I I \p HARVARD UNIVERSITY. LIBRARY MUSEUM OF COMPARATIVE ZOOLOGY ^370 f}]aA.cl(c, /^/7_ (O/ctdoi. /f, icjir. ^370 Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences Volume XXI New Haven, Connecticut 1916, 1917 \" OFFICERS FOR 1916-17 President Hon. SIMEON E. BALDWIN Vicc-Prcsiden ts Prof. ALEXANDER W. EVANS Prof. CLIVE DAY Prof. HANNS OERTEL Secretary Mr. GEORGE F. EATON Treasurer Mr. GEORGE PARMLY DAY Librarian Mr. ANDREW KEOGH Committee on Publication Hon. S. E. BALDWIN, Chairman Prof. A. W. EVANS Prof. A. S. COOK Prof. CLIVE DAY Prof. E. S. DANA Prof. H. OERTEL Prof. E. P. MORRIS Mr. ANDREW KEOGH Mr. GEORGE F. EATON CONTENTS Pages Art. I. The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron By Albert S. Cook 1-144 Art. II. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla ' By W. I. Robinson 145-200 Art. III. The American Species of Marchantia By Alexander W. Evans 201-313 Art. IV. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art By Philip Ainsworth Means 315-442 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. D. 1799 VOLUME 21, PAGES I-IM DECEMBER, 1816 The Last Months ot Chaucer's Earliest Patron BY ALBERT STANBURROUGH COOK PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN YALE UNIVERSITY NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1916 TRANSSCTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated A. D. 1799 VOLUME 21, PAGES 1-lM DECEMBER, 1916 The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron BY ALBERT STANBURROUGH COOK PROFESSOR OF THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE AND LITERATURE IN YALE UNIVERSITY NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1916 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY TABLE OF CONTENTS Abbreviations .... I. Introduction . Italy and the Visconti II. III. IV. I. 2. 3- 4- The Italy in tlie Fourteenth Century Lombardy and Tuscany in the Fourteenth Century ....... The Companies of Adventure The House of Visconti ..... V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XL XIL XIII. Appendix A: Appendix B : Considerations which determined the Alliance . Lionel's Journey to Italy 1. Dover to Paris 2. Paris to Chambery 3. Chambery to Pavia 4. Pavia to Milan Lionel and Violante 1. Lionel 2. Violante The Wedding The Banquet Petrarch at the Banquet . Lionel's Remaining Life Lionel's Death and Burial Lionel's Will Despenser and the Visconti Violante's Later Life . Lionel's Name and Title Chaucer's Alaunts PAGE 5 7 10 12 14 30 30 39 42 44 54 54 56 57 60 74 86 90 96 104 107 113 128 ABBREVIATIONS The following titles are cited by the name or abbreviation which occurs first in the line : Azarius. See Petrus Azarius. Baillie-Grohman (ed.), The Master of Game. Barnes, History of Edward III. Benvenuto (Sangiorgio), Chronicon (M. H. P., pp. 1337-1340). Benvenuto (Sangiorgio), Historia Montisferrati (R. I. S. 23. 554-560). Corazzini, Le Lettere Edite e Inedite di Messcr Giovanni Boccaccio. Cordey, Les Contes de Savoie et les Rois de France (Bibl. de I'Ecole des Halites Etudes, Vol. 89). Corio, L' Historia di Milano, Padua, 1646, pp. 468-471. Delachenal, Histoirc de Charles V. De Noirmont, Histoire de la Chasse en France. De Sade, Memoires pour la Vie de Frangois Petrarque. Florio, World of Words. Fracassetti, Lettere di Francesco Petrarca. Giulini, Memorie Spettanti alia Storia . . . delta Citta e Campagna di Milano ne' Secoli Bassi, Milan, 1856. Graevius, Thesaurus Antiquitatum, Vol. 3, Part i. Hutton, Giovanni Boccaccio. Jovius, Vitcc Duodecini Vicecomitiim (Graevius, Thes. Antiqq., Vol. 3). Knighton, Chronicon (Rolls Series). Korting, Petrarca's Leben und Werke. Lavisse, Histoire de France. Leighton, New Book of the Dog. Leo, Geschichte von Italien. Le Roulx, La France en Orient. Magenta, / Visconti e gli Sforza nel Castello di Pavia. Mezieres, Petrarque. Michelet, Histoire de Fra>ice, nouvelle edition. Miller (William), The Latins in the Levant. Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, Vol. 8, Milan, 1744. Petrus Azarius, Chronicon (R. L S. 16. 207-424). Rodd, The Princes of Achaia. Rosmini, Dell' Istoria di Milano. Rossetti (Domenico), Pocsie Minori del Petrarca, Vol. 3. Rymer, Focdera. Sandford, Genealogical History of the Kings of England, London, 1707. Sismondi, Eng., History of the Italian Republics, English abridgment. Sismondi, Fr., Histoire dcs Rcpubliques Italiennes du Moyen Age, Paris, 1826. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte Italiana, Vol. 4. 6 Abbreviations Walsingham, Historia Anglicana (Rolls Series). Wells, Manual of the Writings in Middle English. Alip. = Aliprando, Cronica della Citta di Mantova (Antiqtiitate's Italicce Medii ^vi, ed. Muratori, 5. 1 187-91). Annul. Med. = Annates Mediolanenses (R. I. S. 16. 738-740). Chron. Plac. = Chronicon Placentiniim (R. I S., Vol. 16). Cron. Monf. = Galeotto del Carretto, Cronica di Monfcrrato (M. H. P. 1212-3, 1225-8). Cron. Salus. = Gioffredo della Chiesa, Cronaca di Saluzzo (M. H. P., pp. 1013-S, I02S, 1027). Fam. = Petrarch, Epistolce de Rebus Familiaribus. Frag. =^ Fragfnentum Histories Mediolanensis (R. I. S. 16. 1051-4). Hist. Backgrounds^ Cook, The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight (Trans. Conn. Acad, of Arts and Sciences 20. 161-240). Kervyn = Froissart, Chroniques, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove. M. H. P. = M onumenta Histories Patrice (unless volume and page are specified) Vol. 5 {Script. 3). Morte Darthur, ed. Sommer. R. I. S. = Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, ed. Muratori. Romans ^ Paulin Paris, Les Romans de la Table Ronde. Sen. = Petrarch, Epistolce Rerum Senilium. Var. = Petrarch, Epistolce Varicc. The numbered column of a double-columned page is here designated as 'page.' I. INTRODUCTION In my paper, The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight {Trans. Conn. Acad, of Arts and Sciences 20. 161-240), I touched upon Chaucer's relations with Lionel, Duke of Clarence, and incidentally discussed (pp. 182-6) the statement reported by Speght to the effect that Chaucer had been present at the mar- riage of Lionel and Violante, daughter of Galeazzo II of Milan. It has seemed to me that a more detailed account than has hitherto appeared in print of Lionel's journey to Italy in 1368, of the circumstances attending his marriage, and of his brief life thereafter, might especially help, whatever its value to the biographer of Lionel, or to the student of England's relations with Italy in the 14th century, to determine the probability of Chaucer's visit to Italy on the occasion in question. The men and manners that he would have observed on the journey, even as a humble attendant of Prince Lionel, appeal so powerfully to the imagination, and would have contributed so significantly to his poetic education, that the student of Chaucer's life can hardly remain satisfied until the teasing question has been answered, or the impossibility of answering it has been in a measure demonstrated. It is with primary reference to Chaucer, then, that this study has been undertaken. The poet is never, it is true, in the foreground of the picture. At best he is a somewhat shadowy figure in the background. How far he can be said to emerge, it is left for the reader to determine. Mean- while, certain other characters — knights, squires, men-at-arms, fair ladies, poets, statesmen, and even kings — will at least troop across the page, to some extent in their habits as they lived. II. ITALY AND THE VISCONTI The house of Visconti, Lords of Milan, and constant aggres- sors on neighboring states, large and small, had attained a degree of opulence and consideration which incited them to- aim at alliances with royalty, not merely for their present satisfaction, but also thereby to attain their ulterior ends — the more rapid annexation of other lordships, and perhaps in time the complete subjugation of Italy. In order to understand something of what lay before Lionel when he should have crossed the Alps, it will repay us to glance at the situation of affairs in northern Italy, and at the character of the ambitious family which for more than a century had been rising from comparative obscurity to a certain eminence. I. ITALY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Italy in the 14th century is thus characterized^ by Sis- mondi, Fr. : Le quatorzieme siecle est une epoque brillante pour I'ltalie : dans aucun temps les lettres n'ont ete cultivees avec plus d'ardeur, les savans accueillis, honores avec plus d'enthousiasme ; dans aucun temps de plus grandes lumieres n'ont ete acquises et generalement repandues parmi les hommes ; dans aucun temps de plus nobles monu- mens du genie createur, ou du travail opiniatre de I'homme, n'ont ete transmis a la posterite. Le renouvellement des lettres grecques et latines, la creation de la langue italienne et de la poesie moderne, I'art d'enseigner la politique dans I'histoire, et de presenter aux hommes, par le recit des evenemens, une le?on non moiils attrayante qu'instructive, le perfectionnement de la jurisprudence, les progres rapides de la peinture, de la sculpture, de I'architecture, et de la musique, sont dus plus particulierement aux hommes du quatorzieme siecle. Mais cette periode, qui, a tant de titres, merite une etude particuliere, ne fut point heureuse pour I'humanite. Plusieurs des vertus qui relevent le caractere des hommes, qui, en s'alliant a leurs passions, les ennoblissent, avoient presque absolument disparu : et des vices rebutans, des vices qui degradent I'histoire que nous ecrivons, avoient pris leur place. Dans les cours des princes, la bassesse rampante, la lache flatterie, I'intrigue et le vice, etoient les moyens les plus assures de parvenir. Les petits souverains donnoient '6. 1-3 (chap. 38). Italy in the Fourteenth Century 9 I'exemple de tons les crimes ; line debauche grossiere regnoit dans I'interieur de leurs palais; le poison et I'assassinat etoient employes chaque jour par eux, comme les sauvegardes de leur gouvernement : des troupes d'assassins etoient entretenues a leurs gages ; et une protection entiere etoit assuree aux brigands, en retour des services qu'ils rendoient. Dans les families des princes, la passion de regner n'etoit arretee par aucun crime ; et elle excitoit des revolutions frequentes, presque toujours preparees par une noire perfidie, et accompljes par des forfaits atroces, ou prevenues par une effrayante cruaute. Dans les tribunaux, un pouvoir arbitraire et souvent injuste faisoit de la punition des crimes un revenu pour le prince: soup- Qonneux par avarice, il acqueroit des preuves par la torture, et punissoit les coupables par d'horribles supplices. Dans la politique, une ambition qui employoit la trahison plutot que les armes, comme moyen de vaincre, detruisoit toute confiance dans les traites, toute svirete dans les alliances, tout lien d'amitie entre les peuples. Dans la guerre, des troupes mercenaires, perfides et cruelles, sacrifioient leur souverain a I'ennemi qui vouloit les acheter, mettoient leur honneur a I'enchere, et, epargnant les armees qu'elles avoient a com- battre, ne ruinoient que les campagnes paisibles et les citoyens innocens. Elsewhere Sismondi, Fr., says^ : Dans le quatorzieme siecle, les individus se detachent davantage de la f oule ; ils attirent sur eux I'attention ; ils la commandent par leurs bauts f aits, leurs talens ou leurs crimes : mais Ton ne voit point la nation a laquelle ils appartiennent s'avancer dans aucune carriere; et tandis qu'eux-memes, comme des lumieres errantes, bril- lent et cheminent en tous sens, les divers peuples qu'ils devroient guider s'egarent dans les sentiers tortueux de la politique ; ils avancent et reculent tour a tour : les uns marchent a la liberte, les autres au despotisme; I'immoralite et la religion, la superstition et la philosophic, le courage et la pusillanimite dominent tour a tour, et I'on ne sauroit affirmer, apres la revolution de tout le siecle, si aucun progres a ete fait dans aucun sens. Macaulay says (Essay on MachiaveUi) : The Crusades, from which the inhabitants of other countries gained nothing but relics and wounds, brought to the rising commonwealths of the Adriatic and Tyrrhene seas a large increase of wealth, dominion, and knowledge. The moral and the geographical position of those commonwealths enabled them to profit alike by the barbarism of the West and by the civilization of the East. Italian ships covered every sea. Italian factories rose on every shore. The tables of Italian = 8.3 (chap. 57). Italy and the Visconti money-changers were set in every city. Manufactures flourished. Banks were established. The operations of the commercial machine were faciHtated by many useful and beautiful inventions. We doubt whether any country of Europe, our own excepted, have at the present time reached so high a point of wealth and civilization as some parts of Italy had attained four hundred years ago [written in 1827]. Historians rarely descend to those details from which alone the real state of a community can be collected. Hence posterity is too often deceived by the vague hyperboles of poets and rhetoricians, who mistake the splendor of a court for the happiness of a people. Fortunately, John Villani has given us an ample and precise account of the state of Florence in the early part of the fourteenth century. The revenue of the Republic amounted to three hundred thousand florins ; a sum which, allowing for the depreciation of the precious metals, was at least equivalent to six hundred thousand pounds ster- ling: a larger sum than England and Ireland, two centuries ago, yielded annually to Elizabeth. The manufacture of wool alone employed two hundred factories and thirty thousand workmen. The cloth annually produced sold, at an average, for twelve hundred thousand florins ; a sum fully equal, in exchangeable value, to two millions and a half of our money. Four hundred thousand florins were annually coined. Eighty banks conducted the commercial operations, not of Florence only, but of all Europe. The transactions of these establishments were sometimes of a magnitude which may surprise even the contem- poraries of the Barings and the Rothschilds. Two houses advanced to Edward the Third of England upwards of three hundred thousand marks, at a time when the mark contained more silver than fifty shillings of the present day, and when the value of silver was more than quadruple of what it now is. The city and its environs contained a hundred and seventy thousand inhabitants. In the various schools about ten thousand children were taught to read ; twelve hundred studied arithmetic; six hundred received a learned education. 2. LOMBARDY AND TUSCANY IN THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY Sismondi, Eng., thus describes the condition of Lombardy and Tuscany : Before thus entering within the walls of the principal cities, it is right to give a sketch of the general aspect of the country, particularly as the violent commotions which it experienced might give a false idea of its real state. This aspect was one of a prodigious prosperity, which contrasted so much the more with the rest of Europe that noth- ing but poverty and barbarism were to be found elsewhere. The Lombardy and Tuscany in the Fourteenth Century ii open country, designated by the name of contado, appertaining to each city, was cultivated by an active and industrious race of peasants, enriched by their labor^. and not fearing to display theii: wealth in their dress, their cattle, and their instruments of husbandry. The proprietors, inhabitants of towns, advanced them capital, shared the harvests, and alone paid the land-tax : they undertook the immense labor which has given so much fertility to the Italian soil — that of making dikes to preserve the plains from the inundation of the rivers, and of deriving from those rivers innumerable canals of irri- gation. The Xaviglio Grande of Milan, which spreads the clear waters of the Ticino over the finest part of Lombardy, was begun in 11/9, resumed in 1257, and terminated a few years afterwards.^ Men who meditated, and who applied to the arts the fruits of their study, practised already that scientific agriculture of Lombardy and Tuscany which became a model to other nations ; and at this day, after five centuries, the districts formerly free, and always cultivated with intelligence, are easily distinguished from those half-wild districts which had remained subject to the feudal lords. The cities, surrounded with thick walls, terraced, and guarded by towers, were, for the most part, paved with broad flagstones; while the inhabitants of Paris could not stir out of their houses without plunging into the mud. Stone bridges of an elegant and bold archi- tecture were thrown over rivers ; aqueducts carried pure water to the fountains. The palace of the podestas and signorie tmited strength with majestj\ The most admirable of those of Florence, the Palazzo Vecchio, was built in 1298. The Loggia in the same city, the church of Santa Croce, that of Santa Maria del Fiore, with its dome, so admired by Michael Angelo, were begun by the architect Arnolfo, scholar of Nicolas di Pisa, between the years 1284 and 1300. The prodigies of this first-born of the fine arts multiplied in Italy : a pure taste, boldness, and grandeur struck the eye in all the public monuments, and finally reached even private dwellings ; while the princes of France, England, and Germany, in building their castles, seemed to think only of shelter and defense. Sculpture in marble and bronze soon followed the progress of architecture : in 1300, Andrea di Pisa, son of the architect Nicolas, cast the admirable bronze gates of the Baptistery at Florence ; about the same time, Cimabue and Giotto revived the art of painting, Casella music, and Dante gave to Italy his divine poem, unequaled in succeeding generations. History was written honestly, with scrupulous research, and with a graceful simplicity, by Giovanni Villani, and his school; the study of morals and philosophy began ; and Italy, ennobled by freedom, enlightened nations till then sunk in darkness. * But the chronicles of Piacenza and Milan say that the Naviglio, run- ning from Milan to Pavia, was constructed by Galeazzo in April, May, and June, 1365 {R. I. S. 16. 508, 735), at a price named. See also Magenta I. 284. — The notes here, and throughout this section, are mine. A. S. C. Italy and the Visconti The arts of necessity and of luxury had been cultivated with not less success than the fine arts : in every street, warehouses and shops displayed the wealth that Italy and Flanders only knew how to produce. It excited the astonishment and cupidity of the French or German adventurer, who came to find employment in Italy, and who had no other exchange to make than his blood against the rich stuffs and brilliant arms which he coveted. The Tuscan and Lombard merchants, however, trafficked in the .barbarous regions of the west, to carry there the produce of their industry. Attracted by the fran- chises of the fairs of Champagne and of Lyons, they went thither, as well to barter their goods as to lend their capital at interest to the nobles, habitually loaded with debt ; though at the risk of finding themselves suddenly arrested, their wealth confiscated, by order of the king of France, and their lives, too, sometimes endangered by sanctioned robbers, under the pretext of repressing usury. Industry, the employment of a superabundant capital, the application of mechan- ism and science to the production of wealth, secured the Italians a sort of monopoly through Europe : they alone offered for sale what all the rich desired to buy ; and, notwithstanding the various oppressions of the barbarian kings, notwithstanding the losses occa- sioned by their own often-repeated revolutions, their wealth was rapidly renewed. The wages of workmen, the interest of capital, and the profit of trade, rose simultaneously, while every one gained much and spent little; manners were still simple, luxury was unknown, and the future was not forestalled Hy accumulated debt. 3. THE COMPANIES OF ADVENTURE Sismondi, Eng., says : The most immediate cause of the sufferings of the kingdom of Naples, and of all Italy, was the formation of what was called 'com- panies of adventure.' Wherever tyrants had succeeded to free gov- ernments, their first care had been to disarm the citizens, whose resistance was to be feared ; and although a little industry might soon have supplied swords and lances, yet the danger of being denounced for using them soon made the subjects of these princes lose every military habit. Even the citizens of free towns no longer thought of defending themselves : their way of life had weakened their corporeal strength ; and they felt an inferiority too discourag- ing when they had to oppose, without defensive armor, cuirassiers on horseback. The chief strength of armies henceforth was in the heavy-armed cavalry, composed of men who had all their lives fol- lowed the trade of war, and who hired themselves for pay. The emperors had successively brought into Italy many of their country- men, who afterwards passed into the service of the tyrant princes. The Companies of Adventure 13 The Visconti and Delia Scalas had sent for many to Germany, believing that these men — who did not understand' the language of the country, who were bound to it by no affection, and who were accessible to no political passion — would be their best defenders. They proved ready to execute the most barbarous orders, and for their recompense demanded only the enjoyments of an intemperate sensuality. But the Lombard tyrants were deceived in believing the German soldier would never covet power for himself, and would continue to abuse the right of the stronger for the advantage of others only. These adventurers soon discovered that it would be better to make war and pillage the people for their own profit, without dividing the spoil with a master. Some men of high rank, who had served in Italy as condottieri (hired captains), proposed to their soldiers to follow them, make war on the whole world, and divide the booty among themselves. The first company, formed by an Italian noble at the moment that the Visconti dismissed their soldiers, having made peace with their adversaries, made an attack suddenly on Milan, in the hope of plundering that great city ; but was almost annihi- lated in a battle, fought at Parabiago, on the 20th of February, 1339. A German duke, known only by his Christian name of Werner, and the inscription he wore on his breast of 'enemy of God, of pity, and of mercy,' formed, in 1343, another association, which main- tained itself for a long time, under the name of 'the great com- pany.' It in turns entered the service of princes ; and, when they made peace, carried on its ravages and plunderings for its own profit. The duke Werner and his successors — the count Lando, a German ; and the friar Moriale, knight of St. John — devastated Italy from Montferrat to the extremity of the kingdom of Naples. They raised contributions by threatening to burn houses and harvests, or by put- ting the prisoners whom they took to the most horrible tortures. The provinces of Apulia were, above all, abandoned to their devastations; and the king and queen of Naples made not a single effort to protect their people. There now remained no more than six independent princes in Lom- bardy. The Visconti, lords of Milan, had usurped all the central part of that province; the western part was held by [the Counts of Savoy and''] the Marquis [es] of Montferrat, and the eastern by the Delia Scala, lords of Verona, Carrara of Padua, Este of Ferrara, and Gonzaga of Mantua. These weaker princes felt them- selves in danger, and made a league against the Visconti, taking into their service the great company ; but, deceived and pillaged by it, they suffered greater evils than they inflicted on their enemies. * So Sismondi, Fr., 8. 27. 14 Italy and the Visconti 4. THE HOUSE OF VISCONTI The dynasty of the Visconti is thus^ characterized by Sis- mondi, Fr. : Cette dynastie eut I'avantage presque inou'i d'avoir successivement six" chefs egalement distingues. La couronne ne passa point des peres aux enfans, et n'entretint point une mollesse hereditaire; la dissimulation, I'ego'isme et le vice, ne formerent point I'education necessaire des legitimes successeurs du grand Othon ; la meme lutte, les memes vicissitudes de fortune qui developperent son energie, agirent tout aussi puissamment sur son f rere et ses neveux : tous les six avoient tour a tour lutte avec la fortune; et I'archeveque Jean Visconti, qui mourut le dernier, en I3S4, avoit appris, comme ses devanciers, a connoitre les hommes, lorsqu'il etoit persecute et exile. II soumit a son pouvoir Genes, Bologne, et presque toute la Lombardie; il tenta d'envahir la Toscane et I'etat de I'Eglise, et peut-etre fut-il plus pres qu'aucun autre prince du quatorzieme siecle, de s'assurer la souverainete de toute ITtalie. Cependant il excita la defiance de ses voisins, par sa dissimulation et sa perfidie, plus que par ses conquetes ; et les vices par lesquels il croyoit vaincre, arreterent ses victoires et mirent obstacle a sa grandeur. L'archeveque Jean Visconti fut le dernier des princes de cette f amille qui eut quelque magnanimite dans le caractere : mais la passion des conquetes, le desir insatiable de dominations nouvelles demeurerent a ses successeurs, quoiqu'ils n'heritassent point aussi des qualites plus brillantes de ce prince. La maison Visconti, jusqu'a son dernier rejeton, ne renonga point aux projets que ses premiers chefs avoient formes, pour asservir I'ltalie; elle employa desormais les arts de la foiblesse au lieu de ceux de la force, la perfidie et I'intrigue de preference aux armes ; mais elle tendit constamment au meme but. Bernabos, Galeaz son frere, et Jean Galeaz, fils du dernier, qui leur succeda, etoient des hommes timides autant qu'ambitieux ; leur cruaute, leur avarice et leurs exactions, les rendirent odieux a leurs sujets; ils causerent la ruine des provinces qui leur etoient soumises, par les guerres continuelles qu'ils entretinrent : le commerce fut detruit, les manufactures furent abandonnees, I'agriculture elle-meme fut negligee; et plusieurs de ces fertiles campagnes de la Lombardie, qui promettent au travail de si riches recompenses, demeurerent desertes. Les devastations des gens de guerre, et le poids des imposi- tions, etoufferent toute Industrie. Cependant Bernabos et Jean '8. 23-26 (chap. 57). "Otto, Matteo I, Galeazzo I, Azzo, Luchino, Giovanni (1349-54). These ■were followed by Matteo II (1354-S), with Galeazzo II (1354-/8), and Bernabo (1354-85) ; to Galeazzo II succeeded Gian Galeazzo (1378-1402). The House of Visconti 15 Galeaz, si mauvais economes de la fortune de leurs peuples, savoient maintenir I'ordre dans I'administration de leurs propres finances ; et ce fut la cause principale de leurs succes. lis disposerent en tout temps d'un plus ample revenu qu'aucun de leurs adversaires ; et ils remployerent, d'une main liberale, a recompenser leurs serviteurs fideles, a maintenir le devouement des petits etats qui s'etoient attaches a eux, enfin a se procurer des partisans ou des traitres dans les conseils de leurs voisins ou de leurs ennemis. Tandis qu'ils ne menageoient point leurs tresors pour atteindre le but de leur politique, ils n'avoient garde de les dissiper par une prodigalite insensee; aussi se trouvoient-ils prets au combat lorsque leurs adversaires avoient deja epuise toutes leurs forces, et se sentoient-ils presque assures de vaincre toutes les fois qu'ils gagnoient du temps. Tant que Galeaz avoit vecu, et qu'il avoit partage avec son frere Bernabos I'administration des afifaires, ses vices particuliers avoient mis obstacle au progres des armes du seigneur de Milan ; car il etoit etranger a la sage economic de son frere et de son fils : I'amour •de la pompe et d'une grandeur apparente, detruisoit ses forces reelles ; il depensa des sommes prodigieuses pour elever des batimens somptueux ; il en prodigua de plus grandes encore pour allier sa famille, par d'illustres mariages, aux monarques de I'Europe. Mais lorsque Jean Galeaz, son fils, apres avoir reuni ses etats a ceux de Bernabos, eut retabli I'ordre dans les finances, il etendit dans tous les sens les limites de sa domination ; et il auroit inf ailliblement asservi toute I'ltalie qui n'avoit plus de force pour lui resister, si une mort inattendue n'avoit tout-a-coup arrete sa carriere. Sismondi, Eng., says : Azzo Visconti, the son of that Galeazzo who had been so treacher- ously used by Louis of Bavaria, had, in 1328, purchased the city of Milan from that emperor, and soon afterwards found him- self master of ten other cities of Lombardy ; but he died suddenly, in the height of his prosperity, the i6th of August, 1339. As he left no children, his uncle Luchino succeeded him in the sovereignty. Luchino was false and ferocious, but clever, and possessed in war the hereditary talent of the Visconti. He was called a lover of justice, probably because he punished criminals with an excess of cruelty, and maintained by terror a perfect police in his states. He died, poisoned by his wife, on the 23d of January, 1349. His brother John, Archbishop of Milan, succeeded him in power. The latter found himself master of sixteen of the largest cities in Lombardy; cities which, in the preceding century, had been so many free and flourish- ing republics. His ambition continually aspired to more extensive conquests; and on the i6th of October, 1350, he engaged the brothers Pepoli to cede to him Bologna. . . . He [John Visconti] died on the Sth of October, 1354, before he could renew attacks [on Florence] ; and his three nephews, the 1 6 Italy and the Visconti sons of his brother Stephen, agreed to succeed him in common. The eldest, who showed less talent for government, and more sensuality and vice, than his brothers, was poisoned by them the year following. The two survivors, Barnabas and Galeazzo, divided Lombardy between them ; preserving an equal right on Milan, and in the government. ... The two brothers Visconti, masters of Lombardy, had at their disposal immense wealth and numerous armies ; and their ambition was insatiable. They were allied by marriage to the two houses of France and England ; their intrigues extended throughout Italy, and every tyrant was under their protection. At the same time, their own subjects trembled under frightful cruelties. They^ shamelessly pub- ^ The edict was due to Galeazzo alone, so far as appears (R. I. S. i6. 410), and is assigned by Sismondi, Fr., who wrongly attributes it to Bemabo (6. 302-3), to 1359. For an account of these tortures, see Sismondi, Fr., 6. 302-3; Leo 3. 31 1-2. The following account is directly from the original. The tortures, which were to be inflicted on traitors and their accom- plices, that is, according to Rosmini (2. 113), on all who had opposed him in the recent war, or favored his enemies, were to extend over a period of 41 days, and terminate in death. All the even days of the series were to be spent in recuperating from the agonies inflicted on the odd days, so that there were 21 days of active torment. Only speci- mens will be here described. They began with the strappado, which consisted of attaching a rope to the condemned, perhaps typically to his hands joined behind his back, and letting him fall, but not to the ground, the length of a rope suspended from a beam. This was done five times a day for days i, 3, 5, and 7. On days 9 and 11, lime, vinegar, and water were given him to drink. On day 15 the soles of the feet were flayed, and the wretch walked upon peas, the walking to be repeated on day 17. On days 19 and 21, the rack. On day 23, one eye gouged out; 25, the nose cut away; 27, one hand chopped off; 29, the other hand; 31, one foot, etc. On the last day, the sufferer was laid on a cart, and his flesh torn with pincers ; following which, he was broken on the wheel ('intenaglietur super plaustro, et postea in rota ponetur'). If we reflect how easily the stigma of treason could be fastened on a person, that there was no appeal from a sentence, that these punishments were actually inflicted on numbers of persons in 1362 and 1363 (R. I. S. 16. 411), and that Galeazzo was the less sanguinary of the two brothers, we shall be in a position to estimate one aspect at least of the character of the Visconti. For Galeazzo's character in general, see R. I. S. 16. 402-5 ; cf. Muratori 8. 382; Rosmini 2. 140-143; Leo 3. 323-4. He has been called the wealthiest and most magnificent Italian of his epoch (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 15. 38). For the pious foundations which he established on March 27, 1374, see Giulini 7. 240-243. He died on Aug. 4, 1378, aged 59 years (Corio, p. 495). The House of Visconti 17 lished an edict, by which the execution of state criminals was prolonged to the period of forty days. In it the particular tortures to be inflicted, day by day, were detailed, and the members to be Galeazzo Visconti. (From Rosmini 2. 80; cf. Graevius, p. 312.) mutilated designated, before death was reached. On the other hand, their finances were in good order; they liberally recompensed their partisans, and won over traitors in every state inimical to them. They pensioned the captain of every company of adventurers, on con- Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 2 1916 1 8 Italy and the Visconti ' ■ dition that he engaged to return to their service whenever called upon. Meanwhile, these captains, with their soldiers, overran, plun- dered, and exhausted Italy, during the intervals of peace ; reducing the country to such a state as to be incapable of resisting any new attack. All the Ghibelines, all the nobles who had preserved their independence in the Apennines, were allied to the Visconti. The march of these usurpers was slow, but it seemed sure. The moment was foreseen to approach when Tuscany would be theirs, as well as Lombardy; particularly as Florence had no aid to expect either from Genoa or Venice. . . . Urban V, on his arrival in Italy, endeavored also to oppose the usurpations of the Visconti, who had just taken possession of San Miniato, in Tuscany, and who, even in the states of the church, were rendering themselves more powerful than the Pope himself. Of the two brothers, Barnabas Visconti was more troublesome to him by his intrigues. Urban had recourse to a bull of excommunication, and sent two legates to bear it to him ; but Barnabas forced these two legates to eat, in his presence, the parchment on which the bull was written, together with the leaden seals and silken strings.^ . . . 'The story here told (from R. I. S. 17. 160, 162) is assigned to a quite different period by R. I. S. 16. 800-801, according to which the Pope was Innocent VI, and Urban was one of the two legates ; cf . Rosmini 2. 104, note 2; Leo 3. 310. Giulini (5. 465-6) would date the occurrence in 1361. For a story still more scandalous, see R. I. S. 15. 911. The long list of Bernabo's crimes and cruelties may be found in R. I. S. 16. 794-801. See also R. I. S. 16. 397, 399-400, 735-6, 742-3; Corio, pp. 486-7; Matteo Villani (in R. I. S., Vol. 14) 6. 28; 7. 48; 9- 50 ; cf. Muratori 8. 413; Giulini 5. 550, 559, 653; Rosmini 2. 115, 153-4- A few particulars may be mentioned : his notorious edict concerning the main- tenance of his 5,000 hunting dogs (R. I. S. 16. 794; Rosmini 2. 115; Leo 3. 312) ; he hanged those who caught partridges (R. I. S. 16. 794, 795) ; burned to death four nuns (ib., p. 795) ; had his jugglers or buffoons burn to death in an iron cage an Augustinian monk (p. 795) ; would frequently ask those about him, 'Do you not know that I am God on earth?' (p. 795) ; ordered that no official should receive his salary till he had caused one or more poachers of partridges to be beheaded (p. 796) ; had a wife burned to death by her own husband (p. 796) ; had a man's eyes put out, because he was found on Bernabo's private street (p. 796) ; had a man hanged because he had not fully paid a woman for two capons (p. 796) ; had two of his chancellors shut up in an iron cage with a wild boar till they died (p. 796) ; had a country fellow killed because he crossed a street with a dog (p. 796) ; in December, 1384, had a boy's eye put out, and his hand cut off, because he had dreamed that he had taken and burned a wild boar belonging to Bernabo (p- 797) )■ caused a Doctor of Laws, an excellent man, who had declined to obey an unjust order of his, to be beaten severely with rods, then The House of Vise on ti 19 Barnabas, grown old, had divided the cities of his dominions amongst his numerous children." His brother, Galeazzo, had died on the 4th of August, 1378, and been replaced by his son, Gian Gale- azzo, called Count de Virtus, from a county in Champagne, given him by Charles V, whose sister he had married. Barnabas would willingly have deprived his nephew of his paternal inheritance, to divide it among his children. Gian Galeazzo, who had already dis- covered several plots directed against him, uttered no complaint, but shut himself up in his castle of Pavia, where he had fixed his resi- dence. He doubled his guard, and took pains to display his belief that he was surrounded by assassins. He affected, at the same time, the highest devotion : he was always at prayers, a rosary in his hand, and surrounded with monks ; he talked only of pilgrimages and expiatory ceremonies. His uncle regarded him as pusillanimous, and unworthy of reigning. In" the beginning of May, 1385, Gian Galeazzo sent to Barnabas to say that he had made a vow of pilgrim- age to our Lady of Varese, near the Lago Maggiore, and that he should be glad to see him on his passage. Barnabas agreed to meet him at a short distance from Milan, accompanied by his two sons. Gian Galeazzo arrived, surrounded, as was his custom, by a numerous guard. He affected to be alarmed at every sudden motion made near him. On meeting his uncle, however, on the 6th of May, he hastily dismounted, and respectfully embraced him ; but, while he held him in his arms, he said, in German, to his guards, ' Strike !' The Germans, seizing Barnabas, disarmed and dragged him, with his two sons, to some distance from his nephew.^" Gian Galeazzo made several vain attempts to poison his uncle in the prison into which he forced to cut out another man's tongue, and finally to drink a cup of poison (p. 797) ; and tried to have Gian Galeazzo poisoned (p. 798). See also pp. 48-9. In the very year of Lionel's marriage, Bernabo issued a mandate that when he rode through the streets of Parma, every one should bow the knee, and do him reverence (R. I. S. 16. 740-741). For an amusing story of Bernabo's encounter with a rustic, see R. I. S. 16. 393-6, cf. 743- The little good that could be said of him will be found in R. I. S. 16. 801 ; Corio, p. 509. ^Lodovico (see pp. 109-110) received Lodi and Cremona (R. I. S. 16. 800; Corio, p. 498, cf. 507). At one particular time Bernabo is reported to have had 36 children, and 18 women to have been with child by him (R. I. S. 16. 800). He is accused, when already advanced in years, of keeping a regular harem (16. 799). "i?. /. S. 15. 510, 1082; 16. 543, 784-5, 853; 17. 497-9, 1126-7; 18. 92-3, 195-6, 525-6; 19. 785-6; Corio, p. 506; cf. Muratori 8. 412-4; Giulini 5. 653-5; Rosmini 2. 153-S ; Leo 3. 327-8; Symonds, Age of the Despots, chap. 2. 20 Italy and the Visconti had thrown him ; but Barnabas, suspicious of all the nourishment offered him, was on his guard, and did not sink under these repeated efforts till the i8th of December of the same year." Bernabo Visconti. (From Rosmini 2. 144; cf. Graevius, p. 316.) ^ R. I. S. 15. 512; 16. 544, 800, 854; 17. 499; Corio, p. 509; Muratori 8. 416; Giulini 5. 659; Rosmini 2. 157; Leo 3. 329. Bernabo died, at the age of 66, in the castle of Trezzo, a little more than half way (12 The House of Visconti 21 All Lombardy submitted, without difficulty, to Gian Galeazzo. His uncle had never inspired one human being with either esteem or aflfection. The nephew had no better title to these sentiments. False Gian Galeazzo. (From Rosmini 2. 156; cf. Graevius, p. 320.) miles) from Monza to Bergamo. The ruined castle is still standing (Baedeker, Oberitalien, 18th ed., p. 24). After his death, Lodovico and Rodolfo, his two sons, who had been imprisoned in S. Columbano, near 22 Italy and the Visconti and pitiless, he joined to immeasurable ambition a g-enius for enter- prise, and to immovable constancy a personal timidity which he did not endeavor to conceal. The least unexpected motion near him threw him into a paroxysm of nervous terror. No prince employed so many soldiers to guard his palace, or took such multiplied precau- tions of distrust. He seemed to acknowledge himself the enemy of the whole world. But the vices of tyranny had not weakened his ability. He employed his immense wealth without prodigality ; his finances were always flourishing; his cities well garrisoned and victualed; his army well paid; all the captains of adventure scat- tered throughout Italy received pensions from him, and were ready to return to his service whenever called upon. He encouraged the war- riors of the new Italian school : he well knew how to distinguish, reward, and win their attachment. Many young Italians, in order to train themselves to arms, had, from about the middle of this century, engaged in the German, English, and French troops, which inundated Italy; and they soon proved that Italian valor, directed by the reflection and intelligence of a highly civilized nation, who carried their arms as well as tactics to perfection, had greatly the advantage over the brute courage of barbarians." The influence of Gian Galeazzo in overthrowing the last remains of liberty in Italy has been thus described^^ : L'esprit de liberte sembloit s'eteindre dans toute ITtalie. . . . Cette terre, autrefois si fertile en citoyens et en heros, sembloit desertee par toutes les vertus et tons les sentimens eleves. Un tyran lache et perfide prenoit a tache de detruire chez les Italiens tout ce qui portoit encore I'image de la loyaute et de I'honneur: il n'attendoit des succes qu'en proportion des vices des peuples ; et il se rejouissoit de voir un gouvernement adopter sa politique fraudu- leuse, assure des-lors qu'il parviendroit bientot a le dominer. Tels etoient les funestes presages qui accompagnoient la fin du quatorzieme siecle. La peste enfin se declaroit en meme temps dans plusieurs parties de I'ltalie; et les peuples, effrayes de tant de fleaux, y reconnoissoient les chatimens qu'ils avoient merites, et se courboient devant la majeste divine, pour implorer sa misericorde. Lodi (R. I. S. 16. 786; Giulini 5. 659; Rosmini 2. 157), were kept at Trezzo, where they were well treated, but closely guarded (R. I. S. 16. 545, 800, 855; Giulini 5. 662; Rosmini 2. 157; Leo 3. 329). ^" Cf. Corio, p. 562; Rosmini 2. 207-212; Symonds, Age of the Despots, chap. 2. He was rather less than 51 years old when he died (Oct. 15, 1351-Sept. 3, 1402). "Sismondi, Fr., 7. 394-5 (chap. 5S)- III. THE CONSIDERATIONS WHICH DETERMINED THE ALLIANCE The negotiations for the marriage of Lionel with Violante were perhaps begun by Amedeo, Count of Savoy/ Cordey, referring to the cession of three towns to Amedeo by Galeazzo on Nov. 22, 1366, adds: 'C'etait peut-etre un encouragement. ^ See p. 34. De Sade says (p. 720) that the English in Galeazzo's pay suggested the idea of the alliance, and helped him to secure it, and Rosmini (DeW Istoria di Milano 2. 1 19-120) speaks of 'quest' alleanza segnatamente da Galeazzo contratta per conciliarsi I'afifetto, e valersi deir opera della famosa compagnia degl' Inglesi condotta da Giovanni Aucud'; to a similar effect Sismondi, Fr., 7. 21-2; Leo 3. 318. It is no doubt true that the relations of Hawkwood and Bernabo began as early as the summer of 1365 (Temple-Leader and Marcotti, Sir John Hawk- wood, p. 47), and very likely the success of the English in their recent wars rhay have inspired a wholesome respect in the breasts of the Vis- conti. We have only to think of Poitiers (1356) and the Peace of Bretigny (1360), for instance. The ransom required for the release of King John has the credit of having brought to pass the marriage of Gian Galeazzo to Isabella of France (cf. below, pp. 2>^, 49), which cost Galeazzo 600,000 florins (Korting, p. 349; Lavisse 4.^ 159-160; Dela- chenal 2. 231-7), Piacenza alone paying 25,000 of this amount {R. I. S. 16. 512). In 1361 Petrarch was sent to Paris to condole with King John on his misfortunes and to return a ring which he had lost at the battle of Poitiers, and which had been redeemed by the Visconti (Mezieres, Petrarqne, p. 322). This mission caused him to realize the power of the English, as is apparent from a letter written not long afterwards (Fam. 22. 14) : 'When I was in my teens the English were considered the least courageous of all the b.arbarians [Corio, p. 462, calls the English 'questi Barbari'], but now this most warlike people have so fre- quently and unexpectedly defeated the French, long famous for military exploits though they had been, that they who had shown themselves no match for even the contemptible Scots [Bannockburn, 1314; Berwick, 1318] have so wasted the whole realm with fire and sword — not to speak of the ill-fortune of the French king [John], which I can not call to mind without a sigh — that, when I lately made a journey thither on public business, I could hardly persuade myself that I was looking at the same kingdom. Everywhere was solitude, devastation, and sadness; everywhere fields untilled and neglected ; everywhere houses in ruins and abandoned, save as they 24 The Considerations which determined the Alliance ou une recompense anticipee.' I should be more inclined to suppose that it was what lawyers call a refresher, rather than a retainer, seeing that already on July 30 of that year a formal were protected by the walls of cities or castles ; everywhere the melancholy traces of the English, and the fresh and horrible scars left by their swords' ('Adolescentulo me, Britanni, quos Anglos sive Anglicos vocant, omnium barbarorum timidissimi habebantur; nunc bellicosissima gens Gallos diu bellica gloria florentes stravit tam crebris insperatisque successibus, ut qui modo vilibus Scotis impares fuerant, prfeter miserabilem et indignum summi regis casum, quern sine suspirio meminisse non possum, sic regnum omne igne ferroque contriverint, ut mihi nuper illuc iter ex negotio agenti vix persuaderi posset regnum illud esse quod videram. Sic ubique solitudo infelix et moeror et vastitas ; sic ubique horrida et inculta arva, sic dirutse desertseque domus, nisi quae cinctse arcium mcenibus aut urbium evasis- sent, sic demum omnibus locis Anglorum moesta vestigia et recentes fcedaeque cicatrices gladiorum extabant'). For the customs and modes of war practised by the English in Italy, see Temple-Leader and Marcotti, Sir John Hawkwood, pp. 20, 21, 39-42. The following account is translated from Filippo Villani, chap. 81 {R. I. S. 14. 746), and was published in the Bibl. Topograph. Brit. 6 (1790). 43-44: 'These English were all lusty young men, most of them born and brought up in the long wars between the French and English; warm, eager, and practised in slaughter and rapine, for which they were always ready to draw their swords, with very little care for their personal safety, but in matters of discipline very obedient to their commanders. However, in their camps or cantonments, through a disorderly and over-daring boldness,- they lay scattered about in great irregularity, and with so little caution that a bold, resolute body of men might in that state easily give them a shameful defeat. The armor of almost all were cuirasses, their breasts covered with a steel coat of mail, gauntlets, and armor for the thighs and legs, daggers, and broad swords ; all of them had long tilting-lances, which, after dismounting from their horses, they were very dextrous in handling. Every man had one or two pages, and some of them more, according to their ability to maintain thern. On taking off their armor, it was the business of their pages to keep them clean and bright, so that when they came to action their arms shone like looking-glass, and thus gave them a more terrifying appearance. Others among them were archers, their bows long, and made of yew. They were very expert and dextrous in using them, and did great service in action. Their manner of fighting in the field was almost always on foot. The horses were given in charge to the pages. The body they formed was very compact, and almost round; each lance was held The Considerations zvhich determined the Alliance 25 commission had been issued by Edward III to Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, and Sir Nicholas Tamworth, to treat with GaleazzO' concerning a marriage between Lionel" and Violante.^ According to a parallel commission, Edmund, Earl of Cambridge, Edward's fifth son, might be substituted for Lionel. Lionel and Edmund, as younger sons, had to be provided for, the Black Prince, the heir to the throne, having already a realm of his own in Aquitaine. Ireland was not a realm to content Lionel, so he was seeking a more desirable province abroad, as John of Gaunt did in Spain.* If the Green Count was instrumental in the earliest stage of the negotiation, then it must have been before July, 1366. That the advances were made from the Italian side is definitely stated by two men in the same manner as the spear is handled in hunting the wild boar ; and thus close embodied, with their lances pointed low, and with slow steps, they marched up to the enemy with terrible outcry, and very difficult was it to break or disunite them. But after all, experience has shown they were more fit for night-expe- ditions and plundering villages than for keeping the field; and their success was more owing to the cowardice of our own men than their valor and military virtue. They had very curious ladders in pieces, the biggest of which was of three steps, and one piece socketed into the other like so many trumpets, and with these they were able to mount the top of the highest towers.' Muratori (8. 343) says that, in the death of Lionel, Galeazzo lost the hope of assistance from the King of England, and Sismondi (op. cit. 7. 22) that it severed his alliance with the companies of adventurers. " Rymer. ^Cf. Hist. Background, pp. 182-3. On July 18 Hereford (1341-1373) had appointed an attorney, in view of his approaching trip abroad; and he was still absent from England on Nov. 28 (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Of him Froissart wrote (Buisson de Jonece 263-4) : Aussi dou conte de Herfort Pris une fois grant reconfort. He was the father-in-law of Henry, Earl of Derby, had headed the escort of Pierre I, King of Cyprus, from Dover to London, early in November, 1362 (Jorga, Philippe de Mecieres, p. 179), and had been with Pierre at Satalia and Ayas (Chaucer's 'Lyeys') in 1367 (Hist. Background/ pp. 182, 232-3). * Cf . Michelet 6. 4. 26 TJie Considerations zvJiich determined the Alliance by the Chronicle of Montfcrrat,^ and is no less clear in the light of an offer drawn up by Galeazzo at Pavia on Jan. 19, 1367 (Rymer). In this offer, made as a basis for a marriage-contract, Piedmont and the Adjacent Regions. (Reduced from the Century Atlas, No. 93, by permission of The Century Co. Copyright, 1897, by The Century Co.) ^ 'Cerco anchora questo signor Galeatio Visconte de dar in matrimonio Violante . . . al signor Leonetto,' etc. Cf . Corio : 'Galeazzo f ece amicitia col Re d'Inghilterra.' It is interesting that the Visconti, as Counts of Angiara, 'did not blush to be called English (Angli), as descended from Anglo, reputed to be the son or grandson of Eneas' (Carlo Muletti, p. 15 of Preface to Gioffredo della Chiesa; Corio, p. 9). Gian Galeazzo's three sons were Gian Maria Inglese, Filippo Maria Anglo (both after- wards Dukes of Milan), and Gabriele Anglo (Corio, p. 561, cf. 543, 568), while a daughter of Bernabo was named Inglese (R. I. S. 17. 499), or Anglesia (Corio, p. 509). An odd theory to account for these names is that of Rawdon L. Brown (Cal. of State Papers and Manuscripts . . . in the Archives and Collections of Venice i. 252, note) : 'It seems prob- able that the Visconti family had been naturalized by Edward III in 1365 [.y/c], when Lionel, Duke of Clarence, married Violante Visconti.' Muletti refers to the apocryphal genealogy given in M. H. P., pp. 869-870; cf. his Preface, as above, and p. 871, note. TJie Considerations which determined the Alliance 27 Galeazzo refers to earlier negotiations.® The terms offered in the draft are briefly these : (i) The gift as doAvry of Galeazzo's Piedmontese territories — (a) the city of Alba, and the towns of Cherasco, Mondovi, and Cuneo, without qualification; (b) the overlordship of Centallo and CarruJ which had already been granted as a fief by Galeazzo to Pandolfo Malatesta, some time his captain-general.^ These towns are guaranteed to produce a yearly net income of 24,000 florins of Florence. (2) The dowry is also to include an annual income in cash of 50,000 florins, payable in Milan, Calais, or London. If this sum seems insufficient, the amount may be determined by the Earl of Hereford^ and Giovanni de' Pepoli, or their substitutes. (3) If Edward and Lionel do not care for the towns, but prefer a lump sum, Galeazzo offers 250,000 florins, payable as above. (4) Violante is to be sent at Galeazzo's expense, with a splendid outfit, from Milan or Pavia to Calais. " 'Cum . . . aliqua verba et tractatus sint mota et incepta de con- trahendo parentellam et matrimonium, videlicet de copulando, legitimo matrimonio, prsefato domino Leonelo illustrem Violantem,' etc. (Rymer). By this time, then, the choice had fallen upon Lionel. Perhaps the latter's return from Ireland in November, 1366 (Hist. Background, p. 180) points to the same conclusion. ^According to the Italian chroniclers, the towns were Alba, Mondovi, Cherasco, Cuneo, Demonte, Centallo, Cavurro (Cavour), Roccasparviera, and Bra, besides others not named. The first three named above are mentioned by all the original authorities ; Cuneo is omitted only by Benvenuto; Demonte is mentioned by Amml. Med., Cron. Monf., and Chron. Plac; Bra (Braida) only by Corio, and Centallo and Cavurro only by Cron. Monf. Petrus Azarius (quoted by Benvenuto), Cron. Monf., and Cron. Salus. specify that the territories ceded include all those possessed by Galeazzo in Piedmont, Cron. Salnz. subjoining: 'et altre ancora.' Benvenuto adds to his list: 'et reliqua oppida' ; Annal. Med.: 'plura alia loca'; Chron. Plac: 'et plura alia.' Cf. Gabotto, in Misc. di St or. Ital. 33. 168; Corio, p. 448; Sismondi, Fr., 7. 21. According to Cron. Monf., Alba was rated at 549 gold florins ; Cherasco at 429; Cuneo and Demonte together at 419; Centallo at 25; Cavurro at 30; while Roccasparviera is not rated. Carru is mentioned by Cron. Salus. (M. H. P., p. 1018, cf. p. 996) as belonging to Galeazzo in December, 1369. * See R. I. S. 16. 404. ' See Hist. Background, pp. 182, 230, 232-3. 2 8 Tlie Considerations which determined the Alliance The definitive marriage-treaty was made at Westminster on May 15, 1367/° the terms being" much the same as in the draft (Rymer). For example, (i) is the same/^ except that Galeazzo retains the overlordship of Piedmont, so that Lionel and Violante, and their heirs, owe him fealty and homage; for (2) is substi- tuted the transfer of a lump sum of 100,000 florins,^- payable " Barnes, Sandford, and the Diet. Nat. Biog. say that on April 25, 1368, the marriage-treaty was signed at Windsor, and the 100,000 (Barnes, 10,000) florins paid ; but by this time Lionel was well on his way to Italy. " Walsingham (i. 306; so Chron. Angl., p. 62) says that Lionel was to obtain half of Galeazzo's dominions. Hardyng is more extravagant (pp. ZZ2-2,) : The duke of Milayn, hight sir Bernabo, The lord Mantowe & the marques Ferrar, The lord of Mountpollestrme then also, The lordes of Jene, of Pyse that then were, The lordes of Venis and Florence there, To kyng Edward sent ambassiate, By commen assent of papall senate. For Lionell his soonne with theim to send The duke his doughter of Melayn for to wed, Promisyng then hym so to recommend That of Itale the rule sholde all be led By hym and his frendes of Italye bred. And in short tyme to joye and here the croune Of all Italye the royal region. This is bombastically paraphrased and amplified by Barnes, p. 718. " This is confirmed by Petrus Azarius and Cron. Salus. Corio (p. 468) and Jovius say 200,000 (and Barnes 2,000,000!). Corio comments that such a dowry was, so to speak, the final ruin of Galeazzo's state, and Petrus Azarius has the phrase, 'cum infinite dispendio.' Jovius {op. cit. 3. 313), in deploring Galeazzo's fatal extravagance, associates the marriage of Violante with that of Gian Galeazzo to Isabella of France (see below, p. 49) : 'Eo modo pace parta, et Barnaba nihilo secius pertinaci studio Bononise principatum, tanquam sibi fraude ereptum, validis armis repetente, Galeacius externas affinitates, decoras quidem regio fastu, sed sibi et posteris damnosas et fere exitiales quaesivit, Isabella scilicet, Caroli Galliae Regis sorore, Joanni Galeacio filio expetita, Leonatoque Clarentio, Britannise Regis filio, in generum adscito : huic enim ex nuptiis Violantis, quum ducenta millia aureorum nummum dotis nomine recepisset, Mons etiam Regalis atque Alba Pompeia urbes cesserunt. Isabella autem, quae Mediolanum venerat, usque adeo socero gravis fuit, ut ducentis millibus aureorum constiterit ; quan- TJie Considerations which determined the Alliance 29 to Edward III at London or Calais, of which 50,000 may be paid down at once. Minor details are subjoined. The first of these resembles (4) : Violante is to be amply provided with clothes and furniture, and to be sent in honorable state to Calais within six years, if the king so wishes. Further, if Violante should die without an heir, neither the king nor Lionel is to be held to restoration of the money, or of Violante's personal belongings. Should Lionel die, Violante shall keep her jewels, and inherit one-third of the real property of which he shall die seized. Should Lionel die without leaving a child by Violante, the lands assigned as dowry shall revert to Galeazzo or his heirs. If the king needs Lionel, he is to be free at any time to return from Lombardy. If Lionel is made prisoner, while serv- ing with Galeazzo against the latter's enemies, Galeazzo is to provide his ransom. The Black Prince is to be consulted regard- ing this treaty; if he has no objection, it is to be considered as binding. Galeazzo is to be adjured to add to the territories promised. His ambassadors disclaim any power to bind Gale- azzo as respects the treaty, which, in all its articles, is to be referred to him for his final approval and consent. What was promised by treaty was not, in fact, all that the wedded pair received. The Chronicle of Montferrat specifies the following gifts made to them on the day of their marriage : quart! Vixtutis oppidi ditio, honestissimaeque appellationis titulus, novo sponso nomine dotis accessisset.' The collection of the 100,000 florins was entrusted on March i, 1368, to Sir Thomas Dale and Walter de Barde(s) — one of the Bardi, bankers of Florence (Rymer, March 11, 1363) — master of the mint at Calais and the Tower of London. Kervyn (i. 161) says that Dale received the money between February (March?) and April, at Bruges, but gives no authority. If a florin of Florence equaled three shillings English, 100,000 florins = £15,000^ approximately $1,125,000 (at the arbitrary rate of ii = $75; cf. Hist. Background, p. 165). Of this sum nearly four-ninths (exactly nineteen-forty-fifths) seems to have been expended for Lionel's journey to Italy (Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, March 5, 1369). Probably the journey cost much more, for we know of a single separate item of £178 13 4 = $13,400, merely for transporting Lionel's 457 men and 1280 horses from Dover to Calais (Rymer, May 10, 1368). This sum is made up of ii73 6 8 for 39 ships and 13 boats, besides £568 for the 'pontage' of the horses. The hire of the ships was at the rate of £3 13 4 each, and that of the boats £268 each. 3° Lionel's Journey to Italy (i) To Violante, 100,000 gold florins^^ [in addition to the dowry already paid]. (2) To her chamberlain, 1282 florins, for the furnishing of her house. (3) To Lionel, 10,000 florins. (4) To Lionel, as provision for himself and his company, 10,000 gold florins a month for June, July, August, [Septem- ber],'^* October, and half of November — (say) 55,000 florins. ^^ (5) To Lionel, six pieces of cloth of gold made up into various garments — mantles, doublets, turche, and hoods- — all thickly set with pearls ; every one of these being carried away to England. (6) For other expenses of Lionel and his company, 20,000 gold florins. Here, then, we have a total of 186,252 florins (not to speak of the cloth of gold), or, let us say, $2,095,335, to add to the $1,125,000 mentioned above. The ornaments provided for Violante were two crowns of gold, set with numerous sapphires, emeralds, balas rubies, and large pearls; eleven jewels, with pearls and other gems; thirty- five garments of various fashions, made of silk and gold, and embroidered with pearls and precious stones ; a large number of collars and necklaces ; innumerable ornaments for fastening the hair; together with 294 vessels of silver and gold of various shapes. IV. LIONEL'S JOURNEY TO ITALY I. DOVER TO PARIS Lionel left England early in April/ but we can not be sure of the exact day. Froissart- informs us that Lionel spent Easter, ^^ Perhaps Corio and Jovius include this in their 200,000. " Omitted, but almost certainly through inadvertence. "The chronicler complains that, since Lionel died on Oct. IS (wrong for 17), he had been overpaid by 10,000 florins. ^ Walsingham (i. 306) merely says 'mense Aprilis.' ^Froissart's account of the whole journey is subjoined (from Kervyn 7. 246-7), with interpolations of the chief variants from his second redaction : 'En ce temps fu treties li mariaiges entre monseigneur Lion, due de Clarense, fil au roy Edouwart d'Engleterre et a le royne, et la Dover to Paris 31 April 9, at Abbeville.^ As Abbeville is about 60 miles in a straight line from Calais, where the expedition landed, and as 457 men* and 1280 horses^ would have proceeded rather slowly, four days — April 5, 6, 7, and 8 — are none too many to allow for this part of the journey," especially since the cavalcade only reached Paris, 87 miles in a direct line from Abbeville, in time for the next Sunday, April 16.'^ If we assume that they covered fille monseigneur Galeas, seigneur de ^lelans, qu'il avoit de madame Blanche, serour an conte Ame de Savoie, liquels mariaiges se parfist et conferma, et se parti messires Lions, dus de Clarense, d'Engleterre moult estofifeement et en grant arroy [accompagnies grandement de chevaliers et d'escuiers d'Engleterre], a bien 11"^ chevaux. Si estoit ses compains en ce voiaige ungs grans banneres d'Engleterre et riches horns durement, que on nommoit messire Edouwart le Despenssier. Si tint li dessus dis dus ses Pasques en le bonne ville d' Abbeville, qui estoit au roy son pere, et puis s'en parti et chevaucha tant par ses journees qu'il vint a Paris, ou li roys Charles de Franche estoit, et li dus de Berri, li dus de Bourgoingne, si frere, li dus Loeis de Bourbon [et li sires de Couci] et li contes de Savoie ossi, et rechurent le dit monseigneur Lion et festyerent grandement, et li donna li roys Carles de Franche grans dons et biaux jeuiaux et a tous ses chevaliers ossi. Puis s'en partirent et chevauchierent parmy Bourgoingne, et puis entrerent en le conte de Savoie. Si rechupt li dis contes a Chambery monseigneur Lion d'Engleterre et ses gens moult grande- ment, et les festia et honnoura durement, enssi que bien le savoit faire, puis s'en partirent [et passa li dessus dis dus parmi le royaume de France et vint en Savoie, ou li gentils contes de Savoie le rechut tres-honnerablement en Chamberi, et fu la II jours en tres-grans reviaus de danses, de caroles et de tous esbatemens. Au tierc jour, il parti] et passerent oultre en Lombardie, et estoient de bonne ville en bonne ville trop grandement festyet et honnouret. Si acompaignoit le dit monseigneur Lion li gentils contes de Savoie, et I'amena a ^Nlelans. La fu-il grandement festyes de monseigneur Galeas et de monseigneur Bernabo. Si espousa la ditte dame le lundi apries le jour de le Trinite, I'an de grace mil CCC et LXVIII, en le bonne cite de Melans.' ^ Abbeville at this time belonged to England. A year later (April 2g, 1369), it was captured by the French (Kervyn 7. 309-12, 537; cf. 17. 469). ^ These particulars in Rymer, under date of May 10; cf. above, p. 29, note 12. ^A couple of thousand, according to Froissart (see above, note 2). ^ As they very likely would not have traveled on Good Friday, April 7, another day may well have been required. ' Grandes Chroniqucs de France, ed. Paulin Paris, 6. 251. 32 Lionel's Journey to Italy 87 miles in six days^ — Monday to Saturday — this would be at the rate of 14^ miles a day, which corresponds pretty nearly to what we have assumed for the journey, Calais to Abbeville. Now the ferriage across from Dover to Calais would have required a day, April 4. At the rate of 143^ miles, it would require a day from Canterbury to Dover, and four more for a leisurely progress from London to Canterbury.^ On the basis of this calculation, the array may have left London early on Wednesday, March 29, arrived at Canterbury on Palm Sunday, April 2, and thus reached Dover on April 3. If, however, they made a leisurely and showy progress from London, they may easily have consumed more time on the road, and thus have made an earlier start, perhaps as early as Monday, March 27. At Paris, or rather St. Denis,^" Lionel was met by the brothers of King Charles V (1337- 1380), the Dukes of Berry" (1340- 1416) and Burgundy^^ (1342-1404) ; the king's brother-in-law. * Froissart says: 'chevaucha tant par ses journees.' Albert von Stade (13th century) reckons five days from Abbeville to Paris (Jahrbuch fi'ir Schweis. Gesch. 4. 284-6). " See Hist. Background, p. 166, note 3. *" There at least by the two brothers of the king (Grandes Chroniques, as above). " John, Duke of Berry, was hostage in England 1360-66 ; in 1396 he negotiated a truce with Richard II, and arranged for the latter's marriage with Isabella, his niece, then only a child of six ; when the future Henry IV was banished in 1398, a match was considered between him and Berry's daughter, and Berry was deep in his counsels respecting his return to England (Diet. Nat. Biog. 26. 34). At his death he left vast treasures of jewelry, objects of art, and especially illuminated MSS., many of which have been preserved, one of the finest being his Livre d'Heures (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 3. 809). At the time of Lionel's visit, he was on leave from Edward III to June 24 of that year (Kervyn 7. 517) • Cf. Froissart, Dit dou Florin 317-330. " Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, had distinguished himself at Poitiers (1356) ; on the defeat of his father, King John, he accompanied him (1357) into captivity in England, where he mostly remained till his release in 1360. After the death of Charles V in 1380, Philip for a time occupied the most powerful position in France. A contemporary described him as kindly and amiable to men of every degree, liberal and magnificent. His splendid tomb is in the museum of Dijon (Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 24. 493). Cf. Froissart, Dit dou Florin 317-330. Dover to Paris 33 Louis de Bourbon^^ (1337-1410) ; Enguerrand/* Lord of Coucy (1338-1397), brother-in-law of Lionel, and Count Amedeo VP^ '^Bourbon was a hostage in England 1360-66 (Kervyn 7. 517-8). Though, on the death of Charles V, he, with the Dukes of Anjou, Berry, and Burgundy, assumed the guardianship of Charles VI, he had never had the opportunity to play a part befitting his high birth (Le Roulx, p. 170"), until, in 1390, he assumed command of the expedition directed against Mehediah, in northern Africa (see the account in Le Roulx, pp. 166-200; cf. Hist. Background, p. 209, notes 5 and 6). See Froissart, Btiisson de Jonece 291-3. ^* Sometimes known as Ingelram de Coucy. The pride of his house appears in the well-known lines : Je ne suis roi, ni prince aussi ; Je suis le seigneur de Couci. He was related to the Green Count b}^ their common descent from Amedeo V of Savoy (d. 1323), of whom Coucy was the great-grandson, and Amedeo VI the grandson. He was married to Isabella (1332-1379), eldest daughter of Edward III, in 1365, she being six years older than her husband ; in the same year he received the Order of the Garter. 'On the eve of the renewal of the war between England and France in 1368, Enguerrand, unwilling' either to break with his father-in-law or to fight against his lord the French king, went to Italy, and served in the wars of Urban V and Gregory XI against the Visconti' {Diet. Nat. Biog. 29. 68; cf. Muratori 8. 361; R. I. S. 15. 497; 16. 518; Giulini 5. 559, 560), remaining there till about 1374 (see also Beltz, Memorials of the Order of the Garter, pp. 149-153; Kervyn 7. 419-420). Cf. Kervyn 14. 3, 4; Froissart, Dit dou Florin 442-4; Btiisson 278-281; Le Roulx, Index; Mem. de I' Acad, des Inscr. 25. 168-186. '' Symonds (Age of the Despots, chap. 2) says that the rulers of Savoy and Montferrat are in the highest class of despots, and Gabotto (Atti della Reale Accademia delle Scienze di Torino 34. 215) calls Amedeo 'that giant among the sovereigns of Savoy' (from which, of course, the reigning house of Italy is descended). Referring to his exploits in the East in 1366 (see below), Gregorovius (Gesch. der Stadt Athen. 2. 163) speaks of 'how much a heroic man could accomplish, even with meagre forces.' For the romantic story of the origin of his name (the Green Count) in 1348, see Cordey, pp. loo-ioi, and M. H. P. 3 (Script, i). 275-8. (For a Spanish green knight at the siege of Tyre by Saladin in 1187, see Chronique d'Ernoul et de Bernard le Tresorier, ed. Mas Latrie, pp. 237-8, 251-2; Rohricht, Gesch. des Konigreichs Jerusalem, p. 468; for seven green knights who tourneyed in 1305 on the site of the Isthmian games, see Miller, p. 203; Rodd 2. 54; Clironique de Morec, ed. Longnon, p. 397; in Malory there is a green knight. Sir Pertilope, besides a black (see also Chretien de Troyes, Cliges), a red, and a blue knight; Tristram is a green knight in Tennyson's Last Tournament 169-170). For the Traxs. Coxx. Acad., Yo\. XXI 3 1916 34 Lionel's Journey to Italy of Savoy (1334-1383), the uncle of Lionel's betrothed, and the one who had perhaps been chiefly instrumental in arranging the marriage.^*' Lionel was provided with a richly adorned apart- ment at the Louvre/' where the king was in residence. On Sunday he dined and supped there ; on Monday he dined with account of his heroic expedition to free his cousin, John Palseologus, Emperor of Constantinople, in 1366, see Kervyn 11. 233-4; ^L H. P. 3 {Script, i). 300-370; Datta, La Spedizione in Oricnte di Amcdeo J'l (Turin, 1836) ; Le Roulx, pp. 141-158; Hertzberg, Gesch. Gricclieiilands 2. 309, 320, 322; C. Hopf, Griechenland ini Mittelalter uiid in der Neu::eit, in Ersch und Gruber's Allgemeine Encyklopddie (Leipzig, 1868), Part 86, pp. 14-15 (it is interesting that in Mantua, on his return from the East, he had with him, according to Datta, three falcons and a small lion ; cf. Hist. Background, pp. 171, 174). His itineraries on his return are given by Datta (pp. 162-3, 170-171), who notes that he reached Pavia Nov. 14, and Chambery Dec. 10. For Amedeo in general, see Froissart, Dit don Florin 330-339, and cf. pp. 23-5, 2>^, 49, 59, 85, 99, 100, 102, 107. '" So Cordey, p. 183 : 'lis [ Violante's father and mother! s'adresserent sans doute au Conte de Savoie. ... II fut assez heureux pour decider Edouard III a marier son fils Lionel, due de Clarence, avec la princesse milanaise.' On Nov. 22, 1366, Galeazzo had transferred to Amedeo three towns — a fact which Cordey regards as significant in this connection. Amedeo came to Paris to meet Lionel, but this was not his sole motive. We find that on the ver}- day of Lionel's arrival, Amedeo received the promise of 50,000 gold florins from the king by way of indemnity for the war of Faucigny in 1355; and we have even a list of his expenditures for a variety of costly articles, among the rest for a hat adorned with a ruby and large pearls, destined for the king, which cost 1000 florins (Cordey, pp. 184-5). At Paris he met Guillaume de Machaut, then 70 years old, who presented him with a romance (perhaps his Liire du Voir Dit, composed a few years earlier), and received by way of gratuity the by no means inconsiderable sum of 300 golden francs (Cordey, p. 185). It is therefore possible that here IMachaut, Froissart, and Chaucer met ; this conjecture is of interest in view of Chaucer's imitation, in the Book of the Duchess, of Froissart's Paradys d'Amour, which itself imitates Machaut's Dit de la Fontaine Amourcusc (Kittredge, in Eng. Stud. 26. 336; cf. Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. 30. i). For imitations by Chaucer of Machaut, see Wells, pp. 620, 629, 633, 634, 638, 668; Kittredge in Mod. Phil. 7. 465 ff. ; Pub. Mod. Lang. Assoc. 30. 1-24. ^' Hare, Walks in Paris, pp. 36-37 : 'On the site of a hunting lodge, . . . Philippe Auguste in 1200 erected a fortress, to which St. Louis added a great hall, which was called by his name. The fortress was used as a state prison, and its position was at first outside the city, Dover to Paris 35 the queen^* at the king's hostel near St. Pol/^ where she was staving, 'et y list Ten tres grant feste.' After dinner, when in which it was enclosed in 1367. . . . The Louvre was greatly enlarged by Charles V, who added many towers, and surrounded it with a moat which was supplied from the Seine. He made the palace into a complete rectangle, always preserving the great central dungeon tower. In spite, however, of his additions, space was wanting in the labyrinthine apart- ments of the Louvre for his splendid receptions, ... so he only Jeanne de Bourbon, Wife of Charles V. (From Racinet, Le Costume Historique, Vol. 4.) inhabited the fortress for a short time, and devoted himself principally to building the Hotel St. Paul.' ^* Whom Delachenal (i. 44) calls one of the most gracious figures of the 14th century. As to her picture, her cote-hardie has the color and the arms of France; only on ceremonial occasions was it cut so low in the neck. The crown is of gold, set with precious stones. See also p. ^o. " Cf. Hare, Walks in Paris, pp. 201-2 : 'Every preceding king had held his Court either in the Cite or at the Louvre, but Charles now bought, near the Port de St. Paul, the hotel of the Conte d'Etampes. ... In 1363 he added to his purchase the hotel of the Archbishop of Sens, with gardens which reached to the Port. . . . By an edict of July, 1364, Charles V, after coming to the throne, declared the Hotel de St. Paul 36 Lionel's Journey to Italy they had danced and played — the king's brothers being always to be for ever part of the domain of the Crown — the hotel where "he had enjoyed many pleasures, endured and recovered from many illnesses, and which, therefore, he regarded with singular pleasure and affection." No plan of the Hotel de St. Paul has come down to us, but we know that it was rather a group of palaces than a single building,- the Hotel de Sens being the royal dwelling-place, . . . the Hotel d'Etampes being called Hotel de la Reine. . . . The palace as a whole was surrounded by high walls, inclosing six meadows, eight gardens, twelve galleries, and a number of courts. . . . The garden walks were shaded by trellises covered with vines. ... In their shade Charles V amused himself by keeping a menagerie, and many accounts exist of sums disbursed to those who brought him rare animals. Here the queen and her ladies appeared in the new dress of the time, in .which their own arms were always embroidered on one side of their gown, and their husbands' on the other.' Cf. Michelet 5. 43-4. From this residence Charles could see, two years later, the flames of the villages which the English were burning (Michelet 5. 31; Lavisse 4.' 235). Add Encyc. Brit., 9th ed., 18. 189: 'He [Charles V] robbed the Louvre to some extent of its military equipment, in order to make a convenient and sumptuous residence ; his open-work staircases and his galleries are mentioned in terms of the highest praise by writers of the time. This did not, however, remain always his favorite palace; having built or rebuilt in the St. Antoine quarter the mansion of St. Paul or St. Pol, he was particularly fond of living in it during the latter part of his life, and it was there that he died in 1380.' These reunions must have had much the air of a family party. There were present Lionel's brother-in-law and his prospective uncle. Then, since the king's sister, Isabella, had been married, eight years before — she was now only 19 years old — to Gian Galeazzo (a marriage probably negotiated by Amedeo; cf. Cordey, p. 155), the brother of Lionel's betrothed, that would make her sister-in-law to Lionel, and thus tend to create a fraternal feeling with Berry, Burgundy, and the king, and more remotely, through the king, with the queen and her brother, Bourbon. Moreover, since Amedeo had married Bonne de Bourbon in 1355 at the Hotel St. Pol, he was at table with his sister-in-law, the queen (once almost betrothed to him; Delachenal i. 26-27), and his brother-in-law, Louis de Bourbon, by whom the Green Count's wife was much beloved (Kervyn i.^ 163, note). These ties would be strengthened by the residence of Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon in England, where, though they were detained as hostages, they can have known little of the horrors of imprisonment. The father of the three royal brothers, King John (1319-1364), after his defeat at Poitiers, was in England as a captive for three years (1357-60), yet,' after more than three years of liberty, while his ransom was still unpaid. Bonne de Bourbon, wife of Amedeo VI of Savoy. (From Cordey, frontispiece.) Dover to Paris 37 in his company — they retired, and afterwards supped with the he voluntarily returned to England (Januarj% 1364) in the spirit indicated by the following quotations from Froissart (Kervyn 6. 387, 389, 390, 392, 393; second redaction in square brackets) : 'Li roys Jehans avoit proupos et affection d'aller en Engleterre veoir le roy engles, son frere, et madame le royne, sa soer (enssi s'appelloient-il par le tretiet de le pes), et ordonnoit touttes ses pourveances et ses besoingnes a Boulloingne. Si le conseilloient bien li aucun de Franche qu'il ne volsist mies aller, et que c'estoit ungs grans perils sus le veu et prommesse qu'il avoit fait, et que on le poroit la detenir pour le somme de se redemtion qui estoit encorres a payer ; mes li roys Jehans respondoit qu'il avoit trouvet ou roy d'Engleterre, en madame le royne, en tous leurs enffans et ens es barons d'Engleterre tant d'onneur, d'amour, de courtoisie et de loyaulte, qu'il ne s'en doubtoit en riens et qu'il ne cesseroit jammais, si y aroit este et yaux veus, et ossi ses amis qui la estoient hostagiers pour lui. . . . Quant il fu venus a Eltem [Eltham], en I'ostel dou roy engles, il y fu rechups a grant joie, che puet-on moult bien croire, et tout chi! qui avoecq lui estoient, pour I'amour de lui. La eult grans festes, grans sollas, grans esbatemens, belles danses et belles carolles de seigneur, de dame et de damoiselle [et la estoit li jones sires de Couci qui s'efforgoit de bien danser et de canter quant son tour venoit], et s'efforchoit chacuns de festyer et de jeuer pour le cause dou roy de Franche. Quant il eut la estet, je croy II jours, il s'en parti et vint a Londres, 011 il fu requeillies moult honnorablement et menes et aconvoyes de ses cousins les enfans dou roy engles, jusques a I'ostel de Savoie qui estoit ordonnet pour lui, qui siet sus le Tamise au dehors de Londres. La le laissierent-il, et la se tint li roys Jehans et tout son hostel. Si avoit dalles lui chiaux de son sanch, le duch de Berri, son fil, le ducq d'Orlyens, son frere, le conte d'Allenchon, Robert d'Alengon et Gui de Blois, ses cousins, qui adont estoient jone damoisel, ossi le ducq de Bourbon et le conte de Saint-Pol et les seigneurs qu'il avoit la amenes de Franche. Si tenoit la li dis roys et tint la I'ivier grant estat et grant hostel, et estoit souvent visetes dou roy engles et de ses enffans [et le visetoient souvent li rois d'Engleterre et si enfant li dus de Clarense, li dus de Lancastre et messires Aymons]. Si donnoient chil roy grans disners et grans soupers li uns a I'autre, et jeuoient et esbatoient enssemble et parloient et consilloient de leurs besoingnes. . . . Enssi passoient li roy le temps, et veoient souvent I'un I'autre, et donnoient et envoioient li uns a I'autre grans dons, biaux jeuiaux et riches presens pour nourir entr'iaux plus grant amour.' Here it is explicitly related that he was often visited by Lionel (named first), John of Gaunt, and Edmund. 38 Lionel's Journey to Italy king.-° On Tuesday, the two dukes entertained him and his knights at dinner and supper at the Hotel d'Artois.^^ Among those present at the banquet, besides the nobles mentioned above, the Counts of Armagnac, Eu, and Etampes, Robert d'Alenqon, Constable of France, the Archbishop of Sens, and the Bishop of Nevers.^" That nig"ht he slept at the Louvre, and on \\'ednes- day dined and supped again with the king, who bestowed upon In Lionel's visits to King John, with whom were the Dukes of Berry and Bourbon, the Counts of Eu and Tancarville (see Kervyn 6. 388), and Robert d'Alengon (the last three mentioned below), there would have been only a renewal of the graceful courtesy he, in conjunction with two of his brothers, had shown the king in 1360, on his release at Calais. King John's first act then was one of devotion. Grateful for his deliv- erance, he decided to perform a pilgrimage, barefoot, to the shrine of Notre Dame at Boulogne (where the future Charles V offered, July 2, 1362, five candles, each weighing 32 pounds; Delachenal 2. 312; cf. Michelet 5. 28), twenty miles distant. Immediately Lionel, then 21 years of age, the Black Prince (30), and Edward Ill's fifth son, Edmund (19), offered themselves as his companions. They started on the morning of Oct. 27 (Coville, in Lavisse 4.^ 156, says that King John left Calais on Sunday, Oct. 25), and, all barefoot alike, walked the distance so briskly that they were at Boulogne before dinner. The religious ceremony over, they abandoned themselves to merry-making. The next morning early the three princes returned to Calais, where their father was awaiting them, and whence they sailed for Dover on Oct. 31 (Kervyn 6. 320-1). Another bond uniting these table-mates was their youth. The eldest, the Green Count, Lionel's future uncle by marriage, was only four years older than Lionel ; the king and Bourbon were a year older ; the queen and Coucy of the same age; Berry, two years younger; and Burgundy, four years younger. Thus everj'thing must have favored a joyous aban- donment to the pleasure of the moment. Yet Michelet (5. 22-23) points out that at this moment the English companies of adventure were ravaging Champagne, and from there to the very suburbs of Paris. Else- where (S. 34, 35) Michelet speaks of the egregious pride and ambition of the English. '" Grand cs Chroniqucs, as above. For the festivities in France at this period, see De Noirmont (i. 93) : 'Malgre les desastres de Crecy et de Poitiers, le regne des premiers Valois [1328-1380] fut I'apogee de la royaute feodale. Leur cour etait une fete eternelle, une brillante imita- tion de la Table ronde du roi Arthus. Dans les intervalles des grandes guerres, banquets, tournois, et chasses splendides s'y succedaient sans interruption.' "^ Op. cit., pp. 251-2. "' Cordey, p. 184. Paris to CJiamhery 39 him and his companions gifts-" to the value of more than 20,000 florins.-'* 2. PARIS TO CHAAIBERY On Thursday Lionel left Paris, accompanied by Jean de Melun, Count of Tancarville-^ (d. 1382), as far as Sens, some 60 miles distant ; from this point other knights attended him to the boundary of France,-*^ probably Chalon-sur-Saone. Froissart seems to say, in his first redaction,-^ that the Green Count accompanied Lionel from Paris to Milan. This, however, would be an error. Amedeo preceded Lionel, probably by only a single day, taking the route by which he had come, and which Lionel no doubt followed — by Villeneuve-sur-Yonne, Auxerre, an'd Chalon-sur-Saone, where France bordered on Franche- Comte, to which point, about 180 miles from Paris, a herald of the king accompanied him. Lionel followed, as we have seen, on April 20. He must have arrived at Chambery, about 290 miles from Paris, either May II or 12.-* On his route, after Macon and Pont-de-Veyle, lay Bourg-en-Bresse (made famous by Matthew Arnold's Church of Broil), where he may have arrived on May 8."^ Here he was doubtless feasted for a day or more, after which he proceeded by way of St. Rambert and Belley to Chambery (about 30 miles from Bourg).^° Messengers had been sent out in various direc- "^ Grandcs Chroniqiies, p. 252. "■* Reckoning^ the florin at 3 shillings, this amount equals ^3000, which, somewhat arbitrarily reckoned on the basis of £1 = $75 (see Hist. Back- ground, p. 166) ,=: $225,000. "^A famous hunter, brother of the Archbishop of Sens (Delachenal 2. 84), grand master of the royal household, and of the woods and waters of France. ''^ Grandes Clironiqncs, p. 252. -' See p. 31. "* ^Messengers had been awaiting his arrival at Macon for some time in April, and several days in May. "■' On that date payment was made to several workmen who had been making preparations for Lionel's reception in that town. *' Isabella of France, traveling southwards in September, 1359, spends two days at Pont-de-Veyle (Sept. 6-8), reaches Bourg on the 8th, and Belley on the loth, whence she was conducted by way of Hautecombe and Bourget to Chambery (Gabotto, Rendiconii della Reale Accademia dei Lined 5. 8. 85). 