+ Ee pe ecm inate, ees, ee ST err ne O- - eee > 7-8 PY YS = ta a ee al Ms _ Pr ee oe ee Tt ee A ee eta hat uh fire: Ea! Any nite ih il »> rs ; ; 5 \ z ° ee t ia ibe ; 4 4 i i i aa >) G é E ( q % f ‘ ‘ 3 ‘ i , ‘ i TRANSACTIONS AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, ~ HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, FOR PROMOTING USEFUL KNOWLEDGE. VOL. VII.—NEW SERIES. a a th % A cY 7 La ay mre coh a “SiS 2 PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY. Bhilavelphta: PRINTED BY WILLIAM S. YOUNG, PRINTER TO THE SOCIETY, No. 88, Nortu Sixtn STREET. 1841. \ g ek? SS national acne mene Rian taco we Yaa ; J PQthat 2 park , 0 foblowr: fart TL, Soft, 18¥0, Hp. (“erfig prmrercted | A mtg Y Sah, 18.) fark ©, hol, 181, Pf. ne ( imal eae font IZ, prt! eta ane oe. (tard om te txble" at moertine 0 Apritr,” ) EXTRACT FROM THE LAWS OF THE SOCIETY RELATING TO THE TRANSACTIONS, 1. The Transactions shall be published in numbers, at short intervals, under the direction of the Committee of Publication. 2. Every communication to the Society, which may be considered as intended for a place in the Transactions, shall immediately be referred to a committee to consider and report thereon. 3. If the committee shall report in favour of publishing the communication, they shall make such corrections therein, as they may judge necessary to fit it for the press; or if they shall judge the publication of an abstract or extracts from the paper to be most eligible, they shall accompany their report with such abstract or extracts. But if the author do not approve of the corrections, abstract, or extracts, reported by the committee, he shall be at liberty to withdraw his paper. 4, The order in which papers are read before the Society shall determine their places in the Transactions, priority of date giving priority of location. COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION. Isaac Lea. Isaac Hays, M. D. J. Francis Fisher. ies, se siie A ote Det ic erate en vt iH : kg f auras OFFICERS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY FOR THE YEAR 1841. PATRON, His Excellency the Governor of Pennsylvania. PRESIDENT, Peter S. Du Ponceau. VicE-PRESIDENTS, Joseph Hopkinson, Nathaniel Chapman, Robert M. Patterson. ( Franklin Bache, } John K. Kane, 1 Alexander D. Bache, {_Robley Dunglison. SECRETARIES, CounsELLors elected for three years. ( William Short, | George Ord, LB LSCE \ Joseph Henry, LC. C. Biddle. ( Nicholas Biddle, Thomas Biddle, 1 Governeur Emerson, \J. Francis Fisher. in 1840, ( Robert Hare, ! William Hembel, Jun. In 1841, 5 ©. D. Meigs. (Henry Vethake. CuRATORs, Isaac Hays, John P. Wetherill, Franklin Peale. TREASURER and LIBRARIAN, John Vaughan. vil.—6 LIST OF MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY, Elected since the Publication of the Sixth Volume. Theodoric Romeyn Beck, M. D., of Albany. Richard C. Taylor, of Philadelphia. Thomas U. Walter, of Philadelphia. John Penington, of Philadelphia. Eugene A. Vail, of Paris. Charles Riimker, of Hamburg. John Washington, Captain, Royal Navy. Rev. Charles Gutzlaff, of Macao. Elias Loomis, of Western Reserve College, Ohio. Stephen Alexander, of Princeton College, New Jersey. Judah Dobson, of Philadelphia. John Forbes, M. D., of Chichester, England. Michael Faraday, F.R.S., of London. Rey. C. R. Demmé, D. D., of Philadelphia. John J. Vanderkemp, of Philadelphia. Rev. Philip Milledoler, D. D., of New Jersey. Pedro de Angelis, of Buenos Ayres. Isaac Wayne, of Pennsylvania. Samuel D. Ingham, of Pennsylvania. George M. Dallas, of Philadelphia. Martin H. Boyé, of Philadelphia. Hartman Kuhn, of Philadelphia. F. W. Bessel, of Koénigsberg. William R. Fisher, M. D., of Philadelphia. Rev. William H. Furness, of Philadelphia. LIST OF NEWLY ELECTED MEMBERS. Francis Beaufort, Captain, Royal Navy. Paul B. Goddard, M. D., of Philadelphia. W. H.C. Bartlett, of the Military Academy, West Point. George M. Wharton, of Philadelphia. George Washington Smith, of Philadelphia. Robert Were Fox, of Falmouth, England. John Sanderson, of Philadelphia. Francisco Martinez de la Rosa, of Madrid. James D. Graham, Major U. S. Topographical Engineers. J. B. B. Eyries, of Paris. Charles Bonnycastle, of the University of Virginia. Francois P. G. Guizot, of France. Bernardo Quaranta, of Naples. David Irvin, U. S. Judge, of Wisconsin. Adolph C. P. Callisen, M. D., of Copenhagen. William Rawle, of Philadelphia. Rev. Benjamin Dorr, D. D., of Philadelphia. John A. Stephens, of New York. Tobias Wagner, of Philadelphia. OBITUARY NOTICE. Since the publication of the last volume of these Transactions, the following members have been reported as deceased: Francis Nichols, of Philadelphia. Mathew Carey, of Philadelphia. Levett Harris, of Philadelphia. William Sullivan, of Boston. Jonathan Sewell, of Quebec. John Newnan, M. D. Robert Perceval, M. D., of Dublin. Benjamin Allen, LL. D. John Frederick Blumenbach, M.D., F.R.S., of Gottingen. Joseph Parrish, M.D., of Philadelphia. William Maclure. William H. Keating, of Philadelphia. Lucien Bonaparte, Prince of Canino. Sylvanus Godon. Charles Bonnycastle, of the University of Virginia. Benjamin R. Morgan, of Philadelphia. James Prinsep, of Calcutta. J. P. F. Deleuze. CONTENTS. Laws of the Society relating to the Transactions. - - - - = Officers of the Society for the Year 1841. - - = = s : List of the Members of the Society elected since the Publication of the Sixth Volume. - Obituary Notice. - - - - - - - - 3 a ARTICLE I. Observations to determine the Magnetic Dip at various places in Ohio and Michigan. By Elias Loomis, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College. Ina letter to Sears C. Walker, Esq., M.A. P.S. - - - - ARTICLE II. 1. Letter from the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff to John Vaughan, Esq., on the Chinese System of Writing. 2. Letter from Mr. Duponceau to the same, ordered by the Society to be published with the preceding one, to which it is an answer. = - : = = ARTICLE III. On the Extrication of the Alkalifiable Metals, Barium, Strontium, and Calcium. By Robert Hare, M. D., Professor of Chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania. - - ARTICLE IV. Astronomical Observations made at Hudson Observatory, Latitude 41° 14’ 37” North, and Longitude 5h. 25m. 42s. West; with some Account of the Building and Instruments. By Elias Loomis, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College, Hudson, Ohio. - - - - - - - VII.—c 31 43 x CONTENTS. ARTICLE V. Description of an Apparatus for Deflagrating Carburets, Phosphurets, or Cyanides, in Vacuo or in an Atmosphere of Hydrogen, with an account of some Results obtained by these and by other means; especially the Isolation of Calcium. By Robert Hare, M.D. - ARTICLE VI. Upon a new Compound of the Deuto-Chloride of Platinum, Nitric Oxide, and Chloro- hydric Acid. By Henry D. Rogers, Professor of Geology in the University of Penn- sylvania, and Martin H. Boyé, Graduate of the University of Copenhagen. - - ARTICLE VII. On the Longitude of Several Places in the United States, as deduced from the Observations of the Solar Eclipse of September 18th, 1838. By E. Otis Kendall, Professor of Mathe- matics in the Central High School of Philadelphia. - - . - - ARTICLE VIII. On the Patella Amena of Say. By Isaac Lea. - - - E = - ARTICLE IX. Observations of the Magnetic Intensity at twenty-one Stations in Europe. By A. D. Bache, LL. D., President of the Girard College for Orphans, one of the Secretaries of the Ame- rican Philosophical Society, &c., dc. - - - - - - - ARTICLE X. Additional Observations of the Magnetic Dip in the United States. By Elias Loomis, Pro- fessor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College. - - ARTICLE XI. On a new Principle in regard to the Power of Fluids in Motion to produce Rupture of the Vessels which contain them; and on the Distinction between accumulative and instanta- 33 59 67 73 75 101 CONTENTS. neous Pressure. By Charles Bonnycastle, Professor of Mathematics in the University of Virginia. = - - - - E - = = = ARTICLE XII. On the Storm which was experienced throughout the United States about the 20th of De- cember, 1836. By Elias Loomis, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College. - - - - - - - - ARTICLE XIII. Observations on Nebule with a Fourteen Feet Reflector, made by H. L. Smith and E. P. Mason, during the year 1839. By E. P. Mason. - - - - . ARTICLE XIV. Engraving and Description of an Apparatus, and Process, for the rapid Congelation of Water, by the explosive Evolution of Ethereal Vapour, consequent to the combined influence of Rarefaction and the absorbing Power of Sulphuric Acid. By Robert Hare, M. D. - ~ ARTICLE XV. On the Insufficiency of Taylor’s Theorem as commonly investigated; with Objections to the Demonstrations of Poisson and Cauchy, and the assumed Generalization of Mr. Pea- cock; to which are added a new Investigation and Remarks on the Development and Continuity of Functions. By Charles Bonnycastle, Professor of Mathematics in the University of Virginia. - - - - - - = = is ARTICLE XVI. Notice of the Oolitic Formation in America, with Descriptions of some of its Organic Re- mains. By Isaac Lea. - : - - - - : E ARTICLE XVII. Observations to determine the horizontal Magnetic Intensity and Dip at Louisville, Ken- tucky, and at Cincinnati, Ohio. By John Locke, M. D., Professor of Chemistry in the Medical College of Ohio. : - - - > - - - Xl 113 125 165 215 217 251 261 xii CONTENTS. ARTICLE XVIII. Observations upon the Meteors of August. By C. G. Forshey, City Engineer of Natchez, and late Professor of Mathematics and Civil Engineering, Jefferson College, Mississippi. ARTICLE XIX. On the Change effected in the Nitrates of Potash and Soda by the limited Application of Heat, with the View of obtaining pure Oxygen, by which they are only partially con- vertible into Hypo-nitrites: also on a Liquid and a gaseous ethereal Compound, resulting from the reaction of nascent hypo-nitrous Acid with the Elements of Alcohol. By Ro- bert Hare, M. D., Professor of Chemistry in the University of Pennsylvania. - 2 ARTICLE XX. ; Descriptions of new Species and Genera of Plants in the natural Order of the Composirz, collected in a Tour across the Continent to the Pacific, a Residence in Oregon, and a Visit to the Sandwich Islands and Upper California, during the years 1834 and 1835. By Thomas Nuttall. - - - - - - - - - ARTICLE XXI. Description of Nineteen new Species of Colimacea. By Isaac Lea. - - - Donations to the Library and Cabinet. —- - . - : = . 265 277 283 455 467 TRANSACTIONS OF THE AMERICAN PHILOSOPHICAL SOCIETY. ARTICLE 1. _ Observations to determine the Magnetic Dip at various places in Ohio and Michi- gan. By Ehas Loomis, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College. In a letter to Sears C. Walker, Esq., M. A. P. S. Read June 21st, 1839. Tue instrument employed for the following observations was made by Gam- bey, for Western Reserve College. ‘The vertical circle upon which the dip is read is graduated to ten minutes, which I am accustomed to divide, by esti- mation, to single minutes, by the aid of two microscopes attached to the glass case which covers the instrument. ‘This circle is made of copper, and plated with silver. The horizontal circle is graduated to half degrees, and reads by a vernier to single minutes. The axis of the needle rests upon agate supports, and is centred by two copper y’s. A sensitive level is attached to the instru- ment, which rests upon three adjusting screws. The two needles which accompany the instrument are each of them nine inches and six tenths in lenoth. ‘Their breadth, in the middle, is a half inch, and they terminate at each extremity in a sharp point. They have, throughout, a uniform thickness of about the fortieth of an inch. VII.—A 2 OBSERVATIONS TO DETERMINE THE MAGNETIC DIP The observations were invariably made in an open area, at the distance of several rods from any building, or any apparent local cause of attraction. Par- ticular care was taken to remove all iron in the form of knives, keys, &c. The instrument was placed upon a solid block of wood of convenient height, and levelled. The vertical circle was then turned in azimuth until the needle assumed a vertical position, and the azimuth read off from the horizontal circle. The needle was then turned upon its supports, (the north extremity of the axis to the south,) and the observation repeated. Needle No. 1, in which the dis- tribution of the magnetism was most uniform, was always used for this pur- pose, and the two readings ordinarily differed by less than a degree. The mean of the two was taken as indicating the vertical plane at right angles to the magnetic meridian. In order to test the degree of accuracy of which the method is susceptible, I made repeated observations at Hudson, where I had a meridian mark, and knew the variation of the needle. The preceding method was found to give the magnetic meridian within a fraction of a degree. Let us inquire what influence such an error would produce upon the observed dip. Put 6 = the dip in the magnetic meridian. 6’ = the dip im any vertical plane. A = the magnetic azimuth of the plane in which 0’ is observed. Then we shall have tang 6’ = tang 0. sec. A.; from which formula we learn that at Hudson the dip increases less than one minute, from being observed two degrees out of the magnetic meridian. The method employed for determining the magnetic meridian possesses, therefore, all the accuracy which could be desired for this purpose. Both needles were observed at each station, and an equal number of times. In needle No. 1 the magnetic axis was found always to coincide very nearly with the geometrical axis. Although I have reversed the poles more than a dozen times, the inclination of the magnetic axis to the geometrical has never exceeded a small fraction of a degree. In needle No. 2, although it has been magnetized in the same way, and its poles reversed the same number of times, the magnetic axis has invariably been found quite oblique to the geometrical axis, the inclination varying from one to three degrees. [or reversing the poles I always employ a bar magnet of about a foot in leneth. I draw the flat side of one half the needle over a pole of the magnet; then the opposite side AT VARIOUS PLACES IN OHIO AND MICHIGAN. 3 over the same pole. The other half of the needle I apply, in a similar manner, to the opposite pole of the magnet, and repeat the entire operation three times. In each set of observations the poles of the needles are reversed, and the same number of observations made in the two magnetic states of the needle. My mode of observing is as follows:—Having brought the plane of the vertical circle into the magnetic meridian by the method already explained, with the face of the instrument to the east, and the marked side of the needle also to the east, I read off the graduation at both extremities of the needle. I do not, ordi- narily, wait for the needle to come to a state of entire rest, but when the are of vibration is reduced to ten or fifteen minutes; take the mean of the extreme oscillations. Without disturbing the position of the instrument, I now vibrate the needle, centring it, and at the same time checking its vibrations by the cop- per y’s. When the arc of vibration is sufficiently reduced, I read off again, as before. I repeat the same operation five times, thus obtaining ten readings in the same position of the instrument and needle. ‘These readings are commonly nearly identical. In two or three instances, however, the extreme readings have differed from each other to the amount of about forty minutes. ‘This occasional sluggishness of the needle may, perhaps, be ascribed to moisture, or minute particles of dust settling upon the axis of the needle and upon the agate supports, and acting, by friction, to retain the needle at rest, though out of the position it would naturally assume. Leaving still the instrument in its first position, I turn the east side of the needle to the west, and make ten read- ings as before. ‘Turning, then, the face of the instrument to the west, I repeat the observations in the same order, making forty readings in one magnetic state of the needle. Reversing the poles, I repeat the entire operation, which gives me eighty readings with one needle. ‘The other needle furnishes the same number of readings, making a hundred and sixty in all; and this is the number actually taken at each of the places mentioned below, with the exception of Hudson, where the observations were still more numerous. ‘The preceding method was adopted in all of the observations, with the exception of those made at Hudson in September, 1838, where only two readings (one of each pole) were made in each position of the needle, but the system of reversal was pre- cisely the same as that above described. A OBSERVATIONS TO DETERMINE THE MAGNETIC DIP Magnetic Dip at Hudson, Ohio. Latitude 41° 15' N.; Longitude 81° 24’ W. The place of observation was the college yard, distant several rods from the buildings, and the instrument was placed upon a solid block of wood, which was due north from the transit instrument of the observatory. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1838, Sept. 4 11—12, A.M. No. 2 16 72° 54/3 5 5—6, P. M. 1 16 40'5 6 11—12, A.M. 1 16 54 °3 6 Ce Ct 2 2 16 34 °8 7 11—12, A. M. 1 16 57 +2 20 10—11, A. M. 2 16 48 :1 Mean of 96 observations in September, 1888, . . . . - - - + «+ +» 72 48°2 1839, April 6 4—5, P.M. 1 80 72 46:9 26 9—11, A.M. 2 80 46 °5 27 9—11, A. M. 1 80 44 +3 May 1 9—11, A. M. 2 80 49 -4 Mean of 320 observations in April and May, 1839, . . .. .. . . 7 46:8 Magnetic Dip at Cleveland, Ohio. Latitude 41° 30’ N.; Longitude 81° 51’ WV. The place of observation was by the Lake shore, nearly in front of the Ame- rican Hotel. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings, Observed Dip. 1839, May 9, 8—12, A. M. No. 1 80 73° 217-2 6s 66 66 66 ) 80 30 “8 Mean of 168 observations with two needles, eis Rees A OER OO Magnetic Dip at Detroit, Michigan. Latitude 42° 19’ N.; Longitude 83° 3’ IV. The place of observation was an open area west of the city, and not far from the Michigan Exchange. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 11, 2—6, P.M. No. 1 80 73° 37/2 66 66 6é 66 2 80 48 “] Mean of 160 observations with two needles, Se RCo eee ear eames oh, Ziadial: AIPA C8) AT VARIOUS PLACES IN OHIO AND MICHIGAN. 5) Magnetic Dip at Ann Arbor, Michigan. Latitude 42° 18’ N.; Longitude 83° 45’ W. The place of observation was an open field, a few rods west of the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No, Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 14, 4—6, P. M. No. 1 80 73° «(6/5 oe ce 6c oe ) 80 21 2 Mean of 160 observations with two needles, ; eee Se SRO IP ROE Se OSE TST O Magnetic Dip at Ypsilanti, Michigan. Latitude 42° 14' N.; Longitude 83° 38’ W. The place of observation was a hill on the east side of Huron river, a few rods from the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 15, 12—2, P. M. No. 1 80 73° 1179 66 66 ce 66 2 80 94 “] Mean of 160 observations with two needles, 5 6 RB IS Magnetic Dip at Monroe, Michigan. Latitude 41° 55’ N.; Longitude 83° 28’ WW. Place of observation an open field, a few rods south-east of the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 16, 4—6, P. M. No. 1 80 73° 24/1 66 66 66 be 2 80 40 6 Mean of 160 observations with two needles, . See die) PH CON ERD CUlom oS Magnetic Dip at Toledo, Ohio. Latitude 41° 41’ N.; Longitude 83° 33’ W. Place of observation an open field, a few rods west of the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 17, 5—7, P. M. No. 1 80 viaje = (Wc. ee ce 66 66 9 80 10:2 Mean of 160 observations with two needles, i A ae eh cue ge eel eit cey Wome Ol Magnetic Dip at Maumee City, Ohio. Latitude 41° 34’ N.; Longitude 83° 38' W. Place of observation an open field, a few rods north of the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 18, 5—7, P. M. No. 1 80 72° 50’:8 66 66 66 ce 2 80 AT "4 Mean of 160 observations with two needles, . VII.—B 2 WO pid Made OR eB te at lene Re fod Oat YO)Cr | 6 OBSERVATIONS TO DETERMINE THE MAGNETIC DIP, ETC. Magnetic Dip at Sandusky City, Ohio. Latitude 41° 29' N.; Longitude 82° 48' W. Place of observation an open field, a few rods south of the village. Date. Hour. Needle. No. Readings. Observed Dip. 1839, May 20, 9—11, A. M. No. 1 80 73° «4070 66 6c 8G 60 2 80 72 55°6 Mean of 160 observations with two needles, . . «. ». « © © © « 6 »« 7 57°8 From the preceding observations, compared with such as have been made in other parts of the United States, and of which a collection may be seen in the American Journal of Science, Vol. xxxiv. p. 308, it will appear that the same dip is found in a higher latitude in the western than in the eastern states. The lines of equal dip, consequently, intersect the parallels of latitude, their direction being from about N. 82° W. to S. 82° E. ARTICLE IL 1. Letter from the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff to John Vaughan, Esq., on the Chinese System of Writing. Read June 21st, 1839. Macao, January 2d, 1839. Dear Sir, I am very much obliged for your valuable present of Mr. Duponceau’s Dissertation. Will you condescend to receive, for the library of your Society, the four books and five classics in Chinese. I have also requested Mr. Tracey, at Singapore, to forward to you, of all my Chinese works, both scientific as well as religious, a copy, with the contents noted at the covers in English. Not making, myself, any pretensions to learning, the grand object of my life has been practical usefulness. Providence having brought me in contact with all the nations that have adopted the Chinese character, I merely wish to com- municate the result of experience, without bias. 1st. China was the great focus of civilization, from whence it diverged to all the countries of Eastern Asia at a very early period of our era. The southern parts of the empire were completely overrun by Chinese colonists, the abori- gines driven into the mountains, and the country itself, including Tunkin and Annam, (though now for many centuries independent,) incorporated with the central kingdom. A constant influx took place into Corea, but the Chinese emigrants were less numerous in Japan and the Loo-Choo islands. 2d. The natives of those countries were as rude as the Germanic tribes when the Romans first invaded their forests, devoid even of the art of writing. 8 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. The Chinese, therefore, made them adopt their characters, and as they had for many ideas no words, introduced their own to make up their deficiency. 3d. By this process Chinese books became the literature of all the above named countries, and has remained so, exclusively, until this very day. Go- vernment availed itself of these characters to communicate its commands to the people; authors wrote in them, and every man of education studied the same with all the ardour of a native Chinese. Ath. Not only the works published by authors of those respective nations in the Chinese character, but every other work introduced from China, are consi- dered as a national property, which they share with other countries. Though well aware that the Chinese character was not of their invention, yet so many centuries have now elapsed since it was first made known, that they have ceased to view it as a foreign idiom. 5th. All the nations that adopted this mode of writing speak a language more or less distinct from the Chinese written idiom; and we may also add, that the oral medium of all the dialects spoken in China is very distinct from the language of books. This applies to all dialects, the Mandarin included, though the latter deviates less from the books written in a colloquial style. The Chinese, therefore, have to learn the meaning of the characters from teachers, who explain them in the dialect spoken amongst the people. The same is the case, in a greater measure, with the nations who adopted the Chi- nese character; few of the sounds with which they read them are current in conversation. ‘Though a Cochinchinese reads 5H dow, and also calls it dow, the head—a Japanese reads it tsze, and calls it kasera. A Fo-kéeen man reads it tow, and calls it tow kak, &c., whilst a Coréan, in many instances, adds the native appellation to the sound of the Chinese character. 6th. This is very clear, that the dialects spoken by the nations conversant with the Chinese character are very distinct from the idiom of the central kingdom. Both the Coréans, as well as the Japanese, have invented a sylla- bary, with which they write their own language, whilst every important busi- ness is transacted by means of the Chinese character. ‘The Cochinchinese have no such aid, but use, occasionally, the Chinese character in a contracted form, without any reference to its meaning, merely to express sound. 