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TO THE CITIZENS OF THE FIRST CONGRESSIONAL DIS- TRICT IN THE STATE OF KENTUCKY.

Gentlemen: Tlie 27th Congress is about being closed; and the sum total of the great and glorious resuhs which we wer^ ns^nrpd won'^? rrr taiiiiij follow the triumph of the Whig party uj the elections of lS4l», arw now spread before the country in the tangible tbrm of legislative nroceccl- ings.

On the 4th of March, 1841, the Whigs found themselves in full posses- sion of the reins of government. They had the President, Vice President, and a controlling majority in each branch of Congress; the wild fury of the political whirlwind of the preceding year having swept over the land with such resistless force, as to leave barely enough of the poor Democrats to tell the story of their unparalleled disasters, it is not my purpose now to speak at length of the extraordinary, not to say dishonorable, means employed by the Whigs in obtaining power. It will be remembered, how- ever, that they were as profuse in preferring charges against Mr. Van Buren and his administration, as they were prolific in pledges of benefits to the country, if General Harrison should be elected. The fierce and vin- dictive manner in which Mr. Van Buren's Administration was traduced and hunted down, finds no parallel in the annals of party warfare. Charcres of misrule and corruption were manufactured in such numbers, and pro- mulgated with such rapidity, that in many instances time was not allowed to collect the proof with which to meet and refute them. The celebrated standing army, the Hooe case, the census law, the blood-hounds, and a thousand and one other ridiculous charges, were brought into requisition, and were designed o?iZy to serve the purposes of the hour, and then, together withall their other miserable appliances, to be thrown aside, and, if possible, remembered no more. I say remembered no more; for I fancy there are but few, very few, ofany party — unless, indeed, it may be such as have lost all love for their country and its institutions, and all respect and esteem for the moral sentiment and religious feeling of the community — who would not rejoice (were it possible) to see the history of the scenes of 1840 blotted out forever. But this cannot be! On the contrary, having found a place ia our country's history, they will remain afoul blot on its bright pages^which, whilst it marks the folly and dangers of the past, will, I trust, furnish a salutary lesson for the future.

In close affinity with the " foregoing charges, was that of the extrava- gance, and more than princely splendor, with which it was said the President's house was furnished. Although this charge was met, and triumphantly refuted, at the threshold, still the boldness with which its truth v/as asserted and reaffirmed all over the country was such that the refutation of it went for nothing. Who that listened to this charge — always accompanied, as it was, with a grave and earnest

dissertation upon the plain republican simplicity and economy which tiiuuld cliaracterize an Aincrican President — could have ll)ou},Hit it

fiossil)le that the Whiles, immfdiaiely after tlie eU'ction, could come into the lalls of Cotiiiress, and ask ndcJitional furniture for the President's house? Yet such is the fact, as the journals will show; and thesnm of $6,000 was ftctuallv appropriated lor ihat purpose. Thus was it acknowledged in the fact' of ihe world, not only that the charge against Mr. Van Buren was in HscW false, but that M<//- j)rolessions of economy were equally insincere and hyporriticul: else why this a[)propriation7 The furniture used by Mr. Van Duren, and with which he was content, was still on hand. Yet, according to those plain economical gentlemen, the White House lacked S6,0l)0 worth of furniture to render it fit for a log cabin President (as they chose to call him) to live in. Next follows the kindred appropriation of $25,000 to Mrs. Harrison, for the services of her husband as President for one month onhj. This most extraordinary appropriation^ made without the sanction 01 exist'iig law, and in utter disregard of the Constitution of the coun- try, bad not even so much as the principle of common benevolence to rec- ommend It; for it was known at the time that Mrs. Harrison was possessed of a most ample fortune. The salary of the President being fixed by law at S-5,(:0i) per annum. General Harrison was entitled for his one month's service to just ."5=2,219 16, and no more. Being unable to find the slightest justification or excuse for this act, myself, I leave it to such defence as its friends may ofier.

