocystidium marinum, Apalachicola Bay, Florida, 47; pigment cells and relation of their numbers to the fungus disease caused by Dermocystidium fnari- num. 422. P Parmalee, Paul W., Notes on the Win¬ ter Foods of Bobwhites in North- central Texas, 189. Pettus, David, The Call of the Chuck- WilVs-Widow (Caprimulgus caro- linensis), 344; Notes on the Breeding Behavior of the Common Tree-frog (Hyla versicolor ) , 345. Phenacobius mirabilis, suckermouth minnow', distribution in Texas, 69. Phylloxera devastatrix and Its Gall, by Floyd F. Davidson, 201. Physico-chemical and Biological Fea¬ tures of Lake Texoma (Denison Reservoir), Oklahoma and Texas: A Preliminary' Study, by James E. Sublette, 164. Place of Research in the Economic Development of the Southwest, T he, by Ralph B. Thompson, 121. Problems in Relocating the People of Zapata. T exas, by Wilfrid C. Bailey. 20. Pyburn, William F., Species Discrimi¬ nation in Two Sympatric Lizards, Sceloporus olivaceus and S. poinsetti. 312. R Rapes as fodder, value of, 160. Reed, Erik K., Bison Beyond the Pecos, 130. Reid, George K., Jr., Industry and the Conservation of Natural Resources, 249; A Summer Study of the Biology and Ecology of East Bay, Texas, 316, 430. Reptiles, northwestern Texas, ecologi¬ cal survey, 402. Ruecking, Frederick, Jr., The Social Organization of the Coahuiltecan Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 357. S Saleem, Azhar, Anwar Hussain, and Abdul Wahhab, Some Studies in the Protein Quality of Cottonseed and Cottonseed Cake, 227. Sanders, Ruth M., Expository Drawing in the Biological Sciences, 38. Scaphiopus. differentiation of mating call, 183. Sceloporus olivaceus, species discrimi¬ nation, 312; S. poinsetti, 312. Science in Texas, 113, 233, 349, 461. “Serpentine,” near Austin, Texas, mineralogy of, 136. Significant Factors in the Comparison of Explicitly Heterogeneous Cul¬ tures, by Charles H. Lange and Wil¬ frid C. Bailey, 256. Sinclair, John G., Migrant Labor as a Conservation Problem, 212. Sjoberg, Andree F., and Babur tay. Notes on the Uzbek Culture of Central Asia, 72. Social Organization of the Coahuilte¬ can Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, by Frederick Ruecking, Jr., 357. Some Studies in the Protein Quality of Cottonseed and Cottonseed Cake, by Anwar Hussain, Abdul Wahhab, and Azhar Saleem, 227. Southwest, economic development, 121. Spadefoots, differentiation of mating call, 183. Species Discrimination in Two Sym¬ patric Lizards, Sceloporus olivaceus and S. poinsetti, by William F. Py- bum, 312. Spectrophotometric Study of Zirconyl- 1 -Nitroso-2-Naphthol Complexes, by Ray F., and Louberta E. Wilson. 454. 474 Stein, J. E., and J, G. Mackin, A Study of the Nature of Pigment Cells of Oysters and the Relation of Their Numbers to the Fungus Disease Caused by Dermocystidium mari- num, 422. Sublette, James E., The Physico-chemi¬ cal and Biological Features of Lake Texoma (Denison Reservoir), Okla¬ homa and Texas: A Preliminary Study, 164. T Thiamine and Riboflavin Content of Commercial White Bread, by Nell Davis, 64. Thompson, Ralph B.. The Place of Research in the Economic Develop¬ ment of the Southwest, 121. Tremazi, Sultan Ahmad. Value of Rapes as Fodder, 1 60. U Uzbek culture, central Asia. 72. THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE V Value of Rapes as Fodder, by Sultan Ahmad Tremazi, 160. W Wahhab, Abdul, Anwar Hussain, and Azhar Saleem, Some Studies in the Protein Quality of Cottonseed and Cottonseed Cake, 227. Walam Olum of the Delaware Indians in Perspective, The, by William W. Newcomb, Jr., 57. Weiss, E. Joseph, and Stephen E. Cla- baugh, Mineralogy of the '‘Serpen¬ tine” at Pilot Knob, near Austin, Texas, 136. Wilson, Ray F., and Louberta E., Spec- trophotometric Study of Zirconyl-1- Nitroso-2-N aphthol Complexes, 454 Z Zapata, Texas, problems in relocating the people of, 20. Professional Directory J. BRIAN EBY PETTY GEOPHYSICAL Consulting Geologist ENGINEERING COMPANY ! 347 Eperson Bldg. Seismic Gravity Magnetic Surveys ' Ph. CH.4776 Houston, Tex. 317 Sixth St. San Antonio, Texas J LEONARD J. NEUMAN Begislered Professional Engineer Geological and Geophysical Surveys Petroleum Engineering Eeporls Houston, Texas Geophysical Office Engineering Office 943 Mellie Esperson Bldg. Ph. Preston 3705 Ph. FA»7086 ZINGERY BLUE PRINT CO. (“Greater Distance - Greater Discount”) ' Phone Atwood 6483 ' 435 Esperson Building ' Houston 2, Texas ' LEO HORVITZ E. E. ROSAIRE Geochemical Prospecting Horvilz Research Laboratories Prospecting for Petroleum , Houston, Texas Ph. KE=5545 3217 Milam Street DALLAS, TEXAS ! ; MICHEL T. HALBOUTY H. KLAUS 1 > Consulting Geologist and Petroleum Engineer ' Shell Building 1 Houston 2, Texas Phone PR-6376 Geologist , KLAUS EXPLORATION COMPANY ^ ( Lubbock, Texas D’ARGY M. CASHIN 1 Geologist Engineer 1 Specialists Gulf Coast Salt Domes 1 Examinations, Reports, Appraisals ' Estinjales of Reserves 1 2018 NalT. Standard Bldg. ’ Houston 2, Texas Consulting Geologists Appraisals Reservoir Engineers * DeGOLYER and MacNAUGHTON ! 5625 Daniels Avenue ‘ DALLAS 6, TEXAS ' WILLIAM H. SPICE, JR. SAMPLE AND CHILDERS ; 1 Consulting Geologist C. H. Sample A. F. Childers, Jr. j ' 2101-03 Alamo National Building Consulting Geologists , 901 Southern Standard Bldg. j I SAN ANTONIO 5, TEXAS Houston 2, Texas HERSHAL C. FERGUSON JOHN L, BIBLE 1 1 Consulting Geologist and Paleontologist 1 Esperson Building I HOUSTON, TEXAS Tidelands Exploration Co. ( Seismic & Gravity Surveys ( on land and sea ( 825'/^ Gravier Street New Orleans, La. 2626 Westheimer Houston, Texas Professional Directory Continued S. RUSSELL (PAT) CASEY, JR. Petroleum Manageinenl Company ( Electric Building ( Phone CH-1622 ( Houston, Texas LOCKWOOD & ANDREWS Consulting Engineers Hoii.eton DALE SHEPHERD, C. L. U. and Associates Estate Analysis - Pension Planning Insurance Programming - Business Insur. General Agents Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Co. 1802-3-4-5 Esperson Bldg. Houston RAKE EOORS W I N E S , L I Q U E U R S AN U C°H AMP A G N E S * From the World’s L Markets! HOUSTON, TEXAS GEOCHEMICAL SURVEYS 3806 Cedar Springs Road Dallas 4, Texas & 318 F&M Bank Bldg. Abilene, Texas VOL. VII, NO. 1 1955 ■j. aqX PUBLISHED QUARTERLY THE TEXAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE "I -4 gives you 1 Sxtra Quick Sfurfing S/)(/ w$nr)-up 2 &tra Anti-Knock ( S&ra High Octane Hating J &fra Power HUMBLE OIL & REFINING CO. csso extra GASOLINE Officers of the Texas Academy of Science for 1955 EXECUTIVE COUNCIL President: d. f. leipper, A. & M. College of Texas Executive Vice President: j. c. finerty, The University of Texas Medical Branch Secretary-T reasurer: g. p. Parker, A. & M. College of Texas Vice President, Sec. I, Physical Sciences: j. r. couch, A. & M. College of Texas Vice President, Sec. II, Biological Sciences: d. w. craik, Hardin- Simmons University Vice President, Sec. Ill, Social Sciences: h. t. manuel, The University of Texas Vice President, Sec. IV, Earth Sciences: f. e. lozo, Shell Oil Company Vice President: Sec. V, Conservation: clark hubbs, The University of Texas Collegiate Academy: sister Joseph marie armer. Incarnate Word College Junior Academy: greta oppe, Ball High School, Galveston Representative to the AAAS: wayne taylor, Denton High School, Denton BOARD OF DIRECTORS D. F. LEIPPER, A. & M. College of Texas J. c. FINERTY, The University of Texas Medical Branch G. p. PARKER, A. & M. College of Texas JOSEPH p. HARRIS, JR., Southern Methodist University GLADYS H. BAIRD, HuntSville c. c. DOAK, A. & M. College of Texas w. R. wooLRicH, The University of Texas BOARD OF DEVELOPMENT ALLAN SHIVERS, Govemoi' of Texas ^ L. w. BLAU, Humble Oil and Refining Company EVERETTE DEGOLYER, DeGolyer and McNaughton, Dallas J. BRIAN EBY, Consulting Geologist, Houston o. s. PETTY, Petty Geophysical Company, San Antonio w. R. WOOLRICH, The University of Texas GENERAL INFORMATION Membership. Any person engaged in scientific work or interested in the pro¬ motion of science is eligible for membership in The Texas Academy of Science. Dues for annual members are $5.00; sustaining members, $10,00; life members, at least $100.00 in one payment; patrons, at least $500.00 in one payment. Dues should be sent to the secretary-treasurer. The Texas Journal of Science. The Journal is a quarterly publication of The Texas Academy of Science and is sent to all members. Institutions may obtain the Journal for $5.00 per year. Single copies may be purchased from the Editor for $1.25. Manuscripts submitted for publication in the Journal should be sent to the Editor, Box 8012, University Station, Austin, Texas. PUBLISHED QUARTERLY AT AUSTIN, TEXAS (ENTERED AS SECOND CLASS MATTER, AT POST OFFICE, AUSTIN, TEXAS, MARCH 30, 1955.) THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Volume VII, No. 1 March, 1955 EDITOR T. N. CAMPBELL, The University of Texas, Austin ASSOCIATE EDITORS JOHN w. FORSYTH, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth CLAUDE c. ALBRITTON, JR., Southern Methodist University, Dallas GUY T. MCBRIDE, JR., The Rice Institute, Houston JOHN G. SINCLAIR, The University of Texas Medical Branch, Galveston PUBLICATION BOARD j. BRIAN EBY, Chairman, Consulting Geologist, Houston JOHN j. ANDUJAR, Fort Worth Medical Laboratory, Fort Worth ANTON BERKMAN, Texas Western College, El Paso L. w. BLAU, Humble Oil and Refining Company, Houston c. c. DOAK, A. & M. College of Texas, College Station JOHN c. GODBEY, Southwestern University, Georgetown JOSEPH p. HARRIS, JR., Southem Methodist University, Dallas w. G. HEWATT, Texas Christian University, Fort Worth H. A. HODGES, Pan American College, Edinburg CLIFFORD B. JONES, Texas Technological College, Lubbock ERNEST L. KURTH, Southland Paper Mills, Inc., Lufkin E. L. MILLER, Stephen F. Austin State College, Nacogdoches c. M. POMERAT, The University of Texas Medical Branch, Galveston E. E. ROSAiRE, Consulting Geophysicist, Dallas H. J. SAWIN, University of Houston, Houston AARON p. SEAMSTER, Del Mar College, Corpus Christi c. M. SHIGLEY, Dow Chemical Company, Freeport CORNELIA SMITH, Baylor University, Waco VICTOR J. SMITH, Sul Ross College, Alpine OTTO o. WATTS, Hardin-Simmons University, Abilene ARTHUR w. YOUNG, Texas Technological College, Lubbock ADVERTISING DIRECTOR ROBERT LEE MILLER & ASSOCIATES 1951 Richmond : Houston 6, Texas Cover Picture THIS picture illustrates Desert Plains Grassland, in poor range condi¬ tion, in the Big Bend National Park of Trans-Pecos Texas. This grass¬ land association is in reality a savannah of desert shrubs mixed through grassland. Rainfall varies from 8 to 22 inches per year, and annual evaporation varies from 60 to 80 inches. The dominant shrubs belong to the lily and Amaryllis families and include several yuccas, sotol, sacahuista and agaves. Chamiso, or four- wing saltbush, is an important shrub that has decreased under grazing. The common grasses are feathery bluestems, Arizona cottontop, bush muhly, plains lovegrass, plains bristlegrass, hairy grama, black grama, curlymes- quite and tobosa. Sideoats grama is important from Maverick County westward. Tarbush and creasote bush have invaded large areas and are the distinguishing kinds of vegetation in many localities. — U. S. De¬ partment of Agriculture, Soil Conservation Service photo, by B. W. Allred. See B. W. Allred and Homer C. Mitchell, “Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas and Their Relation to Climate and Soils,” in this issue of the JOURNAL. THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Volume VII, No. 1 March, 1955 CONTENTS Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma, and Texas and Their Relation to Climate and Soils. By B. W. Allred and Homer C. Mitchell 7 Problems in Relocating the People of Zapata, Texas By Wilfrid C. Bailey . 20 Expository Drawing in the Biological Sciences. By Ruth M. Sanders . . 38 Observations on the Incidence of Dermocystidium marinum Infection in Oysters of Apalachicola Bay, Florida. By C. E, Dawson .... 47 The Walam Olum of the Delaware Indians in Perspective. By William W. Newcomb, Jr . 57 Thiamine and Riboflavin Content of Commercial White Bread. By Nell Davis . 64 The Distribution of the Suckermouth Minnow, Phenacobius mirabilis, in Texas, By Clark Hubbs and William F. Herzog . 69 Notes on the Uzbek Culture of Central Asia. By Babur Cagantay and Andres F. Sjoberg . 72 Science in Texas . 113 Affairs of The Texas Academy of Science . 117 Major Plant Types of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas and Their Relation to Climate and Soils by B. W. ALLRED* and HOMER C. MITCHELL Soil Conservation Service, U. S. Department of Agriculture THE vegetation of Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas is made up of two major plant formations, namely, grassland and forest. Grass land lies largely west of the 45 -inch rainfall belt; forest lies east of this belt, where annual rainfall is higher. The differences in sizes of plants are explainable by the fact that trees require the most water, shrubs the next largest amounts, and grasses the least. Tall grasses require more water than mid grasses, and mid grasses need more water than short grasses. Many men have written about the vegetation of these four States since the first white explorers passed through. The main periodi¬ cals consulted by the writers are listed at the end of the paper. To a large extent the boundaries of the four grassland asso¬ ciations and forest formation follow those outlined by Weaver and Clements in their book entitled Plant Ecology. The system of classify¬ ing plant communities is patterned after the one used by F. E. Clements in the book Dynamics of Vegetation. Most of the detail on boundaries of various plant communities was developed by soil conservation district technicians and others in the Soil Conservation Service. The information on vegetation found in various plant communities came from work-unit guides on range sites and condition developed for soil conservation districts. CLIMATE INFLUENCES PLANT PATTERNS The grassland formation is subdivided into four major asso¬ ciations namely, True Prairie, Coastal Prairie, Mixed Prairie and Desert Plains Grassland. Each association is the product of its own peculiar climate, with True Prairie having the most favorable rain¬ fall, Coastal Prairie second, Mixed Prairie third, and Desert Plains Grassland the driest. Hence, tall grasses grow in the True Prairie, and the stature and yield of grass become gradually lower from True Prairie to Desert Plains Grassland. * Formerly Regional Range Conservationist and Regional Forester, SCS Region 4, Fort Worth, Texas. 7 8 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Climatic variations are less radical in the forest formation than in the grasslands, but even here they are evident. For example, forest production is considerably higher in the 60-inch annual rainfall belt than in the 45- to 50-inch rainfall belt. SOIL AND OTHER LOCAL FACTORS INFLUENCE PLANT PATTERNS While climate is the major determiner of the kind of vegeta¬ tion that dominates a broad region, other factors may either improve or decrease the productivity of a site and, hence, modify the kind of vegetation produced. Major changes in elevation, and soil variations due to differences in the parent material, maturity, percentage of min¬ erals and salts, and slope, often have great influence in modifying plant patterns within general climatic belts. Where these variations are great enough to make significant differences in amount of available soil moisture, there will be changes in the kind of vegetation produced. Soil and vegetation are not independent variables as each has reciprocating influences on the other. For example, soil is made from the mother rocks by the action of water, temperature and vege¬ tation. Vegetation is a key agent in soil making, but the kind that grows is influenced by the maturity of the soil. For example, mosses, lichens, and other plant pioneers are the first to inhabit rocks and other raw soil material. Mature soil, however, supports a climax plant com¬ munity which is highest for the soil and climate. Local soil conditions in large numbers of areas have profoundly modified the vegetation from what is normal for the climate. Two examples are presented as follows: 1. Communities of bottomland hardwoods along streams that drain grass¬ lands. High water tables or occasional flooding provide added moisture and hence the soils of such river bottoms grow trees instead of grasses. 2. Sandy, gravelly and rocky areas that are free of hard pan, claypan or horizontal bed-rock also improve local soil-moisture conditions in the grassland formation. Rainfall intake is high on these soils, which also yield up moisture to plants more readily and more completely than do heavier soils. Local plant patterns modified by soil conditions are also found in the Oklahoma and Texas Cross Timbers, Texas Hill country, Lampasas Cut-Plain, Granite basin, East Texas Post Oak belt and eastern Edwards Plateau. In these areas, soil-moisture conditions have been improved sufficiently over the climatic normal so that trees or shrubs, particularly oaks, form savannah with the understory composed of grassland dominants of the True Prairie. Examples where soil conditions cause less favorable plant-soil- moisture relationships also are found and in such instances the plant yield is below that normal for the climate. h [’ I"' r L E G E N D I I [ DESERT PLAINS GRASSLAND Rocky Mountoin Foothills [ ^ I MIXED PRAIRIE *^'9^ Pioins Biuestem Shinnery Ook Sovonnoh j Post Ook Sovonnoh Rocky Mountain Foothills I 3 I true PRAIRIE I . ; ■ I Post Ook Sovonnoh |||||[||||[||( Hill Country Sovonnoh [V-Vo^ Liveook - Post Ook Sovonnoh Bottomlond Hordwoods ^ ^ Pine - Hordwoods COASTAL PRAI [ '. y- I Post Ook So Bottomlond Gulf Coost EASTERN FOR Mixed Hardv H|H Proiries ^ J Pine-Hordw |\3 J Bottomland [• ; I « »| Toll Gross Shortleof Pi Uplond Hor Longleof Pi Cypress -Tu I - 1 Gulf Coost PLANT TYPES ffA, ARKANSAS, TEXAS, LOUISIANA S. DEPARTMENT 0 F' AGRICULTURE )IL CONSERVATION SERVICE FORT WORTH. TEXAS ERENCE TOGRAPHIC APPROVAL TECHNICAL APPROVAL COMPILED TRACED CHECKED DATE MAJOR PLANT TYPES 9 1. The Tall Grass Prairie, between the Colorado River in Texas and the Mississippi River in Louisiana is an illustration of such a situation. This area lies within the forest climatic belt (see map). Here the Lake Charles and Crowley silt loam soils have poor soil- plant-water relationships, particularly during the critical growing period for forest growth. The subsoils are composed of a dense claypan¬ like layer, difficult for the tree roots to penetrate. Commercial tree plantings have not been successful and most of this former grassland is now in rice. Occurrence of prairies in forest and savannahs in the forest belts in Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas are explainable much in the same way as described in the Tall Grass Prairie. Presence of claypans or claypan-like subsoils create a subnormal habitat for trees, but such areas are excellent sites for the bluestems, Indiangrass, switchgrass and eastern gama. 2. A similar example of where soils have modified the vegetation in the forest formation is found in those parts of eastern Oklahoma and the Ozark Mountain section of Arkansas where savannahs are intermingled with forest. Deep permeable soils, with good water-holding capacity, produce true forest. But large areas with claypan-like subsoils, shallow rocky soils, or rapidly permeable deep soils have moisture resources that are subnormal for the true forest development. Hence, they for¬ merly were covered with tall grasses and the hardwoods were scattered and of low grade. Such savannahs are good grazing land but are sub¬ marginal for forest. Wherever the tall grasses have been taken out by fire and grazing, scrubby hardwoods have filled in. Some landowners are killing the scrub trees on the filled-in savannahs and converting them to highly productive native grasslands. I. DESERT PLAINS GRASSLAND ASSOCIATION This association is in reality a savannah of desert shrubs mixed through grassland. Rainfall varies from 8 to 22 inches per year, and annual evaporation varies from 60 to 80 inches. The dominant shrubs belong to the lily and Amaryllis families and include several yuccas, sotol, sacahuista and agaves. Chamiso, or four-wing saltbush, is an important shrub that has decreased under grazing. The common grasses are feathery bluestems, Arizona cottontop, bush muhly, plains lovegrass, plains bristlegrass, hairy grama, black grama, curlymes- quite and tobosa. Sideoats grama is important from Maverick County, Texas, westward, but is missing from Webb County to Hidalgo Coun¬ ty. Tarbush and creosote bush have invaded large areas and are the distinguishing kinds of vegetation in many localities. A. Rocky Mountain Foothills This is an area of scattered igneous rock and limestone mountain tops. The Davis Mountains mass is the largest mountainous area and 10 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Fig. I. Desert Plains Grassland in poor range condition. Big Bend National Park, Texas. (Tex. 45,340) 9,000-foot Guadalupe peak is the highest. The highest peaks grow western yellow pine, pinyon pine, weeping juniper, alligator juniper, oneseed juniper, redberry junjper, Arizona cypress, Emory oak and gray oak. The important grasses are cane bluestem, little bluestem, Texas bluestem, sideoats grama, green sprangletop, Arizona cotton- top, bush muhly. New Mexico feathergrass, balsamscale, several large muhlys, tanglehead, black grama, hairy grama and blue grama. II. MIXED PRAIRIE ASSOCIATION This great semiarid grassland is dominated by a mixture of mid and short grasses. Of the mid grasses, sideoats grama, silver blue¬ stem, sand dropseed and purple threeawn are found throughout the Mixed Prairie, western wheatgrass and needle-and-thread grow in the northern half, and Texas wintergrass is an important cool-season grass in the southeastern part. Buffalograss, blue grama and hairy grama are common short grasses. Curlymesquite is an important short grass in the southern part. A. High Plains Bluestem Widely scattered over the Mixed Prairie are deep sandy areas and canyon breaks which provide a better-than-average habitat for grass. MAJOR PLANT TYPES 11 Fig. 2. Mixed Prairie-Sou+hern Great Plains in good range condition. The grasses are largely blue grama and buffalograss. (NM-2527) Here grow the taller grasses which are found in the True Prairie im¬ mediately to the east. The important ones are little bluestem, sand bluestem, Indiangrass, switchgrass, sand lovegrass, and sideoats gra¬ ma. Havard’s shinnery oak and sand sagebrush occur sparingly in part of this type. At present, oak and sagebrush have become domi¬ nant and grass is scarce. B. Shinnery Oak Savannah Fractured limestone beds in parts of the Edwards Plateau provide better-than-usual sites for the dominant grasses of the Mixed Prairie, plus some species of low-growing oak known locally as shinnery. Little bluestem, pinhole bluestem and green sprangletop also add vari¬ ation to this part of the Mixed Prairie. C. Post Oak Savannah The bulk of this type lies within the True Prairie grassland asso¬ ciation and will be described there. D. Rocky Mountain Foothills A small area of this type is found on Black Mesa in northwestern Oklahoma. Black Mesa is the eastern extension of Mesa de Mayo, an 12 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE igneous-rock highland originating near Raton, New Mexico. The vege¬ tation is generally similar to the Rocky Mountain Foothills in south¬ west Texas, already described. Two important cool-season grasses, western wheatgrass and Nevada bluegrass, are added. Galleta is a warm-season grass which is found here but not in the Desert Plains grassland in Texas. III. TRUE PRAIRIE ASSOCIATION The True Prairie association lies between the 25- and 45- inch annual rainfall belts in Oklahoma and Texas. The key grasses are little bluestem, big bluestem, Indiangrass, switchgrass, and side- Fig. 3. True Prairie range in excellent condition near Nowata, Oklahoma. Little blue¬ stem, big bluestem and Indiangrass are the most prevalent. (Okla. 9777) oas grama. The latter is more prevalent in the western half. A number of savannahs are superimposed upon this broad area, but the grasses that identify the True Prairie are important in the savannahs, too. The prairies growing on the blacklands of Refugio, Calhoun, Victoria, Jackson, Matagorda and Wharton counties, Texas, more nearly resemble True Prairie than Coastal Prairie. A. Post Oak Savannah Post oak savannah includes the Oklahoma and Texas Cross Tim¬ bers and east Texas Post Oak belt. The dominant grasses of the True MAJOR PLANT TYPES 13 Prairie are the important ones. Purpletop, an additional grass, is found throughout, while beaked panicum is an identifying species in the easternmost savannahs. Post oak and blackjack oak are the impor¬ tant trees which identify this distinct and obvious plant community. B. Hill Country Savannah This type lies mostly within the Texas Hill Country and Lampasas Cut-plain. Trees of this savannah are largely live oak, Spanish oak, with numerous inclusions of several species of shinnery oak. True Prairie grasses dominate, and hairy grama becomes a minor con¬ stituent. C. Live Oak-Post Oak Savannah This type is found in the granite basin located mostly in Mason and Llano counties, Texas. Tree cover is mostly post oak, blackjack oak and live oak. The grasses are typical True Prairie dominants, plus purpletop and sand lovegrass. D. Bottomland Hardwoods Bottomland Hardwoods are similar to those described under Coast¬ al Prairie (IV) , E. Pine-Hardwoods Two islands of shortleaf pine mixed with hardwoods are located in Bastrop and Fayette county, Texas. This is a marginal forest site, being about a 60-foot pine site. IV. COASTAL PRAIRIE ASSOCIATION This plant association is located in southern Texas and northeastern Mexico, where rainfall is 18 to 26 inches annually. Origi¬ nally it was grassland composed of northern and subtropical domi¬ nants. It is now known as the brush country, because of the dense stand of subtropical shrubs that have invaded from Mexico. The important grasses are feathery bluestems, seacoast bluestem, tangiehead, Arizona cottontop, plains lovegrass, plains bristlegrass (both tall and short forms), trichloris, lovegrass tridens, purple three- awn, hairy grama, slender grama, buffalograss and curlymesquite. Sideoats grama and Texas wintergrass are important along the north¬ ern and eastern boundaries. Indiangrass, gulf dune paspalum, and switchgrass are important plants in sandy soils. The leguminous shrub guajillo, plus chamiso, yuccas and agaves, form savannah with grassland over a large port of this association. 14 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Fig. 4. Coastal Prairie range in excellent condition near Crystal City, Texas. Tanglehead and cane bluestem are the dominant grasses. (Tex. 44-993) A. Post Oak Savannah The southern extension of the post oak savannah found in the True Prairie cuts into the northeastern Coastal Prairie, where it changes somewhat in its characteristics. Considerable live oak mixes with post oak and blackjack, and many of the grassy dominants of the Coastal Prairie are replaced by those typical of the True Prairie. B. Bottomland Hardwoods Hardwood trees are crowded densely over the well watered bottom¬ lands. Species of oak, ash, elm, hickory, willow and sycamore are some of the most important. Dense tree growth with an understory of shrubs prevents grass from growing well, so little or no grazing is available. Wildrye and rescuegrass produce some growth in winter after tree leaves have fallen. C. Gulf Coast Marshlands The marshlands are restricted to narrow belts along the Gulf of Mexico and a few inland bays. The important grass species of the salt marsh are big cordgrass, marshhay cordgrass, gulf cordgrass, smooth cordgrass, common reed, seashore saltgrass, switchgrass, Olney bul- MAJOR PLANT TYPES 15 rash, longtom, seashore dropseed and knotroot bristlegrass, Sacaton apparently was once important in the higher salt marsh adjacent to the Coastal Prairie, but not east of there. Bushysea oxeye, a dwarf shrub, also is important, and increases under grazing. In freshwater marsh, southern wildrice and paille finne are twO' of the most impor¬ tant grasses but are not found south and west of Beaumont, Texas. V. EASTERN FOREST BELT The eastern forest formation lies generally east of the 45- inch rainfall belt. Because of higher rainfall, commercial forests oc¬ cur except in savannahs and prairies where poorer soil-plant-moisture conditions prevail. The important plant communities lying within the forest formation are as follows: A. Mixed Hardwood Forest and Savannah This community includes intermingled upland hardwood forest, hardwood savannah, and cedar glades. Frequently these types occur in areas too small to map separately. Of the total area now in woody growth, about 55 percent is in upland hardwood forest, 40 percent in hardwood savannah, and 5 percent in cedar glades. The upland hardwood forest sites are those with soils having ade¬ quate moisture-storage capacity to produce hardwood trees of sawlog size and quality in normal stands. The identifying species, when present, are white oak, northern red oak, southern red oak. There is a high percentage of other red oaks, black oak, various hickories, and gums which are not limited to the forest type. The savannah sites are those which have a woody aspect, but where the soil lacks the moisture-holding capacity to produce trees of saw- log size and quality in normal stands. Many stands have good density because of long continued burning and overgrazing, but the stems are small and highly defective. Generally, however, the trees are widely spaced, short bodied, full crowned, with an understory of na¬ tive grasses and other herbaceous vegetation. The identifying species are blackjack oak, post oak, winged elm, cedar elm, black oak, hack- berry and hickory. The first three usually predominate. Only occa¬ sional trees, principally post oak, produce sawlog sizes of commercial quality, and these usually have less than one log of usable length. Such trees are so scattered as to discourage logging. The cedar glades occur on areas where the soil moisture capacity is extremely low and cedar has thickened on the overused grasslands. B. Prairies in Forests and Savannahs Livestock of pioneers in the forest formation found excellent graz- 16 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE ing on these original scattered prairies. These prairie soils are too droughty for forests, but big and little bluestem, switchgrass, Indian- grass and eastern gama, plus numerous nutritious forbs, grow abun¬ dantly. Most of the former prairies have been plowed and are now farmed. A few still are found in various degrees of perfection. Few, however, are in excellent condition. C. Pine-Hardwoods The pine-hardwood community is the common one of the Coastal Plains and the Ouachita Mountains. Soil moisture is adequate for Fig. 5. Pine-hardwood forest typical of kind found in Arkansas, Louisiana, Oklahoma and Texas. Low grade hardwood species have been girdled in order to kill them, so that better timber trees can thrive. (Ark. 61-768) commercial forestry, producing trees of sawlog size and quality in a reasonable time. Shortleaf and loblolly pines are the principal com¬ mercial species, because of both their rate of growth and value. Com¬ mercial hardwoods commonly associated with the pines are gum, white oak and southern red oak. Other common associates are black¬ jack oak, post oak, hickories, and blue jack oak, which sometimes are dominant where the commercial species have been eliminated or seriously reduced by unwise cutting. MAJOR PLANT TYPES 17 Z). Bottomland Hardwoods The remaining bottomland hardwoods are on those portions of the flood plains too low in elevation or too small in area for economical protection against flooding by levees, or poorly drained for cultiva¬ tion or use for tame pasture. Composition of the several bottomland hardwood types varies with the degree of wetness, which also reflects soil texture. The lighter soils occur on the ridges or better drained areas and produce the most valuable timber. The trees consist largely of sweet gum, red oaks, swamp white oak and white oak, elms, pecan and water oaks, to¬ gether with the representation of many species of lesser importance. The low-lying clay flats are less productive of commercial timber. The species are largely honey locust, bitter pecan, overcup oak, water oak, and hackberry, which is usually defective, along with some cedar elm, green ash, American elm, persimmon and willow. Alluvium of recent origin along major streams may be occupied by pure stands of cottonwood or willow. Cypress and tupelo are com¬ mon on the margins of bayous and lakes. E. T all Grass Prairie This area has been converted largely to rice production. The heavy, nearly impervious soils that are too droughty to produce forests once supported a vigorous stand of tall grass, including big and little blue- stem, pinehill bluestem, switchgrass, Indiangrass, eastern gama and a host of associated forbs. The heavy subsoil that thwarted tree roots provides a solid bottom to hold the water used in rice irrigation. F. Shortleaf Pine Type Shortleaf pine occurs in pure stands in the Ouachita, Boston and Ozark Mountain areas on vertically bedded shale and sandstone soils having good moisture-holding capacity. Shortleaf pine is almost the only tree of commercial importance on such soils. Associated hard¬ woods are mainly southern red oak, black oak, blackjack oak, post oak and hickory. G. Upland Hardwood T ype The Upland Hardwood type, except as intermingled with prairies and savannahs in the mountain areas, occurs on the narrow, loessial ridges paralleling the Mississippi River. The principal trees of com¬ mercial value are white oak, various red oaks, tulip poplar, white ash, persimmon and walnut. Associated are the usual low-value scrub oaks, beech and hickories. Occasional specimens of sassafras, cotton- 18 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE wood, American Elm, red elm and others reach large sizes and are of excellent quality. H. Longleaf Pine T ype Longleaf pine type is a singular community that deserves special recognition. The principal longleaf pine areas are recognizable today by one or more of the following: (1) Presence of longleaf pine forest; (2) Presence of occasional specimens of longleaf pine in generally underdeveloped cutover land; (3) Extensive treeless areas (except stream borders and “bay galls”) or areas occupied by the scrub oaks and hickories; (4) Specimen longleaf pine in young stands of loblolly, shortleaf or slash pine. The land is, with very minor exceptions, characterized by shallow, poorly drained soils or deep coarse sands. In either case, they are “droughty” and poorly adapted to cropland agriculture. These soils are primarily suited for forest production. /. Cypress-Tupelo Swamp Cypress-Tupelo swamp is found in parts of the lower Mississippi River Delta, which lies under water of fluctuating levels except dur¬ ing rare periods of prolonged drought. Cypress and tupelo gum ap¬ pear to be the only tree species able to tolerate such prolonged flood¬ ing. Hence, they occur in pure stands of either species or mixtures of the two. Included in such areas are hummocks and narrow ridges, subject to only annual flooding, which may be occupied by the water oaks, pecan, willow and other hardwood species characteristic of the wetter portions of normal bottomland. /. Gulf Coast Marshlands See discussion of Gulf Coast Marshlands under Coastal Prairie (IV). REFERENCE LIST Allred, B. W., 1951 — Range Handbook Series I. 39 pp. U. S. Dept. Agric., S.C.S., Fort Worth, Tex. Bradbury, John, 1817 — Travels in the interior of North America in the Years 1809, 1810, 1811. Liverpool. Clements, F. E., 1949 — The dynamics of vegetation. 296 pp. The H. W. Wilson Co., New York. Cruickshank, James W., 1938 — Forest resources of northeast Texas. 25 pp. South¬ ern For. Ex. Sta., New Orleans, La. Dyksterhuis, E. J., 1946 — The vegetation of the Fort Worth Prairie. Ecological Monographs 16:1-29. MAJOR PLANT TYPES 19 Dyksterhuis, E. J., 1948 — The vegetation of the Western Cross Timbers. Ecological Monographs 18:325-376. Fulton, M. G., 1941 — Diary and letters of Josiah Gregg; Southwestern Enterprises 1840-1847. 413 pp. Univ. Okla. Press, Norman, Oklahoma. Harvey, F, L., 1881 — -The flora of Arkansas. Am. Nat. 15:388-89. Marcy, R. B., 1849 — His diary as Captain of 5th Infantry, U. S. Army. 31st Cong., 1st Sess. 1849-50; U. S. Senate Exec. Doc., Vol. 14, Nos. 64^82: 204-220. Marcy, Col. R. B., 1866 — Thirty years of Army life on the border. 442 pp. Harper & Bros., Franklin Sq., N. Y. Ray, Hurlon C. and Marvin Lawson, 1953 — Site characteristics and land use in the forest-prairie margin of Arkansas. 28 pp. U. S. Dept. Agric., S.C.S., Fort Worth, Tex. Smith, J. G., 1899 — Grazing Problems in the Southwest and How to Meet Them. U. S. Dept. Agric., Div. Agrostol. Bui. 16. 46 pp. Tharp, B. C., 1926 — Structure of Texas vegetation east of the 98th Meridian. Univ. Texas Bui. 2606. 100 pp. Weaver, E. J. and F. E. Clements, 1938 — Plant ecology. 2nd Ed. 601 pp. McGraw- Hill Book Co., New York. Wheeler, Philip R., 1953 — Forest Statistics for Arkansas. 50 pp. U. S. Dept. Agric., For. Serv., New Orleans, La. Winters, R. K. and G. S. Ward, Jr., 1943 — Louisiana forest resources. 