GENEALOGY 942.4501 SH84T 1903 KEY? GENE, CO! "OR1CAL LECTION ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 00855 1860 GENEALOGY 942.4501 SH84T 1903 TRANSACTIONS OF THE SHROPSHIRE ARC 1 1. 1:0 LOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY ESTABLISHED I 87 7. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED 3RD SERIES, / 3 VOL. III., 1903 I* K I N T JC I.) V O K TUH So C I K T Y S II K E YV S T» U K V : A I) N I T V A N U N A U N T O N , THE S Q U A K E O S W E S T K Y : W O (.) 1) A L L, MINSILALL, THOMAS AND CO Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2014 https://archive.org/details/transactionsofsh33shro 1305006 WOODALL, MINSHALL, THOMAS AND CO., PRINTERS, ETC., OSWESTRY AND WREXHAM. SHROPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY. CONTENTS of 3rd Series, Vol. III. Page. Annual Meeting ... ... .. .., ... ... v. Account of the Celebration of the 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury. ... ... ... ... ... viii. Service at the Abbey Church, Shrewsbury, 19 July, 1903 ■ x. Sermon by the Rev. Prebendary Moss .. ... ... x. Service at Battlefield Church, 21 July, 1903 ... ... xvii. Sermon by the Lord Bishop of Lichfield ... ... ... x,vii. Lectures delivered at Battlefield, viz. : — Dr. J. H, Wylie on the Battle of Shrewsbury ... ... xxiii. Rev D. H. S. Cranage on Battlefield Church ... xxxi. Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher on Battlefield College ... xxxi. Public Luncheon and Speeches ... ... ... ... xxxiii. Visit to Shrewsbury Churches, &c. ... ... ... xxxvii. Visit to Uriconium ... ... ... ... ... ... xxxix. Visit to Haughmond Abbey . . ... ... ... ... xlii. Battlefield Medal xliv. The Old High Cross... ... ... ... ... ... xlv. Minutes of the Monthly Council Meetings .. ... ... xlvi. List of Members, 1903 ... ... ... ... ... lii. The Sequestration Papers of Thomas Smalman of Wilder- hope By the Rev. W, G. 1). Fletchkr, M.A., F.S.A. 1 Giraldus Cambrensis in Shropshire. By the Rev. Thomas Auden, M.A., F.S.A. ... ... 37 Seven Shrewsbury Gild Merchant Rolls of the 14th Century. Transcribed and Edited by the Rev. C. H. Drinkwater, M.A ... ... 47 The Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Worfield. Part I., 1500-1511. Transcribed and Edited by H, B. Walters, M.A., F.S.A 99 Five Hundred Years Ago. By J. H. Wylie, M.A., D.Litt. 139 Arms and Clothing of the Forces at the Battle of Shrews- bury. By Viscount Dillon, P.S.A ... 149 Some Additional Documents relative to the Battle of Shrewsbury. By the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A 153 7i 3°3 319 Owen Glyndwr and the Battle of Shrewsbury. By J. Parry-Jones ... ... ... ... ... _ Battlefield Church. By the Rev D. H. S. Cranage M.A., F.S.A Battlefield College. By the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher MA., F.S.A .. .. 1?7 Alleged Relics from Battlefield. By Herbert R. H. South a m, F.S.A., Mayor of Shrewsbury 261 Carved Memorials on the Tower of Battlefield Church. By William Phillip.b, F.LS.... 267 A Bibliography of Battlefield. By the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A. ... 273 Assessment to the Hearth Tax, [676 .. ... ... 284 Shropshire Five Hundred Years Ago By H. M. Auden, F.R.Hist.S 285 Two Exchequer Suits respecting the Tithes of the Rectory of Shifnal, and certain payments for the poor inhabitants, 1585. By the Rev, \V. G. D. Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A The Lords- Lieutenant of Shropshire. By W. Phillips, F.LS Authority to Sir Richard Ottley, Knt., to search for hidden treasures. By William Phillips, F.L S 345 Two Merchant Gild Rolls of the 14th Century. Transcribed and Edited by the Rev. C. H. Drinkwatkr, M.A.... 351 The Provosts and Bailiffs of Shrewsbury. By the late Mr. Joseph Morris. {Continued.) ... ... ... 363 MISCELLANEA :— I. A Contract for Carvings in Ludlow Church, 1524-5 i II. Shropshire Justices of the Peace, A D. 1590 ... U III Recusants in Salop in 1690 ... ... ... vi IV. The Corporation Insignia of the Borough of Shrewsbury ... ... ... ... ... ... vii V. Living Descendants of Hotspur in Shropshire ... ix VI. Where was Hotspur buried ? ... ... ... spit VII. Our Lady of Pity ... ... .. ... ... xiv VIII. Prince Henry's Speech at the Battle of Shrewsbury hvi IX. Hotspur at Berwick .. ... ... ... ... xvii X. Sir Robert Goushill... ... ... ... ... xviii XI. The Stained Glass formerly in Battlefield Church xix XII. Bronze Implements found at Battlefield ... ... xxii XIII. Hotspur's Wife ... xxili XLV. Existing Tombs of Knights slain at Battlefield ... xxiv XV. Objects found during recent excavations at the Shrewsbury Railway Station . . ... xxv XVI. Claverley Church ... xxvi XVII. Find of an Ancient Pottery Vase at Whitchurch... xx vii General Index to Vol. Ill ... XX ix Oincial Programme ot the Battlefield Celeoratjon. s ILLUSTRATIONS. Battlefield Church, south-east -view ; and Battlefield Medal. To face page xliv. Temporary Cross erected on the site of the old High Cross xlv. Wilderhope : Front View ... I Arms of Smalman 4 Wilderhope : Back View 9 Wilderhope : Section of the Ceiling 16 Wilderhope : One of the Ceilings ... 17 Fascimile Signatures of Thomas Smalman... 20& 22 Sketch Map of Worfield Parish 99 Henry IV., from his Tomb at Canterbury Cathedral x39 Brass of Sir John Swynborne. 1 39 1 , and Sir Thomas Swynborne, 1412 149 Early picture of the Battle of Shrewsbury ... 152 Seal of Owen Glyndwr ... ... ... ... 163 Shelton Oak, circa 1825 165 Exterior of Battlefield Church, from south-east ... 171 Interior of Battlefield Church, from the east 172 Plan of Battlefield Church 173 East Window, and Figure of Henry IV. ... '73 Mouldings of windows and plinth ... 1 76 Plan of the site of Battlefield Church and College precincts, made 1855 J77 Seal of Battlefield College 229 Memorials on the Tower of Battlefield Church 267 Chain of Office of the Mayoress of Shrewsbury ... vii Our Lady of Pity, at Battlefield xvi i 3rd Series, Vol. III., Part I. transactions OF THE Shropshire Archaeological AND natural fflstorp Societp ESTABLISHED 1877 ALL RIGHTS RESERVED PART I . , 3 K D SERIES, VOL. III., 1903 PRINTED FOR T H S O C I E T Y 5 11 K V. VV S B U R Y . A P N 1 T T AND N A U N T ON, T II K SQUARE OSW E STKV : WOO I) ALL, M IN SHALL, THOMAS AND CO WoOUAI.l., M1NSHALI., THOMAS AND L'J. USWESTHY. CCLN 1 EJN IS. The Sequestration Papers of Thomas Smalman of Wilderhooe PAG>' By the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A. . P Giraldus Cambrensis in Shropshire. By the Rev T AnHpti M.A., F.S.A ... ' ' ^uuen' Seven Shrewsbury Gild Merchant Rolls of the 14th Century* ^ Transcribed and Edited by the Rev. C. H. Drinkwater M A 47 The Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Wo'rfield' Transcribed and Edited by H. B. -Walters, M.A., F.S A Miscellanea I. A Contract for Carvings in Ludlow Church, 1524-5 II. Shropshire Justices of the 'Peace, A.D. 1590 III. Recusants in Salop in 1690 .... ... IV. The Corporation Insignia of the Borough of Shrewsbury 99 i ii vi vii ILLUSTRATIONS. Wilderhope : Front View ..To face page 1 Arms of Smalman ... ... ... ... ... \ ^ Wilderhope : Back View ... ... ... ... ^ ^ g Wilderhope : Section of the Ceiling ... ... ' j x6 Wilderhope: Section of the Ceiling ... ... J? sj I7 Facsimile Signatures of Thomas Smalman ... 20 and 22 Map of the Parish of Worfield >% 99 Chain of Office of the Ma) 'oress of Shrewsbury ... ... -. dH The Council respectfully solicit contributions of Papers, specially Parochial Histories, for future volumes of the Transactions of the Society. The Society does not hold itself responsible for the Statements, Opinions, or Errors of Authors of Papers. The MS. Indexes to the Names of Persons and Places that are mentioned in the First Series of the Transactions (Vol. I. to XL) have been bound in five volumes, and are deposited at the Shrewsbury Free Library, where they can be seen at any time by Members. In view of the approaching Quincentenary of the Battle of Shrewsbury, it is intended that Part II. of the Transactions for the current year shall be devoted to Papers connected with the Battle and the history of Battlefield Church and College. THE SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN OF WILDERHOPE. By the Rev. W. G. D. FLETCHER, M A, F.S.A. Amongst the many Shropshire Royalists who espoused the cause of King Charles, and whose estates were in consequence sequestered by the Parliamentarians, Thomas Smalman is well-known, on account of the feats popularly associated with his name, and because of the interest attaching to his fine old residence at Wilderhope.1 Thomas Smalman of Wilderhope, in the parish of Rushbury, was the eldest son of Francis Smalman of the same place, sometime Member of Parliament for Wenlock,2 by Abigail his wife, daughter of Hugh Morris of Lloran, in Denbighshire. His father Francis Smalman died on 10 May, 1639, and at the Inquisition3 taken after his death, Thomas Smalman was found to be 14 years 6 months and 23 days old, which would give 18 October, 1624, as the date of his birth. An affidavit of one Edward Smallman states that he was born on 16 August, 1625 [qu. 1624]; and the Rushbury Register gives 3 October, 1624, as the date of his baptism. His father by his Will4 settled upon him all his manors, lands and tenements, in tail male, and left him all his books, "hoping he will apply himself to vertuous learning & the studdy of the Common Lawes of this realm." It does not appear, however, that Thomas became a Barrister-at-Law, like his father; but he was, no doubt, brought up by his mother (who afterwards 1 For the early history of Wilderhope, see Eyton's Antiquities, iv. 100. ,J See the Transactions, 3rd Series, Vol. II., pp. 326—327. 3 Chancery Inquisitions post mortem 15 Car. I., pars 2, No. 97, Salop. [It is indexed 17 Car. I., pars 2, no. 97. 1 4 Will ol l r.incis Smalman, proved r.C.C. 8 July, 1639 (Harvey 120). Vol 111., 3rd Scries A 2 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OP THOMAS SMALMAN married, as her second husband, John Strangwayes), under the oversight of his kinsmen Thomas Lokier of Marsh, and Edward Baldwyn of London. The family of Smalman was an old one in Shropshire, and its members intermarried with many good county families. Thomas's great-grandfather, who was also named Thomas, was a Barrister-at-Law and reader of the Inner j Temple, and afterwards one of the Justices in the Council of the Marches of Wales. He purchased the manor of Wilder- hope, together with lands and messuages at Nether Stanway, Oswestry, and Hereford, and also the manor of Elton or Elkington in Herefordshire, at the Visitation of which county in 1586 5 he entered the following pedigree : — Edward Smalman-r. . . . da. of Uopton. Thomas Smalman, of Elton=j=Ann, da. to Stephen Durant of London in Comit. Hereford, Es Shrewsbury I'Vee Library). Lay Subsidy, Salop, 13 Car. II., 1661-1, -- Lay Subsidy, Salop, Hearth Money, Car. II., 1673-4, ~. OF WlLDERHOPE. II that he sometimes resided at Stanway, as well as at Wilder- hope. Smalman's wife Jane died in November, 1684, and was buried on the 29th at Neenton. On 19 and 20 June, 1693, on the occasion of the marriage of his only surviving son, Henry Smalman, with his cousin Martha, daughter of Wrottesley Prince, he re-settled his estate, which is described as " the Manor of Wildertop, and the capital messuage of Wildertop, also Stanways, Neenton, the Dayry, and all rents, particularly one chief rent of 35s. 4d. per annum in Thong- land, and all hereditaments, &c, in Wildertop, Nether Stanway in the parish of Rushbury, or in Neenton, Stoddes- don, or elsewhere in the county of Salop," upon himself Thomas Smalman for life, remainder to Henry Smalman and Martha for life, with remainder to their issue in tail male, and with power for Henry Smalman to charge the lands with the payment of £900 for his younger children. On 5 August, 1693, Smalman exchanged lands in Neenton with Sir Thomas Travell, lord of the manor of Neenton.23 About the end of November, 1693, Thomas Smalman died, and he was buried at Neenton, by his wife, on 4 December, 1693. He was then in his seventieth year, and was residing at Neenton. His Will bears date 22 October, 1693, and the following is an abstract of it : — Will of Thomas Smalman, of Neenton, in the County of Salop, Esq. Dated 22 October, 1693. I desire to be buried in the Chancell of Neenton Church near to the body of my late wife. 1 give to the poor of the several parishes of Neenton and Rushbury forty shillings each parish, and to those of Cleobury North, Chetton, and Ditton Priors twenty shillings each parish. To my daughters Susan Smalman and Katherine Smalman a guinea each to buy a ring. To my daughter Abigail live shillings. To my friends Arthur Weaver of Morvield, co. Salop, Esq. and Thomas Dunne of Wrickton in the same county gentn. forty shillings apiece, to buy rings or what they please. To Thomas licbb, Mary liebb, and Jane Bebb, children of John *y Blakeway's Salop MSS., VI. 313 (in the Bodleian Library); from a MS. of William llardwicke's. 12 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN Bebb of Wilderhope in the said county five shillings each ; to Joseph Bebb another son twenty shillings ; and to Joyce Bebb wife of the said John five pounds for a suit of mourning. I devise my messuage gardens and orchards called Bebbs tenement, and heretofore by the name of Griffiths, situate in Wildertop alias Wilderhope in co. Salop, to Edward Holland and Thomas Adney gentlemen as trustees. My son Henry bmalman to be Executor. Mentions several servants. [Signed] Thomas Smallman. Witnesses: Tho. Edwards, Jno. Cleeton, Wm. Haslewood. Will proved at Hereford, 24 April, 1694, by Henry Smallman, esq., son and executor. Inventory £349 o 10. [Hereford Wills, Act Book, vol. V.,fo. 104.] Where Thomas Smalman and Jane Prince were married does not appear, but it must have been at the close of the year 1655. There seem to have been eleven children the issue of the marriage, viz. : — (1) Anne, born 2 and baptized at Rushbury, 21 September, 1656; aged 7 at the Visitation of 17 August, 1663; buried at Neenton, 8 December, 1685. (2) Francis, born, baptized and buried at Rushbury, 16 May, 1657. (3) Richard, born 4 June, 1658, and buried 19 Sep- tember, 1658, at Rushbury. (4) Francis, born 1 and baptized at Rushbury, 26 August, 1659, died young before 1663. (5) Abigail, baptized at Rushbury, 9 January, 1660; aged 3 at the Visitation of 17 August, 1663 ; named in her father's Will 22 October, 1693. (6) Maurice (or Morris), baptized 25 and buried 26 Decem- ber, 1661, at Rushbury. (7) Mary, baptized at Rushbury, 1 March, 1662. (8) Katherine, named in her father's Will 22 October, 1693, and then unmarried. (9) Elizabeth, baptized at Rushbury, 14 June, 1664. (10) Susanna, baptized at Cound, 9 October, 1665; named in her lather's will 22 October, 1693, and then unmarried. (11) Henry, born at Neenton, and baptized at Rushbury, 9 June, 1672; entered Balliol College, Oxford, 28 March, OF WILDERHOPE. 13 1690; a student of the Inner Temple 1691 ; lived at the Castle Foregate, Shrewsbury, and was a Captain ; he married about 1693, his cousin Martha, daughter of Wrottesley Prince, by whom he had issue 5 sons and 3 daughters. He was dead in 1706, as on 22 May in that year his widow re- married the Rev. Philip Wingfield, Vicar of St. Julian's, Shrewsbury. Of his 8 children two only left issue, viz. : Thomas, who sold Wilderhope on 26 March, 1734, and who married Elizabeth Nevitt, and had an only son Henry; and Mary, who married George Tipton, of Much Wenlock, solicitor, and had an only daughter Alethea, the wife of Henry Rainsford of Much Wenlock, solicitor. Mrs. Rainsford had two daughters, married to William Henry Harnagc and General Williams, but neither of them left issue. So far as can be ascertained, Thomas Smalman, the royalist officer, has now no living descendants. The family does not now exist in the direct male line; but in the female line two branches are still represented. (1) From Richard Smalman of Chetton (an uncle of the royalist officer) was descended Bonham Smalman24 of Bridgnorth, whose great- grandsons are Mr. John Kenning Smalman Masters of Broadstairs, and the Rev. William Caldwell Masters, Vicar of Stanton Fitz-warren, Wilts. (2) From William Smalman of Neenton and of the Berrie of Ivington (a younger son of the first Edward Smalman of Neenton, and great-great- uncle of the royalist officer), was descended John Smalman of Munslow, whose great-grandsons are Sir John Smalman Smith, Knight, and Prebendary H. E. J. Bevan, Rector of St. Luke's, Chelsea. As the latter descent is quite erroneously given in the Hardwicke and Morris MSS.,*6 a more correct account of this branch may well be given here. -1 This family were burgesses of Bridgnorth for several generations. Their pedigree is given in the Hardwicke MSS. Bonham Smalman died in 1748, leaving t ,vo daughters, of whom Ann married William Masters of Greenwich. His son, the Rev. John Smalman Masters, had the Smalman Arms allowed, with all due differences, at the Heralds' College. -° William Hardwicke derived the descent of this branch from Edward Smalman of Wenlock, uncle of the royalist. He made John of Worthen to be a son of Edward, and to have been baptized 6 June, 1641, at Kings win ford. But this Kingswinford John was buried the 22 August, 1641 ! Hardwicke had never seen either the Neenton Registers or Edward's Will ; or he would have ascer- tained th it Edward was the son of William, and that he >vas baptized at Neenton. Another of Hardwickc's pedigrees ii rnjre hopeless still, and gives them a 14 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN I. William Smalman (3rd son of Edward Smalman and Elizabeth Hopton), of Neenton, and of The Berrie of Ivington, co. Hereford ; named in the Wills of his brothers Thomas Smalman, 1584, and Francis Smalman, 1599, and of his son Edward in 1642; by Anne, his wife, who was buried at Neenton, 11 December, 1635, he had issue, — Francis, of London ; Mary ; Anne, married to , Pheasie ; and Edward. His son, II. Edward Smalman, of Neenton ; bapt. there 4 Dec, 1612; buried there 28 March, 1643; Will dated 17 February, 1642, proved P.C.C. 4 March, 1650 (Gray 54); by Joan, his wife, he had issue (with a daughter Anne) a son, III. John Smalman, of Worthen, gent.; bapt. at Neenton, 5 January, 1639 ; bur. at Worthen 8 March, 1691 (his portrait is at Quatford Castle) ; by Mary, his wife, who was buried at Worthen, 19 April, 1699, he had issue, — Samuel ; Gideon; John; Edward; Benjamin; Mary; Jane; and Martha. His 5th son, IV. Benjamin Smalman, of Diddlebury ; bapt. at Worthen 25 February, 1676 ; bur. there 3 December, 1732 ; by Mary, his wife, left issue a son, V. John Smalman, of Diddlebury; born there in 1711 (but his baptism is not registered) ; died there 17 March, 1774, aged 63, and buried 20th; married at Diddlebury, 29 May, 1735, Sarah, daughter and heiress of William Barney, of Albrighton (she died 30 June, 1782, aged 81), and by her had issue, — Eleanor, married to John Bradford ; Benjamin ; Sarah ; and John. His son, VI. John Smalman, of Munslow : bapt. at Diddlebury 16 July, 1749 ; died 19 June, 1834, aged 85, and buried 24th at Munslow; married at Munslow, 21 July, 1781, Jane, daughter and heiress of Francis Wainwright, of The Fegg, by Hannah, his wife, daughter of Samuel Fount ney, of Field Hall, Munslow (she died 17 Dec, 1805, aged 47), and by her had issue, — John ; Francis Wainwright, who died unmarried in July, 1814 ; Emma, married 26 June, 1807, to Edward descent from John Smalman "of Stretton," another uncle of the royalist; he has found wives who never existed for them, and also gives the year of birth, but no other dates or places. His pedigree is a mere concoction. I believe the one here given to be correct, and capable of proof. OF WILDERHOPE. 15 Smith, of Wrentnall ; Eleanor, married 19 Jan., 1818, to William Woofe, of the Gaer ; and Harriet, married 14 Nov., 1815, to George Beddoes. Their elder son, VII. John Smalman, of Quatford Castle, which he erected in 1830; J. P. for Bridgnorth; born at Munslow, 7 April, 1782 ; died unmarried 11 March, 1852, buried at Quatford. On his death, the representation of his family became vested in his eldest sister, Mrs. Emma Smith. Mrs. Emma Smith (eldest daughter of John Smalman, of Munslow, and Jane Wainwright) was baptized at Munslow, 6 September, 1783, and was married there 26 June, 1807, to her husband, Edward Smith, of Munslow, and afterwards of Wrentnall. Edward Smith died at Wrentnall, 23 September, 1847 ; and his widow died 11 October, 1866. They had issue, — Samuel Pountney Smith, of The Limes, Shrewsbury, J. P. and Mayor in 1873, and seven younger children, — all baptized at Munslow, — one of whom was Mary, the wife of Henry Bevan, of Shrewsbury (the parents of Prebendary Henry Edward James Bevan, Rector of St. Luke's, Chelsea). On Samuel Pountney Smith's death, on 5 November, 1883, the representation of this branch of the Smalman family devolved on his son, the present Sir John Smalman Smith, Knight, lately Chief Justice of Lagos. He resides at Courtfield, Wellesley Road, Chiswick, and is entitled to quarter the Arms of Smalman. It is time now to give a brief description of Wilderhope, the residence of Thomas Smalman. The old mansion house of Wilderhope lies on the west side of Corvedale, in the parish of Rushbury. It is an exceedingly fine and well-preserved house of the latter end of Elizabeth's reign, having been finished (according to Mrs. Stackhouse Acton) in the year 1593- It is built entirely of stone, and is of three bays, three storeys in height, with a gabled roof. A flight of steps leads up to the main entrance, and a stone wall in front encloses the garden. In several of the rooms are some beautiful ornamental plaster ceilings, the details of which it is difficult to make out, owing to the ceiling having been repeatedly whitewashed over. There are some very similar ceilings at the Abbot's House l6 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN at Buildwas, and in another small house distant about I J mile away from the Abbey; and they are believed to be of Italian workmanship. Amongst the ornaments on the ceilings can be discerned the Prince's feathers, the portcullis, a heart with iesv along the centre, fleur-de-lis, roses, animals, and a shield, with FS on it, round which is this legend— DEV • EST • VEM • IAM • DROIT • — whatever its meaning may be. The Buildwas ceilings have the same ornaments and legend, only with the initials FWE in the centre of the shield. The illustrations of these Wilderhope ceilings will show the designs better than any description ; for them, as also for the excellent views of the house, we are indebted to the kindness of Mr. H. H. Hughes. Another ceiling has a shield with FS in the centre, and round it FS • ES repeated four times; and at the four corners the heart with iesv and the portcullis, each recurring twice ; whilst round the outside are roses and fleurs-de-lis. Mrs. stackhouse Acton20 reads the legend as " Mai mea dea est," and gives the initials as " ES. F.S. R.S. 1601 ; " but I think her version of the legend is incorrect, and I cannot find the initials " R.S. 1601." The initials FS. and ES. stand for Francis Smalman and Ellen his wife ; he died in 1599, and she in 1593, so the ceilings must have been put up before I593- At Quatford Castle, erected by Mr. John Smalman in 1830, is a copy of parts of the ceiling, with shields of the Smalman Arms, and the legend " Deus est meus mali defensor," which also seems to be an incorrect version. A small oak-panelled room adjoining the hall has in a circle, and the date 1672 on a shield. This shows that the panelling in this room was done by our royalist officer, the initials standing for Thomas and Jane Smalman. Outside the house, over the front door, there may have been an inscription, but if so, it is painted and whitewashed over and not now discernible. There are four rooms on the ground floor, the old hall or kitchen being very large, and four rooms on the first floor, all having ornamental ceilings. At the top of the house are some spacious attics, in which soldiers are 26 Castles a?id Old Mansions of Shropshire, page 44. See also Notes and Queries, 9th Series, IX. 386, X. 135. Mare records the existence of a similar ceiling at i'Uiish. H. H. Hughes, Photo. WILDERHOPE. ONE OF THE CEILINGS. OF WILDERHOPE. *7 said to have slept during the Civil War. The upper storeys are reached by a circular staircase at the back of the house. At the north-east corner of the attics is a narrow and deep recess, which is supposed to have been ta secret passage, through which Thomas Smalm an is said on one occasion at least to have escaped from his enemies. The house is an exceedingly well finished building, the masonry and ceilings being superior to those in any other contemporary house in the neighbourhood. Which of the family originally built Wilderhope, is not certain ; but Francis Smalman, son of the first Edward, lived here, and undoubtedly renovated it. He died in 1599, and by his Will,-7 dated 24th May, 1599, he " gave the glass in the windows wherein he dwelt at Wilderhope, to his nephew Stephen Smalman, and such other as shall enjoy the lands according to the Will of his late brother Thomas Smalman, esq., deceased." He was probably tenant to his brother, Thomas Smalman of Elton and of the Inner Temple, who purchased the Wilderhope estate in the year 1583 of Rowland Lacon and Richard Parramore, and who, by his Will, directed that Francis should have a lease of the Wilderhope property. This Thomas Smalman of Elton was, as we have seen, a Barrister-at-Law and reader of the Inner Temple, and one of the Justices of the Council of the Marches of Wales. He resided usually in Fleet Street, London, and was a large purchaser of property in Shropshire. Besides the manor and estate of Wilderhope, which he purchased in 1583, he bought lands at Oswestry, messuages in Marshe Street, Hereford, a messuage and lands at Neenton, the manor of Elton, in Herefordshire, and a capital messuage and lands in Nether Stanway, also a farm at Braughton, in the lordship of Whittington, and a farm called the Berrie of Ivington, in Herefordshire. By his Will, dated 21 February, 1584, he devised his Wilderhope estate to his son Stephen Smalman. -7 Will of Francis Smalman, proved P.C.C. 3 August, 1599 (Kidd 66). The Hardwicke MSS. make him father of Francis Smalman of Kinardesley Castle, M.l\ fur Leominster in 1620 ; but the only child mentioned in his Will is " my base son I'M ward, begotten upon the body of Margaret, now wile to John Grey of Eaton." Vol. HI., 3rd Series. c l8 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN This Stephen died in 1635 ; and at his death the estate passed to his son Francis, who left it by Will to his son Thomas, the royalist officer. On 17 and 18 October, 1720, Thomas Smalman of Wildertop (the royalist's grandson), conveyed the Manor of ! Wildertop, alias Wilderhope, and messuages called the j Fegge, the Holly Bush, Stanways and Neenton, and the 1 Dairy, and a chief-rent of 35s. 4d. per annum in Thongland | issuing out of land of Francis Lacon, in the parishes of Rushbury, Neenton, Stoddesdon, &c, to John Dovey, in order that a common recovery might be suffered.28 In j Michaelmas Term, 1720, the Recovery was suffered accord- j ingly ; the premises being described as the manor of Wilder- top, alias Wilderhope, and 7 messuages, 500 acres of land, 140 acres of meadow, 300 acres of pasture, 100 acres of wood, 200 acres of furze and heath, 35s. 4d. rent, and common of pasture for cattle, in Wilderhope, Nether Stanway, j Neenton, Stottesdon, Thongland, and the parish of Rush- bury.29 This was done in order that the property might be sold. In December, 1727, 28 Thomas Smalman conveyed the Dairy Farm in Stoddesdon to William Corfield ; and on 26 March, 1734, he conveyed Wilderhope to Thomas Lutwyche, of Lutwyche, esq.30 Thomas Smallman was buried at Holy j Cross, Shrewsbury, on 17 July, 1739. By his Will, which is j dated 16 January, 1733, and proved at Hereford, 3 June, 1740, Thomas Smalman devised his manor of Wilderhope, and also his messuages and lands at Wildertop, the Feg, Holly Bush, and Stanway, to his brother Richard Smalman, in trust to sell the same, and divide the money arising from such sale ! between his wife and son. His only son Henry is said to have died unmarried in London. And thus Wilderhope was sold by Thomas Smalman, after he had made his Will, and six years before his death.30 And so Wilderhope was alienated from the Smalmans, after having been for six 28 Blakeway's Salop MSS., vi. 313. -9 Recoveries, Michaelmas Term, 7 George I., 1720, Salop, ro. lxxxii. 31 The Blakeway MSS. and Ilardwicke's pedigree slale that Thomas Smalman sold the property in his lifetime to Thomas laKwyche, in the year 1720; hut it was certainly not sold in 1733, when he made his Will. For the dale of the sale by Smalman to Lutwyche, 1 am indebted to the kindness of Mrs. llippisley, the present owner of Wilderhope. OF WILDERHOPE. *9 generations, and a period of 151 years, in that old family. Since 1734 the Wilderhope property has been vested in the Lutwyche family, as also the Newhouse farm near Shipton ; and they still retain it, though they have parted with their own property of Lutwyche. The present owner is Mrs. Hippislcy, of Clare Hall, Ston Easton, near Bath. The old mansion has long been occupied as a farm-house. It only remains to add that the Sequestration Papers were carefully copied from the original documents preserved at the Public Record Office by the writer of this Paper; and that for the excellent Illustrations of Wilderhope and its beautiful ceilings we are indebted to the kindness of Mr. H. H. Hughes of Shrewsbury, who has paid several visits to Wilderhope for this purpose. COMPOSITION PAPERS. Thomas Smalman of Wilderhope. I. Names of the Committee. (Order Book, Vol. in., folios 372 and 373.) 12° Januarij MrJenner Sr. David Watkins. Mr. Shute. Sr. Arthur Hazelrigg Mr. Packe. Mr. Moyer. Sr. Anthony Irby. Mr. Bateman. John Milward V _ . \ ' ' \ iru 0 , \ Peticoned to Compound. I homas Smaleman j IT. Thomas Smalman petitions that he may compound. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 800.) To the Right Honoble ye Comission15 for Coinposicons with delinquents sittinge at Goldsmiths Hall. The humble peticon of Thomas Small man of Wildertope in the County of Salop Esqr. Shcwcth : 'Hi at your, peticoner was in urines against the Parliam1 in the former warr for which his delinquency his estate is sequestred. SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN Hee therfore humbly prayeth that yor honnors would be pleased to admitt him to a favourable Composicon for his estate & delinquency. And hee shall ever pray &c. Reed, the i d of May 1649 and Refferd to Subco. S.M. Jo : Leech. III. A particular of his estate. (Vol. ccxiii., fo : 801.) A Particuler of the estate of Thomas Smalman of Wildertope in the County of Salop Esqr. Hee is seized of the Mannor of Wilderhope aforesd with the lands and tenement & herditamts therto belonginge for terme of his life the remainder to the heires males of his body lawfully to bee begotten and in default thereof to Steeven his 2d brother & to the heires males of his body & in default therof to ffrancis 3d brother and his heires males and in default therof to the fourth sonn in like mannr and in default therof to the heires generall of ffrancis Smallman, late ffather of the said Thomas Smallman forevr which estate before these troubles began was of the Cleare yearly value of Co1'. Hee is seized of a like estate of and in certaine lands tenements and heredamts lyinge within the Townships p'ishes and prsincts of Stanway, Neenton & Ludlow, and of a Cheefe rent in Thong land which before these troubles began were of the Cleare yearly value of 4011. Hee craveth allowance for ioGo11 legacies & bequests charged by his said ffather ffrancis Smallman upon all his lands for portions of his yonger brothers & sisters by will dated the 7th of March the fowerteenth ycare of the late Kinge all these porcons and Lcgasies beinge yett unpaid. OF WILDERHOPE. 21 lice likewise craves allowance for tenn pounds per Ann' Charged upon his said lands by the said Will for the main- tenance of his eldest sister Ann Smallman till shee attaine to the age of 22 yeares shee beinge now but 15 yeares & un- married. Hee alsoe craves allowance for 6li 13s 4d per Ann' for the maintenance of his yonger sister Joyce Smallman charged upon all his said Lands by the said Will till shee attaine the age of 22 yeares she beinge but 12 yeares of Age and un- married. And for 6s 8d a Cheefe rent to John Hill & his heires for ever. This is a true p'ticuler of all my estate reall and personall for which I desire to Compound and doe undertake to satisfie and pay such fine as by the honoble Comissioners shalbe imposed and sett to pay for the same in order to the treedome and discharge of my person and estate, & doe affirme that I am noe me'ber of the hono'ble house of Comons, nor papist, nor papistly affected nor any way towards the law Comon or Civill. Tho: Smalman. IV. His Declaration upon oath as to certain charges on his lands. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 803). Thomas Smalman of Wildcrhoope in the Countie of Salopp Esqr. maketh oath that the whole portione of his brother Stephen Smalman being one hundred pounds, & of ffrancis loo11, & of Edward ioo11, of Anne 500'', & of Joyce 250", amounting in all to 1050" are all & every parte unsatisfied, & wch said portiones were charged upon all his lands by vertue of his late father ffrancis Smalman Esqr. his will, & that there is also charged by the sd will in legacies to divers persons the some of Tenn pounds or thereabouts; & this deponent further saith that there is at least two yeares time to come for the payment thereof, & that the whole p'fitts of all the lands mentioned in the sd Will during the sd time are lyable for the payment of all the sd sumcs, & alsoe that there is three hundred pound or neere thereabouts the debts of his 22 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OE THOMAS SMALMAN said late father wherewith the lands by virtue of the sd will stand charged wth all as afores(i yett unsatisfied. Jur: 18 Junij 1649 post Intelinar' John Page. V. Declaration upon oath by Francis S)nalman as to certain charges made by his father s Will. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 805). ffrancis Smallman of Wildertope in the County of Salope maketh oath that there is 10601' besides 161' 13s 4d for sisters yearly maintenance Charged upon all his lands by vcrtue of his father ffrancis Smallmans last will and testament bearinge date the 7th of March the fowerteenth of the late Kinge, and that all the said sume soe Charged as afores'1 is yett unpaid the Lands beinge lyable thereunto: & this depon1 further saith that his eldest sister is but of the age of fifteene and his yongest about twelve. er. Smalman. Jurat. 160 Junij 16490 Robt. Aylett. VI. Declaration upon oath of Walter Harris as to the father's charges and debts. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 807). Walter Harris of Grayes Inn in the County of Middlesex gent : maketh Oath that that [sic] the whole p'tions of Steephen, ffrancis, Edward, Ann, & Joyce Smaleman Amounting in the whole to 10501' or thereabouts left them by there late ffather ffrancis Smaleman Esqr. are all un- satisfyed, & that there is at least 2 yeares time yett to come for the payment thereof all the Lands, with the whole p'litts thereof, being as this deponent veryly beleiveth lyable there unto eS: the rather for that there hath binn 4001' debts payd out of the p'litts of the sayd Lands. Walter Harris. Jur. 18 Junij 1649. John Page. OF WTLDERHOPE. 23 VII. Declaration on oath by Francis Smalman as to portions remaining unpaid. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 809.) ffrancis Smallman of Wildcrtoppe in the County of Salop Gent maketh oath that the whole portione of his brother Steevcn Smallman being beinge [sic] one hundred pounds, and of myselfe iooli, & of Edword iooH, of Ann 500'', and of Joyce 2501' amounting in all to io5oh are all and ev'y part unsatisfied, which said porcons are charged upon all the lands of my brother Thomas by vertue of his late ffather ffrancis Smallman Esqr: his Will and that there is alsoe Charged by the said Will in legasies to divers p'sons the some of tenn pounds or thereaboutes, and this depon' further saith that there is at least two yeares time to come for the paiment thereof, and that the whole p'fitts of all the landes menconed in the said Will dureinge the said time are lyable for the paiment of all the said somes, and alsoe that there is three hundred pounds, or neere there aboutes, the debts of his said ffather wherewith the said landes by vertue of the said will stand charge wth all as aforesaid yett unsatisfied. Fra : Smalman Jur. post Int'lineacoe. 18 Junij 1649. John Page. [In margin] Thomas Smallma'. VIII. Memoranda endorsed on the Sequestration documents. (Vol. ccxiii., fo. 810.) [The following endorsement is pasted on the back of folio 809.] Thomas Smallman N° 2367 23° Junij 16.19. Rep1 19 Dec: 49. line 1401' vide ord1' of discharged entred G: 48; 24 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN IX. Report as to Thomas Smallmans delinquency and estate. (Vol. CCXIIL, fo. 797.) Thomas Small man of Wildertoop al's Wilderhop in the County of Salop Esquire. His delinquency that he was in armes against the parliament in the first warr. He compounds upon a Particuler delivered in under his hand by wch he submitts to such ffine &c. And by wch it appears That he is seized of an Estate of & in the Mannor of Wildertoope al's Wilderhope in the said County of Salop 6 of certaine lands Tenements & hereditamts lyeing & being within the Towneshipps or Precincts of Stanway, u Neenton, Ludlowe, and of a chiefe rent in Thonglands 100 to himselfe & the heires males of his body, Remr to Stephen the Compoundr's second brother & to the heires males of his body lawfully begotten or lawfully to be begotten, with other Remainders over in tayle, the Remr to the right heirs of his father for ever All wch estate was of the yearly value before the Warrs ioo1'. Out of wch he craves allowance of 6s 8d per Annu' a chiefe rent to John Hill & to his heires for ever. And of 10601' for Eegacies & 3001' debts of his fathers, & ib1' 13s 4'1 per Annu' for maintenance for his 2 sisters. For all wch it appears, that his said father by his Will dated 7 Marcij 1638 did devise the premises to the Compound1, in tayle as aforesaid chargeable with iooo1' legacies to his younger Children, And with i6h 13s 4d per Annu' for their maintenance in the meane tyme, & with the payment of his debts, and for the better performance thereof, he devised the profitts of the said Lands during the minority of his heire to his Executrix for paym* thereof with power to her to make wood sales of the Coppice woods there And in case the said profitts & woodsales should not suffice to raise the same, then he devised the Lands to her for 5 years from the lull age of the said heire. OF WILDERHOPE. 25 And it appears by the Affidavit of ffrancis Smallman and of the Compounder & of Walter Harris gent, that the said porcons are all yet unsatisfied, And that there is about 30oli of the said debts of the father yet unpayd. And it appears by the Affidavit of Edward Smallman gent, that the Compounder attayned his full age of 21 years about the 16 of Aug1 1646 and is now but 23 years old & an halfe. 22 Jun. 1649. Jo. Readinge. 23 Jun. 1649 fine 1401'. X. He is fined £140. (Order Book. Vol. VL, fo. 115). 230 Junij 1649. Thomas Smallman of Wilderhop in Com' Salop Esqr. In Armes in ye first Warre, Peticoned May 1649. In ffee per Ann' ... 100 : 00 : 00 300 : 00 : 00 Issues 6s 8d for ever|I50ii 300 : ffine ... i40li past. Vide Ordr of discharge ent : G. 48. XI. Order for his Discharge, his fine having been paid. (Order Book, Vol. XII., fo. 48). Westmr. 6 Aug. 1650. Whereas by an Act of Parliam1 of the 15 of Apr. last this Comittce or any fower of them are Tho : Authorized to put in Exccusion all and every Smaleman. the powers heretofore given (and now in force) unto the late Comrs for Compounding, and whereas by an Act of Parliam1 of the 9 of Apr. 1649 the said Comrs were authorized to discharge the Estates of any such Delinqts who haveing had fines sett upon them shall satisfie the whole sume soe imposed wcl1 discharge is by the said Act declared to be effectuall And whereas Tho : Smaleman of Wilderhopc in Com. Salop Esqr. hath accordingly satisfied Vol. III., jrd Scries. L> 26 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN the whole fine wGh was imposed on him and hath applyed himselfe to this Comittee for a 'full discharge thereupon. It is therefore ordered that the said Tho': Smaleman his Estate according with his L'res of suspension shalbe from hence- forth clearly freed and discharged from Seqn (with an excep- tion to the right or estate of the sd Tho. Smaleman in and to all advowsons Presentacons and right of Patronage to any church or Chappell), and trhe said Tho. Smaleman permitted to dispose of it or any part thereof as freely and fully as at any tyme before the Seqn he might or could have done, And that he be noe further troubled molested or proceeded against in the way of Seq" for any Dclinqcy charged upon him for anything said or done in relacon to the first warr against the parliam1 unlesse the sd Tho. Smaleman hath bene since engaged in the latter warr, and hath incurred a Re-seq11 by any such Act or engagem* And hereof all Comrs for Seqns and other officers whatsoever are to take notice and observe the same and yeild obedience thereunto Notwithstanding the said Tho : Smaleman shall not produce a pardon in forme or any p'ticuler ordinance or Act for his discharge as they will answere the contrary at their perill. Sam : Moyer This ent. 21 ffeb. 54. Edw. Winslow Rich. Moore Arth. Squibb To the Comrs for Seqns in the County of Salop and all others whom it may concerne Jo : Leech. CHANCERY PROCEEDINGS, 1657. I. Bill of Complaint of Sir Richard Prince v. Thomas Smalman. {Chancery proceedings before 1714, Chancery Bills and Answers, Mitford, exxxix., No. 82). I^57- I3 Aprilis, Pinc'ar. To the right hon'ble the Lords Commissioners for the great scale of England. [In] most humble manner com- OF WILDliKHOPE. 27 plaining, sheweth unto your honours yr Orator, Sir Richard Prince of Abbey Foryate alias Monks Foryate near the Towne of Shrewsbury, co. Salop, Knt. That whereas, about a yeare and a halfe ago, Thomas Smalman of Wildertop in co. Salop Esq. by himselfe & certain ffriends did earnestly ymportune that he might be enterteyned to be a Sutor in the way of marriage to Jane Prince, one of yr Orator's Daughters, And about that tyme upon his earnest ymportunity yr. Orator did assent & give way that he the said Thomas Smalman sho(i in that way be admitted & have accesse unto her the said Jane, and thereupon after an accesse of the said Thomas Smalman to yl Orator's said daughter, there was a treaty and proposal had touching the same marriage between yr Orator of the one part and Thomas Smalman of the other to the effecte followinge, to wit, that he the said 1 nomas Smalman shod by good and sufficient conveyance and assurance in law convey all his messuages lands tenements and hereditaments in Wildertop aforesaid for the present, and also certaine other lands of him the sd T. S. to the value of £20 a yeare in Stanway co. Salop, after the decease of Abigail Strongwayes (mother of him the said Thomas Smalman) unto certaine feoffees, in Trust (to be by him the said Thomas Smalman & yr. Orator in that behalf indiffer- ently elected named and chosen) & their heirs to the use and behoofe of the said Jane for her joynture, in case she should happen to survive & overlyve him the said Thomas Smalman with remainders over to the use of the issue of theire two bodyes lawfully to be begotten, & should & would well & sufficiently settle convey & assure all & singular other the said messuages lands tenements & heredi'ts of him the sd. Thomas Smalman wherein he had any estate of Inheritance in possession reversion & remainder, use or trust to the use of himself for term of his life, and after his decease to the use of the issue of his body 14)011 the body of the s'1 Jane lawfully to be begotten, with other rems over, as by Counsel learned in law of the sd Sir Richard Prince should be advised, and that in consideration thereof yr Orator should give & pay unto the said Thomas Smalman the sum of £000 as & for a marriage portion with & for her the s'1 Jane in manner & form follow in£ iliat is to say, the sum of £100 upon the sd 28 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN marriage and request of the sd Thomas Smalman, And that yor Orator for and in lieu of the sum of £200 more of the sd portion money should assign over unto him the said Thomas Smalman a Bond of £400 for payment of £200 due debt wherein one Mr Sheppard with his sureties stood bound unto your Orator; and that vor Orator shod likewise pay unto him the sd T. S. the sum of £100 more of the sd porc'on money in the month of May next after the said assurance perfected : and £100 more in the moneth of November then nexte following, and £100 more residue & in full payment of the sd £600 after yr Orator's decease upon request, which (all things considered) was more than he the sd Thomas Smalman deserved upon the said marriage & Settlement, as yr Orator hopeth to make appeare, And it was like- wise agreed that yr Orator should neither assigne over the said Mr Shepperd's Bond, nor pay any penny of the sd £600 porc'on save the sd £100 already paid, untill the sd Thomas Smalman should have well & sufficiently conveyed assured & settled all his said messuages lands ten'ts & her'ts to the uses afs'd free of all encumbrances whatsoever, saving only the estate his sd mother was to have for her Joynture, to witt his lands in Stan way aforesaid uppon wh proposal both parties seemed to agree but nothing thereof was put into writing, neither did yr Orator relying on the honestie of the sd Thomas Smalman call any witnesses hereunto to prove the same if need should require. And yr Orator further sheweth that the sd Thomas Smalman did afterwards privately in a clandestine way, not making yr Orator acquainted therewith, intermarry with yr Orator's said Daughter, and after the marriage had did come to yr Orator affirming that he had married yr Orator's Daughter & had urgent occasion for the use of the sum of £100. & earnestly entreated him to furnish him the sd Thomas Smalman in regard to his then present occasions, with the said sum of £100. & yr Orator at his urgent entreaty was willing & did upon his request pay him the sd Thomas Smalman £100. in part of his sd wife's porc'on, upon the agreement afsd hoping that the sd Thomas Smalman, would have settled his said messuags, lands ten'ts & her'ts upon yr Orator's sd dau'r cV her yssue by him to be begotten OF WILDERHOPE. 29 according to the said agreement And the sd Thomas Smalman gave receipt. And your Orator further sheweth that the sd Thomas Smalman notwithstg that he had not settled any estate of subsistance for the said Jane of & in any of the sd messuages, lands ten'ts & her'ts or made any provision for her or her issue now demands of yr Orator the sd whole porc'on or sum of money promised by yr Orator. And yr Orator further sheweth that by the report of the neighbourhood, & by his own confession the sd mess'es were at the time of treaty out of his disposal incumbered & entailed, & he was not then in a capacity to make any assurance, but since as he pretendeth he hath put himself in a capacity to make his engagem1 good by taking an estate from his mother & her nowe husband, and leavynge a Fyne & suffering a Recovery of the sd lands & premises but to whom or to what use or uses yr Orator Sheweth not, yet after he had made himself in a capacity to make his agreement good he hath engaged & incumbered his said lands by making dyvers mortgages, leases, grants & assurances thereof to dyvers persons unknown to yr Orator by the advice of Francis Smith of Bourton in co. Salop gent., & John Crowe of Shrewsbury gent., and sd Francis Smith hath given out in speeches that he hath as good an estate in the same lands and premises as the sd Thomas Smalman hath. And sd Thomas Smalman now refuseth to settle any of the sd messuages, ten'es, lands & hcredits unto or to the use of yr Orator's Daughter, as & for her jointure and upon her issue, though yr Orator hath always for his part been ready to perform & for that purpose hath kept the money by him for the space of a yeare last past to his great losse & charge. And yet notwithst8 that the sd Thomas Smalman by plot combination & confederation with the said Francis Smith & John Crowe & divers un- known to yr Orator, refuseth to settle or convey any of his sd lands ten's or herts upon your Orator's sd daughter and her issue as af'sd, & hath together with the sd other confederates made and continued certain mortgages leases & other conveyances of the sd lands, & thereby incumbered the same, And yet nevertheless demandcth all the remaining part of the said porc'on to be paid in present money. And fur 30 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN that your Orator refuseth to pay the same, until the sd Thomas Smalman hath according to his sd promise & agreement conveyed & settled an estate in lands unto or to the use of your Orator's sd daughter & her yssue by him the sd Thomas Smalman begotten & to be begotten, he the sd Thomas Smalman having, since the sd agreement made, in a secret & clandestine way intermarried with yr Orator's sd daughter as af'sd hath by the combination afsd brought several suits against yr Orator for the said portion at the Common Lawe, And very lately caused your Orator in a disgraceful way to be arrested upon a Quo minus out of the Court of Exchequer att Westminster in the Towne of Shrewsbury upon a faire day there in the open ffaire & market to yr Orator's noe small discredit & disgrace, and with all eagerness & violence he together with the sd Francis Smith & John Crowe & the sd other confederates doe prosecute the same suits ag'st yr Orator for to recover the sd moneys for yr Orator's sd daughter's por'con most un- conscionably to defraud yr Orator thereof, & settle no estate or jointure at all upon her or her issue \vh questionles they will doe if not therein restrayned by yor hors by some order out of this ho'ble Court And will not settle any estate unto or to the use of yr Orator's sd dau'r & her issue according to the sd agreement, & soe yor Orator's sd dau'r & her children shalbe unprovided for, and for ought yor Orator knoweth turned upon him to be maintained after he hath paid the said porc'on. All which doeings & dealings of them the sd Thomas Smalman Francis Smith & John Crowe & the sd other confederates are most unjust unconscionable & directly against & contrary to all equity & good conscience. And yo1 Orator hath no remedy by the strict rules of Common Lawe. In tender cons'on whereof, &c, your Orator prays that they may answer, & declare what fines they have leuied, and he constrained to convey assure & settle the sd lands, &c, unto & to the use of your Orator's sd daughter for her jointure & her children after her decease. Ri : Treves. II. Answer of the Defendants. Sworne ye 5th day of The Joynt and severall Answeres of OF WILDERHOPE. 31 May 1657 Thomas Smalman Esq. ffrancis Smyth Nic : Hedant [?] and John Crowe gent, defts. to the Pindar. bill of Complaint of Sr Richard Prynce knt. ser. Complt. The said defts. saving & reserving all advantage of excep- tion &c. say And sd deft. Thomas Smalman saith that about a year & a halfe past he was a prisoner in the towne of Shrewsbury where the sd. Richard Prince lived, at wh time the sd Sir Rd. Prince his children had recourse to him the sd deft., and by means of friends of the s(1 Sr. Rd. Prince there was a moc'on made of a marriage between deft. & Jane Prince one of the dau'rs of Sir Rd. Prince And the s(1 Sr. Rd. Prince seemed to be most willing thereunto, & pressed deft, to proceed in the sd marriage. i\nd upon the treaty for marriage Sir Rd. Prince agreed to give in porc'on with sd Jane his dau'r £500. to deft, presently after his marriage with sd Jane, & shod secure £100 more to be paid to deft, at death of Sir Rd. Price. In con'son of wj* marriage & marriage porc'on deft, agreed to convey all his mess'es lands ten'es & her'es in Wildertopp in co. Salop, except certain lands in Stanway in co. Salop being of the value of about £50 per annum wherein deft's mother had an estate made by deft, for the term of her life. To this effect, that is to say, all the sd lands & premises in Wildertopp in the sd co. of Salop or elsewhere, except certain lands there to the value of £20 per annum, to the use of deft. & sd. Jane for their lives as a jointure for the s'1 Jane, & after their decease to the issue male of their bodies lawfully begotten, the remr to the issue male of defts., & remr to deft's right heirs. And deft, agreed to settle the other part of the sd premises in Wildertopp afsd, & all other his lands except the premises in Stanway upon the issue male of deft. & sd. Jane, with rem1*3 as aforesaid. Deft, denies that he made earnest impor- tunity to have access to the sd Jane, or that he agreed to convey his lands to feoffees after his mother Abigail's death, or that Complt. agreed to pay down £100. only in hand; or that Complt. should not pay the porc'on till deft, had assured the s'1 lands. And deft, saith he married Complt's daughter, but not privately & in a clandestine manner (for such marriages are voyd in law) ; but Complt. & his wife did give 32 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALM AN full consent to sd marriage, and s'1 marriage was solemnized publicly in the presence of some of the children & other relatives of sd Complt. And deft, confesses that he received £100. from Complt., to enable him to compound with deft's mother, & caused his sd father in law and mother together with himself to levy a fine & suffer a recovery of all the premises so agreed to be settled to the use of deft. & his heirs, whereby deft, was enabled to settle the sd premises according to his sd agreement, & caused the sd fine & recovery to be brought to Complt , desiring him to appoint his Counsel to draw a draught of settlement of the premises according to s'1 agreement, And that deft, might receive remr of his sd wive's porc'on & sent them word that they shod have any or writings of deft. But sd complainant being [loathe] to part with money did cause & pretend that deft. shod have made s'1 settlement sooner, & pretended that he had provided money for sd porc'on, wh he had kept by him, but had the disposal thereof. And deft, must stay until sd complt. had money, wh deft, understands to be a mere delay & a delusion. And deft, has been & is still ready to settle the said premises. And deft, further saith that, as Complt. denyed to pay him t he remr of his sd wive's porc'on, deft, was constrained to make a lease of some part of the premises agreed to be settled, to secure nere £200. borrowed of one Mr Berrey at interest for the payment of money for wh he stood bound in a greate penalty, wh lease is in the nature of a mortgage, & is to be delivered up upon payment of the sd money borrowed, & shall be due as soon as complt. will pay his daughter's porc'on. And he confesses that the s'] lease is made by the advice of Francis Smyth, for sd Francis Smyth was deft's agent & solicitor; but s'1 John Crowe had nothing to do with the premises. And deft. Francis Smyth saith that being a Solicitor in the Courts at Westminster he did prosecute a line cvr recovery at the Com'on La we for the said Thomas Smalman to settle his estate & make a jointure for his wife & provide for their issue. And he denieth that he gave out that he had any estate in the lands And there is no incumbrance on sd lands, except sd lease to sd Mr Berry wh wo'1 readily be surrendered if Complt. wo'1 pay his (laughter's porc'on. And sd Thomas Smalman Francis Smyth and OF WILDERHOPE. 33 John Crowe all deny that there is any combination &c, And deft. Thomas Smalman saith that Complt. refused to pay his daughter's porc'on, & being damnified for want thereof did bring an action at the Com'on Lawe for recovery of sd portion, & the declaration therein being mistaken, he cod not proceed, but did procure a process out of the Court of Exchequer by way of Quo minus, and did cause the Bayliffs to serve the same upon comfit's, person, but in what manner they did the same he knoweth not. And deft. Thomas Smalman hath power and is ready to settle the sJ lands, if Complt. will pay his daughter's porc'on. Tho : Smalman. Tho : Whittmore. John Crowe. The said defts Thomas Smalman and John Crowe were sworne to this answere at Shrews- bury in the County of Salop the nyne and twentieth day of Aprill 1657 before me. ) , Mr. of Chanc'y to: BAWDEWiNh extraord. [Endorsed] 20 Maij 1657 Upon the oathe of John Wood, gent. Tho : Bulstrode. III. Orders of the Court. Order, Easter Term 1657. Sr. Rd. Prince Knt. pit. Thomas Smalman Esq. & others defts. (Chancery Decrees, B. 1656, Vol. 208, p. 773 b.) Mo[nday] n May 1657. Forasmuch as this Co1 was this day informed by Mr Srt Hill being the said pit's. Counsell that a treaty of marriage being &c. [recites the proceedings], It was therefore praied that an Ini'con may yssue lor staye of the s'1 deft's. proceedings at lawe on the su accon, untill the hearing of the Cause, wh is ordered accordinglie, unles upon notice to the s' deft's. i 34 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OF THOMAS SMALMAN attorney in Corte cause be shewed of the contrary the third generall seale next and And in the meantime all proceedinge at lawe are staide. j. s. Order, Trinity Term 1657. (Ditto, p. goob). fir [id ay J 290 May. [Recites Order of 11 May], and upon opening of the matter by Mr Dolbye being of the deft's. Counsel, who prayed that the sd Order might be discharged, This Court doth thereupon order that the s,J pit. shall have notice thereof & forthwith accept the assurance of the jointure to be made according to the Agreement, or in defaulte thereof the Iniunccon shalbe dissolved. R. D. THOMAS SMALMAN'S IMPRISONMENT IN 1648. (Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1648-9). VOLUME DXVI. (p. 298.) 1648. Oct. 10. Proceedings of the Committee of both Houses at Derby House. Ordered. 9. Likewise Mr. Smallman [be released from Peterhouse] upon paying the same penalty [£20.] (p. 331.) 1648. Nov. 24. Proceedings of the Committee of both Houses at Derby House. Ordered 9. Also Smallman and Stockton [be released] upon giving security. (p. 343.) 1648. Dec. 1 — 30. Bonds entered into for personal appearance before the Committee of Lords and Com- mons sitting at Derby House. Thomas Smalman's Bond, 2 Dec : 1648. (State Papers, Charles I. 516. 135). [Translation.] Know all men by these presents that we Thomas Smalman of Wildertop in the County of Salop esquire, John Pither of ffctter lane London gentleman, and John Bruer of Crooked Lane London Cutler, are held and firmly bound to William Lenthall esquire, Speaker of the House of Commons, in the Parliament of England in Five hundred pounds of good and OF WILDERHOPE. 35 lawful money of England, to be paid to the same William Lenthall or his successor or successors to the use of the said Commons, For which payment indeed well and faithfully to be made we bind ourselves and every of us by himself for the whole and entire sum our heirs executors and administra- tors firmly by these presents. Sealed with our seals given on the second day of December in the twenty fourth year of the reign of our Lord Charles by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland &c, and in the year of our Lord 1648. [The above in Latin.] Tne Condicon of this Obligacon is such that if the above bound Thomas Smalman shall for the space of six moneths next to come from tyme to tyme make his personall appear- ance at the Comittee of Lords and Comons at Derby House wthin twenty dayes after warning shall be left at Mr. Pithers house in ffetter lane And shall not hereafter act or doe any thing that shall be preiudiciall to the State That then this present Obligacon to be voyd & of none effect or else to remayne in full force strength & vertue. Sealed cS: delivered Too : Smalman (ls) in the presence of John Pither (ls) Hen. Symball John Breuer (ls) Math. Lea [The Seal used by Thomas Smalman to this Bond has these Arms, — A fesse between three crescents. Crest, — A falcon close feeding on an eagle's leg. These are not the Arms of Smalman, but seemingly those of Lee of Querendon, Bucks ; and it looks as if Smalman had borrowed the witness Mr. Mathew Lea's Seal for the occasion.] - ^ _ _ 1305006 LETTERS OF THOMAS SMALLMAN, 1644. (From the Ottlcy Papers, at Pitchford). 1. Humble service p'sented Mr. Warring hath sent to me to send [some] money to him to supply his wants in Prison, which (had 1 been [able] ) I should not have failed to have done, we have received [no] money since I came to Ludlow, whereby I am sure [you] will conceive that I cannot be able 36 SEQUESTRATION PAPERS OP THOMAS SMALMAN. to do what I [desire], especially were I able I should not fail to relieve so gallant a man as Mr. Waring is [My] humble request to you is that you would be pleased to [send] him some relief by this bearer for the present [occasion, the] first money I receive I shall both furnish him [with and] the rest to the utmost of my Ability, And in the [mean while I humbly] take leave & rest Yor faithfull Servant to command Tho : Smallman. To the right wor11 Sr Francis Oatley Knt and Coll. at Bridgnorth this. Ludlow the 4th Sepr. Sr. My humble Service presented to you : I believe you have heard of our misfortune : which I had acquainted you withall before this, but that I stay'd for the list of the Prisoners from Shrewsbury, which my Quartermr hath, my humble request to you is that you will be pleased to use what means you possibly can for the enlargem1 of our Men [that] are taken. I vow to God I never saw men behave themselves more gallantly than they did, and therefore I hope you will be the more mindfull of them. In the mean time I desire you would furnish me with some money to rcleive them. Coll : Davileir wonders you did not send the Men to me you promised, and to that end hath sent my Quartern^, I desire you would send what men you can by him with all Speed may be, for I believe we shall go upon present Service, thus hoping to hear from you ere long with my Service to my Lady and the rest of my friends, I humbly take leave and rest Your Friend & Servant whilst Tno: Smallman. To the right hon11 Sir Francis Ottley Knt. and Coll. at Bridgnorth these. 37 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. By the Rev. THOMAS AUDEN, M A., F.S.A. In a previous paper1 attention was called to a passage in the Itinerarium Cambria' of Giraldus Cambrensis as throwing light on the condition of a particular road in the county, previously described by Ordericus Vitalis in connexion with Henry I.'s operations against Robert de Belesme. As Giraldus is not only one of the most important, but certainly the most interesting of the Medieval Chroniclers, it may be worth while to transcribe the whole of the short passage in which he describes his visit to Shropshire, with a few notes as to its most salient points. It will be remembered that our author, whose real name was Gerald de Birri, was the son of a Norman lord by a Welsh mother of princely rank, so that he combined in himself the vivacity of the Celt with the solidity of the Norman. He was born in the year 1147, at the Castle of Manorbeer, in Pembrokeshire, a spot which he has himself described, with pardonable pride, as the most delightful in the whole of Wales. From childhood he showed a taste for learning and the pursuits then almost entirely identified with clerical life, so much so that his father was accustomed to speak of him as " the little Bishop." He was educated at Paris, at that time, perhaps, the most renowned University in Europe, and on his return home, he took Holy Orders. The clergy of Wales at that date were in a lamentable condition of ignorance and lax discipline, and Archbishop Richard of Canterbury — the successor of Thomas Becket — found in Giraldus a very useful helper in his endeavour 1 Transactions, Vol. i. (Third Series), p. 115. Vol. 111., 3rd Series GIKALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. to effect an improvement. He used the influence which he derived not less from his family connexions than from the Archbishop's commission, with zeal and earnestness, and was rewarded with the Archdeaconry of Brecon, taking up his abode for a time, at least, at Llanddew, some two miles from that town, where a fragment of his house still remains in close proximity to the ipteresting little Norman Church j in which he must often have worshipped. He had set his heart on becoming Bishop of St. David's and raising it to the rank of an Archbishopric, but he never succeeded in bringing the higher powers, either of Church or State, to accept his views, and his efforts in that direction brought him only years of trouble and disappointment. This, however, is a long story, and has nothing to do with Shrop- shire except that in the first instance when the Chapter of St. David's nominated him for the Bishopric, the candidate chosen in his stead by the King was Peter de Leia, Prior of the Cluniac House of Wcnlock, who, however, proved utterly incapable of filling the position. We turn to the circum- stances which brought Giraldus to Shropshire. Archbishop Richard died in 1185, and was succeeded by Archbishop - Baldwin. At the time, the air was full of the idea of the duty of the western nations to deliver the Holy Places from the hands of the heathen Saracen, and Baldwin was fired with the prevalent enthusiasm for the new Crusade, in which he ultimately met his death. In the spring of 1188, he determined to pay a visit to Wales, with the view of rousing the chieftains of that country to take part in this effort. Giraldus was appointed to be his colleague and companion, and it would have been impossible to make a wiser choice. They began their progress at Hereford, and spent a month in South Wales ; then they crossed the Dovey into the northern division, where, however, their progress was much more hurried, on account, apparently, of the near approach of Easter, which they spent at Chester. We now take up Giraldus's own account.1 1 I am indebted for the English translation to a Manuscript version by If. W. Auden, M. A., Assistant Master at I'ettes College, and editor of Blackwood's Series of Cfaksfvhl Texts. The biiginal is contained in vol. vi. of the Rolls Kdilioii «>! (iirttltitts's U'orAs, pp. i ]i i.jo. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. 39 Ch. XII. Of our progress to the White Minster (Whitchurch) and Oswaldestreo (Oswestry) ; to Powysland and Slopesburia (Shrewsbury) ; and what we saw there worth mentioning. We spent Easter at Chester, observing that festival duly as the Church directs. Heie the Archbishop's discourses induced several to be signed with the cross and join the crusade. Leaving Chester we journeyed to the White Minster and from there to Oswaldestreo ; here, seeing that we were now on the very edge of the Powysland borders, we were met by two princes of Powysland, Griphinus the son of Madoc, and Elisset, each attended by the people of his domain. Here we persuaded a few only to take the cross, — a few only, because Reynerius the bishop of the district had previously collected many recruits for his crusade. Here too Griphinus (Griffith) the prince of these parts publicly repudiated in the presence of the Archbishop his cousin Angharat, prince Owain's daughter, whom he had long lived with as his lawful wife, for this evil practice of marrying cousins is very prevalent in Wales. At Oswaldestroe that is Oswald's Tree, where we spent the next night, we were entertained by William, Alan's son, a young man of high birth and good education. His hospitality was truly English — most lavish and more magnificent and sumptuous than was seemly. We would fain have refused it, but he urged us and would not be gainsaid. A notable event happened in this district shortly before our visit. Bishop Reynerius was preaching a crusade; several had taken the cross and were urging and entreating one of their comrades, a youth of great bodily strength, to join them. His answer was this : — " When I have avenged my master's death with this spear which now I hold in my hand, then and then only will 1 join you;" by "master'' meaning Owain son of Madoc, a great and distinguished chief who had not long ago been done to death by his cousin Owain de Keveiliauc under circumstances of the foulest treachery. As he spoke, mastered by his anger and a yearning for revenge, he brandished his spear wildly in the air ; it broke off short of its own accord on either side of his lingers 4o GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. and fell to the ground, leaving in his hand nothing as it were except a handful of the shaft. Amazed and terrified at this portent, which he interpreted as a most direct call from heaven to him to take the cross, he hesitated no longer but there and then volunteered for the crusade. In this third district of Wales, which they call Powysland, there are some most excellent studs of mares and stallions of splendid stock. The)' ha\''c Spanish blood in them, as they were originally reared from some thoroughbred Spanish horses introduced into the district by Robert de Belesme, Earl of Slopesbury. This is why the horses from these parts are so widely recommended ; they are high-bred to look at, and their lines are good (they owe this to the stock they came from) ; they are full-limbed and of good size, whilst in speed they are unsurpassed. It was at this point that King Henry II. of England in our time led his expedition into Powysland ; it failed, but not for want of sumptuous and princely equipment. He was compelled to return by a sudden and most unexpected rainstorm and flood, and had to content himself with butcher- ing the hostages which had been given him. The reason assigned lor the rainstorm is as follows :— On the preceding day some officers of the English army had deliberately burned to the ground some churches of the Welsh, and at the same time some villas and burial-shrines. Thereupon the sons of Owain the Great marshalled the flower of their army, and in g) eat indignation called a meeting of the Welsh princes, including their father, to discuss the outrage ; for they swore by all that was holy that in future they would shew no respect for the English churches. The assembly almost to a man re-echoed this sentiment ; Owain alone, who was, for a Welshman, an unusually shrewd and moderate man, having quieted the uproar, after an interval addressed them in words to this effect : 1 certainly cannot agree with this opinion ; I think we ought rather to be glad and congratulate ourselves on this occurrence ; we are, unless we have divine aid to support us, far inferior to the English ; now the English of their own accord, by doing what they have done, have made the gods their foes, and the gods are quite strong enough to vigorously avenge their own and our wrongs. So then let us GIKALDUS CAM13RENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. 41 now devoutly all make a solemn promise to God that we will in future shew to all churches and holy places greater reverence and honour than we have done hitherto." This they did, and as I mentioned above, the next night the rainstorm came on, and the English army were made to feel that it was a vengeance sent from heaven. We then came on to Slopesbury, a town almost surrounded by the river Sabrina ; here we spent a few days to recruit after the fatigues of our journey, and here too, thanks to the admonitions of the Archbishop and the gracious sermons of the Archdeacon of Menevia (St. David's) we persuaded many to follow the cross. We also excommunicated Owain de Keveiliauc because he was the only Welsh prince who had refused to come with his people to meet the Archbishop. This Owain surpassed the other Welsh princes in two respects ; he was a clever speaker and he was able and far- seeing in the government of his kingdom. He managed to establish very friendly relations with King Henry II. of England, the reason being that he almost always seemed to be quarrelling with the leading Welshmen, and to be thus more loyal to Henry. These two were once sitting at meat in Slopesbury, and the king in token of esteem and affection had given Owain a piece of bread from his own basket. Owain at once, while the king was looking, took the bread and broke it up into small pieces as if it were for the Eucharist; then, as the celebrant does in the Eucharist, he first laid out the pieces and elevated them at arm's length, then picked them up one by one and devoured them all. The king asked him why he had done this; Owain thereupon with a rather forced laugh replied) kk This is the way in which I do what I think will please my lord:1' thus shrewdly enough making a sly hit at the king's meanness and greed, for when any ecclesiastical appointments fell vacant Henry used to keep them in his own hands for a most unreasonable time.1 1 It is somewhat difficult to see the point of this story of Owen and King Henry II. It turns on the meaning of " elemosynaria frusta" into which the Welsh prince cut up the loaf. lie may intend a pun on " eleemosyna " which is apparently often used to signify possessions of the Church, such as the king was accustomed to retain in his own hands, as well as alms ; or the allusion may be to the celebration of the Kucharist, the view adopted in the text. Sir R. Colt Iloare's rendering is as follows: 44 Being with the King at table at Shrews- bury, Henry, as a mark of peculiar honour and regard, sent him one of his 42 GIKALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. It is worth noting that in our day, in the three districts of Wales, only three men have been prominent for their sense of justice, their foresight and that self-control in government which a prince should have ; Owain the son of Canan the son of Griphinus (Griffith) in Venedotia (North Wales) ; in South Wales Meredutius (Meredyth) his nephew, son of Griphinus, whom an unkind fate hastened to an early tomb; and in Po\vysland,the aforesaid Owain Keveiliauc. Two princes are deservedly considered to have been unsurpassed in their liberality, Cadwatlader the son of Griffith in North Wales, and Griffith of Bromheld, son of Madoc, in Powysland, whilst in S. Wales kesus (Rces) the son of Griffith bore the palm for both bravery and liberality. In N. Wales David son of Owain, and in S. Wales, in the district Morgannoc, Hoelus (Howell) the son of Ierverth from the Legions' Camp (Caerleon), keeping the balance true between Welsh and English, remained loyal to both sides without losing their self-respect. Ch. XIII. Of our progress to Gueneloc and Bromfield, to Ludelawe Castle, Leo's-Minster and Hereford. We journeyed [from Shrewsbury] to Gueneloch (Wenlock) over a narrow and very steep piece of road which they call Bad- street (mala platea). They say that not long ago a Jew was travelling along this road towards Slopesbury accompanied by a certain archdeacon of Salop whose name was 1 Sin, and a certain dean named 1 Devil ; the archdeacon mentioned that his archdeaconry began at this Bad-street and reached towards Chester as far as a place called Bad-pass (malus passus'2) : the Jew pondered awhile carefully over the names of his travelling-companions, and then very neatly remarked own loaves ; he immediately brake it into small pieces, like bread given away in charity; and having, like an almoner, placed them at a distance from him, he took them up one by one and ate them : the King requiring an explanation of this proceeding; Owen, with a smile, replied, '1 thus fallow the example of my lord,' keenly alluding to the avaricious disposition of the King, who was accustomed to retain for a long time in his own hands the vacant ecclesiastical benefices.'' Tlic Itinerary of Arc/ibisltof) ffa/dwin, by Giraldus de liarri. translated by Sir U. (). Iloare, Hart. (1806), vol ii , p. 174 1 Archdcacor, Richard l'eche ( Peccatum) ; Dean De Eyvillc (Diabolus). J I'eipetuated in the modern lunac Malpas. GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. 43 that he should consider himself lucky if he ever got safe home out of such a country, seeing that Sin was the archdeacon and Devil was the dean, whilst the archdeaconry began at Bad-street and ended at Bad-pass. We went on from Guenloch to the cell of Bromfield, to the noble castle of Ludlawc ; and thence to Leo's-minster and Hereford: Mailenyth & Elvail we left on our right. Thus after describing a complete circle we came back to the point from which we started when we set out for our toilsome journey through Wales. Perhaps the most noticeable thing in this narrative is the light which it throws on the author himself. His love of gossip, and the pleasure he found in telling a good story is well illustrated by his jokes at Wenlock about Archdeacon Peche [Peccatum] and Dean De Eyville or Dayville [Diabolus], and his description of Owen Cyveiliog and the loaf, but not less amusing to the modern reader is the air of supreme self-satisfaction which runs through the whole account. He could be exceedingly bitter and vindictive at times, and some of his writings are much disfigured by this element, but it is almost entirely absent from his two books on Wales, and the reason is not far to seek. He was perfectly happy in the position in which he found himself on this occasion. To personally conduct the Archbishop of Canterbury through his own country — to pose as an import- ant personage on an important occasion — to receive a large share of the honour which everywhere awaited the cortege- all this was exactly after Giraldus' own heart, and his pleasure shows itself at every turn. In nothing, perhaps, is it more evidenced than in his use of the first person plural. In his mind the Archbishop was clearly an appendage to himself rather than himself to the Archbishop, and so it is not only " We went to Shrewsbury and stayed a few days," but it is " We excommunicated Owen Cyveiliog." Indeed, the vanity that breathes through the whole of the account of his visit to Shrewsbury is absolutely charming. The success- ful enrolment of Crusaders is clearly due, in his opinion, much more to the " gracious sermons " he himself preached than to the exhortations of the Archbishop; but as the preaching 41 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. of both alike would almost certainly be in Latin or Norman- French, a large amount of their gracious effects must have existed chiefly in his own imagination. In the excommunication of Owen Cyveiliog considerable light is thrown on the Medieval view of the authority attach- ing to the priestly office. The power of the keys was regarded as a thing which might be used by an ecclesiastic to support his authority, whether the fault was a moral offence or not. If in the case in question the discourtesy had been shown to a military Baron he would have avenged it by going with a body of retainers to pillage the chieftain's country or besiege his castle — in other words, he would have put forth his military power — in exactly the same way when the discourtesy was shown to an ecclesiastical dignitary, he quite naturally avenged it by putting forth his spiritual power, the only difference being that instead of imperilling the offender's castle or his lands he proceeded to imperil his soul. Giraldus, indeed, relates elsewhere an amusing, not to say absurd, story, in which he, as Archdeacon of St. David's, and the Bishop of St. Asaph, played what can only be f described as a game of mutual excommunication about a disputed jurisdiction;1 but the matter has its sad side too. It shows how in this, as in so much of the religion of the middle ages, the life had gone out of sacred things, and the most holy mysteries had become forms to trifle with, or to use for selfish and unscrupulous ends. The account is noticeable, however, not only for the light it throws on the author himself and the thought of his time, but on the topography of the count)'. At the very opening we have the origin of tin; name Whitchurch. It was the White Church — " Album Monasterium "—the spacious edifice of white stone built some half century before the visit, which was a wonder to those who witnessed its erection, and had caused the name of the Manor to be changed from Weston, which had been its designation in Domesday.'2 The use of the word "Monasterium" for a Church, not a House of monks, is also to be noted. Thence the party passed to Oswestry — 1 Set- the story in English, Giraldus Cambrensis (R )lis Edition), vol. i., p. wii. '-' Kylon's Anliyuilivs, vol. x., [>■ '4- GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. 45 " Oswaldstroe [spelt also Oswaldstreo], id est Oswaldi ar- borem." Oswestry also had its "White Church," but its associations with the death of St. Oswald were sufficiently powerful to secure the continuance of its old name, and it is important to notice that as early as the end of the 12th century the origin and meaning of the name Oswestry were generally recognised. It is quite true thatthe two earliest MSS. of the Itinerarium Cambria do not contain the explana- tory gloss " id est Oswaldi arborem," but it is contained in the third edition, which probably embodied Giraldus's last revision of his work.1 Their journey next led them into Powysland, which is spoken of as the third division of Wales — " Tertia portio Gualliae quae Powisia dicitur," — but without giving any clue as to its boundaries. Giraldus, however, mentions one characteristic of Powysland which it has not lost in the present day, namely the rearing of horses, and he ascribes the introduction of a particular breed to Robert de Belesme. Shrewsbury was still more or less the head of Powysland, and so was a halting place of the Archbishop's party for some days. The form of the name, however, is noticeable — " Slopesburia. " It marks the period when the original " Scrobbesbyrig " was being softened into the more liquid form which survives in the word " Salop." I have discussed the name of Wenlock — Gueneloch — the next stopping place, in the paper on Robert de Belesme, already referred to. The first part is almost certainly from Hunel, the name which Ordericus Vitalis mentions in his description of the road, which Giraldus also describes, and I have ventured to suggest that the termination, as in the case of Cressage, is from Ack or Oak, in allusion to the wooded character of the district. At Bromfield he accurately describes the Benedic- tine house as a cell, it having been made a dependance of Gloucester Abbey in the reign of Henry I., but he appears to be less accurate in his description of Leominster — " Leon is Monasterium " — which had been made a cell of Reading about the same time. It is noticeable that he here uses " Monastcrium " for a religious house, not as in the case of GlraMus, Kolls livlitiou (Diinock), vol. vi., \>. xvii. 46 GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS IN SHROPSHIRE. Whitchurch, for a church in the modern sense of the term. Those who know Ludlow will agree with his description of its stronghold as " nobile castrum," for though the larger portion of the present castle is much later than Giraldus's time, one feels that as he contemplated the lofty keep and the beautiful round chapel which were then in their glory, no other epithet but "noble" would have sufficed.1 And now we must bid our friend good-bye, but as we part, the prevailing sentiment is that we have been interviewing a man with a distinct personality of his own. He is by no means without his faults, but for the most part they lie upon the surface; indued, his transparent egotism only serves to make him interesting, and as we watch his cavalcade passing over the border of the county towards Hereford, we have the feeling that in the half hour we have spent in his company we have learnt something, not only about history and topo- graphy, but about human nature as well. 1 "In the ruins of Ludlow Castle we can find traces of the domestic architecture of almost every period between iioo and 1700. It is an epitome of the social history of England." Some English Shires, by Mandell Crcighton, Bishop o| London, p. 2nJ. 47 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS OF THE i4th CENTURY. Transcribed and Edited by the Rev. C . H . DRI N K WATER, M . A . The Rev. W. D. Macray describes this1 (No. 23 of his report on the Municipal Records of Shrewsbury) as "one very long roll " which " contains the lists in various years from 12 Edw. II. to 21 Rich. II., i.e., from 1318 to 1397."- It is indeed a long one : upwards of fifteen feet of parchment, with entries of above 1,230 names. It is made up of several strips, 8 inches wide, neatly stitched together, and contains seven different documents. The condition is fairly good, the only illegible part is that which formed the outside when rolled up, but it is merely an endorsement, of much later date, and has nothing to do with the contents of the roll. 1. The f.ist list is one of foreigners (forinsecis), with at least 332 names, and is dated 13 18. 2. The second is a Gild Merchant roll proper, with, in addition to the names of the twelve Theynesmen, 320 names, and is of the same date as the preceding. 3. The third is of foreigners, with 55 names, and dated 1344- 4. The fourth is also of foreigners, with 123 names, and dated 1355. 5. The tl t til likewise of foreigners, with 2:. 3 nlnies. xni the date is 1372. 6. The sixth too of foreigners, a roll of 54 names, and of the year 1384, the 8th year of Rich. II., though the King s name has been omitted in the heading, which reads " anno regni regis ij. viij°," instead of " anno regni regis Ricardi ij. viij°." 1 This Roll is numbered 53 in the Calendar of the .Shrewsbury Borough Records. '* Historical MSS. Commission, Fifteenth Report, Appendix, Part x., p. 9. Vol. III., 3rd Series. G 48 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 7. The last is not a long roll, but the heading is unusual, it is " Rotulus de speciali Gilda mercatoria." It refers to the I year 131)7, and contains about 144 names. The word special seems to have reference to the peculiar condition of that period, and to the enormous losses which the Gild had sustained by the deaths of its members. Notes are appended to the various lines such as "mortuus" — "mortuus sine herede" — " sine hevede musculo" and in one case, to two brothers and a j sister, there is added, " omnes mortui sunt sine hevedibus" , implying that the whole family had been cut off. If we look \ into history, we find that in the latter half of the 14th S century the land was desolated by three visitations which j are generally called plagues. The worst of these three, " the black death," began in 1348, and was very fatal in Shrews- bury and neighbourhood. If, out of the 524 names, found in the fourth and following rolls, 138 persons are thus marked, it would imply that about one-fourth perished, but the proportion of the general population must have been much greater, for the people here recorded were nearly all " traders," living, as one would think, under the most favourable conditions for combating and escaping disease, while the lower class of mankind must have suffered much more severely. The state of society resulting from these visitations may partially account for this " Special Gild." It might have been considered desirable to determine the exact status of the institution, and to reckon up its surviving contributories, and we can now see how near to extinction it had come. The five remaining rolls of this period, yet to be examined, will probably enhance considerably the proportion of deaths among the trading community, for some of the best authorities, who have studied this period of history, believe that fully one-half of the nation perished. The peculiarities of these lists deserve a brief notice. Many now surnames and designations occur, while a few trades and occupations no longer appear, their places being taken by others, which are difficult either to define or explain. The spelling of Place-names has, from a modern point of view, sadly deteriorated, while the area from which they are derived has largely increased. This fact may OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. AO account for the increasing prosperity of the Gild itself, more foreigners being admitted, trade was taking a wider range. The bad spelling of the Place-names may be accounted for by the fact that there was no standard, all was done phonetically and dialects were as various as the origins of the people who employed them. Add to this, that these rolls were copies of the original rough notes of the first compiler, and were probably taken dowp. from dictation, as we can see by the marginal note attached to line 487. Lists are given at the end (with references to the lines in which they occur) of surnames, trades, designations and place-names. These will be found very useful for com- parison with the lists in previous papers, and for tracing genealogies. Baptismal and personal names have a somewhat narrower range ; and the frequency of the principal names is thereby increased, while the more unusual ones occur only once or twice. Much care has been taken to avoid mistake, every doubtful word has been repeatedly scrutinized — for the transcriber has had in mind the warning contained in the words — LITERA SCRIPTA MANET. ist Roll. ROTULUS de fforinsecis de Gilda Mercatoria libertatis Ville Salop' ad nouam Assisam primus Dies Sessionis dies Dominica In festo Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptiste Anno Regni Regis Edwaidi filii Regis Edwardi duodecimo Isti subscripti qui primo finiuerunt (AD. 1318, 1319). 