But again: notwithstanding it was known that, of the numerous office- holders under the Federal Government at Washington, a considerable ma- jority were, and always had been, opposed to the Democratic adminisira- tion — which is believed to have been the case throughout the Union — still the perpetual cry of Proscriptionf proscription! was kept up until thousands were made to believe that, by a regular, unprincipled, and most tyrannical system of rewards and punishments, Mr. Van Buren and his friends were ftllempting literally to force themselves into power for a second !■ rm. An immense army of office-holders, it was affirmed, were stationed all over the country, who, ^^spaniel-like,''' were corruptly using all the influenc*-. and power of office, and even the money of the Government itself, to proh:./e the views and subserve the interests of their "rri.aster at the White House. The idea of removing men from office for opinion's sake, was most eloquently denounced as a gross abuse of executive power ; and rp/brrn became a watchword of the party throughout the land. It will be remem- bered that such was the holy horror oi the Whig leaders at what they chose to characterize as a dangerous interference in elections on the part of office-holders, that they actually proposed to pass a law to punish any man in office with instant removal, fine, and imprisomnevt, who should dare to express his opinions of public men and public measures. Such was the [)reaching of those gentlemen before the election: what has been their practice since? I have not learned the precise number of removals in the other departments of the Government, though they are known to have been numerous. But Mr. GuANCiEii, a leading Whig, and once their can- didate for the Vice Presidency, made seventeen hundred removals in less than five months, whilst he occupied a place in the Whig cabinet as Postmaster General; within the month of June aZo/ie, he unceremoniously debpatcficd five hundred and thirty six Democrats; and now has the effront- ery to tell us, iQ his place upon the floor ia the House, that, but lor his owrii

displacement, he would very soon have removed three thousand more. Ill the face of such facts, comment would be superfluous.

" 'J'lic appointmcni of members of Congress to o/Jice" was anotiier ground of perpetual and grievous complaint against General Jackson and Mr. Van Buron. Yet, the momentthe Whigs got into power, as if in vlter con- tempt, of the solemn obligations imposed by their oft-repeated pledges io the country, they selected four of the six cabinet ministers of General Har- rison fresh from the halls of Congress.

But, of the long catalogue of Whig complaints against the two last ad- ministrations, none was more univet^ally and perseveringly persisted in than the charge of extravagance in the public expenditures. This allega- tion was always coupled with the cry and promise of /•e;re?/cAme?t/ and reform, as the certai/i consequences of the election of General Harrison and his frieijds. They were elected — the Democrats turned out: and what has l>een the result? We have already noticed a few samples of Whig economy; but, for a more comprehensive view of the subject, I beg leave to refer you to the following table:

	E.stimates.	Appropriations.	Expenditures,
1837 1838 1S39 1810	- §22,631.442 - 22,735,249 - 18,230,600	334,126,807 33,138,371 23,862,560 21,658,872	S31, 610,003 31,544,396 25,443,716 22,389,356

This table shows that, during Mr. Van Buren's administration, the ex- penditures were brought down (speaking in round numbers) from thirty- one millions in 1837, to twenty-two millions in 1840; and no one in the least acquainted with the policy of that administration can doubt that these reductions would have continued, if the management of our finances had not bee^ transferred to other hands. The unusual and extraordinary burdeg^Pflirown upon a good portion of General Jackson's and the first twckMtixrs of Mr. Van Buren's administration, on account of the Florida aii|i^reek wars, building new custom and other houses, revolutionary debt '/the State of Connecticut, protection to the Northeastern frontier, remov- msf Indians to their new homes west of the Mississippi, dtc, which, in 1838, alone amounted to upwards of $7.0ft0,n00, were known to be rapidly passing away; and, in view of this, Mr. Van Buren and his friends confi- dently calculated on being able to reduce the expenses of Government to $18,U00,0U0, or less, per annum. How stands the account since the Whigs have had control of the finances? It must be borne in mind that estimates and appropriations for the year 1841 were made by the Dem- ocrats, just before they went out of office, and were as follows: estimates ^17,688,736, and Congress appropriated for ordinary expenses $19,708,- 996 62; and, at the earnest solicitation of the Whigs, and to avoid the ne- cessity of ;i called session, also gave power to issue treasury notes amounting to $5,43l,4"3L 17 — thus giving over twenty-five miUions for the service ot that year.

The Whigs were not content with that sum, as will be seen from the fiict, that, upon meeting at the extra session, they made new and additional appro- priations, to the amount of ^5.043,705 0?. Thus swelling the appropriations for 1841 to thirty instead of twenty five millions, as proposed by their Democratic predecessors. The difference between Whig and Democratic economy is here seen at a glance. And it may be set down as one item in the ioi)^ list of blessings promised by the former, that they have cost the

good people of this country, in tiie first year of their rule, the modest sum of ^OjOl^.TO.J 02 more than the Deinocrais proposed, or would have ex- ponded, had ihoy been permitted to remain in power. Passing- to the year 1842, we find the expenditures were $23,837,805 (51 — showina^ an increase over Mr. Van 13urfn's last year of oiie miihon and a half ; and this, too, after the treasury had been relieved from nearly all the extraor- duiary expenses growirji^ oat of the Florida war, as well as the other causes to which I have alluded. Heaiiuofin mind the patriotic strjuns with which the Whigs everywhere denounced what they were pleased to call wastefu I extravagance on the part of their opponents, who could have dreamed of such a showing as this? Let it nflt be said that Mr. Tyler did it. The President is responsible for what he may recommend, and for the faithful apjilication of the stuns appropriated. But it is the Congress that "holds the purse strings of the nation." In the language of the Constitution, "no fiionf'ij ti/tall Iff drawn from the. treasury but in consequence of], appro- priudons made by law.'''' With the Whig majority in Congress, then, rests the responsibility; and it would be vain for them to attempt to shift it off upon others.