7th. Though it has been again and again said that sound was not inherent in the Chinese character, this axiom requires considerable modifications. A ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 9 great part of these signs are not pronounced by the Chinese at random, nor do the nations that have introduced them amongst themselves entirely abandon the analogy observed in reading them, though their modes vary very much. 8th. Having, myself, acquired the Japanese, as well as Cochinchinese, and also had intercourse with the Coréans, of whom several are now at Macao, I can only extol the ease with which one may communicate to them by means of the Chinese character, though not understanding a single word of their idiom. ‘This does not refer to the learned classes only, but to the very fisher- men and peasants, with only some exceptions. In the Loo-Choo islands men of distinction talk the Chinese with great fluency, but the bulk of the people speak a dialect of the Japanese, and use the Chinese character as well as the Japanese syllabary. 9th. It is, therefore, certain that the nations who have adopted the Chinese character attach the same meaning to it as the natives from whence it originally came, and that its construction is likewise retained, with scarcely any altera- tions. I have the pleasure of transmitting to you a copy of the Chinese Magazine, which I have now been publishing for several years. I, myself, possess a Cochinchinese dictionary, which I compiled some years ago, and also a Cam- bodian one. If your society wishes to publish the latter, it is at your service. Whatever I can do for promoting your objects will be readily undertaken; and I should be happy if you would continue your correspondence. I have the honour of subscribing myself, dear sir, Yours respectfully, (Signed) CHARLES GUTZLAFF. To Joun Vaucuan, Esa., Librarian to the American Philosophical Society. ViI.—C 10 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 2. Letter from Mr. Duponceau to the same, ordered by the Society to be published with the preceding one, to which tt 1s an answer. Read September 20, 1839. My Dear Sir, I have read, with great pleasure, the letter addressed to you by the Rev. Mr. Gutzlaff, dated Macao, the 2d of January, in the present year. I regret that that writer’s excessive medesty has induced him to confine himself to a statement of facts which, interesting as they are, do not afford the solution of the important questions which are the object of my “ Dissertation on the Nature and Character of the Chinese System of Writing.” Possessed as he is, not only of the Chinese language, in which he has written a universal history, but of those of Cochinchina and Japan, he appears to me to overstep the bounds of Christian humility in disclaiming all pretensions to learning; I wish, therefore, that your respectable correspondent had entered into more details on the sub- ject of which he treats, and not confined himself to generalities, as he appears to have done. I would have been happy to learn from him from what causes, in what manner, and to what extent the Chinese characters have become a kind of pasegraphy among those nations whom philologists distinguish by the name of Indo-Chinese. It is an object of curious inquiry, and which, when fully understood in all its bearings, will, in my humble opinion, throw consi- derable light on the history of the human mind. I am particularly struck with the spirit of candour and the love of truth which pervades the whole of Mr. Gutzlaff’s letter, therefore I am not disposed to controvert any thing that he asserts of his own knowledge; which, indeed, I should do with a very ill grace, as I cannot pretend to any thing like that knowledge he possesses of the Indo-Chinese languages, and their various sys- tems of writing; I therefore must be considered, in the observations I am going to make, as the disciple asking questions of his master. It is in that sense only that I desire to be understood. I fear that your learned correspondent has formed a higher opinion of the Chinese system of writing than I can bring my mind to acquiesce in. He ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. ify considers it to be @ gzgantic effort of human genius, and as performing what we should have deemed impossible.* Jor my part, I confess that I cannot see it in that exalted light. The invention of writing, generally, may be, and is still every where, and, probably, with justice so considered. Almost all nations have attributed that invention to their gods, or to their heroes, but when comparing the Chinese system with the syllabic and elementary alpha- bets, I do not think that its invention is to be attributed to a greater effort of human genius. It was naturally pointed out by the peculiar structure of the spoken language. ‘The analysis of sounds, separated from any meaning, required, indeed, an effort of the human mind; but when a language consisted only of a small number of monosyllables, each of which was a word, the most natural method that presented itself was to appropriate a written sign to each word, first by rude pictures of visible objects, afterwards by metaphorical images, and when these failed, then some new method, still founded on the system of a character or group of characters to each word, was gradually adopted, and at last methodized, when civilization had made sufficient progress to require it. For we must not believe that the Chinese system of writing was originally invented by philosophers, and came out complete, like Minerva from the head of Jupiter; it is more probable that it was the work of ages; and, indeed, the ancient illegible inscriptions that still exist are sufficient to con- vince us of it. The method that, in the end, has been adopted, to wit, the grouping of two or three words in their appropriate characters, to recall to the memory another word by something more or less connected with the idea that it represents, and the classing those groups under a certain number of keys or radicals is, indeed, ingenious; but I cannot see in it such an effort of the human mind as the analysis of unmeaning sounds which produced the syllabic and elementary alphabets. I believe, however, that the Chinese lezzgraphy (as I have taken the liberty to call it) is well suited to the language for which it was made, and that it would be no improvement to substitute for it a common syllabary or an elementary alphabet. ‘The reason is in the great number of hemophonous words in the Chinese language, which could not be so well dis- tinguished, in writing, from each other, as by the system now in use. ‘This ocular discrimination is the great advantage of the Chinese characters, which * Hist. of China, ec. iii. 1 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. prevents much obscurity and ambiguity in books, where it cannot be explained or corrected as in oral conversation. Yet, we are told by M. Remusat that the merchants and others in China, in their familiar correspondence, make use but of one character for each monosyllable of the language; but as M. Remusat never was in China, and could know that only from hearsay, I shall make no observation upon it. I wish, however, that your friendly correspondent would throw some light upon this subject, and let us know how far M. Remusat is supported by facts in the statement that he makes. But I am wandering from the main object that has induced me to address this letter to you. I wish to investigate, with the aid of your learned corre- spondent, if it can, without too much indiscretion, be obtained, the extent to which the Chinese characters serve as a means of communication between different nations who can neither speak nor understand each others’ oral lan- guage, and the causes by which such a remarkable effect is produced. I once doubted the fact, because it was asserted as the proof of the alleged superiority of the Chinese alphabet, independently of the languages to which it is applied, and as a kind of pasigraphic system that might be applied to every idiom; but farther reflection, and an attentive study of the peculiar structure of the Chi- nese language, satisfied me that that fact might be admitted to a certain extent; hence, in my Dissertation, and before that, in my letter to Captain Hall, which is annexed to it, I did not venture to deny it in general terms, but only men- tioned it as a subject requiring farther investigation; it is with a view to that investigation that I now address this letter to you. Your correspondent is very explicit in his statement of the fact which we are investigating. I beg leave to quote here his own words: “Having,” says he, “myself acquired the Japanese, as well as Cochinchi- nese, and also had intercourse with the Coréans, of whom several are now at Macao, I can only extol the ease with which one may communicate to them by means of the Chinese characters, though not understanding a single word of their idiom. ‘This does not refer to the learned classes only, but to the very fishermen and peasants, with only some exceptions. In the Loo-Choo islands men of distinction talk the Chinese with great fluency, but the bulk of the people speak a dialect of the Japanese, and use the Chinese characters as well as the Japanese syllabary.” ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 13 From these facts, which the writer asserts of his own knowledge, and, there- fore, which I am not disposed to controvert, he draws the following inference: “Tt is, therefore, certain that the nations who have adopted the Chinese cha- racter attach the same meaning to it as the natives from whence it originally came, and that its construction is likewise retained, with scarcely any altera- tions.” Here I must acknowledge that I find myself embarrassed. Fortunately the writer does not state this as a fact founded on his knowledge of those languages, but as a mere inference. Were it otherwise, it would have embarrassed me still more; for your learned friend would have been in contradiction, not only with the grammars and other works that we possess concerning those idioms, but also with learned and respectable missionaries, like himself, from whose assertions I cannot withhold my assent. Thus, the Rev. Mr. Medhurst, in his excellent work upon China, relates, (chapter 13th,) that among a number of books which he sent to Drs. Morrison and Milne, and either copied or caused to be copied for them, there were the four books of Confucius, in Chinese, with a Japanese translation imterlined, a work, says he, of incalculable importance, as showing that Chinese books, as they stand, are not intelligible to the mass of the Japanese, and need some addition, in order to general circulation. Anda little farther he says: “It appears, from a comparison of these books, that the Chinese books are not in general use in Japan, except when interlined mith Ja- panese.” ‘Vhus, in Roman Catholic countries, the liturgical books are given to the faithful in the Latin language, accompanied with a translation in the vernacular tongue. And yet the same gentleman, in the fourth chapter of the same work, no doubt written before he had seen the books above mentioned, and reflected upon them, speaks of the Chinese characters precisely as your correspondent does, and says that they are generally read and understood, not only through- out the vast empire of China, but throughout Cochinchina, Coréa, and Japan; and that not only the characters, but the stale, that is to say, the arrangement of the ideas, is likewise understood; which implies that in all those languages the structure, the metaphors, and the grammatical forms are the same, or nearly the same, which appears to be the opinion of your learned correspondent. You have seen how Mr. Medhurst afterwards corrects himself, with respect to the Japanese; and he seems to be astonished at his discovery, which, he says, is of V1I.—D 14 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. incalculable importance. And so, in fact, itis; but he does not seem to have sufficiently inquired into the cause of the fact that he points out, for he ascribes it to the difference between the Chinese and the Japanese systems of writing, the one being symbolic, as he conceives it, and the other al phabetical; whereas, in my opinion, it is rather to be attributed to the difference which exists be- tween the oral languages, to which the same system of writing cannot be applied. I speak here only of the Yom? or polysyllabic languages of the Ja- panese, which is properly their vernacular tongue. It is remarkable that these two gentlemen, Mr. Gutzlaff and Mr. Medhurst, both profess to be, and no doubt are, acquainted with the Japanese, as well as with the Chinese language; how, then, does it happen that they differ so widely on a subject which must be equally familiar to them both? With the most unfeigned respect for those venerable missionaries, 1 am forced to pre- sume that they have studied the Chinese and Indo-Chinese languages so as to make them subservient to the performance of the duties of their holy office, without paying much attention to them in a philological point of view, so that they have been led into, perhaps, too general conclusions from the facts which have come under their observation. ‘This appears to me to be sufficiently proved by the example of the Rev. Mr. Medhurst, who did not rectify his ideas on the subject of the Japanese language until an interlineal transiation, joined to a Chinese text, convinced him that the Chinese characters were not so fami- liar to the Japanese as he had conceived. In what I have ventured to write on the subject of the Chinese system of writing I have had no object in view but the discovery of truth. I found that subject involved in mystery; the Chinese characters represented by enthusiasm as something supernatural; their origin attributed to the philo- sophical combinations of a barbarous people; their effects magnified to a degree that exceeds belief; in short, I saw those characters raised to the rank of an original, of a universal language, to which spoken idioms were subordinate, and, as it were, auxiliary. My plain common sense revolted against those extra- vagant ideas, and I tried, with feeble means, to discover what that so much extolled system really was, and to bring it within the general rule by which it appears to me that all systems of writing are governed, which is to make it an ocular representation or image of spoken language, with which mankind began to communicate with each other, long before they thought of repre- ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 15 senting speech by figures or characters; I, therefore, submitted my views to the learned, in the hope of profiting by their knowledge, which so much ex- ceeds mine. Iam happy to find that they have been honoured with the notice of your correspondent, than whom, from his profound knowledge of the Chi- nese and Indo-Chinese languages, and their respective systems of writing, no one is better able to form a correct judgment upon the subject, and to throw light upon the obseurity im which it is still involved. I therefore submit to him, with due humility, the few observations that are to follow. I admit, without difficulty, the fact stated by your respectable friend, to wit, that he has seen Japanese, Coréans, and Cochinchinese communicate, with ease, with each other by means of the Chinese characters. He adds that they did so without understanding “one single word” of each others’ spoken lan- guage. This appears to me to be a very strong expression, which, perhaps, Mr. Gutzlaff will be disposed to modify. I shall not, however, contradict it for the present. This faculty, he says, is not confined to the learned classes, who speak the Chinese with great fluency, but extends to the very “fishermen and peasants.” ‘This cannot be meant to imply that all, or nearly all, the fish- ermen and peasants of those countries can read and write the Chinese; for Mr. Medhurst tells us that there are villages, even on the coast of China, where few, “if any,” of the inhabitants can either read or write. ‘This expression, therefore, must be understood in a restricted sense. The fact that persons who do not understand each others’ language can com- municate with ease by means of a common written character is, as I have already observed, important enough to require to be critically examined, parti- ticularly in respect to its extent and the causes which produce it. Nothing that has been written on the subject as yet satisfies me. ‘This phenomenon (if it may be so called) has been attributed to the almost magical powers of the Chinese alphabet; to its representing ideas unconnected with sounds; to its “ perma- nent perspicuity,’ as Dr. Marshman expresses himself; nothing has been said of the monosyllabic character of the languages which employ that lexigraphic alphabet, and of the similarity of their grammatical structure: the polysyllabic languages of Japan and other countries have been confounded with those, and, upon the whole, many things have been left obscure, which still require to be elucidated and. explained. Not only the Indo-Chinese nations, but the Chinese themselves, inhabitants of different provinces or districts, have been said to 16 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. interchange ideas merely in writing, because of their ignorance of each others’ dialects; all these things appear to me to demand investigation, and with this view I submit the following observations to your learned correspondent, in hopes that he will deign to favour us with his own. In order to observe some method in this examination, and for the sake of clearness, I shall consider, separately, the four following languages, or classes of languages, to wit:—1. The various dialects of the Chinese empire. 2d. The Annamitic languages. 3d. The languages of Japan and the Loo-Choo Islands. Ath. The Coréan. I shall not do this with a view to contradict the fact stated in a general manner by your learned friend, but to reconcile it, as far as will be in my power, to the natural order of things, and, if possible, to ascertain its extent and its causes. That several thousand written characters should serve as a means of communication between hundreds of millions of people, between provinces and districts, and even independent nations, who do not understand each others’ oral languages, is a fact that strikes, at first view, with wonder and astonishment. Mankind are now too enlightened to ascribe such things to causes out of the ordinary course of nature, or to gaze upon them with stupid wonder; they will quire and investigate, and will not be satisfied with theo- ries founded on mere conjecture. I have shown, in my Dissertation, what wild theories were recurred to, to explain this apparent phenomenon; theories which led to the absurd inference that the art of writing existed before the exercise of the natural gift of speech. It is time to adopt more rational con- clusions, and for that purpose facts must be collected and brought together in one point of view, so that fair deductions may be obtained from their con- centrated light. It is with this view that I submit the following facts and observations to the superior knowledge of your learned correspondent. I. Dialects of the Chinese Language. We are told by the Rev. Mr. Medhurst, in the Preface to his Dictionary of the Dialect of the Province of Fo kien, which he writes “ Fth-kéen,” and I know no other work of the same kind, that there are no less than two hundred of those dialects in the Chinese empire. The people of the different districts, it is said, or most of them, do not understand each other when speaking, but communicate together by means of the Chinese written language, as it 1s called. ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 1E7/ This, says Dr. Marshman, is to be attributed to the permanent perspicuity of the characters which he calls xazv’ s£oyyv, the Chinese language. ‘This is a strong fact, if true to the extent that it is represented. I fear, however, that there is in this a creat deal of exaggeration. Very little is known in this part of the world, and in Europe, respecting those dialects. It is said that a vocabulary of that of Canton has been printed at Macao or Serampore, (I do not remember which,) but it has never made its way to this country, at least that I know of. The indefatigable Mr. Medhurst has given us, as I have said before, a copious dictionary of the dialect of Fo-kien, but I do not feel myself competent to compare it with the pure Chi- nese, or, in other words, with the mandarin dialect; I leave that to your learned correspondent, who is skilled in both, and I shall content myself with stating facts, extracted from the works of the most approved authors. Dr. Marshman, in his Clavis Sinica, or Grammar of the Chinese Language, has a chapter entirely devoted to the dialects of the Celestial Empire. In that chapter, p. 560, he clearly describes the general character of those dialects, and their differences from the mandarin dialect, or pure Chinese. ‘“ Besides,” says he, ‘the difference of pronunciation, the modes by which the colloquial dia- lects are varied are generally three: the introduction of words which have no characters; the use of words to which certain spurious characters are affixed; and the application of certain characters in a sense not given them in the dictionaries. ‘The variations observable in the Canton dialect” (which, by the by, is the southernmost province of the empire, while Petchelee, in which Pekin is situated, is the northernmost) “do not affect the substantives; these, as well as most of the verbs, are the same as in the mandarin dialect, except as varied by a corrupt pronunciation. ‘The principal variations are in the pro- nouns.” These differences are very trifling; and it appears, also, that they consist as much in the alteration, substitution, and misapplication of the characters as in the spoken language. The greatest difference appears from Dr. Marshman’s statement to be in the pronunciation; and that, if carried to the extent which is Insinuated, would, in fact, prevent all oral communication between the inha- bitants of the different provinces, and reduce them to the necessity of con- versing in writing as well as they could. But, according to the relation of a learned English missionary, who is worthy of the highest credit, that difficulty VII.