1 Thomas fformon. 2 Willelmus hlius Ricardi de Wyggeley de Lodelowe. 3 Willelmus filius Ricardi lc clerke de Hawmon mercer. 4 Willelmus de Pollesworth tanner. 5 Willelmus filius Ricardi de Sydeweye de comitatu Stafford. 6 Rogerus Kech de Bromlowe. 7 Willelmus de Byrmycham coruiser. 8 Ricardus de Acton sherer\ 50 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILL) MERCHANT ROLLS 9 Willclmus de Borleton pistor. 10 Johannes Lynley mercator. 11 Robertus de Stranggeshull. 12 Robertus de Upton apotecarius. 13 Willelmus filius Roberti de Pullerbache. 14 Johannes de Lentwarthyn. 15 Nicholaus le Blount de Swenedon de comitatu Stafford'. 16 Willelmus Husee sissor. 17 Willelmus filius Henrici le Turner. 18 Thomas Vrkall. 19 Willelmus de Vpton filius Johannis le fferor'. 20 Johannes filius Henrici de Polleley pistor. 21 Johannes filius Ricardi Bras de Cotene super Terne. 22 Elias de Hadley. 23 Johannes filius Martini vicarius beati petri Abbatis. 24 Robertus filius Roberti le potter' de Trilleks. 25 Adam de Okene. 26 Robertus de Preston' mercer. 27 Willelmus de Kel mercer. 28 Adam ffrangue de Stretford. 29 Willelmus de Solleye. 30 NLnolaus de Park'. 31 Thomas Broustere de Lye Botwode. 32 Johannes filius Philippi de Peynynton. 33 Willelmus filius Willelmi Russell 34 Thomas de Boxtude potter de Collnham. 35 Robertus de Weston. 36 Willelmus de Won/^yne serviens Willelmi de Weston. 37 Henricus Colet de Astley. 38 Willelmus et Hugo filii Ricardi de Byriton. 39 Reginaldus filius Willelmi de Caluerhale tyngtor. 40 Walterus Boterell de Byriton. 41 Johannes filius Johannis de Byriton. 42 Ricardus le barber. 43 Johannes filius Johannis de Muridon. 44 Ricardus Styrk de Pichford. 45 Rogerus de Gesenok. 46 Magister Walterus de Ibernia cocus. 47 Thomas Conyngesmoure' filius Roberti de la Clyue. 48 Philippus le muleward' de Munton'. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 49 Symon Durand de Couyntre. 50 Rogerus Horrey de Wolstanton. 51 Willelmus de Wocwardyn. 52 Rondulphus de Bykedon. 53 Willelmus filius Henrici de Polleley. 54 Radulphus de Wallecote. 55 Johannes Bacon. 56 Thomas le ffray. 57 Ricardus Bonygy de Harlescote. 58 Robertus le Sturer mercer. 59 Johannes le latener' de couyntr'. 60 Thomas Bonygy de la Clyue tannator. 61 Nicholaus le sadeler' de Norhamton. 62 Walterus ffesaunt de Pype piscator. 63 Johannes films Hugonis Burnel de Wroxcestr'. 64 Willelmus de Preston iuxta moneford. 65 Johannes rilius Petri le Barker Carnifex. 66 Rogerus mendepas sherar. 67 Willelmus filius Willelmi atte Wode de Vpton. 68 Adam rilius Johannis de Norton juxta Wroxcestr'. 69 Rogerus de Webbeley clericus. 70 Rogjrus Burgelon' de comitatu Stafford. 71 Ricardus frater Roberti de Weston. 72 Johannes de Chestershyre. 73 Willelmus de Lemenystre cordewaner. 74 Johannes H anion de Collnham sutor. 75 Willelmus Webbe. 76 Reginaldus in the Wychenes. 77 Thomas de Dreyton. 78 Rogerus de Lyes de comitatu Stafford. 79 Thomas lilius Willelmi Ririd' de Alkynton. 80 Adam Mathewson de monk fforiete. 81 Willelmus de Derlaston sissor. 82 Willelmus de Stone sutor. 83 Jacobus de Erkale de Newport mercer. 84 Thomas filius Willelmi filii Roberti de Clyue. 85 Johannes de Lynleye tannator. 86 Robertus de Hutkessader' tannator. (Uttoxeter). 87 Gilbertus le Dissherus de fforiete. 88 Walterus knot seruiens Thome de Bykedon. 52 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 89 Henricus de Sparchford de Lodelowe. 90 Rogerus Alius Rogeri de la Were. 91 Johannes de Londerthorp. 92 Alexander de Denecastr' mercer. 93 Alexander le marchal de Wych. 94 Johannes de Kyderminster. 95 Henricus Caym. 96 Willelmus films Willelmi de Goldyn. 97 Hugo de Hennekote tannator. 98 Reginaldus films Reginaldi de Rossale. 99 Johannes de Blakewell de comitatu Hereford'. 100 Ricardus de Presthope. 101 Rondolphus Hord'. 102 Robertus Waryng de Shelton. 103 Willelmus Chalunerus Alius Rogeri de le mere. 104 Willelmus filius Henrici Voyl. 105 Johannes filius Rogeri Atte Cros de Cressage. 106 Willelmus Whytuocke carnifex. 107 Henricus filius Galfridi le sadeler'. 108 Adam de Yorton sissor. 109 Willelmus filius Johannis de Lynley. no Rogerus Chasegray glouer. in Thomas Coluox. 112 Adam de Derlaston. 113 Adam Walstan molendinarius. 114 Ricardus Richardes son Dame Annessone. 115 Ricardus de Boorton de comitatu Cestrie. 116 Thomas de Stafford socer Thome ffaghan. . 117 Rogerus filius Ricardi le typperus de cherynton . 118 Willelmus filius Willelmi de munkeforiete. 119 Rogerus Crompe de cressage. 120 Thomas filius Ricardi de Cheryngton. 121 Johannes de Sutton pistor. 122 Willelmus Blessedbody piscator. 123 Ricardus Wysdam moyner'. 124 Thomas de Borghton. 125 Willelmus filius Ricardi le mulward' de Brugge. 126 Willelmus filius Willelmi log de Wemme> 127 Thomas le Cauperus sutor. *28 Ricardus Hamud de Collnham. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 53 129 Henricus filius Willelmi le hayvvard' de halghton. 130 Ricardus de Hogh«»e seruiens Walteri de Borghton. 131 Ricardus de Wodecote seruiens Johannis Gamel. 132 Ricardus de Burleton tonsor. 133 Johannes Poigh Tauverus de Stretford. 134 Ricardus Beg de Egebaldenham. x35 Willelmus de Brome mercer. 136 Robertus filius Hugonis de la Halle de Addebaston. 137 Adam filius Thome de Bole de moncforiete. 138 Adam filius Johannis seriaund'. 139 Stephanus filius Thome Bongy de la Clyue hoper. 140 Johannes de Stretford tawere. 141 Johannes filius Petri de Osewalstr'. 142 Rogerus cokus de Aldriscote. 143 Ricardus Prodom de Collnham. 144 Willelmus filius Gilberti de Betton. 145 Willelmus filius Johannis de Muridon. 146 Nicholaus de Kyderminster. 147 Henricus de Bromley de comitatu Stafford. 148 Rondulphus de Asteley. 149 Ricardus cocus de Ercalwe. 150 Ricardus Marculf. 151 Robertus de Hulton filius Hugonis le Lowe. 152 Thomas filius Willelmi clerici de Preston. 153 Thomas filius Johannis Husee de Ballerton. 154 Radulphus de la Broke de Hawhmon'. 155 Rogerus Sumterus de Longeley. 156 Ricardus filius Walteri de Strangebetton. 157 Willelmus de Stanley tannator. 158 Rogerus filius Gilberti de Betton. 159 Rogerus Trochard de la pole. 160 Ricardus filius Henrici de Tuyfford. 161 Rogerus Partrych de Polleley. 162 Johannes & Thomas filii Thome de Byriton. 163 Willelmus de la Sale. ID5 rv".v\". J ~;.7 •.:*.; 7. : ;„t^i-y. 100 Ricardus de Hadeley manens in Beystan. 167 Ricardus filius Ricardi de Mutton. 168 Willelmus Robyn de Rossale. 54 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 169 Johannes filius Ricardi de Wemme. 170 Thomas de Nouo Castello sutor. 171 Johannes Wynel de Wenlok'. 172 Walterus le Trompe de Stretton. 173 Hugo filius Roberti spyser'. 174 Adam filius Willelmi susan de Morton. 175 Ricardus le taylor de Luytel Shrowardyn. 176 Johannes clerk de preston. 177 Robertus de Drayton in Hales. 178 Rogerus Collyng de Castro Episcopi. 179 Thomas le peyntor. 180 Johannes Mathewson de Bikedon. 181 Ricardus filius Hugonis filii Rogeri filii Rogeri filii Laurentii. 182 Johannes Gamul de Asteley. 183 Henricus Comyn de Webbeley. 184 Thomas de Aylston de Hereford. 185 Willelmus filius Thome de Gz>/>eroller. 186 Galfridus de Preston iuxta moneford Brugge. 187 Willelmus de Huw Lye. 188 Rogerus seruiens Ade Touth filius Philippi Touth. 189 Adam le cokus de Opyntou iuxta le Wrekene. 190 Jeuanus le harper. 191 Johannes madokkesson de Ossewalstre. 192 Johannes de Hatton Capellanus. 193 Johannes filius Walteri de Wythynton. 194 Willelmus Collushull clericus. 195 Rcginaldus Pergage de Hereford. 196 Rogerus de Wolaston tonsor. 197 Hugo le Chaluner de Lodelowe. 198 Willelmus le colt de Burleton. 199 Johannis de Wenlok' pistor. 200 Johannes de Bctton manens in Pullelcy. 201 Robertus Lupe de Ellesmere. 202 Thomas filius Gilbcrti de Betton. 203 Willelmus de Hodenet filius Ade de Hayward. 204 Rogerus et Thomas filii Willelmi Blyskyn de Preston iuxta Moneford Brugge. 205 Rogerus filius Willelmi Temy de Rossale. 206 Henricus frater Walteri piscatoris. 0 OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 55 207 Willelmus Wakes de Asteley cocus. 208 Rogcrus le Otcr de Collnham. 209 Johannes couyntr' tannator. 210 Johannis le Botmon cartar. 211 Willelmus de Patynton mercer. 212 Rogerus filius Hugonis Dodeson de Ellesmere. 213 Rogerus filius Rogeri de Borleton mplendinarius. 214 Radulphus de Welinton faber. 215 Ricardus filius Henrici de le Were. 216 Johannes de Stafford scriptor. 217 Thomas de charnesse rector de Mudle. 218 Johannes le ( de) Wemme, 219 Thomas Passalowe Salter. 220 Nicholaus de Sardun tan^tor. 221 Willelmus pope vicarius Sancti Alkmundi et Johannes de x\luescote. 222 Rogerus de Wodehull. 223 Henricus Gylbert de le cauks tannator (? canks). 224 Thomas filius Johannis de Bras de Castro Episcopi. 225 Johannes frater eiusdem Thome. 226 Rogerus le carpynter. 227 Johannes de Halhton carpynter. 228 Thomas Barker de Wemme. 229 Johannis filius Rogeri le messenger de fforiete. 230 Rogerus de Emestre taunerus. 231 Rogerus socer Willelmi de Weston. 232 Robertus de le Barbor de Canbur'. 233 Willelmus filius le hou.de mandechepyngs de Nam Wych. 234 Willelmus de Esthope socer Waited le skryueyn'. 235 Robertus le Tauerner. 236 Ricardus Dun filius Walteri Dun moleudinarius. 237 Hugo de Lychfeld tannator 238 Johannes filius Hugonis molendinarius de Polleley. 239 Henricus de Ronton tannator. 240 Johannes le ffremon de Chylton. 241 Ricardus de Stretton filius Ricardi Russell. 242 Willelmus de Pulyley socer Willelmi Coin'. 243 Simon de Eichfeld tauerner. 244 Robertus de Whytemor', Vol. III., 3rd Scries. H 56 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 245 Willelmus Alius Rogeri de Hawmon. 246 Thomas de Peppelowe. 247 Rogerus de Whitemore tannator. 249 Ricardus de Broktone carpynter. 250 Hugo filius Nicholai de Eyton. 251 Thomas ffurner de Whitechirche. 252 Willelmus de Lye subter Brokhurste. 253 Radulphus de Ellesmere Armerrer. 254 Johannes Tyngesbury. 255 Ricardus le (? de) Blakemere de Ellessmere. 256 Thomas de le menede. 257 Thomas le chapmon de pullcsdon. 258 Robertus le colt de Newport. 259 Walteriis de Wenloke socer Nicholai yuc. 260 Thomas de Kenewyks sissor. 261 Walteriis filius Johannis Jeffray. 262 Ricardus de Hakeston et Jacobus frater eius. 263 Rogerus Arthur. 264 Thomas de Wyxull. 265 Willelmus de Hopton de Burleton. 266 Johannes cronk de Brugge junior. 267 Nicholaus de Stanton. 268 Johannes Pitte de fforiete. 269 Rogerus de vSmethecotc de Egcbaldena. 270 Willelmus filius Ade de Salop de Newport. 271 Hugo filius Johannis de Brome de Polleley. 272 Robertus le leucre del Newport. 273 Johannes de Wynborn viearius de Ellesmere. 274 1 lenrieus JeflVay. 275 Willelmus filius Johannis de Byritoif. 27(> Ricardus de le Nanit Wych carpynter. 277 Nieholaus filius Ricardi de Salop de Newport. 278 Alan us lilius Alani et Stophanus filius de Rossill 279 Ricardus de le meleford de la pole. 280 Ricardus de Daleley boulger. 281 Adam le hopcre de la pole 282 Ricardus lilius Ricardi de iTrankedon. 283 Dauid /Jameson de la polo (? H mpiison). 284 kieardus Wemme de la pole. 285 Rogerus Heryng de Atyngham. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 57 286 Willelmus Burnel de Wroxetre. 287 Henricus mol de Attyngham. 288 Henricus de Wesseley socer Philippi Polleley. 289 Galfridus films Stephani Beyston'. 290 Willelmus le cokus de Alburbury. 291 Thomas de Atton manens in le luyte Wytheford (? luytle). 292 Rogerus de Aston juxta Osewalstre. 293 Ricardus de Hadenale clericus. 294 Adam le chapmon de Ellesmere. 295 Robertus de cressage. 296 Johannes films Thome de lee Dominus de Byriton'. 297 Johannes filius Reginald! de lee. 298 Johannes filius Ricardi de la Sale. 299 Petrus de grenthull de Ellesmere. 300 Thomas filius Thome Prikeproud J. de Wenlok . 301 Johannes Bardulf de Osewalstre. 302 Alanus Margaretsone ye prestes de ffrankeuyle. 303 Dominus Rogerus Tromwine. 304 Ricardus de le Beche. 305 Willelmus filius Ade de Chestre de Byriton'. 306 Ricardus Hobbesone de Harlescote. 307 Gregorius de Vpton. 308 Johannes filius Walteri de Thornbey. 309 Ricardus Croket. 310 Godfreyd de Harlescote. 311 Willelmus filius lythewulle. 312 Willelmus Walterus de Preston' Gobalt clericus. 313 Robertus de Aldemare 314 Willelmus la?/ ton (or lanton) moyner. 315 Thomas Gatebrayn de Chirbury. 316 Willelmus Honde de Hawmon. 317 Rogerus filius Hugonis de Pontusbury. 318 Willelmus Ricardus de Vpton. 319 Willelmus morrys de Polleley. 320 Stephanus le parchemsner. 321 Johannes le Aumbelere filius Roberti de Northewod. 322 Ricardus filius Johannis de Lillushull. 323 Johannes le marchall de Cnoky n. 324 Walterus de Alduinarc. 5* SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 325 Johannes Corbet de Preston. 326 Ricardus de Wythecote sissor. 327 Willelmus Ropers. 328 Robertus de ffraunce de Erkalewe. 329 Yerforth ap Ythel de maysbroke. 330 Thomas filius Rogeri ffrend. 331 Roger us sissor de Sond,sa\ve. 332 Willelmus le Baxter' de Hawmon de comitatu Warewik'. [End of 1st Roll.] 2ND Roll. ROTULUS de Gylda, mercatorum in Burgo Salop ad nouam Assisam Primus dies session is fait dies Dominica in festo Nativitatis Sancti johannis Baptiste Anno regni regis Edwardi filii Regis EdwarJi duodecimo (1318, 1319). Rotulus de illis qui quatuor denarios sunt pacaturi. NOMINA THEYNESMEN. 333 Johannes de Lodelowe, Galfridus Rondolf, Johannes Gamul, Nicholaus Iue, Thomas Colle, Alanus Clement, Rogerus filius Willelmi Pride, Hugo le Dunfowe, Thomas de Bykedon', Thomas Vaghan, Willelmus filius Ricardi le Parminitter, Reginaldus j Perle. 334 Ricardus Sturi. 335 Rogerus lilius Johannis de Lodelowe. 336 Thomas lilius ciusdem Johannis. 337 Johannes Baldewy. 338 Hugo lilius Roberti le Dunfowe. 339 Willelmus filius Ricardi filii Ricardi Pride. 340 Johannes filius Hugonis Reyner. 341 Pctrus Jerard. 342 Willelmus lilius Johannis de Lodelowe. 343 Nicholaus lilius le Spicer. 344 Thomas filius Johannis Gamel. 345 Willelmus filius Ricardi Sturi. 346 Johannes lilius eiusdem Ricardi. 347 Thomas lilius eiusdem Ricardi. 348 Johannes lilius Johannis de Lodelowe. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 349 Nicholaus filius eiusdem Johannis. 350 Thomas filius eiusdem Johannis. 351 Thomas filius Thome Colle. 352 Thomas filius Ricardi filii Roberti Pride. 353 Ricardus filius Ricardi Borrey. 354 Johannes filius Johannis Russei. 355 Thomas frater eius. Johannes de Westbury. 357 Ricardus frater eius. 358 Simon Colle. 359 Thomas filius eius. 360 Willelmus filius eius. 36 1 Ricardus Beget. 362 Johannes frater eius capellanus. 363 Johannes filius Alani Clement. 364 Thomas frater eius. 365 Willelmus frater eius. 366 Hugo Andrew. 367 Willelmus filius Galfridi Rondulf. 368 Galfridus frater eius. 369 Johannes filius Nicholai Iue. 370 Thomas frater eius. 371 Willelmus filius Thome de Bykedon. 372 Thomas frater eius. 373 Johannes frater eorundem. 374 Adam filius eiusdem Thome. 375 Johannes filius Rogeri filii Laurentii. 376 Hugo filius eius. 377 Thomas filius Rogeri filii Laurentii. 378 Adam de Bykedon. 379 Thomas filius eiusdem Ade. 380 Reginaldus filius Hugonis le Donfowe 381 Thomas filius eiusdem Hugonis. 382 Hugo filius eiusdem Hugonis. /fratres. 383 Johannes filius eiusdem Hugonis. 384 Willelmus filius eiusdem Hugonis 385 Thomas Lumbard. 386 Johannes filius eius. ) 387 Thomas filius eius. | fratres 388 Willelmus filius eiusdem Thome 6o SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 389 Willelmus filius Johannis Pride. 390 Thomas filius Symonis de Leyborne. 391 Johannes filius Johannis Borrey. 392 Johannes filius Johannis Gamul. 393 Thomas filius Thome Gamul. 394 Thomas filius Thome Vaghan. 395 Willelmus filius Willelmi le parmenter. 396 Jacobus filius eiusdcrm 397 Hugo filius Johannis Iue. 398 Kicardus filius Willelmi de Besseford. 399 Rogerus filius eiusdem \\rillclmi. 400 Hugo filius Rogeri de fforde. 401 Thomas filius eiusdem. 402 Willelmus filius eiusdem. 403 Thomas filius Willelmi de Bykedon. 404 Willelmus filius eiusdem. 405 Ricardus filius eiusdem Willelmi. 406 Rogerus filius eiusdem Willelmi. 407 Willelmus filius Rondulphi de Sheiton. 408 Rogerus filius eiusdem. 409 Thomas filius Roberti de Kel. 410 Philippus de Polleley. 411 Willelmus et Ricardus iilii eiusdem. 412 Rogerus filius Edwardi le mustarder. 413 Rogerus de Smethekote. 414 Philippus de Smethekote filius eiusdem. \ 415 Rogerus filius eiusdem Rogeri. | 416 Willelmus filius eiusdem Rogeri. iratres. 417 Thomas filius eiusdem Rogeri. J 418 Ricardus filius Thurstani de Pichford. 419 Hugo filius eiusdem. 420 Willelmus filius Ricardi filii Thurstani de ford. 421 Ricardus filius eiusdem. 422 Johannes filius eiusdem. j.23 Rogerus Bron de Newton. 424 Hugo Bron. 1 425 426 Johannes Bron. Jf rat res. 427 Robertus de Leycestre. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 61 428 Johannes filius eiusdem. ^ 429 Robertns filius. eiusdem. [fratres. 430 Hugo filius eiusdem. J 431 Willelmus le tauerner. 432 Johannes lilius eiusdem. ^ 433 Rogerus filius eiusdem. Kratres. 43 [ Reginaldus filius eiusdem.* 435 Thomas Bron de Burleton. 436 Hugo lilius eiusdem. \ 437 Rogerus filius eiusdem. fratres. 438 Ricardus filius eiusdem.) 439 Johannes Kech filius Ade Kech. 440 Rogerus filius Ricardi de Leton. 441 Ricardus de Leton frater eiusdem. 442 Reginaldus filius eiusdem. 443 Willelmus frater eiusdem. 441 Willelmus de Wesenham. 445 Johannes filius eiusdem. 4|.6 Johannes le Squier'. K 447 Willelmus frater eiusdem. ) 448 Johannes filius Ricardi le Barber sub Wyla. 449 Rogerus filius Alani Pride. 450 Thomas filius eiusdem Rogeri. - 451 Willelmus filius eiusdem Rogeri. 452 Johannes filius eiusdem. 453 Hugo filius eiusdem. 454 Ricardus filius Galfridi de Cantr'. 455 Alexander filius eiusdem Ricardi. 456 Syinon filius Willelmi le carpynter. 457 Ricardus lilius Willelmi de Otley. 458 Willelmus filius Johannis JciYray. 459 Walter us Jeffray. 460 Thomas filius eiusdem. 461 Johannes lilius eiusdem. 462 Willelmus filius eiusdem. 463 Rogerus filius eiusdem. 464 Hugo filius Johannis lilii Iuonis. 465 Nicholaus filius Thome lilii Agge 466 Robertas lilius eiusdem. 4(7 Johannes lilius Rondulphi [lord. fratres. fratres. 6z 468 469 470 47i 47^ 473 474 475 47^ 477 478 479 480 481 482 4*3 484 485 486 487 488 489 490 491 492 493 494 495 496 497 498 499 500 501 502 503 504 505 506 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Ricardus filius eiusdem | Willelmus filius eiusdem f fratres- Rogerus filius Roberti Juonis de Shelton'. Stephenus filius eiusdem \ Ricardus filius eiusdem I . Petrus de cox. Johannes filius Engelardi de Polleley. Thomas frater eiusdem. Willelmus filius Willemi Mullar' de fforiete. Thomas filius Willelmi Knotte. Thomas filius Willelmi de Burmynchham. Nicholaus Haymond. Johannes Haymond. Johannes Russell filius Johannis Russell. Thomas filius Johannis Russell frater eius. Ricardus filius Ricardi de elemere de fforiate. Thomas Dackeson de Whitchirche furner. Rogerus filius Roberti le forster de Welynton' — hit ys Bascdi in tWovygcnull. Johannes Genii/. Ricardus filius Willelmi Hagerwas. Johannes filius Roberti de Whitcmore. Thomas filius Martini. Stephanus filius Symonis Reymud'. Willelmus Charete de ffrancuille. Henricus filius Willelmi Charite. Willelmus filius eius. Thomas filius eius. Ricardus filius Johannis le Kent. Thomas frater eius. Nicholaus filius Nicholai Schytte. Ricardus frater eius. Willelmus filius Johannis de Moneford. Johannes le grys. Willelmus le lof. Ricardus filius Alani le glouer. Johannis frater eiusdem. Johannes filius Nicholai Bonel, OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 63 507 Johannes Alius Johannis le Vyleyn. 508 Johannes le Bernad de Prestone. 509 Henricus filius Ricardi Mehez. 510 Willelmus filius Nicholai Talpeny. 511 Petrus Redberd filius Willelmi Relberd de Collnham. 512 Thomas de Ondeslowe. 513 Engelardus Wistard cissor. 514 Willelmus Glupsi. 515 Johannes filius Ricardi filii Hugonis de Paris. 516 Johannes filius Baldewyn de mardeuole. 517 Johannes lilius eius. 518 Willelmus colhe filius Henrici le selar (or seler). 519 Rogerus filius Henrici atteyate. 520 Johannes et Rogerus filii eius. 521 Thomas de Paris filius Johannis le taylor. 522 Ricardus filius Johannis Beget. 523 Johannes Beget frater eius capplanus. 524 Ricardus de Cheppclache filius. 525 Ricardus le halte. 526 Adam filius Philippi tech. 527 Willelmus et Reginaldus fratres eius. 528 Johannes filius Reginaldus Attempt ace (or Atte uptace). 529 Philippus filius Ricardi Wyn. 530 Galfridus filius Willelmi Russell 1 fratres 531 Johannes frater eius / 532 Thomas filius Thome le glouer. 533 Willelmus le Wilde filius Alani le glouer. 534 Thomas Hyldebrond. 535 Willelmus filius eius 536 Willelmus filius Henrici Killot. 537 Ricardus Dauidsonc de Collnham. 538 Grcgorius lilius Alani Bil. 539 Willelmus filius Philippi Borrey. 540 Ricardus filius Ricardi de Mele. 541 Simon filius Reginaldi granegos. 542 Henricus lilius Willelmi de Prestcote. 543 Willelmus filius eiusdem'. 544 Walterus filius Johannis le panear'. 5 15 Hugo lilius Alani Ondien (or Ondreu). 5 \G Adam ( ^ylinyn. Vol. III., }ui Series. 1 64 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 547 Rogerus Alius Elye de ffrancuille. 548 Johannes Kech et Thomas frater eius. 549 Willelmus filius Henrici Symonsone. 550 Johannes filius Rogeri de collnham. 551 Johannes de Hereford cissor. 552 Rogerus filius Alani Iueson. 553 Nicholaus filius Willelmi lue. 554 Adam filius Walteri Lemon. 555 Ricardus filius Johannes carpynter senioris. 556 Johannes filius Johannis Baret. 557 Thomas Bonel. 558 Johannes filius Walteri BoterelM 559 Ricardus frater eius. pratres, 560 Johannes filius Thome Bonel. 561 Ricardus filius Ricardi le Boulger taylor. 562 Willelmus le Galeys. 563 Ricardus filius Rogeri filii Willelmi Pride. 564 Rogerus filius eiusdem. 565 Willelmus filius eiusdem. 566 Thomas filius eiusdem. 567 Johannes frater eius. 568 Nicholaus frater eius. 569 Hugo frater et Walterus frater eius. 570 Alexander frater eiusdem Hugonis. 571 Willelmus filius Reginaldi Perle. \ 572 Thomas filius eiusdem Reginaldi. Ifratres. 573 Reginaldus filius eiusdem Reginaldi. j 574 Thomas filius Thome Vaghan senioris. 575 Thomas filius eiusdem Thome junioris. 57$ Willelmus filius Johannis de Lodclawe senior 577 Johannes filius eiusdem Willelmi. 578 Johannes filius Hugonis Rdyncr. 579 Hugo filius eiusdem. 580 Rogerus filius eiusdem Johannis. 581 Johannes filius Johannes le Blak'. 582 Rogerus Michel. 583 Johannes le Typper de fforiate. 584 Johannes filius eius. 585 Thomas de Colton junior. 586 Adam filius Ade de Si ret ton'. fratres. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 65 587 Reginaldus Granegos. 58S Rogerus le ffysher de Colnham. 589 Thomas Alius eiusdem. 5go Thomas Leuesone. 591 7 Ricardus Mile. 592 Johannes filius Ade del Sich'. 593 Willelmus filius Ricardi le Kent. 594 Ricardus filius Willelmi le cokus. 595 Alanus filius Willelmi Hagerwas. 590 Rogerus filius Roberti le Smyd de fforiate. 597 Nicholaus'Mastre'. 598 Henricus filius Henrici meyler de fforiate. 599 Thomas filius Johannis le sadeler. 600 Alanus filius Rogeri conynges. 601 Henricus de Harley 1 602 Johannes de Harley ffratres. 603 Galfridus de Harley J 604 • Johannes Da sutor. 605 Willelmus Male capellanus. 606 Laurentius Priket. 607 Ricardus le marchal ) 609 Willelmus filius Johannis Geffrey. 610 Johannes filius Willelmi de Lakes. 611 Ricardus filius Ricardi Russell. 612 Ricardus filius Hugonis Shery. 613 Johannes le Glouer filius Hugonis le carter de fforiate. 614 Reginaldus de Grafton. 615 Johannes filius eiusdem Reginaldi. 61G Henricus filius Henrici Syke de Shelton. G 1 7 Thomas frater eius. 618 Willelmus filius Willelmi faber de Colnham. 619 Thomas filius Rogeri le marchal. 620 Alanus filius Hugonis de Kenlet. 621 Johannes filius Ricardi de Rouweston. 622 Hugo frater eius. 623 Ricardus filius Willelmi filii Philippi. 624 Hugo Crowe Nicholaus frater eius. 625 Ricardus de Bcsseforde Rogerus frater eius. 026 Alanus Dauwe. 66 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 627 Thomas de Otley. 628 Thomas Lumbard Johannes films eius, 629 Thomas frater eiusdem Johannis. 630 Willelmus frater eorundem. 631 Willelmus de Chatewall. 632 Johannes de Mondrem. 633 Thomas Willesson' filius Willelmi Russell. 634 Ricardus frater eius. 635 Nicholaus le Carpynter tonsor. 636 Thomas filius Willelmi Glunt. 637 Thomas Smerth (or SmcrcJi^. 638 Ricardus filius Dauid de Colnham. 639 Johannes Poune. 6^0 Thomas Johannes et Rogerus filii Petre Greyhe. O41 Willelmus del Coton cissor. 642 Nicholaus filius Henrici Charite et Willelmus frater eius. 643 Ricardus filius Ricardi de Wemme mercer. 644 Ricardus le Capeler'. 645 Henricus de Prestekote. 646 Johannes filius Thome Enge. 647 Johannes filius Warini de la Tour. ().|8 Hugo et Willelmus fratres eius. 649 Adam Edwan et Henricus fratres eius. 650 Willelmus Kech. 651 Willelmus filius Willelmi Mugle. [End of 2nd Roll.] 3RD Roll. ROTULUS de fforincecis de Gilda Mercatorum Libertatis Ville Salop ad nouam Assisam primus Dies sessionis (fuit) die martis in festo Sanctorum Petri et Pauli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi tercii A coaq.uestu Octauo Pecimo (1344, (>52 Willelmus de Rodene sissor finiuit. xl.s. f%3 Johannes Cham peon finiuit xl.s. 654 Johannes l>ellexetere et Symon lilius eius liniuerunt xl.s. O55 Tltnuias de Mutton Hri fuit xl.s. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 67 656 Johannes de Whuchekote. ^57 Johannes Hornerc. 658 Johannes Radestcn. 659 Ricardus de Radebon. 660 Nicholaus Blakewey. 661 Willelmus Blakewey. 662 Thomas Ston et 663 Rogerus filius eius. 664 Willelmus Goldsmyh de Offeley. 665 Robertus de Prestbury et 666 Johannes filius eius. 667 Walterus de ffelton. 668 Henncus de mutton. 669 Philippus glouere. 670 Adam de Rodene filius Rogeri de Lynches. 671 Johannes et Willelmus filii eius. 672 Symon filius Roberti de Chestershire de Wenlok. 673 Johannes de 1 Jetton sissor 674 Gilbertus Sauser' filius Thome de Chesewardyn. 675 Rogerus Prikeproud. 676 Philippus de Rodene. 677 Ricardus de Wytheford clericus. 678 Willelmus le Whyhtte de Enesdon. 679 Willelmus de Caderne de Edstanston. 680 Rogerus filius Thome de Russel de Cliue sauser (or sanser). 681 Ricardus de Haston et Johannes filius eius. 682 Johannes de Sheynton hun'cius Comitis Arrndellie receptus ad terminum vite. 683 Bencdictus le Bray. 684 Willelmus de Bromley. 685 Thomas Pymot. 686 Johannes Wirley. 687 Adam Camperith. 688 Matilda Hord & Ricardus filius Willelmi Hord. 689 Hamundus de Wenlok pistor. 690 Willelmus filius Henrici Steuenes de Lodelawe ipothe- carius. 691 Adam de Stensom Draper de comitatu Lancastrie. 692 Johannes de Ouerton. 68 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GIT D MERCHANT ROLLS 693 Henricus de Aston et Johannes filius eius. 694 Rogerus Sondsawe Draper. 695 Anna de la Grene. 696 Robertus fifius Rogeri de la Thorncs. 697 VVillelmus rilius Roberti de Chestershire de Wenlok'. 698 Thomas de Eyton piscator. 699 Ricardus filius Andree de mere de Wylynhale ad terminum vite 700 Willelmus de Wotenhulle. 701 Willelmus Hardyng. 702 Ricardus filius Johannis lilii Ade de Asteley et Thomas filius eius. 703 Willelmus Tabletere. 704 Ricardus Fbtyshulle. 705 Johannes Redy de Marchumlcy. 706 Johannes Sauage de Brewode. [End of 3rd Roll.] 4TH Roll. ROTULUS de fforincecis de Gilda Mercatoria libertatis Ville ad nouam Assisam primus dies sessionis die martis in festo Sancti Laurentii Anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum vesesimo nono (1555-6.) 707 Johannes Shetton. 708 Robertus de couyntre Glouerc. 709 Henricus le carder. 710 Elias filius Ricardi Reuen de Prestes Weston correor. fit Willelmus fifes Willelmi Godbert de Wolstanton. 712 Johannes filius Henrici de Sokedon. 713 Ricardus de Wyggemore coruesor. 714 Johannes Russel de la Lowe carnifex. 715 Johannes filius Thome de Knokyn coruesor finiuit pro se et Rogero filio suo et eorum heredibus. 716 Willelmus rilius Hugonis. 717 Havvys de Osewalstre corueser. 718 Ricardus filius Willelmi Godbert de Wolstanton par- minter'. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 69 719 Hugo filius Johannis Aleyns de Acton. 720 Willelmus filius Ricardi Jordan de Haburley carnifex. 721 Willelmus filius Johannis locsmyth de Newport. 722 Willelmus filius Willelmi de Wemmc carpenter de Edestaton'. 723 Thomas filius Willelmi Aleyns de Ondeslowe Tauerner'. 724 Thomas filius Petri de Byrchere mersere. 725 Ricardus filius Ricardi Elkyn de Donynton textor. 726 Rogerus de Enchemarsh carnifex. 727 Ricardus de Beorton Tauerner. 728 Thomas de Ydeshale. 729 Thomas Bron de Peppelowe. 730 Henricus de Wcnlok' Packcre. 7 31 Johannes Staleworth Gloucr. 732 Rogerus filius Ricardi le clerk de Berewyk iuxta Atynchham permonter. 733 Johannes filius Reginaldi de Lynches Tannator. 734 Willelmus de Bettou fflechchere. 735 Willelmus de moneford webbe. 736 Thomas de Acton Barker. 737 Rogerus filius Willelmi de Priori Sutton Sherere. 738 Robertus de Dadeluston serviens Thome ffachghan. 739 Thomas de Paris parmunter. 740 Robertus de Ruggelcy Draper. 741 Rogerus de Lyllushull cocus. 742 Johannes meynwaryng causer. 7 j3 Rogerus Deuot de Herford aurifaber. 7 14 Walterus de Bromc carnifex. 745 Reginaldus Goldyn. 746 Ricardus le Nelder' mercer. 747 Rogerus Charmes. 748 I)auid Plumer de Trench. 749 Johannes Don carnifex. 750 1 lowcl piscator. 751 Robertus Hood piscator. 752 Ricardus le Stur' pistor 753 Johannes Konewey. 754 Willelmus filius Johannis Steuenys de Rowton taylor iuxta Brace meole. 755 Thomas filius Willelmi Dod de Grilleshull cementarius, 7o SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 756 Johannes films Thome Geffray. 757 Willelmus Lucas de Brompton tynger'. 758 Willelmus ffowel Draper. 759 Henricus Abel. 760 Nicholaus Shetton. 761 Johannes filius Rogeri de Byriton. 762 Adam de la Bala. 763 Walterus de ffekkenham. 764 Johannes Gyua Turner. 765 Willelmus le Bor de Sebascote. 766 Margeria de Pament. 767 Johannes filius Johannis de Hamcherche Sadcler. 768 Willelmus couyk. 769 Johannes de Stretford corueser'. 770 Willelmus filius Johannis Kech. 771 Willelmus Robyns. 772 Johannis filius Hugonis de Mokelwyk' corueser. 773 Hugo de Stanton chaundeler'. 774 Johannes de Tolleley carnifex. 775 Johannes de Upton seruiens Thome de Mutton. 776 Ricardus de Grafton. 777 Reginaldus de Dynbych couperus. 778 Thomas Gery tyngtor. 779 Johannes filius Ricardi de Bekedon. 780 Ricardus Russel Barber, mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 781 Rogerus de hennekote. 782 Rogerus de Wygwyk corueser. mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 783 Ricardus de Peynton Taylor, mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 784 Adam de Borleton ye halte taylor. 785 Rogerus filius Willelmi Padelon. mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 786 Thomas Glas. mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 787 Walterus Cresset. 788 Johannes ffaber' et Johannes filius eiusdem pro se et eorum heredibus. 789 Ricardus de Pymbeley pistor. mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 790 Ricardus filius Ricardi de Jondan de Haburley carnifex. 791 Ricardus Arch Barker, mortuus sine Jierede musculo. 792 Symon Chynaler et Johannes filius eiusdem et eorum heredibus, OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 71 793 Willelmus filius Johannis Hamcherche sadeler. mortuus sine hevecle masculo. 794 Willelmus de Emestre tannator j mortiti sine hevecle 795 Adam de Newport tannator J masculo. 7<)f> Willelmus de Eyton dotmniis de March quia mortuus sine he rede masculo (a tennino particis) infer sorores. 797 Willelmus filius Alani de Longenorle. 798 Willelmus de Lye subtus Brokhurstc Taylor. 799 Willelmus de Stokyate Carnifex. 800 Matheus Callom de Penebrugc. 801 Rogerus de Bolynghale dictus procurator, mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 802 Thomas de la Tour filius Johannis de la Tour, mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 803 Thomas le fforber et Willelmus rilius eiusdem et eorum heredibus. 804 Rogerus filius Wiilelmi de Harley de Eton Costantyn. 805 Willelmus Banastrc de Yorton. 806 Philippus de Shobbedon. 807 Ricardus Cap carnifex. 808 Henricus Tuttebury et Thomas filius eiusdem carettarius. mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 809 Rogerus filius Ricardi Dauid de Horton. 810 Johannes Canpcdcnc clericus. mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 811 Willelmus Banastre de Hadenale. mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 812 Johannes de Peynton Glouer. mortuus sine hcrede masculo. 813 Willelmus de Lye pistor. 814 Johannes filius Ythell Cullestok'. 815 Ricardus Kaynam tannator. 816 Willelmus tilius Thome Hageston. 817 Willelmus filius Johannis de Lundenthorp dictus procurator. 818 Ricardus Waryng de Pollerbache ad terminum vite. 819 Johannes de Engelond pistor. 820 lxadulphus de Cleobury. 821 Ricardus lilius Radulphi Hore. 822 Johannes le ffox de W\ lderley. 823 Thomas lilius Rieardi de Eton, Vol. 111., \u\ Series. K 72 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 824 Johannes Perle Alius Elizabeth Stury. 825 Willelmus Alius Willelmi de Aston in Collefeld seruiens Roberti de Thornes. 826 Rogerus Alius Johannis le Rede de Byriton. mortuus sine herede musculo . 827 Magister Ricardus de Watyndon'. mortuus sine herede, 828 Ricardus de Chestr' sutor. mortuus sine herede. 829 Willelmus de Welynton sissor. mortuus sine herede. [End of 4th Roll.] 5th Roll. ROTULUS de Gilda mercatoria libertatis Ville Salop' de fforinsecis ad nouam Assisam primus dies sessionis fuit dies lune proxima post festum Sancti Michaelis Anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum xl° vito Et ultimus dies sessionis fuit in festo Natali Domini Anno eiusdem Regis xi° vlto (1372). 830 Ricardus de Pontusbury. mortuus sine herede. 831 Johannes Alius Thome de Acton. 832 Willelmus de Dodynton. mortuus sine herede. 833 Galfridus Corbet, mortuus sine herede. 834 Willelmus de Preseleye. 835 Johannes de Pontusbury. mortuus sine herede. 836 Rogerus de Eyton Draper, mortuus sine herede. 837 Johannes Rauen correser. mortuus sine herede. 838 Willelmus Atte moure. mortuus sine herede. 839 Grishidyn le ffyshere. 840 Philippus le sheremon. 841 Rogerus le mon. 842 Isolda Beys, mortua sine herede. 843 Rogerus de Borhton. 844 Willelmus de Derby cardemaker. 845 Willelmus de Harlescote. 8.(6 Willelmus de Wyggeley. 847 Adam peynton. 848 Johannes de Erdeston Webbe. 849 Stephanns rnarcllamley G loner. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURA. 73 omnes mortui sunt sine hercdibus mas- culis. 850 Laurentius Coterell. mortuus sine herede. 851 Johannes Say ffuster. mortuus sine herede. 852 Henricus Cachepoll sadeler. mortnus sine herede. 853 Thomas Haker Barker, mortuus sine herede. 854 Willelmus Spyser. ^55 Willelmus seruiens 1 home de Ydeshale. 856 Ricardus de Wyrhale corueser. mortuus sine herede. ^57 Willelmus Pykard. mortuus sine herede. 858 Thomas de Haston taylor. mortuus sine herede. 859 Hugo de Erdeston. mortuus sine herede. 860 Robert us Walkshale. mortuus sine herede. 8(3 1 Johannes ate Howgh yremongarius ; 862 Johannes de Cardynton webbe 863 Willelmus de Beorton Sadeler 864 Ricardus de Lye Glouer. 865 Maculinus Hotale 866 Thomas Balle ffysher' 867 Johannes de Mutton 868 Alanus de Dytton 869 Ricardus fferor de Doggepoll 870 Hugo de Byriton Sadeler 871 Ricardus Vyse 872 Roger us Kent 873 Johannes de Salusbury aurifaber 874 Owinus Skryueyn de ffrankeuyle 875 Dauid le couper' de carnarthan 876 Johannes Velyn. 877 Willelmus Preston pistor 878 Willelmus Bedul ffuster' 879 Willelmus Masham Skynner 880 Robertus de Lye 881 Ricardus Ririth 882 Johannes de Maluerne socer Thome de Peshale. 88 3 Willelmus de Ynchemarchs. mortuus sine herede. 884 Johannes de Yokelton Glouer. 885 Henricus de Halhton. 886 Johannes Peynkrich. 887 Rogerus lilius Johannis Steuenys de Rowton'. 888 Thomas Haburley. 889 Johannes de Wylkote. omnes mortui sunt sine heredibus mas- eulis. 74 SKVKN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 890 Johannes Chi It de Ruggcley. 891 Stephanus iilius Thome Edmundi de Preston. 892 Reginaldus ap Dauid homo. 893 Hugo Bolker Glouer homo. 894 Radulphus Newerk' homo. 895 Madocus Gough carnifex. 896 Johannes de Ketylby Taylor. 897 Willelmus Mil Bowyer'. 898 Willelmus Adekyns de Worthyn. 899 Johannes de Murydon pistor. ""| 900 Voykus le ffleshevvere 901 Thomas Hampton corueser'. 902 Hugo de Chestre pistor. 903 Johannes Daleanus Shethere. 906 Adam Stykkere. 907 Ricardus de Conedouere pistor. 908 Walterus fforner de Hevvlye. 909 Willelmus maltmakere. 910 Johannes de Leynthale hewstere. 911 Johannes de fforiete coruesere. (j 12 Stephanus marchal Barker. 913 Thomas de Horsley eardemaker. 914 Johannes Dudow pistor. 915 Johannes Wyke de fforiete monachorum. 91G Ricardus de Allurton. 917 Yeuanus Meighyn. 91.8 Johannes de Drayton sheremon. 919 Ricardus de Kcchyn. 920 Robert 11s le Whyte. ijji Johannes le Gaskuyn. 922 Willelmus de Wylleleye. 923 Johannes de Gloucestre. 92 \ Johannes Toft us. 925 Howel Habuley. 926 Johannes corn. 927 Johannes Gamul. 928 Johannes Dodelbury mason. 929 Uogerus Wolrug. 75 Mauris le hiecher de Monmouth, mar turn sine herede. 1076 Wi Helm us Bynechewey. 1077 Wiljelinus filius Johannis Colle de Longeley. 1078 Johannes filius Johannis de Brompton sadeler. 1079 Johannes filius Willelmi Peyghe Bouche'. 1080 Rogerus filius Thome de Brompton Sadeler. 108 1 Rogerus filius Willelmi Hannekokkes de Wythyngton. 1082 Ricardus atte hope ffyshere. mortiius sine herede. 1083 Johannes Louessone de Alburbury sheremon. mortiius sine herede. 1084 Johannes llarley filius Thome de Harley coruiser. martinis sin: herede. 1085 Dicon Hayward. mortuus sine herede. 1086 Rogerus de Muddele fferor. End of 6th Roll, 7TH Roll. 1086^ ROTULUS de Speciali Gilda mercatoria ad novam assisam Primus dies sessionis fuit die Jouis proxima anti festum Natale Domini anno regni Regis Ricardi secundi vicesimo piimo coram Willelmo Willyley et Nicholas Jerard nunc Balliuis ville Salop' Thoma Skynner Reginaldo de Mutton Roberto Thornes Roberto de Graffton Johanne Geffrey Willelmo Biryton seniorc Symone Tower Jacobo Dygher fohanne de Acton Roberto de Lyes Phillippo Godberd Thoma Porter Thoma Parys Reginaldo Skryueyn et Willelmo de Weston Clerico (Dec. 20th, 1397). Vol III., 3rd Seri.-s. L 8o SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 1087 Petrus Bastard. 1088 Thomas fforster Taillor de Hor de comitatu Cestrie. 1089 Johannes Alius predicti Thome, logo Ricardus Peyton Brasyer. 1091 Willelmus Tayllor de Upton subtus Haghmon'. 1092 Johannes films Willelmi le mulleward de Sukedon. 1093 Johannes Dolphyn carnifex. 1094 Thomas Wenlok yrnmongcr'. 1095 Willelmus filius Johannis Gilbert de Betton. 1096 Johannes Tuggcford corueisor. 1097 Ricardus Cokrell corueisor. 1098 Thomas de Newbolde spycer filius Johannis de Newbolde. 1099 Thomas Dolphyn carnifex. 1 100 Ricardus de Horton Barker, mortkui sine herede. 1101 Radulphus de Cundorc filius Thome Henricus de Cundore. 1102 Willelmus Johannes Thomas et Nicholaus filii eiusdem Radulphi. 1 103 Rogerus Vanalfos [or Vanallus] Barker'. 1 104 Willelmus Dagur de Cundore. 1 105 Johannes Hordley Scheremon. 1106 Johannes Leget de Scheynton corueiser^ m»rtui 1 107 Walterus filius eiusdem Johannis r sine 1 108 Ricardus Jonsone carpenter J herede. 1 109 Johannes Ranes (or Raues). 1 1 10 Hugo de hachurley filius Hugonis de hachurley. 11 11 Willelmus Dun cissor filius Johannis Dun de Schrawardyn. 1112 Rogerus de Yuory de Emustre pistor. 1 1 13 Willelmus Ryton' Barker. 1 1 14 Johannes Rynton corueiser. martinis sine herede. 1 1 15 Dauid de Knokyn Taillor super Prydchulle. 11 16 Willelmus et Johannes filii eius. 1 1 17 Johannes Couper de ffissthstrete. mortims sine herede. ii 18 Willelmus Beistan filius Hugonis de Bcistan. 1 1 19 Dauid de Holbachc. mortmis sine herede. 1 120 Thomas Preston de Asteley yremonger. 1 12 1 Petrus de Burgh de Burdews. martinis sine herede. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 81 1 1 22 Johannes Goidston skinner., 1 123 Willelmus Spyre de Chestre. mortuus sine herede. 1 124 Dauid Maynsmore de Powys seruiens Thome Cone- wey. 1 125 Johannes Walcote Alius Henrici de Walcote. 1 126 Nieholaus films Willelmi Jackus de Westbury webbe. 1 127 Johannes filius eius. 1 1 28 Jacobus Blyke. mortuus sine herede. 1 129 Griffinus filius Johannis Baker. 1 130 Jacobus de Wlonkuslowe de Welynton. mortuus sine herede. 1 131 Thomas filius Johannis Burton de Sundrun. 1 132 Willelmus Nonniley pistor. 1 133 Walterus de Beorton. mortuus sine herede. 1 134 Willelmus Hayward. 1 135 Johannes filius Thome Hugyns de Haburley car- nifex. 1 136 Dauid Radebon. mortuus sine herede musculo de corpore suo. 1 137 Reginaldus de Burton, mortuus sine herede. 1 138 Johannes Hulle. mortuus sine herede. 1139 Rogerus Horsley. 1 140 Willelmus Cleobury de Eyton. 1 141 Matheus Bromfeld ffisscher. 1 142 Rogerus fforster filius Willelmi fforster de Salop'. 1 143 Thomas Conewey filius Ricardi Conewey draper. 1 144 Ricardus Culmer Webbe. 1 145 Hugo filius eius. 114$ Ilcnricus Le Wys carnifex. mortuus sine herede. 1147 Nieholaus Willelmus et Thomas lilii eiusdem Henrici. mortui sine herede. 1 148 Howelus ap Eynon taillor ffrater Llewelini couper et Johannes filius eius. 1 149 Willelmus Ricardus filii Simonis Towr. mortuus sine herede. 1 150 Rogerus Madyns seruiens Symonis towr. 1 1 5 1 Veuanus Byllyng ) , . . . . ,rA 111 ymortut sine herede. 1152 1 nomas Wyllabey j 1 153 Ricardus Brome filius Johannis Brome de Longefeld. 1 154 Ricardus Harley corueiser. 82 H55 n56 1158 "59 1 1 Go IIUI 1 1 62 1163 1 164 1165 11G6 ir67 1168 1169 1170 1171 1172 ii73 1174 ii75 1176 1177 1 178 1 179 1180 1181 1182 1 183 1184 1185 1 1 86 1 187 1189 1 1 90 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Echvardus Hagar de Acton Pygot ^ Philippics mercer firater predicti Roberti mercer. ) Johannes filius Thome Williamus de Osewastre. Rogerus filius Thome Williamus de Osewastre. Willelmus iilius Willelini de Hane W ode. Matheus ap Jenan ap Jorum (or Jeuan). Willelmus Taillor de Pole, mortmis sine licvcdc. Ricardus Pykyn de Cloteley coruiser. Thomas filius Willelmi de Willyley. Ricardus Dunthull filius Henrici Schepherdc de Harlascote. Waltcrus Pirye de comitatu Northamton. Matheus Broun corueiser hlius Johannis Broun Ricardus Harnage corueiser filius Johannis Pary de Harnage. Johannes filius Thome Harley de longeley. Willelmus Huwct Curreyor. Thomas filius eius. Johannes filius eius. Johannes Vpton corueiser. Hugo Caryas de Burleton seruiens Edwardi Kynardley, Willelmus Altmer coruiescr. Reginaldus de Oswastre coruieser. Robert us Yyne de Meole Bracy. Ricardus filius Willelmi Plardynge de omnes Wycherley mortui Edwardus filius eius. sunt Alyn filia eius. sine Margarcta filia eius. hcrcdibus. Ricardus Hulle de Homnysley (or Ilommersley ). Rogerus Hammes de Meole Bracy. Rogerus Ileylyn corueiser. Rogerus Wallop couper. Daiud Lyhoall i'lleccher\ Johannes Wytenoll Clerk' ad terininum vile. Johannes Powys Tayllor. Johannes filius eius. Willelmus Russell taillor. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 83 1 191 Griffinus fflecchcr' dc MoughnaiYte. 1192 Johannes et Willelmus tilii eius. 1 193 Kicardus Orchard pistor. 1 194 Thymas et Johannes filii eius. 1195 Johannes Chestre de Mardefole pistor. 1 196 Edwardus de Conewey pistor. 1197 Philippus Glouer de Dodynton. 1198 Johannes filius (eius). 1 1 99 Griffinus Meyghyn corueiser. 1200 Johannes Byrchus Webhe. 1201 Willelmus et Johannes hlii eius. 1202 Kicardus le Wys carnifex. 1203 Willelmus Stewnham pistor. 1204 Johannis filius Thome de Mulle de Worth) n corueiser. 1205 Roger us Wade Cokus. 120G Dauid Bedenale Glouer. 1207 Keginaldus Baxter filius Honade Wryxan (? Wiyxam). 1208 Howelus ap Eynon de Egurley tailJor. 1209 Johannes Ha) ward de Wodehows eorueiser. 1210 Hugo de Bykeley mulleward. 12 1 1 Kicardus filius eius. 12 1 2 Thomas Conyng tayllor. 1213 Willelmus Coton Glouer. 1214 Thomas filius Kicardi Sehute de Adbryghton coruieser. 1 2 15 Kicardus Herdewyt de Lodelowe. 1216 Kicardus Howie eorueiser et Johannes filius eius. E217 Grilfinus de Glyixdordc Tayllor. 1 2 1 8 Johannes I lord de Norlhwode Webhe. martinis sine heroic. Uelysyiis (01 llelysyns) Gwynetli Tayllor. 1220 Ujigo filius Kicardi Vj)ton de Wodecote. 1221 Gilfoprtus Keiy corueiser et Thomas filius eius. 1222 Kicardus ileyrchild de Salop, nwriinis sine heroic. 1223 Johannes Sondland. 1224 [ohanheS Banham senior de Ban ham. 1225 Dcyow Meyghyn filius Jeuan Lynyc;v. 1226 Johannes Scherard de Oswastre et Johannes et Willelmus et Kicardus et Thomas iilii eius. 1227 Johannes filius Johannis Geffrey et Johannes et Thomas et Willelmus filii eius. 84 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS 1228 Lowysyns (or Lowysyus) de Knokyn Tayllor. 1229 Rogerus Wode de Cantelop Tayllor. 1230 Thomas ap Dauid de Oswastre et Ricardus filius eiu [End of 7th Roll.] APPENDIX I. BAPTISMAL AN D PERSONAL NAMES, WITH TIMES OF RECURRENCE. John, 368 Mathew, 5 Godfreyd, 1 William, 298 Rondulf, 5 Gregory, 1 Richard, 207 Yeiian, 5 G rifles, 1 Thomas, 194 Elias, 4 Gristudyn, 1 Roger, 133 Griffin, 4 Hamund, 1 Robert, 61 How el, 4 Hawys, 1 Hugh, 60 Engelard, 3 Helesyus, 1 Henry, 48 Gregory, 2 Janyn, 1 Adam, 38 Isolda, 2 Jeuan, 1 Reginald, 32 Iuo, 2 Jorum or Jeuan, 1 Nicholas, 31 Llewelyn, 2 Lowysyus, 1 Walter, 31 Margcria, 2 Lucia, 1 Philip, 19 Thurstan, 2 Lythewulle, 1 Alan, 17 Agge, 1 Maculinus, 1 David, 14 Alyn, 1 Madoc, 1 Simon, 13 Andrew, 1 Margareta, 1 Peter, 9 Anna, 1 Martin, 1 Stephen, 9 Baldwyn, 1 Matilda, 1 ( 1 all rid, 9 Bencdictus, 1 Mauris, 1 Radulf, 8 Decs, 1 Mehez, I Edward, 6 Deyow, 1 Owin, 1 Gilbert, 6 Dicon, i Warin, 1 1 .aw re nee, 6 Edmund, 1 Yerforth, 1 Alexander, 5 Edvvan, 1 Voykin, 1 James, 5 Elizabeth, 1 Vthel, 1 Of whic h about 16 are from the Bible; 13 are Welsh, and the rest either classical (such as Alexander) Norman or Saxon. Grishidyn, Helesyus, Lowysyns and Yoykin have not, as as we know, occurred belorc. OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 85 APPENDIX II. DESIGNATIONS AND TRADES. Aumbelere le, 321 Hopere le, 28 1, 1067 Barber le, 42 Kent'le, 593 Barker le, 65 Latener le, 59 Baxter le, 332 Lcuere le, 272 Blak le, 581 Ljitele, 1020 Blount le, 15 Lof le, 503 Bray le, 683 Marshal le, 93, 323, 607, 608 Bor le, 765 Mercer le, 1014 Botmon le, 210 Messenger le, 229 1 > 1 1 _ c Boulger le, 561 Mon le, 841 Capcler le, 644 Muleward le, 48, 125 Capplanus, 523, 605 Mustarder le, 412 Carder le, 709 Nelder le, 746 Carpynter le, 456 Oter le, 208 Cauper le, 127 Paneare le, 544 Chapmon le, 257, 294 Pey liter le, 179 Clerke le, 3, 732 Plomere le, 1016 Cocus le, 290 Potter le, 24 Colt le, 198, 258 Sadeler le, 01 Couper le, 875 Selar or Seler le, 518 Dean le, 1056 Seriaund, 138 Draper le, 1018, 1043 Sheremon le, 840 fflecher le, 1075 Smyd le, 596 ffleshewcrc le, 900 Spicer le, 243 fforber le, 803 Squier le, 446 fforster le, 487 Sturcr le, 58, 752 ffox le, 822 Taucrner le, 235, 431 ffray le, 56 Taylor le ffremon le, 240 Trompe le, 172 ffysher le, 588, 839 Turner le, 17 Gayleys le, 562 Typper le, 583 Gaskuyn le, 921 Typpcrus le, 117, 583 Glouer le, 504, 613 Vyleyn le, 507 Grys le, 502 Walkere le, 1009 Halle le, 525 Whyhtte le, 678 Harper le, 190 Whytc le, 920 Hayward le, 129 Wolf 1c,"to52 I lomle le, 233 AVys le, 1202 86 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS The study of these lists will amply display the evolution of surnames from personal and place-names, designations and trades. A good illustration of the derivation of a surname from a place-name will be seen on line 1118, which reads " Willelmm Beistan filim Hugonis de Beistan," where the de shows that Hugo was a native of Beistan, who had come to reside within the Liberties of Salop, and had attained to membership of the Gild. See also line 1014. Beyston is apparently a surname in line 289. Other instances may be seen by any one who peruses carefully these lists, the most remarkable being those in which father and son bear different surnames, for which, sec lines 670 and 1165. APPENDIX HI SURNAMES. The following list contains names, some of which have already appeared in previous papers, and there partially explained, but new names here appear for the first time, in part derived from place-names, but a large number are altogether inexplicable. Abel, 759 Adekyns, 898 Agge, 465 Aleyns, 719, 723 Altmer, 1175 Andrew, 366 Annessone, 114 Arch, 791 Arndellie comes, 682 Arthur, 263 Attebeth, 1073 Attehope, 1082 Attehulle, 1035, 107 1 Attcmptace or Atte uptace, 528 Attcwelle, 1028 Atteyate, 1050 Bacon, 5 ) Baldewy, 337 Balle, 886 Banastre, 805, 811 Banham, 1224 Barbor, 232, 905 Bardulf, 301 Baret, 556 Barker, 228 Basedi, 487 Bastard, 1087 Baxter, 1207 Bcdenale, 1206 Bedul, 878 Beg, 134 Beget, 361, 523 Beistan, 11 18 Bcllczctere, 65 \ Besford, 9 50 1 >ey,ston, 281 ) OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 87 Bil, 538 Clerk, 176 Blakcwcy, 660, 661 Clodde, 1057 Blessedbody, 122 Cokkes, 1046 Blyke, 1128 Cokrell, 1097 Blyskyn, 204 Cocus, 142, 149 Bolynghale, 943 Colet, 37 Bonel, 506, 557, 560 Colle, or Colhe,35i, 358, 51 Bonygy> 57> 6o> 139 ^ 974 Borrey, 353, 539 Collushull, 194 Boteler, 962 Collyng, 178 Boterell, 40, 558 Coluox, in Brome, 1153 Comyn, 183, 1212 Bromfeld, 1141 Conynges, 47, 600 Bron, 423—6, 435. 7^9 Corbet, 325, 833 Brown, 1167 Corn, 926, 1020, Broustere, 31 Coterell, 850 Burgelon, 70 Coton, 1213 Burncl, 286 Couyk, 768 Byllyng, 1151 Cresset, 787 Bynechewey, 1076 Croket, 309 Byre h us, 1200 Crompe, 119 Byriton, 1086a Cronke, 266 Bysshop, 10 10 Crowe, 620 Cachepoll, 852 Couyntre, 209 Callom, 800 Cullestok', 814 Campereth, 687 Culmer, 1144 Campedene, 810 Da, 249, 604 Cap, 807 Dackesone, 486 Caryas, 1174 Dadow, 914 Caym, 95 Dagur, 1 104 Chalunerus, 103 Dalianus, 903 Champion, 653 Dauidsone, 537 Charite, 493, 494, 642 Dauwe, 626 Charmcs, 747 Dcnpeson, 283 Chasegray, no Deuot, 743 Chestre, 1195 Dod, 755 Chilt, 890 Dodelbury, 928 Chynaler, 792 Dolphyn, 980, 1093, 1099 Clement, 363 Domitan, 960 Cleobury, 1140 Don, 749 Vol. III., 3rd Series. M 83 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Donfowe, 952 Draget, 1016 Dun, 236, mi Dunthull, 1165 D 11 rand, 49 Dychere, 979 Dygen or Dyghen, 1062, 1086a *■ Elkyn, 725 Enge, 646 ffaghan, 116 ffesaunt, 62 ffctyshulle, 704 ffcyrchild, 1222 fforber, 1048, 1088 fformon, 1 fforner, 908 fforstcr, 1 1 42 ffowel, 758 ffrangue, 28 ffrcnd, 330 ffurncr, 251 ffynyard, 1023 Gamul, 182, 927 Gamcl, 344, 392, 393 Garbot, 990 Gatebrayn, 315 Geffrey, 609, 756, 1227 Gentil, 488 Gery, 778 Gilbert, 1095 Girperoller', 185 Glas, 786 Glunt, 636 Glupsi, 514 Goby, 2J.2 Godberd and Godbert, 711, 718, 963, 1086a Godchild, 945 Goldsmyth, 664 Goldston, 1122 Goldyn, 745 Gondberd, 1063 Gough, 895, 1037 Granegos, 541, 587 Gras, 993 Grenowe, 1002 Greyhe, 640 Gwyneth, 12 19 Gylbert, 223 Gylinyn, 546 Gyua, 764 Haburley, 888, 925 Hagar, 1125 Hagerwas, 995 Hagcston, 816 Haker, 853 Hulle, 1 182 Hamcherche, 793 Hammer, 1183 Hamon, 74 Hampton, 901 Hamud, 128 Hannekokkes, 1081 Hardyng, 701, 1178 Harley, 933, 1084, 1154, 1169 Harnage, 1168 Haukyns, 944 Haymond, 481, 482 Hayward, 1085, 1134, 1209 Hinde, 953 Herdewyt, 12 15 Heryng, 285 Hcwster, 973 Hobbesone, 306 Hody, 1075 Honde, 316 Hood, 751 Hord, 100, 467, 688, 1218 Horde, 982 f OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 89 Hordeley, 405 Lyneale, 1186 Hore and Horre, 821, 951 Lynley, 12 Hornere, 657 Lythewalle, 31 1 Honey, 50 Maddokkeson, K)i Horseley, 1047, 1139 Madyns, 1150 Hotale, 955 Male, 605 Howale, 1001 Marchal, 912 Howie, 1 2 16 Marchaley, 849 Hugyn, 1135 Marculf, 150 Hulerd, 1072 Margaretsone, 302 Hulle, 1 138 Mashum, 879 Humfrey, 1026 Mastre, 597 Husee, 16, 153 Mathevvson, 80, 180 Huwet, 1 170 Maynsmore, 1124 Hyldebrond, 534 Meighyn. 917 Iue, 369, 464, 470, 553 Mendepas, 66 ■ Iueson, 552 Meyghyn, 1199, 1225 Jackus, 1 1 26 Meyler, 598 Jeffray (see Geffrey), 45, 89 , Meyn waring, 742 261, 274, 949, 1086 Michel, 582 Jerard, 341, 1086a Mile (Mil), 591, 897 Jordan, 720 Mint ton, 983 Jonsone, 1 108 Mol, 287 Kay nam, 815 Morrys, 319 Keehj 6, 439, 650, 770 Mudelee, 1007 Kery, 122 1 Mugle, 651 Killot, 536 Mullar, 478 Konewey, 753, 1143 Newerk, 894 Knot, 88, 479 Newton, 423 Lacon, 1013 Noniley, 1132 Lauton or Lanton, 314 Not, 947 Leget, 1 106 Ondreu, 545 Lemon, 554 Orchard, 1193 Leuesone, 590 Osteler, 937 Log, 126 Padelon, 785 Lokke, 946 Partrych, 161 Loucsone, 1083 Pary, 1168 Lucas, 757 Parys, 1086 a Lumhaid, 385, 628, 1024 Passelowe, 219 Lupe, 201 Pel gage, 195 90 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS P*1*^ 3/1, 0.44 oauser, 074? ooo PpVf'llP TH^n Ppvnkrirh 88n x v- y tvi il,ii • uuu Scherard, 1226 Ppvntnti ofto Xt? K C7 OUIlULc, i J 1 4 Ppvton tooo n \ ft f r» inn LLC, 499 i ii) li) dii, 959 oiicii, ui^; Pi rup t t F)f\ x n yt, i iuu OIlclLOIl, 7^/) 7 i 1LLL, ZOO Skryueyn, 874? 1086a Plinnpr n iS nn t i iiiiiici} i ju, yu-i OKyniici, loood. OIIlclLll, U j / PoIIpIpv -?88 OUllLLlclllLlj j i ope, 1 Sondsawc, 694 Pnr fpr inftfin PnwvQ T T X UWybj 11UO op)ser, 054 i rcston, o/7' ii20 otaiewortn, 73^ riiuc, J3^, 44^, DUJ> yJu StpiipnvQ oc 1 RR*7 noX Pri kpr>rmirl Qnn fioft A 1 IrvCpi UUUj jUVJj \ ' / (J ^ t p vv n n a m T9fiQ vJLt^VVllllcllllj liUj Prikpf 606 0 IUU , W W Pmrlnm T 11 I KJL1U111, ^LUIl, JJ4, J45 r> Ktllui °J/ ^ t \ ' L4v p rp nnfi P \ • L' \ ' ii t 7 (\ y 1 y K> n> 1 iuj 3l> rK> 44 i yinoi, 003 oUIIllclUb, 15j i yic, 909, 970 vjy KL, U1U "Rfirlolinn ttqT) ivauv- L^v^ 1 1 , x x /) Tnhlptprp 1\ ndnQtpn Acn AvcHJ.CbLdl, VJ 5 VJ i\.diicb or iVciucb, 1109 1 3^0 l\prl\/ one lvcuy, /u^ lYtiUCll, IIU9 '"Pfirn\/ one 1 tl 11 y , £yJ^) T»* < 1/ 1 1 VI > 1-/ 1 C T T lYCUDCl (1, 3 *• * lllOIIlLb, lOOUa l\* JLYUIIUUII, 34 X 1 1 1 l 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 , i lYOpClb, J~7 liociKucj, 139 RlWSpl A 8 3 CQO fiTT f)8o 1 ivubbti, 4° J' JJU) Uil) uuu) / A4' Trniuwinp '^0^ x x \J 111 >y 111 v« J J 780, 1 190 Tuggcford, 1096 Kynlon, 1 1 14 Tuttcbury, 808 Sauagc, 706 Tyngesbury, 254 OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. 91 Upton, 1173, 1220 Urkall, 181 Vaghan, 394, 574 Vanalbes (or Vanallus), 1103 Velyn, 876 Voyl, 104 Vyne, 1177 Vysc, 871 Wade, 1205 Wakcr, 207 Walcot, 1 125 Walkcrc, 971, 975 Walleshall, 860 Wallop, 1 185 Walstan, 113 Waryng, 102 Watfafal, 972 Webbe, 75 Wemme, 284 Wenlok, 1094 Whytuocke, 106 Willabey, 452 Willeson, 633 Williamus, 11 58, 1159 Willylcy, 1086a Wistard, 513 Wode, 1229 Wolrug, 929 Worley, 686 Wyn, 529 Wynel, 171 Wysdam, 123 Wytenoll, 11 87 Yue, 259 TRADE ANT) OCCUPATIONS. Apotecarius, 12, 690 Apprentices, 988 Armerrer, 250 Aurifaber, 742, 873 Barber, 42, 448, 780, 959 Barker, 228, 736, 791, 853, 912, 942, 981, 1039, 1 100, 1 103 Balliuus, 987 Baxter, 10, 1052, 1053, 1059, 1070, 1071 Boteler, 962 Boucher, 1079 Cardemaker, 844, 913, 1055 Capellanus, 192,362,523, 605 Carettarius, 808 Carnifex, 65, 106, 714, 720, 726, 744, 749>774>79U>8°7> 895, 1058, 1093, 1099, 1135, 1 1 46, 1202 Carpynter, 226, 227, 248, 276, 555, 722, 1 108 Cartar, 210 Cauperus, 127 Chapmon, 165 Chaundeler, 773 Cissor, 513, 551, tin Clericus, 69,152, 194>293>3i2, 677, 810, 977, 1086a, 1 187 Cocus, 46, 142, 149, 189, 207, 741, 958, 975, 1205 Cordewaner, 73 Comes, 1000 Coruiser, 7, 710, 713, 715, 717, 769, 772,782, 837, 856,901, 905,911,943, 945, 961, 964, 984, 1084, 1096, 1097, 1061, 1114,1154,1163,1167,1168, 1173,1175,1176,1184,1199, 1204, 1209, 1214, I2l6, 122 1 Q2 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Couper, 777, 1061, 1117,1 148, 1185 Cullestoker, 814 Curreyor, 1 170 Dominus, 796 Draper, 691, 694, 740, 758, 1043, 1069, 1 143 ffaber, 214, 618 fferor, 19, 8C0, 1045, IQ86 fflcchere, 734, 1 186, 1 191 fforber, 930 ffurner, 251, 908 ffuster or ffuyster, 851, 878, 1050 ffysher, 866, 1064, 1082, 1 141 Glouer, 1 10,504,532,533,613, 669, 708,731,812, 849, 864, 884, 893, 1197, 1206, 1213 Harper, 190 Hewstere, 910, 973, 1035, 1060, 1074 Homo, 892, 893, 894 Hopere, 139 Horn ere, 65 Locsmyth, 721 Maltmakere, 909 Mason, 928 Mercator, 10 Mercer, 3, 26, 27, 58, 83, 92, 135,21 [,724,746,947, 1014, 101 5, 1020, 1046, 1047, 1 1 56 Meylcr, 598 Molendinarius, 113, 213, 236, 238, 1002, 1 2 10 Mon', 47 Moyner, 123, 314 Mullar, 478 Mullcward, 1092, 12 10 Mustarder, 4 1 2 Nuncius, 082 Osteler, 937 Packere, 730 Parminitter, 333, 395, 718, 732, 739, 944 Piscator, 2, 122, 698, 750, 751 Pistor, 9, 20, 121, 199, 313, 752,789,819, 877,899,902, 907, 914, 1 1 12, 1 132, 1193, 1 195, 1 196, 1203 Plainer or Plomer, 904, 1073 Procurator, 801, 817 Porter, 1032 Pouchmaker, 1062 Prestes ye, 302 Rector, 217 Roper, 1072 Sadder, 599, 767, 793, 852, 863, 870, 105 1, 1078, 1080 Salter, 219 Sauser or Sanser, 680, 742 Scriptor, 216 Sherer, 8, 66 Seruiens, 738, 775, 825, 855, 1 1 24, 11 50, 1 174 Sheremon, 918, 1041, 1083 1 105 Shethere, 903 Sissor, 16, 81, 108, 326, 331, 829 Skynncr, 879, 1 1 23 Smyth, 950 Sporier, 980 Spyser, 173, 854, 1098 Susan, 174 Sutor, 74, 82, 127, 170, 249, 604, 652, 673, 828 Tabletere, 703 Tanner, 4, 60, 85, 86, 97, 209, 220, 223,230, 237, 239, 247, 7S3, 79 b 795> N'5 OF THE FOURT] Tauere and Tauerus, 140 Tauerner, 235, 243, 431, 723, 727 Taylor, 561,754,783,784,798, 858,896, 960, 983,991, 1003 1023,1046,1088,1091,1115, 1 148, 1 188, 1 190, 1208, 12 12, 1217, 1 2 19, 1228, 1229 Textor, 725 ENTH CENTURY. 93 Tonsor, 132, 196 Turner, 17, 784 Tyngtor, 39, 707, 778 Vicarius, 22 r, 273 Webbe, 735, 848, 862, 1007, 1017, 1 126, 1 144, 1200, " 1218 Yrcmongarius or Yrnmonger, 86l, IO94, I 120 PLACE NAMES. Acton, 8, 164, 719, 736, 831, 1086a Acton Burnel, 985 Acton Pygot, 1155 Adbryghton, 12 14 Addebaston, 136 Alburbury, 290, 1083 Aldemare, 313, 324 Aldcscote, 1036, 1044 Aldriscote, 142 Alkynton, 79 Allurton, 916 Alston, 1054 Aluescote, 221 Astelcy, 1008, 1120 Astlcy, 37, 148, 182, 207, 702 Aston, 693 Aston in Collefcld, 825 Atyngham, 285, 287 Aylston, 184 Bala la, 762 Ballerton, 153 Banham, 1224 Barbo lc, (?) 232 Bcchc le, 304 Bcistan, 11 18 Beystan, 166, 1041 Beoiton, 863, 1 1 33 Berewyk iuxta Atyncham, 732, 997 Bermyngham, 7, 480, 1146 Besseforde, 398, 625 Besshelowe, 1074 Betton, 144, 158, 200, 202, 734, 1065, 1095 Bikedon, 371, 378, 403, 779 Blakemere, 255 Blakewell, 99 Bolyngale, 801, 943 Bradcley, 964 Bras, 224 Brewode, 706 Boculton, 1031 Bole 137 Boorton, 115, 727 Borleton, 9, 132, 784 Borhton, 843 Boxtude, 34 Broktone, 248 Brome, 135, 271, 744, 1000 Bromfeld, I022 Bromley, 147, 634 Bromlowe, 6 Brompton, 757, 1004, 1078, 1080 Bromycord, 966 94 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Brugge, 125, 266 Burdews, 1121 Burghton, 967 Burleton, or Borleton, 198, 213, 435, 1164 Burton, 1137 Bykedon, 88, 180, 333 Bykeley, 1210 Byrche^, 724 Byreton, 870 Byriton, 38, 40, 275, 296, 305, 761, 826 Pyrmycham, 7 Burmyneham, 480 Caluerhale, 39 Canbur', 232 Cantelop, 1039, 1229 Cantria, 454 Cardeston, 988 Cardynton, 862 Carnarthan, 875, 958 Castrum Episcopi, 178, 224 Cauks, 223 Caus, 931 Cestria, 1088 Chapmon, 165 Chatcwall, 631 Chippclacho, 524 Cherynton, 117, 120 Chestcrsbyre, 72 Chesewardyn, 674 Chestre, 305, 828, 902, 1123 Chestrcfeld, 1068 Chirbury, 31 5 Chylton, 240 Cleobury, 826 Clottelcy, 1163 Clyuc, 47, 60, 84, 139, 680 Colenhym, 34, 74, 128, 143, 208, 511, 537, 550, 5^8 Conedoure, 907. See Cundore Conewey, 196 Conyngesmoure, 47, 838 Cotene super Terne, 21 Coton, 641 Coton iuxta Hodenet, 993 Couyntre, 49, 59, 708, 956 Cnokyn, 323 Cressage, 105, 119, 395 Cundore, 1 101, 1 104 Daleley, 280 Denecastre, 92 Derby, 844 Derlaston, 81, 112 Dewdor, 1061 Dodynton, 832, 1 197 Doggepoll, 869 Donynton, 725 Drayton, 918, 950. 1045 Dreyton, 77, 177 Duddelbury, 984 Dynbych, 777 Dytton, 868 Edstanton, 679, 722 Egebaldenham, 134, 269 Egerley or Egurley,i, 37, 1208 Ellesmere, 201, 212, 253, 273, 294, 299 Emestre, 230, 794 Em ust re, 1 1 12 Enchemarsh, 726, 883 Enesdon, 678 Engelond, 819 Ercalwe and Erkalwe, 149, 328 Erdeston, 848, 859 Erkale, 83 Eton, 823 Eton Costantyn, 804 Eyton, 250 OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. Eyton, 836, 968, 1 140 Hennekote, 979 ffekkenham, 763, 940 Hereford, 99, 184, 10^, fftssthstrcte, 1 1 17 fforde, 400 Hewlye, 908 fforiete, 91 1, 915 Hodenet, 20^ ffrancdon, 935, cf 282 Hoghuiie, 130 ffrancuille, 493 Holbache, 1 1 19 ffrankcdon, 282 Homnisley, 1 182 ffrankeuyle, 879, 302 Hondyndon, 938 Gesenok, 45 Hopton, 265 Girperollcr, 185 Hor, 1088 Gloucestre, 923, 00^ Horseley, qi 3 Glyndordc, 12 17 Horton, 809 Goldyn, 96 Howgh atte, 861 Grafton, 619, 776, 1006, 1034 Hulton, 1 5 1 1086a Humffreston, 1026 Grene la, 695 Hutkessader, 86 Grenthyll, 299 II uw Lye, 187 Grilleshull, 755 Ibernia, 46 Haburley, 720, 790, 1 135 Kechyn, 919 Hachurlcy, 1 1 10 Kel, 27, 409 Hadcnale, 293, 81 1 Kenlet, 620 Hadley, 22, 166 Kenewyks, 260 Hakeston, 262 Konewey, 1069 Hale la, 1053 Ketylby. 896 Halghton and Halhton, 129, Knokyn, 1228 227, 885 Kyderminster, 94, 146 Halle la, 136 Lacon, 1013, 1070 Hamcherche, 7C7, 793 Lakes, 610 Hampton, 972, 10 17 Lancastria, 691 Hanewode, 1 160 Lee, 277 Harlcscotc, 57, 306, 310, 845, Leighton, 961 1 165 Lemenede, 256 Harley, 601, 602, 804 Lemenystre, 73 Harnage, 1 168 Lentvvarthyn, 14 Haston, 858 Leton, 440 Hatton, 192 Leyborne, 390 Hawhmon, 154/316, 332 Leycestre, 427 Hawmon, 3, 245 Leynthale, 910 Hennccote, 97, 710 Lillushull, 322, 741 Vol. III., {id Scries. 96 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS Lodelowe, 2, 82, 190, 335, 342, 348, 690, 1 2 1 5 Londerthorp, 91 Lundenthorp, 817 Longefeld, 1153 Longeley, 155, 1077, 11 69 Longenorle, 797 Lopyndon, 996 Lopynoton, 1035 Lowe, 932, la, 714 Lowe le, 151 Lychfeld, 237, 243 Lye, 864, 880, 981 Lyebottewode, 31, 1009 Lyes, 78, 813 1086a Lye subter-Brokhurste, 252, 798 Lynches, 670, 733 Lynley, 85, 109 Lythewulle, 311 Maluerne, 882 March, 796 Marchamley,. 705, 849 Mardefole, 1195 Mardeuole, 516 Maysbroke, 329 Meleford, 279 Meole Bracy, 1177, 1183 Merbuiy, 1019 Mere le, 103, 699 Middelton, 1028 Ministerley, 1040 Mokeleston, 976 Mokelwyke, 772 Mondrem, 632 Moneford, 501, 735 Monkforict, 80, 87, 118, 137, 229, 268, 478, 485 Monmouth, 1075 Morton, 174 Moughnante, 1191 Muddele, 1086 Mudle, 217 Mulle de Worthyn, 1194 Muriton, 48 Muridon, 43, 145, 899 button, 167, 655, 668, 867, 1005, 1086a Nam (or Namt) Wych, 233 276 Nant Wych, 1056 Nesse, 1000, 1052 Newbolde, 1098 Newport, 84, 258, 270, 272, 277, 721, 795, 1018 Norhamton, 61 Northamton, 1166 Northewod, 321, 1218 Novo Castello, 170 Offelee, 991, 994 Offeley, 664 Okene, 25 Ondeslowe, 512, 723 Opynton iuxta le Wrekene, 189 Ordeston, 939 Orland, 1015 Oscwalstre, 141, 191, 292, 301, 717 Osewaldestre, 1027, 1038, 1058, 1158, 1 159, 1 176, 1226, 1230 Otley, 457, 627 Oucrton, 692, 992 Ouerton Madokes, 1048 Padeland, 954 Pament, 766 Paris, 515, 739, 1 1 68 Park, 30 Patynton, 21 1 OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURA 97 Penebruge, 800 Pcppelowe, 246, 729 Peynynton, 32 Peynton, 783, 812 Pichford, 44, 418, 420 Pola, 1 1 56, 1 162 Pole la, 159, 279, 281, 283, 284 Polesworth, 11 Polliley, 20, 53, 165, 238, 242, 271, 319, 410, 476, 774 Pontusbury, 317, 830, 835, 1030, 103 1 Posselowe, 934 Povvys, 1 124 Prestcotc, 542, 645 Preseleye, 834 Prestes Weston, 710 Presthope, 100 Preston, 891 Preston Gobalt, 312 Preston iuxta Moneford, 186, 204 Prestone, 26, 152, 176, 325, 508 Priores Sutton, 737 Pullerbache, 13, 818 Pullesdon, 257 Pymbeley, 789 Pype, 63 Radebon, 659 Kiddelee, 101 1 Rodene, 652 Rossale, 98, 168, 205, 278 Rouweston, 621 Routon, 239, 423 Rowton, 754, 887 Ruggeley, 740, 890 Ruthyn, 9 \H Sale, la, 163, 2>j«S Salop', 277, 1 142, 1222 Salusbury, 873 Sardun. 220 Sebascote, 765 Scheynton, 1106 Shelton, 102, 407, 470 Shobbcdon, 806 Shrawaidyn, 998, 11 11 Shrowardyn Luytel, 175 Siche, 592 Smethecote, 413, 414 Sokedon, 712 Solleye, 29 Sonford, 989 Sondsawe, 694 Sparchford, 89 Stafford, 5, 15, 70, 78, 116, 216 Stanley, 157 Stanton, 267, 773 Staunton, 1003 Stokyate, 799 Strangebetton, 156 Stranggeshull, 11 Stretford, 28, 133, 140 Stretton, 172, 241, 586 Suggedon, 986 Sudedon, 1092 Sundrun, 1131 Sutton, 121 Sutton Priors, 737 Swenedon, 15 Sydewey, 5 Syke, 616 Synyngton, 1042 Thornbey, 308 Thornes la, 696 Tolford, 977 Tour la, 647, 802, 1049 Trench, 748 Trilleks, 24 98 SEVEN SHREWSBURY GILD MERCHANT ROLLS. Tuyfford, 1 60 Upton, 12, 19, 67, 307, 318, 775, 1091 Walkhere, 941 Wallecote, 54, n 25 Walleford, 982 Walton, 973 Watyndon, 827 Webbeley, 69, 183 Welinton, 214, 829 Welynton, 487 Wemme, 126, 169, 218, 228, 643, 722 Wenlok', 171, 199, 259, 300, 672, 689, 697, 730, 1029 Wcnelcscotc, 942 Were la, 90, 215, 965 Westby, 1060 Wesseley, 288 (cf 957) Westbury, 356, 990, 1126 Wessenham, 444 Weston, 35, 36, 71, 231, 1086a Whitechirche, 251, 486 Whuchekote 656 Whytemor', 244, 247, 490 Wlonkeslowe, 11 30 Wocwardyn, 51 Wodecote, 131, 1220 Wodehows, 1209 Wodehull, 222 Wolaston, 196 Wolstanton, 50, 711, 718 Wonluyne, 36 Worthyn, 898, 1025, 1204 Wotenhulle, 700 Wrocwardyn, 1057 Wroxcestre ) r r0 or Wroxetre \6l-68>^6 Wryxam, 1207 Wych,*93 Wych la; 968 Wychenes (in the), 76 Wycherley, 1178 Wyggeley, 2, 846 Wyggmore, 713 Wyla (sub), 448 Wylam (super), 1066 Wyldemore, 1059 Wylderley, 822 Wylelee, 10 12 Wyllel)e, 922, 1164 Wylkote, 889 Wylynhale, 699 Wysseley, 957 Wythecote, 326 Wytheford (Luyte), 291 Wythynton, 193 Wythyngton, 1081 Wyxull, 264 Yale, 1021 Ydeshale, 728, 855 Ynchemarchs, 883 Yokclton, 884 Yordon, 108, 805 99 THE CHURCH WARDENS' ACCOUNTS OF THE PARISH OP WORFIELD. Transcribed and Edited by H. B. WALTERS, M.A., F.S.A. Part I., 1500 — 151 1. The Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Worfield from the year 1500 down to the year 1648 are contained in an oblong folio volume containing 394 pages and bound in vellum. Although the binding has become somewhat damaged, the contents are on the whole in excellent preser- vation, and with the exception of a few torn pages at the beginning nothing appears to be missing. On the other hand, the volume has at one time or another been re-bound, in such a way that the pages do not now run in chronological order; the years 1523— 1554 (pages 169 — 249 as at present numbered) have been inserted in the middle of the accounts for the year 1601 — 1602; and there are a few minor mis- placements. The pagination and date-headings have been inserted subsequently to this re-binding. The accounts seem to have been kept with great regularity except during the troublous times of the Reformation, between 1536 and 1570, when they are intermittent and scanty; and again during the Civil War. The years 1536 — 1541, I556— !558> 1560—1561, 1563— 1566, and 1569— 1570 are altogether wanting. In the following transcription, of which the first instalment extends down to the end of 151 1, including the first 38 pages of the book, a strictly chronological arrangement has been observed, with indica- tions of any variations in the original. Entries will be given in full down to the year 1600. A few extracts from the Accounts are given by the Rev. S. B. James in his Worfield on the Worfe, p. 15ft'. ; but they are not free from inaccuracies, and the author has been far Vol. III., 3rd Series. O 100 THE CHURCHWARDENS ACCOUNTS from realising the interest of the volume. Its special feature is that year by year down to the reign of Edward VI. (1548) . the ordinary church accounts are followed by those of the Chantry of the Blessed Virgin, which then existed at the end of the north aisle of the parish church. It is mentioned in the Valor Ecclcsiasticus p. 101, temp. 1534), in the following entry : — Iohanes Lee capellanus habet ibidem per manus gardianorum ecclesie pro tenente [?] existente de terris in feoffamentis positis ... ... xls Et cum p'ficuis tcrre predicte & alijs devocionibus parochianorum solutum est eidem Iohani Lee per annum in toto ... ... ... £iiij In other words, the income of the Chantry priest was derived half from the sum of £2 per annum paid him by the churchwardens for certain lands placed out on feoffment, half from offerings of the parishioners. But the sum paid to him by the churchwardens in the annual accounts varies from £4 to £6, and may therefore have been augmented at times in various ways. Eyton1 says : " The first intelligence which I have of this Chantry is on Sept. 13, 1345, when Bishop Northburgh admits Thomas de Worfeld, Chaplain, thereunto, on presentation of Sir William de Kyrkeby, Rector of Worfield." His successor during the period 1500 — 1536 was one John Lye, who appears above under the form of " Iohanes Lee," and is generally styled Dominus, indicating that he was a regular priest. Between 1541 and 1548 we find the name of William Hampton as Chaplain. In the north aisle of the church there is an effigy of an ecclesiastic in his robes, with an obliterated black-letter inscription, probably dating from the sixteenth century, and tradition has always associated this with John Lye. Blakeway, who calls him " Demerick," as others speak of him as " Priest Dominick " [sic],2 is probably quite in error in 1 Antiquities of Shropshire, iii., p. 121, Decima p's inde Summa totalis 2 Worfield on the lVorfe} pp. 15, 43. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. IOI supposing that he succeeded his contemporary vicar, Sir John Walker, and that in Elizabeth's reign he renounced the doctrines of the Roman Church [sic] and conformed to the Reformed Liturgy. Everything points to his death between 1536 and 1541, the period which is wanting in our accounts. In the reign of Edward VL the vicar was Sir Richard Knolles, a follower of the Reformation at first, but apparently able to adapt himself to the changes of Mary's reign. The accounts give no further information on the subject of Vicars of Worfield, of whom no list appears to exist, but in one point they help to throw light on a doubtful matter, viz., the dedication of the church. Mr. Cranage in his Architectural Account (vol. i.), wavers between St. Peter and St. Matthew. That the former is the original, and probably still the correct dedication is, I think, proved by the fact that the church is more than once described as " of Saint Peter ; " while if additional evidence be required, it may be deduced from the fact that before the Reformation the Compotus or Auditing of the accounts was always held on the feast of the Chair of St. Peter (February 22). It docs not appear from the accounts that any very great work.-, were undertaken in or on the church during this period : there are many items lor glazing windows, shingling, and such like, as well as for the usual repairs to the bells (see 3rd Ser., vol. ii., p. 178 ff.). In 1637 a new pulpit was set up, and in 1641 the considerable sum of £40 was spent on mending the steeple ; but with the exception of necessary repairs and the alteration of interior fittings, few changes of importance seem to have taken place. The chantry was taken down (or dismantled) in 1548-50, and appears to have been afterwards used as a school, but this is not clear from the accounts. It would also seem that the income of the chantry, derived chiefly from property rents and charities, was allotted to the parish, and spent upon this school, at least, for some years subsequent to the Dissolution. Among other changes we read that the rood-loft was taken down in 1560; but it is interesting to note that in the same year there is an item " for frankincense." 102 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS As might be expected, many names of families long connected with Worfield, such as the Baches, the Barkers of Hallon, the Bromleys, Rowleys, PertOns, and Smythes, occur from time to time in the accounts, as do most of the hamlets included in the ^parish.1 It is also interesting to note the occurrence of local surnames, such as Billingsley, Frodesley, and Shineton. Many of the sixteenth century surnames are only in the transitional stage, such as George Sonde, William Bradeney, Roger Catstrey, etc., being taken from the hamlets aforesaid. The accompanying sketch-map will, it is hoped, be found useful for purposes of reference. The entries which relate to the Church Bells have already been transcribed and commented upon in these pages (3rd Ser., ii., p. 178 ff.) ; they have, however, been repeated down to the year 1600, as far as the accounts are transcribed in full, together with one or two of the explanatory notes ; but those from 1601 to 1648 are omitted. The question of the best method of transcription of medieval documents is always a thorny one, on account of the contractions, which it is not always possible or advisable to reproduce in print. In the subsequent pages the plan adopted is to extend all contractions in Latin and the majority of those in English (except where the abbreviated form in the original is simple enough to be reproduced) ; where there is any doubt as to the extended form, it is re- presented by an apostrophe. Apart from this, I have endeavoured throughout to represent the original with perfect exactness as regards spelling, punctuation, and general arrangement. Erased entries are indicated by italics. My thanks are due in the first instance to the Vicar and Churchwardens of Worfield for the ready kindness with which they granted me permission to make use of the volume for transcription ; and also in no small degree to Mr. W. II. St. John Hope, Mr. C. R. IVcrs, and Mr. E. C. Eelcs, for many valuable hints ami suggestions ; Mr. Peers has largely assisted me in deciphering the MS., and Mr. Eeles has contributed from his extensive store of liturgical See Worfield on the Worfe, Pail ii., chaps, i. — ii. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 103 knowledge some very interesting notes on medieval rites and ceremonies. This first instalment of the Accounts extends down to the end of the year 1510-11. It is hoped that the whole will be completed in about six portions, the second of which will end with the year 1523. 1500. 1 Compotus Rogcri hasyl[woode et Willelmi] Walker' Gardianorum ecclesie p[arochialis de Worfeld'j factus in ecclesia predicta in [cathedra sancti petri viz.] xxij0 die mensis ffebruarii [anno domini millesimo] (juingentesimo Et Anno regni regis [hcnrici septimi] post conquestum Anglie sextodecimo. Primo de receptis. In primis Rec. de Ricardo Garbott et Iohane gardianis cantarie beate marie It' Rec. de pixide'2 It' Rec. de Rogero barker' et Iohane bruge[nde] pro pascali servicia:i It' Rec. de Iohane mervalle de Stapleton3 It' Rec. de Roger townescnde ... It' Rec. de Willelmo bradeney... It' de Ricardo barker' de hallon4 It' de Ricardo barker' de wykes5 It' pro Stephano Rowlow de hylton 4 It' pro Thoma Robyns It' pro Iohane Garbctt de Chester.0 It' pro Thoma mervalle 1 Note that these date headings refer to the year in which each financial twelvemonths ends; i.e. 1500 denotes the year from February 1499 to February 1500, and so on. 2 I.e., the parish purse. 3 For the expenses of the Easter services. Those at Faster and Christmas seem to have been provided for by the Churchwardens ; those at Whitsun- tide by the chantry-wardens (see below, passim). 4 Various hamlets in the parish (see sketch-map). 5 Presumably intended for Wykcn, one of the hamlets. 8 Cheslerlon, a large hamlet on the Staffordshire border (see map). xxijd xxd xliijs[torn] [torn] vjd iiijd ijd [torn] viijd [torn] [torn 1 104 churchwardens' accounts It' de Iohane wartor ... [t orn] IL LIL. 1 IlUlIld J)lUKt ... ••• ... Ll nrnl Ul 11 1 Summla Rec'. j [iiij11 ixs Xdj Soluciones pred]ictorum'Gardianorum. In primis Iohani] Barncs Kcrvcr1 primo prcdictis xls It' pro cent &] factura erga pascha ixd sccundo die man... xxvjs viij'1 It' Katerine willott pro reparacione vesti- mentorum vd It' pro rcparacionibus circa campanas ix5 y It' Iohani Barnes predicto in domo Iohanis aston' ... xls It' eodem Iohani Barnes in die sancti luce evangelistae ... xxvjs viijd It' in rcparacionibus circa plumbum XXd It' Rogero Rowlowe pro clavis et pro cera comburenda coram principal i altari3 x.jd It" pro tuniculo parve cam pane.. . U" It pi < > Crenerali ( itacione * .. ... U" It In die Apostolonim petri i\' pauli " sacerdoli nij" It' in allocacionibus ... vijs viij'1 Sum ma totalis] expensac vijH xixs iijd lit parochiani sit\nt in decrements prcdictis er It 1 11 III 11 IS ... ... ... 1 1 1 1 i 1 1 J ixb vd Et pvcdic\li Gardiani solvcrunt pro XXs vd 1 I.e., carver ; probably :ui itinerant craftsman, who n ade and sold alabaslci images. - This plural form occurs more than once ; presumably the chantry is regarded as a separate ecciesia, :i High altar. Cera either denotes standards or the wax-light before the Sacrament. 4 A general Citation. The fee was paid to the Apparitor of (he bishop's or Archdeacon's Coin I. 6 November 1 8th. A fee to a strange priest hired for some spechd service, as were Thomas Clover and the other mentioned below in the Chantry Accounts for this year. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. IO5 Chantry A ccounts, Compotus Iohanis Wartor Et Thome [Broke ?] Gardianorum cantarie beate marie de worfeld' predicte habitus in ecclesia antedicta coram parochianis die et anno supradictis. In tempore Iohanis lye capelhuii predicte cantarie. primo de Receptis. In primis Rec. pro servicia ad festum pentecostes ... ... ... iiijH [iijs iiijd] It' de Iohane mervall' de Stap.... ... viijd It' de Iohane Garbott de ches. , .. ... iiijd It' de Thoma Robyns... ... ... iiijd It' de Stephano Rowlowe de hal. ... xijd It' de Iuvenibus ... ... ... xxd It' the sake rent 1 ... ... ... xiij£ It' de redditu caritatis ... ... xxxvis vjd Summa totalis Recept. ... vj1' xvjs [xd] Et sic remand in manibns Gardianorum cantcric ... ... ... ... iiju xs xd Memorandum quod iste sunt Expensae quas predicti Gardiani Cantarie fecerunt circa reparaciones eodem Anno ut supra dicitur. Expenses. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis Grene et pro exequis eodem tempore ... ixd It' Domino Thome Glover ... ... xjs vd It' alio sacerdoti extraneo 2 ... ... ijd It' Rogero Hasylwode & W. Walker ... xxs It' Domino Iohani lye capellano cantarie3 xxiiijs It' Rogero scry vener ... ... iiijd 1 "Sake rent" appears to denote the income derived by the chantry from various lands, etc. From 1503 onwards this item appears as " de redditu beate Marie." The term curiously enough crops up again in the post- Reformation accounts (1558). 2 See note above. The occasion may have been that of the anniversary or " mind-day " of Agnes Grene. a Note that the Chantry priest was a regular, being styled Dominus or "Sir." 4 Roger the Scrivener. Probably the writer of the accounts. I06 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' Margarete bylyngsley pro labore circa nnAC t /Rr nonrlriYolrin 2 dUCb CX UdllUUAdli ... ... lnJ T + ' i nricfnmfrt I of tucfrp nrn lo KrvtA c»f 11 v^lli IbLUlUlvJ VyclLLybLlC jJlU ld.L/(JiC tJL ViCLUcLllULlb UlICcL QUIIJUIIJ L-cUllcHc ... ). It' pro aliis reparacionibus xxijd It pro QUUUUb clJJlclLIUUb ... ... XJ it pro polpito It' pro allocacionc henrici castell'3 XlJd It' de domo Ricardi Smyght xijd It' de walstonc modo in tenura domini Iohanis lye xd It' of the almeshowsen xxiijd It Willelmi Yate llljd It' Thome gold [Summa] ... ... ... iij1' vs ija 1501. Anno Domini millesimo quing[entesimo primo.J Compotus Rogeri Hasylwode et Willelmi Walker' Gardian- orum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld' habita4 in ecclesia antedicta in cathedra sancti petri 5 viz. xxijdo die ffebruarii Anno domini supradicto et Anno regni regis Henrici septimi post conqucstum decimoseptimo. 1 Bees were kept specially to provide the wax used in making the candles used in the church services. A few entries lower apiaria, " bee-hives," are mentioned. 2 Pandoxatrix, meaning a landlady of an inn, is a Low Latin word (see Dacange) derived from the Greek iravZoKivrpU. 3 This entry usually appears in the form de do/no in ponle boriali, "the house in Bridgnorth." It was the property of the Chantry, and Henry Castell was the tenant, as appears from the Rental of 15 18 (p. 134). 4 Compotus is, of course, masculine. But for several successive years this false concord occurs. 5 The feast of the Chair of St. Peter at Antioch was held on February 22nd, and was so called to distinguish it from another feast of the same name on January 18th. The name, however, arose from a mistake of a Monk of Auxerre in the seventh century. It really commemorated the appointment of St. Peter to the primacy of the Church ; the chair alluded to is now in the Vatican. The feast on January 1 8th w?s usually known as that of St. Peter at Rome, and had reference to trie setting up of the apostolic chair at the place where is now the Ostrian Cemetery (Stapylton-Barnes, St. Peter in Rome, pp. 35, 55 ; cf. also Northcote and Brownlow, Roma Sotteranea, i., p. 494). This day was probably chosen for the making up of the accounts because of the dedication of the parish church to St. Peter, a dedication which has sometimes been doubted, but is established by later entries in these accounts (for the years 153 1 if. ). OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. I07 primo de Receptis. In primis Rec. de pixide ... ... xis viijd It' pro toga Willelmi Hichekokis senioris xld It' pro reparacione altaris Rec. primo die xxijd It' ij° die ... ... ... ... if iijd It' iij° die ... .... $h - ... vs iijd It' pro clausura cimiterii ... ... if iij'j It' pro Iohane Warto' seniore ... ... xijd [Four entries erased, repeated from Chantry accounts of this year.] It' Georgio Barker' ... ... ... iijs iiijd Summa totalis Rec. ... ... xxxs xjd De expensis. Memorandum quod iste sunt expens' predictorum Gardian- orum viz. Rogeri hasylwode et Willelmi Walker. Inprimis pro reparacione unius fenestre ecclesie et pro emendacione eiusdem xvs It' pro emendacione altaris beate marie et pavimenti coram altari ... ... vs xd It' pro sanctificacione eiusdem altaris ... xld It' pro vestibus episcopo necessariis1 Rogero Rowlowe... ... ... viij'1 It' pro emendacione clausure cimiterii'2 ... ixs iiijd It' Iohani Rowlowe de newton pro hostio3 in campanili ... ... ... viijd It' pro candelis in festo natalis Domini & pascha ... ... ... ... iiijd Mr. Eeles communicates the following note: — "The Chair of St. Peter at Rome on 18th Jan. was not kept in England, so far as I know ; certainly not in Scotland, nor in any place where Sariitn books were followed. Indeed, it is chiefly Roman, though some other Continental churches kept it, e.g. Magdeburg, Strassburg, &c. but only 7 out of the 58 German, Swiss and Low Country Kalendars in Grotefend give it, and it is in none of his Scandinavian [Calendars. The Chair of St. Peter on 22nd Feb. was kept pretty well everywhere in the West in the later Middle Ages, and was usually called Cathedra Sancti Petri, nothing being said about Antioch, except by those churches which also kept Cathedra S. Petti Rome on iSth Jan." 1 I.e., the vestments for the Bishop when he came to consecrate the renewed altar just mentioned. 2 Churchyard gate. 3 I.e., Ostio, a door, in the belfry. Vol III., 3rd Series. P io8 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' pro cera et pro factura It' Ricardo Smyth for hynges ... It' Thomas tremnand' for the Keveryng'1 of ye font Summa totalis expens' Et sic predicti gardiani Rogerus et Willel- mus fatentur quod parochiani nil de- bent eis sed modo sunt equales. ;;;d If Vllj iiijd iijdob. xxxviijs vdob. Compotus Richardi Hasillwoode et Iohanis tomkyns Gard- ianorum cantarie beate marie de Worfeld' predicte habita in ecclesia antedicta coram parrochianis die et Anno supradictis. In tempore Domini Iohanis lye Capellani de predicta cantaria. De Receptis. In primis de servicia in festo penthecostes de claro2 It' pro Willelmo hychecokis It' pro Elizabet Ianyns It' pro Iohane Wartor' It' pro Thoma harley ... It' pro sakerent It' pro redditu caritatis It' pro Iuvenibus Summa totalis Rec. p Anno. If Rec. ffor sweteware of william lymelle (? ) of brug[cnoYth\ Xlja xijd iiijd ij3 xlijs xxx vjs vjd xxd ob. viju iiijs vjd[ob.] wax ijs ix< xxii( A nd payed agayn ffor iijVl ijn to y° taper before oure lady over y° vestry5 and on pound to y° tapers on oure lady au[lter] Memorandum quod iste sunt expens' quas predicti Gardiani cantarie fecerunt circa reparaciones eodem anno. 1 Covering ; probably some small repair to the canopy. 2 I.e.. nett ; Anglice "clerely " on p. nc. 3 Mr h inijin says Perhaps an image with a taper burning in a basin it. The cera on p. iof (see note 3) may have been something ol the same kiiul, " OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 10) It' domino Iohani lye capellano ... xld It' domino Iohani lye capellano ... vh It' pro reparacionibus... ... ... xvjd It' pro aliis reparacionibus ... ... vijs ijd It' pro allocacione domus Ricardi Smyght xijd It' ffor yc" almeshowsen' ... xxiijd It' William Yate ... ... ... iiijd It' Thoma gold ... ... ... jd It' de tenemento in brugenorth... ... xijd It' ijs iijd de domo Iohanis garbott It' pro oblivione1 ... .. ... hjd Summa totalis expens' ... v11 xviij5 viijd Et Gardiani predicti cantarie debent paroch- ianis omnibus computatis ... ... xxvjs If George Bay key of the bequeste of Agnes swankote owyfh ... ... ... xls iiijd If William caststye joy ouye ladyes loft ... xxd If lohn dale (?) ... ..." ... xld If Rowlow of halon1 ... ... xijd If lohn War tor' senior... ... ... iiijd(?) If Willelmo hychekockes ... ... vjs viijd Co}np]utatis omnibus pyedicti gavdiani [Ric' hasilw]od & Ioannes tomkis [Rest of page torn.] 1502. Anno Domini m° €QlUl(!Mino secundo. Compotus Kogeri Rovvlowe & loannis Newe Gardianorum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld' habita in ecclesia ante- dicta in Cathedra sancti petri viz. vicesimo secundo die mensis ffebruarii anno Domini supradicto et anno regni regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum Anglic decimo octavo. 1 Oblivione seems to be intended for oblivia~oblata, or bread-offerings (see Ducange, s.v. ). no THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS primo de receptis. In primis ffor the plcy clerelye1 Rec. the pleyarars'2 rewardyd for ther labor ... iijs iiijd In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene xijd [Four entries k&vk erased.] It' of Agnes hasylwood for ye peynting off the angyll before the rood3 ... jd It' of Roger scryvener for torches ... ijd It' of Ric' hasilwbd & Iohn tomkis ... viijs and at an od1' tyme ... ... ... vjdob. It' Rec. anodr tyme ... ... ... iiijd Summa totalis Rec. ... xijs vdob. If Rec. ffor swetewaf of IoJm' blondell of clareleye^ ... ... ... ijs vjd And payd for wax for the tapyr before oure lady over ye vestry durr' ... xvd Remanet in pixide parochianorum ... [torn] De Expensis predictorum Gardianorum. In primis for makynge of y° paskall'5 the processionalles the candylles and for ye wax at estr ••• ••• ••• i i j s It' ffor mendyng the shyngulles of the churche and ffor nayles therto ... iiijd It' ffor peyntyng of ye angyll' ... ... ijs It' ffor washynge y(; to\vellis(i ... ... jd 1 See above, note on'p. 108. - Players. 