45 pp. U. S. Dept. Agric., For. Serv., Wash., D. C. Problems in Relocating the People of Zapata, Texas WILFRID C. BAILEY The University of Texas MAN in his quest for water, flood control, and electric power has or is in the process of building dams on most of the major rivers of the nation. No one doubts the economic benefits of these dams. They have provided a better and safer way of life for millions of people. However, what about the people who lived in the river valleys that are now covered by the waters backed up behind the dams? Where are they? What has happened to their way of life? The construction of the Fal¬ con Dam on the Rio Grande some 75 miles below the two Laredos has provided an important case study. The Department of Anthropology of The University of Texas began a study of the Falcon Reservoir area in the summer of 1950. The initial work consisted of archaeological salvage and the study of historical buildings. This was carried out under a series of grants from the Smithsonian Institution and the National Park Service under the di¬ rection of Alex D. Krieger, In August, 1953, the author began an in¬ vestigation of the effects of building the dam on the modern population. This project has been aided by a grant from the Hogg Foundation for Mental Hygiene, The University of Texas. This report includes ma¬ terial gathered up to September 15, 1954. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND The first white man to pass through the Falcon Reservoir area (see Fig. 1) may have been Cabeza de Vaca, who made his way from the Texas coast to western Mexico in 1535. The first Spanish ranches along the Rio Grande were established during the first half of the Eighteenth Century. Permanent villages in northeastern Mexico and along the river were settled through the colonization efforts of Jose de Escandon, who was governor of Nueva Santander in the mid¬ dle of the same century. Revilla (now Guerrero, Tamaulipas) was founded by a group of Escandon colonists on October 10, 1750, on the Salado River a short distance from its junction with the Rio Grande, at a point near Zapata. In 1767 ranchers along the river petitioned the I King of Spain for titles to the land they were using. Each rancher was given a porcion^ a strip about a mile wide fronting on the river and | 20 RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 21 extending inland about eleven miles. The por clones are still the basis of land ownership. The habitaciones, ranch headquarters, were on the river. Some of these habitaciones eventually grew into villages, while others remained isolated ranches up to the present day. Thus the basis for the modern distribution of population was established. Subsequent history of the area has shown that there has been a distinct unity of the lower Rio Grande Valley area on both sides of the river. This was most dramatically demonstrated by the attempt in 1839 to establish the Republic of the Rio Grande. Although political independence was never achieved, much of the region has continued up to the present day as a relatively isolated culture area. Until the last few years the cultural and business center for the people of Zapata County was the old town of Guerrero. People went there to shop, to attend school, and many were born there because it was the home of the only doctor. In the last few years the flow of interaction has been in the opposite direction, from Guerrero toward Zapata. People from Guerrero either shopped in Zapata or passed through Zapata on their way to Laredo. Every year several children from Guerrero would stay with relatives in Zapata in order to go to school there. Zapata County has been relatively isolated from the rest of Texas. The railroad between Corpus Christi and Laredo skirted the county. It was not until 1940 that a modern paved road, U. S. Highway 83, traversed the county. This road follows the river from Laredo to Brownsville and, therefore, links Zapata with other communities along the river, rather than to the center of the State. The only other im¬ proved road in the county is State Farm Road 496 running northeast from Zapata to Hebbronville. Although the shortest route to San An¬ tonio, its fifty curves in fifty miles have tended to keep the traffic on the traditional river road. The discovery of small gas and oil fields in 1916, and their develop¬ ment since 1930, has had only a minor impact on life in Zapata. The workers in the gas fields live in scattered homes close to the Jim Hogg County line. They seem to have their connections with Heb¬ bronville, on the railroad, rather than with Zapata. Present attempts to exploit oil and gas may change the picture. Zapata and nearby communities have been centered on the river with ranch land extending back onto higher ground. The principal economic activities are based on farming, both dry and irrigated, and ranching. Irrigated land devoted to fresh vegetables for shipment to market has been increased greatly in the last two decades. Spanish is the everyday language of the people. The population is about 90% Latin- American and 10% Anglo-American. 22 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Recent events have done much to disrupt the isoiation of the area. The most important single event came in 1 944 as the result of a treaty between Mexico and the United States which contained a commitment to build three multi-purpose dams on the Rio Grande. RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 23 On September 7, 1949, plans were adopted by the United States and Mexican Sections of the International Boundary and Water Com¬ mission for the construction of Falcon Dam. Actual construction began in June, 1951, and the dam was dedicated by the presidents of the two co-operating nations on October 19, 1953. This dam creates a lake forty miles long and covering 55,000 acres of land in the United States and 59,000 acres in Mexico. Preliminary surveys of the area to be flooded showed that approxi¬ mately 5,000 of the 8,000 acres of land under irrigation would be inundated. The villages of Falcon, Lopeho, Urebeho, Ramierreho, and San Ignacio, the town of Zapata, and numerous ranch headquar¬ ters were within the projected reservoir. Later adjustments of the res¬ ervoir boundary removed San Ignacio from the list, but there is a pos¬ sibility that it too may be subject to flooding. Fear of this caused its evacuation during the flood of July, 1954. This left only the small in¬ land settlements of Escobas and Bustamante unaffected. In other words, the homes of over 3,000 of the 4,300 inhabitants of the county were threatened. Initially, plans were to follow the usual policy of buying lands and homes and allowing the owners to scatter. Because this would include the county seat, Zapata, and about three-fourths of the popu¬ lation, a death blow would have been dealt Zapata County. It would have been necessary to abolish the county and to divide its lands among the neighboring counties of Starr, Jim Hogg, and Webb. A strong movement asking that the communities be relocated de¬ veloped. In answer to this demand, Lloyd M. Bentson, Jr., from the 15th Congressional District, Texas, introduced into the House of Representatives in January, 1951, a bill to authorize the relocation of the town of Zapata and its public facilities, and the development of new agricultural land. The bill never got out of committee because President Truman wrote a letter, May 16, 1951, stating his opinion that the existing laws gave the International Boundary and Water Commission authority “to furnish all necessary assistance to the resi¬ dents of the area.” The Commission has proceeded in its relocation program on the authorization contained in this letter. However, the basic plan looked to by both the government and the residents of Za¬ pata County has been the Bentson Bill. There has been considerable disagreement between the people and the Boundary Commission over the interpretation of the proposals contained in the bill. Since it was not enacted into law, there is neither binding force nor means of ap¬ peal for official legal opinion. 24 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE The location of the new town became the subject of controversy. First, not all of the people favored building a single town site for the entire county. A poll showed that the younger people wanted to move into neighborhood areas within the new town, while the older genera¬ tion wanted to move each village into a new and distinct site. The Boundary Commission vetoed this suggestion and developed a single townsite. On September 29, 1951, residents of the reservoir area ap¬ proved by 436 to 0 vote the location of a new Zapata four miles from the old town. By the end of the year 80% of the owners indicated their willingness to move to the new town. The unanimity of opinion thus expressed would seem to forecast a smooth, uneventful relocation of the people. Construction of the dam proceeded according to schedule. By the end of August, 1953, the dam, except for the spillway gates and the powerhouse installa¬ tions, had been completed. The people of Lopeho and Falcon had been given an evacuation date of June 1, 1953, and for Zapata the date was November 1, 1953. By August, 1953, very few people had moved. The new townsite for Zapata was only partially ready. The Central Power and Light Company had put up necessary power lines. The govern¬ ment’s share of development of the town had proceeded slowly. Streets had been graded, water mains laid, the sewage pipes installed, and the cemetery relocated. On the other hand, the sewage treatment plant was not ready for operation, construction had just begun on the water filtration plant, and contracts had not been let for the court house and the schools. In June, 1953, the Rio Grande had gone dry in many places for the first time on official record. On August 24, 1953, heavy rains fell over a large area of South Texas and northern Mexico. Flood crests rolled down the Rio Grande and the Salado. Within forty-eight hours Lake Falcon became a reality. It was 50 feet deep at the dam and had backed up about 25 miles. The villages of Lopeho, 50 to 60 families, was completely under water (Fig. 2) and Falcon, 30 to 40 families, was disappearing beneath the rapidly rising lake. In two weeks 72 families from Lopeho, Falcon, and scattered ranches were living in tents furnished by the Red Cross; and the lake which had risen to a depth of over 90 feet, was threatening the town of Zapata. Near panic developed. People in Zapata began a frantic exodus to the new town site. BASIC PROBLEMS Why didn’t the Boundary Commission move the people with the same dispatch exhibited in the construction of the dam? The RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 25 Fig. 2. Lopeno in August, 1953. (J. T. Morrow photo) solution of two basic problems slowed down the movement of the peo¬ ple. The first centered around town planning. In spite of the unan¬ imous vote accepting the new town site, many of the people were not satisfied. It became impossible to plan a model town designed accord¬ ing to modem ideas of city planning. For example, long blocks would reduce the number of cross streets and accompanying hazards. How¬ ever, people with comer lots in the old town demanded comer lots in the new town. In old Zapata property was valued and located ac¬ cording to its distance from the court house and relationship to the highways. In addition, owners of stores wanted the surrounding neigh¬ borhoods moved intact so that they could retain their old customers (Fig. 3). This obstacle was overcome by drawing concentric circles around the court house and dividing the town into segments like a pie. Lots were assigned in corresponding segments in the new town. The new town is almost a mirror image of the old town. The major difference is the addition of large tracts of parkland which spreads the town over a much larger area. Some people have objected to this scattered condition. All attempts to agree on some kind of zoning 26 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE failed, and there is no control over type of construction. This has hampered attempts to obtain government-supported housing loans. Fig 3. Typical commercial building and house in old Zapata. The government agreed to replace and even expand the public facilities. The privately-owned water system was replaced by a town- owned system. A modern sewage disposal system was built. This was missing in the old town. The court house was replaced by a $150,- 000 building. The school buildings are being replaced by both an ele¬ mentary school and a high school. The planning of the new facilities is still a center of controversy. The Zapata County schools were grossly inadequate and substandard. The new schools were to be equal to those found in communities of the same size elsewhere in the state. The Texas State Education Agency assisted in designing and recommending improvements, but has no binding force other than refusal to accredit the system. Because of the condition of the old schools, the government has not been willing to build what the people demanded. Construction of the new elementary school was delayed until after the deadline for evacuation of Zapata. A $272,000 elementary school was completed in time for the 1954— RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 27 1955 school year. It stands empty while the children attend classes in old barracks moved from the Laredo Air Force Base to old Zapata and then to new Zapata. The county school board has refused to accept the new building because it is unfurnished. The disagreement is over the definition of “adequate facilities.” The government has taken the view that this was limited to the physical structure, while the county has interpreted it as including equipment necessary to operate the build¬ ings. As a result, the new school and the court house stand empty. Construction on the high school has not yet begun. The second major problem concerned the acquisition of the land within the proposed reservoir. The difficulties arising here have been even more critical than those associated with public facilities. In order to build the dam and to obtain land for the lake, it was necessary for the Federal Government to buy over 100,000 acres of land, includ¬ ing improvements. The Constitution of the United States requires that the owners be paid “just compensation.” Federal courts have defined a “fair market value” as the “price a willing buyer would pay a will¬ ing seller.” The courts have also said that the landowner should be in the “same pecuniary position before and after taking.” Although these two statements are thought to mean the same thing, they have different emphases. The Department of Justice, which has handled the condemnation cases for the Army and for the International Boun¬ dary and Water Commission, has worked on the willing buyer-will¬ ing seller concept. The Tennessee Valley Authority adopted an ap¬ praisal policy that took into consideration actual costs or losses sus¬ tained by the owners in the process of getting re-established (Krist- janson, 1953: 7). Since very little Zapata County land had been exchanged on the open market, there were no established market values. It was neces¬ sary to use appraisers to set up fictional market values, the assumed market prices if the land was being sold by a willing seller to a will¬ ing buyer. The greatest complaint that the people have made is over the appraised value in relationship to the cost of replacement at a new location. An independent contractor told the author that the valu¬ ations on the houses were on the average probably not more than 10 percent low. The difficulty came because there were very few modern houses. A tremendous gap existed between the fair value on a house without modern conveniences and the cost of a modem home of the same size. The price differential was aggravated when some of the contractors overcharged. Agricultural land was priced well below replacement cost. The 28 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE average prices reported were $10.00 to $12.00 for range land, $35.00 for cleared dry farm land, and $75.00 for irrigated land. It cost from $40.00 to $50.00 per acre to clear farm land. One man reported that he had turned down an offer of $400.00 for irrigated land later con¬ demned at $75.00. The author examined one case in which a man was offered $73.00 for a piece of land, including mineral rights. Later, after readjustment of the reservoir boundary left the land in the owner’s hands, he sold the mineral rights alone for $4,000.00. The people lost respect for the system of appraisal. Antagonism developed when references were made to adobe construction. Actu¬ ally, almost no adobe was used. Stone was the most common material. Then again, the Catholic Church (building) was referred to as ob¬ solete. Because of these difficulties the settlement of land cases has been very slow. Final payment for the land has been delayed by additional complications. The land titles are based on the original Spanish por- ciones. Much of the transfer of land has been informally within the family. Titles are difficult to clear. The burden of proof of title was left to the owner, who, in many cases, had little understanding of the legal technicalities involved in clearing titles and making claims for payment. As a result most of the owners had not been paid for their property by the deadline for evacuation. As of September, 1954, a great many were still waiting payment. The major demand of the owners is for a re-evaluation that will give replacement cost. In September, 1954, President Eisenhower instructed Col. Leland H. Hewitt, Commis¬ sioner of the United States section of the International Boundary and Water Commission, to review the claims of the Zapata landowners. FACTORS RETARDING THE SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEMS A number of factors have contributed to the slowness and difficulties in achieving satisfactory solutions to these major problems. Factionalism has made it almost impossible to develop a unified front. The county is in the midst of a bitter political struggle. Locally it is referred to as the fight to unseat the Old Party. The challenge is be¬ ing made by a loosely organized group known at various times as the Chamber of Commerce Party, the Veterans Party, the New Party, and in the November, 1954, election the slate of officers ran under the Bepublican Party label. When the Boundary Commission held public meetings, they sometimes found the Old Party supporters gath¬ ered in one place and the New Party in another. RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 29 Lack of a dynamic leadership increased the difficulties in planning. The present day leadership pattern in Zapata County is the survival of the old patron-peon system. The qualities of leadership were few in number but distinctive. The patron was usually the oldest male member of the most important family and had the ability to express himself fluently. The patron had a following bound to him on a per- sonalistic basis, and he dispensed council, advice, and provided as¬ sistance. As a leader, he seldom organized committees or initiated new programs. His influence was more in terms of directing commu¬ nity sanction or disapproval of what already existed (Leonard and Loomis, 1941: 59). This type of leadership functions best in a static situation and does not provide the planning and organization needed to meet a changing situation. The effectiveness of the existing leadership has been weakened by changes taking place within the leadership pattern itself. The old patron is almost a thing of the past. Only two or three men in the county are still referred to by the title of Don. The landed patron has been replaced by the political patron. A part of the present fac¬ tionalism in Zapata politics is a revolt of younger men against the paternalistic control of the old system. Further, the person in a leader¬ ship position finds it necessary to be in close co-operation with the dominating Anglo group. He is usually better educated and in a stronger financial position than the majority of the people. This im¬ mediately makes him suspect of having sold out to the “Anglos” at the expense of his own people in order to better his own position. This condition is not limited to Zapata, and investigators have found this to be generally true throughout the Spanish southwest (Watson and Samora, 1954: 414-415). Since Zapata is not an incorporated town, there is no city council or similar body to plan interaction with various government agencies. The only governmental unit at the local level is the county of which Zapata is the county seat. In the county the county judge is the chief figure. He has been the principal negotiator with the International Boundary and Water Commission. In addition, he controls the domi¬ nant local political group known as the Old Party. The people have a present time or even past time orientation. That is, activities are valued according to the present conditions and ac¬ cording to tradition. This is sometimes summed up in the word mahana. Mahansi is usually translated as “tomorrow.” Actually mahana is today. It is not the idea of putting off until tomorrow the things that don’t need to be done today, but it is doing only what is 30 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE necessary to live today (Campa, 1939). This attitude is not limited to Latin- American populations. It has been found that lower classes in other parts of the United States show an unwillingness to assume leadership roles and an indifference toward matters not immediately within their grasp (Reissman, 1954) . A present time orientation limits the ability to swing into action to solve pending problems. Thus people stayed in Falcon and Lopeho after the deadline and did not move until flooded out in September, 1953. Only then did the residents of the town of Zapata begin to move. The same scene was repeated during the flood that rolled down the Rio Grande in June and July, 1954. Residents of Piedras Negras and Laredo had several days warning but did not move until the water reached them. Up the river from Zapata is the little village of Uri- beho. The people there had not moved, even after observing what happened in 1953, and lost a number of houses when the 1954 flood brought the reservoir to a new high level. The same view of time is reflected in the attitudes of the people in solving the difficulties now arising on both sides of the river because of the loss of farm land and slowness of payment of claims. The ste¬ reotyped answer to questions about future plans was, “We will wait and see what happens.” This expression of unhurried patience fails to convey to the outsider the real urgency of the situation. Such an attitude leaves little place for planning in the framework of life of the people. The orientation of the patron does not greatly differ. Rather than looking to the future, he takes advantage of the present (Mead, 1953: 180). This contrasts with the future time orientation and planning for the future observed in a developing Anglo commu¬ nity in the Texas Panhandle (Bailey, 1952) . Loss of faith in the International Boundary and Water Commis¬ sion has seriously interfered with negotiations at both the group and the individual level. People feel that the Boundary Commission is tak¬ ing advantage of them. The intensity of feeling was expressed in a letter to the Laredo Times, which suggested that the initials 1. B. & W. C. stood for “I Bully Women and Children.” Informants claimed that the flooding of Falcon and Lopeho in September, 1953, was de¬ liberately planned to scare the people of Zapata into action. The feel¬ ing that you cannot trust the Boundary Commission is rather general. Thus, there is the tendency to ignore or at least discount any state¬ ment of policy or warning issued by it. The exact causes of this loss of faith have not been discovered, but several contributing factors can be noted. The people’s lack of under- RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 31 Standing of legal procedures and the legal limits to which the Bound¬ ary Commission can go have led to misunderstandings. Much of the planning has been developed in conferences between government em¬ ployees and Zapata officials. Deaths of several key men may have re¬ sulted in inadvertent breaking of verbal agreements as to the inten¬ tions of the Boundary Commission. Language has been a handicap. It has been necessary to prepare some of the official documents in both Spanish and English versions. Because of the low educational level of the majority of the residents of Zapata, many of the details have not been understood. The use of bilingual residents in the area as interpreters may only complicate and confuse the issue. An Anglo informant who had worked in the area warned the author against the use of local interpreters. He claimed that the only ones available were the better educated people from high-status families. Because of the emphasis on ability to talk well and status differences, the tendency was either to talk down to the people or to talk over their heads. Interpreters were not always successful in getting across the desired ideas and even antagonized people. The extent to which the Spanish-speaking lawyers fell into this pattern is not known, but a rather general dislike of them was present. Planning has been complicated by differences in opinion as to the future of the area. The Boundary Commission made an economic sur¬ vey and came to the conclusion that the economic base of the area has been greatly reduced, and predicted a loss of up to 50% in popu¬ lation. On the other hand, the County Judge predicted a 25% in¬ crease. The Boundary Commission report discouraged a certain firm from investigating the possibility of providing Zapata with natural gas. Taking a more optimistic view, a group of Zapata residents have developed a large subdivision adjacent to the new town. As a result of this difference in opinion, the Boundary Commission was reluc¬ tant to expand facilities, while the county officials wanted to prepare for expansion. Comparison of the Falcon Dam project with government policy in other areas and with the program of the Mexican Section of the In¬ ternational Boundary and Water Commission has emphasized the difficulties experienced in Zapata. Across the river, the Mexican Gov¬ ernment has built a model town, Nuevo Guerrero, to replace the old town of Guerrero. The new town has been provided with schools, a hospital, government buildings, and other facilities. Eight types of homes and three types of commercial buildings were built (Fig. 4). Fig. 4. Scene in Nuevo Guerrero, Tamaulipas. Home owners and merchants from the old town were assigned to new quarters on the basis of the size of their original holdings. This actual replacement of buildings is constantly pointed to as the plan that should have been developed on the American side. Bitterness has been increased because the Mexican Government, which is usually con¬ sidered by the people of Zapata to do relatively little for the people, has, in this case, done more than the United States. As one resident said, “We used to say that Mexico was a hell of a place to live.” Similarly, the people of Zapata have been interested in develop¬ ments in other areas. Some men have read a Spanish translation of Lilienthal’s book on the TVA (1944) and think that there should be a comparable plan of regional development in Zapata County. They have also learned of cases where dams were not built because of the protests of the local residents. They find it difficult to understand the generosity of the United States in helping to relieve suffering in many parts of the world while, at the same time, it is not giving similar compassionate consideration to a situation it created here at home. The aid to victims of the Danube River flood of 1954, amounting to several millions of dollars, is cited as an example. In general these views have been supported in feature articles and editorials published in the Laredo, San Antonio, Houston, and Corpus Christi newspapers. RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 33 The extreme drought experienced in the area during the construc¬ tion of the dam contributed to the difficulty in solving the problems. The river flow fell to an all-time low and no large floods came down the river. This permitted the construction to proceed at a fast pace. At the same time the drought tended to remove the feeling that there was any necessity to push arrangements to move into new homes. Many people predicted that it would take years to fill the lake or that it would never be filled. People living in villages that were above the level reached by the greatest recorded floods had difficulty believing that the water would ever reach the level designated by the engineers. No one dreamed that the first flood after the completion of the dam would fill the lake to near capacity. The final factor contributing to the difficulties in solving the basic problems was the failure of the International Boundary and Water Commission to employ social scientists to assist with the project. Sur¬ veys of the school system, economic conditions, and cemeteries were made. The Laredo office was unable to obtain funds to employ some one to expedite relations with the residents of the reservoir area. The engineering and legal staff had to handle all of the human problems. Some of the Boundary Commission employees developed a distinct distaste for this aspect of their jobs. Adequate assistance in coping with the social or cultural aspects of the two basic problems would have done much to reduce the difficulties encountered in attempting their solution. ZAPATA COUNTY, 1954 What is the situation in Zapata County as of September, 1954? In order to answer this question it is necessary to review the activities since the lake began to fill. On the first of September, 1953, there were fifteen buildings in the new town of Zapata. The rapidly filling lake had already covered Falcon and Lopefio. It was still rain¬ ing on September 2, 1953, when radio newscasts carried announce¬ ments that new flood crests were coming down both the Rio Grande and the Salado River and it was expected that Zapata would be flooded by morning. Near panic developed. The Boundary Commission is¬ sued a statement saying that the water level would not be allowed to reach the level of Zapata until November. The reaction to this an¬ nouncement was one of distrust. People said that the Boundary Com¬ mission had lied to them before and that it would make no real effort to protect Zapata. The resulting panic broke the log jam in relocation. Home owners rushed to arrange property settlements. Originally three alternatives Fig. 5. House moving in old Zapata, September, 1953. being used to haul drinking water. Some families moved temporarily to Laredo and Rio Grande City. The Zapata schools in the old town were opened but had an enrollment of only 308. The average attend¬ ance for the previous school year had been 964. On November 27, 1953, a total of 339 buildings were located in new Zapata, and by January, 1954, only five families remained in the old town. Old Za- THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE had been given them. First, the owner could sell all his property rights. Second, the owner could exchange his land for lots in the new town and sell his house. Third, the owner could trade his land, keep his house, and be given money to move the house to the new town. At this time a fourth alternative was permitted. People who had sold their homes were allowed to buy back their houses as salvage. The salvage price was figured by deducting cost of moving and damages from the value of the house and selling it back at one-half of the re¬ mainder. Because of the apparent urgency and the high cost of build¬ ing new structures, almost all of the frame buildings were eventually bought as salvage. House movers (Fig. 5) were called from as far away as Fort Worth. By September 12, 1953, a total of 240 buildings were in Zapata. The water filtration plant was not completed and tank trucks were RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 35 pata did not disappear under the waters of the lake until the flood of June and July, 1954. A survey of new Zapata in September, 1954, revealed that the town contained a total of 609 buildings. Of these, 488 were old build¬ ings from the old town. Old Zapata contained 882 buildings. Thus 55.3% of the structures of the old town were moved to new locations. New Zapata contained 273 or 30.9% fewer buildings than the old town. The new town had a much more modern-looking appearance than the old town. The new buildings were of modern design and many of the old buildings have been painted or rebuilt. Informants observed that the people exhibited more pride in their new homes than they did in old Zapata. In spite of the plan to move all of the families in the Falcon Reser¬ voir area into new Zapata and the vote accepting such a plan, few families who were not previously residents of Zapata have moved to the government-planned community. The people from Lopeho, Falcon, Uribeho, and Ramirreho are developing new villages on the highway. Only ten families from Lopeho moved to Zapata, and some of them claim they will return to Lopeho as soon as the new site is developed. The residents are rebuilding their villages at their own expense. All lack the adequate water and sanitation facilities that are being supplied in Zapata. The Central Power and Light Company has provided electricity. Residents of the isolated ranches along the river are building their new homes on the highway. The central axis of settlement has shifted from the river to the highway. Even the move to the highway has not been without discord. There has been difficulty in selecting new village sites. There are now two new vil¬ lages of Lopeho, about a mile apart. The post office is in one and the school is in the other. This same situation has occurred in Tennessee (Scott, 1948) and in Missouri (Muehlbeier, 1950) and resulted in a splitting of public services. The most pressing problem facing the inhabitants of Zapata Coun¬ ty in 1954 was economic. The greater part of the money-making irri¬ gated land is now under water. Few of the farm owners have been paid for their land. The government has not permitted individual farmers to pump water out of the lake onto newly developed land. Original plans called for the establishment of an irrigation district of from 10,000 to 15,000 acres. The high cost of such a project, the ap¬ parent reluctance of grazing-land owners to sell, and the inability of the people to agree on a plan have brought the project to a halt. Last winter construction of new homes and other projects provided work. 36 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE This source of income is almost gone. Because of the drought, ranch¬ ing and dry farming have provided very little income. Many families have left temporarily to find work, and most of these have gone into migratory farm labor. The lack of cash has reduced business, and merchants have extended credit to the limit of their capacity. De¬ velopment of the recreational potential of the lake has not begun and is still an unknown quantity. Commercial fishing began in 1 954. How¬ ever, since it was done by men moving in from other areas, it has added very little to the incomes of the local residents. The problems encountered in the relocation of the people of Zapata County are not entirely unique. Similar difficulties in moving people have been encountered in the building of other dams (Scott, 1948; Wilkening and Gregory, 1941; Muehlbeier, 1950; Muehlbeier, 1951; Muehlbeier, et aL, 1951; Muehlbeier, 1948; Shanley, et aL^ 1938), taking of marginal land out of cultivation (Hill, et al.^ 1938), re¬ location to avoid river flooding (Nicholas, 1948), and acquisition of land for large industrial plants (Chapin, 1952). There is positive need for planning to relieve the impact of relocation resulting from such projects. The announcement of plans to build a dam on the San Gabriel River near Laneport in Williamson County, Texas, has al¬ ready raised a storm of protest from the farmers within the proposed reservoir. The Great Plains Council, composed of the directors of agricultural extension services of the Plains states and representatives of other interested agencies, has been doing some planning to pre¬ pare for the many projects being developed in that area (Muehlbeier, et al., 1952) . BIBLIOGRAPHY Bailey, Wilfrid C., 1952 — “Cotton Center, Texas, and the late agricultural settle¬ ment of the Texas Panhandle and New Mexico. Texas J. of Sci. 4(4) :482-486. Campa, a. L., 1939 — “Manana is Today.” The New Mexico Quarterly 9(1):3-11. Chapin, F. Stuart (ed), 1952 — Development of guides for urbanization in rural areas affected by building of large industrial plants: An interim report. Wash.: Housing and Home Finance Agency. Hill, George W., Walter Slocum, and Ruth O. Hill, 1938 — Man — land adjust¬ ment: A study of family and inter-family aspects of land retirement in the Central Wisconsin Land Purchase Area. Agricultural Experiment Station Research Bulletin 134. Madison: The University of Wisconsin. Kristj ANSON, Kris, 1953 — TV A land acquisition experience applied to dams in the Missouri Basin. Agricultural Experiment Station Bulletin 432. Brookings: South Dakota State College. Lilienthal, David E., 1944 — TV A: Democracy on the March. N.Y. Harper & Bros. Leonard, Olen, and C. P. Loomis, 1941 — Culture of a contemporary rural com¬ munity: El Cerrito, New Mexico. Wash.: U.S. Dept, of Agriculture. RELOCATING THE PEOPLE OF ZAPATA, TEXAS 37 Mead, Margaret, 1953 — Cultural Patterns and Technological Change. Paris: UNESCO. Muehlbeiber, John, 1948 — Local effects of the proposed South Grand and Stockton Flood Control Reservoirs, Osage River Basin, Missouri. Jefferson City: Missouri Division of Resources and Development. Muelhbeiber, John, et al., 1950 — Local effects of the W appapello Reservoir, Wayne County, Missouri, with suggestion for lessening undesirable effects of reservoirs. Jefferson City: Missouri Division of Resources and Development. - , 1951a — Some local problems in connection with Harlan County Reservoir. Subcommittee on Local Impacts of Nebraska Reservoirs Report No. 1. Lincoln: Nebraska Coordinating Committee for Missouri Basin Resource Development. - , 1951b — Some local problems in connection with Trenton, Enders, and Medi¬ cine Creek Reservoirs. Subcommittee on Local Impacts of Nebraska Reservoirs, Report No. 2. Lincoln: Nebraska Coordinating Committee for Missouri Basin Resource Development. - , 1951c — Studies rweded on local problems with large reservoirs. Subcommit¬ tee on Local Impacts of Nebraska Reservoirs, Report No. 3. Lincoln: Nebraska Coordinating Committee for Missouri Basin Resource Development. - , 1952 — Reducing adverse effects of reservoirs. Great Plains Council Publica¬ tion No. 6. Agricultural Experiment Station Circular No. 293. Manhattan: Kansas State College of Agriculture and Applied Science. Nicholas, William H., 1948 — Shawneetown forsakes the Ohio. The National Geo¬ graphic Magazine 93 (2) : 273-288. Reissman, Leonard, 1954 — Class, leisure, and social stratification. Amer. Sociologi¬ cal Review 19(1): 7 6-84. Scott, Ronald F., 1948 — Carderview plans and builds — Community action on the shores of Watauga Lake. The Tennessee Planner. 