Jjiit our proof relative to the boasted economy and fiaa}icial skill of the "Whigs does not stop here. I invite your particular attention to the follow- ing tables, showing the precise state of the debt charged by them to iiave been left upon the country by Mr. Van Burcn's administration:

1st. Amount of the public debt on the Aih March, 1841.

Old funded and unfunded debt — Funded debt, interest and principal - - - $296^642 05

Unfunded debt (old) — treasury notes - $4,596 20

Mississippi stock - - - - 4,320 09

Kegislercd debt ... - 26.622 44

35,538 73

Debts o(the corporate cities of the District of Columbia as- sumed by tlie United States . - - . 1,500,000 00 Treasury notes - - - - - - 5,648,512 40

$7,480,693 18

2c?. tSlatcment of the public debt on the I'Slh February, 1843.

Old funded and unfunded debt — Fundc d debt, interest and princii)al - - - $2SS,306 40

Unhinded debt (old)— treasury notes - $4,317 44 Mississippi Slock - - - - 4,320 09

Kegisiertd debt ... - 26,622 44

35,259 97

Debts of the corporate cities of the District of Columbia as- sumed by the United States .' - - - 1,380,000 00 Trcasurv n«tes .-.-.- 11,711,210 17 Loans of 1841 and 1842 - .... 13.974,44511

$27,389,221 65

T. L. SMITH, Jlegister.

How vStand their own records? What do they prove ? 1st. They prove that this debt, inherited, as they say, from Mr. Van Bim-n, was only $5,05:^,108 (■)(). The funded debt, and, indeed, all the items in itiis lal)le, except the treasury notes, had come down as old dtbis from fireccdii)') administrations, and are nut charifcahle to A]r. Van Hnren. VVhencv(!r, then, yon hear it as a ^^ hig apolojry for their extrava<r:ince and \\\)i\i taxes, that they were necessary to enable them to pay off Mr. Van IJnren's debts, point them to this table, and fearlessly challenge every "Whig in America to show that it was one dollar more than .35,1353,108 OO. JJiit did they pay off even this debt, aher ihey came into power? No ; on the contrary, instead of diminishing, they have augmented it to an alarming amount. The second table, as above, shows that, on the 1 3th of i-'eb- ruary, 1813, they had increased tiie debt over twenty millions in two years. Is this the economy of which we heard so much during the presidential canvass of 1840? What excuse can the Whig party" ren- der to the people for such a state of things as is here presented? Tlie extra session was convened (as they said) for the express purpose of paying off the outstanding debt of Mr. Van l?uren's administration, and to provide a sufficient revenue for the waiJts of the Government. 'J'hen, why were those objects not accomplislied ? How does it happeti that those gentlemen, after having full control of the Government for two whi'^e years, are now about to leave it in a condition so much worse than they found it? A proper solution of these questions would clearly demon- strate the whole financial policy of the Wings to be radically defective, and, if persisted in, must inevitably lead to the most disastrous conse- quences. But what is this policy, as developed by their acts during the present Congress? We have already seen that the economy they preached with such impassioned fervor before^ was lorgotteii and repudiated njler they got into power ; and that relief to an exhausted treasury, by means of a reduction of expenses, has formed no part of tJieir syi>te7n. With them, a high protective tariff was a favorite measure; and, ni their great eagerness to grasp that object, tiiey seem to have entirely overlooked, or wilfully trampled under foot, the interest of the Goveintment, as well as the jjeoplp. 'rhat this is true, so fi\r as the Government is concerned, is fully verified by tlie fact — that, itistead of providing relief to an exhausted treasury, by fostering witii cnre the means on hand, and increasing those means by the imposition of suitable taxes, (as every prudent man will say it was their duty to have done,) they went off full chase in pursuit of tiieir great idea of a protective tariff; and, as a necessary prerequisite to the com- plete consummation of tliis grand object, their first stop was to distribute the land fund among the several Slates. This fund, which, under a judi- cious manngement of the land sales, may be estimated at about 33,Oil( ,()(.i() per annum, constituted a part of the regular annual revenues of this Gov- ernment; and, to that extent, lessened the burdens of Federal taxation upon the people. To say nothing of the total want of cotistitntional antliority to distribute this fund, let nje ask. Was it expedient? Kenuinber the condition of the treasury — its embarrassments and indebtedness; and, under such circumstances, can any prudent man justify tlie policy? It will not be pretended that it could, in any possible contingency, operate as a measure of relief to the Government; nor can it be regarded as such to the people, v/ho, after all, must, in some form or other, pay the expenses of Government, both State and Federal. W'hy, then, this robbery of tiie