—E ; 18 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. of conversing orally does not appear to be, by any means, so great as it has been represented ; it appears to me, on the contrary, that there is no such diffi- culty at all, and that the inhabitants of China may converse, with the greatest ease, with those who speak the mandarin language, and be understood by them, notwithstanding the difference of their dialects. The Rev. Mr. Medhurst, whose various writings have thrown considerable light on this important subject, in his imteresting work entitled “China, its State and Prospects,” relates that, in the year 1835, he hired, at Canton, the brig Huron, for a voyage of several months along the eastern coast of China. Their object was to stop at every place where they could get admittance, to converse with the inhabitants and distribute to them Chinese Bibles, tracts, and other religious books. Mr. Medhurst took with him the Rev. Mr. Ste- vens, who had accompanied your correspondent, in 1831, on a similar voyage, and who was acquainted with the Chinese language. They sailed from Can- ton, and visited the whole coast and all the maritime provinces of the empire, except Petchelee, which is the northernmost, and where the capital of the empire is situated. They landed at a great number of towns and villages in the different provinces, and there freely conversed with the inhabitants, and distributed their books, sometimes with, and sometimes without interruption from the authorities. At every place where they landed they held conversa- tions, not only with the mandarins and officers of the government, but with persons of all descriptions, and with assembled multitudes, even in places where, as he says, “few of the inhabitants, 7f any, could either read or write.” There is not, at any time or at any place throughout the whole of this widely extended coast, containing several large provinces and a multitude of districts, the least mention made of an interpreter being employed or conversation carried on in writing, but every thing, as far as appears, was said, and all business transacted by word of mouth, always with the greatest ease. The pure Chinese or mandarin dialect would seem to have been the medium used. In one place the people wondered that foreigners could speak so purely the Chinese language; they believed the missionaries to be natives of the empire; in another they believed that as their emperor was the master of the whole world, there could be but one language on the face of the earth, and that was the Chinese. ‘The missionaries were acquainted with the dialect of Canton, and with three of those of the adjoiing province of Fo-kien, to wit, that of ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 19 Fo-kien proper, and those of the county of Chang-chow, and the district of Chang-poo, in the same province, with the natives of which they had had much communication in the Chinese colonies in the Indian seas; but they could not be familiar with the dialects of the more northern provinces which they visited; there must, therefore, have been a common medium of oral com- munication between them and the mhabitants. Why, then, was not the writ- ten medium, that universal language, as it is called, made use of, or even at any time or on any occasion called to their aid in those distant places? ‘This, I must confess, shakes my belief in a great degree; at least as far as respects China itself, where sinologists tell us that even those who can converse toge- ther in the mandarin tongue, even the learned mandarins, are sometimes obliged to trace characters with their fingers in the air, when they cannot make themselves understood by word of mouth. I suspect that there is here a great deal of exaggeration; no one is better able than your learned corre- spondent to explain it. Il. Annamitic Languages. We are now out of the limits of the Celestial Empire; but we have not yet taken leave of the Chinese race, to which the people of the country I am going to describe appear to me to belong. The country called Annam, or Anam, which means “the country of the south,” is situated on a tongue of land at the southern extremity of the China Sea. It is bounded to the north by the Chinese empire, to the east and south by the sea, and to the west by a chain of mountains, which separates it from the kingdom of Siam, and from the countries that are called the Birman empire. It contains the kingdoms of 'Tunkin and Cochinchina, to which the name of Annam is more especially applied, and the lesser states of Cambodia, Laos, and Ciampa. Of the languages of the last three we know absolutely nothing; we only presume that they are monosyllabic, like those of ‘Tunkin and Cochinchina. I see, with pleasure, that your correspondent has composed a dictionary of the Cambodian language, which he kindly offers to present to our society, who, I have no doubt, will receive with gratitude that valuable present, and be the first to make known the Cambodian language to America and Europe, as they have done the Cochinchinese. We may hope, hereafter, to become acquainted with the idioms of Laos and Ciampa. ‘There is nothing 20 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. that cannot be expected from the efforts of the zealous propagators of the Christian faith. The languages of Tunkin and Cochinchina are considered as the same, or nearly the same. They are both monosyllabic, and their grammatical structure does not appear to differ from that of the Chinese. Indeed, it would seem as if the simplicity of monosyllabic languages did not admit of much difference in their syntax. Mr. Naxcra, in his Dissertation on the Language of the Othoni Indians, which has been published in the fifth volume of the new series of our Transactions, has shown the most striking coincidences between the phraseology of that language and that of the Chinese. I am told that there are persons in Hurope, and in this country, who contest the fact of the Othoni idiom being monosyllabic. If they will only take the trouble to read atten- tively Mr. Naxera’s Dissertation, with the numerous examples that he has given of that language, and the translations that he has made into it, with the addition of grammatical explanations and notes, they will be convinced that it is impossible for human ingenuity to invent and impose upon the learned world such a tissue of imposture as he must necessarily have been guilty of, if his accusers are well grounded in their assertions, and to make a monosyllabic out of a polysyllabic language, without ever contradicting himself or betraying the imposition; besides that there are, in print, several grammars and vocabu- laries of that idiom, by which he might easily be confuted. But it is easier to criticise than to read. We should know but very little of the Annamitic languages if it were not for the Cochinchinese vocabularies, for which our country and philology are indebted to the munificence of the reverend father Joseph Morrone. We understand that a complete dictionary of that idiom, compiled by the Vicar Apostolical of the Catholic church in Cochinchina, is now in a course of pub- lication under the auspices of the Honourable the Hast India Company; and what adds to my satisfaction is, that your respectable correspondent is himself master of that language, and has a dictionary of it in his possession. I regret that he did not take the trouble to give you his opinion of Father Morrone’s vocabularies, which, hitherto, I have no reason to believe otherwise than cor- rect, and deserving of full credit. The comparison of this language with the Chinese, by M. de la Palun, is a hasty production, for reasons which I have explained in the preface which precedes them; therefore it would have been ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 2) very gratifying to me to know whether the inferences that I have drawn from it are justified by a full comparison of the two languages and their system of writing, made by such a master hand as that of your correspondent. 1t would show clearly whether and how far the Chinese characters, as applied by the two nations to their respective idioms, can serve as a common medium of com- munication between them, when they are ignorant of each others’ spoken language. From the lights that we possess it would appear that the languages of China and Cochinchina, though both monosyllabic, and having the same grammatical structure, are yet very different from each other. ‘That there are in the latter a number of Chinese words more or less corrupted cannot be denied; but the mass of the language shows clearly that the two nations cannot understand one another when speaking. ‘The same difference appears in the written charac- ters; they have been originally Chinese, and many of them remain such, but a great number are so altered in their form as not to be recognised, while those, the form of which has not been varied, are either differently combined or asso- ciated together, or are applied to represent words different from those which they express in Chinese; and what is most remarkable is, that,-in many instances, they have been applied to words which, in Chinese and Cochinchi- nese, have the same sound, but not the same meaning. From this I would naturally conclude that the two nations cannot understand each other in writing any more than orally, at least to any considerable extent. There can be no doubt that those nations are all of the same race, and descended from the same stock. It also clearly appears that civilization and the art of writing was introduced into the land of Annam by the Chinese; but the Annamites have been so long independent of the Celestial Empire, if ever they were subjected to it, that it is not extraordinary that their language and their writing should have experienced considerable changes in the course of so many ages. That being the case, it will be asked: How comes it, then, that the Cochin- chinese and the Chinese understand each other in writing, though they cannot by word of mouth? The enthusiasts attribute this to some mysterious virtue in the Chinese characters; to their permanent perspicuity, as Dr. Marshman expresses it; but the philosopher seeks for more natural causes; he knows that writing was invented to be the representation of seme oral language, and it is VII.—F 22 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. by comparing the forms of the graphic system with those of the spoken idiom that he hopes to obtain the solution of the important problem that has so much puzzled the sinologists of Hurope. If there is any perspicuity in the Chinese written characters, it is not in their outward forms, which, whatever some of them may have been in the beginning, are now nothing more than linear and angular figures, which pre- sent, of themselves, no idea to the mind, but in the method and arrangement of them that has been adopted by the Chinese grammarians, and which the languages to which that system was to be applied necessarily required. The monosyllabic languages are devoid of grammatical forms; their words are not, as in the idioms of Europe and Western Asia, derived from roots that lead to the understanding of their numerous derivatives; no one monosyllable is con- nected, as to its sense or meaning, with another by means of some slight altera- tion; but, on the contrary, the same word or monosyllable sometimes serves to express twenty or thirty, and sometimes even fifty different ideas; and the only mode of discrimination between them is by the tone of voice or accent, by the juxta-position of the words to each other, and by joining two words together to show the separate meaning of one. ‘This, in speaking, is of little conse- quence; for it is well known, whatever may have been said to the contrary, that the Chinese, in conversation, understand one another perfectly well, and without the least difficulty. For this I have the testimony of the Chinese themselves, several of whom I have interrogated on this particular point, and who have uniformly given me the same answer. I have also heard them con- verse together, and never have seen them embarrassed. Besides, if there was any ambiguity in their discourse, it might be easily corrected at the moment. But, in inventing a system of writing for such a language, it was necessary to prevent ambiguities which the author would not be at hand to correct. For this reason different characters were applied to the same monosyllable, to show in what sense it was to be understood. This was done by uniting two or more characters, each representing a particular word, to show in what sense the word represented was to be taken. ‘This has given rise to the notion that Chi- nese characters represent abstract ideas, when, in fact, they are but a method of spelling the same word, analogous to the different orthography that we employ in writing homophonous words, such as sea and see; scene and seen : grate and great, &c. ‘Thus the Chinese system of writing was invented to ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 23 suit the language to which it was to be applied. ‘The inventors never thought of representing ideas any farther than was necessary to recall to the memory a particular word by a short explanation of its meaning, in which they have not always been very successful. In process of time they have methodized the system by classing their words under a certain number of keys, or radicals, which, while they facilitate the understanding of the words placed under them, afford to the student an easy way of finding them in the dictionaries. The Chinese system, therefore, may be considered as an ingenious invention, as applied to monosyllabic languages; and it is, perhaps, the only system suited to them; but, abstractedly speaking, it does not appear to me to be more inge- nious than that of syllabic and elementary alphabets, which are also suited to the languages for which they were made. What has contributed most to the admiration which the Chinese system of writing every where commands, is the facility with which nations who cannot speak or understand each others’ oral language communicate with each other by means of the Chinese written characters. Hence it has been supposed, and it has become almost the general belief, that those characters represent ideas entirely abstracted from speech. Your learned correspondent, with better judgment, has attributed that facility, as far as it extends, to the similarity of the grammatical structure of the languages of the various nations who thus communicate. As far as it regards the monosyllabic languages, like those I am now speaking of, I agree with him so far, that this similarity in the structure of those languages contributes much to the facility to which he adverts, but I am far from thinking that it is its only cause. I must explain myself a little farther. It being admitted that the Chinese and Annamitic languages, though differ- ing in the sounds of their words, do not differ materially in their structure and grammatical forms; that every Chinese word (with, perhaps, a few exceptions) has a corresponding word in the Tunkinese and Cochinchinese which has precisely the same meaning, and that they use, in writing, the same characters, though their forms and their application to the words of the language have much varied in the course of a long series of ages, it naturally follows that, as far as those forms have not materially varied, and are still applied to the corre- sponding words in the two languages, the Chinese and Cochinchinese may com- 24 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. municate by writing, though they cannot by words. But, if we can judge from Father Morrone’s Cochinchinese Vocabulary, with the characters annexed, it would seem that that cannot take place to a very great extent. We must look, therefore, to some other cause. We find, from the Cochinchinese and Latin Dictionary published with my Dissertation, that the Chinese language is taught in the schools of Cochinchina, as well as their own. As the Chinese is the religious and literary language of the country, which does not appear to have a literature of its own, it is neces- sary that it should be learned, in order to understand Chinese books. There is no need, for that purpose, of their learning the spoken language; at least, they need not pay much attention to the spoken words; they study the cha- racters as a different spelling of their own, as in our schools we might be taught the ancient Gothic letters, if there were an object deserving of it. As far, there- fore, as respects the Annamitic nations, I do not differ much from your learned correspondent; but we do not seem to agree as regards the polysyllabic lan- guages, of which I am now going to speak. Ill. Languages of Japan and the Loo-Choo Islands. We must now take leave of the Chinese race. We are among different nations, the origin of whom is not well ascertained. fzom the physical confor- mation of the Japanese, some naturalists have thought that they were a mixture of the Chinese and Tartar races; but their language does not warrant this sup- position. It seems evident, however, that they were civilized by the Chinese, and they, at present, acknowledge the literary and moral supremacy of the great empire, but they are under no kind of civil subjection to it. They are, and have been, independent from time immemorial. We know very little as yet of the vernacular language of the Loo-Choo Islands. It is, however, well ascertained that it is a dialect of the Japanese, and, like it, polysyllabic. It is probable that those islands are inhabited by colonies from Japan. I shall therefore confine my observations to the language of the latter country; from the information we have, they may, I think, also be applied to the Loo-Chooan. We are, fortunately, well acquainted with the national language of Japan. The works of Thunberg, Siebold, Klaproth, and Medhurst, and, above all, the ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 25 excellent grammar of that language by Father Rodriguez, translated into French by M. Landresse, with the explanations of M. Remusat, and the sup- plement to it by the learned William Humboldt, chiefly extracted from the grammars of the same language by Fathers Alvarez, Collado, and Oyanguren, which are now very rare, leave us nothing to wish for upon the subject. The whole Japanese language is thus spread before us. It is called the Yomz. This language is entirely different from the Chinese; there is no analogy or affinity between them. A number of Chinese words have crept into it, but their foreign origin is easily perceived. ‘The Japanese is polysyllabic, and abounds in grammatical forms. The nouns are declined by suffixed particles, and the verbs are conjugated by means of terminations and inflections; they have adjective verbs, like our Indian languages. The syntax is subject to rules, and the order in which the words are placed, says Father Rodriguez, is quite the reverse of that of the Chinese. It is evident, therefore, that the Chi- nese system of writing could not be applied to it. The Japanese received the art of writing from the Chinese. But their teachers, as well as themselves, soon perceived that the same system could not be applied to both languages, and that the Japanese could not be written /eaz- graphically. ‘They therefore determined upon giving them a syllabic alphabet. Out of the many thousand Chinese characters they chose forty-seven, without paying any regard to their meaning, but only to their sounds, and applied these to the forty-seven syllables of which the Japanese language iscomposed. ‘Thus was formed the Japanese alphabet, which they call z ro fa, or, according to Medhurst, 2 lo ha, from the first three letters of which it is composed. If the Japanese had no other language and no other alphabet than those I have described, it is evident that they could not understand or make them- selves understood by the Chinese, verbally or in writing. But the Chinese, when they introduced civilization into Japan, introduced, also, their language, which is there called the koye, which means Chinese words. The pure koye, says Father Rodriguez, is the Chinese. It is there a spoken as well as a written language, for it is clear that it could not be read into Yomi, any more than Greek or Latin into English, without translating. But such is the difference between the vocal organs of the two nations, that they cannot understand each other when speaking the same idiom. The Japanese cannot pronounce the nasal vowels of the Chinese, who have conso- V1L.—G 26 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. nants that the Japanese cannot articulate, and vice versa. ‘Thus the pronun- ciation has become so different as to make it almost two different languages, although it is easy to perceive that it is the same idiom differently articulated. I have given examples of this difference in my Dissertation, p. 91. I can thus easily understand how the Japanese cannot converse orally with the Chinese, either by means of the Yomi, of the Koye, or of the Mandarin dia- lect, and how they can more easily communicate by means of the Chinese characters. But I cannot so easily conceive how peasants and fishermen acquire sufficient knowledge to enable them to do so. I can only account for it by the Chinese, or Koye, being a religious as well as a learned language. Religion can perform wonders. Father Rodriguez tells us that there are three languages or dialects in Japan, which he thus describes: “The first is the pure Yom, which is the natural and primitive dialect of the nation; they write in it works of light poetry and literature. ‘“'The second is the pure Koye (or Chinese ;) the priests employ it in their reli- gious works. “The third is a mixture of Yomi and Koye; it is the vulgar language of the empire. It must be observed, however, that the ordinary language, that is to say, that in common use, is almost entirely composed of Yomi, with some mix- ture of Koye, while in the literary and oratorical style there is much more Koye than Yomi.” {t follows from the above, that books of light reading, in poetry or prose, are written in the national language, or Yomi; that religious books are written in pure Koye, or Chinese, and scientific and literary works in a mixed dialect, containing more of the Koye than of the Yomi. I presume that in those books the Koye is written in the Chinese lexigraphic, and the Yomi in the Japanese syllabic alphabet. It must make a curious mixture; and it is worth inquiry how and how far the peasants and fishermen are instructed in the Koye lan- guage and system of writing. I suppose that the same thing may be said of the people of Loo-Choo. IV. The Coréan. The peninsula of Coréa is situated between China and Japan, and separated from. those countries, on each side, by a narrow straight. It is bounded on the ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 27 north and north-west by Chinese Tartary, every where else by the sea. It is tributary to the empire of China. We should know very little of the language of that country if it were not for the recent publication of the Rev. Mr. Medhurst, entitled “A Comparative Vocabulary of the Chinese, Coréan, and Japanese Languages,” compiled by a native of Corea, which has lately made its way into this country. I have had the book but a few days in my possession, through the kindness of my learned friend Mr. Pickering, of Boston, to whom it belongs. I have not, therefore, been able to study it as much as I wished. It is to be regretted that the vene- rable missionary contented himself with publishing a translation of that inte- resting work, to which he added very few observations of his own, from which, and the work itself, I have been able to deduce the following facts. Corea, like Japan, has two languages, the one vernacular, the other learned. In the former are written all works intended for common reading; works of higher literature are in the learned idiom. The vernacular or popular language has no affinity with either the Chinese or Japanese; if is probably derived from some ‘Tartar dialect. It is not, as far as I can judge, monosyllabic; and yet it does not appear to have words of a greater length than two syllables, but on this I have not had a sufficient oppor- tunity to form a decided opinion. Of its syntax or grammatical forms I can say nothing. It has, like the Sanscrit, an alphabetic syllabary, which, I think, is much superior to that, from its simplicity and clearness. It is not, like the Japanese, formed out of Chinese characters. It consists of fifty-two elementary signs, of which twenty-seven, called initials, are single, double, or aspirated consonants, and twenty-five, called finals, are vowels or diphthongs. I mean diphthongs to the ear, and not to the eye. By means of these fifty-two characters, joined or placed close to each other in the most ingenious manner, the six hundred and seventy-five syllables, of which the language consists, are represented, and never leave, as in the ‘Sanscrit, the vowel sounds to be understood. They are so simple in their forms that they may be joined, as we sometimes join in our printed books, the let- ters fi, ffi, Jl, fi, &c. Thus the consonant K is written —y, and the conso- nant N thus ¢-. The sign of the long vowel A is y_.. Now the syllable KA is written Tf, and the syllable Na 4. I know of no other syllabary formed on this simple and elegant model. 28 ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. The learned language is Chinese, but differently pronounced than in China, and for the same reason that has already been given for the Japanese. The Coréans want the nasal vowels of the Chinese, and cannot articulate them. They want the consonant /, of which the Chinese make such frequent use, and they have the consonant 6, which the Chinese want. ‘They have a multitude of double, successive, and aspirated consonants, very difficult to be pronounced. It is well known that the Chinese cannot articulate two consonants successively, and always interpose a vowel between. Besides, there are the four tones, or accents, by which the Chinese, in speaking, distinguish their homophonous words. These, probably, are not much attended to out of China, or are differ- ently expressed. Though their words are Chinese, their manner of uttering them is so different that the two nations cannot make themselves understood of each other by word of mouth. ‘Their vocal organs seem to be cast in differ- ent moulds. There is nothing extraordinary in this. We vary, more or less, in the same manner in our pronunciation of the dead, and even of some living languages. M. Silvestre de Sacy, the author of the best Arabic grammar extant, could not understand Arabs when speaking, nor make himself understood by them. If an ancient Roman were to come again into this world, an Oxonian could hardly understand him, nor make himself understood by him in his own Latin; he would be obliged to take to his pen, or to his tablets, after the man- ner of the Coréans and the Japanese. Thus the great miracle, which has exercised the fancy of so many enthu- siasts and produced such strange theories, is naturally explained. This expla- nation is not to be sought in any thing inherent in the Chinese characters, in their external forms or in their greater perspicuity, but in their connexion with the languages for which they were formed, and in their peculiar adaptation to them. This was well understood by your learned correspondent when he inferred from the facts that he stated that all the languages which made use of the Chinese alphabet were formed on the same model, because he knew that those characters could not be applied to languages differently constructed. But im speaking thus generally, he did not advert to the vernacular languages of Japan, the Loo-Choo Islands, and Corea, so different from the Chinese that it was found impossible to apply to them the Chinese system of writing, though it was by the Chinese that they were civilized. Therefore I humbly conceive ON THE CHINESE SYSTEM OF WRITING. 