8(4) : 99-106. Shanley, Clarence, et al., 1953 — Some local impacts of reservoirs in South Dakota. Agricultural Experiment Station Agricultural Economics Pamphlet 46. College Station: South Dakota State College. Watson, James B., and Julian Samora, 1954 — Subordinate leadership in a bicul- tural community: An analysis. Amer. Sociological Review. 19(4): 413-421. WiLKENiNG, Eugene A., and Cecil L. Gregory, 1941 — Planning for family relo¬ cation: Preliminary report on procedures followed and results obtained in evacu¬ ation of the basin of the W appapello Dam, Wayne County, Missouri. Agricul¬ tural Experiment Station Bulletin 427. Columbia: University of Missouri. Expository Drawing in the Biological Sciences by RUTH M, SANDERS Southwestern Medical School of The University of Texas ILLUSTRATIONS used in the field of biology — which, in its broadest definition, includes the field of medicine — may be placed in three general categories: (1) those that represent a subject realistically; (2) those that explain either structure or function; and (3) those that report the results of research and of statistical surveys in the various graph forms. The realistic illustration may be either a photograph or a drawing and it is in this group that photography has made its substan¬ tial contribution. The reporting of data through graph forms is a task for the draftsman; but, even though it may require much skill, it is a field limited by conventions and often lacking in life and color. It is with the second group — drawings of a schematic or diagrammatic nature — that the present discussion is concerned. They are the illus¬ trations that help the observer’s orientation and understanding. If one is preparing to make an expository drawing, is directing I someone else in making one, or is choosing one from available sources | for classroom or lecture demonstration, there are several questions j to be considered. The first and most obvious is, of course. “How can I li this graphic explanation be made most clearly?” Second, “How can j: it be made most accurately?” (The reference is not necessarily to ■ a picture image but to accuracy of exposition.) Third, “How can it be j made interesting and esthetically pleasing, within the bounds of its :: scientific nature?” | In regard to the factor, clarity of presentation, there is obviously ! some difference of opinion as to the degree of diagrammatic simpli- ; fication that a given subject should have for a given purpose. Many i diagrams stray so far from anatomical truth that much of their effec- | tiveness is lost. Fig. 1 and Fig. 2 are diagrams of the same subject, | the autonomic nervous system of man, presented for comparison. Fig. j ; 1 is similar to several versions seen in various texts. The spinal cord J stands like a totem pole in center with sympathetic fibers to the right j and parasympathetic to the left. Anatomical relationships have been j thrown to the winds and we see what could be parts of two eviscerated I individuals at the sides. This drawing was made to demonstrate how it should not be done. In Fig. 2, on the other hand, as much of the an- i 38 EXPOSITORY DRAWING IN BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES 39 atomical relationship is kept as is consistent with the explanatory pur- pose= The viscera have necessarily been pulled out from the spinal column and sympathetic trunk, but they are still related to each other in a fairly normal manner, and the differentiation between sympa¬ thetic and parasympathetic fibers is clear. This drawing gives a much better demonstration of the subject. Fig. I. Drawing of autonomic nervous system: example of poor presentation. Also, note blurred numerals with tone overlay. When we think of the accuracy of an expository drawing, we are considering its truth-revealing qualities, of course, more than its pictorial likeness to the object it represents, even though this likeness may be striking. This type of accuracy stems from understanding, which may be gained either through direct observations of the subject, 40 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE OCULOMOTOR N PAR ASYMPATHETIC SYMPATHETIC SUP. CERVICAL - GANGLION SALIVARY GLAND Vagus n.-/ THYROID GLAND STELLATE GANGLION ESOPHAGUS SPLEEN COELIAC GANG, SUP. MESENTERIC GANG. HYPOGASTRIC GANG. PELVIC ^ GANG. UTERUS RECTUM PELVIC N BLADDER Fig. 2. Autonomic nervous system. A schematic representation of the efferent nerves and effector organs. (Courtesy Dr. Arthur Grollman, Pharmacology and Therapeutics, Lee & Febiger, publishers) EXPOSITORY DRAWING IN BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES 41 through extensive reference to sound published opinion on it, or both. The drawing of a highly complicated and minute structure such as the human nephron, for instance (Fig. 3), requires many hours of back- PROXiMAL TUSULe Real3sor|3lrioFS of arsd thresh¬ old! AFFCRENT ARTEftlOte THIN SE0MENT Re. ah&0 r pt ian of water efferent ARTERSOLE DISTAL TUBULE Reabsorption of salt and water with secretion of Nfti* and H* INTER* UOBULAR VEIN PERI TUB WEAR NETWORK - INTERLOBULAR ARTERY COLLECTINIS TUBULE VASCVLAR eNOOTHeUWN QLONERULAR CAPILLARY UiTraf i Itmtion of pfo-smo. ViSCERAL- CAPSOi.;t« GLOMERULUS Fig. 3. The nephron, its blood supply, and cross-sections of its constituent parts, (Court¬ esy Dr. Arthur Grollman, Pharmacology and Therapeutics, Lea & Febiger, publishers) ground study as well as the observation of a number of microscope slides. This matter of understanding the thing-to-be-drawn as well as one can is obviously more basic than any other one factor insofar as accuracy is concerned. When considering the eye-appeal of a schematic drawing, one may note that many of the clearest and most accurate are also esthet- ically pleasing. Balance of masses, lines and lettering is not incon- 42 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE sistent, in most cases, with scientific truth. Even very specialized sub¬ ject matter can be made more interesting by an attractive layout. In the making of an expository drawing, there must be a key idea — a way of presenting the subject which can be developed to include all essential points. Therefore the first thing to do — and this cannot be overemphasized — is to study. If the same thing has been drawn before, try to find a fresh approach which is not already in the literature. At this time one should consider the audience, too, whether it is to be a group of specialists, for instance, or a layman group. Also, consider whether the drawing is to be published, whether it is for a lantern slide, or both; or whether it is for exhibit purposes with no reproduction process involved. The question of how or whether the drawing is to be reproduced involves media. Color may be used freely for exhibit purposes or for lantern slides, but the medical or biological artist on a school staff does not make many illustrations in color for publication because of the tremendous cost of color engraving. After actual work on the drawing is begun, the most difficult thing is to steer a straight course toward the goal of the clearest ex¬ planation without putting in or leaving out too much. One of these drawings usually goes through two drafts — and sometimes three — before it is put on final paper. There is the constant question of em¬ phasis and of subduing unimportant detail. Also, the relationship of parts must not be confused. In Fig. 3, for instance, an all-over stipple was used to differentiate the coils of the proximal tubule from those of the distal. If a stipple had been used on the entire structure, the re¬ lationship would have been confusing. There are various technical considerations that can do much toward making or marring a schematic drawing. Of very great im¬ portance is the labelling. In almost all cases, labels should be a part of the drawing, whether they are lettered by the artist or set in type at the margins. These labels should be in a clear open style of lettering, with words spelled out whenever practicable. When abbreviations are neces¬ sary, they should be immediately recognizable. The leader lines from these labels are just as important as the labels, because if the observer cannot tell what structure he is looking at, the label is useless. Un¬ broken leader lines are usually preferable to a dot or dash line, though not always. However the line is made, it must be firm enough to re¬ produce well without being too large, and its point of termination must be obvious. If there is likely to be any question about the end point, it may be made to spread slightly into a small firm dot. Where EXPOSITORY DRAWING IN BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES 43 a black line crosses dark structures or other dark lines, it is helpful to edge it with white. Fig. 4. A technical diagram in which arrows are used as part of the composition, as well as to convey a large part of the meaning. (Courtesy Dr. Donald Seldin) Arrows on a diagram should be as carefully made as the rest of the drawing and should be a part of the general composition (Fig. 4). An asymmetrical arrow point or unsteady shaft lines can make an otherwise good piece of work look amateurish. For compositions which are part tone technique and part line work, or for the ink lettering on a tone drawing, it is advantageous to use an overlay sheet of matte surface acetate for the pen-and-ink lines. This enables the engraver to make a clear separation of tone and line and leave the lines unscreened. This process of making two nega¬ tives which are used together for one cut gives more sharpness to the line work. Fig. 2 is an example of such a combination engraving and so is Fig. 5. Fig. 5 is also an example of a “pathology diagram.” The author believes that the use of more diagrams of pathological change 44 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE in tissues would materially aid the beginning student in this subject because he could learn the fundamental pattern of a lesion while studying the more complicated actual section under the microscope. Fig. 5. A "pathology diagram" of a chronic peptic ulcer. An acetate overlay sheet was used for the lettering. The four layers in the ulcer base are numbered and described as follows: (I) Necrotic debris and polymorphonuclear leucocytes; (2) Necrotic granulation tissue; (3) living granulation tissue; (4) dense scar tissue. Thickened serosa Focal collection chronic inf lamm atory cells Histology diagrams are likewise valuable and are in current | use in several texts. Fig. 6 is an example of a semi-schematic drawing I by Professor Lewis Waters which gives anatomical orientation to the j student of neuroanatomy. It is of interest that various fine hand stip- ' pies here have done more for the areas depicted than the commercial tone sheets would have done. | These prepared tone sheets are a time-saving aid, however, in the making of diagrams. By their use, a line or stipple effect can be i quickly and neatly produced, even though it may have a stereotyped appearance. It is not good to apply such sheets over lettering or figures | unless a clear area is cut out around the lettering. In Fig. 1 , the blurring ' or smudgy effect of a tone sheet over numerals is demonstrated. An example of expository drawing for the layman is the pre¬ sentation of a coronary occlusion shown in Fig. 7. In the original, • which is in color, the myocardial infarct is blue. The left coronary artery, most frequent site of trouble, is opened to show the obstructing I clot. By indicating an extensive infarct and recovery from it through j; EXPOSITORY DRAWING IN BIOLOGICAL SCIENCES 45 Taenia of fourth Nucleus Fourth ventricle vent, intercalatus Principal vest. nucL Lateral vest, nucleus Inf. cerebel¬ lar peduncle Sp. tr. and nucL of N. V N. IX NucL ambiguus Vent, spino cerebellar tr. Dor, accessory olivary nucl. Hilus of olive Med. accessory olivary nucleus Vent. ext. arcuate fibers Fig. 6. Drawing of section through medulla {Courtesy Prof. Lewis Waters) Hypoglossal Dorsal motor nucleus nucleus of vagus nerve Solitary tract and nucleus Medial long, fasciculus Reticular subst. Olivocerebellar tract Vagus nerve Lat. reticular nucleus Thalamoolivary tr. Inf. olivary nucl. Med. lemniscus Hypoglossal nerve Pyramid (corticospinal tr.) Arcuate nucleus oblongata at level of upper end of olive. TW£ H0NTHS,MT£R ONE_ TYPE or CORONARY OCCLUSION Injumd heart : mu&cles Malmd ^Blood clot in hnrd&.n«d carcsnary Scar formed Myocardml infarct'^ (Area of heart muscle injured |i||||ipi|||ip:f ■ 'df ■antgrfgf’enee with blood supply) Collateral circuf dp IPn e<&tabiMhod Fig. 7. Semi-schematic representation of a coronary occlusion. Copy of color drawings from a medical exhibit, "The Heart", prepared for public display by The Department of Medical Art, Southwestern Medical School. the establishment of collateral circulation, we hoped to convey the optimistic fact that the heart is often capable of withstanding severe disease. Numerous explanatory drawings published throughout scientific literature indicate that this field is one of the most challenging 46 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE in biological and medical art today. It is one of that can never be replaced by photography, and that makes a unique contribution toward the dissemination of knowledge. Obs-ervations on tbe Incidence of Dermocystidium marinum Infection in Oysters of Apalachicola Bay, Florida by C* E. DAWSON* Institute of Marine Science, T he University of T exas INTRODUCTION THE existence of the oyster parasite Dermocystidium marinum Mackin, Owen and Collier (1950) in Apalachicola Bay oysters, Crassostrea virginica (Gmelin), was confirmed by a small number of observations made during the fall of 1952 (Ingle and Dawson, 1953). The aim of the present study was to ascertain the distribution and degree of infection of parasitized oysters on the more important oyster bars. It was expected that this information would be of benefit in the planning of future State or private planting programs. A particular aim of this study was to determine whether or not the infection of oys¬ ters by D. marinum was confined to areas of relatively high salinity. The assistance provided by Mr. R. Wing of the Florida State Board of Health, and Mrs. H. Griswold and Mr. J. Martina, Jr., of the Florida State Board of Conservation in the collection of samples and the tabu¬ lation of routine data is gratefully acknowledged. The author is in¬ debted to Dr. Gordon Gunter for criticism of the manuscript. MATERIALS AND METHODS During the period from June 26, 1954, through July 2, 1954, a total of 401 oysters from nineteen stations in Apalachicola Bay (Fig. 1 ) were examined for the presence of D. marinum. Stations were selected so that they would, in most cases, coincide with previously established hydrographic stations, and for their location on -or near commercially productive oyster beds. Each unit sample, 9 to 1 1 oysters, was chosen at random from un¬ culled oysters gathered by commercial tonging methods. The sizing of oysters into “large” and “small” samples was likewise done at random from the tong pile. Only one “gaper” was included. The re- * Formerly Biologist, Division of Oyster Culture, Florida State Board of Conser¬ vation. 47 48 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE maining oysters all exhibited effective valve closure even after several hours of exposure. The anus and approximately 5-7 mm. of the posterior gut of each oyster was cultured in thioglycollate medium inoculated with penicil¬ lin and streptomycin, as recommended by Ray (1952). Incubation was for a period of seven days and estimation of the degree of infection was based on the criteria set forth by Ray et al. (1953). Although the slides prepared from heavily infected oysters showed the typical blue to blue-black color, all determinations were made after microscopic inspection. Salinity determinations were made with sea water hydrometers and water temperatures were obtained with a Gemware surface ther¬ mometer. OBSERVATIONS Of the forty unit samples observed, three samples, totalling thirty oysters, were free of D. marinum. These negative samples were obtained from Stations 15, 31 and 34A. No additional samples were obtained from Stations 31 and 34A. The remaining unit samples ail showed some degree of infection. Infection of all oysters in a unit sample was found at Stations C, 1 1 , 1 7 and Dry Bar. OBSERVATIONS OF DERMOCYSTIDIUM IN OYSTERS 49 Of the 401 oysters examined, 50.1 per cent were infected with D, marinum. Light infections were found in 28.2 per cent; moderate and heavy infections were each found in 11.0 per cent of the total. The observations on infection by D. marinum are summarized for each station in Table 1. Table I Summary of observed Dermocystidium infection in Apalachicola oysters. No. No. No. No. No. Total Station Sampled Negative Light Moderate Heavy Infection C 30 10 8 4 8 20 11 20 1 8 7 4 19 12A 10 7 2 1 0 3 13 19 8 3 4 4 11 15 20 16 3 0 1 4 17 51 18 14 9 10 33 31 10 10 0 0 0 0 32 40 30 8 2 0 10 34 10 5 2 3 0 5 34A 10 10 0 0 0 0 37A 10 3 6 1 0 7 44A 31 19 7 3 2 12 45 10 4 5 0 1 6 46A 10 6 4 0 0 4 60C 20 7 9 1 3 13 69 60 31 19 5 5 29 71 10 3 4 2 1 7 Dry Bar 20 8 6 1 5 12 11 Mile Bar 10 4 5 1 0 6 TOTAL; 401 200 113 44 44 201 PER CENT INFECTION 28.17 10.97 10.97 50.12 Simultaneous unit samples of “large’’ and “small” oysters were obtained from Stations C, 11 and 15. Small oysters were taken to be those ranging from 2 to 3 inches in length. Large oysters were those in excess of 3.5 inches. All samples of small oysters showed a lower per¬ centage of infection than was present in the corresponding sample of large oysters. The reduced infection of small oysters applied to all stages of infection. A comparison of the total observations on large and small oysters is presented in Table 11. From September, 1953, through August, 1954, a number of surface salinity observations were obtained from seventeen of the nineteen oyster sampling stations. The maximum, minimum and mean salinity 50 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Table II Analysis of D. marinum infection in samples of large and small oysters. No. No. No. No. No. o/ /o Size Sampled Neg. Lt. Mod. Hvy. Infected 2-3 ins. 30 16 6 3 5 46.7 -{-3,5 ins. 30 7 9 6 8 76.7 for each station is shown in Table III. In view of recent laboratory studies which ahow that D. marinum may be transmitted and de¬ velop to the acute state in sixteen weeks (Ray, 1954), salinity data available for the six month period from January through June, 1954, is provided in Table IV. Table III Observed surface salinities in o/oo; September, 1953, through August, 1954. Per cent D. marinum infection during sampling period shown for each station. Station No. Obs. Max. Salinities Min. Mean /o ^ Infection C 14 18.4 1.2 9.5 66 11 42 25.6 0.3 7.6 95 12A 42 38.9 0.4 10.0 30 13 39 38.9 0.4 17.2 58 15 39 39.9 0.4 17.7 20 17 26 37.5 1.2 17.7 65 31 38 29.3 1.3 11.2 0 32 18 31.3 5.3 14.3 33 34 15 36.0 5.5 19.5 50 34A 7 33.7 6.7 17.4 0 37A 18 29.2 3.7 13.0 70 44A 14 38.4 9.8 19.0 63 45 26 39.2 1.1 18.3 60 46A 16 38.1 0.8 19.3 40 60C 8 28.0 13.8 21.8 65 69 31 37.2 18.4 29.3 48 71 31 35.4 4.7 20.8 70 ' There is little variation in surface water temperatures from station to station in Apalachicola Bay. Observed annual temperatures ranged from a maximum of 35.0°C. in July to a minimum of 10.0°C. in Jan¬ uary. After April 1, 1954, there was no observed water temperature j below 20.0°C., and temperatures constantly in excess of 25.0°C. were | observed after May 31. Temperature averages for June and July were i 28.3°C. and 30.8°C., respectively. i OBSERVATIONS OF DERMOCYSTIDIUM IN OYSTERS 51 Table IV Observed salinities, o/oo; January through June, 1954, Per cent D. marinum infec¬ tion during sampling period is shown for each station. Station No. Obs. Max. Salinities Min. Mean o/ /o ^ Infection C 4 14.7 1.2 7.4 66 11 21 18.4 1.1 5.8 95 12A 20 19.0 1.1 7.3 30 13 20 23.2 0.5 9.8 58 15 19 24.4 0.4 11.2 20 17 16 26.2 2.4 14.5 65 31 28 29.3 1.3 10.6 0 32 15 29.2 5.3 13.1 33 34 12 35.1 5.5 17.4 50 34A - 7 33.7 6.7 17.4 0 37A 17 30.3 5.0 12.1 70 44A 12 27.6 9.8 17.5 63 45 18 26.5 3.4 15.7 60 46A 9 23.8 6.0 15.5 40 60C 6 26.1 13.8 20.3 65 69 24 36.0 18.4 27.8 48 71 24 32.5 4.7 16.2 70 DISCUSSION Evidence is presented to show that Dermocystidium ma¬ rinum infections were present on the commercial oyster beds of Apala¬ chicola Bay, from Station 60C (Goose Island) in the east to Station 59 (Indian Lagoon) in the west, during the sampling period. A compari¬ son of the per cent of total infection with geographical location indi¬ cates that the disease was widespread throughout the area. Sampling was insufficient to permit statistical analysis of the rela¬ tive incidence of D, marinum infections on the individual bars. Paucity of samples may also account for the negative observations recorded from Stations 31 and 34A, since neighboring beds all exibited some degree of infection and no unusual hydrographic conditions were in¬ volved. This possibility is supported by the fact that whereas the original unit sample from Station 15 was completely negative, a sub¬ sequent sample exhibited a 40 per cent infection. A further considera¬ tion is the possibility that a few of the observations on the posterior gut and anus were diagnosed as negative when other portions of the oyster supported light infections. Occurrences of this nature were noted byRay^?£z/. (1953). Since much of the previous work on D. marinum has been directed toward the pathology of the disease and methods of transmission, rela- 52 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE lively large numbers of gapers have been included in most observa¬ tions. Except for the one gaper included, the present study was con¬ fined to live oysters. The single gaper was taken at Station 1 7, and the infection was diagnosed as light. In conjunction with oyster mortality studies in Barataria Bay, Louisiana, Mackin (1953) determined the incidence of infection in a sample of 112 live oysters. A number of studies have been made on the infection of gapers and on combined samples of live oysters and gapers, but this sample is the only published one restricted to live oys¬ ters. Although the date of sampling is not given, it is assumed to have been during September, 1949, as that is the month given for the com¬ pletion of this one phase of his mortality experiments. This being the case, it is further assumed that the indicated incidence of infection was normal for samples of live oysters in Barataria Bay during periods of high water temperature, and that the data may thereby logically serve as a basis of comparison with the Apalachicola Bay observations (see Table V). Table V Relative infections of D. marinum in oyster samples from Apalachicola Bay and Barataria Bay. Location No. Sampled % Neg. % Lt. % Mod. % Hvy. % Infect. Apalachicola Bay 401 49.9 28.8 11.0 11.0 50.1 Barataria Bay 112 47.6 35.9 11.7 4.7 52.4 Although there is no reason to expect identical observations from the two localities, a general similarity of incidence in all categories will be noted. The oysters from Barataria Bay were fixed and sectioned while my determinations were made by the cultivation method. The difference observed in the percentage of heavy infections might be assigned to greater frequency of massive individual infections in the Florida oysters sampled, but the case is not clear. The size of the sam¬ ples were different and the techniques used in estimating the degree of infection differed. Thus a difference of heavy infection amounting to approximately six per cent of the total oysters sampled may not be significant, although compared on a basis of per cent of heavy infec¬ tion to per cent of heavy infection the difference is considerable. Whether heavy infections on the order of 1 1 per cent were present in the entire oyster population of Apalachicola Bay during the sam¬ pling period is not certain. It is noteworthy, however, that this is the highest percentage of heavy infections so far reported for samples of live oysters. OBSERVATIONS OF DERMOCYSTIDIUM IN OYSTERS 53 The rapid growth of oysters in Apalachicola Bay results in the development of three-inch oysters in less than fifteen months, and isolated individuals have been found to attain this size in four months (Ingle and Dawson, 1952). The study of D. marinum infections in large and small Apalachicola oysters (Table II) can therefore be rea¬ sonably interpreted as a comparison between infections of one-year oysters and older individuals. The present observations agree, then, with Mackin’s Louisiana observations and his statement (1951) that oysters under one year of age are not as extensively infected as are older, market size, individuals. In the literature on the infection of oysters by D. marinum one frequently finds statements to the effect that massive infections occur under conditions of high temperature and high salinity. Such state¬ ments usually fail to indicate the limitation of the term “high salinity,” and do not differentiate between a massive infection of the individual oyster and the massive infection of the sampled population. They also leave the thought, by inference, that massive infections do not occur in waters of low salinity. Massive infections, when mentioned in this paper, refer to the individual. Mackin (1953) has shown that the incidence of infection in oysters kept in warm water is eight times as great as in those kept in cool water. No consideration is given here to the effect of water temperature on the incidence of infection, for the study was made when temperatures were high. The Apalachicola oysters were subject to water tempera¬ tures in excess of 25.0°C. after May 31 and throughout the sampling period. The waters of Apalachicola Bay are subject to wide variations of salinity both daily and over extended periods. The differences between surface and bottom salinities at the sampling stations were less than 1.0 o/oo. Reference to Tables III and IV will show that D. marinum infections, in all intensities, occurred at stations with mean annual salinities ranging from 7.6 o/oo to 29.3 o/oo, and means covering the six-month period prior to sampling of from 5.8 o/oo to 27.8 o/oo. Sample stations had observed annual and six-month maximum salinity ranges of 39.5 o/oo and 29.6 o/oo respectively. Of particular interest are the data obtained from Stations C, 11, 12A and 13. These stations are all located near the mouth of the Apalachicola River and are gen¬ erally subject to lower salinities than the other stations sampled. Mean salinities at these stations for the period from January through June ranged from 9.8 o/oo to 5.8 o/oo. In the 79 oysters examined from these stations there was a total incidence of infection of 67.1 per cent. 54 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Light infections were found in 26.6 per cent of the total sample, and the moderate and heavy categories each accounted for 20.2 per cent of the infections. If localities of high salinities are taken to be those where the annual mean is in excess of 17.7 o/oo and the sampled oysters are grouped according to their origin in areas of high and low salinity (Table VI), then it will be seen that the incidence of moderate and heavy infections is greatest in low salinity even though the total in¬ cidence is greater in the high salinity range, but the difference is not enough to be statistically significant. To all intents and purposes the different categories of infection were found to be roughly the same. Table VI Incidence of D. marinum infections in relation to high and low salinity. Salinity No. Sampled % Neg. % Lt. %Mod. %Hvy. % Infect. “Low” 7.6— 17. 7 o/oo 230 53.5 22.6 12.2 11.7 46.5 “High” 18.3—29.3 o/oo 151 49.7 33.1 9.3 7.9 50.3 Essentially the same thing is shown in a different way in Table VII. This table is derived from Tables I and IV. Samples with two or less moderate and heavy infections per ten oysters sampled are compared with samples with three or more moderate and heavy infections per ten oysters sampled. The mean salinities from January to June, 1954, were slightly less on the more heavily infested beds. Massive Dermocystidium marinum infections of Apalachicola oys¬ ters may occur in areas of low mean annual salinity and where the annual maximum salinity is less than 20.0 o/oo. Although heavy in¬ fections occur in localities with mean salinities of 5.8 o/oo, theer is no evidence to indicate that this constitutes the minimum salinity re¬ quirement for the development of massive D. marinum infections. It should be noted that this study was not a mortality study and has nothing to present on that score. Mackin (1950, 1951 ) states that mas¬ sive infections of Dermocystidium marinum develop under conditions of high temperature and high salinity. Hewatt and Andrews (1954) state that D. marinum is known to be widely distributed in the high salinity waters of the Chesapeake, and they seem to think that Vir¬ ginia mortalities are caused by this disease; but they have presented no data to support these statements. High salinity has frequently been stated as a condition for the development of massive infections, but no data have yet been published on the relation of salinity to the inci- OBSERVATIONS OF DERMOCYSTIDIUM IN OYSTERS 55 dence of D. marinum and resLilting mortalities. The present study re¬ fers only to the incidence of infection and gives no data on mortality. It shows that massive infections occur in Apalachicola oysters under conditions of high temperature and low mean salinity. Table VII Samples with two or less moderate and heavy infections per ten oysters sampled are shown with their salinities compared to samples with three or more moderate and heavy infections per ten oysters. Station No. Oysters No. Mod. & Hvy. Mean Sal. Jan.-June 12A 10 1 7.3 15 20 1 11.2 31 10 0 10.6 32 40 2 13.1 34A 10 0 17.4 37A 10 1 12.1 bD 44A 31 5 17.5 45 10 1 15.7 46A 10 0 15.5 60C 20 4 20.3 69 60 10 27.8 231 25 Av. 15.3 C 30 12 7.4 11 20 11 5.8 13 19 8 9.8 > > 17 51 19 14.5 CQ 0) N-( 34 10 3 17.4 71 10 3 16.2 140 56 Av. 11.9 No effort is made here to assess the economic loss to the oyster fish¬ ery as a result of the presence of the disease in Apalachicola oysters, but it is considered to be of a high order. For several years oystermen have complained that, although large oysters are present in quantity on Cat Point Bar (Station 17) from January through April, legal sized, three-inch oysters are always extremely scarce at the resumption of oystering on this bar in September. A total incidence of infection of 65 per cent was noted at Station 1 7 during this study, and it is not in¬ conceivable that an extraordinarily high annual summer mortality of large oysters results from widespread D. marinum infections. This, 56 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE however, can only be ascertained by the examination of monthly samples of both large and small oysters throughout the year. There is a closed oyster season in Florida from May 1st through August 31st of each year, but this, at least in Apalachicola Bay, is circumvented by various effective subterfuges and the fishery is prose¬ cuted with little respite throughout the year. In view of the widespread nature of D. marinum infections, it seems probable that many of the oysters reaching the summer market would have succumbed to the dis¬ ease had they not been gathered prior to the opening of the legal season. LITERATURE CITED Hew ATT, W. G., and J, D. Andrews, 1954 — Oyster mortalities in Virginia. I. Mor¬ talities of oysters in trays at Gloucester Point, York River. Texas Jour. Sci. 6(2): 121-133. Ingle, Robert M., and Charles E. Dawson, 1952 — Growth of American oysters in Florida waters. Bull. Mar. Sci. Gulf Caribb. 2(2) : 393-404. - , 1953 — A survey of Apalachicola Bay. Fla. State Brd. Cons., Tech. Ser. No. 10: 1-39. Mackin, J. G., 1951 — Histopathology of infection of Crassostrea virginica (Gmelin) by Dermocystidium marinum Mackin, Owen and Collier. Bull. Mar. Sci. Gulf Caribb. 1(1): 72-87. - , 1953 — Incidence of infection of oysters by Dermocystidium in the Barataria Bay area of Louisiana. 1951 Convention Addresses, Nat. Shellfisheries Assoc., Wash, (processed) p. 22-35. Mackin, J. G., H. Malcom Owen and Albert Collier, 1950 — Preliminary note on the occurrence of a new protistan parasite, Dermocystidium marinum n. sp., in Crassostrea virginica (Gmelin). Science. 111(2883): 328-329. Ray, Sammy M., 1952 — A culture technique for the diagnosis of infections with Dermocystidium marinum Mackin, Owen and Collier in oysters. Science. 116(3014): 360-361. - , 1954 — Experimental studies on the transmission and pathogenicity of Dermocystidium marinum, a fungus parasite of oysters. Jour. Parasit. 40(2). Ray, Sammy, J. G. Mackin and James L. Boswell, 1953 — Quantitative measure¬ ment of the effect on oysters of disease caused by Dermocystidium marinum. Bull. Mar. Sci. Gulf Caribb. 3(1): 6-33. The Walam Olum of the Delaware Indians in Perspective by WILLIAM W. NEWCOMB, JR. Texas Memorial Museum THE Walam Olum, or Red Score, was a pictographic record on wooden sticks which was meant to accompany a mythological and historic chant of the Delaware Indians. The chant and the pictographic record were first translated and published by Constantine Samuel Rafinesque {The American Nations, 1836). D, G. Rrinton (1885: 154ff.) made an exhaustive study of Rafinesque’s manuscript and the published trans¬ lation of the Walam Olum, and came to the conclusion that the chant and pictographic record were authentic Delaware documents. There seems to be no reason why we should not accept Rrinton’s verdict, al¬ though we cannot as easily accept the accuracy of the migrations re¬ counted in the Walam Olum. One of the purposes of this paper is to inquire into the accuracy of the Walam Olum as an account of Dela¬ ware migrations. A second purpose is to examine the reasons why a people like the Delaware would produce a work such as the Walam Olum. There are other graphic representations of the tribal histories of North American Indians, but there are none from the northeast anal¬ ogous to the Walam Olum. Voegelin (1940: 30) has said of the Walam Olum in this connection: . it does not appear that the document is so aberrant as to be open to suspicion regarding its authenticity as a native production. Rather, dis¬ tributional evidence seems to show that many of its elements were not limited to the Delaware alone but were fairly widely distributed among Eastern Woodlands tribes. The combination of these elements in the Walam Olum is, so far as we know now, unique to the Delaware. The Walam Olum consisted of a creation myth, a deluge myth, and what purported to be the subsequent history of the tribe. The mythol¬ ogy was consistent with Algonquian mythology in general (Rrinton, 1885:164). The migration legend in the historical section of the Walam Olum is slightly different from those described by various in¬ vestigators of the Delaware (Heckewelder, 1881:47-70; Zeisberger, 1871:32-6). We shall discuss this difference presently. According to Erin ton’s translation of the Walam Olum, the origin of the Delaware was in the far northeast, “probably at Labrador.” From here they 57 58 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE . journeyed south and west, till they reached a broad water, full of islands and abounding in fish, perhaps the St. Lawrence about the Thou¬ sand Isles. They crossed and dwelt for some generations in the pine and hemlock regions of New York, fighting more or less with the Snake peo¬ ple, and the Talega, agricultural nations, living in stationary villages to the southeast of them, in the area of Ohio and Indiana. They drove out the former, but the latter remained on the upper Ohio and its branches. The Lenape [Delaware], now settled on the streams in Indiana, wished to remove to the East to join the Mohegans and others of their kin who had moved there directly from northern New York. They, therefore, united with the Hurons (Talamatans) to drive out the Talega (Tsalaki, Chero- kees) from the upper Ohio. This they only succeeded in accomplishing finally in the historic period. But they did clear the road and reached the Delaware valley, though neither forgetting nor giving up their claims to their western territories (Brinton, 1885: 165-166). At least one modern investigator, using the Walam Olum as the basis for his deductions, has traced the Delaware migration all the way from Asia (Lilly, 1944: 33-40). Archaeological evidence does not seem to support the migration account of the Walam Olum. While archaeologi¬ cal knowledge of the area is imperfect, it indicates that the Munsee- Delaware peoples had long been residents of the mid-Atlantic Coast. There is evidence for the diffusion of some culture traits from other areas, and perhaps even migration into the area, but not of such a nature as to substantiate the migration tale found in the Walam Olum (Cross, 1941; Ritchie, 1944, 1949: 195-196; Smith, 1950: 116, 156- 157). There is no linguistic evidence, and we have been unable to dis¬ cover any other cultural traits, which would support the migration account of the Walam Olum (Voegelin and Voegelin, 1946: 188-192; Newcomb, 1953: 57—190) , In short, the only indication we have found for a southern and then an eastern migration of the Delaware is the migration account of the Walam Olum. Rafinesque did not give a very clear account of how he acquired the Walam Olum. He apparently obtained a record of the “Olum,” or the engraved wooden sticks in 1 820, but it was not until 1 822 that he ob¬ tained a written copy of the chant which was meant to accompany the pictographs (Brinton, 1885: 153ff.). We know, then, that the Walam Olum was produced before 1 820, but how much before this time it is difficult to say. We do find, however, that if we examine the nature and condition of Delaware life during the seventy or seventy-five years preceding the date when Rafinesque published the Walam Olum, we have a key to understanding why it was produced, and evidence which bears upon the validity of its migration account, as well as clues concerning its authenticity as a Delaware document. WALAM OLUM OF THE DELAWARE INDIANS 59 The Delawaran peoples prior to the coming of Europeans were a somewhat scattered, politically unorganized group, inhabiting an area extending from Delaware Bay on the south, through Manhattan Island, up the west side of the Hudson River to the Catskills on the north. Inland, they occupied the banks of the Delaware River and its tributaries northeast to the Hudson. Because of this geographic location they were in early contact with Europeans, and even before the open¬ ing of the eighteenth century they were being forced out of their homeland. By the second half of the eighteenth century scattered groups of Delaware were temporarily living in the Ohio Valley. In¬ stead of living a semisedentary life, pursuing a relatively peaceful gar¬ dening, fishing, and hunting existence, the Delaware had been swept into the precarious economy of the fur trade, and the political strug¬ gles of the British, French, and Americans. The Delaware were in¬ volved in all the wars of this era, starting with the French and Indian War and continuing through the Revolutionary War. Their basic sub¬ sistence techniques and general economy had been radically altered. Delaware bands were frequently without leaders, and those that ex¬ isted were often without power. Alcoholism, disease, starvation, and demoralization stalked every Delaware camp and village. Even the land they lived on belonged to the Piankashaw and Miami (Hodge, 1907: 240). The younger generation of Delaware was growing up ig¬ norant, perhaps even contemptuous, of the traditional ways of life. In short, during the latter portion of the eighteenth century every facet of Delaware life had been shattered, altered, or challenged. (See Newcomb, op. cit., 23-44, 191-217, for a more detailed account of this history. ) As so often happens when a people’s way of life is in the process of being radically changed by a conquering and dominant civilization, the Delaware between 1750 and 1812 underwent a series of nativistic movements. These nativistic movements were of the type which have been described as “revivalistic nativism” (Linton, 1943: 230-240). This form of nativism involved “an attempt to revive extinct or at least moribund elements of culture. . . .” (ibid.