40 Lionel's Journey to Italy tions to ascertain and report to Amedeo the arrival of Lionel at his various stopping-places,^^ and no^ doubt also to invite the nobility of Savoy to the festivities at Court. There must have been brilliant receptions of Lionel at various towns through which he passed,^^ but of these we know nothing in detail. It is cer- tain, however, that all these were surpassed by the gayety and splendor at Ghambery, which, according to Froissart, lasted two days.^^ He it was who, as a spectator and participant, not only characterized these 'revelries of dance, roundelay, and all man- ner of game' in his prose,^'* but has left us a detailed account of them in his Prison Amour cnsc:'"'' There were present a hun- '' Cordey. p. i86. ^"Froissart, above, p. 31. '"Above, p. 31. If Lionel arrived at Chambery on Friday, May 12, then the feasting must have occupied Saturday and Sunday, the 13th and 14th, leaving him free to depart on Monday, the iSth. But as Froissart elsewhere says {Prison Amoiireuse 384) three days, this is perhaps quite as likely, in which case we may assume that the days so spent were Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, May 12-14. Holinshed {Chronicles, London, 1807-8, 2. 685-6), following, or mistranslating, a text of Froissart, even says, 'there he remained f oure dales' ; but this may be meant to include the day of arrival or departure, or both. ^* See above, p. 31. "I subjoin lines 354-423 {Poesies, ed. Scheler i. 221-4), though only lines 364*^-41 1 (?) refer to the festivities at Chambery: La estoient li menestrel. Qui s'aquitoient bien et bel A piper, et tout de nouvel, Bones danses teles qu'il sceurent. Et si trestost que cesse eurent Les estampies qu'il batoient, Chil et chelles qui s'esbatoient Au danser, sans gaires atendre, Commenchierent leurs mains a tendre Pour caroler. La me souvint D'un tamps passe: ja il avint En Savoie, en le court dou conte, De qui on doit bien faire compte, Car il est nobles et vaillans, D'onneur faire aigres et taillans, Celle grasce li portent tuit. L'an mil CCC sissante et uit Fu que passa parmi sa terre Paris to Chambcry 41 dred and twenty beautiful young women, wives and daughters of knights, richly clothed. For the dances and carols Froissart himself supplied words. When the minstrels ceased, the ladies never stopped, but continued their roundelays hand in hand. Hardly had one lady finished a virelay than another began a new one, for new and good were many of these songs. Li uns des enfans d'Engleterre. Lions, fils Edouwart le roi, En tres noble et poissant arroi ; Et li contes que j'ai nomme, Qu'on claime ou qu'on clamoit Ame, Honnourablement le rechut. La fu bien, qui restatconchut, Et I'ordenance et le maniere De la court qui fu moult pleniere, Les disners, les belles assises, Les tables ostees et mises, Les vins, les viandes, les mes. Trois jours dura la feste; mes II y eut danses et carolles, Pour quoi j'ai empris les parolles, Car bien .VI^^. jones et belles, Toutes dames et damoiselles, Filles de chevaliers ou fames, Dou pays les plus frices dames, Moult ricement et be! arrees, Tres noblement et bien parees En draps de canjans et de soie, Plus rices deviser n'osoie, Drut perlees et orfrisies, Dont le mieuls estoient prisies, Y peuist on adont veoir. Cure n'avoient de seoir, Mes de danser a I'estrivee ; Toute joie y ert arivee, Et quant li menestrel cessoient, Les dames pas ne se lassoient, Ains caroloient main a main Tout le joir jusqu'a I'endemain. Et quant chante li une avoit Un virelay, on ne savoit Encores s'il avoit fin pris. Quant uns aultres estoit repris Ou de dame ou de damoiselle. Mainte canchon bonne et nouvelle 42 Lionel's Journey to Italy 3. CHAMBERY TO PAVIA From Chambery on, Lionel was accompanied by Amedeo of Savoy.^" They must have begun their journey on Monday, May 15, since we find them at Aiguebelle, 2t, miles from Chambery, on Mav 16.^' On y chanta et respondi. A celle fin je le vous di : A la feste ossi ou j'estoie, Quant avoec celles m'esbatoie Et chiauls de qui la compagnie Estoit moult bien acompagnie, L'une apries I'autre sans detri Chantoient si com par estri. La fu men virelay cantes Et moult volentiers escoutes, Mes a painnes peut il fin prendre, Quant ma dame en volt un reprendre Qu'onques mes je n'avoie oi. ^^ Kervyn, 7. 247; see above, p. 31. "^ Cordey, p. 187, note i. Cordey says they went by the Mont Cenis, but strangely enough adds that they had a guide as far as Aosta, which, if true, would indicate that they crossed by the Little St. Bernard. That the passage was regularly made by the Mont Cenis is clear enough. Thus the French princess, Isabella, crossed by this route (Gabotto, Rendiconti. p. 87) : Sept. 15, Montmelian and Aiguebelle; 16, Aiguebelle; 18, St. Michel; 19, Les Fourneaux ; 20, Lanslebourg; 21, Susa, the distance from Chambery to Susa being 83 miles. In 1359, the Green Count traveled as follows (Gabotto, p. 80): Sept. 11, Chambery; 11, ^Montmelian ; 13, Aiguebelle; 13-15, La Chambre, St. Michel, Les Four- neaux, Lanslebourg. In 1393, Henry, Earl of Derby, traveled in the opposite direction {Derby Accounts, ed. L. T. Smith, p. Ixxviii) : May 25, Susa; 26, Lanslebourg; 27, St. Michel ; 30, Aiguebelle ; 31, Chambery. Ruskin walked from Susa to Lanslebourg, 23 miles, in one day, Sept. i, 1858 (see Library Edition 35. 498) ; for his description of the scenery at Lanslebourg, June 2, 1841, see op. cit. 35. 296-7, cf. i. xli; for his description of the country about Susa, 36. 231-2 (letter to Miss Siddal of Jan. 27, 1856). Summing up the foregoing itineraries, we have: Isabella's journey. Chambery to Susa, 6 days, besides one day for rest, apparently; Amedeo's journey, Chambery to Lanslebourg, S days, with one to spare for Susa ; the Earl of Derby's, Susa to Chambery, 7 days. We might therefore assume that Lionel would have been at St. Michel on May 18, at Lanslebourg May 21, and at Susa May 22, though it must always be remembered that his party was large, and that he might there- fore have been delayed. However, May 22 is none too early, considering Cli amber y to Pavia 43 From Siisa the English probably advanced by way of Vercelli and Novara^^ to Pavia. ^^ Here they would have been entertained at the Castello, which had been begun by Galeazzo in 1360, and completed in 1367. The earliest historian of Milan calls this building 'the first in the world, '^° and Symonds declares*^ that it was 'the noblest dwelling-house in Europe.''*- It is particularly interesting in its possible relation to Chaucer, who, if we may credit the statement of Gioffredo della Chiesa, writing between 1430 and 1440. may have seen painted on its walls the story of Griselda."*'^ For the tower of Boethius, see Magenta, opp. p. that from Susa to Pavia, even by way of Turin, is not less than 120 miles, and that from Pavia to Milan is 20 miles more. Now we know that on Saturday, May 27, Lionel's train entered Milan. Cordey (as above) assumes that the journey over the ]\Iont Cenis occupied May 15 to 18. Gabotto, on the other hand, says explicitly (Misc. di Stor. Ifal. 33. 168-9) that Lionel was at Susa on May 17, from which place Amedeo issued summonses to the communes of Savoy and Achaia (here meaning Piedmont) to send representatives to Rivoli with reference to a reform of the country. Cordey (1911) writes later than Gabotto (1895), and then Gabotto is sometimes inaccurate: thus he assigns April 6, instead of 16, for Lionel's arrival at Paris. ^At least this was the route pursued by Isabella (see p. 42) in 1360 under the same guidance (R. I. S. 16. 405) ; the Bishop of Novara may also have joined them at that city (see p. 59). Vercelli and Novara were among the cities inherited by Galeazzo in 1354 (R. I. S. 16. 337). *■' So Chroii. Plac. "■"'Corio, p. 466. *^ Age of the Despots, chap. 2. The hand of man has since dealt harshly with it; see ]\Iurray, Handbook for Travellers in Northern Italy, 3d ed., 1847, pp. 206-7. For a remarkable duel which took place in its courtyard on June 24, 1399, see Magenta i. 242-5. ■*' See the delineations of it in Magenta, opp. p. 74 ; for its magnificent park, several miles in circumference (cf. Hist. Background, p. 186, note), see IMagenta, opp. p. 118; cf. Rosmini 2. 116. " M. H. P., p. 861 : 'La historia de Griselidis, Marchexa de Salucio, he [e] stata depinta ab antiquo nel Castello di Pavia, la quale era sedya regale di coloro.' Gioffredo's statements dispose of Westenholz's denial (Die Griselidis-Sage in dcr Litcraturgeschichfe, p. 4). The question arises, however, whether these walls were those of the new castle, or those of the older one built by Matteo I between 1315 and 1322 (R. I. S. 16. 379, 696). However, Chaucer may easily have seen both, for the old castle was left standing when the new one was built (R. I. S. 16. 379: 'Apud Castrum antiquum, erectum per quondam Dominum Matthceum, aliud Castrum mirabile fecit de novo erigi'). Which castle we suppose 44 Lionel's Journey to Italy 162. For other sights in Pavia, see pp. 80, 92. A plan of the city in 1590 is in Magenta, opp. p. i. 4. PAVIA TO MILAN By the time Lionel left Pavia for Milan, his retinue would doubtless be composed, in addition to the 457 men with whom Gioffredo to have meant depends upon the interpretation we assign to the words 'ab antiquo.' If he wrote in 1437 (say), might he have regarded a period two generations earlier, in 1366, as ancient, or must we assume that he would have reserved this designation for a date (say 1316) 50 years earlier? That the story of Griselda did not gain its earliest currency from the classic form into which it was cast by Boccaccio and Petrarch is suggested by Gioffredo's statement that he himself was acquainted with it in three languages — Latin, Italian, and French (op. cit., p. 861 : 'La quale se trova in historia, et in Latino et in Franzoso e Italiano, che noi medemy habiamo veduta in questy tre idioma'). It is of course possible that he is here referring to Boccaccio's narrative, Petrarch's version, and a French translation (perhaps that of I4i4'i- Against this hypothesis it may be urged that, since he is arguing for the Germanic origin of such names as Walter and Griselda, and therefore stressing the notion of antiquity {ib.: 'Et credemo che ly marchexi di Salucio che erano in anty fusseno ancora discesi da quely Saxony et Longobardy. Et molte cosse presuraere me lo f ano : prima, questy nomy come Manfredo, Adalayda, Valterio, Griseldis, e simily nomy che tirano sopra quely nomy di coloro, e sono inusitati'), he is not likely to have appealed to a version as modern as Petrarch's in support of such a theory. That there were earlier accounts than Boccaccio's is clear from the fact that Petrarch testifies {Sen. 17. 3) that he had often heard the story long before 1373, and that one of his reasons for translating Boccaccio's account was to render it accessible to people who knew no Italian ('Cogitatio supervenit, fieri posse ut nostri etiam sermonis ignaros tarn dulcis historia delectaret, cum et mihi semper ante multos annos audita placuisset, et tibi usque adeo placuisse perpenderem, ut vulgari eam stilo tuo censeris non indignam'), the context making it perfectly evident that he is referring, not to Boccaccio's literary reproduction, but to a popular tale, such as might be related by minstrels. There always remains the possibility that Galeazzo, after Petrarch had written his Latin version by June 8, 137^, and before his own death in 1378, had these frescoes executed, out of regard for Petrarch's memory. There is nothing in the relations between the ruling house of Saluzzc and the Visconti to discredit such a supposition, seeing that in April, 1365, Federigo II, Marquis of Saluzzo (d. 1396), acknowledged that he held his marquisate of Bernabo {M. H. P., pp. loio-ii), and that ten years later he looked to Galeazzo and Bernabo for defense against his Pavia to Milan 45 he started from Dover/* of a comparatively few persons who had gone to Italy on his business in the months immediately preceding,'*^ and in large measure of detachments from the bands of Englishmen then serA^ng as mercenaries in Italy. One proof of the latter is that so many of his followers were armed with great bows**' and shields,*' which is somewhat easier to understand of the local forces than of those which had come with him from England ; another is that Cron. Monf. (p. 1212) speaks of the English in Lionel's train (presumably such mercenaries) as having greatly prevailed against the resistance of the Emperor Charles/* and as having done infinite damage in the lands of the state of Milan.*" enemies (-1/. H. P., p. 1023). But if the frescoes were executed after '^^73- oi^it of regard for Petrarch, would Giofifredo be likely to characterize them as ancient, and seem to know nothin.sf of the story as told by Petrarch after Boccaccio? It therefore appears (i) that if Gioffredo's 'ab antiquo" means any time between 1316 and 1367, Chaucer — supposing him to have been in Pavia — might have seen the frescoes ; (2) if Gioffredo's 'ab antique' refers to a date after 1367 (or the earlier months of 1368), Chaucer might have seen the frescoes if he visited Pavia during his mission to Lombardy in 1378, or if perchance he made the two days' trip (Petrarch, Sen. 5. i) from Genoa to Pavia in 1372-3. If in 1378, and the execution of the frescoes was due to the authority of Petrarch's version — for Boccaccio's direct influence need not be considered — Chaucer would undoubtedly have learned of Petrarch's agency in the matter, and would thus have been led to the latter's version, a copy of which, considering Galeazzo's relations with him, would surely have been in existence at Pavia. ^See p. 31. " See Cal. Pat. Rolls for Nov. 23 and 30, 1367 ; Jan. 9 and Feb. 9, 1368. *^ On these bows, see R. I. S. 16. 380. " Aniial. Med.: 'inter quos erant multi cum arcubus et targhettis'; Frag.: 'molti con gli archi grandi in forma d'una terretta' (sic) ; Corio : 'tra i quali molti haveano archi.' These archers, like the others, must have been on horseback, if we are to take literally Corio's 'dismontarono nella corte.' ^Temple-Leader and Marcotti {Sir John Hawkivood) assign this to the month of May. They say (pp. 61-2) : 'This prince had erected a new bastion at Borgoforte on the Po, and stationed an Italian garrison there, which by reason of old rancors had disagreed with the German mercenaries in Visconti's pay, and was reduced to evil case, so that Bernabo had to ride in great 46 Lionel's Journey to Italy On May 27,^" the stately little army swept up from Pavia to Milan, about twenty miles, probably by way of Binasco. Some notion of /the low meadows through which they passed may be haste to the place, where — order being restored — he placed the bastion under the charge of Hawkwood's EngHshmen. Then the Emperor Charles IV came down from the Alps, and made common cause with the d'Estes and other Italian princes against the Visconti, per- suading them to attack Borgoforte. It must be noted that what between the Imperials (Bohemians, Sclavonians, Poles, Grisons, and Swiss), d'Este's Italians, those of Malatesta, and of Queen Joanna; and the Church party, which consisted of Bretons, Gascons, and Provencals ; as many as twenty thousand combatants presented them- selves before that fortress. In the army of Visconti were Germans, English, ItaHans, Burgundians, all with the firm determination to defend the bulwarks ; in those days a small place, well provisioned and manned with a spirited garrison, might defy even "an army sufficient to subjugate Italy." To intercept succor, the d'Este party had launched on the Po a fleet of galleys and other boats, and the river being much swollen by the melting of the snows, the Imperialists bethought themselves of breaking the banks above Borgoforte ; but the garrison knew how to save itself from the inundation, and returned it by breaking the banks towards the valley by night, thus flooding the plains of INIantua and the entrenchments of the Imperial camp. Charles IV was obliged to raise his camp, and shut himself up in Mantua ; after which, on account of the damage he had suf- fered, and of the scarcity of provisions, he hastened to agree to Bernabo's terms.' *'' This seems to be a reminiscence of an earlier condition of things. In a sketch of the earlier operations of the English adventurers — the White Company and others — Temple-Leader and Marcotti (ib., pp. 12, 14, 15, 16, 17) say: 'Here then we behold the great English band marching towards the sea ; attempting in vain to take Marseilles, they set fire to her suburbs, and pass by the Riviera to Nice ; cross the Maritime Alps by the feudal estates of Malaspina, favored by Simon Boccanegra, doge of Genoa, and enemy to the Visconti ; and thus descend into the valley of the Po. . . . The fact remains that Piedmont was devastated by the Hungarians, the Germans, and lastly by the newly arrived English. . . . The "Chronique de Savoie" says coldly, almost excusing them, that, being many, they could not live in Pied- mont without spoiling the country, so that Conte Verde, who had imprudently counselled the Marquis of Montferrat to employ the English, repented, and took arms to defend himself. ... By forfeiting the sum of 180,000 florins, Conte Verde obtained the restitution of his lands, and the English passed on to fight the Pavia to Milan 47 gathered from the following description of the route (reversed) which travelers followed in the first half of the nineteenth cen- ]\Iilanese under the Alarquis of Montferrat, making their headquarters at Sicciano near Xovara. . . . Conte Verde proposed an alliance with Galeazzo Visconti, with the object of driving out the English from their states, and dividing Montferrat between them, but it must be admitted that the undertaking to rout the English seemed very difficult to Visconti, for he was at the same time attempting to make a treaty of peace with them. Albert Sterz feigned to consent, by which means the English succeeded in making a fierce incursion, passing the Ticino, and pushing on to within six miles of Milan. It was night, and people in the castles and villages were keeping the New Year's festivities, while the Milanese nobles were having a merry time, playing at tabulas et scaccos {77- "Korting, pp. 418, 437, 439, 442; cf. 405 ff. He wrote from a bed of pain (doloris in lectulo) on Jan. 13, 1368, between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning (Korting, p. 418). ''Hist. Background, p. 184; De Sade 3. 722. How wide was the difference between Chaucer's and Petrarch's judg- ments of literature may be shown by one or two examples. Chaucer alludes with respect in the House of Fame (966 ff.) to the Anticlaudianus of Alain de Lille, an author from whose Complaint of Nature (see Moffat's translation) he draws in Pari, of Fowls 316 fif. Petrarch, on the other hand, referring in his Apologia contra Galli Caliim- nias to Alain's Anticlaudianus and to Jean de Hauteville's (fl. 1184) Architrcnius (printed in Wright's Anglo-Latin Satirical Poets and Epi- grammatists of the Twelfth Century; cf. his Biog. Brit. Lit.: Anglo- Norman Period, pp. 250-256), says of the Architrcnius: 'Of all that ever I read, nothing was ever more tedious than that Architrcnius [wrongly printed as Architrivio]. ... It gives the reader a nausea; it gives him a headache; it makes him laugh. . . . The Anticlaudianus is only a shade less wearisome than the Architrcnius. Both these barbaric poets pour out floods of verbosity; both twist and struggle to no effect' (cf. Nolhac, Petrarque et I'Humanisme, 2d ed., 2. 226-7). The best authorities assign Chaucer's translation (cf. Prol. L. G. IV. 255: 324) of the Roman de la Rose to his early manhood (Kittredge, Chaucer and his Poetry, p. 60; Legouis, Geoffrey Chaucer, p. 10; Root, The Poetry of Chaucer, p. 56; Skeat, Oxford Chaucer i. Ixii ; Wells, p. 650), and so much of it as he translated ('apparently entire,' Kittredge says) he had probably done before Lionel's journey. Of the Roman he must have known long passages by heart (Kittredge, p. 61) before he wrote the Book of the Duchess in 1369. Nothing more is necessary to prove how highly Chaucer regarded the poem at this time. What was Petrarch's estimate of it? Between 1360 and 1369 he addressed a poetical epistle to Guido Gonzaga, Lord of Mantua (Mantuce domino), who had requested Petrarch to send him the foremost work of French literature. Petrarch thus characterizes the poem (translation condensed) : 'How far Latin "surpasses all other tongues, Greek perhaps excepted, you can learn from this little book, which France extols to the skies, Petrarch at the Banquet 77 But there are other reasons which render an interview unHkely. In the first place, Petrarch, journeying from Padua, whence he and compares with the greatest ever written. In it a certain French- man tells his dreams to the multitude — the demands (poscit; al. possit) of Jealousy and of Love, how fire feeds the passions of the young man, what sport is plied by the crone, with what arts of Venus the mad lover arms himself against the plagues that stand at the door, what are his distress and sorrow, what his rest knit up with labor, what his alternations (reading vices') of laughter and lament, how floods of tears bedew his infrequent joys. How could there be greater scope for poetic eloquence? Yet the poet, in the very act of telling his dream, is himself lost in a dream, and his waking can hardly be distinguished from sleep. How much better did Virgil set forth the passion of love in the death of Dido, and how superior are Catullus, Ovid, and Propertius, not to speak of other Italians, ancient and modern ! Nevertheless, since you are bound to have something in an outlandish (peregriiin) vernacular, do not despise this gift of mine, since France and Paris proclaim it their best.' Cf. Nolhac 2. 228; I. 165-172. The little book (libellns) must mean only Guillaume de Lorris' part, one would think, for the following reasons: (i) the complete poem, a manuscript of over 22,000 lines (in the whole of Petrarch's Italian verse there are fewer than 10,000 lines, while his Latin epic, Africa, is now less than one-fourth as long as the Roman, and, even had it been completed to scale, would have been less than one-third as long), could hardly be described as a little book; (2) Petrarch mentions one author (Gallus), not two; (3) there is nothing in his description which cannot be accounted for by Lorris' fragment, since the old woman, though her part is devel- oped at much greater length by Jean de Meun, is introduced by Lorris (ed. Michel, p. 130) ; (4) he would have been slow to despatch the work of so immoral and indecent a poet as Jean de Meun (cf. Langlois, in Petit de Julleville's Hist, de la Languc et de la Lift. Fr. 2. 149) to a friend, since he calls Ovid's Art of Love an 'insane work, deserving to have been the cause of his exile' (Nolhac 2. 179-180; Korting, p. 486) ; (5) the allusion to the Roman in Petrarch's Trionfo della Castita is clearly to the earlier part (Nolhac 2. 227-8). That Petrarch had no very high opinion of English scholarship in 1337 is clear from his statement {Fam. 3. i) that, being curious concerning the location of Thule, he had asked Richard de Bury about it (this was at Avignon, in 1330), who had promised to look the matter up in his books when he returned to England, but, though frequently reminded, had never answered a word ; 'ita,' adds Petrarch, 'mihi Tyle amicitia Britan- nica nihil notior facta est.' A few years later, as he tells us in the same letter, Gerald de Barri's book. The Wonders of Ireland, fell into his hands, but the author, after citing the opinions of several earher writers, confesses that he thinks the island mythical, or that it is far away in the 78 Petrarch at the Banquet had not started till May 25,® did not arrive till the 29th^ or 30th/'' two days after Lionel, and then at Pavia. Secondly, he was suffering about this time, and for six weeks after, from an injury to his shin, which kept him under the care of physicians.^^ Thirdly, the chief purpose of his visit was not to attend the Arctic Ocean. Not much more flattering is the view of English learning expressed by Boccaccio in his verses written on Petrarch's Africa (Corazzini, p. 250) : Hispanus et Galhis, studiis tardusque Britanmis. ^ Sen. II. 2. "So De Sade 3. 719; Fracassetti i. 187. "So Korting, p. 437; but Magenta (i. 133) says May 3i- Petrarch's letter says : 'VI illuc die, hora tertia, perveni.' This would seem to indicate 9 o'clock, or earlier, on ]\Iay 30. ^^ Writing on July 21 to Francisco Bruni, he speaks of this affliction (Sen. II. 2) : 'Illico rediturus fueram, non obstante tibiae coUisione, qua in parte corporis a pueritia parum fcelix fui, et quae me tum saepe olim, tum per hos dies complusculos afflixit, invisasque [Petrarch had no opinion of doctors] inter medicorum manus usque nunc detinet.' This was not the first time he had suffered from an injury to his left leg. In 1350. when he was traveHng to Rome for the fifth time, the horse of one of his companions, an old abbot, came up on his left side, and, lashing out with his heels at Petrarch's horse, struck the poet instead, just below the knee. This happened between Bolseno and Viterbo, and it took him three days more to go from Viterbo to Rome (54 miles). The bruise festered, and when he wrote to Boccaccio on Nov. 2, he had already been in bed with it fourteen days, which seemed to him fourteen years, since his mind grew torpid when he could not stir about (Fam. 11. I.) In 1359 a stranger incident befell him. He had a large volume of Cicero's letters, copied by his own hand some time before. This he kept on a shelf just beside the door of his library. On this particular occasion, as he entered the room, a flap of his garment caught on the book, and brought it down on the same left leg, this time just above the heel; the next day the same thing occurred again, and it was not till the book had fallen a third and a fourth time that he changed its place. Petrarch went about his affairs as usual, hoping the bruise would heal, but again it festered, and he had to submit to fasting, frequent fomentations, and absolute repose. He adds : 'It seems as though my many pains and aches had always, since my childhood, fastened upon this unfortunate left leg, and now it forces me to stay in bed, which I detest' (Fam. 21. 10). This was written on Oct. IS, but the accident must have occurred much earlier, for on Aug. 18 of the next year (1360) he writes from Milan to Boccaccio that a year after the mischance, finding things grow from bad to worse, he had dismissed the doctors and taken matters into his own hands ; he had never suffered so much in his life, he says, but was now slowly recovering Petrarch at the Banquet 79 wedding/- but to comply with the soHcitations of Galeazzo, who had been urging him to confer with tlie Cardinal Anglicus de Grimoard, brother of Urban V, with reference to composing the strife between the Pope and the Visconti.^^ Fourthly, on the {Var. 25; Fracassetti 5. 301-2). Whether this leg suffered in his flight from Parma in 1345, when his right arm was injured, we do not know (cf. Fracassetti 4. 374). In any case, NoA^ati (F. Petrarca c la Lom- hardia, p. 49) is convinced that it was an old wound, never entirely healed, and now aggravated by the long horseback ride, that was troubling him in 1368; but he supposes that it was received in the flight from Parma, apparently knowing nothing of the certain injuries. ^" Novati (p. 49) exclaims: 'Behold him here amid the uproar of the wedding festival, under the necessity of taking part in interminable ceremonies, and of being present at no less interminable banquets. . . . Who can tell what Messer Francesco was thinking of, as all this Pan- tagruelian feast unrolled itself before his eyes?' ^^Levati, Viaggi di Francesco Petrarca 5. 295-6; De Sade, pp. 718-9; Fracassetti 2. 240, 261; Korting, p. 437; Novati, p. 49; R. I. S. 15. 489- 490; 17. 911. Cf. Petrarch, Sen. 11. 2: 'Scito igitur, me hinc [from Padua] . . . abiisse, magnis enim precibus et repetitis literis Ticinum [Pavia] iterum atque iterum evocabar, et quamvis naturae mesa infesta sstas adventaret, meque hinc quietis amor stringeret, illinc status prsesens et suspectum latrun- culis deterreret iter, vigente tamen hinc ingrati metu, honestique inde specie animum attrahente, quod scilicet ad tractatum tantae pacis evocatum me sentire, si fortassis ulla ex parte bono publico utilis esse possem, parui,' etc. It must be remembered, however, that Petrarch had spent the summers of 1363-7 at Pavia (Fracassetti i. 185; 2. 240; 5. 490; Sen. 5. i; Hutton, pp. 209-210; cf. Korting, p. 404; according to Boccaccio's letter, quoted below, he must have been there in 1367 from ca. IMarch 24 to ca. June 30; cf. Corazzini, pp. 123, 129), where his daughter and son-in-law (for Petrarch's attachment to him, see Sen. 5. 7 ; 10. 4) must have been residing at least temporarily, in 1368, since they regularly formed a part of his household as long as he lived (Rossetti, App. 3, p. 66; Mezieres, p. 163; Baedeker, Oberitalien, i8th ed., Leipzig, 191 1, p. 199; Magenta I. 109); after 1368 he never returned (Giulini 5. 517). That he was fond of the place is shown by his famous letter to Boccaccio {Sen. 5. i, written in 1365), a part of which I quote from the translation by Robinson and Rolfe {Petrarch, pp. 323-5) : 'You would find the air of the place very salubrious. I have now spent three summers here, and I do not remember to have experi- enced ever anywhere else such frequent and plentiful showers with so little thunder and lightning, such freedom from heat, and such steady, refreshing breezes. You would find the city beautifully situ- So Petrarch at the Banquet very day^* of Lionel's wedding, Petrarch's little grandson^^ died ated. . . . Commandingly situated on a slight elevation, and on the margin of gently sloping banks, it raises its crown of towers into the clouds, and enjoys a wide and free prospect on all sides, one which, so far as I know, is not exceeded in extent or beauty by that of any town which lies thus in a plain. By turning one's head ever so little, one can see in one direction the snowy crest of the Alps, and in the other the wooded Apennines. . . . Lastly, in order of time, though not of importance, you would see the huge palace, situated on the highest point of the city ; an admirable building, which cost a vast amount. It was built by the princely Galeazzo, the younger of the Visconti, the rulers of Milan, Pavia, and many neigh- boring towns, a man who surpasses others in many ways, and in the magnificence of his buildings fairly excels himself. I am convinced, unless I be misled by my partiality for the founder, that, with your good taste in such matters, you would declare this to be the most noble production of modern art. ... I leave here shortly, but very gladly return to pass the summer months — if fate grant me more summer months.' " So Corio, p. 471 : 'In questo di medesimo, in Pavia mori,' etc. ; cf . Giulini 5. 516; Fracassetti 2. 262; Mezieres, p. 164. The date of May 19 (XIV Kal. Jun. ; others read XIII) is rejected by Korting (p. 365, note 3), though, following Corio, he assigns June 15, instead of June 5 (the nones of June), as the date of the wedding. "Corio says son (fanciullo), though the Francesca whom he names as the mother was certainly Petrarch's natural daughter, probably born in 1343 {Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 21. 311; Kdrting, p. 143) and married in Milan to Franceschino d'Amicolo da Brossano (called Borsano by Corio, and see below ; Hutton, p. 213 : 'Franceschino da Brossano di Amicolo' ; Rossetti, p. 66 : 'Franceschino Amicolo da Brossano' ; Fracassetti 2. 260 : 'Franceschino d'Amicolo di Brossano della Porta Vercellina' ; Petrarch's will : 'Franciscolum de Borsano, filium quondam domini Amicoli de Borsano, civem Mediolani Portae Verzelinae') in 1361 (Korting, p. 365; Rossetti, App. 3, p. 66). A daughter, Eletta, must have been born to them in 1362 or 1363, since Boccaccio, writing to Petrarch on June 30, 1367, of his visit to the little family in Venice, after he had praised the charm of the father and mother, goes on (Hutton, pp. 213-4; cf. Corazzini, p. 124) : 'Presently we were talking in your pleasant little garden with some friends, and she offered me with matronly serenity your house, your books, and all your things there. Suddenly little footsteps — and there came towards us thy Eletta, my delight, who, without knowing who I was, looked at me smiling. I was not only delighted, I greedily took her in my arms, imagining that I held my little one (virgunculam olim meam) that is lost to me. What shall I say? If you do not believe me, you will beheve Guglielmo da Ravenna, the physician, and Petrarch at the Banquet 8i in Pavia, a circumstance which filled him with unspeakable sorrow. our Donate, who knew her. Your little one has the same aspect that she had who was my Eletta, the same expression, the same light in the eyes, the same laughter there, the same gestures, the same way of walking, the same way of carrying all her little person; only my Eletta was, it is true, a little taller when at the age of five and a half I saw her for the last time. Besides, she talks in the same way, uses the same words, and has the same simplicity. Indeed, indeed, there is no difference save that thy little one is golden-haired, while mine had chestnut tresses ('aurea cesaries tuge est, mese inter nigram rufamque fuit'). Ah me! how many times when I have held thine in my arms, listening to her prattle, the memory of my baby stolen away from me has brought tears to my eyes — -which I let no one see.' Hutton proceeds to comment : 'It is perhaps in that letter we see Boc- caccio better than in any other of his writings ; the greatest man then in Italy playing with a little child, obliged in his poverty to accept assistance from one who was almost a stranger' [Franceschino had pressed upon him a considerable gift at parting]. Students of the i\Iiddle English poem, Tlic Pearl (see Osgood's edi- tion), will not need to be reminded of Boccaccio's Eclogue XIV (about 1360, according to Osgood), with its vision of his little daughter (d. 1355 ; see Hecker, Boccaccio-Fiinde, p. 84), Violante (there called Olympia, but here, in compliment to Petrarch, designated as 'my Eletta'). By February, 1366, another child, this time a son, was born to the pair. This happened at Venice, according to Korting (p. 365), Fracassetti (2. 240), and Mezieres (p. 164). His epitaph, however, calls him 'Mediolan- ensis,' and to this there seems no objection, since Petrarch was accustomed to pass the summers of i2i^3-7 at Pavia (see p. 79), and we know, accord- ing to Sen. 9. 2, that he — and therefore probably his daughter (see p. 79) — was in the country near Milan on Nov. i, 1366, and do not know of his presence at Venice {Sen. 6. i) in that year later than Jan. 25, while he had been at Padua {Sen. 5. i) as late as Dec. 14, 1365. The child was christened Francesco, a name suggestive at once of his father, mother, and grandfather. Petrarch's son, Giovanni, who had been a great disappoint- ment to him, had died of the plague in 1361, so that all his domestic affections were concentrated on his daughter's family. This is clear from the letter {Sen. 10. 4) written after the grandson's death. In this he declares that the child was dearer to him than if it had been his own, since it was born of two whom he so greatly loved, and that he doubted whether he had ever loved anything more. Hardly was the babe a year old before friends remarked on its resemblance to Petrarch. It was a melancholy satisfaction to the poet that Galeazzo, who had seen the death of his own infant with dry eyes but a short time before, could scarcely even hear of the death of the little Francesco without tears. Petrarch Tr.axs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 6 1916 82 Petrarch at the Banquet Petrarch arrived at Pavia, then, where he was doubtless the guest of Galeazzo at the Castle, two or three days after had, he tells his friend, erected at Pavia a marble memorial to the child on which six elegiac distichs of his own composition were inscribed in golden letters — a thing which he would hardly have done, he says, for any one else ('Bustum ego marmoreimi illi infantulo, apud Ticini urbem, bis sex elegis inscriptum, literisque aureis exaratum statui, quod vix alteri facerem, et mihi ab altero fieri nollem. . . . Hoc ultimum et inane tribuerim obsequii genus ; et si non sibi utile, gratum mihi, hoc illi igitur sacrum volui, non causam lachrymis, ut Maro ait, sed memorise, non tam mese, cui nee saxo nee carmine opus erat, quam eorum quos illuc casus attulerit, ut sciant quantam ille suis ab ipso vitae principio charus fuit'). These lines have fortunately been preserved. The memorial was erected in the church of San Zeno (one of the loi churches standing in 1320 within the walls of Pavia, a city which now boasts something like 30,000 inhabi- tants; see Rer. Ital. Script. 11. 9), which was suppressed in 1789. Thence it found its way to the collection of Marquis Luigi Malaspina di Sannazaro (Fracassetti 2. 262), who published the verses (p. 43) in his collection of lapidary inscriptions (Jscrizioni Lapidarie, in two parts, Milan, 1830-32, folio; cf. Giovanni Voghera, Tav. XIII of his Antichita Pavesi, Fasc. 1-16, Pavia, 1827, folio), and is now preserved on the wall of the staircase of the Museo Civico, which was formerly the Palazzo Malaspina (Baedeker, Obcritalien, i8th ed., Leipzig, 191 1, p. 199; but G. Natali, Pavia, pp. 136 fif., says that the Palazzo Malaspina is on the site of San Zeno, and next door to the Museo Civico), in the immediate vicinity of the former church (there is a Vicolo San Zeno near, with a bust of Boethius, on the spot where his prison is supposed to have stood). The date is 'MCCCLXVIII, XIV. Kal. lunias, hora IX' (Fracassetti 2. 262), and the child is described as 'pulcher et innocens.' The inscription is in a square Gothic character. A copy of the verses, in Roman letters, is also to be found, without the date, in the lower cloister of the Cathedral of Treviso, where Francesca, the child's mother, died on Aug. 2, 1382 (Pocsie Minori, p. 67). There are slight differences between the two inscriptions, that at Treviso having been evidently made from the earlier one at Pavia. The Pavian copy follows (from Rossetti, App. i, Epigraphe 4; see also Mezieres, pp. 166-7; Fracassetti 2. 262; De Sade, pp. 723-4; Magenta i. 133, note 2), with the variants of the Trevisan : Vix mundi novus hospes iter [eram], vitseque volantis Attigeram tenero limina dura pede. Franciscus genitor, genetrix Francisca; secutus Hos, de fonte sacro nomen idem tenui. Infans formosus, solamen dulce parentum. Nunc [Ilinc] dolor; hoc uno sors mea laeta minus: Csetera sum felix, et verse gaudia vitas Nactus et a^ternse, tam cito, tam facile. Petrarch at the Banquet 83 Lionel and his retinue had arrived at Milan. At Pavia he would have had every reason for staying until (say) June 4, when he would almost necessarily have arrived at Milan, against the wedding of the following day. Among these reasons would have been his dislike of summer heat/" his love of quiet/^ his general predilection for Pavia/^ the condition of his leg/** his desire to be with his daughter's family as much as possible, his occupation with Galeazzo's affairs (Galeazzo's seat was primarily Pavia, as Bernabo's was Milan), and very possibly also the illness of the little Francesco, whom we need not assume to have died on the very day he fell sick. We may suppose him to have planned to return on June 6 from Milan to Pavia, for most of the reasons which have been detailed, and not least that he might be with his daughter and her husband in their sorrow, and assist in the preparations for the funeral. This, however, was not to be (see p. 85). In fact, we know that it was nearly a month before he could leave Milan. Writing from Pavia to Giovanni da Mandello on July 6, he tells his correspondent that he had left Milan on July 4, though he had not yet recovered, because he wished to escape from the noise and confusion, but that the horseback ride to Pavia had again aggravated his sore. He is Sol bis, Luna quater, flexum peragraverat orbem, Obvia mors, fallor, obvia vita fuit. Me Venetum terris dedit urbs, rapuitque Papia; Nee queror, hinc [hie] caelo restituendus eram. This may be translated : 'A newly arrived guest of the world, I was but just beginning my journey, and had scarcely touched with my tender feet the rough threshold of the life that hastens away. My father was Francis, and Frances my mother; from them did I receive my name at the bap- tismal font. I was a beautiful child, the lovely solace of my parents, but now their grief. On this account alone is my lot less joyous, since for the rest I am happy, having attained thus early and easily the joys of the true life, the life eternal. Twice had the sun measured the orbit of the world, and four times the moon, when death — nay, rather life — stood before me. Venice gave me to the earth, and now Pavia has snatched me away; but I mourn not, since it was fitting that from here I should be restored to heaven.' " See p. 79. " See p. 79. "See pp. 79-80. " See pp. 78-9. 84 Petrarcli at the Banquet hardly able to rise from bed, he says, and then is all of a tremor. On his journey by boat, with Venice as his destination, he hopes to see the Emperor (Charles IV), who had permitted him to come, and now commands him to return.-*' Petrarch talks of returning to Venice, but he actually proceeded to Padua, arriving there on July 19. On July 21 he wrote- ^ that he would have returned much sooner, notwithstanding the injury to his leg, had it not been that the land-route (by which he had almost certainly come; cf. Novati, p. 49) had been ren- dered impracticable by the prevailing military activities, and that he had the utmost difficulty in persuading a boatman to convey him down the Po for love or money,-- over a month having been passed in this quest-^ and in overcoming a variety of obstacles.-* Thus, ignoring the age and eminence of Petrarch, and the youth and comparative obscurity of Froissart and Chaucer,-^ and ignoring the fact that neither Froissart nor Chaucer alludes -"Novati, pp. 61-3, quotes the letter in full from which the subjoined extracts are taken : 'Tibia sinistra, vetus hostis mea, per hos me dies exercuit et in lectulo detinuit, unde vix adhuc tremebundus assurgo. . . . Nondum nempe convalui ; nam strepitum licet ac tumultum con- fusionemque multiplicem perosus, majore nudiustertius urbe dimissa, in hunc cupide quasi portum ex procellis commigraverim, ulcus tamen meum illud equitando recruduit. . . . Mox Venetias, unde nuper abii, secundo alveo reversurus sum, salutato interim Imperatore, nisi castra permoverit procul a Padi ripa. Illo enim permittente veni, illo jubente redeo, hiis Ligurum dominisque utrumque probantibus.' Since we know that the Emperor was at Bologna on July 14 and 15 (R. I. S. 18. 181), and since Petrarch, after his return to Padua, says nothing of having met him, it is fairly probable that he did not. -'■Sen. II. 2; see p. 78. " 'Ulla prece vel pretio.' "^ Mense ibi integro, et amplius, inter navis inquisitionem et difficultates rerum varias absumpto.' -''Petrarch's main fear, he tells us, was of chance robbers, for his love of peace was so well known to both parties that he felt he had no danger to apprehend from the regular combatants. His friends endeavored to' dissuade him from what they considered his insanity, but he persevered, and finally found a boatman who was reassured by his calmness. The river was full of armed boats, and the shores were lined with armed bands ; but, while any one else would have been captured, killed, or at least robbed, his vessel was loaded with wine, game, fruit, and spices by the generosity of those who intercepted him, and his progress was only delayed by their friendly assiduities. ■^ In Petrarch's eyes a 'barbarian' ; see pp. 23, 77. Petrarch at the Banquet 85 to such a meeting', we see that there are reasons enough in the bodily infirmity of Petrarch, and his preoccupation with state- affairs, to render such a meeting unhkely. Moreover, as he went straight to Pavia from Padua, did not arrive till May 30, presum- ably had no occasion to be in Milan till the eve of the wedding (while Lionel's retinue had arrived on May 27), must have watched over a sick-bed up to the moment of his departure for Milan, and thenceforth, as soon as the wedding--day was over, lay languishing with his festering wound until July 4, unable to return to Pavia, the probability of a meeting between Petrarch and the two young versifiers would seem to be excluded. And had they met, it would have been the meeting of a grave and aging student with sentimental and somewhat conventional rhymesters, of the companion and idol of princes with a yeoman of the king's household, and an amuser of noble leisures by rather tinkling minstrelsy, dependent for his livelihood upon chance doles and irregular patronage.-® If Lionel's followers were admitted into the courtyard of the Broletto, and allowed to see the noble company at their magnificent feast, then, from afar oft", Froissart and Chaucer may have had sight of Petrarch; but a closer acquaintance than this is against all the probabilities. ""In the Buisson de Joncce (230-369) he gives a list of his benefactors and benefactresses, among whom were Philippa of England; Blanche of Lancaster; the Lord and Lady of Coucy; Edward III (100 florins) ; the Earl of Hereford ; Edward Despenser ; the Duke of Bourbon ; Charles V; the Duke and Duchess of Brabant; Pierre I, King of Cyprus (40 ducats); David Bruce; the Earl of Douglas; etc. Notable, in this connection, is his mention of the Green Count (339-347) : Ame, le conte de Savoie, Je ne sgai se nomme I'avoie, Mes a Melans, en Lombardie, Une bonne cote hardie Me donna de .xx. florins d'or; II m'en souvient moult bien encor, Pour un tant que moult me valirent; Car onques cil ne me fallirent Jusqu'a tant que je vine a Romme. In 1366 he received a gift of six golden muttons, when a great concourse of minstrels came together at Brussels : 'uni Fritsardo, dictori qui est cum regina Anglise, dicto die, VI mottones.' A year or so after Queen Philippa's death, he is glad to receive 16 francs (the franc then had the intrinsic value of 13-38 modern francs) from the Duchess of Brabant ('uni Frisardo dictatori') for a new book in French. 86 Lionel's Remaining Life IX. LIONEL'S REMAINING LIFE The Milanese annalist tells us that Lionel, after the consum- mation of the marriage, remained in Milan for some days, and then left for Alba. The chronicles of Saluzzo^ and Montferrat agree in stating that after the wedding Violante left for Pavia, while Lionel, with his retinue, betook himself to Alba. Before he had finished what he had to do there, he fell sick, and returned to Pavia, where he spent a few days. Thereupon he went back to Alba, and there died.^ We have, in all, four months and twelve days to account for between his marriage (June 5) and his death (Oct. 17). As he was able to take part in a tourney on Aug. 16,- it is probable that he did not return tO' Pavia before that time ; and as his will was made on Oct. 3, he must have been ill before then. With respect to the cause of his malady, Jovius^ ascribes it to excessive feasting in a country where he was not yet acclimated, and intimates that while this was in ^ Petrus Azarius (quoted by Benvenuto) concurs with these two chron- iclers in saying that Lionel left Violante at Pavia — where she would naturally be most at home. In the next sentence there seems to be a corruption, for it runs : 'Nee umquam prsedictus dominus Leonotus prasdictis peractis Papiam redivit, sed, parva mora in Pedemontio pro- tracta, Albam reversus diem clausit extremum.' But how could Lionel, after delaying a short time in Piedmont, return to Alba, seeing that Alba was itself in Piedmont? Perhaps the 'nee umquam' should be construed with 'peractis,' for Cron. Saluz. has : 'Ancora non habiando finito le cosse soe [Cron. Monf.: le cose predette], se amalo e ritorna a Pavia' (similarly Cron. Monf.). On this supposition, we might translate Azarius : 'Lionel, though he had never finished up the matters referred to above Ibut they were not referred to], returned to Pavia; but, making only a short stay here [reading Papia for Pedemontio], he went back to Alba.' This would then agree with the chronicles of Saluzzo and Montferrat, which evidently deserve our confidence. - See p. 88. ^ He writes : 'Sed non multo post Leonatus quum novas nuptae operam daret, intempestivisque conviviis ad patrii moris disciplinam, alieni casli ignarus, intemperantius uteretur, ad Albam morbo consumptus interiit' Thus translated by Stow : 'But not long after, Leonel hving with his new wife, whilest after the manner of his owne Countrey, as forgetting or not regarding his change of ayre, hee addicted himselfe overmuch to untimely banquettings, spent and consumed with a lingering sickness, dyed at Alba.' Lionel's Remaining Life 87 progress he was living with Violante. However, his feasting- in Milan can hardly have been the cause of his death ; and, while there may have been banqueting at the Castle after his return from Alba, it must be remembered that he was ill before this return, that his illness seems to have been the cause of the return, and that in any case he stayed at Pavia but a few days. On the whole, it seems most reasonable to assume that he saw but little of Violante during their married life, being called away by the care of his province ; that the sickness which caused his death was of no very long duration, and yet not excessively sudden in its operation ; and that his return to Pavia would therefore naturally have fallen in September, perhaps late in the month. As the lingering illness which terminated in the death of the Black Prince seems to- have originated in digestive disorders contracted during his sojourn in Spain, it is not unreasonable to assume that Lionel may have indulged overmuch in eating and drinking — consider his wedding-banquet ! — and that the heat of a Piedmontese summer, his military exercises, and the labors and perplexities incident to his rule amid an alien people, and surrounded by open or secret enemies, are responsible for the rest, or would even have been sufficient of themselves. As for feasting, he does not seem to have been prostrated by that at Paris or at Chambery ; but in both these places the weather must have been cooler, and Lionel had then nothing to do but give himself up to the pleasure of the moment.'* ■* Knighton (2. 123; cf. Chron. Anglice 61) affirms that his death was due to poison ('intoxicatus veneno interiit'), but then Knighton knows Galeazzo as Golias ('filiam Goliae') — hardly a compliment, by the way — and calls Milan 'Meletum.' Moreover, his statement is contradicted by those of the Italian chroniclers, for Petrus Azarius and Cron. Monf. say that Galeazzo and all the Lombards lamented greatly over Lionel's death; and Annal. Med. that Galeazzo was beside himself ('effectus est velut demens') with excessive grief. This grief was natural enough, con- sidering the hopes that Galeazzo had built upon this marriage, and the disorders which immediately followed (see below, pp. 104 flf.). Hardyng confirms, on the whole, the statements of Jovius and the chronicles (p. 334) : In whiche meane iyvat his justes & his excesse, His great riot and wynes delicacie, His ghoste exiled out [of his corps] doutlesse, Afore the daye set of his regence, For whom was made great mone through Italic. 88 Lionel's Remaining Life Of the adventures in which Lionel may have been engaged between his marriage and his death, we catch sight of only one. A branch of the house of Savoy had acquired what proved to be the merely nominal title of Princes of Achaia, through the mar- riage of Filippo of Savoy to Isabella of Villehardouin^ (her third marriage) on Feb. 13, 1301, she having by her second marriage become the mother of Mahault of Hainaut.® From this Filippo descended Filippo II, who succeeded to the Piedmontese domin- ions of his father Giacomo on May 7, 1367, though the latter, having regard to his evil conduct, had left the principality to his younger son, Amedeo, to whom Filippo was to do homage.^ On March 17, 1368, Filippo made formal claim to the principal- ity,^ his brother being then, and until 1377, under the guardian- ship of the Green Count, Amedeo VI of Savoy. Strife having arisen between the two parties, Filippo challenged the Green Count to a tournament near Saluzzo, where, on a specified day, fifty were to encounter fifty. The Green Count, with Lionel, Giovanni II of Montferrat (ruled 1338-1372), and certain men sent by Galeazzo, arrived at Fossano on the day appointed, prob- ably Aug. 16; but the craven Filippo repudiated his engagement, For Hardyng's 'wynes' we should perhaps read 'wyues,' i. e. 'wife's' (cf. Jovius) ; then 'delicacie' would mean voluptuousness. His 'regence' refers to the extravagant statement with which he had ended a previous stanza : In citees all he helde well vnitees, Create justes ay and joyus tournementes, Of lordes & knightes he made great asseniblees Through all the lande by his wyse reglmentes ; They purposed hole by theyr commen assentes To croune hym kyng of all Igreat Italie,] Within halfe a yere for his good gouernaly. On an earlier page Hardyng had said : And all the rule he had by councell wyse, Fro mount Godard vnto the citee [of] Florence, And well beloved was for his sapience. Barnes seems to go back to Froissart (see p. 104) : 'Not without sus- picion of being poisoned, by some subtle Italian trick, to prevent that Glory, which perhaps some Envy'd, that he should attain.' ' See Rodd 2. 39-S8. ''See pp. 124-5. ' Cron. Saluc, p. 1014. ^ lb., p. 1012. Lionel's Remaining Life 89 whereupon, after some fine skirmishes, Amedeo VI and his company went to Savigliano to pass the night, and thereupon each division went home. Fihppo, being judicially condemned in December of that year, was publicly drowned in one of the three small lakes near Avigliana, by order of Amedeo {Cron. Sahis.), while his brother ruled till 1402.^ So we see Lionel, having left Alba in the August heats, repairing on horseback to Savigliano, and thence to Fossano, on Aug. 15, to pitch camp against the following day; from Fossano returning to Savigliano for the night, and so back to Fossano, arrayed in armor for the tourney- ing, and once more, after the fruitless preparations, going back to lodge at Savigliano. "The two authorities are the chronicles of Savoy and Saluzzo. The former runs (M. H. P. 3 (Script, i). 320-321) : 'En soussi furent messire Philippe de Savoye et le marquis Frederich de Saluces quant sentirent venir le comte contre eulx, car ilz navoyent que pou de gens darmes, et, pour rompre la chevauchie du conte, messire Philippe luy manda ung herault, disant que sil osoit combattre sa querelle luy cinquante hommes darmes, que luy a tout aultres cinquante le combateroit corps a corps en la gallee fvailee?] entre Saluces et Escarnefis a un jour qui nomma. Entendant le conte les parolles du herault, respondit : "Vatant a ton maistre, et luy dist que a layde de Dieu je seray au lieu et en la place au jour que tu dis, accompaignie moy cinquantieme de hommes darmes pour combatre corps a corps noz querelles." A celle responce sen tourna le herault; et le conte, accompagne du due de Clerance, du marquis de Monferra, et des gens de messire Galliache, ensemble les cinquante hommes darmes, vindrent devant Fossan, en requirant que le gage se tenist entreulx comme il estoit ordonne. Mais messire Philippe refusa la bataille et la promesse qui avoit faitte; le refus estre fait, eut la de belles escarmuches, qui durerent tout le jour de deux pars, et vers la nuyt le conte et sa compaignie se partirent de devant Fossan, et se alia logier a Savillian, et le due de Clerance, le marquis de Mon- ferra, et les gens de messire Galliace se retrayrent en leur pays. Et apres ne demoura gueyres que messire Philippe de Savoye fut mort, dont le pays de Piemont resta en grant pacifficacion.' The latter is as follows (M. H. P., pp. 1014-5) : 'A IS di Augusto esso Conte Ame dy Savoya cum exercito, una cum el Marchexe dy Monferrato e la gente soa, e missere Lioneto dy Angleterra (el quale ancora non era morto, ma mory quelo anno), andorono a Saviglano, poy de ly a Fosano, per piantarly el campo. Pur tornorono quelo giorno medemo a Saviglano, cum lo exercito loro. Poy, il giorno da presso, tornorono tuty a Fosano, dove era el signor Philipo, fratello del Principe dy Achaya.' 90 Lionel's Death and Burial This meeting with FiHppo at Fossano was not the first time that Lionel encountered him. While the duke was at Pavia or Milan, we are not certain which, but probably the former,^'^ he had heard Filippo called traitor and felon by the Green Count in the presence of himself and Galeazzo. Amedeo having demanded justice against Filippo, Lionel personally arrested the latter, and cited him to appear before his tribunal on May 30. Here he seems to have pronounced a decision unfavorable to Filippo, who thereupon announced his intention of appealing to the parliament — if so it may be called — which was to be held at Rivoli,^^ and thereupon returned.^- It is somewhat curious that even a purely nominal lord of Clarentza, in Greece, should be cited before the tribunal of a Duke of Clarence, his feudal superior, in Italy, considering that this Duke of Clarence was a royal prince of England. ^^ X. LIONEL'S DEATH AND BURIAL The date of Lionel's death was certainly Oct. 17,^ 1368, though even the Dictionary of National Biography has it wrong.^ ^^ Since Lionel would hardly have cited him on May 27, or later, to a tribunal held on May 30. Cron. Saluz. (p. 1013) says that Filippo and his brother went to Milan and Pavia in April, but, as it adds that they made many demands on the one side and the other, and were finally reconciled by Galeazzo, it is possible that they may have remained in those parts till toward the end of May. '' See p. 43. ^' Gabotto, in Misc. di Star. lial. 2,2>- 169. " Cf. pp. 122 ff. '^ The Inquisitio post Mortem (43 Edw. Ill, File 208, No. 23, Public Record Office), dated July 12, 1369, says, under the county of Somerset: 'Dicunt [the jurors] quod idem Dux obiit decimo septimo die Octobris, anno regni Regis nunc Anglie quadragesimo secundo' (adding that his daughter Philippa was 13 years old on Aug. 16, 1368) ; under the county of Essex : 'Dicunt quod idem Dux obiit xvii die Octobris ultimo elapsi' (similarly as to Philippa). In the Annals of Ireland {Chartularies of St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin, ed. Gilbert, 2. 397) we read: 'In vigilia Sancti Luce Evangeliste, Dominus Leonellus, Dux Clarencie, obiit apud Albe in Pymond.' Walsingham has (i. 306) : 'circa festum Nativitatis Beatae Marise,' i. e., Sept. 8. Cron. Monf. has Oct. 15. "Correctly given in Dugdale, Baronage 2. 167-8; Barnes; Sandford, p. 223. Lionel's Death and Burial 91 As to the disposition of Lionel's body authorities differ. According to Froissart,^ it was embahned, and sent home to England by Galeazzo.* The Annals of Ireland^ (as above) declare that he was first buried in the church of S. Pietro Ciel d'Oro in Pavia,® and afterwards'^ in the Augustinian monastery of Clare,^ in Suffolk. On the other hand, Capgrave^ relates that Lionel, when dying, ordered his attendants to convey his heart and bones to Clare, and to bury the rest of his body {carnibiis suis cum visccrihusY^ in front of the tomb of St. Augustine, where Henry, Earl of Derby, saw his resting-place *Kervyn 7. 251-2. * So also Annal. Med. (R. I. S. 16. 740) ; cf . Kervyn 7. 251 : 'Touttesfois messires Galeas envoya le corps enibausme de monseigneur Lion, dvic de Clarense, par un evesque, arriere en Angleterre ; la fu-il enseveli.' The Chron. Plac. makes the astonishing statement that his body was in that year carried to ApuHa (R. I. S. 16. 510). ^ 'Primo sepultus in civitate Papie juxta Sanctum Augustinum Doctorem [see Hist. Background, p. 195], deinde sepelitur apud Clare, in conventu Augustinensium in Angha.' ° Petrus Azarius, as quoted by Benvenuto : 'Et ipso mortuo in Papia [sic] portato, Papiae traditus fuit sepulturse'; Cron. Salus.: 'fu portato a Pavia.' 'So Beltz, Mem. of the Order of the Garter, p. 131; Sandford, p. 223 (copied by Rapin, Hist, of England, 1743, i. 439; cf. Nichols, Wills, 1780, p. 91). Sandford seems indebted to Barnes, p. 720: 'Tho for the present he was deposited in the Chief Church of Pavia, a City of Milain, yet soon after, according to his Testament, his Body was brought over into England by Thomas Newborne Esquire [whom Barnes makes one of his legatees], and others of his Domesticks, and interred in the said Church of the Augustine-Fryars, at Clare aforesaid, near unto the Body of his First Wife, EHzabeth de Burgh.' ^ Probably founded in 1248, and the first settlement of the Augustinians in England; suppressed in 1538 {Vict. Hist, of Suffolk 2. 127-8). In 1821 the church was at the northeast side of the friary, and used as a barn (R. C. Taylor, Index Monasticus, quoted in Dugdale, Monasticon, 1849, 6.^ 1600). ^ De Illustribns Henricis, quoted in Derby Accounts, p. cxi ; so Kervyn 21. 2, 3. ^° Professor Tout, speaking of Edmund Mortimer, third Earl of March, remarks {Diet. Nat. Biog. 39. 121) : 'According to the directions in his will, March's body was interred on the left hand of the high altar of Wigmore Abbey (Nichols, p. 104). An Irish chronicle speaks of his being buried in the church of the Holy Trinity at Cork, hut this probably only refers to the more perishable part of his body.' 92 Lionel's Death and Burial in 1393^^; but there is nothing of this in his will/"- which orders that his body shall be buried before the high altar in the choir of the abbey church at Clare. Galeotto del Carretto/^ the " The remains of Augustine were, according to tradition, carried in 496 from Hippo to Sardinia, and thence removed by Liutprand to Pavia in 723. The beautiful shrine which stands behind the high altar, and bears the date of 1362, was probably executed between 1360 and 1380, and therefore was not completed at Lionel's death in 1368 (Natali, Pavia e la sua Certosa, Pavia, 191 1, pp. 34-5; Le Chiese di Pavia, Part I (in the series entitled L'ltalia Monumenfale), Milan, 1913, pp. 35-9; of. Venturi, Storia dell' Arte 4. 592-605). In Magenta (p. 164), where, as in the preceding, the shrine is represented, there is a fuller account of its history. Magenta declares that the shrine was begun on Dec. 14, 1362, that the foundation was laid in the sacristy of the church, and that it was completed in 1370. It remained in the sacristy at least till after 1461, at which time the bones of the saint were reputed to lie in a chapel of the crypt; they were, however, not rediscovered till 1605 {op. cit., pp. 163-4). It is therefore no doubt in the crypt that the earlier resting-place of Lionel's remains is to be sought, if we assume that Capgrave is to be believed (but cf. p. 95). As the resting-place of Boethius (see the picture of the tower where he is supposed to have been imprisoned, in Magenta i. 162), S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro was celebrated by Dante {Par. 10. 127-9), where he speaks of the philosopher's soul : Lo corpo ond' ella fu cacciata giace Giuso in Cieldauro, ed essa da martiro E da esilio venne a questa pace. ('The body whence it was chased forth lieth down below in Ciel d'Oro, and itself from martyrdom and exile came unto this peace.') In a famous letter of Petrarch's to Boccaccio, written probably in 1365 (cf. p. 79), he thus refers to S. Pietro: 'You would have seen where St. Augustine is buried, and where Boethius found a fitting place of exile in which to spend his old age and to die. They now repose together in two urns, under the same roof with King Liutprand, who transferred the body of St. Augustine from Sardinia to this city. This is indeed a pious and devout concourse of illustrious men.' Boccaccio also refers to the church {Dec. 10. 9). An Augustinian monastery was erected at the right of the church in 1327 (Natali, p. 33). ^"Though Kervyn says otherwise (21. 2-3). "M. H. P., p. 1212: 'De la cui morte Galeatio e tutti gli Lombard! molto se dolsero, et portato morto in Pavia cum infinite spese, et in parte mandato in la patria, fu sepellito in Pavia.' Magenta (p. 135) says expressly: 'Mori il 15 [but see above, p. 90] ottobre del 1368, gettando in un profondo duolo la nostra Corte, che diede alle ceneri di lui sepoltura nella basilica di S. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro.' Lionel's Death and Burial 93 mediseval chronicler of IMontferrat, confirms the statement of Capgrave. What is certain is that the whole, or some part, of his body was buried at Clare before 1377, for on Sept. 12 of that year the prior of Clare and brother Robert of the same monastery come to an agreement respecting the sum of ten marks, to be paid by the said Robert in satisfaction of the expenses^* incurred for the funeral of Lionel.^^ Moreover, we have the testimony of a manuscript, in English and Latin, for- merly belonging to Augustine Vincent (i584?-i626), and quoted by John Weever (1576-1632) in his Ancient Fmierall Monu- ments (folio, 1631). This manuscript, or its prototype, was written in the lifetime of Richard, Duke of York,^'' father of "The Vict. Hist, of Suffolk says (2. 128) : 'The sum of ten marks was paid to the prior and brethren, in the chapter house, on 12 September, 1377, for their share in the funeral expenses.' ^° The instrument, from the Registrum Chartarum ]\Ionasterii Heremi- tarum S. Augustini de Clare, follows from Had. MS. 4835, fol. 42^ last paragraph, with contractions expanded : 'Hec indentura testatur judicium et finalem concordiam inter priorem conventus Clare, ordinis Sancti Augustini, ex una parte, et fratrem Robertum de Clare, ejusdem ordinis et conventus, ex alia parte, de expensis factis per predictum fratrem Robertum circa funeralia nobilis domini Domini Leonelli quondam Ducis Clarence — quod a die confec- tionis presentium predictus conventus assignabit fratrem vel fratres ad satisfaciendum per missas, seu alia divina obsequia, pro X marcis per predictum Robertum providendis, quas sibi removebunt pro com- pleta solucione pro expensis omnibus omnibus [sic] circa predicta funeralia factis aprius [MS. ap'us] usque ad diem confectionis presentium ; unde se prefectus predicti conventus adquietat, et se obligat omnibus et singulis personis extra conventum predictum degen- tibus satisfacturum ad rationem expensarum supradicti funeris vindi- cantibus. Predictus vero conventus, ex altera parte, istam conditionem sibi promittit adimplere, ac eum adquietat de omnibus receptibus ratione et nomine predictorum funeralium aprius [MS. ap'us] usque ad diem confectionis presentium. Ilia vero concordia judicialis fuit comprobata per fratrem Johannem Ergom, Sancti Thome doctorem permissorium ordinis et provincie, commissarium fratris Henrici, prioris provincialis ejusdem ordinis et provincie, in banc causam specialiter deputatos [-um?], anno Domini M.CCC.LXXVII, die xii mensis Septembris, in loco capitulari conventus supradicti. Tn quorum omnium testimonium sigilla predicti commissarii, ac supradicti conventus, et fratris Roberti, huic indenture alternata sunt apposita.' ^* Prominent in the Shakespearian 2 and 3 Henry VI. 94 Lionel's Death and Burial Edward IV and Richard III, and therefore before 1460.^' The lines in question are (Weever, p. 735) : Fuit Elisabeth sibi nata Altera, que egregio post . . . Leonello, Ed. ter. innato, post fataque sic tumulato, Ut vides, exigua pro tanto principe tumba, Inque chori medio. And in English (p. 738) : Q. Had she ony Issue? A. Yea sir sikerly. Q. What? A. a doughtur. Q. what name had she? A. Liche hir modir Elisabeth sothely. Q. Who evir the husbonde of hir might be? A. King Edwards Son the third was he, Sir Lionel, which buried is hir by, As for such a Prince too sympilly. This makes it clear that Lionel was buried, as his will provided, in the middle of the choir ; and that he rested by his wife, Elizabeth de Burgh, in a tomb which must have formed a strik- ing contrast to that of his brother, the Black Prince, at Canter- bury, for which the latter made such lavish provision in his will. It is equally clear that Lionel's body was not brought to England the 3^ear of his death, for we have a document,^^ written in December, 1368, on the part of Edward III, in which Edward Despenser and John of Bromwych are instructed that they are on no account to transport the body of Lionel to England, because of the grief it would occasion his relatives, but to give it solemn interment in Italy: Item, ils dirront as dits sire Le Despenser et monseigneur Johan coment le roi voet et leur prie qu'ils ordenent en toutes manieres que le corps mon dit seigneur de Clarence soit solempnement enterres par dela, sicome affiert a tieu seigneur, tant pur I'onour du roi come de lui, sans faire carier par decea le corps ou nulle partie d'ycel, pur le doel et tristesse que le roi son piere, madame la roine se miere, messeigneurs ses freres et mes autres seigneurs et dames de son lignage ent prendroient. As the Council of Trent (1545-1563) ordered the removal from S. Pietro of all the tombs but those of saints^^ (not except- ing that of the Lombard king, Liutprand), Lionel's, if any trace "Cf. Weever, p. 739; Diet. Nat. Biog. 48. 176, 184. '^ Brit. Mus. Cott. Claud. D. Ill, quoted by Kervyn 18. 490. "Magenta, p. 163. Lionel's Death and Burial 95 of it remained, must have disappeared with the others. As late, however, as 1590, an inscription to his memory was placed against a column near the chapel of St. Appian on the right side of tlie church,-'' as being the site of his tomb. The inscription was due to Charles Parker (b. Jan. 28, 1537), who also erected in the cloister at Pavia monuments to Francis, Duke of Lorraine, and Richard de la Pole, Duke of Suffolk, who had been slain at the battle of Pavia in 1525. Having entered the Roman Catholic church, he went to Pavia in 1560,^^ and there remained in exile for thirty years. -- The inscription reads-^ : D. O. M. Leonello Clarentise Duci Edouardi tertii Regis Anglise Fil. ducta Violanta Joannis Galeatii primi Ducis Mediolani sorori Albas mortuo atque hie anno saluti MCCCLXIIX Honorificentissime in area condito sublata postea Concilii Tridentini decreto Carolus Pacherus de Morley Anglus Clarentiura stirpe ortus anno salutis MDXC Exilii vero sui pro fide catholica XXX p. By 1464 the place of his sepulture was in doubt in England, for Hardyng says^*: Some sayen he is buried at Melayn, And other some saye at Clare certayn. ^ Bossi, in his unpublished Memories Ticincnses, p. 86, quoted by Magenta, p. 135: 'In columna sive pila prope sacellum S. Appiani in latere dextero Templi.' '^Dict. Nat. Biog. 43. 239. *"How baseless was his claim to belong to the descendants of Clarence may be gathered from the following genealogical notes. Charles' mother was, before marriage, Alice St. John, whose father was Sir John St. John, whose mother was Margaret St. John, nee Beauchamp. By her second marriage, to John, first Duke of Somerset, grandson of John of Gaunt, she had a daughter, Margaret Beaufort, who, by her marriage to Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond, became the mother of Henry VII. Henry VII's queen, Elizabeth, was the daughter of Edward IV, who was the son of Richard, Duke of York, who was the son of Anne, Countess of Cambridge, who was the daughter of Roger, Earl of March, who was the son of Philippa, daughter of Lionel. The inscription, as printed, gives his name as 'Pacherus,' doubtless for 'Parkerus,' since he was a younger son of Henry Parker, himself son of Henry Parker, Baron IMorley. " Magenta, p. 135. "* Chronicle, ed. Ellis, p. 334. 96 Lionel's Will ■ XL LIONEL'S WILL Lionel's will was drawn up at Alba, Oct. 3, 1368, just two weeks before he died. The bequests are^ : ^ The will itself, from Nichols, Wills of the Kings and Queens of England, pp. 88-90, is as follows : 'In Dei nomine, Amen. Ego Leonellus, Dux Clarencie, sanus mente licet eger corpore, volensque debitum mortis prevenire, testamentum meum condo in hunc modum. In primis lego animam meam Deo et beate Marie et omnibus Sanctis, et corpus meum ad sepeliend' in eccl'ia fratrum Augustinensium de Clare in choro ante magnum altare. It'm lego eccl'ie eorundem fratrum nigrum vestimentum meum cum toto apparatu. It'm lego eid'm eccl'ie pannum meum nigrum broud- atum. It'm Violente uxori mee rubeum vestimentum meum cum coronis aureis cum toto apparatu. It'm eidem uxori mee omnia jocalia mea exceptis subscriptis. It'm d'no Joh'i de Bromwych militi unum dextrarium qui vocatur Gerfacon'. It'm lego d'no Ric'o Musard militi unam zonam de auro cum uno dextrario qui vocat' Maunge- neleyn. It'm lego Barthe'o Pycot duas zonas de argento & deaurat'. It'm lego D'no Joh'i de Capell capellano meo unam zonam de auro ad faciend' unum calicem in memoriam anime mee. It'm eidem D'no Joh'i melius portiforium meum notatum. It'm eidem Joh'i unum par vestimentorum pauleatum cum albo & rubeo. It'm lego mag'ro Nich'o de Haddeleye unum parvum portiforium non notatum. It'm lego D'no Joh'i Wayte capellano unum portiforium notatum. It'm lego Thomse Waleys unum circulum aureum, quo circulo frater mens et dominus creabatur in principem. It'm Edmundo Mone lego ilium circulum quo in ducem fui creatus. It'm lego mag'ro Nich'o de Haddeley supradicto duo monilia de auro, blodio & viridi colore anamalat'. It'm lego Nich'o Bekennesfeld unum monile de auro cum duabus manibus inclusis. Item lego eidem Nich'o decem marcas annui redditus in manerio de Bremmesfeld ad totam vitam suam percipiend'. Et lego Rob'to Bardulf unum monile de auro ad modum cordis factum. It'm volo quod omnes annuli distribuantur inter valetos camere mee secundum disposicionem executor' meor'. It'm volo et executoribus meis injungo q'd nulla fiat bonorum meorum seu terrarum mearum saltim quas vendere seu donare possum aliquibus deliberacio seu dissipacio exceptis legatis supradictis, quousque debita mea secun- dum quod facultates mee ad hoc suppetunt plene persolvantur, et si quod residuum fuerit, volo quod sit in disposic'one executorum meorum. Hos vero constituo & facio hujus testamenti mei seu ultime voluntatis mee executores, videlicet Violentam uxorem meam, Barth'm Pycot et D'n'm Joh'm de Capell' capellanum, quibus adjungo D'n'm Joh'em de Bromwyche militem coadjutorem, non tanquam executorem. Lionel's Will 97 To the church at Clare, a black suit with all the appurtenances, and a piece of embroidered black cloth. To his wife, Violante, his scarlet robe embroidered with golden coronets, with all the appurtenances, and all his jewels except as otherwise devised. To Sir John of Bromwych,^ knight, a war-horse, named Ger- falcon.^ Acta sunt hec anno ab incarnacione D'ni millesimo tricentesimo sexagesimo octavo, indictione septima, mentis Octobr' die tercia, pent' sanctissimi in Xp'o patris ac d'ni n'ri d'ni Urbani divina provi- dencia pape quinti anno sexto, in camera ip'ius d'ni dticis, infra muros civitatis Albanen' situat'; presentibus Nich'o de Bekennesfeld, Rob'to Bradwaye, Joh'e Bray, et aliis. Et ego Nich'us de Haddeleye, clericus Miden' dioc' publicus auc- toritate apostolica notarius, prem.issis omnibus et singulis supradictis dum sic ut premittit' agerent' et fierent una cum prenominat' testibus presens interfui, eaq' omnia et singula sic fieri vidi et audivi, scripsi, publicavi, et in banc publicam formam redegi, signoq' meo consueto signavi rogat' in fidem et testimonium premissor'. Probatio dicti Testamenti coram Will'mo Cant' Archiep' 6to Idus Junii 1369, apud Lambeth. Regist' Witlesey, fol. loo.a.b. in the Archiepiscopal Registry at Lambeth.' " In his earlier manhood, John of Bromwych must have been of a wild and heady disposition, for on March 8, 1353, the constable of the Tower of London was ordered to release him without delay, on the understanding that he was in due time to make answer to 'the things which the king wishes to say against him' (Cal. Close Rolls) ; while on Feb. 7, 1357, he was pardoned 'with respect to the death of Walter of Bromyard, late burgess of Hereford' (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Feb. 16, 1361, he had a wife,. Elizabeth (Cal. Close Rolls), probably the same as the Elizabeth, widow of Richard Talbot the elder, whom he is described as having taken to wife by Oct. 20, 1370 (Cal. Pat. Rolls), and who on Feb. 10, 1357 (cf. Jan. 26 and Feb. 8, 1358) was already the widow of Talbot (Cal. Close Rolls). By April i, 1373, she was already dead (Cal. Pat. Rolls). Mar. 15, 1361 (so also Feb. 10, 1362), he was important enough to be summoned, with Edward Despenser and others, to a council to consider the state of Ireland, and to prepare for supporting Lionel, whom the king then designated (Rymer), and by May 10 (so Dec. 20, 1363) he was on a com- mission (ib.). By Mar. 8, 1364 (so May 26, 1367), he was already asso- ciated with Edward Despenser in the commission of the peace (ib.), and on Feb. 10, 1367, was with him in a commission of array (ib.). On July 8, 1368, he was summoned, with others, to return to his estates in Ireland (Rymer). On Sept. 22, 1374, he obtained protection to go abroad Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 7 1916 98 Lionel's Will To Sir Richard Musard,* knight, a g-olden girdle, and a war- horse, named Maungeneleyn.^ with Edmund, Earl of March (Rymer). On Aug. 26, 1379, he went to Ireland, accompanied by 60 men-at-arms, 120 archers, and several knights (Cal. Pat. Rolls), and on Sept. 22 received his appointment as justiciary for Ireland, an office which he still held on Feb. 14, 1380 (ib.). On July 2, 1383, he was still justice of the peace, as he had been much earlier (ib.). He is mentioned on Nov. 14, 1385, but had apparently died before Sept. 25, 1388 (cf. May 29 and June 26, 1389; all Cal. Pat. Rolls). His exe- cutors are named on Aug. 17, 1389, first in order being his (second) wife, Katharine (ib.). Concerning his relations with Lionel, three things stand out. First, before and after Lionel assumed the viceroyalty of Ireland, Bromwych was appealed to concerning the affairs of that island. Secondly, he had been associated, before the journey to Italy, with Despenser, Lionel's cousin and close friend (both being of Gloucestershire), in the commission of the peace. Thirdly, the king treated him with especial kindness because of his devotion to Lionel. Thus, in the document quoted above (p. 94) we read : 'Item, ils remercieront a monseigneur Johan de Bromwyche du bon service qu'il fist a monseigneur le due en sa vie, et de la dihgence quele il mist pur la salvation del honour du roi et du due es parties de Lumbardie, a ce que le roi est bien vraiement enformes, dont le roi lui sciet tres-bons grees.' And as late as May 13, 1371, the king showed his favor on this account, as will appear from the following document of that date (Cal. Pat. Rolls) : 'Whereas, because John de Bromwice, 'chivaler,' who held and holds for life the town of Banowe and other lordships and lands in Jeripont and Ederdrym, co. Wexford, held in chief, with reversion to Elizabeth, his wife, and her heirs, did not come to Ireland or send men in accordance with the late ordinance for the safety of that land, nor did the said Elizabeth do so, the said lands were taken into the king's hand as forfeit and are still in his hand ; the king, in considera- tion of the fact that John has made continual stay from the time of the said ordinance until now, first with Lionel, duke of Clarence, in the parts of Lombardy during the duke's life, and afterwards with Edmund, earl of March, the king's son, on the king's service in France and England, has pardoned the said forfeiture and has restored the premises to him for life with reversion as above.' To be, or to have been, a loyal servant of Lionel's seems always to have been a passport to Edward Ill's grace. A few instances follow (all Cal. Pat. Rolls except the first) : 1363, March i. Grant of £200 annually to the Countess of Ormond for her husband's labors and expenses in the Irish wars, especially from the coming to Ireland of the king's dear (carissimi) son Lionel (Rymer). Lionel's Will 99 To Bartholomew Pycot, two gfirdles of silver gilt. To his chaplain, Sir John of Capella, a golden girdle, to make a chalice in memory of his soul; his better portas [portable 1368, Aug. I. William de Mundene is pardoned for the death of Geoffre}' Elesbourne, 'the king being informed that he is staying in the parts of Ireland in the service of himself and his son Lionel.' 1369, Nov.- 19. Haulus de Bohen, a minstrel, is granted sixpence (say $2.00) a day for hfe, 'for good service to the king and to his son.' 1370, Nov. 7. John Pitteman is granted £5 yearly, 'for long service to Lionel, late duke of Clarence.' 1371, May 10. John Comyn, who, on June 4, 1363, had attended the Duchess of Clarence to Ireland, and tlien remained there with Lionel (Rj'mer), having forfeited his manor of Kynsale for failure to repair to Ireland, or send men for the defense of that land, when so commanded, this manor was restored to his heirs, (i) because of good service in the king's wars in Ireland and elsewhere, (2) because he had leave to be absent from April 9 to Nov. 11, to attend Lionel abroad, (3) because he kept the manor in order to reimburse himself for his expenses in Lom- bard}% (4) because he died before he could return at Martinmas. 1372, May 4. The office of chief sergeant of the county of Kildare is conferred upon John atte Vise, 'for good service to the king and Lionel.' ^37-, Oct. 16. Robert Bron is granted the chief sergeanties of the counties of Louth and Carlow, 'for good service done in the company of the king's late son Lionel' (ratified Oct. 8, 1373). 1374, Nov. 14. Nicholas Curteys has allowances from Aug. 26, in con- sideration of his good service to the king's son, Lionel. The bearing of all this upon Lionel's character, the attachment he inspired, the king's affection for him, and Edward's corresponding willing- ness to reward Lionel's faithful followers, is not without interest in rela- tion to Chaucer's conjectural sojourn with the duke in Ireland and Italy, and the grant to Chaucer of June 20, 1367 (cf. Hist. Background, pp. 179, 182). ' See Hist. Background, p. 72. * Sk Richard Musard was, it appears, for twenty-two years (1361-1383) a retainer of Amedeo VI of Savoy, the Green Count, a period ending with the count's death. He was probably attached to the person of Lionel only during the time of the latter's journey from Savoy to Milan, and the interval between then and his death. In becoming the liegeman of Amedeo in 1361, he had reserved his duty to the King of England; and Amedeo showed his attachment to Lionel, whose marriage he had doubtless nego- tiated (see pp. 23 ff.), by transferring to him the services of so devoted an homager and friend. The known facts concerning Musard are as follows : 1361, between June 6 and Sept. 17, he was for 17 days at Susa, and afterwards on a trip to Germany, in the interest of Amedeo (Gabotto, loo Lionel's Will breviary], with musical notes; and a pair of vestments [trousers?], striped white and red.® in Atti della R. Accademia dellc Science di Torino 34. 226, note i). At this time he was called the Black Squire (there is a Green Squire men- tioned under the year 1369 in M. H. P., p. 1018). On Sept. 17, at the Green Count's camp near Carignano, he became the vassal of Amedeo (Claretta, in Atti, as above, 19. 958). 1362, Feb. 10, the acknowledgement of a debt of 100 florins is made to him at Chambery. His wife is called Johannina, and he still the Black Squire (Claretta, p. 960). Later in the same year he becomes the fifteenth charter-member of the Order of the Collar, afterwards called of the Annunciata, at its founding by the Green Count (Claretta, p. 953)- In the original documents he is called 'ung vailliant chivallier d'Engleterre, bon et hardy' (ilf. H. P. 3 {Script, i). 295), and 'bonus, valens, et audax' {ib. I. 612). The order was instituted in honor of the Fifteen Joys of the Virgin. The collar was made of linked laurel-leaves, enameled in green, with a pendant of three love-knots, having in the middle the Count's motto FERT (cf. Encyc. Brit., nth ed., 15. 865). The knights were to be without reproach, were not to forsake one another in life or death; and if any occasion of dispute arose between them, the disputants were to submit themselves to the judgment of the other members. Each knight was to recite every day fifteen Aves, and a monastery was founded for the salva- tion of the knights' souls, present and to come. On the occasion of the founding, a mass was first sung, and then a banquet set forth. The ordinances, which were proclaimed to the sound of trumpets and clarions, provided that an unworthy member should be expelled, that they should support widows and orphans, oppose false quarrels, and maintain loyalty. Then Savoy Herald proclaimed silence, and the Green Count said : 'My lords, know ye that I swear and promise to keep these laws, and I am the first to take this collar, not as lord, but as brother and companion, for it is an order of brethren.' After each had sworn his oath, and received his collar, John of Vienne, Admiral of France, being one, they all partook of the sacrament, kissed one another on the mouth, and sat down to the feast, the Green Count last of all (M. H. P., as above, pp. 294-S). The rest shall be told in the words of the chronicler (pp. 295-6) : 'Le service fust fait; la eust joye planyere; la furent dames et damoy- selles; la fust cryee largesse; la eust acomplissement donneur, de joye et de liesse a comble mesure de tous instrumens, et ainsy dura celle feste trois jours, a joustes, a tournoys, a beours, a momeries a la nuyt jusques au jour. Lon ne soroit raconter les desduys et plaisances qui la furent faittes, et se il faisoit beau veoir les quinze chivalliers a tous leurz quinze colliers, tous vestus de mesmez, il ne le faut desmander, et ainsy fust encomensce lordre du noble collier de Savoye.' 