3 Probably a figure of an angel at the foot of the cross, attached to the rood and holding a cup or chalice in which to catch the drops ol blood from the central figure. 4 Claverley. 6 Paschal candle. This ornament took various forms. It was not always a single large candle, and it was bometimes hung from the roof, especially in London. Subsequent entries are in the plural (" paskalle kandylles"), and point to the l* paschal " at Woilield having had several lights. On the other hand, the term may also have been applied to the three small candles used for lighting the large paschal candle. See E. Cuthbert Atchky's paper in Some Principles and Services of the Prayer-Book ( Kivingtons), and Mickleth- waite, Ornaments of the Rubric, p. 54. [F. C. Eeles.] <; " Towellis " means the linen cloths belonging to the altars, the 11 fair linen cloth " of the Prayer Book and the under cloths. It is the common medieval word. Anciently in England the chalice was not wiped at the ablutions (except perhaps in some Cistercian houses, latterly) but was laid upon its side and allowed to drain into the paten. The entry appears elsewhere in a Latin form "pro lot ura painiiculoiuvn." [K. C Iveles]. f OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. in It' for mendyng a clapr of a belle jd It' ffor a masse booke... XX ' It' for a pownd' wax to ye processionals ... ixd It' ffor oyle to yc lampe iijd It' to thomas tremnancl' for mendynge the gate howse of ye churchyorde viijd It' for nayles to ye same iijd It' for mendyng' a clapr on all' halow nyght to Ric' smyght ijd It' to ye plumcr ffor mendynge ye leedes & for sowder therto ijs iijd It' for half a pownd wax to make candyllys to ye quer' iiijd It' for makynge ye same Jd It' ffor a corde & nayles a bowte ye fonte to hynge ye canopy ijd It' spend' a pon Sadyllar' & ye clerkes that came w* hym at ye dedicacion to Iohan aston vijd It' payed for oyle iiijd Summa totalis expens' ... xiijs Compotus Rogeri Baret de Barneley et Philippi Shepman Gardianorum Cantarie beate marie de Worfeld' predict' habita in ecclesia antedicta coram parrochianis die et anno supradictis In tempore Domini Ioannis lye Capellani predicte cantarie. De Receptis. In prim is pro servicia in festo pentecostes de claro... ... ... ... iijh It' pro thoma prestis de halon ... ... xjd It' pro willelmo baret... ... ... vjd It' de Iohane garbot de hokkom ... iiijJ It' pro sakrent ... ... ... xliiij8 ob. It' pro redditn caritatis ... ... xxxvj5 vjd It' de Iuvenibus ... ... ... xiijd Summa totalis Rec. vijii jjj* vj'fob. 112 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS Memorandum quod Iste sunt solutiones et expens' quas predicti Gardiani cantarie viz. Roger us et Philippus fecerunt eodem anno viz : — Tn nnmi? nrn 'inniv^Knnn AfnptiQ Grp-rip Jill LJllllllo 1-/1 KJ ulllllVV^l OUl 1U I1L llLLlo VJflv^llt^ et pro exequiis eiusdem Agnetis ... .... VI 1J Tl"' DnminA Tnnnni 1 \ / a rn npl In n n il ^ivuiiiiiiu jluciiihi i.yc cctpciictiiu ... V It' nrn rpnnrnnnmlin^ XL Ul U 1 Ks LJcLL <.K\^ l\J L 1 1 KJ KL . ■ • ••• ••« iis iid It' predicto capellano... ... ... vi i XI IT' nrn el miil'i nnn a ^ pirp') Jnmiini nntnrip IL , |H(J Dll 1H1UILIU11L Clli-cl llUIUUlll L-cllllcillC vil A ■ Tt' in evnpnm^ Ivncprn ?rrt/vpnpr nrn pnrin XL 111 LAULllOlo XYCtiv^lU 3Lly\LlH,l UlU V-/L111U. UCcLIC lllcli 1C ... ... ... xiijd Tt' nrn rpnnrnnnnihiit; nnnd Wnl<;tfin' XL LJl KJ I IJcll clV^lVJlll VJ Uo d UV_1 VV alDlUil ... xjd Tt'1' nrn Intmnp nflnnirlnrnm^ fv vp^ti- XL Ul U 1 \J L 1 yJ 1 x L Ual 1 1 1 IU1 KJ -L Li 1 1 1 Cv V LjU in pnfnrn m 111C11 LUL Ulll ... ... ... iiijd T 4- ' r~vt~/"* nllAnriAnp Hnmnc rt lAdrni cmirfn XL Ul U clllUL-cLCHJIlC LlUIllUb XVld.il U 1 billy 111... xijd It' pro domibus pauperum xxiijd It' pro domo Willelmi yate iiijd It' pro thoma gold It' pro domo in brugenorth xijd It' pro reparacionibus circa domum Iohanis garbott ... ... xxdob. If pro abhicionc panniclorum altaris iiijd Summa totalis Expens' VH XVs iiij(,ob. Et sic predicti gardiani debent pavruchianis xxviijs ijd U nde solver unt parrochianis iiijs viijd & debent ad hue xxiijs 1503 A° d'ni mc (gC(E€ €mo Compotus Ioannis Yate de Roughton et Ioannis gyldon' de Kyngelowe Gardianorum ecclesie parochialis de Worfelde habita in ecclesia antedicta in cathedra sancti petri viz vicesimo secundo die Mensis ffebruarii anno domini supradicto Et anno regni regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum Anglic decimo nono. 1 It is not clear whether this word is to be translated literally ( = laying of straw) or in the usual sense of "a contract." 2 See note above, p. no. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. "3 In primis de Receptis. In primis pro Domino Gulielmo Janyns... vjs viijd It' Recept' intra parrochianos pro ymagine resurrectionis 1 ... ... ... xxd It' Recept' intra parrochianos pro repara- tione murorum cimiterii ... ... xviijd It' Rec. pro Iohanne crogynton' ... iiijd It' Rec. de Richardo hasyllwode et Iohane tomkis de arreragiis totaliter solutis... xiijs iijd It' de arregiis2 totaliter solutis Rogeri barette et Philippi shipmon' Gardian- orum beate marie ... ... xvs vjd It' de pixide parrochianorum ... ... xs iiijd Summa totalis recepcionis ... xlixs iijd De expensis predictorum Gardianorum. In primis pro cera et pro factura eiusdem in festo pasch' ... ... ... xld It' pro labore circa sepulcrum domini3 Thome tremnande ... ... vJ It' pro thimiamate4 & pro lotione canopi fontis et pro clavis circa sepulcrum domini ... ... ... ... iijd 1 I e., the Easter Sepulchre, elsewhere called Sepulcrum Domini. Mr. Eeles. however, thinks that this is not necessarily the meaning. lie thinks it alludes to a custom of the later Middle Ages in England, of carrying the Reserved Sacrament in the Easter procession enclosed in a figure of our Lord, a sort of quasi-monstrance to which the term "imago resurrectionis" was applied. See Micklethwaite, Ornaments of the Rubric, p. 37. I.e., arreragiis (arrears). 3 See note above. 4 Incense. An item which rarely occurs in these accounts during the early years of the sixteenth century, although commoner later. It seems to have been very seldom used in country parish churches. But it is to be noted that it was anciently used quite independently of whether the service was technically high mass. The idea that incense must not be used with a mass without deacon and sub-deacon is modern Roman (Sac. Congr. Rit. nth Dec, 1779), and so is the idea that there ought not to be deacon and sub-deacon without incense. Anciently in England, as in Spain. at the present day, incense was looked upon as a kind cf ceremonial luxury to be used in rich churches and upon great occasions. Poor churches never used it at all, and rich churches used plenty. The profane and scurrilous, but very useful writer, Thomas Becon, in describing a mass with only a clerk in addition to the priest, says:— "After the creed, upon solemn feasts, ye use [i.e. are wont] to cense the altar." (Displaying of the Popish Mass in Works of Tho. Becon, I'arker Sue, p. 264 of vol. of liis works entitled Rrayers, &c). I owe this note to Mi. Eeles, H4 THE churchwardens' accounts It' pro factura torch'1... ... ... xxvijs vd It' pro expensis ad lichfelde ... ... iiijd It' pro expensis ad dudleye ... ... iijd It' Richardo smyght pro labore ... iiijd It' pro cingulis vestimentorum ... ... j'1 It' pro reparacione fenestrarum vitrearum circa ecclesiabus ... ... ... vs ijd It' pro oleo lampadis ... ... ... iiijd It' pro reparacione batilli2 magne campane et pro reparacione lampadis Ricardo smyth ... ... ... ... ijs It' Iohani tomkis pro expensis ad lichefeld xjd It' pro reparacione plumborum supra ecclesiabus ... ... ... xxiijd It' pro reparacione unius albe ... ... vijd It' Rogero Rowlowe pro cera propter candel' in die natalis domini ... ... iiijd It' pro reparacione stancilis3 cimiterii ... ijllob. It' latomo4 pro reparacione cimiterii mur- orum ... ... ... ... vijs vd Summa reparacionum ... ljs iijd [Below, an illegible entry.] Compotus loannis pristys de halon' et loannis yate de stanlow Gardianorum Cantarie Beate marie de Worfelde habita in ecclesia parochiali coram parrochianis die et anno supradictis ut notatur in proximo compoto. In tempore Domini loannis lye Capellani predicte Canterie etc. primo de Receptis. In primis pro domino Willelmo Janyns ... xij(l It' pro Elizabet Rowlowe ... ... xijd 1 Torches were huge wax candles costing a considerable sum. They were used for many purposes. The clerk often held one during Mass as well as, or instead of, the other altar lights. On this and the whole question of lights in England, the one indispensable authority is the paper by Atchley, already referred to. [F. C. Eeles.] - Clapper; from L.L. Batallum (see Ducange, s.v.; he explains it as tudi- cula, ropal urn cymbal i, campanac, Fr. batail, Ital. bataglio ; "sic dictum quod verbetet "). 3 I.e. , stangitlis, from stanga=ptrtica, tigillum, a small beam. Cf. Germ. Stange. f A mason ; from the Greek Aaro/xosj stone cutter. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 115 It' pro Willelmo hychekockes de Chester- ton ... ... ... ... viijd It' pro servicia in festo pentecostes de claro lijs viijd It' de Redditu beate marie ... ... xliiij5 ob. It' de Redditu caritatino (m) , ... xxxvj3 vjd It' de Iuvenibus ... ..." ... vd Summa totalis Receptus ... vjK xivs vd Expens'. Memorandum quod iste sunt solutiones et expens' quas predicti gardiani cantarie viz. Iohannes prystis & Iohanes Yeate fecerunt eodem anno, &c. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene et pro exequiis eiusdem Agnetis Xd It' pro calce anglice whytlyrne ... Vjd It' Iohanni merwall' pro meremii1 biga- cione 2 ... iijd Tf' Tnbani nprfnn ? nrn labnrp i i i i d It' Iohani gyldon pro rege4 in festo pente- costes ... XXd It' Ricardo smyth pro labore ... It' Iohani aston' pro labore vid It' Iohanne uxori prefati lohanis aston' ... xxd It' Thome russell pro labore circa domum cantarie vijd It' Domino Ioanni lye capellano cantarie predicte vK xld It' pro loturapanniclorum&vestimentorum iiijd It' pro reparacionibus circa domum Iohannis Garbot . . . xiijd Allocaciones. It' de domo Ricardi smyth xijd It' de domo pauperum xxiijd It' de domo in ponteboriali 5 xijd 1 Meremium = materiamen, timber. 2 Transport ; from bigate = biga sea curra vehere. 3 The Pertons were an old Worfield family, from whom the Purtons of Fainlrec in Chetton parish are descended. 4 Possibly a reference to the " King play " which was performed at Whitsun- tide. 6 I.e., Brid^enorth. Vol. III., 3rd Series. Q n5 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' de domo Willelmi yeate iiijd It' pro thoma golde ... jd Summa Reparationum necnon et solucionum & allocacionum De Gardianis cantarie ... ... vH xvs vijd Et sic prcdicti Gardiani Iohanes prystis & Iohanes [veatc] dcbcnt parvochianis adhuc xv5 1504. In anno domini M° iiijt0. Compotus Ioannis prystis de Woodrevvys et Ioannis brygend' de hylton' Gardianorum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld habita in ecclesia antedicta in Cathedra sancti petri viz. vicesimo secundo die mensis ffebruarii. anno domini supradicto. Et anno regni regis henrici Septimi post conquestum anglie vicesimo. In primis De Receptis. In primis pro thoma golde It' de thoma brugende pro margeria barker It' de pixide parochianorum It' de Iohane pris de halon et Iohane yeate de stanlow gardianis canterie ultimo anno pro suis arreragiis omnino solutis It' pro veteri fornace de Ioanne newe It' pro formulis1 It' pro tegulacione2 ecclesie It' de gardianis canterie Summa totalis Recepcionum ... De expensis predictorum gardianorum pro eodem anno. In primis pro cera erga pascha... It' pro reparacione fornacis canterie It' pro expensis ad lichfelde It' pro expensis pro formulis diversis temporibus Sanctis xxd xijd xjs iijd xvs vijd XVs ijs iijs vijd iijs vjd liijs viijd ijs xjd vjd xviijd xxd * Benches. a Tiling. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 117 It' pro tegulacione ecclesie Iohani Whitt- bruke viijs vjd It' pro clavis et pro expensis eodem tempore xxd It' for fallinge & kuttynge tymber xxd It' for sawyng ... ... xxiiijs It' pro patina1 ad fornacem canterie xiiij5 iiijd It' Iohane Aston pro victualibus ad car- pentar' ... xijs • 'A VlJd It' Ricardo smyght for a hynge jd Summa reparacionum et expens' j • i i gardianorum ecclesie paroch- ialis iij1' ixs Et sic parrochiani debent predictis gardianis viz. Iohani pris & Iohani brugende omnibus computatis ... ... xvs ixd Memorandum quod gardiani ecclesie paroch- ialis debent Recipere de thoma merwell' & Ricardo barker xiiif & xd ob. et parochiani nil sunt in decrementis Et remanet in pixide parochianorum de claro viijs vd Compotus Thome merwell' de Alveskote et Ricardi Barker' de stapulford' Gardianorum canterie beate marie de Wor- felde habita in ecclesia parrochiali coram parrochianis die & anno supradictis ut notatur in ultimo compoto viz. gardianorum ecclesie In tempore domini Ioannis lye capellani predicte canterie. primo de Receptis. In primis pro thoma gold ... ... xijd It' pro servicia in festo pentecostes de claro lijs xd It' de Redditu beate marie ... ... xliiijs ob. It' de Redditu caritationum (sic) ... xxxvjs vjd It' de Iuvenibus ... ... ... vd Summa totalis Rec. ... ... vjH xiiijs xjd Expens' gardianorum canterie. Memorandum quod iste sunt soluciones et expens' quas pre- dicti gardiani canterie viz. thome merwell & Ricardi barker' fecerunt eodem anno. I.e., the pan of the brazier (fornax J. Il8 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene xij'1 It' pro frumento erga pentecost' ... xjd It' pro sale ... ... ... ... j'1 It' Domino Iohani lye capellano canterie predicte... ... ... ... v1' It' eidem capellano ... ... .. xld It' pro lptura panniculorum ev vestimen- torum ... ... ... ... iiij'1 Allocaciones. In primis de domo Ricardi smyght ... ... xijd It' de domo pauperum ... xxiij'1 It' de domo in ponteboriali xij'1 It' domo Willclmi yeate ... iiij'1 It'm delibauerunt1 gardianis ecclesie ... iijs yjd It'm solverunt instanter ... .. vjs viijd Summa solucionum et allocu- tionum gardianorum predic- torum canterie ... ... vjH jd Et sic debent predidi gavdiani canterie paroch- ianis ... ... ... ... xiiijs xdob- *5<>5- In anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo quinto. Compotus Ioannis prys de woodrews et Ioannis Brigende de hylton' Gardianorum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld. habita in ecclesia antedicta coram parochianis in die sancti mat hie apostoli J viz. vicesimo quarto die m-ensis ffebruarii anno domini supradicto Et anno regni regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum Anglie vicesimo primo &c. In primis de Receptis. In primis de pixide parroch' ... ... viijs vd It' Rec' dominica proxima post festum sancti Iacobi ... ... ... iijs vijd It' dominica proxima sequente... ... xvjd It' in festo sancti laurencii ... ... xviijd It' de Johane vnderhull' &. lohane Iannes xld Summa Rec. gardianorum pre- dictorum ... . ... xviijs ijd 1 " Delivered " ; a specimen of canine Latin. 2 Probably in this year the audit day (22 Feb.) fell on a Sunday. - OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. II9 Memorandum de legatis ecclesie nondum solutis. In primis de Iohanc barker' ... ... vjs viijd It' de Willelmo hychecokis de chesterton ... vjs viijd It' de Richardo [Potter] ad pidpitum 1 ... xijd IV zonam constipatam & sericam'1 de Agnete Rowlow de chesterton ilia recepimus ... Expens' predictorum gardianorum ecclesie pro eodem anno In primis pro cera erga festum pasc' et pro factura ... It' Iohanne Aston' pro victualibus It' Willelmo baker' pro pulpito... It' pro oleo lampadis ... It' Ricardo Smygh pro reparacionibus circa campanas It' Rogero Rowlow pro clavis ad pulpitum ijdob It' pro ligulis3 erga pent' candelas 4 & aliis reparacionibus ... ... ... xiijd It' pro cereo 5 ... ... ... iiijcl It' pro asportacione meremii6 ... ... iiijdob. It' thome tremnand' pro reparacione mur- orum ... ... ... ... iijd Summa reparacionum necnon expens' gardianorum ecclesie viz. Iohanis pris & Iohanis brugend' pro predicto anno ... xxvijs iiijd iijs iij* iiijd xvjs vjd iiijd Et sic parrockiani in detrementis1 sunt gardi- anis ecclesie ... ... ... ixs ijd inde receperunt ... ... ... vs & parochiani debent ... ... ... iiijs ijd nil remand in pixide nisi zona una 1 This and other entries seem to refer to the original crcciion of a pulpit in the church, for which money had been bequeathed by Richard Potter (cf. accounts for 1507, ad fin.) 2 The word constipatam does not appear in Ducange ; it presumably means " closely-worked ; " sericam, of course, is " silken." 3 Bands for binding round the candles. 4 Can this mean " pentecost candles ?" 5 A wax taper. 6 Carriage of timber. 120 THE CHURCHWARDENS* ACCOUNTS Sancta maria ora. Compotus Iohanis Underhull' flechar' de Akulton et Iohanis Iannes iunioris de Swankote Gardianorum canterie beate marie de Worfeld habitus in ecclesia parrochiali coram parrochianis die et anno antedictis ut habetur in ultimo compoto viz. Iohanis p'ris et Iohanis brugend' gardianorum ecclesie. In tempore Domini Ioannis lye capellani pre- dicte canterie, &c. primo de Receptis. In primis de servisia in festo pentecostes... xlijs iiijd It' de Redditu beate marie ... ... xliiij5 ob. It' de Redditu caritationum (sic) ... xxxvj5 vid It' de Iuvenibus ... ... ... vjd It' de Iohane barker' ... ... ... vjd M de Iohane Underhulle & Iohane Iannes ... xld Summa Rec. Gardianorum can- tarie, viz. Iohanis Underhull' et Iohanis Iannes ... ... vj11 iiijs ob. Primator (?)2 fraternitatis Sancti Ioannis bap[tiste] solet solvere duos denarios in festo pentecostes & plus si ei placuerit. Maria. Memorandum quod iste sunt soluciones et expens' quas pre- dicti Gardiani canterie viz. Iohanis underhull' et Iohanis Iannes fecerunt eodem anno &c. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis Grene xijd It' Domino Ioanni lye capellano ... vH It' pro lotura panniculorum ... ... iiijd It' pro cera ... ... ... viijd It' predicto capellano... ... ... xld It' pro coronis & factura & Iohani walker carnifici ... ... ... xijd It' Iohani pristis & Iohani brygende ... xid Allocaciones. In primis domo Ricardi Smygh ... ... xijd It' de domo pauperum ... xxiijd It' de domo in ponteboriali xijd 1 I.e., decremeniis, "in default"; the word is opposite of incrementum. 3 Apparently = " prior," but there sqenis to be no authority for the word. tioCI il OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 121 It' de domo willelmi yeate iiijd Summa solucionum et expens' gardianorum canterie predicte vu xiijs vijd Et sic gardiani beate marie sunt in decre- ments parochianis , ... xs ijdob. Memorandum quod Richardus Smyth' habet in custodia sua unam vaccam precii ... ... ... ... ixs Memorandum quod Ricardus Smyth' solvit in parte precii vaccae ... vs viijd 1506. [The church accounts for this year appear to have been omitted, as the usual formula is prefixed to the chantry accounts, which are the only ones under this date in the book], Sancta maria. Compotus Iohanis Willett de Swankote et Ricardi newe de chesturton gardianorum canterie beate marie de Worfeld' habita in ecclesia parrochiali coram parochianis in cathedra sancti petri viz. Vicesimo secundo die mensis ffebruarii Anno domini iboAo1 & anno regni regis henrici Septimi post conquestum Anglie vicesimo secundo. In tempore Domini Ioannis lye Capellani predicte canterie, &c. In primis de Receptis. In primis Rec. de servisia in festo pente- costes de claro ... ii j 11 vjs It' pro anima Alson' bradeney ... vjd It' pro Thoma brygend' xxd It' de Redditu beate marie xliiijs ob. It' de Redditu caritationum xxxyjs Vjd Summa Recepcionum... vij" ixs vjdob, Expens' et soluciones predictorum Gard- ianorum viz. predicti Iohanis et Richardi gardianorum canterie. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene... ixd It' Domino Iohani lye capellano A is the Arabic form of 7. But the year is certainly 1506. 122 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' pro lotura panniculorum ... ... iiijd It' pro cera ... ... ... ... vjd It' predicto capellano ... ... ... iij3 iiijd It' in expensis in festo pentecostes ... iijd It' pro stipulacione ijs vJd It' pro reparacione apud Walston' ... vd It' pro reparacione palorum1 ... ... vjd It' pro pictura in festo pentecostes ... iiijd Allocaciones. In primis de domo Ricardi Smith ... ... xijd It' de domo pauperum xxiijd It' de domo in ponteboriali xijd It' de domo Willelmi yeate iiij'1 Summa reparacionum et solu- cionum ... ... .. vH [iijs ijd] [Four lines erased, not now legible.] I507- Compotus Rogeri hasylwode & Gulielmi Walker' gardian- orum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld'. Habita coram parochianis in ecclesia predicta in cathedra sancti Petri viz. vicesimo secundo die mensis ffebruarii anno domini millesimo quingentesimo septimo. Et anno regni regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum anglie xxiij0 &c. De Receptis. In primis in pixide parochianorum Rec. ... vijs iiijd It' in tempore pasc' de servicia de claro per manus Wilelmi petit Et Georgii Barker' ... ... ... ... iip xls It' pro legatione thome brugend' ... vs It' pro legatione Sibbille Walker' ... xld It' pro legatione Iohanis barker' ... vjs viijd It' de Iohane Willot & Ric' newe ... xxxiiijs iiijdob. Summa receptorum predictorum gardianorum ecclesie pro anno viz. Rogeri hasilwood et Wil- lelmi Walker' ... . . vJM vijs viij dob. 1 Palings of the churchyard. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIKLD. 123 Expens' predictorum gardianorum et re- paraciones circa ccclesiaspro eodem anno In primis pro cera & factura erga pasc' ... xvij'1 It' Iohani Rowlowe de newton' ... vjs xd It' Iohani Aston' pro meremio ... ... vjd It' pro clavis ... ... ... xvflob. It' pro victualibus Iocose baret cS: thome barct ... ... ... ... xijd It' pro victualibus Iocose smyth & Ioanne tremnand' ... ... ... xij'1 It' pro victualibus Matilde baret ... vs It' hugoni Stafford' & ffamulo eius ... vjs viijd It' Thome tremnand' pro laborc suo ... xij1 It' pro asseribus1 ... ... ... vjd It' thome tremnand' pro reparacione sepul- cri et luminum eiusdem ... ... xvjd It' hug' Stafford' ... ... ... xviijd It' pro victualibus ... ... ... xxijd It' pro reparacione calicis pacis & phiol- arum2 ... ... ... ... xvjd It' pro emendacione vestimentorum ... xxvjs It' pro exasseracione3 meremii ... ... vs iiijd It' pro candelis & pro asserulis4 ... ij'1 It' pro linthiaminibus'1' ... ... ijs vjd It' pro] clavis ... ... ... vij,lob. Summa veparacionum et solucionum Willelmi Walker' & Rogcvi hasyhvoocV ... ... iij 15 vjs xjd Computatis computaudis allocatis allocajidis debent parochianh ... ... ... iij 11 ixd Remanct in pixidc ... ... ... xxxvjs jd Compotus Willelmi prisse de halon' et Willelmi gold gardiani canterie beate marie de Worfeld custoditus in ecclesia parochiali coram parochianis die & anno predictis ut habetur in compoto gardianorum ecclesie viz. Rogeri 1 Poles. 2 Chalice, pax, and cruets. On the pax (the pax-bread, or instrumentum pacts) see inter alia, A. Heales, Archaeology of tlie Christian Altar, p. 71. 3 Splitting up ut timber into poles or beams (asseres). 4 Diminutive of asser. 5 Linen cloths for the altar. Vol. Ill,, 3rd Scries. K 124 THE CHURCHWARDENS ACCOUNTS hasillwood' & Willelmi Walker In tempore Ioannis lye capellani predicte canterie etc. Do Receptis. In primis Rec. tempore pentecostes pro servicia de claro ... ... ... irp xiijs iiijd It' pro legacione Rogeri sond' ... ... xxd It' pro legacione Willelmi cattistre ... xijd It' pro redditu beate marie ... ... xliiijs ob. It' pro redditu caritatis ... ... xxxvjs vjd Summa totalis recept'... . .. viju xvjs vijdob. Memorandum quod iste sunt soluciones expens' & repara- ciones willelmi prisse et willelmi gold gardianorum canterie beate marie &c. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene . xiijd It' domino Ioanni lye capellano canterie... vh xld It' pro lotura panniculorum ... ... iiijd It' pro reparacionibus... ... ... iiijs Allocaciones. In primis pro domo Ricardi Smyth ... ... xijd It' de domo pauperum ... xxiijd It' pro domo in ponte boriali xijd It' pro domo willelmi yeate iiijd Summa reparacionum alloca- cionum et solucionum gardian- orum canterie predictorum . . . Vu xijs Memorandum de legatis ecclesie non solutis. In primis de legacione Willelmi hichekokis de chesterton vj8 viijd It' de Ricardo potter ad pulpitum ... xijd It' de legacione Willelmi cattistre ... viijd It' de legacione Rogeri sond vj8 viijd It' de legacione agnetis swancote in manibns georgii barker Computatis computandis et allocatis allocandis debent xliiijs vijd inde solverunt die computationis xxiiij5 Et adhuc debent XXs vijd OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. I508. Compotus Rogeri hasyllwod' et Gulielmi Walker gardianorum ecclesie parrochialis de Worfeld' custoditus coram paroch- ianis in ecclesia predicta In cathedra sancti petri viz. xxij die mensis ffebruarii anno domini millesimo viij° & anno regni regis Henrici Septimi post conquestum Anglie xxiiijto &c. De Receptis. In primis de pixide parochianorum xxx vjs It' de arreragiis ultimi anni iiju ixdob. It' de Richardi felton' & Iohane gyldon' pro servicia in tempore pascali de claro iip XVs vjd It' de Ricardo Walker pro anima uxoris eius iijs iiijd It' pro anima Matilde barett yjd It' de Alson' ffelton ad formulas iiis iiiid It' pro anima Willelmi petitt ... ijs It' pro anima thome sond' xij1' It' pro anima Iohanis Wyghwyke & uxoris eius xijd It' pro anima Willelmi hichekokis iijs It' pro anima Rogeri sond' ijs It' pro anima Willelmi castistre Vs iiijd It' de Willelmo pristis & Willelmo golde xviijs It' inter parrochianos diversis temporibus Rec. ... xxvjs viijd It' pro anima Iohanis merwell'... viijd Summa recepcionum ... xijH ij''ob. Expens' et reparaciones predictorum gard- ianorum. In primis Iohani Wytbrukeprotegulacione It' pro iij lib. cere & pro factura erga pasc' It' Iohani Robyns pro bigacione It' Rogero Russell pro labore circa mere- mium It' pro panno linaceo & pro asserulis It' Agneti romswall' pro victualibus It' Willelmo sond pro bigacione xxxvj3 iiijd if ijs xijd vjd viijd iiijd 126 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' Rogero Rowlovv pro clavis& pro candelis It' Agneti bridde pro factura unius albe It' Iohani hylle It' thome tremnand' pro scala . . It' magistro vicario pro superpellicio 1 It' Roberto Banys It' Rogero banys famulo predicti Roberti Summa solucionum et repara- cionum gardianorum ecclesie predicte Computatis computandis allocatis allocandis Rogerus hasyllwoode & WilldmusW alker dcbcnt parrocJiianis Remanet in pixide paroch' Memorandum] that Roger' hasylwoode & William Walker to thomas merwall .. [Below, an entry torn.] vnj1 XVj* XXJS xlxijc XIXs vjd vijd iiijd xijd iiijd xiiijd viijd ixL Compotus Iohanis perton et Stephani Smyth gardianorum canterie beate marie de Worfeid custoditus in ecclesia parochiali coram parochianis die & anno predictis ut habetur in compoto gardianorum ecclesie viz. Rogeri hasylwood & willelmi Walker' In tempore domini Ioannis lye capellani predicte canterie &c. De Receptis. In primis pro servitia in festo pentecostes de claro ... ... ... ... i i i j 1 1 xiijs It' pro anima Rogeri hylle It' pro animabus Iohanis wyghtwyke margerie uxoris eius It' pro anima alicie walker' It' pro anima matilde baret It' pro anima willelmi petitt It' pro anima Iohanis merwell'... It' pre redditu beate marie It' pro redditu caritatis Summa Rec. nrp viij( vj" xij'1 vid xvjd xijd xliiijs xxx vjs ob. vr viijn xix- iiijdob. Surplice. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 127 Expens' soluciones et reparaciones predictorum gardianorum. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene. . . xd It' Domino Ioanni lye capellano ... vH iijs iiijd It' pro reparacionibus xvj(i It' pro ablucione palliolorum1 & vesti- mentorum iiijd Allocaciones. In primis de domo Ricardi smyghth xijd It' de domo pauperum xxiijd It' de domo in ponteboriali xijd It' de domo willelmi yeate iiijd It' in die compoti predictis gardianis solut' xlvs Summa reparacionum allocaci- onum et solucionum gardian orum predicte canterie ... viju XVs Computatis computandis allocatis allocandis Iohanes perton & Stephanus smyghth debent parochianis ... xxiiijs — ii 1 nij°ob. Memorandum de legatis ecclesie nondum solutis In primis de legacione magistri Iohanis brown xlB IV de legacione Agnetis swancote in mani- bus georgii barker' [torn] IV de legacione Ricardi potter ad pulpitum xijd IV zona constipata argentea de dono agnetis Rowlowe IV de legacione Wyllelmi hichekokis iij» viijd IV de legacione Willelmi cattistre xvjd IV de legacione Rogcri soiuV iiif viijd [Another entry illegible.] 1509. Compotus Rogeri hasylvvoode & Willelmi Walker' gardian- orum ecclesie parochialis de Worfeld' custoditus in ecclesia predicta coram parochianis In cathedra sancti petri viz. xxij die mensis ffebruarii anno domini 1609. Et anno regni regis Henrici octavi post conquesturn anglie primo. J Perhaps " altar linen ;" but rare in this sense. 12$ THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS De Receptis. In primis de Willelmo bradeney & Iohane brooke pro servicia in pascha de claro xlvjs viijd It' for torchis iiijs vjdob. It' de balivis1 de ponte bgriali ... Xs It' de Katerina Kalowe v'F viijd It' pro anima Willelmi prestis ... xxd Tt' nrn finimri Roppri Rnwlnwp xiij8 iiiid It' pro anima Iohanis newe xf viijd It' pro anima Iohanis Iannys senioris viijd It' pro anima Stephani bylyngsley xld It' pro anima Willelmi hichecokis xijd It' de pixide paroch' ... xd Summa Rec'. &c. vijH xiij' iiijdob. Expens' cS: reparaciones prcdictorum Gardianorum. In primis pro cera & pro factura erga pascha ... J* It' Roberto Banys diversis temporibus i i i j 11 xiiij8 ijd It' Iohani degerye2 pro factura torch' ... xxj* xd It' pro ensens' 3 jd It' pro calce & pro factura cere... vjd It' pro candelis jdob. It' Ricardo mason' iiijs It' pro lanterna iijd It' in expensis ad Brewed 4 xd It' Iohani Whitbroke ... ixd Summa solucionum & repara- cionum gardianorum ecclesie vju [ivs vjdob. Remand in pixide pavrocti iij11 xiij* ixd Compotus Richardi baker' & Willelmi Rowlowe gardianorum canterie beate marie de Worfeld' custoditus in ecclesia parochiali coram parochianis die & anno predictis ut i Bailiffs. a Diggory. ;l Incense ; apparently the contraction at the end of the word here denotes the ablative plural in is. The commoner form is " sens," as on p. 135, and later passim. 4 lire wood in Staffordshire (pronounced " JJrood "). OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 129 1 1 1 J ' habetur in compoto gardianorum ecclesie In tempore Domini Ioannis lye capellani predicte canterie. De Receptis. In primis pro servicia in festo pentecostes de claro... ... ff, ... It' pro anima Willelmi prestis ... It' pro anima Rogeri Rowlowe... It' pro anima Iohanis nevve It' pro anima Iohanis Iannys ... It' pro anima alson' hichekockis It' pro redditu beate marie It' pro redditu caritatis xliiij" xxxvj* XIJ' xlJ xl'J xltJ vj' ob. Sum ma Rec. vij1' xij" viij''ob. Soluciones & reparaciones gardianorum canterie. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis grene It' Domino Ioanni lye capellano ... v1' It' pro reparacionibus .. It' pro ablucione vestimentorum & palliol- orum It' pro pane in festo pentecostes xu xld ,7;j iiija Allocaciones. In primis pro domo Ricardi smyth xija It' pro domo pauperum ... xxiij J It' pro domo in ponte boriali iiijH It' pro domo Willelmi ycate iiij'1 If pro Walston' xvjJ Summa solucionum & reparacionum gard- ianorum canterie vh xiijs viijd Computalis computaudis prcdidi gardiani canterie dchcnt parocliic pro tempore sno xxxixH ob. Et inde solverunt xijH & debent parocliic xx vij 8 1510. Compotus Rogeri hasylwood' & Willelmi Walker Gardian- orum ecclesie parochialis dc Worfeld' Custoditus in ecclesia predicta coram parochianis In cathedra sancti petri viz. vicesimo secundo die mensis ffebruarii anno millesimo THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS quingentcsimo decimo Et anno regni regis henrici octavi post conquestum Anglie secundo. De Receptis. In primis In pixide paroch' iijH xiij8 ixd Jt' de Iohane pris de newton et Richardo Walker' pro servicia in pascali tem- pore de claro xlvj8 viijd T-4-' /-I InfTof lAn A A 1 C/^H ' 111 i~ it Qe IL^ailUllc rllbOIl 1C1LOI1 ... -.. iijs 111J It' de legatione Willelmi hasylwood' & nxoris eius xiij8 iiijd It' inter parochianos pro formulis V8 viid It' de Georgio Barker pro Agnete swankote ij* It' de arreragiis Ricardi Baker & williehni rowlow ... x,s viijd Summa recept' vijH XVs iiijd Expens' et reparaciones predictornm Gardianorum. In primis pro cera & factura erga pasc' ... if vijd It' pro corda & pro incens' ijd It' to yc glasyar' ij8 iiijd It' Ricardo smyth pro reparacione circa campanas iij8 ijd It' Thome tremnande eodem tempore pro eodem ... viijd It' Iohanne uxori Rogeri hichekokes pro victualibus vijd It' Iohanne uxori Iohanis baret pro victualibus vijd It' Iohanne aston' pro servisia ... iijd It' Ioicic baret & agneti Romscll' It' pro duobus lampidibus 1UJ It' Thome tremnande pro labore circa asportacione beate marie 1 . . . iiijd It' pro servisia (?) eodem tempore iiijd It' pro clavis... It' pro cera erga festum natal' domini & pro factura ixd 1 For the carriage of the image of the B.V.M., the purchase of which is mentioned below, OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 13I It' pro supsrpellicio humfriio baret ... ij* uij It' pro Roberto banys ... ... ... vn It' pro imagine beate marie ... ... xlvj8 viijd Summa solucionum & repara- — cionum ... ... ... viij'1 xxijd [Below, two lines erased ; the last nine lines of this page are nearly illegible.] Compotns Iohannis gold & Willelmi townsend' Gardian- orum cantarie beate marie de Worfeld' Custoditus in ecclesia parochiali coram parochianis die & anno predictis ut habetur in compoto gardianorum ecclcsie. In tempore Domini Ioannis lye capellani predicte canterie. De Receptis. In primis pro servicia in festo pentecostes de claro... ... ... ... iij1' It' pro anima Iohanne menvell'... ... xijd It' pro stipendio unius vacce ... ... ijs It' pro anima willelmi hasyl\vod& uxorisei us vjs viijd It' de Iohane underhyll' pro ove ... xijd It' pro redditu beate marie ... ... xliiij* ob. It' pro redditu caritatis ... ... xxxvj8 vjd It' de Iohane walker' & Thoma merwell'... iid Summa Rec. .. ... vij1' xjH vjdob. Soluciones et reparaciones Gardianorum canterie. In primis pro anniversario agnetis grene... xijdob. It' Domino Iohanni lye capellano ... vli xld It' Iohani Gold' et willelmo townsend pro laborc ... ... .., ... ij* iiijd It' pro ablucione vestimentorum & palliol- orum Allocaciones. In primis pro domo Ricardi smyth' ... ... xijd It' pro domo Willelmi yeate iiijd It' pro Walston' ... xyjd It' pro domo pauperum ... iij9 jd It pro domo in ponte boriali ijH Summa solucionum i.' 1 A A *{ It tor a jacke- a salett" vijs iiij" It for William golde & William pns ijs It' of Iohn catt'stre & his sister Vs Summa Recept' ... ... iijH xis Expend & reparaciones predictorum Gard- ianorum ecclesie. In primis to Joys Barett for mete & drynke - to yc plimmer and to Thomas trem- nannd' ... iiij* ij" It' for yc baners4 6c the churche yeate makynge and for ye baner powles ... xvj8 It' for wax & for ye makyng at estr xx" It' for mcndynge the bookes & for sens5 ... xj* It' to yL piymmer for reparyng the ledes of yc churche 6c for makynge yc fornesse ixs It' to a^nes Romsor' for mete & drynke ... 1 See note on p l lb. 8 A jerkin. a A light soldier's helmet, introduced in the fourteenth century. * See Micklclhwaite, Ornaments u/ the Rubric, p. 54. They were used specially in Rogation processions. •' Sec note above, p. 113. There aje regular payments for incense alter this. 136 THE CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS It' to ye masons for setting ye fornesse ... viijd It' for whitelyme & for mete & drynke . . . xiijd It' for nayles & to lone barett ... ... xiijd It' to John lokear' & to Ric' mason ... vs ijd It' for torchis & for berypge of stonys ... iiij* ij1 It' for mete & drynke to Jone Barett ... iij5 iiij* It! Riddyng1 the gutters of ye churche ... ijd It' to Robert Banys ... ... ... xl6 xld Summa sohicionum et repara- cionum gardianorum ecclesie... iiiju xiiij* viij1 [Four lines erased.] Compotus Willelmi ffrodysley et Rogeri Cattystre Gardian- orum cantarie beate marie de [Worfeld'J custoditus in ecclesia parochiali coram parochianis Die et anno predictis ut habetur in Compoto gardianorum ecclesie viz. Rogeri hasyhvode et Willelmi Walker' In tempore Domini Iohannis lye Capellani predicte cantarie &c. De Receptis. In primis in tempore pentecostes pro servisia de claro ... ... ... iiju vja viijd It' pro anima Iohanne pristis ... ... iij* iiijd It' pro anima Iohanni crogynton' ... xijd It' pro Redditu beate marie ... ... xliij" ob. It' pro Redditu caritatis ... ... xxxvj8 vjd Summa totalis Recept' viju xjs xdob. Expens' et soluciones predictorum Gardianorum Cantarie predicte &c. In primis pro anniversario Agnetis Grene xijd It; Domino Iohani capellano ... ... v1' xld It' pro ablucione linthiaminum. . . ... iiijd Allocacioncs. In primis pro domo Ricardi smyth' ... ... xiju It' pro domo Willelmi yeate iiijd It' pro Walston' in tenura presbiteri ... ... xvjd It' pro domo Roberti taylor xiiij'1 1 Lk-aniny. OF THE PARISH OF WORFIELD. 157 It' pro domo in ponteboriaii It' de Iohane Walker' et Thoma merwell" ... ijd It' pro reparacionibus circa domum pauperum ... xviij3 It' payd in die compoti ' ... ... ix" Summa solucionum ... ... v- xiy ija e> sic predie:: ^j.r.ii.v.i detect peirochieinis ... xxx- iij'ob. & ind.e soherunt ... .. ... xxs Memorandum de legatis ecclesie non solutis. Ik primis de legacione Agnetis s:. ankote et Rieheird: po::er s.d p:dpi:;y;: in Gecrgii Br.rher ... ... ... ij5 iiir If de Icg.ieiOKC rK.i^isrn Jcl:.v:is Brr^rf ... xxx5 If de legacione Willelmi hichekokis ... liy viij 1 If de leg.i:i:r.c 7/::;;- C.ittsire ... ... viij' iiij 1 If z ecKS'.ip.iui .ir^CKica1 de dev. 2 agnetis ronloicc de chestertcf et pro .ly/erj^iis willelmi gold et 1° prisse ... ... vij !ob. If Iohanes gold & william towncsetid ... iiij" If Rcger C.i::s:re h.ith v: his heind for ei kr^e y aha: fclion 6-tf ... ... ... \f If Ry.ha vd fel::n & Eiizeibei his wif gyven to seynt petur a kowe in y- kepynge of Ris'hlake^f & he to pay erlyeUo y churche ... ... ... ... ij5 Memorandum that at this cowntes came Humfre Barett & hath ofturd a fore the paresh to gyve uppe to y: behove of our ladye service a cotage lycng in the Lowe next william yeates howse \v* y- garden to yc same and so y- seid humfre}' hath gyven ye seid cotage upp in to y- handes of Iohn Gyldon for to be payed for after his dissesse in the parsons ::urte this v. as done. :v:. And this -.vas the v-oii & commandement of Nicholas Sadyllari' when he gave hit to the sayd humfrey barett vxc. ; This has already been mentioned (p. 119) as of silk; it was presumably of that material, interwoven with silver thread. - Yearly. 138 WORFIELD CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS. De legatis ecclesie nondum solutis. [Mostly a repetition of those given above, but with the following additions : — ] If Rogeri Cattstre & william jroddesleye ... ixs iiijd It' de legacione Ricard* walker' servicio omnium sanctorum ut (?) servicio beate marie & reparacionibus ecclesie ... vjs viijd Also the said Rid* ffelton hath viif to by a kowe to the behove of our ladyes service & vf of it was of akon1 feltons gyft to oure ladyes service, &c. (To be continued). HENRY IV. From his Tomb at Canterbury Cathedral. BLOCK KINDLY LENT BY G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. 139 FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. By J. Ill WYLIE, M.A., D.Litt., Author of " History of England under Henry IV." When I was asked to write a word or two of preface to the Part of the Transactions which will commemorate the 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury, I naturally begged to be allowed to remain a student of the special information that can alone be supplied by local experts rather than appear as a guide to others on a matter of which I have only been able to glean some scraps of information from documents and books. But, of course, I was overpersuaded when I received an assurance that the local side would be well represented, and that all who were interested in the battle were being placed under contribution to do their best for the commemoration volume. As a matter of fact, my own account was written more than 20 years ago, before I had personally visited the ground, and if it has escaped the usual congeries of absurdities from which such efforts suffer, the fact is due to my avoidance of detailed particulars in the meagre skeleton that has to do duty for a battle sketch, if the imagination is to be curbed, and the story confined to items which are capable of strict proof. A certain limited experience of mediaeval evidence has long ago convinced me that of all subjects of human interest the battle-piece — that most striking of incidents to the mediaeval mind — is precisely the one that fares worst in regard to accuracy in mediaeval treatment. How it began is known, and how it ended is known, and there we have to rest content ; but if we want to know particulars of time, place, tactics, strategy, position, numbers, or other such indispensable accessories, we generally find ourselves altogether at sea. The persons who were there did not write, while those who wrote were not there, and even ii they had been, would probably not have been able to observe Vol. III., 3rd Series. T i4o FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. or understand what they saw, while much that would be of the utmost interest to us was to them an atmosphere so familiar that it did not occur to them that it was worth recording at all. An early French chrpnicler has called our battle " an engagement unequalled in history,"1 but it will be well at the outset to accept the fact that Shewsbury was not a world- event. No modern writer has included it in his selection of typical or decisive battles, and no contemporary has treated it as a foil to show up the achievements of some redoubt- able master of the art of war, for the so-called Elmham, who wrote the bombastic fustian about Prince Hal, was neither Elmham nor contemporary. We are thus spared the introduction of heroes of Homeric size which are bound to dwindle at the first prick of the higher criticism, and it is fortunate that such first-hand information as we have, is usually sober and rational. If it does not give us all we want, what it does give us, we do not feel inclined to throw away. I do not propose to tell over again the well-known story that may be found in every English history of how the Percies helped Bolingbroke to usurp the throne, and then themselves tried the part of kingmakers, of Hotspur's quarrel with the King over his Scottish prisoners, and of the final trial of strength which ended in his death at Shrewsbury ; of how the Earl of Northumberland was pressing for help to hold his ground in the vast section of Southern Scotland, just granted to him by the King; how the King was heading for Teviotdale with his midland levies to assist, or possibly to arrest, his " Mathathias," when Hotspur broke down from the north with his Cheshire archers to surround and crush Prince Hal, who had just returned to Shrewsbury from a raid into North Wales; how the King smartly changed his course at Lichfield and raced westward to save his son ; of the treason of the Earl of Worcester, the desperate position of the Prince within the town, and the swift arrival of the King, who forced the rebels into instant fight before a junction could be made with Glendower. 1 Ce fut la bcsongne non pardlle qu' on ait vy en histoire. — Waurin, ii., 62. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. MI Of the details of the fight, our knowledge is very thin, but we have fortunately a competent account of some of its incidents in the chronicle known as the " Annals of Richard II. and Henry IV.," which was written by a Benedictine in the great Abbey at St. Albans, where current information on passing events was readily received and regularly recorded. A good translation of this account was published by Dr. Calvert in the Society's Transactions in 1898 (2nd Series, vol. x., p. 298). The leading facts which this writer records are the story of Hotspur's foreboding at finding himself at Berwick,1 the hindrance to the King's attack afforded by the pease with with which the battle-field was planted,2 the fruitless inter- vention of Abbot Prestbury from Shrewsbury, the panic and flight of the King's vanguard before the first volleys of the Cheshire archers, the King's peril, the Prince's rally and his wounded face,3 the death of Hotspur by a random arrow, the capture of the Earls of Worcester and Douglas, the exposure of Hotspur's body and the episode of the knight who was stripped and stabbed by his own servant under a hedge at nightfall. All these dramatic incidents make up a stirring literary presentation of the battle, but as regards the tactics and manoeuvres of the day they leave us almost wholly in the dark. Nor is there any help in this direction to be found in other contemporary accounts, for Walsingham gives merely a shortened reproduction of the above, Harding, though he was personally present, has left no detailed parti- culars, and the Scotchmen, Wyntoun and Bower, are equally blank. The Frenchman, Jean de Waurin, who had his information from those who had talked with eyewitnesses of the light, is more detailed in his description, except in one regard. With him the archers dismount and fight on foot,4 but when he tells us that " the leaders of the vanguards struck spurs in their horses and smote each other with lances 1 " In Bcrwikc," he said "then am I All begytit swyk fully." — Wyntoun, iii. 91. 2 Also in Otterbourne, 241. 3 Also in Eulogiu?n, iii., 398. 4 Descendircnt a pie. —Waurin, ii. 63. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. lowered,"1 he raises in our minds a horrid doubt as to whether the men-of-arms really dismounted after all, in spite of the most cherished beliefs of modern writers who have treated of mediaeval warfare. Fifty years after the battle was fought we come upon a curious reminiscence of it' which really seems to contain a detailed basis of fact, such as appears in no previous descrip- tion. It occurs in a novel written by a Frenchman named Jean de Beuil, for the purpose of instructing young beginners in the art of war, and may be freely translated as follows : — ■ " There was once a battle at Cherausbry in England between the King and a knight named Sir Thomas {sic) de Percy, and at that battle two very large forces met, and Sir Thomas de Percy broke the battle of the King of England and put it to flight, and then his men all went in pursuit except about 500, who stayed with him and his banners. Now the King of England was not altogether broken up, but still had fully 2,000 men staying with him, and when he saw Sir Thomas de Percy so thinly accompanied he marched straight at him, defeated him and killed him. So whenever you find yourself in an engagement and you have some men broken up, you should always keep a good number of men together, and don't let all your men pursue, for evil has often come of it." 2 Just where Beuil got his particulars from, cannot now be ascertained, but as he had had a long practical acquaintance with warfare, and had been prominent in those fighting 1 Foment chevaulx Jos esporons et les lances baissies s'entrefeiirent les ungz es autres. — Waurin, ii. 69. Otterbourne 243 lends probability to the same view by distinguishing the " milites et scutiferi " from the " pedites vallecti.''' 2 II y eust une bataille en Angleterre a Cherausbry qui fut du Roy contre ung chevalier nomme messire Thomas de Percy et assemblerent a ceste bataille deux bicn grandes puissances et tellement que messire Thomas de Percy rompist la bataille du Roy d' Angleterre et la myst en fuite el ses gens allerent tons a la cliace sauf environ cincq cens homines qui demouraient avecques lui et avecques ses bannieres. Et quant le roy d' Angleterre qui n' estoit pas du tout rompu et lui estoit bien demoure encores deux mille homines vit messire de Percy si petttement accompaigne il marcha droit a lui et le desconfist et mist a mort et par ce le roy d' Angleterre gaigna la bataille qu' il avoit perdue. Et pour ce quant vous vous trouverez en une besongne et vous aurez rompu gens, il vous est de besoing de tenir tousjours un bon nombre de gens ensemble et que tons vos gens ne chassent pas car a plusieurs gens il en est pris mal. Beuil, Le /ouvencel, ii. 61. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. J43 years, which ended in our being finally driven out of France, he was certainly in the way of procuring information from Englishmen and others who remembered the battle of Shrewsbury. At any rate, we take kindly to him at once, when we find that he calls us " Cherausbry," and almost fancy that he may have 'possibly lived for a bit on Pride Hill. It is certainly remarkable that the one tradition that he found still remaining about the battle was the break and pursuit of the King's forces at the beginning, and if this is so, we have additional evidence that the battle was not one solid shock, but a series of scattered incidents still typified in the many local names by which the field soon came to be known, and emphasised by an official statement that the dead were buried in different places, as much as three miles asunder. The battle happened just at a time when a great fundamental change was taking place in military methods all over Europe, and ought to have yielded us some crumbs of evidence as to the operation of the change. Some sixty years before, the great triumph of the despised foot-soldier over the armed horseman at Crecy had startled Europe into a serious reconsideration of its tactics, and ten years later at Poitiers, the Frenchmen imitated the English method of dis- mounting, but they gave themselves away by choosing unsuit- able ground, and took nothing by their motion. A year before the battle of Shrewsbury the Scottish knights were swept away by the English archers at Homildon, but here was the first stand-up fight between Englishmen and Englishmen, both trained alike in the new dismounted methods, and the military historian would give much to know what really did occur. Judging from what took place twelve years afterwards at Agincourt, we might assume that the men-of-arms (all of whom, whether knights or squires, were mounted) followed the new method of dismounting before the fight, and forming into a close phalanx when arrayed for battle, leaving their horses in the charge of grooms or varlcts in the rear ready to be used for pursuit or flight as the first hand-to-hand struggle should decide. But Agincourt was won by the death-dealing volleys of the nimble English archers, to whom the French had nothing to M4 FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. oppose, whereas, at Shrewsbury, both sides were English- armed and English-trained, and no one has told us how the battle was really won. It is just at this point that temptation assails us to indulge in historical romancing. For myself, I have given up the task of guessing in such matters* as a waste of valuable time, but that is no reason why others should do the same, provided that in exercising their ingenuity they keep it clearly before us that their conclusions are to be regarded as speculations only, and nothing more. For instance, I remember to have seen a picture of the battle-field of Shrewsbury, in which a steep, not to saj precipitous, hill rises sheer in the back- ground, with a group of haycocks piled peacefully below. There was nothing to indicate whether or not the scene was aprh nature, and it was only after personally visiting the spot that I realised that nothing could bring that landscape into conformity with present realities except an assumption of Titanic action, or the lapse of aions of geologic time. It may, of course, have been meant for Haughmond Hill, where I have understood that the enquiring stranger is still told that Earl Douglas' horse stumbled, and left his rider to utter an expletive and stamp his footprint on the ground, but I doubt whether the dweller on Haughmond Hill really bothers himself about the story at all, or perhaps he is too honest to retail it, being chastened with a fear of exposure in the Transactions. Now, this picture would do no harm if the author would append a note explaining that the view was an imaginary one, and we ought to be provided with similar cautions in studying the fanciful productions of ingenious minds who supply us with pictorial representations showing the position of the respective armies at any given moment in the battle-shock. But then comes the disturbing question — Where really was the battle-field? Haytleyficld, Husseyfield, BuIIfield, Harlscot, Berwick,1 are scattered names, and it has been too 1 Into feild of Berwick then All assembly t thir Yn^lis men That wyst nocht this yong Percy Bot trowit that land was Schrcwisbury. Wyntoun, iii. 91. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 145 often assumed that all the shot and thrust took place in the neighbourhood of the mounds and pools which now surround the church. I am well aware that these mysterious mounds and pools are charged with highly explosive matter, but I quite hope that the Society,.will now bring its best knowledge to bear on this question. For myself, I am too worn down mentally, and too far from the spot bodily, to venture again into the dispute, though many years ago I expressed an opinion that the pools were modern clay-pits, and the mounds, so far as they are rectangular, really marked the boundaries of the consecrated ground within which a large number of the dead were buried. But I know that others believe that they represent the foundations of the College, or that they were thrown up by Hotspur as a portion of his plan of campaign, or that he found them already in existence there and made them play an essential part in the manoeuvr- ing of the day. However, let us hope that this question will be practically tackled as one outcome of this commemora- tion, and if I may be allowed, I should suggest the following as a few of the many problems still awaiting solution in connection with the battle : — (a) Where were the College buildings exactly situated ? Their whereabouts has been so entirely obliterated as to make some people doubt whether they ever existed. (b) What has become of the armour that has been found from time to time in excavating near the church ? At the interesting exhibition of local curios which was hold at Shrewsbury in 1898, I remember to have heard the opinion expressed by a very competent expert that none of the supposed 15th century pieces that were there collected could really make out a sa isfactory claim to be genuine. (c) Whore is Album Mouastcrium, in which the body of Hotspur was first buried ? Whitchurch looks tempting and obvious, but it seems too far from the field to give a satisfactory solution. A recent writer indeed supposes that the corpse was buried " in a family chapel at Whitchurch/' 1 but the existence of a Percy Chapel at Whitchurch has yet to be proved. Hreiun, HUtoi y of the Percics, i. £L\ 146 FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. (d) Why were so many of the lower clergy found fighting on the side of the Percies, though the bishops had all accepted the Lancastrian usurpation ? The parson of Prees and the parsons of Rostherne, Pulford, Dodleston, and Davenham (all in Cheshire) were present in the fight as well as many other clerks whose benefices have not been identified. These particulars appear in connection with the imposition of subsequent penalties, and they are only a local prelude to the clerical rising under Archbishop Scrope two years later ; but it is not clear why the humbler clergy should have been stirred to take part in a quarrel with which they had essentially nothing to do, except perhaps as part of an innate aversion to usurpers in the abstract. (e) Who was the knight whose name is given as "Dominus B. Gousile,"1 who was foully stabbed by a retainer when lying amongst the wounded when the fight was done ? (/) Who was the squire to the Duchess of Norfolk who supplied the particulars which appear in the Annates ? The Duchess herself was Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Fitzalan, Earl of Arundel, who was beheaded in 1397, and widow of Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, who died in exile in 1400. She afterwards married (during the reign of Henry IV.) Gerard Ufflete, probably a Yorkshireman from North Ferriby, near Hull, and she herself died on July 8th, 1425. (g) When and how did the legend arise about Glendower perching in the Shelton Oak ? I suppose it is too much to ask when it will die, for the most recent writer on the subject has again blamed Glendower for " making no attempt to turn the tide with his legions on the opposite bank," forget- ting apparently that Glendower was more than 100 miles away in Carmarthenshire at the time, while it does not add to our knowledge to suggest that Hotspur might "perhaps have seen his hosts drawn up across the neighbour- ing river." 2 It may be well also here to emphasize again the fact that the remains found in the Leybourne tomb in St. Mary's Church are not those of the Earl of Worcester, as was once 1 In Otterbourne 244 he is called Nicolas Gausell or Robert Gonsill, and is stated to have been just knighted on the field. 2 Hrenan, i. Si. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 147 suggested.1 There really never was any solid foundation for this theory, which was based merely on the fact that the remains in question were minus the head, and the suggestion was made that they might perhaps be those of the Earl of Worcester, possibly put , by his friends into another man's grave to save them from the indignities that had been offered to the corpse of Hotspur. But I suspect that this speculation was only a timid surrender to local sentiment which had been taught to regard the cross-legged knight in chain mail as a figure of Hotspur himself, and Shrewsbury did not like to be defrauded altogether of its celebrities. Unfortunately the old mistake has quite recently turned up again,2 yet the document published by Mr. Fletcher in the Transactions (Ser. II., Vol. x., p. 230) should have made it quite clear that the Earl of Worcester's body was buried in the Abbey, and not in St. Mary's Church at all. I fear that this rambling paper will be found to contain little that is new or informing, and I can fancy that there are some who may be wondering why the recurrence of the battle-day should be celebrated at all. It certainly established no noble or national principle in the past, and cannot hope to awaken feelings of pride or patriotism among the English of to-day. It settled nothing but a dynastic dispute, King Henry won and his family were the gainers, but had he lost, the country would have taken on three masters in place of one, and the civil war would have been upon us even sooner than it was. A recent American writer regards it as " a real death-blow struck at feudalism " 3 imagining that King Henry here defeated " the combined force of the great nobility," and that " feudalism never lifted its head in England to more than hiss defiantly after Henry IV." There may be some bottom of truth perhaps in this, but the cause must be sought elsewhere, and not in the battle of Shrewsbury. It may, of course, be argued that if Henry had lost at Shrewsbury there would have been no Agincourt, no Joan, no renovated France, no loss of Guienne, no Tudors and so forth, but these are only speculations and not likely 1 Owen and Blakeway, i. 197. - Brenan, i. 82. s English History in Shakespeare's Plays. — Ji, K. Warner, p. 96, 148 FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. to convince any one who may doubt the wisdom of this present celebration of our local event But, fortunately, we do not require to be partisans or enthusiasts for the triumph of either side to make us welcome h,s commemoration volume. The battle-field of Shrewsbury nlnH01? ? u-^ battle-fields ^at lie scattered over thus t f ' Ju,st.™°'>gh is known to make researchers hirst for more, and if other local societies will imitate h excellent example of the Shropshire, we, outside learners will not mind how soon the anniversaries come round, which tend to hghten up the darkness of the past, and give us matenal for moving one step further forward in the direction ofh.stoncal truth and accuracy. i49 ARMS AND CLOTHING OF THE FORCES AT THE BATTLE &F SHREWSBURY. By Viscount DILLON, President of the Society of Antiquaries. The Mayor has suggested to me that it might be of interest to some, on this occasion, to consider what were the arms and what kind of armour was in use at the battle of Shrewsbury. The first thought that occurs to one is, who of the great men of that day were present on either side, and have we any memorials of them in stone, brass or glass ? It is hardly likely that we shall find memorials of those who were slain on the defeated side, and even such memorials of the victorious party can only give us an idea of the individuals so commemorated. Uniformity in equipment existed neither for the leaders nor for the simple soldiers. The rich were able to give expression to their own ideas of the best means of combining defence and offence, and the commonalty probably displayed the varied uniformity, if one may say so, of the poor. Rags and tatters are very cosmopolitan, and only vary in point of date, being the remains of former cast-off fashions. Of the appearance of the richer class of conibattants of this date we have an excellent piece of evidence in the brass at Little Horkesley, Essex, of Sir Robert Swynborne, who died 1391, and his son Sir Thomas, who died 1412. In this brass we see the; many and important changes which seem to have taken place at the turn of the century. It is probable that armour such as is seen in both figures was worn at Shrewsbury, for then, as now, there were old-fashioned people and others who adopted the newest style of dress, civil or military. To begin with the head-pieces and taking the two knights together, the; scull piece of the bassinet does not differ, but whereas the father has his neck and lower part of the face protected by Vol III., 3rd Scries. I' ARMS AND CLOTHING OF THE FORCES the chain mail camail, the son has placed over this a plate protection, increasing the defensive power of the camail, but somewhat lessening the comfort to the wearer. The head now can move about as much as an egg in an egg cup, but not as pleasantly as with the chain mail. The son lias protected the arm -pits by pendant plates, called by some motons or palettes, and his gauntlets are articulated at the cuffs, giving greater ease than the old bell-mouthed pattern. The surcoat worn by the elder figure, and no doubt ornamented with his coat armour has disappeared, and the pair of plates or cuirass is seen with the tonlet or skirt of narrow lames or hoops of medal. The rich military belt, to which the sword and dagger were suspended, and which itself was maintained in position by some unseen and at present not known arrangement, the cingulum, I say, has vanished and the sword hangs from a narrow and only slightly ornamented belt, reaching diagonally from the right hip to the locket of the sword sheath, at the lower edge of the tonlet. As before, the lower part of a skirt or fald of chain mail appears below the tonlet. In both c ases the fald probably had its invected margin rendered more ornate by brass lings of chain mail. The leg armour remains the same except lor larger additional plates just below the knee caps, and now there is a small skirt of chain mail apparent below the plates. Similar instances are seen in pictures in the National Gallery, &c. The arms have not changed much, but the somewhat square pommel of the sword is now pear shaped. The dagger hilts also have somewhat changed in shape, and the later dagger was, probably, supported by a strap or cord to one of the horizontal lames ot the tonlet. Altogether the changes were in a useful direction, and were slight compared with others whic h had preceded them. As I said before, the military costume was not uniform at any date, there were overlappings of fashions, and there were sometimes strange survivals of by-gone styles, but I have taken the Swynborne brass as an example of armour before and after the battle. Prince Henry, no doubt, wore handsome armour, and, as according to Shakespeare, there were six persons dressed like AT THK BATTLE OK SHREWSBURY. 151 the King himself, we may imagine that the sight was a brilliant one. The Douglas perhaps wore the plaid in its earlier form, long before it was cut in two to make a kilt as well as a plaid. The soldiers of 1403 we&e, probably, clad much as those who shared in the glories of Agincourt, and we may take the description of their appearance from a foreigner's pen. Strangers are much more apt to describe us, than we, who take so many matters as common and unworthy of record. Now Jean le Fevre Seigneur de Saint Rem)' was with the English forces on St. Crispin's Day, 1415, and he, speaking of the archers, says : — " They were for the most part without armour in their jackets, ' leurs chausses avallees,' and bearing axes and mauls at their girdles or else long swords, some quite bare foot and some wearing huvettes or hoods of cuir bouilly (that is moulded leather), and some had head-pieces of ozier on which was a cross of iron." From this we see that the English soldiers were not in very good case, some, perhaps, had lost their shoes in the long and hasty march, others, perhaps, had none. The untrussed cJiausses were, of course, for their greater ease in movement, just as a man now-a-days would undo his braces before exerting himself. Some 150 years later we hear how Henry Dudley, the brother of Queen Elizabeth's favourite Leicester, " was slain with the shot of a great piece as he stooped on the wall (at the assault of St. Quentin) and stayed to rip his hose on the knee thereby to have been more apt to the assault " (Grafton). It is clear that the English soldier of the early fifteenth century did not wear much armour, perhaps a metal cap, the remains of the spoils of the French wars of Edward III., or some rough and rude head-piece, the work of the village blacksmith. As to his weapons, the bow was probably home-made, for we do not rind in 1403 notices of large importations of bow staves such as occur constantly in the time of Henry VIII., who purchased them by the thousand from Venice and the north of Europe. The arrows, too, would be English. The mauls of lead were common weapons among the northern nations of Europe, and would be very useful for man)' purposes. The common hedging bill 152 ARMS AND CLOTHING OF THE FORCES. mounted on a staff, with perhaps an added spike or two, was a splendid weapon, but too cumbrous for the archer, who with his bow, arrows and sword had enough to carry if he was to move quickly. Swords would not be of the fine continental class of weapons, but like most of the arms, the local smith's production, and made of English iron, which in those days we had not learnt to bring to the perfection of modern times. Birmingham was in those early days famous for its knives, and no doubt, ever)- man had one for his daily needs. The Welshmen are mentioned by the chroniclers as having large knives, and besides the above weapons, the soldiers of both armies probably carried small bucklers. In John Rous's Chronicle of the Earl of Warwick, and finely illustrated by the author, we see a picture of the Battle of Shrewsbury, but as Rous wrote in 1580, it must have been a fancy picture. In it the archers carry small bucklers slung on their sword hilts, and this detail is probably as correct for 1403 as for 80 years later. On the whole it appears that the soldier of 1403 wore little or no armour, and his weapons were few and simple. Artists as a rule are too fond of loading the ordinary soldier with beautifully made armour and portions of it, and even the illuminators of the chronic- lers erred in this respect. But it is necessary to remember that the fine Froissarts we see in London and Paris were all executed some 70 or 80 years after the Shrewsbury fight, and must be valued accordingly. There is no armour extant of 1403. As to whether artillery was used at the Battle, I think it is very doubtful, and considering the sudden nature of the rising, it is improbable that the King had any cannon present ; certainly his enemy had none. Here shewes howe at the batell of Shrewesbury bet wen Kyng Henr' the iiijth & Sr. Henr' Percy, Erie Richard there beyng on the Kynges party full notably & manly behaved hym self to his great lawde & worship In which batell was slayne the said Sr. Henr' Percy and many other wt. hym And on the kynges party there was slayne in the kynges cote armor chef of other the Erie of Stafford Erie Richardes Auntes son wt. many other in greet nombre on whoes sowles god have m'cy Amen* THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. From Cottonian MS., Julius E. IV. Art. 6, fo. 4. BLOCK KINDLY LENT BY G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. 153 SOME ADDITIONAL DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. Bv the Rev. W. G. Dk FLETCHER, M.A., FS.A. In the Transactions, Second Series, vol. x., pages 227 to 250, and vol. xii., pages 39 to 44, are printed a number of original documents, chiefly extracted from the Patent Rolls and Close Rolls in the Public Record Office, relative to matters connected with the Battle of Shrewsbury. The following documents are in continuation of these, and are also extracted from the Close Rolls and Patent Rolls by the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher. A few of them are translations of the Latin originals, but most are merely abstracts. The first document is an order to the authorities of York, dated 3rd November, 1403, to deliver up Hotspur's head, which had been placed above the gate of that city shortly after the battle, to his widow Elizabeth Percy for the purpose of burial. The authorities of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, London, Bristol and Chester were also ordered, on the same date, to deliver up to the widow Hotspur's quarters, which had been placed above the gates of these places. The next document is a precept, dated 22nd November, 1403, to the Sheriff of Northumberland, offering the King's pardon to all adherents of the Percies who would tender their submission before the feast of the Epiphany [Jan. 6th] next ensuing. From the remaining documents, which are chiefly grants to the King's friends of the forfeited estates of the rebels, and pardons to many who took the part of the Percies, we can ascertain the names of some who took part in the conflict on either side. It is evident that the men of Cheshire were: largely implicated in the rebellion ; as on the 3rd of November, 1403, the)' received a pardon, on the supplication of the Prince of Wales and on paying a fine of 300 maiks. The citizens of Chester likewise had to pay a fine of 300 marks, and to find ships and victuals for conveying soldiers to the Castle of Beaumaris. Amongst the Cheshire adherents of the Percies, these are named as receiving pardon Vol. III., 3rd Series. V 154 SOME ADDITIONAL DOCUMENTS RELATIVE on the 3rd of November : — Sir John de Pulle, Sir William Stanley and his son William, Sir Peter de Dutton, Sir Laurence Fyton, Thomas son of John Aleyn, John de Lytherland, Richard de Bromley, and James de Pulle. Other rebels named are : — Thomas de Beston, John Morys, John Russale (slain), John Kynaston, Sir John Calveley, and Sir John Massy of Tatton. Thomas Strickland, Ralph Dutton, Roger Assent and others are named as fighting for the King, Richard Horkesley, alias Hamkyn (or Rankyn), is expressly named as coming to the fiefa of battle with the Percies, and, on seeing the King's banners unfurled, crossing over to the King's side and fighting for him : for this he received the King's pardon, as also did the Keeper of the Marshalsea prison for letting Horkesley escape out of his custody. The grant to John Acton, on 5th February, 1403-4, of £10 per annum for serving the office of Constable of the Castle of Salop, affords some insight as to the manner in which the Castle was then held for the King, and gives the names of two Constables, — Thomas Hynkeley, who died in office, and John Acton, who was appointed on 1st August, 1402, and was Constable of the Castle when Henry IV. was staying there on the eve of the Battle of Shrewsbury. The castles of Alnwick and Warkworth, as also that of Berwick upon Tweed, which had belonged to the Percies, were in December, 1403, handed over to the custody of Thomas Nevill, Lord Furnivall, Hotspur's kinsman who had buried his body at Whitchurch immediately after the battle. Close Roll, 5 Henry IV. pars 1 . Concerning the ^ The King to the mayor and sheriffs of the City of York greeting. Whereas of our special grace we have granted to our kins- woman Elizabeth, who was the wife of Henry de Percy, Chivaler, deceased, the head and the quarters of the same Henry to be buried. We command you that you deliver the aforesaid head, placed by our command above the gate of the aforesaid City, to the same Elizabeth to be buried according to our grant above said. Witness the King at Cirencester the third day of November. By writ of privy seal. (mem. 28). delivery of the head and quarters of Percy. TO THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. 155 The King to the mayor and sheriffs of the Town of New Castle upon Tyne greeting. Whereas (as above as far as) we command, (and then on to) to the same Elizabeth a certain quarter of the same Henry above the gate &c. (as above). By the same writ. Like briefs arc directed to the underwritten for the other quarters of the same Henry Percy under the same date, namely, To the Mayor and vSheriffs of London. To the Mayor, Sheriffs and Bailiffs of the town of Bristol. To the Mayor and Bailiffs of the Town of Chester. (mem. 28). Concerning a"| The King to the Sheriff of Northumberland to^mldT j grcetillg- We orclcr anJ firmly enjoin you that immediately, on sight of these presents, you cause public proclamation to be made in every place in your bailiwick where it shall seem expedient, that as well all & singular persons who lately made insurrection against us & his allegiance with Thomas de Percy late Earl of Worcester and Henry de Percy the son and other traitors, or by assent counsel or abettal stood by the same Henry Thomas & Henry, and on that account withdrew, as also all those who hold or occupy, or cause to be held & occupied by others, any of our castles or those of any other persons soever, in the aforesaid County or elsewhere within our kingdom of England or in the Marches of Scotland to the same county adjacent, with power and might, contrary and in opposition to our commands made under our great seal and sufficiently notified to them, that they follow our presence to the end for our grace in that behalf to be obtained before the feast of the Epiphany of our Lord next to come without any further delay or excuse, And that we of our special grace will cause to be given to each of them who is willing to follow us before the feast aforesaid a full pardon for all manner of treasons insurrections felonies re- bellions misprisions and other transgressions & mis- deeds whatsoever by them in this behalf perpetrated. Cause it also to be proclaimed that we shall cause to be punished all those who are culpable of these evil deeds or any of them, and who are unwilling to submit to our grace on this behalf, and are not willing to sue for our pardon after 156 SOME ADDITIONAL DOCUMENTS RELATIVE this manner before the feast aforesaid, according to their deserts and as of right and according to the law and custom of our realm of England. Witness the King at Westminster the 22nd day of November. By the King himself. (mem. 28 dorso). The King commands Henry de Percy, son of Thomas de Percy chivaler, to deliver immediately to our beloved and faithful Thomas Nevill lord of Furnyvall, the Castles of Alnewyk and Werkworth now held and occupied by you and yours. Witness the King at Westminster the 6th day of December. By the King himself and his Council. (mem. 27). The King commands William Clyfford chivaler to deliver the Castle of Berwick upon Tweed to Thomas Nevill, lord Furnyvall. Witness the King as above. (mem. 27). Patent Roll, 5 Henry IV. Grant to our beloved Margaret, widow of Thomas de Beston, of an annual rent of £20 per annum for her life, for the support of herself and her children, out of the estate of the said Thomas, who was lately riding armed in the company of Henry de Percy le iilz who treacherously made insurrection against us; all the lands of the same Thomas in com. Cicestre [sic] being worth £40 per annum, and his goods and chattels worth £20, and are forfeited to us. Witness the King at Hereford the 12th day of September. (mem. 29). Grant to our beloved esquire Walter Beauchamp of £20, which Henry Percy deceased owed from the ferm of the manor of Bardewell in com. Essex, being in the hands of the farmer of the said manor, and which by reason of the rebellion of the said Henry are forfeited to us. Witness the King at Westminster the 1st day of October. (mem. 2.) Grant to our beloved esquire Ralph Dutton, in recompense of the great labours which he has sustained in our service in our presence and in all our progresses since our arrival in England, of all the lands and rents, &c, which Thomas Beston had within the county of Chester, forfeited to us by reason of the said Thomas as a rebel being armed against us and our allegiance in the train of Henry Percy, for life, to TO THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. 157 the value of £45 per annum, he paying to Margaret widow of the said Thomas £20 out of the said lands &c. during her life. Witness the King at Hereford the 4th day of October. (mem. 26). Grant to Roger Assent, in recompense of the horses and harness which he lost at the battle of Shrewsbury, of a certain horse which belonged to John Morys lately messenger of Thomas Percy late Earl of Worcester, together with all the goods 6c chattels of the same John forfeited to us, inas- much as the said John now adheres to Owyn Gleyndowrdy our rebel and stays with him, which horse is in the custody of John Russell of Parva Ilford in co. Essex and is worth two marks, and the said goods & chattels are worth five marks. Witness the King at Hereford the 3rd day of October. (mem. 35). The King &c. Know ye that on the supplication of our very dear son Henry Prince of Wales 6c Earl of Chester, and also for a line of 300 marks which our lieges of co. Chester (the Mayor & Commonalty of Chester excepted) have granted to us, to be paid within 3 years after Christmas next, at the feasts of the Nativity of St. John Baptist and St. Martin in hyeme, by equal portions, we have pardoned all and singular our lieges of the same county for all manner of treasons insurrections rebellions 6c felonies, by them done & perpetra- ted against us 8c their allegiance, with Henry Percy the son now deceased, 6c other our rebels by the assent of the same Henry Percy before these times. And we have granted & remitted to all our lieges all forfeitures of goods & chattels. And that the heirs executors & administrators of all the goods of those persons that are deceased in the said county, who assented to the treachery & rebellion, shall have the lands 6c tenements, goods 6c chattels &c. Witness the King at Cirencester the 3rd day of November. By the King himself. (mem. 14). The King pardons his lieges of the City of Chester, the Mayor & Commonalty of the said city having granted him 300 marks, and they are to find sufficient shipment for men to go in our ready service for the present rescue [?] of the Castle of Beaumareys, 6c victuals for such shipment. Witness the King as above. (mem. 14.) 158 SOME ADDITIONAL DOCUMENTS RELATIVE The King pardons John de Pulle of co. Chester, knight, for all treasons insurrections rebellions and felonies, against us & his allegiance by him done & perpetrated, with Henry Percy le filz now deceased, & other our rebels by the assent of the same Henry. Witness the King as above. The following have like letters of the King's pardon under the same date, namely : — William Stanley of Cheshire, Knight. Peter de Dutton of Cheshire, Knight. Laurence Fyton of Cheshire, Knight. James de Pulle of Cheshire. William de Stanley, son of William de Stanley, Knight, of Cheshire. Thomas son of John Aleyn of the City of Chester. John de Lytherland of Cheshire. Richard de Bromley of Cheshire. (mem. 14.) Pardon to Peter de Dutton of co. Chester, chivaler, for assenting to the rebellion &c. of Henry Percy le lilz deceased and our other rebels, and to have his goods & chattels, &c, forfeited to us, for his life. Witness the King at Cirencester the 3rd day of November. (mem. 27.) Grant to our beloved liege William Beauchamp of Powyk chivaler, of the sum of £ij, in which he was bound to Thomas Percy late Earl of Worcester, forfeited to us by reason of the rebellion of the said Karl. Witness the King at Cirencester the 3rd day of November. By the King himself. (mem. 20.) Grant to Nicholas Hauberk chivaler of all the manors &c. of which John Kynaston & Albinus de Enderby were enfeoffed for Henry Percy chivaler & Ralph Percy chivaler in cos. Lincoln & Chester, which belonged to Mary widow of John Ros de Hamlake and Matilda lestrange lately the wife of the sd Nicholas Hauberk chivaler, during the minority of Richard Corbet son & heir of John Corbet of Legherton of Caws. Witness the King at Cirencester the 4th day of November. (mem. 20.) Grant to John Ask of the office of chief steward of all the lordships lands & tenements of Henry Earl of Northumber- land. Witness the King at Cirencester the 4th day of November. By the King himself. (mem. 20.) TO THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. 159 Grant to our beloved esquire Thomas Strickland, for his good & laudable service and especially at the war which lately was imminent near our town of Salop, of £38, in the hands of the Collectors of fifteenths & tenths granted to King Richard at the parliament held at Salop in the 21st year of his reign. In witness &c. Witness the King at Westminster the 9th day of November. (mem. 33). The King , iii. 7$,.||°- '/'nut sti( /ions, >'inl Sriirs, X. 2.\J-H. IU2 DOCUMENTS RELATIVE TO THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. Nicholas (or John) Burdon of co. Notts, Sir John Clifton of Clifton, Sir Edmund (or John) Cokayne of Ashbourne, Sir Nicholas & Sir Robert Goushill of Hoveringham, Sir Richard Hussey, Sir Nicholas Langford, Sir Robert Malveysin of Malveysin Ridwarc, Sir Jojm Masse)' of Puddington, Sir Reginald Mottershead, Sir Hugh Mortimer, Sir Richard Sandford of Sandford, Sir Hugh Shirley of Ettington, Sir Hugh Stanley, and Sir Thomas Wendesley of Wendesley, knights ; Roger Assent, Adam de Aynesworth, John de Cotton, Richard de Croke and 2 sons, Ralph Dutton, Adam de Lever and 3 sons, Richard Horkesley, William Stersacre, and Thomas Strickland, esquires. On Sir Henry Percy's side.— Thomas Percy Earl of Worcester, Archibald 4th Earl of Douglas; Sir John Calveley of Lea, Sir Hugh Crowe, Sir Arthur Davenport of Calveley, Sir Peter de Dutton Sir Lawrence Eyton, Sir Thomas Grosvenor, Sir Gilbert Halswell, Sir Jenkyn Hanmer, Sir William Handsacre of Handsacre, Sir Robert de Legh, Sir William de Legh, Sir John Masse)7 of Tatton (and his son Thomas), Sir John Pudsey, Sir John de Pulle (and his son John), Sir William Stanley (and his son William), Sir Richard Venables of Kinderton, Sir Richard Vernon of Shipbrook, and Sir Richard de Wellington, knights; Thomas son of John Aleyn of Chester, Thomas Beston, Geoffrey de Bolde of Blackburn, Adam Bostock, Thomas Bradshawe of Haghe, Richard de Bromley, Henry Bryne, Richard Chalmesley, John Clayne, John Donn of Utkyngton, William Eerrour, Robert Goldsmyth of Chester, Thomas Holford, Thomas Hoggekynson, John Kingsley of Nantwich, Thomas Knayton, John Kynaston seneschal of Ellesmere, Madoc Kynaston of Stokes, Robert Leftewiche, John de Legh of Bothus, John de Lytherland, Plamo de Massey of Rixton, Richard Massey, Richard de Morton, John Morys, David de Nonyley, John Nowell of Shad-Well, William Philipp, Robert son of Robert Pillipson, John de Preston, John Russale, Thomas Scalby of Oteringham, Ralph atte Sec of York, Thomas Sparkes of Chester, and John de Wellington, esquires. The parsons of Davenham (William del Legh), Dodleston (William de Clopton), Handley (John Hawardyn), Hawardyn (Roger Davenport), Pulford (John de Kingsley), and Rosthorne (Roger de Venables). 163 OWEN GLYNDWR AND THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. By J. PARRY-JONES. Hotspur. O, that Glendower were come ! Vernon. There's more news. I learned in Worcester as I rode along He cannot draw his power this fourteen days. Douglas. That's the worse tidings that I hear of yet. Worcester. Ay, by my faith, that bears a frosty sound. Henry IV., Part I., Act IV., Scene II. An interesting paper might be written on the connection of Owen Glyndwr with the County of Salop and the Marches. His brother-in-law, Sir Jenkin Hanmer of Hanmer, fell in the battle, and many Oswestrians and other inhabitants of the Marches united with his forces, as is evidenced by the records of Oswestry and Welshpool. Glyndwr's residence at Sycharth, near Llangedwyn, was only half a mile from the Shropshire border. Its site will well repay a pilgrimage and will be easy of access when the Tan at Valley Railway is opened. It is situate in one of the loveliest valleys of North Wales, unknown to tourists, between Llangedwyn, the seat of Lady Williams Wynn, and the village of Llansilin, near the foot of the Gyrn, the advance guard of the Berwyn range, whose summit can be seen from Shrewsbury and the Shrop- shire plain. Oswestry is within a distance of eight miles, and must have been then, as now, its market town, and the figures of Glyndwr, his wife and family must have been familiar both in Shrewsbury and Oswestry. I le was " now 44 years of age;, a thin, thoughtful looking man, with strongly marked lines on his forehead, in appearance about past middle age, and with a long peaked beard. He was the father of a large family, some of whom were already grown Vol. 111., jr.l Sfiits. VV !64 OWEN GLYNDWK AND THE up. His wife is described by Iolo Goch, the domestic bard of Owen Glyndwr, as ' The best of wives, ' Happy am I,' sings he, ' in her wine and mead, Eminent woman of a knightly family, Honourable, beneficent, noble Her children come in pairs A beautiful nest of Chieftains.' She was an inhabitant of the little corner of Flintshire surrounded by Salop, a daughter of Sir David Hanmer, who had been a judge under Richard II/' (Prof. Tout's Owain Glyndwv). Sycharth is described in glowing language by Iolo Goch, translated at great length by George Borrow in Wild Wales, from which an extract may be given corroborating Glyndwr's connection with Shrewsbury.