29 that when those people read Chinese characters, they do not read them in their own vernacular tongue, but in the Chinese which they have learned, with | only a different pronunciation of the words. It is otherwise with the peo- ple of Tunkin and Cochinchina, their language or languages being formed on the model of that of the Celestial Empire, with only some variations, which, in their schools, they learn to correct, and to employ the proper characters as a superior orthography, they are thereby enabled to read the Chinese, as well as their own language. I submit these ideas to your learned correspondent, which, | hope, he will have the goodness to correct, if found erroneous. I beg you will be pleased to transmit to him a copy of this letter, with the assurance of my respect. Your friend and obedient servant, PETER S. DU PONCEAU. Philadelphia, Sept. 20, 1839. To Joun Vaucuan, Esa. Vil.—H ay ie Gakelnete ARTICLE IIL On the Extrication of the Alkali fiable Metals, Barium, Strontium, and Calevum. By Robert Hare, M. D., Professor of Chemistry in the University of Penn- syluama. Read October 4, 1839. In the autumn of 1820, I devised an innovation in. the mechanism and in the mode of completing the circuit of an extensive voltaic series. Previously to that time, in using any form of the voltaic battery, the circuit had always been completed by making a communication between the electrodes,* after the sub- mersion of the plates. In the case of the deflagrator, the electrodes might be made to communicate before the immersion of the plates, the circuit being completed by their immersion. Or, in case the electrodes should not be in con- tact before immersion, the operator was enabled to bring them together so nearly about the same time, as to avail himself of the pre-eminently energetic action which immediately succeeds the encounter between the plates and the solvent. Fourteen years had elapsed, during which I had the regret of perceiving that the advantages of the deflagrator were not sufficiently estimated in Europe, when, about the year 1835, the celebrated Faraday,t while investigating the principles upon which galvanic apparatus should be constructed, came to a conclusion that the deflagrator eminently associated the requisites of which he * Agreeably to the suggestion of Faraday, I use the word electrode, for the pole of a voltaic series ; also anode, for the positive pole, and cathode for the negative pole. 7 See London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal, vol. viii., for 1836, p. 114. 32 ON THE EXTRICATION OF THE ALKALIFIABLE METALS, was in search, and stated many facts and arguments tending to prove that it was the most perfect form of the apparatus at that time known. More than twelve years ago, while I was operating with a deflagrator of three hundred pairs, each seven inches by three, I observed that, in a circuit made through a saturated solution of chloride of calcium, by means of a coarse platina wire (No. 14) and a fine wire, (No. 26,) that when the latter was made the cathode and the former the anode, a most intense ignition resulted, causing the rapid fusion of the fine wire into globules like common shot. But when the situa- tions of the wires were reversed, so that the smaller wire’was made to form the anode, the ignition became comparatively so feeble as to be incompetent to fuse the fine platina wire. ‘This phenomenon had continued to appear inexplicable, when, during the last winter, it occurred to me that the evolution and combus- tion of the calcium might be the cause of the superior heat produced at the cathode. This led to the employment of chlorides in the process of Seebeck, Berzelius, and Pontin, for the production of amalgams from the earths, in which a cathode of mercury, and anode of platina were used. Accordingly, in operating with a deflagrator of three hundred and fifty Cruickshank pairs of seven inches by three, a mercurial amalgam was speedily obtained, which appeared sufficiently imbued with calcium to become speedily buried under a pulverulent stratum of lime, and mercury in a minute state of division. Nevertheless, after exposure of the amalgam thus produced to the air, till all the calcium had been separated, and igniting the resulting powder to drive off the adhering mercury, the ratio of the weight of the lime thus obtained, to the mercury with which it had been united, was not over a five hundredth part. With a view to procure an amalgam in which the proportion of calcium should be greater, I was led to devise the following apparatus and process, of which an engraving and description is now laid before the society. How far the result of my exertions, subsequently stated, may be considered in advance of the steps previously taken, will be evident from the fact that all the knowledge which exists, respecting the isolation of the metals of the alka- line earths, is due to the experiments and observations of Davy; and to what point they extended may be learned from the following quotations from the Bakerian lectures of that celebrated chemist. In reference to his efforts to iso- late the radical in question, the distinguished lecturer mentions “that to obtain BARIUM, STRONTIUM, AND CALCIUM. 33 a complete decomposition was extremely difficult, since nearly a red heat was required, and that at a red heat the bases of the earths acted upon the glass, and became oxygenated. When the tube was large in proportion to the quan- tity of amaleam, the vapour of naphtha furnished oxygen sufficient to destroy a part of the bases; and when a small tube was employed, it was difficult to heat the part used as a retort sufficiently to drive the whole of the mercury from the base without raising too highly the temperature of the part serving for a receiver so as to burst the tube.” ‘‘ When the quantity of amalgam was about fifty or sixty grains, I found that the tube could not be conveniently less than one-sixth of an inch in diameter, and of the capacity of about half a cubic inch. In consequence of these difficulties, in a multitude of trials I had few success- ful results; and in no case could I be absolutely certain that there was not a minute portion of mercury still in combination with the metals of the earths.’’* The observations are more than confirmed by my experience, which leads me to the conviction that the removal of the mercury is not to be accomplished thoroughly in glass vessels, and, of course, that Davy was perfectly correct in supposing that the products which he described as barium and strontium were alloys with mercury. Iam also under the impression that the metals above mentioned decompose naphtha, when heated with its vapour, and enter into combination with its constituents. Had the barium which Davy obtained been free from mercury, it would not have been fusible below a red heat, as alleged by him. Agreeably to my experience, that metal requires no less than a good red heat for its fusion. In a subsequent paragraph he adds: “The metal from lime I have never been able to examine exposed to air or under naphtha. In the case in which I was enabled to distil the mercury from it to the greatest extent, the tube unfortunately broke while warm, and at the same moment when the air entered the metal, which had the colour of silver, took fire and burnt, with an intense white light, into quicklime.”’* Had the failure of Sir Humphrey, in his efforts to isolate calcium, been due only to the accidental fracture of a glass tube, it would be inexplicable that a chemist so indefatigable should not have successfully reiterated the experi- * See Transactions of the Royal Society, part II. Nicholson’s Journal, vol. xxi., for 1808; or, Tilloch’s Philosophical Magazine, vol. xxxiii. Vil.—I 34 ON THE EXTRICATION OF THE ALKALIFIABLE METALS, ment; or that no other chemist, during thirty intervening years, should have succeeded by resorting to the same means. No doubt exists in my mind that, without using a larger quantity of mercury than the sixty grains which he employed, and resorting to other materials than glass for a distillatory appa- ratus, no chemist could succeed in the isolation of calcium, nor in the complete distillation of the mercury from the amalgams of the other metals, so as to obtain available quantities for examination. In a subsequent communication to the Royal Society, Davy mentions that, “by passing potassium through lime and magnesia, and then introducing mer- cury, I obtained solid amalgams, consisting of potassium, the metal of the earth employed, and mercury.” “The amalgam from magnesia was easily deprived of its potassium by water.” Of the amalgam containing calcium he makes no farther mention, but suggests the possibility of obtaiing, by operations performed in this man- ner, quantities of the metals of the earths sufficient for determining their nature and agencies.* But I will proceed to explain and describe the apparatus and process to which I have resorted, and to communicate the results which I have obtained. A Description of the Apparatus and Process for obtaining Amalgams of Cal-~ cium, Barium, and Strontium from saturated solutions of their Chlorides, by exposure to the Voltaic Circuit in contact with Mercury. A and B, two bell glasses, with perforated necks, were inverted and placed one within the other, so that, between them, there was an interstice of half an inch, which was filled with a freezing mixture. Concentrically within B a third similar bell, F, was placed, including a glass flask, of which the stem extended vertically through the neck of F. From a vessel, V, with a cock intervening, a tube luted to the orifice of the flask extended to the bottom of it, so as to convey thither from V a current of ice-water, which, after refrigerating the bulk of the flask, could escape through the nozzie projecting, horizontally, from the neck, T. The mercury in the capsule D communicates through the rod with the negative poles of one or more deflagrators. ‘The capsule L in like manner with the corresponding positive poles. * Transactions Royal Society for 1810, part I., p. 62. ‘Tilloch’s Magazine, vol. xxxvi. p. 87. BARIUM, STRONTIUM, AND CALCIUM. 35 fil HUTA TT A rod of platina reaches from some mercury in the capsule D, through the necks of the beds A and B, into a stratum of mercury, resting upon shoulder of the bell glass B, so as to be about a quarter of an inch beneath the flask. Several circumvolutions of platina wire, No. 14, forming a flat coil, were interposed between the mercury and the bottom of the flask. The recurved ends of this wire were made to reach into the mercury in the capsule L. Over the mouth of the bell F,, after the introduction of the flask and coil, some bed- ticking was tied, so as to prevent contact between the platina and mercury, and to check, as much as possible, any reunion between the radical taken up by the one and the chlorine liberated by the other. Into the bell T, a saturated solution of the chloride to be decomposed was poured, and some coarsely pow- dered crystals of the same compound added. Of course the solution, by pene- trating the ticking, came into contact with the mercury. 36 ON THE EXTRICATION OF THE ALKALIFIABLE METALS, Electrolytic Process. The peculiar mechanism of my apparatus, by which, in ten seconds, the acid may be thrown on or off of the plates, enables the operator, within that time, after a due arrangement of the poles is made, to put either or both of the deflagrators in operation, or to suspend the action of either or both. This mode of completing or breaking the circuit gives a great advantage in deflagrating wires; or in the processes, wherein dry cyanides, phosphurets, or carburets are to be exposed to voltaic action in vacuo, or in hydrogen. It enables us to arrange every part of the apparatus so as to produce the best effect upon the body to be acted upon, and then to cause a discharge of the highest intensity of which the series is capable, by subjecting the plates to the acid previously lying inactive in the adjoining trough. In the case in point, where a chloride was to be decomposed, the deflagrators could be made to act through the same electrodes, either SIERLLENESIS or alternately. Of these facilities I thus availed myself: Having supplied each deflagrator with a charge of diluted acid of one fourth of the usual strength, I began with No. 1, and at the end of five minutes super- seded it by putting No. 2 into operation. Mean while, having added to No. 1 as much more acid as at first, at the end of the second five minutes I super- seded No. 2 by No. 1; and, in like manner, again superseded No. 1 by No. 2. Having thus continued the alternate action of the deflagrators for about twenty minutes, both were made to act upon the electrodes simultaneously, the balance of acid requisite to complete the charge having been previously added. By these means the reaction was rendered more equable than it could become in operating with one series more highly charged. Although, under such cir- cumstances, the reaction may, at the outset, be sufficiently powerful to produce ignition, as I have often observed, after fifteen or twenty minutes it may be- come too feeble in electrolyzing power to render the continuance of the process in the slightest degree serviceable. Agreeably to my experience, as the ratio of the calcium to the mercury increases, the amalgam formed becomes so much more electro-positive as to balance the electro-negative influence of the voltaic current. After reacting with one series of two hundred pairs, of one hundred square inches each, for seventy minutes, I have found the proportion of calcium to be only one six-hundredth of the amalgamated mass obtained. ON THE EXTRICATION OF THE ALKALIFIABLE METALS, 37 In this lies the great difficulty of obtaining any available quantity of the radicals of the alkaline earths by electrolization; especially in the case of cal- cium. It is easy, by a series of only fifty pairs, to produce an amalgam with that metal, which, when exposed to the air, will become covered with a pul- verulent mixture of lime and mercury; but, in such case, the quantity of cal- cium taken up by the mercury, when estimated by the resulting oxide, will be found almost too smail to be appreciated by weighing. ‘To increase the quan- tity of calcium to an available extent I have found extremely difficult, since, as the process proceeds, the chemical affinity becomes more active while the electrolyzing power becomes more feeble. That a change should be effected in mercury, giving to it the characteristics of an amalgam, by the addition of a six hundredth part of its weight, cannot be deemed difficult to believe, when it is recollected that Davy found that when, by amalgamation with ammonium, a globule of mercury had expanded to five times its previous bulk, it had gained, in weight, only one twelve thousandth part. * As the affinity between the chlorine and the radicals of the alkaline earths increases in strength with the temperature, and as heat is evolved in propor- tion to the energy of the voltaic action, the disposition of the elements sepa- rated by electrolyzation to reunite is, in this way, promoted. Hence the necessity of refrigeration. The best index of the success of this process is the evolution of chlorine; since in proportion to the quantity of this principle extricated at the anode, must be the quantity of calcium separated at the cathode. During my opera- tions, chlorine was evolved so copiously as to tinge the cavity of the innermost bell with its well known hue. Hence, when the evolution of chlorine ceases to be very perceptible, the amalgam should be extricated from the apparatus, and separated by a funnel and the finger from the solution of chloride, and immediately subjected to distillation. It has been mentioned, that in the electrolytic process above described I resorted to the alternate action of two deflagrators. This was effected by making the negative poles of both communicate with the mercury in capsule D, while the positive poles communicated with some mercury in capsule L. For a description of the deflagrators employed, I refer to the American Philo- * See Tilloch’s Magazine, vol. xxxiil. p. 213. WAM Se 38 BARIUM, STRONTIUM, AND CALCIUM. sophical Transactions, vol. v., or to Silliman’s Journal, vol. xxxil. p. 285, as those which I employed were of the kind there described. There has, however, been an improvement introduced. Formerly, the plates were secured by ce- ment; but, of late, I have had them so shaped and fitted as to slide out of the grooves when pulled by means of forceps. ‘This has enabled me to have them washed after each operation, and, when necessary, scraped. Instead of a coating of cement, the wood is defended by mutton suet or bees’ wax, in which, while melted, it is soaked, after being made as hot as possible without taking fire. I have found great benefit to arise from Mr. Sturgeon’s expedient of amalga- mating the surfaces of the zinc; which Faraday has represented as giving, to a great extent, the properties of a sustaining battery. Agreeably to my experience, it renders the plates less liable to be encrusted with suboxide of zine and copper, which always impairs the energy of a voltaic series. In order to facilitate the insertion or extrication of the plates into or out of the grooves, the plates are cut so as to be about one-eighth in breadth less at the lower ends. In addition to the advantage of being enabled to cleanse the plates, this liberty of removing or replacing them is beneficial in another respect. It must necessarily ensue, that those edges of the plates which are lowermost, when the acid is in the act of being transferred, must be much more corroded than those portions of the surface which are otherwise situated. In fact, under the circumstances alluded to, the zinc is liable to be eaten through, near one of the lateral edges, when otherwise not more than half worn. But, in consequence of the construction above described, by a reversal of their relative position, each edge may, in turn, be made lowermost, so as to equalize the degree of corrosion sustained. Distillatory Apparatus and Process. A quantity of the amalgam, weighing about three thousand grains, was intro- Fig. 2. duced into an iron crucible. Of this crucible a section is represented by Fig. 2, which was forthwith closed by a ~ capsule seated in a rabbet, or groove, made on purpose to receive it. ‘The capsule being supplied with about half a dram of caoutchouchine, was then covered by the lid. In the next place, by means of a moveable handle, or bail, ON THE EXTRICATION OF THE ALKALIFIABLE METALS, 39 of wire so constructed as to be easily attached, the crucible was transferred to the interior of the body of the alembic, A. Into the cavity thus occupied, about a dram measure of naphtha was poured. The canopy, A, and body of the alem- bic, B, were then joined, (as represented in Fig. 3,) with the aid of a luting of clay and borax between the grooved juncture and the pressure of the stirrup screw provided for that purpose. i Fig. 3. A communication was made between the alembic and a small tubulated glass receiver, by means of an iron tube thirty inches long, and a quarter in bore. The tubulure of the receiver received the tapering end of an adopter, G, which communicated with a reservoir of hydrogen by means of a flexible lead pipe. The length of the tube prevented the alembic, or receiver, from being subjected to the agitation which results from the condensation of the mercurial vapour. Before closing the juncture completely, all the air of the alembic was expelled by a current of hydrogen, desiccated in its passage by a mingled mass of chloride of calcium and quicklime contained in the adopter. By keeping up the communication with the reservoir of this gas, while subjected to a column of about an inch or two of water, the pressure within the alembic being greater than without, there could be no access of atmospheric oxygen. The bottom of the alembic was protected by a stout capsule of iron, (a cast iron mortar, for instance.) The next step was to surround it with ignited char- coal, in a chauffer or small furnace, taking care to cause the heat to be the greatest at the upper part. By these means, and the protection afforded by the mortar, the ebullition of the mercury may be restricted to the part of its mass nearest to the upper surface. Without this precaution, this metal is 40 BARIUM, STRONTIUM, AND CALCIUM. liable to be thrown into a state of explosive vaporization, by which it is driven out of the crucible, carrying with it any other metal with which it may be united. On the first application of the fire, the caoutchouchine distilled into the receiver. Next followed the naphtha from the body of the alembic. Lastly, the mercury of the amalgam distilled; the last portions requiring a bright red heat, in consequence of the affinity between the metal and the alkalifiable radical. After the distillation was finished, the apparatus having been well refrige- rated, the alembic was opened and the crucible removed. As soon as the lid was taken off, some naphtha was poured between the rim of the capsule and sides of the crucible, so as to reach the metal below. This was found adhering to the bottom of the crucible. When the heat was insufficient to carry off all the mercury, the metal was found in a state somewhat resembling metallic arsenic in texture, though its susceptibility of oxidation, and its affinity for carbon, caused it to be deficient of metallic lustre, until the surface was removed by the file or burnisher. Properties of the Metals obtained by the processes above mentioned. Wither metal was rapidly oxydized in water, or in any liquid containing it; and afterwards, with tests, gave the appropriate proofs of its presence. ‘They all sank in sulphuric acid; were all brittle and fixed; and, for fusion, required at least a good red heat. After being kept in naphtha, their effervescence with water is, on the first immersion, much less active. Under such circumstances they react, at first, more vivaciously with hydric ether than with water, or even chlorohydric acid; because in these liquids a resinous covering, derived from the naphtha, is not soluble, while to the ether it yields readily. By means of solid carbonic acid, obtained by Mitchell’s modification of Thi- lorier’s process, I froze an ounce measure of the amalgam of calcium, hoping to effect a partial mechanical separation of the mercury by straining through leather, as in the case of other amalgams. The result, however, did not justify my hopes, as both metals were expelled through the pores of the leather simul- taneously, the calcium forming, forthwith, a pulverulent oxide, intermingled with, and discoloured by mercury in a state of extreme division. BARIUM, STRONTIUM, AND CALCIUM. Al By the same means I froze a mass of the amalgam of ammonium as large as the palm of my hand, so as to be quite hard, tenacious and brittle. The mass floated upon the mercury of my mercurial pneumatic cistern, and gradually liquified, while its volatile ingredients escaped. When the freezing of the amalgam was expedited by the addition of hydric ether, the resulting solid effervesced in water, evolving ethereal fumes. This seems to show that a portion of this ether may be incorporated with ammo- nium and mercury, without depriving the aggregate thus formed of the cha- racteristics of a metallic alloy. Vil.