1366, May 27, he was with the Green Count at Pavia, where Amedeo was one of the sponsors at the baptism of Valentina, daughter of Gian Galeazzo. At this time the Count was on his way to the East for the Lionel's Will loi To Master Nicholas of Hadley, a small portas, without notes, and two gold necklaces, enameled in red and green. To his chaplain, Sir John Wayte, a portas, noted. deliverance of John Palaeologus, Emperor of Constantinople (Claretta, p. 963; Le Roulx, p. 148). For the festivities on this occasion, when Amedeo gave Gian Galeazzo a charger worth 1000 florins, see Magenta I. 129-130. Between Aug. 17 and 2;^, Musard was present with his master at the successful siege of Gallipoli. The walls were undermined, and the assailants entered at the breach (Le Roulx, p. 151; Claretta, p. 963)- The Turkish bowmen pierced the feet of the Christians, which placed them liors de combat. Huguin de Virier, being otherwise engaged, did not see an advancing Turk, who succeeded in stabbing him, but at this his squire transfixed the Turk with his spear. Nothing davtnted, the Turk advanced along the spear, in order to come to close quarters with the squire, but died before he reached the middle. The Christians advanced in the face of Greek fire, and of stones dropped from the walls. The rear-guard being in danger, the count flew to the rescue, and with him his standard-bearer, Musard, of whom the chronicler relates (ilf. H. P., pp. 307-8) : 'La fust messire Richart Musar qui la bannyere portoit du conte, le quel se mist sy avant et entra sy parfont en lestour quil rompist la presse des Turcs ; et tellement le suyvist lavant garde, que les Turcs furent bien esbays, et la furent faittes maintes belles appertizes darmes entre Cristiens et Turc' The Turks outside were put to flight, and the next morning it was found that the defenders had abandoned the city, leaving behind only some Greek prisoners, who cried out to the Christians that they might now enter without fear. 1367, Sept. 12, Musard receives 6 florins at Ferrara for expenses, the Green Count having now returned from his expedition (Claretta, p. 964). 1368, Oct. 3, he is mentioned in Lionel's will. 1372, July, in arraying his army for battle at Asti, Amedeo entrusts the guard of his person to Musard and another knight (M. H. P. 3. 327). 1373) Oct. 22, Musard is in attendance upon the Green Count in the castle of Rivoli, where Amedeo is settling a dispute between two noble families of Susa (Claretta, p. 965). "^Z?!, Musard is dispatched b}'^ Amedeo on an important mission to Biella (Claretta, p. 965). 1380, he and another member of the Order of the Collar are sent on an embassy to Bernabo Visconti (Claretta, pp. 965-6). 1381, Aug. 8, he is present on one of the most glorious occasions of the Green Count's life, when the latter pronounces his decree as arbiter between the contending cities of Genoa and Venice (Claretta, p. 966; Muratori, Annali d' Italia 8. 397; M. H. P. 4 (Jur. 2). 858 ff. ; R. I. S. IS- 797). 1382, July, Musard is with Amedeo when he joins the forces of Louis of Anjou for the invasion of Neapolitan territory (Claretta, p. 966; Amedeo left Chambery toward the end of May, Cordey, p. 240). I02 Lionel's Will To Thomas Waleys, the golden circlet with which his brother^ was created prince. To Edmund Mone, the circlet with which he himself was made duke.^ To Nicholas Beaconsfield,® a gold necklace, enclosing two hands, and ten marks annual pension for life on the manor of Brimpsfield [Gloucester].^" To Robert Bardulf, a gold necklace in the shape of a heart. To the valets of his chamber, all his rings, distributed as to his executors shall seem good. All other property, real or personal, to be kept for the pay- ment of his debts." Whatever then remains to be apportioned 1383, March i, Amedeo VI dies, and his body is transported to the seashore near Naples by Musard and others, who embark with it for the Ligurian coast. On April 23, Musard dies at Savona (Claretta, p. 967; cf. Cordey, p. 242, note 6; M. H. P., p. 1029), and is buried in the church of St. John of Jerusalem (Claretta, ih.). In general, cf. Mugnier, Lettres des Visconti, pp. 20-23. Gabotto (pp. 226-7) is tempted to identify him with Richard de la Vache, knight and chamberlain of Edward III, but this seems impossible (cf. Edith Rickert, in Modern Philology 11. 210 fif.). ^ Can this have any relation to Gingelein, the 'fair unknown' of the Middle English Liheans Desconus (ed. Kaluza, 11. 7, 13), referred to in Chaucer's Sir Thopas (189)? In that romance the prize of a contest is a gerfalcon (11. 77Z, 7'&7, 1023, 1030, etc.), and the hero is said (1. 1302) to have had adventures in Ireland (where Lionel had been viceroy). * Cf . Racinet, Vol. 4 : 'Les seigneurs, les damoiseaux prirent I'habitude [from about 1340] d'habiller leurs jambes de deux couleurs differentes: I'une etait blanche, jaune, verte, I'autre noire, bleue, ou rouge; on portait meme des souliers de couleurs differentes.' Cf. p. 49, note 59. 'The Black Prince (1330-1376). This was on May 12, 1343 {Diet. Nat. Biog. 17. 91)- ^ On Nov. 13, 1362. ° Beaconsfield was summoned to proceed to his estates in Ireland on July 28, 1368 (Rymer), along with Bromwych and John Comyn (see p. 99). " Cf. Cal. Close Rolls for Sept. i, 1374. " Lionel must have been deeply in debt, perhaps because of the expenses incurred in Ireland. Already on Feb. 10, 1362 (Rymer), Edward HI speaks of Lionel's remaining in Ireland at great charges (ad sumptus excessivos), when he had been there less than five months. On April 24, 1364, Lionel, who had had his salary advanced to 13s. 4d. ($50) a day on Nov. 12, 1362, when he was made duke, accepted a bond (but perhaps this is to be understood rather as an order on the treasurer) from Edward III for the whole of his stay in Ireland from the date Lionel's Will T03 by the executors — Violante his wife, Bartholomew Pycot, and John of Capella/- to whom is added John of Bromwych, not as executor, but as coadjutor. The witnesses were Nicholas Beaconsfield, Robert Bradway, John Bray, and others. Nicholas of Hadley, clerk of the diocese of Meath, was the notary who drew the will, and affixed his seal. The will was admitted to probate at Lambeth Palace, June 8, 1369, William Whittlesea being" Archbishop of Canterbury. last mentioned (Rymer). In December, 1368, the king sends word to Edward Despenser and John of Bromwych (see p. 97) to save every- thing possible for the discharge of Lionel's debts (Kervyn 18. 490) : 'Item ils dirront as dits sire Le Despenser et monseigneur Johan et leur chargeront depar le roi qu'ils mettent leur peine et diligence que si bien les joialx come monnoie, et tons autres biens et chateux qui feurent a monseigneur le due par dela, soient sauvement gardes et si entierement come Ten purra par aucune voie, pur acquiter ses dettes en descharge de sa alme.' On Feb. 17, 1370, the king speaks of the large sums Lionel owed to various creditors, during his lifetime and at his death ('in non modicis pecuniae summis diversis creditoribus, dum vixit et tempore mortis suae, tenebatur')- Cf. Hist. Background, p. 188, note i. It cost $13,400 merely to transport his retinue, on his journey to Italy, from Dover to Calais, 39 ships and 13 boats being required for 457 men and 1280 horses (Rymer, account of May 10, 1368). His total expenses for the journey to Milan were computed as $475,000 (Devon, Issues of the Exchequer, p. 192) ; but it is true that Violante's dowry was, in money, 100,000 florins = £15,000 = $1,125,000. The contrast between Lionel's poverty at his death and the property of the Black Prince will be apparent on consulting the latter's will (Nichols, pp. 66 ff.). ^' Pycot (known also as Pygot) and Capella (also called Capell) are mentioned together as executors on Feb. 17 (Rymer) and Feb. 20, 1370, and on April 22, 1371 {Cal. Pat. Rolls). On Jan. 19, 1367, Capella is mentioned as being near Paris (Rymer), and on Sept. 4, 1367, Pycot receives protection till Feb. 2 to go abroad on the king's service {Cat. Pat. Rolls). I04 Despenser and the Visconti XII. DESPENSER AND THE VISCONTI After Lionel's death, Edward Despens.er/ who was next in command,^ estabhshed his headquarters at Alba, and declined to restore to Galeazzo the Piedmontese places which formed part of Violante's dowry.^ Thereupon Galeazzo declared war upon ^Despenser (b. 1336?) was the second cousin of Lionel's first wife. He fought at Poitiers, and was a Knight of the Garter. Edward III calls him 'our dear cousin' on Nov. 21, 1374 (Rymer). He distinguished himself in the service of Urban V (d. Dec. 19, 1370), if we may trust the testimony of Walsingham (l. 309; cf. Cont. Murimuth, pp. 206-7) : 'Pro Papa vero militavit Dominus de Spenser, qui laudabiliter se gessit ibidem post mortem Ducis Clarentire.' He died in 1375, leaving a son, Thomas, who became Earl of Gloucester. Froissart spent three days with him at Berkeley Castle in September, 1366 (Kervyn 2. 86), and celebrates him in the following lines (Buisson de Joncce 269-277) : — 'Et le grant seigneur Espensier, Qui de larghece est despensier. Que t'a il fait?' — 'Quoi?' di je, 'asses; Car il ne fu onques lasses De moi donner, quel part qu'il fust : Ce n'estoient cailliel ne fust, Mes chevaus et florins sans compte ; Entre mes mestres je le compte Pour seignour, et e'en est li uns.' Elsewhere he calls him 'li plus jolis chevaliers, li plus courtois, li plus honnourables et amoureus qui fust en tout Engleterre' (Kervyn 2. 106) ; 'friche, gentil, et vaillant chevalier, et grant chapitainne de gens d'armes' {ib. 8. 280) ; 'gentil coers et vaillans chevaliers, larges et courtois' {ib. 8. 312). See also p. 72. " 'Ipsius Leonoti gentium duclor' (Benvenuto). ^This would seem quite unjustifiable, in the light of the marriage-contract (see p. 29), which explicitly provides that 'defuncto dicto domino Leon- ello sine haerede de dicta domina Violante procreando, dominium dictarum terrarum ad prsefatum dominum Mediolanensem, et ejus hseredes, integre devolvatur' (Rymer). Despenser's action is attributed by Froissart to the suspicion (see p. 88) that Lionel had been poisoned (Kervyn 7. 251; cf. 8. 1 12-3, 208) : 'Vous aves bien chy-dessus oy comment li dus de Clarense fu maries en Lombardie a le fille monseigneur Galeas, liquels dus, asses tost apries son mariage, trespassa de ce siecle [en Ast en Piemont], dont ses gens furent moult esmervilliet; car il estoit jones chevaliers, fors et appers durement. Si souppegonnerent que on ne I'euist empoi- sonnet, et en fist guerre moult grande et moult forte li sires Despens- Despenser and the Visconti 105 him, and dispatched a body of troops to Piedmont, under the command of Azino Caymo and Giacomo del Verme. The latter were taken prisoners in an engag'ement, carried captive to Alba, and only released on the payment of a heavy ransom. Plucking up heart, and obtaining- some men-at-arms from Bemabo, Gale- azzo again endeavored to wrest the territories from the English. However, after his capture of Cherasco and some other places, siers as seigneurs de Melans et a leurs gens, par le comfort d'aucuns chevaliers et escuiers et archiers d'Engleterre, qu'il avoit avoecq lui, et tint par le guerre les seigneurs de Melans moult court, et rua par pluisseurs fois ses gens jus, et y fu pris, dou coste des seigneurs de Melans, li sires de Montegny-Saint-Christoffle en Haynnau, et ossi messires Aimeris de Namur, fils bastars au conte Guillaumme de Namur, et fissent la li Engles une guerre moult honnerable pour yaux, et rebouterent pluisseurs fois les Lombars et lors aidans.' With reference to the suspicions of poison, Gian Galeazzo is reported never to have sat down with the nobles whom he feasted. He took his meals apart, and, 'ne more patrie inficeretur veneno,' first had every dish tasted by twenty of his officers (Religieux de Saint-Denys, ed. Bellaguet, 3. 134). On the effects of excess, particularly in relation to Lionel, see Michelet 5. 27; cf. 4. 160; 5. 1 18-120; Lavisse 4.^ 303-5. Chron. Plac. (R. I. S. 16. 546) calls him 'non bene ordinatum,' which probably signifies a certain lack of self-control. But a no less valid reason is to be found in the desire of the English to anticipate the birth of a posthumous heir to Lionel, in which event Galeazzo would forfeit his claim upon the towns. This is made clear by a communication addressed to Despenser by Edward III in December, 1368, and dispatched by William de Aldeburgh and Robert de Wykford, Archdeacon of Winchester, on the occasion of their going abroad to treat with Pope Urban V, their commission dating Nov. 29, 1368 (Rymer). The earlier part of this letter runs (Kervyn 18. 489-490; see also pp. 94, 98, 103) : 'Premierement ils dirront au sire Le Despenser coment le roi ad bien entendu ses lettres et la credence exposee de sa part a lui et a son conseil par Siffred son esquier, et coment le roi lui remercie du bon service qu'il fist a monseigneur de Clarence en sa vie et de les graunts diligence, peine et travalx, queux il mist pur la salvation del honour du roi et du sien es parties de Lumbardie, et lui ent sciet molt especialment bon gree, et pense par celle cause de lui faire et monstrer si bone seignourie en temps, avenir, es choses qu'il avera affaire devers lui, qu'il soi ent tendra pur content, si Dieu plest. Item, ils remercieront par especial a meisme le sire Le Despenser de ce que puis la mort mon dit seigneur de Clarence, il soi ad tenus en pais de Pymond sur le governement des terres qui feurent a mon- io6 • Despenser and the Visconti a truce was arranged ; the Marquis of Montferrat, Giovanni II (1338-1372), was invited to act as arbiter; and Despenser repaired to Pavia, where a treaty was to be negotiated. Just at this moment, the Marquis of Montferrat left for Pisa, to obtain certain privileges from Charles IV, and nothing further was done for the time being. Upon the Emperor's return to Bohemia in 1369, w^ar again broke out between the Marquis and Galeazzo. With the assistance of Bernabo and Can Signorio della Scala of Verona, Galeazzo sent troops in July and August to the vicinity of Alessandria, and laid waste grain-fields and vine- yards. By way of retaliation, the Marquis, assisted by the English, whom he had taken into his pay and persuaded still longer to retain the towns of Violante's dowry, burnt Blan- drate and Garlascho, and carried off abundance of cattle. Luchino del Verme, in command of Galeazzo's army, took fright and ran away.* While these things were in progress, Despenser found himself in need of money to defray the cost of the occupa- tion, and, on Oct. 2"/, 1369, borrowed 26,000 golden florins from the Marquis of Montferrat,^ with the condition that he was to repay the sum in eight months. All the Piedmontese places were pledged as security, with the stipulation that the revenues derived from them in the meantime should be used to defray seigneur le due illoeques, et lui prie aussi de remercier depar le roi les gents demorants sur meismes les terres de la bone affection qu'ils ont au roi et de ce qu'ils desirent d'estre desous la seignourie et governement de lui, sicome lui estoit monstres parmy la dite credence, et dirront au dit sire Le Despenser coment le roi lui sciet graunts grees et se tient bien pur content de ce qu'il y ad ensi demores, et voet et lui prie qu'il demoere sur le governement de meismes les terres sicome il ad fait, tanque Ten puisse savoir si madame la duchesse soit enceynte ou nom et tanque le dit sire Le Despenser en eit autre mandement du roi.' From this letter it is plain (i) that Despenser had done Lionel good service in the duke's lifetime; (2) that Edward III approved of his having held the Piedmontese lordships; (3) and that the king was pre- pared to yield the properties as soon as it was established beyond doubt that Lionel was to have no posthumous heir by Violante. *The basic account is that by Petrus Azarius, quoted by Benvenuto Sangiorgio (M. H. P., pp. 1337-9 = 7?. I. S. 23. 559-56o, cf. 554); cf. Galeotto del Carretto (M. H. P., pp. 1212-4) ; Gioffredo della Chiesa {M.H. P., p. 1013). ^ Benvenuto (M. H. P., p. 1337) says 'Secundoto,' but wrongly. Violante's Later Life 107 their running expenses, including" the cost of the necessary measures of defense.*' The upshot of the whole matter is to be gathered from Frois- sart, who declares that Galeazzo cleared himself by oath of the imputation that he was in any way responsible for Lionel's death, and that Amedeo of Savoy, the astute diplomat and indefatigable negotiator, at length reconciled the contending parties (Kervyn 7- 252) : Li sires Despenssiers s'apaisa a yaux, parmy tant qu'il s'escuserent de le mort le due de Clarense, et jurerent que par yaux, ne par leur couppe, il n'estoit mies mors [en le fin, messires li contes de Savoie s'en ensonnia et les mist a acord]. From an independent source (M. H. P., p. 1018) we learn that Galeazzo was in possession of several of the contested towns at the end of 1369 and beginning of 1370. Barnes' account is characteristic (cf. Higden, Polychr. 8. 371) : But the Lord Edward Spencer, who doubted some foul play had been used towards him, tarried still in Italy, and together with Sr. John Hawkwood, and his Englishmen, called the White-Company, made fierce War upon the Dukes of Milain, in Revenge of his Masters Death ; till at last he was fully satisfied of their Innocence as to that point, and their great and unfeigned sorrow for the untimely loss of so Noble a Kinsman. XIII. VIOLANTE'S LATER LIFE As we have seen, Violante was a widow before she was 14, after four months of marriage.^ We hear nothing of marriage again until 1374, when she was sought by the widowed Albert, Duke of Austria, but without result, as the Pope had forbidden that any princely house should intermarry with the Visconti.^ On Aug. 2, 1377,^ at the age of 22, she was wedded to a youthful * See the original mortgage, R. L S. 23. 554-9. ^ See p. 86. Cron. Monf. (M. H. P., p. 1228) conceives of her as living for a time with Lionel in England, and then returning to her father's house. ' See Giulini 5. 567-8 ; 7. 243-4 ; Magenta 2. 38. ^ So R. I. S. 23. 594 ( Azarius says May, R. I. S. 23. 597, and so M. H. P. 3. 1340). Negotiations to that end had been begun by Sept. 14, 1376, an agreement had been reached by March or April, 1377 {R. L S. 23. 594; io8 Violante's Later Life monster, Otto, Marquis of Montferrat, commonly called Secon- dotto, then a lad of 15 to 18 years old.* He lived a year and four months — at least once in that period inflicting a wound on Violante^ — and died as a result of his own cruelty on Dec. 16, I378.« Corio, p. 491), and an instrument confirming it drawn up on June 15 (R. I. S. 23. 594; cf. Muratori 8. 377), the object of the whole being to put an end to hostilities between Galeazzo and Montferrat (ci.M. H. P.,p. 1025. The wedding took place in Pavia, 500 gentlemen being present. The marriage was not consummated till November, 1377 (R. I. S. 23. 596; cf. Corio, p. 492). After remaining for a few days with Violante at Pavia, after the manner of bridegrooms ('secondo il solito de i maritati'), he rode away to Asti, in charge of which he had left a brother of his guardian (R. I. S. 23. 596; Corio, pp. 492-3). Being instigated thereto by Galeazzo (R. I. S. 23. 596), the latter refused Secondotto admission. In hot haste the Marquis returned to Pavia, and requested help from Galeazzo, who sent 300 lances (900 men), under the command of Gian Galeazzo, to his assistance. The joint army advanced to Asti, which they entered on Feb. 6, 1378. In the end, as Gian Galeazzo remained in possession of the city, and would not yield it up to the Marquis, the latter betook himself to Pavia, and made complaint to Galeazzo. This applica- tion resulting in nothing, he left Pavia in high dudgeon (R. /. .S". 23. 596-7; Corio, p. 493). * The evidence is somewhat contradictory: R. L S. 16. 511, 541 (and so Giulini 5. 596), 762-3; M. H. P., p. 1339 (and so Magenta i. 136). ° 'Etiam vulneravit dictam Dominam Violantem uxorem suam' {R. I. S. 16. S4i). *■ Riding away from Pavia, as we have seen above, Secondotto directed his course toward Cremona, and thence into the diocese of Parma {R. /. S. 23- 597; Corio, p. 493), intending by that route to enter Montferrat (Corio; but Piedmont, R. I. S., p. 770), in order to avoid passing through the territories of Galeazzo (Corio). Arrived at Lang(h)irano (R. I. S. 16. 770; 23. 597; but Mataleto, Corio), 15 miles south of Parma, he was about to hang, or strangle ('laqueo suspendere') a little lad of his suite" ('infantem ejus ragazium,' R. I. S. 16. 770; Muratori 8. 383, 'un ragazzo di suo seguito' ; Giulini 5. 596, perhaps without sufficient warrant, 'un ragazzo di un certo soldato Tedesco', and so Leo 3. 323), when a (lit. another, 'unus alter") German servant of his, roused to desperation, drew his sword, and struck Otto such a blow on the head that he died four days afterward. This is the account of the Milanese annalist (R. I. S. 16. 770), who explains that, carried away by an access of rage, the Marquis, as he passed along, was wont to slay with his own hands men, boys, and infants, and in this manner did actually kill considerable numbers. The Chronicle of Piacenza {R. I. S. 16. 541) says that as he was seeking to kill some of his servants, they, in defending themselves, gave him wounds of which Violante's Later Life 109 Thus a second time widowed, Violante returned to Pavia, this time tO' the care of her brother, Gian Galeazzo. He, terrified by the threats of his uncle Bernabo,'^ wedded Violante, not more than 26 years old, to the latter's son, Lodovico, then 22,^ probably in April or May, isSi.*^ On May 6, 1385, as has been stated above,^^ her husband, with his father, Bernabo, and his brother, Rodolfo, was arrested and lodg"ed in prison. In December of that year Bernabo died in confinement, having eaten, as was he died in 15 {sic) days. Benvenuto {R. /. S. 23. 597) affirms that on the nth of December he was struck on the head by one of his servants, and died on the i6th ; Corio (p. 493) adds, 'in a stable.' Jovius' words are: 'qunm Otho in montibus Parmensium ab agresti agasone confossus, ignobili fato perierit,' which Stow (see p. 62) renders : 'being in the hils of Pavie [sic}, stabbed through of a base horse-keeper, where he likewise died obscurely.' His body was carried into Parma, and buried before the high altar of the Cathedral (Benvenuto; Corio; Annal. Med.), being strewn with spices, and lapped in lead {R. I. S. 16. 770: 'in quadam cassetta plumbea cum aromatibus'). ^ Bernabo had prohibited Gian Galeazzo, his sons, and Violante, from contracting matrimony except with Bernabo's sons or daughters, and com- manded his own sons to treat Gian Galeazzo as a deadly enemy if he dis- obeyed {R. L S. 16. 797-8). The desire to placate Bernabo was at least partly responsible for the union of Lodovico and Violante {R. I. S. 16. S43). as well as for Gian Galeazzo's own marriage to Caterina, the daughter of Bernabo, on Nov. 15, 1380 (Rosmini 2. 149-150; Leo 3. 325-6). * He was born in September, 1358 {R. I. S. 17. 499 says he was 28 years old in 1385), and probably baptized Sept. 30 (Sunday, Oct. i, according to R. L S. 15. 484, but that was Monday) ; cf. INIagenta i. 170-171 ; Ros- mini 2. 89-91 ; Giulini 5. 433-4. His sponsors, the lords of Ferrara, ]\Iantua, and Bologna, purchased their peace with Bernabo with costly christening-gifts (Muratori 8. 309) ; thus Aldovrandino HI, Marquis of Ferrara, presented the infant with a silver vase, containing a golden cup full of pearls, rings, and precious stones {R. I. S. 16. 729; Corio, p. 457), the whole being valued at 10,000 florins {R. I. S. 15. 484). The occasion was celebrated with jousts and tournaments {R. L S. 15. 629; 16. 729; Corio, p. 457). Lodovico was the second son, Marco being the first (Corio, p. 509). In 1378 he had accompanied his sister Valentina to Cyprus {R. L S. 16. 771; cf. Giulini 5. 605), to be married to Pierre H (cf. p. 118). ^ Corio, p. 500 ; R. L S. 16. 543, 773-4 ; cf . Muratori 8. 395 ; Giulini 5- 623; Rosmini 2. 149; Magenta i. 171. The wedding was at Pavia {R. I. S. 16. 774), and Gian Galeazzo gave her a dowry of 100,000 florins (Corio). " See p. 19. no Violante's Later Life believed, of a poisoned dish. Lodovico and his brother were removed to another prison, and she never saw him again,^^ since she died, as we have seen, in November, 1386. Twice a papal dispensation had to be obtained to enable her to marry, the suitors being within the prohibited degrees of affinity.'- The first of these was a violent madman. ^^ The second, Lodovico, so it is expressly said, she married against her will.^* In less than 19 years she was wedded and widowed three times, her marriage each time being from considerations of policy. She had no child by any of her husbands. Her father was schem- ing and ferocious; her uncle (also her father-in-law) was scheming and ferocious; her third husband was scheming and ferocious'^ ; her second husband was ferocious, but unequal to successful scheming. The groans of the oppressed were to be heard on every side ; battle, murder, and sudden death, were the incidents of daily life ; all the cold and glittering splendor which marked the high days of her life was paid for with intolerable exactions, with coins wrung from the poor, with the tears and sighs of the overburdened. She herself was the plaything of politics, the tool of magnificent and unscrupulous tyrants, the most unfortunate oi wives and widows ; yet a modern historian can say^*^: 'She was a lady of sweet and honorable soul. It rarely happens that in one house are found three spirits so exquisite, so compassionate, and so swift to all goodness, as were Bianca of Savoy," Isabella of France,^^ and Violante, between whom the slightest dissension never arose. They were noble souls in lovely bodies, and Heaven only knows what good they wrought in natures like those of Galeazzo and his son.' "So R. I. S. 16. 546. She died in Pavia, and was buried in S. Pietro Ciel d'Oro (R. L S. 16. 546, 7/8). ''R. I. S. 23. 594; M. H. P. 3. 1340. " 'Non bene sensatus' (R. L S. 16. 541, cf. 546) ; 'qui saevis et difficilimis moribus erat' (R. I. S. 23. 597) ; 'un umor bestiale e quasi furioso" (Muratori 8. 383). "i?. /. S. 16. 546, 778. " Lodovico and his two brothers, Carolo and Rodolfo, followed in the footsteps of their father. For the catalogue of their misdeeds, see R. L S. 16. 799-800. "Magenta i. 176. " See p. 48. '' See p. 49. APPENDIXES APPENDIX A LIONEL'S NAME AND TITLE \Mience did Lionel derive his name, and his title of Duke of Clarence? Let us inquire into the name first, and then into the title. As to the name Lionel, the following theories are suggested by Sandford, p. 221 : This Lionel, named in Latin, Leonellus, Lionellus, and Leonatus, which signilie, a Lioncel, or Diminutive Lion, had this Appellation either from being the Oflf-spring of that Lion of England King Edward the Third (alluding to the Royal Arms he bare) whose Third Son he was, or to revive the British Name Llewellin, signifying Lion-like, being the same with Leominus or Leontius. Here are two surmises: (i) Lionel means the son of Edward the Royal Lion ; (2) Lionel is adapted from the Welsh Llewellyn. For the second of these there is nothing to be said. For the first, it is evident enough that Lionel is derived from 'lion,'^ but there seems no sufficient ground for assuming that Edward III was, in 1338, before tlie battles of Sluys, Crecy, and Poitiers, known as the Lion,- in virtue of his personal prowess or the success of his arms, and as little for supposing that he derived this title from the animals on his shield, whether we call them lions or leopards. These theories being rather unsatisfactory, let us ask ourselves whether we are bound to assume that the name was improvised for the occasion, or whether it already had a history. The French romance of Lancelot, in its prose form dating from about 1200,^ has a hero, Lionel,* own cousin to Lancelot, the former * Four manuscripts (N, R, C, M) of Murimuth (p. 87) read Leonem for Leonellum, as the name given to the prince at his birth, he is called Lea in the Cal. Pat. Rolls for May 20, 1343, and Froissart (Kervyn 7. 246-7), in his account of the journey to Milan, uniformly calls him Lion(s), Lyon; cf. the Lyons of Agravain (Romans 5. 303), and the Lyon of the Voeux du Heron (below, p. 120). ■ In the poems of Laurence Minot, Edward is more than once alluded to under the figure of a boar, and in the prophecies of John of Bridling- ton as a bull. See Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, Vol. i. ^ Gaston Paris, Litt. Fr. an Moyen Age, 3d ed., p. 109 (Romans 4. 191, assigns to it a date 12, 20, or 30 years earlier). An earlier form was in Traxs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 8 igi6 114 Appendix A being the son of Bohor (compare Tennyson's Sir Bors), and the latter of Bohor's brother, Ban. The two brothers had neighbor- ing kingdoms near Saumur, in what was later Anjou,^ which they held as vassals of King Aramont of Brittany. Aramont recog- nized Uther, and afterwards Arthur, as his suzerain. A certain Claudas of Bourges, declaring himself vassal of the King of Gaul, invaded the territory of Lancelot's father, who fled to England to implore the assistance of Arthur; but when he had departed, his castle was taken, and Ban soon after died. His brother, Bohor, survived Ban but a few days, and his kingdom, too, fell to the invader, Claudas. Lionel and his brother, named Bohor after his father, were left with their mother in Monteclair, the only castle that still remained of all that had belonged to their father; but even from this they were soon expelled by King Claudas." When Lionel and Bohor had grown to boy- hood, an attendant tells them that by one of the sons of Ban and (the elder) Bohor the adventurous period of Great Britain shall come to an end, at which Lionel grows first red, then pale, and bursts into tears. This, he explains, is because Claudas still holds his father's territories, whereupon Lancelot tells him that he will never want for lands if only he lack not courage.'^ Eventually, as we are informed in the romance of Agravain, Lancelot, who has regained his hereditary dominions, bestows upon Lionel the kingdom of Gaul.^ Anglo-Norman, and was carried to Vienna by Gui de Morville, one of the hostages for Richard Coeur de Lion (before Ii94)- *As does the Vulgate Merlin (ed. Sommer), and the Dutch Lancelot, ed. Jonckbloet, pp. 228-230. See Weston, Legend of Sir Lancelot du Lac, PP- 52, 135-6, 143, 201. ° Where the Angevin kings of England took the name of Plantagenets (Michelet 4. 191). " See Romans 3. 3-21. "^Romans 3. 90-91; for other references to Lionel see pp. 27, 60-65,67,72, 84-89, 92-94, no, 119, 127; 4. I, 18-23, 45 ff-, 76, 79, 144-5, 209 (dubbing of Lionel), 268-272, 320, 326, 330-332, 338-342; 5- 5-6, 118-120, 290-293, 295, 303, 314-5, 318-320, 323, 326, 334, 339, 351. (Cf. Le Morte Darthur, pp. 169, 170, 183-5, 190, 192, 196, 397, 585, 604, 612-3, 676-9, 682-6, 743-4, 818, 829, 855.) On p. 59 we are told: 'Lionel etait le coeur d'enfant le plus demesure que Ton put voir; aussi Galehault, le vaillant seigneur des lies foraines, le surnomma-t-il Coeur sans frein [cf. 4. 270], le jour qu'il fut arme chevalier.' ^Romans 5. 323; cf. Lc Morte Darthur, pp. 829, 855. Lionel's Name and Title 115 There are two reasons for the association of this mythical Lionel with the king of beasts — the circumstances which gave him his name, and an exploit which he performed in the days of his knight-errantry. When Lionel was born, there w^as seen on his breast a red spot resembling a lion, with paws outstretched as if to embrace his neck.^ The exploit, which Lionel craved for himself on the occasion of his dubbing as knight, consisted in the strangling of the first Libyan lion ever seen in Great Britain. It was led in, with a crown on its head, by a damsel who held it by a golden chain, and the reward of the emprise was to be the hand of the damsel's mistress, the most beautiful and richest lady in the world. ^° This exploit is of course to be disregarded in considering the reason why the Lionel of romance received his name. But how can the Lionel of romance have influenced Edward III and Philippa in the bestowal of a name upon their third son? The answer to this involves a consideration of the circumstances and designs of Edward III in November, 1338, when Lionel was born. At that time one of the chief sources of England's wealth was wool, which was chiefly exported to Flanders, and there manufactured into cloth. The prosperity of both countries there- fore depended upon a free and uninterrupted exchange of their products, which, during the earlier years of Edward's reign, was in danger of being prejudiced through French influence. To cultivate the friendship of the Low Countries, and to prevent the ascendency of the French in that quarter, was a policy which was almost forced upon Edward at this period. He had married Philippa, daughter of the Count of Hainaut, who was also Count of Holland and Zeeland, and Lord of Friesland ; and this alliance was of great political advantage to him in his enterprises against France. The situation is summarily described by Coville^^ : Edouard III, suivant le conseil qui lui fut donne dans son Parle- ment, chercha de tons cotes des allies sur le continent, jusqu'en ^ See the quotation from Lancelot in Madden's edition of Sir Gaivayne, p. 313 : 'Et le varlet avoit a nom Lyonnel pource que une grande merve- ille advint a son naistre. Car sy tost comme il yssit du ventre Helayne, sa mere, Ten trouva au meillieu de son pis une tasche vermeille en forme de lyon, et avoit I'enfant embrasse parmy le col, ainsi comme pour I'estrangler.' ^"Romans 4. 272; 5. 290-293. " Lavisse 4.^ Z7 (cf. p. 35). See a fuller treatment in Michelet 4. 149-186. ii6 Appendix A Norvege et en Espagne, mais surtout aux Pays-Bas. II avait epouse une fille du comte de Hainaiit, comte en meme temps de Hollande et de Zelande et seigneur de Frise ; il etait devenu le beau-frere de I'empereur Louis de Baviere et du comte de Gueldre. En 1328, puis en 1330, il s'etait assure I'alliance du due de Brabant, dont le duche commengait alors a prendre son grand essor industriel. Avec I'aide de la maison de Hainaut-Hollande, dont les domaines avaient une grande importance strategique, Edouard esperait dominer tous les Pays-Bas. II est vrai que Philippe VI, a partir de 1332, essaya de contrecarrer Taction d'Edouard dans cette region; il obligea le due de Brabant a faire alliance avec lui et a marier son fils aine a une fille de France, et en 1334 il acquit la seigneurie de Malines. Mais Edouard II reprit bientot I'avantage aux Pays-Bas. In October, 1337, Edward took the title of King of France, in order to quiet the scruples of the Flemish.^' In July, 1338, he installed himself at Antwerp with Queen Philippa, and spent money lavishly, in hopes to gain more completely the friendship of the people.^^ Now it was during this sojourn in Antwerp that Philippa gave birth, on Nov. 29, 1338, to the son who was called Lionel of Antwerp — just as his brother, born two years later, was known as John of Gaunt (Ghent) — after Edward III had been present at a parliament in that city, at which he granted to the Flemish great commercial privileges, and bestowed upon them the wool staple and a large subsidy.^* Meanwhile, Edward was not only embroiled with the King of France on the grounds indicated above, but also because restitu- tion had not been made of a part of Guyenne which had been seized by the French toward the close of his brother's reign. After this encroachment, Edward's vassals, whenever they w^ere dissatisfied with his rule, were prone to appeal, over his head, to Philip VI, King of France.^^ Here, then, we have a situation sufficiently analogous to that outlined at the beginning of Lancelot — the vassals of an English ''Lavisse 4.' 39; Michelet 4. 185. " Lavisse 4.^ 43. Froissart thus describes his prodigality (Michelet 4. 179-180) : 'Et n'epargnoient ni or ni argent, non plus que s'il leur plut des nues, et donnaient grands jo^'aux aux seigneurs et dames et demois- elles, pour acquerir la louange de ceux et de celles entre qui ils con- versoient; et tant faisoient qu'ils I'avoient et etoient prises de tous et de toutes, et memement du commun peuple a qui ils ne donnoient rien, pour le bel etat qu'ils menoient.' " Lavisse 4.^ 44-45. " Lavisse 4.^ 35. Lionel's Name and Title 117 king despoiled, and their territory appropriated, by the vassals o£ a French king; while, looking to the future, as in the romance the whole of Gaul, and not merely an individual fief, falls under the sway of the son (still an infant when the story opens) of a dispossessed lord, so, it may be inferred, when chivalry has done its perfect work, will this infant possess a heritage in the fair lands of France. The analogy seems to fail in one point, it is true ; for who is the Lancelot at whose hands Lionel is to receive his appanage? But we do not expect, in these smiling forecasts, the strictest correspondence in every detail. The Lionel of romance is brave even to f oolhardiness^*' ; and he is represented as consumed with grief at the wrong that has been done to his father and himself.^'^ Would not a fond and ambi- tious father trust that his newborn son would thus conduct him- self as he grew toward manhood? But what reason have we to suppose that the Lancelot would be thus familiarly known, or that a mere tissue of chivalric imagi- nation would thus influence grave statesmen and ambitious war- riors? As to the former, 'we have the testimony implied in the lines of Chaucer^^ : This storie is also trewe, I undertake, As is the book of Launcelot de Lake, That wommen holde in ful gret reverence. ^^ Romans 3. 65. " Romans 3. 61 : 'Ne vaut-il pas mieux mourir a honneur que d'abandon- ner a d'autres son heritage?' As he and his brother come riding to the court of Claudas, in obedience to his summons, they are thus met : 'A leur approche, tous les gens du palais sortent pour les voir. On les regarde avec interet, on pleure, on prie Dieu de les retablir un jour dans leurs honneurs. . . . Lionel avangait la tetc haute, promenant fierement sa vue de tous les cotes de la salle, comme jouvenceau de haut et noble parage' (3. 63-64). When he is about to be made knight, Arthur, who had been sojourning at Dinasdaron, gave rendezvous to his barons, for the feast of Pentecost, at his city of London, for he v^^ished to dub young Lionel of Cannes knight in the presence of his whole court. 'J^rnais il n'y eut une reunion si brillante de barons, de dames, et de demoiselles ; on vint a Londres de toutes les villes non-seulement de la Grande-Bretagne, mais aussi de France, d'Allemagne, et de Lombardie' (4. 209). '^ Nun's Priest's Tale 391-3 (B 4401-3). Cf. Squire's Tale 279 (F 287) : No man but Launcelot, and he is deed. In Romans 4. 371-3 attention is called to the fact that the Lancelot com- prehends the Galeotto of Dante, mentioned in the episode of Paolo and ii8 Appendix A Significant, too, is the fact that on June 15, 1378, Luchino Novello Visconti, son of Luchino (Corio, p. 482; R. I. S. 16. 753; GiuHni 5. 470), who was to sail early in July with Valen- , tina, daughter of Bernabo, to marry Pierre II, King of Cyprus (see p. 109), wrote to obtain 'unum romanum loquentem de Tristano vel Lanzaloto, aut de aliqua alia pulcra et delectabili materia'; this was for pastime on the journey/'' As to the latter, we should remind ourselves that such seriousness in deal- ing with the matter of romance was by no means unexampled. Roger of Hoveden, writing at the beginning of the 13th century, tells us that Richard Coeur de Lion, being in Sicily in the spring of 1 191, 'gave Tancred that best of swords which the British call Caliburne [Excalibur], formerly the sword of Arthur, once the noble king of England.'^" The Itinerarium Regis Ricardi, the chief European account of the Third Crusade, says of Richard^^ : 'His was the valor of Hector, the magnanimity of Francesca; that a subtitle for the Decameron was // Principe Galeotto (cf. Hutton, p. 292, note) ; and that the Aniadis of Gaul is largely indebted to the Lancelot (4. 371-3). One of Bernabo's sons (b. 1356) was called Leonello (R. I. S. 17. 500), or Lionello. Commenting upon this fact, Rajna (Romania 17. 184, note 8) thinks there is no doubt that this is a direct allusion to the romance, and adduces in support of his view the names of other children of Bernabo : Lancilotto, Sagromoro, Palamede (Palamidesse), Ettore (Astore), Galeotto; Isotta (Isolta), Ginevra (cf. Corio, p. 509; R. I. S. 17. 500). Even Galeazzo, according to Rajna (p. 182, note 2), is only another form of Galahad (which did not prevent the author of eight lines over the gateway of the Castello at Pavia from punning on the helmet there represented : 'Hac galea Galeaz castrum defendit et urbem'; so Jovius, in Grsevius, p. 315). "Jorga, Philippe de Mezieres, p. 425, note 6; cf. R. I. S. 16. 771. ""Archer, The Crusade of Richard I, pp. 48-49. Archer remarks (p. 48, note) : 'Though discarded by graver historians, such as William of New- burgh, the Arthurian stories soon worked their way deep down into the popular mind. In 1191, according to Ralph of Coggeshall, Arthur's tomb was discovered at Glastonbury with the inscription : "Here in the valley of Avallion lies buried the renowned king Arthur." The pervading influ- ence of the legend may be seen in the fact that Arthur's name was given to the posthumous son of Geoffrey, the third son of Henry H.' "Archer, p. 6, who adds: 'The allusions here are to various chansons de geste which seem to have been favorite reading with this writer.' Elsewhere the Itinerarium speaks of the 'period we still hear sung of in the "Gestes" about the famous victory of Boemund, of Tancred, Godfrey de Bouillon, and other noble chiefs of highest renown' (Archer, p. 283, Lionel's Name and Title 119 Achilles ; he was no whit inferior to Alexander, or less than Roland in manhood.' The chronicler Jean le Bel, whom Frois- sart follows in the earlier part of his work, when referring to the attack on Aigitillon, near Agen, by the elder Earl of Derby-^ in 1346, compares it to the most famous sieges recounted in the stories of Alexander, Charlemagne, and Godfrey of Bouillon.^^ Of the castle of Chalkis, in Euboea, we are told^^ : 'The local legend made it the abode of fairies, the enchanted fortress where the Lady of the Lake had held Gauvain captive.' And of Cephalonia,-^ on the authority of Froissart : 'Fairies and nymphs inhabited this ancient realm of Odysseus.' Elsewhere I have written-*^ : 'Mythical heroes are sometimes found in church- sculpture of the 1 2th century. Thus Arthur and other heroes of his cycle, recognizable by inscriptions, occur on the archivolt of the Peschiera doorway of the Cathedral of Modena (Venturi 3. 164; Michel I.- 698), while on the portal of San Zeno of Verona, Nicholas represented Roland, with his sword inscribed Diirindarda, and Oliver opposite (Venturi 3. 196; Michel i.- 698). Even two episodes of the Roman de Renard occur on the lintel of the doorway of the Cathedral of Modena (Michel i.^ 698).' Li the Vozvs of the Heron,~~ John de Beaumont says that when knights are in taverns, drinking strong wines, they seem to themselves to be conc|uering Oliver and Roland, but that when they are on horseback, benumbed with cold, and with their enemies approaching, it is quite a different matter.-^ According to Jorga (pp. 24-25), Philippe de Mezieres (1327-1405), the who says : 'The allusion here is to the great mediaeval Chanson de Geste on the Siege of Antioch'). Again (Archer, p. 292) : 'Out of all the "Gestes" of the ancients, and out of all the tradition of those who tell stories or write books from the most remote times, there never was a warrior of any creed who bore himself so nobly as King Richard did that day.' Finally, the Itincrarmm refers to 'Richard, to whom Roland himself cannot be compared' (Archer, p. 311). " See Hist. Background, pp. 176-7, 203, 219, 221-7, 237. "Lavisse 4.' 58. " Miller, p. 366. -'Ih., pp. 371-2. "" The Date of the Rntliwell and Bcwcastle Crosses, p. 70, note 2. '''Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, i. 21. ^Michelet (5. 81) speaks of the future Charles VI as having (ca. 1380) his imagination spoiled by the romances of chivalry. I20 Appendix A celebrated advocate of untimely crusades, shows, especially in his epistle to Richard II, much familiarity with the mediaeval accounts of the Trojan war, the twelve paladins, and the exploits of Alexander the Great, and compares Richard and Charles VI of France to Roland and Oliver, Charlemagne and Arthur. Coming closer to Lionel himself, we have his great ancestor, Edward I, invoking the authority of legend against the claims of Scotland, as urged by Pope Boniface VIII. After relating the voyage of Brutus to Albion, where, after conquer- ing and slaying the giants who possessed it, he renamed it Britain, and built the city of Trinovant, now called London, the great legislator continues-'' : 'Item Arturus, Rex Britonum, princeps famosissimus, Scotiam sibi rebellem subjecit, et pene totam gentem delevit: et postea quendam, nomine Anguselum, in Regem Scotise prsefecit. Et cum postea idem Rex Arturus apud civitatem Legionum festum faceret celeberimum [sic], inter- fuerunt ibidem omnes Reges sibi subjecti, inter quos Anguselus, Rex Scotise, servitum [sic] pro regno Scotise exhibens debitum, gladium Regis Arturi detulit ante ipsum.' Nothing could more clearly show how, in this century, the facts which history records may, on occasion, grow out of, or receive justification from, the legends which poetry invents. But even Lionel in person was, so to say, cradled in romance. In a French poem, The Vows of the Heron, probably written soon after 1340, Queen Philippa is represented as looking for- ward to the birth of the future Lionel, and as making his very existence contingent upon the fulfilment of her husband's vow to pass through Hainaut by way of Cambrai to the neighbor- hood of St. Ouentin, carrying fire throughout the country, and making war upon King Philip if he dared the encounter.'" The following synopsis of the relevant portion of the poem is given by its editor^^ : "'Rymer, under May 7, 1301. ^"Edward is represented as saying (cf. the remark of the Lionel of romance, above p. 114) : Me cuide-il dont tolir me terre et mon pays? Edward swears by St. George and St. Denis, and refers to Hector, Achilles, Paris, and Alexander. See op. cit. infra, p. 7. ^^ Political Poems and Songs, ed. Wright, i. xii-xv. Lionel's Name and Title 121 One day in the September of 1388, Robert Artois, who was at the court of King Edward at London, took his falcon, and went hunting on the banks of the river, till he caught a heron. Robert returned to the palace, where he went direct to the kitchen, and caused the bird to be immediately cooked and prepared for the table. Now that day King Edward sat at dinner with his courtiers, occupied only with thoughts of love and gallantry, and harboring only peaceful and indulgent feelings towards all his neighbors, not excepting the king of France. Robert of Artois suddenly presented himself in the hall, followed by three minstrels and two noble maidens, the latter of whom carried the heron ceremoniously laid between two dishes. Robert proclaimed that, as the heron had the reputation of being the most cowardly of birds, it was now destined for the greatest coward at the table, and that, he said, was King Edward, who submitted tamely to be deprived of the kingdom and crown of France, although he knew that they belonged to him by right. Having thus proclaimed his design, he presented the heron to the king, and, as was customary on such occasions, asked him to make a vow upon it. Edward, deeply stung by this reproach, made a vow that before the end of the year he would invade France with fire and sword, and that, if Philippe of Valois ventured to resist him, he would fight him, though he came with an army which was ten times the number of his own. Robert was overjoyed at the king's vow, and repeated to himself in under- tones the hopes he had of revenging his own quarrel with King Philippe in the war which was about to commence; and then, after making his own vow, carrying the heron in the same ceremony, he proceeded to collect the vows of the other guests. . . . Robert of Artois presented himself in the last place before the queen of England. She first excused herself on the ground of being a married woman, but, on receiving permission from the king to do so, she uttered a vow which was not very remarkable for its feminine delicacy. . . . The heron was now carved, and shared among the guests ; and soon afterwards the king made his preparations for his first campaign on the Continent. . . . The allusion to the cap- tivity of the earl of Suffolk proves that it cannot have been composed before the year 1340.^" The following lines are those which refer more immediately to LioneP^ : Adonc dist la roine : 'Je sais bien que piecha Que sui grosse d'enfant, que mon corps senti la, Encore n'a il gaires qu'en mon corps se tourna ; Et je voue et prometh a Dieu qui me crea, '■ The T^ows of the Heron is modeled upon the Vociix du Paoii (1310- 1315), for which see Gaston Paris, Litt. Fr. an Moyen Age, 3d ed., p. 80. '' Op. cit., pp. 23-25. 122 Appendix A Qui nasqui de la vierge, que ses corps n'enpira, Et qui morut en crois, on le crucifia, Que ja li fruis de moi de mon corps n'istera, Si m'en ares menee ou pais par dela, Pour avanchier le veu que vo corps voue a. Et s'il en voelh isir, quant besoins n'en sera, D'un grand coutel d'achier li miens corps s'ochira ; Serai m'asme perdue et li fruis perira.' . . . Adonc, quant che fu fait, li rois s'apareilla, Et fit garnir les nes, la roine i entra, Et maint franc chevalier avecques lui mena. De illoec en Anvers li rois ne s'arreta. Quant outre sont venu, la dame delivra ; D'un biau fils gracieux la dame s'acouka, Lyon d'Anvers ot non quant on le baptisa. Ensi le franque dame le sien veu aquitta.^'' The theory we have sketched concerning the source of Prince Lionel's name derives an added platisibihty when considered in the hght of his title, Duke of Clarence. It has usually been sup- posed that this title was derived from the possessions of Lionel's first wife, Elizabeth, at Clare in Suffolk, ^"^ her uncle having been Gilbert, Earl of Clare and Gloucester. Thus Sandford'^'^ : 'Duke of Clarence, as it were of the Country about the Town, Castle and Honour of Clare. '^^ The matter is complicated by the existence in the Middle Ages of a town called Clarentza^^® (Glarentza), on the coast of Elis, ^^ On April i6, 1358, the Dauphin Charles, afterwards Charles V, pays for the repair of a piece of tapestry, representing the vow of the heron {panni land ad ymagines super voto Hardee), which had been torn in his room by a favorite bear (Delachenal i. 64). ^' See pp. 91 ff . ^' P. 222. Sandford says that Clarencieux king-at-arms, being provin- cial herald for the region south of the Trent, was named from this duchy. "So Diet. Nat. Biog. 2,2>- 336; Paris 4. 77; Hardyng, Chroniele, ed. Ellis, p. 323. ^ Cf. Leake, Travels in tJie Morea 2. 173-4 : 'Glarentza, softened by the Italians into Chiarenza, once gave name to a Venetian duchy. ... It is now only a desert harbor, where some rocks furnish a retreat for boats. There can be no doubt that Glarentza is the ancient Cyllene.' Other particulars are given by Longnon (Chronique de Moree, pp. XCIX-CI) : 'Glarentza was the port of Andravida, the capital of the principality of Achaia, and distant from it three leagues to the westward. The Franks created the new seaport (now filled up) on the site of the earlier St. Zacharia, and named it from the clear waters issuing from the fountain Lionel's Name and Title 123 nearly opposite the island of Zante (Corfu), from which some have supposed the title to have been derived. This opinion is thus combated by Leake'^" : An unfounded opinion has long prevailed, and has been repeated by some of the latest travellers, that the name of the English dukedom of Clarence was derived from Glarentza or Klarentza, the modern name of Cyllene. But no royal or noble family of England is knowm to have possessed any territory in the Peloponnesus, and there can be no question, that Clarentia or Clarencia was the district of Clare, in Suffolk. The title was first given in 1362, by Edward III., to his third son Lionel, when the latter succeeded to the estates of Gilbert, earl of Clare and Gloucester, uncle to his wife, who was heiress also to her father, William de Burg, earl of Ulster. On Lionel's death, the title became extinct for want of heirs, and was thrice renewed with the same result: in 1411, by King Henry IV., in favour of his second son, Thomas Plantagenet; in 1461, by King Edward IV., in favour of his brother, George Plantagenet; and in 1789, by King George III., in favour of his third son, William Henry. KXaperrfo, VXapevT'^a, or TXapavr'^a, is a name found in other parts of Greece, and appears to be derived from the Romaic rxdpos, a water-fowl so called. It is possible that this error as to the title of Clarence may have been partly caused by the identity of the Latin form of the name of the two places, although so widely distant from one another. The views of Leake have been traversed by Sir Rennell Rodd**' : It has been maintained that after the marriage of Florence of Hainault with Isabella Villehardouin, the family of the counts of Hainault took a title from the Achaian city of Clarenza, and that through Philippa of Hainault, the wife of Edward III., it was revived in favour of her son Lionel. of Cyllene. It was the place of disembarkation for reinforcements arriv- ing from France and the kingdom of Naples, and destined for the Morea. It was, too, the resort of foreign merchants, especially the Venetians, and a place of considerable commerce ; and its citizens formed a financial aristocracy. The local French fleet was under the control of an admiral, and the money coined here was esteemed throughout the Orient, as the weights and measures of Glarentza were recognized as standard in all Romania.' See also Leake, Peloponncsiaca, pp. 210-211; Rodd i. no, 141, 173-5, 266; 2. 3, 18, 30, 34; JNIiller, pp. 267-8, 272, 289, and Index s. v. Glarentza; Boccaccio, Decameron 2. 7; Ptolemy, Geographia, ed. Noble, 3. 16. 6 (where later manuscripts record that Cyllene was subsequently known as Klarentza). ^^ Peloponnesiaca, p. 212. "2. 275-6. 124 Appendix A Buchon, Hopf, and others have accepted the popular tradition. Colonel Leake, on the other hand, throws doubt upon it, maintaining that the English title of Clarence was derived from the district of ■ Clare in Suffolk, and was borne by Prince Lionel on his succeeding to the estate of Gilbert, Earl of Clare and Gloucester, uncle to his wife {Peloponnesiaca, p. 212). Leake found the name TXapevr^a or TXapavr'^a existing in Other parts of Greece, and derives it from the Romaic name of a waterfowl, YXapos. The tradition, however, which connects an English prince with the adventurers of the thirteenth century in the Morea has a fascination which one is reluctant to abandon, and it is conceivable that the name had a double significance as bestowed on the son of Philippa of Hainault. ... Lionel, Duke of Clarence, died in 1369. If the title had been a new one created especially for this prince, and derived from Clare in Suffolk, it might be contended that a contemporary writer would hardly have chosen it to give to a knight of King Arthur's court. On the other hand, the legends which had gathered round the con- quest of Morea and the acquisition of principalities in the Levant would more readily justify the association with the round table of a " name derived from the crusading epoch which developed the spirit of adventure and chivalry crystallized in the Arthurian romance. What shall we say to these opposing views? Was Lionel's title derived from Clare in Suffolk, or from Clarentza in the Peloponnesus? Those who advocate the latter opinion argue as follows*^ : The title to Clarentza descended from William of Villehardouin (i245?-i278) to his daughter Isabella*^ (1289- 1307), and from her to her daughter by Florence (Florent) of Hainaut, Mahault*^ (1313-8), from whom it passed (conjectur- ally) to Philippa^* of Hainaut, queen of Edward III, who trans- mitted it to Lionel.*^ " See Brockhaus, Konv.-Lexikon, 14th ed., 10. 390-391 ; cf. Meyer, Grosses Konv.-Lexikon, 6th ed., 11. 94; Nouv. Larousse Illustre s. vv. Clarence, Clarentza; Grande Encyc. 11. 541-2; i. 369, 370. ^ Cf . Rodd 2. 2-3 ; Miller, pp. 205-6. ■"Rodd 2. 19, 33, 143 iif., 148, 154-5, and Appendix III; Miller, pp. 190, 206, 252, 256-8. "As Lionel named his' daughter (and only child) Philippa, it may be surmised that there was a peculiar attachment between him and his mother. Lionel's daughter gave the same name to a daughter of her own (b. Nov. 21, 1375). Her next child, Edmund (b. Nov. 9, 1376), named a son Lionel. ■^ It is curious how a nominal Prince of Achaia was summoned by Lionel to appear before his tribunal in Milan, six days before his marriage. See p. 90. Lionel's Name and Title 125 Those who take the trouble to follow the career of Mahault of Hainaut to the end will see that it was only a barren title that she had to bestow, and that, such as it was, it could not have passed by direct and valid descent to Lionel of Antwerp. How far it was connoted, as a mere reminiscence, in the naming of the young prince, is another matter. But even granting the reminiscence, we have still to inquire how a town in Greece came to have such a manifestly occidental name as Clarentza (for the derivation suggested by Leake evi- dently does not account for more than the first syllable, and is problematical enough for that). Here we are assisted by a piece of collateral evidence. The citadel of Clarentza, built in the first quarter of the 13th century,*® a work which it required three 3^ears to construct,*'^ was named Clairmont, a word which, by a transposition of its syllables, becomes Montclair, which at once reminds us of the castle of Monteclair where the mother of the mythical Lionel had taken refuge with her two sons when their country was ravaged by Claudas.*® It need not surprise us, then, if the name of Clarentza recalls a personage of the Roman de Lancelot. Such a personage there was in the Duke of Clarence to whom we are introduced in the Lancelot, where, after the banquet on the occasion of Lionel's initiation into knighthood, four renowned knights of the Table Round take their way to the forest of Varannes, not far from the Thames, these four being Gawain, Ywain, Lancelot, and Galeschin,*^ Duke of Clarence, the son of Tradelinan, King of North Wales, brother of DodineP" le Sauvage, nephew of King Arthur, and ""Rodd I. 132-3, 137; Miller, pp. 87-88. ^^ Miller, p. 87. See the descriptions in Rodd i. 135-7, 174-5 (with, plan). ^Romans 3. 35, 27', cf. p. 114, above. *^ Alalory spells the name in a variety of ways, none closely resembling this : Chalannce, Chalenge, Challyns, Chaleyns ; cf. Lc Morte Darthiir, pp. 484-5, 491, 766, 790. ^"Madden describes the Duke of Clarence {Sir Gawayne, p. 313) as 'son of Neutres, King of Garlot, by a sister of Arthur, and cousin of Dodinel. The duchy was given to him by Arthur, after his marriage with Guenever. The author of Merlin says of him, "Cest enfant fut le meil- leur chevalier de deux centz cinquante chevaliers qui furent de la Table Ronde." ' 126 Appendix A own cousin to Gawain.^^ A knight of such noble Uneage, thus accompanied and thus distinguished, might well become famous among the chivalrous readers of romance, and thus lend his name to a principality founded by invaders from France. ^^ The Duke of Clarence and Lionel, as well as Lancelot, Bors, Bedivere, and the brother of the Duke of Clarence, Dodinel le Sauvage, are associated in Gawain and the Green Knight^^ 552-4: Syr Doddinaval de Savage, ]>e duk of Clarence, Launcelot, and Lyonel, and Lucan ]>e gode, Syr Bors and Sir Bydver. This, and the quotation from Chaucer with respect to the Lance- lot,^* may avail to show that, in the last half of the 14th cen- tury, the romance was well known in England, as we may infer that it was in the Morea in the first quarter of the 13th century. And these, together with the analogies adduced above,^'' will perhaps serve to establish the presumption that both the name and the title of King Edward Ill's son were derived from the Lancelot, at a period when the Table Round was strik- ingly recalled to men's minds by the establishment of the Order of the Garter (1348, or somewhat earlier). But where, after all, was the original duchy of Clarence? Perhaps in faerie, or in a country sufficiently near to it; for the romancer, ^*^ apropos of Lancelot's battle-cry, 'Clarence ! ^'^ Romans 4. 210. For Galeschin's adventures, see 4. 213-246, 293, 297, 309-311, 313, 328. He is described as short and stocky, but bold, alert, and of marvelous prowess. ^^ Cf . Rodd I. 176: 'By a strange irony of fate a Lombard marquis was warden of the pass of Thermopylae, a knight of Flanders was lord in seven-gated Thebes, and a Venetian adventurer ruled over the Cyclades.' Miller (p. 87) quotes from the Venetian, Sanudo: 'He possessed a broad domain and great riches; he was wont to send his most confidential advisers from time to time to the courts of his vassals, to see how they lived and how they treated their subjects. At his own court he con- stantly maintained eighty knights with golden spurs, to whom he gave all that they required, besides their pay; so knights came from France, from Burgundy, and, above all, from Champagne, to follow him. Some came to amuse themselves, others to pay their debts, others because of crimes which thej^ had committed at home.' "^ Ascribed to about the time when Lionel received knighthood. '* Above, p. 117. '^Pp. 1 1 5-7. ^Romans 4. 76. Lionel's Name and Title 127 I'enseigne au roi Artus,' remarks : 'Clarence est tine cite de Norgalles, grande et plantureuse, ou jadis avait reside le roi Taulas, aieul d'Uterpendragon. De la le cri que ses descend- ants avaient conserve.' The mythical Clarence of a legendary North Wales, the Clar- entza of a chivalrous emprise in Greece, the Clare of Suffolk — ■ are all these blended, then, in Lionel's title? How^ever that may be, it would seem that, had it not been for the Roman de Lancelot, we should have known Chaucer's earliest patron neither as Lionel nor as the Duke of Clarence.^^ "See Hist. Background, p. 185. APPENDIX B CHAUCER'S ALAUNTS In his description of Lycurgns, King of Thrace/ Chaucer tells us {K. T. 1290-94) : Aboute his char ther wenten whyte alaunts, Twenty and mo, as grete as any steer, To hunten at the leoun or the deer, And folwed him, with mosel faste ybounde, Colers of gold, and torets fyled rounde. What were these alaunts, and whence did Chaucer derive his acquaintance with them ? The first extended account that we have of this species of dog is contained in the treatise on hunting written by Alfonso XI of Spain, or under his direction, between 1342-50- : Las fechuras que debe haber el alano para ser f ermoso son estas ; que haya la cabeza de talk de congrio, et bien cuadrada, et bien seca, et la nariz blanca, et bien abierto de boca; et las presas grandes, et • los ojos bien pequenos, et que cate bien a la nariz; et las orejas bien eniiestas, et bien redondas ; pero que esto de las orejas todo va en el que lo fafia en facergelas bien tajadas, 6 mal; et que haya el cuello luengo ; pero que se sigua bien, que non sea muy grueso, nin muy delgado ; et que haya los pechos bien abiertos, et los brazos que los haya bien enfiestos, et non delgados, et la cuartiella pequena, et las manos redondas, et altas, et el area colgada et grande, et que non se le parezcan las tetas ; et que haya el lomo bueno, et non cargado en las caderas, et que se le parescan a mala vez los huesos del espinazo; et la cola que sea mas contra gruesa que contra delgada, et que sea bien espigada, et que la traiga bien ; et las corvas que las haya bien anchas, et bien arregazadas, et los pies que se siguan con las manos, et que sea de buen cabello, et blando, et de cuerpo que non sea muy grande sin razon. Et el alano que estas fechuras hobiere, sera fermoso, et de razon debe seer tomador. La alana que sea mas aguda de rostro, et que non haya tamaiia boca como el alano; et que haj'a los ojos pequenos, et un poquiello 'The home of Mars (cf. K. T. 114-6) ; see Homer, //. 13. 301; Od. 8. 361; Sophocles, Antig. 970; Virgil, ^n. 12. 331 (cf. 3. 13); Statins, Tlieb. 7. 6 ff., 35 fif. ; etc. Chaucer assigns to Thrace the hunting of the lion and the bear, where Statius (Theb. 4. 494-5) refers the hunting of the lion to Morocco (cf. Boccaccio, Tes. 7. 106, 119). ^Gutierrez de la Vega (see below), pp. XLH-XLHL For Alfonso at Algeciras, see Hist. Background, pp. 217 fif. Chaucer's AI aunts 129 longuetes, pero que cate a la iiariz, et que sea mas luenga de costados, et que haya mayores caderas, et que non sea tan abierta de pechos, et en todo lo al que sea de las fechuras del alano. Las mas finas colores que Nos fallamos de los alanos, et de las alanas son los blancos, et los grises escuros, et los prietos, et aun blancos manchados, en tal que hayan dos, 6 tres manchas, et que sean grises, 6 prietas, et que las hayan en la cabeza, 6 sobre la cola; pero tambien de sabuesos como de alanos por non ser muy lindos de fechuras, nin de colores, acaesce a las veces que hay algunos que son buenos de bondat, empero mas de razon es comunalmente de los que fueren lindos, et hobieren buenas fechuras, et buenas colores salir mas dellos buenos que non de los otros. Et a do se ayunta la bondat et la fermosura, et ser lindo, es la bondat doblada.* ^ Libra de la Monteria, ed. Gutierrez de la Vega, pp. 115-8 (chap. 41). Another passage is (pp. 6-7) : 'Otrosi los alanos es cierta cosa que non toman por fambre nin por premia salvo por naturaleza derecha, que les dio Dios, et ardideza de corazon sobre todas las animalias. Et aun los muy lindos dellos con lealtad non tan solamiente tomara el alano lindo cualquier venado a quel pongan ; mas aun sil mandare tomar aquel a qui conosciere, a un home armado, tomarlo ha. Et probado fue muchas veces que muchos alanos ayudaron a los que los criaban contra sus enemigos et se defendieron dellos por ayuda de alanos. Et es verdat que tambien de sabuesos como de alanos, que si non fuese porque les faria mal el grant afan sobrel comer, que toda cosa que a ellos pertenesce de facer, farian mejor despues que gobernados que antes. Et asi se prueba que todo lo que facen en su oficio, que lo facen por naturaleza de omecillio que puso Dios entrellos et los venados, et por talante que han de lo facer, et non por fambre, nin por otra premia ninguna.' And still another has reference to the breeding of the alaunt (pp. iio-i; chap. 39) : "Para haber buenos alanos, deben facer desta guisa. Cuando tovieren muy buen alano et bien lindo, et fermoso, et bien tomador, debel catar una alana que sea desa condicion mesma, et apartarlos ambos de la guisa mesma que de suso dice que aparten a los sabuesos, et facer a ella esa mesma guarda. Et de que pariere, dejarle dos, 6 tres fijos, a lo mas, et los otros darlos a criar a otras alanas, 6 a lebreras, 6 a mastinas las mas lindas que fallaren. Et desde que hobieren medio afio, criarlos sueltos, et non usarlos atar, porque se facen los brazos tuertos; pero guardarlos de andar lo mas que pudieren mientre son tiernos; et requerirlos con leche, porque los trae sanos et senciellos. Et cuando hobieren medio afio, despuntarles bien las orejas, porque desde que son fafiados, traenlas siempre mejor et mas en fiestas. Et criarlos desta guisa fasta que hayan un afio. Et de un ano adelante traerlos siempre consigo en palacio, para Trans. Conn. Ac.-vd., Vol. XXI 9 1916 130 Appendix B It might be inferred from the foregoing that the home of the alaunt was in Spain, and this view is confirmed by the fact that in the time of Gaston de Foix (see below) it was proverbial that greyhounds came from Brittany, and alaunts and bird-dogs from Spain* ; moreover, we are told by Commines that Louis XI (1461-83) had alaunts brought from Spain. ^ As Foix is so near to the Pyrenees, it is not surprising that the next authority on the alaunts is Gaston de Foix (1331-1391), surnamed Phcebus,® son of the Gaston II who fought at Algeciras in 1343.'^ That Gaston Phoebus was fond of the chase may be deduced from the fact that he kept 1600 hounds.^ The full title of his famous book, written between 1387 and 1391, is Dcduits de la Chasse des Bestes Sauvaiges et des Oiseaidx de Proye. It has been published by Joseph Lavallee (Paris, 1854), as La Chasse de Gaston Phebus.^ The part that concerns the alaunt here follows, with certain changes in punctuation (pp. 100-102) : Alanz est une nature et maniere de chiens"; et les uns sont que on appelle alanz gentilz, les autres sont que on appelle alans veautres. Les autres sont alans de boucherie. Les alans gentilz si doivent estre fez et taillez droitement comme un levrier de toutes choses fors de la teste, qui doit estre grosse et courte." Et combien qu'il en y ait de chescun poill, le droit bon poil de alant, et qui plus est conimun, si doit estre blanc, avec aucune acostumbrarlos, et emponerlos en el tomar ; pero guardarlos de grand afan, fasta que hayan dos aiios, 6 ano et medio a lo menos, que non lo lleven a monte.' Cf. Leighton (p. 86) on the breeding of the Great Dane. * De Noirmont 2. 294. ^Ib. I. 112. ^ In 1373, according to Froissart, Gaston sent to the Duke of Anjou four coursers and two alaunts of Spain, fair and good (tr. Berners, reprint of 1812, Vol. 2, chap. 24). Froissart himself in 1388 took to Gaston from England four greyhounds — Tristan, Hector, Bren, and RoUand (Baillie- Grohman, p. xxx). ''Hist. Background^ pp. 219, 223, 225-6. * Baillie-Grohman. p. xxx. ° There is a cheap reprint, Paris, 1897. " Cotgrave (Dictionarie, 1632) describes the Allan as 'a kind of big, strong, thicke headed, and short snowted dog, the brood whereof came first out of Albania.' To Florio it is simply 'a mastive dog.' " Cotgrave says it is 'like a Grayhound in all properties and parts, his thicke and short head excepted.' CJiancer's Alannts 131 tache noire environ I'oreille ; les yeulz bien petiz et blans, et les nar- rines blanches ; les oreilles droites et agusiees, et aussi les y afaite" Ten. Alan faut mieulz acoustumer que niille autre beste, quar il est mieulz taille, et plus fort pour fere mal, que nulle autre beste; et aussi de leur nature les alans sont voulentiers estourdiz, et si n'ont mie si bon sens comme moult d'autres chiens ont : quar se on court un cheval ils le prennent voulentiers, et vont aux buefz, ou brebis, OK pourcialx, ou a autre bestiaill, ou aux gens, ou a autres chiens (quar j'ay veu alant qui tuait son maistre) ; et en toutes guises alans sont mal gracieux et mal entechiez, et plus foulz et estourdiz que autre maniere de chiens. Et oncques je n'en vi trois bien entechiez et bien bons ; quar bon alant doit courre si tost comme un levrier, et ce a quoy il ataint il doit metre la dent; et ce doit estre sans leissier, quart un alant de sa nature tient plus fort sa morsure que ne feroient trois levriers — les meilleurs que on puisse trouver. Et pour ce est ce le meilleur chien que on puisse tenir pour prendre toutes bestes a tenir fort. Et quant il est bien duit et parfaictement bon, je tiens que c'est le souverain de tous les autres chiens; mes pou en trouve en de parfet. Bon alant doit amer son maistre, et suyvir et luy aidier en tous cas, et fere ce qui li commendera, queuque chose que ce soit. Bon alant doit aller tost, et estre hardy a prendre toute beste sans mar- chander, et tenir fort sans leissier, et bien aconditione, et bien a com- mandement de son maistre; et quant il est tel, je tiens, comme j'ay dit, que c'est le meilleur chien qui puisse estre pour prendre toute beste. L'autre nature d'alans veautres si sont auques taillez comme leide taille de levrier; mes ils ont grosses testes, grosses levres, et granz oreilles"; et de cez si s'aide Ten tres bien de chassier les ours et ^^ From Spanish afeytar, crop. " Cotgrave defines it as a 'great & ougly curre of that kind (having a big head, hanging lips, and slowching eares), kept onely to hunt the Beare and wild Boare.' Elsewhere (under Vaultre) he characterizes it as *a mungrell betweene a hound and a mastife, or of a size between the Allan and great countrie curre ; fit for the chase or hunting of wild Beares and Boares.' Godefroy (Did. de I'Ancien Frangais, s. v. Veltre) defines it as a 'sorte de chien employe surtout pour la chasse de I'ours et du sanglier.' De Noirmont (2. 297) identifies this with the Spanish alano described below by Alonso Martinez de Espinar {Arte de Ballesteria y Monteria, 1644), the ancestor of the Cuban dogs, and of those which are trained by the Spaniards to fight with bulls : 'He is large, his limbs strong, his muzzle blunt, his forehead straight and broad, his eyes round and bloodshot, his aspect terrible, and his neck short and thick; his strength is such that he can conquer an animal as valiant and ferocious as the bull.' For bear-hunting in the Pyrenees and in Spain, see De Noirmont 2. 481-4. 132 Appendix B les pores, quar ilz tiennent de leur nature fort; mes ils sont pesans et lez, et s'ils muerent d'un sanglier ou d'un ours, ce n'est mie trop grande perte. Et meslez avec levriers qui puissent, sont bons, quar, quant ils ateinhent, ils lient la beste et la tiennent tout quoy; mes par eulx mesmes ils ne I'ateindroient ja, se leuvriers ne metoient la beste en destri. Done tout homnie qui vuelt banter la chasse des ours et des pores doit avoir et levriers et alanz veautres ou de boucherie (et mastins si n'en puelt avoir des autres), quar fort tiennent, comme j'ai dit, plus que levriers. L'autre nature d'alans de boucherie sont tels que vous pouvez veoir tousjours es bonnes villes, les quieux les bouehers tiennent pour leur aidier a mener les bestaillz qu'ils aehatent hors des bonnes villes ; quar si un buef eschapoit du bouehier qui le maine, son ehien le va prendre et arrester" jusques tant que son mestre soit venu, et I'aide a ramener a la ville. Et sont de pou de despenz, qu'ilz menjent les ordures des boucheries ; et aussi gardent ilz I'ostel de le mestre, et sont bons pour la ehasse des ours ou des sangliers, ou soit avec levriers au titre,^° ou soit avec chiens courans aux abois dedenz les f ourz ; quar quant un sanglier est en i fort pais, ja de tout le jour par aventure ne le vuideroit pour les chiens courrans. Et quant on gete cieu mas- tinaille, ou ilz le prennent en my le fors, et le font tuer a aucun homme, ou ilz lui font vuider le pais, qu'il ne demourra gueres longue- ment aux abois. Et aussi sont ilz bons pour veautrer de nuiz, si comme je diray quant parleray du veneur. As the original is somewhat repetitious and confused, a con- densed summary, with a redistribution of the matter, is here presented : There are three species of alaunts — gentle alaunts, veltres, and butchers' alaunts, the last being the least esteemed. Nearly all alaunts have bad dispositions, and are harebrained and selfwilled. No other dog can equal an exceptional alaunt, if perfectly trained. A thoroughly good alaunt must be as fleet as a greyhound, fearless, fond of his master and close at call, obedient, prompt in seizing his prey, and tenacious of his hold. No dog is so well built, and none so strong to do harm ; neither is any so ready to attack — w^hether it be horse, ox, sheep, hog, a human being, or another dog. Therefore, since an alaunt is as strong in the jaws as any three greyhounds, and has on occasion been known to kill his own master, it is evident that he needs the most thorough training. Even then, '^ Cotgrave says it is 'like our Mastive, and serves Butchers to bring in fierce oxen, and to keepe their stalls.' " The litre was an arrangement for so surrounding the game as to leave but one passage open, on issuing through which the animals were attacked by relays of hounds. Chaucer's Alaunis 133 a man must have had a very large experience of dogs if he has seen three first-class alaunts in all his life. The gentle alaunt is built exactly like a greyhound, except that he has a short, thick head. The veltre is formed like an ill-shaped greyhound, only with a big head. ■ The butchers' alaunt is not particularly described as to his appear- ance. The gentle alaunt has straight and pointed ears, rendered sharper by cropping. The veltre has large ears and large lips. The gentle alaunt is preferably white, touched with black about the ears. Its nostrils are white, and its eyes white and very small. The veltre serves a good purpose in the chase of the bear and wild boar, but is too heavy and slow for the pursuit, and therefore needs to be supplemented by the greyhound. The greyhounds come up with the quarry, and keep it at bay till the veltres seize it. In default of veltres, butchers' alaunts may be used for this purpose. The chief use of butchers' alaunts is to capture and hold an animal, such as an ox, that is running away ; they are also employed as watchdogs, and as a substitute for veltres in the chase. In the book called The Master of Game, written by Edward, second Duke of York, probably between 1406 and 1413,^*^ the chapter on the alaunts is translated, with minor variations, from that by Gaston de Foix. This chapter^' is as follows/^ the chief variations being indicated by italics, the punctuation some- what improved, and an occasional emendation suggested in square brackets : Alaunt is a maner and nature of houndes, and l^e good alauntz ben )>e [}'0?] which men clepyn alauntz gentil; other J'er byn J'at men clepyn alauntz veutreres. 0]>tT byn alauntz of \>t bocherie. Thei J'at ben gentile shuld be made and shape as a greyhounde, evyn of alle J^inges''' sauf of \>t heved, ]?e whiche shuld be greet and short; and ]>o\x}t ther [byn] alauntes of alle hewes, ]>e verrey hue of \>& good alauntz 1?'^ is moost comon shuld be white, wij? a blak spott about J^e eerys, smale [and white] eyne, and white stondyng eres and sharpe above. Men shuld teche alauntz bettir, and to be of better custumes, I'an eny o)?er beestis, for he is bettir shape, and strenger for to do harme, J'an eny oj^er beest. Also comonly alauntz byn stordy"" of here owyn " Ed. Baillie-Grohman, London, 1904. See Wells, pp. 427, 833. '' Chap. 16. '* Op. cit., pp. 64-s. " Equally in all respects. ""Stubborn, headstrong, dogged, imruly; cf. 'sturdy beggars.' The alaunt has been compared to the Great Dane (see p. 136), of which Leigh- 134 Appendix B nature, and have not so good witte as many o]?er houndes have ; for if a man prik an hors, ^e alaunt wil gladly renne and bite H hors; also I'ei renne at oxen, and at sheepe, at swyne, and to alle oj^er beestis, or to men, or to o}?er houndes, for men han seyn alauntz sle ■ here maystire. And in alle maner wise alauntz byn July felle, and evel undirstondyng, and more foolish and more sturdy I'an eny oJ?er maner of houndes. And men seyn never ]>re wel condicions [condi- ciond] and good, for a good alaunt shuld renne also fast as a grei- hounde, and eny beest jjat he my3t come to he shuld hold wi]? his sesours and noujt leve it, for an alaunt of his nature holdeth faster his biteng Jjan should iii greihoundes ]>e best I'at eny man may fynde, and J?erfore it is l^e best hounde for to hold and for [to] nyme al maner beestis, and hold myjtely. And whan he is wel condiciond and pertitly [good], men hold l^at he is good amonge al oj^er houndes; but men fynden but fewe J'at doon [rather, byn] perfite. A good alaunt shuld love his maistire, and folowe hym, and helpe hym in alle cace; and what J'ing his maister wold hym comaunde he shuld do. A good alaunt shuld goo fast, and be hardy to nyme al maner beestis wi]?out turnyng, and hold fast and not leve it, and wel condiciond, and wel at his maistris comaundement ; and when he is soche, men hold, as I have saide, )?at he is oon ]>q good""^ hounde ]>^ may be for to take al maner beestis. That ol^er [65] nature of alauntz is clepid veutreres. Almost J'ei bene shapon as a greyhounde of ful shap, [but] J^ei han grete hedes, and greet lippes, and greet eeris ; and wi]? such men helpe)? hem" at Ipe baityng of a hoole and atte huntygne of a wilde boor, pei holde fast of here nature, but \>t\ byn [heavy] and foule, and [jif thei] ben slayn \w\\> wilde boor or wij? J^e bulle, and [om.] it is not ful grete losse. And'^ wher J^ei may overtake a beest, \>e{ biten and holden hure stille; but by hem self J^ei shuld nevyr holde l^e beest, but ^if I^e greihoundes were withe hem, for to make )>& beest tarye.^" That oj^er nature, of alauntz of J^e bocher[i]e, is soch as ye may alle day see in good times [tounes], ]>at byn called greet tochers houndis, ]>t which bouchers holde'* for to helpe hem to bryng here beestis j^at \>t\ byn^ in J^e cuntre ; for, ^if an oxe escapid from J^e boochers J^at leden hym, his houndes wold go take hym, and holde hym to"" his master were come, and shuld helpe hym to benynge [brynge] hym ton says (p. 86) : 'With almost the strength of a tiger he combines the excitability of a terrier, and no doubt a badly trained Great Dane is a very dangerous animal.' -'The best. -^ Themselves. -^ A portion untranslated. '' Keep. "'' Buy. =" Until. The Alaunt as a War-Dog. Chaucer's Alaunts 135 agayn to J^e toun. pei byn of litel cost, for J^ei etyn ]>Q foule Jjinges in ]>e boochiers rowe, and also j^ei kepen her maisters hous. pei byn good for ]>e batyug of ]>e bole and huntyng of ]>e wild boore, whedir it be with greihoundis at trustrc"" or with rennyng houndis at abbay wij? inne ]>e coverte ; for whan a wilde boor is wij^inne a strong hatte of wood, peraventure of [om.] alle ]>e day he wil not voide J'ennys for ]>e rennyng houndes. And whan men lat soche mestifis renne at j^e boor, >ei taken hym in Ipe thik spoyes^ and make some men slee hym, or j^ei make hym come out of ]>q strenght, ]}at he ne shal abide long at abaies.'^ The following account of the alaunt is given by Baillie-Groh- man (pp. 115-6) : A strong ferocious dog,^ supposed to have been brought to Western Europe by a Caucasian tribe called Alains or Alani.^" This tribe invaded Gaul in the fourth century, settling there awhile, and then continued their wanderings and overran Spain. It is from this country that the best alans were obtained during the Middle Ages, and dogs that are used for bull- or bear-baiting there are still called Alanos.^^ Gaston de Foix, living on the borders of this country, was in the best position to obtain such dogs, and to know all about them. His description, which we have here, tallies exactly with that written in a Spanish book on hunting of the fourteenth century. This book, Libro de la Monteria, was written by Alphonso XI. Both Gaston and this Spanish king say that the body of the Alaunt was like that of a heavy greyhound, their eyes were small, they were square in the jaw, and that their ears were trimmed and pointed to make them look alert. The tail was rather large than small. They were of three colours, white, grey, and blackish, but that white with black markings near the head and above the tail were the best liked. Alauntes were used as war dogs,^" and it was said that when once they seized their ■' Tryst. "^ Coppice, thicket. ^ De Noirmont (2. 538) divides hunting-dogs into three classes: (i) Powerful dogs {chiens de force), including the wolfhound, mastiff, and bulldog, as well as the alaunt; (2) Greyhounds; (3) Running hounds; (4) Bird-dogs. ^"Diez (Etym. Wbch. 1. 12) thinks that alaunt means Albanian dog. " Similarly m the Spanish dictionary of Barcia, under the word Alano (I translate) : 'The alaunt was so named because he was very fierce and bloodthirsty, like the barbarians who invaded Spain at the beginning of the fifth century. Hence this species of dog was emploj'ed in the hunting of wild boars.' Cf. Leighton, p. 511. ^' I insert a picture taken from the Magasin Pittoresque 2.2, (1855). 221, which reproduced it from the Tractatus de Re Militari et de Machinis BelUcis (1330-40) of Paul Savetinus Ducensis, a manuscript of the 136 Appendix B prey they would not loose their hold. An Italian MS. of the four- teenth century says that Alans that are to be set on cavalry should be trained by their masters to be ferocious and "biting" (Ducange; Wynn, "Brit. Mastifif," p. 48; De Noir. ii. 398 [298]). As to the general appearance of the alan gentil, De Noirmont^^ compares it to the Great Dane or German boarhound, to which he assigns a height of 30 to 32, or, exceptionally, 34 inches ; but Chance, the Great Dane whose picture is here reproduced, 'stood fully 35 inches at the shoulder, and was perhaps the tallest dog of any breed, and at any time, whose measurements have been recorded,'^* Vendetta having been 32^ inches in height. The picture of alaunts reproduced below is from an illumina- tion in the beautiful manuscript of Gaston de Foix's work which was executed in the early years of the fifteenth century. The reproduction has been made from Baillie-Grohman, PI. XVIII, opposite p. 64 (with which may be compared PI. XIV, opposite p. 42, lower left hand; PI. XXVIII, opposite p. 80, upper left hand and lower right hand; PI. XLVIII, opposite p. 240, bottom). De Noirmont^'' says the alaunts always wore a muzzle, except in the chase. The alaunt has not often figured in literature. One of the most' notable occurrences of the word is in the Orlando Furioso (46. 138) : Come mastin sotto il feroce alano Che fissi i denti ne la gola gli abbia, Molto s'affanna e si dibatte in vano Con occhi ardenti e con spumose labbia, E non puo uscire al predator di jnano, Che vince di vigor, non gia di rabbia. National Library of France. These alaunts were sent against cavalry, bearing a brass pot of blazing pitch, ignited by means of alcohol, and trained to fierce biting of the enemy's horses. They were protected by leather coats from the effects of the fire or from kicks and blows. ''2. 297. ^^ Leighton, p. 91, who knows of a mastiff (p. 29) somewhat over ss inches, while De Noirmont (2. 300) refers to one as having been S7j4 inches (.95 metre) in height; Leighton, by the way (p. 22), considers Chaucer's alaunt to have been a mastiff. The New Eng. Diet., following Bailey, defines the word as 'wolf-hound'; Scott (below, p. 138) as 'wolf- greyhound'; Rose (below, p. 137) as 'deer-hound'; none of these seems correct. "^ 2. 298. Chance, a Great Dane, at the Age of Eight ^Months. (From Leighton, New Book of the Dog, p. 85.) Chaucer s .Haunts 137 which is thus translated by Rose: As mastiff that below the deer-hound lies, Fixed by the gullet fast, with holding bite, \'ainly bestirs himself and vainly tries, \\'ith lips besmeared with foam and eyes alight, And cannot from beneath the conqueror rise, Who foils his foe by force, and not despite. Vendetta, a Great Dane. (From Leighton, New Book of the Dog, p. 88.) The New English Dictionary furnishes no instance between Chaucer and Berners' Froissart (1525).