^ 231). The Delaware were becoming increasingly aware that their life was being radically altered, and that they were in large part helpless to forestall this change and disintegration. As is frequently the case in such circumstances, the Delaware tried to do by magical and religious means what they could not do by their own unaided efforts. About 1 750 prophets and messiahs began to appear among the Delaware, and they continued to appear sporadically until 1812 (Zeisberger, 1910: 20). These prophets taught 60 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE that by the proper ritual actions the deities would come to their aid and the trend toward cultural disintegration and collapse would be halted or even reversed. The earliest and most successful prophet, of whom we have knowledge, was known as the Delaware Prophet or the Imposter. His career reached its zenith about 1762 (Peckham, 1947: 98; Heckewelder, 1881: 293). This man had received in a vision in¬ structions from the Great Spirit on how to restore his people to their former state. The Great Spirit had told him that for the Delaware to regain their lands, and their former condition, they would have to make sacrifices and discard all the white customs that they had adopted. He also forecast war with the whites (Heckewelder, 1881: 293; Kenny, 1913: 171—172). His teachings were made concrete by a number of symbolic figures painted on a tanned deer hide. Replicas of this map were made, some on paper, and were sold by the Delaware Prophet. Some of the purchasers in turn seem to have become minor prophets (Heckewelder, 1881: 293). Parkman (1910: 215) recounted Pontiac as saying, however, that: A prayer, embodying the substance of all that he [z.c., the prophet] had heard, was then presented to the Delaware. It was cut in hieroglyphics upon a wooden stick, after the custom of his people; and he was directed to send copies of it to all the Indian villages. It seems likely that both of these accounts are correct and that the Delaware Prophet used both of these methods to bear his message. There were several other prophets; one was a Munsee Delaware called Wangomend who appeared in 1766, but unfortunately little is known about him (Heckewelder, 1881: 294). The last important prophet to be associated with the Delaware was Tenskawatawa, a Shawnee and a brother of Tecumseh. These two men lived for several years, beginning in 1798, at one of the Delaware villages on White River in present day Indiana. The Shawnee prophets’ teachings were essentially the same as those of the Delaware Prophets’, but we do not know whether painted sticks, or symbolic maps were used by him (Luckenbach, 1938: 392,261-262). It seems extremely unlikely that the period of revivalistic nativism among the Delaware should by mere chance coincide with the time when the Walum Olum might well have been produced. On the con¬ trary, we would expect a production such as the Walam Olum to ap¬ pear at just such a time. The Delaware were acutely conscious of their past and were desperately trying to revive it. They were viewing their aboriginal life through the wishful and sentimental eyes of a decimated and harried minority. What would have been more natural, you almost WALAM OLUM OF THE DELAWARE INDIANS 61 might say inevitable, than that some Delaware, perhaps one of the prophets, would symbolize by pictographic record the traditional myths and legends of his people? The myths and legends would of course be based upon, or derived from, the traditional tales, but the emphasis and perhaps even their content would be changed to suit the conditions of the age. We have seen that at least one way in which the Delaware Prophet spread his doctrine was by painted sticks. It does not seem at all strange that the origin tales, myths, and traditional history should be portrayed in a like manner. If we turn to a closer examination of the Walam Olum, several other parts of it are now more clearly understood. The Walam Olum em¬ phasized that the Delaware had never given up their claims to the western lands in the Ohio Valley (Brinton, 1885: 166). We have seen that during the latter part of the eighteenth century the Delaware were temporarily dwelling in this area on the lands of the Piankashaw and Miami. If the Delaware could claim this land as once having been their own, they would be in a much stronger position, morally if not legally, to retain possession of it. From this point of view, considerable doubt is cast upon the validity of that part of the Walam Olum which re¬ counts former Delaware occupation of this land. In the fourth section of the Walam Olum is found a long list of chiefs, together with their exploits. They are described as tribal rulers having considerable power {ibid., pp. 167-168). This information does not square with what is known of Delaware political organization at the opening of the historic period. There were then no persons who functioned as tribal chiefs, the largest political unit being the com¬ munity, at most composed of several villages. Over a community there was “a titular chief sachem” who had little power (Wallace, 1949: 9). In the winter when individual families were hunting, even this rudi¬ mentary organization was absent. The anomaly is cleared up if we view the Walam Olum as a product of the late eighteenth century. Early in this century Delawaran peoples, as well as remnants from other groups, had consolidated and the Delaware tribe had emerged. Tribal chiefs, wielding considerable authority, had for a time brought security and order to Delaware society. In the latter half of the century, through military disasters and cultural decay in general, tribal society was weakening and tribal leaders were losing their authority. In look¬ ing back to a Golden Age, a nativistically oriented person would almost certainly focus the heroic (if mythical) accomplishments of his peo¬ ple upon these chiefs. The list of chiefs may or may not be mythical, 62 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE but almost certainly it does not apply to any pre-European tribal chiefs. No credence can be given their exploits. Another curious aspect of the Walam Olum is more easily under¬ stood by viewing it as a product of the second half of the eighteenth century. The traditional migration tales of the Delaware mention only a migration from west to east, none from the northeast to the south¬ west and then to the east, as does the Walam Olum. Brinton (op. cit., 145) says that the legend of migration from northeast to southwest is “common to the western Algonkin tribes, the Kickapoos, Sacs, Foxes, Ottawas and Pottawatomies. . . .” The Delaware were in contact with these people by the second half of the eighteenth century. Could it be that part of the migration legend of the Walam Olum was a diffusion to the Delaware from one of these western people? Again, then, doubts arise as to whether the Walam Olum is a true account of Delaware migrations. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS By examining the nature and conditions of Delaware cuh ture during the three-quarters of a century prior to the publication of the Walam Olum, we find that we have a new perspective with which to gauge and understand this document. Viewed in this light it becomes difficult to accept the Walam Olum as an authentic account of Dela¬ ware migrations. It seems rather to be an account, by a despairing per¬ son unable to gain his customary satisfactions from a life that no longer existed, of a Golden Age which never was. In short, our hypothesis is that the Walam Olum came into existence as an adjunct of the nativis- tic movement. Indeed the Walam Olum plainly appears to be the mir¬ ror image of a nativistically oriented people, rather than an authentic account of their history. There seems to be no reason for rejecting the Walam Olum as a genuine Delaware document; on the contrary, it would be a logical accompaniment of a revivalistic movement. BIBLIOGRAPHY Brinton, D. G., 1885 — The Lenape and their legends. Philadelphia. Cross, Dorothy, 1941 — Archaeology of New Jersey. Archaeological Society of New Jersey and the New Jersey State Museum, Vol. 1. Trenton. Heckewelder, John, 1881 — History, manners, and customs of the Indian nations who once inhabited Pennsylvania and the neighboring states. Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Vol. 12, Philadelphia. Hodge, F. W., 1907 — Handbook of American Indians north of Mexico. Bulletin, Bureau of American Ethnology, 30, Pt. 2. Washington. Kenny, James, 1913 — Journal of James Kenny. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 37: 1-47, 152-210. Edited by J. W. Jordan. Philadelphia. WALAM OLUM OF THE DELAWARE INDIANS 63 Lilly, Eli, 1944 — Tentative speculations on the chronology of the Walam Olum and the migration route of the Lenape. Proceedings of the Indiana Academy of Science, 54: 33-40. Indianapolis. Linton, Ralph, 1943 — Nativistic movements, American Anthropologist, 45: 230- 240. Menasha. Luckenbach, Abraham, 1938 — The Moravian Indian Mission on White River. Edited by L. H. Gipson. Indiana Historical Collections, Vol. 23. Indianapolis. Newcomb, W. W., 1953 — The culture and acculturation of the Delaware Indians. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Rackham School of Graduate Studies. Ann Arbor. Parkman, Francis, 1910 — The conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian war after the conquest of Canada. 6th edition, Vol. 1. Boston. Peckham, H. H., 1947 — Pontiac and the Indian uprising. Princeton. Ritchie, W. A., 1944 — The Pre-Iroquoian Occupations of New York State. Rochester Museum Memoir 1. Rochester Museum of Arts & Sciences. New York. - , 1949 — The Bell-Philhower site, Sussex County, New Jersey. Indiana His¬ torical Society, Prehistory Research Series, 3(2). Indianapolis. Smith, C. S., 1950 — The archaeology of coastal New York. Anthropological Papers, American Museum of Natural History, 43(2). New York. VoEGELiN, E. W., 1940 — Culture parallels to the Delaware Walam Olum. Pro¬ ceedings of the Indiana Academy of Science. 49: 28-31. Indianapolis. VoEGELiN, C. F., AND E. W., 1946 — Linguistic considerations of northeastern North America, in Man in Northeastern North America. Frederick Johnson, editor. Papers of the R. S. Peabody Foundation for Archaeology 3, New York. Wallace, A. F. C., 1949 — King of the Delawares: T eedyuscung 1700-1765. Phila¬ delphia. Zeisberger, David, 1871 — The life and times of David Zeisberger. Edited by Ed¬ mund De Schweinitz. Philadelphia. - , 1910 — David Zeisberger’s History of Northern American Indians. Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly Publications. 19 (1-2). Columbus. Thiamine and Riboflavin Content of Commercial White Bread by NELL DAVIS North Texas State College INTRODUCTION IN 1943 the Forty-eighth Texas Legislature passed article 4476, which pertains to the enrichment of white flour and white bread sold in Texas (1). Section three of this article states that, “On and after the effective date of this Act it shall be unlawful for any person to manu¬ facture, bake, sell or offer for sale, or to receive in interstate shipment for sale for human consumption in this state, any bread or flour un¬ less the following vitamins and other ingredients are contained in each pound of such bread or flour: (a) not less than 1.0 milligram of vitamin B, (thiamine) ; (b) not less than 4,0 milligrams of nicotinic acid (niacin) or nicotinic acid amide (niacin amide); and (c) not less than 4.0 milligrams of iron.” The Federal Standards set up by the Federal Security Agency (2) were higher than those set up by the State of Texas, being minimum and maximum for thiamine 1.1 mg. to 1.8 mg., riboflavin .7 mg. to 1.6 mg., niacin 10.0 gm. to 15.0 mg., and iron 8.0 mg. to 12.5 mg. per pound (2). According to Robert R. Williams (6), an effort has been made to secure the use of enriched flour by bakers. Some bakers have tried en¬ riching their flour but have discontinued the practice because the costs were slightly increased. In order to insure meeting the stand¬ ards, the millers must incorporate a slight excess of the vitamins in the flour due to inaccuracies in feeder equipment and possible lengthy periods of storage before the flour is put to use. The baker can add the vitamins directly to the dough, which usually reaches consumers in twenty-four to forty-eight hours (3) . The Texas ruling, as such, is an excellent one, but the act does not provide any means of enforcing it. True, it does provide for a penalty or penalties if the act is violated, but it does not set up money for periodic checks. From an earlier private communication of an independent prelimi¬ nary study, it was found that all bread tested had been enriched, but 64 THIAMINE AND RIBOFLAVIN OF WHITE BREAD 65 the values varied so much that it was assumed the enrichment had been poorly made or inadequately added. All white bread must be labeled as such to comply with the pro¬ visions set up by the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act. The Texas label states (2) that, “One-half pound of this bread supplies you with at least the following amounts or percentages of your minimum daily requirements for these essential food substances — thiamine (vitamin BJ 55%; riboflavin (vitamin 17.5%; niacin (another B vita¬ min) 5 milligrams, and iron 40%.” With the above information, and because of the difficulty of getting vitamin B^ in the diet, it was thought that the present study might be of interest. PROCEDURE Samples of ten brands of commercial enriched white bread and one sample of whole wheat bread were purchased in the public retail markets in Denton, Texas, in the spring and summer months of 1953. Three analyses for thiamine and three for riboflavin were made on each brand from samples purchased on three different days, making a total of thirty-three different loaves tested. All analyses were made in triplicate. Sampling of the loaves was made by taking the third slice from each end as well as the center slice of the loaf, making a total of three slices. These samples were weighed and mixed in a Waring Blender with a known amount of distilled water. If analysis was not made at once, the samples were refrigerated until analyses could be made. Thiamine determinations were made by the thiochrome method by oxidation of thiamine to thiochrome (3). Biboflavin determina¬ tions were made by the fluorometric method (3) . DISCUSSION OF RESULTS The average thiamine values (Table I) of the samples of the ten brands of white bread ranged from 0.51 mg. per pound to 1.47 mg. per pound. The average thiamine content of the whole wheat samples was 1.10 mg. per pound. Of the ten brands of white bread analyzed, only three brands, Wr., Jr., and Mk., met the state require¬ ment of 1.0 mg. per pound; however, the whole wheat bread contain¬ ing an average of 1.10 mg. exceeded the state standard. These three samples, Wt., Wr., and Jr., also met the minimum standard of 1.1 mg. set up by the Federal Security Agency. The samples which did not meet the state requirement for thiamine varied from 51 % to 83% of the standard 1.0 mg. None of the samples was lower than 50%. 66 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE The sample supplying 99% of the thiamine requirement was a milk bread containing the equivalent of one-half pint of whole milk in each one and one-half pound loaf. Riboflavin values of the white bread samples all surpassed the mini¬ mum standard of 0.7 mg. per pound as set up by the federal agency. Riboflavin was not included in the state regulation. Average values for riboflavin ranged from an average of 1.73 mg, to 3.43 mg. per pound. The samples of whole wheat bread averaged 2.15 mg. per pound and the milk bread 2.38 mg. These values supplied from 247% to 490% of the minimum federal standard with milk bread furnish¬ ing 341%. There were two samples of white bread, Wr. and Jr., that exceeded the sample of whole wheat bread in quantity of both thiamine and riboflavin. Niacin and iron analyses were not made. The low values for thiamine might be explained by the fact that thiamine is very readily destroyed by alkali or the pH of the dough. The pH as well as high, dry heat in baking would very greatly influ¬ ence the amount of thiamine present in the bread. The low values for thiamine might be explained by the fact that thiamine is very readily destroyed by alkali. Pace and Whitacre (5) found retentions of thia¬ mine to be good from 80-89%, when the pH of corn bread batters did not exceed 6.0, but with a pH of 6.25 to 6,6 the retentions ranged from .5% to 73%. Since it is unlikely that soda was used in making these commercial yeast breads, the destruction of thiamine in the dough could have been due to the high temperatures used in baking. Harrel et al. (4) observed that thiamine losses in bread baked at 424° F. for 20 minutes and bread baked at 475° F. for 30 minutes varied from 6.8% to 29.1 7%. The very high values for riboflavin may be due to the addition of dry milk solids to many of the commercial breads now on the retail market. According to Robert R. Williams (6), variable amounts of skim milk solids are used in bread in addition to the use of enriched flour. When the two, skim milk solids and enriched bakery flour, are used together, there is often an excess of riboflavin. More uniformity of enrichment in bakeries could be attained if all used enriched bakery flour (4). From the results of the present study, it is apparent that all the manufacturers of the bread tested are complying with the state law, and the wide variation in thiamine and riboflavin content may be due to the technique of adding the vitamins. THIAMINE AND RIBOFLAVIN OF WHITE BREAD 67 Table I Thiamine and Riboflavin values per pound of white breadf Thiamine Riboflavin Dates Sample Ave. Range Tex. Fed. Ave. Range Fed. mg. mg. o/ /o o/ /o mg. mg. 9/ /o 4-16 4-29 7-28 Hm 0.51 0.29-0.68 51 47 1.73 1.36-2.32 247 (1)* 7-16 7- 28 8- 11 Fs 0.59 0.34-0.75 59 54 2.09 1.57-2.50 299 (3) 5-2 7- 28 8- 11 Ws 0.62 0.56-0.72 62 56 2.49 1.55-3.20 355 (9) 7-16 7- 28 8- 11 Bs 0.64 0.76-0.94 64 59 2.25 2.09-2.53 321 (5) 4-29 7- 28 8- 11 Sk 0.76 0.45-0.95 76 69 2.42 2.21-2.56 346 (7) 4-29 7-16 7-28 Cs 0.76 0.63-0.97 76 69 1.94 1.62-2.45 277 (2) 4-29 7-16 7-28 Te 0.83 0.69-1.08 83 75 2.42 2.66-4.05 346 (8) 7-16 7-20 7-30 Mk 0.99 0.92-1.04 99 90 2.38 1.82-2.72 341 (6) 7-8 7-16 7-28 Wtf 1.10 0.45-1.52 110 100 2.15 1.68-2.40 307 (4) 4-29 7-16 7-28 Wr 1.29 0.87-1.51 129 118 2.83 2.36-3.27 404 (10) 7-6 7-8 7-16 Jr 1.47 1.24-1.77 147 134 3.43 2.52-4.83 490 ( 1 1 ) * The numbers in parentheses represent the order of the riboflavin from the lowest to the highest — ■ 1 through 11. t Wt. represents the only samples of whole wheat bread. BIBLIOGRAPHY 1. Vernon's Texas Statutes, I — 1948 — Acts, 48th Legislature, 1943, p. 305, ch. 199. 68 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE 2. American Institute of Baking — Enriched bread — Facts and tables about its nutritive value. Consumer Service Department. Chicago, Illinois. 3. The Association of Vitamin Chemists, Inc. ,1947 — Methods of vitamin assay. Interscience Publishers, Inc. New York. See pp. 73-85, 102-110. 4. Harrel, C. G., R. C. Sherwood, Betty Sullivan, and W. L. Rainey, 1941 — Vitamin B, loss in baking. Baker’s Digest XVI: 42-45. 5. Pace, Jane K., and Jessie Whitacre, 1953 — The relation of pH to the retention of thiamine, riboflavin, and niacin in corn bread. Food Research XVIII: 231-238. 6. Williams, Robert R., 1954 — Food enrichment progress and controversial issues* Agriculture and Food Chemistry XV: 770-774. The Distribution of the Suckermouth Minnow, Phenacobius mirabilis, in Texas by CLARK HUBBS and WILLIAM F* HERZOG The University of Texas THE suckermouth minnow, Phenacobius mirabilis (Girard), has been known to occur in the coastal streams of Texas since Jordan and Gilbert’s (1886) records from the Sabine River at Longview and the Trinity River at Dallas. Although many subsequent authors have mentioned the occurrence of this fish in the state, only Evermann (1892) has listed a supplementary locality, i.e., the Trinity River at Magnolia Point, ten miles southwest of Palestine.* Three records of the suckermouth minnow are now available from the Colorado River System: Texas Natural History Collection No. 1263 from the Pedernales River at Ranch Road 93 crossing 22 miles west of Austin, by John D. Riggs and R. D. Stephens on March 4, 1951; T.N.H.C. No. 3815 from the Colorado River at the mouth of Shoal Creek in Austin, by Herzog and Thomas E. Kennerly, Jr., on October 14, 1954; and T.N.H.C. No. 3816 from the same locality, by Herzog and John R. Hilliard, Jr., on October 15, 1954. No detailed ecologic information was made on the single specimen collected by Riggs and Stephens. The three specimens collected by Herzog et al. were from very swift water with a heavy growth of Potomogeton. During the fall of 1954 seven additional specimens have been collected from under boulders in this riffle. Many collections have been made in the Colorado River rapids at the mouth of Shoal Creek by the authors and various students at The University of Texas since 1950 without catching any suckermouth minnows. It is possible that this fish has been introduced into the Colorado River System by bait release. However, if so, Riggs and Stephens’ 1951 record would require that the introduction occurred early in the period of intensive collections in the vicinity of Austin. Only Jordan and Gilbert’s collection from this locality reported in 1886 is available to check on fish distribution prior to 1950. Obviously one collection will not suffice for negative evidence. * Jordan (1878) recorded the suckermouth minnow from the Rio Grande at Brownsville. Hubbs (1954b) indicated that the locality data for the fish reported by Jordan were in error. 69 70 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE We feel that the two collections of the suckermouth minnow from the same riffle on consecutive days is not a coincidence. It is likely that this species is more abundant there than at any time since 1950. Many of the riffle fishes appear to be more abundant than in the past. Hubbs (1954a) had only twelve specimens from the entire Colorado River System for his study of variation of Hadropterus scierus. Dur¬ ing the four-year period less than ten specimens of Hadropterus have been collected from this riffle. The two collections containing Phena- cobius had eleven Hadropterus. We suspect a similar increase in the abundance of suckermouth minnows. Recently four other cyprinids have been added to the known fauna of the Colorado River by Jurgens (1954), who felt that all four had been recently introduced as bait. Although some or all of those min¬ nows may have been introduced, we feel that of these only Semotilus is not native to the Colorado River System. All of the others have established populations in the river. During prehistoric floods the var¬ ious rivers of central and eastern Texas must have been connected by floodwaters and any of the pelagic fishes which normally inhabit the main streams would have been transported to other systems. Those that could survive the ecologic conditions in the new river established populations at that time, which would only be supplemented by re¬ leased bait. The suckermouth minnow supports this hypothesis. It is rare over its entire range. Moore and Paden (1950) stated that it was nowhere abundant in Oklahoma. In addition to the three Colorado River records from Texas, only the following two can be added to those known from Texas: T.N.H.C. No. 3202 from the Sabine River 12 miles south-southwest of Marshall, by Hubbs and Kirk Strawn on July 9, 1953; and T.N.H.C. No. 3817 from Owens Creek nine miles south of Henderson, by Hubbs and Strawn on July 10, 1953.'^ Although few of over one hundred collections from eastern Texas, which we have examined, were from streams as large as the Sabine, many were from creeks very similar to Owens Creek. As in Oklahoma, its occur¬ rence in eastern Texas must be considered to be rare. It is unlikely that bait fishermen would capture them in numbers. The suckermouth minnow is believed to have a natural distribution typical of many fresh-water fishes. The southwestern limit to its range is along the Balcones Escarpment. Thus water chemistry rather than stream divides appears to be the major barrier to its southwestern distribution. * These collections were made during a field trip supported by The National Science Foundation. DISTRIBUTION OF SUCKERMOUTH MINNOW 71 The collections from which adequate ecologic data are available have only clear water and rapid current in common. Vegetation is nil in the Sabine and Owens localities and heavy in that from the Colo¬ rado. The bottom was boulders in the Colorado locality, clay in the Owens locality, and coal boulders scattered over sand in the Sabine locality. With the exception of Owens Creek, each collection is from a large stream. Unfortunately too few large stream collections are available to be sure if the suckermouth minnow is more common in large streams than small streams in Texas. BIBLIOGRAPHY Evermann, Barton W., 1892 — A report upon investigations made in Texas in 1891. Bull. U.S. Fish Comm. 11:61-90. Hubbs, Clark, 1954a — A new Texas subspecies, apristis, of the darter Hadropterus scierus, with a discussion of variation within the species. Amer. Midi. Nat. 52(1): 211-220. - , 1954b — Corrected distributional records for Texas fresh-water fishes. Tex. J. Sci. 6: 277-291. Jordan, David S., 1878 — Notes on a collection of fishes from the Rio Grande, at Brownsville, Texas. Bull. U.S. Geol. and Geog. Surv. 4: 397-406 and 663-667. - , AND Charles H. Gilbert, 1886 — List of fishes collected in Arkansas, Indian Territory and Texas, in September 1884, with notes and descriptions. Proc. U.S. Nat. Mus. 1886: 1-26. Jurgens, Kenneth C., 1954— Records of the genera Notropis and Semotilus from central Texas. Copeia (2): 155-156, Moore, George A., and John M. Paden, 1950 — The fishes of the Illinois River. Amer. Midi. Nat. 4‘4'(1): 76-95. Notes on the Uzbek Culture of Central Asia hy BABUR CAGATAY and ANDREE F. SJOBERG TODAY in the heart of Central Asia live the Uzbeks, a people about whom the outside world knows little. It has been estimated that they number more than 6,000,000. They live primarily in Uzbekistan, al¬ though they actually occupy a much broader area. It is often over¬ looked that approximately 500,000 Uzbeks live in present-day Afghan¬ istan (Jarring, 1939). This paper deals with one sub-group of these Uzbeks of Afghanistan. The primary purpose of this study is to call attention to some of the characteristics of Uzbek culture. Despite the fact that these peo¬ ple have developed a high culture of their own, detailed information concerning many aspects of their life is lacking. We are concerned herein with that group of Uzbeks living in Kabul. Now citizens of Afghanistan, most of the older generation came as refugees from various cities of Uzbekistan during the 1920’s and very early 1930’s. The Kabul Uzbeks are not a homogeneous group. The various urban communities in the traditional Uzbek area have had their own distinctive sub-cultures; this has, for example, been reflected in patterns of speech and dress. Furthermore the sub-cultures in rural areas typically have differed from those in urban centers, the latter having been more highly influenced by Persian culture. Between 2,000 and 3,000 Uzbeks live scattered throughout the city of Kabul. The greater part of these have been influenced by the Tash¬ kent sub-culture. The ensuing discussion relates primarily to this sub¬ group, although many of the generalizations hold for the others as well. This must constantly be kept in mind. One special note of caution must be made. The data recorded herein are one person’s observations. Thus some biases may well exist. In spite of this obvious limitation, it is hoped that some appreciation and understanding of Uzbek culture will result from publication of this material. The senior author^ (temporarily in the United States) is 1 The junior author is primarily responsible for organizing and writing the paper and assumes full responsibility for the phonemic transcription of the Uzbek words recorded herein. No attempt has been made at a comparative analysis of the cultural data. However, whenever possible the observations have been checked against perti¬ nent sources in a number of languages, although no special effort has been made to cite these herein. Gideon Sjoberg provided most valuable assistance in the organi¬ zation and writing of the paper. 72 UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 73 now in his early twenties. He has spent his lifetime in Afghanistan, mostly in Kabul, although he also has some familiarity with such Uz¬ bek cities of northern Afghanistan as Andkhui and Mazar-i-Sharif. BACKGROUND MATERIALS One Uzbek origin legend has been heard by the senior au¬ thor. This states that two Uzbek brothers were governing a certain area in Central Asia. Some people from Sinkiang Province attempted to conquer them but experienced difficulty because the brothers were so closely united. However, they finally succeeded in getting the two brothers and their people to fight one another. In the end only a boy and a girl were left, starving in the desert. Here they encountered a wolf. The boy spread his turban cloth on the ground and the wolf started playing with it. Then the wolf, pulling on the turban cloth, led the couple to an inhabited city. Tradition holds that this boy and girl were the “progenitors” of the present-day Uzbeks. And to this day the wolf is an important symbol in Uzbek culture. The history of the Uzbeks is in fact quite blurred. Some Uzbeks today believe they are descendants of Genghis Khan. However, it ap¬ pears that the Uzbeks as a whole are genetically a mixture of the origi¬ nal Turkic tribes as well as the Mongol conquerors and other groups who have drifted in and out of Central Asia. Culturally it seems that the Turkic groups living in Turkestan have undergone considerable change as a result of the intrusion of Islam into that area beginning in about the seventh century, the Mongol conquests of the thirteenth century, and the expansion of Iranian culture a century later. The Uzbeks may have become a separate and distinct group only after this time. Thus Barthold (1945) argues that the Uzbek people separated from the Kazaks as recently as the fifteenth century. However, on this and other facets of Uzbek history wide disagreement exists, especially concerning the specific role of the Uzbeks in the development of the urban cultures of Central Asia. Their contribution in this sphere does not appear to have been given any real attention. Language, The Uzbeks speak one of the languages of the Turkic sub-group of the so-called Ural-Altaic linguistic family. The Uzbek language includes a number of dialects. Each of the major cities — e.g., Tashkent, Bokhara, Andijan — as well as each of the various rural re¬ gions inhabited by the Uzbeks, evidently has had its own character¬ istic dialect. (The speech of the senior author seems to have been in¬ fluenced by that of Tashkent.) The situation is further complicated 74 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE by the fact that the speech of many areas — especially certain urban centers — has undergone considerable ‘hranization.” For purposes of this paper the phonemes of the senior author’s speech, which does not necessarily follow the written language, are as follows (the symbols are adapted from the International Phonetic Alphabet) : i, e, u, o, a, p, b, t, d, k, g, q, c, ], f, v, x, y, h, s, z, s, 1, m, n, w, r, y (’ indicates palatalization of the preceding consonant). This list is tentative. Some revision in the number of phonemes may possibly result from more intensive study of the Uzbek lan¬ guage. Certainly a full-scale analysis of Uzbek — including the manner in which Arabic and Persian loanwords have been incorporated into it — is sorely needed. The works of such authors as von Gabain (1945), Wurm (1945), and Jarring (1938) represent preliminary efforts. No real analysis of the language is undertaken here. However, notice should be taken of the interrelationships between the language and the Uzbek social structure. The linguistic patterns to a degree reflect the social positions of the speaker and the person being ad¬ dressed. Verb forms especially point this up. Thus if one were to ask a person to give him a book, the following alternatives might be em¬ ployed: 1. Kitabni the book 2. Kitabni the book 3. Kitabni the book 4. Kitabni the book man-ga to me man-ga to me olayimmi may I take ola take ber (sing.) give berir] (pi.) give bilurmammi may I Ideally each of these forms is used in a specific kind of social situa¬ tion. The first alternative is typically employed when one addresses a person in a lower social position. Examples of this would be a servant if younger than the speaker, one’s son or daughter, one’s brother if he is younger, one’s sister if younger or of the same age (male speak¬ ing), and one’s wife. It is also used among friends if they are rela¬ tively young. The second form, in which the plural of the verb is employed, con¬ veys more respect. This is generally used when speaking to one’s mother, one’s husband, one’s older brother, one’s sister if she is quite a bit older, and a servant if clearly older than the speaker. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 75 The third is typically employed for addressing one’s father or one’s teacher. It is used when speaking to an upper-class person and to an elderly person even if of the lower class. And two old people, when conversing with one another, make use of this form. The fourth alter¬ native is more formal than the third but is used in the same social sit¬ uations. There is, however, more uncertainty on the part of the speaker that his request will be granted. The particular kind of social structure found among the Uzbeks is also suggested by the existence of certain sex differences in speech. Uzbek men, especially those with some formal education, pronounce words of Arabic origin in a manner closer to that of standard Arabic than do women (these words deal mostly with religion). Thus a man may pronounce the name of the Prophet, '‘Muhammad,” whereas a woman may say “Muxammat.” And in conversation women are apt to use different pitch patterns than men. Uzbek women also make considerable use of euphemisms in their speech. ECONOMIC LIFE Among the Uzbeks it is the pattern for women to stay at home, running the household and taking care of the children, while the men work outside in the community. In this respect there is a rather rigid division of labor. Most Uzbek men in Kabul are employed in various kinds of commercial activities — e.g., in the clothing busi¬ ness (both wholesale and retail), and in the operation of bakeries, restaurants, public baths, and barber shops. A few are engaged in ex¬ port-import trade. A few remarks should be made about the manner of conducting business among the Uzbeks of Kabul. As in most pre-industrial cities, extensive haggling over the price of merchandise takes place; consider¬ able skill is thus required in the marketing of goods. Uzbek business¬ men utilize an abacus (cot) in making calculations. This abacus dif¬ fers from those typically employed in China and Japan in that it lacks a cross-bar. A diagram of this type of abacus is given by Smith (1925: 176). Of particular importance is the role of the Muslim religion in eco¬ nomic life. The lending of money for interest is prohibited. But some special methods of moneylending do occur. If a person is in need of money, a friend may lend it to him for an indefinite period of time, and the lender assumes that he may never be reimbursed. This form, called qarzi hasana, is carried out in a very round-about manner. Money may also be lent according to a process called qarz^ in which 76 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE a definite time limit is set for the return of the loan. In neither case is interest collected. Some people, however, will ‘lend” money to a person to help him run or establish a business, with the stipulation that the lender will share in the profits or loss incurred in the venture. Food. Meals are eaten three times a day, in addition to which tea is drunk at irregular intervals, even by the men at their place of work. If possible, people take all of their meals at home; generally only poor persons eat in restaurants. However, men often take their lunch to work with them or send a boy to buy some food in the market place to be eaten in the shops. The purchasing of food for the household is usually done by the men, whereas women do the cooking except at very large feasts. The Uzbeks, following the injunctions of their religion, wash their hands before eating whenever this is at all possible. When guests are present, or even certain family elders, a large oval basin, preferably of brass, is provided. The head of the family, or perhaps one of the sons, carries this receptacle around with a pitcher of water and a towel. Beginning with the guests and elders, he pours over each indi¬ vidual’s hands some water which runs through the perforated cover into the bottom of the basin. No soap is used at this time; it is, how¬ ever, utilized for washing the hands after a meal. Another important feature of each meal is the saying of bismilla before eating and allahu akbar or perhaps a longer prayer after eating. At meals the family sits on the floor in one room. There is, for the financially able, wall-to-wall carpeting on the floor and long rectan¬ gular cotton quilts along the four sides of the room, an opening being left at the exit. People sit on these quilts. Upon the carpet is spread a large rectangular sheet of cotton cloth which serves as a “table.” The younger members of the family sit near the door and the older people at the opposite end of the room. Furthermore, women sit on one side of the “table” and men on the other, with a minimum of conversation being carried on between the sexes. Very young children may sit anywhere. Women eat resting on one knee; on the other hand, men sit crosslegged with the feet in front. Here as in other situations peo¬ ple are supposed to sit quietly without fidgeting. The old people begin eating first. Solids such as meat, rice, or bread are picked up and eaten with the right hand. (The left hand is never used in eating, being reserved for “unclean” purposes.) A spoon or sometimes a piece of bread is employed for semi-solid or liquid foods. Knives are utilized for certain dishes, but forks are nonexistent. While eating, a person is careful not to drop food upon the floor because UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 77 someone might step on it. Some believe that the individual who drops the food as well as the one who steps on it will go blind. The first meal of the day, which is eaten about seven o’clock in the morning, typically consists of tea and of cream eaten with wheat bread. Whenever possible there will also be eggs, either scrambled or fried in butter, or a cold rice cereal soaked in milk, or pancakes made from eggs and wheat flour. For the second meal of the day, taken at about noon, the Uzbeks may eat kawah (kabob) or sorwa with bread and drink either a cold beverage like ayran in the summer or tea in the cooler seasons. If guests are present during the afternoon, glasses of a fruit drink, usually lemonade, are served; otherwise, people take tea and cookies. The evening meal, at about six or seven o’clock, is the most important. Typical dishes are pilaw and qazan kawah, a dessert of fruit or vegetable preserves, and bread and tea. A variety of other foods are eaten by the Kabul Uzbeks. A detailed discussion of the more important dishes follows. Little if any coffee is used. Tea is the favorite drink, black tea be¬ ing preferred over green. It is drunk hot from cups without handles. Usually only sugar is added; however, for the morning meal it may be prepared with milk. To make this drink, qaymaq cay, the Uzbeks boil water, add some black tea, allow the water to boil once more, and than add milk. Next they pour the tea from one pot to another several times until it acquires a “rosy” color. A little butter is added, and the beverage is drunk from large china bowls. Milk is an important beverage and many families keep a cow. From milk are made yogurt and butter. No cheese is made by the Kabul Uzbeks. Yogurt is prepared by bringing milk to a boil and adding yeast of yogurt. This preparation is allowed to stand until it becomes a colloidal substance. Diluted with a little water and served cold it makes a beverage called ayran. Butter is made by churning yogurt in a cylindrical wooden churn. Salt is added as a preservative. A number of meat dishes are prepared. Meat must be eaten from animals which have been slaughtered according to certain religious norms — e.g., the throat must be slit: in this way the blood drains off more easily. The Uzbeks, like other Muslims, abstain from eating pork. Although horsemeat and beef and occasionally game and fish are consumed, mutton is the most popular meat. It is frequently made into kawab. This is prepared by cutting meat into small cubes and covering these with onions so that the latter’s flavor will be absorbed. These meat cubes are stuck onto flat iron sticks along with pieces of fat from the fat-tailed sheep, tomato, and liver. The sticks are then laid over a 78 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE charcoal brazier in the kitchen. Kawab is eaten by holding the stick in the left hand and sliding off the food with a piece of bread held in the right hand. Qazan kawab is a preparation made from pieces of mutton fried in a pan with sliced onions and a little shortening. Sorwa is a soup made by boiling mutton with the fat left on with some carrots, potatoes, onions, etc., all of which have been cut into pieces. In winter the ingredients might be fried first in a good deal of shortening before they are boiled. Qawrma is a stew of mutton, vege¬ tables, and spices which is typically eaten with pilaw. Another mutton dish is manti. Raw meat is chopped finely with a heavy meat cleaver. Then wheat dough made with butter and eggs is wrapped around-the meat, to which onions and fat have been added, and the whole is shaped into a ball. These “meat pies” are steam-cooked in special containers which are either cylindrical or cone-shaped. The pies are set upon a series of perforated discs which, in the cylindrical cooker, have short legs so that they rest one on top of the other. In the cone-shaped container the discs are of graduated sizes so that they fit tightly against the inside wall. A tuswara is a somewhat smaller meat pie which is twisted into the general shape of a human ear. Instead of being steam-cooked it is boiled in water. Another kind of meat pie is yupqa. This is made by rolling out wheat dough very thin and “baking” it in a large frying pan, two and a half to three feet in diameter. It is then moistened with a little melted butter and spread with cooked ground meat. The sides are folded over to form a rectangular pie. This dish is eaten cold at the morning meal. Two special meat pies served at marriage feasts are somsa and waraqi. Two kinds of somsa are made. In one, mutton is spread on a circular piece of dough, the sides of which are then folded over toward the center. In the other, mutton is placed instead on top of several rectangular layers of dough. Both types are baked in an oven. Waraqi is a circular piece of dough spread with mut¬ ton and folded in half to form a semi-circular pie which is fried. A popular dish eaten on winter evenings is norin. Qazi^ an impor¬ tant ingredient of this, is made about a year ahead of time. The Uzbeks take strips of raw, boneless horsemeat and cut these crosswise into small pieces to which are added salt, horse fat, and cumin. The mixture is stuffed inside horse intestines and allowed to dry. Frequently this qazi is hung in the kitchen so that after a time it becomes smoked. To make norin, the Uzbeks boil fresh horsemeat with the bone left in it. The juice is saved for later use. Next they prepare a dough of wheat flour and eggs. This is rolled out very thin and cut into six-inch squares which are boiled and then spread on a large reed mat to cool. They are UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 79 buttered on both sides and cut into strips about one inch wide. Finally these strips of dough are piled one above the other and cut crosswise into “matchsticks.” If norin is being prepared for about fifteen people, two of the aforementioned qazi will be cut up into small pieces. Next the bone is removed from the boiled horsemeat and the latter is cut finely. By now most of the meat and dough has been converted into “matchsticks” about one inch long. The ingredients are mixed together in a kettle in proportions of about one part meat to three parts dough, and the meat stock which has been set aside is re-heated and poured over them. After a few minutes the juice is drained off, and the stew is eaten with the fingers from special china bowls. A most important staple is wheat bread, which may be either leav¬ ened or unleavened. The loaves, about one inch thick, are flat and circular. Uzbek women bake bread almost every day in a tandir^ a large barrel-shaped oven of clay and bricks (Fig. 1). Typically this is outside the house in the interior courtyard, where it rests upon a plat¬ form of bricks set up against a wall. The oven is approximately 3 to 4 feet long and 2 to 2^/2 feet wide at the aperture. It has an insulating cover of mud and bricks. Inside the oven a charcoal or wood fire is laid above a small opening which, combined with a hole at the top, permits air to be drawn through. (Air flows into the bottom of the oven through a passageway in the brick platform. ) About thirty pieces of dough may be slapped onto the hot inside wall of the tandir by an individual who wears long gloves of quilted cloth. When the loaves are baked they are removed with a spatula. Ordinarily this bread is eaten fresh. But left-over loaves may be ground up, mixed with sugar, and soaked in milk to make a dish, nan tolqan, eaten at the morning meal. From wheat flour and eggs are prepared a number of noodle dishes. One of these is layman. The dough is rolled out with a wooden rolling pin into a large circular sheet which is folded accordian-wise and then cut across in narrow strips. Next these noodles, each about four feet long, are dropped into boiling water. They are served topped with a stew made from mutton fried with onions and later boiled with potatoes, carrots, and turnips, all the ingredients being cut into small pieces. As is a dish made with noodles that are short and narrow. These are cooked in a stew similar to that mentioned above except that it con¬ tains more juice. Yogurt is placed on top when the dish is served. Pilaw, a rice dish, is an extremely important food. To make this, rice is left to soak for two or three hours. In the meantime, onions are fried in a deep pan until they become somewhat transparent. Next, pieces of mutton, or sometimes chicken, are fried in this pan for about ten min- 80 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE utes. Water and raw carrots cut into “matchsticks” are added, and the whole is allowed to boil until the meat is almost tender. Then almonds, soaked raisins, salt, cumin, among other ingredients, are mixed in. Finally the rice is placed on top, more water is added to cover, and the entire mixture is cooked slowly until most of the water is gone. When the rice is tender the pilaw is covered and “baked” on top of the stove for about half an hour before serving. At home pilaw is eaten from china plates or occasionally a large oval or round platter (lagan ) made of copper plated with a tin alloy. From five to seven persons may share one of these platters. The Uzbeks eat pilaw by scooping it up on the fingers of the right hand and pushing it into the mouth with the aid of the thumb. At festivals, for which a great deal of pilaw is often made, the rice and the qawrma are cooked in separate pots. The pilaw is prepared in a large cast-iron kettle called a yurt (“community”) qazan. This is UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 81 five or six feet in diameter at the mouth and has four small “ears” for handles. Several of these may be used at a very large feast. Smaller kettles are employed for cooking the qawrma. Each pot is set into a fire-pit lined with bricks and stone in the interior courtyard. Pilaw is served at festivals on the large copper platters, the qawrma being placed around the pilaw. Most of the utensils for use at large ceremonies are owned jointly by the Uzbeks of Kabul and are held by one family when not in use. (The senior author was told that in Tashkent each quarter of the city had its own distinctive copper platters and cast-iron kettles which were the common property of the residents. Here, the cooking pot is called a mahalla [“quarter”] qazan.) As for vegetables which are eaten, carrots, potatoes, eggplant, and spinach are the most common, although turnips, beets, squash, etc., are also prepared. Carrots are especially popular, being consumed raw, boiled, as jam, as pickles, etc. Eggplants are commonly eaten fried, topped with salt and yogurt, or made into pickles. Salads of tomatoes, onions, red and green peppers, cucumbers, etc., may be taken as an afternoon snack during the summer. Also fruits are eaten fresh or made into preserves. Pastries and candies are prepared. Quhili is a small, flat, triangular or diamond-shaped piece of sweet dough which is fried. Salla is a long, narrow strip of sweetened dough twisted around several times like a turban cloth and then fried. Another pastry, qatlama, is made by rolling out dough into a large circle, then cutting this into strips, which are buttered and laid one on top of the other. This pile in turn is rolled up, set on its side, and flattened to about the size of a dinner plate. It is fried slowly and afterwards topped with sugar and ground pistachio nuts. A popular sweet is nisalla, which resembles marshmallow but is less viscous. It is usually eaten with a spoon. Nawat, a rock candy, is made by boiling sugar with water and allowing the solution to crystal¬ lize onto long strings. Finally, there are various soft candies called halwa. A few people take snuff, nas^ which they carry in elaborate gourd containers. Some older persons still utilize the water-pipe ( cilim ) when smoking tobacco. There is some smoking of hashish, which is either mixed in a cigarette with tobacco or else stuck on the end of a piece of wire and allowed to burn, the smoke being inhaled through the paper straw. Clothing. The following is concerned with the clothing of the Kabul Uzbeks, although some attention is given to the more traditional Uzbek dress. Men generally wear two-piece western-style underwear. Over 82 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE this they place a long-sleeved cotton shirt which buttons down the front as far as the waist. It has a high neck without a collar. (The traditional Uzbek shirt, worn even today in northern Afghanistan, has its open¬ ing on one shoulder, closed by a button.) Most of the older Uzbek men in Kabul still wear ihan, very full trousers of thin white cotton. These are sometimes six to eight feet wide at the waist and are pulled in by a drawstring. The shirt typically hangs outside. Some men wear west¬ ern-style trousers with the shirt tucked in. Boys, and sometimes men, wear jodhpur-like pants which are tucked into high boots. A waistcoat is commonly worn over the shirt. Over all of this is placed a ton^ a loose quilted coat which opens down the front and reaches to the middle of the lower leg. It is usually of striped cotton. (Persons in¬ fluenced by Tashkent culture wear a ton with stripes in solid colors, whereas, for example, those who follow the Bokhara style of dress have different bands of color within each stripe.) The front of the ton may be edged with an elaborately embroidered band. In winter men wear a postin which, although similar to the ton, is lined with lamb’s wool or fox fur. Or a shorter type of postin, called postinca, may be worn. The cakman is an unlined, unquilted topcoat in a solid color. Now¬ adays western-style coats are more and more coming to be adopted. Men and boys typically shave their heads. However, they do not go about bareheaded. Boys and young men may wear a karakul cap or a toppi. The toppi is a cap of cotton, felt, or occasionally velvet. It may be rounded or slightly pointed on top. 0|lder men, especially religious persons, typically wear the turban. This is a long strip of cotton cloth wound about the head several times and worn fairly low on the ears. It may be in stripes or solid neutral colors, although the more devout wear white ones. Western-style shoes are worn by men, although boots reaching to the knee are also popular among boys and younger men. These boots are worn over paytawa. Or some men place mahsi over the paytawa instead. A paytawa is a long strip of cloth wound about the foot and ankle. A mahsi is a black leather stocking, with the seam up the back, extending to just below the knee. Galoshes are worn over this outside the house. As for women’s clothing, their underwear consists of two pieces, a shirt and short pants. Over this is placed a long-sleeved dress which reaches below the knees; those worn by older women are longer than those for young women. The dress buttons part way down the front or back. Under it are worn trousers like those for the men except that they are not as full at the waist and are made from finer material. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 83 These are in various colors and designs. In cold weather girls may also wear a waistcoat. Over the aforementioned items of clothing, women may wear a ton, although this is not as loose as that for men, or per¬ haps a fur- lined postin. Even in the house a woman usually wears on her head a romal, which is a kerchief folded into a triangle. The two ends may be tied under the chin, secured under the hair, or simply left hanging on the shoulders. Older women generally wear white kerchiefs, younger women colorful ones. The latter sometimes wear an especially elab¬ orate kerchief ( qarsi ). (Women keep the headcloth on when they don the veil.) Women go veiled outside the home after puberty. The traditional Tashkent veil, worn by a few old women in Kabul, consists of two parts (Fig. 2; cf. Olufsen, 1911: 482).. The first part is the cacwan, a large rectangular piece of dark-colored gauze made from horsehair. This completely covers the face and extends almost to the waist. It is secured by a band buttoned at the back of the head. The second part is the paranji, a coat-like covering which is draped over the top of the head. This is open in front and reaches almost to the feet. It has two sleeves which are not used but are simply left hanging. The paranqi is usually in a neutral color but is sometimes elaborately embroidered. Nowadays most women wear a one-piece paranp which is draped over the head and body and reaches almost to the ground. Although this garment is open in front from the waist down, the upper part of the body is com¬ pletely covered. Some threads are removed from the portion in front of the eyes so that a gauze-like opening is left. Most women wear western-style shoes and stockings. Older women may wear paytawa and high boots, the trousers being tucked into the boots. Or they may wear paytawa with mahsi; often galoshes or low slippers (kawus) are placed over these. Women also wear kawus with ordinary stockings. As a rule, shoes, boots, galoshes, and kawus are not worn in rooms which are “furnished.” Women wear the hair long, reaching almost to the waist, and parted in the middle. It is customary for a married woman to wear two braids or occasionally only one. Little girls may wear from three to twenty or more small braids. Women secure the plaits by working a piece of cotton batting into the ends and then twisting it tightly. Young women frequently blacken their eyebrows. They use a brush which has been dipped into a substance extracted from a plant ( osma ) or into charcoal obtained by burning the meat of almonds. They also apply henna to the palms of the hands and backs of the fingers. Women 84 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE who can afford it wear jewelry, especially long earrings, necklaces, bracelets and rings. Most women’s clothing, as well as the shirts and istanlar (pL) of the men, are made at home on sewing machines from cloth purchased in the market. Clothes are washed in large clay pots with hot water and Fig. 2. The traditional paranji or veil. soap. The istanlar^ for example, are washed every other day. Clothes are pressed with an iron into which hot charcoals have been placed. The women carry this back and forth to the kitchen in order to re¬ plenish the charcoals, a practice involving considerable patience and labor. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 85 FAMILIAL ORGANIZATION Among the Uzbeks we find an extended family system in which kinship is reckoned patrilineally. A typical extended family or household consists of a man and his wife, their unmarried children, and married sons and their wives and children. In Kabul, as long as the father and often the mother are living, the sons bring their wives to dwell in the same house. Or if there is insufficient room an attachment to the house may be built. At the death of the father and mother typi¬ cally each son sets up a new household. (There are a very few instances of matrilocal residence [zc k'uyaw']^ but this is deprecated. It may occur when the boy’s parents have died or the girl’s father requires the assistance of a young man in his work.) For convenience of exposition, the familial organization is discussed under the following headings: affinal relationships and consanguineal relationships; the latter include those between parents and children, those between siblings, and those between a child and his parents’ kin. As will be observed, religion is a primary force in standardizing the relationships among the various kin. The Uzbek kinship system ap¬ proximates that in other Middle Eastern cultures (also, cf. Hudson, 1938). Affinal relationships . The interaction patterns between a husband and wife, and between a woman and her husband’s kin, as described below, refer typically to entrance of the wife into a strange household. In the case of a boy marrying his father’s brother’s daughter, the pre¬ ferred arrangement, some of the extreme formality usually attendant upon these relationships breaks down, for the girl may have grown up in the same household with her husband and his relatives. A very formal relationship is usually maintained between husband and wife. The husband’s position is a dominant one. The wife attempts at all times to be agreeable, having been trained for this from child¬ hood. The ideal pattern is for both husband and wife to avoid sharp words with each other. However, irritations do arise, particularly over the training of children and the preparation of meals. A woman walks behind her husband on the street, and they do not sit together in public, even at meals in the home. Although a man may joke with his wife in private, he never does this in public. Furthermore, a man does not use his wife’s name before other persons, even his chil¬ dren. Nor does he speak of her as “my wife” ( xatinim ); he says, “the mother of Carixan,” if that is the name of their oldest son. If there are no sons, the name of a daughter, preferably a younger one, is used. (The older a girl becomes the less likely is her name to be mentioned 86 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE in public.) A woman also avoids mentioning her husband’s name; she refers to him as “my husband” (erim)^ or more often “the father of Carixan.” When addressing one another in the presence of other peo¬ ple, even family members, both husband and wife call each other by the name of the oldest son, e.g., simply Carixan. Generally relatives and friends refer to the child himself by a shortened form of his name; thus, Cari. Girl’s names are likewise shortened — e.g., Matluba becomes Matlub, Because of these patterns a son is rarely named after his father. If he were, a woman would be obliged to mention her husband’s name when she referred to her son. Nor is a girl typically named after her mother. These same patterns of teknonymy may be employed by other persons when speaking of individuals who are parents. As in other Muslim cultures, polygyny, except the sororal type, is permitted. However, only a few of the Kabul Uzbeks practice it. It may occur if the first wife does not bear children, or if the husband does not care for his wife but because of social pressures does not wish to divorce her. With respect to divorce, as well as to other social practices, the Uz¬ beks follow Hanafi religious law. Divorce, although ideally easy to achieve, in actual practice rarely occurs and is deprecated. To di¬ vorce his wife a man merely has to say talaq, meaning “I divorce thee.” It is effective immediately and can not be contested by the wife. If talaq has been said and the couple continues to live together, they are liable to punishment, although they can remarry each other. A stronger type of divorce, uc talaq ^ occurs when the husband says “I divorce thee” three times in succession. In such an instance the couple cannot remarry each other until the woman marries and is divorced by someone else. A divorced woman usually returns to her own family. Since divorce is so easy, husbands are wary of saying anything that might suggest talaq , such as “Go home to your mother.” If a husband does make such a statement — even though technically he does not say talaq — the couple may go through another, simplified marriage cere¬ mony in order to eliminate the uncertainty. A wife cannot divorce her husband. However, if he mistreats her she may be taken away for a while by her relatives and friends. Some¬ times a woman whose husband shows attitudes of dislike toward her may visit a doaxan, who writes something on a slip of paper for the woman to place under her bed. With regard to relationships with in-laws, ideally a man treats his father-in-law (qaynata) and mother-in-law (qaynana) in a formal manner. A woman usually calls her father-in-law and mother-in-law UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 87 by the informal terms used by grandchildren in the household. Thus the former would be doda and the latter kattaye. Or she may address her mother-in-law simply as “mother” ( aye). A woman is expected to treat her parents-in-law with respect, although strains do arise in her relations with her mother-in-law. Ideally a woman is extremely formal with a brother of her husband. She does not converse with him at any length, and both avoid letting their eyes meet, especially if she is younger or about the same age. (If the woman is clearly older, the relationship is somewhat more informal.) When addressing her brother-in-law she generally does not employ his given name or the kinship term for husband’s brother, qaynaya. Usually she calls him “father of so-and-so” or perhaps uses a shortened form of his wife’s name. (These patterns may be different if a woman has grown up in the same household as her husband’s brother. ) A woman’s relations with her husband’s sister {qaynini or, more formally, qaynisini) are less formalized. She calls her by her given name, especially if the sister-in-law is of the same age or younger. Generally these women cooperate well in the work of the household. However, a source of friction is the care of the different children, es¬ pecially the boys, who frequently fight with one another. Other strains exist between a daughter-in-law and the unmarried daughter because the latter is usually favored by the mother. Parent-child relationships. The relationships between a father {at a or, more informally, ada) and son (oyul) are quite formal. The father has little to do with the training of his son until he becomes of school age and even then does not play a significant role until the boy is an adolescent. This stylized relationship is maintained when the son be¬ comes an adult and, as is usually the case, goes to work alongside his father. A father has even less to do with the formal upbringing of a daugh¬ ter (qiz). However, his relationships with her are considerably more informal than those with a son. A girl receives more attention and affection from her father and can more easily extract favors from him than can her brothers. The relations of a mother {ana or, more informally, aye) with a son are much closer than those between a father and son, even though she is the chief disciplinarian when the boy is young. She is generally stricter with a daughter; however, at the same time she shows the daughter more affection. There is a close bond between mother and daughter which increases with time. After a daughter is married, the two visit a great deal if at all possible. 88 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Sibling relationships. An interesting feature of the Uzbek kinship system is the important distinction which is made between an older brother ( oka) and younger brother (uka)^ and between an older sis¬ ter ( opa) and younger sister (uka). Younger brothers and sisters are relegated to a single category. An older brother has distinct authority over a younger brother. This pattern continues into adulthood, especially if there is a sharp differ¬ ence in age between the two. A somewhat similar pattern of authority exists between an older and a younger sister. A boy exerts a certain amount of authority over a sister even if she is somewhat older than he. And if she is younger, he has the right to punish her in certain situations; but he has less authority over her than over a younger brother. Moreover, a brother is supposed to show respect for his sister and he uses especially formal terms — sirjil or sini — when speaking of her to other persons. But at home a boy may seek to win an argument with his sister by taunting her with the state¬ ment that she is after all only a ‘'guest in the house,” referring to the fact that she will leave home after her marriage. An adopted sibling, if he or she is fed at the foster mother’s breast, is considered a true sibling, and there can be no intermarriage with the foster brothers or sisters. If, however, the child is not breast-fed by the foster mother, he or she can marry these siblings. Relationships between a child and his parents' kin. In general a grandfather is called kattata (informally doda) and a grandmother kattana (more informally kattaye) , Grandparents tend to spoil a grandchild (nawara) and to be overly-solicitous with him. When children are punished they are likely to go for sympathy to the pater¬ nal grandparents, who reside within the same household. However, when a grandmother speaks sharply to a child this often carries more weight than a reprimand from his own mother. An Uzbek, even when adult, maintains very formal relationships with his father’s brothers. This is especially true for a boy. One pos¬ sible reason for this pattern is that these relatives may one day share in the inheritance and division of property. A child calls his father’s oldest brother jinata, meaning “little father.” He addresses his father’s younger brothers by their given names with the term for older broth¬ er, oka, appended — for example, Hasan oka. When he is an adult, however, he calls all of his father’s brothers by their given names with oka added. When any of these becomes quite old he is addressed by the formal' term, amake. The wife of a father’s brother is properly called kelin aye. However, inasmuch as she probably lives in the same UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 89 household with her husband’s brother’s child and took care of him to some extent, she would be called by the term for older sister, opa. In contrast to the relationship with a father’s brother, that between a child and his father’s sister is much more informal. A child may go to his father’s sister for advice and sympathy. She is called amma, her husband pocca. A child’s closest ties are with his mother’s siblings — her brother is toy a and her sister xola. Particularly is a mother’s brother looked to for aid and sympathy in time of trouble. The close ties between a child and a mother’s brother are frequently carried over into adulthood. The children of the mother’s siblings are considered more or less as broth¬ ers and sisters and it is not considered right to marry one of them, even though it is legally possible. Additional patterns. Among the Uzbeks certain families acquire nicknames. For example, one may be known as ‘Tamels,” possibly because some of its members have been tall and awkward. Or another family may be referred to as kannay, the name of a very long flute, inasmuch as some of its members have had long noses. When friends meet a member of such a family they may make pointed allusions to the nickname. Thus if a camel were seen, they might say, “There, go say hello to your friend.” Certain strains between families may develop. These can grow up around business transactions or an engagement broken off without mutual consent. In such cases the members of a family may rally around its leader and a family feud will ensue. Conflicts also arise among individuals. Here an effort is made by friends to get the per¬ sons involved to make up. They may invite the parties concerned to a dinner without letting each know that the other is to attend. At this time some of the elders will seek to settle the difficulty. LIFE CYCLE Children, especially boys, are highly valued. The Uzbeks generally understand the process of conception. (A few women who desire children may go to a doaxan or visit a shrine in order to achieve their wish.) The Uzbeks believe that the gestation period, for both boys and girls, is nine moon months and nine days.^ 2 Until recent years a child’s birth date was generally not recorded. Thus the older people even today reckon their age according to a “duodenary cycle.” This closely resembles that found in various cultures of eastern Asia. Each year is named after an animal — e.g., mouse, sheep, horse, etc. However, for “dragon” the Uzbeks have substituted a large fish, niha'n (Cf. Barthold, 1928: 286). A person usually knows what animal year he was born in and keeps track of how many cycles he has passed through. Thus if he were born during the year of the sheep (regardless of what part) he would be thirteen during the next year of the sheep. 90 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE A mid- wife (dayi), who is an elderly woman, perhaps a member of the family, assists at the birth of a child. The father typically dis¬ plays nervousness and tries to stay away from home. Young children run about to friends and relatives announcing the news, and these persons give the children gifts of candies, cookies, or money. Within a day or two after the birth of the child, prayers will be said for jt, usually by an older man in the family. When a close relative or woman friend visits the mother, he or she would bring a gift (usually of money) , which the mother in turn gives to the dayi, even though the latter may already have been compensated for her services — i.e., if she is not a member of the family. The father is congratulated on the ‘‘new guest” (yarji mihman) in his house; however, little discus¬ sion takes place among men concerning childbirth. The mother breast-feeds the child for about two years, and if she is unable to do this some other Uzbek woman will do it for her. During approximately the first forty days, the child sleeps beside its mother. A cradle ceremony, biHk tuyi, is held about forty days after the birth of the child, although it may occur earlier. More often it is carried out for a boy than for a girl. A cradle is especially prepared for the ceremony. This is a box-like wooden structure with a flat bottom and is set upon two rockers. There is a small railing around the sides (Fig. 3). A two-piece cloth cover, which can be pulled open or closed, fits over the top of the cradle. The child is laid in this cradle on his back and is strapped in at the arms and feet with two broad ribbons. A small pillow is placed at the back of his head. Inasmuch as the child sleeps lying on his back from one to two years, some occipital head flattening occurs. When a baby cries, the Uzbeks rock the cradle and sing lullabies. As for the cradle ceremony itself, quite a few friends and relatives, principally women and small children, arrive early in the morning. The women guests bring gifts of food and clothing for both mother and child. A meal is served at about noon, and afterwards the mother sits beside the cradle, holding two loaves of bread. She takes one bite out of each and then gives the loaves to a small boy. He runs away and the other children give chase, attempting to snatch the bread from him. Although gifts are presented to all the children, the one who has the loaves in his possession receives a special prize. Various kinds of candy and some coins are thrown about the room and chil¬ dren scramble for these. During this cradle ceremony, the name of the child is formally an¬ nounced. The actual selection of a name has been made beforehand. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 91 Usually a boy is named by the father, a girl by the mother. It is con¬ sidered best not to name the child after a close relative, whether living or dead. If the parents cannot decide upon a name, the head of the family grandfather or grandmother) will allow the Koran to fall open to some page, and whatever boy’s or girl’s name appears on that page will be adopted. Or if the first letter on that page happens to occur in one of the names the parents had been arguing about, then that name may be given the child. The latter method especially is thought to bring good fortune. Among the Uzbeks of Kabul most names are Arabic rather than Uzbek; this is true for both boys and 92 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE girls. But some variations may be noted. Occasionally children are given Persian names — e.g., they may be named for various days of the week, especially Friday; Tuesday, considered an unlucky day, is not used. Most persons have only a given name; a family name is rarely em¬ ployed. A person is referred to as, e.g.^ Carixan (his given name) waladi (son of) Fayaz (his father’s given name). Some of the more educated Uzbeks may adopt a second name. Furthermore, a few Uz¬ beks seem to have “family names” which are identified with the tra¬ ditional occupations of their ancestors. A young child receives considerable attention, especially from its mother and older siblings. An infant is wrapped up a great deal even when the weather does not seem to warrant it. It is carried in the arms rather than in a special contrivance. However, Uzbeks avoid placing both arms directly underneath the child, since a dead child is carried in this manner. Instead they place one hand over and one hand under¬ neath its body. An older child may be carried on a person’s back with his arms around the latter’s neck. The Uzbeks teach children to walk by holding them by the hands and singing a song to them as they toddle. Or sometimes a light wooden frame with wheels is employed to assist the child in walking. When a boy is about one or two years of age, a circumcision cere¬ mony ( oyul tuyi ) is held. The first part consists of a feast at about noon to which the friends and relatives of the family are invited. Shortly thereafter it is the custom for some friends of the family to seize the child and hide him from his parents, a pattern known as bikitmaq. Frequently this is accomplished with the help of close rela¬ tives. The father shows considerable anxiety over the disappearance of his son and starts to search for him. He finally promises gifts (usu¬ ally of money) as a reward to the abductors for the return of the child. After the boy is returned the operation is performed. The room is crowded with men and boys: no women are present. The boy is set upon a stool and held tightly. His arms are placed between and under his legs, and an adult standing behind him reaches underneath and grasps both of the boy’s hands. He is thus kept immobile. The actual operation is performed by a barber who uses a straight-edge razor. During this time there is a great deal of shouting and commotion by persons in the room who seek to divert the child’s attention. After¬ wards different kinds of candy are thrown about the room for the small boys to retrieve. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 93 In general children are brought up in a strict fashion. Certain ac¬ tions are pointed out to a child as being right or good, others as being wrong, little attention being given to supplying reasons. Boys have considerably more liberty than girls. The former are expected to be noisy and boisterous, whereas girls are taught to act passively and to display good manners. The Uzbeks have a proverb to the effect that if a child is not pun¬ ished while he is young it will then be “too late.” The mother is the chief disciplinarian for the daughter and for the son while he is small. The father’s authority over the son increases as the son grows older. Boys may be punished by being struck; girls, however, are treated more gently. But both may be threatened with a wolf, a dog, and especially a jinn. The Uzbeks believe that a jinn can assume any form it desires, but most often it appears as a man or a woman with long hair and torn clothes, or, particularly, as a black cat. The alwasti^ usually thought to be a woman, is the jinn most people fear. Children as old as twelve or thirteen may be afraid of dark places because of the jinns which might be lurking there. (It is considered especially unlucky to step on a jinn, and children are thought to be more likely to do this than adults. ) Even though the Uzbeks rear their children rather strictly, they do show them affection. But this usually takes a restrained form. Kissing, hugging, and stroking the child on the head are accepted forms of en¬ dearment. However, a father never kisses a daughter on the mouth; according to religious belief, such an act would signify that a divorce from his wife had thereupon taken place. In Kabul, Uzbek boys start going to public school at the age of six or seven. (Some girls attend special private schools run by Uzbek women; thus among the higher socio-economic groups girls often can read a little.) When a boy becomes of school age he is usually re¬ quired to attend to minor chores, buying groceries. Later, in his early teens, he may go to his father’s place of business to aid in some minor capacity and thus acquire training for his future line of work. Girls do household tasks, assuming more and more duties as they be¬ come older. As boys and girls approach their teens they stop playing with one another, and a sharper differentiation occurs in their be¬ havior. Girls generally adopt the veil at about twelve or thirteen. Through marriage Uzbeks acquire full-fledged adulthood; an un¬ married adult is viewed with disfavor. Typically marriage takes place when a girl is between eighteen and nineteen and a boy between twenty and twenty-five. In a very few instances the “engagement” 94 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE of children has occurred, although it presents difficulties. Thus if a man has a son about two years of age and a close friend of his has a newborn daughter, the two friends may make an agreement that these children will marry one another; this is considered to be bind¬ ing upon both parties. Engagements usually occur much later in life. The preferred type of marriage is with a relative, especially with a father’s brother’s daughter, who most often comes from the same household as the boy. The following description of the engagement procedure is most appli¬ cable to situations in which the parents have to obtain a wife for their son from outside the household. The boy’s father is usually the one who brings up the question of finding a girl. However, it is the most respected woman of the family — often the paternal grandmother — who actually “looks around” for an eligible girl. Of primary impor¬ tance is the social position of the girl’s family. Next are her personal¬ ity and behavior: she should be agreeable. After that her appearance is considered. Among the highly valued physical traits are dark hair, dark eyes, a round face, thin lips, and a long, narrow nose. If the grandmother has some particular girl in mind, she will ask a friend of the girl’s family whether the parents might be interested in allow¬ ing their daughter to marry her grandson. The friend would then through indirect questioning seek to ascertain the attitude of the girl’s parents. If the girl’s parents appear to be favorably disposed, the grand¬ mother will go with four or five women friends to visit the girl’s mother, who has discussed the matter with her husband. The women take with them gifts of clothing, food, and candies. If the girl’s mother accepts the gifts, the women then discuss the possibility of engage¬ ment, although both sides have more or less come to tacit agreement on the matter. If everything works out favorably, they pick a day for the special engagement party, usually some “lucky” day — e.g., Fri¬ day, New Year’s Day, or special religious days, particularly the twen¬ ty-seventh day of Ramazan. These are also popular days for mar¬ riages. On the other hand Tuesday and the month of Safar are avoided. The engagement is formally announced at the special engagement party, which is paid for by the boy’s father. A large group of friends and relatives gather, the men in one room and the women in another. During the party each guest is presented with a silk handkerchief about sixteen inches square which contains home-made candies indi¬ vidually wrapped in paper. These are brought in on large trays. At the engagement party the male relatives of the boy and girl discuss UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 95 the dowry {qalin puli, meaning “carpet expense”). Nowadays car¬ pets are rarely passed; the dowry takes the form of money. Consider¬ able bargaining may occur over this — the girl’s father asking for as much as he believes he can obtain. However, the two families usually come to an agreement, for matters have progressed to the point that consensus becomes essential; otherwise, considerable embarrassment would occur. (When marriage occurs between two members of the same household the role of the dowry may be greatly minimized.) The girl’s parents use the dowry to cover the few expenses of their daughter’s wedding and keep the rest of it for themselves. For her daughter, the mother usually has accumulated clothing, jewelry, etc., as a kind of “hope chest.” The time period between the engagement and the actual wedding may vary from a few days to a few years. The wedding is usually held in the boy’s house, although it may take place elsewhere if more space is required. During the evening of the day preceding the mar¬ riage ceremony the girl invites all of her women friends and relatives to a party at which they eat, sing, and dance. The guests bring special foods, such as meat pies, somsa and waraqi, on platters, each platter being wrapped in tinfoil or wax paper and then folded in a cloth. The next morning there may be a party for the boy’s friends, although this is not essential. At any rate the boy stays with his friends apart from all the proceedings until late in the afternoon. At noon a large informal party is held in the boy’s home for the friends and relatives of the two families. People keep arriving and leaving in small groups. A great deal of food is served, pilaw being the main dish. At this party the men do the cooking outside in the in¬ terior court. They carry some of the food to the room where the women are, and also serve the male guests. At about four or five o’clock in the afternoon a municipal official and also a mullah come to the house where the party is being held. The boy is brought to them by his close friends. The mullah asks the boy before the latter’s two witnesses whether he is willing to take this girl for his wife. The girl sits behind a curtain, usually in another room of the house. She also has two representatives, close friends or relatives of her family. At the instruction of the mullah they go and ask her through the curtain whether she is willing to take this boy as her husband. The marriage contract is then signed by the official, the mullah, the four witnesses, and the fathers of the boy and girl. The marriage is now official. In conclusion a short prayer is said by the mullah to wish the couple well. 96 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Later in the evening the boy meets with his friends at his home. There is a banquet with music, dancing, and games. But during these festivities he sits on some quilts in a corner of the room, silent and unsmiling. The dancing is done by individual men; when one finishes another takes over. If a particular boy is known to be especially in need of money, some friends may approach him while he is dancing and hand him some paper money, which he places under his toppi. Sometimes a boy who is dancing will pick on an especially bashful person and force him to dance, much to the delight of the onlookers. Several games are typically played during this party. Two are passa wazir and qawaq qaivaq (described below). But the following is peculiar to this ceremony. Two boys try to imitate some small birds which Uzbeks often train to fight. In doing this they sit cross-legged on the floor and make quick, sharp jabs at each other with their hands. Finally certain individuals entertain others by impersonating promi¬ nent individuals. Later in the evening the boy’s friends bring new clothes for him to put on, gifts from his and the girl’s parents. These usually include a colorful ton and a turban. For some young men this may be the first occasion for wearing the latter. Next, about a dozen of the boy’s friends escort him to the girl, who is usually in another part of the house, singing special songs as they go. When the boy arrives he is blocked at the door by two of his friends, who demand gifts (usually money) before they permit him to enter. In this room there is a large group of women who have been bating, singing, and dancing. When the boy enters, his mother, sister, and perhaps grandmother escort him to a corner of the room where the girl is waiting behind a cur¬ tain, seated upon two or three quilts. As the boy is presented to the girl, the women tease him and sing special songs. (Occasionally a mir¬ ror may be brought and held in front of the couple for a moment so that they can see each other’s faces for the first time in the mirror.) Often this room is to be their future abode. However, many of the women, along with their children, stay in the room with the couple during the night, extra bedding being provided by the boy’s father. (It is customary for the Kabul Uzbeks to stay overnight at homes where ceremonies are being held. ) The next day the girl dons a face veil and goes to greet her hus¬ band’s parents. She may repeat this every morning for a week. A few days after the wedding the girl’s parents invite the newlyweds to a simple party at which they present them with gifts. This com¬ pletes the marriage process. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 97 The aforementioned marriage patterns are the most typical, but deviations do occur. For example, if a couple are to marry on the twenty-seventh day of Ramazan, the formal contract will be signed on that day; but the festivities will be postponed until after the end of the month. And the marriage process (as well as that of engage¬ ment) for a person who has been widowed or divorced, or for a man taking another wife, is much simpler. After marriage a woman’s status is greatly dependent upon her bearing children, especially sons. So, too, a man’s prestige is corre¬ lated with the perpetuation of his lineage. Parents look forward to their children carrying on the traditional way of life and caring for them in their old age. As a person grows older he becomes more highly respected and is thought to acquire wisdom. Although no sharp age grading is apparent among the Uzbeks, those persons who are over sixty-three, the age at which Muhammad is believed to have died, are felt to be in a special category. The Uzbeks believe that everyone has his «/«/, or predetermined time of death. If a person suffers a great deal before he dies, he is thought to have lived a sinful life; conversely, if he dies quickly and without much suffering this suggests that he has lived righteously. After death the soul is believed to ascend to “heaven” or descend to “hell” or possibly to a waiting place in between, depending upon the manner in which a person has lived. (If a man makes a special last request before dying, this is generally strictly followed. ) When a death occurs among the Uzbeks a xabarce^ relates the news throughout the Uzbek community and announces the time for the funeral ceremony. As soon as they hear the news, close relatives go to the home of the deceased. Here the men and women meet in separate rooms, the body being in the room where the women are gathered. Men who go to “view” the body must be close relatives of the women present. The women display a great deal of emotion, crying loudly and a few tearing at their hair and clothing; men display less emotion, al¬ though they weep briefly when they first receive news of the death. Special men or women come to the home to wash the body. Then they wrap the individual in a kafan, a large piece of seamless white cloth which completely covers the body. (Some old people actually have their kafan ready before they die. ) Relatives stay at the home of the deceased until the body is taken to the mosque. If a person dies 3 A xabarce is a special Uzbek functionary who delivers invitations and relates certain items of news concerning other Uzbeks. A female xabarce acts as a messenger for the women. 98 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE during the night, the funeral is held the next morning; if he dies in the morning, it is held in the afternoon. At the mosque special prayers are said while the male relatives and friends remain standing. No women are present, but they hold a service of their own at home. After the service at the mosque, the body is taken to the graveyard on a cot ( kalawat ) consisting of a frame across which ropes have been stretched. Four men carry it on their shoulders; then it is shifted to four other men. Even passersby lend a helping hand, for the performance of this task is considered to be a highly desirable act. Once at the graveyard a close friend relates briefly the story of the person’s life and his or her contributions to family and society. And a short prayer is said. Next the body, wrapped in the kafan^ is lowered into the grave. (No coffin is employed by the Uzbeks of Kabul, al¬ though some use this in Andkhui.) The person is placed on his back usually with his face up, although it may be turned to one side, toward Mecca. The grave has been dug a little larger than the body by special men at the cemetery. Two or three feet above the bottom of the grave an indentation is made so that the grave becomes wider at the top. Upon this shelf are laid thin slabs of stone which serve to keep dirt from touching the body. The cracks between the slabs are sealed with mud. Earth is then placed on top to a depth of about one foot, the whole grave being about four feet deep. A rounded mound of earth, generally rectangular in plan and rising in an arc, is piled on top of the grave — the whole being topped by a large stone or a rectangular block of clay. The name of the deceased is not recorded on the grave, for Arabic writing is considered sacred by the Kabul Uzbeks: if it were on the grave it might become damaged by the elements. For three days after burial, recitations from the Koran are held by the deceased’s family. For this purpose they reserve a section of the mosque and decorate it with rugs and other furnishings. Religious men who have memorized the Koran may be employed to do the reciting. The pattern is for two men to alternate, each going through two com¬ plete recitals. Men generally keep arriving in small groups, staying through two services. The women hold their services at home. Friends and relatives of the deceased come together and cry loudly as an ex¬ pression of their grief. Then one woman begins reciting from the Koran while the others listen, until such time as another woman arrives. Then they start crying again. The aforementioned funeral patterns are much the same for a small child except that the recitations are briefer and are held at home in- UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 99 stead of in the mosque. A still-born child is washed and buried without any ceremony. Some Uzbeks burn a candle for forty days, especially at night, for the deceased. And during this period the closest female relatives dress in dark colors. On the fortieth day after the death the family will, if financially able, hold a large feast for the poor. The xabarce announces the banquet to various poor persons and then informs the family as to the expected number who will attend. Pilaw with qawrma is the princi¬ pal dish served. During the first year after death a special room may be prepared on certain religious days. Here prayers are said for the deceased. On the anniversary of the person’s death another feast may be held for the poor. And during a period of several years a close friend or relative who visits the deceased’s family for the first time after the death is morally obligated to read some verses from the Koran and say certain prayers. RELIGION As already indicated, religion cannot be isolated from most aspects of Uzbek life. But for purposes of exposition we shall discuss briefly some of the more formal tenets of their religion. The Kabul Uzbeks are members of the Sunni sect of Islam, following Hanafi law. Like other Muslims they adhere to the principal tenets of Islam — the profession of faith, prayer, the giving of alms, pilgrimage, and fasting during the month of Ramazan. The profession of faith is to the effect that there is no god but Allah and Muhammad is his prophet. Older Uzbeks in particular, when reciting this (as well as when saying vari¬ ous prayers), may use a tashi^ which is a string of 33, 101, or 1000 “beads.” These are small, rounded pieces of wood or mineral sub¬ stances — mother of pearl — which often come from religious cen¬ ters in Saudi Arabia. Some Uzbeks use their fingers instead. They touch the thumb three times to each finger — once upon each segment — and then apply the index finger to the thumb upon each of its seg¬ ments. This is done for both hands. All Muslims are expected to pray at least five times a day. In the cities a muezzin calls from the top of a minaret, announcing the various times of prayer. The first of these is before sunrise, the second at noon (but can be made later in the afternoon), and the others just before sunset, soon after sunset, and before retiring for the night. To prepare themselves for prayer the Uzbeks, like other Muslims, go through a ceremonial ablution {taharat or wuzu) . Somewhat simpli- 100 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE fied this consists of washing the hands, rinsing out the mouth and nose, washing the face, the arms up to the elbows, and lastly the feet. If one is wearing boots or mahsi^ he does not remove them but touches the tops of these with water. This ablution is effective for twenty-four hours or until such time as it is broken by certain '‘unclean” practices. If water is not available, a process called tayammum can be followed: this consists of wiping the face and hands with “pure” earth. Although there is no set pattern, children begin participating in prayers by the time of puberty. Only men go to the mosque to pray, and this is considered obligatory for the mid-day prayer on Friday. Otherwise they may pray in other places, at home, in the shop, etc. Women always pray in the home, except when at Mecca. The number of units of prayer (rakaat ) performed varies with the different prayers (for technical information on this as well as the positions of prayer, the reader is referred to general studies on Islam). It may be noted here that the positions assumed by women when they pray are slightly different from those of men. However, both utilize a special rectangu¬ lar rug (or cloth), Jaynamaz. Some have special designs, the most com¬ mon consisting of two converging arcs. The rug is placed in such a manner that these arcs point in the direction of Mecca. These rugs are supposed to be kept clean: one way to “cleanse” a rug is to sell it or trade it to someone else. The giving of alms is also required by Islam. In giving, an Uzbek is expected to provide first for his own needy relatives and friends and then for others. This is expressed by an Uzbek proverb: awal xes axir darwes (“First to needy relatives, then to other poor people”) . Uzbeks are expected to give two and a half per cent of their “surplus” funds — that is, funds they do not strictly need. Called zakat, this may take the form of money or various kinds of property. It is distinct from “charity.” When one gives zakat he must inform the recipient that it is such. In this case the recipient is morally obligated to accept it and should feel no embarrassment. Needy persons may go to various homes, or the donors themselves carry zakat about. It should, however, be di¬ vided among a number of persons. Zakat is customarily distributed once a year toward the end of the month of Ramazan. Pilgrimage to Mecca is required of those who are financially able. Thus there are Uzbeks living in Kabul, both men and women, who have journeyed to Mecca. A few Uzbeks also visit Mazar-i-Sharif, Afghanistan, where certain of their traditions hold that Ali, son-in-law of Muhammad, is buried. Fasting during the month of Ramazan is considered mandatory. UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 101 This month, reckoned by the moon calendar, occurs at a different time each solar year. Although most persons know approximately when Ramazan will begin, they may be somewhat uncertain as to the exact day. Thus at the first appearance of the new moon a number of salvos are shot from a cannon and these are heard throughout the city. Next, drums are played in various parts of Kabul to remind people to prepare for the large feast prior to the beginning of fasting. This meal is eaten between approximately one and four o’clock in the morning. The can¬ non is again heard just before sunrise, signaling the start of fasting. During the rest of the month the Kabul Uzbeks fast between sun¬ rise and sunset. Certain groups are exempted: e.g., children, the very aged, the sick, and travelers who are a certain distance from home (although the latter are expected to make up the fasting at a later time). A person begins to fast between the ages of thirteen and nine¬ teen. During Ramazan the Uzbeks are supposed to abstain completely from, among other things, drinking water, eating, and smoking during the day. Thus there is a tendency to do as little work as possible in the daytime, women, for example, doing much of their housework at night. A cannon is shot every day just before sunrise to signal the beginning of fasting and just after sunset to signal its end. As it is fired at sunset people are already prepared to eat, often having a cup of tea in their hands. And drums are played every night for fifteen or twenty minutes to remind people to prepare to eat the large meal just before sunrise. A major festival is held during the three days immediately following the month of Ramazan. During the morning of the first day, before the men go to the mosque for prayer, they gather together some money, an equal amount for every individual in the family including unborn children. Called fitr^ these alms are taken and distributed among the poor. When the men return from the mosque the members of the family, all attired in new clothes, congratulate one another with hay- itirjiz mobarak. Next the children receive gifts, usually money. During the rest of the day a great deal of visiting takes place among Uzbek families. Usually each family has especially prepared two reception rooms, one for the men and the other for the women, in which are long, low tables covered with candies and cookies. During the next two days, the same visiting patterns are repeated. Usually some of the men in the family will visit while others remain at home, then they ex¬ change roles. (If a death has occurred in the household during the preceding year, people will also come during these three days to say prayers in the aforementioned rooms. And special dishes, particularly 102 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE halwa tolqan, a sweetened cereal, are served in addition to the usual foods.) The five basic tenets of Islam have been noted in their relation to Uzbek culture. Certain other religious ceremonies will now be dis¬ cussed. Two months and ten days (according to the moon calendar) after the end of Ramazan, a three-day religious ceremony is observed. This is qorban hayiti, which commemorates Abraham’s sacrifice of his son. On the first day the men go to the mosque for special prayers. When they return home the sacrificial animal (or animals) is killed. One ram, the preferred animal, is sacrificed for every mature person in the family, or occasionally one cow for every seven persons. The ani¬ mal is killed at home, either by members of the family or by an Uzbek butcher. Those family members (^.g., women) who do not witness the actual sacrifice will designate someone to be their representative at this time. The meat is distributed among the poor by the children of the family. Some of it may be set aside to be made into various dishes, es¬ pecially kawab, friends or poor persons being invited into the home to partake of these. During the first day of qorban hayiti the Uzbeks try to wear new clothing, and the children receive gifts, usually of money. Again there are long, low tables with candies and cookies in specially prepared re¬ ception rooms. On this, as on the succeeding two days, extensive visit¬ ing occurs. A few months later the commemoration of the birth and death of Muhammad ( mawlut ) is held. This is a quiet ceremony lasting one day. In a few Uzbek homes there is a special dinner at noon for a large group of people. During the afternoon special prayers are recited by some of the elders; separate services are held for men and for women. OTHER CEREMONIES AND RECREATIONAL ACTIVITIES Certain ceremonies are not especially integrated with the religious system. New Year’s Day, yar^i yil kuni, calls for a simple cele¬ bration. It is supposed to be held on the first day of spring and is a holi¬ day from work. Everyone tries to wear new clothes. The night before, the Uzbeks prepare a special beverage of raisins, almonds, dried apri¬ cots, and pistachio nuts, all of which have been soaked in water. This is drunk early on New Year’s morning. Later in the day a great deal of visiting takes place, and it is customary for Uzbeks to greet each other with yaiji yilirjiz mobarak, meaning “a prosperous New Year.” Some people say special prayers on this day. Usually near the beginning of spring there is a celebration for the UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 103 women. Upon this occasion a special dish, sumalak, is cooked, some years by some families, other years by others. Preparations start a few weeks prior to the ceremony. First, soaked grains of wheat are spread about a half-inch deep on a large, low table. The women in the house¬ hold sprinkle water on this for a few weeks, until the wheat grows to a height of about five inches. Then a large number of women are invited to celebrate the making of sumalak. The women grind all of this up in large stone mortars, using wooden pestles. They take the juice from this, add some water, flour, sugar, and walnuts and boil the whole thing slowly in a yurt qazan in the courtyard. Small children are sent to the river to get smooth pebbles; these are washed and also put into the mixture. The sumalak is boiled for many hours — until two or three o’clock in the morning^ During this time there is always one woman constantly stirring it. The other women pass the night dancing and playing the cirmanda and sometimes the dutar. After the sumalak is cooked they extinguish the fire and cover the kettle. It is left until eight or nine o’clock in the morning. At that time children take portions of the sumalak to various friends. This dish, which has the color and consistency of apple butter, is eaten cold with a spoon. At the beginning of winter, at the first sign of snow, there is addi¬ tional ceremonial activity. Anyone, but especially young boys, may write a request on a piece of paper for something special, usually a feast. One may even specify the kind of food desired and the number of people who should be invited. A person may, for example, go to the home of a friend or relative and leave a note where the latter can see it. In order not to be apprehended, he may resort to ruse, such as plac¬ ing the note in a book, under a cake, or glued under a platter which had been borrowed and is being returned. (Girls write their requests in the form of a poem, and usually their brothers deliver these for them. Even older men leave notes in one another’s shops.) If a person is caught delivering one of these ‘"messages,” he may be subjected to certain indignities, such as having his face painted black with charcoal and being set backwards on a horse or donkey and led home through the streets. Young boys who are bashful or cry easily are most likely to be treated in this manner. Recreational activities. A number of recreational activities are not connected with any particular ceremony. Young children play a game like “hopscotch” in which lines are marked on the ground. Each par¬ ticipant stands on one foot and with this foot moves a round stone from box to box. Elaborate rules govern such aspects of the game as reserving boxes. Young children also jump rope, play “hide and seek,” 104 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE and entertain each other with guessing games and riddles. Small girls play “house” or amuse themselves with dolls made of stuffed cloth. They also play with a rubber ball, bouncing it once, turning com¬ pletely around as quickly as possible, and bouncing it again. Girls (or sometimes boys and girls) play a game in which they sit in a circle, all looking towards the center. One girl who has a dorra, a large handkerchief twisted into a whip, goes around the circle on the outside, silently drops this in back of someone, and continues walk¬ ing around the circle until she comes behind that person again. In the meantime, if the seated girl realizes she has been chosen, she picks up the dorra and, chasing the first player once around the circle, hits her with it. She then drops it behind someone else. But if she is not aware that the dorra is behind her, she is chased once around the circle and hit constantly by the first player. The latter then goes on to drop the dorra again. Young boys engage in wrestling. The two antagonists wear a loose sash (usually a turban cloth) around the waist. In one hold each boy leans over and grasps the back of the other’s sash and attempts to throw him to the ground. The looseness of the sash makes this difficult. (Many of the Uzbek wrestling holds are represented by chessmen used by one Mongol group. See Montell, 1939.) One popular game among Uzbek boys is played by laying a stick about six inches long across a hole dug in the ground that has dimen¬ sions of approximately four by eight inches. By means of a longer stick, the stick lying across the hole is flipped into the air and struck. An¬ other player retrieves it and throws it back by hand. If it falls near the hole within a radius equal to the length of the batting stick, he wins a point; if he throws it so that it lies lengthwise in the hole, he wins five points. If he fails in either attempt, the first player has three opportuni¬ ties to hit the end of the short stick with the longer one. The short stick is hit in such a manner that it flips into the air and then is struck by the longer stick as far from the hole as possible. Then its total dis¬ tance from the hole is measured. One point is given for each unit of distance equal to ten lengths of the longer stick. If at any time the second player catches the short stick while in flight, he gains five points. Various other minor rules govern the game. Older boys play a kind of baseball game. Boys also like to fly kites. The kite is made from a rectangular piece of paper which has a strip of bamboo pasted along each edge, one horizontally across the middle, and two diagonally across the surface. The kite is bent by means of three strings so that it becomes convex on one side. This side is held UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 105 toward the individual when it is flown. Two small flags and a tail may be attached, and a piece of paper glued to one of the strings vibrates with a roaring noise when the kite is in the air. (In Andkhui the Uz¬ beks tie lanterns to kites when these are used at night. ) Young men in Kabul play a number of interesting games. In one, qawaq qaivaq, meaning “squash squash,” people sit around a room with one individual in the center. The latter moves his hands in cer¬ tain ways or does acrobatics, saying with each act, ''qawaq qawaq T Everybody is supposed to imitate him quickly and accurately. If one fails to do so, he is hit on the back with a dorra by a person who acts as a watchman. Another game is passa wazir (“king and vizir”). Here a small match box or a roughly rectangular-shaped bone, anq^ from the knee of a sheep, deer, or other animal is employed. Each of the six sides of the bone is given a name — e.g., one long side is called “king,” another “vizir,” another “soli” (a devoutly religious person), another “thief.” One of the smaller ends, which is concave, is called “seven kings,” and the other, flattened end is called “seven vizirs.” A number of persons sit around a room. One throws the aUq, and if it comes up “king,” he remains a king until someone else throws the same. As king he gives orders to the person who throws a “vizir”; the latter is usually expected to punish the one who throws a “thief.” The “sofi” is exempt from any activity. If a person gets “seven kings” or “seven vizirs,” he holds this position until someone else throws “seven vizirs” or “seven kings” or until seven people throw one “vizir” or one “king.” (If the king forgets and orders the vizir to hit the thief an even number of times, the king is hit by the vizir.) Young men and adults also play card games. One, especially, is worth noting. Each person is dealt a card. These are then collected, shuffled, and laid in a row, face down. The leader points to the first card, and the group decides what the holder of that card is supposed to perform — usually it is something difficult and embarrassing. When the last two cards are reached, the decision is made on both at the same time. Thus each individual has a hand in deciding his own “penalty.” Chess is even more popular than cards among Uzbek men in Kabul. Gambling with the aHq occurs, and one or more may be used like dice. A somewhat different type of recreational activity among Uzbek men is the telling of jokes when they get together in a group. These jokes are usually very subtle, and not everyone present will appre¬ ciate them. Even so, one is supposed to laugh anyway. The senior author was told that in Tashkent there were persons called askiyalar 106 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE (pL), who were quick at repartee and at making spontaneous jokes and puns on a variety of subjects. At times contests were held among teams of askiyalar. Some topic would be selected and each would seek to outdo the other. Apparently these askiyalar played an important role at marriage ceremonies and other large gatherings. In Kabul there are several Uzbeks who imitate these individuals. Among adult women the most popular pastime is visiting. (And it is the custom when visiting to take gifts of food. ) As noted previously, women dance and play various musical instruments. Music is popular among both men and women in Kabul; usually at least one person in each family can play a musical instrument. Young people, especially, get together with friends and play music, boys with boys and girls with girls. A discussion of the more common musical instruments follows. Usually these instruments are made by Uzbek craftsmen in northern Afghanistan. Among the Kabul Uzbeks the most popular instruments for use in ceremonies are the dutar and cirmanda. Others, not necessarily played at ceremonies, include the tambur^ dombora^ rubab, yijjak^ nay, qos- nay, surnay, and car]. Among Uzbeks in northern Afghanistan the kannay also appears. The dutar (Fig. 4) is a two-stringed instrument which is plucked with the fingers of the right hand, no plectrum being used. The strings are of silk or of catgut obtained generally from sheep. The bowl of the instrument, which acts as the resonator, is made from a number of ribs of thin board glued tightly together. The Uzbeks at¬ tempt to use wood which will vibrate easily. Across the top of this bowl is laid a thin board of the same material. A long, narrow handle containing a number of frets serves as a finger board for regulating the tone. The tambur resembles the dutar, but it has a smaller bowl (some¬ times carved out of wood) and a shorter and thicker handle. It has three strings instead of two. For the strings steel or brass wire may be used instead of silk or catgut. These are plucked with a plectrum, an open-work thimble-like object fashioned from several pieces of wire. The plectrum is worn on the right index finger. The dombora is quite similar to the dutar, but it lacks frets and usually the bowl of the instrument is carved from a block of wood. The rubab (rarely used by the Uzbeks in Kabul) is made from a wooden bowl across which an animal hide has been stretched. Its strings, usually of cat¬ gut, are plucked with a flat piece of wood or with the fingers. Another stringed instrument, one which however is bowed, is the UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 107 yifjak. This is made from a large gourd, the top of which has been sliced off. Or a metal container may be employed instead. Over the opening is stretched a dried sheepskin. The yifjak has a wooden handle and three strings. Fig. 4. Uzbek dutar, the most popular musical instrument. The Uzbeks also utilize a number of wood- wind instruments. One, the nay, is a flute about one and a half feet long. Usually it is of brass, although it may be of wood. It has eight small holes, across which the fingers move to regulate the tone, and a larger hole for the mouth. The qosnay is an instrument of brass or wood consisting of two tubes connected to form a V.'