—L Tap CRs Ly sitar iat Ae G Dak BO LaRiS ARPT C i Het v’. Astronomical Observations made at Hudson Observatory, Latitude 41° 14' 37’ North, and Longitude 5h. 25m. 42s. West; with some Account of the Building and Instruments. By Elias Loomis, Professor of Mathematics and Natural Philosophy in Western Reserve College, Hudson, Ohio. Read October 4, 1839. Hupson OBSERVATORY comprises a central room and two wings. Exter- nally, its entire length is thirty-seven feet, and the breadth of the centre sixteen feet. The foundations are of hewn sand-stone, and the walls, which are of =A WIN brick, are one foot in thickness. The transit room is represented upon the left hand in the annexed figure. It is ten feet by twelve upon the inside, and seven 44 ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS and a half feet high, having a flat roof covered with tin. In its centre is a pier _ of fine sand-stone. Its top is twenty-seven inches by thirteen, and rises twenty- four inches above the floor. It has a slope of one inch to the foot, and descends about six feet below the surface of the earth. It is entirely detached from the building, and the floor is no where in contact with it. The openings for the transit are fifteen inches wide; the side openings being closed by solid wooden shutters, and a single trap-door covers the entire top. ‘This covering is such as effectually to exclude the most violent rain. The transit commands an unobstructed meridian from ninety degrees zenith distance on the south, to eighty-nine degrees on the north. The central room of the observatory is occupied by the equatorial, and is fourteen feet square upon the inside. In its centre is raised a circular plat- form, ten feet in diameter and four feet high, upon whose circumference rest twelve small cherry columns, which help to sustain the dome. ‘The dome is a hemisphere of nine feet internal diameter. It rests upon ten wheels of ignum vite, five inches in diameter, placed equidistant from each other, running in a grooved channel, and set in a wooden ring, consisting of five ares, joined by hinges, to allow greater freedom of motion to the wheels. The dome has an opening fifteen inches wide, reaching from the base to eight inches past the zenith, closed by three doors, the top ane closing last, and the joints being so secured as effectually to exclude the rain. The whole is covered with tin, and a single person can readily revolve it by hand. The top of the equatorial pin is twenty inches by thirty, and rises three feet six inches above the platform. Its slope is one inch to the foot, and it descends six feet below the surface of the ground. It is of the same material with the transit pier, and, like that, is also entirely detached from the building. The right hand room in the above figure, which is the west room, contains no instruments, but is provided with a stove, and serves as a convenient ante- room. The instruments of the observatory are a transit circle, an equatorial tele- scope, and a clock. The transit circle was made by Simms, of London, in 1837. It has a telescope of thirty inches focal length, with a very superior object glass, whose clear aperture is 2.7 inches. This is supported by broad cones, forming an axis of eighteen inches in length. The pivots are of steel, and rest on brass y’s. It is supported by a heavy cast iron frame, which rests MADE AT HUDSON OBSERVATORY. 45 upon the pier, and is secured immoveably to it by stout screws entering brass sockets, which are leaded to the stone. In the focus of the telescope are five vertical equidistant spider lines, besides the micrometer, and they are crossed by five horizontal ones. There are three eye-pieces, one of them being a diago- nal eye-piece, which I almost exclusively employ; and they may be slid back and forth so as to be brought opposite either of the vertical wires. The object end has a cap pierced with two apertures. ‘The level for securing the hori- zontality of the axis is a rider of seventeen inches length, and is accompanied by a small bubble at right angles. My observations make the value of the division of the level 1’.278. I have two meridian marks, one to the north and the other to the south; the former distant about sixty rods, and the latter nearly a mile. The circle is eighteen inches diameter, with six radu, and is firmly connected with another of equal size, but not graduated, separated by an interval of three and a half inches, and between the two is the telescope. The graduation of the circle is on platina to five minutes; and there are three reading microscopes, each measuring single seconds. ‘These microscopes are of the kind called Troughton’s reading microscope, and are represented in Pearson’s Practical Astronomy, Plate X1., Fig. 9. They are screwed upon a stout brass circle attached to the frame, and may be set to any part of the limb. Microscope A, which carries the pointer, I have set to indicate the polar point: microscope B at 120° north polar distance; and C at 240°. To the frame which sustains the microscopes is permanently attached a delicate spirit level, point- ing north and south. The equatorial telescope, made also by Simms, is five and a half feet focal length, with an object glass of 3.8 inches clear aperture. It has six celestial eye-pieces, with magnifying powers from 20 to 400; a terrestrial eye-piece; an eye-piece with five parallel spider lines, crossed by as many others at right angles; and a position micrometer, represented in Pearson, Plate XI., Figs. 1, 2, 3. A lamp, suspended from the side of the tube, illumines the field of view, when it is necessary to use the micrometer by night. ‘The frame of the equa- torial is of cast iron, secured immoveably to the pin by screws entering sockets leaded into the stone. It was made for the latitude of the observatory, and the polar axis admits but a slight motion in altitude and azimuth, by means of screws at its lower extremity. The right ascension circle is twelve inches diameter graduated to single minutes, and reads by two verniers to single vil.—M 46 ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS seconds of time. A tangent screw, with a long handle, gives a slow motion, and enables an observer to keep an object readily in the field of view. The declination circle is also twelve inches in diameter, graduated to ten minutes, and reads by two verniers to ten seconds of arc. The clock was made by Molineux, of London. It has a mercurial pendu- lum, the cistern for the mercury being of glass, and the cylinder is terminated by a steel point, which indicates the are of vibration upon a fixed scale. It loses no time in winding, an operation which I perform every Monday morn- ing. It is regulated to sidereal time, and its rate is tolerably uniform. It is suspended by a stout iron hook, which was inserted in the north wall of the transit room as the building was erecting, and which passes through the oak back of the clock case. It is rendered steady by two screws, which pass through the back of the case, near the bottom, and enter a timber inserted in the brick wall. The case does not touch the floor. An opening in the side wall, between the transit and equatorial rooms, allows the clock dial to be easily seen from the platform of the dome, and thus one clock is made to serve two instruments. The instruments were first placed in the observatory, September 8th, i838, and I at once applied myself diligently to their adjustment. Having verified the line of collimation of the transit and levelled the axis, the telescope was brought into the plane of the meridian approximately by high and low stars, and, subsequently, by repeated observations of Polaris, both above and below the pole. In noting the transits of Polaris, I do not attempt, by a single obser- vation, to estimate the time when the star is bisected by a wire. The uncer- tainty of such an observation I have found to amount to several seconds. ‘The star, In approaching a wire, appears to make an indentation upon it; and, also, itself suffers a partial eclipse. After passing the wire, the indentation appears upon the other side; and the deficiency, also, appears upon the other side of the star. When the hght of the star is faint, as when the sun is several hours above the horizon, the star is entirely occulted for three or four seconds. At such times I note the instants of the star’s disappearance, and of its reappear- ance; the mean I consider the instant of the star’s passage over that wire. At other times I note the two instants when the star makes equal indentations upon the two sides of the wire, or suffers an equal loss of brilliancy, taking the mean of the two observations. For all transit observations, I take a second from the MADE AT HUDSON OBSERVATORY. A7 clock a short interval before the transit over the first wire, and preserve the counting by listening to the beats. Having recorded the observation for the first wire, I look again at the clock, and so on for each of the five wires. The equatorial intervals of the wires in their orders for stars above the pole were found to be 18s.456; 185.419; 185.180; 18s.3'74. The reduction to the central wire is, consequently, 0s.112 x secant of declination; positive above the pole, and negative below. The pendulum of the clock, as it came from the maker, was found to be over-compensated. At three different times a portion of the mercury has been removed, namely: about two ounces, Nov. 30th, 1838; three ounces, Feb. 12th, 1839; and five ounces, March 5th, 1839. At each of these dates the rate of the elock was, of course, changed. I am of opinion that the pendulum is still over-compensated, though in a very slight degree. The column of mercury is now 6.3 inches high. Since March 5th the clock has not been stopped, nor the pendulum touched. The inequalities of the clock’s rate, as shown in the accompanying list of moon-culminating stars, are to be ascribed to imperfect compensation; to a change in the adjustment of the pendulum; to errors of observation, the rate having commonly been determined from a small number of stars, and to other causes of a more uncertain character. Fortunately, from the nature of the observations, the results deduced from them cannot be greatly affected by the small uncertainty in the clock’s rate. I. Latitude of Hudson Observatory. For the determination of my latitude, I have made repeated observations of the pole star, near the meridian, both directly and by reflection from the sur- face of mercury. ‘The three microscopes were read at each observation; the observations were reduced to the meridian by the usual method, and corrected for refraction by Bessel’s Tables. The mean latitude deduced from sixteen culminations, nine below, and seven above the pole, allowing each culmination a weight proportioned to the number of reflected observations, is 41° 14' 33".7. This is the mean of all the observations I have made, and supposes them all entitled to equal confidence, which is far from being the case. In the first observations the reflected image was quite indistinct, owing chiefly to the mer- cury being placed too near the telescope; and I have reason to believe that the 48 ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS latitude deduced from them is too small. In the later observations, the mer- cury was removed about thirty inches from the object-glass of the telescope, and the reflected observations were then found to accord quite as well as the direct observations. ‘The direct and reflected observations were made alter- nately, from ten to sixteen at a culmination, and with the following result: Upper culmination, August 8, . . . . . 41° 14’ 39-8 se ceria cl Osea came tcam 36 °7 2 6 BO alka Pam inMviba el sseican eke 36 °8 Oe POSTOLE aean e twee aan 37 °8 ae SCAT Lop tam, Seer SaL, 40 °5 6G Ceagis 7 Mee E AR A ESS Le 36 ‘6 Mean of these six culminations,. . . . . 41 14 38:1 The latitude deduced from the upper culmination of 6 Ursae Minoris, Au- gust 13th, is 41° 14’ 35°1; August 17th, 41° 14’ 36.2. Mean latitude by é Ursae Minoris, 41° 14' 35.7. Mean of observations on a ard 6 Ursae Minoris, A? 14° 37°.5. In order to determine the error of the readings of the microscopes, the fol- lowing observations were made August 12th. ‘The object was to ascertain if five revolutions of the micrometer exactly measure the interval between two divisions upon the limb. The numbers below give the excess of each micro- scope, for a reading of five minutes, for the north polar distances contained in the first column, being the points employed for the observations of Polaris. North Polar Distance. A. B. Cc. Mean. 358° 25’—30’ — 1"3 + 17:0 + 2-9 + 0”87 L 30—35 —1°7 = 1 2 + 4°7 + 1:40 275 55 —60 —1°:9 — 0:2 + 5°8 + 1:23 Hie) M255 38) +04 ae, BF of + 0-97 The numbers in the last column furnish the correction to be subtracted from the micrometer reading when this amounts to five minutes. A proportional part is to be taken for any other reading. ‘This correction, although affecting the latitude by only a fraction of a second, has, nevertheless, been applied to all the observations. I assume, then, for the latitude of Hudson Observa- tory, 41° 14' 37", and think that future observations cannot vary much from this result. 10 11 MADE AT HUDSON OBSERVATORY. II. Observed Transits of the Moon and Moon Culminating Stars, at Hudson Observatory. It is hoped these observations may furnish the means of determining the longitude of the Observatory with some precision. At present I assume this element to be 5h. 25m. 42s. west from Greenwich. The table will sufficiently explain itself. The stars observed are generally those indicated by the Nauti- cal Almanac. rule. 29 27 Nov. 13 29 1839. Jan. 23 24 Feb. 19 21 Mar. 22 Star. > Sagittarii o Sagittarii Moon 1 1. h? Sagittarii Capricorni 4 Capricorni Moon 1 1. y Capricorni 6 Capricorni o Aquarii a Aquaril Moon 1 1. x’ Piscium y Capricorni Moon 1 1, a Virginis Moon 21. vy Arietis Moon 1 1, e Arietis Moon 1 t. q Tauri A’ Tauri q Tauri A’ Tauri Moon 1 t. z Tauri o Tauri Moon 1 1. o Tauri v’ Tauri 2 Tauri Moon 1 1. C Tauri x Aurige Moon 1 1. Vil.—N Z ° Wires © AwWNIIwnrai»°narnawnan»an»n»a Cr or ol G Ol GO GO Gr Or Or Or GH Ol OF Or Gr O1 ON AHI LCR RP WP PE RWOWHWOWWNH WW Meridian Transit. + 2°67 — 1°39 — 1:23 1°21 + 0°34 12 | 15 Date. ‘Mar. 23 Apr. 24 25 27 18 19 20 21) 23 24, Star. § Geminorum a? Geminorum 6 Geminorum ao? Geminorum Moon 1 1. 6 Cancri 6 Cancri e Hydre Moon 1 — Cancri € Cancri q Caneri Moon 1 t. vy Leonis a Leonis 1 Leonis Moon 1} 1. os Leonis » Leonis Moon 1 1. e Geminorum Moon 1 1. g Geminorum e Leonis 6 Geminorum Moon 1 t. 6 Cancri — Cancri § Cancri § Cancri Moon 1 1x. » Leonis ») Leonis y Leonis Moon 1 4. xz Leonis GOWAN HH Oo CLO ot or GL OL oT OT AAaAaIaa»a»anan»ankroaannnaa4ca«n Meridian Transit. = WOOO OO MM MO -3 5-3 GS & || 45-96 35-15 45:94 34-63 2°50) 53 22) 40°66 In only two or three instances is there a deviation from this — 0-01 — 20-15 ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS, No. 3 a1 | No. ane , No.| Date Star. Wires eas Date. Star. Wires eee vee Obs. Obs ; 1839. p h. m. Ss. 1839. Oo WO Ss. S. Apr. 24}7 Leonis 5 |il 19 53-58 Moon 1 x. 5 |13 48 42-36 21 Moon It. 5 |1l 87 53-84 (July 19|Moon 1 1. 5 |14 80 35-264 0°24 8 Virginis 5 [11 42 32:96) a? Libre 5 |14 42 33:60 o Virginis 5 |Ll 57 14-78) 20 Libre Q |14 55 15:14) 25)3 Virginis 5 |11 42 31-76) 22|a Scorpii 5 |16 20 9-07/+ 0:24 o Virginis 5 |ll 57 14:50 z Scorpii 5 |16 26 29-01 22 Moon 1 1. 5 |\12 20 47-18 Moon 1 1. 5 |17 10 29:87 ne Veneers 5 12 33 44-80 oOphiuchi | 5 [17 12 44-63 y Virginis 5 |12 46 13-48 p Sagittarii 5 |17 88 3:15) 26\y' Virginis 5 |12 83 44-12 23|Moon 1 t. 5 |18 9 40:99 + 0°53 ¥ Virginis 5 |12 46 12-94 », Sagittarii 5 |18 18 40-05 23 Moon Ik. 5 |138 4 3°50 o Sagittarii 4 |18 45 55-56 o Virginis 5 |18 16 57:24 24\, Sagittarii 4 |18 18 40:00— 0-21 27) Virginis 4 |13 16 56-72 > Sagittarii 5 |18 45 54-63 24 Moon It. 5 |13 48 43-38 Moon it, 5 |19 9 43-19) a Virginis” 5 (14°10 38-28 x’ Sagittarii 5 (19 16 6:67) May 3/9 Sagittarii 5 |18 35 50-47 he Sagittarii 5 |19 27 32:31 o Sagittarii 5 |18 45 31-39 25\y’ Sagittarii 5 |19 16 6:91) + 0-28 25 Moon 2 t. 5 |19 14 6:81 h? Sagittarii 5 |19 27 32-81 h? Sagitlarii 5 |19 27 8-29 Moon 1 t. 5 |20 8 52-49 26 5 Moon 2 1. 5 21 17, 42°62 x Capricorni | 5 |20 18 44:26 6 Aquarii 5 |21 23 16-84 y Capricorni | 5 |20 37 11-65 § Capricorni 4 |21 38 21-01 28\6 Aquarii 4 |22 8 58:31)/+ 0:25 25|\* Virginis 5 |13 41 22-46 s Aquarii 5 |22 22 45-38 Bi Moon J 1. 5 |14 19 27-16 Moon 2 t. 5 |22 55 8:38 a? Libre 5 |14 42 13-10 @ Aquarii 5 |23 6 36:90 26|a7 Libre 3 |14 42 13-71 x’ Piscium 4 |23 19 18°32! 28 Moon 1 1. 3 |15 8 32-69 31]5 Piscium 5 | 0 40 58:-48— 0-24 29 |June 20|Moon 1 x. 4 |18 16 41-28 Moon 2 t. 5 | 1 31 10-60 a Virginis 2 |13 17 5:08 o Piscium Dllesvaoler2 22a Virginis 5 |14 10 48-94 8 Arietis 4 | 1 46 23-40 30 Moon 1 1, 5 |14 50 7:45 Aug. 2\Moon 2 t. 5 | 3 26 48:-49— 0-17 20 Libre 5 |14 55 3°59 y ‘Tauri 5 | 3 38 32°31 v Libre 5 |15 3 27-28 20)? Sagittarii 5 |17 56 0-08\— 0-16 24|o Scorpii 5 |16 11 51-93 5 Sagittarii 5 |18 11 13-63 a Scorpil 5 16 19 58:45 Moon 1 t. 5 |18 42 46-39 31 Moon 1 1. 5 |16 36 21-31 o Sagittarii 5 |18 45 49-07 A Ophiuchi 5 |17 5 53°13 2 Sagittarii 5 |18 57 25-39 25|4 Ophiuchi 5 |17 5 55:37 21lz Sagittarii 5 |18 57 24:96|— 0-43 32 Moon 1 1. 5 |17 34 13-33 Moon 1 1. 5 |19 42 17:41 p Sagittarii 5 |17 87 54:31 c Sagittarii 5 |19 58 17-55 y? Sagittarli | 5 |17 55 55-61 s Capricormi | 5 |20 10 38-11 29\) Capricomni | 5 20 37 3°51 22'c Sagittarii 5 |19 53 17-27\— 0°54 o Capricorni | 5 |20 57 23-82 « Capricorni | 5 |20 10 37-30 33 | Moon2u. | 5 [21 28 3-44 Moon 1 t. 5 (20 40 31°75 5 Capricorni | 5 |21 38 38-98 , Capricorni | 5 [20 55 45:82 ¢ Aquarii 5 |21 58 15°46 s Capricorni 5 |\21 7 21:50 July 1) Aquarii 5 |22 44 42-82 28 Capricorni | 5 |20 55 45-62|\— 0-27 34 Moon 21. 5 |23 11 45°66 s Capricorni 5 \21 7 21:16 « Piscium 2 |23 19 10-63 Moon 1 t. 5 (21 36 44-72 4\8 Arietis 5 | 1 46 15-96 8 Capricorni | 5 (21 88 40-22 35 Moon 2 i. 4 | 1 47 49-96 v Aquarii 5 |21 58 15-84 a Arietis 5 1 58 37:07 25). Aquarii 5 \22 44 43°70\— 0-29 36 17\Moon 1 x. 5 |12 58 52-92 QI] 50 Moon 2 t. 5 |23 26 8-32 a Virginis 5 |13 17 19°76 » Piscium 5 |23 34 20-70 1g|2 Virginis 5 |13 17 18-66|— 0-84] q Piscium 5 23 54 5-00 MADE AT HUDSON OBSERVATORY. 51 IIT. Observed Occultations of the Sun and Fixed Stars at Hudson Observatory. 3D OP woe Sep. 18 Nov. 13 1839. Apr. 19 20 STar. Sun a Virginis e Geminorum y Cancri b Peiadum d “é q ‘Tauri IMMERSION. Sidereal Time. h. ™m. & 14 27 26°70 11 3 51°66 ) if alizieatzd 12 0 9:36 9°34 1:34 22 31 23 «1 EMERSION. Sidereal Time. h. m. &- 10 15 28°57 12 48 5:16 22 55 1°34 23 21 11-83 REMARKS. Good observation. Good observation. Immersion good; Emersion 1s. or 2s. late. | Immersion, good observation. Uncertain. | | & a7 \ an ARTICLE V. Description of an Apparatus for Deflagrating Carburets, Phosphurets, or Cya- nides, in Vacuo or in an Atmosphere of Hydrogen, mith an account of some Results obtained by these and by other means; especially the Isolation of Cal- cium. By Robert Hare, M.D. Read October 18, 1839. Upon a hollow cylinder of brass (A A) an extra air-pump plate (B B) is supported. The cylinder is furnished with three valve cocks, (D D D,) and VII.—o D4 DESCRIPTION OF AN APPARATUS FOR terminates at the bottom in a stuffing-box, through which a copper rod slides so as to reach above the level of the air-pump plate. The end of the rod sup- ports a small horizontal platform of sheet brass, which receives four upright screws. ‘These, by pressure on brass bars extending from one to the other, are competent to secure upon the platform a parallelopiped of charcoal. Upon the air-pump plate a glass bell is supported, and so fitted to it, by grinding, as to be air-tight. The otherwise open neck of the bell is also closed air-tight by tying about it a caoutchouc bag, of which the lower part has been cut off, while into the neck a stuffing-box has been secured air-tight. Through the last men- tioned stuffine-box a second rod passes, terminating within the bell in a kind of forceps, for holding an inverted cone of charcoal, (E.) The upper end of this sliding rod is so recurved as to enter some mercury in a capsule, (F.) By these means and the elasticity of the caoutchouc bag, this rod has, to the requisite extent, perfect freedom of motion. The lower rod descends into a capsule of mercury, (G,) being, in conse- quence, capable of a vertical motion, without breaking contact with the mer- cury. It is moved by the aid of a lever, (H,) connected with it by a stirrup working upon pivots. Of course the capsules may be made to communicate severally with the poles of one or more deflagrators. ‘The substance to be deflagrated is placed upon the charcoal forming the lower electrode, being afterwards covered by the bell, as represented in the figure. By means of the valve-cocks and leaden pipes a communication is made with a barometer gage; (see fifth volume of this work ;) also with an air-pump, and with a large self-reculating reservoir of hydrogen. The air being removed by the pump, a portion of hydrogen is admitted, and then withdrawn. ‘This is repeated, and then the bell glass, after as complete exhaustion as the performance of the pump will render practicable, is prepared for the process of deflagration in vacuo. But, if preferred, evidently hydrogen or any other gas may be introduced from any convenient source by a due com- munication through flexible leaden pipes and valve-cocks. Having described the apparatus, I will give an account of some experiments, made with its assistance, which, if they could have illuminated science as they did. my lecture room, would have immortalized the operator. But, alas, we may be dazzled, and almost blinded by the light produced by the hydro-oxygen DEFLAGRATING CARBURETS, PHOSPHURETS, OR CYANIDES. 55 blow-pipe, or voltaic ignition, without being enabled to remove the darkness which hides the mysteries of nature from our intellectual vision. I hope, nevertheless, that some of the results attained may not be unworthy of attention; and that, as a new mode of employing the voltaic circuit, my ap- paratus and mode of manipulation will be interesting to chemists. An equivalent of quicklime, made with great care from pure crystallized spar, was well mingled, by trituration, with an equivalent and a half of bicya- nide of mercury, and was then enclosed within a covered porcelain crucible. The crucible was included within an iron alembic, such as has been described by me, in this volume, as employed for the isolation of metallic radicals. (See page 38.) The whole was exposed to heat approaching to redness. In two experi- ments the residual mass had such a weight as would result from the union of an equivalent of cyanogen with an equivalent of calcium. A similar mixture being made, and, in like manner, enclosed in the crucible and alembic, it was subjected to a white heat. The apparatus being refrige- rated, the residual mass was transferred to a dry glass phial with a ground stopper. A portion of the compound thus obtained and preserved was placed upon the parallelopiped of charcoal, which was made to form the cathode of two defla- orators of one hundred pairs, each of one hundred square inches of zinc sur- face, co-operating as one series. In the next place, the cavity of the bell-glass was filled with hydrogen, by the process already described, and the cone of charcoal being so connected with the positive end of the series as to be prepared to perform the office of an anode, was brought into contact with the compound to be deflagrated. ‘These arrange- ments being accomplished, and the circuit completed by throwing the acid upon the plates, the most intense ignition took place. The compound proved to be an excellent conductor; and during its deflagra- tion emitted a most beautiful purple light, which was too vivid for more than a transient endurance by an eye unprotected by deep-coloured glasses. After the compound was adjudged to be sufficiently deflagrated, and time had been allowed for refrigeration, on lifting the receiver minute masses were found upon the coal, which had a metallic appearance, and which, when moistened, 56 DESCRIPTION OF AN APPARATUS FOR produced an effluvium, of which the smell was like that which had been ob- served to be generated by the silicuret of potassium. Similar results had been attained by the deflagration, in a like manner, of a compound procured by passing cyanogen over quicklime, enclosed in a porce- lain tube, heated to incandescence.* Phosphuret of calcium, when carefully prepared, and, subsequently, well heated, was found to be an excellent conductor of the voltaic current evolved from the apparatus above mentioned. Hence it was thought expedient to expose it in the circuit of the deflagrator, both in an atmosphere of hydrogen and in vacuo. The volatilization of phosphorus was so copious as to coat nearly all the inner surface of the bell-glass with an opake film, in colour resembling that of the oxide of phosphorus, generated by exposing this sub- stance under hot water to a current of oxygen.t The phosphuret at first contracted in bulk, and finally was, for the most part, volatilized. On the surface of the charcoal, adjoming the cavity in which the phosphuret had been deflagrated, there was a light pulverulent matter, which, thrown into water, effervesced, and, when rubbed upon a porcelain tile, appeared to contain metallic spangles, which were oxydized by the consequent exposure to atmospheric oxygen. In one of my experiments with the apparatus above described, portions of the carbon forming the anode appeared to have undergone complete fusion, and to have dropped in globules upon the cathode. When rubbed, these globules had the colour and lustre of plumbago, and, by friction on paper, left traces resembling those produced by that substance. ‘They were susceptible * After the above mentioned experiments were made, I was led to believe that the compound, obtained as above described by heating lime with bicyanide of mercury, contained fulminic acid, or an analogous substance. ‘The mass being dissolved in acetic acid, and the filtered solution sub- jected to nitrate of mercury, a copious white precipitate resulted. ‘This, being desiccated, proved to be a fulminating powder. It exploded, between a hammer and anvil, with the sharp sound of fulminating silver. + The compound usually designated as the phosphuret of calcium consists, according to ‘Thom- son, of one atom of phosphate of lime, as well as two atoms of pure phosphuret. Hence it is easy to see that the oxygen which enters into the constitution of the oxide, deposited, as above men- tioned, upon the interior surface of the bell-glass, is derived from the phosphate. DEFLAGRATING CARBURETS, PHOSPHURETS, OR CYANIDES. 