^'^ In literature proper ^" But in the Sowdone of Bahylone (ca. 1400), we have (54-6) : To chase the Bore or the Veneson, The Wolfe, the Bere, and the Bawson, With Alauntes, Lymmeris, and Racches free. 138 Appendix B the most conspicuous later use of the word is perhaps that by Scott in the Talisman (chap. 6), where he is describing the tent of Richard Coeur de Lion : Skins of animals slain in the chase were stretched on the ground, or extended along the sides of the pavilion, and upon a heap of these silvan spoils lay three alans, as they were then called (wolf- greyhounds, that is), of the largest size, and as white as snow. Their faces, marked with many a scar from clutch and fang, showed their share in collecting the trophies upon which they reposed, and their eyes, fixed from time to time with an expressive stretch and yawn upon the bed of Richard, evinced how much they marvelled at and regretted the unwonted inactivity which they were compelled to share. We have endeavored to show what were the alaunts mentioned by Chaucer. There remains the question, Whence did Chaucer derive his acquaintance with them? Bailhe-Grohman (p. 116) thinks that Chaucer may have seen some alaunts 'recently imported from Spain or France.' But we have no indication that there ever was an alaunt in England. Again he suggests that Chaucer 'may possibly have gone for his models to the court of King John of France (1350- 1364), who possessed some of these huge Alans.' Certainly Chaucer can not have gone to Paris before the end of 1360,^'^ and we have no ground whatever for assuming that he was on the Continent in the years 1 361-3, by the end of which year King John was on his way back to England. If the poet saw the court of France at all, the earliest date we can assign to the visit is 1368, when King John had been dead four years, and then it must have been in the train of Lionel.^* It seems much more likely that the alaunts which he delineated in the Knight's Tale were those that he saw at the wedding- feast in Milan.-'" He has undoubtedly heightened the descrip- ^' See Hist. Background, p. 179. ^ See Hist. Background, pp. 182 ff. ; above, pp. 30 ff. ^"They are thus described in the chronicles of Montferrat, Milan, and Mantua, respectively {M. H. P., p. 1226; R. I. S. 16. 739; Alip., p. 1188) : 'Sei cani alani, et sei gran striveri cum collari de velluto, et fibie dorati, et lassi de seta.' 'Sex cani allani, et sei grandi striveri cum collari de velluto forniti de ricalcho dorato, et cum lassi de seta.' E sei cani alani fur presentati, Ancora sei stivieri [.«V] in una schiera. The other two chronicles refer to them merely as 'cani.' See p. 6~. Group of Alaunts. Chaucer's Alaunts 139 tion, as he has done elsewhere.**' The alaunts can not have been 'as grete as any steer,'*^ since we hear of no dog measuring more tlian 35, or at most 37^ inches in height at the shoulder; Chaucer's have collars of gold/^ instead of velvet collars and silken leashes, with clasps of gilded brass ; 'twenty and mo' replace the six which Chaucer may have seen ; 'leoun' and 'deer' are inexact equivalents. On the other hand, the best alaunts were white,*^ and these dogs were regularly muzzled,** just as Chaucer says. In fine, w^hen we consider the rarity of alaunts in that period, outside of Spain and the French territory imme- diately contiguous, neither of which Chaucer ever visited; that Lionel did not bring them back to England, and there is no indication that an alaunt was ever seen in England ; that, so far as we know% Chaucer's only opportunity of seeing alaunts would have been either at Paris*^ or at Milan,*'' both of which It is possible that the collars, leashes, and buckles appertained merely to the 'striveri'; but in a somewhat similar case, in the first course, the two kinds of furniture are mentioned separately (velvet collars and silken leashes: gilded brazen chains, leather collars, silken leashes). ^ So in the 'ful ofte tyme' of Prol. 52 (cf. Hist. Background, pp. 209 flf.) ; 'no Cristen man so ofte of his degree' {Prol. 55) ; 'many a noble armee' {Prol. 60) ; freckles (fraknes) for pockmarks (Hist. Background, pp. 167, 170) ; 'an egle tame, as eny lilie whyt' (K. T. 1320; cf. Hist. Background, p. 171 ; in Guy of Warwick 823 and Libeaus Desconus 772, a gerfalcon is called white as a swan) ; 'an hundred lordes' {K. T. 1321 ; cf. Hist. Background, p. 172, note i) ; 'dukes, erles, kinges' {K. T. 1324; cf. Hist. Background, p. 173, note i) ; 'ful many a tame leoun and lepart' {K. T. 1328; cf. Hist. Background, p. 174, note i). "Thus in King Alisaunder, composed before 1330 (Wells, p. 100), the author says of two greyhounds (5286), Hy weren mychel als lyouns ; so in the Avowynge of King Arthur (1350-1400) we are told of a wild boar (49), He is he^er thenne a horse. *^ In King Alisaunder (5284) there appear In a cheyne of golde tweie greihoundes; but 'golde' may here mean gilded brass, as in the gift at the first course at the wedding- feast (see above, p. 66). ^ See above, p. 133. " See above, p. 136. "Hotel St. Paul. ^Perhaps also in the park at Pavia; cf. Hist. Background, p. 186, note. I40 Appendix B were visited in the journey of Lionel and his train; and that three of the outstanding characters*'^ of the finest alaunts were included by Chaucer in his description — their bigness, their whiteness, and the fierceness which required that they should be kept muzzled ; it seems most reasonable to suppose that he was present when the six alaunts were delivered over to Lionel, per- haps for his use in the chase, or perhaps to be employed in war. *' Such as Chaucer could hardly have gleaned from books, seeing that we have no right to assume that he was acquainted with Spanish, that Gaston de Foix's treatise was not even begun till 1387, and that The Master of Game was not composed until after Chaucer's death. There remains the possibility that he might have learned of the alaunts from Froissart, who must have seen them on the journey, and again on his visit to Gaston de Foix at Orthez in 1388; but there is a directness in Chaucer's description which seems to point to personal observation. INDEX Abbeville, 31, 32. Achaia, 43, 124. Acrobats, "/},. Actors, 65. Alain de Lille, Anticlaiidianus, 76. Alani, 135, Alaunts, 66, 67, 128 fF. ; picture of, opp. 135, 139- Alba, 27, 86, 87. 89, 96, 104, 105. Alfonso XI, 128, 129, 135. Algeciras, 128, 130. Amedeo VI, (Green) Count of Savoy, 23-5, 33, 34, 36, 42, 46, 47, 49, 59, 60, 64, 85, 88-^, 99- 102, 107. Architrcuius, 76. Armor, 61. Assheton, Robert, 73, 74. Aston. See Assheton. Augustine, St., 91, 92 Banquet, 60 ff. Bardulf, Robert, 102. Basin, silver, 72. Bassett, 73. Beaconsfield, Nicholas, 102, 103. Bear-hunting, 131. Bears, 122. Bells, 67. Belts (girdles), 49, 72-4, 98, 99. Berry, Duke of, 32, 36, 37. Black Prince, 25, 29, 55, 87, 94, 102, 103. Boccaccio, 44, 45, 69, 78-81, 92; Tescide, 61. Boethius, 82, 92. Bonne de Bourbon, Countess of Savoy, 3&, 49; picture of, opp. 36. Bottles, silver, 69. Bourbon. Duke of, 33, 36, 37, 85. Bowls, silver, 69. Bows, 45. Bra, 27. Bradway, Robert, 103. Brass, gilded, 66 ff., 139. Bray, John, 103. Bridegrooms, 86-7, 108. Brocade, 73. Bromwych, John of, 72,, 74, 94, 97, 98, 102, 103. Buffoons, 65. Burgundy, Duke of, 2^, 2,6. Calais, 31, 32. Can Signorio, 65, 106. Canterbury, 32. Capella, John of, 99, 103. Carru, 27. Cattle, 72. Cavurro, 27. Centallo, 27. Chambery, 40, 42, 87, 100, loi. Charles IV (Emperor), 45, 46, 84, 106. Charles V, 19, 2,2, 35, 36, 85. Charles VI, 119, 120. Chaucer, 7, 34, 43, 45, 49, 75, 76, 84, 85, 99, 126-8, 138-140. Chaucer, works of : Book of the Duchess, 76. Clerk's Tale, 43-5. House of Fame 966 ff. : 76. Knight's Tale 1290-4 : 128 ; 1648-9: 72. Merchant's Tale 563-4: 70. Nun's Priest's Tale 391-3: 117. Parliament of Fozvls 316 ff. : 76. Parson's Tale 422-7 : 49. Shipman's Tale- 70-1 : 69. Sir Thopas 189: 102. Squire's Tale 27g: 117. Cherasco, 27, 105. Circlets, 102. Clairmont, 125. Clare, 91-S, 97, 122-4, 127. Clarence, 122 ff. Clarentza, 90. 122-5, 127. Clasps, 72. Cloaks, 72. Companies of adventure, 12, 13, 24-5, 45-6, 107. 142 Index Contenaim, Edward, 73. Corniglia, 69, 70. Coronets, 73, 97- Corslets, 68. Cate-hardies, 49. Coucy, Lord of, 33, 85. Cuneo, 27. Dancing, 36, 40, 41, 74- Deerhounds, 136. Demonte, 27. Derby, Earl of (afterwards Henry IV), 25, 32, 42, 61, 91. See also Lancaster. Despenser, Edward, 64, 73, 85. 94, 97, 98, 104-6. Despenser, Hugh, 73. Diamonds, 72. Dogs, names of, 130. Doublets, 72. Dover, 32, 45. Edmund, Duke of Cambridge, 25, 37. Edward J, 120. Edward lU, 25, 26, 29, 55, 56. 85, 94, 98, 102, 104-6, 113, 1 1 5-6, 120, 121, 123-4, 126. Elizabeth de Burgh, 56, 91, 94, 104, 122, 123. Emeralds, 72. English as barbarians, 23. Ermine, 72. Falcons, 34; peregrine, 67. Federigo H, Marquis of Saluzzo, 44. Filippo H of Savoy, 88-90. Fish, varieties of, at the banquet, 66 ff. Florence, 10, 11, 53. Florence (Florent) of Hainaut, 123, 124 Florins, 27-30, 34, 49, 65, loi, 103, 106, 109. Fossano, 88-90. Froissart, 34, 41, 75, 76, 84, 85, 104, 140. Froissart, works of : Buisson de Jonece 269-77 : 104. Chroniqucs (ed. Kervyn) 2. 106: 104; 6. 387 fif. : 2,7; 7- 246-7: 30-1; 7- 251: 91, 104-5; 7. 252: 107; 8. 280: 104; 8. 312: 104; 16. 95-6: 61; 18. 489-90: 105; 18. 490: 94, 98, 103. Dit dou Florin, 32, 34. Prison Amoureuse 354-423 : 40-2. Gallipoli, lOi. Gaston de Foix (Phebus), 130, 133, 135, ^36, 140. Genoa, 45, 46, 69, 70, loi. Gerfalcons, 97. Giotto, 53- Glarentza. See Clarentza. Goblets, silver, 69. Gold, cloth of, 30, 69, 73. Goshawks, 66. Granson, Thomas, 73, 74. Great Danes, 136, 137; pictures of, 137, opp. 136. Greek fire, loi. Greyhounds, 61, 66, 130, 139. Griselda, 43, 44. Hadley, Nicholas of, loi, 103. Hainaut, 88, 115, 120. See Flor- ence, Philippa. Hats, steel, 71. Hawkwood, John, 23, 45-7, 107. Helmets, 68. Hereford, Earl of, 25, 27, 85. Hoods, 67, 72. Horses (coursers, steeds), 71-4, 97, 98, loi, 130. Hotel St. Paul, 35, 36. Ireland, 54, 74, 99. Isabella of France, 23, 28, 36, 42, 49, 60, no. Isabella of Villehardouin, 88, 123, 124. Iseult, 49; picture of, 50. Index 143 Jeanne de Bourbon, Queen of France, 35, 36, 49; picture of, 35- Jewels, 30, 97, 109. John II, King of France, 23, 36, 37. John of Gaunt, 25, 37, 116. Jovius, 60, 86. Jubbe, 70. Jugglers, 65. Lancaster, Earl of (elder Earl of Derby), 119. Lancelot, 113, 117. Lancelot, 116-8, 125-7. Lances, 68, 71. Lanslebourg, 42. Leopards, 66, 113, 139. Lionel, death and burial of, 90 ff. ; debts of, 102, 103; name of, 113 fif. ; picture of, 55; will of, 96 ff. Lions, 34, 113, 139. Lorris, Guillaume de, 77. Louvre, 34. Machaut, 34. Magi, 52, 53- Mahault, 88, 124, 125. Malmsey, 69, 70. Maungeneleyn, 98. Meath, 103. Meats, varieties of, at the ban- quet, 66 flf. Meun, Jean de, 77. Milan, 11, 44-8, 51-3, 57, 58, 63, 65, 83, 95. Minot, 113. Minstrels, 73, 99. Mondovi, 27. Mone, Edmund, 102. Mont Cenis, 42, 43. Monteclair, 114, 125. Montferrat, Marquis of, 46-8, 88, 106. See also 33, 56, and Secon- dotto. Mountebanks, 73. Musard, Richard, 98-102. Necklaces, loi, 102. Novara, 43 ; Bishop of, 59, 64. Order of the Collar (Annunci- ata), 100, loi. Padua, 78, 81, 84, 85. Palseologus, John, 34, loi. Panoplies, 68. Paris, 32, 87, 138, 139. Parker, Charles, 95. Parti-colored garments, 49, 100, 102. Pavia, 43-6, 48, 53, 79-83, 86, 87, 90-2, 95, 106, 108-10, 139. Pearl, The, 81. Pearls, 34, 67, 68, 72, 109. Pepoli, 15, 27, 49. Petrarch, 23, 44, 45, 53, 60, 64, 74- 85, 92; Africa, 69; epitaph on grandson, 82-3. Philippa, Queen, 85, 115, 116, 120, 123, 124. Piedmont, 26, 43, 46, 105. Pierre I, 25, 85. Pierre II, 109, 118. Pietro in Ciel d'Oro, S., 91, 92, 94, 95, no. Playing, 36, 40, 74. Po, 84. Poison, 19, 87, 88, 104-5, 107, no. Portas, 99, loi. Pycot, Bartholomew, 99, 103. Richard Coeur de Lion, 118, 119, 138. Richard II, 120. Rings, 102, 109. Rivoli, 43, 90, loi. Roccasparviera, 27. Roman de la Rose, 76, 77. Rubies, 34, 72. Ruskin, 42, 53. Saddles, 68, 71. Saiti, 68. Saluzzo, 43, 44, 51, 56, 88. also Federigo II. See 144 Index Santa Maria Maggiore (Milan), 57-9- Sapphires, 72. Satin, y2. Sausi, 66. Savigliano, 89. Savoy, zz, 40, 43- 88, 99. Scott, Talisman, 138. Secondotto, 56, 108-10. Setters, 67. Shakespeare, Richard II, 56, 61. Shields, 45, 71. Silk, 66, 67, 69, 71, 72,. Silver, enameled, 67 fif. ; gilded, 67 ff., 99. Singing, 40, 41, 74. Sparrow-hawks, 67. Strivicri, 67, 138. Susa, 42. 43, 99. Tancarville. Coimt of, 37, 39. Tapestry, 122. Tilting, 74. Tournaments, 62, 86, 89, 109. Turks, loi. Vache, Richard de la, 102. Valets, 102. Vegetables at the banquet, 66 ff. Veltres, 132, 133. Velvet, 66, 67, 71, 72. Venice, 75, 80, 81, 84, loi. Vercelli, 43. Vernaccia, 69, 70. Vernazza, 69. Verona, 65. Visconti, 8, 13, 14, 23, 26, 57, 74, 107. Azzo, 14, 15, 57, 63. Bernabo, 14-20, 47, 59, 64, 65, 73, 83, 109, no, etc.; picture of, 20; tomb of, opp. 65. Bianca, 48, no. Caroloj no. Caterina, 109. Galeazzo I, 14, 64. Galeazzo II, 7, 14-9, 23-9, 44, 47-9, 63, 73, 79, 81-3, 87, 104-8, 118, etc.; picture of, 17. Gian Galeazzo, 14, 15, 19, 21-3, 49-51, 60, 61, 72, 105, 108-10; picture of, 21. Giovanni, 14, 15. Lodovico, 21, 64, 109, no. Luchino, 14, 15, 56, 118. Marco, 64, 109. Matteo I, 14, 43, 63. Matteo II, 15. Matteo, son of Bernabo, 64. Otto, 14. Regina, 64, 65. Rodolfo, 21, 109, no. Valentina, daughter of Bernabo, 109, 118; daughter of Gian Galeazzo, 49, 100. Violante, 7, 27-30, 56-7, 59, 63, 86-7, 97, 103, 106-10. See also Isabella of France. Vows of tlie Heron, 119, 121. Waleys, Thomas, 102. War-dog, alaunt as, 135 ; picture of, opp. 135. Wayte, John, loi. Wedding, 57-9. Wolf-greyhound, 136. Wolfhound, 136. Woolen cloth, 73. For particulars regarding the previous Transactions of the Connecticut Academy, Address the Librarian, Andrew Keogh, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. CONTENTS OF VOLUME 19 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE i-iio Fossil Birds in the Marsh Collection of Yale Uni- versity, by R. W. Shufeldt (Feb. 1915) $1.10 1 1 1-446 Middlemen in English Business, 1660-1760, by R. B. Westerfield (Feb. 1915) 3.40 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 20 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-131 The Materials for the History of Dor, by George Dahl (May, 1915) $1.40 133-144 New Spiders from New England, XI, by J. H. Emerton 15 145-160 Canadian Spiders, II, by J. H. Emerton 15 161-240 The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Feb. 1916) .... i.oo 241-399 Rural Economy in New England at the Begin- ning of the Nineteenth Century, by Percy W. Bidwell (April, 1916) 2.00 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 21 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-144 The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Dec. 1916) .... $1.60 ^ '° TRAKSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. D. 1799 VOLUME 21, PAGES 145-200 FEBRUARY, 1917 The Relationship of the Tetracoralia to the Heiatdfalla BY W. I. ROBINSON NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 IVi^f^ O '^" TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. U. 1799 VOLUME 21, PAGES 145-200 • FEBRUARY, 1917 The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla BY W. I. ROBINSON NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE & TAYLOR COMPANY TABLE OF CONTENTS Terminology Summary ......... Importance of the Question of Primary Septa Theories of Previous Writers .... Conclusions ........ The Two Theories of the Origin of Hexacoralla Theory of Common Ancestry .... Theory of Direct Descent ..... Tests of the Theory of Direct Descent from Tetra CORALLA Geological Occurrence So-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla Palccacis and its Relation to the Tabulata The Genus Calostylis and its Position in the Classi fication ....... Other Peculiar Forms Sometimes Called Hexa- coralla ....... Summary of "Paleozoic Hexacoralla" . First Fossil Corals Mackenzia of the Middle Cambrian First Coral Fauna ...... Probable Ancestry of the Tetracoralla . Dominance and Decline of Various Coral Stocks Evolutionary Trends in Tetracoralla Plasticity of Tetracoralla in the Late Paleozoic The Columella as an Example of Variability Morphological Significance Steps in Development Summary ...... Bibliography PAGE 151 153 154 157 159 160 161 L/j 181 181 182 182 185 188 190 195 196 PREFACE. This work is the result of studies begun at the University of Michigan in 191 3 under Professor E. C. Case, and continued at Yale Universit}'^ during 1915 and 1916 under Professor Charles Schuchert; in 1916 it was submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Yale University as a dissertation in candi- dacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Free access to both the Michigan and Yale collections has given the writer the opportunity of examining a large number of Paleozoic corals. In addition to the Yale material, there have been received from Doctor R. G. Carruthers of Edinburgh specimens of Hexaphyllia, Heterophyllia, and Holocystis; from Doctor Gerhard Holm of Stockholm, specimens of Calostylis; from Doctor F. X. Schaffer of the Royal Natural History Museum in Vienna, a number of Hexacoralla from the Alpine Trias ; from Doctor R. S. Bassler, specimens of Calostylis and Palcoacis from the United States National Museum collections ; from Professor Case, the type specimens of Leptopora typa and Conopoterium effusum; from Professor R. R. Rowley of Louisiana, Missouri, specimens of Leptopora and Conopoterium. For all of these loans the writer's thanks are due. The writer is indebted to Professor Alexander Petrunkevitch of the Zoological Department of Yale University for assistance in making the photographs which accompany this paper; and to Doctor T. AV. Vaughan of the United States Geological Survey, Professors W. R. Coe and A. E. Verrill of Yale, and Professor T. C. Brown of Bryn Mawr for discussing with him the problem of coral phylogeny. To Professor Case, who first suggested the corals to him as a fruitful field for study, and to Professor Schuchert, whose constant guidance and kindly criti- cism have been of great assistance in the preparation of the paper, the writer hereby acknowledges his indebtedness. While the question of the relationship of the Paleozoic and later corals cannot perhaps be definitely settled until a sequence of coral faunas is established representing Permian and Lower Triassic times, still geological occurrence is a factor that cannot be lightly set aside in forming an opinion on the subject. Dur- 150 Preface ing the summer of 191 5 the writer was employed in making thin sections of Paleozoic corals in the Yale collection. Genera were chosen which had resemblances to Hexacoralla, with the hope of finding some which showed a septal arrangement like that of modern corals. As the work progressed, it became increasingly noticeable that there was a great uniformity in the general method of addition of the septa ; that the application of Faurot's rule of quadriseptate arrangement could be quite generally made ; that, in short, the Tetracoralla are a natural group differing in a definite structural phenomenon from all Mesozoic and later forms in which the ontogeny of the skeleton is known. Attention was then turned to those Paleozoic forms which have been classed recently with the Hexacoralla. ^^'hile the writer does not pretend to have settled the question of the origin of the Hexacoralla, it is hoped that the evidence here presented will be conclusive in showing that there are no known Paleozoic Hexacoralla, and that the data furnished by this study of Pale- ozoic forms favor the theory of direct descent of modern hexa- corals from tetracorals. TERMINOLOGY. .Ipical pore. A pore at the proximal end of a corallite which has been produced by budding. It communicates with the cavity of the parent coralhte. Basal disk. The soft floor or basal part of the polyp, in the folds of which all the radial skeletal structures are formed. Basal plate. The first secretion of calcium carbonate in the form of an exceedingly thin plate. It can only occasionally be seen in adult coralla. Calyx. The depression at the distal end of a corallite or solitary corallum. Columella. A central longitudinal rod in the calyx or a knob on the calicular floor. See Essential columella and Parietal columella. Corallite. A single individual of a compound corallum. Corallum. An entire coral skeleton which may be solitary, secreted by a single polyp, or compound and secreted by a colony of polyps. Costcc. Ridges on the outside of the theca. They are opposite to the septa and are covered by the epitheca when the latter occurs. See Rugce. Dissepiments. Horizontal or sloping calcareous plates connect- ing adjacent septa. Epitheca. A thin external calcareous deposit secreted by the overlapping edge (the "edge zone") of the basal disk in a single corallum. See Peritheca. Essential columella. A columella which develops independently of other calicular structures or rarely as a specialization of tabulae. See Tahellic. Eutheca. A wall formed by the introduction of new centers of calcification between the outer ends of the septa. Accord- ing to Vaughan, there is no systematic importance in the distinction between eutheca and pseudotheca. It is doubtful whether these terms will ever become useful in Paleontology, as the centers of calcifi.cation are rarely to be seen in fossil forms. Even the distinction between theca and epitheca is obscure in many cases in Paleozoic corals. Major septa. The cycle of longer septa which reach nearly or quite to the center of the calyx. 152 Terminology Mesenteries. The radial vertical lamellae of the soft polyp, com- posed of mesoglea and endoderm. Upon their sides the muscles are attached. Minor septa. The cycle of shorter septa which never extend far into the calyx. They appear late in the development of the corallum. Mural pores. Regularly spaced pores in the thin-walled Tabu- lata. They are typically developed in the Favositidae. Pali. Rods or knobs formed by the lobation of the inner ends of septa. Parietal columella. A columella which results from a speciali- zation of some of the radial calicular structures such as septa or pali. Peritheca. A calcareous deposit covering the base and sides of a compound corallum. It is homologous with the epitheca of a single corallum. Pores. See Mural pores and .Ipical pores. Primary septa. The first group of septa to appear — usually two or four in Tetracoralla ; six or twelve in Hexacoralla. See Major septa and Minor septa. ProtocoraUite. The corallite secreted by the protopolyp. Protopolyp. The parent of a colony of polyps forming a com- pound corallum. Pseudotheca. A wall formed by the thickening and coalescing of the outer portions of septa. See Eutheca. Quadriseptal arrangement. A pinnate grouping of septa, alter- nately long and short. Typically, as in the adult form of Cyathaxonia cornu, there are four in a bundle, but often there are only three or two. Ruga; (pseiidocostce). Ridges on the epitheca. They alternate in position with the costse and septa. Septa. Vertical radial partitions of the calyx secreted in fold? of the basal disk. See Major, Minor, Primary, and Second- ary septa. TohellcF. Small arched plates forming a part of the columella in certain genera like Lonsdaleia. They slope upward and inward toward the central axis. TahulcE. Horizontal plates extending across the whole cavity of a single corallum or corallite. Theca. The outer wall of a corallite or single corallum, exclu- sive of the separate outer layer, the epitheca, q. v. It may be formed in various ways. See Eutheca and Pseudotheca. SUMMARY. On pages 159 to 160 two theories for the origin of the Hexa- coralla are outhned. The first postulates a common ancestry with the Tetracoralla and a lack of the skeleton-forming habit in the Paleozoic Hexacoralla ; the second, a direct descent from Paleozoic Tetracoralla to Mesozoic, Cenozoic, and Recent Plexa- coralla. The data w^hich form the basis of this paper rather strongly favor the second theory, although no single fact has been found to actually conflict with either. The method by which this general deduction was made may be summarized as follows : 1. There are no known Hexacoralla in the Paleozoic. It is believed that this fact strongly favors the second theory, for otherwise it is necessary to add to the first theory the conception that the stock which finally developed into the Hexacoralla con- tinued throughout the Paleozoic as exclusively soft-bodied forms ; and that the post-Paleozoic corals went through a comparable series of changes which produced the same modifications in the soft basal disk as those which were taking place in the skeleton- secreting basal disk of the Tetracoralla. It thus would be neces- sary to consider that a widespread tendency to an invagination of the basal disk developed in the soft-bodied Paleozoic Hexa- coralla, since a columella occurs so commonly in the Triassic forms. 2. The case of Turbinolia, a genus of living Hexacoralla, whose early life history so closely parallels that of Tetracoralla, suggests a very close relationship between the Tubinolidse and Tetracoralla. 3. The Cyathophyllidae and Zaphrentidae approached Mesozoic time as strong stocks capable of important structural variation. 4. A marked tendency among Carboniferous forms is the widespread development of columellas. Even the conservative genus Zaphrentis was subject to this change. The columella is a far more prominent feature of the Hexacoralla than it is of the Tetracoralla. A correlative tendency is toward an increase in the number of septa and a consequent approach to radial symmetry. 5. Some change in structure or function in the coral polyp is indicated by this development in the late Paleozoic. IMPORTANCE OF THE QUESTION OF PRIMARY SEPTA. The ontogeny of the Tetracoralla has been the subject of a great deal of investigation and debate. It is a difficult subject because the group is extinct and any reasoning which involves the soft parts of the polyps must be done by analogy with living corals, while the part which is preserved as a fossil represents merely a substructure, external and not readily modified by vital changes in the function of the soft parts and yet at the same time extremely impressionable by varying or accidental external forces. Because of the importance of the primary septa in the discus- sion of the phylogeny of the Tetracoralla the various papers on this subject have been repeatedly summarized and only a short account of them will be given here. Other summaries may be found in Duerden (1902) and Faurot (1909). THEORIES OF PREVIOUS WRITERS. Milne-Edwards and Haime (1851) regarded the Tetracoralla as having four primary septa to which the other (secondary) septa were added. Ludwig (1861-66) insisted on the importance of the pinnate arrangement of septa in four groups but considered this condition to have been derived from an earlier grouping by six, and also that there were six primary elements, only four of which were involved in the formation of succeeding septa. Kunth (1869) also clearly described the pinnate manner of addition of the secondary septa. Pourtales (1871) announced the discovery of an early stage of growth with only six septa. The specimens used were of Lopliophyllum proliferum and conclusions were reached similar to those of Ludwig already stated. Quelch (1886) and Ogilvie (1897) paid much attention to the microstructure, finding evidence of a close relationship between Tetracoralla and Hexacoralla. Neumayr (1889 A and B) presented a strong argument for the view that Hexacoralla are directly descended from the Paleozoic The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacorolla. 155 forms, calling attention to the geological occurrence, and to certain peculiarities of coral evolution — tendencies which are now- referred to as parallel development. Von Koch (1896) argued that the Tetracoralla arose from a stock whose individuals had six primary elements. Van Beneden (1897) believed the fourfold structure of Tetra- coralla indicated their close relationship to the Scyphomedusse. Up to 1902 the idea of a primitive six-rayed condition in Tetracoralla had not received much support from paleontologists, but in 1902 Duerden, using new methods of careful sectioning, found a stage in LopJiophyUum proliferum with only six septa. He concluded that this was the earliest skeletal stage. (See Fig. I.) Fig. I. The development of Lopliophyllutn prolife'rum. This and the following diagrams represent transverse sections taken in a continuous series from near the tip of the corallum to the calyx. The cardinal septum in each case is above; the counter septum below. X Yz- (After Duerden.) Gordon (1906), working with decalcified siliceous specimens, announced the discovery of a stage with four septa in Streptel- asma profundum. This precipitated an argument which devel- oped new interest in the problems of morpholog}^ and ontogeny in both living and fossil forms of Anthozoa. Carruthers (1906) finally settled the matter by finding in Zaphrentis phillipsi stages with "one," four and six septa (see Fig. 2). It was found by a comparative study of a number of sections that the stage with "one" septum was quickly succeeded by a stage in which two new septa appeared as a bilateral pair. As the single "primary septum" is broken by a central gap later 156 IV. I. Robinson, in the development, it is evident that it really represents two septal elements and so the stage at which the first bilateral pair appears is called the four-septal stage. The first bilateral pair is quickly followed by a second one which appears on the opposite side of the calyx, bringing the number of septa up to six. A pause in the development occurs at this time, and after this the Fig. 2. The development of a Carboniferous Zaplirentid. X/^. (After Carruthers.) septa are added in a pinnate manner, their inner ends joining the septa of the first and second bilateral pairs. Whether or not this pause indicates an important stage in the phylogeny of the Tetracoralla is not clear, as such phenomena may be explained in various ways, but it occurs at a decided break in the ontogeny of the individual and so must be considered as probably repre- senting a former adult stage. Fig. 3. The development of Cyathaxonia (i, 2, 3, 4) and of Turbinolia (i, 2, 3, 5, 6). The first tvvelve septa appear in the same order and with the same arrangement. X/^- (After Faurot.) The Relationship of the TetracoraUa to the Hexacoralla. 157 Faurot (1909), using Duerden's method of grinding down the coral tip and sketching each change in the arrangement of the parts, obtained a very complete history of the septal sequence in Cyathaxonia cornu. This led to an elaboration of Kunth's law of pinnate arrangement. A short summary paper by the same author (1914) gives his conclusion that in the case of the hexacoral Turbinolia, and the tetracoral Cyathaxonia, there is the same order of appearance and arrangement of the first twelve septa. (See Fig. 3.) From the work of Lacaze-Duthiers, Von Koch, and others, it has been known for a long time that among modern corals some develop six primary septa, in others twelve septa appear all at once. In Turbinolia it is reported, however, that there is a stage with a "single septum" of two septal elements, which is succeeded by stages with four and six septa. Either the time of the beginning of calcification is a stage easily retarded or accel- erated, or the modern Hexacoralla must be considered as a polyphyletic group. CONCLUSIONS. Although the ontogeny of corals, as far as septal sequence is concerned, is now known for a considerable number of both living and fossil genera, and is found to be quite uniform within a group, the phylogenetic relations of the TetracoraUa and Hexacoralla still are not wholly cleared up. Modern work on the phylogeny of recent Anthozoa shows that the arrangement of the mesenteries indicates most closely the various events in the history of the phylum and therefore the most promising results are apparently to be gained from a study of the arrangement of septa in the two sub-classes. This method, as can be seen from the above resume, has been applied by nearly all the recent workers. It carries the assumption that the soft parts of the polyp of the extinct TetracoraUa, of which nothing is known except by analogy with modern forms, were essentially the same as those of living Hexacoralla. This assumption is considered to be justifiable by those who have studied both groups. The results obtained by this method are divergent and those relating to the results attained through ontogeny should be tested in the light of chronogeny (geological appearance), and of the 158 J'V- I- Robinson, geographical distribution of the coral stocks, a principle also insisted upon by Neumayr (1889). The work of Duerden and Brown seems to indicate that the origin of Hexacoralla is not a direct one from Tetracoralla, while the work of Faurot, Carruthers, and the author has brought out a similarity in the early ontogenetic history in the two groups that is perhaps more easily explained "by a theory of direct descent. This question will be discussed on later pages (161-195). The RclationsJiip of the Tetracoralla to the Hcxacoralla. 159 THE TWO THEORIES OF THE ORIGIN OF HEXACORALLA. As has been shown, there are two theories accounting for the origin of the Hexacoralla, one of which depends for its proof upon comparative anatomy of hving corals, the other upon the study of the geological sequence and relationships of fossil forms. THEORY OF COMMON ANCESTRY. The first theory states that the Hexacoralla arose early in the Paleozoic from a stem which also gave rise to the Tetracoralla and Tabulata, but that the Hexacoralla" did not commonly secrete a skeleton until the Mesozoic. A large amount of the history of the Hexacoralla would accordingly be lost, and as the phylum was already a very old one when the lime-secreting habit became firmly established in the Triassic, the early ontogenetic stages reflected in the skeleton of Mesozoic forms would be of doubt- ful phylogenetic value. The only test of the theory is an exhaustive study of the analogy of morphological characters — a method difficult to apply to an extinct group in which there is no direct contact of the vital organs with the skeleton, though much can be learned from the characters of living corals. Brown (1915:542) has stated this theory as follows: "i. All Anthozoa, Paleozoic, Mesozoic, and Modern, are derived from one common stem in which the zooids were bilaterally symmetrical and probably had eight mesenteries. "2. One branch from this common stem, arising early in the Ordovicic, leads up to the modern Alcyonaria (Octo- coralla). * * * "3. Another branch from this common stem, likewise arising earlv in the Ordovicic, embraces the typical tetrameral corals of the Paleozoic — the Rugosa. * * * "4. Another branch from the common stem gave rise to the Mesozoic and later zoantharians — Actinians, Scleractinians, Zoanthids and Cerianthids." This explanation carries an assumption which is very difficult to accept. The advocates of this theory assume that throughout the Paleozoic there developed side by side a group of skeleton- i6o IV. I. Robinson, secreting Tetracoralla and a soft-bodied group which later gave rise to the Hexacoralla. Moreover, they assume that the evolu- tion in the soft-bodied forms so closely paralleled that of the Tetracoralla that when the former finally adopted the skeleton- forming habit they had developed the same specializations of the basal disk. It is difficult to suppose, for instance, that the soft-bodied hexacorals of the late Paleozoic acquired a basal invagination as the Tetracoralla did, and this is necessary, under the theory of common ancestry, to account for the widespread occurrence of the columella in the Mesozoic. THEORY OF DIRECT DESCENT. The second theory is that the Hexacoralla descended from the Tetracoralla in late Paleozoic or, what is more probable, in early Mesozoic time. A comparative study of early ontogenetic stages should be valuable, but the chief test of this theory is whether or not a sufficiently close relationship can be established between the Hexacoralla of the Middle Trias and the late Paleozoic corals. The greatest difficulty in applying this method is a lack of data. The record of corals in the Permian is, as a rule, meagre, though in India there seem to be many of them, and a few are known from the Australian "Carbopermian" ; but there is as yet no knowledge of any corals from the Lower Triassic. The first consideration in comparing these two theories is, whether or not there are any Paleozoic forms which can con- fidently be referred to Hexacoralla. If such forms occur, then the second theory must be modified or abandoned. Two Paleozoic genera, Palceacis and Calostylis, have been repeatedly, though always with some opposition, designated as Hexacoralla. There are, however, very good reasons for saying that neither of the genera has any such close relationship with modern corals, as will be seen by the following analysis of these perplexing forms. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hcxacoralla. i6i TESTS OF THE THEORY OF DIRECT DESCENT FROM TETRACORALLA. GEOLOGICAL OCCURRENCE. So-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla. Palseacis and its Relation to the Tabulata. A description of the genera Palccacis, Microcyathus, and Ptycho- chartocyathus, and a hst of species are given on pages 165-168. Before its microstructure became known, Palceacis, which then included the above genera, was supposed to be one of the Porifera or sponges. Its external appearance, the occurrence of small pores in the outer wall, larger pores in the cups, and a system of contorted canals, all rather favor this opinion, but there are other and more important structural conditions that cannot be explained as due to a relationship to Porifera. Lack of Spicules. — First, although looked for again and again, no spicules have been definitely seen by any one. This is all the more important as the organisms occur preserved in a variety of ways, although numerous sections have never been possible on account of the scarcity of material. Regularity in Budding and Constancy of Shape. — A much more decisive fact and one that removes the genus definitely from the Porifera is that there is a definite law of budding in Palccacis, the same law applying sometimes to more than one species (see PI. I, Figs, i and 2). This regularity in budding controls the shape of the individuals so thoroughly that it would be hard to find among corals a more constant shape than that of the type species, P. cuneiformis. There is no such control of individual shape in the Porifera. In no phylum is a greater variety of shapes in the same group possible than in the Porifera and in no phylum is external shape of less systematic importance {cf. Zittel-Eastman 1913:47). The cimeate base which occurs in P. cuneiformis, P. obtusa, P. compressa, and P. cavernosa is a feature seen in some species of Hexacoralla which are not closely attached to their foundation. The hexacoral Endopachys maclurei of the Eocene of Alabama has a cuneate base quite similar to that of P. obtusa. Such a regular external form as this is again not a character which is to be expected in Porifera. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI n iQi? i62 W. I. Robinson, Calcareous Structure. — A very suggestive coral-like feature is the structure of the calcium carbonate as seen in thin sections of unaltered calcareous specimens. Diverging fibers, arranged in a manner comparable to that in recent corals, show that this material formed the original skeleton of Palceacis. P. cunei- formis, the genotype, does not reveal any definite structure, as it is invariably replaced by silica, but lamellae can be distinguished on the surface, giving the aspect of diverging grooves and ridges. Between the ridges there are pores which open into canals lead- ing into the main cavity. The inner ends of these canals have often been wrongly called mural pores and the genus has been placed on that account with the Tabulata or even removed to the perforate Hexacoralla. P. ohtusa occurs with the original structure of the calcium carbonate preserved and with the interstices filled by secondary silica and iron pyrite. Thin sections show the radial lamellae (PI. I, Fig. 3). Microcyathus depressus, a closely related form, shows the same fibrous structure of the calcium carbonate and the inner pores communicating with the contorted canals (PI. I, Fig. 4). * Comparison with Tabulata.— The one criterion which has proved satisfactory in distinguishing between Hexacoralla and Tetracoralla is the manner of addition of the secondary septa. This criterion, however, cannot be applied to forms like Palceacis, since they have no definite septa. If the lamellae really represent septa, which is very improbable, their arrangement is obscured by the interlacing of the canals. Enough is known of the cal- careous specimens to show that there are no structural characters which prevent classing these genera with Anthozoa. On the other hand, there are good reasons, stated below, for including them under the sub-class Tabulata in close relationship with Pleurodictyum, Leptopora, and Vaughania. All these genera are characterized by large individuals with thick walls which are traversed by canals very irregular in location and direction. There are no mural pores such as those of Favosites, although apical pores and canal openings give a similar appearance. The manner of budding is by pairs, with one individual slightly in advance of the other. The buds are added laterally in such a way that there may be formed a thin encrusting or globular colony. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 163 Palccacis, Microcyathus, and Ptychochartocyathus belong in this group, having the same kind of thick walls and interlacing canals with pores opening on the inner cavity. The same laws of budding apply to them, except that in the case of P. cunei- f or mis the addition of buds is vertical instead of radial. It is here proposed to place these closely related genera, Palcracis, Microcyathus, and Ptychochartocyathus, in one family, Leptoporidas. This name was used in 1892 by Miller for a family which contained the one genus Leptopora and which was placed doubtfully with the Tabulata. As the family was not defined, a definition may be formulated which will include the other closely related genera, as follows: Phylum Coelenterata. Sub-phylum Cnidaria. Class Anthozoa. ?Sub-class Tabulata (of uncertain relationship). Family Leptoporidas Miller. Leptoporidae : Specialized Tabulata with large corallites. Tabulse much modified or wanting. No true septa or true mural pores. Walls thick; traversed by canals. Inner wall grooved, ridged, or occupied by irregularly spaced pores which are the openings of the canals. Genus Leptopora Winchell. 1864 Leptopora Winchell. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XV, 1863 : 2. 1888 Cleistopora Nicholson. Geol. Mag., Dec. Ill, Vol. V: 150-152. Original Description of Leptopora. — -"Corallum occurring in thin discoidal masses; cells very shallow, crowded, polygonal, separated by a common cell wall, which is vertically striated; interior of cells filled with a finely vesicular tissue ; cups polyg- onal, concave, elevated in the center, and displaying numerous radial lamellae." Original Description of Cleistopora. — "Corallum small, discoid, usually attached by its entire base to foreign bodies. Corallites short, prismatic, without tabulae, and having the inferior portion of the visceral chamber completely filled up with loosely reticu- 164 W. I. Robinson, late calcareous tissue. Septa represented by striae only. Walls thick, traversed by minute irregular canals or pores." By comparing the above original descriptions it may be seen that there is no essential character to distinguish between them. A comparison of the original figures of Michelinia? geoniefrica Edwards and Haime, which is the genotype of Cleistopora, with the type specimen of Leptopora leaves no doubt that the genera are identical. List of Species. Leptopora typa Winchell. Genotype. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XV, 1863, 1864: 3. Locality and horizon: Burlington, Iowa. Mississippian (Kin- derhook). Leptopora winchelli White. Bull. U. S. Geol. Geog. Surv. Terr., Vol. V, No. 2, 1879: 211. Locality and horizon: Near forks of Logan River, Bear River Range, North Utah. Mississippian. Leptopora placenta (White). Michelinia? placenta White. Cont. Ind. Pal., No. 8, 1880: 157, PI. 39. Locality and horizon: Sedalia, Missouri. Mississippian (Chouteau). Leptopora expansa (White). Michelinia expansa White. Cont. Ind. Pal., No. 8, 1880: 158, PI. 39- Locality and horizon: Sedalia, Missouri. Mississippian (Chouteau). Leptopora gorhyi Miller. 17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind., 1891, 1892:616; adv. sheets, 1891 : 6. Locality and horizon: Near Sedalia, Missouri. Mississippian (Chouteau). Leptopora procera Rowley. Am. Geol., Vol. XXVII, 1901 : 349- Locality and horizon: Annada, Missouri. Mississippian (Chouteau). Leptopora ramosa Rowley. Am. Geol., Vol. XXVII, 1901 : 349. Locality and horizon: East of Curry ville, Missouri, associated with L. placenta. Mississippian (Chouteau). The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 165 Genus Palceacis Milne-Edwards. i860 Palceacis Milne-Edwards (Haime MS.). Hist. Nat. Cor., Vol. 111:171. 1861 Sphenopoterium, Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, 1860:447. 1S66 Sphenopoterium Meek and Worthen. Geol. Surv. 111., Vol. 11:145. 1866 Palceacis Seebach. Zeit. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Vol. XVIII : 308. 1869 Palceacis Kunth. Ibid., Vol. XXI : 185. 1871 Palceacis Koninck. Memoire presentee a la classe des sci- ences le 9. Mai : 154. 1876 Palceacis Roemer. Lethsea Geognostica, Ft. i, Lethsea Palseozoica, Atlas : PI. 39 and explanation. 1878 Palceacis Etheridge and Nicholson. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Ser. 5, Vol. I, No. 3 : 206. 1892 Palcsacis Miller. 17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind. :6i4; adv. sheets, 1891 : 4. 1896 Palceacis Hinde. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol. LI 1 : 440. 1909 Palceacis Weller. Bull. Geol. Soc. America, Vol. XX : 277. 1913 Palceacis Zittel-Eastman. Text-book of Paleontolog}^ : 106. Original Description of Palceacis. — ^The original description by Milne-Edwards was taken from unpublished manuscripts of Haime which were to have been included in the Histoire Naturelle des Coral Hair es. On account of the death of Haime, that work was published by Milne-Edwards alone. The description in translation is as follows : Polypary free but composite, rounded and very compressed at its base; calices disposed, one at the summit, and the others in pairs upon the lateral margins. Coenenchyma finely vesicular. List of Species. Palceacis cuneiformis Milne-Edwards. Genotype. Hist. Nat. Cor., Vol. Ill, i860: 171. Sphenopoterium cuneatum Meek and \\'orthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448. Locality and horizon: Spergen Hill, Indiana. Mississippian (Spergen). 1 66 IV. I. Robinson, PalcBacis obfusa (Meek and Worthen). Sphenopoterium obtusum Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448. Palceacis cymba Seebach. Zeit. deutsch. geol. GeselL, Vol. XVIII, 1866:309. Palceacis mnbonata Seebach. Ibid., Vol. XVIII, 1866:309. Locality and horizon: Nauvoo, Illinois. Mississippian (Keo- kuk). Palceacis compressa (Meek and Worthen). Sphenopoterium compressum Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448. Locality and horizon: Nauvoo, Illinois. Mississippian (Keo- kuk). Palceacis cavernosa Miller. Adv. sheets, 17th Ann. Rep. Geol. Surv. Ind., 1891:4. Locality and horizon: Jackson County, Indiana. Mississippian (Waverly). Palceacis carinata Girty. Ann. N. Y. Acad. Sci., Vol. XX, No. 2, Pt. 2, 1910: 190. Locality and horizon: Arkansas. Mississippian ( Fayette ville shales). Genus Microcyathus Hinde. 1896 Microcyathus Hinde. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol. LII : 447. Hinde suggested that a new genus be based upon Hydnopora? cyclostoma Phillips. It is here proposed to extend the genus to several other forms. Specimens of the genotype have not been accessible, but it is believed to be definitely related to the species listed below. The genus may be defined as follows : Leptoporidse, sometimes attached but often without a trace of attachment scars. Shape roughly spheroidal. \\'alls very thick; composed of contorted lamellae pierced by ramifying canals. Pores, communicating with the canals, lining the steep walls of the inner cavity. Calices with broad, almost flat, floors. Number of corallites seldom more than three. This genus differs from Palceacis in the microstructure, the external shape, and the cup-shaped or almost cylindrical instead of conical cavities. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 167 List of Species. Microcyathus cyclosfoma (Phillips). Genotype. Hydnoporaf cyclostoma Phillips. Geology of Yorkshire, Pt. 2, Mountain Limestone Dist., 1836: 202. Locality and horizon: Western Europe. Lower Carboniferous. Microcyathus enormis (Meek and Worthen). Sphenopoterium enornie Meek and Worthen. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XII, i860, 1861 : 448. Locality and horizon : Rockford, Indiana; Clarksville, Mis- souri. Mississippian (Kinderhook). Microcyathus? antiquus (McCoy). Astrceopora antiqua McCoy, Synop. Carb. Limestone Foss. Ireland, 1862: 191. Locality and horizon: Ireland. Lower Carboniferous. Remarks: This species has been considered to be identical with M. cyclostoma, but Hinde examined specimens from the type locality and decided that they were distinct. He even sug- gested that they may be placed in a distinct genus. Microcyathus depressus (Meek and Worthen). Sphenopoterium enorme var. depressum Meek and Worthen. Geol. Surv. 111., Vol. II, 1866 : 146. Locality and horizon: Monroe County (Salt Lick Point), Illi- nois; Missouri. Mississippian (Fern Glen). Microcyathus koninckii (Etheridge and Nicholson). Paloeacis cyclostoma var. koninckii Etheridge and Nicholson. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist, Ser. 5, Vol. I, 1878:224. Locality and Jiorizon: Western Europe. Lower Carboniferous. Microcyathus bifidus (Weller). PalcEacis bifidus Weller. Bull. Geol. Soc. America, Vol. XX, 1909:277. Locality and horizon: Missouri and Illinois. Mississippian (Fern Glen). Genus Ptychochartocyathus Ludwig. 1866 Ptychochartocyathus Ludwig. Palaontographica, Vol. XIV: 231. The genus was not defined and the figures are not definitive, but apparently this group differs from Palceacis in having well defined spines on the inside of the cup, no pores, and a basal 1 68 ^ W. I. Robinson, plate. There is but one species, Ptychochartocyathus laxus Ludwig, from the Upper Carboniferous (Culm) of Rothmalters- dorf, near Glatz, Germany. Original Description of the Type Species {translation).— Corallum compound, hemispherical, with a concentrically striated basal plate [epitheca?]. Cups deep and broad, with thick walls without pores. Septa represented by twenty-four large spines reaching down to the bottom of the cup. Between these, sec- ondary septa (Kerbleisten) represented by rows of fine spines not reaching to the base of the cup. Depth of cups 0.8 cm. ; breadth 0.7 cm. ; height of corallum i cm. The figures are very suggestive of Palcuacis but until a com- parison between European and American forms is made this genus may be retained. Genus Pleurodictyum Goldfuss. 1826 Pleurodictyum Goldfuss. Petrif. Germ., Vol. I: 113. 185 1 Pleurodictyum Milne-Edwards and Haime. Archiv. d. Mus., Vol. V: 210. 1856 Pleurodictyum King. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist., Ser. 2, Vol. XVII: 131. 1863 Pleurodictyum Rominger. Ibid., Ser. 3, Vol. XI 1390; also Am. Jour. Sci., (2), Vol. XXXV: 82, 84. 1868 PleMrodictyiim Meek and Worthen. Geol. Surv. 111., Vol. Ill : 407. 1874 Michelinia (partim) Hall. 26th Ann. Rep. N. Y. State Mus. Nat. Hist., 1873: 113. 1879 Pleurodictyum Nicholson. Pal. Tab. Corals: 142. 1883 Pleurodictyum Roemer. Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal. : 428. 1888 Pleurodictyum Herrick. Bull. Denison Univ., Vol. HI: 30: 1891 Pleurodictyum Beecher. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. VIII, Pt. 2: 211. The early descriptions are not satisfactory, as the structure of the genus was not understood. The following description is given in Zittel-Eastman (1913: 114) : "Corallum depressed, discoidal, circular or elliptical in con- tour, lower surface covered with concentrically striated epitheca, and frequently a foreign vermiform body occupying the center TJie RcIatioiisJiip of tlic Tctracoralla to tJie Hexacoralla. 169 of the base. Corallites small, polygonal, contracted inferiorly so as to become fumiel-shaped. Septa represented by faint mar- ginal ridges, or obsolete. Walls pierced by irregularly distrib- uted mural pores ; tabulae sparse." List of Species. Pleurodictyum problematicum Goldfuss. Genotype. Petrif. Germ., Vol. I, 1826: 113. Locality and horizon: Western Europe. Middle Devonian (Eifelian). Pleurodictyum stylopora Eaton. Geol. Text-book, 1832 : 40, PI. 4. Locality and horizon: Western New York. Devonian (Ham- ilton). Pleurodictyum lonsdalei Richter. Zeit. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Vol. VII, 1855 : 559-565. Locality and horizon: Near Saalfeld, Thiiringen, Germany. Devonian. Pleurodictyum^?) selcanum Giebel. Silur. Fauna d. unt. Harzes, 1858 : 56, PI. 6. Locality and horizon: Magdesprung and Zorge, Germany. Lower Devonian (Hercynian). Pleurodictyum Constantino politanum Roemer. N. Jahrb. f. Min., etc., 1863 : 519, PI. 5. Locality and horizon: Near Constantinople, Turkey. Devonian. Pleurodictyum megastomum McCoy. Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist, Ser. 3, Vol. XX, 1867: 201. (Listed but not figured or described.) Locality and horizon: Victoria, Australia. Silurian. Pleurodictyum lenticulare (Hall). Michelinia lenticulare Plall. 26th Ann. Rep. N. Y. State Mus. Nat. Hist., 1873, 1874: 113. Locality and horizon: New York. Devonian (Hamilton). Pleurodictyum petrii Maurer(?). N. Jahrb. f. Min., etc., 1874:456, PI. 7. Locality and horizon: X'ear Giessen, Germany. Lower Devo- nian, Pleurodictyum americanum Roemer. Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal., Atlas, 1876: PL 33. 170 W. I. Robinson, Locality and horizon: Western New York. Devonian (Ham- ilton). Remarks: This species is probably a synonym for P. stylopora. Pleurodicfyum zorgense Kayser. Fauna d. altesten Devon- Ablagerungen d. Harzes, 1878 : 229, PI. 33. Locality and horizon: Harz Mountains, Germany, Lower Devonian. Pleurodictyum amazonicum Katzer. Bol. Mus. Paraense, 1898:208; also Grundz. d. Geol. d. unt. Amazones, 1903 : 268. Locality and horizon: Rio Maecuru, Lower Amazon region, Brazil. Lower Devonian. Genus Vaughania Garwood. 1913 Vaughania Garwood. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc., London, Vol. LXVIII : 564. Original Description. — "Corallum discoid, upper surface con- vex, margin lobulate; size variable, specimens occur measuring up to 5 cm. in diameter. Thickness in center = 3 or 4 mm., becoming somewhat less towards the margin. Base concave, covered with a well-marked, wrinkled epitheca, wrinkles arranged in festoon-like concentric folds parallel to the margin. Corallum apparently free. Corallites very short, closely set, polygonal, as a rule irregularly hexagonal ; on an average, ten corallites occur in a length of 4.5 cm. Calices shallow, rather over i mm. deep, walls less than 0.75 mm. thick; floors nearly smooth and flat, but curving upwards at the margins to meet the base of the walls. "In well preserved specimens the surface of the walls presents a somewhat rugose appearance, resembling Nicholson's figure of Cleistopora geometrica, but there are no definite ridges or striae representing septa. "The corallum is traversed by a system of large perforations or tubes, arranged on a definite plan. This is found in all well- preserved specimens, though it is liable to slight variation in detail. "Round the base of the wall of each calyx runs a polygonal or roughly circular perforation or ring-canal, which follows The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hcxacoralla. 171 the contour of the wall ; this lies just inside the angle formed by the junction of the wall with the floor of the calyx, and slightly below the level of the floor. Thus the base of each wall is traversed by two such tubes bordering the margins of two contiguous corallites. From these ring-canals, branches are given off, which open by pores into the floor of the calices near the base of the walls. Other branches are given off in the opposite direction from the ring-canals and traverse the wall horizontally, connecting the ring-canals of two adjacent corallites. Other pores are occasionally seen, opening higher up on the walls of the calices ; these are, however, more irregular in their distri- bution. The pores opening round the basal margin of the calices are fairly numerous, and are placed close together, the distance between them being generally not much greater than the diameter of the pores themselves. "In microscopic sections the walls and floors of the corallites exhibit a finely crystalline fibrous structure, similar to that which characterizes many recent corals. The long axes of the fibres are arranged perpendicularly to the walls and floors of the calices. There is no trace of the trabecular structure figured by Nichol- son in his descriptions of Cleistopora and Palcuacis, while tabulae are entirely wanting. This compact fibrous coenenchyma is per- forated by the tubes described above; and, in the neighborhood of the tubes, the fibres are arranged in a radial manner perpen- dicularly to the walls of the tubes. Vertical sections cut at right-angles to a corallite-wall show two perforations below the base of tlie wall and on each side of it, representing transverse sections of the two ring-canals of contiguous corallites. From these, in many sections, tubes can be observed passing obliquely outwards and upwards, and penetrating the floors of the calices at the base of the walls, where they terminate at the surface to form the pores already described. In horizontal sections, pre- pared so as to expose the base of the walls a short distance below the floors of the calices, the system of ring-canals and their connecting tubes can be well seen, the canals being rendered conspicuous by their infilling of darker argillaceous material." The author of the genus directs attention to resemblances to Leptopora {Cleistopora) geometrica, and to Palceacis, Pleuro- dictyum and MicrocyatJms. The following points of dift'erence from Leptopora {Cleistopora) are cited: (i) The absence of the 172 W. I. Robinson, trabecular structure which characterizes that genus ; (2) the presence of compact fibrous coenenchyma, forming the whole of the corallum; (3) the presence of a definite system of ring-canals and branches ; (4) the presence of a well-developed basal epitheca, which is unattached. The differences from Pleurodiciyum are given as: (i) The calices are low and vertical, not funnel shaped; (2) there is no trace of tabulae or septal spines; (3) the corallum is unattached; (4) there is no commensal vermiform body; (5) ring-canals are present. Pleurodictyiim resembles J'augJiania, however, "in the presence of intramural pores and of a concentrically striated basal epitheca." The differences from Palccacis are: (i) A much greater number of calices; (2) the corallites not wedge-shaped, but arranged with their walls perpendicular to the basal plate; (3) the calices having (comparatively) narrow and polygonal walls rising from the basal plate, and not excavated as circular pits in the general mass of the corallum ; (4) the absence of vertical striae in the calices: (5) the regular arrangement of the perforations to form ring-canals ; (6) lack of attachment. Palcuacis has similar pores. Microcyathus, which contains species often referred to Palceacis, resembles Vaughania in the compact calcareous matter in its walls, the wrinkled basal epitheca (this however is not always present in Microcyathus) and the presence of pores. These latter are more irregular in the case of Microcyathus and cannot be as correctly defined as a definite tubular system. Microcyathus has more rounded calices and blunt spines which seem to represent septa. Genus Conopoterium Winchell. 1865 Conopoterium Winchell. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XVII: no. This genus is doubtfully referred to the Leptoporidae, as it exhibits some characteristics of the Favositidae and may represent a transitional form. Original Description. — "Corallum compound, generally free, sometimes adherent, but without a distinct base of attachment. Cells somewhat crowded, rapidly enlarging, inseparable, with only occasional and rudimentary diaphragms, and no radial The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 173 lamellae. Walls marked internally by vertical striae, and a few- pores which communicate between the cells. Exterior, where exposed, covered by an epitheca, marked only by irregularly encircling striae. Cells increasing laterally and interstitially. "This genus, perhaps, approaches nearest to Sphenopotcrium {Paldacis] Meek and \\^orthen. It differs in the absence of the cuneate form of the base even in Sphenopoferiiim — the cell mouths in this genus being turned indifferently in all directions. The cells also are smaller and more numerous, and the fewer mural pores communicate from cell to cell, instead of terminating in the intercellular substance. But one species has thus far been obtained." Type Species. Conopoteriuni effusum Winchell. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Phila., Vol. XVII, 1865: iii. Locality and horizon: Clarksville, Missouri. Mississippian ( Lithographic limestone ) . This genus differs from the Leptoporidae in its thin walls with their true mural pores, but the manner of budding and the lack of tabuke may warrant its inclusion in this family. If it should be retained, the species Michelinia (Pleurodictyum) convexa, as illustrated by Hall (Illust. Dev. Foss.:XV, XV A), might also be added. The Genus Calostylis and its Position in the Classification. Phylum Coelenterata. Sub-phylum Cnidaria. Class Anthozoa. Sub-class Tetracoralla. Family Calostylidse. Genus Calostylis Lindstrom. 1868 Calostylis Lindstrom. Ofv. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad. Forhandl., Vol. XXV 1421. 1870 Calostylis Lindstrom. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad. Hand- lingar. Vol. IX, Pt. 6: I. 1878 Calostylis Nicholson and Etheridge. Mon. Sil. Foss. Gir- van Dist., Vol. 1 : 65. 1879 Calostylis Zittel. Handb. d. Pal., \^ol. 1:241. 174 ^- I- Robinsofij 1883 Calostylis Roemer. Leth. Geog., Pt. I, Leth. Pal. : 393. 1889 Calostylis Neumayr. N. Jahrb. f, Min., etc., Pt. 11:44. 1896 Calostylis Koken. Leitf ossilien : 307. 1908 Calostylis Giirich. Leitf ossilien : 38. Calostylis was proposed by Lindstrom for a peculiar coral in the Silurian of Gothland, Sweden. Lindstrom, Duncan, and Zittel believed it to belong with the Hexacoralla, while Roemer, Neumayr, and Freeh regarded it as an extraordinary develop- ment of the Tetracoralla. Translation of the Original Description. — Composite coral. Lateral buds in a single unilateral series. Septa very numerous, often coalescing. Columella trabecular. Epitheca incomplete. In Giirich's Leitfossilien the genus is described as follows (translation) : Horn-shaped corals of the length of a finger. Upper Silurian of Gothland. They have over one hundred closely spaced septa in apparently several, but really two, cycles of two lengths repre- senting primaries and secondaries. The septa are perforated, a character which, with this one exception, occurs only in the Hexacoralla. The broad central space has a spongy pseudo- [parietal] columella. The exterior has a thin epitheca. This apparent analogy with the structure of tlie much later occurring Hexacoralla may be considered as a case of parallel development [Konver genzerscheinung] within the wide realm of variation of the Tetracoralla. The statement that this is the only Paleozoic "perforate coral" is no longer true, as most of the Tabulata are more or less replete with mural pores. Furthermore, Hinde (1889) described genera of the family Archseocyathidae from the Lower Cambrian among which there are several "perforate" corals. Archceocya- thus (restricted) has perforated septa; Coscinocyathus has perforated transverse plates; Protopharetra has porous walls; Ethmophyllum and Spirocyathus have canal structure in the walls. List of Species. Calostylis denticulata (Kjerulf). Genotype. Clisiophyllum denticulata Kjerulf. Veiviser ved geol, Excur- sioner i Christiania Omega, 1865 : 22, 25. The RclatiousJiip of tJic Tctracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 175 Calostylis cribraria Lindstrom. Ofv. K. Svenska Vetensk.- Akad. Forhandl., Vol. XXV, 1868:421. Colostylis denticulata Lindstrom. K. Svenska Vetensk.-Akad. Handlingar, Vol IX, No. 6, 1870: i. Locality and Jiorizon: Near Visby, Gothland, Sweden. Silurian. Calostylis lindstrdmi Nicholson and Etheridge. Mon. Sil. Foss. Girvan Dist., Vol. I, 1878: 65. Locality and liorison: Penkill, near Girvan, Ayrshire, Scot- land. Silurian. Calostylis(f) andersoni Nicholson and Lydekker. Man. Pal, Vol. I, 1889: 307, Fig. 189. Locality and horizon: Shropshire, England. Silurian (Wen- lock). Remarks. — X'o description by the above authors- has been found. The figures in the Manual of Palccontology, however, are adequate. Lindstrom believed that these forms belong with the genus Helminthidium. Calostylis spongiosa Foerste. Bull. Ky. Geol. Surv., No. 7, 1906 : 322. Locality and horizon: Irvine, Kentucky. Silurian (Waco lime- stone). Previous Position. — On account of its porous septa Calostylis \\2.s at first placed among the Hexacoralla. This was opposed by Neumayr, w^ho made a strong argument based on the facts of geological occurrence of coral groups. He pointed out the absence of perforations in forms of Tetracoralla from Silurian until Triassic time, and as there is no other evidence of Paleozoic forms of this sub-class with perforated skeletons, he was led to believe that this peculiar specialization occurred in the Tetra- coralla, perhaps in response to a cause like that which has forced so many of the corals since the Paleozoic to assume a similar character. Other points of less force were made by both sides in the controversy. Those w^ho favored Lindstrom's view pointed to the peculiar spong}^ columella, the manner of budding, and the lack of a well defined epitheca, while those favoring the other side directed attention to the external shape as being essen- tially that of the Tetracoralla, and held that the budding phenomena in this sub-class could lead to such a grouping as that in Calostylis. 176 W. I. Robinson, Grouping of Septa in Early Stages. — None of these arguments was decisive and nothing definite was known of the grouping of the septa in the early stages of growth — the most important fact of all — until the matter was taken up by Freeh (1890). A cross- section was figured (Fig. 4) by him showing an arrangement of the septa in quadrants. In the same paper a specimen of C. den- ticulata was figured which shows, on the exterior, diverging lines indicating conclusively a pinnate addition of the septa such as appears in a similar way on the exterior of coralla of the genus Streptelasma. Fig. 4. Calostylis deitticulaia. X 2. (After Freeh.) A specimen of C. denticulata in the Yale collections shows this especially well (PI. I, Fig. 5). It may also be seen, although not distinctly, in two specimens (Cat. No. 42.569) in the United States National Museum. Specimens of C. lindstromi from the Girvan district in Ayrshire, Scotland, do not show definite strise which can be traced far enough to prove such a structure. It has not been seen among a number of specimens of C. spongiosa from the type locality, but these are much more irregular in their habit of growth than C. denticulata and the external markings are obscured by a more complete epitheca. A specimen of C. denticulata from the type locality was rubbed down at the tip with emery powder and as soon as structure could be seen upon the surface when covered by a film of water, it was polished and photographed (PI. I, Fig. 6). The original from which the figure was made is mounted upon a slide and is in the Yale collections. It shows undisputable bilateral sym- metry and a very plain grouping into four quadrants correspond- ing with the arrangements of Freeh's drawing (Fig. 4, above), The Relationship of the TetracoraUa to the Hexacoralla. 177 but most decisive of all, it shows the pinnate or quadriseptate manner of septal addition which was described by Faurot (1909). This is a structure which has never been described in any of the Hexacoralla but which, so far as present knowledge goes, is universal among TetracoraUa. It is the one unfailing diag- nostic character of the Zoantharia Rugosa (== TetracoraUa) as defined by Milne-Edwards and Haime. Value of Perforations in Classification. — The occurrence of a perforate structure in any of the coral lines was demonstrated by Neumayr to have little classificatory value. A loose usage of the terms "Perforata" and "perforate corals" has unconsciously associated such forms as Favosites of the Tabulata, Calostylis, and the genera of Hexacoralla Perforata. The family Poritidse as defined by Milne-Edwards and Haime (1851) contained such diverse forms as Pleiirodictyum and Protarea, as well as the more usual forms of perforate Hexacoralla. Neumayr protested against such a high valuation of porosity in classification, and called attention to the great differences among the forms which had been thus brought together on the basis of an artificial distinc- tion. The term "Perforata" was finally restricted to the Hexa- coralla. "The Hexacoralla form a connected series from the most extreme perforate Alveopora and Porites to the compact Astrcea; the fundamental character which connects them all is the six-rayed arrangement of the septa. * * Calostylis is the only known member of a distinct group of the TetracoraUa. This group had a relation to the main line wdiich was similar to the relation found to-day between the Perforata and Aporosa of the Hexacoralla." (Neumayr 1889 6:282.) Neumayr's conclusion has been well supported by further facts, especially the cases demonstrating the principles of parallel development and convergence among the Anthozoa wdiich are forcing the opinion more and more that this group is extremely variable within narrow limits. Conclusion. — It is believed that the foregoing considerations, especially the isolated geological occurrence, the order of appear- ance of the septa, and the limited value of porosity in the char- acterization of the larger groups, warrant a definite removal of the genus Calostylis from the Hexacoralla to a separate family, CalostylidcC, of the TetracoraUa. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 12 1917 1 78 W. I. Robinson J Other Peculiar Forms Sometimes Called Hexacoralla. As recent work has emphasized the importance of a six-septal stage in the life history of a tetracoral it is not surprising to find a. few species belonging to that sub-class which have only six septa in adult forms. Battersbyia gemmans from the Devonian of England is excep- tional in that some of its buds have six septa while others have a larger number. According to Neumayr (1889 B), the normal calices bear numerous buds on their borders. A part of these buds undergo a process of development like that of the parent; another part never develop more than five or six septa and within these smaller corallites several new ones form by "septal bud- ding," a process which suggests that of fission. The products of the six-septal individuals, curiously, develop into ordinary large corallites with many septa, and like them produce huds at their borders. Specimens of this species have not been available, but judging from the illustration (Neumayr 1889 B: 276), there is nothing to suggest a close relationship with Hexacoralla. Hexaphyllia.-— The genus HexaphyU'ia from the Lower Car- boniferous of Europe has also been listed with Hexacoralla. The corallites are long, slender, and prismatic and have but few septa. There is some doubt as to the limits of this genus. Forms agreeing with the original description were once included in the genus Heterophyllia, a group which Neumayr (1889 B) considered to be dimorphic, producing corallites with many septa as well as others with only six in much the same way as in Battersbyia; but Duncan (1867:644) in redefining the genus Heterophyllia concluded that the small individuals belong to another and distinct species. A. Stuckenberg (1904) found specimens of the small six- septal forms in Russia at the village Ploskaja on the left bank of the river Pronja. For these he made a new genus Hexaphyl- lia, basing it upon the single species H. prismatica defined at the same time. As the genus now stands it contains also H. m'coyi (Duncan), H. lyelli (Duncan) and H. mirabUis (Duncan), species formerly included in the genus Heterophyllia. Heterophyllia. — Specimens of Heterophyllia cf. sedgzmcki Duncan from the Scottish Lower Limestone Group (Lower Carboniferous), Dunfermline, Scotland, give clear evidence that this genus follows the law of septal addition which is characteris- TJic Relationship of tJic TetracoraUa to the Hexacoralla. 179 tic of TetracoraUa. The calices are rarely preserved, for in ten specimens examined only one showed the distal septal ends but this one showed very clearly a division into quadrants. This specimen is shown on PI. I, Fig. 7. The septal arrangement is indicated clearly in only one quadrant because of injuries to the polyp which affected all except that region of the calyx. A section made of one of the smaller specimens (PI. I, Fig. 8) also shows a division into quadrants as well as the typical quadriseptal arrangement. It is noteworthy that the external ridges of this corallite do not alternate with the septa but are opposite the external septal ends. Specimens of Hexaphyllia m'coyi {Heterophyllia Duncan) from the Scottish Lower Limestone Group at Gilnockie near Canonbie, Scotland, correspond closely to those described by Stuckenberg. Their mode of attachment is unknown as the fossils invariably occur as broken sections of the prismatic coral- lum. These sections vary from less than i mm. to 2 mm. in diameter. Neumayr (1889 B:277) suggested that these six- septal forms were related to the large individuals of Hetero- phyllia in a way similar to that in dimorphic individuals of Battershyia. Duncan, however (1867:645, 646), made separate species for the six-septal forms. He divided the genus Heterophyllia into tw^o groups, one containing large forms with many septa, and one including small corallites with six septa. Eight species were described by him, three of them being forms with only six septa, — H. m'coyi, H. lyelli, and H. mirabilis. The genus was redefined by Duncan as follows : "The corallum is simple, long, and slender. The gemmation takes place around the calicular margin, and is extracalicular. The septa are either irregular in number and arrangement, or else are six in number and regularly spaced. The costse are well developed, and may be tubercular, spined, and flexuous. The wall is thick, there is no epitheca and the endotheca is dis- sepimental." Another form so closely related to the three six-septal species of Heterophyllia that it must be placed in the same genus, was found by Stuckenberg (1904) in central Russia. Upon this species, H. prismatica, he based a new genus Hexaphyllia which, he indicated, should also contain the six-septal forms of Hetero- i8o W. I. Robinson, phyllia. The generic characteristics of Hexaphyllia are, there- fore, the prismatic to cyhndrical coralhtes, having thick walls and regularly spaced septa that unite in the center. The chief difference from Heterophyllia is the regular arrangement of the septa. Completely formed tabulae occur in Hexaphyllia pris- matica. Stuckenberg adds, "Heterophyllia m'coyi and Hetero- phyllia lyelli evidently belong in this genus." Forty specimens of Hexaphyllia cf. m'coyi from the Scottish Lower Limestone Group, Gilnockie, near Canonbie, Scotland, have been examined. They are all broken segments of corallites, prismatic or cylindrical in shape. Many of them, especially the larger ones, show the internal structure clearly when polished with emery powder. They correspond closely to the definition of the genus as given by Stuckenberg, but their reference to Hexacoralla is not so clear. The adult corallites show six septa quite equally spaced but younger stages indicate that their mode of introduction is that of Tetracoralla. Such a stage is shown in PI. I, Fig. 9. The bilateral symmetry is plainly indicated and the septal arrange- ment clearly suggests the occurrence of an earlier stage of growth with but four septa. However, even though the size of the specimens is very inconstant, there is no section in the many that were made that shows only four septa; on the other hand, in several adult specimens the six septa meet at equal angles at the center. Several of the smaller sections, however, showed the junction of the third and second pairs of septa con- siderably farther from the center than in the specimen shown in PI. I, Fig. 9. In these the arrangement is more symmetrical and it often is difficult to tell which arm of the Y formed by the septa of the second and third bilateral pairs is the younger. The number of septa is not large enough to show whether or not the addition of septa obeys the quadriseptal rule of Faurot. The arrangement of these six septa is that so characteristic of Tetra- coralla. The arrangement of septa in these Scottish specimens of Hexaphyllia therefore points to a relationship to Tetracoralla. Among the specimens of Hexaphyllia there were found sev- eral extremely small cylindrical individuals with thick walls and without septa which were at first thought to be young individuals of this genus, but as there were no gradations in structure between them and the six-septal forms, although the latter showed The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. i8i considerable range in size, it is now held that they are generically distinct. Summary of "Paleozoic Hexacoralla." From the above discussion it will be seen that a re-examination of the "Paleozoic Hexacoralla" has led to the conclusion that Calostylis, Heterophyllia, Hexaphyllia, and Battersbyia are genu- ine Tetracoralla and that the genus Palceacis is a tabulate of the family Leptoporidse. Compound forms like Axinura and Pachy- phyllum, at first sight closely resembling Hexacoralla, prove upon closer examination to have the bilateral symmetry and arrangement of Tetracoralla. A further discussion of these and similar genera is not attempted here, as their tetracoral nature may be easily ratified by examining the many illustrations of cross-sections which are available among the works of Rominger, Lambe, Nicholson, and A. Vaughan. The final conclusion from available data is that there are no known Paleozoic Hexacoralla. First Fossil Corals. Mackenzia of the Middle Cambrian. Excepting some forms of uncertain relationship comprising the family Archseocyathidse, of wide distribution in the older Cambrian, nothing is known of stony corals earlier than the Middle Ordovician (Chazy). On the other hand, a soft-bodied form, Mackenzia, which may have some relation to the Anthozoa, has been described by Walcott (1911) from the Middle Cambrian of British Columbia. There are only two specimens known of this remarkable fossil and great doubt exists as to its relation- ship. It was at first placed among the Holothuroidea, while in Zittel-Eastman (1913) it was suggested that it may be an actinian closely related to Edwardsia. There is no calcareous matter now present in the specimens, but the suggestion was made by the author of the genus that "nearly all calcareous matter was removed by solution in the mud deposit prior to its consolidation and alteration into rock." The presence of an Edwardsia-Wke. organism in the Middle Cambrian is a matter of great significance because of the conclusion reached by Bourne, Brown, and others that the original stock from which the Anthozoa descended was one in which eight mesenteries' occurred in the adult. This conclusion is supported by the fact 1 82 W. I. Robinson, that an early ontogenetic stage with only eight mesenteries, commonly referred to as the Edivardsia stage, has been found in many lines of the Anthozoa. First Coral Fauna. Undoubted forms of the class Anthozoa representing the sub- classes Alcyonaria, Tabulata, and Tetracoralla of the Zittel-East- man classification have been found in the lower part of the Middle Ordovician. The first of these groups to appear are the Alcyonaria (Octocoralla) represented by Stylarcea parva (= Tumularia parva Robinson 1916) and Fletcheria incerta. Tumularia parva is found near the base of the Middle Ordo- vician (Chazy) of the Lake Champlain-Montreal area and the Mingan Islands, and in the higher Stones River series of Vir- ginia and Tennessee. Fletcheria incerta is also found in the Chazy of the above mentioned Canadian localities. Tetradium syrin go p oroides and Columnaria alveolata are other compound corals found in the Stones River series and represent respec- tively the Tabulata and the Tetracoralla. Columnaria alveolata continues into the later Ordovician formations, where it is associated with a number of other individual and colonial Tetracoralla. From the above facts it is apparent that at the time of their first appearance as fossils in the Middle Ordovician the Anthozoa were already differentiated into three great groups, the sub- classes Alcyonaria, Tabulata, and Tetracoralla. The origin of these widely differentiated stocks must surely have occurred much earlier in the Ordovician and most probably well back in the Cambrian. Probable Ancestry of the Tetracoralla. There are two species of cup or individual Tetracoralla of the Black River faunas so extremely dift'erent in their specialization that they also suggest a long unrecorded history for that sub- class. These are Streptelasma profundum and Lindstroemia zi'hiteavesi. The extremes of variation which they represent are almost as great as may be found between any two members of the sub-class and the problem of distinguishing the more primitive specialization must be attacked in other ways than by a comparison of adult characteristics. TJie Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 183 A strict comparison of the life histories of these two species cannot be made as yet, since Lindstrcemia whiteavesi is known only from a single specimen (Foerste*i9o6: 312). On the other hand, Brown (1909) made a detailed study of the development of Streptelasma profimdum and found in siliceous specimens a peculiar early growth of the skeleton which is different from that of any other of the Tetracoralla yet investigated. He held that the genus in its earliest growth was devoid of septa. In a speci- men from I to 2 mm. in length, he found no septa, the individual evidently having secreted a calycinal wall before any folds had developed in the basal disk. These young coralla were merely hollow cones with smooth inner walls. A little higher up in the calyx four septa appear at once, but these are not plates dividing the calyx into compartments, as is true of the Tetracoralla gen- erally, but are low ridges in the cup. Succeeding ridges are added in bilateral pairs, until a stage with twelve septa is attained (Brown, 1909: 55, Fig. 2). After this stage of growth the septal ridges become more prominent, are raised into lamellar ridges, and finally, when eighteen septa are present, unite in the center of the calyx. In no other of the Tetracoralla has a skeletal growth been found without septa. This anomalous condition could have been brought about through fossilization. The speci- mens which Brown studied were all siliceous, i. e., pseudomorphs, and the shortness of the septa may have been due to imperfect silicification. It was shown, however, that the septa still pre- served delicate, thin edges, a fact which may lead to the idea that resorption of the skeleton took place during adult life. This process, nevertheless, does not appear to have been one operating upon the skeleton of Tetracoralla, for in all the other genera examined the early septa are complete. Hypothetical genus Protostreptelasma. — Brown established an hypothetical genus with the characters of an early stage in Streptelasma profundum. He named this genus Protostreptel- asma, "a. rugose coral having a hollow conical or horn-shaped calyx, straight or slightly curved, without septa or having only a few rudimentary ridges near the margin indicative of septa." Such a genus was considered to be the ancestor of the Strep- telasma line. The description of Protostreptelasma indicates a coralluni of simpler structure than is known even in early youth among the 184 W. I. Robinson, Zaphrentidpe, although an approximation to it is characteristic of certain of the Cyathaxonidse, typically of Petraia, in which the septa, even in adult forms, do not reach the center of the deep calyx. From the study of early stages of a large number of Zaphrentidse and Cyathophyllidse, it has come to be recognized that the development of the young of Tetracoralla has either two, four, or six septa, all of which are complete and meet at the center. If an ancestral genus were deduced from the ontogeny of these forms it would be characterized by two or more complete septa instead of by a few rudimentary septal ridges. A strict analogy with the post-larval development in modern forms would add the further conception of an earlier disk-shaped corallum with a few complete septa. There is proof that such a condition actually existed among Tetracoralla as well as among Hexacoralla. The writer examined several specimens of Pachyphyllum woodmani collected by C. O. Dun- bar from the Upper Devonian (Lime Creek) of Iowa, and found in them two small colonies which were cemented to the convex surface of fragments of large brachiopod shells. By slowly etching the inner surface of the shells with dilute hydrochloric acid the structure of the protocorallite in contact with the shell could be seen. As indicated in Plate I, Figure 10, the whole colony diverges from a minute circular attachment such as a hemispherical or disk-shaped sessile protopolyp might secrete and very similar to the first lime-secreting stages described by Duerden (1904) for Siderastrcoa and by Mavor (1915) for Agaricia. The writer has found in his examination of abundant material of Streptelasma from various Ordovician localities that the earliest growth does not suggest a stage without septa. If such a one was present as that described for S. profundum and then was so speedily lost in later forms that it does not appear in the succeeding species, S. cornkuhim and S. rusticum, it may be seriously questioned whether it has phylogenetic significance. Figures 5 h and 5 c give conclusive evidence that S. cornkulum has a life history like that of other Tetracoralla and not like that indicated by Brown for 5. profundum. As far as the present data go the hollow cone described by Brown as being the first stage in the skeleton of S. profundum is an exceptional and improbable condition among the Tetra- The Relationship of tJic Tctracoralla to the Hcxacoralla. 