national trciisiiry ? The answer is plain. It was done, as all must see, to make room (or the high protective tarilF which followed. By sqnander- itigthis land fund, they furnished an excuse for the iniposiiion of duties to thai extent higher than would otherwise have been necessary in sup- f)lyini: the Government with revenue. In favor of their late exorbitant larilf, the Wliii^s, hy this contrivance, were en;ihled to plead a neccssifi/ which they had themselves created, This dislribulion, then, is in truth a tariff Ineasiire in dis<riii.se. That such is Us practical operation, none can deny; and that it was so intended by its authors, who can doubt?

But, as a further test of the financial skill of the VVhi<(s, let ns examine for a moment the effect of their late tarifl* upon the revenue. Let it be recollected that (beiiiii^ in a majority) they brought forward and passed just such a tariff as they said would be sufiicient to supply the Government with all necessary revenue. In the debates on this subject, the Democrats contended that this tariff was a measure which, whilst it afforded bounties to the mctniifarturer on the one hand, would diininish the revctnie on the other. Let us see who was right in tliis important matter. By refer- ence to House document JNo. 244, page 57, it will be seen that the receipts from customs for 1840 were $13,499,502; for 1841, they were §; 14,187,210 ; and, as appears, by reference to House document No. 17, (Secretary of the Treasury's report,) the receipts for the fh'st three quar- ters of 1842 were $14,260,830 30. Here we have exhibited a regular increase of revenue, under a system of low and declining duties, as pro- vided by the compromise act of 1833, down to August,'l842, when the present hiiih tariff commenced its operation. And what has been the result? By another letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, (House document No. 70.) it is shown that the receipts from customs, under the new tariff, for the last quarter of 1842, were $2,573,430 76; and the larsrest amount estimated by him, for the whole of the present year, is $13,000,000. The only inference which can be drawn from these facts IS, that a protective tariff and a tariff for revenue are wholly different//ow, and. in a great degree, inconsistent ivil/i, each other. And, in adjusting this question, the Whigs, in their zeal for protection, entirely disregarded the question of revenue.

How this measure, which, in addition to the tax it imposes for the benefit of the Government, levies a much greater contribution for the benefit of the manufacturer, can be tortured into a system of relief to the people, I am totally at a lo>s to conceive. That, on the contrary, it is one of those ingenious contrivances by which the few seek to plunder the many, nnist l)e apparent to all who take the trouble to examine its praciical operation.

But if the Whiws were unsuccessful in raising a sufiicient revenue, they have been etpially unfortunate, in the v/ay of providing a suitable system for its collt;ction and safekeeping. When they took possession of the Governtnent, they found the independent treasury in full and success- ful operation. That measure — to say nothing of its other salutary ytrovi- ■AMi\s—a.'itninlij did throw around the public treiisiire more eflicieiitand sub- stantial saf' guards than any ever adopted since the foundation of the Gov- ernment. But it was an antagonist measure to their favorite credit system. It made no provision wlwreby the bankers and stockjobbers of the country eould enjoy the use of the public moneys to trade and speculate upon. Ihnce it was peculiarly obnoxious to the Whigs, who, with fierce impa- tience, swept it from the statute book; leaving nothing, or next to nothing, in the shape of law, as a substitute for it.

Thus the safekeepino^ of the vast animal revenue of the Government has been placed at the discrelii)n of the President. Where or how it is to bu kept, is for him to determine.

After so nwxch frenzied railing against executive patronaj^e and jjoirer — the union of the purse and the sword in the liands of one man — who could have supposed it possible that tlie Wliips, havm;s^ the power, would have suffered such a state of things to exist for a single day/ Yet, at the end of two years of almost perpetual legislation, these gentlemen are about to go home, leaving the purse of tfie nation in the bands of John "^I^ybtr, who, they say, is not only weak and incompetent, but wholly destitute of political or moral integrity.