* " There's none to match it neath the sky, It is a baron's stately court, Where bards for sumptuous fare resort, There dwells the Lord of Powis land, Who granteth every just demand. What luxury doth his hall adorn, Showing of cost a sovereign scorn, His ale from Shrewsbury town he brings, His usquebaugh is drink for kings, And ne'er shall thirst or hunger rude In Sycharth venture to intrude." Immediately before the battle Prince Henry had made a raid over the border and up the Tanat Valley and had destroyed Sycharth, had then crossed the Berwyn Mountains into the Valley of the Dee, and had burnt Glyndwr's resi- dence at Glyndyfrdwy. The Mound surrounded by a Moat still remains at Sycharth in evidence of the bard's veracity. The fact that Owen Glyndwr, his family and his residence were so intimately connected with Shropshire and the Marches has always, therefore, lent an additional interest to * One would like to know whether there is any foundation for the tradition that Dante was entertained by Owen olyndwr at Sycharth in the summer of 1 405. —Sec V Gwycldoniadur Cj'fuwi^, vol. v., p. 94. [//. //. HUGHES, Photo. SHELTON OAK. (From an old print, c. 1825.) BATTLE OF SHREWSBUKY. his position towards Hotspur's rebellion and the Battle of Shrewsbury. It will be seen that Shakespeare does not appear to cast any blame upon Glyndwr, but Shropshire tradition has for many years stigmatized Glyndwr's conduct with reference to the Battle in the strongest possible terms. To give but one illustration, Dovaston the Shropshire poet writing in the early part of last century gives vent to his feelings in a Sonnet : — Tradition says and why not trust Tradition, When many a haunt breathes hallowed by her spell, From this great Oak, backed by twelve thousand men, Wrung at their Country's wrongs and murdered King, Glyndwr the wise, the bountiful, the brave, . Beheld young Percy fall, and conquest crown The perjured Bolingbroke. Bright youth, he cried, Thy spur is cold, One thoughtless act hath lost An Empire's tide ; Mark what the great have said, The better part of valour is discretion, For safe in prudence every good attends. And in more sober prose, Pennant in his Tony in Wales (ed. 1778) states : — " Glyndwr, who had assembled his forces at Oswestry, had sent off only his first Division amounting to Four thousand men who behaved with spirit in the day of action, in which fell his brother in law Sir Jenkin Hanmer. Glyndwr had the mortification of being obliged to remain all the time inactive at the head of Twelve thousand men at Oswestry. The Welsh historians pass an unjust censure on him for his conduct on this occasion, and blame him for what it seems he could not effect." In Gough's footnote to his edition of Camden's Britannia, vol. ii., p. 417 (dated 1789), appears the earliest reference to the Shelton Oak tradition, as follows : — -" About a mile-and- a-half from Shrewsbury, where the Pool Road diverges from that which leads to Oswestry, there stands an ancient decayed oak. There is a tradition that Owen Glendwr ascended this tree to reconnoitre, and finding that the King was in great force, and that the Earl of Northumberland had not joined his son Hotspur, he fell back to Oswestry, and immediately after the battle of Shrewsbury retired precipi- tately to Wales/ ' 1 66 OWEN GLYNDWR AND THE This is repeated in the Shropshire Gazeteer of 1824 which adds. " The following are the dimensions of this venerable tree : — ft. in. " Girth at bottom close to the ground ... 44 3 Ditto 5 feet from the ground .. ... 25 1 Ditto 8 feet ditto 27 1 The height of the tree to the top of the entire branch or principal bough 41 6 The tree is much decayed and has a hollow at the bottom sufficient to hold with ease half a dozen persons." The trunk of this venerable tree is now (1903) invaded by ivy, and appears to be devoid of any trace of vitality. Rylance in the Beauties of England and Wales early last century adds a still more picturesque detail. After stating that Glyndwrs Army remained " inactive at Oswestry during the Battle," he says, " There is a tradition that he himself quitted that place in disguise and hastening to Shrewsbury hid himself in a gigantic Oak which commanded a full view of the field." Finally in Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury (1825), vol. i., 192, it is stated : — " In the meanwhile Glendower had advanced as far as Shelton, on the opposite bank of Severn, where he awaited the issue of the contest, determined to proceed or retire according to its event. He is said by the constant tradition of the country to have ascended there the branches of a lofty oak, whose venerable trunk yet remains, for the purpose of viewing the battle ; at least of gaining from personal inspection the earliest intelligence of the event." There is still an additional local tradition, referred to in C. R. B. Barrett's Battles and Battlefields in England, 1896, p. 103, where it is said : — " The Welshman giving his version of the matter subsequently stated that he had been delayed by floods, and he deprecated the notion tjiat he had been but lukewarm in the expedition." Such then are the statements made, none of them earlier than 120 years ago. But when the earlier Chronicles are searched one is surprised to find that all these minute and circumstantial accounts arc without the slightest foundation. BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. 167 One of the most detailed accounts of the Battle is that of Thomas de Walsingham, written 50 years afterwards, about 1450, and there the only reference to Glyndwr is, "they (the Percies) hastened to Salop hoping as they thought for the help of Oweyn Glendwr and Edward de Mortimer and of certain men of Chester and Wales." Holinshed, to whom Pennant refers as his authority, in his Chronicles dated 1586, says:— "They (the Percies) marched towards Shrewsbury upon hope to be aided (as men thought) by Owen Glyndwr and his Welshmen, publishing abroad throughout the Counties on each side that King Richard was alive ;" and in the account of the Battle he says : — " The Welshmen which before had been lurking in the woods, mountains and marshes hearing of this Battle came to the aid of the Percies, and refreshed the wearied people with succours." In an English Chronicle of the reign of Richard II. and Henry IV., written before 147 1 (Camden Society), it is distinctly stated, " Sir Henry Percy and his uncle Sir Thomas Percy gathered a great host in the North Country, and went into Cheshire, and took with them man}' Cheshire men, and sent to Owen of Glendwr for to come and help him, but Owen was afeared of treason and came not." I have examined many other early Chronicles and can find no trace of the tradition in question. Almost the only early reference to Glyndwr's connection with the Percies is in Leland's Itinerary (1538), in which he says, " Owen Glyndower promised Henry Percy to have joyned with him at that Battaile." In a little known work entitled " Owen Glendower, a Dramatic Biography," published in 1870, the Rev. Dr. Rowland Williams, the well known " Essayist," who elevates his hero into an "heroic and guileless chieftain," and styles the tradition " A malicious fable current among writers of a low Order," says : — " Fable swelled with a leaven of Border rivalry and as well as from desire to explain disaster, until antiquarians, Ballad writers and iocal guide writers, prone also to collect or invent old wives1 talcs, brought to birth the invention of Glyndwr's wilful absence and in its most monstrous form of his surveying the Battle from the Shclton i68 OWEN GLYNDWR AND THE Oak. This story is as much a manufacture as Shrewsbury Cakes." It will be seen that there is no contemporary or even early statement corroborating the tradition. There is, moreover, distinct contemporary evidence to its baselessness. The evidence is fully set forth in Henry of Monmouth, Memoirs of Henry V by J. Endell Tyler, B.D., London, 1838. Mr. Tyler has taken infinite trouble to quote from the contemporary letters published by Sir H. Ellis, in proof of his statement, and says : — " It appears to be satisfactorily demonstrable by original documents, interpreted independently of pre-conceived theory, that four days only before King Henry's proclamation against the Percies was issued at Burton upon Trent, 'Owen Glyndwr was in the extreme divisions of Carmarthenshire,' most actively and anxiously engaged in reducing the English Castles which still held out against him, and by no means free from formidable antagonists in the field, being fully occupied at that juncture, and likely to be detained there for some time. It must be remembered that the King published his proclamation as soon as he heard of Hotspur's movements from the North, and that his knowledge of the hostile intentions of the Percies preceded the Battle only by five days." " When we recollect the nature and extent of the country which lies between Pembrokeshire and Salop, and reflect also on the undisciplined state of ' Owyn's eight thousand and eight score spears,' such as they were, instead of being surprised at his absence from Shrewsbury on the 21st of July, we are driven to believe that his presence there would have savoured more of the marvellous than his most cele- brated achievements." Space will not permit the quotation of the letters in full, but it may be stated that Mr. Tyler gives copies of letters from Richard Kynaston, Archdeacon of Hereford, addressed to the King, dated Hereford, Sunday, July 8th, 1403, just thirteen days before the Battle, entreating succour and giving as his reason a letter which he encloses from John Skydmore from the Castle of Cerreg Cennan : — " On this day he (Owen) is about the Castle of Carmarthen and there thinketh to abide till he may have the town and Castle." Other letters HATTLK OF SHRKWSHUKY. are given with the account of the subsequent capture of Carmarthen Castle by Glyndwr on 6th July, and stating his presence a few days later at St. Clare, and it is therefore clear that it was physically impossible for Glyndwr to have been present at Shrewsbury. , To quote the most recent Life of Owen Glyndwr by Mr. A. G. Bradley (1902 ) : — " He had at that time no thought of leaving South Wales, and this was within a few days of the great fight at Shrewsbury, nearly a hundred miles off, which poets and romancists have painted him of all people as cynically regarding from the safe vantage point of a distant Oak tree." The evidence is again summed up by Prof. Tout in his Owain Glyndwr and his Times (1889), where he points out that during the early part of July, 1403, " For ten days the obscurity falls from Owain's movements. We know where he slept every night, and what he did every day." Green sums up the situation admirably in his History of the English People : " Glyndwr was still busy with the siege of Carmarthen, and the King by a hasty March flung himself across the road of the Percies as the)' reached Shrewsbury." For generations past the life of Owen Glyndwr and the romantic associations connected with his chivalrous career have provided native bards and writers with materials for song and story, and it is not to be wondered at, therefore, that some attempt should be made to account for his absence from the Battle, when the presence of himself and his forces would have probably changed the course of English history for all time. But investigation makes it clear that the romantic traditions referred to have, as has been said, no foundation. There is no doubt that the rebels had many sympathizers in Oswestry and the Shropshire Marches. It was only four years since Richard II. had held his Parliament first at Shrewsbury, and afterwards at Oswestry, and had granted ample Charters to both towns, and it must have been difficult for the Citizens so soon to transfer their allegiance. It is curious too to recall that while at Oswestry Henry IV. himself had appeared in the character of a dissentient from the commands of the King, and had been severely repri- manded for his conduct. The town of Oswestry was a great 170 OWEN GLYNDWR AND THE RATTLE OE SHREWSBURY. sufferer during the rebellion. Davies, in his H istory of Oswestry (ID35)? says, " Oswestrie pene tota conflagrata fuit occasionc belli populi Wallenses," and then goes on, " And this w as when Owen Glendour rebelled as app'th by an Inquisition taken in the first yeare of K. Hen. 4th — the burninge of Oswestry was tound and specified in the 'same Inquisition amongst other Treasons com'tted by yc s'1 Owen/' In 1407, Thomas, Earl of Arundel, Lord of Oswestry, granted a Charter and afterwards a Release to the Burgesses of Oswestry in which, after stating that trn town had been nearly destroyed by fire " during the Wars of the Welsh People," he releases the Burgesses from payment of one hundred pounds they had borrowed to entertain King Richard, and pardons all those who had held converse with the Welsh Rebels during the late disturbances. It is curious to note that one of the witnesses to this release is David Holbeach, the founder of Oswestry School in 1407, who was Steward of Bromfield and Yale, and member for the County of Salop, and that at the close of Glyndvvr's eventful career, to quote from Dr. Rowland Williams, when speaking of Glyndwr's son Meredith :— " Holbetch, my liege, the Deputy in Vale, Had with Sir Gilbert of the Talbots' line Commission to arrange in his behalf." The wife of David Holbeach is said to have been a relative of Glyndwr, and hence her husband's intercession on his behalf, and it is therefore to Shropshire he owed his death in peaceful security, and that " Glendower is left in peace, For though he was a dauntless enemy, Yet saw I in him sparks of loyalty." For the accompanying illustration of the Shelton Oak, we are indebted to the kindness of Mr. H. H. Hughes, who has photographed it from an old drawing made by Francis Woodcock about 1825. It was dedicated to William Jones, Esq., of Glendwyr Cottage, the house' adjoining the old oak, now known as Shelton Priory. i7i BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. By the Rev. I). H. S. CRANAGE, M A, F.SA, author or "AN ARCHITECTURAL account cf the churches f ' OF SHROPSHIRE." An account of the foundation and constitution of Battlefield College is given elsewhere. The object of this paper is to call attention to the fabric of the church. A building which was erected in the 15th century cannot have the varied architectural interest which earlier churches usually possess. On the other hand, there is great value, from the architectural standpoint, in a dated example such as the church in question. A glance shews that the building is in the Perpendicular style, but a closer study soon reveals that it was erected at two distinct periods. It should be noted that none of the corners are quite rectangular (see Plan). The Rev. W. C 1). Fletcher, who is the chief authority in all that concerns the records of Battlefield, has pointed out that the real founder of the church and college was not Henry IV. but Roger Ive of Leaton, rector of Fitz in 1399, and of Albright Hussey from 1398 to 1447; he became the first master of the college. The date of the building is almost exactly fixed by documentary evidence. On October 28th, 1406, Richard Hussey, of Albright Hussey, obtained licence from the Ring to grant two acres of land on the site of the Battle to celebrate divine service daily in a certain chapel there to be newly built. Service was performed there by March 17th, 1408-9. On August 26th of the same year, the receiver of Tut bury was ordered to deliver seven fodders of lead for the roof of the chapel. Before February, 1409-10, Roger Ive surrendered land and building to the Ring, and shortly afterwards received what ma)' be called the founda- tion charter of the chapel and college of St. Mary Magdalene at Battlefield with its master and five chaplains. The church then was clearly built in the 3] years succeeding October 28th, 1406. Keeping still to the documentary evidence, we find that there is at first no mention of the tower. Roger Ive's will, Vol. 111., 3rd Series. X. 172 BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. dated October 13th, 1444, speaks of three bells hanging in the belfry, but also gives directions for the building of the belfry. The first tower, therefore, must have been a tem- porary structure. We do not know exactly when the present tower was begun, perhaps not till some years after Roger Ive's death about the middle of the century. It was com- pleted by Adam Grafton, master of the college, late in the 15th or early in the 16th century. Turning now to the building itself, we must see how far the architectural detail fits in with the documentary evidence. We must first remember, however, that the church has undergone " restoration." Much of the prominent detail in the accompanying general views is modern, and dates from 1861-2, when the church was restored and added to under the direction of Mr. S. Pountney Smith. Mention should be made of the parapets and pinnacles, the hammer-beam roof, the screen and seats. The church had been considerably repaired about 1749, but before 1792 the nave had lost its roof and a brick wall had been built where the screen now stands. In the original work of the church we should expect to see the pure Perpendicular style illustrated. We are at once struck, however, by the presence of three pronounced Decorated windows, two in the south wall and one in the north wall (see Plates). They have reticulated tracery of the type which was used as much as 100 years before the foundation of the church. This has always been a puzzle to students of Battlefield, and various theories have been suggested to solve it, the most usual being that the windows were brought from Albright Hussey, the mother church of Battlefield, which fell into ruins at some uncertain date. This theory is clearly erroneous, as anyone can see who will examine the surrounding masonry. The windows bond in perfectly with the wall and buttresses on either side of them, and their mouldings (shewn in the accom- panying section) are precisely the same as those of the decided Perpendicular windows farther cast. It is no uncommon thing to find traces of Decorated feeling as late as 1406 — 9 ; there are some at Tong, the fine Shropshire collegiate church, which was founded just after Battlefield. It is true that the windows in question are more decidedly of the earlier style BATTLEFIELD CHURCH East End. BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. 173 than is usual in the 15th century, but they arc not the only remains of it here. The fine east window (see Plate) and one in the north wall display decided traces of Curvilinear forms, and some ogee mouldings, with the convex portions wider than the concave, are quite of £he Decorated type. It will be seen from the above that there is considerable variety in the contemporaneous windows of this church. The tracery has been renewed in the west window on the north and south sides, and in the small east window on the south side (see Plate) ; the old forms are presumably represented. All the dripstones have the shallow hollow, but some do not display the small bead which is equally characteristic of the Perpendicular style. There are at least three original doorways, one in the south wall and two in the north. The former has a hollow between two ogee mouldings (see Fig.)- The latter have the double ogee of the ordinary Perpendicular type, the convex and concave portions being about equal. The buttresses are quite normal, and so is the bell-shaped plinth moulding. The latter, as it appears on the south side, is shewn in the accompanying section : on the north side, the edge under the bell is horizontal. There is a good crowned figure of Henry IV., under a canopy over the east window (see Plate). He wears a jupon, and has a belt over the skirt of taces. His right hand holds a dagger, and there has probably been a sword at the left. The gargoyles are nearly all modern ; they are carved with a good deal of spirit. The so-called " arrow marks " on the north-eastern buttress may be, here as elsewhere, the work of a monumental stone-carver. Most of the old furniture has disappeared, but the piscina and sedilia. remain. The former has lost its projecting bowl, but the drain can still be felt ; there is an ogee arch over the recess. The sedilia are three in number ; they are covered by good bold cinquefoilcd arches. The central sedile is the temporary resting place of a remarkable wooden effigy of ''Our Lady of Pity " (see Plate), -in other words, a repre- sentation of the Blessed Virgin Mary, with the dead Christ in her lap. The effigy is 3ft. cjin. in height, and is hollowed out behind. It may well be older than the church, and is said to have: been brought from Albright Ilussey. 174 BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. The tower presents some interesting problems. It har- monizes well with the rest of the church, though, as stated above, it is much later. There are several architectural indications of this fact. (1) It is by no means square with the church (see Plan). (2) The north wall is built with a straight joint against the west wall of the nave. This is somewhat masked by the presence of two or three bonding stones and by a piece of plinth moulding attached to both walls. (3) There is a straight joint on the south side, but its character shows that a tower was probably intended from the start. The diagonal buttress at the west corner of the south nave wall should be carefully observed (see Plan). The wall on the north-west side of this, instead of running due north and south as in the corresponding place mentioned above, bears slightly to the west, and there is a definite straight joint just after it turns west again. There is almost a straight joint where the projecting staircase joins the tower proper. These facts clearly shew that some addition to the church was intended from the start, and that the present staircase and tower may not be absolutely contemporaneous. (4) The tower arch does not look quite natural in the west wall of the nave. It is poorly moulded, and is, doubtless, an insertion of the date of the tower. (5) The west window of the tower does not fit in at all well with the wall. It is of good Perpendicular design, and was in all probability the original west window of the nave. It is not clear that the doorway has been moved, but it is moulded in the same manner as the original south doorway of the nave (see Fig.). (6) The windows (see Plate) are of a decidedly late type. (7) The eastern corner buttresses stop at a string-course in a manner quite natural to a period when con- structive members often became purely ornamental. The tower, however, is a dignified erection, and does not betray its late date by a general departure from the best Perpendicular traditions. The details I have not yet mentioned have several points HATTLEFIKl-n CHURCH. 175 of interest. The battlement is moulded vertically as well as horizontally in the characteristic Perpendicular manner. Both battlement and pinnacles have been largely renewed. The gargoyles below have fared better at the hands of time. Beneath these is a good, band of quatrcfoil panelling. In one place this displays a lion rampant, and there is a similar figure below the little rectangular window on the south side. Attached to the string-course below the large northern window is some much worn stonework, which appears to be two sitting figures. In the band of panelling on the east side is a shield with " /ttaistci Htmm (Okafton" We have seen that Adam Grafton, master of the college, completed the tower late in the 15th or early in the 16th century. There are signs that the first floor of the tower was used as a living room, the most obvious being the square-headed fireplace near the south-west corner. This priests' chamber reminds us of the college, which evidently stood on the south side of the church. The site is indicated by the mounds in the field south of the churchyard ; the plan would, doubtless, be revealed by excavation. Some of the foundations can be traced of a building near the south-east corner of the church (see Plan), though I am not sure that this was joined to the college. What remains above ground has the appearance of buttresses (see Plate), but a close examination shews that there was a building of three stories connected by a circular staircase in the south-west corner. On the east side is a break in the foundations (see Plan), which seems to indicate the jamb of a doorway. There was a window to the church in the top story and a doorway in the bottom. Both can be seen inside. The latter has a shouldered arch, a form which does not often survive to the 15th century. There is a still later example in the doorway of the tower staircase. A few words must be said in conclusion about the modern alterations and additions to the church. On the north side of the chancel is an elaborate Gothic monument to the memory of John Corbet, who died in 1817, and olher members of the same family. The large vestry is approached through an old doorway, but the room dates hoin 1 SO 1 ami is really. a mortuary chapel for the Corbets of Siindorne Castle. Lady Brinckman, .who bore the chief cost 176 BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. of the restoration, was a member of this family. The glass in the vestry is somewhat fragmentary, and appears to date from the 14th, 15th and 16th centuries. There was some fine old glass in the east window of the church. It suffered consideiably in 1749, and the* remains were carried away at the last " restoration." Mr. Pountney Smith's drawings of 1853 are in the Free Library at Shrewsbury, and shew us the condition of the church at that time. There were four Doric pillars supporting the chancel roof, erected, no doubt, in the 18th century, about the time the nave roof fell. These were taken away, and almost the whole roof was renewed. It may be questioned whether the architect was well advised in suggesting externally and internally that the church was originally divided into nave and chancel. On the whole, I think it was so, and that the division was where the screen now is, succeeding as it does the 1 8th century brick wall. The windows west of this are different from the others and at a lower level. It is true that there were not, so far as we know, any parochial rights in Battlefield Church till some time after it was built ; but the present chancel would be quite large enough for the small college of chaplains, and the nave would act as a sort of " ante-chapel." All the fittings date from 1861-2 including the reredos and the elaborate font. The shields on the hammer-beams display the arms of knights who fought in the Battle. The lych-gate on the north side of the churchyard, though containing much old wood brought from Upton Magna church, was constructed in 186 1-2. From the above account and illustrations, it will be seen that the church is no unworthy memorial of the Battle fought five centuries ago. It is not a large and imposing building, but there is much dignity in the general appearance, and considerable interest and refinement in some of the details. I must express my hearty thanks to Mr. Martin J. Harding and Mr. W. A. Webb for their kind assistance. The former has specially taken the photographs for this paper, and the latter has measured and drawn the plan and sections of mouldings. 1 must also repeat my indebtedness to the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, who has taken a personal interest in what J have written, and has helped me by giving valuable information. 177 battlefield college. By thr Rev. W. G. D. FLETCHER, M.A., F S.A. The present Paper consists of a series of charters and documents hitherto unpublished, relating to Battlefield College, or the " Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene near Shrewsbury," — such was its original title, — during the 150 years of its existence. They have been extracted from records preserved in the Public Record Office, the Bishop's Registry at Lichfield, the British Museum and Bodleian Library, and from charters in private hands. For the translation of these documents into English the present writer is responsible, but in every case a reference to the original charter or record is given, so that it can be readily referred to if desired. To King Henry IV. the erection of Battlefield Church, and the foundation of the College or Chantry established there, have usually been ascribed ; but their real founder was Roger Ive (or Yve), of Leaton, a priest, who was rector of Albright Hussey (the parish in which the battle was fought) from 1398 to 1447, on the presentation of Richard Hussey, and of Fitz from 1399 to 1446, on the presentation of the Abbat and Convent of Haghmond. Ive was a member of an old Shrewsbury family of burgesses, whose pedigree is given in the Transactions, 3rd Series, vol. I., 22-24. According to this he was son of Reginald Ivon, or Ive, of Leaton, and was seventh in descent from John, son of Ivon, who was living in 1239, and who held the office of Provost of Shrewsbury. Roger Ive's Institution to the churches of Albright Hussey Vol. 111., 3rd Scries. V BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. and Fitz is thus entered on the Lichfield Episcopal Registers : — INSTITUTION OF ROGER YVE OF LETON TO THE FREE CHAPEL OF ABRYHTON HUSEE, 31 DECEMBER I398, AND TO THE PARISH '(CHURCH OF FYTTES, 3 JANUARY I398-9. (Lichfield Episcopal Registers, vols. vii. and viii.,fo. 105.) Archdeaconry of Salop. Institution Item, on the last day of the month of 'cfea^efof December in the year of our Lord abovesaid Adbryzton. [1398, at Lichfield], Roger Yve of Leton, priest, was admitted to the free chapel of Abryzton Husee vacant, and was canonically instituted warden of the same, in the same [chapel] with all its rights and appurtenances, on the presentation of Richard Husee of Adbryzton, the true patron of the same Chapel ; and the said Roger swore obedience to the said lord, and it was committed to the Archdeacon of Salop or his official to induct him. Institution Item on the third day of the month of January to Fyttes. in the year of- our Lord as above, Roger Yve of Leton, priest, was admitted to the parish church of Fyttes vacant by the free resignation of Richard Payn, Clerk, the last rector of the same, by the venerable father in Christ and lord of the lordship John by the grace of God Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield, and was canonically instituted in the same, with all its rights and appurtenances, on the presentation of the Religious men, the Abbat and convent of the Monastery of Haghmon, the true patrons of the same church ; and the same Roger swore obedience, and it was committed to the Archdeacon or his official to induct, cS:c. [Roger Yve resigned Fitz in 1426; and his successor John Moreton, Canon regular of Haghmond, was admitted to Fyttys, on 26 September, 1426. See Vol. IX., folio 98.] More than three years elapsed before any steps were taken to consecrate the scene of the battle by a religious BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 179 foundation. It was not until 28 October, 1406, that Richard Hussey, Esq., obtained the royal license to grant two acres of land in Adbrighton Huse, lying in a field called Hateley- feld, in which there was a battle between the King and Henry Percy, to Roger Yve and John Gilberd,1 chaplains, to celebrate divine service daily, in a chapel to be by them built there, for the King and for the souls of those who were slain in the battle and there lie buried. The idea of this foundation must have come from conference between Ive and his patron Hussey, the latter giving the site, whilst Ive raised the necessary money. The Husseys had been seated at Albright Husse as early as 1 165, in which year Walter Ilosatus, or de Hose, was holding a knight's fee under the Fitz Alans.2 Seventh in descent from him was Richard Hussey, the donor of the site for the Church in 1406, and the grantee of the royal license to alienate his land for such purpose. LICENSE TO RICHARD HUSE, ESQ. TO ASSIGN TO ROGER YVE AND JOHN GILBERD, TWO ACRES OF LAND IN ADBRIGHTON HUSE, IN HAYTELEYFELD WHERE THE BATTLE WAS FOUGHT. 28 OCTOBER, 8 HENRY IV. (1406.) (Patent 8 Henry IV, pars 7, mem. 28. Also Bodleian Library : Shropshire Charters, No. 89.) Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to all to whom these present letters shall come greeting. Know ye that of our special grace we have granted and given license for us and our heirs, so far as in us lies, to our beloved Richard Huse esquire that he can give and assign to our beloved Roger Yve chaplain and John Gilberd chaplain, two acres of land with the appurtenances 1 In a copy of this Charter given in Salopian Shreds and Patches, iv., 217, and also in a lithographed copy of the same penes Mr. II. W. Adnitt, the second grantee is ^iven as "John Miridin." In the Patent Roll and in the Bodleian Charter, the name is clearly "John Gilberd." - For an account of the Hussey family, see the Transactions, 2nd Series, I., 105; The Visitation oj Shropshire, 1623, Ilarleian Society, xxviii., 265 — 8; Fyton's Antiquities of Shropshire, x., 81. i8o BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. in Adbrighton Huse in the County of Salop, lying in a certain field called Hayteleyfeld in which there was a battle between us and Henry Percy lately our adversary deceased and his adherents, which are not held of us in capite as it is said. To have and to holdjto the same Roger and John and their successors, in pure and perpetual frankalmoign j [elemosinam], to celebrate for ever divine service daily in a certain chapel by them there to be newly made, built and constructed, for our safe condition so long as we shall live, and for our soul when we shall have departed from this life, and for the souls of our progenitors, and of those who were slain in the same battle, and there are buried, as also for the souls of all the faithful departed according to the ordinance of the same Roger his heirs or assigns on this behalf to be made. And likewise, by tenor of these presents, we have given special license to the same chaplains, that they can receive and hold to them and their successors, from the aforesaid Richard, the aforesaid land with its appurtenances, to celebrate for ever divine service daily in form aforesaid, as is aforesaid, notwithstanding the statute passed concerning lands and tenements not to be put in mortmain, being unwilling that the aforesaid Richard or his heirs, or the aforesaid chaplains or their successors, by reason of the Statute aforesaid, should thence be hurt molested or damaged by us or our heirs, Justices, Escheators, Sheriffs, or other our Bailiffs or Officers, or those of our heirs. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness myself at Westminster the 28th day of October in the 8th year of our reign. By the King himself. Shortly after this royal license was obtained the Church was built, and the King on 17 March, 1408-9, erected and established the same into a perpetual Chantry of eight Chaplains, of w hom one should be the Master. He gave these Chaplains the power of acquiring lands, and especially to appropriate the Advowson of Michaellskirke, in the county of Lancaster, which was part of his Duchy of Lancaster. This Advowson was the King's first contribution towards the new foundation of Battlefield. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 181 ERECTION OF THE CHAPEL BUILT IN HATELEYFELD INTO A PERPETUAL CHANTRY OF EIGHT CHAPLAINS, AND ENDOWMENT OF THE SAME WITH THE ADVOWSON OF MICHAELLSKIRKE. 17 MARCH 10 HENRY IV. (1408-9,) (Patent 10 Henry IV., pan 2, mem. 2.) For the Master^ The KinS to a11 to whom &C' greeting. of the Chantry I Know ye that since we lately by our letters MaidaJehe f patent have granted and given license, for near Salop, j ourselves and our heirs, so far as in us was, to our beloved Richard Huse, esquire, that he might give and assign to our beloved Roger Ive chaplain and John Gilberd chaplain two acres of land with the appurtenances in Adbryghton Huse in the County of Salop, lying in a certain field called Hateleyfeld, in which there was a battle between us and Henry Percy lately our adversary deceased and his adherents, which are not held of us in capite as it is said, to have and to hold to the same Roger and John and their successors in pure and perpetual frankalmoign, to celebrate for ever divine service every day in a certain chapel by them there then newly to be made built and constructed, for our safe condition whilst we shall be living, and for our soul when we shall have departed this life, and for the souls of our progenitors, and of those who were killed in the same battle and there are buried, also for the souls of all the faith- ful departed, according to the ordinance of the same Roger his heirs or assigns in this behalf to be made, notwithstand- ing the Statute put forth concerning lands and tenements not to be put in mortmain, as in the aforesaid letters is more fully contained. Now we hearing that a certain Chapel stands made erected and constructed in the place aforesaid, in honour of St. Mary Magdalene, as we have understood, and desiring as well as in perpetual remembrance of God and of the marvellous things which he had set forth and shewn to us and ours in the same place of ours, by marvellously sub- duing the rivals of our realm, as in many ways we are led to surmise, by tenor of these presents, we do make found erect and establish for ever the same Chapel into a certain perpetual Chantry of eight Chaplains, one of whom shall be the Master, to celebrate divine service in the same Chapel for BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. our safety and for the souls aforesaid. And moreover of our more fruitful grace we have willed and granted that the aforesaid Chantry shall stand for ever by itself separate and incorporate, and that the same Master shall be styled Master of the Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene near Salop. And also that the Master and Chaplains of the Chantry aforesaid and their successors shall be persons fit and capable of acquiring taking and receiving lands tenements and other possessions whatsoever to them and their successors for ever. And further we have granted and given license for ourselves and our heirs, so far as in us is, to the aforesaid Master and Chaplains, that they may be able to receive from us the Advowson of the church called Michaellskirke in the County of Lancaster and diocese of York, which same Advowson is parcel of our inheritance of Lancaster, and which we have willed should be given to the same Master and Chaplains by our letters patent under our seal of our Duchy of Lancaster, and that church to appropriate, and to hold it so appropriated to their own uses, to them and their successors, in aid of their sustentation for ever. Notwithstanding the Statute aforesaid, or that the advowson aforesaid is parcel of our inheritance aforesaid as is admitted or that the church aforesaid is of the foundation of our progenitors Dukes of Lancaster. Nevertheless the Vicarage of the Church aforesaid shall be sufficiently endowed, and a certain competent sum of money shall be annually distributed amongst the poor of the parish of the same church, from the fruits and profits of that church, according to the ordinance of the diocesan of that place and the form of the statute thence enacted. In witness &c. Witness the King at Westminster the 17th day of March. By the King himself. Two months later, the King accordingly granted to Ive the advowson of the Church of Michaellskirke, by his Letters Patent under the Seal of the Duchy of Lancaster, dated 28 May, 1409 ; and on the 26 August following, he ordered the Receiver of Tutbury to deliver to Ive seven fodders of lead, to enable him to cover the Church. At this time Ive had two fellow-chaplains associated with him in his work. There were afterwards six chaplains, but the number of BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. eight contemplated by the charter of 17 March, 1408-9, does not seem ever to have been reached. Their first endowment, Michaellskirke, is better known as St. Michaels-on-Wyre,1 and they duly held the advowson and tithes until the dissolution of the College. The appropriation of the Vicarage of Michaellskirke was dated at Haytelefeld on the feast of St. Andrew (30 November), 141 1.- The two following documents are in Norman-French. GRANT BY HENRY IV. TO THE MASTER AND CHAPLAINS OF THE CHANTRY OF ST. MARY MAGDALENE OF THE ADVOWSON OF MICHAELLSKIRKE CO. LANCASTER. 28 MAY 10 HENRY IV. (1409.) (Duchy of Lancaster, Patents 10 Henry IV. folio 139. Div. XI. No. 16, 2 pars. Original Charter penes Sir Henry H. Bemrose, of Derby.) For the Master S Henry &c. To all those who shall see or and Chaplains , , , . Tr of the Chantry ^ hear these our letters greeting. Know ye of St. Mane , fo^t whereas our dearly beloved in God, Maudelein near | J Shrouesbury. ) Roger Ive of Leeton, Master oi the Chantry of St. Marie Maudeleyn near Shrouesbury and the Chaplains of the same Chantry have supplicated us of our good nature, and as we lately willed, that the advowson of the church called Michaellskirke in the County of Lancaster, of the diocese of York, which advowson is parcel of our heritage of Lancaster, may be given to the said Master and Chaplains and their successors in aid of their sustenance for ever, as in our letters patent under our great seal of England and made and shown in our Chancery of our Duchy of Lancaster is contained more fully, and that we desirous for the accomplishment of our said will may grant to the said Master and Chaplains the a3b). To deliver lead v Henry &c. To the Receiver of Tuttebury fjr the covering! p-rccting. We command you that out of our of the chapel in ° b . J the lie-ldoi Salop ) moneys standing in your hands you cause to be prepared seven fodders of lead, to make BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 185 provision and deliver the same to Roger lave, Warden and builder of our chapel of Marie Maudeleyn newly erected in the held where the battle of Salop took place, which chapel is ordained for celebrating divine service there by the said Roger and his two companions chaplains, for our progenitors and ancestors, and for the souls of all those who were slain in the same field, and for all Christian souls. Wherefore (deliver) to the said Roger his said seven fodders of lead, that he may cover the said chapel of our gift. And these &c. Given &c. the 26th day of August. By bill &c. Shortly afterwards, at some date which is not specified and for some reason which does not appear, Roger Ive granted the said two acres of land to Henry IV. his heirs and assigns, Kings of England for ever, and Henry on 7 February, 1409- 10, appointed Sir William Walford, Knight, to take posses- sion of the same, and of the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene erected upon it, on the King's behalf, and to notify to the King in his Chancery that he had done so. APPOINTMENT OF SIR WILLIAM WALFORD TO TAKE POSSES- SION OF LAND IN HATELEYFELD, IN THE KING'S NAME, GRANTED TO THE KING BY ROGER YVE OF LEETON. 7 FEBRUARY II HENRY IV. (1409-10). {Patent Roll, 11 Henry IV., pars 1, mem. 23 dorso). The King to his beloved and faithful William Walford, knight, greeting. Know ye that since our beloved Roger Yve of Leeton, Rector of the Chapel of St. John the Baptist of Adbryghton Husee in the county of Salop has given, granted, and by his charter confirmed to us a certain piece of land, with all the edifices built upon it, within the lordship of Adbryghton Husee near Salop, lying in a field which is called Hateleyfeld, in which field there was lately a battle between us and Henry Percy and the rest of our rebels, and by the grace of God we had the victory and triumph, which piece of land is enclosed by a ditch and contains in length and in breadth two acres of land, together with two inlets and outlets, one namely extending in length from Haddenall- stone directly upon land of Richard Husee lord of Adbryghton Husee in the County of Salop and the said piece of land, and Vol. III., 3rd Series. £ 1 86 B ATT L E FIELD COLLE G E containing in breadth twenty royal feet, which piece of land so inclosed by a ditch, containing in it two acres of land with two inlets and outlets, the same Roger lately had of the gift and feoffment of the aforesaid Richard, to have to him and his successors, Rectors of the said Chapel of St. John Baptist, to build and construct upon the same piece of land a certain chapel in honor of St. Mary Magdalene, of which chapel the same Roger is styled Master or Warden of six other chaplains to be elected and nominated by the same Roger, for ever to celebrate divine service daily in the aforesaid chapel, for our safe condition and for the benefactors of the said Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene so long as we shall be living, and for our souls when we shall have departed this life, and for the souls of our progenitors and ancestors of the said Richard and Isolda his wife and their heirs, and for the souls of those who were slain in the said battle and are there buried, and for the souls of all the faithful departed, to have and to hold the said piece of land inclosed by a ditch, containing in itself two acres of land, with two inlets and outlets, to ourselves aforesaid our heirs and assigns, Kings of England, for ever as in the aforesaid Charter is more fully contained. We, trusting fully in your fidelity and circumspection, appoint you to take full seisin and possession of the said piece of land, with all erections built upon it in the aforesaid lordship, also of the said chapel of St. Mary Magdalene, for us and in our name, according to the form of the charter aforesaid, and to notify distinctly and fitly to us in our Chancery under your seal. And therefore we command you that you dili- gently make haste to do these things about the premises, and carry them out in form aforesaid. In witness &c. Witness the King at Westminster the 7th day of February. The King accordingly on the 27 May,1 in the same year, regrants to Ive the two acres of land, with all buildings erected thereon ; and then proceeds to found and establish the chapel built there in honour of St. Mary Magdalene, into a perpetual chantry of six chaplains. He grants to him the 1 The 27th of March is s.viutines given as the elite of this charter, in recitals ; hut in the original Charter Roll the month is clearly given as May. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 187 advowsons of Michaellskirke, and of Idesale (or Shifnal), and the free royal chapel of St. Michael within the Castle, to which the chapel of St. Juliana is appendent, with leave to appropriate the same. He also grants to Ive freedom from the payment of subsidies^. , and tallages, and leave to hold an annual fair on the feast of St. Mary Magdalene (July 22nd) in each year. The chantry was now amply endowed, and there was sufficient maintenance for the chaplains. GRANT BY HENRY IV. TO ROGER YVE OF TWO ACRES OF LAND WITH THE BUILDINGS THEREON IN ADBRIGTON- H USEE IN HATELEYFELD, AND ERECTION OF THE CHAPEL THERE INTO A PERPETUAL CHANTRY ; ENDOWMENT OF THE SAME WITH THE ADVOWSONS OF MICHAELS-KIRKE, IDESALE, AND ST. MICHAEL WITHIN THE CASTLE OF SALOP WITH ST. JULIANA \ AND GRANT OF FREEDOM FROM TENTHS, &C, AND OF AN ANNUAL FAIR. 27 MAY II HENRY IV. (14IO.) (Charter Roll, 10 Henry IV., no. 2. Also entered on Charter Roll, 11 Henry IV., no. 4. Patent Roll, 4 Henry VI., pars 7, mem. 10, per Inspeximus. And also see Roll of Confirmations, 1 Henry VII., pars 2, no. 8.) Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and lord of Ireland, to all archbishops, bishops, &c, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace we have given and granted, for us and our heirs, to our beloved Roger Yve of Leetonc, rector of the chapel of St. John Baptist of Adbrigton-Husee in the county of Salop, a certain piece of land, with all edifices built upon it, within the lordship of Adbrigton-Husee near Salop, lying in the field which is called Hateleyfeld, in which field there was lately a battle between us and Henry Percy deceased and our other rebels, and by the grace of God we had victory and triumph ; which piece of land is inclosed by a ditch, and contains in length and breadth two acres of land ; together with two inlets and outlets, namely, the one extending in length from Haden- alleslone directly upon land of Richard Husee lord of Adbrigton-IIusce in the county of Salop and the said piece of i88 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. land, and containing in breadth 20 royal feet, and the other (extending) in length from Harlascotelone directly upon land of the said Richard, and containing in breadth 20 royal feet ; which piece of land so inclosed by a ditch, containing in itself the said two acre-s of land, with the two inlets and outlets aforesaid, the same Roger lately had by royal license of the gift and feoffment of the aforesaid Richard ; to have to the same Roger and his successors, rectors of the said Chapel of St. John Baptist, to build anJ construct upon the same piece of land a certain Chapel in honour of St. Mary Magdalene, of which Chapel the same Roger is to be called Master or Warden, and his successors Masters or Wardens, for ever : also for five other Chaplains, to be elected and nominated by the said Roger and his successors rectors, for ever to celebrate divine service each day in the Chapel aforesaid, for our safe condition and for the benefactors of the said Chapel of St. Mary Magdalene so long as we shall live, and for our souls when we shall have departed this life, and for the souls of our progenitors and the ancestors of the said Richard and Isolda his wife, and their heirs, and for the souls of those who were slain in the said battle, and there lie buried, and for the souls of all the faithful departed: which piece of land so inclosed by a ditch, containing in itself two acres, with the two inlets and outlets aforesaid, the same Roger gave, granted, and by his Charter confirmed to us : to have and to hold to us our heirs and assigns Kings of England for ever. To have and to hold the said piece of land, so enclosed by a ditch, containing in itself the said two acres of land, with the two inlets and outlets aforesaid, to the aforesaid Roger and his successors, rectors of the said chapel of St. John Baptist, to celebrate for ever divine service for my safe state and for the souls aforesaid. And further of our fuller grace, we do by tenor of these presents make, found, erect, and establish for ever, a certain Chapel made, built, and constructed in the place aforesaid in honour of St. Mary Magdalene into a certain perpetual Chantry of six Chaplains, of which the said Roger and his successors, rectors of the said Chapel of St. John Baptist are Masters, to celebrate divine service in the said Chantry every day for the state and souls aforesaid. Wishing and granting, BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. that the aforesaid Chantry shall be for ever annexed and united to the said Chapel of St. John Baptist : and that the same Roger shall be called Master or Warden, and his successors Masters or Wardens of the Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene near Salop. And moreover that the same Richard and his heirs shall be patrons of the said Chantry for ever ; and that the same Master or Warden of the Chantry aforesaid, and his successors, shall be persons fit and capable of acquiring, taking and receiving lands, tenements and other possessions whatsoever, to them and to their successors for ever. And moreover we have granted and given license for ourselves and our heirs, so far as in us lies, to the aforesaid master or warden, that he may be able to receive from us, the advowson of the parish church of Michaels-kirke in the count)' of Lancaster, and diocese of York, which advowson is parcel of our heritage of Lancaster, which we wish to give and grant, under our seal of our duchy of Lancaster, by our letters patent, to the same master or warden and his succes- sors; also the advowsons of the parish church of St. Andrew of Idesale [Shifnal] and of the free royal chapel of St. Michael within the Castle of Salop, to which the chapel of St. Juliana of Salop is pertinent or appendent ; which advowsons are held of us in capite, as it is said, (and) which we intend to give and grant to him ; and to appropriate the said church of St. Andrew and chapel of St. Michael, and the same so appropriated they may hold to their own uses, to them and their successors, in aid of their sustentation, for ever; notwithstanding the Statute enacted concerning lands and tenements not being put in mortmain, or that the advowson of the said parish church of Michaelskirk is parcel of our heritage aforesaid, or of the foundation of our progeni- tors Dukes of Lancaster, or that the said advowsons of the parish church of St. Andrew of Iddesale [Shifnal] and of the Chapel of St. Michael of Salop are held of us in capite, as is admitted : Nevertheless the vicarages of the aforesaid churches shall be sufficiently endowed, and a certain competent sum of money shall be annually distributed amongst the poor parishioners of the same churches out of the fruits and profits of Uio&e churches, according to the order of tin; K)0 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. diocesans of those places, and the form of the statute thence enacted. We have also granted and given license, for us and our heirs, so far as in us lies, to the same Roger, that he and his successors, masters of the #Ghantry aforesaid, shall be for ever free from tenths, fifteenths, subsidies, tallages, contri- butions, quotas, or other impositions whatsoever, from hence- forth to be granted to us or our heirs by the clergy or commonalty of our realm of England, as well on account of their spiritual goods, as of their temporal lands, tenements, rents, goods and chattels whatsoever. And lastly of our abundant grace we have granted, and by this our Charter have confirmed, for ourselves and our heirs, to the same Roger, that he and his successors masters or wardens of the said Chantry shall for ever have a certain fair to be held there every year, namely on the feast of St. Mary Magdalene, unless that fair shall be to the hurt of neighbour- ing fairs. Wherefore we will and firmly enjoin, for ourselves and our heirs, that the same Roger, and his successors aforesaid, Masters or Wardens of the said Chantry shall for ever have a certain fair at the said Chantry each year upon the feast of St. Mary Magdalene, to be held with all liberties and free customs pertaining to a fair of this (kind), unless that fair shall be to the damage of neighbouring fairs as is aforesaid, notwithstanding the Statute aforesaid. These being witnesses: The Venerable Fathers, Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all England, E. Bishop of Exeter, R. Bishop of London, Thomas Bishop of Durham, Henry Prince of Wales, our dearest first-born son, our cousin Edward Duke of York, Ralph Earl of West- minster, Thomas Earl of Arundel, Thomas Beaufort our Chancellor, Richard Grey of Codenore, Henry la scrop our Treasurer, John Stanley steward of our household, John Prophete keeper of our privy seal and others. Given under our hand at Westminster the £7$ day of May in the eleventh year of our reign. This Charter of 27 May, 1410, was for all practical purposes the foundation Charter of Battlefield College, an 1 it was BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. repeatedly confirmed by succeeding monarchs. It was confirmed by Henry V. on 7 June, 1414, by Henry VI. on 17 November, 1425, and by Henry VII. on 29 June, i486; whilst Queen Elizabeth caused a farther exemplification of it to be enrolled, 24 October, S566, at the request of Richard Morcton, junior, and Thomas Jobber, and again on 7 June, 1567, at the request of Thomas Jobber, senior. Not content with this royal charter, Ive presented a petition to Pope John XXIII., asking for the apostolic confirmation of his new foundation. The Pope, on 30 October, 1410, issued a Bull, and confirmed the grant. The following document, which is extracted from the Lichfield Episcopal Registers, is only a portion of a very much longer document that is enrolled in the Public Record Office (Exch., King's Remembrancer, Memoranda, 13 Henry IV., comunia de term' S. Mich., rot. 13.) ; for Ive took care to have this Bull duly enrolled. The longer document contains, besides the Bull, enrolments of charters of 27 March [sic], n Henry IV., and 10 June, 12 Henry IV., the latter freeing the college from payment of tenths and fifteenths. There were other Papal Bulls relating to the " new College of Battelfild," as is clear from certain Depositions in a Suit in the Exchequer between Richard Moreton and Thomas Forster, taken 24 May, 1585. It is mentioned in the Rev. Edward Williams's MSS., III., 120, that " Mr. Jobber of Aston hath an original Bull from ye Council of Basil for ye founding this College of Battle- field, and other charters of it." Whether these documents are now in existence, I know not. This Bull of Pope John XXIII. is the first document in which the foundation is termed a " College," — " a certain College which was called a perpetual Chantry." In later documents it is often termed a College ; and Ive's successors were always admitted to the " College or Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene." In the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the question arose whether it was a College, or merely a Chantry, and the Judges in 1584 seem to have decided that it was a Chantry and not a College. (Exchequer Bills and Answers, Elizabeth, 2 pars, Salop, no. 5. Moreton v. Forster.) 192 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. BULL OF POPE JOHN XXIII. CONFIRMING THE FOUNDATION AND ENDOWMENT OF BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE, 3 KAL. NOV. (30 OCTOBER) I4IO. (Lichfield Episcopal Registers, Vol. IX. fo. 187b). Amongst the Records of Michaelmas Term, in the 1 3th year of King Henry IV., on the side of the King's Remembrancer, Roll 13. John, Bishop, servant of the servants of God. For an everlasting memorial. We, although unworthy, yet the Lord so directing, called to be the reflection of the highest honour, to those matters which we learn have been done for the increase of the service of God, when we are so besought, do add the confirmation of the Apostolic power.1 Since there has lately been shown to us on behalf of our beloved son Roger Ivee of Leton, Rector of the chapel of St. John Baptist of Adbrighton Husee in the county of Salop and diocese of Lichfield, a petition in which it was contained, that since he sometime with the license of our dearest son in Christ Henry the illustrious King of England had lawfully acquired a certain piece of land with all the buildings standing on it in a field commonly called Hateleyfeld in the said diocese, in which formerly the aforesaid King, the right hand of the Lord propitiously assisting him, powerfully subdued certain adversaries and rebels, being contiguous to the said chapel, and which piece [of land] with the buildings of this kind the aforesaid Roger had lawfully acquired of the gift and feoffment and pious bounty of our beloved son and noble person Richard Husee lord of the place of Adbrighton Husee in the said diocese, and the same had afterwards given and yielded to the aloresaid King for himself and his heirs and successors Kings of Lngland for ever. And further that upon that [piece of land] there was constructed a certain chapel in honour of and under the name of the blessed Mary Magdalene, the aforesaid King desiring by a blessed bargain to exchange earthly things for heavenly things, and things transitory for things eternal, gave and likewise assigned the 1 For the translation of this preamble, and for other assistance, I am indebted to the kindness of the Rev. Dr. Moriarty. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 1 93 said piece [of land] with the buildings of this kind [upon it] to the same Roger and his successors Rectors of the chapel of St. John aforesaid, And moreover in the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene which had then been constructed in the field aforesaid he canonically made founded erected and established for ever a certain college which was called a perpetual chantry for six chaplains there to serve the Most High daily, of which college or chantry the aforesaid Roger and his successors ought to be the masters or wardens and [ought] to be qa||ed such. The aforesaid King wishing nevertheless and granting that the chapel of St. Mary Magdalene and also the college or chantry of such kind should be for ever united and annexed to the memorable chapel of St. John, and that the said Richard and his heirs should be for ever patrons of the same college or chantry, and no less [granting permission] to Roger and his successors aforesaid that they may receive the advowsuns of the parish churches of Michaellskirke being parcel of his inheritance of Lancaster and also of St. Andrew of Iddeshale and of the chapel of St. Juliana of Salop in the diocese of York and the said diocese of Lichfield, which [advowsons] it is reported are held of the aforesaid King in capite, and also the same churches of Michaellskirke and St. Andrew and the chapel of St. Julian to appropriate, and the same so appropriated may hold to their own uses, in aid of their support so far as it can be granted, Releasing more- over the master or warden and his successors aforesaid from the payment of tithes, tallages and other kinds of exactions whatsoever to be made to the Kings of England for the time being, and he did and willed to be done other matters about the premises as in certain ancient letters made about this matter fortified by the seal of the same King, of which the tenor from word to word is inserted below, is more fully contained. Wherefore on behalf of the King and the afore- said Roger we were humbly supplicated that of our benignity we would deign to add the strength of the Apostolic con- firmation to the grants concessions will foundation erection establishment and exemption aforesaid, and also to the other things contained in the same letters. We therefore, being favourably disposed to these supplications, do confirm and by the protection of this present writing do ioilify the Vol. III., 3rd Series. , A A 194 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. donations concessions will foundation erection establishment and exemption, and the other matters contained in the letters themselves ; and only excepting whatever things thence followed the grant of a fair at the aforesaid chapel of St. Mary Magdalene to be held each year, by the King himself to the same Roger and his successors by the same letters made. Ratifying these pleasing matters with the Apostolic authority of our certain knowledge. Supplying all defects if any such should by chance have occurred in the same. The tenor moreover of the said letters word for word follows, and is thus, Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and lord of Ireland &c. [The grant of 27 March (or May) 11 Henry IV. follows verbatim.'] It is therefore permitted to none of mankind to infringe this written page of our confirmation, ratification, and supplement, or rashly to dare to oppose it. But if any should presume to attempt this, let him know that he will incur the indignation of Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul. Given at the castle of Peter in the diocese of Bononia [Bologna] the third day of the kalends of November in the first year of our pontificate. And in these words of our approval, John, Bishop, servant of the servants, &c. This ki approval " of the Pope is dated at Bologna 4 Kal. Jan. in the first year of his Pontificate (29 December, 1410.) The object of the next deed is not clear. It is a grant by Richard Hussey, 15 Jan., 1414-15, of all his lands in Albright Hussey, Harlascote, Shrewsbury, and the Abbey Foregate, and of the advowsons of Albright Hussey, Battle- field, and Penkridge, to Roger Ive and two other priests in fee. It may have been executed to enable him to make a fresh settlement of his property. It certainly was not meant for a grant to the newly founded Chantry, as the lands subsequently remained in the Hussey family, and did not belong to the chaplains of Battlefield. GRANT BY RICHARD II USEE TO ROGER YVE CLERK AND OTHERS OF LANDS &C. IN ADBRYGIITON HUSEE, II AKLASCOTE, SALOP, AND MON KE FORYATE, AND THE AdYoyHoNS1 OF ADBR1GHTON HUSEE, BATELFFLD, AND BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 195 PENKERICHE. TUESDAY AFTER ST. HILARY, 2 HENRY V. (15 Jan., 1414-15.) (Bodleian Library : Shropshire Charters, No. 68. Also "e Cartis Corbet de Sundom.'' ) Know all men present and to come that I Richard Husee of Adbrighton have given, granted, and by this my present Charter have confirmed to Roger Yve clerk, Richard Colfex clerk, and William Sumpnour clerk, all my lands and tenements, rents and services, with their appurtenances, which I have in the towns of Adbryghton Husee, Harlas- cote, Salop, and Monkeforyate, within the county of Salop, together with the advowsons of the chapel of Adbrighton husee and of the chantry of blessed Mary Magdalene of the Batelfeld, and of Penkeriche within the county of Stafford : To have and to hold all the lands and tenements aforesaid, rents and services, with their appurtenances, together with the Advowsons aforesaid, to the aforesaid Roger, Richard and William, of the chief lords of those fees, their heirs and assigns, by the services thence due and of right accustomed, for ever. And I indeed the aforesaid Richard Husee and my heirs will for ever warrant and defend all the lands and tenements aforesaid, rents and services, with their appurtenances, together with the Advowsons aforesaid, to the aforesaid Roger, Richard and William their heirs and assigns against all people. In witness whereof I have to this my present Charter affixed my seal. These being witnesses: Robert Lee of Rodene, Thomas Eyton of Wildemore, John Lee of Smethecote, William Stuche, Robert Lee of Uffyngton, and others. Given at Adbrighton husee on Tuesday next after the feast of St. Hillary in the second year of the reign of King Henry the Fifth after the conquest of England. [Seal : On a shield argent a boot sable. Legend: Sigillum Ri . . . . Hvsee.] Ten days later John Murydon grants to Roger Ive half his lands in Astley, which descended to him after the decease of John Husc of Caturcdok. It was intended as a security for the payment of i js. _|d. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. GRANT FROM JOHN MURYDON, SENIOR, TO ROGER YVE, OF HALF HIS LANDS LATE OF JOHN HUSE, IN ASTELEY, TO BE VOID ON PAYMENT OF 13s. 4D. 25 JANUARY 2 HENRY V. (14I4-I5.) (E Cartis Sir Richard Hill, copied in the Rev. Edward Williams s MSS. folio, I. 405b.) This Indenture made witnesses that John Murydon senior has given3 and granted, and by this present charter of feofment indented has confirmed, to Roger Yve of Leton, Master of the new College of Blessed Mary Magdalene near Shrewsbury one half of all the lands and tenements which descended to him by hereditary right after the decrease of John Huse of Caturedok in the town of Asteley with all the appurtenances to the aforesaid lands and tenements per- taining to have and to hold the aforesaid lands and tenements with all their appurtenances to the aforesaid Roger his heirs and assigns, of the chief lords of that fee, by the services thence due and of right accustomed. Nevertheless the said Roger for himself his heirs and executors wills and grants by these presents, that if the aforesaid John Murydon his heirs or executors, or any other person in their name, shall pay to the aforesaid Roger his heirs or executors, or his certain attorney, 13s. 4d. of legal money, that then this present charter of feofment indented and the seisin thence made shall be of no force, otherwise it shall remain in its full strength. In witness whereof the parties aforesaid have to the parts of this charter indented set their seals alternately. These being witnesses : Richard Huse, John de Lee, William Wolascote, Thomas Botur chaplain, and others. Dated at Batelfeld near Shrewsbury on the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul the Apostle, in the second year of the reign of King Henry the Fifth after the Conquest. In May, 1417, John Repynton, clerk, who was the Warden of the royal free chapel of St. Michael within the Castle of Salop, to which the chapel of St. Juliana, Shrewsbury, was appurtenant, resigned these chapels into the King's hands, no doubt in order that the chaplains of Battlefield might at once receive the revenues of these Churches, which had six BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. IQ7 years previously been granted to them by the King as part of their endowment. RESIGNATION BY JOHN REPYNTON, CLERK, INTO THE HANDS OF THE KING, OF, THE FREE ROYAL CHAPEL OF ST. MICHAEL WITHIN THE CASTLE OF SALOP, TO WHICH THE CHAPEL OF ST. JULIANA OF SALOP IS appurtenant or appendent. [No date, Ml evidently MAY, 4 HENKY V., I417.] ((Mm Roll, 4 Henry F., mem. 20, in dorso.) From Memorandum that John Repynton clerk, Memorandum Warden as he asserted of the King's free enrolled. . . • , • Salop. Chapel of St. Michael within the Castle of Salop, in the diocese of Lichfield, to which the Chapel of St. Juliana of Salop is appurtenant or appendent, wishing and desiring to be freed from the care government and custody of the aforesaid Chapels, with all their rights and appurtenances, and being moved by his own mere knowledge and free and spontaneous will, and not by force or fear guile or fraud, but freely spontaneously and simply, has resigned the same Chapels with all their rights and appurtenances into the hands of the most illustrious prince our lord the King of England, or of some other person having from him the power of receiving this resignation, by a certain public instrument following upon this, and exhibited in the Chancery of the same King, and likewise has renounced the said Chapels and their rights and appurten- ances, and has entirely in deed and word yielded up the same, which instrument indeed has been sent for custody to the Treasury of the same our lord the King. On 5 October, 1424, a general pardon passed the great seal for Roger Ive, of all treasons, murders, rapes, rebellions, 1827. Copied in Rev. E. Williams's MSS. folio, I. 450b. See also Salopian SJireds and Patches, iv. 217.) Henry by the grace of God King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, to all his bailiffs and faithful to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye that of our special grace, with the assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, and at the request of the commons of the Kingdom of England being in our last parliament, we have pardoned Roger Yve Master or Warden of the Chantry of St. Mary Magdalene near Shrewsbury, or by whatever other name he may be known, for all manner of trespasses offences mesprisions contempts and assaults done or perpetrated by him before the eighth day of December last past against the form of the statutes concerning the liberties of cloths and hats whence punishment might be given in fine and redemption or in other pecuniary penalties or imprisonments, notwithstanding the statutes aforesaid. Yet so that this present pardon and release shall not happen to the loss prejudice or derogation of any other person than ourselves. And moreover we, of our own mere motion, on account of our reverence to God and feeling of Charity, have pardoned the same Roger for suit of our peace, which pertains to us against him, for all manner of treasons, murders, rapes of women, rebellions, insurrections, felonies, conspiracies, and other trespasses, offences, neglects, extortions mesprisions ignorances contempts concealments and deceits by him in any way soever done or perpetrated before the said eighth day of December, murders perpetrated by him after the nineteenth day of November last past if any such there be, excepting where there is judgment, [a word illegible], or appeal. ;vnd also, if any outlawry has been promulgated against him on these occasions, we grant him our peace. Provided that the same Roger be not a counterfeiter of money and a multiplier of coinage, and a washer of gold and silver, coined in our mint, and a shearer of our money, and a notorious robber or felon who has abjured the realm. Yet so that he rightly appear in our Court if any one should BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. igg wish to speak against him concerning the premises or any of them. And further of our more abundant grace we have pardoned and released the same Roger from all manner of escapes of felons, chattels of felons and fugitives, chattels of outlaws and felons, deodands, wastes, assaults, and all manner of articles of journey [?], distresses and trespasses of vert or hunting, the sale of woods within forests and without, and of other matters whatsoever, before the eighteenth day of December within our Kingdom of England and region of Wales; and issues and profits whence punishment might ensue for demand, debt, or in line and redemption, or in other pecuniary penalties, or in forfeiture of goods and chattels, or imprisonments or amercements of counties towns or individual persons, or in the burdening of the free tenements of those who have never trespassed, as of heirs executors or free tenants, escheators sheriffs coroners and other persons of such sort, and everything which can pertain to us against him for the causes above said. And also all manner of donations, likewise alienations and purchases by him of lands and tenements held of us or of our progenitors formed)' Kings of England in capite. And also donations alienations and purchases made in mortmain, and held without royal license, likewise all manner of intrusions and entrances by him made upon his inheritance in part or in whole after the death of his ancestors without his due prosecution except the royal hand before the said eighth day of December, together with the issues and profits meanwhile thence received. And also we have pardoned and released to the aforesaid Roger all manner of tines judgments amerce- ments issues forfeitures reliefs scutages and all manner of debts accounts profits arrears of rents and accounts of what sort soever due and pertaining to us on the 21st day of March in the fu st year of our reign, also all manner of actions and demands which we alone or we conjointly with other persons or person have or might have against him And also outlawries promulgated against him for any of the abovesaid causes. And moreover we have pardoned and released to the same Roger all manner of penalties before the said eighth day ot December, forfeiture before us or our Council, our Chancellor, Treasurer 01 any of our |udges for any 200 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE . cause, and all other penalties as well to us as to our dearest father deceased for an)- cause forfeited before the said eighth day of December, and to be levied for our use. And also all manner of sureties of the peace likewise forfeited before that eighth day of December. « But so that this our present pardon shall not, with reference to the premises or any of the premises, happen to the loss prejudice or hurt of any other person than ourself. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness John Duke of Bedford, Regent of England, at Westminster on the fifth day of October in the 3rd year of our reign. By the King himself. Hertilpole. The chapel of Ford was annexed to the chapel of St. Michael within the Castle, and passed with it to Battlefield. Ive, whilst receiving the revenues of Ford, neglected to appoint a vicar to minister to the parishioners. The Audleys had been since the thirteenth century lords of the manor of Ford, and at the request of the Lady Audley, her brother John Stafford then Bishop of Bath and Wells, and Chancellor of England, wrote the following letter to the Bishop of Lichfield sometime between 1440 and 1443. The writer, who was second son of Sir Humphrey Stafford, from 1443 to 1452 was Archbishop of Canterbury. The letter shows the harm that so often ensued when parish churches became appropriated to religious houses. LETTER FROM JOHN STAFFORD, BISHOP OF BATH, TO THE BISHOP OF CHESTER, REQUESTING HIM TO MAKE THE . MASTER OF BATTLEFIELD FIND A PRIEST TO SERVE the chapel of FORDESHAM. [No date, hit evidently written 14-40 — 1443.] (Lichfield Episcopal Registers, Vol. IX., fo. 188.) To the Kev'end fader in god aiul my welc bclouyd lord the Busshop of Chester. Rev'end fader in god and my wele-bclouyd lord y reco- maunde me unto yowe And lyke hit yowe to wytlc that forasmuch as y( chapel of Sevnt Michil of Shrewsbury was Minn- tyinc y1' kingirs fro chapel w1 t/ cliapeltes annexed y'lo BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 201 Among which the chapel of ffordesham lyyng to ye man' of ffordesham, which man' longith to my sister ye lady of Audeley is a parcell therof but ap- propr'ed to ye Chapel of Mary Mawdelein of ye feld of Shrewesbury be which ap'pacion the kinges jnrisdiccion and oures be v'tu of our office is take away, as we be credible informed. And ye Jurisdiction y'of p'tineth only to yowe. Wherfor consideryng yat ye maistr of ye chapel of Mary Mawdelein is negligent to finde a prest at yc same chapell in whos defaute y° p'isshons deceste withoute thair ryght as hit is saide Y pray yowe to putte remedy in yis matier at lawe wilt to yrete ese and comfort to ye said p'isshons as my singuler trust is in yowe. And our lord have yowe under hise defence. Writen at london the xiij day of Juyll. J Busshop of Bathe, ^ Chauncelor of England, The Will of Roger Ive is a document of extreme importance. It settles the College upon a permanent basis, prescribes the services to be carried on, and contains the regulations for the government of the College. The life of the chaplains was not an easy one ; it consisted of one long round of services and offices daily, and they also, it would seem, kept a school for the instruction of youth. Their pay was small, eight marks a year apiece, that is £5 6s. 8d. ; they were to have their meals in common, and not in their own rooms or elsewhere ; and they might not leave the college by day or by night, under penalty of 3s. 4d. for each offence. Three months after he had made his Will, Ive personally appeared in the Court of Chancery, and acknow- ledged it as his own, and caused it to be enrolled on the Close Rolls. It is printed in Dugdale's Monasticon A nglicanum. WILL OF ROGER IVE, CLERK, MASTER OF BATTAILFELD COLLEGE. 30 OCTOBER, I444, 23 HENRY VI. (Close Roll, 24 Henry VI., mem, 26, in dorso.J In the name of God, amen. On the thirtieth day of the month of October, in the year of our Lord 144 j, and in the Vol. 111., jid Scries. BB 202 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE twenty third year of the reign of King Henry VI. after the conquest, I Roger Ive, clerk, master of the College of blessed Mary Magdalene of Battailfeld near Salop, of sound mind and healthy memory, and being in my usual health of body (praised be the Most Highest), do make and ordain my present testament and last will in this manner. First I bequeath and commend my soul to Almighty God my Creator, and to the Blessed Virgin Mary His Mother, and to the Blessed Mary Magdalene, and to all the Saints, and my body to be buried in the college aforesaid, namely, in the stone tomb near the high altar of the same college. Also I bequeath to the five chaplains now serving in the said college, and to their successors perpetual chaplains in the said college, continuously celebrating divine service for ever, to the use of the college aforesaid, in honour of God, of Blessed Mary His Mother, and of Mary Magdalene, in perpetual memory of the matter, to pray for my soul and for the souls of the founders of the college aforesaid, the goods and necessaries below-written, namely, three chalices silver- gilt, one paxbrede of silver-gilt, two silver cruets, three brass bells hanging in the belfry, two portiphories of the use of Sarum, otherwise called lyggers, three crosses gilt with copper, two new missals, two new graduals, three old missals one of them covered with red leather, one old portiphory, one processional, one executor of the office, one book of Collects, four books of Placebo and Dirige, one psalter, one suit of vestments of red velvet, one red cope of velvet, with two dalmatics of velvet, one suit of vestments of white silk, one white cope of silk, with two dalmatics, four suits of other vestments, and one yearly Manual. Also I bequeath will and ordain that the same chaplains shall have to themselves and their successors, chaplains of the same college for ever, one manse or mansion, already constructed and built for the same chaplains there, one buttery, and one kitchen in common, with other houses and easements there prepared ; also these utensils under-written, namely, one long dining table, with two benches, three towels, one bason and ewer, three brass kettles in the kitchen, two spits and two iron rakes, one cupboard, one spil with iron wheels, and its weights tor roasting and BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 203 turning the meats, one chaufour of latten, twenty pieces of pewter vessels large and small. And I also bequeath to the same chaplains and their successors, for making one silver- gilt chalice and to serve there in divine service for ever, two silver-gilt girdles, and my little sword or baslard, its harness silver-gilt. And I also bequeath to the same chaplains, for common use amongst them, one mazer cup bound with silver and gilt, six silver spoons, one pewter salt-cellar and three hand-towels : to have and to hold all and singular the aforesaid goods and jewels so long as they are able to serve and remain in the college aforesaid. Also I will and ordain, by royal authority and license, that the said five perpetual chaplains and their successors shall have and receive for ever all and singular the fruits, tenths, profits, and emoluments issuing from the parish church of St. Michael of Wyre in the diocese of York, appro- priated to the said college, to be equally distributed among them for their stipends and necessaries, as is below declared and concerning the rest of the profits and commodities of the same church which may remain beyond the aforesaid, I will that the master of the said college and his successors shall sustain repair and maintain, well and sufficiently, as often as shall be necessary, the chancel of the same church of St. Michael. And I will bequeath and ordain, by the royal authority and license aforesaid, that the master or warden of the aforesaid college, whoever he be for the time being, shall for ever have and receive, for his own sustenance, and for the repairing and sustaining the said college, and for sustaining all the burdens incumbent on the said college, all the fruits tithes profits and emoluments of the parish church of Idesale [Shifnal] appropriated to the said college ; and all the fruits profits and emoluments of the chapel of Dadele [Dawley] depending on the same. And also the same master or warden shall have the town of Aston with the grange of Astone belonging to the same ; and also all the fruits and profits of the church of St. Juliana in the town of S;ilop. Also I will bequeath and ordain that the alms which are collected by pretext of indulgences granted to the same college, and also oblations which are (offered) in the college 204 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. aforesaid, be distributed and expended about the building and work of the belfry of the said college : and after the erection of the same belfry, I will and ordain that all alms and oblations of this kind be distributed and expended about the sustenance of the poor \\ ho* shall be in the said college lor the time being, and the sustenance and repair of the alms-house of the said poor people for ever. Also I will and ordain that the said five chaplains, and their successors at all times to come, shall be together and shall have their meals in common, namely dinner and supper, at all times of the year, in the hall of the said college, with the master of the same, and not in their own chambers, nor in other private or outside places ; and that each of them shall pay for his board and residence per annum four marks of legal money. And I will and ordain that none of the said five chaplains, or their successors, shall in an}' manner hereafter absent himself or depart from the said college by day or by night, without the special license and will of the master or warden of the said college for the time being, under penalty of a payment of 3s. 4d. to the said master, so often as any of them shall act to the contrary. And I will and ordain that every of the said five chaplains, and their successors, shall from henceforth, from their first entrance and approach into the said college, swear and make regular obedience to the master of the said college and his successors, as is the custom in other collegiate places; and that the)' shall be obedient and quick to obey the statutes and observances made and to be made for the good of the said college. Also, since the said live chaplains, as well by the ordinance and assignation of our lord the King, as by the assent and will oi me the said Roger, have been accustomed to receive and have for a long time, namely from the beginning of the foundation ol the said college, and at the present time receive and have lor their stipend and salary, namely each of them only eight marks, from the profits, tithes, revenues, and emoluments of the parish church of St. Michael aforesaid, notwithstanding a certain grant of ten marks made to each ol tin siid chaplains by me, certain causes then moving me, BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 205 as in certain writings therefore made appears ; by pretext or by virtue of which writings none of the said chaplains has received more than the said eight marks: now I the aforesaid Roger, desiring and affecting the benefit and increase of the five chaplains of the said college, and especially that they may become more ardent and prompt in serving in divine service there, and may observe the statutes and ordinances of the said college, as well by the authority and special mandate of our most illustrious lord the king, and of his council, as of my own proper knowledge and will, do will and ordain, and by this present testament of my last will I bequeath to the said five chaplains, for the amelioration and increase of their condition, namely, to each of them two marks of legal money, above their usual stipend of eight marks granted and ordained to them by our lord and king, to have and to receive annually the said two marks, to each of the said five chaplains and their successors, besides the aforesaid eight marks, for ever, out of the fruits and profits of the said church of St. Michael, under the form and conditions following, namely, that the said five chaplains and every of them, and their successors, shall daily and for ever hereafter specially say in all their masses one special Collect, namely, " Incline thine ear, O Lord, to our prayers, with which as suppliants we implore thy mercy, that the soul of thy servant Roger Ive, the souls of thy servants," &c, one Secret and Post- Communion agreeing with the said Collect, for the soul of me the aforesaid Roger Ive, first master of the said college. And also that the said five chaplains, and their successors, annually and for ever do ordain, keep, and observe my obit and anniversary in the college aforesaid, with Placebo and Dirige at night by note, and mass of Requiem on the day following by note, with wax lights, ringing of bells, and other dependencies, prayers and collects, ordained for the exequies of the departed : and these upon the vigil of Blessed Mary Magdalene, praying specially for the souls of the illustrious prince Henry IV. after the conquest King of England ; of the most excellent prince Henry V. King of England, founders of the aforesaid college ; for the souls of Richard Husee senior, first patron of the said college, and Isolda his w ife, John Husee, Richard Husee father of Richard ! 