185 coralla. A\'e can readily conceive such a primitive structure to have been present, but if in all the other forms of this sub- class the youngest skeletons are found to be equipped with several complete septa, the contention may reasonably be made that such a condition should be found in the ancestral forms. The question would thus be whether in postulating an ancestral genus the more weight should be given to one of two very different forms representing the first known members of the line of tetracorals or to an ontogenetic formula which is found in all except one of the tetracorals so far investigated. In the opinion of the writer the finding of Lindstroomia zvhiteavesi side by side with Streptelasma profundum lessens the significance of geo- o Fig. 5. Tde twclve-septal stage in StrepteLisma profiinduin (a), after Brown; in 5. coniiciiluin , (!>') diagram, {c) actual specimen. X -3. logical occurrence in this case. It seems more reasonable to assume that the siliceous pseudomorphs have failed to preserve the entire structure of vS. projundum accurately, and to trust the unvarying ontogenetic stages to reveal the history of the phylum. Dominance and Decline of Various Coral Stocks. The three sub-classes, Alcyonaria (Octocoralla), Tabulata, and Tetracoralla, which appeared in the Ordovician, became important members of the later Paleozoic faunas. The Alcy- onaria continued with increasing importance throughout the Ordovician and Silurian and reached a maximum of develop- ment in the Silurian, although they survived the period of stress at the close of the Paleozoic and are represented in the living coral faunas. The Tabulata became very important in the faunas of the Silurian and Devonian due to the remarkable develop- ment of the Favositidse and Halysitidae. In the Mississippian they became an inconspicuous group and disappeared before the end of the Paleozoic. The Tetracoralla were the most con- spicuous of Paleozoic corals, beginning in late Ordovician and Trans. Coxn. Ac.vd., Vol. XXI . 13 ^917 1 86 W. I. Robinson, reaching a maximum in the Middle Silurian and Devonian. They continued as a vigorous line in the Mississippian, as the great coral reefs in England and western Europe testify, for the variation of forms in these localities is almost as great as that of the Devonian reefs in North America such as those of Alpena and Petoskey, Michigan, and the Falls of the Ohio at Louisville, Kentucky. In Permo-Carboniferous time a great restriction took place and the number of individuals as well as of genera was greatly reduced. With the end of the Permian record the history of the Tetracoralla closes, although some peculiar Triassic and Jurassic forms have been found to possess a few of their characteristics. No case has yet been recorded, however, of a Mesozoic or recent coral in which the tetracoral septal addition follows the laws of Kunth and Faurot. Evolutionary Trends in Tetracoralla. Loiver Paleozoic. — The different families of the Tetracoralla were in the main established by the Middle vSilurian. The Palseocyclidse and Cystiphyllidae seem to have been aberrant lines which transgressed the limits of favorable variation and so were destroyed. The Palseocyclidse occurred in the Silurian and Devonian; the Cystiphyllidae began in the Silurian and continued into the Carboniferous. The Cyathaxonidse were the most conservative of all the families of Paleozoic corals, fol- lowing the same pattern from the Ordovician genus Petraia to Polyccelia of the Permian (Zechstein), and also show an evi- dence of a lack of progressive variation, or, possibly even a retrogradation, in the Permian, in that Polyccelia corresponds more closely to the original pattern of Petraia than do the Devonian members of the family. This is therefore obviously not a family from which a new stock should be expected to arise in the early Mesozoic. The two remaining families, the Zaphrentidse and the Cyathophyllidse, were the only ones which approached the end of the Paleozoic with the probability of survival. Both of these vigorous lines began in the Ordovician ; gained a maximum of development in the Silurian which was sustained through the Middle Devonian, and both continued to produce important variations during the growth of the Lower Carboniferous coral reefs. The Relationship of the Tctracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 187 Permian. — The fate of tliese stocks in the cold waters result- ing from the early Permian glaciation can only be conjectured. Their latest recorded occurrence is in the Permian of the great medial sea Tethys, where the individuals are common and appar- ently are confined chiefly to the Asiatic area. Polyccelia is the single well defined genus of the western and northern Permian sea of Zechstein time in western Europe and England. Accord- ing to AVaagen Lonsdaleia and Ample xiis are found in the Permo- Carboniferous beds of the Salt Range of India and Zaphrentis, Clisiophyllum, {?) Dibunophyllum, and Pterophylhim have been reported from the Chitichun of the central Himalayas. The restricted number of genera in these localities can only in part be accounted for by the lack of adequate preservation, for reef- building forms occur abundantly. Other forms occur in Aus- tralia and New Zealand. This fact shows that in what appears to be their last stronghold, Tethys, the Tctracoralla were losing ground in point of numbers of genera, and that this decline Avas far more advanced in the cooler western and northern waters than in those of the eastern medial region. With regard to later occurrences, the evidence appears to be in favor of an earlier abundance of Triassic forms in western than in eastern Tethys, for it is the Alpine region in which the new forms first attain a vigorous reef-building character. The great gap in the record of coral evolution therefore comprises all late Permian and early Triassic time, and this absence of material does not permit a study of the evolutional relations of these stocks, but it is certain that in the Middle Triassic the new forms, now Hexacorals, were conspicuous in the West, while it was not until the Jurassic that they appeared in large numbers in the East. This fact is suggestive rather than demonstrative of a western Tethyian origin for the Hexacoralla. 1 88 W. I. Robinson, PLASTICITY OF TETRACORALLA IN THE LATE PALEOZOIC. In the preceding discussion it has been shown that there are none of the so-called Paleozoic Hexacoralla that may not more definitely be placed in other sub-classes. It will next be pertinent to investigate the variability of late Paleozoic Tetracoralla, since the facts of geological occurrence clearly point to the theory of direct descent of the Hexacoralla out of the former as the more probable source. If the phylum has assumed, by the end of the Paleozoic, a pattern from which only slight variations occur, it may be possible to show that the variation is too limited to give rise to new forms. If the stock is no longer vigorous, how may it be expected to survive the increasingly desperate trials of vitality to which it is destined because of the cold waters of the Permian? On the other hand, if there is evidence of an unstable variation, producing giants and monstrosities, we may then look for the end of the phylum. The Columella as an Example of Variability. There is one point of structure in which the late Paleozoic corals quite generally depart from the patterns established in earlier times. This is the presence of a columella, the most characteristic evolutional tendency of the last great coral assem- blage, the Lower Carboniferous coral reefs of western Europe. Since the columella is nearly always present in some form in Carboniferous corals, it may be taken as the measure of their variability. In order to judge of this, we may, therefore, take under consideration the morphological and physiological sig- nificance of the columella. Morphological Significance. Milne-Edwards defined a columella simply as a central column. Four kinds were distinguished: 1. False columella (pseudo-columella). Caused by a twisting of the inner ends of the septa. 2. Septal columella (columella septalis). A fasciculate column composed of pali or similar structures. 3. Parietal columella (columella parietalis). A spongy central mass. TJie Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hcxacoralla. 189 4. Essential columella (columella propria). A separate unit of structure continuous from early stages to old age. It may be styliform, fasciculate, or lamelliform. Classes i, 2, and a part of class 3 fall into one group because the structure of the central column is always connected with structures outside of the central pit. Class 4 and the remainder of class 3 contain those forms which are independent central structures that do not involve any of the skeleton outside of the central pit. In order to express this difference Gregory (1900) has extended the term "parietal columella" to include classes I, 2, and a part of class 3 of Milne-Edwards. Accepting this change the terms will be used in the following sense in the present paper : 1. Essential cohimella (true columella). One that develops independently of other calicular structures. It may be styliform, lamellar, or fascicular. It is usually compact or solid. (See Fig. 6c, page 193.) 2. •Parietal columella (false columella, septal columella, pseudo-columella). One that is formed by a specialization of one or more septa or septal appendages. Such specializations are : a. Enlargement of the inner end of a single septum. (See Fig. 6h, page 193.) b. A central twisting of the inner septal ends. c. A development of large pali. d. The secondary deposit of calcium carbonate which usually obscures somewhat the origin in cases b and c. A parietal columella may be compact or spongiose, fasciculate ("paliform"), styliform or lamellar. Although forms with columellas appear as early as the Mid- dle Ordovician (Black River) in Lindstrccmia zvJiiteavesi, the time of their greatest development is the Lower Carboniferous (Mississippian), and corals with columellas have been an impor- tant element ever since. While they have thus become more numerous in the later development of corals, suggesting that such a structure is of some decided advantage, it is not obvious what particular importance it could have had in the physiology of the polyps. As a part of the stony calyx, the essential col- umella is a sub-structure secreted by the basal disk. If its ipo W- I- Robinson, function should have been that of anchorage of the internal structures there might be no direct evidence of the attachment which evidently in modern corals is more a case of intimate inter growth of the ectoderm and skeleton than an attachment in particular localities by ligaments or muscle endings. Ogilvie (1897:295) noted that in forms with a prominent columella the lower part of the column and the circle of mesen- tery ends form a trench, thus affording a somewhat more sheltered situation for the gonads, which are attached to the lower part of the mesenteries, than a flat-floored cavity would offer. Whatever functions other than a central support or anchorage the columella may have had, it invariably indicates an invagination of the basal disk. It is a secretion in the ectoderm and as such could never have pierced the basal disk and come into direct contact with the internal organs. It has also been suggested by Ogilvie that the columella of recent corals may be looked upon as a specialization of the tabulse of Paleozoic forms. Those early Paleozoic forms which had the least support from below, such as Streptelasma and the Cyathaxonidse, seem to have been especially liable to form columellas. On the other hand, those forms with well developed tabulse, as in Zaphrentis, were less liable to form them. In the late Paleozoic, columella forma- tion seems to be more or less correlated with the development of many septa as though it were representative of or the result of crowding. Steps in Development. Siderastrea. — Duerden in his study of Siderastrea radians (1904) has indicated the following steps in the development of an essential columella : 1. The columella is not seen until ten or twelve septa have appeared. 2. The first evidence of a central structure is the appearance of a few granules or knobs on the smooth central area of the basal disk. This may be accompanied by a thickening of the ends of one or two septa or by the development of several spinose growths from the septal ends. 3. Later on more knobs and spinose growths appear and a secondary infilling of calcareous matter makes the whole structure compact. This process of calcification of the loose structure The Relationship of the TctracoraUa to tJie HexacoraUa. 191 already formed often obscures the mode of formation, a diffi- culty that is met with in examining the adult forms of 5^. radians. Ogilvie thought the term "paliform pseudo-columella" to be applicable, and it was only from a detailed morphological study of all stages in the development that the columella of 6". I'adians could be decided definitely to be an essential columella. In transverse section it is most often round, but sometimes is oval, with its long diameter in the direction of the directive mesenteries. Cyathaxonia. — Among Paleozoic forms, Cyathaxonla has an essential columella, the developmental stages of which are indi- cated by Carruthers (1913) and may be briefly summarized as follows : 1. The columella is seen first at the time when eight or nine septa have appeared. The first septa meet at the center without any noticeable axial thickening. 2. The columella quickly attains prominence as a structure independent of the septa and tabulae. The beginning of the columella cannot be independent of the septa in this case as the latter meet at the center, therefore there is a stage in the life history of Cyathaxonia at which the columella is parietal. Lophophyllum. — Lophophyllum has a parietal columella of the lamellar type. It is never independent of the septum, from which it is an outgrowth, although it sometimes becomes styliform and projects as much as half an inch above the bottom of the calyx. This stylif-orni aspect may be seen in Lophophyllum tor- tuosum (= L. konincki Milne-Edwards and Haime). When lamellar, its long axis lies in the direction of the cardinal and counter septa. It is usually a continuation of the counter septum, but sometimes the cardinal and other septa are involved. The youngest stage figured by Carruthers shows twenty-seven septa and has a well formed columella. Aulo phyllum. —SiaxAty Smith (1913) has described in detail the morphology and ontogeny of the genus Aiilo phylhim. This description clearly indicates the development of an essential columella. The process is as follows : 1. Six septa meet at the center. 2. A zaphrentoid stage in which the septa meet and coalesce at the center. 192 W. I. Robinson, 3. The septa separate from their medial junction and in the central area thvis formed a columella develops as a vesicular mass of calcium carbonate. The septa are not wholly discon- nected from the columella, but their reduced edges form a fringe of lamellse around it. The columnar vesicles are represented at first by simple arched tabulse. This stage enters at the time vi^hen about twenty septa have formed. 4. The septa become completely separated from the columella. This is an example of an essential columella which shows even in old age its origin in central tabuhe and vesicles, without any obscuring of them by a later secondary infilling of calcium carbonate. Here too, however, there is a stage in which the columella may be called parietal, although many septal ends take part in its formation rather than one as in LophophyUum, or a few as is probably the case in Cyatha.vonia. Both essential and parietal columellas are the results of an invagination of the basal disk. It is not even necessary to [)Ostulate an increase of secretion of calcium carbonate at the center to account for the rapid upbuilding of this part of the skeleton, since a central invagination in itself tremendously increases the area of lime-secreting tissue. In the cases mentioned above the columella is evidently the result of such an invagination of the basal disk. This may have been in response to an upward pull at the center such as would result from an attachment of the lower ends of the mesenteries. In the case of the lamellar parietal columella of LophophyUum the force acted most effectively at two opposite points of the polyp, causing an elongated invagination coinciding in direction with a septal element. This led to a continuous lamellar plate, the product of the fusion of a septum and the columella proper. The septum involved is the counter septum, a fact suggestive of the opinion held by various authors that the major septa lie in the direction of the directive mesenteries. While the formation of all columellas is probably caused by some physiological necessity, the result of which we see in an invagination of the basal disk, there is yet a real distinction in a morphological sense between parietal and essential forms. The distinctive feature is the amount of influence the arrange- ment and form of the septa exert upon the columella of the The Relationship of the Tetracoralia to the Hexacoralla. 193 adult. In the case of .lulopliyllum, while there is a stage in which the septal ends are involved in the columella, they are always clearly distinct from it. Likewise in Cyathaxonia (Fig. 6), although the earliest stage of the columella must actually rest upon the central junction of the septa, these do not become involved but rather are excluded very quickly from the central area by the growing columella. In Lophophyllum, on the con- trary, from the earliest stage until old age, the orientation, shape, and size of the columella are noticeably affected by a septum. In the case of parietal columellas which are actually crowded septal ends or appendages of septa, the distinction from the essential columella is so obvious that there is no danger of confusion. Fig. 6. Longitudinal sections : a, Zaphrentis ; b, Lophophylluin : c, Cya- thaxonia. Heavy black shows areas of secretion of calcium carbonate. Nat. size. (After Carruthers.) The genus Aulophyllum is a fine example of the versatility of columella variation. Not only do the size, shape, and compact- ness of the columellas vary in different specimens, but they are also extremely variable from time to time in the life of the same individual. This shows a sensitiveness to minor changes in the life processes which limits the value of columellar variation in classifying the larger groups of corals. Lonsdaleia.- — The parietal columella of Lonsdaleia has been fig- ured and described by Stanley Smith (1916). It is a large central column such as is found in the Clisiophyllids generally. It appears rather late in the life of the individual, when there are about twenty major septa. At this time, either a group of tabellee is formed or the tabulae are drawn up into a peak at the center (see Fig, 7). As the development proceeds, the tabulae are broken up altogether at the center and a large number of 194 W. I. Robinson, tabell« form. Within the mound formed of tabellse, there is a plate corresponding in direction to the cardinal and counter septa. It is derived from the counter septum. This axial plate is usually separated from the counter septum later in the life of the individual, but sometimes a connection is preserved until adult conditions are reached. Other lamellse develop correspond- ing to the major septa, and still others arise independently. The cross-section of a columella of this sort gives the pattern of a Fig. 7. Lonsdalcia. Longitudinal section of a single corallum, showing tabulae, tabellse, columella, and dissepiments. (After Smith.) cobweb, which is a characteristic of this and related genera. The presence of the continuation of the counter septum as an axial plate in the columella and its evident influence upon columellar development place this form in the group of parietal columellas. Accordingly, the ontogenetic history of a coral individual is summarized by Smith as follows : "la. The epithecal ring [basal plate] is laid down. "lb. The earliest septa appear attached directly to the epitheca. "2a. The counter septum grows into the middle of the corallites. "2b. The dissepiments appear as a narrow peripheral zone, and may, even at this stage, separate the septa from the epitheca. "3. During this third stage the septa are prolonged into the middle of the corallite and the tabulae bending distally around the inner or 'axial' edges thus form the beginning of the central column. Truncation of the inner edges of these long septa takes place, and gives rise to the first septal lamellae. * * * The Relationship of tJie Tctracoralla to the HexacoraUa. 195 "4. At this stage the axial tabellse are formed, and the central column assumes its true character. The extrathecal region is narrow, and many of the septa are still in contact with the epitheca." Summary. The appearance of a columella in nearly all the late Paleozoic genera of Tetracoralla shows that this line was still a variable one. The cause which effected this widespread change must have been some important alteration in function or structure in the center of the polyp. The different forms of both parietal and essential columellas indicate some such common underlying change. Finally, it is considered to be significant that this central structure, which is so common in Mesozoic and later genera of HexacoraUa, appeared so often in the tetracoral line just before the Permian-Triassic gap in the record which separates the two groups. 196 W. I. Robinson, BIBLIOGRAPHY. Van Beneden, E. 1897. Les anthozoaires de la Plankton-Expedition. Resul- tats de la "Plankton-Expedition der Humboldt- Stiftung," Vol. II, Kiel and Leipsic. Browx, T, C. 1909. Studies on the morphology and development of certain rugose corals. Ann. N. Y. Acad. Sci., Vol. XIX, No. 3, Part 1 : 45-97. 191 5. The development of the mesenteries in the zooids of Anthozoa and its bearing upon the systematic posi- tion of the Rugosa. Am. Jour. Sci. (4), Vol. XXXIX: 535-542. Carruthers, R. G. 1906. The primary septal plan of the Rugosa. Ann. and Mag. Nat. Hist., Series 7, Vol. XVIII : 356-363. 191 3. LopJiophyUiim and Cyafhaxonia. Geol. Mag., Dec. V, Vol. X : 49-56. Dana, J. D. 1846. Zoophytes. United States Exploring Expedition, 1838- 1842, under command of Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., Vol. VII. DUERDEN, J. E. 1902. Relationships of the Rugosa (Tetracoralla) to the living Zoanthea. Johns Hopkins University Circulars, Vol. XXI, No. 155:19-25. 1904. The coral Siderastrea radians and its post-larval devel- opment. Carnegie Institution of Washington, Pub- lication No. 20. Duncan, P. M. 1867. On the genera Heterophyllia, Battershyia, Palceocyclus and Asterosmilia. Philos. Trans. Roy. Soc, Lon- don, Vol. CLVII : 643-656. Dybowsky, W. N. 1874. Monographie der Zoantharia Rugosa. Archiv fiir Naturkunde Liv-, Ehst- und Kurlands, Bd. V, Lief. 3 and 4: 415-526. The Relationship of the TctracoraUa to the Hcxacoralla. 197 Faurot, L. 1909. Affinites des Tetracoralliaires et des Hexacoralliaires. Annales de Paleontologie, T. IV: 69-107. 19 14. Developpement et symetrie des polypiers coralliaires. IX^ Congres International de Zoologie, Monaco, 191 3 : 278-284. FOERSTE, A. F. 1906. The Silurian, Devonian and Irvine formations of east- central Kentucky with their associated clays and limestones. Kentucky Geol. Surv., Bull. No. 7. Frech, F. 1890. Der Korallenfauna der Trias. Palaontographica, Vol. XXXVII: i-i 16. Gordon, C. E. 1906. Studies on early stages in Paleozoic corals. Am. Jour. Sci. (4), Vol. XXI: 109-127. Gregory, J. W. 1900. The corals. Jurassic fauna of Cutch. Geol. Surv. India, Pal. Indica, Ser. IX, Vol. II, Pt. 2: 1-195. HiNDE, G. J. 1889. On Archccocyathus, Billings, and on other genera allied to or associated with it from the Cambrian strata of North America, Spain, Sardinia and Scotland. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol. XLV: 125-148. Koch, G. vox. 1896. Das Skelet der Steinkorallen. Fine morphologische Studie. Festschrift fiir Carl Gegenbaur, Vol. II : 249-276. Leipsic. KUNTII, A. 1869. Das Wachstumsgesetz der Zoantharia Rugosa. Zeits. d. deutsch. geol. Gesell., Bd. XXI : 647-660. Lambe, L. M. 1899. A revision of the genera and species of Canadian Palaeozoic corals. Canadian Geol. Surv., Contribu- tions to Canadian Palaeontology, Vol. IV, Part I, Madreporaria Perforata and the Alcyonaria. 1901. A revision of the genera and species of Canadian Paleozoic corals. Ibid., Vol. IV, Part II, The Madreporaria Aporosa and the Madreporaria Rugosa. 19^ IV . I. Robinson, LiNDSTROM, G. 18S3. Index to the generic names of the corals of the Palaeo- zoic formations. Bihang till k. svenska Vetens.- Akad. Handlingar, Bd. VIII, No. 9. LUDWIG, R. 1862. Actinozoen und Bryozoen aus dem Carbonkalkstein im Government Perm. Palaontographica, Vol. X : 187- 226. 1865-1866. Korallen aus palseolithischen Formationen. Ibid., Vol. XIV: 133-212. Mayor, J. W. 1915. On the development of the coral Agaricia fragilis Dana. Proc. Amer. Acad. Arts and Sci., Vol. LI, No. 9:486-511. Miller, S. A. 1892. Paleontology. 17th Ann. Rept., Dept. Geology and Nat. Res. Indiana, for 1891:611-705; also advance sheets, August 1891 : 1-103. Milne-Edwards, H. 1857. Histoire naturelle des coralliaires. Vols. I and II and plates. Nouvelles Suites a Buffon. Paris. (This work was edited by Milne-Edwards from manu- script of his own and of Jules Haime's. Both names appear on the cover, but Milne-Edwards assumes tlie responsibility of the publication.) i860. Histoire naturelle des coralliaires. Vol. III. Nouvelles Suites a Buffon. Paris. Milne-Edwards, H., and Haime, J. 185 1. Polypiers des terrains paleozoiques. Arch. Mus. Nat. Hist., Paris, Vol. V: 1-502. Neumayr, M. 1889 A. Calostylis und die perforaten Hexacorallen. Neues Jahrb. fiir Min., etc., Bd. II : 44-53. 1889 B. Die Stamme des Thierreichs, Bd. I, Corallen : 238- 332. Vienna and Prague. Ogilvie, M. 1897. Microscopic and systematic study of madreporarlan types of corals. Philos. Trans. Roy. Soc, London, Series B, Vol. CLXXXVII : 83-346. The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexacoralla. 199 Ortman, a. 1890. Die Morphologic des Skelettes der Steinkorallen in Beziehung zur Koloniebildung. Zeit. Wiss. ZooL, Vol. L: 278-316. POURTALES, L. F. DE. 1 87 1. Deep sea corals. Illustrated catalogue of the Museum of Comparative Zoology of Harvard College, No. IV. QUELCH, J. J. 1886. Report on reef corals. Challenger Reports. Zoology, Vol. XVI. Robinson, W. I. 1916. On the Paleozoic alcyonarian, Tumulaiia. Amer. Jour. Sci. (4),XLII:i62. Seebach, K. von. 1866. Die Zoantharia Perforata der palseozoischen Periode. Zeits. d. deutsch. geol. Gesell, Bd. XVIII: 304-310. Smith, Stanley. 1913. On the genus Aulophylhim. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc, London, Vol. LXIX 151-77. 1916. The genus Lonsdaleia and Dibunophyllum rugosum (McCoy). Ibid., Vol. LXXI : 218-268. Stuckenberg, a. 1904. Anthozoen und Bryozoen des unteren Kohlenkalkes von Central-Russland. Mem. Comite Geologique Russie, new series, No. 14: 1-109. Walcott, C. D. 191 1. Cambrian geology and paleontology, Vol. II, No. 3, Middle Cambrian holothurians and medusae. Smiths. Misc. Coll., Vol. LVII: 29-69. ZiTTEL, K. A. VON. 1913. A text-book of paleontolog}^ Edited by Charles R Eastman. Vol. I. Second edition. London. PLATE I. Fig. I. Palccacis cuneiformis. A series of individuals showing alternate bilateral budding. X 2. Fie. 2. Palceacis obhtsa. View of the calices of a mature corallum. The lowermost in the figure is the oldest, and was followed successively by the upper- most, the one at the left, and the one at the right. X 2. Fig. 3. Palcracis ohtusa. Transverse section showing canals (white), radiating fibres, and infiltration of silica and pyrite (black). X 8. Fig. 4. Microcyathiis deprcssiis. Transverse section showing skeletal structure, openings of canals into interior cavity, and calicular ridges. X 8. Fig. 5. Calostylis dcnticulata. A corallum which shows the pinnate arrangement of septa. Nat. size." Fig. 5a. A detail of the same specimen. X 2. Fig. 6. Calostylis denticulata. Tracing of a microphotograph showing quadriseptate arrangement of septa in the upper (cardinal) quadrants. X H- Fig. 7. Heterophyllia cf. sedgzvicki. View of a calyx which shows an imperfect quadriseptate grouping of the septa. X 4- Fig. 8. Heterophyllia cf. sedgzvicki. Retouched photograph of a transverse section showing a complete quadrisep- tate group in the lower right-hand quadrant. X /• Fig. 9. Hexaphyllia cf. mccoyi. Transverse section showing- bilateral symmetry. X 8. Fig. 10. Pachyphyllum zvoodmani. View of attachment surface of colony showing a tracing of the protocorallite with four septa. X 5- Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE I. For particulais regarding the previous Transactions of the Connecticut Academy, Address the Librarian, Andrew Keogh, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. CONTENTS OF VOLUME 19 OF. THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE i-iio Fossil Birds in the Marsh Collection of Yale Uni- versity, by R. W. Shufeldt (Feb. 1915) $1.10 1 1 1-446 Middlemen in English Business, 1660-1760, by R, B. Westerfield (Feb. 1915) 3.40 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 20 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-131 The Materials for the History of Dor, by George Dahl (May, 1915) $1.40 133-144 New Spiders from New England, XI, by J. H. Emerton 15 145-160 Canadian Spiders, II, by J. H. Emerton 15 161-240 The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Feb. 1916) .... i.oo 241-399 Rural Economy in New England at the Begin- ning of the Nineteenth Century, by Percy W. Bidwell (April, 1916) 2.00 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 21 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-144 The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Dec. 1916) .... $1.60 145-200 The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexa- coralla, by W. I. Robinson (Feb. 1917) 40 APR 3 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. D. 1799 YOLDME 21, PAGES 201-813 MARCH, 1917 The American Species of Marchantia BY ALEXANDER W, EVANS NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated A. D. 1799 VOLUME 21, PAGES 201-313 MARCH, 1917 The American Species of Marchantia BY ALEXANDER W. EVANS NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. II. III. PAGE INTRODUCTION • 205 MORPHOLOGICAL NOTES ON THE GENUS . 208 I. Epidermis and Epidermal Pores . . 210 2 Compact Ventral Tissue . 217 3 Ventral Scales . 218 4 Rhizoids . 221 5 Receptacles . 221 6 Sporophyte . 227 7 CUPULES . 228 DESCRIPTION OF SPECIES . 229 Section I. Astromarchantia • 232 I. M. polymorpha L. . . . . 232 2. ilf. plicata Nees & Mont. . . 241 3. M. Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. . 246 Section II. Chlamidium . • 253 4. M. paleacea Bertol. • 253 5. M. hreviloha Evans . 265 6. M. domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. . 269 7. M. papillata Raddi . 280 8. M. Bescherellel Steph. . 287 9. M. chenopoda L. ... . 290 T-RTF TTL Species ...... . 312 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Fig. I. Marchantia polymorpha, appendages of ventral scales ....... Fig. 2. Marchantia polymorpha, anatomical details Fig. 3. Marchantia plicata, appendages of ventral scales Fig. 4. Marchantia plicata, anatomical details Fig. 5. Marchantia Berteroana, appendages of ventral scales and other anatomical details . Fig. 6. Marchantia paleacea, ventral scales Fig. 7. Marchantia paleacea, portions of ventral scales Fig. 8. Marchantia paleacea, anatomical details Fig. 9. Marchantia hreviloha, plants, natural size, and various anatomical details Fig. 10. Marchantia domingensis, appendages of ventral scales ....... Fig. II. Marchantia domingensis, epidermal pores of thallus Fig. 12. Marchantia domingensis, anatomical details Fig. 13. Marchantia papillata, appendages of ventral scales and other anatomical details Fig. 14. Marchantia Bescherellei, anatomical details Fig. 15. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral scales Fig. 16. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral scales ....... Fig. 17. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral scales ....... Fig. 18. Marchantia chenopoda, appendages of ventral scales ....... Fig. 19. Marchantia chenopoda, epidermal structures of thallus ....... Fig. 20. Marchantia chenopoda, anatomical details . I. INTRODUCTION The genus Marchanfia is almost world-wide in its distribution and includes some of the largest and most conspicuous of the Hepaticae. According to the current rules of nomenclature the genus was not definitely established until 1753, when Linnaeus published it in the first edition of his Species Plantarum, but the use of the name Marchantia dates from the year 1713. Linnaeus recognized seven species, only the first two of which, J\I. polymorpha and il/. chenopoda, are now retained in the genus. The type species, M. polymorpha, he cites from Europe only, and gives Martinique as the habitat of M. chenopoda. At the present time M. polymorpha is known to be almost cosmopolitan, while the range of M. chenopoda, although apparently restricted to tropical America, is likewise ver}'- extended. For a long time M. polymorpha was the only species recognized in Europe. In 1817, however, a second species, M. paleacea, was described by Bertolini^ from material collected in Italy, This species had been distinguished and figured by Micheli- nearly a century earlier but had not been accepted by Linnaeus. It is now known to have a wide distribution in tropical and subtropical regions, its range extending far beyond the confines of Europe. Other European species which have been proposed from time to time, such as M. macrocephala Corda and M. Sykorae Corda, have never received wide acceptance and vmdoubtedly represent mere forms of M. polymorpha. The history of the genus in America, when the entire continent is considered, is very much involved. This is due partly to the full representation of the genus and partly to the confusion which has arisen in the interpretation of certain species. Before the publication of Gottsche, Lindenberg and Nees von Esenbeck's Synopsis Hepaticarum, in 1847, the following species of Marchantia had been recorded from North and South Amer- ica: M. papillata Raddi (1823) from Brazil, M. platycnemos Schwaegr. (1827) from Brazil, M. Szvartaii Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832) from Jamaica, M. squamosa Raddi (1832) from Brazil, ^ Opus. Sci. Bologna 1:242. 1817. ^ Nova Plant. Gen. 2. pi. i, f. 4. Florence, 1729. 2o6 Alexander IV. Evans, M. cartilaginea Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832) from St. Vincent, M. hrasiliensis Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832) from Brazil, M. Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. (1834) from Juan Fernandez, M. domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. (1834) from Santo Domingo, M. tholophora Bisch. (1835) from Mexico, M. inflexa Mont. & Nees (1838) from Martinique, M. plicata Nees & Mont. (1838) from BoHvia, M. qninqneloha Nees (1838) from the West Indies,^ M. peru- viana (Nees & Mont.) Nees (1839, as Grimaldia peruviana) from Bohvia. In the Synopsis Hepaticarum these species are all recognized with the exception of M. Swartzii, which is made a synonym of M. chenopoda, and M. platycnemos, which is made a synonym of M. papillata. Two other species, M. pusilla Nees & Mont, from Chile and M. lamellosa Hampe & Gottsche from Venezuela, are described as new ; a third species, M. linearis Lehm. & Lindenb. (1832), originally described from Nepal, is quoted from several of the Lesser Antilles ; while both M. poly- morpha and M. chenopoda are cited from numerous American localities. The Synopsis, therefore, recognizes sixteen species in all from North and South America. During the period from 1847 to 1899 comparatively little was added to our knowledge of the genus in America. The follow- ing species, however, were described as new : M. flabellata Hampe (1847) from V^enezuela, M. Notarisii Lehm. (1857) from Chile, M. Dillchii Lindb. (1883) from Jamaica, M. subandina Spruce (1885) from Peru, M. Bescherellei Steph. (1888) from Brazil, and M. oregonensis Steph. (1891) from Oregon. Two of the most noteworthy papers on Marchantia appearing during this time were by Schiffner. In the first he brought out the fact that M. hrasiliensis and M. cartilaginea were synonyms of M. chenopoda^ ; in the second he showed that M. tabularis Nees, a South African species, was a synonym of the older M. Berte- roana.^ Another reduction to synonymy was suggested by Howe,*' who showed that M. oregonensis was based on very uncertain characters and that it could not be well separated from M. polymorpha. " No station is cited for this species in the original publication ; the Synopsis, hoAvever, gives, "in India occidentali." ■* Nova Acta Acad. Leop.-Carol. 60 : 287, 288. 1893. ° Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 46: 41-44, 100-103. 1896. " Mem. Torrey Club 7 : 62. 1899. American Species of Marchantia. 207 In 1899 Stephani' published his monograph on Marchantia in the first vohime of his Species Hepaticaruni. He describes eighteen species in all from America, six of which are confined to North America and eight to South America. Of these eighteen species M. ElliottH of Dominica and M. caracensis of Venezuela and Mexico are described as new, while M. cepha- loscypJia Steph. (1883), originally described from New Zealand, is quoted from Chile and Patagonia. He accepts Schiffner's reduction of M. cartilaginea to synonymy but maintains both .1/. brasiliensis and M. oregonensis as valid. Under M. tabularis he cites AT. Berteroana as a synonym (on the authority of Schififner) but gives no American localities. Under M. domin- gensis he -gives M. inflexa as a synonym and states further that the American stations for M. linearis (as given in the Synopsis) belong to M. domingensis instead. He includes M. Dillenii among the synonyms of M. chenopoda and considers that M. peruviana and M. N'otarisii art very close to this species and may be merely forms of it. Two species recognized by the Synopsis, ilf. quinqucloba and M. pusilla, he gives up altogether, because they were based on fragmentary specimens, and he makes no mention whatever of M. jiabellata. If M. Berteroana is reinstated as an American species and if M. flabellata is added, Stephani's total of eighteen species would still be maintained, even if AI. brasiliensis and AI. oregon- ensis are considered synonyms. It will be seen that this total is scarcely different from the total of sixteen species given in the Synopsis Hepaticarum. The writer hopes to show, however, that these numbers are much too high and that further reductions to synonymy are necessary. In his opinion there are only nine species based on characters which seem trustworthy, and it is possible that two of tliese will not be considered distinct when they become more fully known. There remain five species which are doubtful, either because the published descriptions are incom- plete or because the original material is immature or fragmentary. Two of these, as noted above, are discarded altogether by Stephani, and it is probable that the other three deserve the same fate. The doubtful species, however, will be alluded to briefly at the close of the paper. 'Bull. Herb. Boissier 7:383-407, 518-533. 1899. 11. MORPHOLOGICAL NOTES ON THE GENUS No other liverwort has been so much discussed and described as Marchantia polymorpha. According to Lindbergh it attracted the attention of naturahsts at a very early date and was known to both Aristotle and Theophrastus. Within more recent times it has repeatedly been the subject of morphological researches and has served in numerous text books as a typical representa- tive of the thallose Hepaticae. Over eighty years ago MirbeP published the first extensive account of its morphology. He brought out the essential features of the thallus and of its various tissues and gave a clear description of the receptacles and the gemmae. Of the later works dealing with the morphology of the species those by Leitgeb," Kny/ Ikeno,^ and Durand" may be particularly mentioned. The first two deal with the plant in a general way, very much as Mirbel's memoir did, although they include many original observations. The last two are much more specialized and deal with the cytolog}^ and development of the reproductive organs. Altliough M. polymorpha itself has been treated so exhaustively the other species of the genus have been but little studied by morphologists. In one of his earlier papers Schiffner'^ published a series of interesting observations on the Javan M. geminata R. Bl. & N. ; but aside from this, ' Hepat. Utveckling 15. Helsingfors, 1877. " Recherches anatomiques et physiologiques sur le Marchantia poly- morpha. Mus. Hist. Nat. Nouv. Ann. 1:92-130. pi. 5-7. 1832. For a reprint of this paper, with a few slight alterations, and a Complement des observations sur le Marchantia polymorpha, see Mem. Acad. Sci. 13 '■ 337-436. pi. 1-8. 1835. For a translation into German by Von Flotow, see Nees von Esenbeck, Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4 :445-494. Breslau, 1838. ^Unters. iiber Leberm. 6: 1 14-123. pi. p. Graz, 1881. *Bau und Entwickelung von Marchantia polymorpha L. Bot. Wand- tafeln 364-401. pi. 84-90. Berlin, 1890. ^ Beitrage zur Kenntnis der pflanzlichen Spermatogenese : Die Sper- matogenese von Marchantia polymorpha. Beih. Bot. Centralbl. 15 : 65-88. pi. 3 + f- I- 1903- ° The development of the sexual organs and sporogonium of Marchan- tia polymorpha. Bull. Torrey Club 35 : 321-335. pi. 21-25. 1908. '' Ueber exotische Hepaticae. Anhang I. Morphologische Bemerkungen iiber Marchantia. Nova Acta Acad. Leop. -Carol. 60 : 279-284. pi. ig. 1893. American Species of Marchantia. 209 records of morphological importance are mostly in the form of scattered notes, and these are often to be found in taxonomic treatises. In the present paper the morphology^ of Marchantia will be treated largely from the standpoint of the taxonomist. In other words the parts of the plant which yield the most distinct and constant specific characters will be primarily considered. These parts include the epidermis and the epidermal pores, the compact ventral tissue, the ventral scales, the rhizoids, the receptacles, and the cupules. The photosynthetic layer, the sexual organs, and the sporophyte, although yielding important generic characters, are less helpful when the individual species are con- sidered. For the sake of completeness, however, a brief account of the sporophyte will be included. The flat thallus of Marchantia is of the usual prostrate dorsi- ventral type and branches repeatedly by forking. It varies con- siderably in size and. in thickness in certain species, so that measurements of its various dimensions have to be employed with caution. At tlie same time some of the species are distinctly larger than others. The growth of the tliallus is normally unlim- ited until the sexual branches or receptacles (see Fig. 9, A, B) are produced. These represent the erect prolongations of prostrate branches and are limited in growth. The inflorescence is dioicous throughout the genus. Vegetative reproduction is carried on by means of discoid gemmae, which may be formed on either male or female individuals and which apparently do not interfere with the growth of the plant. The thallus shows clearly the usual dift'erentiation into an epidermis, a photosynthetic layer and a compact ventral tissue bearing scales and rhizoids. The photosynthetic tissue consists of a single layer of large air-chambers separated from one another by continuous plates of cells. Each air-chamber is connected with the outside by a single pore in the epidermal roof. From the floor of the chamber arise numerous short rows of green cells, subspherical in form and freely exposed to the air of the chamber. The rows, which are simple or branched, are mostly from two to five cells long and the uppermost cells, except in the vicinity of the pore, are usually attached to the epidermis. The air-chambers vary greatly in size, not only in dift"erent species but often in different parts of an i-ndividual thallus. 2IO Alexander W. Evans, I. Epidermis and Epidermal Pores The ordinary epidermal cells are fairly uniform throughout the genus and it is doubtful if they offer any very trustworthy differential characters. Their size often varies markedly on an individual thallus and may be directly affected by differences in external conditions. Although the cells are usually colorless or pale they sometimes produce chloroplasts in abundance. In the majority of cases they are arranged in a single layer, but in certain species at least, such as 71/. chenopoda (Fig. 19, E) and M. paleacea (Fig. 8, D), the epidermis may be two cells thick in parts of its extent. The walls may vary considerably in thick- ness, but they are rarely very firm and are destitute of distinct trigones. Cells containing oil-bodies, cells containing slime, and minute surface papillae are sometimes found in the epidermis. The cells containing the oil-bodies are usually distinctly smaller than the neighboring cells and are easily distinguished by their granular contents, which nearly or quite fill the cell cavities. In M. cheno- poda these cells are not infrequent and do not seem to be restricted to any definite part of the thallus; in M. polymorpha they occur near the margin and seem to be absent elsewhere ; while in certain other species there are apparently no cells of this character in the epidermis. Epidermal cells containing slime are, according to our present knowledge, restricted to M. chenopoda. The slime-cells are scattered about in the epidermis and always occur in regions where the epidermis is two cells thick, being situated in the inner layer (Fig. 19, L). They are much larger than the surrounding epidermal cells and strongly compress those of the outer layer. When a piece of the epidermis is examined from above the slime cells are seen to be covered over by these compressed cells. Apparently Voigt* was the first to observe the slime-cells, although he failed to recognize their true character. The much larger slime-canals in Conocephalnm conicum (L.) Dumort. were soon afterwards described by Goebel," and Leitgeb^" pointed out that the slime-cells of M. chenopoda were of the same ' Bot. Zeit. 37 : 733- 1879. " Arb. Bot. Inst. Wiirzburg 2 : 531. 1880. ^"Unters. iiber Leberm. 6:16. 1881. American Species of Marchantia. an nature. He showed that they occurred not only under the epidermis, as he expressed it, but also in the compact ventral tissue and in the partitions between the air-chambers, and he emphasized the fact that they were especially abundant in the female receptacles. The distribution of the slime-cells in Mar- chantia was a little later discussed at length by Prescher.^^ He found no trace of them in M. Berteroana, M. papillata, M. emar- ginafa R. Bl. & N., or M. linearis; he found them restricted to the compact tissue of certain definite regions in M. polymorpha and AL paleacea; and it was only in il/. chenopoda (including M. cartilaginea) that he found them in the epidermis. Surface papillae have been figured very accurately by Kny " in the case of M. polymorpha. They are minute appendages of the epidermis, which are cut off by walls and rounded or bluntly pointed at their free ends (Fig. 2, J, L, O, P). Sometimes a papilla is situated over a single cell and sometimes over the partition between two cells, showing' in the latter case that an epidermal cell had divided after the papilla had been formed. Papillae of this type seem to be rare on vegetative branches and confined to certain species. So far they have been reported m two East Indian species, M. emarginata and M. Treiibii Schifl:n., but they seem to be absent from all the American species except M. polymorpha. In this last species, as shown by Schift'ner," the median portion of the thallus is always free from papillae, while the marginal regions sometimes show them clearly. The distribution is very different, however, in M. Trcuhii, where the papillae are most abundant in the median portion and gradually decrease toward the margins. Whether papillae of this character form a constant feature of any of the species where they have been found is perhaps doubtful. In one specimen of M. emar- ginata, for example, in the writer's collection (Schiffner, Iter Indicum j/), the plants seem to have developed no papillae, and they are frequently absent from the vegetative branches in M. polymorpha. When they occur on receptacles or cupules, as in this same species, they seem to be more constant. " Die Schleimorgane der Marchantieen. Sitzungsb. Kais. Acad. Wissen. Wien, Math.-naturw. CI. 86': 132-158. pi. i, 2. 1882. " Bot. Wandtafeln pi. 84, f. 2, 3. 1890. ^^ See Schiffner, Fl. de Buitenzorg 4: T)^, 35. I,eiden, 1900. " Lotos 49 : 93. 1901. 212 Alexander W. Evans, The complex epidermal pores of Marchantia are of much interest. They are of the dolioform or barrel-shaped type, that is, the opening of the pore is surrounded by two series of cells arranged in concentric rows, one series projecting more or less above the surface of the thallus, the other projecting into an air-chamber. Although pores of this type are found on the sexual branches of most of the Marchantiaceae, the only genera where they occur on the vegetative branches are Marchantia, Preissia, and Biicegia. Even in Marchantia, as shown by Kamer- ling,^^ immature shoots sometimes produce pores of the simple type found in most of the other members of the group. The first attempt to utilize the structural features of the pores for taxonomic purposes seems to have been made by Voigt.^^ He studied eight species of the genus, and showed that the number of pores in a given area, the number of rows of cells surround- ing a pore, and the number of cells in a row were fairly constant for each species. Stephani also has drawn specific characters from the pores, but certain of his distinctions, as will be shown below, are subject to variation and must be used with caution. In the case of M. polymorpha the pores have been repeatedly figured, although the published illustrations are not all of the same degree of excellence. Among recent figures those by Voigt, Kny, and Miiller^^ bring out most of the essential points. Accord- ing to Voigt, whose account of the pores is imusually full, the opening is surrounded by five circular rows of cells, three belong- ing to the upper and two to the lower series, but both Kny and Miiller state that the upper series is normally composed of only two rows making four rows in all, a statement which agrees with the writer's observations (see Fig. 2, A, B). Under some conditions the number of rows may be reduced to three or even to two. In the upper series each row is composed (in most cases at least) of four cells (Fig. 2, A, B), and immediately surrounding the pore a circular membranous ridge is present, probably representing, as in the simple pores of Targionia,^^ a collapsed series of cells. This ridge is shown by Voigt (/. i), "Flora 84 (Erganzungsb.) : 57. 1897. " Bot. Zeit. 37 : 74i. 1879. " Rabenhorst's Kryptoganien-Flora 6 : /. J} Species of Marchantia. ^39 Fig. 2. AIarchantia polymorpha L. Anatomical details. A, B. Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view, X 225. C. Pore in cross-section, x 225. D-I. Inner openings of pores, X 225. J. Marginal portion of thallus, in section, showing two epidermal papillae, x 225. K. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section near base, X 40. L. Female receptacle, section of part of disc, showing a pore and three epidermal papillae, x 225. M. Part of involucre, x 50. N. Part of cupule, showing three lobes, x 50. O, P. Epidermal papillae from cupule, in section, x 225. A, D. Opdal, Norway, /. Hagcn, in V. Schiff- ner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 75, type of var. mauiillata Hagen. B, I, J. Jamaica, A. IV. Evans. C. Oaxaca, E. W. Nelson 2530. E, L-P. New Haven, Connecticut, G. E. Nichols, A. IV. Evans. F-H. Wilbraham, Massachusetts, E. A. Chapin, G and H representing forma aquatica. K. Eberswalde, Germany, A. W. Evans. 240 Alexander IV. Evans, of M. polymorpha and Schiffner^^ has since followed the same course. The type material of the last synonym, M. oregonensis, con- sists of a series of male specimens collected on Mount Hood, Oregon, by J. Roll, in 1888. A portion of the type in the Under- wood herbarium has been examined by the writer. In his original account of M. oregonensis, Stephani emphasizes the dentate and spinose appendages of the ventral scales and states that he knows no other Marchantia of temperate regions in which similar appendages occur. Howe^^ soon pointed out, how- ever, that the appendages in many European and American specimens of M. polymorpha agreed with those of M. oregonensis and expressed the opinion that the peculiarity emphasized by Stephani had no specific significance. Fig. i, G, drawn from M. oregonensis, fully supports Howe's statements. As a matter of fact the appendages are not deeply enough toothed to be called "spinose" or even "dentate" ; it would be more accurate to describe them as denticulate or crenulate. In his Species Hepaticarum, published the same year as Howe's observations, Stephani^'^ still maintains the validity of M. oregonensis. He describes the appendages as variously and remotely dentate-spinose and states that they are composed of small subequal cells. Here again Fig. i, G brings out a slight inaccuracy, by showing that the marginal cells are distinctly smaller than the interior cells. In his critical notes he no longer emphasizes the features of the appendages but calls attention to the cruciate internal openings of the epidermal pores, stating that no other North American species has pores of this character. In the material studied by the writer no pores of a distinctly cruciate type were found ; they agreed, rather, with the pores of M. polymorpha forma alpestris, as shown in Fig. 2, D. Since both of the distinctions relied upon by Stephani thus break down there seems to be no reason why M. oregonensis should not be considered a simple synonym of M. polymorpha. " Engler & Prantl, Nat. Pflanzenfam. i' : 37. 1893. '° Mem. Torrey Club 7 : 62. 1899. ^' Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 531. 1899. American Species of MarcJiantia. 241 2. Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont. MarcJiantia ( ?) plicata Nees & ]\Ioiit. ; Montagne, Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. II. 9:43. 1838. Marchantia lamellosa Hampe & Gottsche; G. L. & N. Syn. Hep. 527. 1846. Marchantia vulcanica Spruce, Trans. Bot. Soc. Edinburgh 15:559. 1 885 ( as synonym ) . Thallus green, not glaucous, often more or less pigmented with purple on the lower surface, usually 1-1.5 cm. wide, often 6-8 cm. long or even more, occasionally dichotomous, the successive forks usually about 2 cm. apart, texture delicate, margin entire ; epi- dermis composed of thin-walled cells, averaging about 20^11 in length and 13/x in width, papillae absent; pores (with their sur- rounding cells) mostly 65-80/* long and 50-60/* wide, gradually decreasing in size toward the margin, the smallest measuring about 50x40/*, surrounded by three or (usually) four row^s of cells (two rows being in the lower series), each row being usually composed of four cells, inner opening mostly four-sided, with slightly convex to distinctly concave sides, somewhat roughened by a resinous deposit ; air-chambers low, isodiametric or some- what elongated, their boundaries very indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, everywhere present (except close to the margin), row^s of photosynthetic cells usually less than three cells long; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty to twenty-five cells thick in the median portion, destitute of slime cells and sclerotic cells, the cell-walls slightly thickened and with distinct pits ; ventral scales in four to six rows on each side of the thallus, median and marginal scales in distinct rows, laminar scales in two to four indistinct rows, scales often pigmented with purple, marginal scales more or less imbricated and usually projecting beyond the margin ; appendages of median scales orbicular-ovate to orbicular, mostly 0.65-0.9 mm. long and 0.65-0.8 mm. wide, somewhat narrowed toward the rounded and sometimes apiculate apex, margin minutely and irregularly denticulate or crenulate, a tooth sometimes consisting of an entire cell borne on a slightly projecting stalk cell, cells rapidly decreasing in size toward the margin, median cells mostly 70-90/* in length and 40-60/* in width, marginal cells only 25-50/* in length and 12-20/* in width, cells containing oil-bodies 15-30/* in diameter, usually about ten on each appendage, restricted to submarginal portions : male receptacle borne on a stalk 2-3 cm. long, with two rhizoid-fur- rows, destitute of dorsal air-chambers, the disc mostly 1-1.2 cm. broad (when well developed), deeply lobed, the lobes or rays mostly eight (sometimes nine or ten), the two basal rays usually separated by a wider sinus than the others, 2-4 mm. long, rounded at the apex and with thin wdivy margins, covered ventrally with 242 Alexander W. Evans, densely imbricated scales in several rows : female receptacle borne on a stalk 6-8 cm. long (when well developed), with two rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 1.2-1.6 cm. broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays spreading at maturity, mostly eleven (sometimes nine or ten), 5-6 mm. long, the two basal rays usually shorter than the others and separated by a w^der sinus, rays terete, rounded at the apex, destitute of surface-papillae; involucre sometimes pigmented, deeply and irregularly lobed, the lobes long-acuminate and dentate to ciliate on the sides: spores pale yellow, 12-14/^ in diameter, smooth or nearly so ; elaters 3-5/* wide, bispiral : cupules deeply lobed, the lobes as in M. polymorpha, outer surface with epidermal papillae. (Figs. 3, 4.) The species seems to be confined to the high mountains of South America. The following specimens have been examined : Colombia: Boqueron, Bogota, W. Weir (N. Y.). Ecuador: Quito, December, 1847, W. Jameson (N. Y., listed by Mitten as M. Berteroana in Jour. Bot. & Kew Misc. 3:361. 1851); Pichincha, R. Spruce (distributed in Hepaticae Spruce- anae). Peru: Cuzco, July, 1911, H. W. Foote (Y., listed by the writer as il/. lameUosa in Trans. Conn. Acad. 18 : 299. 1914) ; same locality, September, 1914, Mr. & Mrs. J. N. Rose ipoSo (N. Y., Y.) ; Ollantaytambo, May, 1915, Cook & Gilbert 6/2 (U. S., Y.) ; San Miguel, Urubamba Valley, June, 1915, Cook & Gilbert 1162 (U. S., Y.) ; Lucumayo Valley, June, 1915, Cook & Gilbert 1321 (U. S., Y.). Bolivia : between Chupe and Janacache, province of Yungas, A. d'Orbigny 20g (M., type) ; Sorata, February, 1886, H. H. Riisby jooj in part (N. Y., listed by Spruce as "M. plicata Nees?" in Mem. Torrey Club i: 140. 1890); Songo, Novem- ber, 1890, M. Bang pio (N. Y., U. S., Y., listed by Rusby as M. polymorpha in Mem. Torrey Club 4:274. 1895); Sorata, September, 1901, R. S. Williams 2144 (N. Y., Y.). The type specimen of M. lameUosa was collected at the fol- lowing locality : Venezuela: Paramo de Mucuchies, Moritz 43 (listed, but erroneously ascribed to Colombia, in Syn. Hep. 527. 1846; also listed by Hampe in Linnaea 20 : 333. 1847). American Species of Marchantia. 243 The present species was based on a specimen without recep- tacles or gemmae. When originally described its generic posi- tion was considered doubtful, but the authors of the Synopsis saw clearly that it represented a Marchantia and suggested its Fig. 3. Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont. Appendages of ventral scales, x 100. D represents the basal portion of an appendage ; the other figures represent apical portions. A. Ecuador, W. Jameson. B-D. Peru, H. W. Foote. E-G. Peru, Cook & Gilbert 672, 1162, 1321. H. Bolivia, A. d'Orbigny, type. I. Bolivia, M. Bang 910. relationship to M. polymorpha. Unfortunately the absence of receptacles made a positive conclusion impossible, and they were therefore obliged to place it among the species "incertae sedis." A portion of the type material from the Montague herbarium, kindly forwarded by M. Paul Hariot, has been carefully com- 244 Alexander W. Evans, pared with the other specimens cited above. The epidermal cells are unusually delicate and are slightly smaller than the averages given, measuring perhaps i8xio/i., but the epidermal pores and ventral scales agree very closely with those of the other speci- mens. It is clear, therefore, in the writer's opinion, that all the specimens cited represent the same species. The original material of M. lamellosa has not been available for study, but the specimen from Colombia, listed above, was referred to this species by Mitten and is evidently the same as the specimens from Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia. On the basis of this specimen and the full description in the Synopsis Hepati- carum, M. lamellosa is here reduced to synonymy. It should be noted, however, that Stephani considers it valid, so that this reduction is perhaps unwarranted. He ascribes to the species cruciate pores and papillate rays on the female receptacles. In one of the Peruvian specimens. No. 672, some of the pores are as cruciate as those of M. oregonensis, but other pores are not cruciate at all, so that a considerable range of variation is present. The lack of receptacles in these specimens makes it impossible to determine whether papillate rays are associated with pores which approach the cruciate condition, although the constant absence of papillae in all the fruiting specimens studied, which are clearly the same as No. 672, makes such an association improbable. Even if papillae occasionally occurred they would hardly afford a basis for a specific separation. Stephani cites M. lamellosa from the type locality and also from Ecuador (Chimborazo and Altar, Hans Meyer) }^ He cites M. plicata from the type locality, from Ecuador (Quito, Ortoneda, Spruce), from Colombia (Lindig), and from Venezuela (Merida, Morits). It is probable that the Lindig specimens are tliose listed by Gottsche under M. poly- morpha and that the Moritz specimens are those doubtfully referred by Hampe^^ to M. Berteroana. Of course, in the absence of the specimens themselves, this matter can not be definitely decided. Although M. plicata and M. polymorpha are closely related species it is usually easy to distinguish them. Some of the dif- ferential characters, however, are vague and subject to varia- tion. When M. plicata is well developed the thallus and the " See Meyer, In den Hoch-Anden von Ecuador 517. Berlin, 1907. ^' Linnaea 20 : 333. 1847. American Species of Marchantia. 245 sexual receptacles are larger than in the most robust forms of M. polynwrpha, approaching or equalling in this respect the more southern M. Bcrtcroana. The thallus also shows a tendency to fork at infrequent intervals, so that it presents the appearance of being more elongated than in M. polymorpha. The lack of epidermal papillae on the rays of the female receptacle seems also to be a distinguishing character. In fact Fig. 4. Marchantia plicata Nees & Mont. Anatomical details. A-C. Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view, X 225. D. Pore in cross-section, x 225. E. Inner opening of pore, x 225. F, G. Two parts of the same involucre. A, B, D, E. Peru, Cook & Gilbert 1162, 1321. C. Bolivia, A. d'Orbigny, type. F, G. Colombia, W. Weir. papillae of tliis type are restricted to the outer surface of the cupules. In spite of the large size of the thallus the epidermis of M. plicata is unusually delicate in texture and the air-chambers unusually low. The ventral scales exhibit considerable variation witli respect to size and amount of pigmentation. In typical examples the ventral surface is almost covered with purple scales, but this con- dition is by no means constant; the scales may only partially cover over the surface and the pigmentation may be very slight. 246 Alexander W. Evans, The crowded marginal scales, however, visible from above, seem to be a constant feature, although these scales may not be any more conspicuous than in M. polymorpha. The appendages of the ventral scales, as in other species, yield some of the most important characters (Fig. 3). The small marginal cells are exceedingly irregular, forming various angles with the periphery of the appendage and often projecting in the form of blunt teeth. Frequently a projecting cell will be borne on a broader basal cell, a two-celled tooth of a peculiar type being thus produced. Usually the difference in size between the marginal cells and the interior cells is very marked, but the difference is less when the appendages are poorly developed (Fig. 3, A). The apices of the appendages are especially variable. In some cases a distinct apical tooth two cells long is present, making the appendage apiculate (Fig. 3, F) ; in other cases the apical tooth is hardly distinguishable from the neighboring teeth (Fig. 3, G) ; in still other cases there is no indication whatever of an apical tooth (Fig. 3, H, I). When the appendages are compared with those of M. poly- morpha they are found to have many features in common. In both species they are similar in form and show a decrease in the size of the cells in passing from the middle to the margin; in both species the apex is variable and the margin is normally denticulate. In M. plicata, however, the cells are larger and the decrease in size more abrupt, the denticulation tends to be more pronounced, owing largely to the frequency of two-celled teeth, and the marginal cells tend to be more irregular. Although these differences are of a comparative nature and subject to variation, they will usually be found serviceable in separating the species. 3. Marchantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. MarcJiantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant. 6:21. 1834. MarcJiantia tabularis Nees, Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4: 71 (foot- note). 1838. Marchantia cephaloscypha Steph. Hedwigia 22:51. 1883. Thallus green or bluish green, sometimes glaucous, often more or less pigmented with purple or brownish near the margin and on the lower surface, usually 1-1.5 cm. wide and 6-8 cm. long, American Species of Marchantia. 247 variously dichotomous, the successive forks sometimes 2-3 cm. apart but often closer together, texture usually tough and leathery, margin entire or minutely and irregularly denticulate or crenulate, more or less plicate ; epidermis composed of cells with thin or slightly thickened walls, mostly 20-60|U, long (aver- aging about 32/x) and 16-24/x wide (averaging about 19/*), papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells) mostly 60-80/A long and 50-60/x, wide, surrounded usually by six rows of cells (three in each series), each row being usually composed of four cells, inner opening cruciate, the bounding cells commonly four (rarely three or five), slightly roughened; air-chambers of medium height, usually a little longer than broad, their boundaries indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, present every- where, rows of photosynthetic cells usually three or four cells long ; compact ventral tissue about twenty-five cells thick in the median portion, destitute of slime cells and sclerotic cells, usually thin-walled and with indistinct pits ; ventral scales in two rows, median and laminar, no marginal scales being present, scarcely imbricated, pale or brownish ; appendages of median scales orbicular-ovate to broadly orbicular, usually somewhat narrowed toward the rounded apex, mostly 0.6-1 mm. in length and about the same in width, margin minutely and often regularly crenulate or denticulate from projecting cells, cells showing an abrupt decrease in size toward the margin, median cells mostly 60-85/x long and 20-4O/L1 wide, marginal cells (in one, two, or three rows) mostly I2-20|U, long and 8-i2;u, wide, cells containing oil- bodies about 20/A in diameter, about five on each appendage, restricted to svibmarginal portions : male receptacle borne on a stalk 1-5 cm. long with two rhizoid-furrows, destitute of dorsal air-chambers, the disc about i cm. in diameter, more or less deeply lobed when well developed, the lobes or rays mostly eight, usually 2-3 mm. long, rounded at the apex and with thin wavy margins, covered ventrally (except in the marginal portions) with imbricated scales in several rows, sinuses usually subequal in width : female receptacle borne on a stalk mostly 3-8 cm. in length, with two rhizoid-furrows and a broad dorsal band of air- chambers, the disc mostly 0.8-1 cm. broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays spreading at maturity, mostly nine, 2-3 mm. long, separated by subequal sinuses, terete, rounded, destitute of epi- dermal papillae; involucre much as in M. polymorpJia: spores brownish yellow, mostly 8-10^ in diameter, smooth; elaters about 5ju, wide, bispiral : cupules deeply lobed, the lobes as in M. poly- morpJia, outer surface with epidermal papillae. (Fig. 5.) A widely distributed species, restricted (according to our present knowledge) to the Southern Hemisphere. The follow- ing South American specimens have been examined : 248 Alexander W. Evans, Argentina: Buenos Aires, without date, Twiedie (H.) ; La Plata, collector and date unknown (H.). Chile: Concepcion, November, 1905, R. Thaxter, 16, 66 (H., Y.) ; Port Corral, January, 1906, R. Thaxter, 62, ^4, Q2 (H., Y.) ; Hermite Island, Cape Horn, 1843, J- H.Hooker (H.). Juan Fernandez: without definite localities, 1830, C. Bertero (H., N. Y.), type) ; H. N. Moseley (N. Y., Challenger Expedi- tion) ; 1901, G. T. Hastings 218 (N. Y., U. S.)- Falkland Islands: without definite locaHty, 1843, J- ■^• Hooker (H.). The following specimens from other regions have likewise been examined: St. Helena: without definite locality or date, /. Melliss (N. Y.) ; 1844, /. D. Hooker (N. Y.) ; February, 1890, W. H. & A. H. Brown 264 (U. S., United States Eclipse Expedition to Western Africa, listed as M. tahiilaris by Stephani in Bull. Herb. Boissier 7: 1899). Cape Colony : Table Mountain, F. Krauss ( N. Y, ) ; Mon- tague Pass, /. C. Bruetel (N. Y.) ; without definite localities or dates, W. H. Harvey (N. Y.), Capt. Rahenhorst (Y.). Australia: Victoria, Robertson 6^3 (N. Y.) ; Swan River, 1846, /. Drummond (H.) ; without definite locality, F. von Muller (H., Y.). Tasmania: without definite localities, 1823, Lawrence (N. Y.) ; 1838, R. Gunn (N. Y.) ; no date, VV. Archer (N, Y.) ; western mountains, no date, Lawrence (N. Y.) ; Tasman Penin- sula, roadside from Long Bay to Tarrand, February, 1899, ip36b (H., distributed by E. Levier as M. cephaloscypha). New Zealand: without definite localities, no date, A. Sinclair (N. Y.) ; 1881, E. Craig (Y.) ; no date, /. Remy (N. Y., dis- tributed by C. Roumeguere as M. nitida) ; Waikehi, A. Sinclair (H.) ; Raipara, 1850, .S. Mossmann (H.) ; Point Cooper, col- lector and date unknown (N. Y.) ; North Island, 1904, W. A. Setchell 32 (Y.) ; Lord Auckland's Group, November, 1840, /. D. Hooker (H.) ; Campbell Island, November, 1840, /. D. Hooker (H.) ; without definite locality, date, or collector's name (B., type of M. cephaloscypha). Other South American stations of interest, cited in the litera- ture, are the following: American Species of MarcJiantia. 249 Argentina: Staten Island, Tierra del Fuego, C. Spegazzini (listed by Massalongo in Nuovo Gior. Bot. Ital. 17: 258. 1885), Chile: San Augustin and San Francisco del Monte, F. J. F. Meyen (listed in Syn, Hep.) ; Otway Gulf, P. Savatier (listed and figured as M. tahularis by Bescherelle and Massalongo in Compt. Rend. Miss. Sci. Cap Horn 5 : 247. pi. 4, f. //. 1889). The identity of M. Berteroana and ilf . tahularis was established by Schiffner, although Nees von Esenbeck, in proposing M. tahularis, recognized its close relationship with the older species. M. Berteroana was based on specimens collected by Bertero on the island of Juan Fernandez, while the type material of M. tahularis came from Table Mountain in Cape Colony. The Synopsis Hepaticarum recognizes both species ; it cites M. Ber- teroana from Chile and St. Helena, as well as from the type locality, and gives Devil's Peak in Cape Colony as a second sta- tion for M. tahularis. Under M. Berteroana three varieties are recognized : a, from Juan Fernandez, fi, hiflora, from Chile ; and y, anactis, from Juan Fernandez and St. Helena. In a, according to the description, the rays of the female receptacle are one third longer than the involucres, the latter enclosing three to five flowers; in (3, the rays are the same as in a but are fibrillose, while the involucres usually contain only two flowers; in y, the rays do not project beyond the involucre at all. In discussing M. Berteroana, Schiffner-'' points out that the differences relied upon by Nees von Esenbeck in separating M. tahularis are of no significance and that the same thing is true of the differential characters assigned to the three varieties of M. Berteroana. He points out further certain mistakes in the original description of this species and also in the description given in the Synopsis. He based his conclusions on a large series of original and authentic specimens, several of which have been studied by the present writer, and there seems to be no reason for doubting the accuracy of his observations. Schiffner \yas apparently the first to give a satisfactory descrip- tion of the scale appendages in M. Berteroana. He calls attention to the finely crenulate margin, to the border of very small cells in one or two rows, and to the sharp distinction in size between *" Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 46 : 41-44, 100-103. 1896. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 17 1917 250 Alexander W. Evans, the marginal cells and the cells which adjoin them. To M. polymorplia he assigns appendages which are minutely but sharply denticulate, and adds that the cells gradually increase in Fig. 5. Marchantia Berteroana Lehm. & Lindenb. Appendages of ventral scales and other anatomical details. A-D. Appendages of ventral scales, x 100: D represents the basal portion of an appendage ; the other figures represent apical portions. E, F. Epi- dermal pores of thallus, surface view, x 225. G. Pore in cross-section, X 225. H-J. Inner openings of pores, x 225. K. Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section near base, x 40. A. Juan Fernandez, G. T. Hastings 218. B, E, G, H. Chile, R. Thaxter 66. C, D. Cape Colony, Capt. Rabenhorst. F, I-K. Australia, F. von Miiller. size in passing from the margin to the median portion. In most cases the distinctions given by Schiffner apply very definitely, but in the forma aquatica of M. polymorpha (Fig. i, E, F) the appendages are usually destitute of distinct denticulations, the American Species of Marchantia. 251 entire or creniilate margin closely simulating that of M. Ber- teroana. Even here, however, the gradual decrease in the size of the cells as the margin is approached is in contrast to the abrupt decrease found in M. Berteroana. In habit and in general appearance M. Berteroana resembles ^1/. polymorpha very closely, and it is not surprising that the early observers failed to distinguish it as a species. The thallus, to be sure, is more robust, it tends to be thicker and more leathery than in the northern species, and the rays of the female receptacle tend to be shorter, but these differences are not always pro- nounced. There are, however, several distinctive features, in addition to the scale-appendages, which deserve to be emphasized. In the first place M. Berteroana seems to lack marginal scales altogether. Sometimes the laminar scales form a vague double row, some of the scales being nearer the margin than the others, but even under these conditions there is quite a little space between the outermost scales and the margin. In most cases the row of laminar scales is more definite and the region without scales is consequently wider. In M. polymorpha the marginal scales are apparently always present, although they do not always attain the same degree of development. M. Berteroana is further distinguished by its cruciate epidermal pores, and by its lack of epidermal papillae on both thallus and female receptacle. The lack of marginal scales, the crenulate scale appendages, and the cruciate pores will serve also to distinguish M. Berteroana from M. plicata, although there is no evidence as yet that their ranges overlap. The writer has fortunately been able to examine an original specimen of AI. cephaloscypha. The species was based on gem- miparous material with young female receptacles collected some- where in New Zealand, neither the date nor the collector's name being given. A few years later Stephani-^ referred to his species a series of specimens from various parts of Australia and was able to add the characters derived from mature female receptacles and ripe capsules. In his Species Hepaticarum,-- in addition to Xew Zealand and Australia, he cites Tasmania, Fuegia, Pata- gonia and Chile as localities for the plant and notes that it is not -' Hedwigia 28 : 265. 1889. "Bull. Herb. Boissier 7:391. 1899. 252 Alexander W. Evans, rare. Still later he^^ quotes stations on Juan Fernandez, the Chilean island of Chiloe, and the Falkland Islands. He therefore gives the species a very extensive distribution in the Southern Hemisphere. It has already been noted that he does not credit M. Berteroana to America at all, the only specimens which he cites being from Cape Colony, the Transvaal, and the island of St. Helena. In his descriptions of M. cephaloscypha Stephani emphasizes the cruciate pores, the large scale-appendages bordered with very small cells, the nine-rayed female receptacles with smooth and terete rays, the eight-lobed male receptacles, and the spinose cupules. It will at once be noted that all of these features are found in M. Berteroana. There are, however, certain discrep- ancies between Stephani's descriptions and the account of M. Berteroana given above. He states, for example, in his original description that the cupules are contracted at base and apex and that the ventral scales are in three rows on each side of the thallus, one row of tongue-shaped scales being close to the margin. In his last description he still emphasizes the contracted apices of the cupules but makes no allusion to the three rows of ventral scales, perhaps because he has already given a triseriate arrangement of the scales as a generic character. The type specimen shows that some of the specific characters emphasized by Stephani are based on misconceptions. The single cupule present, for example, is contracted at the throat but flares widely at the mouth. Even if the mouth itself were contracted this condition might easily be due to immaturity and figures of a young cupule of M. polymorpha by Mirbel,^* in which the mouth is distinctly contracted, fully support this view. There are, moreover, no marginal ventral scales, although the margin, being irregularly crispate, produces the effect of scales. The appendages of the median scales are slightly crenulate and show one or two rows of marginal cells, the rays number nine in the female receptacle and are destitute of papillae, the surface of the cupule bears numerous papillae, and the pores are of the cru- ciate type. The writer therefore feels justified in considering M. cephaloscypha a simple synonym of M. Berteroana. ^'Kungl. Svensk. Vetensk.-Akad. Handl. 46°: 5. 1911. ^* Mem. Acad. Sci. 13 : pi. 4, f. 31, 32. 1835. American Species of Marchantia. 253 Section II. Chlamidium 4. Marchantia paleacea Bertol. Marchantia paleacea Berto]. Opus. Sci. Bologna 1:242. 1817. Marchantia papillata (3 italica Raddi, Mem. Soc. Ital. Modena 1.9 : 44. 1823. Fimhriaria paleacea Corda; Opiz, Beitr. zur Naturg. 648. 1828. Fegatella Michelii Corda, /. c. 649. 1828 (according to Nees von Esenbeck) . Marchantia nepalensis Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant 4: 10. 1832. Marchantia nitida Lehm. & Lindenb. /. c. 11. 1832. Marchantia squamosa Raddi ; Lehm. & Lindenb. /. c. 12. 1832 (as to the East Indian plant). Marchantia tholophora Bisch. Nova Acta Acad. Leop.-Carol. 17:989. 1835. Marchantia calcarata Steph. Bull. Herb. Boissier 5 : 98. 1897. Marchantia planipora Steph. /. c. 98. 1897. Thallus pale green, often glaucous, sometimes more or less pigmented with purple, especially near the margin and on the lower surface, usually 0.5-0.8 cm. wide and 2-4 cm. long, repeatedly dichotomous, the successive forks usually i cm. or less apart; texture firm but scarcely leathery, margin entire; epidermis composed of cells with more or less thickened walls, sometimes in two layers, mostly 35-70JU, long (averaging about 43/a) and 20-40)U, wide (averaging about 30/x), papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells) mostly 70-90/x long and 65-85JU, wide, sometimes measuring as much as 140 x ioo/a, sur- rounded usually by six (or seven) rows of cells (three in the upper and three or four in the lower series), each row being usually composed of four cells or the innermost row of the upper series of from four to eight cells, inner opening cruciate, the bounding cells smooth ; air-chambers usually high, isodiametric or slightly elongated, their boundaries indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, present everyw^here, rows of photosyn- thetic cells often six or seven cells long but sometimes shorter ; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty to thirty cells thick in the median portion, the walls sometimes pigmented, more or less thickened and showing distinct pits, sclerotic cells usually dis- tinct, scattered, ten to twenty in a cross-section of thallus, more abundant in median region but not confined to this, slime-cells sometimes lacking, sometimes more or less abundant, especially toward the margin; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the laminar scales alternating with the median and only a little nearer 254 Alexander W. Evans, the margin ; appendages of median scales oblong, ovate, or ovate- orbicular, mostly 0.6-0.75 mm. long and 0.45-0.6 mm. wide, usually narrowed toward the rounded, obtuse or acute apex, margin entire or vaguely and irregularly denticulate or dentate, rarely with a basal lobe, cells showing a slight and gradual decrease in size toward the margin, median cells isodiametric to distinctly longer than broad, mostly 25-60/x long and 20-30/x wide, marginal cells mostly 30-40/x long and i2-20ju, wide, very irregular, the long axis sometimes parallel with the margin and sometimes at an angle with it, cells containing oil-bodies sometimes absent altogether, when present about 20/a in diameter, one to three or more in number and indefinite in position : male receptacle borne on a stalk 5-7 mm. high, with two rhizoid-furrows, destitute of dorsal air-chambers, the disc 5-6 mm. broad, very shortly or sometimes (according to Schiffner) more deeply eight- (to twelve-) lobed, the lobes or rays rounded and with a thin wavy margin, ventral scales restricted to middle portion of disc : female receptacle borne on a stalk 2-4 cm. high, with two rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc about 0.5 cm. broad, usually nine-lobed, the lobes or rays spreading at maturity, 0.8-1.2 mm. long, separated by subequal sinuses or with the deep sinus between the basal ray broader than the others, flat, dilated at the truncate or emarginate apex, disc with a median hemispherical or papilliform protuberance about 0.5 mm. in diameter and nine distinct ridges corresponding with the rays ; involucre much as in M. polymorpha: spores brownish yellow, about 34ju, in diameter, with a narrow hyaline margin about 2ix wide, outer face bearing a series of low lamellae sometimes form- ing an indistinct reticulum ; elaters mostly 6-8/* wide, bispiral ; cupules with toothed lobes much as in M. polymorpha, but lacking epidermal papillae. (Figs. 6-8.) A widely distributed species in tropical and subtropical regions. The following North American specimens have been examined : Arizona: Huachuca Mountains, 1910, L. N. Gooding 824 (N. Y.). Puebla: Puebla, 1906, Frere Arsene (N. Y.) ; Honey Station, October, 1908, Barnes & Land ^oj (Y.) ; banks along Avenida Hidalgo and path to barranca, Tezuitlan, Barnes & Land 344 (Y.) ; Santa Barbara, near Puebla, November, 1909, Frere Nicolas 3 (Y.). Vera Cruz: Orizaba, 1855, F. Midler 2245 in part (N. Y.) ; walls of Lost River sink, Orizaba, November, 1908, Barnes & Land 668 (Y.). Guatemala: Coban, Alta Verapaz, 1310 m. alt., 1892, H. von Tuerckheim 4p6o (N. Y.). American Species of Marchantia. 