To remedy this evil, the majority passed two Federal bank cliartors, in each of which they provided that the national treasure should go into the holy keeping of the President, Directors, «fc Co., of the proposed l)ank. Thus, in effect, making the bank the treasuri/, and the bankers the ircaau. rers of the Government. These propositions were met and defn^ted by the veto; and iierethe efforts of the Wliig Congress to provide a fiscal agent for the Government ended. The President, on fiis part, proposed a nation- al exchequer, based on the revenues of the Government, with power to es- tablisli branches in the|several States, to receive individual depoi>ites of mon- ey, to issuepaperon the credit of the Government, to buy and sell bills of ex- change, &c. This measure, 1 am liappy to say, met with no favor from either party. Hence the whole question is referred to the people, who will deter- mine for themselves whether they will adopt a bank, tlie sub treasury, or some other scheme, as an agent for the collection, safekeeping, and disburse- ment of the Government revenues.

But the bank was proposed as a measure of relief to the people. As a sample of some of the blessings to be expected from it, allow me to offer the following extract:

"What banks cost the people. — Notwithstanding all that has been said and written upon the subject of the credit and banking systems, lew persons are actually aware of the vast amount which the people of the United States pay to ihe banks in the shape of interest «/a«<:. The United States Treasury reports enable us to make up the following table, exhibiting ihe whole number of banking institutions in each of five disastrous years, and their aggregate amount of loans and circulation. It is a brief but comprehensive table, worthy of careful study and per- petual remembrance :

	Banks.	Loans.	Circulation.
In the year 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 - - -	713 788 8-29 840 901	S457,50G,0S0 5-25,115,702 485,631,687 39 2, 278,0 15 462,890,523	$110,301,038 119,1^5,890 110,138,910 135,170,995 106,968,572
At an interest of	2, 4-23, 4-28, 007 6	per cent.
	$145,405,680 42

"One hundred and forty-five million four hundred and five thousand six hundred and eighty dollars and forty-two cents, paid in the shape of interest to the banks of the United States in the space of five years ! 1 !

"Who can wonder, after knowing the above facts, that the community has been laboring under embarrassment! And who is there so stupid, or so headiitrong and perverse, that doe.^ not wish, in the fulness of his heart, that the industry and labor which dischar<,'cd the above debt to the banks, had been devoted to bringing into the country the same grand sum of gold and silver, instead of worthless, exploded, fraudulent bank paper!"— OAio Fatrwi.

But. in the catalojine of relief measures, the bt\nkruptla\v stands too con- jjpicuons to he overlooked, and cannot have failed to coiuniiind the earnest consideration ol all men of nil parlies. 'IMiatit has had the effect of relieving manv nnforinnate and wortliy persons from a state of hopeless and irre- irievahle indebtedness. I am free to allow. Bat 1 think it mnst. at the samo time, Ite admitted that it does n)ore to weaken the sacred ohlio;ation of con- tr;icis, offers stron<;ei- indncemenis to frauds and perjuries, and thus in- fuses a more deadly moral poi^^on tluout,diout the land, than any law ever passed by Couijress. Such a law, 1 presinme, can have but lew advocates.

Tiiat there inay be no misapprehension as to wliom the country is in- d<>])ted for this measure, 1 be<: leave to say that it passed the Senate by a vote of 2(3 to 23 — but four Dt-mocrats voting for it. It passed the House by a vote of 111 to 105 — two Democrats onlt/ voting for it. For niyself, I not onlv voted ajjaiust it from the beginning, but, by reference to the journal, it wdl be seen that it was upon my motion a bill was gotten up to repeal it. before the time fixed for it to go into operation; which bill passed the House by a majority of 2S votes, but was defeated in the Senate by uue vote.

Notwithstanding (he evidences of popular opinion in Kentucky against this law, as shown by the action of her Legislature, and otherwise, it is a remarkable (act that Mr. Clay was among the numl)er who voted asainst its repeal. If he had voted differently, we should have been saved >^'halever of mischief it has inflicted on the country.

The repeal of the sub treasury — the establishment of a national bank — the distribution of the land fund — a protective tariff — and this bankrupt law — constitute a system of measures, by means of which general relief was to be afforded to the Government and the people. We liave had the benefit of all these measures, in whole or in part, except the bank; and where are the evidences of that glorious prosperity so confidently predicted by the Whijs, and so fondly hoped for by the people? Let a bankrupt treasury — the depressed and crippled condition of trade and commerce — the low prices of^ labor and produce — and the deep and widespread pecu- niary suderingsof the whole country — answer the question.

If I am asked for a remedy for these evils, my reply is, that risid econ- omy, hard money, and low taxes, with the energy and industry of our people, constitute the 7nostj if not the only, substantial relief which can be applied.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

LYNN BOYD.

Washington, February 22, 1843.

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