37 of reaction neither with chloro-hydric nor with nitric acid, neither separately nor when mixed. ‘They were not in the slightest degree magnetic. About 1822, Professor Silliman obtained globules, which were at first consi- dered as fused carbon, but were subsequently found to be depositions of that substance transferred from one electrode to the other. Several of these glo- bules were, by him, sent to me for examination, of which none, agreeably to my recollection, appeared so much like products of fusion as those lately obtained. Formerly plumbago was considered as a carburet of iron, but latterly, agree- ably to the high authority of Berzelius, has been viewed as carbon holding iron in a state of mixture, not in that of chemical combination. It would not, then, be surprising if the globules which I obtained consisted of carbon con- yerted from the state of charcoal into that of plumbago. Vile? ARTICLE VI. Upon a new Compound of the Deuto-Chloride of Platinum, Nitric Oxide, and Chloro-hydric Acid. By Henry D. Rogers, Professor of Geology in the Uni- versity of Pennsylvania, and Martin H. Boyé, Graduate of the University of Copenhagen. Read November 1, 1839. 1. Wuen platinum is dissolved in an excess of nitro-muriatic acid, and the solution is slowly evaporated, a yellow powder may sometimes be seen gradu- ally to. collect. The nature and properties of this substance we propose to describe in the following paper. Mode of Preparation. 2. The method by which we succeeded in obtaining the compound referred to in quantities sufficient for the investigation of its properties and composition is as follows:—A solution of chloride of platinum, procured in the ordinary way, is evaporated, at a rather low temperature, in a porcelain capsule, nearly to dryness. When it has reached this point, aqua regea, freshly prepared from concentrated hydro-chloric and nitric acids, containing an excess of the former, is added in small portions, the mixture being continually stirred with a glass rod. Nitric oxide gas is given off in thick fumes, and the mixture, which is now perfectly liquid, is allowed again to evaporate for some time, during which, chlorine gas is evolved in numerous small bubbles. It is then transferred to a glass vessel and cold water added drop by drop, the whole being continually stirred while it is cooling. If these steps be properly performed, a yellow pow- 60 UPON A NEW COMPOUND OF THE DEUTO-CHLORIDE OF PLATINUM, der, sometimes possessing a crystalline texture, is seen to precipitate.* Should the solution, when transferred to the glass vessel, show a tendency to pass too rapidly to the solid state, the best remedy is to heat it again on the sand bath, when it will be again liquefied. 3. When the powder has separated, and is fully settled, the liquor is to be decanted and again evaporated nearly to dryness, and the other steps of the process just described repeated. The several parcels of the precipitate thus procured are added together, and the mass filtered and pressed between bibu- lous paper, to free it as completely as possible from the mother liquid. Still more effectually to dry it, it is exposed, under an exhausted receiver, to the desiccating agency of sulphuric acid. Description and Properties of the Salt. 4. When prepared according to the process above described, the precipitate has the form of a yellow powder, often minutely crystalline, and has a consi- derable resemblance to the chloro-platinates of potassium and ammonium. It absorbs water quickly from the atmosphere with deliquescence, undergoing decomposition at the same time. In a close vessel it may be preserved for any length of time without decomposition. 5. When water is added, an active effervescence takes place, with disen- gagement of nitric oxide gas. That the gas thus extricated is pure nitric oxide is proved by its giving no precipitate with a solution of nitrate of silver, and by its being entirely absorbed by a solution of sulphate of protoxide of iron. The solution which remains after the disengagement of the nitric oxide gas is acid; it does not smell of chlorine, and gives copious precipitates with nitrate of silver and. chloride of potassium. 6. Alcohol, hydro-chloric acid, and a solution of chloride of sodium, when added to the salt, act upon it as pure water does, extricating the nitric oxide and dissolving the chloride of platinum. A saturated solution of chloride of platinum has no action on it. 7. Before we had estimated the quantity of chlorine in the salt, we did not suppose any hydro-chloric acid essential to its constitution, attributing the acid * An addition of too much water will redissolve it. - NITRIC OXIDE, AND CHLORO-HYDRIC ACID. 61 reaction to nitrous acid, imagined to have been derived from the nitrous oxide. But the following experiment settled this point. A portion of the salt was introduced into a small tubulated retort. Cold water, recently boiled to free it from atmospheric air, was added to it, until all the nitric oxide was disengaged. A concentrated solution of fused chloride of potassium was next added, and the whole distilled nearly to dryness. The product of this distillation was a colour- less liquid, first shehtly acidulated, but becoming afterwards strongly acid. It precipitated nitrate of silver very copiously, and left, when evaporated, no resi- duum. At no period of the process could any free chlorine be noticed. 8. Heated in an atmosphere of dry hydrogen, the salt first gives off water, and afterwards a white sublimate of chloride of ammonium, in accordance with the fact that hydrogen and nitric oxide gas, in contact with heated spongy pla- tinum, form ammonia, which, in this case, combines with the hydro-chloric acid, and forms chloride of ammonium. The reduced platinum is black, much resembling, in appearance, the preparation of Liebvg. It ignites hydrogen, and assumes a metallic appearance when rubbed upon a burnisher. 9. Heated by itself in a closed vessel it also gives off a great amount of water. Analysis of the Sali. 10. A portion of the salt was prepared by the foregoing process, and left to dry for several days over sulphuric acid iz vacuo. It was then promptly intro- duced into a small glass tube, sealed at its lower end. This tube was inserted into a vessel of boiling water. Its upper end was closed by a cork, through which were fitted two small bent glass tubes, the one connected with a tube of chloride of calcium, and reaching nearly to the salt, the other connected with the air-pump. By this arrangement a current of dry air could be passed over it, while the water surrounding the tube was kept boiling. A quantity, 1.677.5 erammes, of the salt was subjected for half an hour to this process, and lost only 0.002 grammes, or about one-tenth of one per cent.; evidently proving that the salt parts nith all its moisture in vacuo at ordinary temperatures. A correc- tion for this amount of water was made in calculating the results of the sub- sequent experiments. 11. The same portion of the salt was then decomposed by the introduction of water, and an alcoholic solution of chloride of potassium added. ‘The chlo- ViI.—Q 62 UPON A NEW COMPOUND OF THE DEUTO-CHLORIDE OF PLATINUM, ro-platinate of potassium thus precipitated was collected on a weighed filter, and washed with moderately concentrated alcohol, dried at 212° Farhenheit, and its weight ascertained. ‘The 1.701 grammes thus obtained is equivalent to 0.6875 grammes of platinum, giving 41.08 per cent. of metallic platinum in the salt. 12. Another quantity, 1.502 grammes of the dried salt was next decomposed by water, evaporated to dryness, and ignited in a porcelain crucible. ‘This yielded platinum 0.603, or 40.19 per cent. 13. Another portion, 1.580 grammes of the salt was introduced into a small glass tube, sealed at its lower end, and heated over a spirit lamp (Berzelius’s) until it became brightly red hot, and all volatile matters were effectually driven out of the tube. ‘This left, of platinum, 0.655 grammes, or 41.51 per cent. 14. In order to estimate the quantity of metric oxide, a graduated tube was filled with mercury and inverted over the mercurial cistern. A small quantity of the salt was then weighed and promptly enveloped, as tightly as possible, in blotting-paper. ‘This was then passed up, by aid of a fine copper wire, into the tube, and a small portion of water, previously deprived of air, was also introduced. A little care in the manipulation enabled the pellet containing the salt to be kept in contact with the water. ‘The quantity of gas thus extricated was shown upon the graduation of the tube, care being taken to preserve the mercury at the same level inside and outside. 15. Adopting this method, 0.7875 grammes of the salt gave 33.2 cubic cen- timetres of nitric oxide gas, at 82.25° Far. The barometric pressure being 29.46 inches at 80° Far. Applying the proper reductions for pressure, tem- perature, and moisture, this gives 28.37 cubic centimetres, equivalent, in weight, to 0.0382 grammes, or 4.86 per cent. of nitric oxide gas. 16. By another experiment, 1.028 grammes yielded 44.5 cubic centimetres of nitric oxide gas, at a temperature of 79° Far., and barometric pressure of 29.81 inches at 81° Far. ‘The proper reductions for pressure, temperature, and moisture being made, there resulted 38.81 cubic centimetres of the gas, equiva- lent, in weight, to 0.0524 grammes, or 5.09 per cent. 17. With a view to estimate, in the next place, the quantity of the chlorine, 1.5275 grammes of the salt were introduced into a platinum crucible, and a sufficient proportion of carbonate of potassa and water added. It was then carefully evaporated to dryness, and ignited; after which it was repeatedly NITRIC OXIDE, AND CHLORO-HYDRIC ACID. 63 edulcorated, first with boiling water, and afterwards with diluted nitric acid. The filtered solutions thus derived being saturated to excess with nitric acid, were precipitated by nitrate of silver, and the chloride of silver collected on a filter, washed, dried, and heated to fusion, (the proper precautions with the filter beme observed,) when it was weighed. ‘The amount thus obtained was 2.679 grammes, equivalent to 0.661 grammes of chlorine, or 43.32 per cent. 18. The platinum obtained by this process was also collected on a filter, ignited and weighed, giving 0.628 grammes, or 41.16 per cent. 19. As 41.16 platinum requires 29.55 chlorine, to form the deuto-chloride of platinum, and as the quantity obtained, namely, 43.32 per cent., is nearly one and a half times 29.55, it is evident that the chlorine in the salt under exami- nation exists in the proportion of 3 atoms to 1 atom of platinum. It is obvious, also, from a previous experiment (7) that this one atom of chlorine must exist in union with hydrogen as chloro-hydric acid. We, therefore, show, that for each atom of deuto-chloride of platinum, the salt con- tains one atom of chloro-hydric acid. 20. Another portion of the salt, 1.2976 grammes, being introduced into a weighed platinum crucible, and there mingled with an adequate quantity of car- bonate of potassa, a thin stratum of which should cover the mixture, it was fused, the crucible being covered. It was then edulcorated with boiling water and dilute nitric acid, and was otherwise treated as in the previous experiment, (17 and 18.) Thus operated upon, it furnished 2.336 grammes of chloride of silver, equivalent to 0.5763 grammes of chlorine, or 44.46 per cent. 21. The platinum obtained by this experiment weighed 0.549 grammes, or 42.36 per cent. 22. As 42.36 of platinum requires 30.41 of chlorine to form the deuto-chlo- ride, and as 44.46 per cent. is nearly one and a half times 30.41, it is not less plain from this experiment than from that already recorded, (17, 18, 19,) that the chlorine exists in the proportion of three atoms to one. atom of the platinum in the salt. 64 UPON A NEW COMPOUND OF THE DEUTO-CHLORIDE OF PLATINUM, Summary. 23. Making a summary of the foregoing several experiments, we find that the per centage of the platinum, By experiment 11, is 41.08 “ 12, “ 40.19 “ 13, “ A151 “ 18, “ 41.16 rs 2s 42.36 5)206.30 Giving, as a mean, . 41.26 24. The per centage of the chlorine, By experiment 17, is 43.32 # 20, “ 44.46 2)87.78 Giving, as a mean, 43.89 25. The per centage of the nztric oxide gas, By experiment 15, is 4.86 a Oe 9.09 2)9.95 Giving, as a mean, . 4.98 26. The platinum and the chlorine have already been shown (19 and 22) to exist in the salt in the proportion of one atom to three atoms. But, of the three atoms of chlorine, two go to form one atom of the deuto-chloride of plati- num, while the remaining one atom, united with one atom of hydrogen, exists in the form of hydro-chloric acid. NITRIC OXIDE, AND CHLORO-HYDRIC ACID. 65 27. The platinum and the nitric oxide are present, as we have shown, (23 and 25,) in the proportion of 41.26 to 4.98. "These numbers, divided by the atomic weights of their respective substances, will give the relative numbers of the atoms of these ingredients in the salt. 41.26 Thus the platinum = 3.345 1233.5 4.98 Nitric oxide, ——_—— = |. 32] 377.04 But, 3349:1321 = 5:2 Therefore, for every five atoms of platinum, or deuto-chloride of platinum in the salt, mith their corresponding five atoms of chloro-hydric acid, we have tivo atoms of nitric oxide. 28. We have no direct results establishing the proportion of the chemically combined water in the salt. But, estimating it from the data furnished by expe- riments 16, 20, and 21, made at the same time and with complete success, it would amount to 7.66 per cent., or two atoms of water for every atom of deuto- chloride of platinum. 29. Throwing these results into the shape of a formula, we have the follow- ing convenient expression for its chemical composition. (Pt cl*) ee ((cl H) *+(N 0?) 2 + Aq. By this formula the compound is regarded as a simple chloride of platinum united with a muriate of nitric oxide. Should we, on the other hand, deny the existence of muriates altogether, we may consider it, in accordance with the enlarged views of Dr. Hare on the Constitution of Salts, and the convenient systematic nomenclature by which he expresses their composition,* as a chloro-salt, consisting of a chloro-acid (chlo- ride of platinum, or chloro-platinic acid,) and two chloro-bases. Thus viewed, it would be a chloro-platinate of nitrogen with a chloro-platinate of hydrogen, and expressed by the following formula :-— [(Pt clr) *+N CP] °+[Ptce+HCl] + Aq™ * American Journal of Pharmacy, Vol. iii. No. 1. VII.—R 66 UPON A NEW COMPOUND OF THE DEUTO-CHLORIDE OF PLATINUM, ETC. The proportions of the several constituents of the salt, as respectively calcu- lated, in accordance with one of the above formule, and as derived from our experiments, will stand as follows :— By Exper. No. of At. By Calculation. Platinum eo OG 5 41.82 Chionine ya sn ene tS 15 45.01 Elydrosen, ger yan eae 42 5 A3 INitrier@xides | ee OS Q 5.11 Waterss 1.2) 6 eee ee er OG 10 7.63 98.21 100.00 The agreement here exhibited is as close as could be expected when we advert to the complicated nature of the salt, and the difficulties which attend its preparation and analysis. In conclusion, we may be allowed to hope that the compound here described may cast some light on the chemical nature of aqua regia, and on the question of its mode of action in dissolving the metals. Notr.—Since the above article was read, we have received Poggendorf’s Annalen, vol. xlvii., containing an interesting paper by H. Rose, of Berlin, in which he has shown that anhydrous sulphuric acid absorbs nitric oxide, forming a neutral sulphate, in which the oxygen in the sul- phuric acid is three times that in the nitric oxide. From this he infers that the nitric oxide acts the part of a true base; a conclusion to which we have arrived in the present paper, where we regard the compound examined by us as a double salt, in which nitric oxide is one of the bases. The compound described by Rose is decomposed by water in exactly the same manner as that here investigated. ARTICLE VII. On the Longitude of Several Places in the Umted States, as deduced from the Observations of the Solar Eclipse of September 18th, 1838. By E. Otis Ken- dall, Professor of Mathematics in the Central High School of Philadelphia. Read November 1, 1839. This eclipse was observed at the following places :— Lamune. |p. Greoneich, lis Gs ~ Be Hudson Obs’y, Western Reserve Ree eee : + 41° 14! 37” | —5 25 47°5 Alexandria, D.C., . . F +38 49 0 /|—5 8 16:0 Washington, Capitol, . . ee e388) oo0e23) | — 5) 8) 6:0 Haverford School, Delaware County, Pa. Be et) be eb Ss +40 1 12 |—5 1 15:0 Philadelphia, State House, . . + 39 56 58 |—5 0O 39:0 | Germantown, Pa., C. Wister’s private Observatory, +40 1 59 |—5 O 41:9 Burlington, N. J..S. Gummere’s School, . . . |+40 5 10 | —4 59 30:1 Princeton, Io a5 [Nassau alleen - |+40 19 56 | —4 58 38:3 | Weasel Mountain, N. J., Station of Coast Survey, +40 52 35 | —4 57 25-7 New Haven, Yale College, . - | +41 17 58 | —4 51 47°5 | Southwick, Mass., A. Holcomb’s private ( Obs’ vs - | +42 O 41 | —4 51 16:0 | Wesleyan University, Conn., . . . 5 +41 338 8 |—450 2:0 Williamstown College, Mass. . . . ... . + 42 42 44 | —4 52 52-0 | Dorchester OLEONTAIOMN, INEEEp 6 9 59 6 0 0 6 + 42 19 11:5) —4 44 17-3 | Dover, ‘Tuscarora County, Ohio, . ae +40 30 52 | —5 25 56-2 | Brooklyn, N. Y., E. Blunt’s private Obs’ y,. a ate +40 42 0 |—4 56 0-0 When there were more observers than one at the same place, I have taken the mean of all the observations, giving to each its proper weight. In Phila- delphia it was observed by several persons, in different parts of the city. The following table contains a list of the Philadelphia observations, with the differ- ences of latitude and longitude between the places of observation and the State House, which has been already published in the Proceedings of the Society, vol. I. p. 36, 68 ON THE LONGITUDE OF Ae En 48 1 Formation | Rupture of Observer. sa i Su se Beginning. | “ o¢ Ring. iia End. Sie | | | gy ‘hehe h. m h. m. h. m. h. m 3 13 4 3l 4 35 5 45 Ss. Ss. E. J. Bean + 70’°0| — 1°70 28-4 Wm. Penn Cresson |+ 1:8} — 5:20 27°8 Ss. Ss. Prof. W. R. Johnson ; + 1:8} — 5:20 10°7 23°5 12°2 Ss. George M. Justice + 10:0) — 2°86 74 12-8 27°3 113 E. O. Kendall + 10-0] — 2°86 8:3 10:9 28°4 12°9 Joseph Knox + 21:0) + 1-39 12°8 Isaiah Lukens + 9-0} — 0°86 21°7 Thomas M‘Euen — 0-4] — 2:33 3:0 18:1 29°1 13-2 Prof. Roswell Park + 6:5} — 1-30 19°1 29-1 Dr. R. M. Patterson |+ 1-1} — 1:20 7:0 19+1 30:1 16°1 Wm. H. C. Riggs — 0°4| — 2:33 7:3 16°3 29°4 7:8 Samuel Sellers + 7:5) — 0:05 6:0 16-0 31:0 16-0 Tobias Wagner + 10-0} — 2°86 6:1 Sears C. Walker + 10-0) — 2°86 5°6 15:6 28:0 13-0 William Young — 21:0; + 1:39 12-9 15:0 It was considered most convenient to reduce the above local times to the State House, which has been done by means of the formule in the Journal of the Franklin Institute, vol. xx. p. 125, by which I have deduced the following values of the variation of the local time of the several phases for a small dif- ference of terrestrial latitude or longitude. Beginning. Ring. End. Variation for + or North 1” of terr. lat. . . . =— 0.0397 — 0.0382 — 0.0343 GG + or East 1s. of terr. lon. in time. = + 1.2600 + 1.1400 + 0.9925 Applying these values, and taking means after giving due weight to each observation, the results for the State House are obtained as stated below. The method used in making these reductions is that of Bessel. Astr. Nach. No. 321. The sun’s semi-diameter there given has been employed; the other elements have been taken from the Nautical Almanac. Bessel’s semi-diameter of the sun is less than that of the Nautical Almanac by 1’.112. I have com- puted the following co-ordinates for this eclipse, and would remark that the SEVERAL PLACES IN THE UNITED STATES. 69 reduction of future observations of solar eclipses will be much facilitated by the publication of these co-ordinates in the Berliner Jahrbuch since 1839. Mean Time. Greenwich. Mean Time. | Greenwich. | h 7 8 9 p = + 0-4663195 q = + 0-7566013 a | 6 | zt a! | 6’ a &- Milo wa h. m. ARs a 11 41 33.74| + 2° 57’ 14”-9|53’ 5378111 43 3°48] + 1° 50’ 43 17:49 2 43 4°6 67 12°46 49 12°3 45 1-79 2 28 53 °9 56 21-44 48 14:0 46 45°75 2 14 42°6 “47 30°42 Glog illay d7/ 48 29°67 2 0 31:0 °38 39-40 46 17 °4 50 13°55 1 46 19°0 °30 48°38 45 19:2 a d log g x y h. m. ai 11 43 3:72) + 1° 49’ 59-8 | 9:9988515 |i— 0°4168225| -+ 1-2478116 12°45 COS 074 512 }-+ 0:°0247623) + 1:0022355 QT 48 7:5 510 f+ 0:4663195| + 0°7566013 29°90 yy (a i 3 511 |-+ 0.9078406| + 0°5109066 38°63 46 15:1 511 + 1°3492845) -+- 0°2651588 47°36 45 19:0 513 \}-+ 1°7906058| + 0:°0193279 Mean Time. i Coeich. l log t L log t h. | 2 0:5695708 | '7°6682157 | 00231215 | 7-6661003 8 6110 2210 1615 1056 9 6326 2262 1831 1108 10 6334 2311 1839 1157 11 6150 2362 1662 1208 12 5782 2410 1291 1256 T=9 T=10° p = + 0:9078406 ¢g = + 0:5109066 Se | Sp | | ee | | | dhe N — 2h/119° 4’ —1 5 0 5 +1 5 an 2 5 59”°4 | 3°8527713 12-4 7696 26 °1 7672 41 °1 7713 58 °3 7893 — 25/119° 5’ 26-7 | 38527704 —1 5 41:1 7713 0 5 56 °2 7846 +1 6 15°4 8071 +2 6 42°3 8358 375 1:8046400 6936 7198 7162 6852 6258 70 ON THE LONGITUDE OF Then, according to Bessel, calling d the longitude + East, — West of Green- wich, we have Where d=d' +a: + 62+ cy d’ = the resulting longitude, uncorrected for the errors of the tables « = the correction of the tabular place of the moon on its orbit ¢= n ref! I be be 6é G6 ce 66 «on a perpendicular to its orbit sum of the semi-diameters of the sun and moon difference 6s 66 With these elements and co-ordinates I have computed the following values of d' and the co-efficients a, b, c, assuming the ellipticity of the earth to be 0.00324. Place of Observation and Observer. Western Reserve Coll. Prof. Loomis. Dover, Ohio, J. Blickensderfer. | Alexandria, D. (Olay | B. Hallowell. Washington Capitol, R. T. Paine and Lneut. Gillis, U. S. N. | Haverford School, Pa., J. Gummere & S. J. Gummere. Philadelphia, State House, Several Observers. Germantown, Pa., Charles Wister & Casper E. Wister. | | | | | Burlington, N. J., | Prof. Hamilton. | py En eS Sn ae ea an SS SPAREN SHH SSRIS RISER eRe eoe=2) Mean Time of Observation. h. m™. 2 38 Ss. 17:02 . not observed ie led le Esa coe AL LWAARRWORBRWAKRRWORKRHWOPRR WOR A ww PTSG ou FO 2 39 38°82 25°71 9°63 ~F OO 3 — 4 59 40°70 52°71 45°44 59:60 59°45 24:44 29°16 16°46 38°79 3°25 2°72 2°73 1:96 12°03 13:98 13°71 17:73 37°79 38°72 40°16 39°32 40:99 40°75 38°83 36°06 24:69 28°99 29°55 30:35 SEVERAL PLACES IN THE UNITED STATES. | | — Place of Observation and Observer. Princeton, N. J., Profs. Henry § Alexander. Weasel Mountain, N. J. F. R. Hassler. Brooklyn Obs’y, N. Y., E. Blunt. New Haven, Prof. Olmsted, E. P. Mason, & Al. L.. Smith. Southwick, Mass., 4. Holcomb. Wesleyan Uniy., Conn., Prof. 4. A. Smith. Williamstown Coll., Prof. Hopkins. Dorchester, Mass., W. C. Bond. eS) (zs eer fas m= \ HORRORS fe Bao Mean Time of Observation. h. m 5s. 8 14 43-01 4 33 11:27 . not observed 5 46 38:89 3 15 56°98 35 57-09 35 58:09 47 13:10 17 18:80 36 47°30 t observed 48 23°63 wa Bl Oo bt bd wa woe. Ts -n HWS 14:47 17:00 an ow Ba CO oe ow _ 83 Ue Ue) . not observed 3 28 10°9 - not observed —4 —4 —4 71 b c d ; h. m. Se — 0°167 | + 2:213 | — 4 58 43°69 + 2°245 | + 3-146 43°68 — 0°174 | — 2:210 30°70 — 0:189 | + 2-211 | — 4 56 46°75 + 6°875 | + 7-220 48°26 — 6:912 | — 7°255 49:10 — 0:187 | — 2°213 51°34 — 0°189 | + 2-211 |— 4 56 0:02 + 5:329 | + 5.766 0:80 — 0°184 | — 2:211 231 — 0°155 | -+ 2:209 | — 4 51 47°65 — 0°199 | — 2:213 56°82 — 0°139 | + 2:208 | — 4 51 16:92 — 0°215 | — 2°214 20°16 — 0°145 | + 2°208 | — 4 50 43°62 — 0°205 | — 2°213 41°73 — 0°132 | + 2-206 | — 4 52 26°93 — 0:099 | + 2:206 | — 4 44 22°76 From the duration of the ring the following values of 2 were obtained: At Dover, . Alexandria, Washington, . Haverford, Philadelphia, . Germantown, Burlington, Weasel Mountain, 20) (ii) alii) 2Gv) (409) e(vi) (vii) e(viii) = + -2:948 + 3:987 x 1’ + 52°140 1:457 6380 6-893 5944 6.688 6831 The mean of the five last equations gives, g 6:547 And from the equation for Washington, , n Whence 2 + 0°515 — 7:310 * It was found necessary to subtract one minute from the time of end as and Smith. 