206 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. \ Husee now surviving, and Thomas Husee deceased ; for the souls of me the aforesaid Roger Ive, first master and steward of the said college, and of my parents ; and for' the souls of William Howyk of Pountfret, and sir Thomas Kyrkeby, chaplains deceased; and for the souls of all the faithful departed, who were slain in the said field of Bataylfeld, and were there buried. Further I will and ordain that the said five chaplains, and their successors, shall daily and at all times of the year say, after Nones without note, in the choir of the church of the college aforesaid, Placebo and Dirige, with the suffrages ordained for the departed, for my soul and for the souls aforesaid, namely, some of them sitting on the south side and some on the north side of the choir, as is customary, except on days and feasts of the kind, which in the ordinal of Sarum are excepted for saying Placebo and Dirige. Moreover I will bequeath and ordain that the said chaplains, and their successors, on all days of the year in which the Nine Lessons are read according to the use of Sarum, shall say by note in the choir Matins of the day; one Mass by note of St. Mary, and another high mass by note of the day, and also Vespers after Nones by note. And I also will that, as often as they say matins and vespers without note, that the said chaplains do sit on both sides of the choir apart, as is aforesaid, and not together on one side. Also I bequeath, will and ordain, by the royal authority and license aforesaid, that the said five perpetual chaplains, and their successors, shall have for ever the chapel of Forde appropriated to the said college, with all its rights and profits; on condition that they, and their successors, shall once in each week for ever say one mass of Requiem, with Placebo, Dirige, and the Nine Lessons, by note, and Lauds with commendation without note, and this on Monday weekly, if it can be conveniently and fitly done ; but if not, on some other day in the week ; so that they shall always, every week, celebrate altogether without intermission or excuse, one Mass of Requiem, with Placebo and Dirige and the Nine Lessons, and Lauds with commendation, in form aforesaid, for the souls of Henry IV. King of England, the most excellent prince Henry V., founders of the said college; B ATT I J E F I E LD COLLEGE 207 for the souls of the aforesaid Richard Husee senior, Isolda his wife, John Husee, Richard Husee, Thomas Husee ; and for the souls of me the aforesaid Roger Ive, William Howyke, sir Thomas Kyrkeby, and of all the faithful departed. And I will and ordain, that each of the said five chaplains, and their successors, shall have and receive each week for ever, for faithfully doing these things, four pence from the profits, revenues and emoluments of the said chapel of Forde, and from the profits and revenues of the said church of St. Michael of Wyre remaining beyond the stipends and necessaries of the said chaplains and the repair of the chancel of the said church. And if the said chaplains, or their successors, shall refuse or neglect to do these aforesaid things, I will and ordain by my present testament, as well by authority of our lord the king the founder of the said college, as by my own authority, that none of the said five chaplains, or their successors, shall have and receive annually for their stipend more than the said eight marks, at the beginning assigned to them by our lord the king and by me the said Roger Ive; and that the said two marks, the residue above bequeathed to each of them, shall remain for ever to the hospital of the poor of the said college, notwithstanding any grant of ten marks above made or recited. The residue moreover of all my goods and chattels what- soever, not above bequeathed, after my burial has been performed and my funeral expenses completed, I give and entirely bequeath to the fabric and work of the said college, and to the relief and alms of the poor, and of the house of the said hospital for ever. Also I will and ordain that the aforesaid goods and chattels, by me above bequeathed and assigned to the said college and chaplains, shall not be alienated, sold, or pledged by the master or chaplains of the college aforesaid, or by their successors ; but shall altogether remain and be converted to the work and use above limited and ordained. Also, because in times past several things inconvenient and prejudicial to fine the said Roger Ive, and to the aforesaid college, have happened, by certain evil-minded persons and neglectful o( the salvation of their soul, on account of delect 2oN BATTLEFIELD COLLE G E . in the safe custody and management, and even the forging and fabrication of the first and ancient seal ordained by me for the said college : therefore I the aforesaid Roger, specially bearing in mind the premises, in the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and of the blessed Mary Magdalene, by the authority and license of our lord the king and his council, have newly ordained a certain common seal for the said college, there to last for ever ; of which seal the device and engraving is this, namely, in the centre of the said seal is the image of the Holy Trinity, with the image of the blessed Mary Magdalene on the right side, and on the left side the image of St. John Baptist ; and at their feet the image of me Roger kneeling ; and on the circumference of the said seal are engraved these letters and words : " S. Commune domini Rogeri Ive primi magistri, et successorum suorum Collegii beatae Maris Magdalenae juxta Salop." And lest in times to come, through fabricators of seals and forgers of bulls, the said college, its masters, or perpetual chaplains of the same, should, — which (God) avert ! — suffer any loss or harm, we will and ordain that that seal now and for ever shall be (kept) in a certain little box or chest, under custody of three keys and locks ; of which we will that the masters of the said college now and hereafter shall have one key in their own custody ; and Richard Husee patron of the said college, and his heirs patrons of the same, shall have another key in their custody; and the third key shall be in the custody of one oi the chaplains of the said college, a man sufficiently discreet and suitable ; so that, as often as it shall happen that anything is to be sealed for the good of the said college, it is necessary that these three persons meet together lor the purpose of any such sealing : we annul and make void, for ourselves and our successors, all other seals of the said college hitherto used, and all manner oi writings, muniments, letters, charters, and all things that have been sealed and may be sealed with the said old and forged seals. Also, lor the glory of God, and of all the saints aforesaid, and lor the praise and honour of the said college, I will and ordain that no perpetual chaplain of the said college, or his successors, shall in any way have or keep an)' woman or BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 209 concubine within the said college, or elsewhere in any other place, under penalty of perpetual expulsion from the said college, and the loss of his salary then due to him. Moreover, of this my testament and my last will, I make and ordain as my executors, Richard Husee esq., Sir William Michell chaplain, Sir Richard [ewet and Sir John Ive chaplains, that they may cause do be done, carry out, and fulfil this my last will, as they themselves would in like case desire their successors to do for them. And I bequeath to each of my said executors for their trouble in this behalf 6s 8d. In witness whereof I have to either part of this my testament and last will bipartite affixed my seal. And because the same seal of mine is unknown to many persons, I have procured the common seal of the college aforesaid to be affixed to these presents. Given on the day and year abovesaid. [And be it remembered that the aforesaid Roger came into the King's Chancery at Westminster on the first day of February in this present year, and acknowledged the aforesaid Writing and all things contained therein in form aforesaid.] A few terms in Ive's Will may require explanation.1 Unum pax brcde : a pax brede, by metathesis for pax board, osculatorium, a piece of metal used at Mass to hand from one to another the kiss of peace. duo portiphoria cU usu Sarum alias nuncupata lyggcrs : these portiphories were Breviaries of the Sarum use; they are called lyggen, i.e. ledger books, being heavy or stationary books, which would always lie open in the choir for the use of the cantors. gradalia : the gradual or grayle, a book containing the 'singing parts' of the Mass. cxcculoYcm officii: probably a book containing the rubrics guiding the recitation of the office, and also the variations caused by one feast interfering with another. 1 For the explanation of all the ecclesiastical terms I am indebted to the kindness df i\k KeV. Dr. Storiujty. Vol. Ill , jul Sciics. 210 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. collectuavium: a book containing the collects or prayers, which were sung by the officiating priest in Choir during the singing of the Office. Placebo : Vespers of the Dead, so called from the opening antiphon, " Placebo Dominoin regione vivorum." Dirige : Matins of the Dead, so called from the opening antiphon, " Dirige Doniine Deus meus in conspectu tuo viam meam." Unum manuale anuale : the Manual is the book containing the rite of administering the Sacraments. Unum chaufouv de laton : the chaufour is a chafing dish to hold charcoal. Novem lectiones : An office of ' Nine lessons ' is a greater feast, which has three ' nocturns,' each of which finishes with three lessons. The first three lessons are from Holy Scripture, the second set from Sermons of the Fathers, and the third a Commentary on Holy Scripture. In December, 1445, Roger Ive obtained from King Henry VI. a Charter, granting to the chaplains exemption from all intervention of the officers of the Crown, and giving to them the exclusive liberty of executing warrants, and levying fines, amercements, &c, within the precinct and territory of the Chantry, and the manor of Adbryghton Husy and the vill of Harlescote, and their other manors, lands, tenements and fees. GRANT BY HENRY VI. TO ROGER IVE AND THE CHAPLAINS OF BATAILFELD, OF THE EXCLUSIVE RIGHT TO EXECUTE BRIEFS, WARRANTS, &C. WITHIN THE PRECINCT OF THE CHANTRY, ADBRYGHTON HUSE, HARLESCOTE, &C. 5 DECEMBER 24 HENRY VI. (1445). (Patent 24 Henry VI., pars /, man. 9. Original Charter penes Sir Henry II. Bemrose, of Derby.) Henry by the grace of Cod King of England and France and Lord of Ireland, To all to whom these present letters shall come, greeting. Know ye that whereas there is a Chatrtry of Blessed Mary Magdalene in a Field called Batail- feld near our Town of Shrewsbury, under a Warden or Master and divers Chaplains and other ecclesiastical Ministers BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 211 of the Most High (to pray) for the souls of some persons who were slain in a certain Battle that took place in the Field aforesaid between our most dear Lord Henry IV. our grandfather lately King of England and Henry Percy, and whose bodies lie buried about three miles and more in and around the same Field, by our said grandfather founded created and erected, and for the same cause dedicated in honour of Blessed Mary Magdalene. Which same Warden or Master, Chaplains, and other ecclesiastical Ministers there are unable to do and celebrate divine service there by night and by day, as was made and nobly ordered by the ordinance of our said grandfather; and their dependents, servants and tenants cannot transact the business of the said Master or W'arden, Chaplains and ecclesiastical ministers within the precinct or territory, or the manors lands tenements or fees pertaining to the same Chantry, and their tenants aforesaid cannot peacefully stay within the same precinct or territory upon the holdings of the same Master or Warden, Chaplains and ecclesiastical Ministers aforesaid; By reason that, as they say, they are day by day and every day seized arrested injured and in many ways disturbed by Bailiffs and other Ministers, as well Justices keepers of the peace, Justices of Assize, Senescals and Marshals of our household, as Sheriffs, Eschetors, Coroners, and other Ministers in the County of Salop for the time being, and as well by arresting their persons, as by undue fines redemptions, amerciaments, and distraints; and on this account they are pauperized, to the immoderate hurt and loss of the same Warden or Master Chaplains and other Ministers aforesaid, and to the manifest weakening & lessening of the precinct & territory of the said Chapel, and of the value of the Manors lands tenements and fees aforesaid, and especially in the celebrating & making of divine obsequies in the Chantry aforesaid, according to the said Ordinance, as is aforesaid, which is a matter of grief. We therefore considering the premises, and for the peace and quiet of the same Master or Warden, Chaplains & other Ministers, that they may be able to attend more earnestly to the divine obsequies, and for the tranquillity of their servants and tenants, that they may be able peacefully there to stay & persevere in the services and tenures of the said Master or 212 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. Warden, Chaplains and other Ministers, and desiring to settle & order (these matters), have of our special grace granted for ourselves and fur our heirs, so far as in us lies, to the said Roger Ive Master or Warden aforesaid, and to the Chaplains and other Ministers' of the Chantry aforesaid, & to their successors aforesaid, that the)' and their successors shall have this liberty within the precinct & territory of the said Chantry, and also (within) the Manors of Adbryghton Husy and the Town of Harlescote being within the same precinct & territory, as is said, and (within) the other Manors lands tenements & fees now conferred upon the same Master or Warden and Chaplains, or to be hereafter conferred upon the same Master or Warden & Chaplains or their successors, — Namely, the executions of all and singular briefs, precepts, warrants, bills and mandates whatsoever of us & of our heirs. So tha no Justice of one or either Bench, Justice assigned or to be assigned to take the Assizes in the County of Salop, Guardians of the Peace, and Justice assigned to hear and terminate divers felonies, trespasses, and wrongdoings in the county aforesaid, Steward and Marshals of our household, or other Justices whatsoever of us or of our heirs; And no Sheriff, Eschetor, Coroner, Constable, Bailiff, Officer or Minister whatsoever of us or of our heirs; And no Bailiff Officer or Minister of the same Justices of one or either Bench, Commissaries, and Justices assigned or to be assigned to take assizes in the County aforesaid, Guardians of the peace, and Justices of any sort, Stewards and Marshals of our household, or other Justices whatsoever of us or our heirs, Sheriffs, Eschetors, Coroners, Constables, Bailiffs, Officers or Ministers whatsoever of us or of our heirs, shall in any wise approach the precinct or territory of the Chantry aforesaid, or the Manors, lands, tenements, or fees aforesaid, or themselves, or their Ministers Bailiffs or Officers, or an)' of them soever, enter within the precinct territory manors lands tenements or their fees aforesaid, to seize arrest or in any way distrain upon any persons as aforesaid being or residing within the same, from henceforth for any cause soever, or to levy hues redemptions or amerciaments from the same persons, or to do exercise or execute other things whatsoever, although they may touch ourselves, our heirs or BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 213 successors or any other persons soever in Liny way. But all executions seizures arrests and distraints of this sort within their precinct territory manors lands tenements and fees aforesaid shall be made exercised and executed in all things and through all tilings by the 'same Master or Warden and Chaplains & their successors, or by the Bailiffs or Officers of the aforesaid Master or Warden and Chaplains on this behalf to be made and deputed, in all tilings and not by any other persons soever in an)7 manner, so that express mention of the true annual value of all and singular the premises at least be made in the presents notwithstanding'. In witness whereof we have caused these' our letters to be made patent. Witness myself at Westminster the fifth da)' of December in the twenty fourth year of our reign. By Writ of Privy Seal and by authority of Parliament of the date aforesaid. Selby. [The Great Seal is affixed, the upper part is broken off. On one side the King on horseback. On the other side the King seated, a shield of Arms on either side of him.] Early in the year 1447, Roger Ive, who had been the Master of the College ever since its first establishment nearly 40 years before, and who must now have attained a consider- able age, resigned his Wardenship, receiving an annual pension of Ten pounds out of the revenues of the College. How long Ive lived after his resignation we do not know, but he was buried in a stone tomb near the high altar of Battle- field Church, and his effigy, a figure in white and shorn, kneeling, was painted in one of the glass windows, with the inscription : " Kogeri Yve primi MagTi hujus collegii et and out of his mouth, " Fili Dei, miserere mei." His successor, who was appointed by Richard Hussey, Esq., was Henry Bastard, M.A., whose Institution and undertaking to pay the pension to Ive are thus recorded in the Lichfield Episcopal Registers. INSTITUTION OF HENRY' BASTARD, M.A., TO THE FREE CHAPEL OF ADBRIGHTON H USEE AND THE COLLEGE OR CHANTRY OF BATELFEEI). 1 4 APRIL I447. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. (Lichfield Episcopal Registers, Vol. X, fo. 4.) Institution Item at Lichfield on the fourteenth day of the CdL^of monni °f A"priJ in the year of our Lord 1447, Bateffcld. hy the lord keeper of the spiritualities, Master Henry Bastard, Master in the faculty of Arts, priest, was admitted to the free chapel of St. John Baptist of Adbrighton Husee and the College or perpetual Chantry called [the College] of St. Alar)' Magdalene of Batelfeld near Salop, annexed to the same Chapel, vacant by the free resignation of Sir Roger Ivc, the last Rector of the Chapel aforesaid and Master or Warden of the new College or Chantry aforesaid, and was canonically instituted in the same with all their rights and appurtenances, on the presentation of that honorable man Richard Husee esquire, lord of the Manor of Adbrighton Husee aforesaid, the true patron of the said Chapel and College or Chantry. And the same being instituted swore canonical obedience. And it was committed to the Archdeacon or his official to induct him. F.ndowment To all the sons of holy mother church who shall (*ffor the"1 msPcct these present letters. Thomas Chestrc- same. feld, Bachelor in decrees and Canon Residentiary in the Cathedral Church of Lichfield, Guardian of the spiritualities of the Bishopric of Coventry and Lichfield during the vacancy of the see there, for this purpose sufficiently and lawfully deputed by the Reverend father in Christ and Lord, Lord John by the grace of God Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate of all England, and Legate of the Apostolic Sec, and especially to Roger Ive, lately Rector and Master or Warden of the free Chapel of St. John Baptist of Adbrighton Husee, and of the College or perpetual Chantry called of St. Mary Magdalene of Batelfeld near Salop, to the same chapel annexed, in the diocese of Coventry and Lichfield, and to master Henry Bastard, now rector and master or Warden of the said chapel and college or chantry, Greeting in Christ Jesus the Saviour of all men. In order to remove abuses of the clergy which sometimes arise from unexpected poverty, Be it known all of you that there appeared before us on the day, place, and year of our Lord underwritten, namely, BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. the said Roger Ive, by Sir John Prys chaplain, his proctor for this purpose sufficiently and lawfully constituted, and Master Henry Bastard in person, and purely voluntarily and absolutely submitted, and each of them submitted himself, to our ordinance, decree and arbitrament above and below, for an annual pension out of the fruits and revenues given to the said chapel and college or chantry, to be assigned by us to the aforesaid Sir Roger Ive so long as he shall live for the necessities of his life. Likewise the patron under the seal of his ancestors also submitted himself. Promising that they would hold firm and binding w hatever we might ordain or fix in the assignment or limitation of the said annual pension. Wherefore we the guardian aforesaid, carefully considering the faculties and profits of the said Chapel and College or Chantry, and the great labours industry and expenses expended by the said Sir Roger Ive about the foundation of the said College, and done by him, Do appoint ordain and decree that the aforesaid Master Henry Bastard, now Rector and Master or Warden of the aforesaid Chapel and College or Chantry, and his successors who for the time being shall be the Rectors and Masters or Wardens of the aforesaid Chapel and College or Chantry, do pay each year to the aforesaid Sir Roger Ive, so long as he shall live, for his necessary food and clothing, or to his proctor for this end specially appointed, the annual pension of ten pounds of lawful English money annually at the four terms of the year, to begin namely at the feast of St. John Baptist next to come, of St. Michael the Archangel, Christmas Day, and the Annunciation oi Blessed Mar)', by equal portions, in the College of Batelfeld near Salop afore- said, out oi the fruits and revenues of the chapel and college or chantry aforesaid. Warning, as by tenor of these presents we do warn, the aforesaid Master Henry Bastard, now Rector and Master or Warden of the said Chapel and College or Chantry, and his successors who lor the time being shall be Rectors and Masters or Wardens ot the said Chapel and College or Chantry, that they really and carefully pay the annual pension of ten pounds to the same Sir Roger Ive so long as he shall live, at the terms aforesaid, or at least within twenty days Lifter the lapse oi any term aforesaid in the place 2l6 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. ? foresaid, for the first second and third time and peremptorily and under pain of the greater excommunication against himself and themselves personally, and of interdict [?] against the chapel and college or chantry aforesaid, and also of sequestration of the fruits and revenues of the same as afore- said. Moreover we promulgate and cause by these writings the aforesaid Master Henry Bastard and his successors, being for the time being Rectors and Masters or Wardens of the same Chapel and College or Chantry, who shall make default in any such payment, their own previous delay fault and craft and warning of this kind with reference to the premises requiring it, to be excommunicate in their own persons. Further appointing and decreeing that every Rector and Master or Warden, to be hereafter admitted to the Chapel and College or chantry aforesaid during the life of the same Sir Roger Ive, shall make personal oath and he shall swear, on his admission to the said chapel and college or chantry, to pay to him the annual pension of ten pounds in manner and form aforesaid. Henry Bastard was Master of the College for only seven years, when he died. His successor was Roger Phelyps or Philippes, who was presented by Richard Husee, Esq., and instituted by the Bishop of Lichfield on 26 May, 1454. Bastard must have attempted to exercise ecclesiastical juris- diction within the parish of St. Juliana in Shrewsbury, as the Bishop (Reginald Butler) expressly inhibited Phelyps from doing any such thing. Phelyps was, however, in favour with the next Bishop (John Hales), as six years later, on 28 June, 1460, he granted an indulgence of forty days to the faithful who should contribute to the fabric of the Church or the maintenance of the priests, and he exhorted the clergy of the diocese to receive kindly the messengers of the College. INSTITUTION Ol' ROGER RI1KLYRS, CHAPLAIN, TO ADRK1G1ITON lUlSKL AND RAT J LI.I I Ll>. J.() MAY I45.J. (Lichfield Episcopal Registers, Vol. XL, Jo. 31.) Institution of the Rector \ Item on the twenty sixth day of the Master or Warden of the . r Af ^ w r> j i. Free Chapel <>f Adlm-h-l month of May 145 \, At beaudesert, ton -ami Collie of iktfj Sir Roller Phclvps, chaplain, was toltcM lu'" r Warden and for the support of the other burdens daily falling on the same College," to enable his proctors Humphrey Wood, Henry Pykemore, and John Prein to collect alms lor the benefit of the College. Tins brief is dated at Hampton Court, 11 October, 17 Henry VIII. (1525). 1 Thomas in 152S granted a lease for 60 years to John Spencer of Aston, of a messuage in the town of Astern situate near Crosse land, and a fourth part of all the lands of the township of Aston. Two years later Thomas granted a second lease for 94 years of two messuages and half of the lands of the township of Aston to Robert Forster and Katherine his wife. lie appears to have died in 1535- LEASE FOR 60 YEARS FROM HUMFREY THOMAS, MASTER OF BATELFYLD COLLEGE, TO JOHN SPENCER OF ASTON NEAR SHU FFENALL, OF A MESSUAGE IN THE TOWN OF ASTON SITUATE NEAR CROSSE LAND, AND A FOURTH PART OF THE LANDS IN THE TOWN SHI P, AND Till-: TITHES. 7 MARCH I528, KJ HENRY VIII. (Original Deed penes Sir Henry II. Bcmrose of Derby.) Know all men present and to come that we liumfrey Thomas, Master or Warden of the College of blessed Mary Magdalene of lialelfyld near Salop, and the ( 'oinbrethren of the same place, have granted yielded and by this our present Charter indented confirmed to John Spencer of Aston near Sh.uffenall in the county of Salop husbondman one messuage of ours in the Town of Aston aforesaid situate near Crosse land, and a fourth pari of all the land- aforesaid of the Township of Aston aforesaid with all tin: tithe of the said messuage and hinds aforesaid. To have and to hold the said messuage and lands with all the lithe of the same, with all their appurtenances, to the aforesaid John his heirs and 1 An abstract ol this laid' is dvon in the Kcv. Edward Williams's MSS. folio, I. 4501I. ; from the- . Moultrie oi Astou. B ATTLE FIELD CO EL E G E 227 assigns from the Feast of the Annunciation of blessed Mary the Virgin next to come after the date of these presents, to the end of a term of sixty years thence next ensuing and fully to be complete. Rendering therefore annually to us the aforesaid Master or Warden find Combrethren and our successors Fifteen shillings of silver at the Feasts of St. Michael the Archangel and the Annunciation of blessed Mary the Virgin by equal portions. And if it should happen that the said Annual rent shall be in arrear and not paid in part or in whole after ony of the feasts aforesaid on which it ought to be paid for one month, that then it shall be lawful for us the aforesaid Master or Warden and Com- brethrcn and our successors, into the said messuage and lands and tithe with all their appurtenances to reenter, and our former state thence to reassume, and the said John his heirs and assigns thence entirely to expel, this our Charter indented notwithstanding. And moreover the said John his heirs and assigns shall during the time aforesaid well and competently repair sustain and maintain all the edifices belonging to the said messuage, and at the end of the said term leave the same weM and sufficiently repaired, at their own proper charges and expenses ; and after his decease, or his heirs and assigns, (shall give) their best beast in the name of a heriot. And we the aforesaid Master and Combrethren and our successors will warrant and defend by these presents against all persons all the aforesaid messuage lands and tithe with the appurtenances to the said John his heirs and assigns during the term aforesaid in form aforesaid. In witness whereof to these our Charters indented as well our Common Seal of the College aforesaid as the Seal of the said John are alternately appended. Dated in our Chapter House the seventh day of the month of March in the year of our Lord 152S, and in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth after the Conquest of England. LEASE FOR 94 YEARS FROM HUM PREY THOMAS, MASTER OF BATELRYED, TO ROBERT FOESTEE AND RATI I ERIN E HIS WIFE, Ol TWO MESSUAGES IN ASTON-NEAE-SH YF1 •ENHALL AND 1 WO-1 OURTHS OF ARE Till-: LANDS THERE, AND THE TITHES. 30 SEPTEMBER 22 HENRY VIII. (.1530.) 228 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. (Original Deed penes Sir Henry H. Bemrose of Derby.) This Indenture made between Humfrey Thomas master or warden of the Church or Chapel of Batelffyld in the county of Salop and the Combrethren of the same place of the one part, and Robert Forster and'Katherine his wife of the other part, Witnesseth that the said Humfrey and the Com- brethren with unanimous assent and consent have granted yielded and to farm let to the aforesaid Robert and Katherine his wife, Two messuages situate in Aston near Shyffenhall now in the tenure of the same Robert, And also two parts of all their lands and meadows of the Township aforesaid in four parts now divided, Together with all the tithe of wheat and hay of the lands and meadows aforesaid before let. To have and to hold all the aforesaid messuages lands meadows with their tithes,with all their profits com- modities easements and commons, with all their appurtenances, to the aforesaid Robert and Katherine and the assigns of the same Robert, from the feast of the Annunciation of Blessed Mary next to come after the date of these presents to the end of a term of 94 years thence next following and fully to be complete. Rendering therefore annually to the said Master and Combrethren and their successors thirty shillings at the feasts of St. Michael the Archangel and the Annunciation of blessed Mary in equal portions. And if it should happen that the said rent shall be in arrear in part or in whole, after any of the feasts aforesaid on which it ought to be paid, for the space of one month if it is demanded, that then it shall be lawful for the aforesaid Master and Com- brethren and their successors upon the said messuages lands meadows with their tithe, with all their appurtenances and the: rest of the premises to reenter, and their aforesaid state to reassume and retain, this Indenture in anywise notwith- standing. And at the decease of the said Robert and Katherine, and of any of the assigns of the same Robert, those occupying the said messuages shall give to the said Master and his Combrethren their two best beasts in the name of two hcriots. And the aforesaid Robert and Katherine, and the assigns of the said Robert, shall repair sustain and maintain during the term aforesaid, at their own proper Charges and expenses, all the buildings belonging to the BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 22Q aforesaid messuages. And the aforesaid Master and Corn- brethren and their successors will warrant acquit and defend against all men during the aforesaid term the two messuages aforesaid and the tithes of wheat and hay aforesaid, with all their appurtenances, to the aforesaid Robert and Katherine and the assigns of the same Robert. In witness whereof to these Indentures as well the common Seal of the College aforesaid as the Seals of the said Robert and Katherine are alternately appended. Given in the Chapter House of the College aforesaid the last day of the month of September in the twenty second year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth. The Common Seal of the College is affixed to this deed. It is in good condition, but the top is broken off. In the centre under a canopy is the Blessed Virgin, holding the Child in her right arm, and a palm-branch in her left hand. On the dexter side is a shield of Arms, France and England quarterly (Henry IV.); and on the sinister side is another shield of Arms, A chevron engrailed between three birds (Armsoflve). Over each shield is a sword erect. Underneath the feet of the Blessed Virgin, in a panel, is the figure of Roger Ive kneeling. Round the whole is the legend, somewhat defaced, " S. Commune. Domini. Rogeii. Ive. primi. magistri. et. successorum. suorum. Collegii. Beatae. Mariae. Magdalena;. juxta. Salop." The size of the Seal is 2| inch in length, and if inch in diameter. It will be observed that this Seal is very different from the new Seal ordered by the Will of Roger Ive to be made.1 It is very doubtful whether this new Seal ever was made, as ordered, for all the known impressions and descriptions of the Battlefield Seal are similar to the one here given.2 Eor Sec ante, )>.h;c ^ocS. I)ukrs Atiiiatt : dyd agree to be the meares between y' s'1 lands; and following the Mydle broke until the 1 These Depositions arc given In the Rev. I-Mward Williams's MS. folio, I. 4.17b. M I'ioiu the Deeds and Tapers ol John Corbet, cslessed Mary the Virgin equally. And of 66s 8'1 from the firm of the church of Forde appropriated to the said College, with all the tithes peitaining to the same church, leased to Henry Wyn clerk by Indenture for the term of his life, he exonera- ting the said master and fellows from the cure of souls there, to be paid at the feasts of the Invention of the Holy Cross and of All Saints equally. And of £10 from the firm of the Rectory of Idsall alias Shiffenhall, with all the rights and tithes pertaining to the same Rectory, leased to Richard Moreton and Robert Forster by Indenture as is said for a term of years, To be paid at the feasts of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist and of the Purification of the Blessed Mary the Virgin equally. And of 66s S'1 from the firm of the Chapel or parish Church of Dawley, with all the tithes within the town aforesaid pertaining to the said Church, leased to William Chorleton esq. by Indenture for a term of years, as is said, To be paid at the feasts of the Nativity of St. John the Baptist and of the Blessed Mary the Virgin equally. And of 20d from the Rent of the Chapel of Albrigh- ton Hussey within the parish of Batterfeilde [sic], with all the tithes within the township pertaining to the aforesaid Chapel, in the tenure of Richard Hussey at the will of the lord, To be paid at the feast of St. Michael the Archangel only. And of 6s 8d from the firm of the seventh part of the tithes of grain and hay arising within the township of Harlascote within the parish of St. Alkmond in the town of Salop leased to Thomas Ireland by Indenture, as is said, To be paid at the feast aforesaid only. And of 26s 8a from a BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 245 certain annual Rent issuing out of certain Tenements built upon land of Richard Hussey for the Keeper of the market there given to the said College to sustain a certain obit there, to be paid at the feasts of St. Michael the Archangel and the Annunciation of Blessed Mary the Virgin equally. Sum £23 ns. 4d. SECOND ACCOUNT OF THE BAILIFF OR COLLECTOR, 2 AND 3 EDWARD VI. (I549-50). (Exchequer, Ministers Accounts, 2 and 3 Edward VI., Salop, No. 44.) •j he late \ Received 7s 8d from the Rents and firm of divers College of } . . . . Battleiiide. J lands and tenements in the several tenures of the Master and combrethren of the said late College 17s 6d besides 2s 4d for a vacant chamber the Curate there having resigned, of Thomas Ireland 6s 8d, of Richard Hussey 10s, of Richard Hussey 20s, and from an annual Rent of 21s 8d given to the use of an Obit there parcel of the said late College. Not received, inasmuch as there is granted amongst other things to the aforesaid John Cupper and Richard Traver & the heirs and assigns of the same John by Royal Letters Patent above recited in the title of The Craft of Shoemakers Spurriers as there appears. Not received, of 2s 4d from the Rent of a Chamber there called the Curate Chamber within the scite aforesaid now in the tenure of Edward Shorde Curate there, Inasmuch as it is reserved to the Curate there, as in the Letters patent aforesaid of John Cupper and Richard Trevor appears. But he received 60s from the firm of Aston ; 66s 8d from Forde; £10 from Idsall alias Shiffcn- hall ; 66s 8d from Dawley. [The details, as in the First Account.'] Sum £t$ if 411. THIRD AND FOURTH ACCOUNTS OF THE BAILIFF OR COLLECTOR. 3 AND 4, AND 4 AND 5 EDWARD VI. [1550-2.] (Exchequer, Ministers Accounts, Salop, 3 and 4 Edward VI., No. 48 ; 4 and o Edward VI., No. 43.) The Account of Edward Cupper, filling the office of bailiff or Collector of the Rents there during the time aforesaid. The late College \ And of 6os from the linn of the tovvn- of Battichhie. / ship of Aston vvithin the lordship of Idsall, &c. 246 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. And of 66s 8(J from the firm of the Church of Forde, &c. And of £10 from the firm of the Rectory of Idsall alias Shyffenhall, &c. And of 66s 8'1 from the firm of the Chapel or parish church of Dawley, &c. [The details, as in the First Acmunt.] Sum £19 13s 4''. On 24 August, 1552, Edward Shorde, the Curate of Battlefield, and the Churchwardens made their return to the Commissioners of the plate and goods left in the Church. This comprised three bells (2 great and a sanctus bell), two vestments, two altar clothes, a chalice with a paten silver gilt weighing 10 ounces, a pair of latten candlesticks, and a pair of cruets. The following year, on 24 Ma)', 1553, another return shows that there was a Chalice with a paten weighing 10 ounces and three bells left in the Church. The other goods had presumably been removed before this. INVENTORY OF PLATE LEFT IN BATTLEFIELD CHURCH, 24 AUGUST 6 EDWARD VI. (1552). (Exch. Q.R., Church Goods ~, m. 12.) The p'ysh of ye batellfelde A presentment made by ye Curatt of yc batellfelde Kychard Tysdall' & WyH'm Owyn Wardens of ye same the xxiiijth daye of Auguste a° R.R. Ed. sext. vjt0 unto Sr Adam Mytton Knyght Rog' Leue & Ric' : Whitacre of all syche goodys as ys belongyn to ye same p'ysche aft' ye s'vay of yc late desolvyd College of y1' batellfelde. Furthermore y(: Inve'tory made: by y<: Mast' & hys brethren of)'1 late desolvyd college of yt: batellfelde toy1' Kynges Ma"s syrveyers <>1 all syche goodds & Juells as was belong'g to y° foresay.de late: suppressed College aft' ther s'vey the)' toko yc Inve'tory wl y,; goods awey wl the' & chargyd me Edward Shorde clerke & curat there put in by yt! Kyng' Ma" s s'veyars chargyd vv1 thes goods ther mo'conyd that they sholde fortlie comy'g .it all tymys who1 they sholde be Lcq'ryd fyrst iij bells ij gret cv a sanct' bell ij vestyme'ts ij aut' clothys cS: a clialys vv1 a paten p'cell gylte by estyinac'on weyyng x ounc' a peyer ol smalle laten ca'dyllstykes ec a payer of cruetts Byrne Edwaru Shokdj-; Clerk. INDENTURE AS TO I'LATJC AND I i h L I .S IN BATTLEFIELD CHURCH, 2. | MAY 7 LDW. VI. ( 1 55.j) - BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 247 (Exch. Q.R., Church-goods g, m. 5. 7 Edw. VI.) Salop' vill' et Tranches". Thys Inde'ture made the xxiiijth day of May A° R.R. Ed. Sext' vij° Betwyn S. Adam Mytton knyght John Corbett of lye Esquier & Rog' lewys Com'yssion's by ve'u of the kyng's mat5 l'res of com'yssyon to the' amongst other Dyrectyd of the one p'tie and S' Edward Shorde Curat of the Batell- feld Rye. Tysdale & Wyll'rn Owyn wardens of the sayd p'yshe chyrche of ye Batellfeld of the other p'ty wyttnessyth that theer be remaynyng wlh In the sayd Churche on Chaylys wl a patent weyyng x ownc' iij bells wch C hales & belles the sayd com'yssyonrs on the kynges mates behalfe streytly chargyth & com'aundyth them sauely & suerly to kepe unsolde ne other wyse imbesclyd untyll Michc tyme as the kynges matcs pleasure be unto them Kin her Syngnyfyed & declared Edward Shorde Clerke. The site of the College buildings, and the tithes and property belonging to it, were now offered for sale. It is a mistake to think that monastic and college property generally, after it was seized by the King, was at once given as a present to his courtiers. This was not the case. The property was valued by commissioners, and sold to any one willing to buy it, at from 20 to 30 years' purchase. This was what happened to the Battlefield property. The College site was valued by the Commissioners at 17s. 8d. per annum, and was offered for sale at 20 years' purchase at £iy 13s. 4d. ; whilst the tithes and profits of the Church were valued at 20s., and offered for sale at £20. The tithes of St. Julian's were valued at 10s., and offered for sale at £10. All these were purchased, with a great deal more Church property, by John Cowper (or Cupper) and Richard Trevor, of London, and conveyed to them on 10 April, 1549. The property at St. Michaels-on-Wyre was sold to John Pykarcll and John Barnarde at 22 years' purchase for £49 10s. ; and the Aston property to Thomas Sydney of Walsingham and Nicholas Ilalswell of Gotehurste, at 22 years' purchase for £60. It is quite possible that the lands were valued at a comparatively low estimate, for in some cases it may not have been easy to find a purchaser. These dealings with the College property are entered in 248 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. Vol. 67 of the Exchequer Augmentations, Miscellaneous Books, a volume which is thus described : — " Boke conteyning the severall rates of certeyne Londes &c lately belonging aswell to Colleages Chauntries Free chapels guildes Eraternytes &c and other like thinges given to the Kinges ma1 or Soveraigne Lorde King Edwarde the sixte by force of an acte of Parlyament made &c in the first yere of his Highnes reigne as allsoo to Colleages &c gyven to the late King &c Henrye theight by an acte of Parlyament made in the xxxvijth yere of his reigne. Solde to divers and soundrie parsons uppon soundrye Bargaynes concluded and agreed by Sr. Walter Mildemay Knight, oone of the generall Surveyours of the conrte of augmentacions &c. Which sale hathe contyncwed in this booke from the xxixth of Septembr. in the saide seconde yeare of or saide Soueraigne Lordes reigne unto " PARTICULARS FOR SALE OF THE SITE OF BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE, AND THE CHAPEL OF ALBRIGHTON HUSSEY, &c 1549. (Exchequer Augmentations : Particulars for Sale of Colleges, &c. Temp. Henry VIII and Edward VI. Miscellaneous Books, Vol 67, folio 293.) Parcels of the late dissolved College of Battellelde in the County aforesaid. 'The firm of the mansion or site" of the late College aforesaid with all houses cdiiicesone dove- *n free socage, cote one garden and two orch- ards within the said site and precinct late in the tenure of the Master and Combrethren of the same late College, rxvijs viijd at The site of the aforesaid late College with the Chapel of Albrighton Hussey within the parish of Batlelfeld. besides ijb iiij'1 from the rent of a Chamber called the Curates Lodging assigned and reserved to the Proctor there now in the tenure of Edward Shorte Curate, valued and rented by the Commissioner of our Lord the King there per annum. J xx years pur- chas xvij1' xiij* iiijd BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 249 The site of the Chapel afoiesaid .£ (The firm of the Chapel aforesaid with' % all the tithes and other profits to the > same belonging in the tenure or T ^occupation of Richard Hussey esqiure by Indenture as ;t is said per annum. In free socage. xxs at xx yeares purchas xxli The premisses be all the Landes Ten'tes and here- detamentes to the saide Colledge belonging wlin the saide parishe. PARTICULARS FOR SALE OF THE TITHES OF THE RECTORY OF ST. JULIANA IN SHREWSBURY. 1 549. (Exchequer Augmentations: Particulars for Sale of Colleges, &c. Temp. Henry VIII. and Edward VI. Miscellaneous Books, Vol. 07, fo. 291b.) Parcels of the revenues of the late dissolved College of Battlefielde in the County aforesaid. The Firm of the Rectory of the parish Church of St. Juliana in the town of Salopp appropriated to the said late college, with all the tithes oblations profits and com- modities to the said rectory appertaining or belonging, so leased to Richard Hussey by Indenture under the common seal of the said late College for a term of years. Render- ing therefore beyond all burdens as well ordinary as extraordinary per annum ... 10s. In free socage. At xx yeres purchas ... xK Memorandum there is no more land nor Rentes w'in the said Parishe p'tending to the saide late Colledge. The Parish of St. Juliana in the town of Salop. Is worth in PARTICULARS FOR GRANT TO JOHN COVVPER AND RICHARD TREVOR, OF THE RECTORY OF ST. JULIANA, THE SITE OF BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE, AND THE CHAPEL OF ALBK1GHTON HUSSEY, TITHES IX HA RLASCOTE, AND CO I l AGI' S OK IIOOTIIS N'KAK THE COl.l.FGE. [.1549-50.] Vol. III., 3id Series. HH 2^0 BAT FLEl-'lELD COLLEGE ( Augmentation Office: Particulars for Grants, Edward VI. Grantees : Cowper John and Trevor Richard. Section I.) County of Salop. Parcels of the revenues of the late dissolved college of Battelfcld in 'the County aforesaid. Farish of St. Juliana in the) Town of Salopp. The site of the aforesaid' late College with the Chapel of Albrighton Hussey within the Parish of Battelfeld. The site of the Chapel) [The value of the rectory of St. Juliana, and of the site of the College, with the Chapel of Albrighton Hussey, follow here in the same words as in Vol. 67, given above.] aforesaid. (Augmentation Office: Particulars for Grants, 3 Edward VI. Grantees : Cowper John and Trevor RicJiard. Section 2.) m. 1. Memorandum that we John Cowper and Rychard Trevor do requyre to purchase of the Kynges matic by virtue of his graces Comyssyon of sale of landes the landes ten'tes and hereditaments contcyned and specyhed in the p'ticulcrs and rates herunto annexed &c In witnes w hereof &c we have put to our seales the last day of February in the thirde yere of the reigne of our Soveraygne lorde Edwarde the syxt &c. [1549-50.] m. 2. [Parcels of the revenues pertaining to the late dissolved College of Blessed Mary in the Town of Shrewsbury. Tithes in Harlescott, Newton, Wollascot, and Great Berwyke.] Parcels of the possessions of the late dissolved College of Battelfield in the County aforesaid. The firm of the sixth part of In free socage Tithes in Ilarlescote within the parish of St. Alkemund in the town of Salopp. the tithes of grain and hay viijd In xxij yers purchas V1J" VJS VUJ( arising or issuing within the township of Harlascote afore- said leased to Thomas Ireland by Indenture. Yielding thence [per annum There ys no more landes Ten'tes ne rentes in Harlescott afforeseid to the seid late College belonging. In free socage. ^ Cottages or lez bothes near tin- Site of the Col- lege aforesaid. Deductions namely in B ATT LK*FI E L 1 ) COLLEGE ''The rents of certain cottages^ or lez Bothes built upon land of Richard Hussey near the site of the late College afore- said, only let in time of market, together with the issues, toll and other profits annually arising in time of a! market there held upon the Feast of Blessed Mary Magdalene per annum — (The rents payable to Richard] • Hussey gentleman issuing from the* [the cottages aforesaid per annum J 551 xxjs iiij XVJ' XXs And there remain clear per annum The same was geven for c'ten yerely obytes to be kepte \vl the sayd late Colledge. There be no woodes upon any the p'mysses. by Richard Cupper, supervisor of the particular there. GRANT BY EDWARD VI. TO JOHN CUPPER AND RICHARD TREVOR, OF EON DON, GENT., OF THE RECTORY OF ST. JULIANA, THE SITE OF BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE, THE CHAPEL OF ALBKIGHTON HUSSEY, AND THE TITHES OF HARLESCOTE, AND COTTAGES OR BOOTHS NEAR THE COLLEGE. 10 APRIL 3 EDWARD VI. (1550.) (Patent Roll, 3 Edward VI. pars 6, man. /.) The King to all to whom &c greeting. Know ye that we for the sum of £2500 if 9* &c paid by our beloved in Christ John Cupper and Richard Turvor of London gentlemen, have given and granted and by these presents do give and grant to the aforesaid John Cupper and Richard Turvor, [amongst many other lands &c], All that our rectorv and church of St. Juliana in the town of Salop &c, with all its members and appurtenances, lately belonging to the lat . College ol Battelfelde &? now dissolved tlx. Also all th tithes and oblations and other our profits whatsoever with 252 nATTLEElELl) COLLEGE. their appurtenances in the town of Salop and elsewhere soever to the said Rectory and Church of St. Juliana in the town of Salop aforesaid in any manner belonging &c. Also all the house and site of the said late College of Battelfelde, and all our houses buildings barns stables dovecotes orchards appleyards gardens lands and ground within the site inclosure space circuit and precinct of the same late College, and being in the hands and occupation of the Master and combrethren of the same at the time of its dissolution then reserved and occupied. (Excepting nevertheless always out of this present grant (and) altogether reserved one chamber called " the Curates lodgyng " in Battelfelde aforesaid, now or late in the tenure of Edward Shorde Curate there). Moreover we give Sic to the aforesaid John Cupper and Richard Trevor, All that late chapel of Albrighton Hussey in the parish of Battel- felde and elsewhere soever now dissolved, belonging to the said late College of Battelfelde, &c, and all houses edifices lands meadows feedings pastures commons wastes tithes oblations and all other our rights, &c, whatsoever in the said parish of Battel fe Id and elsewhere soever in the said County of Salop to the said late chapel &c in any manner belonging, &c. And also all that our sixth part of the tithes of grain grass and wheat and of hay to us annually and from time to time arising, &c, of and in the township of Harlascote within the parish of St. Alkemund in the town of Salop, &c, to the said late College of Battelfelde of late belonging and apper- taining, and now or lately being in the tenure of Thomas Irelande. And all those our cottages or lez bothes built upon land of Richard Hussey near the site of the late College of Battelfelde. And all those our fairs and markets in Battelfelde in the said County of Salop, annually held and to be held annually upon the Feast of Blessed Mary Magdalene, and all tolls customs and other our profits commodities and emoluments whatsoever to the same fairs and markets in any manner belonging or appertaining. Which cottages or lez bothes, and fairs and markets aforesaid, and their profits, were given granted assigned and appointed to the sustentation of anniversaries in the said late College of Battelfelde afore- said, &c. To have hold and enjoy the aforesaid messuages, &c, to the aforesaid John Cupper and Richard Trevor, and BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE 253 the heirs and assigns of the same John Cupper for ever. To be holden of us our heirs and successors as of our manor of Staunton Lacy in the County of Salop by fealty only in free socage, &c. From time to time we will exonerate acquit and keep indemnified as well the said John Cupper and Richard Trevor, &c, as the aforesaid messuages, &c, from all corrodies, rents, &c, to be paid &c, except a certain annual rent of sixteen pence issuing from the aforesaid cottages near the site of the said late College of Battelfeld, and to be annually paid to Richard Hussey gentleman and his heirs, cV. Witness the King at Lieghes the tenth day of April. [I550-] PARTICULARS FOR GRANT OF LANDS IN ST. MICHAEL-ON- VVYRE TO JOHN" FYKARELL AND JOHN I3ARNARDE. 14 AUGUST 3 EDWARD VI (1550.) (Augmentation Office: Particulars for Grants, 3 Edward VI. Grantees : Pykarell John and Barnarde John.) Memorandum that we John Pykarell and John Barnarde, gent, requyre to purchase of the Kynges Maiestie &c the parsonage landes &c specified in the several particulars and Rates hereunto annexed &c In witness whereof we have sealed and subscribed this bill wl our owne handes the xiiijth daye of Auguste in the thirde yere of the Reigne of or Sovereigne lorde Edwarde the Sixte &c [1550.] Parcels of the possessions appertaining to the late College of Battelfyld in the County of Salopp' lately dissolved by virtue of a certain Act of Parliament. The firm of a meadow lying in length by a certain stream called le Broke on the south side of the aforesaid stream : of a close or pasture called the Horsehey lying on the west side of the aforesaid meadow, and it extends and abuts on the aforesaid stream. And of a close or pasture called the Blak Felde, otherwise the tohete croft, lying between the aforesaid close called the Horse- hey. And of another close called the Kylne Parcels of "\ lands within the parish of St. Michael on W yre in county of Lancaster lately be- longing to the College aforesaid. 254 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. Lyld extending and abutting on the aforesaid stream. Of one close or pasture called the Mossheye lying upon Wyre side on the south side, and it abuts on the common road towards the norjdi and a tenement of Roger Larkynson towards the west, in the tenure or occupation of Michael Thornburghe vicar of the church of St. Michael on Wyre in the said County of Lancaster. And also of a moiety of two cottages and three gardens in the tenure or occupation of Richard Hogekynson and Thomas Remyngton. And also of two lanes now in the tenure of the aforesaid vicar and Laurence Cotton so let to John Buttere and Gilbert Grene chaplains by Indenture sealed with the common seal of the said late College bearing date the third day of July in the 31st year of the reign of the late King Henry VIII. for the term of 81 years Rendering yearly &c 20s in the whole per annum ... ... ... xxiiijs There be no landes ner ten'ts comprised in the lease afore- said other than the p'mysses. It' there be other landes & ten'tes to the said late College lately belongyng of the yearely value \vl the p'mysses of liiij1' These be the furste p'ticulers by me made of the p'mysses. exam" by Richard Cupper, supervisor of the partieulars there. xiiijlh day of August in the; third year of King] Edward the Sixth, lor Richard Palladye gentle- 1 man,1 servant of the Lord Protector. I The clere yerelie value of the premises ... xxiiijs wdl rated at xxij yeres purchas amo1'1 ... ... xxvj1' viij5 To be paide all in hand. The tenure in soeage. 1 This must be a mistake for John Pykarell and John Barnarde, the chasers of these premises. Palladyc's purchase comes next. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 255 Parcels of the lands within the parish of St Michael on VVyre in the County of Lancaster lately belong- ing to the aforesaid College. Parcels of the possessions of the late College of Battelfylde &c dissolved. The firm of one tenement with all lands meadows feedings and pastures with all their appurtenances to the same tenement belonging or appertaining lying &c within the town of Trenacre in the County afore- said. And with all the tithes arising or increasing from the same tenement and lands, in the tenure or occupation of Roger Parkynson by Indenture. Rendering there- fore per annum ... ... ... xlvs These bey all the landes and ten'tes in Trenacre afforesaid letten to the seid Roger Perkynson by the said Indenture, xiij day of July in the | T lie clere yerelie value of the prea- third year of King mjsses _ _ xlvs Edward VI. for Kichard > T . . .... . . . Paiiadye servant of the Wch rated at xxij yeres purchas amoth Lord Protector. J j-q xlix1' Xs The tenure in socage. GRANT BY EDWARD VI TO JOHN PYKARELL AND JOHN BARNARDE OP LANDS IN ST. MICHAEL-ON -VVYRE, 12 DECEMBER 3 EDWARD VI. (1550.) (Patent Roll, 3 Edward VI., pars 2, mem. 2.) The King to all to whom &c greeting. Know he that we, for a sum of Two hundred and thirty four pounds eighteen shillings and ten pence, &c, by our beloved John Pykarell and John Barnarde, gentlemen, paid, cS:c, of our special grace and from our certain knowledge and mere motion, &°, have, given and granted and by these presents do give and grant to the aforesaid John Pykarell and John Barnard, &c, [amongst other premises] All that our meadow with the appurtenances lying within the parish of St Michael on Wyre in our County of Lancaster [The lands as described in the Particulars for Grant of 14 August 1550.] to the late College of Battelfelde of late belonging and appertaining &c To have hold and enjoy &c to the aforesaid John Pykarell and John Barnarde their heirs and assigns for ever, &c. To 256 BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. hold of us &c as of our manor of Est Grenwych in our County of Kent by fealty only in free socage and not in capite &c. Witness the King at Westminster the xijth day of December. [1550.] PARTICULARS FOR d KANT OF THE TOWNSHIP OF ASTON WITHIN THE LORDSHIP OF IDSALL (SHIFNAL) TO THOMAS SYDNEY AND NICHOLAS II ALSWELL. I APRIL 7 ED WAR D VI (1553.) (Augmentation Office: Particulars for Grants, 7 Edward VI. Grantees: Sydney Thomas and Halswell Nicholas.) Memorandum that we Thomas Sydney and Nicholas Halswell Esquyers as requyre to have in purchase of the Kynges Maiestie the manor landes &c sp'ified in the p'ticlers and rates hereunto annexed cS:c. Subscribed wth our handes We have put our Seales the first daie of Aprill in the seventh yere of the reigne of our sovereigne Lorde Edwarde the sixt &c. (14) County of Salopp'. Parcels of the late College of Batelfeilde in the County aforesaid being, amongst others, in the hand of our Lord the King by the Act of Colleges Chantries &c. Aston in the County aforesaid £ f The firm of the township of Aston within I J the lordship of Idsall belonging to the said late College of Batelfeilde, leased to Robert Forster in fee farm as is said. Rendering therefore per annum &c three pounds ... lxs The Clere yerely value of the premisses ... lxs Whiche rated at xx yeres prchase amounteth to lxli To be paid all in hande The Kinges Mat'0 to discharge the prchaser of all encombraunces Excepte leases cS: the Co\rennates in the same. The tenure in Socage. The p'VhasiT to be bounue for the woodes. BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. 257 GRANT BY EDWARD VI. TO THOMAS SYDNEY, OF WALSYNGHAM, ESQ., AND NICHOLAS HALS WELL, OF GOTEHURSTE, ESQ., OF THE TOWNSHIP OF ASTON WITHIN THE LORDSHIP OF IDSALL. I MAY 7 EDWARD VI. (1553.) (Patent Roll, 7 Edward 1-7. pars /, mem. /.) The King to all to whom ccc greeting. Know ye that, for the sum of £1709 rgs 8Jd &c, by our beloved servant Thomas Sydney of Walsyngham in the County of Norfolk esquire and Nicholas Halswell of Gotehurste in the County of Somerset esquire into our hands paid &c; of our special grace and of our certain knowledge and mere motion we have given and granted and by these presents do give and grant to the aforesaid Thomas Sydney and Nicholas Halswell &c [amongst man)- other lands &c] All that our township of Aston, and all our messuages lands par^. vv BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. of tithes;1 and on 7 May 27 Elizabeth (1585), the Church- wardens of Idsall tiled a Bill against Richard Moreton, for withholding 26s. 8d. and certain bread from the poor inhabi- tants of Idsall.2 The Depositions in these Suits are full of inter- esting facts. The rectory of Idsall afterwards passed to the Briggs family of Haughton, and since to the Brooke family. What became of the tithes of Ford and Dawley after the dissolution of Battlefield College does not appear. In 1553, a pension of fj 6s. 8d. was being paid to John Butterie, chaplain, and of £5 to Edward Shorde the incum- bent of Battlefield.3 It is presumed that some other living was found for the other chaplains who were turned out at the dissolution. The plan of the Church and site which was drawn by Mr. S. Pountney Smith before the restoration of the Church, shows clearly the position of the fishponds and stews of the College, on the south side of the Church. The College itself may have stood between the Church and the fishponds, on the south side of the churchyard, but until some excavations are carried out its exact site cannot be definitely ascertained. The population of the parish has fallen off since the disso- lution of the College. In 1549 there were "C houseling people," i.e. communicants, and perhaps 200 inhabitants. In 1674 only eleven houses were assessed to the Hearth Tax in ' Batlefeild & Abright hussey." There are now about 70 resident inhabitants. It remains only to thank Sir Henry Bemrose for the loan of some original deeds relating to the College, one having the College; Seal affixed to it. Some of the documents were extracted from the Public Record Office for the writer by Mr. W. K. Boyd; the others were extracted by the writer himself from the sources named. 1 Exchequer liills and Answers, temp. Elizabeth, Salop, no. 5, 2 pars ( Moreton v. Foster, &c). I ^positions by Commission, Trinity Term 27 Elizabeth, No. 4, Salop. Decrees and Orders, Hilary Term 29 Elizabeth, p. 5 (Vol. MIL) - Exchequer Hills and Answers, temp. Elizabeth, Salop, no. 12, 2 pars (BlocUley v. Moreton). Depositions by Commission, Michaelmas Term 27-28 Elizabeth, No. 25, Salop. Decrees, 27 Lli/. Mich. 24 (Vol. XL); 28 Lliz. Nil. 6 (Vol. ML); 28 and 29 Klizabeth Mich. '6 ; 28 and 29 Eliz., p. 153 (Vol. ML) See also Kxcl). Hills and Answers, temp. Lli/., 2 pars, Salop, 21. (Moreton v. Inhabitants ol Shifnal.) :1 Rev. Edward Williams's MSS., lolio, II. 96. " Krcm Willis's History of Abbiest Vol. 11." ALLEGED RELICS FROM BATTLE FIELD By HERBERT R. H. SOUTH AM, K.S.A, E.R.Hist.S., Mayor of Shricwsisury. Richard Brooke in his Visit to Fields of flattie in England of the Fifteenth Century, 1857, states: " I could not ascertain, after making Some inquiries in the neighbourhood, that any relics indicative of the battle had very recently been dug up. I however was informed, that fragments of armour, human bones, spurs, and similar relics, had formerly been discovered there." He then mentions the passage in Meyrick relative to the gisarme hereafter referred to, and proceeds, " and one man informed me that in his time, human bones had been found there in ploughing. I am indebted to the politeness of the incumbent of the church, the Rev. J. O. Hopkins, rector of Uffington, for the information, that in the field near the church, spurs, fragments of armour, of weapons, &c, have been dug up, but in small quantities ; and it seems remarkable, that the relics discovered there have been com- paratively few ; although, as the battle was fought in the heat of summer, the slain must necessarily have been promptly interred, and the opportunity for carefully stripping them, and carrying off various articles from the field, must have been diminished, etc." 1 do not think that we should conclude that the dead were buried before the greater part of the arms and armour had been removed. The; position of the battle ground, near to a town anxious to show its loyalty to the victor would enable many residents, and camp followers, to spoil the dead of anything of value, and, with the exception of those of rank, little respect would be paid to the fallen friend or foe. It is very probable that the arms which wen: not taken by the above-named would be annexed by the: officers appointed to superintend the musters, and that these arms appeared — Vol. III., }ul Scries. KK 262 ALLEGED RELICS FROM BATTLEFIELD. often with alterations — in many a hard fought battle of the Wars of the Roses, and perhaps later. It is well known that good sword blades were handed down from father to son. The late eminent architect, Mr. Pountney Smith, when restoring the Church added some gargoyles which show a cannonier and his piece, and this may have strengthened the local legend that cannon must have been used at the battle, and every iron shot found near is credited as having been fired there. But it must be remembered that Shrewsbury and the neighbourhood played a large part in the civil war of the 17th century. (1) A Cannon Ball, picked up by Sir John Smalman Smith near Battlefield, and given by him to the Shrewsbury Museum. This is of iron, with a diameter of 3 inches, and weighs 4 lbs. I believe it must be classed with those used at a much later date, probably during the Civil War. It is well known that cannon were in use at the time of the Battle of Shrewsbury, but it is generally accepted that they were used for bombarding the walls of a town, and that they were not taken with any army into the open held; if they were, it was a rare occurrence. Hewitt mentions that " no piece of a cannon of the fourteenth century has yet been observed in the illuminated manuscripts or other monuments of the time. The miniature from Sloane MS. 2,433, so often engraved as an example of this age, is clearly of the next century." If this is correct, it is very doubtful if the)' were in general use;, and 1403 can, lor this purpose, be reckoned as part of the 14th century. It is evident that all large pieces were carried on carts or such like, were moved with difficulty, and were fired from platforms. Cannon were known abroad long before their appearance in England, and the knowledge of the weapon and the moral effect of the lire may have been brought to this country by those mercenary English soldiers who fought with the Cast'lian Arm)' about 13 {2-3. Most oi the early cannon were: of the nature of mortars or Bombards, and it is known that Battering Cannon of this kind were used at the taking of Mans in 1 |2 j. Alleged relics from battlefield. 263 It is most likely that the bore was a large one, and that stone shot was the usual projectile. There was little chance of much advancement in the science of artillery between 1403 and 1414, at which date Henry V. ordered Nicholas Newbury, " The Master of the 'Ordnance," to " cause 7,000 stone balls to be cut in the quarries on Maidstone heath for guns of different sorts," and previously, in the time of Richard II., there is one special mention of 600 stone balls. Cannon are said to have been used at Cressy in 13 46, but it is doubtful if Froissart really indicates this, though Villani, who died in 1348, states it as a fact. Guns were generally mounted on fortified places, as for instance at Holy Island, where in an inventory taken in 1401 there is a reference to iiij gonnes; and in 1409 mention of iij gunnes. It must not be forgotten that the oldest form was most generally a breechloader, and one of this type, ot Portugese make, dated 1370, was taken from the Goodwin sands in 1775. A very long cannon of iron, dated 1354, was taken from the Fort at Margate in 1775 and melted dow n. In the Inventory of the goods of Sir John Fastolfe, who died in 1459, are "iij gounes called Serpentins." It has been stated that the first cannon made in Fngland was executed by John Owen in 152 1, and that the first cast guns were made at Buxted furnace, about 10 miles from Lewes, in 1543 by Ralph Hogge. If this is correct, the guns previously in use were of foreign make, and unlikely to be man)' in number. In the Island of Walney in Morecambe Bay, at the end of the 18th century, various cannon balls were discovered. Some of these were cast iron 2in. in diameter, others hammered iron 5^111. diameter, and 1 cast iron 1 inch enveloped in lead, to increase the size and weight, and also some of sandstone Gin. diameter. Their date is uncertain, and they may have been used as late as the 17th century. On the whole my conclusion is, that if cannon were in use at the Battle of Shrewsbury, the projectiles would have been of stone and not of iron. (See Archccologia, vols, v., x., xxi. and xxviii. ; Notes and Queries; Hewitt's Ancient Armour and Wea[))ii$ of Europe^ 264 ALLEGED RELICS FROM BATTLEFIELD. vol. ii. ; Owen's Modern A rtillery, 1871 ; Grose's Military Antiquities, 1788). There are six other cannon balls in the Shrewsbury Museum which are mentioned in the late Rev. W. A. Leighton's Museum Catalogue as having been found at Battlefield and other places. {Shropshire Arch. Soc.'s Tran- sactions, vol. v., page 415). (2) A Bill or Gisarme, mentioned by Grose in his Military Antiquities, etc., of the English Army; and in A Critical Inquiry into Antic nt Armour, etc., by Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, 2nd edition, vol. i., 1842, page 28. From the latter book the following is extracted, as it refers to both of the above: — " From these words we may collect, that it [the gisarme] was a double weapon, or compounded of two kinds of arms, or had both a cutting blade and some sort of spike; in truth, it was either a glaive gisarme,1 or a bill gisarme. Of the former kind are several in my own armoury ; and of the latter two. Grose has also figured one, without being aware of its name, that was dug up at Battlefield, near Shrewsbury, which seems to have had bells attached to it, and was found with a staff six feet long. These are both represented at the bottom of Plate xxviii., and have both the rising spike at the back, the distinctive mark of the gisarme.'' Hewitt in referring to the weapons used at the beginning of the fifteenth century mentions that " the pole-axe (guis- arme ?) " was a favourite weapon of leaders and common soldiers, and it was undoubtedly the principal long-handed weapon of the infantry tow ards the close of the 14th century. The Gisarme was frequently mentioned by the early chroniclers and poets as having been a weapon much in use, and Wace speaks of it as " sharp, long and broad." Later on it appears to have often been confused with the pole-axe, but it was a different weapon from this and the common bill. The ordinary bill was in use at a much later date, the Yeomen of the Guard and soldiers always having to 1 An ancient Latin and French Glossary has ftesu, jusarme, manic re de glaive ; yet the \ le.suni was a weapon lo throw. See I Hi t'ange in voce. An old Fnidish (lisanne at Goodrich Court, is represented in Skrlloifs ItJastr. ii., j)l. lwxiv. ALLEGE!) kELICS FROM BATTLEFIELD. carry it when on guard in the Tower of London in the 18th year of Henry VIII. (Cowell's Interpreter, 1607; Pegge's Curialia, pt. iii., 1791 ; Meyrick's Antient Armour, 1842; Hewitt's Ancient Armour, etc., i860; Boutell's Arms and A rmour, 1874). (3) 2 Round Shields in the Shrewsbury Museum, said to have been found near Battlefield. It has been suggested that they were targets used by the Scotch followers of Douglas, but from Lord Dillon's Exhibi- tion notes and Mr. Guy Laking's personal examination it would appear that these are ordinary bucklers, of the Tudor period (circa 1500 — 1525). (4) Hotspur's Sword. — The late Augustus J. C. Hare in his Sussex states that " amongst the relics preserved at Petworth House (Lord Leconfield's) in co. Sussex, is the sword used by Hotspur at the Battle of Shrewsbury. The old castle of the Percies stood near the town of Petworth, and in the Church there lie the remains of several members of the family." I am afraid, from inquiries I have made, that this sword cannot claim the historical interest and antiquity which the delightful, but sometimes incorrect, author would wish us to believe. (5) Armour at Sundorne Castle, said to have been found near Battlefield. This is of much later date, and much that is often classed as 15th century is often only part of the armour that was produced at musters in Elizabeth's time. Lord Dillon in this present part of the Transactions deals with the usual dress worn by the fighting men present at the Battle of Shrewsbury, and as there was no standing army or anything like uniformity in dress — with rare exceptions in peace time in the case of the retinue of rich nobles — it is likely that the army on each side was composed of men who fought in their ordinary dress, with such added protection as they were able to obtain and adapt. (6) Hotspur's Helmet. — It having been reported to me that some people believe Hotspur's helmet to be in Beverley Minster, 1 have made enquiries from the Vicar, the Rev. Canon Nolloth, and others, and find that there are two 266 ALLEGED RELICS FROM BATTLEFIELD. helmets over the tomb of the 4th Karl of Northumberland, who was killed at Topcliffe in 1489, and as these are both of later date than those worn in 1403, it is impossible for either of them to have been Hotspur's. They, no doubt, belonged to the nobleman above-named. One is a good specimen of a jousting helmet. (7) Coat of Chain Mail, very heavy, double in front, and Helmet. The property of Mr. Dovaston of West Felton. Lord Dillon in his notes on 'the Armour exhibited at the Music Hall, Shrewsbury, in May, 1898, says : — " As to the chain mail (referring to this one), it is difficult to believe that any, or at all events, any good specimens represent the chain hawberks or sleeves worn as far back as the days when Falstaff fought a long hour by Shrewsbury clock. The damp climate acts most destructively on the fine links, and it should be remembered that much chain mail was worn as late as Elizabeth's time, and it is to that period one must, in the absence of most definite proof to the contrary, assign specimens found in this country." Chain mail covering was largely made abroad, and even Sir Thomas Gresham in 1 559-6° did not hesitate to smuggle into the Tower of London 2,000 coats of mail at 33s. 4c!. each, and 2,000 sleeves of mail at 10s. each. {Life and Times of Sir Thomas Gresham, vol. i., page 478). BATTLEFIELD CHURCH MEMORIALS ON THE TOWER. Ihynt u U,, I •/(.-. ./ ' •../. , ti.tt i.. ..„/,• / i> :, rh«t,>: II. II . II a. ih < 267 CARVED MEMORIALS ON THE TOWER OF BATTLE F I E LI) C H U RC H . By WILLIAM PHILLIPS, F.L.S. The addition of a tower to Battlefield Church, supposed to have been completed near the end of the fifteenth century, is attributed in part, if not entirely, to the pious zeal of Adam Grafton, LL.D. of Cambridge, Master of the College of Battlefield from Nov. 17, 1478, to his resignation some time before 1521. He was of an old Shrewsbury family who played their part with distinction in the public affairs of this borough ; one of them attested by his seal the Composition granted to the town in 1380. The estimation in which this Master of the College was held by his contemporaries is indicated by an inscription on a brass placed near his tomb in Withington Church, Salop, at the feet of a full length effigy in cassock, surplice, almuce and cope : — ^)ere beth burneb ittaster Jib am (Station the moet toorshinfull prest hjbjmg in hv»ss bans snmtmne ehapleime to the ffamotos nrinnjs l\\n\% QLbtoarb the t)ih & prnnce Jlrthurc archebecon of staff Sliiarben of the battel ffelb Jlcanc of seunt Jtiatn (HoUegc in support it. " His first Master after he had learned the elements ot letters was one John Rede, who, it seems, '.was also his chaplain ; and in his tenth year he was placed under the tuition of the blind poet laureate Bernard Andre." — Diet. Nttl. f>iog. OF BATTLE FIELD CHURCH. 269 Master Joachim Bretunmer, S.T.P. Prebendary of Freford, July 20, 1515; he was appointed Dean of St. Mary's, Salop, but at what date is unknown. This deanery he resigned in 1513; and in 1514, was made Archdeacon of Stafford. He died, as already stated, 24 July, 1530. The Shropshire family from which Master Adam Grafton is believed to have descended took its name from Grafton, a small township in the parish of Fitz, three and a half miles north-west of Shrewsbury. What land they held at Grafton we have no knowledge, except that in 1385 the ■- Abbot of Haughmond demised a messuage and a half virgate of land in Grafton to Roger, son of Thomas dc Grafton, and Isabella, Roger's wife, and John his son." The earliest occurrence of the family name is on a roll of Burgesses of Shrewsbury in 13 18, on which Reginald de Grafton is mentioned. He also appears as a witness to a deed of the year 1326. His wife Petronilla was a widow in 1340. Their son John de Grafton was a Burgess, and members of the family continued to figure in the official life of Shrewsbury down to the first half of the 16th century. Robert de Grafton, great-grandson of Reginald above- mentioned, represented the town in Parliament in 1386, and again in 1390. In this latter year he served the office of Bailiff of Shrewsbury in conjunction with Reginald de Mitton, and was appointed Auditor of North Wales (15 Ric. II.) As an evidence of his popularity he was elected Bailiff for the second time in 1401, in conjunction with William dc Berrington. Robert Owen, deputy Herald of Shropshire (1619) gives his arms:— Per saltire sable and ermine, a lion rampant or. Richard Grafton, Grocer and citizen of London, who published the first Bible in the English language, bore the same arms. "The College of Arms has registered his pedigree in their Visitation of Bucks in the year 1574, i.e., the year after his death, as having been son and heir of Nicholas, who was son and heir to Adam Grafton of Shrewsbury, whose right to bear arms seems to have been indisputable." 1 1 Dr. Kingston's " Incidents in the Lives of Thomas Poyntz ami Richard (iratton." I'rivately printed. London, l-Sut,. Grafton, p. 1. 2JQ CARVED MEMORIALS ON THE TOWER The pedigree is as follows : — Herald's College London. Adam Grafton, of Shrewsbury, Co. Salop=f= I I Anncs, dau. of . . . Croinc of Salisbury (died May, 1560).1 Nicholas Grafton, son and heir^ I I I 2 j=Richard Grafton of the City of pAlys OllyfTe married London, Stationer and Printer I lan., 1561 -2. (died May, is?.?).1 J I Nicholas Grafton, born 1567.1 Robert Grafton, sun and heir. Edward r-Anne, dau of Richard Grafton, 3rd George Irafton, 2nd son. of Little Missen- den, co. Bucks. Nicolas Bacon son, had a confinna- ofWestonTur- tion of the Arms and ville, co. Bucks a new Crest granted to him Anno 15S4. Grafton, 4th son. Johanna, wife of Ric. Tut- tell of London, cent. Alfred Scott-Gatty, Vork Herald. Francis Grafton. Jane. As the Adam Grafton mentioned in this pedigree is the only one of the name that can be discovered at the College of Arms, or elsewhere, the bold conjecture has been started in the work mentioned in the footnote, that he might be the Master of Battlefield College — which appears to some persons in the highest degree improbable. It is open, however, to suggest that Nicholas, the only son, may have been the issue of an early marriage, and that on the death of the mother Adam Grafton may have determined to enter the Church, and of course become a celibate. If this conjecture is rejec- ted, we can produce no reliable evidence of the Priest's connection with the Shropshire Graftons. At the same time there are many circumstances to confirm the generally received opinion that he was so connected. We will now describe live carved stones on the tower which associate Master Adam Grafton, and others, with the completion of that important addition to the Church. To assist us in doing this four of the stones, which are at a high elevation, and much injured by the weather, have been care- fully examined by the aid o( a telescope, and drawings of them kindly made by Mr. Edwin Cole of Shrewsbury. That numbered I. on the accompanping plate is reduced from a 1 l'.uish Reg. of Christ's Church, Newgate Street. OF HATTL K FIELD CHURCH. 27; careful rubbing, made at considerable risk of accident, by Mr. Edwin Parry in 1897. The group has been kindly photographed for these Transactions by Mr. H. H. Hughes, to whom, with the Mayor of Shrewsbury, who has renderect much help, our thanks are due. There is one carved stone, on the north side of the Tower rising from the string-cours 8P Foreign Accounts of Court of Exchequer. 1-6 Henry IV. L.T.R. Salop. Pells Issue Roll. 4 Henry IV. Easter. Inquisitions ad quod damnum. 4 Henry IV., no. 7, 8, 26b. 5 Henry IV., no. 25a, 25b. n Henry IV., no. 25. 19-23 Henry VI., no. 73. Exchequer O.K. Church Goods, 6 Edward VP, in. 12. 7 Edward VI., ^, m. 5, Duchy of Lancaster. Warrants 10 Henry IV., 2 pars, folio 153b. Patents 10 Henry IV., 2 pars, folio 139. Exchequer, Ministers Accounts, 1 and 2 Edward VI. Salop, no. 41. 2 and 3 Edward VP, Salop, no. }j. 3 and j Edward VP, no. .|S. .j and 5 Edward VP, no. .(3. 28o A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BATTLEFIELD. Exchequer Bills and Answers, temp. Elizabeth, 2, pars, no. 12. (Blockley v. Moreton, and Moreton v. Foster). Exchequer Depositions by Commission, Trin. 27 Eliz., no. 4; Mich. 27 and 28 Eliz., no. 25. Salop. Exchequer Decrees 27 Elfz., Mich. 15 and 22; 28 Eliz., Mich. 164; and 28 and 29 Eliz., p. 153; 29 Eliz., Hil. 5. Exchequer, Lay Subsidies, Salop, m. 2 dorso. Certificates of Colleges, &c, 37 Henry VIII., Salop 40, no. 2. 2 Edward VI., Salop 41, no. 3. Exchequer Augmentations. Particulars for Sale of Colleges, &c, temp. Henry VIII. and Edward VI. Miscellaneous books, vol. 67, fos. 291b, and 293. Particulars for Grants. Edward VI. Cowper and Trevor. rectory of St. Julian's). Sydney and Halswell (Aston). Pykarell and Barnarde (St. Michael on Wyre). At the BRITISH MUSEUM. Cottonian MS. Vespasian E. VII. Nos. 19, 20, 21. (Letters from Henry IV. and Earl of Northumberland in 1403). Cottonian MS. Vespasian E. XIII. fos. 16, 17, 18 ; and E. VII. fo.25. (Letters from the Earl of Northumberland, 1403, Sec). Cottonian MS. Cleopatra, E. III. fo. 112. (Letter from Henry IV. to his Council, 17 July, 1403). Cottonian MS. Julius E. IV. Art. 6, folio 424 (4). (Sixteenth century picture of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick, at the battle of Shrewsbury. By John Ross of Warwick, circa 1580). Lansdowne MS. 447. (Copy of Foundation Charter). Additional MS. 24,844, fo. 44. (Appointment of a Collector of Alms, temp. Henry VIII.) Ditto 3°>324> fo- 104- (Will of Roger Ive). Ditto 21,236. (E. Williams's Church Notes, and drawings of windows and monuments). Harleian MS. 1989, fo. 283. (Battle of Shrewsbury). Ditto 661. (The Percics' Indictment of Henry IV.) At the SHREWSBURY ERIC E LIBRARY. Hotchkiss MS., vol. 4, pages 42, 223-2 jr. (Seven documents relating to Battlefield). A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BATTLEFIELD. Pidgeon, H. MS. (A full account of the Church). Williams MS., large folio, vol. I., pages 251, 325, 349, 405, 406, 428, 447, 448, 450. (A number of documents relating to Battlefield, from the MSS. of Sir Richard J I ill, J. Corbet of Sundorn, T. Jobber of Aston, &c). Ditto, vol. II., pages 57-60, 72, 81, 89, 96, 108, 150, 151, 273> 372, 373, 391. (Extracts from printed books). Ditto, small folio, vol. I., pages 64, 186, 268, 275, 381. (Extracts from Dodsworth and Carte MSS.) Ditto, Vol. II., pages 1-4, 117. (Extracts from Ashmole MSS.). Ditto, vol. III., page 120. (Note about a Bull from the Council of Basil founding this College, penes T. Jobber). Ditto, Haughmond Cartulary, page 90. (Dispute between Haughmond and Battlefield in 1462, as to the tithes of Derfald). Newling MS. Small 4to. (Notes about Battlefield) Morris MS. Registers. (Extracts from the Battlefield Registers). Morris MS. (No. 443), folios 42, 202, 265. (Notes as to the Church). At the BODLEIAN LIBRARY. Dodsworth MS. 28. (Bull of Pope John). Ditto 50. (William Peeris, Rhyming Chronicle of the Percies). Ditto 131. (Various notes). Carte MS. UUUU, page 107. (Cost of maintaining poor, 1693-5)- Ashmole MS. 854, fo. 169-172. (Church Notes taken 1662-3). Ditto 866. (Note as to the number slain in battle). Laud MS. 748. (Notes about the battle). Blakeway MS. 9. (History o( Shrewsbury Liberties). Ditto 2. (Parochial Notices). Ditto 14. (Parochial Clergy). Leland MS. 5102, page 39. (Batelisfield). Charters, Shropshire, No. 68. (Grant by Richard Hussey to lve, 1 j 14). Vol. 111., jrei Scries. NN an 282 A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF BATTLEFIELD. At LICHFIELD. Lichtield Episcopal Registers. Vols. VII. and VIII., fo. 105. (Admission of Roger Yve). Vol. IX. fo. 187, 187b, 188. (Three documents relating to the erection of the College). Vol. X. fo. 4. (Admission of Henry Bastard, and Ordin- ance). Vol. XI. fo. 34. (Admission of Roger Phelyps). Vol. XII. fo. 127. (Indulgence). Vol. XIII. fo. 90. (Admission of Adam Grafton). Vol. XIV. fo. 31b. (Admission of John Hussey). At the WILLIAM SALT LIBRARY, STAFFORD. Census of the Province of Canterbury, 1676. IN PRIVATE COLLECTIONS. Sir Henry H. Bemrose, Derby. 28 May 10 Henry IV. Grant by Henry IV. of the Rectory of Michaelskirke. (In Norman-French, with Seal). 5 Dec. 24 Henry VI. Charter confirming the liberties, &c. (with Seal). 7 Sept. 13 Henry VIII. Lease for 61 years from John Hussey, master, to William Hatton of Aston of lands in Aston near Shifnal. 7 March 19 Henry VIII. Lease for 60 years from Humfrey Thomas, master, to John Spencer of Aston of lands in Aston. 30 Sept. 22 Henry VIII. Lease for 94 years from Humfrey Thomas, master, to Robert Forster and Katherine his wife of lands in Aston. 2 May 7 Edward VI. Grant from Thomas Sydney and Nicholas Halswell to John Hatton of Shifnal of the township of Aston. 24 Oct. 8 Elizabeth. Exemplification , at the request of Richard Moreton junior and Thomas Jobber, of Enrolments of Letters Patent dated 29 June 1 Henry VII. (with Seal). (These 7 deeds formerly belonged to Rev. J. Moultrie, and presumably originally to Thomas Jobber of Aslon). A BIBLIOGRAPHY OP BATTLEFIELD. 283 Rev. E. O. Bridgeman, Blymhill. Hardwick MSS. Col- lections for Shropshire, Vol. III., pages 1-11. W. Phillips, Shrewsbury. A MS. Volume containing numerous extracts, drawings, &c, relating to Battlefield. Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, Shrewsbury. A large number of copies of documents from the Public Record Office, Lich- field Diocesan Registry, and various Public Libraries, relating to Battlefield. MAPS. AND PLANS. At the Shrewsbury Free Library are 9 or 10 sheets of original plans of the Church and site of Battlefield, drawn by the late S. Pountney Smith, circa 1859. 284 THE HEARTH MONEY TAX FOR BATTLEFIELD AND ALBRIGHT HUSSEY, 1674. The Hearth money Tax was levied from 14 Charles II. until 1 William and Mary (1663 — 1690). The sum of two shillings was payable in respect of each fire-hearth. The position of any householder during that period is thus shown, as the returns specify the number of hearths in respect of which he was taxed. The following is a list of the persons assessed at Battlefield for the year ending 29 September, 1674. It is taken from Exchequer Lay Subsidies, Salop, mem. 2d. County of Salop. A true and perfect Duplicate of all the Firehearths and Stoves within the county of Salop and the sums of Money collected thereupon for an hole year ended 29 September 1674. [25 Charles II.] Batlefeild & Abrighthussey. hrtes. lb. ss. John Nethway... 0 2 John Chandler 0 2 Widd' Donne ... 0 4 Richard Wilson 0 2 Richard Hudson 0 2 Thomas Foster 0 2 Humfrey Beate ... 0 2 Thomas Bowers 0 4 Nathaniell Garmston... 0 2 Simon Ryder ... 0 2 Robert Corbett, Esqr. 9 0 18 In the year 1676 there were in Battlefield, as appears from a MS. in the William Salt Library at Stafford, An Account of the Province of Canterbury, 1 070, " 54 Conformists, no Papists and no Nonconformists/' above the age of sixteen years. W. G. D. F. 285 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. By H. M. AUDEN, F.R.Hist.S. We are all so familiar with our present day surroundings that probably it rarely occurs to any of us to try to picture what this county of ours was like 500 years ago. We may, perhaps, find it interesting if we can succeed in making a sketch before our mind's eyes of how the country looked to those who were living in 1403. The end of the 14th century had been a time of comparative prosperity for England. The Black Death of 1349, which had swept away nearly half the population, had revolutionized the conditions of labour, and at the first caused much tumult and distress. By degrees, however, this was lived down, and capital and labour began to adapt themselves to new conditions. The pestilence had left the landlords with the alternative of either allowing their land to remain untilled or employing paid labourers, for their serfs had died, and there was no one to undertake the labour dues of their estates. Hence, in spite of stringent laws regulating wages, men and women became steadily better paid, till in 1400 men sometimes demanded 5d. a day and women 3d., sums fully equivalent to our 5s. and 3s. 1 Society was at first slow in adapting itself to the changed conditions; the landowners hung back from employing paid labour, and the labourers were exorbitant in their demands, but by the time that Henry IV. ascended the throne, matters were in a fairly satisfactory state. The loss of the feudal form of tenantry brought in the fanners, who held land in the modern way by a money rent, and the yeomen, less depend- ent on hired labour than the greater landowners, increased in prosperity and importance. 