255 Cuba: without definite locality, C. Wright (H., N. Y., Y., distributed in Hep. Cubenses as M. domingensis) ; La Perla, Oriente, 600-660 m. alt., February, 191 1, /. A. Shafer Qop6 (N. Y., Y.) ; Monte Verde, Oriente, on walls of the ruined man- sion of Lescaille, where ^^^rig•ht lived, August, 191 3, Brother Leon 4089 (N. Y.). Jamaica: Whitfield Hall Plantation, December, 1896, W. Harris 11063 in part (N. Y.) ; along path from Cinchona to Clyde River, July, 1903, A. W. Evans 14 (Y.) ; vicinity of Cin- chona, February, 1905, C. E. Cummings 2p, 51 (N. Y., Y.) ; Mabess Road, May, 1906, D. S. Johnson 46 (Y.) ; Morce's Gap and vicinity, August, 1906, A. W. Evans 462 (Y.). The following specimens from Europe, the Azores, and Asia have likewise been examined : France: Mentone, November, 1864, /. T. Moggridge (N. Y.). Italy: without definite locality, G. Raddi (N. Y., labeled M. papillata (3 italica) ; Monte Oliveto, near Pegli in Liguria, May, 1851, L. Caldesi (N. Y.) ; near Genoa. May, 1855, G. de Notaris (N. Y., also distributed in Rabenhorst's Hep. Europ. ^7) ; Ripoli, near Florence, May, 1899, E. Levier (Y., Micheli's locality) ; Trezzo sull' Adda, province of Milan, July, 1899, F. A. Artaria (C. C. H. ; also distributed in Schififner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 15). Azores: San Miguel 1865, F. D. Godman (N. Y.) ; August, 1894, C. S. Brozini, 365 (N. Y.), 366 (N. Y.) ; August, 1894, W. Trelease 1320 (N. Y.), 1321 (N. Y.) ; May and June, 1898, B. Carriero /13, /iS (Y.). The specimens collected by Brown and Trelease have been listed by Trelease in Rept. Missouri Bot. Card. 8 : 187. 1897. The following specimens, however, although listed under M. paleacea, should be referred to Cono- cephalum conicum (L.) Dumort. : C. S. Brown 361 (from San Miguel), 368 (from Fayal), 369 (from Pico) and W . Trelease 131'j (from Terceira). A specimen collected by B. Carriero at Furnas, in 1888, has been reported by Schiffner in Oesterr. Bot. Zeitschr. 51 : 116. 1901. China: Szechwan, no date, E. Faher mo (N. Y.). India (including Nepal) : Northwest Himalayas, no date, H. Falconer 1073 (N. Y., U. S., Y.) ; /. F. Royle (N. Y.) ; Nepal, N. Wallich (N. Y., types of M. nepalensis, M. nitida, and M. squamosa) ; Shagak Valley, 1847, T. Thomson 1661, 1663 (N. 256 Alexander W. Evans, Y.) ; Kumaon, Strachey & Winterhottom (N. Y., listed by Strachey, as M. paleacea and M. nitida, in Cat. PI. Kumaon, 234. 1906) ; Musooric (Northwest Himalayas), Arnigadh, December, 1895, W. Gollan 210 (N. Y., Y., distributed by E. Levier as M. nepalensis). Japan: Nagasaki, April-May, 1875, R. Oldham (N. Y., listed by Mitten, as M. nitida, in Trans. Linn. Soc. 11. Bot. 3 : 205. 1891) ; Kigo, August, 1877, Ahlberg (B. type of M. planipora) ; Yamakita, Spidzuoka, May, 1899, Ahhe Faurie (Y., distributed as M. nitida in Hep. du Japon 82) ; Tokyo, May, 1897, K. Miyake 40 (C. C. H., Y., determined as M. diptera) ; Kuzunmura, August, 1898, K. Okiidaira 26 (C. C. H) ; Kyoto, August, 1900, K. Miyake (Y., determined as M. planipora) ; Mt. Futatabisan, near Kobe, April, 1903, Ahhe Faurie (Y., distributed as M. diptera in Hep du Japon 1268) ; Jigokudani, May, 1903, S. Okamura (C. C. H.) ; Kochi, May, 1904, 6^. Okamura (C. C. H.) ; Kanagawa, Sagami, no date, M. Maeda 41 (Y.) ; Osaka, May, 1905, S. Okamura (C. C. H.) ; Ikku, May, 1908, S. Okamura (C. C. H.). Java: Mt. Pangerango, April, 1894, V. Schiffner (Y., dis- tributed as M. nitida in Iter Ind. ^p). Within recent years M. paleacea has been recorded from the Caucasus, from Dalmatia, Spain and Portugal, and from Morocco. Although the writer has seen no specimens from any of these countries, there can be little doubt regarding the cor- rectness of the determinations. Some of the records for M. nitida, however, are open to suspicion. This species has been reported from the Philippines, Tahiti, Samoa and New Zealand, as well as from the Fiji and Hawaiian Islands Specimens from the first four of these localities, which have been determined as M. nitida, have been examined and are, in the writer's opinion, referable to other species. No specimens from either the Fiji or the Hawaiian Islands have been available for study. Although M. paleacea is here reported from a number of North American localities it is remarkable that there are no earlier records for the species from America. In fact the only trust- worthy records for M. tholophora, here considered a synonym of M. paleacea, are the following : American Species of Marcliantia. 257 Oaxaca: near Oaxaca, Sommerschu (the type-locality); Chinantla, F. Liehmann Tlisted by Gottsche in Mex. Leverm. 1863). It has already been noted that M. paleacea was distinguished by the Florentine botanist Micheli as long ago as 1729. His Fig. 6. Marchantia paleacea Bertol. Ventral scales, x 2y. A-G represent median scales (with appendages) ; H-0, laminar scales (without appendages). A-D, H-J. Italj', F. A. Artcria, in V. Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 13. E, K. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 66S. F, L. Cuba, C. Wright, in Hep. Cubenses, as il/. doiiiingcnsis. G, M-0. Java, V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida. figure brings out clearly the general habit of the plant and many of the features of the cupules and female receptacles. The rays of the latter are shown to be flat at their extremities, and the center of the disc is marked by a distinct rounded elevation. In the only receptacles where the rays can be counted ten or eleven are represented, but one receptacle in profile shows only four rays, indicating that sometimes at least fewer than ten rays were present in the material figured. It is now admitted that the 258 Alexander W. Evans, normal number of rays is nine. Micheli, in his description, emphasizes the glaucous color of the thallus. The species is still abundant in the vicinity of Florence, where it was originally collected, and specimens from this region are among those cited above. Bertolini's description is drawn from female plants, and he distinctly states that both male receptacles and cupules were unknown to him. His material came from the vicinity of Chia- vari in Liguria. He adds very little to Micheli's account, but gives the number of rays definitely as ten and notes that their extremities are obtuse or almost truncate. Apparently his species was not very widely known at first because neither Raddi nor Lehmann and Lindenberg make any allusion to it. Raddi's M. papillata fS italica was based on Micheli's description and figure and on specimens collected at Micheli's original locality. M. nepalensis and M. nitida were based on material collected by Wallich in Nepal and M. squamosa on two specimens, one col- lected by Wallich in Nepal and the other by Raddi in Brazil. In 1835 Taylor-^ accepted M. paleacea as a species and referred to it not only the Italian specimens originally cited but also specimens from Nepal collected by Wallich. Although there seem to be no specimens in the Taylor herbarium labeled "M. paleacea", there are two with a manuscript name of Taylor's from the Wallich collection. In one case M. nitida is given as a synonym and M. squamosa as a doubtful synonym, so that these specimens probably represent the M. paleacea of Taylor's paper. Unfortunately his figures and description do not corre- spond in all respects with authentic specimens of the species in question and have therefore given rise to considerable con- fusion. The most marked discrepancy is in his account of the female receptacles, where the number of involucres is given as four to six, instead of eight (corresponding with nine rays), but an error of this sort might easily be made if poor material was examined. Taylor's specimens are, indeed, imperfectly developed, but they show the thallus characters of M. paleacea very clearly, and his determination may therefore be considered correct. In proposing M. tholophora as a species Bischoft" makes no mention of M. paleacea or of the various species based on ^° Trans. Linn. Soc. 17 : 378. pi. 12, f. 5. 1835. American Species of Marchantia. 259 Wallich's specimens, so that the works of Bertohni and of Lehniann and Lindenberg may have been unknown to him. His description was drawn from Sommerschu's material, collected Fig. 7. Marchantia paleacea Bertol. Portions of ventral scales. A. Margin of basal portion of median scale, X 100. B-L. Appendages of median scales, x 100. A-C. Italy, F. A. Artaria, in V. Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. is- D. Azores, F. D. Godman. E, F. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 668. G, H. Cuba, C. Wright, in Hep. Cubenses, as M. domingensis. I-K. Nepal, A''. Wallich; I, type of M. nepalcnsis; J, type of M. nitida; K, type of J\I. squamosa; L, Java, V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida. near Oaxaca, Mexico, and is unusually detailed. The species is recognized as valid by subsequent writers, the authors of the Synopsis Hepaticanun placing it next to M. nitida and Stephani following their example. The original material has not been available for study. Bischoff's description, however, and the 26o Alexander W. Evans. figure which he^" afterwards pubHshed show almost beyond a doubt that the species represents a synonym of M. paleacea. This conclusion seems further warranted by the fact that the true M. paleacea is now known from several Mexican localities. Nees von Esenbeck, in describing M. paleacea, places it in the section Chlamidium and calls especial attention to the features of the female receptacle. He gives the normal number of rays as nine and mentions the median protuberance of the disc and the dilated apices of the rays. Among the synonyms of the species he includes M. nitida without question, basing his opinion on specimens received directly from Lindenberg. He quotes a statement of the latter author to the effect that M. nitida is very close to the Italian M. paleacea and perhaps identical with it, accompanied by the remark that M. paleacea had not been seen by him when he published M. nitida as a new species. Nees von Esenbeck hesitates somewhat in the case of Taylor's M. paleacea but inclines toward the opinion that this plant also must be the same as Bertolini's species. In spite of these statements M. nitida is reinstated as a valid species in the Synopsis Hepaticarum and Taylor's M. paleacea, so far as the Nepal specimens are concerned, is given as a synonym under it, the range of M. paleacea being again restricted to Italy. Both M. nepalensis and M. squamosa are likewise accepted as valid and these two species, together with M. paleacea and M. nitida, are included under the section Chlamidium. Many years later, in 1899, Stephani,^^ in recognizing these four species, placed M. nitida and M. nepalensis in his section with unsym- metrical receptacles, while he placed M. paleacea and M. squamosa in the section with symmetrical receptacles. In 1898 doubt was again thrown on the validity of M. nitida by Schiffner,^^ who stated that it was probably synonymous with M. paleacea. Two years later he reaffirmed this idea and added that M. calcarata Steph., according to a specimen in his herba- rium, was surely identical with M. nitida.^^ In the following year ^"Handb. Bot. Term, und Systemk. 2: pi. 55, f. 2727. 1842. " Bull. Herb. Bossier 7 : 402, 522. 1899. "^ Conspect. Hepat. Archip. Indici 50. Batavia, 1898. ""Fl. de Buitenzorg 4:31. 1900. A specimen in the writer's herbarium, collected by the Abbe Faurie at Tokyo, Japan, and distributed (Hep. du Japon 2360^ under the name M. calcarata, represents M. polymorpha. Stephani himself now regards the true M. calcarata as a synonym of M. diptera Mont., a species which evidently requires further study. American Species of Marchantia. 261 he maintained still more definitely that M. paleacea and M. nitida were identical and stated further that in his opinion M. nepalensis also would have to be considered a synonym.^" He criticised Stephani for placing M. paleacea in one section of the genus, while he placed M. nepalensis and M. nitida in another, thus implying that their relationship to the Italian species was at best remote. The writer would agree with Schiffner in his reductions. Type specimens of M. papillata ft italica, of il/. nepalensis, and of M. nitida have all been available for study. The first and third are in good condition and show close agreement with each other and with the abundant material of M. paleacea from other locali- ties. The type specimen of M. nepalensis bears very immature female receptacles, but the thallus characters are those of M. paleacea and there seems to be no reason for attempting to main- tain the species as valid. Two other species quoted above among the synonyms of M. paleacea remain to be considered. The first of these is M. squamosa. Wallich's specimens of this species are clearly the same as M. paleacea, and since these specimens are the ones first quoted by Lehmann and Lindenberg, they might logically be considered the type. It is probable, however, that Raddi originally gave the name M. squamosa to his own Bra- zilian specimens, and this is apparently the view held by Stephani who quotes only the specimens from Brazil. Raddi's specimens have not been seen by the writer. If they should prove distinct from M. paleacea it might still be possible to maintain M. squamosa as valid. It is unfortunate that Raddi published nothing on his species himself. The second species to be con- sidered is M. planipora, which the writer knows from a portion of the type material and from specimens sent by Professor Miyake. These specimens agree with M. paleacea, and the descriptions given by Stephani bring out no essential differences. There is usually little difficulty in distinguishing M. paleacea even in the absence of receptacles. At the present time it is the only known North American species in which the epidermal pores constantly conform to the cruciate type. In this respect it agrees with M. Berteroana of the Southern Hemisphere, a much larger plant with very different scale-appendages and terete rays on the female receptacle. Aside from the cruciate pores M. paleacea '° Lotos 49 : 92. 1 90 1. 262 Alexander IV. Evans, Fig. 8. Marchantia paleacea Bertol. Anatomical details. A, B. Epidermal pores of thallus, surface view, X 225. C-F. Pores in cross-section; C, D, F, x 225; E, x 309. G, H. Pores, inner view, x 225. I. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section, x 40. J Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section, x 40. K. Part of involucre, X 50. A, C, D, G, J, K. Italy, F. A. Artaria, in V. Schiffner's Hep. Europ. Exsic. 13. B, E, H. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 668. F. Java, V. Schiffner, in Iter Ind. 59, as M. nitida. I. Puebla, Frere Arsene. American Species of Marchantia. 263 is distinguished from M. polymorpha by its somewhat smaller size, by its total lack of epidermal papillae, by having the pores bounded by six or seven rows of cells, by the presence of sclerotic cells, by the flattened rays of the female receptacles, by the lack of marginal scales and by marked differences in the appendages of the median scales. In M. polymorpha epidermal papillae are always present on cupules and female receptacles, the pores are surrounded by only four or five rows of cells, there are no sclerotic cells, the rays of the female receptacle are terete, and marginal scales are always present. The features of the appendages in M. paleacea deserve par- ticular attention (Fig. 7, B-L). When a long series is examined, it will be seen that they exhibit marked dift'erences in their apices and margins, although they are almost constantly longer than broad and maintain an oblong or ovate form. The apex is sometimes rounded, sometimes truncate, and sometimes apiculate or even acute, while the margin may be entire through- out, variously toothed, or even provided with a basal lobe. A tooth, on its part, may be the slightest and vaguest projection of a marginal cell, it may be a distinctly projecting cell, or it may consist of a cell borne on a stalk-cell; in some of the broader teeth two adjoining cells may even be involved. It must be admitted, however, that large and complicated teeth are the excep- tion. In commenting on the type specimen of M. nitida Schiff- ner states that the appendages are broadly ovate, less pointed at tlie apex and scarcely toothed, those of his Javan material being broadly cordate, abruptly pointed and with irregular and distant marginal teeth. These differences, which he considers of little importance, are shown by Fig. 7, J, L, and at first sight are somewhat striking. Since, however, equally extreme conditions are sometimes found on a single specimen, as shown by Fig. 7, G, H, it is evident that Schiffner did not underrate their value. The appendages also vary in the number of cells with oil-bodies which they show. In some cases no such cells are present; in one case as many as ten were counted; in the majority of cases there are from one to three. The gradual decrease in size between the median cells and the marginal cells is usually evident, although the actual measurements are not very different, and a distinct margin is never apparent as in M. Berteroana. It may be noted that Stephani assigns smaller mar- 264 Alexander W. Evans, ginal cells to M. nepalensis, M. nitida, and M. tholophora, while he states that the cells of M. paleacea are subequal in size, a specific difference which is not supported by actual comparisons. When contrasted with the appendages of M. polymorpha, those of M, paleacea are seen to be narrower, usually less toothed, and composed of larger cells, which show a less marked decrease in size between the median and marginal regions. The male receptacles of M. paleacea seem to be infrequent. In the few cases seen the receptacles have been remarkably like those of AI. polymorpha, although borne on shorter stalks. In other words the disc has been shortly eight-lobed with rounded rays and narrow sinuses. According to Schiffner the rays as they grow older become longer and give the disc a palmate appearance. If this is true the male receptacles exhibit a con- siderable range of variation. The cupules of M. paleacea, with their dentate, sharp-pointed lobes, likewise agree with those of M. polymorpha and its allies, except that the outer surface is free from epidermal papillae. When well developed the female receptacle of M. paleacea consists of a disc with nine horizontal flat rays borne on an elongated stalk. In many cases the rays are about twenty degrees apart and present the appearance of being symmetrically disposed. Even here, however, the single plane of symmetry is marked by the sinus between the two basal rays, which is much deeper than the others. When the basal rays are separated by a sinus more than twenty degrees wide the plane of symmetry is more apparent and the disc does not show a radial appearance. Since the width of the sinus between the basal rays varies markedly it should not be made the basis for specific separations, although this has evidently been done in the past. The extremi- ties of the rays are variously dilated and are truncate or even emarginate at the apex. In the center of the disc the hemi- spherical or bluntly conical protuberance is usually distinct, and the same thing is true of the nine rounded ridges extending from the protuberance to the beginnings of the rays. When the recep- tacle is young or, in some cases, when fertilization has not taken place, the rays do not spread horizontally but extend downward, and usually, under these circumstances, the median protuberance and the radiating ridges are only slightly developed. In fact they are not always distinct even when the rays have assumed American Species of Marchantia. 265 a horizontal position. Although the normal number of rays in M. paleacea is nine, just as in M. polymorpha, deviations from this number sometimes occur, a reduced number being associated with poor development. According to Prescher scattered slime cells of small size are present in the walls of the cupules of M. paleacea but are lack- ing altogether in the thallus and in the female receptacles. Although the thallus sometimes agrees with his account it does not always do so. Cases have been observed in which slime cells formed a rather conspicuous feature of the ventral tissue of the wings, an occasional cell of this character being present even in the thickened median region. In other cases, the slime cells were less abundant. In the male receptacles, which Prescher did not examine, slime cells are fairly numerous. It is evident from these observations that the presence or absence of slime cells can not be utilized in distinguishing M. paleacea. 5. Marchantia breviloba sp. nov. Thallus pale green, more or less glaucous, sometimes a little pigmented with purple, especially near the margin and on the lower surface, mostly 0.5-0.8 cm. wide and 2-5 cm. long, repeat- edly dichotomous, the successive forks usually 1-2 cm. apart, texture firm but not leathery, margin entire ; epidermis composed of cells with somewhat thickened walls, sometimes in two layers mostly 45-90^ long (averaging about 65ju,) and 20-4OJU, wide (averaging about 28;u,), papillae absent; pores (with their sur- rounding cells) mostly 125-150/* long and ioo-i20)U, wide, sur- rounded usually by six (or seven) rows of cells (three in each series or sometimes four in the outer series), innermost row of upper series usually composed of four cells, second row of four to eight cells and third row of eight oir more cells, each row of lower series usually composed of four cells, inner opening usually four-sided (sometimes three-, five-, or six-sided), the sides being concave and forming acute angles with one another, bounding cells of pore more or less roughened with a resinous deposit ; air-chambers usually high, more or less elongated, their outlines very indistinct when viewed through the epidermis, present everywhere, rows of photosynthetic cells often four or five cells long; compact ventral tissue mostly twenty or twenty- five cells thick in the median portion, the walls sometimes pig- mented, more or less thickened and showing distinct pits, scle- rotic cells distinct, scattered, about forty in a cross-section, largely confined to median region, sometimes as much as 0.7 mm. in length, slime cells about o.i mm. in diameter, usually con- Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 18 iprr 266 Alexander W. Evans, spicuous (often three or four in a cross-section of thallus), scat- tered but more abundant toward the margin, sometimes present in the walls between air-chambers ; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the laminar scales alternating with the median and only a little nearer the margin (a large portion of the ventral surface being free from scales) ; appendages of median scales ovate to orbicular, mostly 0.5-0.65 mm. long and 0.45-0.55 mm. wide, narrowed toward the rounded, obtuse, or apiculate apex, margin sinuate, sparingly and irregularly crenulate or denticulate from projecting cells, cells showing a gradual decrease in size toward the margin, median cells usually distinctly longer than broad, mostly 60-120JU, long and 28-40/^ wide, marginal cells mostly 30-50/A long and 18-25JU, wide, irregular, the long axis usually forming an angle with the margin, rarely parallel with it, cells containing oil-bodies lacking: male receptacle borne on a stalk 1.5-2 cm. high, with two to four rhizoid-furrows and a single narrow dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 1-1.5 cm. broad, deeply six- (or seven-) lobed, the lobes or rays palmately disposed (the basal sinus being almost a straight line), mostly 2-5 mm. long and 1.5 mm. wide, rounded and with a thin wavy margin, ventral scales imbricated, mostly in two rows : female receptacle borne on a stalk 6-8 cm. long, with four rhizoid-fur- rows (except close to the base) and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 0.6-0.8 cm. broad, usually eleven-lobed, sometimes seven- to nine-lobed, the lobes or rays short, I mm. long or less, flat, scarcely or not at all dilated at the truncate apex, basal sinus considerably broader than the others, upper surface of disc plane or with low ridges corre- sponding with the lobes ; involucre ciliate, not lobed ; spores yel- lowish brown, about 34/x in diameter, with a hyaline margin about 4ju, wide, outer face bearing a few low lamellae, sometimes forming a very indistinct reticulum ; elaters about 8/^ wide, bispiral : cupules shortly and irregularly ciliate-dentate, the teeth sometimes adjoining and sometimes separated by sinuses of varying width, mostly two or three cells long and one or two. cells wide at the base, epidermal papillae lacking. (Fig. 9.) The following specimens of this species, which seems to be very local, have been examined : Jamaica : without definite localities or dates, Wilds (N. Y., four specimens) ; Hardware Gap and vicinity, April, 1903, W. R. Maxon iiij (U. S., Y.) ; July, 1903, A. W. Evans 175, 20^ (Y.) ; Chestervale, July, 1903, A. W. Evans 211 (Y.) ; vicinity of Cinchona, March, 1905, C. E. Cummings 28 (N, Y., Y.) ; St. Catherine's Peak and vicinity, August, 1906, A. W. Evans 441 (Y.). The specimens collected by Wilds include both American Species of Marchantia. 267 Fig. 9. Marchantia breviloba Evans Plants, natural size, and various anatomical details. A. Male planj, x J. B. Female plant, x i. C-E. Appendages of ventral scales, apical por- tions X 100 F. Epidermal pore of thallus, surface view, x 225. U Pore in cross-section, x 225. H. Inner opening of pore, x 225. i, J- Stalk of male receptacle, cross-sections, x 40; I was cut near base J, near apex K. Stalk of female receptacle, cross-section, cut near base. A Jamaica, W. R. Maxon 11 15. B-D, F-K. Jamaica, A. W. Evans 17,, type. E. Jamaica, A. W . Evans, 203. 268 Alexander IV. Evans, female and gemmiparous material. Two, bearing the numbers 5 and 6, are labeled "Marchantia conica"; the other two bear no name. No. 175, collected by the writer, may be designated the type. The thallus of M. breviloha bears a strong resemblance to that of M. paleacea, being of about the same size and similarly subject to pigmentation. The ventral scales and the appendages of the median scales in these two species likewise have certain features in common. The arrangement of the scales, for exam- ple, is very similar and the appendages agree in form, in the grad- ual decrease in the size of the cells in passing toward the margin, and in some of the peculiarities of the margin itself. Even the pores look a good deal alike when examined through a lens. A detailed examination, however, quickly brings out points of dif- ference. In M. breviloha the pores are not of the cruciate type, the inner opening (so far as observed) being surrounded by evenly bulging cells and thus usually exhibiting a four-sided outline with concave sides and narrow angles ; in M. paleacea the pores are distinctly cruciate. In M. breviloha the cells of the appen- dages are markedly larger than in M. paleacea and oil- containing cells seem to be constantly absent; in M. paleacea oil-contain- ing cells can often be detected. In M. breviloha slime cells seem always to be numerous and conspicuous; in M. paleacea they are less frequent and may be absent altogether: this last dif- ference, unfortunately, is one to be used with caution. The differential characters yielded by the receptacles and cupules, in separating M. breviloha from M. paleacea, are even more marked tlian those derived from tlie tliallus. In M. brevi- loha the male receptacle is borne on a long stalk with a distinct band of air-chambers and usually with four rhizoid-f urrows ; and the disc is unsymmetrically divided into six or seven elongated lobes, the basal sinus being much broader than the otliers and often approximating a straight line. In M. paleacea the male receptacle is borne on a very short stalk without air- chambers and with only two rhizoid-f urrows ; while the disc is very shortly and apparently radially divided into eight (or more) often indistinct lobes, the basal sinus being of about the same width as the others. In M. breviloha tlie stalk of the female receptacle shows four rhizoid-furrows, and the disc is very shortly lobed, the lobes American Species of Marchantia. 269 being usually more than nine and scarcely if at all dilated at the apex. In M. paleacea the stalk of the female receptacle shows only two rhizoid-furrows, and the disc is more deeply divided, the lobes being usually nine (or fewer) and more or less distinctly dilated at the apex ; the upper surface of the disc, moreover, shows a median protuberance and nine ridges cor- responding with the rays, these structures being very indistinct in M. hreviloha or absent altogether. In M. hreviloha the cupula is simply short-ciliate ; in M. paleacea it shows a series of ciliate or dentate lobes. There is no difficulty in separating M. hreviloha from M. poly- morpha. The new species is smaller, it lacks marginal ventral scales, the appendages of the median scales have larger cells and usually fewer marginal teeth, the epidermal cells are more complex being surrounded by more rows of cells, there are no epidermal papillae, the stalk of the male receptacle has air- chambers and usually more rhizoid-furrows, the disc is more deeply and more unsymmetrically lobed, the stalk of the female receptacle has more rhizoid-furrows, the disc is less deeply lobed, and the lobes are flattened instead of being terete. The difference in the cupules, already noted in connection with M. paleacea, would apply equally well in separating the species from M. poly- morpha. 6. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. Marchantia domingensis Lehm. & Lindenb. ; Lehmann, Pug. Plant. 6 : 22. 1834. Marchantia inflexa Nees & Mont. ; Montague, Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. II. 9 : 43. 1838. Marchantia disjuncta SuUiv. Am. Jour. Sci. II. i : 74. 1846. Marchantia linearis G. L. & N. Syn. Hep. 529. 1847 (in part). Not Lehm. & Lindenb. Marchantia martinicensis Spreng. ; G. L. N. /. c. 531. 1847 (as synonym). Marchantia Elliottii Steph. Bull. Herb. Boissier 7 : 400. 1899. Marchantia caracensis Steph. /. c. 526. 1899. Thallus pale to dark green, not glaucous, slightly or not at all pigmented with purple, usually 4-6 mm. wide and 2-3 cm. long, dichotomous, the successive forks usually 1-1.5 cm. apart, texture delicate, margin entire ; epidermis composed of cells with 270 Alexander W. Evans, slightly thickened walls, sometimes in two layers, mostly 30-60/* long (averaging about 45/x) and 15-30JU, wide (averaging about 23/a), papillae absent; pores (with their surrounding cells) mostly 90-130/X, long and 70-80/i wide, surrounded usually by six (or seven) rows of cells (three or four in the upper and three in the lower series), the two lower rows of the upper series usually composed of eight (six to ten) cells apiece (more rarely of only three to five cells), the other rows of four (three to five) cells apiece, inner opening usually four-sided, more rarely three- or five-sided, with the sides straight or nearly so, the bounding cells more or less obscured by a resinous deposit ; air- chambers of medium height, isodiametric or somewhat elongated, their boundaries sometimes distinct and sometimes vague when viewed through the epidermis, present everywhere, rows of photosynthetic cells often four or five cells long but sometimes shorter ; compact ventral tissue about twenty cells thick in the median portion, the walls sometimes pigmented, more or less thickened and showing distinct pits, sclerotic cells usually dis- tinct, scattered, mostly five to thirty in a cross-section, more abundant in the median portion but sometimes present in the wings, in the latter case often distinctly visible without section- ing, slime-cells lacking; ventral scales in two distinct rows, the laminar scales alternating with the median scales and not much nearer the margin ; appendages of the median scales broadly lanceolate to ovate, when well developed mostly 0.35-0.6 mm. long and 0.27-0.45 mm, wide but sometimes considerably smaller, apex apiculate, acute, or cuspidate, margin more or less densely denticulate or dentate, the teeth usually one or two cells long, cells showing a gradual and slight decrease in size toward the margin, median cells usually longer than broad, mostly 40-80/x long and 20-40/x wide, marginal cells mostly 20-40/* long and 15-20/X wide, irregular but the long axis usually at right angles or nearly so to the margin, cells containing oil-bodies apparently always lacking: male receptacle borne on a stalk 5 mm. long or less, with two to four rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc variable in size but mostly 6-8 mm, broad, deeply lobed, the lobes or rays usually four to six but sometimes two, three, seven or eight, palmately disposed, the basal sinus a very broad angle or a straight line, mostly 3-6 mm. long and 2-3 mm. wide, rounded, with a thin wavy margin extend- ing across the basal sinus, ventral scales imbricated, in two or more rows; female receptacle borne on a stalk 1.5-2 cm. high, with two to four rhizoid-furrows and a single broad dorsal band of air-chambers, the disc mostly 5-7 mm. wide, the lobes or rays spreading at maturity, extending about half way from the margin to the center, normally seven but often only five or six, more rarely eight to eleven, slightly or not at all dilated at the truncate, irregularly crenate or slightly emarginate apex, upper American Species of Adarchantia. 271 surface of disc and rays usually plane but sometimes more or less convex, basal sinus broader than the others and sometimes form- ing- a very obtuse angle ; involucre very delicate, the margin minutely and often irregularly crenulate to short-ciliate, the teeth usually varying from one to three cells in length ; spores brown- ish yellow, about 28/^ in diameter, the outer face bearing a series of low irregular ridges not forming a network ; elaters about 6/x wide, bispiral : cupules closely short-ciliate, the cilia mostly one to four cells long, outer surface without papillae. (Figs. 10-12.) A widely distributed species in the southern United States, the West Indies, Mexico, Central America, and Venezuela. The fol- lowing specimens have been examined : Tennessee: Etowah, June, 1909, F. McCormick (C. C. H., Y., listed as il/. disjuncta by tlie writer in Bryologist 13:33. 1910). Georgia: west bank of Ocmulgee River, Hawkinsville, June, 1902, R. M. Harper 1^8 2a (N. Y., U. S.) ; Samochechobee Creek, near Killen, Clay County, October, 1902, R. M. Harper lygib (N. Y., U. S.) ; Flint River swamp, below Albany, Dougherty County, August, 1903, R. M. Harper I95ie (N. Y., U. S.). Florida : Devil's Millhopper, Alachua County, February, 1909, R. M. Harper 14 (N. Y.) ; April, 1915, A^. L. T. Nelson 45, 46, 47, 5^ (Y^)- Alabama: banks of the Alabama River near Claiborne, W. S. Sullivant (H., type locality of M. disjuncta, specimens distributed in Muse. Alleg. 286 and Hep. Bor.-Amer. 128) ; Auburn, May, 1896, L. M. Underzuood (N. Y., Y., distributed, as M. disjuncta, in Hep. Amer. 182) ; June, 1897, Earle & Baker 52 (N. Y.). Texas: Fort Worth, 1887, G. S. Thompson 10 (N. Y., U. S., listed as M. disjuncta by Underwood in Bot, Gaz. 20 : 69. 1895) ; Hallettsville, May, 1892, G. C. Nealley 59 (C. C. H., U. S.) ; Austin, March, 1909, F. D. Heald (Y.). Arkansas: Fort Harvey, no date, F. L. Harvey '^ Duss S42 bis (N. Y.) ; Morne Rouge, August, 1901, Pere Duss 581 (N.Y.). American Species of Marchantia. 2,95 Grenada: Grand Etang, 1913, R. Thaxter (H., Y.). Venezuela : near Caripe, A. von Humboldt (Y., specimen from the Hooker herbarium, labeled "Humboldt 2^^," pre- sumably the basis for the record in Nov. Gen. Sp. Plant. 7 : 99. 1825) ; without definite locality or date, Funck & Schlim 55/ (N.Y.). Colombia: Andes Bogotenses, W. Weir (N. Y.). Brazil: Orgaos Mountains, C. Gaudichaud (N. Y., specimen from the ]\Iontagne herbarium, labeled simply "Brasilia," pre- sumably the basis for the record in Voy. Corv. la Bonite, Bot. 1:209. 1844-46); Morro Velho, no date, G. Gardner iji (N. Y.) ; Rio de Janeiro, no date, /. Milne (N. Y.) ; A. Glaziou 17992 (N. Y., listed by Spruce in Rev. Bryol. 20 : 60. 1893) ; Jacobina, Mattogrosso, October, 1872, O. Kuntze (N. Y., sterile and some- what doubtful) ; near Sao Paulo, April, 1905, A. Usteri i (Y.). Ecuador: Bafios, R. Spruce (listed in Trans. Bot. Soc. Edin- burgh 15:562. 1885, and distributed in Hep. Spruceanae). Peru: near Tarapoto, R. Spruce (distributed in Hep. Spruceanae) ; Ollantaytambo, May, 1915, Cook & Gilbert /^^ (U. S.,Y.). Bolivia: near Irupana, A. d'Orbigny 226 (M., type of Grimaldia peruviana) ; Yungas, 1885, H. H. Rusby, 3001, 3002, 3003, 3004 (N. Y., U. S., listed by Spruce in Mem. Torrey Club 1 : 140. 1890) ; 1892, M. Bang 1343 (N. Y.) ; July, 1893, P. Jay /J (N. Y., Y.) ; Timiupasa, December, 1901, R. S. Wil- liams 2143 (N. Y., Y.). Galapagos Islands: Albemarle Island, August, 1906, A. Stewart 68y6. The following additional stations, recorded in the literature, are likewise of interest: Oaxaca: Mirador and Comaltepec, F. Liebmann (listed by Gottsche in Mex. Leverm. 268. 1863). Vera Cruz: near Orizaba and at Cordoba, 1855, F. Milller (listed by Gottsche, /. c). Costa Rica : near San Jose, H. Pittier 6004, 6049; Marais de la Palma, H. Pittier 6018, 6024 (both listed by Stephani in Bull. Soc. Bot. Belgique 31 : 180. 1892). Jamaica: without definite locality or date, P. Collinson (type of il/. Dillenii). 296 Alexander W. Evans, Martinique: Morne de la Calabasse, without date or col- lector's name (type, cited by Plumier) ; without definite locality, date, or collector's name (type of M. cartilaginea) ; without definite locality or date, Halm 134/ ; T. Husnot ig"/, ip8 (the last three listed by Bescherelle in Jour, de Bot. 7: 193. 1893). French Guiana: near Cayenne, 1835-49, Lepricnr 1386 (listed by Montagne in Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. IV. 3:320. 1855). Venezuela: Merida, K. Goebel (figured in Organographie der Pflanzen 258. /. i^y. 1898) . Colombia: Muzo, Fusagasuga and Puripi, 1859, A. Lindig 1715, 1718, 1719, 1722, 1723 (listed by Gottsche in Ann. Sci. Nat. Bot. V. 1 : 186. 1864). Peru: Rio Huallaga, November, 1902, E. Ule ^27 (listed by Stephani in Hedwigia 44:223. 1905). Brazil: "Montagne d'Estrella," G. Raddi (cited by Raddi, see below) ; without definite locality or date, F. Scllozv (type of M. hrasiliensis) . The specimens recorded by Schiffner from the Fiji Islands (Leberm. Forschungsr. S. M. S. "Gazelle" 43. 1890) are described as having ciliate-dentate ventral scales and would probably now be referred to some other species. The interpretation of M. chenopoda is beset with difficulties, and a history of the species may therefore be in place. The Linnaean description or diagnosis is very short and reads, "Marchantia calyce communi dimidiato palmato quadrifido." If the term "calyx" signifies the female receptacle this descrip- tion would not apply accurately to any of the known American species, where a four-parted receptacle occurs only as an abnor- mality. If the term signifies the male receptacle there are sev- eral species to which the description might perhaps apply. In any case it would be quite impossible to identify a definite species by means of the Linnaean description alone. Unfortunately the only synonym which Linnaeus quotes, the "Lichen anapodocarpos" of Plumier, is likewise insufficient to lead to a positive conclusion. Plumier^^ described his plant from material collected on the Morne de la Calabasse in Martinique. Linnaeus cites the original description and figure and also the ^ Traite des Fougeres de I'Amer. 143. pi. 142. Paris, 1705. American Species of Marchantia. 297 later description and figure published by Dillenius.-*" Plumier's figure represents certain reproductive parts in detail and a thallus with a sinuate or vaguely lobed margin, branching occa- sionally by forking and apparently also by ventral outgrowths. From the tips of some of the branches the four-lobed receptacles on short stalks take their origin and clearly bring the growth of the branches to an end. In two cases — possibly in three five- lobed receptacles are shown. In his text Plumier compares the appearance of the plant with that of the Indian fig and says that the upper surface is of a pale green color and roughened by minute elevated points. He compares the entire receptacle with a mushroom and states that one side of the disc is rounded, while the other shows four semicircular lobes, the whole resem- bling an inverted goose foot. He adds that each lobe opens longitudinally, and shows minute white "flowers" in the form of tubes. Each tube divides at the apex after a while into four parts which roll back and disclose an oval fruit filled with "seeds" like flour. It is clear from this account that he had female receptacles before him and that he saw the involucre, the pseudoperianth, the capsule, and the spores. Dillenius took his figure directly from Plumier and did not know the plant itself. He tried to improve the figure, however, by indicating that the upper surface of the thallus was covered over with minute polygons as in related species. Lindberg'*^ criticises the figure of Dillenius (and consequently that of Plumier) by stating that an autoicous inflorescence is shown, both male and female receptacles being represented on the thallus. This criticism is undeserved. The receptacles shown are all female, the dorsal surface being represented in some cases and the ventral in others. In his text Dillenius brought out the fact that the receptacles were all the same kind, although he incorrectly interpreted the fruit of Plumier as an anther and the flour-like seeds as pollen, a well-known error which he repeats in his interpretation of the reproductive parts in other bryophytes. On the basis of Plumier's description and figures it becomes evident that the term "calyx" in the Linnaean diagnosis of M. *" Hist. Muse. 531. pi. 75, f- 5- Oxford, 1741. *" Krit. Gransk. Dillen. Hist. Muse. 45. Helsingfors, 1883. Traxs. Coxx. Acad., Vol. XXI 20 1917 298 Alexander W. Evans, chenopoda refers to the female receptacle, and it has already been pointed out that a quadrifid female receptacle is not found Fig. 16. Marchantia chenopoda L. Appendages of ventral scales, x 100; G represents the median portion of an appendage with two cells containing oil-bodies. A-C. Cuba, C. Wright, in Hep. Cubenses. D, E. Jamaica, A. IV. Evans 238. F, G. Jamaica, W. R. Maxon 405. H, I. Porto Rico, F. L. Stevens 1844; J. Guadeloupe, T. Husnot, in PI. des Antilles ig6. normally in any known American species. Plumier's work indi- cates further, that the involucres and sporophytes of his plant are situated underneath the lobes, a condition which is likewise American Species of Marchaniia. 299. unknown among American species, where the invoktcres and sporophytes invariably alternate with the lobes. Since there are apparently no specimens of Plumier's plant in herbaria, it is clear that M. chenopoda L. represents an unidentifiable plant, and the logical course would be to give up the species altogether. In the literature of the Hepaticae, however, M. chenopoda has an established place, and it seems justifiable to interpret it according to the descriptions of later writers. Even Plumier's figure gives us a little help because it shows that he occasionally observed a five-lobed receptacle, although he makes no mention of such a structure in his text. Since most subsequent writers ascribe to the species definitely a five-lobed receptacle, and since the species to which they assign the name is abundant in Martinique, it is quite probable that their M. chenopoda is the same as Plumier's plant. Unfortunately their descriptions and figures are not without discrepancies, and it becomes evident that Taylor at least did not distinguish between what is here called M. chenopoda and M. domingensis. Apparently Swartz^^ was the first to describe the male recep- tacles. He states that they are subpeltate, unsymmetrical, pal- mate-quadrifid, plane and verruculose above (like the thallus), and convex below, the rays or lobes being linear, obtuse, and often unequal, with membranous, undulate margins. He cites no stations for the species although he implies that it occurs in Jamaica. Ouadrifid receptacles are sometimes found in M. domingensis, but it is probable that Swartz had the true 71/. cheno- poda before him, and his description is definitely cited in the Synopsis Hepaticarum. Schwaegrichen,^^ in 1814, quotes M. chenopoda from Africa as well as from America, and F. Weber,*^ the following year, notes a similar extension of range. Neither writer adds anything significant to our knowledge of the species, and it is probable that their citation of African stations is based on incorrect deter- minations, since all subsequent writers restrict the range of M. chenopoda to America. A few years later Raddi^^ extended the known range of the ^ Fl. Ind. Occid. 1880. Erlangen, 1806. *^ Hist. Muse. Hepat. Prodr. 32. Leipzig, 1814. ^'Hist. Muse. Hepat. Prodr. 103. Kiel, 1815. ^ Mem. Soe. Ital. Modena 19 : 44. 1823 ; 20 : pi. 6a, f. i, 2. 1829. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 21 1917 300 Alexander W. Evans, species into Brazil and stated that it occurred abundantly at the bottom of moist and mossy rocks on the "Montague d'Estrella." According to his account M. chenopoda is distinguished from all the other species of Marchantia by its receptacles, which are truncate on one side. He adds that in the male receptacle the upper surface is plane and that the four parts or lobes are unequal in length, and he criticises Plumier for comparing this receptacle with a goose's foot; in his opinion it is more like the foot of a pigeon. Of course this criticism has no weight, since Plumier drew his account entirely from female receptacles. According to Raddi the disc of tlie female receptacle is strongly convex and either entire or very shortly divided, bearing on the lower surface four fleshy or rib-like swellings, between which are borne the capsules, much as in M. polyuwrpha. He notes further that the upper surface of the thallus is areolate and perforated by white vesicles and that the lower surface is violet except along the margin, where it is green. Although Raddi's specimens have not been available for study it is evident that he had the true M. chenopoda before him. Not only is his description unusually clear, but the species has since been collected in other Brazilian locaHties. In 1835 Taylor published an account of the Marchantiaceae which had come under his observation. In his description of M. chenopoda'*'^ he comments on the inaccuracies of Plumier's figures and quotes them doubtfully, although it was upon Plumier's work that the species was primarily based. Accord- ing to Taylor the female receptacle is hemispherical and divided into from eight to ten truncate laciniae, each bearing underneath a single involucre with ciliate or serrulate margins. He notes further that the stalk of the receptacle has two rhizoid-furrows and adds interesting statements about the scales on the vegetative thallus and about the cupules. The scales, in his words, have an entire and broadly ovate base, then a deep constriction at about the middle, and then a broadly ovate and ciliate expansion (the latter being what is now known as the appendage). In the cupules he speaks partrcularly of the serrate margin. It will be seen at once that Taylor's account of the female receptacle is very different from that of his predecessors, and the speci- mens in his herbarium show that it was drawn from M. domin- ^ Trans. Linn. Soc. 17 : 379- pl- 12, f. 2. 1835. American Species of Marchantia. 301 gensis. His account of the male receptacle, however, agrees esentially with that of Swartz. Taylor cites M. chenopoda from Fig. 17. Marchantia chenopoda L. Appendages of ventral scales, x 100. A, B. Venezuela, Funck & Schlim. C-E. Brazil, A. Glasiou 17992. F, G. Brazil, 1905, A. Usteri i. H-J. Galapagos Islands, A. Stewart 6876. Guadeloupe and St. Vincent as well as from Jamaica and Martinique. 302 Alexander W. Evans, In the Synopsis Hepaticarum emphasis is again laid on the receptacles. The female receptacle is said to be excentric, hemi- spherical, and about five-lobed, the lobes being obtuse, subcrenate and soon obsolete, with hyaline, denticulate involucres. The male receptacles are said to be unsymmetrical and palmately four- to five-parted. This account of the female receptacle agrees closely with that of Raddi and differs from that of Taylor. Both writers, however, are cited under the species. From Brazil several localities are enumerated, but the only West Indian stations given without cjuestion are on the island of Martinique. The Synopsis quotes three synonyms: M. androgyna (female plants only), M. Swarfsii, and Chlamidium indicum. These may be considered in order. Swartz apparently supposed that what he called 71/. androgyna was the same as il/. androgyna L.,*^ a species based on two cita- tions, the first from Dillenius'*^ and the second from Micheli.*^ According to Swartz, who treats the plant very briefly, M. androgyna is related to Reboidia hemisphaerica (L.) Raddi; he describes the thallus as narrower than in that species and states that the male receptacles are perhaps sessile and that the female receptacles are subentire. Although he cites no actual material it is probable that he drew his description from Jamaican speci- mens collected by himself, these being definitely referred to by later writers. Now the Dillenian species quoted by Linnaeus under M. androgyna has been the cause of a great deal of confusion. It was based on two entirely different plants, a fact which was first pointed out by Lehmann and Lindenberg in their discussion of the Asiatic M. linearis Lehm. & Lindenb.^" They show clearly that the Dillenian /. ^B, which, as they state, is essentially the same as the figure by Micheli, represents Grimaldia dichotoma Raddi, a common species of the Mediterranean region. They show further that the Dillenian /. ^A and /. jC represent a species of Marchantia, and they suppose that this species is the same as the M. androgyna of Swartz. The two figures in question were drawn from specimens collected in Jamaica by P. Collinson ; Sp. Plant. 1 138. 1753. Hist. Muse. 520. pi. 75, /. 3. 1741. Gen. Nov. Plant. 3. pi. 2, f. 3. 1729. ' Lehmann, Pug. Plant. 4 -.g. Hamburg, 1832. American Species of Marchantia. Z^Z f. ^A shows a plant with numerous cupules and female recep- tacles, while /. jC shows a small forking fragment with cupules Marchantia chenopoda L. Appendages of ventral scales, x lOO. A-C. Peru, Cook & Gilbert 755. D-F. Bolivia, A. d'Orbigny, type of M. peruviana. G, H. Bolivia, H. H. Rushy 3004. I, J. Bolivia, P. Jay 71. only. The receptacles are so strongly convex that they appear conical and resemble those of Conocephahtm conicum (L.) Dumort. In fact, according to Lehmann and Lindenberg, the 304 Alexander W. Evans, M. androgyna of Weber^^ is actually Conocephalum conicum, and the Linnaean name has been applied by other writers to such distinct species as Preissia quadrata (Scop.) Corda and Rehoulia hemisphaerica (L.) Raddi. Lehmann and Lindenberg's conception of M. androgyna Sw. was based on specimens collected by Swartz in Jamaica. Although they considered these specimens identical with those collected by Collinson they did not take up the name M. androgyna for the species, probably because the original M. androgyna L. was an aggregate. They described it instead under the new name M. Swartsii. The female receptacle, according to their account, is unsymmetrical, hemispherical, and subentire or obsoletely lobed, the lower surface and the stalk being villous. They state further that the upper surface of the thallus is green with many large pores bordered with white, and that the lower surface is brown with scales in the median portion ; and they suggest that the male receptacles of Swartz's description may have been cupules only. So far as the descriptions go M. Swartzii and, consequently, AI. androgyna Sw. do not differ in any essential respects from M. chenopoda, and the authors of the Synopsis are probably correct in citing these two species as synonyms of M. chenopoda. This view is supported by a frag- mentary specimen in the Taylor herbarium, labeled M. Szvartzii by Lehmann, which apparently represents M. chenopoda, although a positive conclusion can hardly be reached without sectioning the material. A further difficulty in disentangling the synonymy is, how- ever, encountered. Although Lehmann and Lindenberg con- sidered Swartz's and Collinson's plants identical, this opinion was not shared by the authors of the Synopsis Hepaticarum. In quoting M. Swartsii as a synonym of M. chenopoda they take pains to exclude the Dillenian /. j altogether, although /. ^A and /. jC are definitely quoted by the authors of M. Swartzii in citing M. androgyna Sw. as a synonym of their spe- cies. Fortunately Collinson's material is preserved in the Dil- lenian herbarium and throws a little light on the subject. It was studied by Lindberg, who reached the conclusion that it represented a distinct and undescribed species. This he pro- posed as new under the name M. Dillenii Lindb. He assigns to " Spic. Fl. Goettingen. 168. Gotha, 1778. American Species of Marchantia. 305 the species a delicate pellucid thalliis with indistinct areolae but with large pores, the thallus in M. chenopoda being thick and Fig. 19. Marchantia chenopoda L. Epidermal structures of thallus, x 225. A, B. Pores, surface view. C-G. Pores, cross-section. H-K. Pores, inner view. L. Slime cell, cross-section. A, C, H-J. Guatemala, Cook & Griggs 83. B, D, E, K, L. Jamaica, W. R. Maxon 405. F, G. Peru, Cook & Gilbert 755. opaque with distinct areolae and small pores. He states further that the female receptacles are depressed-semiglobose, excentric and almost entire, the five lobes present being very short, thick. 3o6 Alexander W. Evans, semicircular in outline and slightly incurved. The receptacles described are immature and do not therefore yield very satis- factory characters, but Lindberg's description, so far as it goes, would clearly apply to M. chenopoda. Even the characters drawn from the thallus easily come within the range of variation to be expected in so multiform a species, where both the texture and the size of the pores differ widely in different plants. The writer would therefore follow Stephani in reducing M. Dillenii to synonymy, even in the absence of Lindberg's type material. The third synonym given in the Synopsis, Chlamidium indicum, is nothing but a nomen tiudiim. According to Corda it was based on No. 375 of Sieber's Flora Martinicensis. The Synopsis, how- ever, in citing it as a synonym under M. chenopoda, states that it was based on No. 378. In the Mitten herbarium a specimen of No. 378 is preserved under the name M. martinicensis. This plant, which probably represents the type of the manuscript spe- cies M. martinicensis Spreng., is clearly referable to M. doniin- gensis, as the authors of the Synopsis have already shown. Their citation of No. 378 under Chlamidium indicum, therefore, was probably an error or due to the fact that this number was a mixture ; in any case Corda's species, in the absence of adecjuate publication, deserves no further attention. If the work of Taylor is excepted it will be seen that writers up to the time of the Synopsis Hepaticarum (1847) were prac- tically unanimous in assigning to M. chenopoda a subentire or shortly five-lobed female receptacle and a deeply four-cleft male receptacle. The same thing may be said of subsequent ^\•riters. Unfortunately identical or similar characters have been assigned to other species. Aside from M. Dillenii, which has already been alluded to, M. cartilaginea, M. brasiliensis, and M. peruvi- ana may be mentioned in this connection. The first was based on material collected on the island of St. Vincent, no collector being named ; the second on Brazilian material collected by Sellow ; the third on Bolivian material collected by D'Orbigny. In M. cartilaginea the male receptacles are said by the authors of the species to be slightly convex and borne on very short stalks, while the female receptacles are said to be minute and entire or obsoletely crenulate. Schiffner, who studied the type material, found that the female receptacles were immature and that the so-called male receptacles were nothing more than American Species of Marchantia. 307 extremely young female receptacles. The distinctive characters of the species thus break down, and he reduced it to synonymy, retaining it as a var. cartilaginea (Lehm. & Lindenb.) Schiffn. under M. chenopoda. Stephani quotes it as a simple synonym. Their views are supported by the work of Prescher, who found the distribution of the slime cells the same in M. cartilaginea as in M. chenopoda. In M. brasiliensis the male receptacle is described as peltate, angled and convex, the central portion being thickened and the margin plane and hyaline ; the female receptacle is said to be hemispherical, symmetrical and entire. Here again Schiffner showed that the receptacles in the type specimen were immature and that the distinctive characters drawn from the male recep- tacles could be duplicated by young male receptacles of M. cJienopoda. He therefore regards M. brasiliensis as synonymous with M. chenopoda, a view which the writer is disposed to share, Stephani, in maintaining the validity of the Brazilian plant, dwells on the symmetry of the female receptacle and describes it as strongly convex and very shortly four- to six-lobed. He adds that the entire appendages of the ventral scales can easily be distinguished from the dentate appendages of M. chenopoda. Since, however, he assigns both entire and toothed appendages to M. cJienopoda in his detailed description of that species, and since the receptacles on some of the West Indian specimens referred by him to M. brasiliensis are distinctly unsymmetrical, his dift'erential characters can not be regarded as having much significance. In the original description of Grimaldia peruviana the female receptacle is said to be subglobose and crenate while the male receptacle is said to be discoid and sessile. Apparently on account of the characters of the so-called male receptacles Montagne continued to regard the species as a Grimaldia even after the authors of the Synopsis had correctly transferred it to Mar- chantia.^- Probably the sessile structures which Montagne observed were immature female receptacles, but unfortunately the type specimen in his herbarium, a portion of which the writer has been able to examine, is sterile, so that these problematical organs could not be studied. The compound pores, however, " See Montagne, Sylloge 91. Paris, 1856. 3o8 Alexander W. Evans, and the cupules show conclusively that the species is a Mar- chantia, and the writer would go even further than Stephani did and reduce it to a synonym of M. chenopoda. This conclusion is strengthened by the* fact that numerous specimens of M. cheno- poda have been collected in Bolivia by subsequent explorers. Although a wide range of variability is assigned to M. cheno- poda, according to the writer's conception of the speicies, an equally wide range is assigned to M. domingensis and an even wider range to M. polymorpha. The structures which are per- haps most subject to variation are the epidermal pores, the slime cells, the appendages of the ventral scales and the involucres. The male receptacles and the female receptacles in most respects exhibit features of a more constant character. In normal and well-developed specimens the pores are unusu- ally large in the middle of the thallus and are only slightly smaller near the margin. In other cases the contrast in size between the median and marginal pores is much more marked; in still other cases even the median pores may be small or medium sized. Corresponding with these differences in size there are differences in the number of cells in the concentric rows around the opening, although the number of such rows is usually seven. The differences in number are found especially in the third and fourth rows of the upper series and in the third row of the inner series. In the fourth row of the outer series the variation is especially great. In small pores as few as four cells may be present, in large pores as many as eighteen cells, and all grada- tions between these extremes are to be expected. In the third row of each series similar but less marked differences are encoun- tered. In the first and second row of each series four cells are normally present although three, five, six, or even seven cells sometimes occur. The slime cells vary greatly in number and in distribution. In typical West Indian material they occur abundantly in the epi- dermis, in the walls of the air-chambers, and in the compact ventral tissue of the thallus. In other specimens they are rare in the epidermis or even absent altogether, although still persistent in the walls of the air-chamber and in the compact tissue ; in still other specimens, and this seems to be especially true of mate- rial from Mexico, Central America and South America, they are restricted to the compact tissue, where indeed they may be American Species of Marchonfia. 309 Fig. 20. Marchantia chenopoda L. Anatomical details. A. Cells from compact ventral tissue in cross- section, including two sclerotic cells and a cell containing oil-bodies, x 100. B. Cells from same tissue in longitudinal section, including a sclerotic cell, X 100. C-E. Cells from basal portions of median scales, x 100. F. Stalk of male receptacle, cross-section, x 50. G-I. Stalks of female receptacles, cross-sections, x 50 : G, showing a stalk of average size ; H, a slender stalk near the middle ; and I, the same slender stalk near the base. J-M. Portions of involucres : J, x 40 ; L-M, x 100. A-G, J. Jamaica, A. W. Evans 405, W. R. Maxon 880. H, I. Panama, R. S. Williams 1084. K. Vera Cruz, Barnes & Land 631. L. Costa Rica, Cook & Doyle 301. M. Bolivia, R. S. Williams 2143. 3IO Alexander W. Evans, very scarce. Since these different conditions grade into one another, it. seems impossible to use them as a basis for the segre- gation of M. chenopoda. Very striking variations are to be observed in the appendages of the median scales. If the series represented in Figs. 15-19 is examined it will hardly seem possible at first that all can have been taken from a single species. The appendages shown exhibit four more or less distinct types, varying in shape, in the char- acter of the margin, and in tlie size of the component cells. In the first type, shown by Figs. 15, A-H, and 16, the appendages are narrowly ovate to lanceolate, tapering gradually to an acute or acuminate apex; the margin is either entire or provided with one or more vaguely defined and irregular teeth ; and the cells are large, showing no marked differences in size between the median and marginal portions. In the second type, shown in Figs 15, I, and 17, A, the appendages are larger than in the first type and tend to be more acuminate ; the mar- gin is more distinctly dentate, although the teeth are still irregu- lar ; and the cells are much the same as in the first type, except for the fact that the marginal cells in the basal portion tend to be smaller. In the third type, shown in Fig. 18, A-C, the appendages are broadly ovate and apiculate to abruptly acute; the margin is entire or vaguely and sparingly dentate or crenate toward the base ; and the cells are everywhere large, much as in the first type. In the fourth type, shown in Fig. 18, D-J, the appendages have about the same form as in the third type, although they sometimes taper more gradually ; but the margin is more irregular, varying from entire to distinctly and rather closely crenate, dentate, or even lobed in the basal portion ; and the cells are distinctly smaller, often showing a definite decrease in size between the median and marginal portions. Cells con- taining oil-bodies are usually absent altogether, but one or two sometimes occur, as shown in Fig. 16, G, H, J. These have not been observed except in the first type of appendage. Since the various types of appendage are more or less char- acteristic of definite regions, the first type, for example, being prevalent in the West Indies and the fourth in South America, the writer at first thought that distinct varieties with definite geographical ranges might be distinguished, using the appen- dicular differences as a basis. It soon became evident, however, American Species of Marchantia. 311 that this was hardly possible. Many instances were noted where the range of one type overlapped that of another, and a few cases were observed in which appendages of two distinct types occurred on -an individual, thallus (Figs. 15, H, I; 17, A, B). It was impossible, moreover, to associate the differences in the appendages with other differences showing any degree of con- stancy. In the writer's opinion, therefore, the numerous types of appendage are to be regarded as a further evidence of the great variability of the species. In the case of the involucres there is again great variability, although the extremes are perhaps less marked than in il/. domin- gCHsis. Fig. 20, L, shows an involucre in which the teeth are scattered, short, and blunt ; while in Fig. 20, J, K, M, the involucres shown bear crowded, long and slender teeth. It will be noted that some of the teeth are simple while others are more or less complex. Bifid teeth are especially common and often show widely divergent divisions. The involucres are firmer than in AT. domhigensis, the cell walls being sometimes distinctly thickened and pigmented with yellowish brown. In North America the only species with which M. cJienopoda is likely to be confused is M. domingcnsis. The two species are of about the same size, the structure of the epidermal pores is much the same in both, the sclerotic cells in the ventral portion of the thallus show a similar distribution and the male recep- tacles are very much alike in general appearance. There are, however, striking differences which usually make it possible to distinguish specimens even in the absence of female receptacles. In M. chenopoda slime cells can almost always be observed in the thallus and often occur in great abundance; the appendages of the ventral scales are often entire and are never very closely toothed ; and the stalk of the male receptacle is destitute of air- chambers. In M. domhigensis there are no slime cells in the thallus ; the appendages of the ventral scales are closely toothed ; and the stalk of the male receptacle bears a band of air-chambers. If female receptacles are present other important differences may be observed. In M. chenopoda, the stalk bears two bands of air-chambers ; there are normally only five lobes, these being very short; and the involucre is firm in texture, the margin varying from dentate to ciliate or laciniate. In M. domingensis the stalk bears a single band of air-chambers, there are usually 312 Alexander W. Evans, more than five lobes, these being more or less elongated ; and the involucre is very delicate in texture, the margin varying from crenulate to short-ciliate. The features which distinguish M. chenopoda from M. doniin- gensis will distinguish it also from the South American M. papillata. Another South American species to which it may be related is M. Bescherellei, the appendages and involucres of which might easily come within the range of variability exhibited by M. chenopoda. According to our . present knowledge, M. Bescherellei is a more delicate species with lower air-chambers and thinner ventral tissue. There is no danger of confusing M. chenopoda with any of the other species recognized in the present paper. Doubtful Species 1. March ANTIA squamosa Raddi; Lehm. & Lindenb. in Leh- mann. Pug. Plant. 4: 12. 1832 (as to the Brazilian plant). Brazil : without definite locality or date, Raddi. Attention has already been called to this species and to its possible aggregate nature (see p. 261). Stephani's description agrees in most respects with M. paleacea, and it is possible that Raddi's specimens would now be referred to that species. If this should prove true it would mark an interesting extension of range. 2. Marchantia quinqueloba Nees, Naturg. Europ. Leberm. 4:98. 1838. West Indies: without locality, date, or collector's name. According to the full description given by Nees von Esenbeck this species is probably a form of M. domingensis. In any case there seems to be no reason for attempting to maintain it, since the original specimens (according to Stephani) are poorly developed and valueless. 3. Marchantia pusilla Nees & Mont. ; G. L. & N. Syn. Hep. 526. 1847. Chile: without locality, date, or collector's name. This species was based on a single very immature specimen and is not represented in the Montague herbarium. The original description throws little light on its affinities, and Montague him- American Species of Marchantia. 313 self apparently had no faith in its validity since he does not mention it in his Sylloge (1856). Stephani therefore seems justified in repudiating it altogether. 4. ]\Iarchantia flabellata Hampe, Linnaea 20: 235. 1847. Venezuela: Galipan, without date, Morits 4yh (erroneously ascribed by Hampe to Colombia). According to the brief original account the species is monoi- cous, the female receptacles are four-parted, and the male recep- tacles seven-parted. Although no specimens have been available tlie writer suspects that M. flabellata may represent a synonym of M. domingensis. Should this be established it would show that Hampe confused tlie male and female receptacles and incor- rectly assigned a monoicous inflorescence to his species. Unfor- tunately the question must be left in doubt. 5. Marchantia Notarisii Lehm. Pug. Plant. 10:22. 1857. Chile : near Valparaiso, without date, W. Lehmann. Although Stephani at first threw doubt on the validity of this species, suggesting that it was probably synonymous with M. chenopoda, he afterwards listed it without question from the Chilean island of Chiloe, citing specimens collected by C. Skotts- berg.^^ The original description of M. Notarisii is very full but is justly criticised by Gottsche^^ on account of its many ambi- guities. It certainly seems to point to M. chenopoda, and the writer would refer it provisionally to that species. Unfortunately no specimens of M. chenopoda from Chile have been available for study. 3heffield Scientific School, Yale University. "Kungl. Sven. Vet.-Akad. Handl. 46': 5- ipn- "Bot. Zeit. 16 (Beil.):28. 1858. For particulars regarding the previous Transactions of the Connecticut Academy, Address the Librarian^ Andrew Keogh, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. CONTENTS OF VOLUME 19 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES ^ PRICE i-i 10 Fossil Birds in the Marsh Collection of Yale Uni- versity, by R. W. Shufeldt (Feb. 1915) $1.10 1 1 1-446 Middlemen in English Business, 1660-1760, by R. B, Westerfield (Feb. 1915) 3.40 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 20 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE I-I 3 1 The Materials for the History of Dor, by George Dahl (May, 1915) $1.40 133-144 New Spiders from New England, XI, by J. H. Emerton 15 145-160 Canadian Spiders, II, by J. H. Emerton 15 161-240 The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Feb. 19 16) i.oo 241-399 Rural Economy in New England at the Begin- ning of the Nineteenth Century, by Percy W. Bidwell (April, 1916) 2.00 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 21 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-144 The Last Months of Chaucer's Earliest Patron, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Dec. 1916) .... $1.60 145-200 The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexa- coralla, by W. I. Robinson (Feb. 1917) 40 201-313 The American Species of Marchantia, by Alex- ander W. Evans (March, 1917) 1.20 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. D. 1799 YOLUHE 21, PAGES 316 -M2 MAY, 1917 A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art BY PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 TRANSACTIONS OF THE CONNECTICUT ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES Incorporated a. D. 1799 YOIHME 21, PAGES 316 -M2 MAY, 1917 A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art BY PHILIP AINSWORTH MEANS YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS NEW HAVEN, CONNECTICUT 1917 THE TUTTLE, MOREHOUSE 4 TAYLOR COMPANY, NEW HAVEN, CONN. TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I. INTRODUCTION 319 Sketch Map of Peru .... facing- 321 II. THE CULTURE PERIODS OF PERUVIAN ART 322 1. The Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca Cul- tures 322 2. The Culture known as Tiahuanaco I. . 324 3. The Culture called Tiahuanaco IL . . 326 4. The Red-white-black and Epigonal Cul- tures 328 5. The Chimu and Nasca Cultures . . 329 6. The Colla-Chulpa Culture . . . 330 7. Early Inca Culture 333 8. The Inca Culture at its Height . . 336 III. ANALYSES OF THE ARTS OR CULTURES . 339 1. A Critical Analysis of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca Art 339 2. A Critical Analysis of Tiahuanaco II Art 351 3. Relations between Proto-Chimu, Proto- Nasca AND Tiahuanaco II . . . 363 4. A Critical Analysis of the Epigonal and Red-white-black Cultures . . . 369 5. A Critical Analysis of the Chimu and Nasca Cultures 372 6. A Critical Analysis of Late Inca or Cuzco Art 377 3i8 Table of Contents. PAGE IV. THE QUESTION OF CHRONOLOGY AND DATES IN EARLY PERUVIAN ART . 383 APPENDIX I: THE ARCHAIC TYPE . . .390 APPENDIX II : CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE EARLY PERUVIAN CULTURES . . 393 BIBLIOGRAPHY 394 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 403 I. INTRODUCTION. It will be the writer's endeavor to present in this paper a brief review of the various types of art to be found in pre-Columbian Peru. The work is the fruit of some four years' study, two years of that period having been devoted to a systematic collec- tion of data in various places and under the direction of various people. As the main purpose will be to establish a basis for the classification of Peruvian art-objects, the study will be con- fined to those regions where the form and stratigraphic relations of the various art-types that make up the sequence of cultures have been determined with a reasonable degree of precision. The reader is urged carefully to bear in mind the fact that many of the various types are to be found in regions far removed from those here to be specified. But in those regions which are far from the source of an art-type or culture new environmental and psychological conditions almost inevitably exercise an influ- ence which results in profound modifications of the original type. The writer hopes that this paper will help to link certain of the Peruvian arts or cultures with certain types of objects from such regions as Ecuador, Eastern Bolivia, North-western Argen- tina and Northern Chile. It may even be possible in time to gather material evidence which will conclusively prove the basic unity of all the more advanced types of art in aboriginal America. In the writer's opinion it is still too early to attempt, with any likelihood of success, to read or interpret the inner signifi- cance of the various designs that we shall study. Attempts of this nature have been made by Berthon, (1911), Joyce, (1913b), Posnansky, (1914), and others, but still it seems to be vmavoid- able under the present limitations of our information that all speculations of this sort should lack an atmosphere of conclu- siveness. In this day, with our present incomplete knowledge of these ancient peoples, we should not attempt to read into their exotic designs a set of significances expressed in terms of our own experience. Rather, the investigator should seek painstak- ingly to analyze the various component parts of each pre- Columbian art or culture, as well in Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Ecuador, Colombia, Panama, and Middle America as in Peru 320 Philip Ainszuortli Means, and Bolivia, with a view first to finding out the distribution of each and every element, and ultimately to arriving at some safe and permanently tenable opinion as to the cultural ancestry of each of the cultures that have flourished in the several regions. The writer also believes that it is time for a serious attempt to be made to construct for the various cultures of pre-Columbian Peruvian art a chronology, supplied with approximate dates, simi- lar to the one already established for the Maya area. In order to arrive at any permanently valuable opinion as to the cultural position and cultural ancestry of these Peruvian art-types, it will be necessary first to know, at least approximately, when and how long they flourished. For many years it has been the fashion for South American archaeologists to look askance at all efforts to construct a chronology. The recent researches of Dr. Uhle, of the late Sir Clements Markham, of Sr. Arturo Posnansky, of the late Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa and of others have, however, afforded material that seems to justify a formal undertaking of the construction of a date-chronology for the various Peruvian cultures. The author has already made a tentative effort in this direction,^ and the reception it has met with has encouraged him to pursue the matter further. It is inevitable that discussion of this important matter should finally result in the establishment of a reasonably correct date-chronol- ogy. Accordingly, in the hope of bringing that desideratum of Peruvian archaeology nearer, he has ventured to insert at the end of this study a tentative date-chronology of the various art- periods or cultures of early Peru. The author is greatly indebted to many people for the aid, of various sorts, that they have given him during the preparation of this paper. Chief among these are the following: Dr. Roland B. Dixon, of Harvard University; Dr. Alfred M. Tozzer, of Harvard University; Dr. George F. Eaton, of Yale University; Professor George Grant MacCurdy, of Yale University; Dr. Herbert J. Spinden, of the American Museum of Natural His- tory ; Mr. Charles W. Mead, of the American Museum of Natural History ; Professor Marshall H. Saville, of the Museum of the American Indian ; Mr. Sylvanus Griswold Morley, of the Carnegie Institution ; Dr. Ales Hrdlicka, of the United States ' Means, 1917. SKETCH MAP OF PERU Showing the locations of the chief sites mentioned in the body of the paper. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 321 National Museum ; Mr. F. W. Hodge, of the Smithsonian Insti- tution; and, Mr. Thomas A. Joyce, of the British Museum. To all these gentlemen the writer wishes to extend his thanks for their help. Acknowledgments are also due to the authorities of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., to those of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and to those of the American Museum of Natural History for permission to figure various objects in their collections. Mr. Guernsey of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, was so kind as to help the writer in taking some of the pictures that accompany the paper, and Dr. Denman Waldo Ross was so good as to spend a long time discussing the aesthetic side of the designs on several of the textiles here illustrated. 11. THE CULTURE PERIODS OF PERUVIAN ART. Before proceeding to a detailed analysis or to any endeavor to coordinate the various cultures, it will be best for us to state as briefly as possible what the periods of culture are and where each is found at its highest development. Appendix II shows their chronological position with respect to one another, and the accompanying map shows the location of the chief sites connected with each of the cultures. It remains for us to summarize the outstanding features of the various types. I. THE PROTO-CHIMU AND PROTO-NASCA CULTURES. One may conveniently distinguish between the two subdivi- sions of this earliest coast culture-period by remembering that the Proto-Chimu flourished all along the northern half of the Peruvian littoral and the Proto-Nasca along the southern half.^ This subdivision is arbitrary, being based on the form of arts prevailing in the two regions. It is not a wholly satisfactory classification, and it may ultimately have to be modified. For example, it may sometime become desirable to delimit at Pachaca- mac a style which should be called "Proto-Pachacamac." Our information is, however, too scanty to justify such a course as yet, and it is better for the present to rely upon the classification here offered, which does preserve and emphasize the main lines of differentiation between the major varieties of the earliest coast art. The art of the region around Chan Chan and Moche- in the modern department of Libertad is characterized by features that ^ The terms "Proto-Chimu" and "Proto-Nasca" were adopted by Dr. Uhle after he discovered that the objects belonging to them did not belong to the Chimu and Nasca cultures. The name by which the early but highly gifted people called themselves is unknown. " Here again, the nomenclature must be commented upon. The two places just named are near Trujillo and they are the chief sites for Proto- Chimu ware. The name Chimu is used for the same sites at a later period, when the Chimu culture was flourishing. Chimu is derived from the Mochica place-name Chimorr or Chamorr ; Moche is the Hispanicised form for Aluchik; Chiclayo was formerly Chajaep; Lambayeque is derived from Nampajek. Cf. Middendorf, 1892, p. 64. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 323 set it in sharp contrast to other Peruvian art-types. As a rule, the other Peruvian cultures are marked by conventionalization. The Proto-Chiniu, on the contrary, is comparatively free from conventionalization and is marked by strong realism, especially in the animal forms, "portraits" and "landscapes." In close association with the elaborate modelling in the round went painted decorations of a type always easy to identify. These paintings were usually in dark reddish brown on a cream-colored slip. In a few cases such colors as light red, orange and buff were used in the vase-paintings. The outlines of the figures are marked by a grace that is unusual in Peruvian art, and in the grouping of the various scenes a striking command of the principles of composition and grouping is displayed. Some of the vase-paintings of this period partake of the nature of genre paintings, and they help us in no slight degree to reconstruct the material culture and customs of the people whom they depict. It is but right to say here a word or two regarding the reasons that have led Uhle, Joyce and several others to believe that the Proto-Chimu and the Proto-Nasca are the earliest Peruvian arts. The architecture associated with remains of this culture takes the form of massive walls built up of large balls of clay placed in position while still wet and allowed to dry in such a manner that they partly ran together, thereby forming a solid mass of material. Stratigraphic evidence proves that this architecture, of which only a little is left, is the oldest." Reserving further comments on Proto-Chimu art for a later page, we will now run over the outstanding features of Proto- Nasca art, always bearing in mind the fact that it was probably not only contemporaneous with Proto-Chimu but also closely associated with it on ethnic grounds. Undoubtedly Proto-Nasca will, in time, serve more truly to explain certain problems than will Proto-Chimu. At the same time, regarded merely as an art, it is not so remarkable. It is more like other Peruvian arts, for reasons that will later appear. Unlike the Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca is not characterized by graceful modelling and graceful painting. Rather, it sacrifices both the form of the vessels and the lines of the paintings to a remarkable wealth of coloration. To the novice, it is true, the ''Joyce, 1912, p. 179; Uhle, 1913, pp. 102-103; Means, 1917. 324 Philip Ainsworth Means, Proto-Nasca vessels appear sombre enough, but the more one' studies them the more he becomes impressed with the wonderful richness and variety of their tints. The mere fact that most of them are from the dark side of the color-scale does not impair the effect of subdued richness. If, then, we never find in Proto- Nasca the astonishingly good modelling that excites wonder, and sometimes amusement, at the Proto-Chimu art, the lack is in part made up for by the presence of sumptuous color combina- tions that may well give valuable hints to modern artists. It is the opinion of Mr. Joyce that no textiles of this period have survived to the present time.* But for reasons to be enlarged upon later, the present writer ventures to hold the con- trary opinion on this point. Though profoundly different, as has been shown, the Proto- Chimu and Proto-Nasca arts have similarities to one another that are quite as significant as their divergences. The similarities are to be found in the subject-matter of the two arts rather than in the details of their execution. In both, the use of headdresses decorated with animal-faces is apparent; in both, the use of various sorts of masks and of eye-painting is noticeable; and in both the centipede-like tail ending in a human face is often found. An important article by Mr. Joyce affords the material for forming these opinions.