17°600 x 7’ 11-370 X 7’ 1°650 X 7’ 1:646 xX 7’ 1°592 X 1’ 1°473 X 17/ 1:050 X »’ 1:482 X 7’ given by Messrs. Olmsted, Mason 72 ON THE LONGITUDE OF SEVERAL PLACES IN THE UNITED STATES. With the above value of ¢, the duration of the eclipse furnished for the value of y, At Princeton, ni) == — 0261 — 0-056 x 7’ Germantown, no) = — 2-255 — 0:053 x 7’ Williamstown, iii) == — 2.875 — 0:022 x 7’ Washington, q°v) == — 2-798 — 0:022 xX 7’ Philadelphia, q) == — 3534 — 0:022 x 7’ Southwick, . q¥) = — 3941 — 0°017 x x’ Weasel Mountain, Vii) = — 4-232 + 0:002 x x’ Burlington, . . qvill) = — 4-468 — 0:001 X 7’ Haverford, . nix) = — 4472 4+- 0-015 X 7’ Dover, q2) == — 4:675 — 0:074 X 7’ New Haven, ni) == — 5:409 + 0°021 x x’ Alexandria, yi) = — 6403 + 0°025 x x’ Mean of the twelve equations, = — 3760 — 0017 x 7’ Mean of first six, ae Ave Oy = — 2°611 — 0:082 x x’ Mean of two means, n = — 3°185 — 0:025 xX 7’ Whence x = — 3198 Applying these values of 2, 7, 7’ to the equations derived from the Philadel- phia observations, and assuming d equal to — 5h. Om. 39:00s., we have _d—d'—be—cn 8 BT e= a = hen And making — : — 3198 2 d = d! — 14°782 x a— 7-310 x 6 + Je aees Se we derive the value of d, or the most probable longitude to be deduced from this eclipse, as given in the table above. AU Clee VEEL On the Patella Amena of Say. By Isaac Lea. Read March 6, 1840. In a very able paper, published in the Boston Journal of Natural Science, Mr. Couthouy gives an elaborate description of the animal of the Patella Amena of Say, and places it in a new genus established by Quoy and Gaimard, under the name of Patelloida. From the description of the animal by the French zoologists, and the minute one of Mr. Couthouy, there can be no doubt of the propriety of this change, though the form of the shell gives little or no indication of the great distinction developed by the anatomy of the animal. I agree fully with the American zoologist in the propriety of changing the generic name of this Patella, but I do not see the propriety of retaining the specific name Ameena, because it was first described by Miller as Patella testudinalis. Entertaining this opinion, I have consulted the authors who have described this shell, and now offer the following synonomy:— Patelloida testudinalis. Lea. Patelloidea amena. Couthouy. ost. Jour. Nat. Hist. vol. ii. p. 171. Patella amena. Say. Jour. Acad. Nat. Sct. vol. ii. p. 223. Patella testudinalis. Miiller Zool. Dan. p. 237. Deshayes’ Lam. vol. vii. p. 543. Fabricius Faun. Groen. p. 385. Gmelin, p. 3718. Dillwyn, p. 1045. Wood's Cata. No. 63. Patella testudinaria. J/iller Zool. Dan. Kemmerer, Rudolst Conch. p. 12, pl. 2, figs. 4 and 5, Patella tessellata. Miller Zool. Dan. vol. iii. 2868. Dr. Beck’s Letter. Patella testudinaria Gréenlandica. Chemnitz, vol. x. p. 325, pl. 168, figs. 1614, and 1615. Patella Clealandii. Sowerby. Extracts from the Minute Book of the Linn. Soc. vol. viii. p. 621. Heming’s British Animals, p. 287. Vii.—T 74 ON THE PATELLA AMZENA. Patella virginea. Miiller Zool. Dan. vol. iii. p. 2867. Patella virginea? Gmelin, p. 3711. Dillwyn, p. 1052. Fleming’s Br. Ani. p. 287. Patella clypeus. Mr. S. Ker’s Letter. Lottia* Antillarum? Sow. Conch. Manual, fig. 231. This species of Patelloida seems to have escaped the attention of Lamarck, which surprises me the more as its geographical distribution is very extensive. Linneus and Schroter give the habitat of Patella testudinaria as in the Nor- wegian seas; but it is evident that these writers have confounded the two spe- cies, the testudinaria being a southern species, while the testudinalis is a north- ern one. Miiller says it inhabits Norway. Fabricius mentions it as being common on the shores of Greenland. I have a suite of specimens from Green- land, which came from the extensive cabinet of Prince Christian of Denmark. Some very fine specimens were also sent to me from Hudson’s Bay, by Go- vernor Simpson of the Hudson’s Bay Company; and Mr. S. Ker, many years. since presented it to me under the name of Patella clypeus, from Greenock, in Scotland. It is also found in abundance on the rocks at Nahant, in Massachu- setts, and in Maine, and other parts of our northern coast. Chemnitz and Kemmerer have both made excellent representations of this shell; the former the most perfect. Dillwyn and other authors quote the Pa- tella radiata Born, for this species; but a reference to his figure (pl. 18, fig. 10) will satisfy any one who knows the shell that this is an error. Noris Dillwyn correct in giving the P. virgata of Gmelin asa synonym. Deshayes refers to Schroter’s P. testudinaria; but I think that Schroter had the India shell in view when describing that species, which is very different and much larger. * Mr. Sowerby, in his Conch. Manual, p. 59, gives precedence to Mr. Gray’s generic name of Lottia over that of Patelloida of Quoy and Gaimard. Deshayes says (vol. vii. p. 549) that he retains the name of Patelloida as being the first given. ARTICLE IX. Observations of the Magnetic Intensity at twenty-one Stations in Europe. By A. D. Bache, LL. D., President of the Girard College for Orphans, one of the Secretaries of the American Philosophical Society, 5;¢., 5c. Read March 6, 1840. Tue following observations of intensity and dip were made during a visit to Europe in 1836-7 and 1837-8, directed by the Trustees of the Girard College for Orphans, The special objects of my journey admitted of only an occasional attention to the observations in question, which I did not attempt unless when time and circumstances were generally favourable to their execution. ‘The stations are twenty-one in number; three in Great Britain, and the others on the continent. At some of the places the magnetic elements are so well known from numerous observations that my results can add but little to the informa- tion already before the public; at others, few observations have been made, and my determinations assume a higher relative importance. Those of the former class will serve, by their accordance with the results of other observers, to give a general confidence in the results of the latter, and will especially assist in connecting the European stations with those in the United States, which formed one principal object of experiments, the results of which I propose to commu- nicate to the society in a separate memoir. At all the places but three the horizontal intensity and dip were observed, and at two the total intensities were, in addition, compared by the statical me- thod of Professor Lloyd. The observations for the horizontal intensity were made by oscillating horizontal needles in a rarefied medium, in the manner ex- 76 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY plained in a former paper, read before the society.* The dip was determined with a six inch dipping circle by Rozsinson, which yielded quite as satisfactory results as the instrument by GamBry, used in my observations in the United States.| The needles for the statical method of Professor Luoyp were also by RoBInson. f Two needles were ordinarily used in the observations for horizontal intensity, a cylinder of the HansTEEN model and a bar, designated respectively as C and A in the memoir on horizontal intensity just referred to. The correction for temperature, and also, in general, the mode of observing there recorded were employed. 'To determine the time of beginning and ending of the oscillations, however, five sets of observations were taken,§ and the usual mode of deducing the mean, by comparing the five corresponding observations at the commence- ment and close of each series, was adopted. A pocket chronometer, by FRENcH, was used to observe the duration of the oscillations, and its rate during the ob- servations was ascertained by comparison with an observatory clock, when such means was at hand. ‘This watch had been selected in reference to its quality of bearing change of position without considerable change of rate, and stood the trial to which it was exposed reasonably well. It is my impression, however, that when more perfect instrumental means.are used in the determinations, greater care will be required in regard to those for ascertaining the time. The observed correction for the rate of the chronometer is duly applied in the tables of results. As all the observations were made between the same arcs of vibra- tion, a reduction to indefinitely small arcs is not required.|| The correction for * American Philosophical Society’s Transactions, vol. v., N.S., Art. xviii. t Ibid. Art. viii. { They had been heated in boiling water, to discharge as much of the magnetism as could be done by this temperature, according to the recommendation of Mr. Christie. 1 supposed, from the result of calculations made while in Paris, that these needles lost their magnetism rapidly, but, on farther examination, find that such was not the case, and that they lost but a small portion of their force during more than a year, as will be found stated in a subsequent part of this paper. § Besides eliminating errors of observation, this has the farther advantage of correcting errors of division of the dial plate, as noticed by Professor Forsxs, in his ‘ Account of some Experiments made in different Parts of Europe on Terrestrial Magnetic Intensity,” &c., &c. Edinburgh Transactions, vol. xiv., part I., p. 5. || The semi-ares of vibration for the cylinders were from 6° to 2°, and for the bar, from 4° to 2°. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. hile the loss of magnetism by the needle is so fully made out, that I believe the re- sults to be as free from error, on this score, as if no loss had appeared from observation. The time of oscillation of the bar (A) was observed at Philadel- phia in October, 1835; again in September, 1836, just before I set out from home; and in December, 1838, after my return: it was observed in the inter- mediate time at London, in June, 1837, and again in August, 1838; at Paris in August, 1837, and in July, 1838. A curve was traced on a large scale by the results thus obtained, the ordinates representing the relative forces of the needle corresponding to the intervals of time from October, 1835, measured by the abscisse. A regular curve being traced, departed very little from the points obtained by observation, the differences between the ordinates of the mean curve and those given by the particular observations being, in terms of the ori- ginal force of the needle, 0.000, — 0.0005, + 0.0030, + 0.0034, and — 0.0031. As these individual results must be affected by small errors of observation, there can be no doubt of the satisfactory correction for loss of magnetism by using the ordinates of the curve, and, accordingly, the correction thus obtained is ap- plied to the results, and is entered in the tables. This needle shows a tendency towards a permanent magnetic state, and its loss is less than half that of the other. The diminution of force of the cylindrical needle, (B,) since Septern- ber, 1835, has been nearly uniform, and, accordingly, the curve representing it differs but little from a straight line. ‘The observations used to trace this curve were obtained at Philadelphia in September, 1835, in September 1836, and in December, 1838; and in addition at the same times and places as stated in reference to the other needle. Although the correction for loss of force is so much greater for this needle than for the bar, there is no reason to suppose, from a comparison of their results, that this correction is not quite as well as- certained as the former. ‘The differences between the observed losses of force and those given by the ordinates of the curve are, 0.0000, 0.0000, + 0.0035, + 0.0051, and — 0.0042. The time of oscillation of this needle was farther satisfactorily observed at Florence, before passing into lower Italy, and again in returning to upper Italy; but while the general accordance of the results was such as to show that the force had undergone no irregular change which was ap- preciable, the time which had elapsed between the two observations was too short to justify their use in the numerical determination of the loss of magnetism by the needle. I have had no cause to suspect irregular changes in either of the Vil.—vU 78 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY needles since they came into my possession. The needles were always kept separate from each other; while travelling, they were carried about my person, and, when stopping for any considerable length of time, were deposited as far from iron as was necessary to their safety. From the experiments made with these needles, both of which have been magnetised several years, and which have been kept carefully for more than six years, I should be disposed, in fu- ture, to adopt the plan of procuring needles of as nearly equal force as possible,* and keeping them in pairs, which renders them much more convenient to carry. Itis certain that permanence of force has not resulted, in these nee- dles, from the opposite plan, and that the labour of observation and calculation are much increased by the necessity of ascertaining and applying a correction for the loss. In comparing two sets of experiments at a distant date, to ascer- tain the loss of magnetism by the needle, the results are affected by the change of dip which has taken place in the interval, and as it is not probable that this change is produced by an alteration in the total intensity, a correction is to be applied, which, however, except in the longest interval of my series, was scarcely appreciable. The magnetic dip was observed in the usual way, the poles of the needles being reversed in each series. ‘The bar magnets for reversing the poles were placed in the top of the box containing the dipping circle, each pair of opposite poles being connected by a keeper. Notwithstanding this arrangement, the bars lost much of their strength, probably from the percussion resulting from a slight play which was allowed in the bed where they were placed; and, on my arrival at Berlin, their magnetism was so much diminished that the dipping- needles could no longer be charged by them to saturation. Since that time I have always taken the precaution, after changing the poles, to oscillate the needles within determinate ares, and when resting on the agate planes, to ascer- tain, by the time of oscillation, that they are charged at least nearly to satura- tion. The statement of this precaution may be of service to others, since, with a diminished force in the needles, the liability to take up some other position than that corresponding to the true dip is increased, and the error cannot, ne- cessarily, be detected by discrepancies in the several readings. Of the two * The importance of attending to these conditions appears very strikingly from the experiments of Mr. Airy, with large magnetic bars. Royal Society’s Transactions, Part I., for 1839, pp. 196, 197. : AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. US) ueedles accompanying the dipping circle, No. 2 did not give uniformly as ac- cordant results as No. 1; but, in cases where differences appeared, I endea- -voured, by increasing the number of observations, to reduce the amount of pro- bable error. In presenting these results to the society, I have concluded to give the ob- servations at each place, in general, separately, rather than to tabulate, at once, the whole series; this will enable me more readily to make such remarks as may be necessary, and also to compare the results with those of other observers, as far as I am acquainted with them, which will make the paper more com- plete than if I had confined it merely to my own conclusions.* The observations will be given in the following order:—Those at Dublin, Edinburgh, London, Paris, Brussels, Berlin, Vienna, Trieste, Venice, Rome, Naples, Florence, Milan, Turin, Chamberi, Lyons, Chamouni, the Flégieré, Genera, Brientz, and the Faulhorn. The observations at Dublin were made in the Provost’s garden. DUBLIN. They in- cluded only the horizontal intensity, as I was not at this time provided with a dipping-needle. observations made in July, 1837. The horizontal intensity is compared with that at London by Observations for Horizontal Intensity at Dublin. Needl D T | ime of ees eae Hor BCC: BE empP-| No. of aes Ten Mean. Corr’n Intensit , Oscill’ns. Oscill’ns. Oscill’ns. for es ——————— —_——_——_ ——-—_ | ___-____|___.____| Loss of -—— Year. |Month.| D.| H.| M.| Fah. © Secs Secs. Secs. |Magn’m.} Lond. 1. Cylinder. 1836} Nov. |21/ 4|08) 452 200 36.13 | 36.157 66 66 GG Ce a | 443 66 | 14 .168 cc oC Os | «6 | 39) 442 ot 12 .149 | 36.158 | 0.978 0.935 Bar. 1836] Nov. |19| 4 | 40) 40 200 39.77 | 39.862 Ob CC €é “| «6 154) 392 150 «74 .833 Ge GC aC 21] 4)53) 442 OG -78 851 | 39.849 | 0.992 0.938 * This is easily done through the abstract contained in Major Sabine’s interesting report to the British Association, on the variation of the magnetic intensity observed at different points of the earth’s surface. ence, London, 1838. From the Seventh Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Sci- I have, however, referred to the originals, whenever they were accessible, in which cases they are quoted in my paper, without other acknowledgment. 80 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY These results can add nothing to the laboured deductions of the same ele- ment by Professor Luoyp and Major SaBine, but they are important here, as indicating the accuracy with which the corrections for my needles are known, an interval of nine months having elapsed between the observations at Dublin and London. ‘The mean of the three series with the two needles gives 0.936 for the horizontal intensity at Dublin to that at London as unity, while the mean of the determinations of the experimenters just referred to is 0.940, the two extremes being 0.946 and 0.934.* EDINBURGH. The following observations were made at Canaan Park, near Edinburgh. The instrument was much out of order, and required much time and pains to obtain the results, which, after all, are not as accordant as usual: their number probably makes up for the want of close agreement. ‘The numbers in the column of corrected results are reduced for the rate of the chronometer,t as well as for temperature. Observations for Horizontal Intensity at Edinburgh. Tine oF. Gorecied cece HH ime o Co) or. Needle. Date. ‘Temp. Number Pe Ten Mean. Correction| Intensity. Oscill’ns sem’ DS | Oscill’ns. for eee eee : ——_———— Loss of - Year. |Month.}D.|H.|Fah. ° Secs Secs. Secs. |Magnet’m.| Lond. 1. Cylinder.| 1837| Feb. | 4/23] 46 | 250 | 37.05 66 66 66 66 22 66 270 aii oe Bt 06 “13 | 45 250 ll se CC ou GG By 8. ce .08 37.107 | 37.107 0.986 0.895 Bar. 1837| Feb. | 2|4 | 34 248 40.70 ef OG ce | 1 4a! 83 250 -68 ee 66 “| 415 | 443 330 75 40.810 | 40.810 0.995 0.897 I do not. find in either of Major Saziner’s reports, already referred to, a com- parison of the horizontal forces of magnetism at Edinburgh and London. Pro- * See Report on the Magnetic Isoclinal and Isodynamic Lines in the British Islands. By Major Edward Sabine. From the Highth Report of the British Association for the Advancement of Sci- London, 1839. For the early receipt of a copy of this report I am indebted to the author. + While at Edinburgh, the main spring of the chronometer gave way, and was replaced by Mr. Bryson. ence. The watch had, subsequently, a very considerable losing rate, but I preferred to submit to this inconvenience to having frequent alterations made in it. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 81 fessor Forbes has compared Edinburgh and Paris, and gives the intensity at the former place to that at the latter as 0.8402 to unity. My direct determina- tion gives almost identically the same results; namely, 0.8405. Again, com- paring Edinburgh and Paris through London, I find 0.841 for the horizontal intensity at the former city. Farther, using my results at Edinburgh in a comparison of Dublin and London through Edinburgh, I find 0.936 for the relative horizontal intensities at Dublin and London, agreeing within 0.004 of the mean result of Professor Luoyp and Major Saxsinr’s observations. All these verifications go to show that my number for the relation of the horizon- tal intensities at Edinburgh and London is very nearly correct. The dip was determined, at the same time and place with those of the fore- going observations, by Professor ForBEs, with a small three inch circle, to be 71° 47'.5. This result differs but slightly from those of Major SasBine in September, 1836, and of Mr. Fox, in August, 1837, when reduced to this epoch, and I have employed it in determining the total intensity. Calculating this element from the mean of the horizontal intensities of the foregoing table, and using the dip observed by me at London, I find 1.018 for the total intensity at Edinburgh, that of London being unity. Major Sanine obtained, by the statical method, 1.023. I am at a loss to explain the difference between us. It does not, probably, depend upon an error in the dip used in my calculation, since, taking a mean of those which Major Sanine and Mr. Fox obtained at Edinburgh, and Major Sasine, Captain Ross, Professor Puinurrs, Mr. Fox, and Professor Luoyp, at London, reduced to this same epoch, and using these means with my horizontal intensity, the total intensity appears to be 1.014. If my result is erroneous, the error must be in the determination of the horizon- tal intensity, the numerous verifications of which render it improbable that this is wrong to any considerable extent. LONDON AND PARIS. As these stations are of importance as references in connecting the magnetic intensity in the United States with that in Europe, I bestowed great care upon the observations, and multiplied them. They were, besides, points to which I VIIL—vV 82 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY intended to return a second time, and which, therefore, afforded the means of ascertaining the loss of magnetism of the needles. ‘The number of needles em- ployed, and of observations made, may, perhaps, farther entitle these results to be allowed some weight in the determination of the relative intensity of magnetism at these two important European stations. ‘The instrument for measuring the horizontal intensity was put in excellent order by Rosinson, who also furnished the dipping circle and needles. Besides the horizontal needles which I ordi- narily used, I employed two others, and also observed by the statical method of Professor Luoyp. ‘The observations were made in the summer of 1837, and again in 1838, the intervals between the respective series at London and Paris being quite short. The place of observation at London was near Captain Ross’ former residence, at WESTBOURNE GREEN, and at Paris, in the garden of the observatory in the Maeneric CaBinet of M. Araco. compared, before and after the observations, with the clock of the observatory at Paris, and with the standard of Messrs. ARNoLD and Dent, at London. The chronometer was Observations for Horizontal Intensity at London and Parvs. | Time oF Corrected| Peete te H Time of Co) orizontal | Date. Temp. Ten Mean , : > | No. of ony Ten Corr’n Intensity. Place. Needle. Orcillne Oscill’ns. (Oscill’ns. Fa y ———_——_———_-———_ eee = —— Loss of -_——_—_——— | Year. | Month. D.| H.| M. | Fah. © Secs. Secs. Secs. |Magn’m.| Paris 1.| Lond. 1. London Cylinder | 1837 | June 2412 06, P.M. | 71 242 35.31 35.369 Oo oe GG oo} ss 1 30, 762 280 .29 .849 | 35.359 1.069 | 1.000 Bar 66 6 se | 2/49, 733 300 | 38.704 | 38.742 66 GG 66 | 66 3 10, 66 66 66 66 38.742 1.066 1.000 H.R | « | « [| 1/36, 77 | 350 | 31.23 | 31.275 GC | Se GG “| 2/01, 66 “ .29 .335D | 31.305 1.066 | 1.000 i, Be ene ice NS) S203: 723 | 350 | 25.01 | 25.029 | 66 GO. |» GG Ke 4/01, 72 400 -O1 66 25.029 1.062 | 1.000 Paris |Cylinder) ‘* | Aug. | 4 |10/58, A. M.| 69 500M facie iam eae £ 6 “ “ce 6 111 | 28, 66 6c 13 66 34.286 | .9958 | 1.000 | 0.936 Bar | « | « |«(12/42,P.M.| 703 | 300 | 37.42 | « ss ce “c ts se 1102, 70 GO -40 GG 37.560 | .9980 | 1.000 | 0.938 H. R. 66 July |13 |12 | 04, 703 350 | 30.18 | 30.305 06 | 06 so ee 34, 66 GG 16 .325 | 30.315 1.000 | 0.9388 H.Bt. | « | « |«/10/53,A.M.| 70 | 400 | 24.19 | 24.286 GO “ GG ‘6 {11} 10, 697 se &6 66 24.286 1.008 | 0.942 AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 83 Observations for Horizontal Intensity at London and Paris, continued. Time of peal See Horizontal Date. Temp. Ten am Mean. oe. : | Place. | Needle. a cise Ouslens: Eee: Cone Intensity. —— —- —_-——_ | ___-___|__-——_-|_ Loss of * Year. | Month. D.|H M. Fah. ° Secs Secs. Secs. |Magn’m.} Paris 1. | Lond. 1. Paris |Cylinder.| 1838| July | 4| 1/07, P.M.| 732 | 350 | 34.956 | 35.076 “6 sc sc ss! 1/36, OG 326 944 .066 oe 6s &6 17|12 | 04, 72 350 -903 .026 ss 66 se Co ee 8D; 73 6s .850 | 34.971 “ ‘“ ‘6 se) 1/08, 74 66 .934 | 35.053 “e 6 be 6} 2/06, 823 66 .934 .038 se 6 oc G6) C5 1)/048) 833 CG 931 -035 | 35.038 1.000 | 0.938 Bar. ce G6 4}| 3/34, 713i 350 37.714 | 37.812 6c 66 66 66 | 06 56, 723 66 703 .805 66 OG oc itzf) OO} UGE 843 300 -763 811 oe 6c CS 6c) 6! 36, 857 es -792 .836 | 37.816 1.000 | 0.936 London|Cylinder.| “ | Aug. 15) 1/03, 65 350 | 836.232 | 36.271 66 “s 66 061) OG} 15) OC GC .239 .278 | 36.274] .9962 | 1.066 | 1.000 Bar. BC a so) 2/23, C6 350 39.032 | 39.064 ‘6 “ ‘cc sc} 66/49, 6 66 -030 .062 | 39.063| .9982 | 1.068 | 1.000 The final mean of these results gives the horizontal intensity at Paris 1.066, that at London being 1.000. By a series of observations with six needles, in 1827, Major Sabine found the same element to be 1.071: the highest result which any one of his needles gave was 1.073, and the lowest 1.0675. The following observations of the dip were made at the same places with the foregoing. At Paris, in 1837, the observations with needle No. 2 were made at such a late hour as to be unsatisfactory, from a deficiency of light; I have, therefore substituted for them the dip given by the two needles used in the statical method, and corrected by a comparison of their results at London with those of the other two needles, the poles of which were reversed. Needle No. 2 was in the hands of Mr. Rosinson, for alteration, in 1838, and I have again used the corrected results given by the statical needles. The total intensities are calculated from the mean horizontal intensity and the observed dips. 84 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY Dip and Total Intensity at London and Paris. Date. Dip. Mean Dip. Total Intensity. Place. Needle. Year. | Month.