-It has a low, wavering, mournful sound. This is rarely used in Kabul. 108 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE The surnay is a somewhat cone-shaped instrument resembling the oboe. Made of wood or copper, it has a number of holes along its length, which is between two and a half and three feet. The kannay is a wood-wind instrument of copper with a bass tone. It is extremely long, at times over ten feet. Although not used in Kabul, it is employed by Uzbeks in northern Afghanistan at marriage ceremonies, wrestling matches, and other games. The cirmanda, a drum resembling a tambourine, is made by bend¬ ing into a ring a strip of wood three or four inches wide and then stretching a skin tightly over one side of this. This drum may be of varying diameters; some are as large as three feet. The larger ones have small circular metal foils attached all the way around the inner edge of the wooden ring. The cirmanda is held in both hands with the uncovered side toward the player. It is tapped on the outer edges with the four fingers of both hands. Some have a loop of string attached to one side — if the player inserts his thumb in this he can reach farther toward the center of the drum with the tips of the fingers and thus can achieve a slightly different tone. This drum is especially employed as an accompaniment to dancing. A very popular instru¬ ment among girls and women is the ca-t]^ a kind of Jew’s harp. As an addendum to this discussion of recreational activities we will discuss a number of Uzbek sports which, although not participated in by the Uzbeks of Kabul, have been witnessed by the senior author in northern Afghanistan cities. These sports consist of horse racing, cockfights, and camel fights. In the latter, two camels are trained to cross their necks and one of their forelegs. By the application of pres¬ sure one of the camels may injure or perhaps break the foreleg of the other. Important too is the “goat game,” ulaq, a very fast and danger¬ ous sport played at times by several hundred men on horseback. A rider from one team attempts to carry a goat over a broad area to a goal before horsemen from other teams seize the animal from him. Throughout much of the Uzbek area another sport, darwazlik^ is popular. In one form, an end of a rope is tied to the top of a very high post (something like two or three stories in height), the other being attached to a post near the ground. A darwaz^ usually attired in red clothing, ascends this tight rope without the aid of a balancing pole to a small swing near the top. On this he performs acrobatic tricks such as hanging from the swing by his feet. In other instances the rope may be stretched horizontally. A “kettle” with a notch in the bottom is set upon the rope, and the darwaz places his feet inside this container so that one foot is on each side of the rope. Holding a bal- UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 109 ancing pole in his hands he moves slowly along the rope with little jumps. These tricks are sometimes performed in Kabul by traveling Uzbeks. MEDICINAL PRACTICES AND OTHER BELIEFS This discussion of medicinal practices has reference to tra¬ ditional beliefs. These have undergone considerable change and are today adhered to by few Uzbeks in Kabul. Fate and jinns have in the past been considered the principal causes of most illnesses. When ill¬ ness strikes^ one is supposed to accept it stoically. An individual is considered emotionally “light” if he cannot endure it easily; emo¬ tionally “heavy” persons are highly regarded. As in other parts of Central Asia, certain diseases are treated with “hot” foods, others with “cold.” If an individual has a fever, espe¬ cially that of malaria, he is given “cold” foods — e.g.^ green tea, yogurt, citrus fruits, carrots, and most other vegetables; for certain other dis¬ eases the Uzbeks administer “hot” foods, such as black tea, chocolate and other “sweets,” grapes, and fried meat. Foods considered ex¬ tremely “hot” are chicken, horsemeat, nuts, and sun-dried foods — raisins. “Neutral” foods, wheat bread, rice, butter, milk, etc., are em¬ ployed in a variety of ailments. Different kinds of fever are placed in a single category, isitma. The patient is fed yawyan xordi, a rice soup to which yogurt is added. Or he might be given an especially “cold” food, sokaH. This is prepared by boiling in milk some millet from which the skin has been removed. Fevers may also be treated with cold water or ice or with such purga¬ tives as castor oil and that made by boiling the leaves of sana (evi¬ dently senna). Ordinary colds, tumaw, are distinguished from severe chest colds, zatilfam. The Kabul Uzbeks may treat a cold by taking hot drinks to help them perspire. Or they may visit public steam baths. People with colds avoid such foods as grapes and melons and abstain from drink¬ ing cold water. Severe coughing, kokyutal, is supposed to be helped if one sucks on hard candies. Stomach disorders, yurak ayruq^ are usu¬ ally treated with purgatives. Eye disorders are termed koz ayruq. For red itching, burning eyes some persons dissolve a crimson dye, qirmiz, in water and wash out the eyes with this. Some believe that a sty will disappear if one gets up early in the morning and “greets” a mountain with salam. Cuts and boils come under the category, yara. Some Uzbeks treat a boil by applying heat until it breaks open and then placing over it 110 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE saqic, a kind of chewing gum. This keeps the boil open and allows it to drain. Instead of saqic a few persons use ziyir marham^ a paste made by boiling a grain, ziyir. To treat a cut the Uzbeks first wash it with cold water and then apply some ground sugar or possibly the ashes of burnt cotton or paper. Burns fall into another category. These are treated with a paste made of yeasted wheat dough diluted in some water. This has a cooling effect. For a nosebleed they rinse out the nose with cold water or pour cold water over the, patient’s head. If the bleeding continues, some Uzbeks fold a handkerchief with coins inside and tie this tightly about the head with the coins resting on the fore¬ head. For bruises and sprains a few persons may soak a cloth in a small child’s urine and rub it on the affected area. Sprains may also be treated by massage. If one is suffering from leg cramps, he may lie face down on the floor while a small child walks upon the legs. A stiff neck is thought to be relieved if one follows a well-dressed individual and bows and “greets” him without letting him know this is being done. Rheumatism is treated by keeping the affected part warm and also immersing it in hot salt water. To treat a wart, some Uzbeks tie a horsehair around it or go and throw some salt in a well. Hiccups are thought to be helped if one drinks cold water. Frostbite is relieved by the application of heat and by rubbing. For any of the aforementioned diseases, but especially for fainting and mental disturbances ()inni ), a few people may go to a doaxan. He will say some prayers or give the patient a piece of paper, tumar, on which he has written something, doa, usually in Arabic. The doaxan folds this paper into a triangle and wraps it in a piece of cloth or puts it into a little cloth sack. (Some people place these in elaborate silver containers.) The amulet is worn hanging from the neck or placed under the headgear. Sometimes it may be worn on that part of the body which is affected by the illness. Women, especially, may go to a shrine and pray. (Among Uzbeks in certain communities in northern Afghanistan a practice called kocurmaq is used in curing. Here a doaxan tries to remove a jinn while playing a drum.) Finally, certain Uzbeks in Kabul seek to cure illnesses by prescrib¬ ing certain herbs, or special “diets” termed parhiz. Such a person is called a tabib. For an understanding of the daily life of the Kabul Uzbeks it is necessary to describe a few of their other beliefs, especially those per- UZBEK CULTURE OF CENTRAL ASIA 111 taining to prediction of the future and portents of “good” and “bad” luck. Besides the doaxan there are other individuals who seek to prog¬ nosticate the future. A few persons in Kabul consult an Uzbek who utilizes forty-one stones in doing this. He divides these stones, with¬ out first counting them, into three groups. Each group is then sepa¬ rated arbitrarily into three parts, making nine piles. Depending upon the arrangement of the stones, he is supposed to be able to foretell the future. Dreams are utilized by some Uzbeks as a guide to future action. A number of rules govern the interpretation of dreams — e.g.^ one is not supposed to interpret a dream for himself but should get someone else to do it for him. Some of the ways in which dreams are interpreted are as follows: If you dream that someone will die, that person is ex¬ pected to live a long time. If you dream you are traveling, you will probably take a trip in the near future. Dreaming about a snake means you will acquire wealth. And dreaming about water indi¬ cates that you will acquire knowledge. Thus if a person dreams he is swimming, he is expected to become a good scholar. If a person has a problem, he will sometimes pray for a dream which will provide a solution to it. This practice is called istaxora. What are some of the things which the Uzbeks consider to bring good luck? The numbers three and seven are thought to be especially lucky. And if a person’s palm itches this means he will acquire some extra money. The list of omens or actions portending bad luck is much more extensive. If a cock crows in the afternoon, this is considered to be unfavorable. Some Uzbeks will go out and kill the cock if this hap¬ pens. Tuesday is considered to be a particularly unlucky day. The Uzbeks would not cut a piece of cloth on this day with a knife or scis¬ sors, although they might tear it. Nor would some start on a trip on Tuesday. Likewise the month of Safar is considered to be an unlucky time for initiating a journey. People are careful not to step over some¬ one who is lying on the floor; if the latter is a child he might become stunted in his growth. And one should not walk under a ladder. Most Uzbeks are careful not to point at a grave. Nor would they sleep lying face up, because this is the manner in which the dead are often buried. And praising something or someone can be dangerous. This is believed to occur as a result of koz, literally “eye”: thus if one looks “deeply” into what he is praising, something might happen to the person or ob¬ ject involved. Because a child is considered especially vulnerable the Uzbeks often try to dress children unattractively. 112 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE If a person holds his hand flat with the fingers together and one can see between the fingers, that person is considered generous. When one’s ear itches someone is supposed to be talking about him. Whis¬ tling is frowned upon; it is reserved for calling dogs. Finally, there is a belief that thunder is caused by an old woman in the clouds who occasionally becomes angry, CONCLUSION This paper has had as its primary objective a partial de¬ scription of the way of life of the Uzbeks of Kabul, especially those in¬ fluenced by the Tashkent sub-culture. These persons are citizens of Afghanistan, Most of them were born there, although they continue to be influenced by the culture of their elders. It is sincerely hoped that this paper, by describing the culture of this group, will contribute to a better understanding of a people about whom so little has been written. LITERATURE CITED Barthold, W., 1928 — Turkestan down to the Mongol invasion. London. - — , 1945 — Histoire des Turcs d’Asie Centrale. Paris. Hudson, Alfred E., 1938 — Kazak social structure (Yale University Publications in Anthropology, No. 20). New Haven. Jarring, Gunnar, 1938 — Uzbek texts from Afghan Turkestan (Lunds Universitets Arsskrift, N. F. Avd. 1, Bd. 34). Lund. - , 1939 — On the distribution of Turk tribes in Afghanistan (Lunds Universi¬ tets Arsskrift, N. F. Avd. 1, Bd. 35). Lund. Montell, G., 1939 — Mongolian chess and chess-men. Ethnos, 4(2); 81-104. Olufsen, O., 1911 — The Emir of Bokhara and his country. London. Smith, David E., 1925 — History of mathematics. Vol. H. Boston. VON Gabain, a., 1945 — Ozbekische Grammatik. Leipzig, WuRM, Stefan, 1945 — Der ozbekische Dialekt von Andidschan (Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Bd. 224) . Wien. Science in Texas The Robert A. Welch Foundation of Houston has given a total of $850,000 in grants for chemical research in Texas. Of this amount, $295,422 goes to The Rice Institute, $294,600 to The University of Texas, and $260,000 to the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas. The Foundation announced that a decision had been made to support basic chemistry research projects in Texas instead of build¬ ing its own laboratories. The money from the Foundation must be spent in Texas. ★ ★ The Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas has already an¬ nounced the disposition of its $260,000 for chemical research received from the Robert A. Welch Foundation (see above). A total of $15,000 a year for three years will go to Dr. Fred W. Jensen for high frequency research. The same amount will go to Dr. A. F. Isbell for fundamental research in organo-phosphorus chemistry. Dr. Carl M. Lyman will receive $55,000 for the first year and $35,000 for two succeeding years to conduct research in the chemistry and metabolism of proteins and amino acids. Dr. J. R. Couch will also receive $15,000 a year for three years for research on the isolation and identification of new vitamins. ★ ★ ★ ★ Dean W. R. Woolrich and Dr. Byron E. Short of the College of Engineering of The University of Texas are serving as associate edi¬ tors of the 1955-56 Air Conditioning and Refrigeration Data Book. This will be published by the American Association of Refrigeration Engineers. iK 'k 'k The Symposium on Hydrocarbon Chemistry, sponsored by the Southeastern Texas Section, American Chemical Society, was held in Houston, January 27-28, 1955. The dinner speaker was Dr. Carey Croneis (Rice Institute), who discussed the topic, “Mankind in Geo¬ logical Perspective.” On the program were Drs. D, P. Stevenson (Shell Development Company), J. D. Roberts (California Institute of Tech¬ nology), Guy Waddington (U. S. Bureau of Mines), G. B. Kistiakow- sky (Harvard University), M. Szwarc (State University of New York), W. E. Doering (Yale University), E. W. R. Steacie (National Research Council of Canada), and W. A. Noyes, Jr. (University of Rochester) . 113 114 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE Dr. Edward Lowell Pratt, formerly of the College of Medicine, New York University, has joined the faculty of the Southwestern Medical School in Dallas. Dr. Pratt is Professor of Pediatrics and chairman of the Department of Pediatrics. He took a B.S. degree from Massachu¬ setts Institute of Technology and his M.D. from Harvard University. ★ ★ ★ ★ Sir Lionel Whitby, vice-chancellor of Cambridge University, con¬ ducted a series of seminars and conferences on blood disorders at the University of Texas Medical Branch in December. Sir Lionel was president of the first World Conference on Medical Education, which was held in London in 1953. ★ ★ ★ ★ The University of Texas now has 479 students from 61 foreign countries, and most of these are specializing in scientific subjects. Of these 479 students, 200 are from the Western Hemisphere. Largest representation among individual countries is Syria’s 39 students. Jordan and Mexico have 38 each. In second place among Western Hemisphere countries is Colombia with 26 students. Venezuela, with 22 students, is matched by India, which has the same number. Other countries with large delegations are Iraq with 20; Turkey, 19; China, 18; and Lebanon, 15. The College of Engineering claims more foreign enrollees than any other University school or college, with 177 repre¬ sented. The Graduate School is second, with 131, and the College of Arts and Sciences is third with 97. ★ Dr. Pierre Grabar, director of the Biophysics Section of the Pasteur Institute of Paris, France, has been appointed a senior fellow at The University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston. The appointment was made under the James W. McLaughlin Fellowship Program in infectious diseases and immunity. Dr. Grabar will work with Dr. Charles M. Pomerat in the Tissue Culture Laboratory and with Dr. W. W. Nowinski in the Tissue Metabolism Laboratory. ★ ★ ★ ★ The Hogg Foundation for Mental Hygiene at The University of Texas has some 360 books and 1300 pamphlets available for two-week loan. A list of titles, arranged by categories, is available upon request. ★ ★ ★ ★ The University of Texas Radio House has received a $5,400 grant for preparation of a series of radio programs dealing with special-edu- SCIENCE ACTIVITIES IN TEXAS 115 cation and handicapped children. The grant was awarded by the Edu¬ cational Television and Radio Center and the National Association of Educational Broadcasters. The series, entitled “The Child Beyond,” will feature authorities known for their understanding of exceptional and handicapped children’s problems. ★ ★ ★ ★ Dr. Athos da Silveira Ramos, vice-director of the National School of Chemistry, University of Brazil, is now in the United States making a study of graduate training in the fields of petroleum chemistry and petroleum engineering. In December he visited The University of Texas to review the work of Dr. Kenneth A. Kobe, who in 1951 helped the University of Brazil reorganize its curriculum in chemical engi¬ neering. ★ ★ ★ ★ The Bureau of Economic Geology of The University of Texas an¬ nounces that Bulletin 3232, Volume I, The Geology of Texas, Strati¬ graphy, has been reprinted and is now available. -k "k The Pharmaceutical Foundation of The University of Texas will conduct a drug-industry manpower survey. The survey will be con¬ ducted by the College of Pharmacy in cooperation with the College of Business Administration. Data will be accumulated on the relationship of manpower supply to pharmacy training; Selective Service effects on pharmacy manpower; salary and working-hour trends; the ade¬ quacy of pharmacy training; and average income, age, and education of practicing pharmacists. ★ ★ ★ ★ The University of Texas Medical Branch at Galveston has received a grant of $10,000 from the T. J. Brown and C. A. Lupton Founda¬ tion for a medical student loan fund. k k k "k A bibliography on housing for warmer climates has been published by the National Research Council and the Bureau of Engineering Re¬ search at The University of Texas. This bibliography, which is a book¬ let of 115 pages, supplements previous bibliographies on housing for warmer climates. ★ ★ ★ ★ Under a contract with the Foreign Operations Administration, the Agricultural and Mechanical College of Texas will aid educational. 116 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE research, and extension programs in agriculture of the Antonio Narro Agricultural School, Saltillo, Mexico, A, &. M. College will furnish technicians to supervise improvement of agricultural work at the Mexican school. Seven A. & M. staff members, headed by a chief ad¬ visor, will work in Mexico during the first year of the contract; nine will work during the second year. Total cost for the full period is estimated at $751,000. Affairs of the Texas Academy of Science The new officers of The Texas Academy of Science for 1955 are as follows: D. F. Leipper (A. & M. College of Texas), President; J. C. Finerty (The University of Texas Medical Branch), executive vice president; G. P. Parker (A. & M. College of Texas), secretary-treas¬ urer; J. R. Couch (A. & M. College of Texas), vice president for Sec¬ tion I (Physical Sciences); D. W. Craik (Hardin-Simmons Univer¬ sity), vice president for Section II (Biological Sciences); H. T. Man¬ uel (The University of Texas, vice president for Section III (Social Sciences) ; F. E, Lozo (Shell Oil Company), vice president for Section IV (Earth Sciences); Clark Hubbs (The University of Texas), vice president for Section V (Conservation) . Mrs. Gladys H. Baird (Hunts¬ ville) was elected to the Board of Directors. ★ ★ ★ ★ The South Texas Regional Meeting of The Texas Academy of Science will be held at Texas Southmost College in Brownsville on April 15-16, 1955. Inquiries should be directed to Professor Velma Wilson of Texas Southmost College. ★ ★ ★ ★ SHERMAN WEAVER BILSING (1885-1954). Sherman Weaver Bilsing was born December 8, 1885, and reared on a farm near Crest¬ line, Ohio. He taught in the public schools of Ohio at the age of 1 7 be¬ fore he finished high school. His high school training was completed at Martin Bolhm Academy in 1908. In 1912 he received the Bachelor of Science Degree from Otterbein College and the Bachelor of Arts Degree from Ohio State University. Dr. Bilsing was a Fellow at Ohio State University in 1912-13, receiving the Master of Arts Degree in 1913. He spent the summer of 1915 studying entomology at the Uni¬ versity of California. Dr. Bilsing came to Texas Agricultural and Mechanical College as Instructor of Entomology in 1913 and was made head of the department in 1918, in which capacity he served until 1947. He returned to Ohio State University in 1923—24 on a fellowship and received his Doctor of Philosophy Degree in 1924. He continued to serve as Professor of Entomology at Texas A. & M. College from 1947 until his retirement in October, 1952, after more than 39 years of service to the State of Texas and to professional entomology. Al¬ though Dr. Bilsing had been in failing health for several years, his 117 118 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE death on July 23, 1954, came as a shock to his co-workers and many other friends. Dr. Bilsing was married to Miss Alma Merwin of Mt. Vernon, Iowa, on August 22, 1922. Mrs. Bilsing and a son, William Albert, a prac¬ ticing physician, survive. Another son, Dean, preceded him in death, December, 1932. For many years Dr. Bilsing furnished the inspiration for his students to pursue advanced training in the field of entomology. He gave liber¬ ally of his time to those in need of counsel, and his guidances were ac¬ cepted and cherished by many who followed them. Graduate and former students have marvelled at his ability to remember names and faces, and his keen mind was always filled with many incidents that occurred throughout his teaching career. He was responsible for mak¬ ing financial arrangements for many undergraduate and graduate students in pursuit of college education. Many personal loans were made to students, and in most instances, with absolutely no security. When asked why he did not require a signed note, he responded, “I would not loan the money if I thought your word was not better than a note.” An outstanding characteristic was his ability to obtain the re¬ spect and devotion of those fortunate enough to have studied under his guidance. He trained several of the outstanding entomologists in the nation. Above all things, he was a man; true, dependable, lover of the truth and a real scientist. Dr. Bilsing was a Fellow of the American Association for the Ad¬ vancement of Science, and of the Entomological Society of America. He was an Honorary Life Member of The Texas Academy of Science. He was given the Distinguished Service Medal and made an Honorary Life Member of the Texas Pecan Growers’ Association in 1928 for his contribution to the pecan industry through insect control. He helped organize and served as the first president of the Texas Entomological Society, which is now the Southwestern Branch of the Entomological Society of America. Dr. Bilsing held various offices in professional societies, among them the Secretary of the Academy Conference of the American Association for the Advancement of Science from 1928 to 1941. He was a member of the Executive Council of the AAAS from 1 928 to 1 944. In the Amer¬ ican Association of Economic Entomologists he was chairman of the Membership Committee in 1931, vice president of the Section on Bee¬ keeping in 1936, first vice president of the Association in 1937, chair¬ man of the Cotton States Branch in 1935, secretary of the Section on Teaching in 1941, and vice president of this last section from 1941 to AFFAIRS OF THE TEXAS ACADEMY OF SCIENCE 119 1945. He was a representative of The Texas Academy of Science to the American Association for the Advancement of Science from 1928 to 1944. He was a member of Sigma Xi and Pi Kappa Delta. Dr. Bilsing was also librarian for The Texas Academy of Science and served in this capacity for many years. “Doc,” as he was referred to by his students, was more than just a classroom teacher. He was the first entomologist to do extension work in Texas under the Smith-Lever Act. He was consulting entomologist during 1927 for insurance companies whose clients were exporters of flour. He maintained a continuous research program and did out¬ standing work on the biology and control of several insects. He was the author of many scientific bulletins and papers. His best known publica¬ tions are those on the life history and control of the pecan nut case- bearer. His research on this insect is one of the most thorough studies ever made on any insect. — D. F. Martin, M. A. Price, and N. M. Randolph. ★ ★ ★ ★ The preceding issue of THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE, Vol. VI, No. 4, December, 1954, was mailed from San Marcos, Texas, on February 12, 1955. Professional Directory | J. BRIAN EBY ) ConsuUing Geologist ( 347 Eperson Bldg. ) Fli. CH-4776 Houston, Tex. PETTY GEOPHYSICAL ENGINEERING COMPANY Seismic Gravity Magnetic Surveys ( 317 Sixth St. San Antonio, Texas ) 1 LEONARD J. NEUMAN C Registered Professional Engineer \ Geological and Geophysical Surveys ) Petroleum Engineering Reports ) Houston, Texas ? Geophysical OHice Engineering Office ( 943 Mellie Esperson Bldg. Ph. Preston 3705 ( Ph. FA-7086 ZINGERY BLUE PRINT CO. (“Greater Distance - Greater Discount”) S Phone Atwood 6483 ^ 435 Esperson Building \ Houston 2, Texas S LEO HORVITZ ) Geochemical Prospecting ) Horvitz Research Laboratories ^ Houston, Texas ) Ph. KE-5545 3217 Milam Street E. E. ROSAIRE Prospecting for Petroleum ) DALLAS, TEXAS j MICHEL T. HALBOUTY ) Consulting / Geologist and Petroleum Engineer ) Shell Building ) Houston 2, Texas Phone PR-6376 H. KLAUS I Geologist ) KLAUS EXPLORATION COMPANY j Lubbock, Texas S D’ARCY M. CASHIN ) Geologist Engineer \ Specialists Gulf Coast Salt Domes ) Examinations, Reports, Appraisals ) Estimates of Reserves S 2018 Nat’l. Standard Bldg. Houston 2, Texas Consulting Geologists S Appraisals Reservoir Engineers S DeGOLYER and MacNAUGHTON Continental Building S DALLAS, TEXAS j WILLIAM H. SPICE, JR. ) Consulting Geologist ( 2101-03 Alamo National Building < SAN ANTONIO 5, TEXAS SAMPLE AND CHILDERS C. H. Sample A. F. Childers, Jr. ) Consulting Geologists ) 901 Southern Standard Bldg. ) Houston 2, Texas ) ? HERSHAL C. FERGUSON ) Consulting Geologist and Paleontologist ) Esperson Building J HOUSTON, TEXAS ) 825V2 Gravier Street New Orleans, La. JOHN L. BIBLE Tidelands Exploration Co. ( Seismic & Gravity Surveys ( on land and sea t 2626 Westheimer Houston, Texas ( Professional Directory Continued S. RUSSELL (PAT) CASEY, JR. Petroleum Management Company c Electric Building ) Phone CH-1622 ? Houston, Texas LOCKWOOD & ANDREWS Consulting Engineers ( Houston S DALE SHEPHERD, C. L. U. and Associates ) Estate Analysis - Pension Planning ( Insurance Programming - Business Insur. S General Agents ( Connecticut Mutual Life Insurance Co. ( 1802-3-4-5 Esperson Bldg. Houston ^ GEOCHEMICAL SURVEYS 3806 Cedar Springs Road Dallas 4, Texas & 318 F&M Bank Bldg. ' Abilene, Texas C. H. Broussard, Vice President of Independent, started out as a helper for IX ISVz years ago after attend¬ ing LSU and Georgia Tech. He has progressed through every job in the exploration field including computer, party chief, review department head, and chief geophysicist. He has a total of 17 years experience in geophysical work. Experience, Equipment and Modern Techniques are the keys to your Exploration Success Independent Exploration Company has contributed generously to the development of new equipment and modern techniques during the 20 years in which it has served the oil industry. Now one of the oldest and most experienced explora¬ tion contractors in the business. Independent believes that experienced Party Chiefs hold a key to your exploration success. Independent’s crews under the su¬ pervision of Party Chiefs with an average of 16 years service, have served more than 100 important oil producers. 9*u&e-pe*ulle*it^ C^c.p,e>Ue*ice' Me>Ut4. CoHpJeHce QmpJtifUcai 1 9 7 3 WEST GRAY ★ HOUSTON, T E 3C A $ ESTABLISHED 1933 » SEISMIC AND GRAVITY INTERPRETATIONS A complete service within the organization with the most modern equipment and highly-trained personnel S I (< ' * / * ' ' =; ■"#»»?« I ■ ■-■-;,,''4v'#r'^ ',1 y- i f r: ! f t f i. i; i t I MISSION Fluid tnd PISTON with MISSION Super16 The diffraction tracings also show an (060) spacing at 1.53 or 1.54 angstroms, which indicates the montmorillonitic mineral to be a non- tronite (iron-rich montmorillonite) or a saponite (magnesium-rich montmorillonite). Three chemical analyses of the altered igneous rock from Onion Creek, adjacent to Pilot Knob, are presented in Table L The high ferric iron content of two of the rocks indicates that the mineral is chiefly nontronite. The interplaner spacings of nontronite and of sample T40T6 are compared in Table IL TABLE I Chemical Analyses of Three Sample of Altered Igneous Rock from Onion Creek, Travis County, Texas; Univ. Texas Bull. 6'6, p. 42, 1916. 1 2 3 SiO, 31.50 27.00 20.74 10.15 11.47 10.21 Fe,03 9.58 8.89 14.04 FeO 4.14 4.28 2.86 MgO 14.24 5.53 3.11 CaO 6.76 14.25 20.48 Na^O 0.29 0.40 0.30 K,0 0.10 0.21 0.41 CO, 4.40 10.00 soj 0.55 0.48 0.62 P205 0.51 0.64 trace 0.56 0.75 0.52 H30+ 12.52 10.86 8.90 H,0- 9.44 11.30 8.10 Total 100.34 100.46 100.29 CONCLUSIONS 1. The greenish material in the rocks produced by altera¬ tion of fragmental basalt at Pilot Knob is a clay mineral of the mont¬ morillonite group, as indicated by X-ray diffraction pattern and lat¬ tice expansion when treated with ethylene glycol. The chemical com¬ position of the rocks indicates that the mineral is chiefly nontronite. MINERALOGY OF SERPENTINE 147 TABLE II Comparison of Diffraction Patterns of Nontronite (Gruner, 1935) and of Sample T40.16 Nontronite T40.16 Interplanar Distance Intensity Interplanar Distance Intensity 13.9 6 14.8 10 7 ind 7 ind 4.97 1/3 4.50 ■ 4 4.6 3 3.42 1-2 3.5 2-3 3.04 ind 2.80 0.5 2.521 2vb 2.52 2-3b 2.2 ind 1.716 0.5-1 1.70 1 1.670 1 1.629 0.5 1.517 3 1.54 vb 1.478 1 1.305 lb 1.282 0.5 1.260 1 j3= line caused by radiation b== broad line vb= very broad line ind= indistinct line 2. Detrital grains of the greenish mineral incorporated in limestone at some distance from the volcanic source do not yield the X-ray dif¬ fraction pattern for glauconite, but the montmorillonite type pattern is less distinct, possibly indicating an adjustment toward equilibrium with marine environment. 3. The name serpentine should not be used for this rock without further explanation of what the user means by the term. If serpentine is restricted (as it commonly is) to the dimorphous minerals antigorite and crysotile, and to rocks containing one or both of these minerals I (preferably called serpentinite to indicate that it is a rock name), the I Pilot Knob material is not serpentine. If the term serpentine is used to i denote any altered iron- and magnesium-rich igneous rock, and the i hydrous iron and magnesium silicates that occur in such rocks, the ^ Pilot Knob material may be so designated. 