1 The value of money was then approximately 15 times greater than at present. Vol. III., 3rd Scries. OO 286 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. The towns throughout the 14th century had grown steadily in population and wealth, and had become a distinct feature in political life. Great men furthered the interests of the towns with which they were connected, and the Royal boroughs received many privileges. It is evident that Lord Chancellor Burnell, who was a man, in some ways, in advance of his times, intended at the close of the 13th century1 to make Acton Burnell into a market town, with its burgesses governed and protected by the Lord of the Manor, whose fortified manor house — it is not strictly speaking a castle — ovei looked their dwellings. At an earlier period King Henry I. had added to the value of his Manor of Edgmond by founding within its limits the market town of Newport, or Newborough, as it was at first called, the burgesses of which held their privileges by the service of carrying fish from the great fish pool, then existing there, to the King's Court.2 The number of churches built, or rather re-built, between 1350 and 1400 is some index to the prosperity of the time. Our Shropshire churches are generally of very early foundation, and many retain Norman fonts, though the work of the Normnn builders has disappeared. The country churches being often held by the abbeys did not so often share in the wave of re-building as the town churches, but several show 15th century work in their towers. Albrighton by Shifnal, once a market town, has an east window of this date, and there is beautiful late 14th century work at Stottesdon. Tong is an almost perfect example of a church of 1410, and Battlefield was built in 1408. In the towns we have the magnificent church of St. Lawrence at Ludlow telling of the prosperity and the generosity of the 15th century burgesses, and Newport church tells the same story. In Shrewsbury, the Drapers' Company added their chapel to St. Mary's, and the Shearmen theirs to St. Julian's, while St. Chad's received additions at which we now can only guess. The spires of St. Mary's and St. Alkmund's, and the upper storey of St. Julian's tower, all speak of 15th 1 Kyton, VI., 136. 2 KylCMi, IX., 1 2i). SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 287 century prosperity, and the parishioners of Holy Cross also beautified their church at the western end of the great Abbey Church of St. Peter and St. Paul. The domestic architecture of the 14th century has almost completely vanished from Shropshire. We have the ruins of castles, more or less strong, fortresses like Shrewsbury and Bridgnorth, and a palatial dwelling at Ludlow. Stokesay and Acton Burnell are fortified manor houses of the 13th century, but the houses of the rank and file have disappeared, and the oldest houses of squires and yeomen, farmers and labourers, that we now see have been built since 1400, unless it may be the old house at Upper Millichope in Corvedale. Life was simple, and did nut demand great piles of building, and the county was comparatively peaceful and in little need of fortified strongholds. In the Royal licences to crenellate, i.e., fortify, granted between 1256 and 1478, there are 13 belonging to Salop,1 including one to the Abbot of Hales Owen, then in Shropshire. lrour are of the 1 3th century, 6 between 1300 and 1350, and only 3 later than I35°- Of these three, one is a licence granted in 1381 to Fulke Pembridgc to crenellate his castle of Tong, and another to Hugh Cheyney in 1394 f°r ms manor house of Longfeld. This castle of Tong is hidden by later building, and but little remains at Cheney Longville. Broncroft in Corvedale was standing in 1400, for John Boerley of Broncroft was living there in 1409, when he was High Sheriff of Salop.'2 His kinsman, Sir Simon Boerley, was first loaded with favours by Richard II., and then beheaded by him in 1388. Another kinsman, Walter Boerley, was tutor of the Black Prince, and John, a brother of Walter, was a learned Carmelite friar ; John Boerley the Sheriff, was learned in the law, and one of the standing council of the Earls of Arundel and Stafford. Enough is left of the home of another of the Sheriffs, John Stapleton, Sheriff in 1391, to give us some idea of the arrangement of a country house at that day. The Moat Farm at Stapleton is the site of his manor house, and though only the foundation of the 1 Godwin's English Awhceologis/s' Handbook., 233. - IMukeway's S/i land, II., 387. SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 289 be found in the kitchen, though the food in hall was eaten off wooden platters, and the broth supped out of wooden bowls, with the help of a horn spoon. The rent of some forest land at Staplewood, near Dorrington,1 was yearly paid in 20 wooden plates and 4 bovvls as early as 1255. Every one cut his meat with his own knife, and ate it with his lingers, for table forks were not yet invented. White bread was a dainty, and barley or rye bread was in common use, or that made from " muncorn," a mixture of grains. All the winter through there was little but salt meat to be had, for in those days, when turnips and mangolds were unknown for cattle, and artificial foods did not exist, the cattle were killed in October and salted for winter use. One fat ox might be kept till Christmas, but that was not always possible. Life was very hard for cattle then, and in every herd cows died from weakness and starvation in cold winters, and the young stock picked a living as best they could on the scanty common pastures. A century later the fame of English wool in Continental markets2 caused landowners to evict their tenants and give up large tracts of land to sheep grazing, even depopulating villages, and leaving the church to stand as a sheep cote, but this was only beginning in the middle of the 15th century, and such an abuse of landlord's rights was hardly thought of in 1400. Enclosed fields were then still a thing of the future, and land was tilled in strips in the common fields, and hay mown in patches in the common meadow. Men had the right of pasturing a certain number of sheep and cattle on the parish common, and of sending pigs into the common wood when one existed. They might gather dead wood as fuel, but not cut down the trees without the consent of the landowner. The cultivated ground was held under the lord of the manor by copyhold or sometimes freehold tenants, but the waste and woodland was in his hands, and when enclosures became the fashion formed the nucleus of his landed estate, which he could let to ordinary tenants. In Condover, for instance, as late as the 16th century, 1 Eyton, IV., 21. - Social England, II., 54S. SHROPSHIRE ElVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. the cultivated land of the parish belonged to some 6 or 8 landowners, over whom the lord of the manor had only nominal control, but the waste land on Berry wood and else- where on the outskirts of the parish, belonged to him, and was enclosed and let to farmers and cottagers. Then, as time went on, the small estates were bought and added to what he already possessed until the lord of the manor became also owner of most of the land. These changing conditions were not yet at work in 1400, and the manor bailiff was still a man of importance, and the manor court a reality. The towns were well governed by their burgesses, and altogether, though we of the 20th century should not feel comfortable if our lot were suddently cast among the conditions of the early 15th, yet there have been many less happy and prosperous periods of English history. The struggle of the nobles did not greatly affect the well-being of the people at large, and though " plague, pestilence and famine" were never wholly banished, they were not rampant in the first half of the 15th century. The sanitation of the towns was imperfect, or scarcely existed, and plague and fever were of frequent occurence in them, but the country was free. Life was hard, but the necessaries of existence were to be had., and there were luxuries for those that could afford them. Almost every village and each town had its fair days,1 when velvet and silk from Italy, linen and fine cloth from Flanders, wines from France and Spain, and even the produce of the far East, were to be bought from travelling merchants. To the young people the fairs were the great days of excitement and amusement, while to their elders they were the chief business diys of the year, when the home products changed hands, and the outside necessaries could be bought. In these days we are accustomed to regard different districts as the centres of different industrries. Our cloth is from Yorkshire, our linen from Ireland, our hardware from Birmingham, our shoes from Northampton, but in the 15th century the linen would have been grown and spun at home, the leather tanned, the cloth spun and woven from 1 Social England, II., 258. SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. the home sheep. Every town had its dyer, its hatter, its glover, its tanner, while the carpenters, smiths and other artificers made by hand, locally, the articles that we buy machine-made by the dozen. Even thus early some towns were known for special manufactures, but local craftsmen were of far more importance then than now. In Shropshire there was a good deal of cloth weaving and finishing, and the name of Walk Mill still remains to tell of the time when men actually " walked " the cloth instead of the roller process of modern days. The loom at the Carding Mill, at Church Strctton, is probably the last remnant in the county of this weaving industry. The miller was an important man in the life of town and village, and the manor mill was a valuable piece of property. Our Shropshire streams had many mills upon them. In Condover village alone there were three, the " Walk Mill," the " Grist Mill," and the " Skin Mills,' as they are called on an Elizabethan Manor Roll. Besides these there were apparently two mills lower down the brook at Allfield 1 and Boreton, and one on a small side stream at Westley. At Wei batch there was a mill that could only be worked in the winter, as in summer there was not sufficient water. The mills at Shrewsbury were almost entirely owned by the Monks. There were three mills belonging to the Abbey which Roger de Montgomery decreed should grind all the burgesses corn, but in 1328 Edward III."2 allowed the townsmen to erect a mill of their own instead of being wholly dependent on the Abbot. The monastic orders were large holders of property throughout the county. In l.%Q3 there were very few parishes in which one or other of the monastic houses had not some hold, but their inlluence was waning. They were good land- lords and good farmers; they upheld the torch of learning and scholarship, but they had ceased to be the leaders of religious life. It was the time of the sleek monk and the ill- paid parish priest. Men saw this and the bequests to the monasteries grew fewer, and those to colleges and hospitals larger. Between 1300 and 1400, 64 houses of monks and 1 Eylon, VI., 174. 2 Owen and lilakcvvay, I., 159. 2Q2 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. friars were founded, though the preceding century had seen the foundation of nearly 300. Benefactors1 founded instead 192 hospitals for the care of the sick and poor, and 78 colleges; and between 1400 and 1500, though only 8 religious houses were founded, 60 schools and charitable foundations were added to the roll. The Friars, who at the first had given a great impetus to religious life throughout Europe, had at the beginning of the 15th century lost much of their influence. The best men among them were learned scholars and able men who moved among the rich and great, and were in request as private chaplains and confessors, while the unlearned lay-brethren begged their way about the country, looking, if their contemporaries speak truly, for the most comfortable quarters and not for places where they might help the poor and desolate. William Langland in the Vision of Piers the Plowman, which seems to have first appeared about 1363, and to have been finally revised about 30 years later, has little good to say of monks and friars, and Wycliffe's denunciation of them is well known. There was much active religious life, however, at this time, and the secular clergy, generally speaking, did their work well. Wycliffe, who was as much a political reformer as a religious one, had published his English translation of the Bible some 20 years before, and his " poor preachers " had spread the knowledge of its teaching far and wide. Men began to think for themselves, and Lol lardy became an acknowledged thing. Under the lax rule of Richard II.2 the bishops were tolerant of the new ways, but under Henry IV. stern measures were taken against the Lollards, and William Sawtre, a London clergyman, was burnt as a heretic in 1401. A little later William Thorpe3 openly preached in St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, against the doctrine of Transubstantiation, and the " bailiffs and commonalty " of the town were summoned to give evidence at his trial before Archbishop Arundel in 1407. Sir John Oldcastle, the Lollard leader, who was 1 Socitil England, II., 29, 30. 2 Social England, II., 291. 3 Owen and Blake way, I., 203. SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 293 outlawed in 1414, and taken prisoner and executed three years later, took refuge for some time in Herefordshire, where there were many of his way of thinking, and probably Shropshire also possessed sympathisers with him. The clergy were the schoolmasters of the day. There were schools connected with many of the Monasteries, and private chaplains were often tutors to the sons of the house they served. Public opinion, however, became dissatisfied with the old regime, and the Universities gradually became more lay in character. At the time of which we are speaking, William of Wykeham's great school at Winchester had been settled in its spacious buildings some ten years, and thirteen grammar schools of recent foundation existed in various parts of England. The fourteenth in date was Oswestry School, which David Holbech founded about 1409, and Salop may be proud of possessing a school that has been steadily doing its work of education for some 500 years. In 1403, though learned men were often very learned, education as a whole did not go very far. Reading and writing and some Latin was enough for most boys, and girls were taught house- hold accomplishments, but not all learnt to read and write. What we should call elementary schools did not exist, and unless an opportunity was given to them as members of some great household, boys and girls of low degree had little opportunity of book-learning. In spite of this, there was little of the sharp line of cleavage between class and class that we find in more modern times. The larger proportion of the three millions that formed the population of England lived in the country (there were about 40 rural inhabitants to 1 townsman), and the tie of neighbour was a real one. Members of families also settled down near one another, and the tie of kinship was felt, even though the elder branch of a name had become very different in social position from the younger branches. So far we have been speaking for the most part of England as a whole: now let us try to picture what our own county was like in 1403, when Henry Percy, called Hotspur, marched to meet his fate at the battle of Shrewsbury. History does not tell us exactly which way he came. We know he was in Cheshire, and probably at Nantwich, and some authorities Vol. 111., 3rd Scries, W 294 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. state that he marched to Stafford, where he was joined by his uncle the Earl of Worcester, and thence to Lichfield. The King, we know, was at Burton-on-Trent on July 16, and Lichfield on July 17th. Hotspur was at Shrewsbury on the evening of July 19th, a few hours later than the King. He seems to have kept to the north of the town, as one account apparently implies that he was in the neighbourhood of Middle. In all probability travellers in those days would not take so direct a route as we should from one place to another. In mediaeval times, when, as no roads were made or mended, there was little to choose between main roads or side ones, men journeyed from one village or hamlet to the next. Our turnpike roads from one large town to another that leave the villages half-a-mile away on either side are, generally speaking, modern, and date from the time of stage coaches. Men marching from Cheshire by way of Ellesmere to Shrewsbury would possibly go, not by Cockshutt (the name of which goes to show that it was originally woodland country), but by way of Lee and Kenwick to Weston Lullingfields and Baschurch, and so past Berwick, where Hotspur spent the night before the battle. The traveller in 1403 would find Ellesmere grouped round its church much as it is now, and some features of the church would be the same, but the houses would all be different. Instead of comfortable many-roomed dwellings of red brick, he would see huts of wattle and daub, or at most, small houses of timber, thatched with reeds from the meres. The Oteleys were living at Oteley, but their manor house then would hardly house a cottager of modern days, and even the castle of the Lc Stranges that overlooked the Mere from what is now the bowling green would have little more accommodation than the " pele-towers " of the Scottish marches. The country round was then much of it woodland and morass, with strips of tillage here and there on the drier ground, surrounding a farmstead. There were no enclosed fields except one or two small crofts beside a house, and the roads were tracks, worn by the feet of horses and the wheels of the form carls. As the traveller went on his way in Jul)', 1403, he would pass by woodland, where perhaps a herd of pigs would be enjoying themselves, watched by the swineherd, SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. but the time of " pesson," when they were sent out to fatten on beechnuts and acorns, was not till the autumn. Perhaps as he rode along he might catch a glimpse of a roebuck or of other deer, and " coneys " he would certainly see. On the belt of meadow land beside*- 'each little stream men and women would be making the hay in the un fenced plots, and the oxen would be waiting with the carts to carry it home. On the sunny slopes where the crop had been early cut and carried, a small boy would be tending the cows, and on the rough common ground two or three mares might be feeding with their foals. If the rough ground were near a village the geese would be grazing under the care of a child, and near the houses would be ducks and chickens as in modern days. Round each village or hamlet was its ploughland, generally divided into three portions, of which two were cultivated and one left fallow each year. In manors where the old customs continued, the land was cultivated in common, the serfs giving so many days labour every year in proportion to the value of their holding; but in 1403 the new order of things had become general, and men worked for wages, and paid a money rent to their landlord. Passing by outlying farms, each complete with its " home closes," its meadow land and its arable strips, and its house and buildings and huts for the labourers, with outlying common land, dividing it from the next township, the traveller would come to a hamlet where the manor house with its pigeon cote was the centre of life, and the smithy, the wheelwright's yard, and the weaver's loom all had a part, while down on the neighbouring stream was the manor mill. Such hamlets only lacked the church element to complete their village life, and sometimes they possessed a little chapel connected with the manor house, served either by a private chaplain, or occasionally by the parish priest himself. If Hotspur and his men had come from Chester direct by the way we have suggested they would have either passed through Baschurch, or by way of Middle. The men of Hampton Colemere and Hampton Wood were summoned by the Steward, John Kynaston, Seneschal of Ellesmere, to attend Lord Strange in the presence of King Richard (who was supposed by the country people to be still SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. alive), and went on their way as far as Middle.1 Not finding their lord at Middle castle they wished to return home, but John Kynaston, the steward, kept them back, and Hotspur detained them by threats. The account seems to say that he was then at or near Middle. It is not difficult to picture the village of Middle as it was then. In the centre was the church, little changed in outward things, but with internal fittings suited to the elaborate ritual of the 15th century. Near it was the moated manor house crenellated in 1308, probably in general plan not unlike the one we have sketched at Stapleton, but somewhat larger and more important. Near the castle was its park, stretching up towards Harmer Hill, and south towards Shrewsbury. North of the village would lie the open fields of ploughland, and along the brook side the meadow. On the outskirts of the township lay woodland and common ground, where the men of the manor gathered fuel and pastured their stock. Under Harmer Hill was a mere where they might fish, and in the marshy ground towards Fennymere and Marton they could cut turf for burning. Brick they did not know how to make, but there was abundant stone at hand for building, with timber for upper storeys, and heather or reeds for thatch. Two rooms were sufficient for the requirements of a cottage household, and many were content with one. Even the inn, distinguished by its bush hung out on a pole by way of sign, would probably not contain more than one guest-chamber; so the village only consisted of small buildings. Probably the house of the bailiff of the manor was little larger than the cottages, and the rectory not much more roomy. In 1324 2 the buildings judged " proportionate to the estate of a vicarage" at Condover were "a hali, two chambers, a -cellar {i.e., storehouse or larder), a kitchen, a stable, a brew house and other buildings," and probably the priest of Middle had much the same in 1.J03. When the fields of the village were left behind, the traveller would pass over untilled heath and common land till almost within sight of Shrewsbury. The 1 WyIie-5 Henry IV., I., 357. 1 l.yton, VI., .50. SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 297 little hamlet of Woolascott would lie on his left hand, and then there would be no place of shelter for man or horse till he came to Great Berwick, with the manor house of the Buttons standing among the fertile fields near the Severn, and Little Berwick, the; home: af file Leybournes, about a mile further on. lie would come into Shrewsbury, not along a street of suburban villas, but along a road crossing wet land, near the river, under Coton Hill, where, among a few "coteir' (cottages or small hovels for cattle) stood the house of the Mittons and the chapel of St. Catherine. Under the walls of the town wen: clustered the squalid huts of those, who, for one reason or another, had forsaken country life, and on the Raven Meadow the cattle of the townsmen would be feeding. The castle looked down, with the round towers that we know, on the Castle Gate through which the traveller of 140 5 would pass up a steep and narrow way, and through the Upper Castle Gate into the town. The chapel of St. Nicholas, that our parents remember, would be on his left, and near it houses used by the county families, when it was safer to be within town walls. St. Mary's, much as we see it now, but with some of its stone work fresh from the builders' hands, towered above the high pitched roofs of the neighbouring houses, and St. Alkmund's stood in almost equal beauty, a cruciform Early English Church. St. Julian's, standing on the line of the inner town wall, also dated from the 12th century, but its parishioners had recently spent money on it in various ways. St. Chad's, with its cathedral-like proportions, overlooked an open space, where Belmont now stands, while behind it lay the college of its canons, with its gardens encircled by an imbattled wall. More than one little chapel, with its grave- yard, was to be found in the narrow streets, and the stately churches of the three houses of the Eriars stood near the entrances of the town. Shops, as we know them, there were none, but rather open booths. The house in Butcher Row, which is a very good example of a 15th century shop, dates from about 70 years later. The butchers, bakers and fish sellers had their shops between the High Cross and what we call 'Idle Square, where in the half-timbered building of the " Exchequer " the town business was carried on. As we see 298 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. in the smaller German towns to this day, the townsmen had, many of them, country interests as well, keeping their cows on the pastures behind the Walls and on Kingsland, while their pigs ran in the streets, and were a frequent cause for complaints. The filth and' rubbish of the town was placed on public "laystalls" or mixens, which must have been a most unpleasant feature of town life, and the drainage, — what drainage there was — (probably an open ditch down the street), went to the river. Even London drained into a " town ditch," 1 which, however, contained good fish as late as Henry VIII's time, while salmon came up the Thames; so, probably, the Severn was no more contaminated in those days than in more modern times. Many houses in the town, as well as the country, had gardens, where leeks, onions, garlic, cabbages of various kinds, peas and beans, and different herbs were grown, and apples, pears and cherries were to be found. Pleasure gardens of larger houses seem to have consisted mainly in trees and lawns, if poetic descriptions are to be taken as accurate, but some flowers must have cultivated, such as roses and fleurs-de-lis. And now, what would the people be like, whom we should meet, could we take ourselves back to 1403 ? Chaucer gives us an answer in his Canterbury Talcs, for he was at work upon the poem between 1388 and 1400, and describes the life and the figures familiar to his contemporaries. There is not one among the 31 pilgrims who might not have been met in Salop in 1403, except the poet himself. The knight and squire, and their forester servant, and the Franklyn, i.e., a country gentleman, but not a knight ; the prioress, with her attendant nun and 3 priests ; the monk and the friar ; the summoner and pardoner ; the parish priest are all pictured for us. Then there was the Oxford scholar; the man of law; the doctor of physic; the merchant; the manciple and reeve. Chaucer's manciple was a purveyor and caterer for the Temple, and the reeve a country bailiff. We have the well-known wife of Hath, who in her pilgrimages might well have been to the shrine of St. 1 .Social /viitf/and, II., 2 |o. SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. 299 Winifred in Shrewsbury Abbey, and added to all these were a sailor, a cook, a weaver, a dyer, an upholsterer, a haber- dasher, a carpenter, a miller and a ploughman, and mine host of the Tabard himself. In 1403, the knight might nave been seen in his armour — harness, he would have called it, — not like Chaucer's knight only in his rust-stained jerkin, for Wales under Owen Glyndwr was in a ferment. The year before, the whole Welsh frontier had been fortified, and in September the King had made his fruitless expedition into North Wales. In May, 1403, Prince Harry returned to Shrewsbury from plundering and burning Owen's estates at Sycharth and on the Dee, and on May 15th he sent the tidings of his successes to London, while he remained in the town for some time longer. The squire, when not in armour, would, like the franklin, wear civilian dress without rich fur or jewellery. The young men wore their gowns short, and their elders rather long. The extremes of dress of Richard II.'s reign were laid aside under Henry IV., but were resumed under Henry VI. Hoods were just beginning to give way to hats. The wife of Bath wore the new-fashioned hat over her old-fashioned wimple, and the merchant had a Flemish beaver hat, while the miller wore a white coat and a blue hood, and the knight's man had " cote and hood of grene." The lady prioress might have been met near Shifnal, where the convent of White Ladies, and that of Black Ladies stood within a mile or so of one another, or she might have come from Acornbury in Herefordshire, to see the convent's Shropshire estates, or from the Herefordshire house of Limebrook. Monks and friars abounded in the county. The great Benedicture Abbey of Shrewsbury was in the height of its riches and its power, and a king could be entertained in its buildings, while Haughmond and Lilies- hall, Buildwas and Wenlock, and several smaller monastic houses were dotted up and down the county. Ludlow and Bridgnorth had their friars as well as Shrewsbury, and it was possibly from the Austin friars of Wood house, near Cleobury Mortimer, that the author of Piers Plowman received his education. 300 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. Lav ladies do not appear among the Canterbury pilgrims. Married women were tee busy to go pilgrimages, and girls could not go alone. Women in the 15th century held much the same position as they do now. A man's wile was his equal, who sat beside him at table, and not only ordered his household, but often in his absence his estates also. She not only understood cookery and housekeeping, but also medicine and some surgery. She must overlook the spinning and weaving of both linen and wool, and her time must be given to making the every day garments of her household, as well as embroidering the coat of arms on the surcoat of her husband and her sons. A poem of the early 15th century1 (about 1430), " How the Good Wife taught her daughter " is full of good advice as to manners and conduct, much of which would hold good now-a-days, such as speaking quietly and laughing softly, and not talking in church. When mistress of a house, the daughter was to see that her people worked, and work with them ; have faults put right at once; keep her own keys, and see that her children were obedient and in good order. The ladies' dress of the time was a long waisted close fitting gown, made very long, with sleeves buttoning from shoulder to wrist. The hair was almost hidden by a jewelled net, over which a veil fell at the back. A little later the horned head-dress came in as in the brass of Lady Camoys, once wife of Hotspur, which shows the fashions of 1419. Women of lower degrees did not wear the inconveniently long skirts, and a kerchief round the head took the place of the elaborate head-dress. W'idows wore a dress very similar to that of a nun. Everyone, men and women alike, travelled on horseback if well, and if ill, generally were carried in a horse litter. Wheeled vehicles did exist, and Richard II. used one called a " whirlicote,"2 but they do not seem to have been popular. Carts were in use for farm work, and William Langland makes his ploughman enumerate among his belongings a cart mare lor field work in dry weather, but the merchandise Quoted in Social England, II., 422. Social England, II., 568 SHROPSHIRE FIVE HUNDRED YFARS AGO. 301 of the country was carried by strings of pack horses or mules, and where possible, by water carriage. Going a pilgrimage was a common form of taking a holiday from everyday cares, and kept alive the Englishman's love of travel. Those who could, went, like the Wife of Bath, to the Holy Land, and to Compostella, while others had perforce to content themselves with visiting local shrines, such as St. Winifred at Shrewsbury, St. Milborough at Wenlock, or St. Ethelbert at Hereford. Time fails us to touch on all the salient features of the time ; of the curiously business-like light in which marriage was regarded, and the child marriage contracts ; of the curious customs of some manors going back to the days before history ; of the traces of paganism thinly veiled by Christianity. In the course of a single lecture much must be left unsaid, though with regard to the first point we may remind Salopians that a Royal lady, Elizabeth, grand- daughter of Edward III. and widow of the beheaded Earl of Huntingdon, in 1400 married privately Sir John Cornwall, the Shropshire Baron of Burford, and was committed to the Tower for a while in consequence. Probably as a high- spirited woman, she took the law into her own hands and married the husband of her choice, rather than be handed over like a chattel to some baron, who thought that marriage with her would advance his interests or increase his wealth. We cannot here speak of the literature of the day, except to mention that one of the religious poets of the early 15th century was John Audelay, a monk of Haughmond, who was still living in 1426, though then blind and deaf. He, like Chaucer, wrote in English, in simple rhyme, and his poems deserve to be remembered for the devotional spirit that breathes in many of them. The speech in Salop in 1403 did not differ greatly from the English of the present day, and we should probably find no difficulty in understanding and being understood by Salopians of that date. Among the MSS. in the Shrewsbury School Library is a fragment of a Miracle Play, with other 15th century documents, which arc in perfectly intelligible English. We cannot pause to talk of the Miracle Plays, and of the great Corpus Christi pnuvs- SHORPSIIIRE FIVE HUNDRED YEARS AGO. sions which were part of the life of Shrewsbury in mediaeval days, for they need a history of their own. According to many writers, the England of the 15th century was " Merrie England " more than either before or since. It may be so, but as we picture our county 500 years ago, we are glad to live in the present. We have not the Prince of Wales, certainly, this May 15th, 1903, staying in Shrewsbury, but neither is our King at his wits' end for money with which to pay his soldiers, nor are our Welsh neighbours threatening our western border with fire and sword. Our land is prosperous and peace is within her borders; our poor are cared for, and knowledge is within the reach of all. Monk and friar have gone, but the parish priest remains: the monasteries have done their work, but our great schools carry on the tradition of learning. Let those who will talk of the "good old times;1' it seems to us that no days were quite so good as ours are now. The couplet on one of St. Julian's bells expresses well our wish: Prosperity attend old England's shore, Let Salop flourish, now and evermore ! " 303 TWO EXCHEQUER SUIJS RESPECTING THE TITHES OE THE RECTORY OE SHIENAL, AND CERTAIN PAYMENTS FOR THE POOR INHABITANTS, 1585. By the Rev. W. G. D. FLETCHER, M.A., F.S.A. The following proceedings in the Court of Exchequer relate to the Rectory of Idsall or Shifnal, which was one of the early endowments of the College or Chantry of Battlefield, and passed to the Crown in the reign of Edward VI. Queen Elizabeth, on 16 May, 1583, granted the Rectory to one Richard Moreton for 21 years, and he naturally expected the tenants to pay rectorial tithes ; but Thomas Eorster (with others) refused to do so, on the ground that in 1538, John Hussey, the Master of Battlefield College, granted a lease of the tithes of grain and hay for 92 years to Robert Eorster. Moreton accordingly filed his bill in the Exchequer against Eorster to compel payment of the tithes of his lands in Shifnal. Moreton tried to get Hussey's lease declared invalid, on the ground that the Battlefield foundation was not a College, but only a Chantry. Forster's contention was that, shortly after its foundation, Battlefield was newly incorporated by the name of a College, and that ever since all leases had been made by the Master of the College of St. Mary Magdalene of Battlefield. The Depositions taken in the first suit are very interesting, especially those of Richard Higgyns, who gives a number 01 details respecting the dealings with the rectory of St. Julian's, and mentions certain " Charters made from the Pope," which termed the House the "new College of Battlefield," and certain proceedings before the Judges, in which I ,ord Chief Baron Sanders said, Richard Moreton to alienitc .1 mills in Shilinall to Walter Lee, geil. TITHES OF THE RECTORY OE SHlENAL. 305 Castell Evelith Drayton the Brande Ickes round filde and Lisiard Wood lately enclosed containing 500 or 600 acres And he prays that they may answer. 7 May 27 Eliz. (1585). Answer of Thomas Forster, gent., Richard Richards, John Richards/John Evans, Wm. Blockley, and Wm. Richards. That one John Hussey clerk Master of the College of Mary Magdalene of Battelfeld and the brethren of the same were seised of the Rectory of Idsall, and on 14 March (1538) 30 Henry VIII. demised to Richard Moreton Esq. now deceased, late Father of Complainant, and to Robert Forster the Tythes of grayne and hay (except village of Aston) for 92 years, at the yearly rent of £10; and on 18 Feb. 2 and 3 Philip and Mary a partition was made betwixt said Richard Moreton the father and said Robert Forster of the said premises, whereby the tithes of the villages of Wyke, Wood- house, Stanton, Upton, Eveleyghe Castell, Bridwick and Drayton, of the Brandes and Ickes round field, were allotted to the said Robert Forster, to hold to him in severaltye, in alowance of other lands aloted to the said Richard Moreton the father. And said Robert Forster by his Will 31 July, 1558 bequeathed his interest in said tithes to Katherine his wife and George Forster his son, and afterwards died. And defendant Forster was before impeached by the Queen's Attorney-General, on procurement of the complainant, in this Court, and issue was joined, and case heard before Sir Edward Saunders, L.C.B. And defendant Forster has demised said tithes to Wm. Blockley, Rd. Richards, John Richards, John Evans, and Wm. Richards, the other defend- ants. And they owe to the Queen in respect of said tithes £5 per annum. Replication of Richard Moreton gent. That long time before said pretended lease by the said Thomas Forster made of the premises in variance of said John Hussey, Master of the said pretended College of the Battlefeld and his brethren, the late King Henry IV. in the Ilth year of his reign, in honor of a noble victory which not long before he had obtained ag;iinst Henry Fercye & certcn other rebbels, and to pray for the soules of the said King, 306 TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE and others slain in the battle, by Letters Patent n Henry IV., did erect found and establish in the same place one Chauntrey (which the said Thomas Forster pretendeth to be a Colledge) by the name of the Chauntene of St. Mary Magdalene (on whose day the same battle was fought) near Shrewsbury, and by the same Letters Patent did constitute one Roger Ive Master or Warden of the said Chaunterie. And the said Roger Ive did incorporate the same by the name of the Masters or Wardens of the said Chaunterie, and not by the name of Colledge, nor by any other name. And said Letters Patent expressed that the Masters or Wardens of said Chauntery should be persons capable of purchasing taking and receiving lands &c. by the name of the Masters or Wardens of said Chantery, as in said Letters Patent is expressed. The which Chauntry being so founded as afore- said ever since the erecting and founding thereof by said Letters Patent did continue and remain by the name of Chauntrie, until the Stat, i Edward VI. for the Dissolution of Chantries, whereby the said Chantry and said Rectory of Idsall (parcel of possessions thereof) came to hands of said late King Edward VI., as by divers patents and confirmations thereof made by Kings Henry V., VI., VII., and other pro- genitors of the Queen may appear. Since which foundation said Roger Ive purchased the Rectory of Idsall, &c, by the name of Master of the Chantrey of S. Mary Magdalene of the Battlefield. That there was no such College, nor Master and brethren of any such College, but only a Chantry. That Repliant got a verdict at the last Assizes in Shrop- shire given before Mr. Baron Flower, that it was a Chantry and not a Colledge. And by other Verdicts before his time, and nonsuits passed, &c. And an Order was set down expressly by Sir Edw. Sanders, late Chief Baron, that no judgment should be given upon the same verdict. And that Thos. Forster should justify his deteyning tythes of corne &e. from Repliant. Rejoinder of Thomas Forster, gent., Richard Richards, John Richards, John Evans, Wm. Block ley and Win. Richards. That not long after the founding of the said ( hantiey, the same Corporation was altered adjudged and newely TITHES OF THE RECTORY OF SHIFNAL. 307 incorporated by the name of the Master of the Colledge of Mary Magdalene of Battelfylde nere Salopp and the brethren of the same place, as by divers records &c. shall appeare. And that the Master and brethren did always after the altering and changing of their name of Corporation make all demises grants &c. of their possessions by the name of Masters of the said Colledge of S. Mary Magdalene of Battlefield and the brethren of the same. That Roger Ive purchased the Rectory of Idsall by the name of the Master of the Chauntrey of S. Mary Magdalene is untrue. That said Robert Forster did make partition &c. of the premises. (Exchequer Depositions by Commission. Trinity, 27 Elizabeth, No. 4, Salop. P.R.O.) Richard Moreton, plaintiff, Thomas Forster and others, Defendants. Commission directed to John Mytton, Fsquire, John Yonge, gentleman, Thomas Woodcock, gentleman, and William Tylleston, gentleman. Dated 24 May 27 [Elizabeth A.D. 1585]. Depositions of certain witnesses at Newport within the County of Salop the 11th day of June 27 Elizabeth [A.D. 1585] upon the part and behalf of Thomas Forster, gentleman, plaintiff, upon certain interrogatories hereunto annexed as defendant, against Richard Moreton, gentleman, followeth. Roger Pakkfs of Harlescott in the County of Salop, yeoman, of the age of 54 years saith as followeth. Imprimis he saith that he doth know part of the parish of Shifnall alias Idshall in the said County but he doth not know all the hamlets, tithings, or parts of the said parish. To the second he saith that he doth know that the rectory or parsonage of the said parish was part of the possessions of the late dissolved College of Mary Magdalen of Battlefield nere unto the town of Salop and was accounted and taken to be part thereof, and hath known the same so to be taken and accounted during 46 years last past. Richard Higgyns, clerk, parson of Kemberton, in the County of Salop, of the age of 70 years saith that he doth know that the said rectory or parsonage was part of the possessions of the said College of Battlefield. 3o8 TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE To the third he saith there was a demise made by the Master and Brethren of the College of Battlefield unto the father of the said defendant Thomas Forster and also unto Richard Moreton father of the said complainant of all the tithes of grain and hay of the said parish, or of as much as they then had to grant. To the fourth he saith that the said Robert Forster and Richard Morton deceased did make partition of the said tithes. The said Robert Forster had alotted unto him for his parte the tithes of the Wyke, Woodhousen, Drayton, Stonton, Upton, and Fvclithc. To the fifth he saith that the said Robert Forster did quietly enjoy the said tithes during his life without interruption. To the 6th he saith that the said Robert Forster did bequeath his part of the said tithes to Katherine his wife and George his son. To the seventh he saith that the said Katherine and George did assign to the said defendant Thomas Forster all their interest in the said tithes. To the 8th he saith that waste ground called Lysiarte is reputed and accounted to lie within the villages and hamlets of Stoneton and Drayton, members of the same parish. To the 9th he saith that he this deponent and his predecessors had by the grant of the Master and brethren of the said College of Battlefield in writing all such tithes as fell from the cattle of the inhabitants of Kemberton which departured in a certain waste ground called Upton Heath within the said parish of Idshall, and therefore paid unto the vicar of Idshall yearly 5s, which sum of 5s this deponent doth pay at this day. Thomas J bber of Aston in the County of Salop, gentleman, of the age of 48 years, saith that he knoweth the parish of Idshall and the members thereof for that he is a parishioner of the same. To the third he saith that he hath seen a lease made by John Hussey by the name of the Master and Brethren of the College of Battlefield to the said Robert Forster and Richard Morton of the tithes of grain and hay of the parish ol FUiidl. TITHES OF THE RECTORY OF SHIFN'AL. To the 8th he doth know the waste ground called Lisiarte and that the same is within the parish of Idshall and doth adjoin to the lands belonging to the township of Stonton, to the lands belonging to the township of Aston, to the lands belonging to the township ol- Shifnall, and to the lands belonging to the township of Drayton. To the 9th he saith that he hath seen certain leases and grants made by the Master and Brethren of the College of St. Mary Magdalen of Battlefield which leases and grants bear date in the time of King Henry the eighth, of which leases some are in this deponent's own possession, and some in the possession of the plaintiff, and some of the defendant. William Homes of Norton in the County of Salop of the age of 58 years saith that the said Robert Forster and Richard Norton did make partition of the tithes of corn and hay of the said parish to them demised as aforesaid. And being examined how he knoweth the same to be true saith that the same was done by the order and arbitrament of William Charleton, Esquire, elected for the said Richard Morton and John Barker of Covvlses elected for Robert Forster and he saith there was alotted to the said Robert Forster Wike, Woodhouses, Evelith, Upton, Stonton, Drayton, Bredwicke, Castell Blythbury, and the Wrekyn. Roger Forster of Hatton Graunge in the County of Salop, gentleman, of the age of 52 years, examined. To the 9th he saith that he hath not read any Letters Patent, writings, or muniments whereby the said College of Battlefield was incorporate or founded by the name of a College. But he this deponent saith that he was present at the town of Salop at an Assizes there holden before Sir Edward Saunders, knight, then Lord Chief Baron about 17 or 18 years last past, at which time there was an issue to be tried between the now complainant in the Oueen's behalf and the said Richard Morton his father, defendant, deceased, touching the validity and goodness of the said lease made unto the said Robert Forster And the said Richard Morton by the name of the said Master and brethren of the said College of Battlefield. At which time an Inspeximus under the great seal was delivered th[en in] the Court before the said Sir Edw:ird Saunders for the mayntcnance of the issue 3io TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE of one of the which being perused by the said Lord Chief Baron, the said Chief Baron openly declared in the hearing of [this] deponent and many others in this manor — " Loo here is an inspeximus of the said College of Battelfild." Whereat all the counsel on the other side required to have a sight thereof, but it was kept away. To the nth he saith that he hath seen a writing under seal from the abbot and Convent of Peter and Paul in Shrewsbury purporting a grant of certain lands made unto the Master and Brethren of the said College of Battlefield in perpetuity and not unto the Chauntry. And hath also seen another deed to that effect of one meadow called " Shereffes medowe " being the land of one Gearye. One of the said deeds was in the possession of Gilbert Pius of Brocketon in the County of Salop, gentleman. Richard Hauley of Shifnall, yoman, knoweth waste ground called Lysiarte and thinketh and the same doth lie within the villages of Stonton and Drayton or one of them. Henry Worrall of Lysiarte, husbondman, of the age of 76 yeres, to the 8th saith that the tithes of the same waste ground do belong to the township of Drayton. Richard Higgyns the elder, of the town of Salop, gentle- man, aged 58 yeres, saith he hath had in his custody divers Charters and "counterpanes" of leases sometime belonging to the said late dissolved College. To the 9th interrogatory he saith that " Aboute xxxli yeres last past he was then servant & Gierke to one John Hallyw ell, gent, deccassed wch John Halliwell then haveinge in his kepinge or custodie by the delyverye of one Shirde, one of the late Chaplens of the said howse (as the said I Ially well then named him) a Charter under the Brod seale of england which Charter did purport that Kynge Ilenrye the fovverth, in token of victorye wch he had agaynst diverse rebelles and at the intercession of one Roger Ive first Master of the said howse founded the same to be a Chantrye of a Mr & Certen Chaplens. And aftr the said Hallywell had obteyned the said Charter he shortly aftr obteyning the same, One Richard Capper, gent, reparinge to his howse in the towne of Salop where lie then kept a Coinyn lime fell in Bargeync \vUl the said Ml Capper for the lvc.torye or Qhappeli TITHES OF THE KECTORY OF SHIFNAL. 311 of Sl Julians w'in the towne & liberties of Shrewisburye. And at the end they concluded for the same rectorye of Sl Julians beinge late parcell of the possessions of the said late dissolved College. And upon conclusion of the Bargeyne the said Mr Halliwell shewed Tiim the said foundacion & would have had the said Capper to dischardge a leaze of accrten teythe called coleham, being parcell of the said rectory wc;h one Thomas luxe deceassed claymed from the Mr and bretheren of the said College of BatteliiM. Unto the wch the said Capper answered and denied his request by these wordes .... I have bought the same rectory by the name of a College from the Kinge and so was it presented to the Kinge by the name of a College and as for the first foundacion I do not wey muchc thereof, for said he, they myght have a newe creacion to be created by the name of a College & at the tyme of the said bargeyne so betwen them made at that instant or very shortly aftr Inkes brought his accion ejeccionc finite agaynst one Mystres Bowkeley who then held the very self same teythe so by the said Inkes claymed, by force of an other leaze made from the Mr and brethren of the said College. And in the meane tyme and before tryall had of that accion the said Halliwell by secret devise and agreement wth the said Mrs Boulkley got in possession of that parcell of teyth so by the said Inkes claymed & so under hand privatlie defended the tytle of the said Mrs Boulkley & purposed as his cownsell then gave him to distroy Inkes lease because of the sayd first foundacion & the matte1" dtsceriding to issue betwene the said Inkes & the said Mrs Boulkley & so to be trycd by nisipryse in the said countie of Salop, and before triall was thereof had the said Halliwell mistrustinge the said first foundacion would not serve his turne w'out furthe evidences to help the same, sent this cxaminant and one Richard Halliwell his son w* this lettre to one Richard llussey esquire deceassed who was then commorant at the said Battelfild requestinge him that yf he had any evidences that would serve his turne & overthrowe Inkes leaze to sent tliem unto him by this examinant and his said son and In: would requite the same, and thereupon the said M' llussey at his request delyvered unto this examinant a Chest beinge full of Charters wrytinges dedes Vol. III., ,jmI Scries. UK 312 TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE Counterpanes of leasses belonginge to the said Howse and in perusinge them over, he this examinant found as he remembereth two Inspeximus wch confirmeth it to be the name of a chauntry wch this examinant layd asyde, and aftr founde three litle shorte charters in French & fixed throughe \vth a rybband of Silke whereunto also was joyned to the same riband the greate scale of england the seale of the Duchchy of Lankaster, & one other greate scale wch this examinant then tokc to be the scale of the metropolitan of england wch scvcrall Charters lykcwysc this examinant sett asyde wf two other Charters made from the Pope terminge the same howse to be by the name of novi Collegii de BattelfilcL And also found after a counterpane of a leaze made unto one Kyrby of Lankeshcre of the tcythes of Michael Churche there, wch was made from Roger Ive . . . . by the name of the Mr and Brethren of the newe college of Battel! fild. And also sett aside apeace or two of wry tinge more wch semed unto this examinant to altr the name of the first foundacion and so to hinder his said Mr's tytle for the wch this examinant nowe is sory for. Which charters & evidences so sett asyd as before this examinant toke awaye w1 him and left behind him in the said Chest diverse chart' symbolled and diverse other Chart' & counterpane of leasses. In wch some of the said Charters there it did appeare that there wae other certen landes & tythes geven unto that howse by the name of the newe college of Battelfild more then was in the first foundacion And upon the Comyngc home of this examinant he delyvered unto his said Mr the forsaid charters so by this examinant taken awaye And he his said Mr in perusinge them over sett asyd the twoe Inspeximus wch confirmed the the furst foundacion sayenge those made for his purpose, and in perusinge over the three litle Charters so fixed together with the said Ribband, said those made cleanc agaynst him, cv altered & chaunged the first foundacion from a Chauntery to a College and further alleged, that two or three made of the said wrytinges were agaynst him also, and so those he; put asyde. and as this bxaniinanl verily tliinketli, he burned them or other wyse defaced them. And shortly after the matte r beinge at tryall Tithes of The rectory Of shifnal. 3i3 betwene the said Inkes and the said Mystres Bowkeley he the said Mr Hallywell as a third person havinge the fee simple of the said rectorye of St. Julians shewed the first foundacion & the said inspeximus to the Justices of the assises & to the Turv to the intent to deface Inkes leaze. But Inkes then shewed such evidences & proffe for the con- firmacion of his leaze, provinge it then to be a College that he recovered his said accion and had Judgein* thereupon and a wrytt for his possession wch was executed. And so sithens that tyme there hath byn diverse other recoveryes of certen possessions belonginge to the said Ilowse by verdit by the name of a College untill nowe there was a Covenous practyse as this examinant veiely Belevcth betwen the nowe pi' and one Richard Morton deceassed father of the nowe pi' that a suite should be brought in the Queues Maticb name agaynst the said Richard Morton deceassed for such parte of the tythe of Idshall wch he then held, to the intent arecoverye should passe agaynst him for the Quenes Matie, for the only purpose to destroy Thomas Forsters interest of thother parte of the said tythe wch he held, and at the assises then holden wthin the towne of Salop before the Judges there .... the said Richard Moreton deceased amongest other Charters did cast an Inspeximus undr the brod seale of England, purportynge it to be a college supposinge he had cast into the Courte an inspeximus to confirme the name of a Chauntery and then the lord Saunders beinge then Judge said unto the said Richard Morton — Loo Mr Morton by these wordes, or the lyke in effecte, here it doth appeare to be a College .... the said Richard Morton decessed gave informacion in the Quenes Maties exchequer by the concent as this examinant verely thinketh by the nowe pi', alleginge that this examinat had in his possession the first foundacion And so obteyned prosses for this examinats apperaunce there and also obteyned a lettre from the said L. Saunders and the rest of the Barons .... the tenure thereof was that yf this examinat wuld delyver unto the nowe pF the said foundacion this examinat should not nede to appeare. And so the nowe pi' delyvercd unto this examinat the said lettre this examinat told him that he had it not nor any the rest of the said evidences for those he had and were left undefaced were 314 TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE delyvered unto the said Mr Hussey accordinge to this examinat' promesse unto the said Mr Hussey. And so then this examinat was served by the pi' with the said wrytt unto wch he appeard and so was bound in a Ch to appeare untill order in the end was*taken that prosses should goe furthe to Ms Morton deceassed, The said Mr Hussey & one Roger Forstr to appear at the next assyses to be holden in the Countie of Salop &c to bringe w* them all souche Charters wrytinges and evidences they had in there kepinge con- cernynge the said Howse of Battellfild and at the said assisses the said Mr Hussey Brought in a greate nomber of evidences and lykewyse Mr Morton Brought in parte and so did Forstr also, to the said Lord Saunders, and the said lord perusinge some of them over in his Chamber in the presens of the said Mr Morton Mr Hussey and this examinat & no more, said unto Mr Morton, nowe Mr Morton 1 have founde Higgyns woordes true for it doeth playnely appeare by these evidences that it was a College what became of the said wrytinges this examinat Knoweth not." (Exchequer Decrees and Orders. Hilary, 29 Elizabeth, p. 5). (In Vol. xiii.) Salop. Upon hearing of the matter betwene Tho : Jobber and other executors of the last will and testament of Richard Moreton, pi. and Thomas Foster, def. The parties have submitted them selfes to souch order as this Court shall make in the sayd matter and it is ordered that the pi, shall delyuer to the Court a bill of theyr charges susteyned in the procuring of the lease whereby they clay me the tythes in question and also of the charges of this suyt for the better instructing and inducing of the Court to make a good end of the cause. See also Jtxcheqitcr Decrees. Moreton v. Forster. 27 Fliz., Mich. 15 and 22 (Book XI.) 28 Elfi., Mich. 164 (Book XI.) Blocklev v. Moke i on. Suit by Churchwardens &c. of ShilTnall against the lessee of the Rectory, for 26/8 and 12 bushels of rye, for the poor and maintenance of a Clerk, which they alleged to be TITHES OF THE RECTORY OF SHIFNAL. 315 payable out of Idsall rectory under Statute 15 Richard II. 27 Elizabeth. (1585 ) (Exch. Bills, Answers, Sc., Elizabeth, Salop, no. 12; 2 pan) 7 May 27 Elizabeth. Compkint of William Blockley and Roger Amias, Churchwardens of Idsall alias Shyffnall co. Salop, John Evans, Richard Richards, John Richards and Wm. Richards, inhabitants and parishioners, for themselves and the greatest part of the inhabitants and parishioners of Idsall. That the Queen is seised of Idsall, which Rectory long since was impropriated to the dissolved Chauntrye of Marie Magdalen of Battellfield, upon the impropriating of which Rectory 26s/8d and bread to be made of 12 bushels of rye was assigned according to Statute of 15 Richard II., to be yearly issuing out of said Rectory for the poor inhabitants of Idsall, which sum was afterwards, with consent of inhabitants, given partly to the poor, and partly to maintenance of a deaken or clarke, and was so yearly paid until 1 Edward VI., when by the Act for dissolving Chantries &c, said Rectory came to hands of Edward VI. And same sum during reigns of Edward VI. and Mary, and during 8 or 9 years of Elizabeth was always paid by the farmers of the said Rectory. That the Queen demised the said Rectory to Richard Moreton, gent., who being a man covetously given hath refused to pay the said sum of xxvjs viijd and to bestow the said bread. Complainants pray that said Richard Moreton may answer &c. Answer of Richard Morton gent. That he had a lease by Letters patent 16 May 25 Eliz. (1583) of said Rectory for 21 years at rent of £10. And that, notwithstanding he is put out by defendants and by Tho : Forster and others from the Rectory, he will prove that at the time of making the Lease there was no such sum as 26/8 payable. That a certain pretended Lease, dated 14 March 34 Henry VIII., supposed to be made by John Hussey clerk, Master of the College of S. Mary Magdalene Battlefield, and the brethren of the same, to Richard Moreton (defendant's father) and Robert EorFter, for 92 years, of the said Rectory, ought 3l6 TWO EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING THE to be accounted void, the Corporation being a chantry, and not a college, as the Lease went. That no sum of 26/8 was assigned according to Statute of 15 Richard II. *" Replication of Plaintiffs. That defendant is not in equity discharged of the payment, any more than other farmers. Rejoinder of Defendant. That Bill should be dismissed, because Roger Ariiyas and the greater part pi the parishioners were not privy to the said suit. That Thomas Eorster should have been a party to it. (Exchequer Depositions by Commission. Michaelmas, 27—28 Elizabeth. No. 25. Shropshire.) William Blockley & others, plaintiffs, Richard Moreton, defendant. Com'ission directed to Jerome Corbet, Esquire, Vincent Corbet, Esquire, Andres Chorleton, Esquire, and Thomas Wodcocke, gentleman. Dated 30 June, 27 [Elizabeth, A.D. 1585]. Depositions of witnesses taken at Shifnal alias Idshall the 20"1 day of September 27 Elizabeth [A.D. 1585,] on the part and behalf of plaintiffs. Thomas Eorster of Tongue Norton in the County of Salop, gent, of the age of 47 years to the second interrogatory — " sayeth that he knoweth that the said rectoryc or parsonage [of Idsall alias Shyffnell] was impropriate to the said College or chauntery [of Battlefield] in that interrogatory mencioned and that the Eermors and ten 'ntes of the Masters & Bretherene of the said College did receave and take the tythes of corne & heye belonging to the said parsonage and paid yerely x'» rent therefore, and that he doth knowe the name to be true, for that this deponentes father & one Richard Moreton deceassed were fermors thereof and that there was a vicarage endowed out of the said rectory, and knoweth the said rectory, and knoweth the same to be true for that he hath scene a composicion of the indowmcnt of the said vicarage Betwene the said Master and Bretheren of the said College and the vicar of Idshall for the tyme beinge wch was made in TITHES OF THE RECTORY OF SHIFNAL. 317 the tyme of Kynge Edward the Fowerth 1 as he doth now remember and did see the same in the handes of one Vicar Morton deccassed." " To the third he sayeth that in the times of the raignes of Kinge Henrye the eyght, Kinge Edward the syxt Ouene Marye & in some parte of the raigne of Her Ma'tie that nowe is there hath byn twelve strikes of rye or mongcorne baked in bred & yerely bestowed upon Sl Anderewes even, upon the inhabit:intes of the parishe by the fermors & Churchwardens of the said parishe at there discressions and that the same was so bestowed untill the vijlh or viijlh yere of her MatU>s raigne, and nowe the one half thereof is still bestowed by this deponent bcinge farmer of the moitye of the said parsonage & thother half of the said Corne bcinge syxe strykes is deteyned by the said def & not bestowed as it was before. And further he sayeth that the said fermors of the said rectory hath payd for the Mr & Bretheren of the said College xiijs iiij(l to the Bysshop xxvjs viij1 unto the Dekyn of the churche of Idshall for his wages & vijs or there aboutes yerely for bred & wyne to serve the parisheners at estr and iiijs more for bell ropes & hath knowen the same to be payd the tyme aforesaid." " To the fowerth he sayeth that there was payd to the Masters and Bretheren of the chauntery or College aforesaid the yerely rent of x!' .... and the fyke rent of x1' is at this daye yerely payd to the Queues Matie." To the vjth he saith the tithes of the said rectory be £40 by year better over & above the rent & charges. Richard Forster of Berington, Clerke, of the age of 53 years saith that " Dole bred called Saint Anderewes dole was and yet is geven by the former deponent Thomas Forstr " " & hath hard that the same was geven for relyff of the Poor of that parishe and never hard the same to be calld pardon bred before this tyme." Richard IIiggyns, Clerke, parson of Kemerton of the age of 75 yeres, to the second saith "that he knoweth that the said rectory or parsonage was im propria! to the late dissolved College or Chaunterye of Battellfild and that the said Mr & Bretheren comenly leazed the some to ten'nts cS: fermors wcb 1 A. D. J.jiji - 148$. 318 EXCHEQUER SUITS RESPECTING RECTORY OF SHIFNAL. tenants & fermors receavid the tithes & proffettes of the said parsonage beinge only the Corne & hey & that there is & hath byn long before his rememberaunce a vicarege endowed out of the said parsonage at or sithens the impropriacon thereof to his knowlege wchyet doth continewe And sayeth further that he hath seene the leaze of the said rectorye wcb was made unto the said Rob't Forstr and to the said Richard Morton by the said Mr and Bretheren of the said Chaunterye or College, and was by at thensealinge thereof wch to his remember' was about xliij yeres last past, and that by the said leaze it was convcnuted & agreed .... that they should dischardge as well the said paymentes of the said severall somes of money as also to performe the said yerelye distribucion of the said bred .... this deponent of his owne knowledge hath knowen the same money & bred so to have byn payd & distributed by the fermors of the said rectorye for the space of these syxtye yeres or there aboutes untill parte thereof was wthholden by the said Richard Moreton and the said defend' as aforsaid." [There are other depositions by old men as to whether this bread was called Pardon Bread.] (Exchequer Decrees, Mich' as 28 & 29 Elizabeth, p. 153.) {Vol. 12). Thursday 27 October. [Blockley v. Moreton.] .... Yt is sufficiently proved that the said yerelie pay- ment of xxyjs viijd and the brede of twelve busshells or Strikes of Rye .... hath bene yerelie contynewed payed and delyvered by the fermors of the said Rectory to the Churchwardens of the said Churche to 1 1 uj uses aforesaid by the spaces of many yeres before the dLssol uc'on of the said Chauntrye of Battlefeilde. See also Exclicqucr Decrees. Blockley v. Moreton. 27 Eliz. Mich. 2J. (Book XI.) 28 Eliz. llil. 0. (Book XII.) 28 and 29 Eliz. Mich. 6. "An Annuity payable to Sexton of Idsall." See Exchequer Bills and Answers, Elizabeth, 2 pars, Salop, 21. Rd. Moreton, ar. John Blockley and Wm. Knipton v. Inhabitants of Shifnall for 581' levied by 3i9 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. By W. PHILLIPg, F.L.S. The present paper contains an attempt to compile a complete list of the Lords-Lieutenant of Shropshire from the earliest to the present time, accompanied with such biographical notes as throw light on their official work. The material required for such a purpose is widely scattered, and not easily acquired, and if my effort should appear fragmentary and imperfect, I trust it will be excused on this ground. Doyle's Ojfieial Biivund^e of England, the Calendars of State Papers, the Dietiunary of National Bio^rapliy , Owen and Blakeway's History of SJireivsbuyy, and many other works have been utilised. But in addition to these the valuable MSS. in the possession of Col. Charles James Cotes, of Pitchford HalL have, by his kind permission, afforded some original corres- pondence of great value ; and the Town Clerk of Shrewsbury has allowed me to copy several documents of interest found among the Borough Records. I would also especially acknowledge my great indebtedness to two gentlemen without whose invaluable help I should have entirely failed in my task — E. C. Peele, Esq., D.L., who consulted the Home Office Military Entry Book, and helped me in other ways; and the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, of St. Michael's Vicarage, who spent much time and trouble in examining the Patent Rolls, and many other sources of information. The date when Lords- Lieutenant were first appointed has been variously stated by authors. Hallam informs us that "the power of calling to arms, and mustering the population of each county, given in earlier times to the sheriff or justices of the peace, or to special commissioners of array, began to be entrusted, in the reign of Mary, to a new officer, entitled the lord-lieutenant. This was usually a peer, or at least a gentleman of large estate within the county, whose office gave him the command of the militia, and rendered him the chief vicegerent of his sovereign." 1 This statement of the date 1 Constitutional History, ii. I.}}. Vol. III., ^i.l Sciics. SS 320 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. nearly accords with that of Blackstone,who says that " About the reign of King Henry the Eighth, and his children, Lord- Lientenants began to be introduced as standing representa- tives of the Crown to keep the counties in military order; for we find them mentioned 'as known officers in the Statute 4 and 5 Phil, and Mary, chap. 3, though they had been not long in use, for Camden speaks of them (in Britannia) in the time of Queen Elizabeth, as extraordinary magistrates con- stituted only in times of difficulty and danger." On turning to the Act of Philip and Mary referred to, the only clause which mentions the Lord-Lieutenant is the following: — - " Provided alwaies, and be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if any the offences aforesayde, touch- ing Captains, petie Captaines, or other having charge of men, shall be committed during the time that any army or number of men, being under a Lieutenant, shalbe assembled and continue together, or by any Captaine, pety Captaine, or other having charge of men, that shall serve any Warden, or other chieftaine, that then upon complaint thereof, the Lord- Lieutenant, or the Lord Warden, or other Chieftaine, during the time of any his or their Commission, shall and may heare, order, and determine the same offences by his or their discretions." 1 There is nothing in this passage to show that the office was of recent creation, or "had been not long in use." In point of fact, it had existed a century and half before this reign, as I shall presently show. But, before passing on, it is necessary to bring to notice a most valuable and interesting commission given to the Earl of Bedford, by Queen Mary, which sets forth in a striking and picturesque manner the work assigned him. It was first printed by Sir Henry Ellis in Arch&ologia, vol. xxxv., p. 351. Queen Mary's Instructions to Francis, Karl of Ikdford, Lieutenant of Dorset, Devon, Cornwall & city of Exeter. 17 March, 4th & 5th Philip & Mary. [I557-S.\ " Marie Queen. Instructions geven by the King and Queen's Majesties to their right trustie and right wel be loved cosen, the Erie of 1 RiistcH's StaftHes til I-urgr, vol, i., |>, U7,}, 5th secVoii. THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 321 Bedford, appointed their Hignes Lieutenant of the Counties of Dorset, Devon, Cornwall, and their Citie of Exeter, the 17th daie of Mareh, the fourth and fifth yeares of their Majesties' raignes. Imprimis, the said Lieutenant to have with him his Commission, his Instructions, and his Letters. To departe forthwith to his chardge with all diligencie. To geve order straight for the raysing of beacons and watchyng of the same according to such orders as he appointed, and to geve the chardge of the beacons to men of understanding. To cause musters to be taken of all persons within the lieutenancie, of their weapons and of their armor, and to picke out and describe all the able horsmen and footmen, their names and dwelling places. To call all the gentlemen of the shere together, and to take view of all their serving-men ; and of all such horses and geldings as they have, meete to sett the serving-men upon them ; and to consider what number there is of them able to carrie a dimi-lance, and howe many light horsemen To appointe meete Captens for the horsemen and for he footmen such as he shall thinke most convenient, dividing he shere by hundreds, or such numbers as he shall thinke meete. To appoint to everie Capten the nomber he shall leade ; to deliver him the names and dwelling places of his nombre; and to deliver him a precepte or commandement for his nombers within that hundred to obaie him, and to all officers for his assistance yf anie disobaie. To order every Capten to take often musters and viewes of his bande, seeing them harnessed with weapons and armor convenient, so as he may well knowe them, and have them alwaies in a readiness. To appoint to what places and upon what warning everie captaine shall resorte to with their men for defence. To consider what dangerous places there be for the landing of the enemies upon the sea-coasts; and to cause the inhabitants next unto that place, and if they be not able their neighbours next unto them, to help them to make newe or to repaire, as the cause shall require for defence of that place, trenches and bulwarks of earth. 322 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. To cause the in land dwellers of the shire to furnish the nombers that goe from their quarters for their defence at the sea costs, not onlie of sufficient money to paie for their victualls when they come there, but also to have consideration of their chardges in coming back again; and of the tyme, which may be peradventure ten or twelve days, of their aboade upon the sea coste, whereunto the said inland men may be induced, seeing the others goo forth to advent-ure their lives for their defence, and to the intente that they may remayne the more quiet at home. The Lieutenant, if he see the force of his enemies on lande so greate as he shall not be able with the force of his chardge to withstand them ; then to withdrawe himself with his force to the places of advantage within his chardge, breaking the bridges behinde them, cutting of trenches, throwing downe of trees, and giving such other impeachment to the enemie as may be devised untill a greater force may come unto him for his aide ; geving immidiatelie upon such landing advertise- ment unto the Qween's Highnes or her Privie Counsell, and to other Lieutenants next adjoyning him for his further aide. To cause diligent watch to be kept in all townes and boroughes within his Lieutenancie, according to the orders prescribed for the same. To have speciale regarde for the punishment of vagabonds, spreaders of ill tales, and devisers or reporters of seditious rumors, by such paines as are ordained by the lawes of the realrne in that behalfe. To see the K. and Q.'s Highnes, of all able men indifferentlie, that noe man meete to serve be withdrawen from service by parcialitie, favor, or other like pretence, and unmeete men placed in lieu of them. To have a speciall care to keepe the shire in good order and quiet, especiallie at the tyme of levying the subsidie. To see the Statutes made for the musters and furniture of armor in this last session of Parliament trulie and uprightlie executed and kepte of all such as they shall put in truste, to muster or levie any number of men, and therefor to have as speciall care as they tender their Highness's service and the maintaining of the subjects' good will and ducties towards them. Marie Queen." THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OE SHROPSHIRE. 323 Nothing can excel this valuable document in the clearness with which the work of a Lord- Lieutenant is set forth in all its ample details; but this, like the Act of Philip and Mary, contains nothing that can lead to the supposition that the office was a new one introduced for the first time in this reign, under this particular title. The earliest appointment by the Crown of a Lieutenant, whose authority included Salop, appears to have been that of Henry, Prince of Wales, .son of Henry IV., in 1403. He was appointed for Wales and the Marches, and resided at Ludlow Castle. An interval of 80 years occurs before the title appears again as affecting Shropshire, and it was for many years afterwards an intermittent appointment. The office appears to have arisen by a process of what may be called historical evolution, of which the Sheriff supplies the earliest form. That the duties pertaining to it did not originate with the title is obvious. Those duties existed in the earliest organisation of Society, and were discharged by special officers bearing various titles at different periods of history. " The military host was originally the people in arms ; the whole free population, whether landholder or dependents, their sons, servants and tenants. Military service was a personal obligation : Military organisation depended largely on tribal family relations : in process of conquest, land was the reward of service ; service was the obligation of freedom, of which the land was the outward and visible sign." 1 These forces, or any portion of them, when called upon by the King for active service, were to be mustered and arrayed by the Sheriff or Sheriffs of the counties from which they were drawn. " His office is of Saxon origin, and its name is derived from the words shire ^erefa, or shire reeve. He was inferior to the Earl only when that was the title of the county's military governor." 2 " He was," says Hallam, "the King's steward and judicial president of the shire, the adminstrator of the royal demesne and executor of the law. His sphere of jurisdiction was distinctly a single shire, 1 StuM>s, Con. Hist., i., 20S. - Albany FanlbU\nqiu\ " How we are Governed," p. 72. 324 THE LORDS- LIEU TEN ANT OF SHROPSHIRE. although after the Conquest for a long period the shires were adminstered in pairs. It is probable on early analogy that the gerefa was chosen in the folkmoot, but there is no proof that within historical times this was the case." The military duties of the Sheriff were'' usually confined, as already mentioned, to his own county, and being appointed annually, he was necessarily superseded by the appointment of officers for life, and for the command of extensive districts. In the 43rd Henry III. (1258), for example, John Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel, received his Commission of Chief Captain in the Marches of Wales. And Edward I., on the 30th July, in the nth year of his reign, commissioned "William le Butiller of Warrington to ' elect,' that is to press or pick, a thousand men in Lancashire ; on the 6th December writing from Rhuddlan, and at several other dates during the same winter, he informed the counties that he had commissioned certain of his servants to choose a fixed number of able-bodied men and to bring them to head quarters to serve on foot: the commission for Nottingham and Derby fixes 300, that for Stafford and Salop 1000, that for Lancashire 200, that for Hereford and the Marches 2300/' 1 Many other examples may be given, pointing to the same conclusion. The learned writer adds — " These and the county forces generally were placed under the superintendence of a capitancus or chevctci^nc in each shire, who must have been the prototype of the later lord lieutenant." 2 But as against this view Hallam suggests that the institution of Lords-Lieutenant may be " a revival of the ancient local earl-dorman ; and it certainly took away from the Sheriff a great part of the dignity and importance which he had acquired since the discontinuance of this office. Yet the lord lieutenant has so peculiarly military an authority, that it docs not in any degree control the civil power of the Sheriff as the executive minister of the law. In certain cases, such as tumultuous obstruction of legal authority, each might be said to possess an equal power ; the sheriff being still undoubtedly competent to call out the cornitatus in order to enforce obedience. Practically however, in all serious circumstances, the lord 1 Stuls, ii., [». _'t)5- - Ibid. THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 325 lieutenant has always been reckoned the efficient and responsible guardian of public tranquillity." 1 The Chief Captains and Commissioners of Array for Salop, who discharged the duties that fell at a later date to the King's Lieutenants, were usr/ally selected from the great landowners of this or the adjacent counties. I have compiled a list of these which, although not complete, may be of sufficient interest to justify its insertion as illustrating the elevation in rank and high social standing of those intrusted with such duties. I am not quite sure that the last in this list, Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Surrey, should not have beun included among the Lords- Lieutenant. John Eitz Alan, Earl of Arundel, 43 Henry III., 1258. Chief Captain in the Marches of Wales, Baron of Clun and Oswaldedve. Born after 1222, died 1268. 2 Roger Mortimer, Lord of Wigmore, 5 Edward I., 1276. Captain of Salop, Stafford and Hereford.3 He was born 1 23 1, known by the Welsh as Roger Ciuta, i.e., Short Roger, whom Dugdale states to have been firmly attached to Henry III., in opposition to his rebellious barons, being a great instrument in their subjection, and establishing him on the throne. Roger Mortimer married Matilda, eldest daughter of William de Braiose. The Mortimers were among the Lords Marchers who claimed the right of finding spears of silver to support the Queen's canopy on all coronations ; and they exercised this privilege when Eleanor, Queen of Henry III., was crowned.4 John de Berwick, 23 Edward I., 1294. Commissioner of Array for the Infantry of Shropshire.5 Richard Eitz-Alan, third Earl of Arundel, 24 Edward I., 1296. Appointed Inspector of Military Tenants in counties Salop and Stafford, January 13, 1296. A Patron of Haughmond Abbey, his ancestor William Eitz-Alan 1 Hal lam, Con. Hist., ii., 134. - Doyle, i„ p. 6S. 6 Sttibbs, Om. if fist. t ii., 295, note. 4 Sir Samuel Rush Meyrick, K.H., "Jlistoiieal Memoranda of Wigmore Castle. The Analyst. b Morris's Tlic Wcls/i Wars of Edward I., p. 246. 326 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. having founded it. Born February 3rd, 1267 ; died March 9th, 1302. 1 Edmund Fitz-Alan, fourth Earl of Arundel, ig Edward II., 1326. Appointed Captain and Chief Supervisor of Array in Wales and counties Salop, Stafford and Hereford, May 10th, 1326. He had been appointed Warden of the Welsh Marches, September, 1325. He was born May 1st, 1285, and was beheaded November 17th, 1326.2 Richard Fitz-Alan, fifth Karl of Arundel, 13 Edward lib, 1339. Chief Commissioner of Ana)' in county Salop, February 16th, 1339. Made Governor of Chirk Castle, September 13th, 1333, and Chief Justice of North Wales, November 8th, 1334 ; Sheriff of Salop for life, March 10th, 1345 ; Joint Guardian and Lieutenant of England, July ist, 1355. Born about 1306, and died January 24, 1376.3 Thomas Fitz-Alan, Earl of Arundel, 7 Henry IV., 1405. Warden of the Town of Shrewsbury and the Marches, October 3rd, 1405. Baron of Clun and Oswaldestre. Born October 13th, 1381 ; died May ist, 1415.4 John Talbot, third Earl of Shrewsbury, ii Edward IV., 1471. Appointed Commissioner of Array and Captain in North Wales, the Marches thereof, and the counties of Salop and Stafford, September nth, 147 1 . Succeeded to the Earldom July 10th, 1440, as son of the second John Talbot. Born December 12th, 1448; died June 28th, 1473." George Talbot, fourth Earl of Shrewsbury, 4 Henry VI L, 1488. Appointed Chief Commissioner to muster Archers in counties Salop and Derby, December 26th, 1488; Commissioner of Array in counties Derby, Stafford and Salop, February 28th, 1513, and Commissioner of Array in counties Salop, Stafford, Derby, Nottingham, York, Cumberland and Northumberland, July 30th, 1522. 6 The Earl was Steward of Morf Forest, co. Salop, August 22nd, 1493 ; Constable of Wigmore Castle, and Steward of 1 Doyle, vol. i., [>. 69. - I hid, 7... :l Ibid, 71. i Hud, 7.1 . '° /.i /tcrs and I'tipets, Foreign and Domestic, iii., \>. 2. THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 327 the Lordship and Honour of Wigmore (1495) ; Master of the Deer in Oakuley Park and Moktree and Bringwood Chaces (1495). In 15 3 j, he was High Steward of Shrewsbury, Buildwas, Haghmoiid and Lylleshall Abbeys, and Wenlock Priory. He was born about 1469,'' succeeded as fourth Earl June 28th, 1473, and died July 26th, 1541.1 Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Surrey, 14 Henry VIII. Commissioner of Array in counties Salop, Stafford, Derby, Nottingham, York, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmorland, Lancaster and Chester, 26th February, 152 3. 2 " Surrey appointed Lieutenant of the North, and has directed proclamations to be made in counties Notts, Derby, Stafford and Salop." 3 Born 1473; died August 25th, 1554. It will be evident to the reader that it is hardly possible to draw any definite line between the duties discharged by the above officers and those who bore the title of the King's Lieutenant; and to have compiled a list of the latter without alluding to the former would have been an unsatisfactory omission. It is also necessary to add that it must not be inferred that Commissioners of Array ceased to be appointed after the date at which the above list ends, for such appoint- ments continued to be made down to a comparatively recent date. The Lord-Lieutenancy of Salop was not unfrequently conferred on the Lord President of the Council of Wales and the Marches, when he happened to be a layman. This Council, it is said, "was erected by Edward IV., in honour of the Earls of March, from whom he was descended, as the Court of the Duchy of Lancaster had been before by Henry IV., in honour of the House of Lancaster; and owed its institution at first to the prerogative royal, transacting matters and acting judicially by virtue of that authority, to the entire satisfaction of the subject, for about the space of sixty years, till 34 Henry VII I., when that Court was confirmed by Act of Parliament." 4 T he Council had its staff of officials, 1 I )oyle, iii., 3 l - Doyle, iii., 3 10. 3 Lei. and I tip., For. and Dotn., iii., p. 2. 4 Dovaslon's M^S , cjuoted in dive's History of Ludlow, p. 14 Vol. III., 3rd Series. TT U to lac 328 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. and its seal, the latter being laid aside by statute 4th Henry VII.. which enacted that all grants and writings should le thenceforth under the Broad Seal.- It was abolished b\ Act of Parliament 1 William and Mary, at the humble suit of all the gentlemen and inhabitants within the Principality of Wales. The first Lord President, on whom the office of Lord- Lieutenant was conferred, was Henry Herbert, second Earl of Pembroke, in 158O-7. The second was Ralph Lord Eure, appointed Lord President 1607 ; the third, William Lord Compton, Earl of Northampton, 1017; the fourth, John Egerton, first Earl of liridgewater, 1031 ; the fifth and last was Henry Somerset, Marquis of Worcester, Duke of Beaufort, 1672. From the latter half of the seventeenth century, it became customary to appoint the Lord-Lieutenant to an essentially different office — that of Gustos Rotulorum, or in the words of the latest commission, " Keeper of the Rolls of the King's Peace." The power of appointing to this post was by statute (3 and .j Edward VI., ch. ii., sect. •;) vested in the Lord Chancellor without an)- bill signed by the King's hand;3 but this was subsequently altered, and became a direct royal appointment. It constitutes its holder the first civil officer, as the Lord- Lieutenant is the c hief military officer in the count)', mid the two offices are now almost invariably held by the same person. The Gustos Rotulorum has the custody of the records and rolls ol sessions ; and the Commission of the Peace, among other things, states as follows : — " We also command the Keeper of the Rolls of our Peace in our count)' aforesaid, to bring before you [i.e., the Gourt of ( juarter Sessions] at the days ami places afore- said the writs, precepts, processes, and indictments aforesaid that these may be inspected and by a due course determined as is aforesaid." This and all other duties as Gustos arc: now really performed by the Clerk of the Peace, who by virtue of his office is Deputy. The Gustos Rotulorum always appointed the Clerk of the Peace until 1888, when the Local Government Act (51 and 5^ Vic, c. |i) transferred the 1 Dovaston's MSS., quoted in dive's History of Ludlow, p. 15. 