| D. Degs.| Min. |Degs.) Mins. | Lond. 1.) Paris 1. London | 1837 | June | 16 No.1 | 69 | 18.3 2 17.4 | 69 | 17.8 | 1.000 | 1.020 Paris cs Aug. | 17 | Lloyd No.1 | 67 | 16.9 2 21.3 Mean, 67 | 19.6 No. | 23.2 | 67 | 21.4 | 0.980 | 1.000 Paris | 18388 | July | 10 No.1 | 67 | 16.4 2 16.6 | 67 | 16.5 | 0.980 | 1.000 London | <“* Aug. | 15 | Lloyd No. 1 | 69 | 12.9 No. 2 12.3 Mean, 69 | 12.6 No. 1 12.1 | 69 | 12.3 1.000_ 1.020 The report of Major SaBine on the magnetic survey of the British Islands affords ample authentic materials for putting these results to the test. Pro- fessor PuiLtips, who observed the dip, in May, 1837, at the same place where my observations were made, found it 69° 20'.2; and again, in March, 1838, 69° 18'.2, which, reduced to the epoch of my observations, at the rate of a dimi- nution of 0'.2 per month, would give (the correction being additive) 69° 20'.4. The dip observed by Major Sapine in Regent’s Park, in July, 1837, reduced to the same epoch, is 69° 18’.9, and by an observation in November, 1837, 69° 25'.0. That found by Capt. James Ross, at Westbourne Green, in Au- gust, 1837, similarly reduced, gives 69° 20'.8; in June and July, 1838, 69° 17'.0; and in December, 1838, 69° 17'4. That of Professor Luoyp, in 1836, also, reduced, is 69° 20'.8; and of Mr. Fox, in May and June, 1838, 69° 20'.5. The mean of all these determinations, omitting the dip of 69° 25'.0, is 69° 19'.5. I am not acquainted with any series of determinations, at the same place, by dif- ferent observers, and with different instruments, which agree so closely, and consider it, therefore, as an important point in verifying my results, that the dip observed in 1837 agrees within 1'.7 of the mean of those just referred to. The second determination of 69° 12'.3, in 1838, is in defect 4'.8, supposing the annual decrease of dip to be 2'.4, a difference which is admissible, since nearly AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 85 as great a one is to be found among the foregoing results. ‘The determinations of the dip at Paris agree very well with that given by Professor ForssEs, on the authority of M. Araco, in July, 1835,* namely, 67° 24.0. An annual diminution of dip of 2'.8 would give, in August, 1837, 67° 18'.2, while I found 67° 21'.4; and in July, 1838, 67° 15'.6, while my result was 67° 16'.5. It is obvious, then, that my value of the total intensity is correct or not, ac- cording as the horizontal intensity has or has not been accurately determined. I shall return to this, after stating the results obtained by the statical method of Professor Luoyp. As the observations in 1837, by this method, were made at the short interval of a month from each other, I have not thought it neces- sary to apply a correction to them, the whole loss of magnetism, during the year, by either needle, having amounted to less than 0.01. Observations for Total Intensity at London and Paris, by the Statical Method. Dip when | Dip reduced Total Place. ce Needle. ae loaded, to August, eee Ss Angle @. Angle &. _ COR Q Month.| Year. Fah. ° Sui (¢ — 6) London | June | 1837. | No. 1, | 743 | 21°} 59’.0 | 69° | 1'7’.5 Paris Aug. 6 6s 723 |24 | 47.3] 67 | 21.0] 0.979 London | June| ‘ No. 2,| 744 | 19 | 13.5 Paris Aug. |) st 723 | 22 | 48.2 0.976 London | Aug. | 1838.| No. I, | 65 | 22 | 31.3] 69 | 12.3 Paris July |, * oe 75 | 25 | 41.7| 67 | 16.2] 0.9797 London | Aug.| ‘* | No. 2,| 65 | 19 | 59.4 Paris July | * ee 77° «| 23 | 12.5 0.980t The horizontal intensity deduced from these results by using the dip already given, is 1.065, agreeing closely with the determination by the method of vibrations. This latter determination rests upon 4072 oscillations at one station, and 6426 at the other, besides the verification by the statical method. The foregoing results are collected in the following table. * See the paper of Professor Forbes before referred to, in the Edinburgh Transactions, vol. xiv. p. 27. + A small correction has been applied for the effect of temperature, amounting to 0.003 and 0.002 in the two cases respectively. ViII.—W 86 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY Horizontal and Total Intensities and Dip at London and Paris. Horizontal : ; : las ea Intensity. Total, Intensity. Magnetic Dip. Paris. | London. ee eaniem, Paris. | London. 2 iss June, July, Aug.| Cylinder. 1.069 | 1.000 | 0.982 | 1.000 | 67° 21’.4*| 69° 17’.8t Bar. 1.066 0.980 H.R. 1.066 0.980 H. B. 1.062 0.976 Lloyd No. 1. | 1.067 0.980 6G “2. | 1.063 0.976 1838. July, Aug. Cylinder. 1.066 0.980 67° 16'.5 | 69° 12’.3 Bar. 1.068 0.981 Lloyd No. 1. | 1.067 0.981 GG sé 2, | 1.066 0.980 Mean 1.066 | 1.000 | 0.979 | 1.000 2 1.000 | 0.938 | 1.000 | 1.021 BRUSSELS. The horizontal intensity at Brussels compared with that at Paris being well known through the observations of M. QuETELET and others, it is important to me as a verification of my results, and as connecting stations in the United States with those in Europe, to compare my determinations with those already on record. The dip at Brussels is also, no doubt, accurately known from the regular observations of M. QUETELET since 1827; and I regretted that an acci- dent which had happened to my dipping circle at Paris prevented me from farther putting its accuracy to the test. The observations for horizontal in- tensity were made in the garden of the OBsERvaTory. The chronometer was compared with the observatory clock before and after the observations. * The mean of this result and that obtained in 1838, reduced to August 16th, 1837, allowing a diminution of dip yearly of 2’.8, is 67° 20/.8. + The mean of this result and that in 1838, reduced to June 16th, allowing an annual decrease of dip of 2’.4, (see Major Sabine’s Report on the Magnetic Survey of the British Islands,) is. 69° 167.0. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 87 Observations for Horizontal Intensity at Brussels. £ Corrected Time o: : é Time of Correction Hor. Heeena Date. Temp. Npmibes Tote Ten Mean. eae Intensity. S Oscill’ns *| Osceill’ns. Loss of ——_._ _—— —_— _— |-— : | -—$_$—_<——_|—_—_—__—__|__—___| Magnetism. Year. | Month. D. H. Fah, © Secs. Secs. Secs. Paris 1. Cylinder. 1838 July 25 |2z, P.M.| 62 300 35.596 | 35.640 ce 66 Co Te 61 300 .599 .644 | 35.642 1.0026 0.968 Bar. se CG ce 133, ss 60 350 38.366 | 38.417 OC «6 «6 66 152, 86 57 350 304 .398 | 38.407 1.0002 | 0.970 The mean of these results, 0.969*, is in close accordance with the results before referred to as given by M. QuETELET, the mean of the several series of observations made at Brussels between 1828 and 1838 being nearly 0.964. - BERLIN. I am indebted for an opportunity to make this set of observations to the kindness of Professor Encxe, who put his convenient MAGNETIC OBSERVATORY at my disposal, and removed from it the variation magnetometer and dipping needle which it contained: without this, I could not have observed at this sea- son of the year. In my first attempts to obtain the dip I was unsuccessful, owing to the great loss of force which my magnets for reversing the poles of the dipping needle had sustained during a circuitous journey from Switzerland to this capital. ‘The magnets were retrenched by CGiRTeEx, and the results then obtained appear worthy of confidence. Since this time I have taken the pre- caution to oscillate the dipping needles before observing with them after the reversion of the poles, to ascertain that they are charged nearly, or quite, to saturation. As the periods which elapsed between these observations and those which preceded and succeeded them, at Paris, were not very different, I have calculated the intensity at Berlin in reference to both the series at Paris, applying the correction for the loss of magnetism by the needles, deduced as * This number differs by 0.001 from the result given by M. Quetelet in the Bulletin of the Brus- sels Academy, vol. v. p. 481. In the numbers communicated to him I had applied a correction for the loss of magnetism of the needles which was too high by nearly this difference; which is, how- ever, entirely unimportant. 88 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY already stated. The coincidence of the two results shows strikingly the accu- racy with which the curve already described supplies the data for the correc- tion of the loss of force by the horizontal needles. The chronometer was compared with the observatory clock. Observations at Berlin. For Horizontay INTENSITY. Time of Corrected : : Date mein No aise Time of |Correction Horizontal Needl : Fe of | No- of | oseil’ Ten for Intensity. es Gane Oscill’ns. | “8° ®S: | Oscill’ns.| Loss of iat) ee Go 2a ees : — -- Magnet’m. Year. | Month.| D. H. Fah. ° Secs. Secs. Paris 1. 1837. Cylinder 1837] Dec. |16|/2, P. M.| 374 2 690 34.966 | 35.006 1.015 0.974 1838. 0.975 0.977 1837. Bar 1837 se sige 6 35 2 660 37.886 | 37.993 1.005 0.983 1838. 0.993 0.984 Mean, . . 0.979 For Dir. 1837, Dec. 29, Needle No. 1, 68° 06’.5 No. 2, 68 10.6 Mean, 68° 087.5. Total Intensity compared with Paris as unity, 1.0145. The horizontal intensities of Berlin and Paris were compared by M. Rup- BERG, who made the relation 0.974, and by M. QuETELET,* who gave 0.975 for the relative intensities. My result differs but slightly from these. The dip at Berlin is very well known from a series of observations extend- ing from 1806 to 1837, and my result can add nothing to the knowledge of this element, but as obtained with the same instrument which was used at Paris, the total intensity will be, probably, a nearer approximation by using it than * Annuaire de l’Observatoire de Bruxelles pour l’an 1834, p. 266. On the next page M. Quete- let gives 0.9886 for the relative intensities, but this is doubtless a mistake. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 89 by employing in the calculation the more accurate determination of the long series just referred to. Professor EncKE has determined from this series a formula by which the dip may be calculated for any epoch, namely, ) = 68° '7'.3 — 3'.52 (¢ — 1836,) in which 0 is the dip and ¢ the year or fraction of a year. ‘The dip in Decem- ber, 1837, calculated from this formula, is 68° 00'.4, from which my result dif- fers about eight minutes. MM. Humsotpt and Gay Lussac determined, in 1809, the relative inten- sities at Berlin and Paris to be 1.014; M. Erman, in 1828, and M. QuETELET in 1829, 1.0165.* My determination is 1.0145. VIENNA. These observations were made in the Botanic GARDEN, upon the upper platform. The chronometer was compared, before and after the observations, with the observatory clock. ‘The time of ten oscillations and the dip are com- pared with the mean of the observations at Paris in 1837 and 1838, in calcu- lating the horizontal and total intensities. Observations at Vienna. For Horizontat INTENSITY. (ene ee Se Horizontal Necdl basi. Temp.) No. of |_No. of oO ven Cerr’n | Intensity. toa Series. | Oscill’ns.)~ °°" "5: for a Loss of Year. | Month.| D. D.| H. Fah. ° Secs. |Magn’m.| Paris 1.000. Cylinder.| 1838 Menre eg . M. | 58.3 2 700 | 33.436 | 1.0076 1.084 Bar, ‘s “| 57.8 2 700 | 36.043 | 1.0023 1.096 Mean, 1.090 For Dir. -1838, March 21, Needle No. 1, 64° 45.8. No. 2, 53 27. Mean, 64° 497.7. Total Intensity compared with Paris as unity, 0.989. The only published observations of magnetic intensity at Vienna with which I am acquainted are those quoted by Major SaBivez, in his recent report, as * Major Sabine’s Report on the Magnetic Intensity of the Earth. VIl.—x 90 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY made by Krtnnav and Borcx, and which give the total intensity at Vienna, as compared with Paris, 0.983, differing from the above only 0.006. The numbers for the horizontal intensity furnished by the two needles some- times, as in this particular case, differ; and, in general, the greater relative in- tensity is given by the bar needle. After an examination of various causes which suggested themselves as likely to produce this result, I am still at a loss to explain it. It is not due to an ill-ascertained correction for the loss of mag- netic force, nor for temperature, nor to a want of horizontality in the magnetic axis of the needle. The mode of observing renders the limits of error in the separate sets of observations much below these differences. It was my prac- tice in observing to employ the cylinder needle which has a very small cor- rection for temperature first, and, mean while, to place the other in the shade, so as to avoid an error from its not having acquired the temperature of the sur- rounding air. TRIESTE AND VENICE. The observations at Trieste were made in the BotanicaL GARDEN, and those at Venice in the garden of the ARMENIAN Convent, on the Island of St. La- Zarus. Observations at Trieste and Venice: For Horizontat INTENSITY. | Time of | Coeffie’t | Date Temp Ten of Horizontal | Place Needle ; ‘\No. of | No. of | Oscill’ns| Corr’n Intensity. | : i Series. Oscill’ns.| at 60°. for SSN | Cee nee a CeO - Loss of |——- Year. | Month.| D. H. Fah. ° Secs. Magn’m. Paris 1. Trieste| Cylinder |1838| April | 4 |102, A.M.|54.0) 2 | 700. | 82.889 1.0091 | 1.121 Bar | « | « j«|113, « |54.5/ 2 | 580 | 35,426] 1.0024 | 1.135 ———————— a | | Venice | Cylinder | 1838 | April |11 122, P. M.| 67.5| 2 700. | 32.876 1.0097 1.122 66 9 Beye | GG so) 12, 6 67.6 700 35.393 | 1.0029 1.137 Mean, 1,129 For Dip. Trieste, 1838, April 4th, Needle No. 1, 63° 19’.1 INOS oo Mean, 63° 20’.5 Venice, 1838, April 11th, Needle No. 1, 63° 18’.9 No: 2, ¢¢ 249 Mean, 63° 21'.9 Total Intensity at Trieste, compared with Paris as unity, 0.970. és 66 Venice, 6 6 66 “60.9715. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 91 In this table the mean time of the oscillations at Paris and the mean of the observed dips in 1837 and 1838, is taken as the unit of reference in calculating the relative horizontal and total intensities. The total intensity at Trieste, compared with Paris, is given by Major Sa- BINE, in his report before referred to, as determined by Messrs. Keinuav and Boeck, in 1826, as 0.977; differing from the mean of my results 0.007, the difference between us having a contrary sign from that at Vienna. M. QuE- TELET* gives the horizontal intensity at Venice as 1.1566, which is much greater than my number. ROME AND NAPLES. The observations at Rome were made at two different stations; one out of the region of the volcanic tufa upon which the city is built, upon the calcare- ous formation of Monte Mario, in the garden of the Villa Mellini, the other in the temple of Venus and Rome, opposite to the Colosseum. At the latter station a curious instance of local attraction occurred: I had selected a block of marble, apparently free from iron fastenings of any sort, as the resting place for the instrument, and finding results very discordant from those obtained on the Monte Mario, I next placed the instrument in a brick niche, to examine if the local attraction were common to the whole station. The results obtained when the instrument was in the niche were so different from the former that I placed it again upon the block, to ascertain if any mistake had occurred, but found again the same anomaly as at first. There was, probably, some iron be- neath the pavement upon which the block of marble rested, suggesting the ne- cessity for caution in the selection of these places of observaticn. Fearing the influence of the ferruginous nature of the volcanic tufa upon which Naples is built,t I went to Aversa, about eight miles to the north of the city. ‘The place of observation was in the large garden attached to the Asy- lum for the Insane. * Annuaire de |’Observatoire de Bruxelles pour l’an 1834. + I certainly did not at that time remember that M. QuereLeT had expressed his opinion that there was no local disturbance from this cause, or I should have deferred to his authority. Never- theless, the precaution, though attended with some inconvenience, was not amiss. 92 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY At Rome the chronometer was compared, before and after the observations, with the observatory clock of the Roman eee and, at Naples, with that of the Royal Observatory. The horizontal intensity observed at Paris, for 1838, is taken as unity in the calculations, the correction for loss of force in the needles being applied for the same epoch. The dip which is used in calculating the total intensity is a mean of that actually observed at Paris in 1838, and of that which would result from applying the yearly diminution of 2'.8 to the dip observed in 1837. Observations at Rome and Naples. For HorizontTat INTENSITY. Time of | Coeffic’t = Ten of Horizontal Place Needl ate uonyp. a No. of | Oscill’ns. |Correction | Intensity. ‘ Pera Ss or | Oscill’ns.| at 60°. for pe eS SDA ee oh CE hee aes Cee ee eries. , Loss of a Year. | Month.} D. H. Fah. ° Secs. |Magnet’m.| Paris 1. Rome* Cylinder} 1888] May |18/83, A. M.| 67.3] 2 650 31.574 | 0.9935 1.223 Bar oe Ot 6G 1955. 86 67.0} 2 600 34.122 | 0.9981 1.226 Romet |Cylinder§} « Seeeins P. M.| 65.0] 1 350 =| 31.539 | 0.9935 | 1.226 dG GB |} Gb “ 166.2] 1 350 | 31.777 Rejected. Mean, 1.225 Naplest Cylinder| 1838| May |7 | 8, A. M.|'76.2| 2 700 31.290 0.9921 | 1.244 Bar G6 Ge GOA 665 1 7/4) TL 350 33.674 | 0.9977 1.258 Mean, 1.249 For Drie. Rome,|| 1838, May 15, Needle No. 1, 60° 137.1 lifsig 1 0 No.2, “ 14.9 Mean, 60° 14’.0. Naples,§ 1838, May 7, Needle No. 1, 59° 04’.8 &s sc No. 25 8 0525 Mean, 59° 05’.1. Toul Intensity at Rome, compared with Paris as unity, 0.9525. 66 Naples, 66 66 66 66 0.9380. In taking the means for the horizontal intensity, weight is allowed in pro- portion to the number of oscillations observed. The observations at Rome confirm the statement of M. QuETELET, that no effect is produced upon the needle by the volcanic tufa. * Monte Mario. + Temple of Venus and Rome. ¢ Aversa. § In niche, on stone. || Monte Mario. 7 Aversa. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 93 The numbers assigned for the horizontal intensities at Rome and Naples, by M. QUETELET, are, respectively, 1.2471 and 1.2869, differing very considerably from my results. My total intensities agree, however, very nearly with those found by Humsotpt and Gay Lussac, which were, for Rome, 0.945, and for Naples, 0.938. FLORENCE AND MILAN. The observations at Florence were made in the BoBoLt GARDENS; those at Milan in the garden of M. Kramer, near the Porta Nuova. 'The chronome- ter was compared, at both places, with the observatory clock. The same data at Paris, which were referred to under the the head of Rome and Naples, were used in the calculations in the following table. Observations at Florence and Milan. For Horizontat INTENSITY. a eI pine of | Coeffic’t i Date. Temp.| § | %.¢ er. OF OMAO Sa Plane: Nocdioe P ca ae Osciins Corn Intensity. a SSS 3 |4s - Loss of |—— Year. | Month.) D. H. Fah. ° & ie) Secs. | Magn’m.| Paris 1. Florence |Cylinder|1838) May 28 2z, P.M. | 68.2) 2 | 700 | 32.395 | .9947 1.164 Bar ce £6 WO.) See, a 67.0 | 2 ‘6 | 34.838 | .9985 1.176 | Mean, 1.170 Milan | Cylinder|1838) June |10| 1,P.M. |73.7) 2 | 600 | 33.269| .9964 | 1.106 Bar Oo OC 36/2.» OG Fi4olk | 2 CG | Bazi |) es) | Ui ily | —————— Mean, | 1.112 For Dip. Florence, 1838, May 28th, Needle No. 1, 62° 06’.5 No. 2, * 04.5 Mean, 62° 05’.5 Milan, 1838, June 10th, Needle No. 1, 63° 54’.1 IN@, 2, CO bys)! Mean, 63° 54’.7 Total Intensity at Florence, compared with Paris as unity, 0.965. oe Milan, O oe ae WB QBDrPe The same numbers for Paris being employed as in the preceding calcula- tions, and referring to 1838, I thought it might be satisfactory to ascertain if any part of the differences of horizontal intensity, as shown by the two needles, (amounting, in the results at Florence and Milan, to .012 and .011,) could be explained by an erroneous correction for loss of magnetism. Referring the horizontal intensities to 1837, however, when the correction has the contrary effect from that in the table, the same difference results. VII.—yY 94 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY Nor does this depend upon some peculiarity in the observations at Paris, since, referring to the observations at London, and taking the horizontal in- tensity there as unity, nearly the same difference appears. The horizontal intensities determined by M. QuETELET at these two stations both exceed my results, his number for Florence being 1.1830, and for Milan 1.1335. The total intensities obtained by MM. Humpoupt and Gay Lussac were, for Florence, 0.9481, and for Milan 0.9733, both of which numbers are less than mine.* TURIN AND CHAMBERIL The place of observation at Turin was in the Botanic GarpEn; at Cham- beri, in the parK of the Count pe Boienes, a short distance only from the town. At Turin the chronometer was compared with the observatory clock, and the same rate was applied at Chamberi. ‘The comparison is made with the observations at Paris in 1838. Observations at Turin and Chambert. For HorizontTau INTENSITY. Time of | Coeflic’t 1 2 Z Ten of Horizontal int Pisce: INecdIee ate Temp, D © 2 Oscill’ns. Corr’n Intensity. % | o= at 60°. for - oe 3 a5 Loss of Year. | Month.) D. H. Fah. °] 7, 2) Secs. |Magn’m.| Paris 1. Turin ~ |Cylinder| 1888) June |17/11, A. M. | 82.5] 2 | 600 | 33.440 | .9987 | 1.096 Bar £6 OG 6G | 1G, IY 83.0] 2 ot 36.149 | .9992 | 1.093 Mean, | 1.0945 Chamberi | Cylinder] 1838] June |21/12¢ P. M.|'78.2| 2 | 700 | 33.539 | .9989 | 1.090 Bar a ss OG es 77.9 | 2 Ue 36.235 | .9993 | 1.088 Mean, | 1.089 For Dre. Turin, 1838, June 17, Needle No. 1, 68° 48’.8 18, 86 INOw 2 oe DDG Mean, 63° 52’.2. Chamberi, 1838, June 21, Needle No. 1, 64° 31’.5 No. 2, “ 37.5 Mean, 64° 35’.0. Total Intensity at Turin, compared with Paris as unity, 0.959. 66 es Chamberi, <“‘ 66 6s ‘0.979. * The authorities for these numbers are the same as previously quoted. In the remainder of the paper, unless the contrary is stated, the numbers are derived from the same sources, namely, the Annual of the Brussels Observatory for 1834, or the Transactions of the Brussels Academy of Sci- ences, vol. vi., and the Report of Major Sabine on the Magnetic Intensity. AT TWENTY-ONE STATIONS IN EUROPE. 95 M. QUETELET assigns 1.112 as the horizontal intensity at Turin, and MM. Humpoitpt and Gay Lussac give 0.9911 as the total intensity. The latter number exceeds my determination very considerably. LYONS. These observations were made in a meadow to the south-east of Lyons, and across the Rhone from the city. In reducing the time of ten oscillations for the rate of the chronometer, the mean of the rates at Turin and Paris, which differed very slightly, has been employed. Observations at Lyons. For Horizontat INTENSITY. a 3 | Lime of | Coeftie’t os 8 Ten of Horizontal Place Naadie Dee. Hemp. nD x a Oscill’ns | Corr’n | Intensity. 5 : os 2 = at 60°. for | S$ ——_—__-—____ 3 9 Loss of |—————__—_ Year. | Month. D. H. Fah. 9) 7 ° Secs. |Magn’m.| Paris 1. | Lyons |Cylinder |1838} June | 25)12z, P.M.|'75.7| 2 | 700 | 33.739 | .9991 1.077 Bar ss es CI Dare OG Wel 2 750 | 36.391 | .9995 1.079 Mean, 1.078 For Dir. Lyons, 1838, June 24, Needle No. I, 64° 49’.5. ; No. 2, 48 .6. Mean, 64° 49’.0. Total Intensity at Lyons, compared with Paris as unity, 0.978. According to MM. Humpoupt and Gay Lussac, the total intensity at Ly- ons 1s .9889. CHAMOUNI AND THE FLEGIERE The place of observation which appeared to me most suitable, at the time of my visit to Chamouni, was in a field in rear of, and at some distance from, the Union Hotel. On the Flégiére the observations were made not far from, and about thirty feet above, the point where the cross is placed. The height of this point above the Valley of Chamouni is, in round numbers, about 3500 feet, and the valley itself is 3400 feet above the level of the sea. 96 OBSERVATIONS OF THE MAGNETIC INTENSITY These observations having been made in August, 1837, are compared with those at Paris in 1837, the dip being obtained, however, as in the similar case of 1838, by using both series of observations. The rate of the chronometer de- termined at Geneva was used in the reduction. Observations at Chamount and the Flegiere. For Horizontat INTENSITY. Time of | Coeffic’t 2 Z Ten of Horizontal Date. emp: D ‘6-3 | Oscill’ns | Corr’n Intensity. Place. Needle. Sf WSSU ae for a 2 AS -- Loss of — Year. | Month.| D. He Fah. 9 2 ° Secs. |Magn’m.| Paris 1. | Chamouni |Cylinder|1837| Aug. |26/ 92, P.M.|53.0| 1 | 150 | 32.902 | 1.002 | 1.088 Bar ce 66 Sais Os 29 50.0 | 2 | 300 | 36.006 | 1.001 | 1.089 | Mean, | 1.0885 ——s ee Pe week Pe ee ih Se ee or SS —§_ The Flégiére | Cylinder | 1837] Aug. |26,12, M. |68.0) 2 | 650 32.768 | 1.002 | 1.097 Bat