4. The behavior of central Texas oil and gas “serpentine” reser- j voirs should be re-examined in the light of the discovery that similar 148 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE “serpentine” at Pilot Knob is montmorillonite. For example, it is pos¬ sible that water-flooding causes swelling of the clay and entrapment of part of the oil and gas. Treatment of the reservoir rock with suitable reagents may alter the behavior of the clay and facilitate recovery. REFERENCES CITED Bradley, W. F., 1945 — Molecular associations between montmorillonite and some polyfunctional organic liquids. Jour. Amer. Chem. Soc. 67:975-981. Brindley, G. W. (editor), 1951 — X-ray identification and crystal structures of clay minerals. Chap. VI, p. 160, Pt. II, Nomenclature of the mica clay min¬ erals by G. Brown. Mineralogical Soc. Great Britain. Monograph. Durham, C. O., Jr., 1949 — ^Stratigraphic relations of the Pilot Knob pyroclastics in Cretaceous of Austin, Texas, Area. Shreveport Geol. Soc. Guide Book 17th Ann. Field Trip: 102-104. Efremov, N., 1953 — Chemical constitution of saponites, bowlingites, sauconites (Ab¬ stract). Bull. Geol. Soc. Amer. 64: 1505. Gruner, J. W., 1935 — The structural relationship of nontronites and montmoril¬ lonite. Amer. Mineralogist 20:475-83. Hendricks, S. B. and Ross, C. S., 1941 — Chemical composition and genesis of glauconite and celadonite. Amer. Mineralogist 26: 683-708. Hill, R. T., 1890 — Pilot Knob: A marine Cretaceous volcano. Amer. Geologist 6: 286-294. Kemp, J. F., 1890 — Notes on a nepheline-basalt from Pilot Knob, Texas in Hill, R. T., Pilot Knob: A marine Cretaceous volcano. Amer. Geologist 6:292-294. Lonsdale, F. T., 1927 — Igneous rocks of the Balcones fault region of Texas. Univ. Tex. Bull. 2744: 35-39, 119-123. McKinlay, R. H., 1940 — A study of Pilot Knob, Travis County, Texas. Unpub. M.A. thesis U. of Tex. Moon, C. G., 1942 — A study of the igneous rocks of Travis County, Texas. Unpub. M.A. thesis U. of Tex. Romberg, G., and Barnes, V. E., 1954 — A geological and geophysical study of Pilot Knob (south), Travis County, Texas. Geophysics 19:438-454. Origin of the Pinnacles on the Continental Shelf and Slope of the Gulf of Mexico by T. R. GOEDICKE A. and M. College of Texas ON THE Continental shelf and on the Continental slope of the Gulf of Mexico, there are many unusual pinnacles. These are concentrated on the continental slope, especially between the fifty and one hundred fathom lines. None of the other continental shelves of the North American continent, which have been surveyed in detail, shows such a variety of topographic features which have such an unusual amount of relief. These pinnacles, as they have been termed, are found along the continental slope and to a certain extent on the shelf from the mouth of the Mississippi River to a point east of Corpus Christi. This area is shown in Figure 1, which illustrates the relatively great concentration of the pinnacles in a band extending almost east and west and between solid. the contour lines indicating depths of fifty and one hundred fathoms. Examination of this hydrographic chart suggests that the pinnacles on 149 150 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE the shelf are rather small in a real extent and have low relief, whereas those on the continental slope are larger and show considerable relief. The best examples of these pinnacles are situated in an area south¬ east of Galveston between 93°30' and 94°00' west longitude and 27°45' and 28°00' north latitude. In this particular area there are two which have maximum relief in excess of 300 feet, flat tops, and steep sides. The westernmost has a depression in the top which is open to the northeast (Fig. 2). A little to the east of this particular area and Fig. 2. Detailed topography of two pinnacles near the edge of the continental shelf southeast of Galveston (after Carsey, 1950). situated also between the fifty and one hundred fathom lines there are a number of other pinnacles which do not show such great relief or steep slopes. They are situated in an area of unusually rough topog¬ raphy and are separated by submarine valleys, which are thought by some to have a genetic connection with the pinnacles. The most out¬ standing topographic feature east of these pinnacles is the Mississippi submarine trough. This feature has been discussed in some detail by Shepherd (1937) and is located a considerable distance west of the present mouth of the Mississippi River. PINNACLES IN GULF OF MEXICO 151 In considering the origin of these pinnacles it is well to consider the history of thought on these topographic features. Relatively little was known about the topography and structure of the continental shelf of the Gulf of Mexico before 1936. Detailed analysis of regional geo¬ physical surveys on the land areas of Texas and Louisiana, however, in combination with marine gravity work in the Gulf of Mexico, sug¬ gested that the zoning of the salt domes parallel to the coast must be attributed to basement structures. These basement structures may have antedated the deposition of the salt series and controlled its thickness and distribution as well as that of subsequent sediments. In 1936, the U. S. Coast and Geodetic Survey carried out a rather detailed fathometer survey of the Gulf of Mexico from the Mississippi River westward. During the course of this survey, detailed fathometer traverses were made across the Mississippi submarine trough as well as across topographic features which were suspected to be at the edge of the shelf. The results of this detailed survey were analyzed by Dr. Shepherd (1937) and he was the first to postulate that the pinnacles originated by the intrusion of salt into the sediments. He also postulated that the rather abrupt edge of the shelf had its origin in faulting, as well as that the submarine valleys which are found at the edge of the shelf were probably caused by the salt domes and by the depressions be¬ tween them. The same tectonic origin was attributed to the edge of the Mississippi submarine trough. A rather different view is held by Paul Weaver (1950), who made a careful analysis of the Gulf as a whole. He concluded that the con¬ tinental shelves are necessarily a geographical unit with the adjacent coast lines; furthermore, he proves, from a study of the topography of the continental shelf and the continental slope in conjunction with the topography of the adjacent land, that there is a fairly close relation¬ ship between the three. In his paper Weaver states that the fairly abrupt edge of the shelf and the fact that it is remarkably straight over a considerable distance suggest that this edge is a tectonic feature. This is illustrated especially by those portions of the shelf which are situated off Florida and off the Yucatan peninsula. In discussing the topographic features situated at the edge of the shelf. Weaver con¬ cludes that these must be of fairly recent origin and have been formed beneath the water. A specific discussion of some topographic features along the edge of the continental shelf between the Mississippi River and the coast of Tamaulipas, Mexico, was presented by Carsey at the meeting of the 152 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE American Association of Petroleum Geologists in Mexico City in 1 948 (Carsey, 1950). In this paper, Carsey suggests that the continental shelf is due to wave planation following a sea-level lowering of 70-80 fathoms. He further concurs with Shepherd in stating that the can¬ yons at the edge of the continental shelf are either due to subaerial erosion or due to submarine erosion in shallow water immediately off the mouths of heavily laden streams. In discussing the pinnacles on the continental shelf, Carsey sug¬ gests that some might be of volcanic origin, and others be due to salt intrusion. The remarkable relief of these features is attributed to erosion at the time of lower sea level. Some minima near the coast of Louisiana can be correlated with topographic features having low re¬ lief. No gravity data are, however, available for any of the pinnacles near the edge of the shelf because of the difficulty involved in lowering a gravity meter to a depth of 60 to 70 fathoms. The latest published information on the pinnacles on the shelf is by Stetson ( 1953) , who discusses the results of the cruise of the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution’s vessel Atlantis made in 1947. Stetson concludes that: 1. The continental shelves are depositional features which are gradu¬ ally built out from the shore. 2. That faulting at the edge of the shelf, if present, is the result of sedi¬ mentation and submarine slump. 3. That the pinnacles at the edge of the shelf have the appearance of bioherms and are found to have considerable coral growth upon them. They are found to be bare of the usual sediments deposited on the con¬ tinental shelf and slope, and their periphery is covered with lime debris apparently eroded from the upper part of the pinnacles. In comparing these j pinnacles with bioherms, Stetson concludes that they are not erosional | remnants and are therefore excellent evidence against the postulated sea- | level lowering in excess of 50 fathoms. They may quite possibly have origi¬ nated since the world-wide sea-level lowering of 100 meters during the ! Pleistocene. In the very recent past it has been suggested again that some, ; if not all of the pinnacles, may be due to volcanic action localized along | a tectonic break. ' In considering all of the above reflections in connection with the ge- | ology and topography of the shelf, and the most recent geological and ' geophysical evidence, we must come to the conclusion that the pin- , nacles are mainly due to tectonic activity and partially due to differen- I tial erosion. ! The line of evidence which points to the tectonic origin of these | features is that recent geophysical work has revealed the presence of numerous large faults that are parallel to the coast. The presence | PINNACLES IN GULF OF MEXICO 153 of these faults has been verified by drilling at or near the coast line, and these faults have been found to have throws of considerable magni¬ tude. Reflection seismic surveying has proven that this fault pattern extends to a distance of at least 20 miles from the shore line. Major trends of faulting are definitely known in an area between Freeport and the Mexican border, and in an area extending a considerable dis¬ tance off the Louisiana coast in the vicinity of Morgan City. Most of the faults are parallel or subparallel to the coast and are normal with the downthrown side to sea. The major faults are connected by minor adjustment faults. One striking feature of these faults is that the throw increases downward in the geologic section and that the minimum throw is of the order of 500 feet. Another characteristic of these faults is that they may change along strike from a fault which is down to the sea to a fault which is down to the land. ThisTs especially true of faults in southwest Texas and has recently been discussed in a paper by Quarles ( 1953) . Still another characteristic of these faults, which is emphasized in this paper and has been observed by many seismologists, is the very prominent re¬ versed drag, displayed by beds adjacent to the fault plane. Quarles has a very interesting hypothesis to account for these faults. This hypothesis, which agrees very well with regional structures, pos¬ tulates that the faults are the result of adjustment of the sedimentary column to stresses caused by the building-up of salt ridges. The pres¬ ence of these salt ridges was suggested as early as 1942 by Neumann, who discussed the results of early torsion balance and pendulum sur¬ veys on the Gulf Coast. These gravity surveys indicate the presence of a positive gravity anomaly just inland from, and parallel to, the coast near Galveston and Matagorda bays, and suggest the possible presence of another positive gravity anomaly just off the coast and parallel to the first one. These gravity highs are a reversal of the normal coastal gravity minimum and are interpreted by Neumann as being thresh¬ olds in the pre-salt basement, which are reflected in relative salt thick¬ ness. This is in direct agreement with the theory of faults and salt ridges and the data gained from recent seismic measurements. It is interesting to note that some of the faults discussed above have been found to be active at the present time and to have a considerable degree of motion. Two such faults which are active at the surface, and also known from well data, are situated in the Hitchcock-Texas City area. In view of the general picture, it seems reasonable to assume that the pinnacles on the continental shelf as well as the pinnacles on the 154 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE continental slope and their associated valleys are all of fairly recent origin and have a genetic connection with these tectonic movements. The rather steep slopes of the pinnacles which are situated on the con¬ tinental slope between the 50-fathom and the 100-fathom line suggest that they are tectonic, and is good evidence against a volcanic origin. All of the volcanos which are found on the adjacent coast in Mexico have the characteristic gentle slopes caused by the extrusion of lavas of intermediate to basic composition. In analyzing these pinnacles, it is best to compare them with a geologically similar area where the conditions are well known. Such an area is situated in the southwestern part of the Persian Gulf, where salt domes are found to be extrusive on land and to form islands in the Gulf. Figure 3 is an index map of part of Persia showing the location of the salt dome area and most of the domes. The domes are located tectonically in front of a series of overthrust nappes formed during the middle and late Tertiary orogeny. The front of the foremost of the nappes is shown on Fig. 3. The salt plugs are intrusive into all sediments up to the late Tertiary, and the mother salt bed is appar¬ ently of middle Cambrian age. This age determination is based upon the presence of Cambrian trilobites in sediments of the Hormuz series which accompanies and often lies upon the salt of the domes (Rich¬ ardson, 1928) . Most of the Persian salt domes have a sedimentary cover which is intact. Many have reached the surface and the salt flows off in the form of salt glaciers. Some have been breached by erosion and these show a circular or semi-circular rim of steeply dipping sediments sur¬ rounding a center of rock salt and erratic blocks of the Hormuz series. The best example of this is given by the island of Hormuz itself. Almost 80% of the island consists of a central core of rock salt. This is surrounded by a narrow rim of Hormuz sediments which have a ver¬ tical dip or are even overturned due to the effect of the salt intrusion. The geological relations at Hormuz island and at other salt domes in the vicinity are shown on Fig. 4. The lower member of the Hormuz series consists mainly of rock salt and is shown by a dotted pattern. This is overlain by a dolomite-anhydrite member shown in black and a member consisting of volcanics and gypsum. This latter is shown by a pattern of small circles and is found to surround the salt not only in the case of Hormuz island, but also at the salt domes of Namakdan and Bostaneh. Fig. 5 shows the salt plug at Kuh-I-Irche, which is situated some dis- PINNACLES IN GULF OF MEXICO 155 Fig. 3. Index map of part of the Persian Gulf showing salt plugs. The solid line to th« northwest of the salt domes indicates the front of the nappes (after Richardson, 1928). 156 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE and Bostaneh (after Richardson, 1927). tance inland from the salt domes mentioned before, and is most typi¬ cal of that type of Persian salt dome which has penetrated the center of an elongated anticline of younger rocks. Erosion has removed some of the salt member of the Hormuz series, leaving a depression filled by rock salt upon which are erosional remnants of Hormuz sediments. A comparison of the cross section of this Persian salt plug with the lower part of Fig. 6, which is a profile across the westernmost of the two pinnacles off Galveston, suggests a striking similarity. From this, H = Horiitus Rockn. Fig. 5. Map and cross section of salt plug at Kuh-I-Irche in Laristan, southern Persia (after Harrison, 1930). PINNACLES IN GULF OF MEXICO 157 Fig. 6. Cross sections across the two pinnacles at the edge of the continental shelf southeast of Galveston (after Stetson, 1953). A, NE-SW section across pinnacle at N. Lat. 27° 54', W. Long. 93° 35', B, E-W section across pinnacle at N. Lat. 27° 53', W. Long. 93° 49'. and from the fact that the pinnacle lies in a known salt dome area, there arises the suggestion that the pinnacle is a salt dome which has been breached by erosion on the north-northeast side. This suggestion is emphasized upon examination of Fig. 2. During the early part of this year a seismic refraction profile was observed in this general area by Ewing of Columbia University, and although results were somewhat inconclusive, high velocities were found to be present. The velocities encountered were of the general order of magnitude of velocities found in salt dome areas on the Gulf Coast ( J. L. Worzel, personal communication) . The center of the geosyncline itself appears to be a little further to sea than previously estimated, according to further evidence from seis¬ mic refraction measurements made by Dr. Ewing. These measure¬ ments revealed the maximum thickness, of low velocity material to be slightly to landward of the 100-fathom line, rather than near the coast, as previously postulated. An analysis of the combined data of the seismic and gravity meas¬ urements suggests that the gravity maximum along the coast between Galveston and Matagorda bays is a structural high in the basement below the geosyncline. This high may antedate the deposition of the salt series, and may have had a controlling effect upon it, as well as upon the location of possible salt ridges and associated faults. 158 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE If this is correct, it suggests an analogy between that part of the Gulf coast geosyncline situated near Galveston, and the North Ger¬ man salt basin. In the case of the latter, pre-salt horsts have deter¬ mined the alignment of domes along their sides, where step-faults facilitated salt intrusion. It is suggested that the pinnacles between Galveston and the con¬ tinental slope, the numerous pinnacles on the slope itself, and the intensive faulting along the coast, have a genetic connection with the basement highs and salt ridges suggested by geophysical data. The verification of this theory will, of course, have to wait until further seismic refraction measurements are made in the area between the coast and the edge of the continental shelf, as well as on the con¬ tinental slope. A program for detailed exploration of this area should be based mainly on seismic refraction data with the aid of: 1. Salinity measurements of bottom water samples and sediment cores obtained in the vicinity of the suspected “salt domes.” High salinity should | be encountered if salt is close to the surface. j 2. Gravity work to establish some general structural trends and to add i to the picture of torsion balance work made by Neumann. It is doubtful, I however, if gravity work would differentiate between igneous intrusions ; and salt domes in this area because of the relatively low density of the : sea-floor sediments. ! The above measurements should furnish much valuable informa- ' tion on the structure of the Gulf Coast geosyncline and the location of j future oil resources on the continental shelf. I BIBLIOGRAPHY i Carsey, j. B., 1950 — Geology of Gulf coast area and continental shelf. Bull. Amer. ' Assoc. Petrol. Geol. 34 (3): 361-385. ' Harrison, J. V., 1930 — The geology of some salt plugs in Laristan (Southern I Persia). Quarterly Journal Geol. Soc. London 86 (4) : 463-522. ; Kornfeld, j. a., 1928 — Faulted structures play big role in coastal production. Oil Weekly m {U): 17 -\9>. I Quarles, Miller, 1953 — Salt ridge hypothesis of origin of Gulf coast type of fault¬ ing. Amer. Petrol. Geol. 37 (4) : 489-508. , Richardson, R. K., 1927 — Die Geologie und die Salzdome in suedwestlichem Teil j des Persischem Golf. V erh. Natur. Med. V ereins Heidelberg 15 (4). j - , 1928 — Weitere bemerkungen zu der Geologie und den Salzaufbruechen j am Persichem Golf. Centralblatt f. Miner alogie 25: 43-49. Shepherd, F. P., 1937 — “Salt” domes related to Mississippi submarine trough. Bull. Geol. Soc. America. 48: 1349-1362. PINNACLES IN GULF OF MEXICO 159 Stetson, H. C., 1953 — The sediments of the western Gulf of Mexico. Pap. Phys. Ocean. Meteorol. Eng. 12 (4): 1-48. Weaver, Paul, 1950 — Variations in history of continental shelves. Bull. Amer, Assoc. Petrol. Geol. 34 (3): 351-560. Weaver, Paul et al., 1953 — Sedimentary Volumes in Gulf Coastal Plain of United States and Mexico. Bull. Geol. Soc. Amer. 63: 1193-1200. Value of Rapes as Fodder by SULTAN AHMAD TREMAZI Agricultural College and Research Institute, Lyallpur, Pakistan INTRODUCTION ONE of the most important developments in the science of nutrition has been in our knowledge of the importance of the part played by mineral ingredients in the rations of animals. Recent investigations have shown that the amount of calcium and phosphorus and some other minerals, when present even in small quantities, play an impor¬ tant role in determining the value of food for feeding purposes. The lack of these minerals in the food is harmful to skeleton formation. Olver (1933) has stated that one of the fundamental causes of degen¬ eration of stock and loss to stock owners is defective nutrition due to ill-balance or actual deficiencies of essential food requirements, Orr (1929) has also summarized the importance of minerals in foodstuffs, but while their importance is now well understood by all workers in the field of animal welfare, our knowledge of the subject relating to the fodders, natural and cultivated in India and Pakistan, is rather scanty. Lander (1937) studied the mineral content of Indian fodders, but crops described in this paper were not included, as these have only recently been evolved. During the last few years a number of new varieties of oleiferous Brassicae have been evolved in the Oil¬ seeds Section at Lyallpur. Some of these yield high tonnage of green fodder and are being recommended for that purpose. The data pre¬ sented herein give information on the chemical and mineral compo¬ sition of such varieties obtained during the years 1944-45 and 1945-46. MATERIAL AND METHOD The material for these investigations was obtained from brown-seeded sarson (Brassica compestris L., var, dichotoma watt), Raya L-18 and 27 {Brassica juncea H. F. & T.), light-green and dark- green leaved sarson varieties (forms of Japan rape). Estimations of moisture, nitrogen, ash, calcium and phosphorus were made in various parts of the plant, viz., stem, branches, leaves, flowers and buds and developing pods, as well as in the composite samples of whole plants of these crops at various stages of growth. For this purpose plants were 160 J Oi t> 05 03 O CO 05 03 CO o Ht^ kD 05 CO pH eo CO 'g eo CO D3 CO 03 03 03 kD O CD 03 2 2 03 03 Ah o d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d yH (>3 o o- CO CD 05 00 Ht1 CO kD IH 05 o 05 00 o 05 eo o:» 00 00 (M o CD CD CD 00 CD CD IH 05 05 CD kD 00 05 o g O o d 03 d o d 03 d d d O d d d o d o 03* o d M X eo o 00 05 tH kD o pH kD kD 00 00 oo 05 03 tH o kD 03 U ir*- d rA d 00 d CO 00 rA kD kD d 00 IH CD tH CD kD d 00 Q < pH pH eo CD 00 00 03 00 o pH CD OO CO CD 00 CD CO CO 05 CD CD a 03 00 00 tH CO 03 o kD 05 o IH GO 00 IH pH CO O CO CO u d CO d d d d CD d d d Hf d 03 CO 03 c c3 tq 05 CD 03 CD o o CD IH 05 CD 00 kD IH CD IH ft 00 d 05 d 00 00 d 00 d 00 d d d o5 d 00 00 d 00 00 00 00 d d d 03 00 03 00 d l-S K tH t™ o b- 03 o CO IH o o tH tH 05 pH pH 05 o eo 03 eo eo GO 03 03 CO CO CO 03 03 03 CD CD 03 2 2 kO ID 03 Ah o d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d 05 CD 03 o 00 00 kD o 05 Hj< 05 HJH tH o o IH 03 pH l> CD 00 00 05 00 05 kD iH 00 o 05 03 03 CD 00 00 00 f-H fH t~ O CO CO d o d 03 d p4 d o CO d pH* d d 03 o N li 00 03 05 D3 CD cvj CD kD 03 kD CD o 00 05 CO kD IH IH 05 CO eo tH pH d d pH 00 ID IH IH CO 00 05 IH kD d iH IH IH tH CD eo IH CD 00 yH pH 00 05 yH t- 05 ID CO o CD 00 00 IH 00 03 03 03 CO 03 kD pH O CD lO tr- 05 pH pH kD IH tH 00 O o 00 CD kD CD 05 00 00 03 Izi d d eo* CO pH d p4 d CO H^’ eo pH* O d 03 CO* CO 00 00 CO 05 CD 05 03 05 00 o CD IH CD CD 05 03 PH CO lO d d CD* 00 kD IH rA kD* CD* CD ID d 00 00 tH kD IH IH 00 kD K 00 00 05 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 tH IH 00 00 tH iH IH CD IH IH tH tH .-V O) o PH CD O s CD pH CO 00 CD 03 CO 00 CD 03 CD 05 CD CO CD CD CO CO CO 5 00 2 03 03 kD 03 2 03 CO kD 2 03 > (S o d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d CO i> lO 05 CO 03 05 pH o Hf^ CO 03 CD o CD kD 00 CO tH t u 05 ID 05 03 pH 00 05 o 03 eo 05 05 03 00 CO 03 o CO d CO d p4 d d d eo d d CO d ta ■ 05 o CO CO kD o kD kD o o o .e 1— * CD ZD 00 03 05 tH o O IH 00 kD o o CD CO o IH 03 to d CO pH d CO d kD d d 00 00 IH d 00 d IH CD d 00 CD 00 s <: rH pH pH 03 03 pH pH 03 03 pH 0) ft t- O 05 03 t> kD kD kD kD IH CO CO CO CD CO kD ID 03 03 kD CO ID 05 IH 05 05 05 CO o 05 CO CD eg u CO co HP d CO HP kD CO p; yn’ eo eo d d d CO d 03 CN CD CO 05 kO CD CD kD 00 iH kC o 00 kD 05 O CD ft q d d d d d d 05 d 00 00 tH 00 CO IH d 05 kD 03* 03* pH s« k’ 00 05 05 00 05 05 05 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 tH 00 00 00 00 Ah tr™ t- CO kD tH IH CD 05 o CD 03 05 00 tH CO c55 eo D3 CO CO 03 CO CD CO 2 CO kD kD 03 03 co CD 03 o d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d 1-H t> 05 kD kD pH CD 00 CD 00 CO 00 00 05 ID ph' kD kD 00 00 GO eo 00 CD pH O tH O IH pH 00 IH 03 tH IH 05 00 03 kD oo c3 O oi yH GO d GO d d d CO d y4 d d d d r~{ 05 UO OO o 03 1-5 CD o ID tH 00 o 05 00 o 05 03 iH eo CD 00 03 CO pH d d 00 CD IH CO IH CD d IH iH d kD kD 05 IH kD IH < 1-H 03 pH pH p-t pH CO 05 05 00 03 ?-H tH CO Hi< Hj< 'yH CD kD 00 03 t- 00 CO 03 CO 03 CO 03 05 CO 00 CO 05 00 GO O 05 kD 05 05 03 05 03 IH to d d CO kD d d H^ d d d d CO eo CO c© CD CO Cl 00 kD IH 00 03 05 kD pH kD 05 O lO eo d d CD d d tH yA IH yA CD IH CO 00 d CD d CD IH K 00 05 05 05 05 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 IH IH IH tH tH IH 1-4 00 PH CO CO kD 05 kD 00 kD CO 03 ID 05 ZD CO 00 00 CD o pH CO CO eo CO CO CO 00 03 03 03 CO ID CD CO 2 2 CO CD 03 Ah o d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d d \o ID ID CD 00 o 00 o 00 pH o 03 00 03 05 kD 00 QC o pH eo CO ZD o 03 03 00 IH 05 00 C5 o pH IH 05 00 00 o 00 cs o w 03 O eo CO CO d CO d d d d d d d CO o IH o kD iH o o o E« eo kO 05 o 05 t>- 05 O CO o C5 CO CD 03 CD eo 05 05 CD d CO d CO 00 00 d 05 d d d IH pH 05 tA d IH 05 < t-4 yH 03 03 03 03 pH 03 o u 1© D3 eo CO IH CO 05 05 03 ZD 00 Hji kO CD 00 03 « 00 05 kD CO kD CD Hf CO 03 IH 03 H}< CD 05 00 eo o CD 'A lO eo d d d CO d CO CO GO d d p4 03 03 Cs lO ZD CO kO tH CO 00 03 tH 00 03 03 00 CO GO 00 CD 03 o 00 c© d pH rA d d 03 d CO IH 00 iH CD 05 CD 03 CO d s' 00 05 05 05 05 00 05 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 00 tH QO 00 00 £ oi £ G G G G o fll g 01 Q> A V 01 0) 'S o 8 g 0 cn 'E g X o o qs f2 f2 01 0) o o us E ySJ am< the imp > S 0) -M G 2 ^ o s 01 c 03 > g G "o fG s A eS 1.1 > ca 0) CO s 1 E fG g V G u > a Cl 3 01 'S E to m m M m p m pq iJ m A. ^ m 1-1 PQ A. ^ bo bo bo bo a) e c C g bn ft a; bfi c ? S o g 01 g «> "S g to 3 bfi cS Tl g bo 3 g bo n3 o c3 H 01 W 3 1 3 4J tn H 3 to stem 79.8 0.55 8.7 0.73 0.143 71.0 0.42 5.1 0.57 0.101 77.6 0 47 7.7 0.74 0.109 66.2 0 47 6.3 0.55 0.155 77.5 0.40 8.0 0.47 0.107 Maturing Branches 78.0 0.59 6.3 0.71 0.126 64.5 0.56 5.0 0.78 0.138 76.7 0.64 6.5 0.97 0.117 62.3 0.62 6.9 0.47 0.153 71.3 0.64 7.4 0 71 0.126 stage Pods 72 7 1.47 6.1 1.32 0.393 63 9 1.97 6.6 1.66 0.400 75.3 1 89 6.4 1.34 0.356 63.1 2 52 8.7 1.55 0.485 68.4 2.06 7.6 1.49 0.454 Whole plant 76.3 1.28 6.2 1.03 0.277 65.6 1.14 5.7 1.08 0.241 76.2 1.20 7.2 1.07 0.269 64.2 1.27 7.1 0.81 0.258 73.4 1.56 7.5 1 02 0.267 162 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE removed from each plot between 9 to 10 a.m. on each day of sampling and were divided into respective parts. The methods employed for the chemical and mineral analyses of these crops were those outlined by Association of the Official Agricultural Chemists, U.S.A. (1940). DISCUSSION OF RESULTS The average results for both years the experiments were in progress have been presented in Table I. The following general con¬ clusions can be drawn from these data: (a) The amount of various ingredients, viz., ash, nitrogen, calcium and phosphorus, irrespective of species and plant parts (stems, branches, leaves, flowers and buds as well as in the whole plants), is highest at the pre¬ flowering stage. A conspicuous feature is the general diminution of these with the growth of plant. (b) Among the various species studied it will be observed that the dif¬ ferences in the case of brown sarson, Raya L-18, and light- green leaved Japan rape are not perceptible; but in the case of Raya L-27 and dark- green leaved form of Japan rape, the figures for various ingredients in various parts as well as in the whole plants are somewhat lower, espe¬ cially at blooming periods, as compared with the former crops. All these five varieties are usually sown about the same time. Raya L-27 and the dark-green leaved form of Japan rape are somewhat late types and come to flowering when the plants are comparatively thick and fibrous as com¬ pared with the former crops, and hence they are comparatively poorer in composition. (c) It will be observed that at all stages of development the leaves con¬ tain the highest amount of calcium as compared with other parts. Flower buds and pods, on the other hand, contain a higher amount of phosphorus at various stages of their growth. It will also be noted that the plants and various parts of these crops contain a far greater amount of calcium than phosphorus at the different stages of growth. Based on this high amount of calcium, an attempt has been made to compare these varieties with berseem (Trifolium alexandrinum) . The farmers feed these crops when the plants are fully grown (in mid-blooming stage). This stage has been found to compare favorably with berseem as regards composition. The figures for various ingredients in berseem as well as in the mid-blooming stage of these crops are given in Table II. SUMMARY The mineral composition of brown sarson, Raya L-18, and L-27, and both dark- and light-green leaved forms of Japan rapes has been determined. It has been seen that the amount of various ingredi¬ ents (ash, nitrogen, calcium, and phosphorus) is highest at their young stages of growth in the various plant parts, the leaves contain¬ ing the highest amount of calcium as compared with the other parts. VALUE OF RAPES AS FODDER 163 TABLE II The percentage of various ingredients in the mid-blooming stage of various oleifer- ous Brassicae and berseem on dry basis. Crops Nitrogen Calcium Phosphorus Dry matter Berseem 2.83 2.10 0.242 18.0 Brown sarson A 2.44 1.92 0.356 13.2 Raya L-18 2.52 1.70 0.222 16.9 Raya L-27 Dark green 1.52 1.27 0.294 21.1 leaved sarson Light green 1.86 0.99 0.229 11.2 leaved sarson 2.19 1.36 0.242 13.0 In barani areas, where berseem cannot be grown, these other varie¬ ties which are successfully grown there can, therefore, be recom¬ mended as fodder crops. The flower buds 'and pods contain the highest amount of phosphorus at various stages of growth. The various plant parts in the mid-bloom period of these crops — a stage when they are ready for fodder — have been found to compare very well with berseem as regards their composition. In barani areas, where berseem cannot be grown, these varieties can be recommended as fodder crops. LITERATURE CITED Lander, P. E., 1937 — Indian grazing conditions and the mineral content of some Indian fodders. Imperial Council of Agricultural Research, Miscellaneous Bulletin No. 16. Methods of Analysis of the Association of Official Agricultural Chemists, U.S.A. (1940). Olver, A., 1933 — Note on the organization of animal husbandry for Imperial Coun¬ cil of Agricultural Research. February. Orr, J. B., 1929 — Minerals in pastures and their relation to animal nutrition. Reid , Library, Rawett Research Institute, Aberdeen. The Physico-Chemical and Biological Features of Lake Texoma (Denison Reservoir) , Oklahoma and Texas: A Preliminary Study by JAMES E. SUBLETTE Northwestern State College, Natchitoches, Louisiana INTRODUCTION ACCORDING to Ellis’ (1941) classification of impoundments based on size and depth, Lake Texoma is grouped with the larger and deeper types such as Elephant Butte Reservoir and Norris Lake. The knowl¬ edge of such large reservoirs is very slight, particularly those of the southwestern United States, when compared to the limnological stand¬ ards of natural lakes of the United States and North Europe. This study presents the physical and chemical limnological features of the impoundment together with lists of the planktonic and macro¬ scopic benthic organisms. The physico-chemical data presented here were taken to supplement the bottom faunal data which constituted the main objective of the study. The literature pertinent to southwestern impoundment limnology has been presented as a resume in the author’s manuscript dissertation which is on file at the University of Oklahoma Library. This report embodies part of the material presented as a dissertation to the Graduate College of the University of Oklahoma in partial ful¬ fillment of the requirements for the Doctor of Philosophy degree. It was made possible by a research fellowship from the Oklahoma Game and Fish Council and was subsidized by the U. S. Army, Corps of Engineers, a member agency of the Council. Appreciation is expressed to that organization. Dr. A, O. Weese, Department of Zoology, Uni¬ versity of Oklahoma, directed the research. His invaluable assistance is gratefully acknowledged. The Department of Zoology, University of Oklahoma, the University of Oklahoma Biological Station, and the U. S. Army, Corps of Engineers, contributed much needed equipment and supplies. The author wishes to express his thanks to Dr. Carl D, Riggs, who made available the facilities of the Biological Station dur¬ ing the latter part of the study. Thanks and appreciations are expressed 164 LAKE TEXOMA RESERVOIR 165 to the following specialists: Dr. Henry Van der Schalie, University of Michigan, determination of Pelecypoda; Mr. R. Tucker Abbott, U. S. National Museum, determination of Gastropoda; Dr. Herbert H. Ross, Illinois Natural History Survey, confirmation of most of the Trichop- tera determinations; Dr, G. H. Rick, Tulane University, and Mrs. L. K. Gloyd, Illinois Natural History Survey, Odonata (Anisoptera) de¬ terminations; Dr. Leslie Ellis, Mississippi State College, Hemiptera de¬ terminations; Dr. Lewis Berner, University of Florida, Ephemeroptera determinations. To Mr. H. Francis Timmons grateful acknowledg¬ ment is made for assistance in taking samples. To my wife, Mary Smith Sublette, especial thanks are due for indispensable aid in many fea¬ tures of the investigation, Dr. Harold M. Hefley, Mississippi Southern College, read the manuscript and made helpful suggestions. GENERAL FEATURES OF LAKE TEXOMA Lake Texoma is utilized primarily for flood control and hy¬ droelectric power.' The reservoir, an impoundment of the Red River, is formed by Denison Dam five miles northwest of Denison, Texas, and lies in Love, Marshall, Johnson, and Bryan Counties, Oklahoma, and Cooke and Grayson Counties, Texas. The impounding project was com¬ pleted in July, 1942, by the Denison District, Corps of Engineers (con¬ solidated with the Tulsa District on April 1 , 1 945 ) . The reservoir was first filled to the top of power pool, elevation 617 (feet above mean sea level) , on March 15, 1942. Denison Dam is the largest earth-fill dam in the world. It consists of a main rolled earth-fill embankment 19,200 feet long, a 6,000 foot dike extension, a concrete spillway, outlet works and a powerhouse. Maximum base width of the main embankment is 1,145 feet, maximum height is 165 feet, and crest width 40 feet at ele¬ vation 670. At the spillway crest the reservoir would extend up the Red River Arm about 80 miles and the Washita River Arm, 65 miles. Maxi¬ mum water depth at this elevation (spillway crest elevation 640) would be 120 feet, the surface area would be 144,000 acres and the total ca¬ pacity would be 5,718,900 acre-feet. To date the reservoir has never reached the spillway crest. Normally, the water level is maintained near the elevation 617. At this elevation the surface is 94,874 acres, the capacity is 3,005,000 acre-feet and the shore line is 580 miles, Lake Texoma ranks ninth among the reservoirs of the United States in capacity and sixth in area (including reservoirs under construc¬ tion). 166 THE TEXAS JOURNAL OF SCIENCE The drainage basin^ upstream from the reservoir comprises the watersheds of both the Red and Washita Rivers, and is roughly dia¬ mond-shaped. The source of Red River is a number of intermittent streams in the semi-arid Staked Plains region of the Texas Panhandle near the New Mexico border. The total drainage area above the dam is 38,291 square miles. The drainage basin of Lake Texoma lies within areas which vary considerably in climatic conditions. Normal rainfall for the watershed varies from 16.81 inches at Hereford, Texas (semi-arid steppe) to 42.52 inches at Sulphur, Oklahoma (sub-humid grassland). The nor¬ mal average rainfall for the watershed above the dam site is 26.93 inches. APPARATUS AND METHODS A preliminary study was made during June and July, 1949, and constitutes the source of most of the distributional data on the ben¬ thic species. It was followed by a seasonal study from June, 1950, to May, 1951. During the preliminary two-month period eight stations were sampled (Fig. 1 ) . A six-inch square Ekman dredge was used as a bottom sampler, except for six dredgings taken with a nine-inch square Ekman dredge. During the preliminary study only one dredging was taken per sample, with samples taken at random at each location. A total of 83 samples was taken during this period of the study. Each dredging sample was placed in a two-gallon pail and transferred to shore for screening. Three screens were utilized at first, a U. S. Sieve series size number 16, a number 30, and a number 50. The number 16 and 50 screens were soon discarded when it was found that the num¬ ber 16 did not improve the efficiency of the method and that only ! organisms approaching microscopic size passed through the number ■ 30 screen. Early in the investigation the organisms were removed ! from the screening residue while alive. Later, all samples were first preserved in formalin before any attempt was made to separate organ- , isms from debris. By proper manipulation of light and dark back¬ grounds as large a recovery was obtained as with the live removal method and in a shorter time. After removal from debris the organ¬ isms were sorted, counted and then preserved in seventy per cent al¬ cohol for specific determination and volumetric measurement accord¬ ing to a method described by Ball ( 1 948) . ' I ^ Summarized from Report of S