2 Cunningham's Law Did. THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 329 appointment to the Standing Joint Committee of the County Council and the Quarter Sessions. The Clerk of the Peace is now responsible for the records ex-officio, but is still sub- ject to the discretion of the Custos. It is necessary to add two more notes to this introduction ; (1st), relative to Sir Edward Corbett of Leighton and Longnor, co. Salop, Baronet. It has been stated by the late Rev. Mackenzie E. C. Walcott, in Salopian Shreds and Patches (May 1st, 1878), that he was created a Baronet by Charles I., and appointed Lord-Lieutenant and Custos Kotulorum of Salop. The statement is repeated in The County Scats of Shropshire, under the head of Longnor Hall. As regards his appointment to the two offices of Lord- Lieutenant and Custos Kotulorum, I have not been able to find any confirmation of the statement, and do not feel justified in adding his name to the list. Sir Edward was Sheriff of Shropshire in 1651, but Blakeway, in his Sheriffs of Shropshire, makes no mention of his having held the two offices in question. (2nd), I iind that in 23 Charles II., 1672, Henry Somerset Duke of Beaufort, was appointed Lord-Lieutenant of North Wales, South Wales, and the Marches, July 22nd, of that year, which he held up to December 23rd, 1688.1 As the " Marches " formerly included Shropshire, unless otherwise specified, it appears as if Lord Newport had been displaced; there is no evidence to show that he was displaced, and in this case the " Marches " could not have included Shropshire. LORDS LIEUTENANT OF SALOP. Henry, Duke oil Monmouth, Duke of Cornwall, Lancaster, and Aouitain, Eakl of Chester, and Prince of Wales. 4 Henry IV. Appointed Lieutenant of Wales and the Marches, March 7th, 1403.2 The government of North Wales and the Marches had been administered for some time previous to this date by the 1 Doyle, i , p. 133. - Doyle, i , 25O 33« THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. Prince of Wales, and if a letter written by him to the Privy Council from Shrewsbury has been correctly assigned to the 15th May, 1402, he had already struck a severe blow at Owen Glyndwr by distroyjng one of his chief residences. The letter written in Norman French has been translated, and from it I quote the following passage : — " And for news in this part, if you will know, among others we were lately informed that Oweyn de Glyndourdy assembled his forces of other rebels, his adherents, in great number, purposing to make an incursion, and to fight, if the English would resist him in his purpose, and so he boasted to his people. Wherefore we took our forces and went to a place of the said Oweyn well built, which was his principal mansion called Saghern (Sycharth), where we expected to have found him, if he had had will to fight in manner as he said, and at our coming thither we found nobody, and therefore we caused the whole place to be burnt, and several other houses thereabouts of his tenants. And then we went straight to his other place of Glendourdy, to seek him there, and there we burnt a fair lodge in his park, and all the country thereabout. And we lodged ourselves by there all that night, and certain of our people sallied forth there into the country, and took a great gentleman of the country who was one of the said Oweyn's chieftains, who offered five ] hundred pounds for his ransome to have had his life, and to | have paid the same sum within two weeks ; nevertheless j it was not accepted, but he was put to death, as well as divers j others of his companions who were taken in the expedition."1 The Prince was assisted by a council in the difficult task allotted to him, whose head quarters were at Chester, j the leading member of which, both as to power and activity 1 was Henry Percy, eldest son of the Earl of Northumberland.2 ) There were not wanting indications of disloyalty on the part j of Percy, which may have prompted the King to give his son the appointment of lieutenant. It will be observed that the date was only a few months before the Battle of Shrews- bury, and was therefore an act of wise precaution on the 1 I'.i i■>) If. ... 1 1 \. 33* THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. quarters with his minstrels and his suite in Lanthony Priory, where the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of York, the Earl of Arundel, and a large number of the Lords spiritual and temporal paid him a visit of ceremony on November 28th, possibly in recognition of his recent coming of age. On December 2nd he was thanked by the Parliament for his great services and the 'dis-ease ' that he: had undergone for his country in resisting the great rebellion in Wales." 1 Sixteen days later was conferred on him his commission of Lieutenency. He was born in his father's castle of Monmouth, when his mother was only 16 years of age, August, 1386, or according to Doyle, September 16th, 1388 ; ascended the throne as Henry V., March 21st, 1413, and died August 31st, 1422. Henry Stafford, second Duke of Buckingham. 23 Edward V., 1483. Lieutenant of the King, in the counties of Salop, Hereford, Somerset, Dorset, and Wilts, May 5th, 1483. A few days later he was made Constable of the Royal Castles, and Steward of the Royal Manors, in the counties of Salop, Hereford, Somerset, Dorset, and W ilts; Chief Justice and Chamberlain of North and South Wales, and the Marches. 2 On the usurpation of Richard III., the Duke of Buckingham became his adviser, and all his appointments were confirmed ; but they were of short continuance. The Duke suddenly turned round, and headed an insurrection, in conjunction with the Marquis of Dorset, with the view of placing Henry, Earl of Richmond, on the throne. He raised a large force, chiclly Welshmen, to carry out his design. His march was impeded by an extraordinary rise in the Severn and the Wye, and the destruction of the bridges by Sir Humphrey Stafford. " After ten days of weary waiting Buckingham's army dispersed, and he lied northwards in disguise to Shropshire ; a price of r ,000 1 was placed on his head ; a retainer, Ralph Bannister of Lacon Park, near Wem, sheltered him for a time, but he was not above claiming the reward for giving him up when his whereabouts 1 Wylit , 111., 118. 8 Doyle, i., |>. THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 333 was discovered. His lurking-place in a poor hut is said to have been betrayed by the unusual provision of victuals carried to it. He was brought to the Court at Salisbury on ist November, by John Mytton, the Sheriff of Shropshire. Short shrift was allowed 'him. A confession failed to procure him an audiance of the King, ami next day, though a Sunday, he was beheaded in the Market-place. His great estates were confiscated." 1 He was born about 1454, and beheaded Nov. 2, 1483. Francis Talbot, lifth Earl of Shrewsbury. 1 Edward VI., 1547. He was appointed Lord -Lieutenant of York, Lancaster Chester, Derby, Salop, Stafford, and Nottingham.2 He was second (but at the time) eldest son of the fourth Earl of Shrewsbury, when he was bearer of the Queen's scepter at the Coronation of Queen Anne Poleyne, June ist, 153J. He succeeded as lifth Earl of Shrewsbury, July 26th, i5J&-a He was one of the Lords who proclaimed Mary Queen, in London, July 1 9th, 1553. He was born at Sheffield Castle in 1500, and was buried there 1560. Henry Herbert, second Earl of Pembroke. 30 Elizabeth, 1587. Queen Elizabeth appointed the Earl of Pembroke her Lieutenant in the Principality of South Wales and North Wales, the Marches adjoining, and the counties of Worcester, Monmouth, Hereford, and Siih>p; and all corporate and privileged places therein. He had been made in March, 158b, President of the Council in the Marches of Wales." 1 The Earl announced his appointment in the following letter :— J Did. Nil/.. Bhg. - I>i.yK\ iii., ;JI0. :i /)/, / «AVrA iting-i ; l>nt Doyle, iii., 3 i0, su; s 1541. 4 Doyle, ni., and Dovaston's JN1S., ijtli Report Hist. MS. Com. ApuciHlix IV., j 17. 334 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. To his Loving frends the Shireffe & her ma'ts justiess Of peace within the County Of Salop. Wheras I have receved her mats Cornysion of lewetenn'tye w'thin the principality & domynions of South Wales and North Wales the marches therunto adioyning & the severale Counties of Worcester Monnmouth Hereford, Salop, and all Corporat & prevelydged places within the same w'th full power & aucthority to levey gether & call together all her Heighnes subiects of what degree soever within the same, and to cause them to bee armed weaponed, and to take the musters of them, as by the same comysson amongest dyv's other things more at lardge appearth Theis are by virtue of the said Comysson to will & requyre you and every of you in her ma'ts name, that presentlie uppon sight hereof you call before you w'thin yo'r sevrall dyvisons all such persons as you shall thinke hable men and sufficient to fynd & provyde furnyture for her ma'ts service, and that you doe assigne & appoynt them presentlie to provide Lawnces lieght horses armore weapons & other furnyture & municon fitt for the warre as by the several! habylities cSc sufificiencye in Landes Livinge or welth you shall thinke them fytt and met accordinge to the subsidy & w'thall yt you make choyce of able men for the usinge & excersisinge of the said weapons munycon and furnyture, and doe take musters of them furthw'th w'thout delay from tyme to tyme as by your good discrescons shalbe thought requysite yt they may be ready uppon x dayes warninge whensoever I shall requyre the same, or any other by my appoyntment and of yo'r proceed inges herin to Certifye me w'th all speed wherof fayle you not as you and every of you tender her ma'ts service & will answere the contrary at yo'r uttermost perille, and soe fare you ha'tely well. Saroome, the vii of March 158O. Y'r Lovinge frend, H. Pembrooke.1 Salopians were not backward in attending to the Earl's instructions, as will be seen by the following note in Taylor's 1 Shrewsbury Moroujjli Documents, No. 2700. THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 335 MS.1 under the same date: — "This yeare the Earle of Pembrooke and lord President of the Marches of Wales cam into Shreusberie the 26 daye of Aprell and the 27 day following, musterid in Styrrys Close all the countrey bothe of horscm' and footmen, and the' 28 day of Ap'll his honor musterid the townes men bothe horsemen and footmen, and the 29 daye of Ap'll dep'tyd and before his dep'ture his honor dyd tacke order for the agreement of the Aldermen and Counsellors of the said towne of Shreusberie amongst whom was greate controv'sie, and mutche money speant, and being so agreid they displaced serten Aldermen and counsellars that were not inhabitants whih the said towne and placyd others in their rowmes that were continuall resiants accord- ing to their booke upon wcl' agrem'et for ioye therof there was both bancketinge and ringinge of bells to the greate reioysinge of the commons." Another document in the Shrewsbury Borough Records will explain the cause of the military preparations in the following year. The Privy Council to the Earl of Pembrooke. " After our harty comendacons to yo'r good L. wheras her maty hath receved advertisment that the Spanish fleet having taken ther course northward is come to a place in Scotland called Meryffryth & have sett some of the men one Land, by course it is as yet not knowen whether they shall purpose to land ther & to joyne w'th the evyll Affectyd of that Realme or doe mean only to staye to take in fresh water & to retire themselves w'th such other necessaries as that contrey may afford. Then it is thought meete to have those forces in a roadynes, that were appoyntcd to the supply of the north This shalbe therfore to pray yo'r L. to cause the nomber of six hundred footmen and 32 Launces in this County of Salop under yo'r L. Livetenancy directed by l'res from her ma'tie uppon any oeeason to Kepayrc into the north p'tes to be in a p'smt readynes w'th Annore weapon cS: furniture, That upon any warninge or notice: unto you from o'r very good L. the earle of Huntington the said footemen & horse- 1 Slueu.slmiy Sdioul Library. See transcript in Tnt)is, S/uup. Arch. S. 191. 33^ THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE in the 15 year of the reign of James I. (1617), " in consider- ation of his wisdom, discretion, dexterity, fidelity, courage, and integrity in the execution of Justice without respect of persons," appointed President of the Council within the Marches of Wales ; and oivt-he same day constituted Lord- Lieutenant within the Principality of Wales, and in the Marches thereto adjoining, and the counties of Worcester, Hereford and Salop.1 He was not invested in the dignity of Earl of Northampton till 2nd August, in the 16th year (1618) of the same reign, which took place in the Bishop's Palace at Salisbury. In the reign of Charles L, he was also appointod Lord- Lieutenant of Warwickshire. The Dovaston MS. contains the following: — "The 21st May, 1617, This day in lull Court, in sight and presence of the whole assembly, the Lord President, humbly kneeling upon his knees, took the oaths of supremacy and allegiance minstered to him by the Chief Justice of Chester. He then caused to be openly read two several Commissions of Oyer and Terminer, one for the Principality of Wales, and one for the Counties of [left blank] ; and also one other Commission of Lieutenancy from the King's Majesty to his Lordship directed for the Principality and. Marches of Wales, and for the Counties of [blank] excepting only [blank]. And immediately after the said Sir Thomas Chamberlain and the rest of the said Council (all kneeling on their knees) took the said oath of supremacy and allegiance, and the oath by his highnes's instructions set down and appointed to be taken by all such as arc ordained of the said Council." 1 In February, 1624, the Parliament declared war against Spain, and the Bailiffs of Shrewsbury applied to the Lord- Lieutenant for permission to erect an " Artillery Yard," doubtless, for practice with the musked and callivcr, which were fast superseding the bow and other weapons. A survey of arms within the town and liberties was made thirty- seven years earlier, when it was found that there were in the possession of householders 22 muskets and 116 calivers, the remainder of the arms being bows, bills, and swords. 1 Dovfsl.ui's MS. Hi.st. M.^S. C ounniisioii, 257. The lords-lieutenAnt of Shropshire. 339 Permission to erect the Artillery Yard was granted in the following letter. To my Loveing Iriends the Bayleifs of Shrewsbury, these / After my harty commend'ns unto you. Wheras you have signifyed unto me by your letter your earnest desire to have an Artillery yard erected in your Corporation of Shrewsbury, which I approve of as a very commendable thinge, and wheras that liberty must be granted by his Mat,Cb letters, authorizing the Lord lieutenant to admit of such a competent number as he shall thinke is convenient ; thes are ther fore to let you understand that I will with all conveniency further your desire, and to that end I will send up about it ; and you shall receive an answere what effect it hath. And so I rest Your loving friend Ludlow Castle W. Northampton 1 Sept. 8th 1624. In the year following the Earl wrote to Sir Richard Newport of High Ercall, Knt, and Sir Andrew Corbet of Moreton Corbet, Knt., instructing them to see that all the trained soldiers, both horse and foot, within the county be forthwith viewed and put in order, in obedience to which they issued the following orders. " After our very hartie Comendaconcs uls>, No. -'5<>.j. 34^ THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. Therefore to pray and require you forthwith upon receipt hereof to give in chardge to all the trayned Soldiers both horse and foote w'thin the tovvne and lib'ties of Shrewsbury and alsoe to all and every of .their Mayntaynors & finders that they and every of them bee arid p'sonally appeare before us at the said Towne of Shrewsbury upon Monday the fift day of October next by nyne of the Clocke in the forenoone straightly requiringe the said Mayntaynors to bring wth them Amies wherewh the they stand severally chardged well furnished and in good and serviceable manner. And that ev'y Soldior doe come furnished with one pound of Gun powder at the least and vv'th a convenient quantity of Match for trayninge the same tyme And forasmuch as some of the said Soldiers may bee decayed sithence the last view of them Wee (for the better supplie herein) doe require you to cause to appear before us then Ten able men out of the said Towne and Liberties fitt for the service, that is men of the better quality, to wit, freeholders ffermors, owners of land or Housholders. And further you are to chardge all those of the Clergie w'hin the said Towne and Liberties that they and ev'y of them doe bringe and shew before us the day and place aforesaid w'th the Armcs wherewith they stand sev'ally chardged well & compleatly furnished together w'th sufficient men for the usinge of them. And wee require you to lett all the Mayntaynors and Soldiers knowe that if every of them shall bee found remisse in this service they shall receive severe punishm't as wilfull condemners of his Mats expresse pleasure and speciail comaund, w'ch service must not bee sleighted by any as heretofore it hath beene. And soe not doubt inge of yor speciail care herein wee bidd you hartely farewell and rest, iomo Sept. 1025 Ycf very lovinge frends THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. 341 The gents that are chardged wth horse in that Towne and Liberties unto whom you are to give notice hereof are Sr Richard Hussey, Knight Thomas Ireland^ Richard Prince Roger Pope VEsquiers Richird Rocke Edward Hatton' Sr Thomas Harries, Baronett " [Shrewsbury Borough Records.] The Earl's death happened under very peculiar circum- stances, which are related in a letter from S. Meddus, dated July 4th, ibjo, as follows : — " Yesterday sev'night the Earl of Northampton lord president of Wales (after he had waited on the King at supper, and had also supped) went in a boat with others to wash himself in the Thames, and so soon as his legs were in the water up to the knees, he had the colic, and cried out, ' Have me into the boat again, for I am a dead man,' and died a few hours after at his lodgings in the Savoy, within the suburbs of London." He [died June 14, 1630, and] was buried at Coinpton with his ancestors.1 In Clive's Ludlpw he is stated to have been Lord-Lieutenant of eighteen shires.- John Egerton, first Earl of Bridgewater, Viscount Brackley, and Baron of Ellesmere. 7th Charles I., 1631. He was appointed July 8th, 163 1, Lord-Lieutenant of North and South Wales, and the counties of Salop, Wor- cester, Hereford, and Monmouth, and Gustos Rotulorum of Salop? He had been made President of the Council in the Marches o( Wales May uth of the same year, with an official residence at Ludlow Castle.1 1 Collin's IVa'age of England. 2 Clive's Uistoty o)' Ludfaiv, [>. iy<). Doyle 1. 224. * 4 Dovuslun's MS., p. 27S; ami Diet. Nat. £ioj>. 342 THE LORDS-LIEUTENANT OF SHROPSHIRE. He entered upon his official duties with great solemnity at Ludlow, being attended by a large concourse of the nobility and gentry of the neighbourhood. He and his family " had been on a visit at a house of the Egerton family in Hereford- shire, and in passing through Haywood Forest were be- nighted; and the Lady Alice was even lost for a short time. This accident, which in the end was attended by no bad consequences, furnished the subject of a Mask for a Michael- mas festivity, and produced Comus."1 An event of much interest occurred during the Earl's Lieutenancy of Shropshire. Sir John Corbctt, Bart, M.l\ for that county, brought a complaint in the House of ('ominous against the Earl, that when holding the office in 1632, he appointed Edward Burton muster-master for the county, and contrary to law imposed upon the county a large yearly sum, afterwards reduced to £50 ; and that at a sessions before Sir John Corbctt and others this was presented to the grand jury as a grievance, and some doubt arising, Sir John said the Petition of right would determine the question, and desired that it might be read. For this he, Sir John, was put out of the commission of the peace, attached, and brought before the Council Hoard, and was committed to the Fleet, and there kept prisoner 24 weeks and three days, the Plague being then in London. During this imprisonment an in- formation was exhibited in the Star Chamber, containing no other matter than that aforesaid, to which Sir John was compelled to answer, and to enter into a bond for £2,000 to attend from time to time. The House of Commons im- peached the Earl, together with William Laud, Archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Earl of Manchester, Lord Privy Seal, Francis Lord Cottington, Edward Lord Newburgh, Sir Henry Vane, and Sir Francis Windebank, Knights and Secretaries of State, who shared in these illegal proceedings. The Earl's reply was to the effect that in 16 $1 be did appoint Edward Burton muster-master of the county, but denied having levied a charge upon the inhabitants in respect of that office, or that by his means Sir John Cprbett was put 1 Wnrkm's, /A* Poems of Mi//oti. THE LORDS-LIE UTENANT OE SHROPSHIRE 343 out of the commission of the peace. He also denied the other charges brought against him.1 It was the boldness displayed by Sir John Corbett in this, and other acts which led Mr Blakeway in his SJieriffs of Shropshire, to say of him, that " he was one of those illustrious patriots worthy of the eternal gratitude of their country, who opposed the forced loan in the same year — a most illegal measure of Charles I., while under the sway of Buckingham." In May, 1643, the Earl was appointed joint-commissioner of Array for Flint, Denbigh, and Merioneth, but soon after withdrew to his house at Ashridge and lived a retired life during the Civil War.2 In the following year, at the sitting of the Commissioners of Prince Rupert in Shrewsbury, November 1, "it was ordered that all the rents of the Lord of Bridgewater that are unreceived, and to be received in this county, be received by Sir Francis Ottley," for paying the latter's officers.3 This can only be explained by the fact that he had ceased to render any assistance to the King, if, indeed, he had not gone further, and as stated by Owen and Blakeway, certainly adhered to the Parliament.4 The Parliament had undoubtedly ignored his position of Lord- Lieutenant, by appointing the Earl of Essex on September 2nd, 1642, to that office in Shropshire. He was born in 1579, succeeded his brother as M.P. for Shropshire, on the death of his father 15th March, 1617, became Viscount Brackley, and on the 27th May following was promoted to the Earldom of Bridgewater. He died at his house at Ashridge, December 4th, 1649, aged 70 years. Robert Divereux, third Earl of Essex. 18 Charles I., 1642. Appointed by the Parliament Lord-Lieutenant of Shrop- shire, September 5th.5 He had been appointed by the King Lord-Lieutenant of the county of Stafford and city of Lichfield, February 1 Fourth Report Hist. MSS. Com., p. 99 • L. Journal, iv., 3S2-3. 3 Diet. Nat. Kioi*. 3 Ottley 1 ». t J m is, Tniris. S. A. Soc, viii., n.s., 254. 4 J list, of Slit civs., i., 439. 0 Journal of the House of fiatuwons, ii., 752. Vol. HI., 3rd Series. VV 344 THE LORDS- LIEUTENANT OE SHROPSHIRE. 22nd, 1612 ; and also for the county and city of York, June 2nd, 1642. When the King appealed to the House of Lords (April 24th, 1640) in the short Parliament to support him against the Commons, the Earl vutjd with the minority, which refused to do so.1 Notwithstanding his having taken this course, the King appointed him Lord-Chamberlain of the Household (July, 1641), and also conferred on him other honours. Soon afterwards the Earl forsook the royal cause, and was appointed by the Parliament Lord- Lieutenant of Stafford, York, and Montgomery, became a member of the Parliamentary Committee of Safety, and was appointed General of the Parliamentary Army, July 12th, 1642. He was further appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Hereford, August 8th, and Salop, September 5th. He married (1st) Lady Erances Howard, second daughter of Thomas, first Earl of Suffolk, January 5th, r6o6, from whom he was divorced October, 1013 ; and secondly, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir William Paulet, Knt, 1031. He was born 1592 (Doyle), baptised 1591 [sic], according to the Did. of Nat. Biography; and died 14th September, 1646. J Diet. Nat. liioir. 345 AUTHORITY TO SIR RICHARD OTTLEY, KNT., TO SEARCH FOR HIDDEN TREASURES. By WILLIAM PHILLIPS, F.L.S. ; During the eighteen years preceding the restoration of Charles the Second, the insecurity of money and portable property, such as plate, jewels, and other valuables, was so great, owing to their being liable to seizure by Royalists or Roundheads in turn, that every conceivable expedient was resorted to for protection. Not unfrequently a secret place in the house, in the cellar or the attic, or more often the garden or shrubbery, adjoining the residence, was chosen to conceal it. The profoundest secrecy was observed even among the members of the same family, and in the event of an untimely death, or flight from threatened danger, the place of its concealment remained undivulged till discovered by some one unconnected with the original owner. Samuel Pepys tells us in his inimitable Diary, that the Comptroller of the Mint, with whom he was on one occasion dining in 1663, " did discourse: very finely to us of the probability that there is a vast deal of money hid in the land." This the Comptroller inferred from the quantity of money coined by the Mint in former years, and not to be accounted for. "There ought to have been testing £6,1 11,120* or there- abouts," and that " most of this must be hid is evident." Pepys and Lord Sandwich made repeated efforts to discover a sum of £7,000, said to have been buried in the Tower of London, but were unsuccessful.2 The author gives a highly amusing account of the recovery of money buried by his father-in-law in the garden attached to their residence. 1 Oct. 30, l6C*2. 'J Diary, data May nj\k, 1 60 j. 34^> AUTHORITY TO SIR RICHARD OTTLl-Y, KNT, " My wife did give so bad an account of her and her father's method in burying of our gold, that made me mad : and she herself is not pleased with it she believing that my sister knows of it. My father and she did it on Sunday, when they were gone to church, in open daylight, in the midst of the garden ; where for aught we knew, many eyes might see them ; which put me in trouble, and I presently cast about how to have it back again, to secure it here, the times being a little better now." 1 Later on he tells us how he and his father proceeded to unearth it.2 " My father and I with a dark lantern, it being now night, into the garden with my wife, and there went about our great work to dig up my gold. But, Lord ! what a tosse I was for sometime in, that they could not justly tell where it was ; that I began heartily to sweat, and be angry, that they should not agree better j upon the place, and, at last, to fear that it was gone : but by and by, poking with a spit, we found it, and then begun with a spudd, I did discern that I had scattered the pieces of gold round about the ground among the grass and loose earth ; and taking up the iron head-pieces wherein they were put, I perceived the earth was got among the gold, and wet, so that the bags were all rotten, and all the notes, that I could not tell what in the world to say to it, not knowing how to judge what was wanting, or what had been lost by Gibson in his coming down : which all put together, did make me mad ; and at last I was forced to take up the head- pieces, dirt and all, and as many of the scattered pieces as I could with the dirt discern by candledight, and carry them up into my brother's chamber, and there lock them up till I had eot a little supper : and then, all people going to bed, W. Hewer and I did all alone, with several pails of water and besoms, at last wash the dirt off of the pieces, and parted the pieces and the dirt, and then began to tell them by a note which I had of the value of the whole, in my pocket ; and do find that there was short above a hundred pieces : which did make me mad ; and considering that the neighbour's house was so near that we could not possibly speak one to another in the garden at that place where the 1 Juiu; 19th, 1667. - Oct. in, ti, 1607. TO SEARCH FOR HIDDEN TREASURES. 347 gold lay— especially my father being deaf — but they must know what we had been doing, I feared that they might in the night come and gather some pieces and prevent us the next morning; so W. Hewer and I out again about midnight, for it was now grown so late, and there by candle- light did make shift to gather forty-live pieces more. And so in, and to cleanse them : and by this time it was past two in the morning : and so to bed, with my mind pretty quiet to think that I have recovered so many. I lay in the trundle- bed, the girl being gone to-bed to my wife, and there lay in some disquiet all night, telling of the clock till it was day- light. And then W. Hewer and I with pails and a sieve, did lock ourselves in the garden, and there gather all the earth about the place into pailes, and then sift those pails in one of the summer-houses, just as they do for diamonds in other parts of the world ; and there, to our great content, did by nine o'clock make the last night's forty-five up seventy-nine : so that we are come to about twenty or thirty of what I think the true number should be; and perhaps within less ; and of them I might .reasonably think that Mr Gibson might lose some, so that I am pretty well satisfied that my loss is not great, and do bless God that place is so well. So do leave my father to make a second examination of the dirt ; and my mind at rest in it, being but an accident: and so gives me some kind of content to remember how painful it is sometimes to keep money, as well as to get it, and how doubtful I was to keep it all night, and how to secure it to London : so got all my gold put up in bags." Enough has been quoted of this amusing narrative to convey an idea of the practice common among possessors of property at the time he wrote, and the anxiety it involved. It is certain that many discoveries were made, and consider- able wealth was within the reach of any one who had the time and ingenuity to devote to such work. From contemporary documents, still at Pitch ford Hall, we learn that Charles the Second exercised his royal control over such discoveries, and issued special grants to those of whom he approved, authorising them to search for hidden treasures, and in cases where the proper owners could not be discovered, determining how the treasures were to be allotted. 34^ AUTHORITY TO SIR RICHARD OTTLEY, KNT., The King, having been informed that Richard Pight and James Freeze were able and willing "to make discovery to his Majesty of a considerable quantity of money, Bullion, Jewells, plate, and other,goods, which, of right, belong to the King, but have been concealed from him, and have never come into his possession," issued a Commission, 31st Jul)', 1660, to his trust)7 and wellbeloved Sir (diaries Harbard, Knt., Sir Philip Warwick, Knt., Sir George Hamilton, Knt., Christopher Copley, Esqr., John Ruckworth, Esqr., and William Rumbell, Esq., in whom he reposed special trust and confidence, giving them full power, or an)* three of them, to call before them Richard Pight and James Freeze, and such other persons as the)' shall think lit, to take information as to what moneys, bullion, plate, jewels, or other goods there are, and in whose hands they are, and in what places the same remain buried, or otherwise concealed, and shall detain the same. And for reward and recompense of Pight and Freeze, they are to receive one moiety of the same, the other moiety being paid into the King's Exchequer, and they were to have tallies from the Exchequer for their discharge. Among those to whom the King granted his Warrant was Sir Richard Ottley, Knight, of Pitchford Hall, Salop, the eldest son of Sir Francis ( )ttley, Knight, Governor of Shrews- bury in the early part of the Civil War. Sir Richard was a 1 )eputy- Lieutenant of Salop, but resided frequently in London, and Lis authority to search for Treasure 1 rove was limited to the county of Middlesex, and was only for a specified period. Several oi tin: Royal Warrants are still extant among' the Pitchford muniments, but as they are long and wordy documents, a copy oi the " Deputation " of Sir Richard to his subordinates will convey a suffic ient knowledge of their contents. " A Coppy of m y Dcpulacon of Tr: Trove. To all to whom these.1 p'sents shall come. 1 Sir Richard Ottley Kl and one of the gent.' of his Maliys pryvy Chamber in ordinary send Greeting. Whearcas our soverigne Lord (diaries the second by the grace: of God King of England Scotland fiance And Ireland defender of the Fayth &c, in the 1 1 yeare of his Raigne did TO SEARCH FOR HIDDEN TREASURES. 349 graunt unto me the sayd Sir Richard Ottley A warrant under his seale dated the xiith of this instant March 1669 : to Enquire And search for all Concealed & hidden treasure within the County of Middl'x giveing & graunting unto me full power And Authority £y my selfe & my Deputyes to Inquire and search for, seize & secure & keepe in Costodye, all such hydden treasures as shalbee found, And to dispose thereof lor my own propper use— Now know ycc that the sayd Sir Richard Ottley Kl have Constituted and Appointed and by theise presents doe Ferther assigne depute Appoint & Aucthorize, John Hawkes, J no. Blowe Sl Richard Stretthill of London Gent : to bee my deputyes during the tyme And Lymmytacon of the Fore Recyted warrant to Inquire & search for all hydden & Concealed Treasure in all places whatsoever within this County of Middl'x Aforesayd, Giveing And by Authoryty Aforesayd Graunting unto them the for- sayd Jn° Hawkes John Blowe & Richard Stretthill Full power Lycense And Authoryty to Breake any grouwnd or place whatsoever where any such treasure is supposed to bee hydd And the same to seize to myne, theire, and every of theire owne proper use and behoofes, hereby Requyring all Mayors, Bayliffs, Sherriffes, Justices of the peace & all other his Matics Officers whomesoever it may Concerne to bee Ayding And *\ssisting unto the foresayd Jn° Hawkes, Jn° Blowe, & Richard Stretthill wherein they shall Require theire Aydes & assistance in the dew execution thearcof ; given under my hand & seale this 29th day of March, 1669, in the 21st yeere of the Reigne of our Lord Charles." It would have been interesting to have known what success attended the searches made by Sir Richard Ottley's deputies ; but of these no mention is made in any of his papers. Charles the Second was not the first of our reigning monarchs who granted these warrants to search for buried treasures. We have a curious instance of an application made through Lord Burleigh to Oueen Elizabeth, in 1574, by the celebrated Dr. John Dee, astrologer and mathemati- cian, to search in Salop and the Welsh border, preserved in the Landsdown MSS. at the British Museum. He writes: — " Your honor knovveth that thresor trouve is a very casuall thing ; and of which, althowgh the prerogative of the qucnes 350 AUTHORITY TO SEARCH FOR HIDDEN TREASURES. majestic do entitle to her a propritie, yet how seldome her grace hath hitherto receyved any commodity thereby, it is to your honor better known than unto me. But as for mines of gold and silver to be: in Kngland or Ireland, many have written and re ported both of old tyme and latter, as I think your honor hath ere this hard abundantly discoursed. The ! value of a myne is a matter for a kinges threasor ; but a pot of two or three hundred pounds, &c. hid in the ground, wall, or tree, is but the price of a good boke or instrument for perspective, astronomy, or some feat of importance. And truly vulgar obscure persons, as hosiers and tanners, can (by colour of seking assays of metalls, for the say master) enjoye liberty to content their fantasies to dig after drpmish demon- strations of places, &c. May not I, then, (in respect of all the former allegations of my pains, cost, and credit, in matters philosophicall) yf no better nor easyer way to serve my turne will fall to my lot from her majesties hands; may not I, then (I say) be thowght to meanc and intend your good service towards the queues majestic and this realme, if I will do the best I can at my own costis and chargis, to discover and deliver true profe of a myne, vayn, or owre of gold or silver, in some one place of her graces kingdomes and dominions, to her graces only use; in respect, I mean, of any my de- maund or part to be had thereof. But uppon this comfort- able consideration, that her majesty do frely give unto me, by good warranty and assurance of her letters patents, her right and property to all thresor trouve, and such things commodious, as (under that name and meaning comprised) by digging or search any where in her graces kingdoms and dominions I or my assigns shall come to or find; and for all good warranty (for my indemnity) agayn all laws and persons, to make search by digging or otherwise, And this to dure the term of my life." I cannot learn whether any other Salopian besides Sir Richard Ottley was granted this privilege. 35i TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS OF THE i4th CENTURY. Transcribed and Edited by the Rev. C. H. DRINKWATER, M.A. The following rolls are those which are described in the Calendar of the Borough Records as Nos. 54 and 55 in the 28th and 29th years of Edward III. (1354, 1355)>the first as " Rotulus Gilde Ville Salop, &c", and the other as " Rotulus de fforincesis de Gylda Mercatoris." It is plain, however, that both are "de fforincesis," for although separated in point of time by an interval of twelve months, they contain the same matter, or, to speak more exactly, 74 names of the second and shorter roll are found among the 124 names of the other. This second roll, moreover, is now incomplete, a very considerable portion is missing, and we may fairly suppose that, if the whole were extant, the second would be found to be very nearly a duplicate of the first, the only differences being such as would result from the lapse of twelve months. There is nothing at all unusual in these two rolls. They are of ordinary interest ; the expectation entertained that in the remaining records of this century some pointed reference would be found to the disorganised state of society and the dismal prospects of the country, is not yet fulfilled. Possibly, as only one plague had visited the land, when these rolls were made, the people had not realised their danger, and it was only when the other two woes had fallen that the survivors could feel how very near to absolute extinction the nation had been in the last forty years of the 14th century. Lists are subjoined, as heretofore, giving the Personal names, Surnames, Designations, and Place-names, which will be found useful for comparison with the past as well as with Vol. 111., ;}nl Scries. W W 352 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS such other documents as may be deciphered and printed in the future. Very few words, fewer, in fact, than usual, are found illegible, for the documents are in very good condition. No. 54 of the Calendar of the Shrewsbury Borough Records. ist Roll. ROTULUS Gylde Ville Salop' tcnte ibidem die Martis in festo Sancti Laurencij Anno xxviij0 Edwardi tercij (12th Aug., 1354). 1 Johannes de Schetton' finiuit Lx.s. (1). 2 Robertus de Couyntre Gloucre finiuit liij.s. iiij.d. (2). 3 Henricus le Carderus finiuit L.s. (3). 4 Elyas Alius Ricardi Reuene de prestesweston Coruiser finiuit Ls. (4). 5 Willelmus filius Willelmi Godbcrt de Wolstanton finiuit Liij.s. iiij.d. (5). 6 Johannes filius Hcnrici de Sogedon' finiuit L.s. (6). 7 Ricardns de Wygeniore coruiser liniuit xKj.s. iiij.d. (7). 8 Johannes Russel del Lowe liniuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (8). 9 Johannes filius Thome del Knbkyn coruiser finiuit pro sc et Rogero filio suo et heredibus dicti Rogeri Lx.s. (9). 10 Willelmus filius Hugonis Hauwys de Oswald coruiser finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (10). 11 Ricardus filius Willelmi Godbert de Wolstanton per- monter finiuit Lx.s. (11). 12 Hugo filius Johannis Alleyns de Acton finiuit xlvj.s. xiij.d. (12) 13 Willelmus filius Ricardi Jondan de Haberley Carnifex finiuit L.s. (13). 14 Willelmus filius Johannis le loksmith de Neupord finiuit xl.s. (14). 15 Willelmus de Wemme filius Willelmi carpentarius de Edestanton liniuit xl.s. (15). 16 Thomas iilius Willelmi Aleyns de Ondeslowe finiuit xl.s. (16). 17 Thomas filius Petri de Byrcheore merser liniuit L.s. (ij). 18 Ricardus lilius Ricardi Elkyn de Doninton texttw finiuit L.s. (18). OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 353 ig Willelmus filius Willelmi le Budel of Longgenorlle finiuit Lx.s. (19). 20 Rogerus de Enchemerch carnifex finiuit xl.s. (20). 21 Ricardus de Beorton finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (21). 22 Thomas dc Ideshalle finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (22). 23 Thomas Broun dc peppelowe finiuit xl.s. (23). 24 Johannes le shaleworthe (or scaleworthe) Glouere finiuit xl.s. (25). 25 flcnricus de Wenlokes packcre finiuit xl.s. (24). 20 Rogerus filius Ricardi le slicker de Bcrewyks iuxta Afyngliam skynner finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (26). 27 Johannes filius Ueginaldi dc Lynches Barker liniuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (27). 28 Johannes de Betton ffle/dier finiuit xl.s. (28). 29 Willelmus de Moneford Webbe liniuit xl.s. (29). 30 Thomas de Hatton Barker finiuit xl.s. (30). 31 Rogerus filius Willelmi de /bressotton' scherrer^ finiuit xl.s. (31). 32 Robertus de Dodeleston quondam seruiens Thome Vaghan finiuit xl.s. (32). 33 Thomas de Paris Skynner finiuit xl.s. 33. 34 Robertus de Ruggeley Draper liniuit xl.s. (34). 35 Rogerus de Lyleshul coqus finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (35). 36 Johannes Maynwarynges finiuit xl.s. (36). 37 Rogerus Dynotes de Hereford Aurifaber finiuit xliij.s. iiijd. (37). 38 Walterus de Brome carnifex finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (38). 39 Reginaldus de Golden' liniuit xl.s. (39). 40 Ricardus le Nelder merserus finiuit L.s. (40). ,|i Rogerus de Charncs liniuit xl.s. (41). 42 David del 1 rciich' plmmere (should be pltaiicrc) finiuit xi.s. (42). 43 Johannes Dun carnifex liniuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (43). 44 Howel piecafor liniuit xlvj.s. viiij.d. (44). 45 Robertus Ilodd piscator finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (45). 46 Ricardus le Steris pistor liniuit xl.s. (46). 47 Johannis de conewey piscator liniuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (47). 48 Ricardus filius Ricardi Jondan de llabcrley Carnifex liniuit xl.s. 49 Ricardus le Archer Barker liniuit xl.s. 354 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS 50 Symond Shinaler' et Johannes Alius eius et eorum heredibus (sic) finiuit xl.s. 51 Willelmus filius Johannis de Hanchirch sadder Iiniuit xl.s. (61). 52 Willelmus de Ernestine Barker finiuit xl.s. 53 Adam del Neupord Barkere finiuit xl.s. 54 Willelmus de Eyton dominus de Marchia finiuit xx.s. 55 Willelmus filius Alani de Longcnorlle Iiniuit xl.s. 56 Willelmus de Lye subter Brochurste taylor finiuit xl.s. 57 Willelmus de Stokyate carnifex finiuit xl.s. 58 Matheus de Penebrugge finiuit xl.s. 59 Rogerus de Bolyngham dictus procurator finiuit liij.s. iiij.d. 60 Thomas de la Toure filius Johannis de la Toure finiuit xl.s. 61 Th. le fforbor et Willelmus filius eius finiuit xl.s. 62 Rogerus filius Willelmi de Harley de Etoncustyn finiuit Liij.s. iiij.d. 63 Willelmus Banastre de yorton finiuit xl.s. 64 Philippus de Schobbedon finiuit xl.s. 65 Ricardus Cappe Carnifex finiuit xl.s. 66 Henricus de Tuttebury carectarius et Thomas iiliuseius finiuit xl.s. 67 Rogerus filius Ricardi Dauid de Horton finiuit xl.s. 68 Willelmus Banastre tunc senior1 Ville Salop' finiuit xl.s. 69 Johannes de Sampeden cLricus ville finiuit xl.s. 70 Johannes de Peynton' Glouere finiuit xl.s. 71 Willelmus de Lyee pistor finiuit xl.s. 72 Johannes filius Ythell stillestokes finiuit xl.s. 73 Ricardus de Caynham Barber finiuit xl.s. 74 Willelmus de Hakestan filius Thome de Hakestan Iiniuit xl.s. 75 Willelmus filius Johannis de Lundethorp dictus pro- curator de Smethecote Iiniuit x.s. 76 Ricardus Warynges de Pullerbach Iiniuit pro termino vite xiij.s. iiij.d. 77 Willelmus de Neuton filius Johannis Steuenes {de Nation) iuxta Braciesmule taylor Iiniuit xl.s. (48). 1 FJlakeway's Liberties, p. 213. OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 355 78 Thomas filius Willelmi Dod de Grileshul cymentarius finiuit liij.s iiij.d. (49). 79 Johannis filius Thome Geffrey finiuit. xl.s. (50). 80 Willelmus Lucas de Bjromcotc tcxter finiuit xl.s. (or Brompton) (51). 81 Willelmus de ffowalle Draper finiuit L.s. (52). 82 Henricus Abel finiuit xlyj.s. viij.d. (53). 83 Nicholaus de Schelton (or Schetton) finiuit xl.s. (54). 84 Johannis filius Rogeri de Byriton finiuit xl.s. (55). 85 Adam del Bala finiuit xl.s. (56). 86 Walterus de ffeckenham finiuit xl.s. (57). 87 Johannes Gyna torner finiuit xl.s. (58). 88 Willelmus le Bor de Sybascote finiuit xliij.s. iiijd. (59). 89 Margeria del parmenter finiuit xl.s. (60). 90 Johannis filius Johannis de Hanchirche sadeler finiuit xl.s. (61). 91 Willelmus Conynges finiuit xl.s. (62). 92 Johannes de Stretford coruiser finiuit xl.s. (63). 93 Willelmus Kech filius Johannis Kech coruiser finiuit xl.s. (64). 94 Willelmus Robyns finiuit xl.s. (65). 95 Johannis filius Hugonis de Mokele Wyke coruiser finiuit xl.s. (66). 96 Hugo de Stanton chaundelere finiuit xl.s. (67). 97 Johannes de Poliley carnifex finiuit xl.s. (68). 98 Johannes de Vpton seruiens Thome de Mutton finiuit xl.s. (69). 99 Ricardus de Grafton seruiens eiusdem Thome finiuit xl.s. (70). 100 Reg in ah his de Dyngbech couper finiuit xl.s. (71). 101 Thomas Gery Tyngtor finiuit xl.s. (72). 102 Johannis alius Ricardi de Bykedon' finiuit xl.s. (73). 103 Ricardus Russel Barker finiuit xl.s. (74). • 104 Rogerus de Hennecote finiuit xl.s. 105 Rogerus de Wygwyke coruiser finiuit xl.s. 106 Ricardus de Peynton taylor finiuit xl.s. 107 Adam de Borlcton le halte taylor finiuit xl.s. 108 Ricardus filius Willelmi pudclan finiuit xl.s. 109 Thomas G lais finiuit v. tnarcas. 110 Waltcrus Cresset finiuit xl.s. 356 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS in Johannes faber et Johannes films einsdem Johannis fin in it xl.s. 112 Ricardus de Pymbeley pistor finiuit xl.s. 113 Ricardus filius Radulphi I lord finiuit xiij.s. iiij.d. 114 Johannes le ffox de W^ldcrddcy finiuit xl.s. 115 Johannes Perlee filius Reginaldi Per lee finiuit xl.s. 116 Willelmus filius Willehni de Aston in Coluille finiuit ij. marcas. 117 Rogcrus filius Johannis lc Rede de Byriton finiuit ij. marcas. 118 Ricardus de Wadeton' finiuit ij. marcas. 119 Willelmus de Wclynton' taylor finiuit ij. marcas. 120 Waltcrus de Ragedon' finiuit xl.s. 121 Thomas filius Ricardi de Eton finiuit ij. marcas. 122 Radulphus de Cleobury finiuit xx.s. 123 Johannes de Engelond pistor finiuit xl.s. hide debet xx.s. 124 Adam Dolfyn finiuit L.s. Note.- -The figures at the end of a line refer to the other roll. No. 55 of the Calendar of the Shrewsbury Borough Records. 2nd Roll. ROTULUS de fforincecis de Gylda mercatoria libertatis Ville Salop ad nonain assisam primus dies scssionis dies Martis in festo Sancti Laurencij Anno regni Regis E tercij post conquestum xxix° (nth Aug. 1355). 1 Johannes de Schetton finiuit Lx.s. (1). 2 Robertus de couyntrc Gloucre finiuit Liij.s. iiij.d. (2). 3 Ilenrkus le Cardere finiuit L.s. (3). 4 Elyas filius Ricardi Reuenes de Prestes weston' coruiser finiuit L.s. (4). 5 Willelmus lilius Willelmi Godbert de Wolstanston finiuit Liij.s. iiij.d. (5). 6 Johannes filius Ilenrici de Sogedon' finiuit L.s. (0). 7 Ricardus de Wygemoru coruiser finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (7). 8 Johannes Russel de La Lowe carnifex finiuit xliij.s iiij.d. (8). OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 357 g Johannes filius Thome del Knokyn coruiser finiuit pro se et Rogero filio suo et eorum heredibus Lx.s. (g). 10 Wilfelmus filius Hugoriis Hawys de Oswald coruiser' finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (10). 11 Ricardus filius Willelmi" Godbert de Wolstanston' pcrmonter finiuit Lx.s. (11). 12 Hugo filius Johannis Aleyns de Acton finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (12). 13 Willelmus filius Ricardi Jondan de haberley carnifex finiuit L.s. (13). 14 Willelmus filius Johannis Le Locsmith de Noupord finiuit xl.s. (14). 15 Willelmus filius Willelmi de Wemme Carpentan'tts de Edestaton' finiuit xl.s. (15). 16 Thomas filius Willelmi Aleyns de Ondeslowe tauernerus finiuit xl.s. (16). 17 Thomas filius Petri de Byrchcoremersmis finiuit L.s. (17). 18 Ricardus filius Ricardi Elkyn de Don in ton textor finiuit L.s. (18). 19 Willelmus filius Willelmi Le Budel de Longenorlle finiuit Lx.s. (19). 20 Rogcrus de Euchemerch carnifex finiuit xL.s. (20). 21 Ricardus de Beorton tauernerus finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (21). 22 Thomas de Ideshalle finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (22). 23 Thomas Broun de peppelowe finiuit xl.s. (23). 24 Henricus de Wenlokes Packere finiuit xl.s. (25). 25 Johannes le Sealeworche (or scaleworthe) glouere finiuit xl s. (24). 26 Roger us filius Ricardi le streker (or shekcr) de Berewykes iuxta Atyngham pcrmonter finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (26). 27 Johannes filius Reginaldi de Lynches Tannator finiuit xliij.s. viij.d. (27). 28 Willelmus de Betton ffie/chere finiuit xl.s. (28). 29 Willelmus de Moncford Webbe finiuit xl.s. (29). 30 Thomas de Matton Barker finiuit xl. s. 31 Rogerus lilius Willelmi de forressotton scherrere finiuit xl.s. (31). 32 Robert us de Dodeleston seruiens Thome Vaghan finiuit xl.s. (3.0. 33 Thomas de Parys pennouler finiuit xl. (33). 358 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS 34 Robertus de Ruggeley Draper finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (34). 35 Rogcrus de Lyleshul' coqus finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (35). 36 Johannis meynwaringes sausere finiuit xl.s. (36). 37 Rogerus Dynotes de here ford Aurifaber finiuit xliijs. iiij.ci- (37). 38 Walterus de Brome carnifex finiuit iiij. marcas. (38). 39 Reginaldus de Golden finiuit xl.s. (39). 40 Ricardus le Neklcr' merserus finiuit L.s. (40). 41 Rogerus de Charncs finiuit xl.s. (41). 42 Dauid le plumere del Trench' finiuit xl.s. (42). 43 Johannes Dun cornifex finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (43). 44 Ilowel piscator finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (44). 45 Robertus Hod piscator liniuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (45). 46 Ricardus Le Stery pistor liniuit xl.s. (4b). 47 Johannes de Conewey piscator finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (47). 48 Willelmus filius Johannis- Stephenes de Neuton iuxta Braciesmele taylor finiuit xl.s. (77). 49 Thomas filius Willed mi Dod de Gryleshul' cymentarius liniuit iiij. marcas. (78). 50 Johannes filius Thome Geffrey finiuit xl.s. (79). 51 Willelmus Lucas de Brompton' tyngor' finiuit xl.s. (80). 52 Willelmus de ffowalle Draper finiuit L.s. (81). 53 Henricus Abel finiuit xlvj.s. viij.d. (82). 54 Nicholaus de Schetton' finiuit xl.s. (83). 55 Johannes filius Rogeri de Bynton' finiuit xl.s. (84). 56 Adam del Bala finiuit xl.s. (85). 57 Walterus de ITeckenham liniuit xl.s. (86). 58 Johannes Gyna Le torner finiuit xl.s. (87). 59 Willelmus Le Bor de Sybascote finiuit xliij.s. iiij.d. (88). 60 Margcria del pamen/tT liniuit xl.s. (89). 61 Johannes filius Johannis de Hanchirche sadelcre finiuit xl.s. (see 51) (90): 62 Willelmus conynges finiuit xl.s. (91). 63 Johannes de Stretford coruisere liniuit xl.s. (92). 64 Willelmus filius Johannis Kcch coruisere finiuit xl.s. (93). 65 Willelmus Robyns finiuit xl.s. (94). 66 Johannes filius Hugonis de Mokelewyk' coruiser finiuit xl.s. (95). 67 Hugo de Staunton chaundelcr finiuit xl.s. (96). 68 Johannes de Poly ley carnifex finiuit xl.s. (97). OF THE I4TH CENTUKY. 359 69 Johannes de Vpton seruiens Thome de Mutton finiuit xl.s. (98). 70 Ricardus de Grafton finiuit xl.s. (99). 71 Reginaldus de Dyngbech' couper finiuit xl.s. (100). 72 Thomas Gery Tyngtor finiuit xl.s. (101). 73 Johannes filius Ricardi de Bykedon finiuit xl.s. (102). 74 Ricardus Russel Barber finiuit xl.s. (103). {Cetera desunt). N.B. — The figures in brackets refer to the other roll. This incomplete roll is endorsed in a later hand thus — " Ultima Gilda Anno Regni Regis Edwardi tercii post conquestum xxix0." ANALYSIS OF PERSONAL NAMES WITH SOME OF RECURRENCE. William, 39 (21) John, 38 (23) Richard, 26 (13) Thomas, 19 (12) Roger, 14 (8) Henry, 5 (4) Robert, 4 (4) Hugh, 4 (4) Reginald, 4 (3) Walter, 4 (2) Adam, 4 (1) Radulph, 2 Dauid, 2 (1) Peter, 1(1) Elyas, 1 (1) Howel, 1 (1) Symond, 1 Alan, 1 Mat hew, 1 Philip, 1 Ythell, 1 Nicholas, 1 (1) Margeria, 1(1) SURNAMES AND PATRONYMICS WITH REFERENCE. Abel, 82 (53) Aleyns, 12, 16 (8, 12, 16) Banastre, 63, 68 Broun, 23 (23) Capper, 65 Conynges, 91 (62) Cresset, no Dauid, 67 Dod, 78 (49) Dolfyn, 124 Dun, 43 (43) Dynoter, 37 Vol. III., 3rd Scries. Gery, 101 (72) Gyna (or Gyua), 87 (58) Hauwys, 10 (to) Hodd, 45 (45) Hood, 113 Joudan, 13, 48 (13) Kech, 93 (64) Lucas, So (51 ) Maynwarynges, 36 (36) Padelan, 108 Perled, 115 Reuertfe, 4 (4) xx do! 360 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS Elkyn, 18 (18) Geffrey, 79 (59) Gery, 101 (72) Glais, 109 Godbert, 5, 11 (5, 11) Robyns, 94 (65) Russel, 8, 103 (8, 74) Shinaler, 50 Steuenes, 77 (48) Warynges, 76 The figures in brackets refer to the 2nd roll. Bor le, 88 (59) Budel le, 19 (19) Cardere le, 3 (3) fforber le, 61 ffox, 114 Loksmithle, 14(14) DESIGNATIONS, &C. Nelder le, 40 (40) Seruiens, 32 Plumere le, 42 (42) Sheker (or Streker) Procurator, 59, 75 le, 26 (26) Rede le, 117 Steri le, 46 (46) Sealeworthe (or Torner le, 87 (58) Scaleworthe le (24) Figures in brackets refer to the 2nd roll. TRADES AND OCCUPATIONS. Aurifaber, 37 (37) Barber, 27, 49, 52, 53, 73, 103 (74) Barker, 30 (30) Budel, 19 Carectarius, 66 Carnifex, 13, 20, 38, 43, 48, 57» 65, 97 (8, 13, 20, 38, 43, 68) Carpentarius, 15 (15) Chaundelere, 96 (67) Clericus, 69 Coqus, 35 (35) Coruiser, 4, 7, 9, 10, 92, 93, 95,105(4,7,9,10, 63,64,66) Couper, 100 (71) Cymentarius, 78 (49) Dominus, 54 Draper, 34, 81 (34, 52) fflecher, 28 (28) Glouere, 2, 24, 70 (2, 25) Loksmith, 14(14) Merser, 17, 40 (17, 40) Packere, 25 (24) Permonter, 11 (11, 33) Pistor, 46, 71, 112, T23 (46) Piscator,44, 45, 47 (44, 45, 47) Plumere, 42 Procurator, 59, 75 Sadelere, 51, 90 (61) Sausere (36) Scherrere, 31, (31) Skynner, 26, 33 Tannator (27) Tauernerus (16, 31) Taylor, 56, 106, 107, 119 (48) Textor, 10, 80 (18) Torner, 87 Tyngtor, 101 (51, 72) Webbe, 29 (29) OF THE I4TH CENTURY. 361 PLACE-NAMES. Acton, 12 (12) Grafton, 99 (70) Acton in Coluillc, Grilcshull, 78 (49) 116 Bala, 85 (56) Beorton, 21 (21) Haberley, 13, 118 (13) " j. Hakestan, 74 Berevvyks iuxta Hanchirch, 51, 90 Atyngham,26 (26) (61) Betton, 28 (28) Bolyngham, 59 Borleton, 107 Bromcote, 80 Brome, 38 (38) Brompton (51) Bykedon, 102 (73) Byrcheore, 17 (17) Byreton, 84, 117 (55) Caynham, 73 Charnes, 41 (41) Cleobury, 122 Conewey, 47 (47) Couyntre, 2 (2) Harley, 62 Hatton, 30 (30) Hennecote, 104 Hereford, 37 (37) Horton, 67 Ideshalle, 22 (22) Knokyn, 9 (9) Longenorlle, 19, 55 (19) Lowe, 8 (8) Lundethorp, 75 Lye subter Brok- hurste, 56 Lyee, 71 Lyleshul, 35 (35) Dodeleston, 32 (32) Lynches, 27 (27) Doninton, 18 (18) Marchia, 54 Dyngbech, 100 (71) Mokelewyk', 95 (66) Edestaston, 15 (15) Moneford, 29 (29) Emestre, 52 Mutton, 98 (69) Enchmerch,2o (20) Neupord, 14, 53 Engelond, 123 (14) Eyton, 54 Neuton iuxta Eton, 121 Bracies Mele, 77 ffleckenham,86 (57) (48) Foresotton? 31 (31) Ondeslowc, 16(16) Fowalle, 81 (52) Goldene, 39 (39) Oswald, 10 (10) Pamenter, 89 (60) Parys, 33 (33) Penebrugge, 58 Peppelowe, 23 (23) Peynton, 70, 106 Poliley, 97 (68) Prestesweston, 4 (4) Pullerbach, 76 Pymbeley, 112 Ragedon, 120 Ruggeley, 34 (34) Sanpeden, 69 Schetton, 1, 83 (1, 54)1 Schobbedon, 64 Smethecote, 75 Sogedon 6 (6) Stanton, 96 (67) Stillstokes, 72 Stretford, 92 (63) Stokyate, 57 Sybascote, 88 (59) Toure la, 60 Trench, 42 (42) Tuttebury, 66 Upton, 98 (69) Villa Salop, 68 Wadeton, 118 Welynton, 119 Wemme, 15 Wenlokes, 25 (24) Wolstanton,5 (5, 11) Wyggemore, 7 (7) Wygwyke, 105 Wylderdeley, 114 Yorton, 63 N.U. — The figures in brackets refer to the 2nd roll. 1 Blakeway's Lid., p. 194. 362 TWO MERCHANT GILD ROLLS OF THE I4TH CENTURY. The majority of these Place-names are easily recognised, they are of well-known localities. The variations in spelling are noticeable, as affording some evidence of their origin, which in their modern form is more or less obscured. The following are found in the Shropshire Domesday : — Actune or iEctune ; Burtune ; Berewic ; Detune ; Bruma ; Brantune ; Bichetone ; Beritune ; Caiham ; Claiberie ; Dudestune ; Donitone; Stanestune (for Edestaston) ; Eimonstre; Estone, otherwise Hetone, Etone, and Etune ; Goldene; Griveshull; Habberley; Halstune; Harlege; Hatune; Hortune; Iteshale; Languenare ; Lai or Law ; Lege ; Linleshelle ; Mersse or Messe; Maneford ; Mutone; Andresiaue or Andrelau; Peven- tone; Polelie; Polrebec; Scentune ? Schentune (for Schetton) ; Smerecote; Stantune; Straford ; Uptone or Uptune ; Wali- tone; Weme; Wenlock ; Ulestanestune ; Wigemore, Wige- wic ; Wildredelege ; Jartune. About 47 names. Others not found in the Shropshire Domesday are Bala ; Borleton (i.e., Burlton) ; Byrcheorc ; Charnes ; Dyngbcch (i.e., Denbigh) ; Enchmerch ; Engelond ; ffeckenham ; Foresotton ; Fowalle ; Grafton ; Hanchirch ; Hennecote (unless this appears as duo hidcB) ; Hereford, Knokin ; Lundethorp ; Lyee ; Lynches ; Mokelewyk; Neupord; Oswald (i.e., Oswestry); Pamenter; Prestesweston ; Ragedon; Ruggeley; Sanpeden; Schobbedon; Sogedon ; Stillstokes ; Stokyate; Sybascote; Toure (la); Tutbury ; Wadeton. Some of these are known places either in this or the adjoining counties ; a few names are unknown and require to be investigated. One remark may be made respecting them all, viz., that the Merchant Gild of Salop was still extending its influence. I 363 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. By the Late Mr. JOSEPH MORRIS. (Continued from 3rd Series, Volume II., page 286.) [p. 3835-] 1390. Robert de Grafton (continued). Adam Graffton, LL.B., of this family, was, according to the inscription on his sepulchral brass, still remaining in Withington Church, co. Salop, " the most worshipfull prest lyvyng in hys days ; sumtyme chapleyne to the ffamous princys Kyng Edward the vth & prynce Arthure : archedecon of Staff, Warden of the Battellffeld, Deane of Seynt Mary College in Salop, & p'son of thys churche " {i.e., Withington).1 He was instituted to the Vicarage of St. Alkmund, Shrewsbury, in 1473, which he resigned in 1489; to the Rectory of Upton and of Withington, 27th August, 1494, on the presentation of the Abbot and Convent of Haughmond ; to the Archdeaconry of Salop, in 1504 ; having been presented to the prebendary of Wellington, in the Cathedral Church of Lichfield, in 1497. He resigned the Archdeaconry of Salop for that of Stafford in 15 14. He resigned the Rectory of Upton Magna in 1529 ; and died 24th July, 1530- Richard Grafton, of London, had a grant of Arms and Crest by Ilorvey, Clarencieux, 26th June, 1560, viz., Gyrouny of 4, Ermine and Sable, a lion rampant Or. Crest: A falcon standing on a tun Or, holding in his right foot a mace Azure. In this grant he is styled of London, esquire ; 1 "Here lyetli Uuyed M.ister Ad;un (ipifft'oii, the most " [&c, as here recited), " wli ycli decoussyd ye xxiv day of Jiwi A" d'ni MI)' XXX wltos soul (iud rf est]." From llie inscription itself in 1852. J.M. Vol. Hi,, 3rd Scries. VY 364 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. his profession of stationer and printer not being deemed derogatory of that rank. Richard Grafton, then of London, and afterwards of Carew, co. Pembroke, had a grant of the same Arms as his father, above-mentioned/and for Crest, . " a falcon standing upon a stump of a tree Or," by Cooke, Clarencieux, in 1584. The Arms locally assigned to Robert de Grafton and his grandson John Grafton, Bailiffs of Shrewsbury, are — " Per saltire, Sable and Ermine, a lion rampant Or." These Arms are given in Kdmondson as those of the families of Grafton, of Shrewsbury, of Little Missenden, co. Bucks, and of London ; and their Crest he states to be, " On the trunk of a tree couped and eradicated Or, an eagle volant of the last." Anno 1 Simon de la Tour. See page 3823. 1391. J Radulp de Forde. He was a descendant of Galfrid de Forde, whose name appears on the Roll of Burgesses in 1268, and whose descendants stand thus on the Records : — Arms : Or, 2 bars wavy, Azure. Galfrid de Forde on the Roll of 1268=^ Roger de Forde. In 1278 held one Burgage of the to\vn,=p at a rent of 4d., which was worth 4s. j Hugh de Forde on the Thomas de Forde on the William de Forde, 3rd Roll of Burgesses in Roll of Burgesses in son of Roger, on the 13 18. 1 3 18. Roll of 1318. Ralph de Forde, Bailiff in 1391 . Anno) John Geffrei. See page 3830. 1392. (William de Biriton. See page 3827. (Thomas Prvde. Seepage 3770. ' "t Willi Am Willylei. By the name of " William de Wylleleye " he appears on the Roll of Burgesses in 1372. Ik: again served the office of Bailiff in 1397, and was a younger branch of the family then seated at " Wylleleye," now called Willey, near Broseley, co. Salop. an^ Richard Hoord of Walford, admitted on the Roll of Guild Merchants in 1372, was father of the Bailiff of 1411. Another branch of the family was seated at Bridgnorth, and members of both branches respectively were at the head of the Municipality of Shrewsbury, and of that of Bridgnorth at various periods, and represented many times both these Boroughs in Parliament, and served the office of High Sheriff of Shropshire in 1457 and 1498. See the pedigree of Hoord, and my copy of the SJic riffs of Shropshire, for more particulars of this family. They give their name to the Village af Hord-Ley; of which they were the owners, holding the same by Socage, under the Abbey of Shrewsbury. David Holbache was born in the Manor of Trayan, in the Chapelry of Dudliston (a portion of Shropshire, then includep in the Marches of Wales), and was brought up to the profes- sion of the law. He was appointed the King's Pleader and Attorney for the whole of Wales by Pat , 1 Richard II., 1378. — J.M. And he was subsequently Steward of the Lordships of Oswestry, Bromfield and Yale, under the Earls of Arundel. He was, by the name of " David de Holbache," admitted a Burgess of Shrewsbury in 21 Richard II., 1397. He was Deputy Steward of Bromfield and Yale, and to obviate any question arising as to his Welsh origin (he being a lineal descendant of Tudur Trevor), he was made denizen of [p. 3839.] England, by petition to Parliament, in the 8th year of Henry IV. In 1413, being the 1st year of the reign of King Henry V., he represented Shrewsbury in Parliament, and in the same year he obtained from that Monarch a pardon for Owain Glyndwr, but of which, it is said, that chieftain was afraid of availing himself. David Holbache again was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1417 ; and he evinced his regard for David Holbache. See page 3787. THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 371 his native district by founding and endowing the Free School, still existing at Oswestry. The Welsh genealogists state that he left a daughter named Gwenhwyfar, the wife of Robert Salter of Oswestry. Certain it is that he left no male issue, for he is marked on the Roll of Burgesses that records his admission in the Exchequer of Shrewsbury, Mort. sine hered. by the description of " David Holbache, of Salop, Esquire," he is named in a recognizance under Stat. Merc, in the Exchequer of Shrewsbury in 1421 ; and he was Steward of Powys, under Edward Charlton, Lord Powis, in 1420. The Arms assigned to David Holbache in the List of Bailiffs, as given by Messrs. Owen and Blakeway, are — " Argent, a cross Sable, and dexter canton Ermine." But the Arms borne by his ancestors, and to which he was entitled, were : — " Gules, a chevron engrailed between 3 boars' heads erased close Argent." There is no doubt that his connexion with Shrewsbury originated in the patronage he received from the noble families of Charlton, then Lords of Powys, and Fitzalan, Earls of Arundel. There was among the Mytton Deeds a short grant (in French) from David Holbache to Reginald Mutton of Salop, of all the interest of the said David in the Grange of Monkmeole. There was a portion of the seal remaining which was a chevron engrailed between 3 heads. David Holbeche, John Wynnesbury, and Hugh Cresset were parties to Deeds relating to the Manor of Aynho, co. Northampton, in 1.418 and 1419. Vide Topographer and Genealogist, vol. hi., pp. 244, 245. The Manor of Aynho then belonged to a branch of the Shropshire family of Fitzalan. -J.M. David Holbeche had lands in Croesmere, near Ellesmere, as appears by Deed of 21 Henry VI., among the Bridgwater Evid'.— J.M." That David Holbache had a daughter, Gwenhwyfar, is confirmed by the Court Roll of Shrewsbury, of 6 Henry VI., 1427, where she appears in a suit by the name of "Gwenhauar Holl>ache."--J.M. Hugh llolbachc (doubtless, a brother of David) was Dean of St. Mary's, Salop, in 1416 ; he was also Dean of St. Asaph from 1404 to 1 I J 7, when he died. Besides these preferments, Vol. 111., \u\ Suik II 372 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. he was Prebendary of Lichfield, and Rector of Llaneurgain or Northop, and Custos of Flint Chapel. — J.M. Anno (John Gamell, Senior. See page 3772. 1413. (John Glover. See page 3837. J Nicholas Shetton. See page 3829. I4I4'1robert Horsley. Robert Horsley was grandson of " Thomas de Horsley, cardmaker," who, with William his son, were on the Roll of Burgesses in 1372. Robert Horsley was a mercer; and he represented Shrewsbury in Parliament in 1414 and 1416 ; and he again served the office of Bailiff in 142 1. The Arms assigned to him are — Sable, 3 cinquefoils pierced Argent. J David Rathebon. See page 3837.* 4 ^"(John Schetton. See page 3829. [p. 384o.] Anno" 1416 [Roger Corbet. and John Perle. See page 3820. All the lineal male descendants of Roger Corbet, the companion of the Conqueror, appear to have been recognised as Burgesses of Shrewsbury in right of their descent. On the Roll of 1318, "William Corbett " appears to have been enrolled without fee, by the direction of that Sovereign himself, as there is a note on the margin of the Roll against his name thus " Ad instanc' dn'i Rgs ; " and the Record states his admission into the Guild thus " Will' Corbet triump'1 r'cept' est infra lib'tatem ad t'minu' vite sue ad instanc' magnat'." Roger Corbet, the Bailiff of 1416 and 1 41 7, was undoubtedly a scion of the same great house. He represented Shrewsbury in Parliament in 1425, and again served the office of Bailiff in 1429. Arms — Or, a raven proper. (Roger Forster. 2 See page 3837. f: 1 [ The Rev. C. H. Drinkwater in his transcript of this Burgess Roll, reads this as " Willelmus Corbet trumpeter." See the Transactions, 3rd Series, II. 87.- Ed.] 2 In a Deed of the Drapers' Co., dated isl July, 1419, which is witnessed by these Bailiffs, the name of " William Uord" stands fust. William Hord. See page 3838. THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 373 (David Rathebon. See page 3837.* in 1405, and was by trade a mercer, and a man of consider- Whytcombe does not appear on any of the existing Rolls of Burgesses, but as, unfortunately, some of the ancient Rolls are missing, and some are damaged, the record, it may be assumed, was made on those not now being, or which have been so injured. His descendants still exist, and the Records prove that they exercised their franchise as Burgesses by descent down to 1721 ; since which period they have not resided in Shrewsbury.1 They were for a considerable period seated at Berwick-Maulveysin, in the parish of Atcham, near Shrewsbury, which estate was obtained by the marriage of Thomas Whytcombe, son of the Bailiff of 1420, with Edith, the eventual heiress of the Maulveysin family. The Arms assigned to Robert Whytcombe in the List of Bailiffs are — Sable, 3 plates in fess between 2 combs Argent; but the Arms borne by the family were — Paly of 6, Or and Sable, 3 eagles displayed counterchanged. Robert Whytcombe again served the office of Bailiff in 1426, 1432, 1437, and 1441, and he represented Shrewsbury in Parliament in 1420, 1421 and 1433. For further particulars of the Whytcombe family, see the pedigree, &c, pp. 2021, &c. Anno (John Shetton. See page 3829. 1421. (Robert Horsley. See page 3839. (John Perle. See page 3820. 4 , *\ Nicholas Schetton. See page 3829. J John Tour. See page 3823. He was admitted a Burgess [p- 3841] Urian St. Pierre was a scion of a very distinguished family, then seated in the County Palatine of Chester. By the 1 On the 15th May, 1S57, the Rev. Philip Whitcombe, a lineal descendant of Robert " Whytcombe," was inducted to the Vicarage of Holy Cross, Shrewsbury, and on the 22nd August, 1857, he was sworn a Burgess by descent. 374 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. name of " Urianus Seintpiere," he is on the Burgess Roll of 1408, and he represented the Borough of Shrewsbury in Parliament in 1413. Urian Sentpeir also held for life the office of Constable or Governor of Shrewsbury Castle, that fact being recited in the appointment of his successor, Bevis Hampton, Esq., by King Henry VI. He again served the office of Bailiff in 1430. His nephew, Thomas St. Pierre (afterwards knighted), married Joan, daughter and heir of Richard Corbett of Asteiley, in the parish of Pontesbury, in Salop, whose descendants continued there and in the vicinity for several generations. " Hugh de St. Pierre," son of Thomas de St. Pierre of Asterley, was admitted a Burgess of Salop in 1465, and his son, Thomas, was admitted of the Drapers' Company, Shrewsbury, in 1499. Florence St. Pierre, another son of Hugh, was Bailiff of Shrewsbury in 149 1. The elder branch of the descendants of Thomas St. Pierre, resided at Cause, in the parish of Westbury, for some time ; and the last notice I find of them in that vicinity is an entry in the Register of Pontesbury recording the baptism on the 5th Sept., 1616, of " Martha nT Oeni Sempiers." Arms — Argent, a bend Sable, over all a label of three points Gules. See the pedigree of this family, page 2064. (John Gamell. See page 3772. I424-'|jOHN Glover. See page'3837. (John Schetton. See page 3829. r425- ( William Forster. See page 3837.* [p. 3S42]. AnnofRoBERT Wvtcombe. See page 3S40. 1426. ( William Borelev. This gentleman was, I suspect, a son of William Boreley or Burley of Bromcroft, in Salop, who was Sheriff of Shropshire in this year. He was if . P. for Shrewsbury in 1427, and again served the office of Bailiff in J434, 1439, 1444, 1448 and 1454. Richard Boreley, his brother, was Bailiff in 1438, 1442 and 1452. On the 1st of October, 29 Henry VI., 1450, John Boerley,1 son of 1 The original entry of the admission of John Burley shews that he was admitted without fine, at the special request by letter of his Sovereign. The following is a copy from the Roll ■" Joh'es liberie y filius Wiil'i Boerley de Malehurst unus valcctor' Corone d'ni Regis admissus est liber Burgensis ville p'd'ce ad instanciam D'ni Regis per Irani ejusdjeni D'ni Regis diet' Ball'is & Co'itat' direct' iK: eius linis ad inst:nu:i;im d'e'i !) ni Kc^is pMomit'." THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 375 William Boerley or Boreley was admitted a Burgess, and is thus described :— " Joh'cs Boerley ii 1 i us Will'i Boerley de Maleluirst unus valector' Corone D'ni Regis." His descendants continued at Malchurst, in the parish of Pontcsbury, until a very recent period, and other branches of them were settled at Asterley, in the same parish, at The March, in the parish of Westbury, and in the adjacent parishes of Habberley and Alberbury, while some were tradesmen in Shrewsbury. The remaining representatives of this ancient family deriving from Knights of the Garter, and from warriors and courtiers of the 14th century are — Richard Burley, ironfoim ler, and his brother Edward Burley, sons of Richard Burley, deceased, formerly of Habberley Hall, farmer, the former of these was recently working at his business of an ironfounder in Belgium, the latter was residing at Wolverhampton, and both are married, and burgesses of Shrewsbury by descent from John Boerley aforesaid. Their father, Richard Burley, was sworn a Burgess on the 18th of January, 1796. See the pedigree of the Burley family, page 553. J William Tour. See page 3823. I427-|\yILLIAM Hord. See page 3838. f Nicholas Schetton. See page 3829. Ii^2 ' I John Paunton. He was admitted, a Burgess 9 Henry IV., 1408, and is stated to have been son of Rowland Paunton. The family of Paunton were seated at Trefnant, near Alberbury, an estate acquired by Sir Hugh Paunton in marriage with Jane, daughter and heir of Hugh Gerbrand of that place, Temp. Edward III. Arms — Barry of 6, Or and Gules, a bend Sable, j Roger Corbet. See page 3840. I429- ^ Richard Hord. See page 3838. [p- 3843d Anno [Thomas Forster. Sec page 3837.* 1430. \Urian Seinpier. — See page 384 1'. J William Hord. See page 383S. \ John Schetton. Sec page 3829. | Robert Whitcombe. See page 3840. x432- 1 TifOMAg Thoenes. See page 382c). f Nicholas Schetton. See page 3829. L*?**Vl I OWN Knvc.ii i. 1 1c was son of Thomas knhdit of 376 tup: provosts and bailiffs of Shrewsbury. Walford, in the parish of Baschurch, co. Salop ; and again served the offiee of Bailiff in 14.47 and 1460. His eldest son, Roger Knight, was Bailiff in 1465, 1470, 1477, 1484 and 1488 ; Thomas Knight, the, eldest son of Roger, was Bailiff in 1501, 1505, 1509, 15 13 and 1517, and was M.P., for Shrewsbury in 1510 ; Edmund Knight, brother of Thomas, was Bailiff in 1507. See the pedigree of this family, page 491. ( Thomas Forster. See page 3837.* 1434- 1 William Burleigh (i.e., Boerley). See page 3842. J Richard Hoorde. See page 3838. 1435- I John Falk. He was Bailiff in 1435, 1443 and 1447, in which last year he died. He was one of the first Aldermen of Shrewsbury. Arms — Vert, a rleur de lis Argent. John Falk married Agnes, widow of David Rathebon, who was Bailiff in 1407, 1415 and 1419. j Thomas Thornes. See page 3829. •'-43 * [ John Beget. In 1278, " John Beget " held a burgage in Frankwell at a rent of 2d., stated to be worth 4s. per annum. His sons, Richard Beget 1 and John Beget, chaplain, were on the Roll of Burgesses in 1318. From Richard Beget descended John Beget, the Bailiff of 1436, who was one of the first twelve Aldermen created in Shrewsbury. John Beget, 1278, of Salop=j= I Richard Beget, 1318^= John Beget, chaplain, 13 18. John Beget of London=f= Richard Beget. Died in 1370. T i- John Begets _ I I John Beget, fl. 1437, living in i458=j=Margery, 1458. iy:viarg( John Beget, Jun., 1437. Arms— Argent, a chevron Gules between 3 martlets Sable. 1 Richard Beget, son of Richard, left a rent-chaige to the Vicar of St. Chad in 1370. Sir History of Shrewsbury, vol, ii., p. 207, when-, however, the name is erroneously printed "(Irget." THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 377 On the 8th March, 15 Henry VI., 1437, the present Bailiff, by the description of ''John Beget," Senior, son and heir of John Beget, son and heir of John Beget, late of London, granted and confirmed his tenement called " Blakehalle," in Romaldcsham Street, Shrewsbury, to Dcgory Watur of Shrewsbury, Draper. (Deed in possession of Drapers' Co.)— J.M. ( Robert Whytcombe. See page 3840. ' } John Scryven. See page 3831. 8 /J0IIN CxAMEL. See page 3772. ' 1 Richard Boerley. See page 3842. He was a draper in Shrewsbury, [p- 3844l- Anno (William Boerley. See page 3842. 1439. 1 Thomas Otley. This gentleman was descended from David de Oteley, who resided at Oteley, near Ellesmere, in 1300. Richard de Oteley, son of William, and grandson of the said David de Oteley, was admitted of the Guild Merchant of Shrewsbury in 1318. From him descended the present Bailiff, who purchased the estate at Pitchford in 1473, which continued to his descendants until the death of Adam Ottley, Esq., without issue in 1807. " Thomas Otley" again served the office of Bailiff in 1443, 1467, 1473 and 1478. " William Oteley," his brother, was Bailiff in 1462, 1469 and 1474. John Ottley, son of William, was Bailiff in 1483 and 1487. William Ottley, son of Thomas, was seated at Pitchford, and was Sheriff of Shropshire in 1500. His descendant the celebrated Royalist, Sir Francis Ottley, made Governor of Shrewsbury for King Charles the First, was Sheriff of Shropshire in 1645, and on the Restoration of King Charles the Second, his son, Adam Ottley, Fsq. (afterwards Knighted and made a Master in Chancery), was appointed to the office of Town Clerk of Shrewsbury. A Further account of the distinguished members of this family will be found in the History of Shrewsbury by Messrs. Blakeway and Owen, and in Mr. Blakeway's Sheriffs of Shropshire. See also the pedigree of the family, pp. 1259, &c, of my collection. ("Thomas Thornes. See page 3829. I44°-| i 110MAS Mytton. See page 3826, 1 1 i 37§ THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. ( Robert Wytcombe See page 3840. I44I-|jOHN Mutton. See page 3826. ( Richard Boerley. See page 3842. x442* (John Gamel. See page 3772. /John Falke. See page 3843. 1443- |yIIOMAS Oteley. See above. [William Boerley. See page 3842. 1444- jR.IcllARD Stury. See page 3787. J Roger Eyton. 1445- \william Bastard. [p. 3845]- Richard, son of William de Eyton de le Wych, is on the Roll of Burgesses in 1372. Roger Eyton was probably his descendant, as I find no entry of his admission ; and the Arms assigned to him being those of the ancient family seated at Eyton, near Wellington, co. Salop, he was, probably, also of that stock. He served the office of Bailiff again in 1449 and 1455, and he was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1420, and Sheriff of the County of Salop in 1450. He was a strenuous adherent of the Duke of York in his designs upon the Crown, and in consequence was attainted of High Treason in the Parliament of 1459, but was restored on the accession of Edward the Fourth in the following year, and had a grant from that King, of which there is a saving in the great Act of Resumption in 1464. lie was chosen one of the first twelve Aldermen of Shrewsbury in 1444. William Bastard was son pi PclVr Bastard, whose name appeals the first on the Roil ol Burgesses in 1397. lie served the office of Bailiff again in 1451, was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1447 and 1450, and was Town Clerk of Shrewsbury in and prior to 1456, in which year he was succeeded by John Phelyppes. Arms — Or, a chevron engrailed between 3 cocks Cules. William Bastard was a draper in Shrewsbury as well as Town Clerk. 1 All the Bairtlfs to tins period luul fo'eeii elected on the " Sunday next after the Leant of Si. Cites the Ahlxot (1st. Sept.)." By Act of Parliament 24 Henry VI. (14 |5-(>) the elections of li.ulilU were directed to take place on the Friday next after the Feast of St. Michael (.'.oth Sept. ), :ui< I so I'hey continued until the i.ph of Charles 1., when the government ol the town ol Shrewsbury was changed fioin two Bailifls to a Mayor. THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 379 /Thomas Forster. See page 3837.* x449- | ^DAM Goldsmyth derived his surname from his occupation. He was admitted of the Company of Mercers, Goldsmiths, &c, Shrewsbury, in 1424, and was warden of that Company in 1447. Tliomas Goldsmith, his son, was admitted a Burgess in 1450, and is recorded as the son of " Adam Goldsmith of Shrewsbury, goldsmith." The said Thomas Goldsmith was Bailiff in 1468 and 1479. Arms — Gules, a fess Argent between 3 pellets. (John Knight. See page 3843. 1447. j John Falke. Died in office. See page 3843. ' John Gamell. Elected to complete the year. See page 3772. [P. 3846.] Anno i William Boerley. See page 3842. 1448. \ Richard Stury. See page 3787. 1440. i RoGER Eyton- See page 3845. I John Hoord. See page 3S38. } Robert Scryven. See page 3831. I45°- j Thomas Lyu or Luyt1 (i.e., Lloyd). " John Lloyt, of Salop, draper, son of John ap Madoc late of Wyleston," was admitted a Burgess in 141 1. Thomas Lloyd, the Bailiff of 1450, and who again served the office in 1468, was, I suspect, his son. " John Loit " of Shrewsbury, Esquire, son of Thomas, was admitted a Burgess in 1450, and had then issue Richard, William, Nicholas, Elizabeth, and Alice. His father was in that and the preceding year M.P. for Shrews- bury. The Arms assigned to this family are those of the ancient family of Lloyd, long seated at Llwynymaen, near Oswestry, viz., Argent, an eagle with two heads displayed Sable. John Lloyt, son of Thomas, was Bailiff in 1499. i45ijJOHN Gamell- See PaSe 377-2- ' (William Bastard. See page 3845. I Richard Stury. See page 3787. i^2'|Richard Boerley. See page 3842. 1 " D'na Joh'na Luyt" is on the Subsidy Roll of the Hundred of Ford, co. Salop, temp, Kdward IV. She was daughter and heir of Robert Whitcombe junr., uf Shrewsbury, merchant, and wife of Thomas "Luyt," Gent., in 19 Edward IV., 1479. Their eldest son mid heir was Robert Luyt. Vol. 111., 3rd Series. AAI 380 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. J John Colle. See page 3812. I453-|pHILIp qrace> « John le Grys," described on the Duplicate Roll as " John son of Richard Grasof Coton upon Tyrne " (i.e., of Coton, near Hodnet, co. Salop), was admitted a Burgess in 13 18. The ^present Bailiff was, doubtless, his descendant. The Arms assigned to him are — Or a fess Gules, between 3 leaves slipped Vert. ( William Boerley. See page 3842. I454*\ Robert Scryven. See page 3831. j Roger Eyton. See page 3S45. ^ ( JOHN Trentham of Shrewsbury, draper, [p. 3%7.] John Trentham was grandson of " William Trentham, saddler," who was admitted a Burgess in the 8th of Richard II., 1384. The present Bailiff much advanced himself and family by marrying the sister and heir of William Hoord of Shrewsbury. He served the office of Bailiff again in 1459, 1467 and 1472. His nephew Thomas Trentham served the office of Bailiff in 1491, 1500, 1507 and 151 1 ; and his grand- son, Thomas Trentham, junior, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Richard Corbet, of Moreton Corbet, Knt., and is stated to have been a favourite of King Henry the Eighth, was Bailiff in 15 12 and 15 16. He also represented Shrewsbury in Parliament in 15 12 and 15 15. His son Robert Trentham was of the Household of King Henry the Eighth, and obtained a grant of the Abbey of Rocester, co. Stafford, from that monarch. Dying without issue, Robert Trentham was succeeded in that estate by his brother Richard Trentham of Shrewsbury, Esq., who had filled the office of Cupbearer to King Edward the Sixth. The family continued at Rocester until that estate was conveyed by the heiress Elizabeth Trentham to her husband Brian Cockeyne, the second Viscount Cullen. Arms : Argent, 3 griffins' heads erased Sable (2 and 1). Richard Stury. See page 3787. niN Horde. See page 3838. j Nicholas Fitzherbert. T457- \ Roger Adis. Nicholas Fitzherbert was admitted a Burgess of Salop 29 Henry VI., 1451, and is described in the Record as { Jo] THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 38 1 " Nicholas Fitzherbert, Esq., son of Henry Fitzherbert, late of Norbury, co. Derby," having then issue, Richard, Robert, Ralph, John, Nicholas, Edmund and Joan. His connection with Shrewsbury arose from havip.g married secondly Isabel, daughter of John Ludlow, Esq., by whom also he had issue, oi whom Anne married Richard Lyster of Shrewsbury and Rowton, Esq. His ancestors had been seated at Norbury from the year 1125, when that Manor was granted to William Fitzherbert by William Prior of Tutbury, and it still continues in the possession of the family. Thomas Fitzherbert, Esquire, now (1848) of Norbury, is tenth in descent from our Bailiff of 1457. Arms — Argent, a chief vaire Or and Gules, over all a bend Sable. [P. 3848.] " Roger Adis" was a mercer in Shrewsbury, and a Freeman of that Company here in 1424 ; he was one of the wardens of the Company in the same year that he was Bailiff of the town. His son " Thomas Adys," draper, was admitted a Burgess in 1460. Arms — Gules, an antelope's head erased at the neck Or. Anno ( Robert Scryven. See page 3831. 1458. 1 Nicholas Stafford. He was admitted a Bur- gess of Shrewsbury in 1450, and is recorded as "Nicholas Stafford, Esq., son of John Stafford of co. Derby, gent." An altar tomb to the memory of Nicholas Stafford and Katherine Meverell, his wife, was formerly in the church of St. Mary, Shrewsbury. He died in April, 1471. And the old MS. Chronicle of Shrewsbury, formerly belonging to Dr. Taylor, says, he was " a worthie gentylman and a wyse." Arms — Or, a chevron Gules. j John Trentham. See page 3847. x459- \ Thomas Byrington. See page ^Szy. | John Knyght. See page 3843. 14 °' ( John Grafton. See page 3833. He was of Shrewsbury, draper. j Thomas Wynnes. I4Gi- ) Thomas Stone. Thomas Wynnes was of a very old family of Burgesses. In 1278, " Richard Wyn," jointly with Reginald de Porta 1 .C'Cf1 2 1o sa 382 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. and others, held a burgage in Frankwell at a rent of njd., which was worth 20s. per annum. " Philip, son of Richard Wyn," was on the Burgess Roll in 1318. " Thomas Wyn," son of Philip, was on the Roll of Burgesses in 1372, and he was ancestor of the present Bailiff. Arms — Azure, a fess bretessed Or. " Thomas de Stone and Roger his son " are on the Roll of Burgesses in 1344. Their descendant, the present Bailiff, was admitted of the Mercers Company, Shrewsbury, in 1424. Arms — Argent, a cross Gules, in the dexter chief a Catharine wheel of the second. r Thomas Lloyd, Esq. See page 3846. 1463 i J0HN Baxter, of Shrewsbury, draper. ' ) PI ugh Hosier, of Shrewsbury, draper. " Reginald Baxter," son of " Hood de Wrexham," was admitted a Burgess of Shrewsbury in 1398. The present Bailiff was his son, and either he or his son of the same name again served the office of Bailiff in 1470, 1481 and i486. Roger Baxter, grandson of the Bailiff of 1463, married Elizabeth, one of the coheirs of Richard Payne, of Eaton Constantine, and they were the progenitors of Richard Baxter "the Puritan," and of William Baxter " the Critic," and of numerous other descendants, Burgesses of Shrewsbury, several of whose representatives in the lineal male line are yet extant, though their connection and residence is not now with Shrewsbury, or in its Liberties. Arms : Argent, a bat Sable (wings extended). Hugh Hosier was, doubtless, so named from the principal branch of trade in which, as a draper and mercer, he then occupied himself. Messrs. Owen and Blakeway state that he was sometimes called Hugh Pimley and sometimes Hugh Trevor. This, however, as far as the name of Trefor goes, is an error. The family of Hosier, to whom the surname of Trevor was also given, were ol a dillerent race, as will here- after be stated. The present Bailiff was admitted a Burgess by the name of " Hugh Pymley alias Dycher, of Salop, draper, son of David Dycher ;" and he was admitted of the Mercers Company by the name of " Hue Pymley draper." "William Dycher of Hencote," in the Liberties of Shrews- William Ottley. See page 3844. [p- 3849-] THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 383 bury, was a Burgess in 1372, and I suspect these were his descendants. Hugh Hosier again served the office of I>ailiff in 1471. Laurence Hosyer, his son, served the office of Bailiff in 1494. William Hosyer, another of his sons, was admitted of the Mercers' Company in 1500. Laurence Hosyer was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1495. Arms : Quarterly, per fess indented, Argent and Sable, 4 pellets counterchanged. [p- 3$5°l Anno f Richard Stury. See page 3787. I464.