^ 2. THE CULTURE KNOWN AS TIAHUANACO I. The researches of Posnansky, Uhle, Gonzalez de la Rosa and others have established the fact that the remains at and around Tiahuanaco'^ in Bolivia represent two sharply differentiated cultures. Of these, the cruder was the earlier. Posnansky, to whom the subdividing is chiefly to be credited, calls this first and simpler epoch "Tiahiianaco Primitivo." The writer, in * Joyce, 1912, p. 200. "Joyce, 1913b. " Though we shall fall in with modern usage and employ the name Tiahuanaco, it is to be noted that the early name for the place appears to have been Taypicala. This, according to Cobo (IV, p. 65) and Ban- delier (1911, pp. 222 and 243), has the meaning of "Stone-in-the-Center (of the Universe)." The word appears to be derived from the "Aymara" (correctly, CoUa) terms taipiri, center, and ccala, worked stone. (Cf. Vocabulario poliglota incaico, 1905.) A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 325 seeking for a good English equivalent for this term, decided to adopt one that was suggested by Aegean archaeology — hence "Tiahuanaco I," and also "Tiahuanaco II." The architecture of Tiahuanaco I was true megalithic masonry. In building a wall, the early Tiahuanaco people adopted the simple but effective method of setting up at intervals large vertical oblong monoliths. In the edges of these nearest to the next pillar grooves were often cut from the base to the top and into them the builders fitted other blocks of stone by means of which a wall of comparatively small stones was made between the large ones. In all probability Tiahuanaco I was contemporary, at least in part, with Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca. Nevertheless, as will be developed later, there is no trace of the early coast types to be found associated with Tiahuanaco I deposits. It is, in the writer's opinion, impossible to say with accuracy whether or not any pottery or textiles have survived from the Tiahuanaco I period. Posnansky, however, figures two rude stone heads used, apparently, as wall-ornaments, dating from this period.'^ Even a brief study of Tiahuanaco I reveals the fact that it is totally unlike either of the probably contemporaneous coast- cultures. AMiat, then, is it like? Is it an indigenous and autoch- thonous culture? The whole trend of modern investigation into the ancient cultures of America discourages belief in the autoch- thonous nature of the Tiahuanaco I culture. It must, therefore, have been derived from some other region. As it obviously is not connected, even remotely, with any of the other cultures in South America that can possibly have been contemporary with it, save for one possible exception, we must study, however briefly, the strands of evidence that bind it to the group of cul- tures which constitute that exception. It is, then, suggested that the erectors of the Tiahuanaco I culture were related to, or even members of, the great Arawakan stock of Brazil. This is as yet but a theory. Facts, however, lend it a certain color of truth. These facts we will briefly outline. Far to the south-east of Lake Titicaca, in the Bolivian province of Santa Cruz, is a site called Samaipata which yields cut rocks very suggestive of the stone-work of Tiahuanaco I. We owe "Posnansky, 191 1, p. 33. 326 Philip Ainszvorth Means, our knowledge of this place to Baron Nordenskjold, and it is his opinion that the remains at Samaipata are associated with Arawakan builders.^ Archaeology, then, offers a slender thread with which to bind the Tiahuanaco I culture with the Arawakan stock at Samaipata. But this is not all the evidence afforded by archaeology. The island of Marajo, at the mouth of the Amazon, yields evidences of occupation by a people who had a stone technique of a grade similar to that of the Tiahuanaco I people. Finally the characteristic feature of the better sort of Tiahuan- aco I stone-carvings is the continuity of the eyebrows and nose so as to form a T-shaped figure.'' This feature is also found in some of the pottery heads from Marajo in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, and likewise it is observable on the secondary decora- tions of the Weeping God figure at Tiahuanaco. (See Plate VII.) Furthermore, linguistics and a study of migrations seem to throw some light on the situation. Haddon indicates roughly that there was a shift of peoples from north-eastern South America toward the Titicaca and Samaipata regions. Chamber- lain and others indicate that members of the Arawakan linguistic stock are to be found far over toward the Andes at the latitude of Lake Titicaca.^° On the whole, then, there is a certain justification for sug- gesting that the first high-cultured dwellers at Tiahuanaco were derived from stock belonging to the eastern half of the continent. The reader is reminded, however, that this whole point is in an embryonic state of discussion. Only long and systematic work will definitely establish the Arawakan derivation of the Tiahuanaco I people and their culture. 3. THE CULTURE CALLED TIAHUANACO H. If Tiahuanaco I was probably contemporary with the Proto- Chimu and Proto-Nasca cultures of the coast, Tiahuanaco II is no less probably derived, at least in part, from the latter of those two coast cultures. This will be enlarged upon later on. ^Nordenskjold, 1902, 1906, 1906b. ® See Posnansky, 1914, Plate XXXX. "Haddon, 1912; Chamberlain, 1913b, p. 474 fif. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 327 There can be but little doubt that the culture which we call Tia- huanaco II was the most highly developed in South America. It even rivals the Maya culture of the "Old Empire" cities in the southern part of Yucatan. It may be true that it is dangerous to measure the actual spread of a culture by the boundaries of the territory within which remains of its distinctive products are to be found. Political affinities, of course, cannot be determined by any such evidence ; but, nevertheless, the fact that Tiahuanaca II objects are found from Colombia to Argentina is a proof that the cultural domi- nance of Tiahuanaco II was exceedingly widespread. As we have seen, there was a shift, in the transition from Proto-Chimu to Proto-Nasca, from a light-toned art enriched by good modelling to a dark-toned art characterized by poor and slight modelling. For reasons to be brought out later it is but natural that we should find the characteristics of Proto-Nasca art carried on to their logical development in the art of Tiahuanaco II, This natural *stafe of affairs is found to exist. In Plate VII we see an important portion of the largest mono- lithic gateway at Tiahuanaco. It may safely be said to be an epitome of Tiahuanaco II art. Its characteristics, from our point of view, may be listed thus : ( i ) A headdress decorated with ray-like tabs. (2) Square-headed chief figure with round eyes from which run down the "tears." (3) A short stout body with a necklace and a short, skirt-like garment held up by bands that run over the shoulders. (4) Four-digit hands holding cere- monial staves. All these elements will, of course, be analyzed in full later on. In general terms, one may say that Tiahuanaco II art, whether in stone, pottery, textiles or bronze, is the most elaborate we have yet seen. Birds with human bodies, pumas, fishes and other ani- mal forms combine with almost innumerable conventionalized decorations to form an art of surpassing complexity. In the pottery of this period we find a sacrifice of coloration to a per- fection of the almost glaze-like finish. In other cases, however, Tiahuanaco II pottery has neither rich coloration nor fine finish. Red and black are the chief colors employed, though sometimes white is found as well. The textiles, however, naturally preserve a wider range of tint. Unfortunately, most of those that have survived into our day come from the coast and so do not repre- 328 Philip Ainsworth Means, sent Tiahuanaco art as having the austere elaborateness that marks it in the highlands. Indeed, this characteristic of the textiles of Tiahuanaco II on the coast may have been found also on the pottery from that region and period. It may well have been a heritage from the rich-tinted Proto-Nasca period. In many w^ays the civilization of the Tiahuanaco II "Empire" was the highest that ever flourished in pre-Columbian America. As has been said, it may not have been wholly a political "empire," but it is probable that all through the wide area where Tiahuanaco II objects are found there was a constant interchange of ideas and merchandise. This opinion is borne out by the fact that all the chief edifices at Tiahuanaco itself were of mas- sive stone. On the coast, however, where the earlier people (Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca) had used adobe and where stone was not easily obtainable, the Tiahuanaco II people adapted the old clay-ball architecture of their predecessors to their needs by modifying the clay balls into real bricks of sun-dried clay. These bricks, or adobes, ranged in size Irom seven or eight inches in length to three feet or more. Dififerent sized adobes were used for dififerent needs, just as dififerent sized stones were used in the similar circumstances. 4. THE RED-WHITE-BLACK AND EPIGONAL CULTURES. In general, it may be said that the red-white-black ware fol- lowed the Tiahuanaco II period of the north part of the coast, and that "epigonal" ware was distinctive of the southern part of the coast. Both were the successors of Tiahuanaco II, and both, especially the "epigonal," were influenced by it and by the earliest cultures. In this period the architecture remained much the same as in the preceding one, and the only radical difiference that exists between Proto-Chimu and red-white-black on the one hand and Proto-Nasca or Tiahuanaco II and "epi- gonal" on the other is that neither of the later types were as technically admirable as the earlier ones. Leaving for a later page the discussion of the details of this art-period, we will mention the only hint we possess of who the makers of the red-white-black ware were. It seems that the dynasty of Chimu was preceded in a portion of the north part of the coast by another dynasty called Naymlap whose chief seat A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 329 was Lambayeque.^^ The Naymlap people came from the north by sea, and they built up a state that was apparently conquered by the chief Chimu. All this, however, is as yet mere unsub- stantiated theory. 5. THE CHIMU AND NASCA CULTURES. With this period one begins to get some hint of the political, social and ethnological conditions under which the people lived. Several authors, ancient as well as modern, give valuable infor- mation on this head.^- All that, interesting though it is, lies without the scope of the present paper. We will therefore content ourselves with observ- ing that in the period which we are now considering the north- ern portion of the coast, from Tumbez down to Casma, was under the sway of a great chief known to the Incas as Chimu Capac (Great Chimu). The valleys of Rimac, Pachacamac and Chan- cay were ruled by another great chief called Cuismancu. Runa- huanac, Huarcu, Mala and Chilca were ruled by Chuquimancu. lea and Pisco (and perhaps Nasca) were ruled by the powerful chief Chincha. The different valleys being so divided from one another in political ways, it is not surprising that we find considerable local differences in art-types as well. Yet we have no grounds for assuming that the coast peoples were not rather closely related on ethnic lines, which explains, no doubt, certain widespread resem- blances between the arts of the various regions. ^^ The architecture of this period, perhaps because of the influ- ence of Tiahuanaco II, was very elaborate. Adobe continued to be the chief material, but it was used in more complex w^ays. Palaces, workshops, reservoirs, aqueducts and many other elab- orate works were constructed. The custom of using stucco reliefs on walls became fairly common.^* "^ See Markham, 1912, p. 222; Joyce, 1912, pp. 50 ft".; Beuchat, 1912, pp. 584 ff. ; Means, 1917 ; Garcia Rosell, 1903. ^" See Cieza, 1864, pp. 22,2, ff., 1883, pp. 185-193 ; Garcilasso, II, pp. 181- 201; Cobo, 1892, IV, pp. 47-54; Markham, 1912, pp. 200-239; Joyce, 1912, pp. 95 ff. ; Garcia Rosell, 1903 ; Arriaga, 1621. " Hrdlicka, 1914, pp. 41 ff., and pp. 52 ff. "Middendorf, 1894-95, H, p. 375; Squier, 1877, pp. 136 ff., 150 ff. ; Joyce, 1912, pp. 150 ft'. ;^;^o Philip Ainsworth Means, The artifacts of the period under consideration are chiefly in the form of pottery, albeit textiles are also present to a consid- erable extent. In general, designs on Nasca textiles may be said to take the form of rather simple, but by no means crude, geo- metric patterns, perhaps with a slight and conventionalized zoo- morphic element, such as those in Uhle, 1913b, Figures 3, 7, and 9. On both pottery and textiles of this region and period the colors were much less numerous and splendid than they were in either the Proto-Nasca period or the Tiahuanaco II period. If, then, Nasca art can be said to preserve an echo of the color tra- ditions of its predecessors, and also of their geometric tendencies, (for some of its chief motifs are derived directly from some of their minor ornamental details), so, in no less degree, can the black modelled ware of the Chimu period be said to preserve the realistic tendencies, as well as some of the decorative motifs, of Proto-Chimu art. 6. THE COLLA-CHULPA CULTURE. The name chosen to distinguish this period is made up of the two names applied by various writers to the people who lived in it.^^ As the general culture-level was so low, it is but natural that the pottery of this period should be poor. The best collection of it is that made by Bandelier which is now to be seen in the Ameri- "Joyce, 1912, p. 75, Markham, 1912, p. 186, Beuchat, 1912, p. 576, and others use the term Collas. Bandelier, 1910, pp. 184 ff., calls them Chullpa. (The double 11 is without justification.) The term Aymard, often applied ta these people by writers, and even by such first-rank authorities as Bandelier (1910, pp. 63 et passim), Hrdlicka (1911, p. i) and others, is entirely misleading. The people who lived in the Titicaca basin between the time of Tiahuanaco II and the Inca conquests were the Collas. It was they who produced the culture here to be discussed and who built the chulpas or burial-towers. The name Aymara was first given to these people by the Jesuits of Juliaca some time before 1590, and it was estab- lished in usage by Bertonio (1603) and Torres Rubio (1616). All this has been emphasized by Markham (1912, p. 192) and Joyce (1912, p. 75) but it cannot be dwelt upon too often. The mistake of the Jesuits is accounted for by the fact that the Aymaras, whose original home was between Cuzco and the continental divide, were conquered by the Inca Pachacutec and were moved, by him, to Lake Titicaca as mitimaes. ( Sarmiento, 1907, p. 108; Garcilasso, II, p. 50.) A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. ~33i can Museum of Natural History, New York City. It has not seemed to the writer to be worth while to include pictures of this type, so a description will be given in order that some idea of the type may be formed. In the Bandeher collection are a number of jars from Sillus- tani, a place that was probably the site of important activities during the Colla-Chulpa period.^*' The vessels are made in two styles. One is a small type of vessel of white clay, rather coarse and undecorated ; the other type is made up of red ware, also coarse, with designs in black upon it. Other specimens, doubt- less from this period, are a class of rather coarse and clumsy bowls with design suggestive of the "epigonal" of the coast. (See Bandelier, 1910, Plate XXI.) Coarse bottles of dark red clay, sometimes decorated with black lines, and gray bottles with incised rectilinear spirals seem to exhaust the artistic repertory of the Colla-Chulpa potter. In bronze work, however, the Colla- Chulpa folk were much more advanced, as is evidenced by the archaeolog}' of the region where the chulpas abound. ^'^ It would be a mistake to close our study of this intermediate period without a brief study of the unusual architectural form that peculiarly marks it. The chulpas are strictly speaking stone towers, either circular or rectangular in plan. They vary greatly in size and neither their use nor their distribution is yet definitely settled. Even with our present limited information, however, it is possible to distinguish several types of chulpa. Sir Clements Markham long ago suggested that the cruder types might have been adopted later by the Incas who evolved from them the less crude types.^* Without formally accepting this theory, we will discuss each of the types in the order of their apparent antiquity, bearing in mind the possibility that appearances may be deceptive. The most primitive form of chulpa, then, is that which is found at Ouellenata and Ullulloma.^^ The former of these places is close to the north-western end of Lake Titicaca ; the latter is about fifty miles north-west of there. Primitive chulpas also occur at "Bandelier, 1910, pp. 184 flf. ; Bandelier, 1905; Squier, 1877, pp. 376-384; Markham, 1912, pp. 186 fif. " Beuchat, 1912, pp. 580 ff. ; Nordenskjold, 1906, 1906b. '* Markham, 1871, p. 308. " Squier, 1877, pp. 386 ff. Tr.\xs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 23 1917 332 Philip Ainsworth Means, Sillustani, on the west of the northern end of Lake Titicaca, at Kalaki on the eastern shore, and at Coni and Curahuara far to the south-east of the Lake.^" It will be seen that this type of chulpa was built over a wide area. Speaking in general terms, it is a round stone tower which is smaller at the bottom than at the top. The stones are uncut, and had some binding material. In some cases the roof is flat ; in others it is a truncated cone. Stone was the sole material. The edifices of this type belong to the fourth period of Posnansky's culture-sequence. He calls it the "epoch of edifices of adobe and pirca (uncut stone). "^^ This reckoning would place the style just prior to Inca times. The second type was, in outline, the same as the first. It tended, however, to be larger, and the stone was carefully cut so as to make a beautifully built wall. Sillustani, Coni and Kalaki are the chief sites for this type. The third and final type was some- what the same as type two in regard to the material, but it dif- fered from the other two in being rectangular in plan and very large, sometimes as much as thirty feet in height.-- Unlike the other two types, which had but one interior chamber, this third type sometimes had two chambers, one above the other. It is to be noted that this type is the only one which occurs outside the Titicaca drainage. There is an interesting example of it at Palca, not far from Tacna in northern Chile.-^ The question of who the CoUas really were is a complex and ^^ Bandelier, 1910, pp. 243 ff., 1910, p. 186; von Tschudi, 1868, V, pp. 202 ff. ^^ Posnansky, 1911b, p. 17. " Squier, 1877, pp. 352 ff., 372 ff. ^ Squier, 1877, pp. 242 ff. The whole question of the distribution of the chulpa-type of building is a. highly important one, in all probability. The type has prototj'pes over a very large area. The writer has found it in the region of OUan- taytambo. It exists in the neighborhood of Oroya (see Dr. William C. Farrabee's photographs in the Peabody Museum) and something strik- ingly like it is found at Cuelap and other sites in the region of Chacha- poyas. (Bandelier, 1907.) Again, in the district of Huarochiri, buildings of the chulpa type are found in the middle portion of Peru and fairly near the coast. (Hrdlicka, 1914, Plates 3 and 4.) At present the evidence is rather tantalizing than illuminating. One can only say that over this wide area there seems to have been a material culture of the same general level as that of the CoUa in immediately pre-Inca times. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 333 important one. In considering it one must not forget the presence in the Titicaca basin of another and much lower-cultured stock called Urus or Uros. The general trend of the evidence at hand regarding the Urus shows them to be very low-cultured and Cjuite widely distributed. In fact, their area at the time we are considering extended from Titicaca down to Lake Poopo or Aullagas. It may have extended westward to the Chilean coast. The stock was probably an old one. Boman (1908, I, p. 72) suggests that the Urus were vestiges of the earliest pre-Yunca (i. e. pre-Proto-Chimu) population, and that they were driven south and east by the earliest high-cultured invaders. At the same time, we must remember that, in the same general area, the higher-cultured Collas had a culture which was similar to that found in the north-western parts of Argentina. It might be suggested that one of these racial elements represents the inhabi- tants of the Tiahuanaco II "empire" and that the other repre- sents the invading race which may have helped to bring it to a close. But which is w^hich, and if this is the truth, we cannot surely tell.-* To some it may seem jnore satisfactory to assume that there were two strata of population — Collas and Uros — who were mutually aloof. Such a state of affairs has been known to exist in Asia, Oceania and elsewhere. Certainly the Titicaca basin is spacious enough to permit isolated groups of Uros to dwell wholly apart from the surrounding Colla communities. 7. EARLY INCA CULTURE. As has been said before, the culture of the mountain regions away from the sea suffered a general and marked subsidence after the Tiahuanaco II period, a subsidence which we have studied under the name of Colla-Chulpa culture. Therefore, when that gens of the valley of Cuzco which later became the Inca dynasty began to raise its own culture-level and that of the surrounding tribes it had not much artistic tradition on which to establish its own art.^^ " Cf. Chamberlain, 1910, 1910b, 191 1, 1913 ; Boman, 1908; Garcilasso, II, pp. 223-227. -'■ It seems to the writer that the character of the Inca gens has never been properly appreciated, save, in a measure, by the late Sir Clements Markham. According to Sarmiento (1907, pp. 2>7 ff-)» the people in imme- 334 Philip Ainsworth Means, Difficult though it sometimes is to distinguish between early and late Inca pottery forms, it is, in the writer's opinion, possible to establish a series of vessels from Machu Picchu^® that will serve to throw some light upon the development of the most typical form of Inca (or Cuzco) pottery — the aryballus. But the reader should take care to bear in mind that the simpler and cruder forms, forms probably longer in use than the more advanced types, undoubtedly continued to be employed by the very late generations of the Incas' subjects as cooking utensils, etc., while the finer products of the potter were reserved for less heavy work. In spite of this, however, the fact remains that the cruder types, being very like the Colla-Chulpa pottery both in form and in material, were probably older types of vessels than the decorated and graceful forms. The reader is urged, then, diately pre-Inca times lived without governmental organization of any sort except that in times of danger a military officer with the title of Sinchi was chosen. Besides this, in the opinion of Sir Clements Markham (1912, pp. 159 ff.), there was a social organization based upon the family at the head of which stood the piiric. Several purics combined together into an ayllu or lineage. This system was carefully studied by Sir Clements Markham, and we have to thank him for showing us what the social conditions in the highlands before the rise of the Inca ayllu were. He did not, however, lay stress upon the historical significance of all this. Sarmiento (1907, pp. 40 flf.) tells us that just before the rise of the Incas, there were, in the valley of Cuzco, six aylhis in the possession of the region. Three of these, whose names he did not know, were native ; three others, the Alcabisa, the Copalimayta, and the Culunchima, came and settled amicably among them. Later on, the Inca also came from not far off and settled at Cuzco. Strife arose between them and the other families which was not finally subdued for some time. Like the heads of all the other ayllus, the chief of the Incas bore the title sinchi. Hence we get the name Sinchi Rocca, borne by the first historic Inca. ^^ The name "Machu Picchu" is the one given to this site by Dr. Hiram Bingham, who visited it for the first time in 191 1. Although the name is not a wholly satisfactory one, it has been thought best to continue its use here because the site has already become well known under it, and because the name Vilcabamba-the-Old (or Vilcabamba viejo) is rather clumsy, a fault which outweighs its greater historical accuracy. In any case, "Machu Picchu" is preferable to the "Matcho Picho," "Macho Piccho" and so on of such writers as Sartiges, 1851, and Wiener, 1880. The phrase machu pichu means "old ridge." The late Sir Clements Markham was of the opinion that the cc in the name "Machu Picchu" was a mistake. The name is pronounced Pi-chu, not Pic-chu. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 335 to turn his attention to Dr. George F. Eaton's work on the osteo- logical material from Machu Picchu, and to Dr. Hiram Bing- ham's "Types of Machu Picchu Pottery."-' In the first place, we are justified in assuming that the delicately formed, well decorated aryballus of the type shown in our Plate XIII was one of the ultimate forms of Cuzco pottery by the fact that it is this type of vessel that is found most widespread, even in regions like Ecuador, Chile and Argentina where Inca influence did not arrive until very late. It will be our task therefore to show in a series the forms that led up to the final aryballus type. This we will now do. The series proposed by the writer is made up as follows : First Step. Second Step. Rough, undecorated ware. Ea- Slightly finer ware, sometimes ton, Plate XIV, Figure 4. Bing- decorated in colors, with enlarged ham, Fig. 48, No. 7a. Also see handles and more pronounced neck. Eaton, Plate IX, Figs. 3 and 4 for Eaton, Plate XIII, Figs, i and 2. a variation of the First Step. Bingham, Fig. 47, No. 6a. Third Step. Fourth Step. Still coarse ware with more pro- The well-known type of Cuzco nounced neck. Sometimes deco- Aryballus. Our Plate XIII. Ea- rated(?). Handles small and ton, Plates V, VII, & X. Bamps, moved down from the lip. Eaton, 1879. Oyarziin, 1910. Joyce, 1912, Plate XIV, Fig. 5. Bingham, Fig. Plate XXII, and p. 229. 48. No. 8a. It will, perhaps, be well to say again that the particular crude specimens above referred to are not, in all likelihood, themselves older than the more refined specimens. For example, in the same grave with the specimen representative of the first step, Dr. Eaton found skeletal remains of the coast type, which implies that the pot belonged to people who had come up from the coast at some time subsequent to the Inca conquest of the littoral.^® The point of the series presented, however, does not dwell in the antiquity of the specimens, but rather in the relative antiquity of the types of form. To sum up, then, our impressions of the early Inca culture we will say that the time in which the Inca ayllu was extending its ascendancy over the other Quichua tribes in the neighborhood of Cuzco, the people of the Cuzco region were gradually evolv- " Eaton, 1916, Plates V-XIV; Bingham, 1915b, entire. ^ Eaton, 1916, p. 45 ff- 336 Philip Ainsworth Means, ing from the simple pottery-types of their ancestors a new kind of pottery which was to find its fullest florescence under the last five Inca rulers. Because of the lack of detailed knowledge of the early Inca period, we shall not touch upon that culture again in this paper. 8. THE INCA CULTURE AT ITS HEIGHT. As the Inca culture is the nearest to us historically it is but natural that we should know more about it than we do of the rest. It is even possible to draw up a fairly complete and reliable history of the Inca dynasty, especially of the last six rulers. For a long time it was customary to assign all evidences of pre- Columbian culture in Peru to the Incas ; indeed, that is still done, unfortunately, by some writers. They disregard the growing evidence which points more and more clearly to the inferiority in many respects of the Incas to their various predecessors. The Incas were, nevertheless, wonderful people. They had a real genius for government and their state was the only truly socialistic monarchy that has ever existed. The individual was nothing; the state, that is the Inca himself and his blood-rela- tives, was supreme in all things. It is not surprising that, in a state like this, strongly centralized, autocratic, theocratic and all-controlling, the art of outlying regions should all tend to approximate that of the capital of the dominion ruled by the Inca from Cuzco. This is, in the writer's opinion, the psycho- logical explanation of the fact that from Quito to Chile and from the Pacific to the Brazilian wilderness, vessels, architecture, weapons, textiles and language all conform, with varying degrees of closeness, to the fashion or example set by the people of Cuzco. Typical Cuzco pottery is found wherever the Inca conquerors penetrated ; Quichua dialects prevail to-day over the same areas. As far as shape is concerned, the vessels made by the sub- jects of the Incas of the later generations are the most graceful in Peru. The aryballus, the beaker, the bowl and many other forms, all very attractive, are found. Dr. Hiram Bingham, whose trips to Peru have resulted in the publication of many valuable pictures of Inca sites and products, has given a resume of the commoner Inca forms. ^^ Machu Picchu, the site from which "''Bingham, 1915b. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 337 most of these objects come, was thought by Dr. Bingham to be Tampu Tocco, the "cradle" of the Incas. He also presented convincing evidence pointing to the fact that the city was Vilca- bamba-the-Old, a celebrated sacerdotal establishment of the Incas in post-conquest times. ^'* It should be noted that the work of Dr. Eaton has left very little doubt as to the modernity of this site as compared with that of Tiahuanaco or Chimu. Every class of object found there, every bit of osteological evidence, points to the fact that Machu Picchu was built at some time after the Incas had conquered the coast of Peru and had had time enough to be affected by the influence of coast art.^^ Wq are indebted, therefore, to the Yale Expedition for the unveiling of a city which, though known to travelers for many years, has never, until recently, been photographed and adequately described. Machu Picchu is undoubtedly the most valuable site in the Cuzco region, for it presents an epitome of all that the Incas knew of art, architecture and engineering at a time when they were at the zenith of their power. We shall, therefore, consider Machu Picchu pottery to be representative of all that the pottery of late Inca Peru was, and we shall study it accordingly, assuming Machu Picchu pottery to be all that Cuzco pottery was in the last part of the Inca period. The characteristics, then, of Inca pottery as shown by the Machu Picchu collections, are : ( i ) The predominance of almost classically graceful shapes such as aryballi, pelikai, dishes, bowls and so on. (2) The widespread and often-repeated use of cer- tain fixed and definite geometric decorations. (3) The general scarcity of anthropomorphic decoration. (4) The occasional association of perfectly recognizable Cuzco shapes and decora- tions with some element introduced from the coast, such as modelled anthropomorphic handles on dishes or life-like butter- flies painted on the bottoms of shallow bowls. (5) Cuzco pottery is, in general, lighter in tone than either Tiahuanaco II or Proto- Xasca. As has been said, pottery of a pure Cuzco type is found from Ecuador to Chile. ^- In all this huge area a surprising ^"Bingham, 1915, pp. 180 ff. ''' Cf. Bingham', 1913, 1915, 1915b, 1916; Eaton, 1916; Dorsey, 1901, PI. XLII; Joyce, 1912, p. 198; Uhle, 1903; Hrdlicka, 1916c. ^^Cf. Bamps, 1879, Atlas; Saville, 1907-1910; Rivet, 1912; Oyarzun, 1910. ;^^S Philip Ainsworth Means, steadfastness to the original type is to be observed ; but, never- theless, local sub-types do develop in several cases. Such a one is the Inca style on the islands of Titicaca and Coati in Lake Titicaca. There, though still perfectly definitely related to the usual Cuzco types, the pottery is marked by a tendency to break the decorated surface up into very small geometric areas which are made prominent by the contrasting of dark brown with cream color. This is noticeable in the collections from Titicaca now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York. As is usually the case, the textiles, though showing affinities of design with the pottery, are richer in the variety of their colors. The Incas' subjects were as good weavers as any in aboriginal Peru. That their art was strong and flourishing at the time of the Spanish conquest is proved by the fact that shortly after the conquest there were produced some of the finest speci- mens of Inca tapestry that we have. Unlike their predecessors, the people of Tiahuanaco II, the Incas' subjects, though admirable architects, did not decorate their buildings with any great amount of carving. To replace the decoration applied to the walls of huge stones by the carv- ings of Tialiuanaco II type, the subjects of the Incas evolved a new type of architecture. It takes the form of exquisite walls made of reasonably large stones laid in courses of quite aston- ishing accuracy. Often the lowest course would be made of stones of say a foot high ; the next course would be slightly lower, and so on to the top. The effect of this technique was a wall of wonderful symmetry and beauty. Such a wall needed no carving to make it sightly. Dr. Bingham gives an excellent pic- ture of this late Inca type of wall.^^ This Inca culture, then, was the last of the long series of pre- Columbian Peruvian cultures. With our brief review of the chief features of those cultures thus brought to a conclusion, we will now turn to a detailed analysis of the Plates which accom- pany this paper and which have been chosen with a view to setting forth the more prominent characteristics of the principal culture-types. '' Bingham, 1913, p. 488. III. ANALYSES OF THE ARTS OR CULTURES. I. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF PROTO-CHIMU AND PROTO-NASCA ART. Aside from examining the Plates that accompany this paper, the reader is urged to examine those that are to be found in the works referred to in the footnote.^ It is hoped, however, that the examples of the two very early t3^pes of art herewith pre- sented will prove sufficient material for those who cannot seek further for it. Plate I shows five specimens of Proto-Chimu art, all to be found in the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, Mass. It will readily be observed that two characteristics hold true for all the specimens given ; these are : light coloration, and grace of line. In Figures 1-4, the chief source of admiration on the student's part is the wonderfully life-like modelling. Figures i and 2 are especially remarkable in this respect. In Figure i we see a man attacking a deer with a massive club. His small dog looks on. A\'ith the exception of the deer's body and the man's feet the modelling is far better than that in some of the early Egyptian and Cretan figures. The man's clothes seem to consist of a loose-fitting shirt with sleeves and of a hat or helmet adorned with two rosette-like protuberances and a sort of frontal ridge. From the helmet proper a strip of cloth runs down to and under the man's chin. The nose of the man is large and somewhat of the Semitic type. The chin is somewhat receding. The dog on this vase is probably one of those which the early people kept for use in the chase.- On the body of the vase is to be seen a composition that is very typical of Proto-Chimu art. It is painted in dark brown on the white slip of the vase and, like the modelled group above, represents a hunting scene. It should be noted that the costumes of the figures in the painted part of the decoration differ considerably from that of the modelled man. ^ Cf. Uhle, 1908, 1910, 1912, 1913, 1913b, 1914; cf. Reiss und Stubel, 1880-87; Baessler, 1902-03; Putnam, 1914; Theresa von Bayern, 1907; Joyce, 1912, 1913b; Beuchat, 1912; Mead, 1915; Squier, 1877; Berthon, 191 1; Rivero and von Tschudi, 185 1 ; and many other works. • Cf. Joyce, 1912, p. 125. 34° Philip Ainsworth Means, The former, for example, have the black "stockings" that are so frequently seen in Proto-Chimu vase-paintings ; also, the painted men have a very different headdress from the modelled man. But most important of all is the fact that the painted men appear to be either wearing masks or else to be adorned with face-paint. Indeed, if the latter is the case, the "stockings," "knee-caps" and "sleeves" must be assumed to be nothing less than body-painting. From all of these elements of decoration the modelled man is entirely free. Figure 2 is another type of modelled vase from the Proto-Qiimu period. It shows a per- sonage, apparently masked to represent a fox or some such ani- mal, sitting facing a semicircle of five foxes. The personage's headdress, though different from that in Figure i, is, neverthe- less of the same general type. The striking features about this figure are the headdress and the fangs, to both of which we shall refer later. Again, the back of the middle fox is adorned with a design which Posnansky calls signo escalonado — stairsign.^ To this also, we shall refer, in another connection. Around the base of the vessel, in the region analogous to that occupied by the painted hunting-scene in Figure i, we see a landscape. The trees and plants are shown by means of shallow lines engraved, appar- ently with a blunt stick while the clay was still moist, in the reddish slip of the vessel. This landscape is full of charm because of its quaint realism. It is even possible to attempt to identify the tree as an algaroba and the smaller plants as cactus. This sort of vessel sometimes leads students into attempting an "interpretation" of the scene. While the modelled portion of the vessel undoubtedly represents some sort of ceremony employed by the people of that period, it is, nevertheless, danger- ous to reconstruct, let us say, a totemic clan organization, from such evidence as this. As the vases shown in Figures i and 2 represent a very large and important sub-type of the Proto-Chimu pottery, it will be well to summarize briefly our impressions of them before going on to an examination of the other sub-types. We see that the vessels of this sub-type comprise two separate areas of decoration, each marked by a distinct technique. In both the painted (or engraved) area and the modelled area of ' Posnansky, 1913. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 341 the two vessels we observe the following features : ( i ) A marked tendency toward realism of representation; (2) A decided lack of rich and varied coloration (dark brown, red and cream color being the tints found) ; (3) A gracefulness of line which is not constricted by any sort of conventionalization; (4) The use, by several of the human figures, of masks or face-painting, of fangs and of an easily recognizable type of headdress. If the reader will examine the Plates in some of the works already referred to he will see further examples of these characteristics, as well as some others that occur in Proto-Chimu pottery of this sub-type. For example, look at the scenes from vessels shown by Mr. Joyce.* These show new forms of the headdress, the use of face-painting and of masks, the presence of fangs, and also a curious use of girdles ending in serpent heads. The black "stockings" also are found in these figures, as well as in Figure I of our Plate I. Also, the use of peculiar fluted wings is rather often met with.^ So much, then, for the modelled and painted sub-type of Proto- Chimu vases. There are still several other types for us to con- sider. Look, for example, at Plate I, Figure 3. This specimen, the original of which is in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, comes from Chimu (Trujillo) and shows, in addition to the typically Proto-Chimu fangs, a further development of the head- dress. The latter seems to be composed of the stiff ridge or core found in the headdresses of Figures i and 2 with the addi- tion of ornaments that may be intended for feathers. These feathers are important, and they will be referred to in connection with our analysis of Proto-Nasca art and of the Chavin Stone. Plate I, Figure 4, shows an example of a type of vessel that has always excited admiration in students of ceramics.*^ It is called the "Portrait type." Possibly this particular example is not really Proto-Chimu, but similar "portraits" have been found that have painted on them unmistakable Proto-Chimu decorations. * Joyce, 1912, pp. 126, 127. " See Joyce, 1912, p. 155, for an admirable specimen of Proto-Chimu vase-painting with fluted wings, serpent-tail and fanged masks. Also examine plates in Reiss and Stiibel, 1880-87, and in Baessler, 1902-03. * See, for example, Jacquemart, 1873, PP- IQO ff- ; and Young, 1879. pp. 404 ff. ; Squier, 1877, pp. 180 ff. 342 Philip Ainsworth Means, As the specimen here shown has a headdress that has several points in common with that of the chief figure in Figure i, it is assumed for the nonce that this "portrait" is Proto-Chimu. No one who has studied a series of these human-faced vessels and has noticed the wide differences and unfailing individualization that characterize each one of them can fail to lean toward the belief that this type of vase is indeed a "portrait type." There is absolutely nothing of inherent impossibility about the idea that a people so highly gifted with plastic skill as the Proto-Chimu people may have developed the habit of employing their vessels as a medium whereby to perpetuate the likenesses of their great men. In any case, empirical evidence leads us to believe that some such habit did prevail, for every good specimen of the "portrait type" portrays an individual, not a type. And it should be noted that realistic portrait-making is in entire accord with the marked realistic tendencies of the Proto-Chimu culture pottery. Nor are "portrait types" lacking in other parts of America.'^ Last of all, in the matter of Proto-Chimu sub-types, comes that variety which is represented by Plate I, Figure 5. In this division come almost innumerable stylistic decorations which, though they may show slight conventionalization, never show geometrical tendencies to the exclusion of all curves. The pres- ent specimen, in the writer's opinion, is intended to represent a starfish.^ In this type also occur many variations of the "stair- sign" (signo escalonado) often in conjunction with the starfish (or octopus) motif. Passing over for the present the numerous forms of pottery which may some day be definitely assigned to this period (a passing-over process which will have to be repeated many times in the present state of our information), we will endeavor to draw up a tentative classification of the Proto-Chimu sub-types. Sub-type I Landscapes. Vessels having modelled scenes as well as painted or engraved ones. Usual colors : white or cream slip, dark brown and red. ' Spinden (1916b) claims them for Central America, and Holmes (1916b) shows an excellent example of aboriginal portraiture from Quirigua. * It is the opinion of Prof. MacCurdy that the design here mentioned is derived from the octopus, not from the starfish. This, of course, may well be the case. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 343 Sub-type II Portraits. The faces of the portraits often have features in common with Sub-type I and Sub- type III, (such as headdress, formal inci- dental decoration motifs, etc.). Sub-type III Partly conventionalized decorations. Even these, however, are seldom rectilinear entirely. Cream and red are the more usual colors. Sub-type IV Numerous miscellaneous types not yet decided upon. Having completed our study of tlie distinguishing elements of Proto-Chimu art, we will now examine into the traits of Proto- Nasca art. We have seen that realism, grace of line and light coloring were three of the chief characteristics of Proto-Chimu art. We find in Proto-Nasca art an almost complete reversal of these fea- tures. There is, to be sure, an apparent attempt at realism in some of the Proto-Nasca sub-types, but it is an unsuccessful one in most cases. Look, for instance, at Plate II, Figure 2, and at Plate II, Figure i. In both of these we have a survival of the wonderful modelling that marks out Proto-Chimu art from all the rest. Both of these specimens preserve a certain degree of realism. The former, to note the most prominent feature in each case, holds in his left hand a spear-thrower almost identical with those found in Peru by Dr. Uhle.^ It would be hard to find a better representation of an object than this one. Then, too, the hands on the other specimen mentioned are absolutely realistic. Their realism consists above all in this : That they are shown in the natural closed position and the finger-nails of the fingers are not shown. These two specimens, therefore, both with five-digit hands and fairly well-modelled heads, may be said to represent a survival of the Proto-Chimu art-tradition in the Proto-Nasca type and, at the same time, to constitute the nearest approach of Proto-Nasca art to realism. Wares of this type were not, however, the most character- istic expression of Proto-Nasca art. Far more common and far more t}'pical were such productions as those that appear on Plate II, Figures 3-6, and Plates III and IV. Excellent examples of Proto-Nasca plastic art are given by numerous writers, to whose ®Uhle, 1909. 344 Philip Ainsworth Means, work the reader is urged to refer. ^^ By study of the Plates that accompany this article and those that go with the works here referred to, it will be seen that in the matter of form the Proto- Nasca pottery was not so diverse as the Proto-Chimu. A tenta- tive division into sub-types will, as in the case of Proto-Chimu, be offered for the Proto-Nasca art. At present we will limit ourselves to a consideration of the decoration. Color is indubitably the "strong point" of Proto-Nasca art. For example, Plate II, Figures 3, 4 and 6 are all of remarkably rich tonality. Red, brown, gray, yellow and black, as well as cream-color, are the tints most frequently met with. The finish of some of the Proto-Nasca pots is so lustrous as almost to suggest a glaze. As for the subject-matter of Proto-Nasca art, it cannot be so easily described as that of Proto-Chimu, although the two have much in common in that respect. Proto-Nasca vase- paintings mostly concern themselves with the portrayal of a few personages who, being few in number, occur again and again in the vase paintings. These paintings were no doubt supposed to represent deities or mythical persons ; at all events, there is absolutely nothing realistic about them ; they are merely elaborate and formal portrayals of putative objects of veneration. The chief personages of Proto-Nasca art seem to be two in number. Each occurs in several variations. We will describe them in turn, applying arbitrary names for the sake of ease of identification. The "Centipede God." See Plate II, Figures 3 and 4, Plate III, Figures i and 2, and Plate IV, Figure 2. The name chosen is suggested by the fact that this 'god' is usually shown as having a long body at right angles to his face and fringed with spike-like objects that are evidently conventionalized legs. Some- times he has a series of subsidiary human faces where the legs ought to be; sometimes both legs and faces occur (as in Plate III, Figure 2). Again, the "Centipede God" is shown as a man, strongly conventionalized to be sure, who has centipede attributes such as the girdle shown in Plate II, Figure 4. It is very inter- esting to note certain well nigh invariable features that mark the portrayal of the "Centipede God," whether that 'god' is '"Joyce, 1912, Plate I, Joyce, 1913b; Therese von Bayern, 1907; Reiss u. Stiibel; Baessler, 1902-03; Berthon, 191 1, Plates I-VI ; Uhle, 1913b, p. 358 flf. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 345 the chief portion of the design or merely a comparatively insig- nificant adjunct to Uie design. These features are: (i) The use of a very distinctive mouth-mask; (2) The predominance of hands with less than the true number of digits, usually with four digits; (3) The frequency with which the tongue is shown sticking out of the mouth ; (4) The almost invariable presence of a broad flat headdress in the form of a rather highly conven- tionalized human face; (5) The frequent appearance of cere- monial staffs held in the hands. We will say a few words about each of these features in turn. (i) The Mouth Mask. Plate II, Figure 3, and Plate III, Fig- ures I and 3, show very typical forms of this element. In Plate III, Figure i, it is seen to consist of a central portion with mouth- and nostril-holes and of two wing-like portions, one on each side of the mouth. These wings are marked by lines of a con- ventional nature that may be a survival of the curling-feather- like rays that distinguish the mouth-mask of Figure 3. These rays are perhaps related to certain elements of decoration that occur in later arts, as well as in other sub-types of Proto-Nasca art. (2) Four-digit Hands. Plate II, Figure 3; Plates III, Fig- ures 2 and 3, and IV, Figure 2, all show typical examples of the four-digit hands that so often accompany, as in all these instances, one or more of the several criteria that mark this ^'Centipede God" motif. The development from natural five- digit hands to these very artificial conventionalized four-digit hands is a matter of great importance, as will be shown in con- nection with Tiahuanaco II art. (3) The Protruding Tongue. The Plates already mentioned show this feature. In the pottery with the "Centipede God" motif the protruding tongue is not nearly so widely developed as it is in some other cases, especially in that of the textiles. But even in the "Centipede God" figure on Plate III, Figure 2, the tongue shows the beginnings of decoration on its upper sur- face. The element of tongue-decoration becomes very prominent in other types of Proto-Nasca pottery. (4) The Broad Flat Headdress. Plate III, Figure i, shows a standard form of the "Centipede God's" headdress. The brim almost always consists of at least two layers separated by a line. In the center, over the eyes of the 'god,' is a conventionalized 346 Philip Ainszvorth Means, human face. Typical forms of this headdress are shown on Plate II, Figure 3, on Plates III and IV. (5) The Ceremonial Staffs. The Plates already mentioned show good examples of the staffs. It is to be noted that in vase- paintings where the mouth-mask, headdress and hands preserve the greatest amount of naturalism the stafif most closely approxi- mates the spear-thrower shown in Plate II, Figure 2, though at no time is the resemblance very strong. In the more conven- tionalized designs, however, the staffs (here usually two in num- ber and so arranged as to be bilaterally symmetrical) are themselves so conventionalized as to be scarcely definable in regard to their use. Bearing in mind the well-known principles that ipply to dec- orative arts, the principles of elimination and simplification which will be spoken of later, the writer ventures to suggest that of the two groups of pottery that we have been studying, that exem- plified by Plate II, Figures i, 2 and 3, is the older, and that the "Centipede Gods" on Plates II, III and IV were a later style. So much, then, for the modelled ware and for the "Centi- pede God" motif. We will now examine another motif which may be called, for the sake of convenience, the "Multiple-headed God." Our Plate II, Figure 5, shows an excellent specimen of this motif. Another is shown by Joyce (1912, Plate I). In this motif the heads of the personage consist of hardly more than eyes and mouth and tongue. In some cases, the body of the 'god' has a chief head in approximately the correct position. Then, running out from the shoulders, are a lot of subsidiary heads attached to the body by their run-out tongues. The subsidiary heads are decorated by feather-like rays reminiscent of the decorations on the mouth mask seen on Plate III, Figure 3. Sometimes, as in Joyce's Plate I, the chief head has a headdress of the type associated with the "Centipede God." Also, the "Multiple-headed God" and the "Centipede God" have other points in common, notably: (i) The occasional presence of a centipede-like girdle with the tongue sticking out (see Joyce, 1912, Plate I) ; (2) The pres- ence of four-digit hands (though five-digit hands sometimes appear in both) ; (3) The presence of the minor decoration, seen in our Plate II, Figure 3, and in Joyce's Plate I, made up A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 347 of two thick rings with a tassel or tassels hanging from them: (4) The beginnings of a marked tendency toward bilateral sym- metry, both of line and of color: (5) The continuance in the "Multiple-headed God" motif of the rich coloration found in the "Centipede God" motif. (Joyce's Plate I shows the presence of buff, blue, yellow, purplish-red, pink, white and black.) The mouth-mask and ceremonial staff usually do not appear in tlie "Multiple-headed God" motif designs. The "Centipede God" and the "Multiple-headed God" appear to be the chief personages of Proto-Nasca vase-painting. They do not, however, by any means include all the forms tliat go to make up this complex art. Space permits us to mention only one other constantly recurring feature. This is the human face which is to be seen in our Plate IV, Figure 2, and in Joyce's Plate I, at the base of the vessels. When this face appears thus, painted, not modelled, it strongly suggests the modelled faces that appear in Plate II, Figure i. The manner in which the eyes are shown, the hair-dressing, the nose and the mouth are all strikingly alike in both the modelled and the painted versions of the motif. At the same time, it should be noticed that very often lines suggestive of tears run down a short dis- tance from the eyes of the painted forms, but not from those of the modelled ones. What has been said of Proto-Nasca art is, of course, very far from beginning to be an exhaustive study of that subject. It is, however, enough to give a fair idea of the chief features of that culture. It is but right to say, nevertheless, that aside from the vases bearing decorations more or less anthropomor- phic or zoomorphic, whether modelled and painted or merely painted, there is another class of Proto-Nasca vessels which, though having the rich coloration and the same general technique of the other classes, is merely decorated with such patterns as dots, lines and so on like those which appear in some of Ber- thon's Plates (1911). We will now^ attempt to draw up a classification of the sub- types of Proto-Nasca pottery. Then we will take up the ques- tion of Proto-Nasca textiles. Although all Proto-Nasca pottery may be said to be distin- guished by a subordination of form to color and of realism to Tr.\xs. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 24 1917 34^ Philip Ainsworth Means, complexity, it is not enough for us to content ourselves with this general sort of statement. We mvist look further with a view to establishing various sub-types of Proto-Nasca art, for it must necessarily be assumed that the people who produced the art flourished for at least two or three centuries and that they developed in that time a number of modifications which appear in their productions. Before we do this, however, we must definitely assure ourselves as to whether we have been correct in assuming that Proto-Nasca art was indeed related to or descended from Proto-Chimu art. For the present we shall content our- selves with examining into the relationship of the two without attempting to prove the descent of one from the other. The Plates in this article, those in Joyce's article on the Clan-Ancestor (Joyce, 1913b), those in Berthon (1911), and in the articles by H. R. H. Prinzessin Therese von Bayern (1907), and Uhle (1914), afford ample material for a comparison. An exami- nation of the two arts brings out the following points of con- tact: (i) The use of eye-painting and masking; (2) The presence of feather-like ornaments; (3) The use, in connection with the costume, of various appendages and adornments derived from or suggested by animals or parts of animals (i. e. such ele- ments as the centipede girdles) ; (4) The gradual transition from realistic, modelled, five-fingered Proto-Chimu art to partly real- istic, modelled five-fingered or four-fingered Proto-Nasca art, together with the apparently contemporaneous rise of non-mod- elled, constantly more conventionalized forms of vase-painting. From the foregoing it will be seen that a very real underlying similarity of subject-matter binds Proto-Chimu art to Proto- Nasca. Reserving for another place the critical consideration as to the descent of Proto-Nasca art, we will now present a tentative classification into sub-types on a combined basis of form and decoration. ^^ ^ The author wishes to call attention to the very able study of Nasca pottery by Edward K. Putnam (1914), and to say that he departs from the classification of Proto-Nasca pottery offered by Mr. Putnam only because it is too detailed for his present purposes and because it does not emphasize the points he wishes to bring out. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 349 CLASSES REMARKS I Modelled and painted ware . The class most like Proto-Chimu. a Semi-realistic That is, having fair modelling in combination with 'five-digit hands. b Xon-realistic That is, poor modelling com- .bined with four-digit hands. II Painted ware — not modelled The predominant Proto-Nasca type, a "Centipede God" Motif Perhaps derived in part from the Proto-Chimu habit of masking, b "Multiple-headed ' God" Motif Linked to "Centipede God" in several ways (see above) and to Proto-Chimu by use of feather- like ornaments. c Painted human face motif Found usually on the same ves- sels as the two foregoing types, it is, at the same time, strongly hke Class I, a, and Class I, b. d Miscellaneous Forms made up of all sorts of elements borrowed from . the foregoing types. Having reviewed the distinguishing marks of Proto-Nasca art as represented by the pottery, we have now arrived at the impor- tant question of Proto-Nasca textiles. It has been said by good authorities that there were no textiles dating from a time prior to the rise of the culture of Tiahuanaco 11.^- It is, however, the opinion of the present writer that this belief is a mistaken one. It will, no doubt, be granted by any- one that if Proto-Nasca textiles do survive to the present day, they will have the same or similar designs upon them as do the pottery remains. We shall endeavor to show that such designs do survive in textiles. Before doing so, however, it will be well to remind the reader that there is no class of textiles that can safely be assigned to the Proto-Chimu culture. The reader's attention is called to Plate IV, Figures i and 3. The first shows a woven cloth from lea now in the Museum of "Joyce, 1912, p. 200; Beuchat, 1912, p. 574. 350 Philip Ainsworth Means, Fine Arts, Boston. The second shows a border from an lea shawl in the American Museum of Natural History, New York. We will begin with an examination of Plate IV, Figure 3. In it we discover a number of striking analogies with Proto-Nasca pottery designs. Like the vase-paintings- of the "Centipede- God" type, this design has : ( i ) A mouth-mask which combines wing-like side ornaments of the same type as those on Plate III, Figures i and 3, with a pair of feather-like ornaments reminis- cent of those in Plate III, Figure 3. (2) The hands of the figure (as far as one can tell) and its feet have less than the true number of fingers and toes. (3) The tongue is run far out and is highly decorated, a tendency already shown in the pottery. (4) The headdress is broad and flat; it has a brim made up of two layers and there is a conventionalized human face in the center. Compare it with the headdresses on Plate II, Figure 3 ; on Plate III,' Figure i, and on many other Proto-Nasca vase- paintings of the "Centipede God" type. Also remark that in this textile design, as in some examples of the "Centipede God" pots, the centipede element is preserved by the girdle-like append- age. The tongue of the figure likewise reminds one of the centi- pede motif. In other words, of the five criteria that we found to be distinctive of the very important "Centipede God" motif Proto-Nasca vessels, four are present in the textile design which we have been studying. Does not this suggest that the textile and the vase-paintings in question have a common source which accounts for their similarities in subject-matter? Again, Plates V and VI seem to have several points in common with Proto- Nasca pottery, although, on account of the comparative complex- ity of their embroidered designs, it is hard to know whether to compare the personages they portray with "Centipede God" or with tlie "Multiple-headed God." For this reason, therefore, it will be best for us to content ourselves with comparing these textile designs with Proto-Nasca vase-paintings in general. The following features, then, may be observed in both the textiles in question and in various specimens of Proto-Nasca pottery: (i) The mouth-mask with wing-like side ornaments; (2) The protruding tongue, highly decorated and endowed with centi- pede-like attributes ; (3) The broad flat headdress decorated with a conventionalized human face; (4) The color-scheme is very suggestive of Proto-Nasca pottery. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 351 The foregoing- remarks are meant to conve}- the impression that Proto-Nasca designs do occur on both pottery and embroid- ered textiles. Since this is so, the writer finds it impossible to imagine how anyone can assume, as some have done, that they were not made by the same people. Differences between the tex- tile designs and the pottery designs do exist, of course, but in the writer's opinion, they may all be explained by the difference in medium, the technique of pottery decoration not unnaturally causing results divergent from those produced by textile embroidery. Without pausing at present to discuss the transition from Proto-Nasca art to Tialiuanaco II art, we will now turn our attention to the region of Lake Titicaca and study the early cultures in that area. 2. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF TIAHUANACO II ART. Hitherto in our study we have had to deal mainly with pottery and textiles. In the case of Tialiuanaco II art stone adds itself to the other two as an important art-medium. If it were our purpose to follow Tiahuanaco II art in all its ramifications, we should have to consider the bronze work of northern Argentina as well. The chief media, then, for the art of the exceedingly important period we are about to study are: in the highlands, stone and pottery; in the coast-regions, pottery and textiles. We will first examine the Tiahuanaco II art with a view to setting forth its content and characteristics. The reader is urged to turn to Plate VII which shows the chief figure of the great monolithic gateway at Tiahuanaco. The Plates in Posnansky's work on this site should likewise be consulted. ^^ For want of a better term we have referred to this figure as the "Weeping God." Variations of it occur over a huge area, and in stone, pottery, textiles and bronze. Sometimes the "tears" are lack- ing, but there is always some other feature to identify the several variations. We will now minutely examine the Weeping God on the great monolithic gateway. He is a short stocky personage with a large head which is almost square. Around the head is a sort of frame ; the inner band of the frame is adorned with a series of the FT" sign which we shall find often later on. "" PQsnansky, 1914, Plates LXV-LXXXIV. 352 Philip Ainsworth Means, Standing out from the inner band are twenty- four ray-like tabs or tassels. These tassels, all of them conventionalized, fall into three groups or classes, (i) The puma-headed tassels, six in number and much conventionalized; (2) Tassels, seventeen in number, composed of what look like ribbons ended off by stone rings, but which cannot well be described with accuracy because of their conventional nature: (3) One anthropomorphic tassel showing the conventionalized face of a man with eyebrows and nose shown continuous. The face of the Weeping God has been destroyed by time to a deplorable extent, but two large round eyes, deeply sunk, remain almost unharmed. From the eyes hang two bands ended off with puma-heads. On each of the bands are two sunken dots suggestive of "tears." The nose of the figure has been shattered, but it was probably once quite prominent. At present it is squarish and rather broad and long. The whole face is covered over with traces of secondary orna- mentation. The body is not separated from the head by any definite neck. The mouth is a mere rectangular slit sunk in the face, totally lacking in any true modelling, the body is short and chunky, and the legs are much too short to be in proportion, unless, indeed, a kneeling posture is indicated. The garment of the figure is a short fringed skirt held up by shoulder-bands. The top of the skirt is marked with rectangular decoration of a type to be observed elsewhere on the carving, and by two puma-heads similar to those on the headdress and elsewhere. The fringe of the skirt is made up of six human faces of the same type as that noted on the headdress. The shoulder-bands are adorned with a conventionalized figure alternated with conventionalized bird-heads. A large breast ornament hangs between the shoulder- bands. It has the form of a fish In semi-lunar posture with his head to the left and turned upward and his tail, to the right, also turned upward. The face of the fish recalls the conventionalized human faces already noted. Just below the fish is a repetition of the conventionalized figure that appears on the shoulder-bands and two other examples of the bird-heads that also appear there. The arms of the Weeping God, though not at all true to nature, are the best modelled parts of the figure. At each elbow are two puma-heads, one above the other. From the two lower puma- heads hang two more conventionalized human faces. The hands of the figure have but four digits. In the right hand is a large A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 353 ceremonial staff. The upper half of it bears a rectangular decora- tion just like that on some of the tabs of the headdress. It is surmounted by an indeterminate object. The lower half of the staff is decorated in much the same way save for the fact that the central panel is sunk as it is on the upper border of the skirt. The base of the staff" consists of a conventionalized bird-head. In the case of the staff in the left hand of the Weeping God we find the lower half identical with the one just described. The upper half, however, is bifurcated and the two prongs are topped by bird-heads similar to those already seen on the breast-orna- ment. Having enumerated in detail the features of the Weeping God, it will be well for us to note in general terms some of its char- acteristics. In the Weeping God, then, we have a highly con- ventionalized bas-relief in stone which shows considerable artistic advance. For one thing, the tendency toward bilateral symmetry noted in connection w ith Proto-Nasca art appears again here, and it has gained considerably in strength. Save for the staffs and the breast-ornament, the Weeping God is bilaterally symmetrical, and the exceptions to that symmetry do not in the least interfere with the impression of perfect bilateral balance. Moreover, the constant re-statement of three or four motifs of decoration in various combinations is eloquent of conventionalization that has been long in developing. Lastly, the technique of the bas-relief is of that square-edged type which would naturally develop out of a round-surfaced stone technique after conventionalization had set in. On the same gateway with the A\"eeping God are forty-eight secondary figures in relief of the same type. There are twenty- four on each side of the central figure. Here again, the tendency toward bilateral symmetry is observable, for all the figures face toward the Weeping God. These secondary personages fall into two classes : ( i ) Those with bird-like bodies and human faces ; and, (2) Those with bird-like bodies and bird faces. Each of them bears before him a staff' which approximates in form to one or the other of those held by the Weeping God. All the fig- ures of both classes have four-digit hands, tears and tear-lines, and a constant repetition of the rj"" sign, and of the puma-, fish- and bird-head motifs. The wings of the figures are, in part, almost realistic, and they recall the fluted wings we noted in con- 354 Philip Ainswoj'tJi Means, nection with the Proto-Chimu art. All the figures are represented as running toward the Weeping God, and the speed of their motion is well indicated by their cloak-like garments which are streaming out behind them. Repetition and re-statement of decorative motifs and themes, together with the tendency toward symmetry, may be said to be the underlying principle of the conventionalities of Tiahuanaco II art as embodied in the monolithic gateway. It is especially noted in the frieze which runs the whole length of the gateway just below the Weeping God and just above the doorway. Thoughout that whole composition fragments and portions of motifs already noted can be picked out.^* Aside from the typical Tiahuanaco II decorations on the several gateways at Tiahuanaco (the others are unimportant), the same or similar motifs appear on the pottery from that vicinity. The American Museum of Natural History has a fine collection of Tiahuanaco II pottery from Copacabana and Tiahuanaco. In general the tonality is rather sombre, red and black being the most frequent colors. Sometimes, however, white and orange also appear. In the Peabody Museum at Harvard University there is a small but excellent cup of this period decorated with the face of the Weeping God. Sometimes, as in the case of some of the New York specimens, the Weeping God appears in the pottery without his tears ; at other times the decoration takes the form of parts of the secondary motifs, such as puma- or bird-heads in the Tiahuanaco style, or variations of the second type of tab on the Weeping God's headdress (i. e. the "ribbon-and-stone- ring" motif). Cups, bowls, ollas and vessels with spouts like those on teapots are the commoner forms. One of the New York specimens measures almost a foot across although it is but a fragment. Modelled puma-heads in clay also occur. In short, the plastic art of the Tiahuanaco II period, although it is none too plentifully represented in our museums, is richly diversified. Our Plate VIII, Figure i, shows a poncho from Tiahuanaco now in the American Museum of Natural History, New York. The writer believes that, although it bears none of the motifs so far shown to have been typical of Tiahuanaco II art, it does bear a swastika-like motif on its border, and is therefore to be " See Posnansky, 1914, Plates LXXIII-LXXXI. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 355 connected with a cup with the same motif shown by Joyce (1912, p. 207), This cup, both because of the puma-heads and because of the general technique, is obviously Tialiuanaco 11. The swas- tika is a motif which is excessively rare in Peruvian art. The ones in this specimen are not perfect in form. The reader is warned that this garment may not be Tiahuanaco II after all, though the writer now believes that it is. Plate VIII, Figure 2, shows a fine piece of cloth from the Nasca region. It has affinities with both the Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II styles as follows: With Proto-Nasca, face-paint- ing (or masking), centipede element, and coloration; with Tia- huanaco II, tear-lines, eyebrows and nose in T form, three-digit hands. The specimen is in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and is the gift of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross. Though it may at first seem illogical, we will now turn our attention to the Tiahuanaco II art of the coast ; then we will study it in another region of the highlands. The reason for this course will become apparent later. The writer regrets that he has not been able to obtain any satisfactory pictures of coast Tiahuanaco II art. Much material is readily accessible to the student, however, and the following works should be consulted: Baessler, igos-o^; Reiss und Stiihel, 1880-8/; Holmes, 1889; Oyarzun, 1910; Uhle, 1901, 1902', ipo^, 1908, 1910, 1910b, 1910C, 19 1 2, 19 1 3, 1913b, 191 4; Putnam, F. K., 191 4; Therese von Bayern, 1907; Beuchat, 1912; Joyce, 19 1 2, 1913b; Bamps, 1879. (The reader is especially referred to the works in italics.) It will be remembered that in the Tiahuanaco II art of the interior two things were very noticeable : the tendency toward bilateral symmetry in the design, and the comparative poorness of coloration. Of these characteristics only the former appears on the coast. As in the case of Proto-Nasca art, coloration on both vessels and textiles was extremely rich. For example, look at Plate 134, Figure 373, in Baessler. The design that appears at that place shows two birds with squarish heads. The design comes from Pachacamac. A detailed description of it may be of use to the reader. The two birds, whose heads alone appear, face one another. They have hawk-like beaks, darkened eye- areas and headdresses adorned with tabs ending ofif in three fringes just like those on the minor figures of the monolithic gate- 356 Philip Ainsworth Means, way at Tiahuanaco. The angularity so noticeable in the art of this period at Tiahuanaco itself is here preserved to a consid- erable degree. Between the two bird-heads and around each of them is a frame or border adorned with repetitions of the 17" sign. Although the Plate in question is not in color, several tints are indicated. Again, Baessler, Plate 144, Figure 403, shows a wonderful specimen of coast Tiahuanaco II art. It is a goblet from Pachamac adorned with a very beautiful design. The colors are cream, purple, gray, brown, red and black. The finish is lustrous and the arrangement of the color-areas is mas- terly. The decoration resolves itself into several bands. At the top is a band of the stair-sign motif ; it is gray with purple borders. Attached to the outer edge of the borders are a num- ber of conventionalized puma-heads in purple. They are remin- iscent of those on the monolithic gateway. Those on the top of the band face to the reader's right; the ones at the bottom face to the left. On the gray central stripe of the stair-sign band are a number of conventionalized three-digit bands in black and gray alternated with similar feet in brown, cream and black. Below this band of decoration comes a narrower one made up of nr signs in red on a cream ground. Below that, in turn, comes a wide band of black on which is painted an almost bilaterally symmetrical square-headed Weeping God. A slight difference in the two ends of his mouth is the sole exception to symmetry. His eyes are in cream and black and, like those of the Weeping God on the monolithic gateway, are large and round with a band of "tears" running down from each of them. The face is red, the nose, gray in color, is broad and squarish like that of the Weeping God at Tia- huanaco. His gray lips form a rectangular mouth contain- ing three groups of rectangular teeth and two groups of fangs, the order being, from left to right, teeth-fangs-teeth-fangs- teeth. The teeth are cream-colored. Finally, at the bottom of the design, comes a band containing twelve oblong rectangles on each of which are two small disks of color with a dot in the center. These rectangles are arranged in double file, six in a row. They are arranged in the manner here approximately indi- cated, and they may be said to be a sort of study in color-arrange- ment. Numbers i, 3, 5, 8, 10 and 12 are red with cream disks; 2 is cream with purple disks ; 4, 9 and 1 1 are gray with red. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 357 purple, red disks respectively ; 6 and 7 are purple with cream disks. What this design can have been intended to represent it is difficult to imagine. The only thing it seems to bear the slightest resemblance to is the group of finds on the island of La Plata, Ecuador, w^hich Dorsey called "Perforated and engraved stones." These objects are small rectangular oblongs upon which are engraved circles with a dot, the number varying from three circles up tO' eight. Dorsey suggests that perhaps the stones in question were used in some game.^^ 1 2 3 4 5 6 0 0 0 0 © 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 © © © © © © © © © © 10 12 Fig. I. The decoration composed of small circles with a dot in the centre occurs also on some objects from Machu Picchu. Its occurrence there may mean one of several things : ( i ) That some subjects of the Tiahuanaco II "empire" were once at Vilcabamba and left these objects behind them; (2) That the .subjects of the Inca who dwelt at Vilcabamba happened to see the motif on some remains of the former period and copied it; (3) That the design, which is essentially simple, was "invented" twice, first by the coast Tiahuanaco II people, secondly by the Inca's svibjects. The writer inclines to the belief that the last is the correct explanation. It is, however, so simple a design that it has been "invented" again and again in various parts of the w^orld. One more example of Tiahuanaco II art in connection with the pottery of the coast will serve to round out our present brief account of the matter. It is found in Baessler, Plate 140, Figure 392, and it shows another variation of the square-headed Weep- ing God motif. The colors are red, cream, brown and white. The figure is shown at full length. As before, the resemblances to the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco, despite the divergences, are " Dorsey, 1901, p. 262, and Plate LVII. 35^ . Philip Ainszvorth Means, very marked. The face of this coast Weeping God, then, is sur- rounded by a frame strikingly Hke that of its prototype. From the inner band decorated with dots spring eleven tab-like decora- tions which fall into three groups on the basis of form: (i) Three straight tassels ending in a fringe of three pieces; (2) Six tabs reminiscent of the ribbon-and-stone-ring tassels of the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco; (3) Two long tabs ending off in an affair similar to the fringed tabs of the first type. All these are arranged about the face in such a manner as to result in absolute symmetry. In fact, the whole figure is absolutely sym- metrical save for the arrangement of the color-areas. The eyes are cream and brown and are large; the "tears" are indicated merely by two lines, one running down from each eye. The nose is broad and square ; the mouth rectangular with eight square teeth and no fangs. Two hands with four digits grasp two staffs which are exactly alike except for color and which are arranged symmetrically. They suggest tremendously conven- tionalized bows, and are adorned with repetitions of the fringed tab element. In short, this figure, besides presenting several very close resemblances to the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco in its details, resembles it in more general terms also. We find in the Tiahuanaco figure a strong tendency toward bilateral sym- metry, a symmetry which is fully attained in this coast figure. More than that, we observe that the two have another significant, characteristic in common, namely, the constant re-statement of minor decorative elements (such as the fringed tab). These resemblances are extremely significant. So much, then, for Tiahuanaco II designs on the pottery of the coast. The material relating to Tiahuanaco II designs in coast textiles is no less ample, and the evidence it presents points just the same way as that offered by the pottery. We will, therefore, consider only one example of Tiahuanaco II coast textile-design. It is shown by Reiss and Stiibel, vol. II, Plate 49. It is a rich garment from Ancon. There are two variations either of the Weeping God himself or of the two types of minor figures on the monolithic gateway. We will enumerate the analo- gies between this design and other arts that we have examined. One of the two variations has : ( i ) A human face and a head- dress suggestive of the first type of minor figure on the mono- lithic gateway (i. e. human face with bird body) ; (2) Tears and tear-lines; (3) Four-digit hands; (4) Tw^o staves; (5) A Survey of Ancient Penwian Art. 359 Shoulder-bands; (6) Fish and bird attendants; and, (7) A mouth similar in shape to those on the monolithic gateway. The other variation has : ( i ) Fluted wings recalling both those found in Proto-Chimu art and those found on the minor figures of the monolithic gateway; (2) Five-digit hands reminiscent of those on some of statues at Tiahuanaco and of Proto-Chimu art, also; (3) Tears and tear-lines; (4) One staff; (5) A decora- tion on the headdress suggestive of the "ribbon-and-stone-ring" motif of the Weeping God both at Tiahuanaco and on the pot- tery just reviewed. The colors in this tapestry are by far the richest we have yet come across, and they are not likely to be surpassed. They are yellow, light yellow-brown, dark yellow- brown, red, pink, pale green, purple, black and white. The effect is one of great richness, and also of a generally light tonality, wherein, perhaps, we may see the influence of Proto-Chimu art. To sum up our impressions of coast Tiahuanaco II art we will say that it derives its minor motifs and its tendency toward symmetry, or rather its marked indulgence in symmetry, directly from Tiahuanaco which also provided most of the subject-matter. The rich coloring, however, came from Proto-Nasca. Having now completed our survey of Tiahuanaco II art in the Titicaca drainage and on the coast, we will examine its manifestations in another part of the highlands. Before doing so, however, we will mention in passing the fact that save for a vestige here and there Tiahuanaco II art does not appear promi- nently in the Cuzco region. One exception to this rule is a pottery vessel adorned with an anthropomorphic puma having four digits, fangs and tab-like head ornaments. Its provenance is Cuzco, and it is shown by Seler.^*^ It is the Tiahuanaco II art at Chavin de Huantar, however, that claims the major part of our attention. The chief example of ancient art at Chavin is the famous greater Chavin monolith. This wonderful piece of stone-carving is in the Museo Nacional at Lima. It is about six feet long and two broad.^^ Probably no other single artifact from Peru helps more than this in the study of the relations between Proto- '" Seler, 1893, Plate VII, Fig. 8. " The writer has seen and examined the original stone. Both Sir Clements Markham and Mr. Joyce are mistaken in thinking the stone to be twenty-five feet long. Markham, 1912, p. 34; Joyce, 1912, p. 176. 360 Philip Ainsworth Means, Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II arts. Several able studies of the stone have appeared, chief among which are two by Markham and that by Polo.^^ With the aid of our Plate IX we will now examine this stone and its bearing- upon our subject. The characteristic of the stone which first strikes the beholder is the tremendous elaboration of the design. One has to study it carefully before it resolves itself into its component parts. When this is done, it becomes apparent that the design falls into halves, the lower of which shows a personage holding two staves, and the upper of which is made up of a mass of inverted faces with their secondary decorations. We will study the halves in that order. The personage is unquestionably derived in part from the Weeping God motif. The face is square and is edged with serpent-heads faintly analogous to the tab-like ornaments of the Weeping God. The face, on the other hand, is utterly different in both content and treatment from that of the Weeping God. Indeed, it is very difficult to decide just which of the numerous complex features belong to the face of the personage. One may assume, if he chooses, that the two upper dots are his eyes and the involutions just above them are conventionalized eyebrows while the two dots below^ are nostrils. This is, per- haps, the most satisfactory interpretation.' '' The mouth which, from one aspect, looks like an adaptation of the toothed and fanged rectangular mouth seen in coast Tiahuanaco II, again presents difficulties because, on turning the Plate upside down, it turns out that the mouth is formed by two fanged puma-heads set nose to nose and lip to lip. It may be suggested that in the group of details formed by the puma-heads and the twined ser- pent-heads just behind each of them we see a faint survival and tremendous conventionalization of the mouth-mask of Proto- Nasca art. As in the case of the Weeping God on the mono- lithic gateway, the body is short and square. There are no ^* Markham, 1904 and 1908; Polo, 1899. '° Prof. MacCurdy's interpretation of the plate differs from the writer's, for he thinks the two upper dots to be the nostrils of an inverted face like those on the upper half of the stone. There is a good deal to be said in support of this view. But an examination of our Plate IX, or, still better, the large one in Polo, 1899, will show that the writer's interpreta- tion is also valid. We may say, therefore, that the two dots in question serve, in one position, as eyes for the face of the chief head of the design, and, when reversed, act as nostrils for an inverted subsidiary head. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 361 "tears." There is an area of ornamentation on the breast made up of a new variation of the I \ sign edged with feather- like ornaments reminiscent of Proto-Chimu art and Proto-Nasca art. (See Plate I, Figure 3, and Plate III, Figure 3.) This feather-motif occurs many times on the stone. The garment of the personage reminds us of that on the Weeping God of Tia- huanaco in that it is a short skirt-like affair. The puma-heads that adorn the upper edge of the Tialiuanaco figure's skirt have here become so conventionalized that it is nearly impossible to recognize them. The fringe of human faces on the Tiahuanaco skirt has become mere unadorned rectangles. The arms, it is well to note, are in exactly the same position and much the same in shape both here and on the monolithic gateway. But a marked difference is found in the hands. At Tiahuanaco we found the hands of the Weeping God were fairly close to nature in their modelling despite the fact that they had but four digits. Here, on the other hand, we find a wider departure from realism in the drop to but three digits and in the elaboration of the finger nails into a decorative element. In the two staves we discover a still wider departure from the original theme. The staves are almost exactly alike, which is in itself a significant matter. They have been widened so as to make room for the immensely elab- orate ornamentation with which they are encrusted. So complex, in fact, is the overlaid design that it is nearly impossible longer to distinguish any of the features that we perceived in the staves held by the Weeping God of Tiahuanaco. Some may be able to discover in the formalized faces at the base of the two staves a faint echo of the bird-heads that are found at the bottoms of the Tiahuanaco staves. So much, then, for the lower half of the design on the Chavin stone. In order properly to study the upper half it will be neces- sary to reverse the Plate. On doing so we find three grotesque faces proceeding from one another's mouths and each with its tongue protruding and highly decorated. These faces all have fangs, but otherwise they are unlike one another, although the' last two from the center do resemble each other closely. The nose of tlie first face is adorned with a combination of the feather-motif, fang-motif and serpent-head motif. The noses of the other two are much simpler and are marked only by an odd but simple comb-like figure. On each side of the central band of decoration formed by those three faces is a fringe of alternated 362 Philip Ainsworth Means, serpent-heads and feather-motifs. The tongue of the last head is Hkewise encrusted with the two. A word about the general features of this, the greater Chavin stone, should be said before we go on to compare it with other artifacts. It is a bas-relief of the same technique as the Tia- huanaco frieze. The work is finer because the stone lends itself more readily to the cutter's tools. At Chavin is another remarkable stone carving, the lesser Chavin stone. It is described by Polo and by Enock.^° It was found in an underground chamber ; indeed, according to Knock, much of the work and many of the chambers in the "castle of Chavin" are subterranccm. This feature is reminiscent of Tia- huanaco itself. The lesser stone is at once similar to and differ- ent from the greater. The chief points of likeness are the profuse use of fangs and serpents as decorative motifs, and the constant re-statement of these motifs recalls not only the greater Chavin stone, but also the monolithic gateway. The differences are chiefly these : lack of any trace of comprehensible composition, lack of bilateral symmetry and considerable modi- fication of technique. As our description has proceeded we have made occasional references to resemblances between the Chavin stones and other objects. It will now be our task to systematize these resemblances. Each of the elements which constitute the resemblances will be found in the following table in its appropriate column : Affiliations Between Chavin and Other Arts. PROTO-CHIMU PROTO-NASCA TIAHUANACO Fangs Fangs Feathers Feathers Multiple inverted heads. Puma-heads Staves Staves Symmetry Mouth mask (?) Too few digits Too few digits Skirt rr sign Repetition of motifs in many parts of the design. ^ Enock, 1907, p. 72 ff. ; and Polo, 1899. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 363 The table makes clear, perhaps, the three-fold source of the art found in the Chavin stones. We now find ourselves brought to the important question of the historic, artistic and ethnic rela- tions between the three great arts we have studied. 3. RELATIONS BETWEEN PROTO-CHIMU, PROTO-NASCA AND TIAHUANACO II. We have now studied three ancient Peruvian cultures. It is obvious that, from both the artistic and the archaeological points of view, they form a group. We must now endeavor to answer the question, How are these cultures connected? Already we have pointed out the basic similarity in subject matter of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca. From one of those cultures the other in all probability was derived. But which was the elder is only revealed by minute analysis. In the Proto- Chimu we find an art which is of a distinctly advanced nature. It has, so far as we know, no introductory manifestations, cruder in type than itself in its own locality. Inasmuch as advanced arts do not suddenly spring into being from nothingness, it can only be supposed that Proto-Chimu art was introduced into the region with which we associate it from some other region. The same may be said of the Proto-Nasca art. Uhle and Joyce seem to incline to the belief that this art is the elder of the two, and Uhle believes it to have had an origin in the north, perhaps in Middle America.-^ Let us see, then, if Proto-Nasca can really be justly considered older than Proto-Chimu. In doing- this we must first determine from what area or areas it could have been derived (assuming- that it ivas derived from some source outside of the Andean area). A rapid survey of the whole field of American civiliza- tions assures us that only from one area could such cultures as the Proto-Nasca and Proto-Chimu have been derived — Middle America. There is much evidence that seems to point toward all the South American cultures as having been derived from the region to the north, but unfortunately this is not the place to examine that evidence. We will assume, therefore, that if, as seems probable, the Proto-Nasca and Proto-Chimu cultures zvere ■^Uhle, 1913, pp. 341 ff. ; 1914, pp. 15 ff. ; Joyce, 1912, pp. 178 fif. ; Means, 1917. Trans. Conn. Acad., Vol. XXI 25 1917 364 Philip Ainsworth Means, the result of a cultural migration, that migration must have had its origin in Middle America. From a geographical standpoint, then, it would be difficult to explain why the migrants, on their way south, passed the region of Chimu and went first to that of Nasca where they developed the Proto-Nasca art after their arrival, and then gradually spread north along the coast, in time reaching Chimu where the Proto-Chimu culture was perfected. This theory is almost impossible to support on geographical grounds. But geographical objections are not the only ones. Other and more serious drawbacks to the theory present them- selves. These drawbacks we will now enumerate. In Proto-Chimu art we have a realistic art which has so thoroughly outlived the preparatory stages characteristic of all arts that there is hardly a trace left of the crudenesses that mark the infancy of all sub- civilized or high primitive arts.-- It is a decorative art that has reached so high a level as to combine no small degree of repre- sentation with its decorative purpose. In other words, Proto- Chimu art is one ripe for the influence of several principles of art-development. These principles all find their natural resultant in Proto-Nasca art. A few quotations from Dr. Spinden's work, "A Study of Maya Art," will make clear this point. The mere fact that Dr. Spinden is speaking of Middle American art does not alter the fact that what he says applies equally well to Peruvian art or to any other art of similar rank.-^ "In the imaginative modification of any given natural figure, for the purposes of decorative art, there are a number of rather definite processes. Each of these is amenable to the fundamental principles of design, such as balance, rhythm and harmony, as these terms have besn elucidated by Dr. Ross.-* Each process may show, moreover, the phases of conscious and unconscious manipulation of the subject matter. Lastly, these processes of intensive development of a design motive, .... work both singly and in combination. It is possible to detect much of the counterplay. -^ The general remarks made here are intended to apply solely to decorative, as contrasted with representative, art. " Spinden, 1913, p. 38 ff. ^*Ross, 1901, 1907. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 365 "The processes are: i. Simplification. 2. Elaboration. 3, Elimination. 4. Substitution. "Careful analysis of one group of designs after another, dur- ing which special attention is paid to the changes in homologous parts, makes pretty clear the matter in which the imagination works. In the first place, imagination does not create, it merely reshapes and recombines, taking suggestions and material from any thing lying within the field of experience "Simplification. . . . Dr. Harrison Allen discusses the rela- tions between natural forms and art forms. He finds that the tendencies of conventional art are : 1st, to repeat the normal lines of the model; 2nd, to diminish the normal lines of the model ; 3rd, to modify according to a symbol ; 4th, to modify according to mystic or religious ideas. . . . "Elaboration. Of less real worth in the development of art, but of more common occurrence, is the process of elaboration. This process amplifies rather than reduces and by means of adventitious ornament renders the original form more com- plex. . . . "Elimination. Elimination of one feature after another of a natural motive till only one or two survive is a common phenom- enon the world over in decorative art. In Maya art the process is frequently observed in the case of the serpent. Very often the entire lower jaw is omitted. . . . "Substitution. The process of substitution likewise plays a great part in all highly developed art, whether barbaric or civilized. The substitution of new and striking details for old and commonplace ones — even at the cost of the first meaning of the design — is one of the simplest and most natural ways by which imagination can reconstruct and revivify worn-out sub- jects. . . . Especially in decorative art, details of a composi- tion realistic or geometric may be progressively replaced by other quite different details until in the end only a trace of the original setting remains." ^^ Let us now seek carefully to apply the principles outlined by Dr. Spinden to Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II arts. We will take up the principles in order. We find, in the transition from Proto-Chimu to Proto-Nasca and to Tiahu- anaco II (at Tiahuanaco, on the coast, and at Chavin), that an important part is played by the second aspect of Simplifi,cation. We have in Proto-Chimu a highly realistic decorative art in which both modelling and painting seek to approach as nearly ^Cf. Allen, 1881 ; Batchelder, 1910; MacCurdy, 1911, 127. 366 Philip Ainsworth Means, as possible to the outlines of natural models. The outcome of this seeking is skillful modelling- and the correct number of such parts as fingers and toes. In Proto-Nasca art, on the other hand, the principle of simplification finds reaction in the diminish- ing of the tendency toward modelled representation and of the habit of carefully representing the correct number of fingers and toes. The result is a simplification of the form of the vessels and of the outlines of the hands at the expense of truth. The principle of simplification makes itself still more. felt in the tran- sition from Proto-Nasca to Tiahuanaco II. In the former it had only begun to make itself apparent; modelling, of a simpli- fied sort, to be sure, still survived, as did also five-fingered hands. In Tiahuanaco II, however, pottery with modelled forms of men or animals is more rare, though modelling in stone is still found, probably on account of the influence of Tiahuanaco I. But five- fingered hands are here in the minority to a decided degree. Simplification has caused the vanishing of realistic hands from the decoration on the monolithic gateway. The status remains the same in coast Tiahuanaco II. In the greater Chavin stone, however, we find the last result of the influence of the principle of simplification. In this stone the modelHng is at its lowest ebb, and the hands, with but three digits here, have lost nearly all semblance to reality, and have become mere elements in the scheme of decoration. Thus we see that simplification leads us, step by step, down the line of the arts of this period — Proto- Chimu, Proto-Nasca, Tiahuanaco II — in the order named, with the Chavin stone as the culmination of its influence. Let us now find out what application the principle of Elabora- tion has to these arts. In Proto-Chimu we found that fangs, eye-painting, animal-masks, animal-disguises and other similar features were represented. Each of these is acted upon by the principle of elaboration. Fangs, it is true, are not a prominent element of Proto-Nasca art. But they appear with great prom- inence in Tiahuanaco art, both of the mountains and of the coast, and on the Chavin stones they often form an element of decora- tion of the highest importance. Eye-painting, animal-masks and animal-disguises all survive in Proto-Nasca art and are all more elaborate there than in Proto-Chimu. So much so, in fact, that their development can go but little further, and they almost dis- appear in Tiahuanaco II art. It may be suggested, however, A Survey of Ancient Penwian Art. 367 that eye-painting- is elaborated into the tears and tear-Hnes of Tiahuanaco II art while masking finds a faint elaborate revival in the pnnia-heads at the mouth of the chief figure on the larger Chavin stone. To show one more manifestation of the influence of elaboration we will mention the "Multiple-headed God" motif of Proto-Nasca art. The God is always distinguished by the manner in which his subsidiary inverted heads proceed from one another's mouths and by the presence of feather-like secondary ornaments. Elaboration results in the multiple-headed figure on the larger Chavin stone. That figure, like its Proto-Nasca proto- type, has several inverted heads proceeding from one another's mouths and it is marked by elaborate secondary decoration in the form of feather-like ornaments. We must note here that as nothing of the sort is to be observed at Tiahuanaco the trans- mission from Proto-Nasca to Chavin must have been direct, and that the two were at least partly contemporary. Likewise, as we have pointed out, there are a number of Proto-Chimu elements found on the Chavin stone. One more evidence of the influence of elaboration should not be ignored. That is the contrast between the staffs found in Proto-Nasca with those in Tiahuanaco II and, above all, in Chavin. The contrast needs no comments, save that here, again, the culmination of the process is found at Chavin. Nor do we lack for signs of the presence of influences on the part of the principle of Elimination. As we have noted, the Proto-Chimu art shows full realistic representation of the whole of men and animals. Between Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca we find an elimination of most of the body parts by the latter art. In Tiahuanaco II, however, again probably on account of the influence of Tiahuanaco I, the habit of showing the body is revived, but some of the lines and curves of nature are markedly absent, both in Tiahuanaco II art proper and at Chavin. Finally, the principle of Substitution is readily seen to have been at work. The eye-painting of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca is substituted by the tears and tear-lines of Tiahuanaco II. The ])uma-head and ribbon-and-stone-ring tabs on the Weeping God's headdress at Tiahuanaco are replaced by the serpent-heads that occupy analogous places on the larger Chavin stone as well as on the lesser one. Again, the fish-like breast ornament of the Tiahuanaco figure finds a substitute at Chavin in the conventional 368 Philip Ainstvortli Means, breast ornament of the figure on the larger stone. Once more the culmination of the process is at Chavin. Indeed, in the lesser Chavin stone one may see an excellent example of what Mac- Curdy describes as "transposition."^® It is to be observed in the breaking up of the hitherto harmonious and comprehensible design into a chaotic melee of component parts and ill-assorted decorative motifs. One would be but reasonable in thinking the lesser Chavin stone to represent the art-stream, which we have watched so long, at its vanishing point. Such, then, in very broad outline, is the general trend of the evidence afforded by a study of the application of the four great principles to Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco II art.-^ We must now endeavor to interpret the evidence in terms of probable cultural migration. There is not space here to go into a detailed comparative analysis of the minor decorative motifs in Middle American and South American cultures, but the writer is convinced by careful study that the evidence of such an analysis would not differ from that afforded by the broader lines of modification.^^ To sum up the whole matter briefly, we find that a series of closely related arts is associated in turn with Chimu, Nasca, Tiahuanaco (mountains and coast) and Chavin. We find the art a little older step by step as we go from one of these regions ^^ MacCurdy, 1911, p. 127. ^^One piece of pottery, reported on by Uhle (1913b, p. 363), almost con- stitutes in and of itself a proof of the blending or fusion of Proto-Nasca art into Tiahuanaco 11 art. The vessel in question is a shallow bowl from Tiahuanaco. On the broad rim is painted, in easily recognizable Proto-Nasca style, a serpent, the head of which is strikingly like the puma heads so often found in Tiahuanaco II art. The fact that the vessel comes from Tiahuanaco proves that Proto-Nasca art was carried thither, and the association of it with Tiahuanaco II art on the same vessel proves their close relationship. ^The reader's attention is here called to the art of Chiriqui. In many ways strikingly similar both in form and in content to the three early Peruvian arts, the art of Chiriqui is also similar to them in the matter of its development toward conventionalism from realism. It may well be that some day a close connection will be proved between the earliest (realistic) forms of Chiriqui art and the earliest (realistic) forms of Peruvian art. The reader is urged to consult the following works : MacCurdy, 1906, 1911, pp. 127 ff., 1913; Holmes, 1885, 1887; Joyce, 1916, pp. 144 ff. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 369 to the next, a little older, that is, in point of development ; the age in point of time from our own day decreases as we go up the series of sites. This does not mean, however, that one site was abandoned before the next began to flourish. In fact, the evidence proves that the first and last steps have much in com- mon, and that they must have been at least partly contemporary. The opinion of the writer is that one should conceive of the slowly ageing art as the result of a slow spread of related peo- ples in several directions during- a long time. While the spread was going on new sites were founded and new phases of the common art-ideal developed, but neither the old settlements nor the old phases of art were thereby at once robbed of vigor. What the political status of these people was we shall never know. We must remain content with what evidence we can wring from the vestiges of their culture. 4. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE EPIGONAL AND RED-WHITE-BLACK CULTURES. So far, w^e have studied three cultures which we have just seen to be intimately linked together by lines of cultural descent. We have hitherto considered a cultural series that spread from the coast to the mountains. We have now come to a fork in that stream. It is clear from the evidence presented by the architectural remains and by the artifacts that the three cultures so far con- sidered were of a high order. What brought the last of them, the Tiahuanaco II culture, to a close we can but guess at this distant date. It is clear enough, however, that at the end of the Tiahuanaco II period something happened which checked the development of civilization in both mountains and coast. Vague whispers of the cataclysm persisted in the folklore of the country down to Spanish, and even into our own, times. The early chroniclers report the traditions of the event in various ways, none of which needs to be particularized here. In the nature of the case, the character of the catastrophe must have been gigantic in order to bring about the far-reaching results that it did. Whether it was a terrible earthquake, an invasion of savage peoples or some great epidemic of disease or a com- bination of these things we cannot tell. We only know that in 37 o Philip Ainsworth Means, the Titicaca drainage the result was a sudden and very marked lowering of the culture-level, while on the coast and in other regions remote from Lake Titicaca the subsidence in culture, though noticeable, was not so marked. One more thing seems to be disclosed by known facts. As we have seen, Tiahuanaco II art spread far from Tiahuanaco itself. As we shall see, a decadent form of Tiahuanaco II art lingers on around the edges of the old Tiahuanaco "Empire." It is chiefly at Tiahuanaco itself and in the region between Lake Titicaca and Cuzco that the drop in culture is most noticeable. This would seem to indicate that the cataclysm, whatever it was, took place in the mountain regions. The divergence in culture-level that thus sprang up between the mountain regions and the coast resulted in a wide breach between the later arts of the two regions.^'' The cultures which we are to consider in this section are both coast cultures. The "Epigonal" art is mainly identified with the southern parts of the coast — Pachacamac, Nasca and lea — where the influence of the Tiahuanaco II period had been strongest. Uhle is the scientist to whom the most credit for "" The author thinks that it is only fair to warn his reader here that the explanation offered to account for the marked lack of connection between Tiahuanaco II art and Inca art is open to a number of objections. In the first place, if Tiahuanaco II influence did spread into the Cuzco region, it must inevitabl}^ have left its stamp upon the art of that region. Archaeology does not permit us to deny that Tiahuanaco II art did spread to Cuzco, — and far beyond it. Why, then, is there so little of Tiahuanaco influence in Cuzco or Inca art? Why is there not at Cuzco, as at Titicaca, Koati and Tiahuanaco, an intermediate type of art which, though miuch lower in grade than Tiahuanaco II art, still preserves some vestiges of the old tradition? If the forces that brought the Tiahuanaco II art in the Titicaca drainage to an end ,were unable completely to obliterate the older style of that region, why were they so much stronger at Cuzco than at Tiahuanaco that they .were able to wipe out completely the older art? An answer to these three questions, which were suggested by Dr. Roland B. Dixon, may perhaps be found in the study of the dis- tribution in Peru of the type of culture represented by the Colla-Chulpa type. An examination of this distribution shows that Colla-Chulpa culture, or something very like it, is found throughout the Peruvian highlands from Bolivia to Cuelap in Chachapoyas. It is not like the coast cultures of the time (that is, the period just before the rise of the Incas). Place- names, it is true, have a character remotely suggestive of the coast, but this may have been the result of Inca mitiinacs (transferred colonies). A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 371 the study of this period should be given, and the reader is urged to examine some of his Plates.^" When we compare Tiahu- anaco II art with "Epigonal" we at once see wherein the dif- ference Hes. The latter is but an unskillful and decadent attempt to continue the traditions of the former. Again and again it is possible to recognize portions of well-remembered Tiahuanaco II motifs on "Epigonal" artifacts, but always the latter are far inferior to their prototype in both line and color. So close is the resemblance sometimes that one would be tempted to say that the "Epigonal" things were indeed made in the Tiahu- anaco II period, but by unskilled artists. This, however, is inter- dicted by the irrefutable stratigraphic evidence. The "Epigonal" wares and textiles occur in later strata than the Tiahuanaco II artifacts. The Weeping God, the puma-heads, the bird-figures and many other Tiahuanaco II motifs occur again in "Epigonal" art. Closely associated with the "Epigonal" art is another art- type which, for want of a better name, we call red- white-black ware after the colors in which it is painted. This type is asso- ciated with the coast from Pachacamac northwards to Trujillo (Chimu) and even beyond; it occurs in the same strata with "Epigonal" at Pachacamac, which proves the approximate con- temporaneity of the two. Our Plate XI, Figures i and 2, shows two excellent examples of this ware. The originals, in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., came from Recuay, north- ern coast region. The colors are red, white and black. In Figure i we see a dragon-like figure that is very distinctive of this site. As Joyce points out,^^ it is very similar to a motif found on some Proto-Chimu vases, and a crude derivative of it appears in northwestern Argentina. In the face that adorns the front of the vessel's neck we perceive a very strong tinge of Proto-Chimu tradition. The ear-plugs and headdress are both reminiscent of the analogous portions of the vase shown in Plate I, Figure 2. A great deal less skill in modelling is shown, however. To sum up the features of the "Epigonal" and red-white-black arts, we may say that each flourished in the area in which the '" Uhle, 1903, Plates V and VI. " Joyce, 1912, p. 183. 372 Philip Ainsworth Means, previous culture from which it derived most of its characteristics had flourished. This explains why "Epigonal" art, which differs from Tiahuanaco II only in its imperfection, throve in the region where Tiahuanaco II had been at its best, and why red- white- black art, similar in many respects to Proto-Chimu, existed in the same territory as the latter. On the whole, this period was one of stagnation. At any rate, nothing appears to have been done to advance the development of art in Peru. Of what went on in the mountains during this period we know absolutely nothing. Perhaps the shock caused by the putative cataclysm had been so great as to result in a state of affairs almost verging on savagery. There is a possibility that it was at the beginning of this period that the .very low-cultured Urus entered the Titicaca basin. They came from the south. ^- 5. CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF THE CHIMU AND NASCA CULTURES. As we have already noted, we know something detinite in regard to the political, social and ethnological aspects of the people of this period. It will be our task in the present section to study their art, and in doing so we shall observe several close similarities between this coast-culture and the Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca cultures. We can but hope that the close artistic correspondence between the two is a token of social corre- spondence. The distinctive ware of the Chimu period is the black ware that comes from the northern half of the coast and from various regions here and there in the highlands. Though the ware in question has a wide distribution, one may generalize by saying that it is especially distinctive of the northern half of the coast. In Plate XI, Figures 3, 4, 5, and 6, are shown four very good specimens of the type. The originals are all in the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass. Besides the fact that the vessels are made of black clay, another new and distinctive feature presents itself. This is the important part played by bas-relief in the decoration of the vessels. In every case, the technique "^ Chamberlain, 1910, pp. 417 ff. ; Bandelier, 1910, pp. 36 fif. ; Garcilasso, II, pp. 224 flf. ; Balboa, 1840, Chap. XI; Boman, 1908, p. 71 ; Polo, 1901- A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 373 is the same square-edged variety that is to be noted in the bas- rehefs on the monohthic gateway. This similarity may or may not be significant. In the case of Figure 5 modelHng in the round also plays an important part, and the human head with its large fan-shaped headdress recalls some of the figures of Proto-Chimu art. A further development of this headdress is seen on some of the specimens in the American Museum of Natural History. The development takes the form of the addi- tion of great plume-like ornaments that rise in a curve from the headdress and fall down on both sides of the wearer's face. In decorations with this motif there is to be observed a very marked residue of the old Tiahuanaco II tendency toward bilateral symmetry, and also a number of other criteria typical of that period. For example, one vessel in the New York collection shows a personage with a perfectly symmetrical plumed helmet who is holding two staves or weapons in his symmetrically arranged four-digit hands. Indeed, four-digit hands are by no means uncommon in this period. It was a tendency inherited from the previous periods. A great many vessels however, like Figure 4, show no such symmetry and lack entirely any seeming resemblance to Tiahuanaco II art. Indeed, the anthro- pomorphic figure on that flask seems to be in the clutches of a creature more closely resembling the dragon-like animal we noticed in connection with the red-white-black ware than any- thing else. Again, there is a large class of black ware vessels like Figures 3 and 6 totally devoid of either anthropomorphic or zoomorphic decoration. If skill in modelling is one of the strong points of Proto- Chimu art, it is so of Chimu art as well. Evidence of this is given by the large class of "portraits" in both black ware and in red ware. Above all, the modelled vessels representing peanuts, potatoes, guanacatcs, squash, paltas, and other vegeta- bles and fruits are especially eloquent of the high artistic capa- bilities of the potters in the Chimu period. These vessels are adorned with modelled forms which, except in the matter of color, are absolutely true to nature. All this does not mean to imply that the Chimu people used solely this black clay for their vessels. The black is emphasized merely because it is the most predominant and characteristic. Red clay painted in white slip was used, but it lacked the excel- 374 Philip Ainsworth Means, lence and the diversity, as well as some of the distinguishing motifs, of the Proto-Chimu pottery. As we have said, "por- traits" continued to be produced in this period, and we find them in both black ware and red. It is often difficult definitely to assign a "portrait" to one or the other of the two possible periods. Still other striking products of this period were the textiles and the stucco wall-decorations derived from them. In Plate XII, Figures i and 2, we see reproductions of textiles of this period. Brighter colored cloths with animal and human figures combined with conventional ones were also fairly common. There is, however, nothing especially new about them, and we would better take up the very remarkable architectural achieve- ments of the period. Only by referring to Rivero and von Tschudi and to Squier can one get a really adequate view of the wonderful city of the Chimu kings. ^^ Great walls thirty feet in height and ten feet thick at base by five feet thick near the top are distinguishing features of one type of ruins of the Chimu period. Another type does not have a tapering cross-section. Adobe is the usual material, of course, and it was one which lent itself admirably to the construction of a huge city of dwell- ings, canals, reservoirs, gardens and palaces. The interior sur- faces of some of the walls are decorated with arabesques in stucco which arouse hearty admiration in the beholder. Squier gives numerous pictures of the various specimens of arabesque. We will content ourselves with noting three main classes of arabesque. The simplest type is that of the three specimens shown by Squier (1877, p. 154 f.), as consisting of lozenge- shaped depressions, or square ones, let into the surface of the wall in such a way as to form a lattice or checker-board pattern. In the same class, but a bit more elaborate, is the design which consists of a raised pattern in the form of a double line of stair-sign design.^* The second type, while still largely geo- metric, is obviously derived directly from textiles of the type shown in Plate XII, Figure i. The technique, as in the case of the simplest type, is of the square-edged variety. ^^ It com- bines, like the textile-type with which it is related, a mingling ^^ Rivero y von Tschudi, 1851, pp. 268 flf. ; Squier, 1877, pp. 135-192. ^^ Cf. Middendorf, 1894-95, II, pp. 375 ff. " Squier, 1877, p. 137. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 375 of geometric with zoomorphic elements. The third and final type might be described as curvilinear on account of the predominance of curved lines. In this type zoomorphic and anthropomorphic elements play a very important part. One decoration of this final type seems to be of a simpler nature than one other. It is made up of a series of large hollow squares in stucco relief. Below them are some extraordinary figures resembling conventionalized tapirs. These figures have their "probosces" down and their "legs" to the observer's right with their arched "backs" on the left. There are two of them under each square.^'^ One is at a loss to explain this combination of motifs and likewise the motifs themselves. More comprehen- sible is the other specimen of this type. It is distinguished by a very rich composition (still in the square-edged technique) made up of conventionalized men, birds, fishes, crabs, lobsters and other such things. It is plainly the work of a people who were closely in contact with the sea. Two things are very interesting in connection with the human figures, namely, that they wear pre- cisely the same headdress as the figures already described as occurring on the pottery of this period, and that, like those figures, they have less than the real number of digits. The crabs and lobsters in the design are almost life-like. Interwoven with these elements is another one which is like nothing else in Peruvian art. It is a curving device not unlike a W on which are shown some of the animals referred to. The reader is urged to turn to Plate XVI in Joyce (1912) for an adequate presentation of this remarkable design. To sum up, then, our impressions of Chimu art, we will say that it bears a general and marked resemblance to the Proto- Chimu, both in the subject-matter and in the treatment. As is only natural, there are accretions from the intervening arts, new motifs and a new tendency to use dark-colored clay for vessels. Likewise, it is not difficult to see in the remarkable wall-decora- tions of this period an attempt to continue the tradition of richly carved ornament found to be so prominent in Tiahuanaco II art. The choice of material — stucco — is easy to explain on the ground that the coast people were already used to stucco as a wall- coating and that suitable stone for the purpose of carving into bas-reliefs was scarce on the coast. See Squier, 1877, p. 154. 376 Philip Ainsworth Means, Let us now turn to a brief examination of the same period further down the coast, designated by the name of Nasca. The reader is urged to consult Uhle, 1913b. The tradition of rich coloring noticed hitherto in the southern coast-region did not die out with the Tiahuanaco period. As we have already seen, the Epigonal period carried on the forms of Tiahuanaco art to the point where they were on the verge of falling to pieces as the direct result of too-long repetition. The last pre-Inca period of the southern coast exhibits an art which derives its color from both the Proto-Nasca and the Tiahuanaco periods and which still preserves a few of the motifs that mark the latter art. Look, for example, at Plate X, Figure 9 of Uhle, 1913b. On the vessel there shown the reader will notice a bird- figure which is considerably like the bird-figures in Tiahuanaco art or in Epigonal. All the other motifs on the vessel, however, are new, and they are distinctive of the peri'od we are now studying. At the same time, the matter of pottery forms is an interesting one. Besides the more usual bowls and dishes, Nasca art shows a new pottery form, namely, the large globular vessel with a fairly wide flaring neck. In most cases, it should be noted, the body of the vessel has a slight tendency to be oval rather than spherical. In the Inca period this tendency becomes emphatic, in the Nasca region, as we shall see. The textiles of this period are practically all adorned with geometric designs. Our old friend the "stair-sign" is a motif that is often found. Color in the textiles becomes duller. To sum up the period just before the Inca period on the coast in one sentence we may say that the northern half of the littoral preserved the old tendency toward modelled forms in pottery and toward animal forms in textile-designs, and, at the same time, that the southern half of the coast continued to make many- colored pottery although both the pottery and the textiles show a preponderance of geometric forms over life forms. In both parts of the coast it was essentially a period in which creative forces of the race's imagination were at a low ebb. This may be indicative of the state of affairs in other branches of human activity at that time. The old culture of Tiahuanaco had died away from some shock at the centre and the communities on the coast that had been dependent on it for artistic stimulation fell into a period of stagnation which was only brought to a close by the Inca invasion. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 377 6. A CRITICAL ANALYSIS OF LATE INCA OR CUZCO ART. In Inca art we come to the last phase of aboriginal art in Peru, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina. i\s the type from which all variants of the Inca types were derived was peculiar to Cuzco and its region, we will examine the art of that district before tracing its spread over the wide area it eventually covered. As we have noted before, the collection of pottery and other artifacts made by the various Yale Peruvian Expeditions in the Cuzco region is the most representative collection of Cuzco pot- tery now in this country. The articles by Dr. Bingham show excellently well the nature of the site in which most of these things were found. ^' Important also for our purposes, is the recent publication by Dr. Eaton. =^* The evidence presented by him proves conclusively that most of the burials at Machu Picchu are relatively recent, probably dating not farther back than sixty or eighty years before the Conquest. Since this is so, we must assume that the artifacts from there are also recent. None have been found that are pre-Inca. Besides the Yale collection, that in Berlin and that of Dr. Caparo Muhiz at Cuzco are the best two.^^ It will be well to note that the late Inca period which we are now to discuss includes the reigns of the last three unmolested Incas : Pachacutec, Tupac Yupanqui and Huayna Capac. The period began, prob- ably, somewhat after 1400. When Inca Pachacutec assumed the red fringe of sovereignty the Inca dominion already included most of the territory between Chincha and Huanuco on the north and Arica and Tucuman on the south. It was extended by Pachacutec and his successors so as to include all the territory between the northern part of the modern Ecuador and the River Maule in Chile and between the ocean and the montaiia or forest- region. In the last days just before the Spanish conquest, when the ill-fated Atahualpa was Inca, Quito, Cajamarca, Cuzco and the island of Titicaca were the chief centres of importance. Cuzco still remained the capital.*'^ '"Bingham, 1913, 1915, 1915b, 1916. ^ Eaton, 1916. ''Seler, 1893. ^'Cf. Means, 1917; Pedro Sancho, 1840. 378 Philip Ainsworth Means, We will first discuss the matter of forms in Cuzco (i. e. Inca) pottery before taking up that of decorative motifs. First comes the stately aryballus, at once the most typical Cuzco form and the most universally adopted one wherever Inca power pene- trated. Our Plate XIIT shows two good examples of this type. There are several sub-types of aryballi. A tentative classifica- tion is to be offered later. Next in order of frequency of occur- rence come the beaker type, shown in Plate XV, Figure 2, the pelike type, Plate XIV, Figure i, the bowl, dish and numerous other forms. In the matter of decoration we find that the geometric figures are in a large majority over anthropomorphic or zoomorphic ones. At the same time, modelled ornament, save for the uni- versal cat's-head nubbin, is found to be essentially foreign to Inca pottery. It does occur, of course, but it is an extraneous element. (Plate XIV, Figure 3; Plate XV, Figures 3 and 4.) By far the greater part of Inca pottery decorations are made up of combinations of a comparatively small number of motifs. We will describe several of these. One of the most widespread is that seen in Plate XIII, Figure i. An old Indian at Cuzco told the writer that the design represented a conventionalized quipu or knot-record and that the design was applied particularly to the vessels of the quipucamayoc who looked after the quipus. Without accepting this as an absolute fact, we will call this design the "quipu-motif." Another frequently seen motif is the meander (Plate XIII, Figure 2). A third is the lines-and- cross motif (Plate XIV, Figure i). A fourth we will call the "diamond motif" (Plate XIV, Figure 3). A fifth might be described as the "saw-tooth motif" (Plate XIV, Figure 3). There are numerous other motifs that might be enumerated if space permitted, but the five named are the commonest and one rarely finds a vessel of Inca type that has not at least one of them upon it. In regard to color the Inca or Cuzco type is rather sombre. Black, dark brown, light brown, red and some white are the usual tints. Cuzco types tend to vary but little from the original model. Nevertheless, local variations do occur in several regions, and in the Inca pottery at Cuzco itself marked influences from the arts of subjugated peoples are to be seen. We shall take up A Survey of .Indent Peruvian Art. 379 in turn our consideration of these departures from the usual type. It may be said that the Inca dominion spread first south then north. The Inca artifacts found in northern sites are, on that account, Hkely to be more recent than those found in the southern sites. In Argentina and Chile Inca vessels are frequently met with. Boman (1908, I, Plate X) shows tw^o aryballi from Lapaya in north-western Argentina. The shape of the vessels and the arrangement of handles and nubbins are exactly the same as in vessels from Cuzco or Machu Picchu. The pattern on the better of the two pots is divided into two motifs which are the "diamond motif" in two forms, and a debased form of the "saw-tooth motif." Boman's Plates XI and XIV (vol. I) show other Cuzco-type vessels from Lapaya which do not call for special mention. His Plate XVIII (vol. I) shows two aryballi from the Argentine site of Lerma. One shows the "saw-tooth motif" and the "diamond motif." The other combines a perfect Cuzco shape with a well-modelled snake whose head is near the neck of the vessel and slightly raised as if to strike. In general, then, these designs, though obviously derived directly from Cuzco prototypes and totally unrelated to any other Peruvian art, are marred in some cases by a crudeness and uncertainty of execu- tion that may, perhaps, be attributed to a lack of skill on the part of local makers. An examination of Cuzco pottery from Chilean sites reveals a similar situation. Oyarzun (1910, p. 363 ff.) show's six Inca or Cuzco aryballi from places in northern Chile. In three cases both shape and decoration are of the best Cuzco style, but in the other three the designs, though derived directly from Inca ones, are crude in point of execution. Turn- ing our attention to Ecuadorian sites we find that the state of affairs is much the same as in the far south of the Inca dominion. Dorsey (1901, Plate XLII) shows a fine Inca aryballus from the island of La Plata in the Bay of Guayaquil. It is exactly of the same shape as the Cuzco of Machu Picchu vessels and it is adorned with the "quipu motif." Bamps (1879, Plates II, III, and IV) shows many Inca vessels from points further north and east in Ecuador. Again, both in shape and in the execu- tion of the designs, these vessels could not be told apart from simi- lar ones from Cuzco or Machu Picchu. So far as archaeological Tr.\xs. Conx. Acad., Vol. XXI 26 1917 380 Philip Ainsivorth Means, work has thus far shown, the potters of the north were more successful in their attempts to copy the Cuzco style than were those of the south. We should bear in mind, however, the likeli- hood that cruder specimens of vessels of the Inca type have not been reported on. A vessel from Ibarra, Ecuador, is noteworthy in this connection. It is shown by Seler (1893, Plate 48, Figure 20). It is an aryballus, but the graceful shape of the prototype is not preserved in this copy ; the flowing line that, in the Cuzco vessels, merges the neck with the body is here broken by a pronounced shoulder. The decoration, however, combines the "quipu motif" with the "diamond motif." It may seem odd at first that the widest divergences from the Cuzco standard do not occur in the regions furthest from Cuzco. Pachacamac and lea are the two sites which show the most strongly localized arts. The reader is urged to consult Uhle's publications on this point."*^ In the period that preceded the Inca period at Pachacamac, as we have seen, the people made a great number of black clay vessels with one-handled globular bodies and necks adorned with rather coarsely modelled human faces. The combination of this art with Inca vessels of the aryballus type resulted at Pachacamac in giving two handles to the vessels and in adding paint to the modelled face. We should not fail to note that in many cases where the hands appear in the Inca vessels they have five fingers. This emphasizes the breaking away from the old Tiahuanaco tradition. At lea, as we have previously observed, large vessels of a slightly oval shape were made in the last pre-Inca period. These develop into a definitely egg-shaped or cask-shaped type decorated some- times with Inca motifs and sometimes with Nasca motifs. This brings us to the consideration of the other type of varia- tion from the Cuzco standard. It is the class of variation which consists in a manifestation of the influence of local pre-Inca arts on the Cuzco type. The reader has just seen the effect that Inca art had upon the modelled black ware of the coast. He is now asked to turn his attention to its corollary, the type which shows the influence of the black ware of the coast upon the Cuzco types. In Plate XV, Figure 4, we have an excellent specimen of this class. Though both come from Machu Picchu, Figure 3 may "Uhle, 1903, Plates VIII and XIII, 1913b, Plate X. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 381 well be the coast-form which served as a model for the other. In both examples there is but one handle, and the general shape is the same in both. Figure 4, however, is definitely associated with Inca art by the "quipu motif" on its body. We will now draw up a classification of Inca pottery on a basis of form and decoration : Tvpe I Large open-necked vessels (often painted with geo- metric designs). a Deep bowls without handles (Seler, 1893, Plate I). b Various types with handles gradually ap- proaching aryballus. Type II Aryballus type. Narrow neck, two handles and nubbin. a With geometric designs only. b With painted designs both geometric and animal, c \\'ith modelled anthropomorphic element and painted design in combination, d Miscellaneous sub-types. Type III Plates, bowls, braziers, cups, etc. a With geometric designs, b With animal or human designs, c With both. Type IV Miscellaneous beakers, bottles and pots. We must now turn our attention to the question of Inca or Cuzco textiles. To the modern eye they appear the most beau- tiful of all Peruvian textiles. As we shall see, however, they are not technically so wonderful as the Proto-Nasca embroideries. Plates XVI and XVII show four typical Inca textiles. A glance will show the reader that those on Plate XVI are of a very dif- ferent type from the other two. They come from the island of Titicaca, and the originals are in the American Museum of X'atural History, New York. In Plate XVI it is seen that the decorative tendency is to break the surface up into small patches of color. This same tendency may be remarked on Inca pottery from the same site. The number of decorative motifs is too great to dwell upon at length ; we shall have to content ourselves with noting that the motif which consists in a slanting band ended off by two squares each containing a dot, which squares are repeated on each side of the band, occurs on an Inca cloth 382 Philip Ainszvorth Means, from Ica.*^ Variants of the "saw-tooth motif" and of the "diamond motif" are present in each of these ponchos, recalling the Inca pottery. Both also show the frequent use of rectilinear spirals. Plate XVII, Figure i, is also a poncho from the island of Titicaca. It is in several shades of red and has a white cruciform figure much like that on the cask-shaped vessel from lea shown by Uhle (1913b, Plate X, A). Figure 2 comes from the coast and shows a slight influence, in the form of cat-like figures, from the Chimu period. We must now summarize our impressions of Inca art. We may do so by saying that geometric decoration has a great pre- ponderance over animal or human motifs. While Inca pottery derives most of its charm from its graceful form, it is by no means to be despised because it has not a great range of color. The designs are usually simple but pleasing, and in most cases they are peculiar to Inca art. In the textiles the same tendency toward geometric designs is to be noted, although here again other elements do occasionally play a part. In general, the color of the textiles is brighter and more various than that of the pottery. Uhle, 1913b, p. 344- IV. THE QUESTION OF CHRONOLOGY AND DATES IN EARLY PERUVIAN ART As was said at the beginning of the paper, the writer, after surveying the development of art in ancient Pern, wishes to present a date-chronology of the various cultures. The dates here to be presented are only approximate. In the nature of things, we must be prepared to allow for an error of a century or more in the remoter epochs. It is necessary that a word should be said as to the methods employed in drawing up the chronology. In the total lack of all written records of any sort we have to meet a great obstacle. This is partly overcome by certain things which we will speak of soon. Moreover, tradition, which sometimes does much to aid in the establishment of an approximate chronology, is here limited almost wholly to the Inca period. These are the chief disadvantages to be met with. We will now examine the conditions which are more favorable to our end. In trying to construct a date-chronology for the various higher cultures of the Andean region, one must bear in mind that it is inherently improbable that the cultures of South America possess an antiquity greater than those of Middle America. The researches of Dr. Hrdlicka have clearly shown this improbability. He has shown four very important truths : ( i ) Man is zoolog- ically a newcomer in this hemisphere ; (2) Man, when he arrived on this continent, was in a stage of culture "superior to that of the late Pleistocene" ; (3) Man, since arriving in this hemisphere, has inevitably undergone certain secondary modifications as to physical type and culture; (4) There exists to-day in north- eastern Asia a racial element that is descended from the same ancestors as the American Indians.^ Since, from the point of view of the zoologist, Man is an Old \\ orld animal that reached America by way of Siberia and the Aleutian Islands, it must be assumed that the northern parts of the continent were peopled sooner than the southern parts. This supposition applies to any tribes, no matter what their cultural grade may be. Nor is mythology lacking in indications of the ' Cf. Hrdlicka, 1912, 1912b, 1912c, I9i2d. 384 Philip Ainsworih Means, southwardly shift of the high- cultured people of the west coast of South America. In the face of all this, then, the onus pro- bandi rests upon him who would maintain that the South Ameri- can populations are older than the North American or Middle American.^ Let us, then, assume for the purposes of the present discussion that. Man entered America from the north and slowly spread southward. The primary migrations of Man in America have a southward trend. His secondary migrations often do not. In the Middle American region (Mexico, Yucatan, Guatemala, Honduras, Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica and Panama) we have a number of very high cultures. Those of Mexico and Yucatan are, in many respects, as high or higher than those we have been studying. Up to about 752 A. D. all is vague and uncertain as to cultural events in Mexico. In or about that year, however, the Toltecs founded Tula.^ More important for us is the cultural type described by Tozzer as "archaic." It is much older than the Toltec culture and much more widespread. Indeed, we may say that the archaic type occurs scatteringly from the valley of Mexico down to Panama.* It will perhaps be proved to be the ancestor of most of the later high cultures of Middle and South America. At any rate, the meager seven centuries from the founding of Tula to the Spanish conquest is obviously not long enough to account for the development and wide distribution of the calendar-system and the various related dialects in Middle America. We must assume that the people of the archaic period flourished long before the time when the earliest high cultures of Middle America began to develop their own peculiarities, peculiarities which, however, never succeeded in blotting out the fact that all the cultures had a common origin.^ ^ This is not the place to go into the question of geologically ancient man in America. Those .who wish to do so are urged to read Hrdlicka, 191 2, and the numerous works listed in the Bibliography of that publication. All that it is necessary to say here is that Hrdlicka has shown the extreme unlikelihood of the existence of any of the morphologically primitive types of men in America. ^ Tozzer, 1916, p. 464. * Tozzer, 1916, p. 466; Spinden, 1915 ; see Appendix for discussion of "archaic type." ° Means, 1917. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 385 In Yucatan we can fairly carry the beginning of protohistory back many centuries. This is largely due to the work of Mr. Bowditch and to that of Mr. Morley." As the present writer has explained elsewhere, the difference between the chronologies of these two authors is neither serious nor great. The earliest dated Maya remains are, respectively, the Tuxtla statuette and the Leyden plate. The former bears the Maya date 8.6.2.4.17 (about 100 B. C.) ; the date on the latter is 8.14. 3.1. 12 (about 40 A. D.).' In spite of the fact that these inscriptions are so early, the system in which the dates are set down is absolutely the same as that in which those of the "Old Empire" cities in southern Yucatan are written. The significance of this is, of course, that even so early as 100 B. C. the Mayas had gone through the centuries-long process of evolving their calendar system. We must postulate, in Mr. Morley's opinion, at least a thousand years of preparatory development.® This period of development should be understood to include the migrations of the various branches of the original stock to the place in which they are found in later eras. From about the time of Christ to the end of the seventh century the "Old Empire" of the Mayas was running its course. From then to the middle of the fifteenth century the "Transitional Period" and "New Empire" rose and fell. We will now summarize the chronological conditions known to be true of Middle America. For at least eleven centuries before Christ various migrations (mainly southward) were accom- panied by the steady development of individual cultures, all variants of a common origin, albeit influenced by environmental and psychological conditions. By the time of Christ, the high cultures of Middle America had almost crystallized into their final forms. ° Bowditch, 1901 ; Morley, 1910, 1915 ; Means, 1917b, p. 3. ^ While on his most recent expedition for the Carnegie Institution of Washington, Mr. Morley discovered an important site in northern Guate- mala. He gave it the name of Uaxactun— Eight-stone — because he found there a large stela bearing the Maya date, 8.14.10.13.15, equal to about 50 A. D. Another inscription at that site may possibly be eighth cycle, also. We have, consequently, at least three inscriptions dating from 50 A. D. or earlier. (Information given by Mr. Morley to the writer.) 'Morley, 1915, p. 194-196; Holmes, 1916. 386 Philip Ainszvorth Means, In South x\merica, what do we find? We find a series of cul- tures following one another in logical succession. We find that the earliest are the most like the Middle American cultures. We find, besides, two independent criteria which enable us to build up an approximate chronology. Each will be described in turn. The list of "kings" of Peru given by Fernando Montesinos on the authority of Bias Valera has only lately begun to receive the attention it merits.^ While it emphatically cannot be accepted as real history, it is, nevertheless, important as indicating that popular legend in the time of the Incas preserved the memory of many generations of rulers. Counting the Incas, the "kings" on the list number 102. Markham, an accomplished historian in other fields as well as in the Peruvian, considers that 27 years is a fair average for the length of a reign. Accepting this in its totality for the nonce, we find that the list of rulers is thought by Montesinos to cover a period of 2,754 years, or, in other words, that the first ruler flourished about 1224 B. C. (1530 A. D. minus 2,754). This date, then, is the very earliest that even Montesinos is willing to accept. Everyone will agree that this date is hardly tenable. As Markham says (1912, p. 41), we must allow for repetitions, overlappings and other errors. Let us, then, be conservative and consider that there were but seventy reigns. This gives us about 1,900 years as the period covered by the list, and it puts the earliest ruler about 350 B. C. Sir Clements Markham (loc. cit.) prefers the initial date 200 B. C. We may say, then, that in all probability, the earliest "king" of Tiahuanaco I (it was of the mountain races that Montesinos wrote) flourished about 200 B. C. Probably, however, culture was low and local for many generations. We find that the "first dynasty" of Montesinos is frequently marked by the name Pirua. It consists of eighteen rulers. Let us call it fifteen ; 15 X 27 ^405 years; or, in other words, the Pirua "dynasty" came to a close about 200 A. D. Was not this perhaps the end of the Tiahuanaco I period? The next "dynasty" is marked by the name Amauta in many cases. Montesinos gives it forty-five rulers. Let us call it thirty; 30X27 = 810; this brings us * Montesinos, 1840, 1882; Markham, 1912, p. 303 fif. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 387 up to about 1000 A. D. This date, however, does not fit well with known historical facts. Let us, then, say that the Amauta "dynasty" (perhaps of Tiahuanaco II) flourished from about 200-900 A. D. Montesinos calls the dark period that followed the Amauta "dynasty" the "Tampu Tocco period." In it we may see our Colla-Chulpa period. He gives it (twenty-seven rulers. Let us call it ten ; 10 X 27 = 270 years ; or, to put it differently, the dark period began to draw to a close about 11 70 A. D. This brings us to the threshold of the Inca period. The late Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa constructed a date-chronology of the Inca period which seems to the writer wholly acceptable. A modified version of it is given here.^*' Reigns of the Incas, According to Dr. Gonzalez de la Rosa. Sinchi Rocca * 1134-1197 Lloque Yupanqui 1 197-1246 Mayta Capac 1246-1276 Capac Yupanqui 1276-1321 Inca Rocca 1321-1348 Yahuar Huaccac 1348-1370 Viracocha 1370-1425 Pachacutec 1425-1478 Tupac Yupanqui 1478-1488 Huayna Capac 1488-1525 It may be more satisfactory to some to reduce the thing to round numbers, thus : Viracocha, 1370-1420; Pachacutec, 1420- 1480; Tupac Yupanqui, 1480-1490; Huayna Capac, 1490-1525. Either step will result in a fairly accurate basis on which to fix one's idea of the reign-periods. So much, then, for one of our two criteria. It has been noted that this one concerns the mountain region primarily. The other is important for the coast cultures. It is unfortunate that it has not yet been fully studied. The islands off the coast of Peru have long been famous for their deposits of guano. These lie in masses of enormous thick- ness. Markham says that two and one-half feet a century is approximately the rate of accumulation. The rate no doubt fluctuated slightly, but the careful investigations made by Mark- " Gonzalez de la Rosa, 1909; Means, 1917, p. 244. 388 Philip Ainsworth Means, ham have led him to accept the above rate as a fair average. According to Gonzalez de la Rosa, antiquities occur in the guano at depths varying from nine feet to forty or more.^^ This means that in 1870 (at which date the investigations w^ere made) the antiquities presumably varied in age from about four centuries (i. e. 9 feet gives a date of about 1450) to about sixteen cen- turies (i. e. 40 feet gives a date roughly equal to 200 A. D.). Perhaps future work will yield more detailed information as to which cultures are found at various depths in the guano. At all events, it seems possible that for want of a better criterion we must bear the evidence of the guano deposits in mind. It is now well for us to summarize and tabulate the general results of the evidence brought out by the foregoing discussion. Once again the reader is asked to remember that the dates here offered claim to be no more than roughly approximate guides to the imagination. An Approximate Chronology of the Early Cultures OF Peru.^^ Mountain Regions Primary Migrations Tiahuanaco I Coast Regions Primary Migrations and Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca Dates ? -200 A. D. Tiahuanaco II Coast Tiahuanaco II, followed by "Epigonal" and red-white-black wares 200-900 Colla-Chulpa period Continuance of (called "Tampu Tocco" above styles by Montesinos) 900-1100 Early Inca Chimu and Nasca 1 100-1400 Late Inca dominion approaching its zenith 1400-1530 " Gonzalez de la Rosa, 1908. " The reader is particularly reminded that there is much evidence to show that Proto-Chimu, Proto-Nasca and Tiahuanaco I all contributed A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 389 This brings us to the end of our subject. When, in 1531, the Spanish conquest of Peru began, the Inca dominion — Ttahua- ntin-suyu — was being torn to pieces by a civil war between the legitimate ruler, Huascar and the usurper Atahualpa. Subse- quent evolution in Peruvian Art lies beyond the scope of the present work, towards the formation of Tiahuanaco II. Moreover, as Tiahuanaco II art grew older it became more and more complex, spreading, at the same time, into regions very far away from Tiahuanaco itself. The fact that the specimens of Tiahuanaco II art from the more distant regions often show the admixture of elements taken over directly and bodily from Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca art, shows that, even when Tiahuanaco II was approaching its end, the two early coast arts were still vigorous. The dates on the above table, therefore, should not be regarded as the terminal dates of the culture periods, but as the approximate dates at which each was at its strongest development. APPENDIX I : THE ARCHAIC TYPE. Dr. Herbert J. Spinden kindly wrote at the writer's request this summary of his views as to the significance of the "archaic type." "An archaic culture allied to that of Mexico and Central America seems once to have spread across Colombia and Ecuador to the coast of Peru. In Peru the culture has not been isolated in pure form — if we may use this chemical phrase in archae- ology— unless it should prove to be that which Uhle briefly describes from the earliest shell-heap remains at Ancon. He figures several heads that resemble very closely those of the lowermost horizon in Mexico and he finds associated with them pottery characterized by incised and plastic decoration.^ It need hardly be pointed out that the pottery of the Archaic horizon in the north is also characterized by plastic decoration and that when incised or painted decorations occur the designs are exceedingly simple. Highly "conventional" designs based upon an animal motive are not found in the truly archaic, but are characteristic of the second crop of cultures after religion and ceremony had developed to the point that it could react strongly upon art. "But in the absence of other data we may be permitted to rest our theory upon the presence in the coastal region of Peru of figurines presumably related to those of the Archaic horizon although found among the products of a later time. At Ancon, and at other sites as well, are found nude female figurines with the short stubby arms that are so characteristic of the products of the Archaic horizon from Mexico to Colombia. These figurines are usually moulded rather than modeled and it seems unlikely that moulds came into use until the upper archaic or even later. The standing pose is more common than the sitting one. In the American Museum collections there are perhaps twenty-five examples of these figurines, and others are reproduced by Putnam.- ^ Uhle, 1912, pp. 22-45. ' Putnam, 1914, Plate XIX. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. . 391 "In addition to female figurines there are many examples of pottery vessels from Ancon, Trujillo, etc., in which a human tigure is represented in a fashion that harks back to the archaic, namely with the elbows and knees both flexed and the former directly over the latter. Of course, in the cases of both the figurines and the vessels the qualities peculiar to Peruvian art had already become set. "The theoretical considerations that connect the spread of archaic ceramic art with the spread of agriculture are very strong. No one can get away from the fact that maize, beans and squashes constitute four species (Zea mays, Phaseolus vulgaris, Cucurbita maxima, and C. pepo) wherever agriculture is found in America. The Lima bean (Phaseolus lunatus) had a more restricted use. "It seems not unreasonable to suppose that careful research will bring to light more evidence on the occurrence of figurines of early type. These objects may have been neglected in favor of those of greater artistic interest. For instance, Dorsey, in discussing the finds on the Island of La Plata, says : — " 'Practically all this pottery was in fragments, only two pieces were found in perfect condition. With the exception of not more than a dozen pieces, all the fragments were parts of small images in the form of human figures. . . . From fragments representing perhaps a thousand images not more than half a dozen pieces were found which bore any trace of paint. . . . All the pottery, with a very few exceptions, is hand made; that is, it was not made in a mould, which was commonly employed on the mainland of Ecuador and throughout a large extent of Peru.'=* "Many of the fragments figured by Dorsey are distinctly archaic in treatment. Of course it might be argued that the archaism is absolute rather than relative but a comparison of special features gives ample evidence of transitions from one region to the next." To these remarks by Dr. Spinden the writer would like to add a few of his own. As has been said, the "archaic type" is stratigraphically the earliest in Middle America. Therefore, if it does occur in South ^Dorsey, G. A., igor, pp. 266-267. 392 Philip Ainsworth Means, America it must be expected to be the earliest there also. If one is to believe that the "archaic type" was a very early type which spread all over the northern half of Latin America, must not one also assume that the various later cultures were devel- oped from it in the several regions involved? Such a develop- ment would occur after religion and ceremony had gained considerably in strength, as Dr. Spinden says. On the other hand, if the "archaic type" is looked upon as a cultural land- mark rather than as a culture in itself, the finding of it in the wide area mentioned does not prove much. In other words, if we are to believe that all art at some time or other passes through a stage wherein it shows "archaic type" characters, the mere fact that art with archaic characters is found in both Middle America and South America does not mean much. The writer, however, finds that the former interpretation is the better. There can be but little doubt as to the absolute priority in point of time of the archaic culture of the Peruvian shell-heaps. The work of Uhle has shown that in Peru, as in Middle America, the earliest culture of all was the archaic type, and we now know that this type was uniform throughout Middle America and on the Peru- vian coast. It is the foundation whereon all other cultures were built. APPENDIX II. A TABLE TO SHOW ROUGHLY THE CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE EARLY PERUVIAN CULTURE PERIODS. Names. Proto-Chimu. Areas. The coast from Tum- bez to Ancon. Remarks. Characterized by realism and light tonality. Proto-Nasca. The coast from Pacha- camac to Arica. Distinguished by conven- tionalization and rich color- ing. Tiahuanaco I. In the mountains, from Samaipata to Cuzco, and especially about Lake Titicaca. A culture rich in architec- tural remains. Endowed with a stone technique. Not like P-C or P-N, possibly Ara- .wakan. Tiahuanaco II. "Epigonal" and Red-white-black. In mountains and on Probably a complex of the coast, from Colombia to three foregoing cultures. Argentina and Chile. On the Peruvian coast. Decadent forms of Tiahu- anaco II culture. Chimu and Nasca. On the Peruvian coast. Revival of some of the features of Proto-Chimu and Proto-Nasca. CoUa-Chulpa. Around Lake Titicaca. Low culture with faint traces of Tiahuanaco II in- fluence. Early Inca. Cuzco region. Beginning of new period in the mountains. Inca "Empire." From Ancasmayo in The last pre-Columbian Ecuador to Maule in culture. Graceful forms, re- Chile, strained coloring. Separates contemporaneous cultures. — — — Separates partly contemporaneous cultures. Separates non-contemporaneous cultures. BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WORKS REFERRED TO IN THIS PAPER. ABBREVIATIONS AA American Anthropologist. AASP American Antiquarian Society Proceedings. AJA American Journal of Archaeology. AJS American Journal of Science. AMJ American Museum Journal. APAMNH Anthropological Papers American Museum of Natural History. BAE Bureau of American Ethnology. BGA Berliner Gesellschaft fiir Anthropologic. BSGL Boletin de la Sociedad Geografica de Lima. 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Boas Memorial Volume, pp. 193-195, New York. 1909. The Fish in Ancient Peruvian Art. Putnam Anni- versary Volume, pp. 127-136. 1916. Ancient Peruvian Cloths. AMJ, XVI, pp. 389-393. 1916b. Conventionalized Figures in Ancient Peruvian Art. APAMNH, XII. Means, Philip Ainsworth. 1917. Culture Sequence in the Andean Area. ICA, Nine- teenth Session, pp. 236-252, Washington. 1917b. History of the Spanish Conquest of Yucatan and of the Itzas. Peabody Museum Papers, vol. VII. Cambridge, Mass. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 399 MiDDENDORF, E. W. 1894-95. Peru Berlin, 3 vols. MoNTESiNos, Fernando. 1840. Memoires historiques sur I'ancien Perou. Edited by Ternaux-Compans, Paris. 1882. Historia antigua del Peru. Edited by Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, Madrid. MORLEY, SyLVANUS GrISWOLD. 1910. Correlation of Maya and Christian Chronology. AJA, XIV, pp. 193-204. 1915. An Introduction to the Study of Maya Hieroglyphs. BAE, Bulletin 57. NORDENSKJOLD, BaRON ErLAND. 1902. Pracolumbische Salzgewinnung in Puna de Jujuy. BGA, 1902, pp. 336-341. 1906. Ethnologischen und archaeologischen Forschungen im Grenzgebiet zwischen Peru und Bolivia. ZE, XXXVIII, pp. 80-99. 1906b. Arkeologiska Urdersokningar in Perus och Bolivias. Stockholm. Oyarzun, Aureliano. 1910. Contribucion al estudio de la influencia de la civiliza- cion peruana sobre los aborigenes de Chile. ICA, Seventeenth Session, pp. 354-397. Polo Jose Toribio. 1899. La Piedra de Chavin. BSGL, IX, p. 192 ff. and 262 ff. 1901. Indios Uros del Peru y Bolivia. BSGL, X, pp. 445-482. Posnansky, Arthur. 1910. Tiahuanacu y las razas y monumentos prehistoricos. ICA, Seventeenth Session, pp. 267-68. 191 1. Tiahuanacu y la civilizacion prehistorica. . . BSGLP, IX, pp. 1-53. 1911b. Razas y monumentos prehistoricos del altiplano andino. TCCC, XI, pp. 2-142. 1913. El signo escalonado. . . . Berlin. 1913b. Una falsa critica de Max Uhle. Berlin. 1913c. Die Altertiimer von Tiahuanacu. ZE, XLV, pp. 178- 186. 1914. Una metropoli prehistorica en la America del sud. Berlin. 400 Philip Ainszvortli Means, Putnam, Edward K. 1914. The Davenport Collection of Nazca and other Peruvian Pottery. PDAS, XIII, pp. 17-40. QyiROGA, Adan. 1901. La Cruz en America. Buenos Aires. Read, Sir C. Hercules. 1904. On two Pottery Vessels from the Upper Amazon. Man, IV, No. 32. Reiss, Wilhelm, and Stubel, Alphons. 1880-87. The Necropolis of Ancon. Berlin. RiVERO Y USTARIZ, MaRIANO EdUARDO DE, AND VON TSCHUDI, JoHANN Jakob. 1 85 1. Antigiiedades Peruanas. Vienna, 2 vols. Rivet, P. ; See Verneau and Rivet. Ross, Denman Waldo. 1901. Design as a Science. PAAS, XXXVI, pp. 357-374- 1907. A Theory of Pure Design. Boston. Sancho, Pedro. 1849. Relacion de la conquista del Peru. Mexico. Sarmiento de Gamboa, Pedro. 1907. History of the Incas. Edited by Sir Clements R. Markham. Sartiges. 185 1. Voyage . . . dans I'Amerique du Sud. Revue des Deux Mondes. 1851. Saville, Marshall H. 1907-10. Antiquities of Manabi. New York, 2 vols. Seler, Eduard. 1893. Peruanische Altherthiimer. Berlin. Simoens da Silva, a. C. 1912. Points of Contact of the Prehistoric Civilizations of Brazil and Argentina with those of the Pacific Coast Countries. ICA, Eighteenth Session, pp. 302-310. Spinden, Herbert J. 1913. A Study of Maya Art. Peabody Museum Memoirs, VI. Cambridge, Mass. 191 5. Notes on the Archeology of Salvador. AA, (n. s.) XVII, pp. 446-491. 1916b. Portraiture in Central American Art. Holmes Memo- rial Volume, pp. 434-450. A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art. 401 Squier, E. George. 1877. Peru .... the Land of the Incas. New York. Stubel, Alphons, and Uhle, Max. 1892. Die Ruinenstatte von Tiahuanaco. Breslau. Torres Rubio, Diego de. 1616. Arte de la lengua Aymara. Lima. VON TSCHUDI, JOHANN JaKOB. 1868. Reisen dtirch Sudamerika. Leipzig, 5 vols. Tozzer, Alfred j\L 1916. The Domain of the Aztecs. . . . Holmes Memorial Volume, pp. 464-468. Uhle, Max. 1901. La antigua civilizacion peruana. BSGL, X, p. 93 ff. 1902. Types of Culture in Peru. AA, (n. s.) IV, pp. 753-759. 1903. Pachacamac. Philadelphia. 1908. Uber die Fruhkulturen in der Umgebung von Lima. ICA, Sixteenth Session, pp. 347-370. 1909. Peruvian Throwing-sticks. AA, (n. s.) XI, pp. 624- 627. 1910. Tipos de civilizacion en el Peru. BSGL, XXV, p. 289 ff. 1910b. Las relaciones prehistoricas entre el Peru y la Argen- tina. ICA, Seventeenth Session, pp. 509-540. 1910C. Los origenes de los Incas. ICA, Seventeenth Session, pp. 302-353. 1912. Die Muschelhiigel von Ancon. ICA, Eighteenth Ses- sion, pp. 22-45. 1913. Die Ruinen von Moche. JAP, X, pp. 95-117. 1913b. Zur Chronologic der alten Culturen von lea. JAP, X, PP- 341-367- 1914. The Nazca Pottery of Ancient Peru. PDAS, XIII. Verneau, R., and Rivet, P. 1912. Ethnographic ancienne de I'Equateur. Paris. Vocabulario Poliglota Incaico. 1905. Lima. Wiener, Charles. 1880. Perou et Bolivie. Paris. Young, Jennie J. 1879 The Ceramic Art. New York. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. PLATE I. Fig. I. A Proto-Chimu vessel showing two hunting-scenes, one modelled and one painted in dark brown on a cream- colored slip. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 2. A Proto-Chimu vessel with a modelled scene represent- ing some ceremony, and an engraved landscape. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 3. A somewhat grotesque Proto-Chimu vessel of the portrait type. Note the fangs and the feather-like headdress. ^ Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 4. A portrait, probably belonging to the Proto-Chimu culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 5. A dipper-shaped Proto-Chimu vessel adorned by a conventionalized starfish or octopus. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. PLATE IL Fig. I. A Proto-Nasca vessel of the semi-realistic type. Note realistic hands and the modelling of the head. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 2. A Proto-Nasca vessel with some realism, especially in the spears and spear-thrower. Note the eye-painting, and the type of dress. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. 404 Philip Ainsworth Means, Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca bowl showing Centipede-God motif. Note four-digit hands. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 4. A Proto-Nasca vessel with two narrow spouts. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 5. A Proto-Nasca vessel decorated with the Multiple- headed God motif. Note the four digit-hands. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 6. A semi-realistic modelled vessel, of the Proto-Nasca culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. PLATE III. Fig. I. A Proto-Nasca vessel. Note the headdress, the mouth- mask, the ribbon-and-ring decorations, and the conven- tionalized spear-thrower. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 2. A Proto-Nasca vessel with a variant of the Centipede God motif. Note the four-digit hands and the pro- truding tongue. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca vessel. Note the feather-like mouth- mask, the ribbon-and-ring decorations, and the bilateral symmetry of the design. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. PLATE IV. Fig. I. An embroidered Proto-Nasca textile. Note the head- dress, mouth-mask, and the four digit-hands. List of Illustrations. 405 Courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 2. A Froto-Nasca vessel decorated with a variant of the Centipede God motif and with a painted human face. Note the four-digit hands, the protruding tongue and the "tears." Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 3. A Proto-Nasca textile. Note the headdress, the mouth- mask, the four-digit hand, and the elaborately decorated protruding tongue. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. PLATE V. A richly embroidered Proto-Nasca textile. The design combines elements from the Centipede God motif with elements from the Multiple-headed God motif. Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts. PLATE VL A large and beautiful embroidered Proto-Nasca gar- ment. Made entirely of wool. Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts. PLATE Vn. The Weeping God on the monolithic gateway at Tia- huanaco. Photograph by courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cam- bridge, Massachusetts. PLATE VHL Fig. I. A finely woven garment, probably of the Tiahuanaco H culture. 4o6 Pliilip Aifisworih Means, Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 2. A garment from the coast of Peru, probably of the Tiahuanaco II culture. Courtesy of Dr. Denman Waldo Ross and of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts. PLATE IX. The Greater Cliavin Stone. Photograph by courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cam- bridge, Massachusetts. PLATE X. Two textiles, either late Tiahuanaco II or Epigonal. Note the results of long-continued conventionalization and elaboration. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. PLATE XI. Fig. I. A Red-white-black ware vase. Note the headdress, the modelled face and the painted animal-figure. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 2. A Red-white-black ware vessel in the form of a cat-like animal. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 3. A Black-ware vessel, Chimu culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 4. A Black-ware flask, Chimu culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. Fig. 5. A Black-ware vessel, Chimu culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. List of Illustrations. 407 Fig. 6. A Black-ware flask, Chimu culture. Courtesy of the Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Massa- chusetts. PLATE XII. Fig. I. A Chimu textile. Note the combination of geometric decoration with greatly conventionalized animal-heads or bird-heads. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Fig. 2. A very fine pouch, Chimu culture. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. PLATE XIII. Fig. I. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus of exquisite shape, deco- rated with C[uipu motif. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig. 2. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus, decorated with rectilinear meander. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. PLATE XIV. • Fig. I. . An Inca or Cuzco pelike, decorated with lines-and-cross motif. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig. 2. A deep bowl with handles, Inca or Cuzco type. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig. 3. A shallow dish, decorated with saw-tooth motif and with diamond-motif. Note the handle in the form of a human head. Inca or Cuzco type with influence from the art of the coast. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Cotmecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. 4o8 Philip Ainsworth Means. Fig. 4. A shallow dish, Inca or Cuzco type. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. PLATE XV. Fig. I. An Inca or Cuzco aryballus. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig. 2. An Inca or Cuzco vessel. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig 3. A vessel with anthropomorphic decorations. Although the specimen was found at Machu Picchu, it may have been carried there from the coast. It is of the Chimu type, not of the Inca or Cuzco type. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. Fig. 4. A vessel combining Chimu art with Inca or Cuzco art. Compare with Figure 3. Yale Collection ; courtesy of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. PLx\TE XVI. Two Inca or Cuzco type ponchos. Very rich in color, and beautifully woven. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. PLATE XVII. Two Inca or Cuzco type textiles. Courtesy of the American Museum of Natural History, New York City. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE I. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE II. Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI. PLATE III. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLA.TE IV. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE V. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE VI. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATK VII. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE VIII. Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI. PLATE IX. r:. sL ( I »"-»"i "iV'iH bM ' ,<- c 311 '■-' V 1 ^k , ^ 4 ^T^itl ,( wl ft Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI. PLATE X. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE XI. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE XII. Trans. Conn. Aead. Vol. XXI. PLATE XIII. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE XIV. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE XV. Trans. Conn. Acad. "Vol. XXI. PLATE XVI. Trans. Conn. Acad. Vol. XXI. PLATE XVII. For particulars regarding the previous Transactions of the Connecticut Academy, Address the Librarian, Andrew Keogh, Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U. S. A. CONTENTS OF VOLUME 19 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE i-iio Fossil Birds in the Marsh Collection of Yale Uni- versity, by R. W. Shufeldt (Feb. 1915) $1.10 1 1 1-446 Middlemen in English Business, 1660-1760, by R. B. Westerfield (Feb. 1915) 3.40 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 20 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-131 The: Materials for the History of Dor, by George Dahl (May, 1915) $1.40 133-144 New Spiders from New England, XI, by J. H. Emerton . . .' .15 145-160 Canadian Spiders, II, by J. H. Emerton 15 161-240 The Historical Background of Chaucer's Knight, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Feb. 1916) .... i.oo 241-399 Rural Economy in New England at the Begin- ning of the Nineteenth Century, by Percy W. Bidwell (April, 1916) 2.00 CONTENTS OF VOLUME 21 OF THE TRANSACTIONS PAGES PRICE 1-144 The Last Months of Chaucer's E^arliest Patron, by Professor Albert S. Cook (Dec. 1916) .... $1.60 145-200 The Relationship of the Tetracoralla to the Hexa- coralla, by W. I. Robinson (Feb. 1917) . 40 201-313 The American Species of Marchantia, by Alex- ander W. Evans (March, 1917) 1.20 315-442 A Survey of Ancient Peruvian Art, by Philip Ainsworth Means (May, 1917) ' 1.50 3 2044 106 253 438 Date Due Jlf/r-^^^