\Thomas Mytton. See page 3826. J Roger Knyght. See page 3843. X4 ^' (John Colton. He was admitted of the Mercers Company in 1424 ; and he served the office of Warden of that Company in 1462, 1463 and 1464. He was also a member of the Drapers' Company. Arms — Gules, a fess Or between 3 pellets. [oiiN Cole. See page 3812. PWARD Easthope. He was of a very ancient Shropshire family, originally seated at a parish and village of that name, near Much Wenlock. He was admitted a Burgess in 1449, and is described in the Record as " Edward Easthope of Salop, son of Richard Esthope of Esthope, juxta Plash." William de Esthope, also of this family, was a Burgess in 13 18. He was thus connected with the proprietors of that estate. Edward Easthope was a draper, and he is the first person in the list of names of the brothers of the " Guild of the Holy Trinity of the Men of the Mystery of Drapers of the Town of Salop," founded and incorporated by King Edward IV., in 1461. (Records of the Drapers' Co. — J.M.). Edward Easthope married Alice, daughter and heir of Richard Forstcr, and widow of John Knight, who w as Bailiff in 1460 John de Esthope died seised of the Manor of Esthope 34 Edward I.,=p as appears by Escheat in 27 of that year. j Thomas de Esthope, ob. vita patns=jF I John de lliomas tie Esthope levied a fine Johanna William de Esthope Esthope s.p. ol the Manor and Advowson of admitted a Burgess a minor. Esthope, to the use of himself of Shrewsbury in and wife, 11 Ed II., n. 120. 1318, 12 I'M. II. Hbm 24th June, 1294. 384 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. From the above Thomas descended Edward Easthope, the Bailiff of 1466. Arms — Per chevron, Sable and Ermine, according to History of Shrewsbury; but the seal of Edward Easthope to a deed of his \n 1460, bears a lion rampant. Sir John Easthope, recently created a Baronet, was of a branch of this family, for some time resident at Bridgnorth. (John Trentham. See page 3847. I4 7* (Thomas Ottley. See page 3844. (Thomas Mytton. See page 3826. 51 ' \ Thomas Goldsmith. See page 3845. (William Ottley. See page 3844. I4 9'Ithomas Pontesburv. See page 3832. He was of Shrewsbury Mercer. [P. 3851-] Anno 1 Roger Knyght. See page 3843. 1470. I John Baxter. See page 3849. j Hugh Hosier. See page 3849. I47I- j Richard Wantnor. The surname of Wantnor is derived from the parish and village of Wantnor, now written Wentnor, near Bishops Castle, co. Salop. " William and Nicholas, sons of Roger de Wantnor," were on the Roll of Burgesses of Shrewsbury in 1232. Thomas Wantnor, of Salop, son of John Wantnor, was admitted a Burgess of Shrewsbury 29 Henry VI., 1448. He had then issue a son, John Wantnor. Richard Wantnor,1 brother of the said Thomas, was admitted in the same year, and was the Bailiff of 147 1. He again served that office in 1483 and in 1487, and he repre- sented Shrewsbury in Parliament in 1483. He died prior to July, I4QJ, for when in that month Henry the Seventh had " a benevolence " towards the expense of the war with France, it is stated that William Sugden, " son of the executs of Richard Wantnore " paid as such his executor £6 towards that object. Richard Wantnor was a diaper, and married Alice, daughter of Thomas Mytton of Shrewsbury, Esq. Arms : Argent, a chevron Sable, and chief Azure. 1 Richard Wantener was on the Subsidy Roll of the I lunched of Ford, co. Salop, temp. Edward IV. THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 385 1473 1474 rn 73fn . homas Mytton. See page 3S26. ^"'(juiiN Trentham. See page 3847. Thomas Ottley. See page 3844. homas Pontesbury. See page 3832. J William Ottley. See page 3844. { Roger Horton. Richard Horton, barker (i.e., tanner), was admitted a Burgess of Shrewsbury in 1397. John Morton of Shrews- bury, his son, was father of the present Bailiff, who was sworn a Burgess on the 1st of October, 1450, and is then described as " son and heir of John Horton, late Burgess of Salop, and of Eleanor his wife." Arms : Quarterly Argent and Azure, a cross Or. (John Colle. Seepage 3812. 1475- |kobert ap Egnion, or Beynyon, of Shrewsbury, [P. 3S52.] draper. Robert ap Egnion was admitted a Burgess 30 Henry VI., 1451, and is described on the Record as son of " Deys ap Eignon of Rowton " (in the parish of Alberbury). The Arms assigned to him are— Per pale Or and Gules, a pale indented counterchanged. He was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1478. Anno ( Thomas Mytton. See page 3826. 1476- \ Thomas Thoknes. See page 3829. (John Hoord. See page 3838. (Roger Knvght. See page 3843. i ^ 1 Thomas Ottley. See page 3844. i Thomas Bykinton. See page 3827. ( j Thomas Goldsmith. See page 3845. x479- \ \yir T IAM Sugdon. Sugden, anciently written Suggeden, Soggedon,and Sugdon, is one of the two townships that form the parifh of Roding- ton, about 6 miles cast of Shrewsbury. This parish adjoins the extra parochial place of Haghrnond, or nearly so, which was formerly attached to the Monastery of Haghrnond, founded by William Fitz-Alan in or about the year 1100, and among the early benefactors of that foundation were some of the family of Sugden. By a deed in the Haghrnond Chartulary (sans date, but executed towards the close of the 12th century) "Danmar de t 386 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. Soggedon " gave to Haghmond Abbey half a virgate of land in Soggedon. By another deed, in the same Chartulary, " Ganfrid, son of Danmar de Snggeden," gave to William Francis of Berwick (i.e., Berwick in"' the parish of Atcham), and to Sibilla his wife, half a virgate of land in Suggeden, which " William the Welshman" then held, paying to him (Ganfrid) one penny, and to Haghmond Abbey two shillings yearly. Another deed, in the same Chartulary, recites that Richard, son of the said Ganfrid de Suggeden (by the description of " Richard son of Ganfrid Danmar de Suggedon") released to Haghmond Abbey an annual payment of eight pence. In the 39th Henry III., 1255, Paganus (Payne) de ■ " Suggeden " held one moiety of the township of Sugdon under John Fitz-Alan. [p. 3^53-1 In the 36th of Henry the Third, 1252, "William-de- Shuggedon " was admitted on the Foreigners' Roll of the Guild Merchant of Shrewsbury. And in 1336, another " William de Sugden " was one of the Jurors on an Inquisi- tion as to lands pertaining to the Abbey of Haghmond. In the 46th of Edward the Third, 1372, John de Suggedon, son of Roger1 de Suggedon, appears in the Roll of Burgesses of Shrewsbury. And in the 50th year of that reign, 1376, the same John de Suggedon is named as a creditor in a recog- nizance taken under the Statute Merchant in the Exchequer of Shrewsbury. In the 1st of Edward IV., 1461, Thomas Sugdon of Shrewsbury was chosen as one of the six "sessorcs" (assessors), being persons taken from the principal resident burgesses, whose duty it was to see that the bailiffs caused to be properly levied and duly accounted for the revenues of the town. This Thomas Sugdon was admitted a Burgess in 1457, and he is described as Thomas Sugdon of Salop, brewer, son of Henry Sugdon of Wrockwardine (a parish adjoining that of Rodington). He had then issue one son, John Sugdon. In 1450, Thomas Sugdon was plaintiff in a suit versus John Sugdon, son of Giles Sugdon. 1 A Koger-cte Suggedon held i message and 3 acics of hind in Rodington under John v it/.- Alan 5 lulward 1., 1277. THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. 387 Thomas Sugdon does not appear to have rilled any other office in the Borough. William Sugdon,1 the present Bailiff, was probably a grandson of John Sugdon, recorded as a Burgess in 1372. Me was a draper in Shrewsbury, .and in 1456 was one of the Burgesses present at the election of Bailiffs. In 1462 he was chosen one of the six " sessores," and he appears to have been one of the most wealthy, if not the most wealthy, of the residents in Shrewsbury, for when, in July, 1491, Henry the Seventh sent his Commissioners throughout the kingdom to collect what was then oddly termed " a benevolence " towards the expense of the war with France, William Sugdon contributed more than any other person did for that object. The entry on the Record is as follows : — " Will1'1 Sugdon hath paide in plate and money ix1 and to pay at Mighelmas ix1 ... ... ... ... xviij1." " The same William Sugdon, son of the the executs of Ric' Wantnore ... ... ... ... vj1." John Sugdon, brother of Thomas Sugdon above-named, was admitted a Burgess in 1460, and had then no issue, [p- 3854]- The Arms assigned to William Sugdon, on the List of Bailiffs are — Gules, 6 billets, Argent 3, 2, 1 ; but the Arms of Sugdon of Sugdon are (properly) Azure, a fess Or, in chief three maidens' heads couped at the shoulders proper, vested and crined Or ; in base a leopard's head of the last. And these Arms are now borne by the Right Hon. Sir Edward B. Sugden, Lord Chancellor of Ireland (since created Baron St. Leonard's). Anno [Thomas Mytton. See page 3826. 1480.IT110MAS Pontesbury. See page 3832. Thomas Thornes. See page 3829. John Baxter. See page 3849. g (John Hoord. See page 3838. TJohn Guttyns. He was admitted a Buigess of Shrewsbury on the 5th October, 1465, and is described on the Record as "John Lloyt " of Salop, alias John Guttyns, draper, son of u Jeuan Lloyt of Longenor, weaver." " David 1 William de Sogedon and Maiota his wile arc named several limes on a Roll of 1475 in the Fxehequer of Salop. Vol. III., 3rd Series. BUI 388 THE PROVOSTS AND BAILIFFS OF SHREWSBURY. Lloyt, of Salop, draper," his brother, was admitted at the same time ; and in the following year, another brother, also named "John Lloyt of Salop, draper," was admitted a Burgess. John Guttyns again served the office of Bailiff in 1490 and 1 194, and he was M.P. for Shrewsbury in 1478. John Guttyns with his son and heir, Richard Guttyns, are named in a deed of 15th Henry VII., 1500. Beth were then living, and had estates in Meole Brace, Pulley Horton and Woodcot, in the Liberties of Shrewsbury. He had also a son John Guttyns, as he is in a recital upon record, quoted in Messrs. Owen and Blakeway's History of Shrewsbury, vol. i., page 265, described as "John Gyttins, of the town of Shrewsbury, the elder, draper." Arms: — Lozengy sinister bendwise Argent and Gules. i g /Richard Wantnor. See page 3851. * Uqhn Ottley. See page 3844. o /Thomas Mytton. See page 3826. See page 3843. SHROPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND N A T U R A L HIS T O R Y SOCIETY. ANNUAL MEETING. The Annual Meeting of the Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society was held in the Lower Room of the Music Hall, Shrewsbury, on Monday, July 20th, 1903. There were present the Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A. (Chairman of the Council1, presiding, Revs. C. H. Drinkwater, A. Thursby-Pelham, VV. G. 1). Fletcher, F.S.A., Miss Blanche Smythe, Miss A. Lloyd, Messrs. J. Nurse, T. R. Horton, W. Phillips, F.L.S., VV. H. Parry, and the Secretary (Mr. F. Goyne). — The Chairman said the small attendance was probably due to the fact that most of the members were kept away by the preparations for the commemoration of the Rattle of Shrewsbury. ANNUAL REPORT. The Chairman read the Annual Report of the Council as follows : — The past year has not been marked by any event ot stirring interest. It has, in fact, been largely a year of preparation for the event which is in progress during the week in which this Annual Meeting is being held. More than twelve months ago the Society determined that the 500th Anniversary cf the Battle of Shrewsbury ought not to pass by without a fitting celebration, and in conjunction with the County Council and that of the Borough of Shrewsbury, under the chairmanship of the present Mayor, they have used their utmost endeavours to make it a success. Battlefield lias held the chief place in the deliberations of the Council and in the Transactions issued, and it is hoped and believed that the arrangements made (or the commemoration are not unworthy of the great annals both ot the shire and its duel town. I Hiring the past year the Society has lost two members by death. '1 he Hon. K. C. Herbert had been a vice- picsidcnl of Ihe Society from its formation in i S 7 7 , and as a member of one of the leading families of the county he never failed to take an interest in every- thing that was connected witli its history or promoted its welfare. Mr. YY. Lyon Browne had been a member ot the Society since 1804, the year in which the Royal Archaeological Institute visited Shrewsbury. Those who were privileged to take part in the proceedings of that gathering will remember how gracefully Mr. Browne, as Mayor of the borough that year, welcomed the visitors, and did everything possible to promote the success ol their visit. At the beginning of the year covered by this Report- as mentioned at the last Annual Meeting - an VI. effort was made to recommence the excavations at Uriconium. After much deliberation, however, and correspondence with those interested, it was decided that the matter must stand over for a while longer. It is, however, a work of which the Council never allow themselves to lose sight, and they hope also that others will not fail to bear it in mind as a goal at which to aim. — Signed on behalf of the Council, Thos. Auden, F.S.A., Chairman. ' The Chairman also read the Statement of Accounts for the year ended December 31st, 1902, which showed that on the general account there was a balance in hand of ^32 10s. 4d., a slight increase on the year. On the printing account there was an excess of ^£39 7s. 7d over liabilities, a little less than last year, when an abnormal sum was received from the sale of Transactions. The Chairman moved the adoption of the Report and Statement of Accounts. He said they would notice that the principal item in the Report was the allusion to the event they were commemorating that week, — the celebration of the 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury. They had all of them heard various questions asked — some of them wise, some of them certainly not wise — as to why they were celebrating that battle. He was quite sure, speaking as the Chairman of the Council of that Society, that they might dismiss one statement at once. It had been asseited that the com- memoration had been got up for personal reasons, to glorify some individual or some number of individuals. He was sure they had never had such a thought in their minds. (Hear, hear). Nor, again, were they celebrating the Battle of Shrewsbury in order to glorify civil war. (Hear, hear). Of course it was a battle which took place in a civil war, but he thought in estimating the matter from the standpoint of those who had made that assertion, they should remember that civil war then was not what civil war would be now in England. England was not thoroughly consolidated then as it was now. There were diverse elements which had not the same obligation of cohesion and alliance which existed now. Nor again were they keeping that commemoration in order to show their sympathy with either side. They might admire Henry IV., or they might have greater admiration for Hotspur; that was a perfectly open question ; the idea did not enter into their celebra- tion. The fact was this : They had to contemplate a great histori- cal event — an important event with important issues resulting from it— and as such they were right, he thought, and he felt sure he would carry all present with him, in saying that they were right, in holding a commemoration of that historical event. (Hear, hear). Nay, more : They already had a memoiial of the event in the noble vii. church, for he might call it such, which stood within three or four miles of the town. As members of that Society they were in a certain sense the guardians of that church, as they were of all old buildings, and he thought they could not go out there and see Battlefield Church and not feel that they were right in trying to instil into others who had not studied the subject some knowledge of tiie events which led to the erection of that church, and the circumstances connected with it. (Hear, hear). It was connected with various historical characters and events, both in Church and State ; it bore upon its stones the impress and marks of some of those, and he thought they ought to bear in mind that part of their duty as members of the Shropshire Archaeological Society was to educate, as far as they possibly could, the public in a greater knowledge and more earnest study of our past history, and to lead them to take a greater interest in everything connected with it- (Hear, hear). He had sometimes been perfectly astonished at the ignorance on the part of well-educated people as to the history of the past. Only a few days ago he was talking to a gentleman belonging to one of the well-known families of the county, and mentioned that during the celebration some of them would go round and show the interesting memorials that existed in Shrews- bury. The gentleman asked, " What is there interesting to show in Shrewsbury?" (Laughter). He (Mr. Auden) pitied the gentleman's ignorance —(hear, hear) — and advised him to read a certain Guide-book bearing his own name. (Laughter). But they need not go out to Battlefield to find ample justification for the cele- bration of that week. They had only to turn into their studies and take down from the shelves a copy of Shakespeare's works, and they would find that the Battle of Shrewsbury was one of the scenes in the drama of Henry IV. He believed he was right in saying that that was the only battlefield which formed a scene in the dramas of Shakespeare. He had not verified his statement, and, therefore, he gave it subject to correction, but at any rate, he felt sure there was no other battle which occupied such an important and pro- minent position in Shakespeare's works. Therefore, when Shakes- peare had already immortalised the battle, they might well follow in the same path. (Applause). The Rev. A. Thursby-Pelham seconded the adoption of the Report, and said he thought the members could congratulate themselves upon having such an able Chairman and such a patriotic Mayor. The motion was carried. Vlll. THE COUNCIL. Mr. J. Nurse proposed that the Members of the Council, being eligible for re-election, he re-appointed. Mr. T. R. Horton seconded, and the motion was carried. election" of auditor. The Rev. C. H. Drinkwater moved that the best thanks of the meeting be given to Dr. Calvert for his services in the past year, and that he be re-elected auditor for the ensuing year. Mr. W. Phillips seconded, and said as one who took a deep interest in the Society he wished to thank the Chairman for his vindication of those who had taken an active part in that commemoration from the aspersions of certain people whose opinion, perhaps, was not worth considering— (hear, hear). As to selfishness, in his opinion the people who made such insinuations did themselves no credit. (Hear, hear). The Society was much indebted to several gentlemen j he would not mention all by name, but he must of necessity refer to the Mayor, because he was Chief Magistrate, and he did so with pleasure ; Mr. Southam and many with him had been most cordial, most diligent, and most unselfish in the work they had been doing. (Hear, hear). The Chairman, before putting the motion, thanked Mr. Phillips for what he had said. In passing, he added, he would like to express the delight with which he, in common, lie believed, with all present, had observed a certain notice as to an honour which was about to be conferred upon their friend, Mr. Phillips (Applause). The motion was carried. vote of thanks. The meeting ended with a vote of thanks to the Chairman, moved by the Rev. A. Tiiuusuy-Peluam, and seconded by the Rev. W. G. 1). Fletcher. The Annual Excursion was not held this year, in consequence of the proceedings connected with the Commemoration of the Battle of Shrewsbury. CELEBRATION OF THE 5001H ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY, JULY 19TH to 251U, 1903. The Council of the Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society for sonic years past have bad under their IX. consideration the due observance of the 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury. On their initiative, the Corporation of the Borough of Shrewsbury and the County Council of Shropshire were approached, in order to make the commemoration a success, -and a strong Committee was formed from these three bodies, to which other persons were added, to make all necessary arrangements. Mr. Herbert R. H. Southam, F.S.A., Mayor of Shrewsbury, who has through- out taken the keenest and most active interest in the pro- ceedings, was appointed the Chairman of this Committee, and the Rev. Thomas Auden, F.S.A., and Mr. J. Bowen- Jones (the Chairmen of our Council and of the County Council of Salop respectively), were appointed Vice- Chairmen. The Committee decided that the best way to commemorate the event would be by having special Services at the Abbey Church and at Battlefield Church, lectures on the battle and church, old English sports in the Quarry, and by engaging Mr. F. R. Benson's Shakespearean Company to perform some of the great dramatist's historical plays. The Celebra- tion proved a remarkable success, over 1,400 guinea tickets being sold beforehand; the tent specially erected for the plays was crowded at every performance, and the liveliest interest was taken in the proceedings throughout. The only drawback was a certain amount of wet weather during the week. The cast of the plays, and the details connected therewith, will be found in the official programme appended to this Volume. The events of each day are briefly given here. It was felt that the week's proceedings should fitly commence with a Special Service at the Abbey Church, Shrewsbury, the preacher being the Rev. Prebendary Moss, Headmaster of the Schools. This service was attended by the Mayor and Corporation in state; and the Mayors, Town Clerks and Recorders of all the other Shropshire Corporations were invited to attend, as also were the magistrates, officers of the various military departments, representatives of Friendly Societies, and the Masters and Sixth Form boys of Shrews- bury School. X. SUNDAY, JULY i9th, 1903. SERVICE AT THE ABBEY. The Service, which commenced at 3 o'clock, had many j notable features. It was remarkable first of all for its \ beauty, dignity, and impressiveness, and for the scholarly ; sermon delivered by Prebendary Moss. In one respect, probably, it had a unique distinction, that derived from the representative character of the congregation taking part — a congregation representative not only of every section of the community in the Borough of Shrewsbury, but also of the whole county. An especially noteworthy feature was the fact that the Mayors of all the Shropshire Boroughs were there, attended by their Town Clerks and their Mace-bearers, carrying with them the emblems of the power from which they derive their authority. It is unlikely that such a phalanx of municipal dignitaries has ever before been seen in any Shropshire town, and, Hanked as they were by an imposing array of past Mayors of Shrewsbury, also robed, they made a most effective picture. SERMON BY THE REV. PREBENDARY MOSS. Prebendary Moss, who took for his text Psalm lxxvii., verse 5, " I have considered the days of old, the years of ancient times," delivered the following sermon : — What is it that lends a glamour to the distant past ? Consciously or unconsciously we all invest it in imagination with a romance which we find it hard to associate with the dull, commonplace facts around us. Tennyson suggests that " the days of old " attract us because we see them from so remote a standpoint. " Is it," he asks, " That the past will always win A glory from its being far ? " No doubt, that is, in part, the right explanation. When we stand close to a series of events, it is hard to estimate their true meaning, or their relation to one another, because we are bewildered by the multitude of details. But details shrink into comparative insignificance in the long vistas of history. Grand outlines, dramatic scenes, heroic figures, the clash of embattled kingdoms, the fierce conflict of irreconcil- xi. able principles, — these things absorb the attention of posterity. Little personal questions, uninteresting trivialities, whatever is sordid or tedious or monotonous, soon sink into merited oblivion. And so it is that we gaze to-day on the stirring incidents which attended the dawn of the Fifteenth Century as on some magnificent picture of struggle and effort, where everything is on the great scale, and the issues involved are far more momentous than the combatants suppose. To the hasty observer the Battle of Shrewsbury may seem to differ in no way from the many faction-fights with which the Wars of the Roses were to make England painfully familiar in the second half of the century. Unquestionably the personal element is no less conspicuous. Henry was jealous of the Percies, whose opportune help had won for him the throne. They in their turn hated him for his ingratitude, and were profoundly suspicious of his intentions. But much more was at stake in the conflict than either he or they imagined. First, the Percies represented only " the grand old rule, the simple plan, that he shall take who has the power, and he shall keep who can." Their chief aim was the increase of their possessions and the aggrandisement ot their house. Partly, perhaps, from policy, largely from the force of circumstances, Henry was reigning in the spirit of a constitutional monarch. His title to the crown was a Parliamentary title. According to the laws of hereditary succession, as Englishmen interpret them, the young Earl of March was the rightful King. Moreover, Henry had been raised to power on the wave of a violent re-action against Richard's attempt to rule England as an autocrat. If he had fallen in the battle, England would have lost the instructive spectacle of a constitutional monarchy, sowing germs of suggestion which were destined to spring up into a rich harvest of fulfilment after many generations had passed away. Lest you should suppose that I mis-state or exaggerate, let me quote a few words from Bishop Stubbs' summary of the results of King Henry's reign. " He reigned/' writes the Bishop, " as a constitutional King ; he governed by the liglp of his Parliament, with the executive aid of a council over which Parliament both claimed and exercised control. Never before, and never again for more than two Xll. hundred years, were the Commons so strong as they were under Henry IV. ; and, in spite of the dynastic question, the nation itself was strong in the determined action of the Parliament." Now we value our monarchy highly. We know well how the slender1 golden thread of royal supremacy running uninterruptedly for so many hundreds of years through the diversified woof of the nation's life has given it an unity of design and an organic coherence which it could have gained in no other way. We acknowledge gratefully, how deeply we are indebted both to the late and the present sovereigns for their lofty patriotism and the personal influence which they have wielded abroad as well as at home. But there is something in the English blood which is impatient of despotic sway. Never since our race first emerged from the twilight of history has tyranny prospered among Englishmen. Some eighty years later than the Battle of Shrewsbury, it is true, wearied with the bloodshed and devastation of the Civil Wars, the nation flung itself sub- missively at the feet of the Tudors, praying only for tran- quillity and repose. But in later centuries, both in England and in the great English-speaking communities beyond the seas, the old abhorrence of autocracy, the old love of free thought and free speech, have printed themselves indelibly, in characters which none can mistake, upon the annals of our race. The triumph of Henry over Hotspur meant the triumph, for a time at any rate, of a principle which is very dear to us all. In the second place, at the Battle of Shrews- bury the ideal of national unity was pitted against the spirit of separatism. Henry stood for lawful authority ; his army was the army of England. The Percies sought allies in Scotland; they stretched out their hands to Owen Glyndwr; they were in league with the friends of Erance, if not with the Erench King himself. Now two things are certain, — the first, that Englishmen will never tolerate the intrusion of a foreign potentate into their domestic differences ; the other, that no party or policy is likely to command for long the support of the nation as soon as it is plainly seen that its object or tendency is to split up England — may we not in our own day go one step further and say, the United Kingdom ? -may we not go one Step further still and say, Xlll. the British Empire ? — into fragments. Now, when Shakes- peare portrays Hotspur and Glendower and Mortimer as meeting in solemn conclave at Bangor to divide this realm among them in full anticipation of the victory which (they fondly supposed) would shortly- crown their arms, whether that meeting is real or fictitious, he divines with the intuition of genius the consequences which might conceivably have resulted from their success. The stream of British history might have flowed thenceforth in three, if not four, separate channels. The work of the first Edward, the work of Egbert himself, might have been undone. Granted that the poet is conjuring up a mere chimera. Granted that the nation had advanced too far on its appointed path to be turned aside thus easily from its assured destiny, Still the fact remains that the attainment of the Percies' aims meant incidentally the crippling of England ; that Henry was, perhaps unwittingly, the champion of national unity and national progress. Thirdly, we may embark, if we will, on the trackless ocean of the " might-have-beens." If the King had been vanquished at Shrewsbury, if he and Prince Henry had been slain, plainly the course of events would have been deflected in a different direction, and the chronicle of subsequent time would not be what it is. No Henry V. would have crossed the sea. No Agincourt would have awakened a thrill of pride, whenever the word is uttered, in English breasts. Possibly during that and the succeeding generation England would have gained no signal victory, would have suffered no disastrous defeat, on the soil of Erance. Joan of Arc might have lived and died in the obscurity of her native village. The prolonged duel between the Houses of York and Lancaster might never have been. No Henry VI I L might have gathered the reins of power in Church and State into his hands. No Elizabeth might have given her name to one of the most splendid and fertile epochs in the history of the world. But of what use is it to indulge in these empty speculations ? Change or eliminate any of the greater factors in the development of a nation, and the results must work themselves out into endless ramifications of difference. We will not claim for the Battle of Shrewsbury any distinction to which it is not justly XIV. entitled. Let us content ourselves with saying that on that hard-fought field Englishmen, arrayed against one another in civil strife, exhibited the contempt of danger, the tenacity of purpose, the indomitable fortitude, which in later times, under happier circumstance's, have done so much to build up our worldwide Empire. Wisely, I think, has it been determined to commemorate here, in Shrewsbury, the quincentenary of a struggle which is closely associated in literature as well as in the pages of the historian with the name of our ancient borough. Indeed, for one student who is acquainted with the actual facts, there are hundreds, if not thousands, who see them as transformed and vivified and illuminated by the potent art of the greatest of all dramatists. But, whether we cling in a prosaic spirit to the verities of history, or yield ourselves unresistingly to the wizardry of Shakespeare's invention, I think that such a celebration as this is good for us. It takes us for a time out of the narrow round of petty interests in which so much of our life is spent. It enlarges our horizon. It brings us into sympathy with the mood of St. Paul, when he declared himself with pride "a native of iarsus in Cilicia, a citizen of no mean city." We, who live in Shrewsbury, are surrounded by mementos of the past. Every century which has elapsed since the Norman Conquest has impressed its characteristics upon our houses and churches and streets, and has bequeathed to us a heritage of cherished traditions. " Through that gateway," we say, " Roger de Montgomery often passed. Here, in this Abbey, his remains found a resting-place. There the Welsh Prince, David, was beheaded, when Edward the I?irst was King. This is the house in which Sir Henry Sidney lived, the house from which his son, Philip, attended school. Through that little archway soldiers of the Parliament were admitted by treachery, when the town was held for King Charles." And this, as you know, is only a scanty, haphazard, handful of specimens. The more ancient portion of Shrewsbury teems with historic memories. During this week our attention will be directed especially to the beginning of the Fifteenth Century. Its princes, its nobles, its bishops, as reflected in the mirror of the Eliza- bethan drama, will play their parts on the mimic stage. XV. The bravery of its costumes and banners, its outward pomp and circumstance, will be reproduced with scrupulous fidelity. But let none of us fancy that he would have been a happier man if he had lived in that day. Could any of us be transported for a short time by some magic spell into the age of Hotspur and Henry IV., there is much from which he would recoil in amazement and disgust. And that amaze- ment and disgust would spring from more profound causes than the absence of modern refinement and the lack of modern comforts and conveniences. The world in which he would find himself would appear to him hard, cruel, and even brutal. He would look round him on a society split into irreconcilable sections by deep cleavages of class-sentiment. He would hear the sullen echoes of the peasant-insurrection of twenty years before. He would soon discover that the substance of political power was in the hands of a small and self-seeking caste, that legislation was conceived in the interest not of the many but of the few. Wherever he went, he would meet swarms of " sturdy beggars " and homeless vagabonds. And, if he turned to the Church for consolation, a deplorable spectacle would present itself, a religious organization penetrated with the spirit of the world and forgetful of its divine Master, ready to ally itself with any party in the State which would protect its enormous wealth and screen its abuses from exposure and reform. " The Lancastrian dynasty," writes Mr. Wakeman in his History of the Church of Eiiglimd, " came to the throne in strict alliance with the clergy." Soon, " a new horror made its appearance in English national life. Acts of Parliament blackened the statute-book which struck at men's political action through their religious opinions." The statute sanctioning the burning 'of heretics was passed in 1401, and in 1 410 the Prince of Wales himself, who had fought so gallantly at Shrewsbury seven lyears before, who was about to succeed his father three years later as Henry V., was present, an interested spectator, while a certain layman, John Badby by name, expiated the offence of heresy at the stake. Thank God, the last five hundred years have been full ul instruction. Both as a nation and as individuals we stand on a higher plane than did our forefathers in 140J. xvi. The accretions of mediaeval superstition have been purged away from the Church. The pure gospel of Christ has been brought within the reach of the humblest of the people. Though the practice of many of us is lamentably deficient, we all pay homage, in theory at least, to Christian standards of conduct. The missionary zeal of the first ages of the Church has been rekindled. As we look back to-day, we see^ how far we have travelled since the Church of Battlefield was reared to consecrate the scene of that stubborn encounter, ' \ and to draw down the mercy of God on the souls of the slain. What the future has in store for our Church and nation, who shall predict ? Not even the keenest prophetic vision could have descried, in however dim outline, in the year j 1403, the vast inheritance of power and prosperity, which we have received from our fathers, and shall hand on, if such is God's will, enriched and augmented, to our children and our children's children. There is no reason to suppose that we are more far-sighted than were our ancestors. Probably even the next thirty or forty years have many surprises in reserve for those members of this congregation who will live so long. So much as this, however, we may safely say. To all appearance the tendency of the times is in favour of the increase of what is great already. The habitable globe is being rapidly partitioned among a few great Powers. Commerce is threatened, if not dominated, by huge combinations of capital. The race for wealth is to the swift, the battle for empire is to the strong. In a changed and changing world let us cling firmly to those grand principles, the soundness of which, under the most diverse conditions, has been repeatedly tested by experience. Let us uphold resolutely the supremacy of law. Hotspur defied the authority of Parliament ; he wished to be a law to himself ; and he fell, fighting bravely in a bad cause. Let us support loyally whatever, in our judgment, is likely to maintain the unity and coherence of this kingdom and empire. The ambition of the Percies and their friends, if it had prevailed in the Battle of Shrewsbury, might have torn England to pieces. Above all, — and this shall be my last v/ord, — let us face the contingencies of the future with confidence and hope. Let us have faith in God. It is simply incredible XVII. that He would have dealt with England as He has dealt with her in the past, unless lie intended to use her as an instrument for the accomplishment of great and far-reaching designs in the centuries to come. During the singing of the last hymn a collection (which realised £26 16s. 6d.) was taken in aid of the Abbey Tower Reparation Fund, and the service ended with the National Anthem. MONDAY, JULY 20TH. At 2 30 p.m. Mr. Benson's Company gave a performance of Shakespeare's Play of Richard II. At 8 p.m. the Mayor and Mayoress of Shrewsbury held a Reception in the tents erected in the meadow behind the Technical Schools. To this Reception over 1400 persons were invited. Mr. Benson's Company gave selections from the " School for Scandal " and " Twelfth Night," and Professor Collins' Band gave a musical programme. Refreshments were provided in an adjoining tent. TUESDAY, JULY 21ST. This day, the actual Anniversary of the Battle, which was fought on Saturday, July 21st, 1403, the proceedings included a Special Service at Battlefield Church, with Sermon by the Lord Bishop of Lichfield, Lectures by Dr. J. H; Wylie, the Rev. D. H. S. Cranage and the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, a Public Luncheon in the Music Hall, and a representation in the Evening of Shakespeare's Play of Henry IV. SERVICE AT BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. The Special Service was held at 10 30 a.m., and commenced with the National Anthem, which was followed by the Apostles' Creed and Te Deum. After the Bidding Prayer the following Sermon was preached by the Lord Bishop of Lichfield. SERMON BY THE LORD BISHOP OF LICHFIELD. It is a long way from Shrewsbury to Cordova ; but it happens that an old Spanish Chronicler gives an account, which has been preserved, of the appearance and manners of XV111. a band of English Volunteers towards the close of the century, at the beginning of which the Battle of Shrewsbury was fought.1 The Lord Scales, Earl of Rivers, had fought on the side of Henry Tudor at Boswortfv Field. He loved arms, and he went off to Spain to join the forces which Ferdinand and Isabella were collecting at Cordova for the conquest of Granada. He took with him " a hundred archers, ali\ dexterous with the long bow and the cloth yard arrow, also two hundred yeomen, armed cap-a-pie, who fought with pike and battle axe ; men robust of frame, and of prodigious strength." And the Spanish Chronicler (Fray Antonio Agagida) thus describes the English Lord and his men — " This cavalier was from the island of England, and brought with him a train of his vassals ; men who had been hardened in certain civil wars which had raged in their country. They were a comely race of men, but too fair and fresh for warriors ; not having the sunburnt hue of our old Castilian soldiery. They were huge feeders, also, and deep carousers ; and could not accommodate themselves to the sober diet of our troops, but must fain eat and drink after the manner of their own country. They were often noisy and unruly, also, in their wassail ; and their quarter of the camp was prone to be a scene of loud revel and sudden brawl. They were withal of great pride ; yet it was not like our inflammable Spanish pride ; they stood not much upon the pundonov and high punctilio, and rarely drew the stiletto in their disputes ; but their pride was silent and contumelious. Though from a remote, and somewhat barbarous island, they yet believed themselves the most perfect men upon earth ; and magnified their chieftain, the Lord Scales, beyond the greatest of our grandees. With all this, it must be said of them, that they were marvellously good men in the field, dexterous archers, and powerful with the battle- axe. In their great pride and self-will, they always sought to press in the advance, and take the post of danger, trying to outvie our Spanish chivalry. They did not rush forward fiercely, or make a brilliant onset, like the Moorish and 1 Sec Washington Irvine's Conquest of Grariatla. XIX. Spanish troops, but they went into the fight deliberately, and persisted obstinately, and were slow to find out when they were beaten. Withal, they were much esteemed, yet little liked, by our soldiery, who considered them staunch companions in the field, yet coveted but little fellowship with them in the camp." The Spanish Chronicler was a shrewd observer. We recognise the picture of our fellow-countrymen in all its salient features. Did not our foes in the Spanish Peninsula three hundred years later confess that the English soldiers puzzled them ? For, though they were few, and ought to have been overwhelmed by superior forces, or driven back, " they were slow to find out when they were beaten." The thin red line never gave way. Only yesterday I came across an illustration of this English spirit in a letter of General Stewart, who commanded a Division in the Peninsula, written in 1811 from Almandralejo soon after the battle of Albuero. " Our situation," writes the General, " was rather a critical one, but I trust that all things considered we acquitted ourselves well. Our Spanish friends fought well and I owe the preservation of my Division to their support, for the enemy's columns were so heavy as although not to have defeated us, yet such as would have at last killed us off" 1 Does not the Englishman abroad still display in modern fashion the characteristics of his ancestors ? Of this we may be sure : that this, which Fray Antonio describes, was the character, these were the manners of the men who fought under Henry of Richmond, and under Harry Hotspur on the Battlefield of Shrewsbury five hundred years ago : this was the character, these were the manners of the men who were slain in hundreds on the Battlefield, and who lie buried beneath our feet and in the fields around us. What point it gives to the foundation of this Collegiate Church ? The soul of Roger Yve of Lcaton as he thinks of these huge feeders and deep carousers, often noisy and unruly in their wassail, given to revel and to sudden brawl, cut oil in the midst of their career, is filled with pity. Rough and careless they m;iy have been; yet, there were friends 1 Printed in Miss Pisbrowe's chaining volume, " Old Ihiys in Diplomacy.?' XX. who stood by them, and women who loved them, and children who looked up to them; and there was good in them all, and Christ had died for them, and surely God would wish the living to plead the Saviour's merits for them, that their souls might be the'sooner delivered from the pains of purgatory. So he made his request to the king, and the king was in sympathy with him, and thought of his owg^ soul, too, and of the account that he must one day give to the King of kings ; and these were the terms of the Patent which, in 1408*9* he granted to the good, loving- hearted Rector of Aibrighton Hussey, in whose parish the battle had been fought. He had already granted his royal license to Richard Hussey to assign to Roger Yve and John Gilberd two acres of land in the parish for the purpose. The land is described as " lying in a certain Held called Hateley field, in which there was a battle between us [King Henry IV.] and Henry Percy, lately our adversary deceased and his adherents." And it was assigned to " Roger and John and their successors in pure and perpetual frankalmoign, to celebrate for ever divine service every day in a certain chapel by them there then newly to be made built and constructed, for our safe condition whilst we shall be living, and for our soul when we shall have departed this life, and for the souls of our progenitors, and of those who were killed in the same battle and there are buried, also for the souls of all the faithful departed." Follows the founding of the Chantry in these words : — " Now we hearing that a certain Chapel stands made erected and constructed in the place aforesaid, in honour of St. Mary Magdalene, as we have understood, and desiring as well as in perpetual remembrance of God and of the marvellous things which he had set forth and shewn to us and ours in the same place of ours, by marvellously subduing the rivals of our realm, as in many ways we are led to surmise, by tenor of these presents, we do make found erect and establish for ever the same Chapel into a certain perpetual Chantry of eight Chaplains, one of whom shall be the Master, to celebrate divine service in the: same Chapel for our safety and for the souls aforesaid." To nuike assurance doubly sure Pope John XXI II. issued a Pull in i.| 10, confirming the foundation and endowment of XXI. the College, concluding thus — " It is therefore permitted to none of mankind to infringe this written page of our confirmation, ratification, and supplement, or rashly to dare oppose it. But if any should presume to attempt this, let him know that he will incur the indignation of Almighty God and of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul." " Man proposes, but God disposes." Notwithstanding the • devices of King Henry IV. and the anathemas of Pope John XXIII., a century and a half had not passed before, in 15^8, Battlefield College came to an end, and its property passed into the hands of the King. But the Chapel which Roger Yve built in 1409, and the tower which Adam Grafton added some 100 years later, still stand in Hateleyfield. We are in the Chapel to-day. We stand over the bones of those who fell in the battle that was fought on the vigil of St. Mary Magdalene, in 1403. For the sake of their souls this Chapel was built and endowed, and in it masses were daily said. Their souls, and the soul of Henry, and the souls of his progenitors, are in the hands of God: we are content to leave them with the Righteous Judge. The times are changed. We must look to Servia to-day, to understand the temper of those times. We, too, are changed, no doubt ; but the finer characteristics of the race endure. The compassion for the rough, untutored, brawling soldiery, which showed itself then in the foundation of Chantry Chapels, and the saying of masses for lessening purgatorial pains, and for speeding the deliverance of sinful souls, shows itself in different ways, but is not dead amongst us. It directs itself rather to the improvement of the living generation, believing that so we can best do our duty to our neighbour, and fit ourselves and others for citizenship in the Kingdom of our Lord. The evils of those days were mainly three : — A certain coarseness and brutality of character and in conduct; civil wars; and error in religion. How do we combat these to-day ? By education ; by constitutional government ; by reversion to the primitive type of ( 'h rislittnity. Education is universal and compulsory. Education has for its object to mould character and to iniluence conduct. As XXII. some of the older ones amongst us were taught at school — " Ingenuas didicisse fideliter artes Emollit mores nee sinit esse feros." We retain our independence, » our power of initiative, our courage— witness South Africa, witness the expansion of our Colonies — but we mitigate the natural ferocity of our character by the study of the arts in the widest sense of the word, and by the development of our industries. Coiislitulidiuil (jovaiuuait, resting on a truly democratic basis, preserves us from the tyranny of sovereign or protector, secures the hearing of the voice of the people in the Great Council of the Nation, makes (as we hope and believe) civil war almost an impossibility. Parliament met, indeed, when summoned, in the days of Richard II. and Henry IV. It met at Shrewsbury in 1398. But its methods and its powers were partially developed. To-day, our battles are fought on the floor of the House of Commons, and the decisions come to there are generally accepted by the Nation, of which it is the genuinely representative assembly. A return to the primitive type of Christianity, guards us against indulging in vain speculations in respect of the future state. We approach the question, with the humility and due reserve which marked the early Church. We accept the Communion of Saints as a fact. We believe that the living and the departed are One Body in Christ. We believe they pray with us, and we with them. But we decline to intrude in any way into the hidden things of God. We are content to entertain a larger hope. We believe that as the vengeance which God takes here on sin in man is the conversion of the sinner's heart, so hereafter His will towards the souls that He has made will not be changed. He " knows all, and loves us better than He knows." "Tout savoir, e'est tout pardonner." " Shall not the Judge of all the earth do right?" All souls are His. We remember the fact in the Prayer for the Church Militant ; we remember it in our Communions. May 1 le w ho made: us, and loves us with an everlasting love, grant to us, when the battle of our life is over, as well as to the souls ol all on cither side who fell in the field of XX111. Shrewsbury 500 years ago, refreshment, light, and never ending peace. After the Sermon, a collection was made for the expenses incurred in connection with putting the Church into order for the celebration, and for the special choir, and it amounted to £19. The congregation then assembled outside the Church, in order to hear the special Lectures. The various lecturers were introduced by the Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., Chairman of our Council. Dr. J. H. Wylie, H.M.I., author of The History of England under Henry IV.} delivered the first lecture. DR. J. H. WYLIE ON THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. In introducing his paper Mr. Wylie, who had a most cordial reception, said he was there more or less on false pretences. As he came down from London on the previous day he read in a paper that he was down to speak on the History of the Reign of Edward IV. Some little time ago there was also a notice in a London paper, which had a very wide circulation, which described him as the leading authority on the Wars of the Roses, and the same newspaper was also able to inform its readers that it had been arranged that there should be a troop of yeomanry placed at his command and that there should be signals arranged in various parts of the field, and that he should be the leader of the troop. He felt that anything that had to be said about the battle and its details had been many times said, and well said already. They had their own local historians, Messrs. Owen and Blake way. They had also Sir James Ramsay's book on the Houses of Lancaster and York, the recent account by Mr. A. G. Bradley in Macmillan's Magazine, and last, but not least, the excellent resume published by Mr. Fletcher, to whom they all stood immensely indebted that day. He (Mr. Wylie) did not propose to go over again the particulars of the battle, for as he would show them in a moment he knew nothing about those details. He proceeded to read his paper as follows : — 1 feel it to be a great honour to have been asked to take a part, however small, in the 500th anniversary of which this XXIV. remarkable spot forms the centre of interest, for it is no exaggeration to say that the whole leisure time of my life during the last 30 years has been spent in a study of those complicated events in our country's history, the first crisis of which may be said to have culminated on this battlefield. For many years I read all I could about the battle, collecting all details that were obtainable from every^ quarter in my power. I asked information from friends who had visited the locality, but I published my written account and had it circulating for some considerable time before I was able to pay a personal visit to the spot. All this I fear is a confession of wilful sluggishness, but there has often been a strange fatality about my rambles, both in books and fields, that I have constantly been within an ace of a bull's eye or a centre, and have landed in an outer or a miss. However, though living then a long way off, I always cherished the hope that 1 might some day visit Battlefield at leisure, and the chance at length came when I was spending a summer holiday in Wales, eleven years ago. After working over the Glendower country around Corwen, I made my way by rail to Hadnall Station. I walked over to the ground, looked reverently at the gray old figure above the east window, and longed for a ladder to examine it, but had to content myself with a rough sketch from below ; looked through the church, examined the Pieta, tramped over the mounds, wandered to Albright and saw the Manor House, but came back irresistibly to Battlefield in search of further information. I had just read the 1st volume of Sir James Ramsay's great book on the Lancastrian Kings, and seen his plan of the ground, in which he marks the position 01 the contending armies, viz., Percy's in a long blue oblong, placed just where the church is now, but with a front about five times as long as the church, and the royal army ranged in two red oblong blocks, the left under Prince Hal stretching between two pools marked A and B, and the right represented by another block commanded by the King between two other pools, marked B and C respectively. The Prince is credited with " rather more elbow room " than the King, and " an easier gradient to encounter." He, therefore, charges " up the slope," doubles up the right of the insurgents, XXV. gets round to their rear, and forces them forward towards the King's section, which is cramped between the ponds, where, being completely surrounded, they meet their terrible fate. It had all looked so simple and understandable on paper, but the sight of it on the spot wa$ altogether a puzzle. How could the 40,000 or 50,000 men who certainly took part in this fight have manoeuvred in such a small area ? and what were these ponds that form so prominent a feature on Ramsay's plan ? There stood the Vicarage just as it stands now, placed opposite to pool A, and a little to the rear of Percy's right. So after searching in vain for the oldest inhabitant to enlighten me, I knocked at the Vicarage door with much timidity, for I had not then the acquaintance with the westcountry Vicar that I was afterwards privileged to obtain, and did not know the extent of his kindness to inquisitive strangers. Although entirely without introduction I was most kindly received, shown over the church, and supplied with all available information. But the ponds — well, some of them at least — were of quite recent origin, and had yielded the clay that made the bricks that had built the present Vicarage ; and if there were more of them marked on the plan than were really to be found on the ground, it must have been because Sir James Ramsay had visited the spot in the winter when there was more rain about than would be found in my summer visit in July. With this shaft of scepticism sticking right through the pond theory, I walked back over the fields to Harlescot, with my first view of the Shrewsbury spires in the dim smoky haze of a lovely summer night ; and though I have often looked upon the prospect since, the beauty of that first view has always remained to me a delightful and indelible memory. After this there followed a little encounter in the columns of a weekly literary paper, for which, at this distance of time, I must hope that Sir James Ramsay has forgiven me; but he taught me the beginnings of a lesson which time and longer experience have only tended to deepen, i.e., to beware of plans of mediaeval battles, or at least to keep it clear in the mind that they are only pictorial sum- maries of what modern writers imagine to have taken place, and that they stand on quite a different footing from the xx vi. evidence that can be gleaned from writers who were alive when the events took place or had reliable means of acquiring first-hand information of the facts about which they under- took to write. And this brings me again into another personal explanation. It ,is, let me say, a matter of the sincerest delight to note the wide-spread interest taken by Salopians in the past of their ancient town and its histore*-^ surroundings, as evidenced by the keenness with which this quincentenary celebration has been prepared, and is being carried through. But while I rejoice at being in total sympathy with the effervescence of the celebration, the very keenness of the interest and the numbers of the assistance inspire me with a feeling of dread that my undertaking to be present must lead after all to much disappointment. When first I received the kind invitation of the committee, I accep- ted it under the anticipation of a feast of calm and contem- plative enjoyment, for I could think of nothing more restful than the prospect of a memorial service in this historic j building, bathed, so far as the necessity of following the sermon would permit me to bathe, in a delightful hour's communion with the dead Englishmen that have long peopled my thoughts, though they died and passed away 500 years ago. With this came an invitation to speak a few words when the service was done, but this did not seem very for- i midable at the time, as I knew that the bulk of the talking would fall to others who were far more competent to instruct , us as to the architecture of the church and the topography of the ground. But all at once my dream was shattered by a shock to which the Battle of Shrewsbury was itself but a pin-prick, for one line morning last spring there appeared in a London daily paper an announcement that I was the greatest living authority on the Wars of the Roses, and that I was billed to command a troop of Shropshire Yeomanry, who would be posted at convenient points of rising ground ready to signal the positions of the contending forces and show how they manoeuvred at different hours of the eventful day. Now this brought down on me a shower of merciless chaff from the few intimate friends that I have; some of whom I really believe pictured me as preparing to mount and leail about the troop myself in basnet anil full-dress XXV11. plate armour, with the visitors roped off to prevent them breaking through and spoiling the demonstration. Of course, I knew that no such pageantry was possible for me, but I have been haunted ever since with a mountain of uneasiness Jest crowds should be collected in the expectation of seeing a really good thing, and not take very kindly to the disappoint- ment of a ridiculus mus. And yet I fear that the truth must be told, even though you should fall upon me for telling it that in spite of many laudable attempts at depicting the battle (pictorial and otherwise) my full conviction is that about the details of the day our reliable knowledge is literally nil. You may remember that once, on a memorable occasion, a large number of students had assembled in Dublin to hear John Ruskin discourse on Art, md after he had talked delight- fully for a long time about poverty and ignorance and the immortality of the soul, and much else that seemed beside the mark, he pulled up abruptly and said: " You sent for me to talk to you about Art, but the main thing I have to tell you is that Art must not be talked about." And this is exactly my position to-day. Of course it would be possible to stir your minds with rich romance, and make Prince Hal say " This bodes no good for us ; hie thee quick to horse ! Speed like the wind to Shrewsbury. Get thee fair escort from my lord of Warwick, and then on to the King at Burton ! " This kind of treatment once delighted us in the pages of such charming writers as George Alfred Henty and Charlotte Yonge, of both of whom, now lately dead, I desire to speak with the utmost respect ; but somehow our satisfac- tion with these methods stops with childhood, and when we become men we put away our childish things. We read romances as romance, but in recalling the history of the past we must have facts to build on ; and if the facts are wanting | it is better not to build at all. Now in all the really con- temporary accounts of the Battle of Shrewsbury 1 can find scarcely a trace of any evidence that the writers were posses- sed of any first-hand information as to the nature of the ground in detail. To this there may be one or two excep- tions. One tells us that the field was partly sown with peas; and another that a man lay wounded under a hedge, and the XXV111. information is curious, as we are inclined to look upon hedges as of later date. A third account, which comes from Scotland, tells us that after Hotspur had refused the King's offer of compromise sent by the hands of the Abbot of Shrewsbury, he began to disperse his ,army, and that while they were scattered King Henry approached with his army " on the other side of a narrow pass;" that when Percy heard of it jie. blew trumpets to collect the stragglers, but few only could | be got together, and so he was killed. The words have been explained as referring to the distance between these pools B and C, but I cannot think that such an explanation meets the case; and if we cast our eyes around us in the direction in which the King's army was advancing we shall be inclined either to search for it in the neighbourhood of Coton Hill, or perhaps to believe that the writer was romancing. How- ever, if anyone can find a " narrow pass " somewhere else convenient, the subject will, doubtless, prove excellent material for subsequent discussion. But I seem to hear some one saying, "This is a very beggarly result, sir, and if you have nothing better to say about the particulars of this battle except to tell us that nothing is known about it, you had better have stayed away." So be it ! I reply, but yet since the days of Socrates it has surely been of service to know that we know nothing, when we really do not. It is fortunate, however, that in this case we have not to come altogether empty away. For, after all, books and deliberately designed accounts do not exhaust all the sources of our information, and it is the undesigned evidence of non-bookish facts that exercises so strange a fascination over the relic-hunter and the antiquarian, if only he can be sure of the authenticity of the objects he examines and have sober evidence to support the inferences he draws. Now from an abundance of written testimony, it is certain that the armies of King Henry IV. and the Percies met and fiercely fought somewhere in these fields from noon till night-fall on this very day 500 years ago — but if we ask where they fought and how they fought, I believe that no one really knows. But after the light was done certain things happened of which this grave- yard in which we stand can tell us something if we XXIX. will patiently search for it. As the darkness of that July night settled down on these fields, strewn with hundreds of dead and dying, King Henry gave orders for the burial of the dead and the tending of the wounded, and offered thanks to God for giving him the victory. lie then vowed that he would build a cell or chantry on the spot, where masses should be sung for himself, his forbears, and for the souls of all the slain, both friend and foe alike. The bodies of the greater leaders, so far as they could be identified, were removed for burial elsewhere. But on the very spot where this church now stands they dug a large pit, in which the countless bodies of the unconsidered dead were laid after they had been stripped of all clothing and armour. This pit, together with two acreb of the adjoining land, was then surrounded with a trench, which was cut round it on all four sides, leaving two approaches, one with a width of twenty feet towards Hadnall on the eastern side, and the other fifteen feet wide opening into Harlescot-lane. Whether the King forgot his vow or not, it is certain that he left it to be carried out by another. This was Roger Ive, at that time Rector of Albright Hussey, in whose parish the battle was fought. He obtained from the lord of the manor the whole of the enclosed plot of land, with the buildings that stood on it, and here he built this church where we have assembled to-day. The building was taken in hand six years after the battle, and the main part of it was ready for use, minus the tower, within a year afterwards. The King, so far as is know n, paid nothing towards the cost of its erection, but he gave his sanction to the project in a document from which the detailed measurements given above are quoted, and he furthermore consented to the appropriation of the funds belonging to lour parish churches which were henceforward to be used for its maintenance. Two oi the.se were situated in Shrewsbury, vi/., St. Julian and St. Michael-in-the-Castle; and it is of special interest that for the best account of the battlefield with its church and college we are indebted to the zeal and learning of the present Vicar of the impoverished St. Michael's of to-day. Here, then, are the certainties that lie about us. What tlu' ponds au or were 1 conless I do not know ; 1 have found XXX. no mention of them in any official document; but I hope this opportunity will not be lost to put on record the best opinions that can be gleaned upon the point, for in view of the classic instance of " Bill Stumps His Mark," the best of antiquarians should beware lest he be confounded out of the mouths of old inhabitants, if only the mouths of oldest inhabitants can be trusted not to play them false. The earliest note of these ponds that I have found occurs in an account by an - ^ enquirer who visited the spot in 1857, and described them as " several shallow holes or pits which have been dug in the hopes of discovering something of interest." He records that they had been conjectured to have been the sites of small fishponds, but he preferred to regard them as the excavations where the foundations or cellars of the old college buildings may have been. Mr. Fletcher (p. 15) inclines to the fishponds view, though it is noticeable that no fishponds appear in the inventory of the college property made in the time of Edward VI. But all about to right and left of us are groups of curious mounds, whose meaning and origin have been variously ex- plained. A rough sketch of them was made by a writer in the Gentleman s Magazine in 1846 ; and this should certainly be consulted for comparison with their condition to-day. This writer considered them to be " entrenchments constructed to cover the advance of the King's army and to strengthen his position," adding that 4< they would present to an enemy a series of earthen rampires and mutually flanking defences." Holding this view, he believed that " the heat of the conflict raged round these works," and that " here was the Hougou- mont of the day." Others have supposed that the mounds were earthworks thrown up by Hotspur. But in the absence of proof both suppositions may safely be dismissed, for we know that in that age a battlefield was usually chosen on account of its openness and freedom from obstacles, where masses of men could push each other about without hindrance, like a magnified tourney. The latest supposition, viz., that these earthworks are really the foundations of Roger Ive's college1, should be capable of verification if funds were avail- able for careful excavations. And so the one certain fact about this historic spot is the xx xi. existence of this venerable chapel beneath whose roof our commemoration service has just been held. In the 500 years that have elapsed since the battle day, it has seen its bright days and its dark days, and has had an uphill task in its struggle for existence. Its architecture will be described for us by a gentleman who is far better able to deal with it than I am, and its history has been written with an industry and patience that few such buildings have been fortunate enough to secure. For myself, as a student, I cannot but rejoice that a spirit has been evoked which will see to it that this building shall be protected and preserved, not from dynastic or party motives, but rather as a venerable memorial which recalls to us with absolute truthfulness the memory of a great national event in the far off past. REV. D. H. S. CRANAGE ON BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. The Rev. D. H. S. Cranage, M.A., F.S.A., author of " An Architectural Account of the Churches of Shropshire," followed with an able lecture dealing with the architectural features of the Church and its history from the time when it was founded by Roger Ive in 1409, to its restoration from an almost ruinous condition in 1861 by the late Mr. Samuel Pountney Smith at the expense of Lady Brinckman. The lecture was delivered extempore, and unfortunately was not taken down at the time, and it is impossible to reproduce it. Mr. Cranage's views on the subject are, however, printed at length in his Paper on Battlefield Church in the current volume of the Transactions. It is perhaps worthy of note that the architect to whom the modern features of the Church are due was a Salopian by birth and residence, and in 1873 was Mayor of Shrewsbury. Rain began to fall heavily at the conclusion of Mr. Cranage's lecture, and, by permission of the Lord Bishop of Lichfield, Mr. Fletcher's lecture on Battlefield College was delivered in the Church. REV. W. G. I). FLETCHER ON BATTLEFIELD COLLEGE. In the unavoidable absence of Mr. W. II. St. John Hope, Assistant-Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries, the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, F.S.A., gave a brief account of Battle- XXX11. field College. Mr. Fletcher said that the College or Chantry was founded by Roger Ive, priest, rector of Albright Hussey and Fitz, under license from King Henry IV., dated 28 Oct., r.{o6. The King endowed it with the tithes of St. Michael-on-Wyre in Lancashire, and a little later with Shifnal, St. Michael-within-the-Castle of Salop, and St. Juliana. There was a Master or Warden, appointed by lord of Albright Hussey, and five chaplains, and their continual duty was to pray for the royal and other benefactors of the College and for the souls of those who were slain in the battle and there lay buried. The Statutes are lost, but it is evident from the Will of Roger Ive that the life of these priests was a very strict one. They were continually occupied by day and by night in one long round of masses and services for the dead. They would attend daily the services of the seven canonical hours, besides one or more masses, in each of which certain special collects were directed to be said. Then there is evidence that they taught school, when not engaged in services. The founder directed that they should have all their meals together, and not in their own rooms, and for their commons they were to pay four marks each year (half their stipends). No priest might ever leave the precincts of the College by day or by night, without leave of the Master, under penalty of 3s. ad. (perhaps £3 or £4 in our money) for each offence. These Chantry priests would have three meals a day : the first about noon; in the afternoon a second meal called bevers (beverage), which was a light refection ; and supper before or after compline at night. For all their unremitting labour they received a stipend of from £4 to £5 a year apiece. Reckoning the value of money then at 20 times its present value, each chaplain would receive about £80 a year, of which his food cost one-half. The Master was much better off ; at the dissolution in 1549 he was receiving about £20 a year, or perhaps £400 of our money, — but he was a relative of the squire of Albright Hussey. The most distinguished of the masters was Adam Grafton, instituted in 1478. To him we owe, at least, the upper part of the tower of Battlefield Church. lie was Chaplain to Edward V. and Prince Arthur, Dean of St. Mary's, Shrewsbury, and Archdeacon of Salop. XXX111. He died in 1530, and was buried at Withington, where his brass still remains. It is worthy of notice that the foundation is first called a College in the Bull of Pope John XXIII., dated 30 October, 1410. In previous documents it rs always called a Chantry. This led to a good deal of subsequent litigation, and in 1584 the judges of assize seem to have decided that it was a Chantry and not a College. The King as early as 1410 had granted to Roger Ive and his successors freedom from taxa- tion of every kind, which also led to a scries of law-suits. The exact site of the College buildings is not known, but it stood, probably, on the south side of the churchyard, between it and the fishponds, which can very readily be traced in the adjoining field. The College was dissolved in 1549, after having lasted just 140 years. A pension was paid to one chaplain, and another, Edward Shorde, was appointed Curate of the Church. The others were presum- ably provided with some other preferment. The property belonging to the College was confiscated, and shortly after 1549 sold by the Crown to several pur- chasers at from 20 to 22 years' purchase. It is a mistake to think that Henry VIII. and Edward VI. gave away monastic and college property wholesale to their favourites. The Particulars for Grants at the Public Record Office show that laymen usually paid from 20 to 30 years' purchase for the property. The King, it is true, received the money, but his courtiers had to pay a considerable price for the land they bought. PUBLIC LUNCHEON. At 2 p.m. a public luncheon was held in the Music Hall, Shrewsbury. The Mayor presided over a numerous and distin- guished company. Luncheon over, the Mayor proposed " The health of the King," and said that they all hoped that the journey his Majesty was making to Ireland would result in drawing that part of his dominions nearer to us. (Applause). The toast of " The Queen, the Prince and Princess of Wales, and the rest of the Royal Family " having been duly honoured, Mr. R. 1>. Dyke Act and (Recorder of Shrewsbury) proposed "The Bishop and Clergy of all Denominations." The Bishop of Lichfield responded. xxxiv. The Earl of Powis proposed " The Navy, Army, and Auxiliary Forces." He said they need not go back to the Battle of Shrews- bury for heroic exploits. There were among them that day those who had acquitted themselves nobly under the national banner. (Applause). Still, there was a contrast between the past and the present. See the change in armaments during 500 years ! For- merly men fought in armour, but now we clothed our ships in garments of steel and the breasts of our men were bared to the bullet. Major-General the Hon. W. H. Herbert responded. Mr. R. Lloyd Kenyon proposed " The 500th Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury and our Visitors." He said he fancied he must have been asked to propose that toast because he was one of the few people in Shropshire who were not descended from Hotspur. (Laughter). Naturally the sad events of that day had thrown all those who claimed his kinship into mourning; and they could hardly be expected to take a prominent part in the celebra- tion of a battle which had so unfortunate an ending. They were, however, glad to see that some of Hotspur's descendants had so far overcome the feelings of regret at so sad and recent an incident in their family history as to consent to be present that day. (Laughter). The Lord-Lieutenant was one of them ; he was able to propose a toast, but of course not a toast in celebration of the battle. Lord Barnard was also suffering from the same family bereavement. He (Mr. Kenyon) was not debarred by any such circumstances as those. He was, however depressed when he read the first article in the latest publication of the Transactions of the Archaeological Society, which began by saying that the Battle of Shrewsbury (it must be confessed) was not a world event. No one ever called it a decisive or a typical battle. There might be people who were asking why they were celebrating it at all. That was depressing. (Laughter.) He thought they could not sympathise very much with the leaders on either of the sides on that momentous day — Henry IV. on one, and the Earl of Northumberland and the Earl of Worcester on the other — for he thought they must confess that they were all traitors, oath-breakers, and murderers. (Laughter). But for all that, he had no hesitation in saying that they might with great pleasure celebrate the 500th anniversary of the battle. They might look with great pride not on the motives which actuated the leaders, but on the deeds of their followers. (Hear, hear). He thought we were the richer to-day for the memory of Henry Percy, who was killed and defeated in that battle ; and richer for the memory of Henry Plantagenet, who was wounded and victorious, and who afterwards won for us the battle of Agincourt. The character, and the bravery, and the manliness of men like those were among the heritages of the present race, and while they tended at the time to strengthen and unite the kingdom, they still helped us to display those sterling qualities which were essential to empire builders. (Applause). Let them 'praise famous men, and our fathers who begat us.' Those men were their fathers, and they were famous ; and he thought that although they might not sympathise with the motives of the battle, they might be thankful for its results. If it was not a world event, it was at any rate a family event, and the members of the English family from all over the world had come together to claim their kinship with these famous men. (Hear, hear). Lord Barnard was the first to respond to the toast. He said that the Recorder for Oswestry had completely stricken him with consternation with the allusions he had made to his (Lord Barnard's) descent from Henry Hotspur. He had not, until he lately saw it in the Transactions, the faintest idea that his ancestry was so distinguished as Mr. Kenyon had made it out to be (Laughter). Having heard what Mr. Kenyon had said, he felt less hesitation on rising than he otherwise would have done ; for he could no longer realise that he was in that sad condition of mourning which Mr. Kenyon had suggested he ought to be. (Laughter). He must say that the words of the Bishop in the church that morning had impressed him very much. His quotations from the ancient Spanish Cordovan chronicler showed him that the continuity of the British race was something beyond our wildest dreams. That ancient chronicler alluded to the fact that British soldiers astonished the Spaniards by their devotion to their food and drink. They did nothing without eating enormously and carousing tremendously. (Laughter). Well, through the Mayor's hospitality that day they had done what their forefathers did in Spain, although he trusted they had not followed their example in indulging in the rudeness of wassail. (Laughter). At any rate, they must admit that their efforts were crowned with success, if not actually pleasant success in accordance with modern ideas. (Hear, hear). He found on the programme many excellent quotations from their greatest dramatist, and one of them was, " And we fought a full hour by Shrewsbury clock." The company had fought there lor over an hour, and therefore he thought he must not detain them at too great length. Colonel Montgomery, of the United States Army, and Mr. V \\. IIknson, ;dso replied to the toast. xxxvi. Prebendary Moss proposed the health of the Right Worshipful the Mayoi of Shrewsbury. He remarked that they were proud of i their municipal institutions. They knew they could trace their origin in some instances to mediaeval times, and the spirit which gave them their birth went back to an age earlier than they thought. It was the spirit of corporate feeling, the desire to go outside individual life and enter the larger sphere of public needs and public welfare. The Mayor was the elect of the citizens. The *N mayoralty was an office to which any citizen in the borough might legitimately aspire as the goal which he desired to attain. At the beginning of the present municipal year no doubt the fact that the 500th anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury was approaching was brought fully to the eyes of the electors, and they knew they must appoint a man of great energy, because this 500th anniversery could not be adequately celebrated unless the Mayor who had the management and organization of the proceedings was gifted by nature with great industry and a very high sense of duty. They knew also that a considerable archaeological knowledge would be necessary Were they not fortunate in having in their Corporation one who could combine in so eminent an extent both these requisites 1 (Hear, hear, and applause). The Mayor, in replying, thanked Prebendary Moss for the very cordial way in which he had spoken of the Mayoress and himself and expressed the hope that everything in connection with the celebration had been carried out with satisfaction to all. He could tell them, however, that nothing could have been accomplished without the help of those who so kindly backed him up in the matter. He referred specially to the Council of the Shropshire Archaeological Society, the County Council, and the Town Council, who had joined with him and carried the thing through. There was one thing he hoped the celebration had done, and that was tc make the people, at any rate in that locality, read their English history. Some people thought that the Battle of Shrewsbury was one of the battles of the Roses. They had no idea of the circum- stances which led up to it, and the important events which fol- lowed it. The proceedings ended with the toast " All Friends Round the Wrekin." The programme of the dinner and after proceedings was very artistically printed. On the front it bore a representation of Battlefield Church, and the card was also interesting in having a number of most appropriate quotations from tire play of King Henry IV. XXXV11. At 7 30 p.m. Mr. Benson's Company gave a performance of Shakespeare's Play of Henry IV. The two parts of this Play were amalgamated and abridged for the occasion. WEDNESDAY, ' JULY 22ND. At 2 30 p.m. Mr., Benson's Company gave a performance of Henry V., and at 7 30 p.m. of The Merry Wives of Windsor. THURSDAY, JULY 23RD. At 10 30 -A.m. a large party of Visitors were conducted to the various Churches and other ancient buildings of Shrews- bury, under the guidance of the Rev. Thomas Auden, F.S.A., and Captain Williams-Freeman. VISIT TO SHREWSBURY CHURCHES, &C. The first place visited was the Abbey Church, where Mr. Auden spoke briefly of its history and of the various monuments to which it has given a safe harbour since the 1 8th century The grand Norman arches of the nave were much admired, especially the horse-shoe arch at the end of the north aisle. The excellent printed description of the monuments, and the plans that hang near the south door, were commented on as adding much to the interest of the church. From the Aobey Church the party crossed the road that Tellord made over the site of the monastic buildings to the reader's pulpit, a beautiful example of the work of the middle of the 14th century. It looks no longer into the refectory on one side and the cloisters on the other, but stands desolate in the yard of a deserted railway. The way back to the town was then taken, crossing the English Bridge, built in 1774 in place of the old Stone Bridge, whose gateway formed the 17th century debtors' prison. Passing down the walk by the river-side, the party halted for a moment on one of the old quays to which in former days the Severn trows brought their cargo, and then again halted beside the scanty remains of the buildings of the Grey Friars. Here Mr. Auden spoke of the distinction between the monastic and the mendicant orders, and of the difference between the Benedictine monks, whose rule was old when Earl Roger de Montgomery founded the Abbey, and the orders of Friars that came into existence at the beginning of the 1 Uh century. Beyond the Grey Friars' footbridge a good view is to be had of the town on one side and Kingsland on the other, and distance xxxvm. lends picturesqueness to the buildings of the present Shrewsbury j School. These buildings have in their day played many parts. They were originally intended as a foundling hospital in connection with the great one in London, and it was from here that Mr. Day, the author of " Sandford and'Merton,'' chose the two little girls on whom he tried his theories of education. Dyring the French wars of the last century it was filled with French prisoners, and \uthiu^ living memory it was the Shrewsbury Workhouse. Now, it may be hoped, it is a " house of industry " in another sense ! From the meadows the party made their way to the foot of the Wyle Cop, and after a glance at the fine half-timbered h nises there, went along the Town Walls and up to old St. Chad's. Here much interest was shown in the old crypt, and in the fragment of the church, which was opened for their inspection. Mr. Auden pointed out the grave of Captain Benbow, who was shot in the time of the Commonwealth on a charge of treason. St. Julian's Church was next visited, and Mr. Auden drew attention to the early work in the base of the tower, where acutely-pointed arches rest upon pillars almost Norman in character. Thence, passing by the beautiful spire of St. Alkmund's, the old houses of Fish Street and Butcher Row were pointed out, and Mr. Auden mentioned in passing that in one nearly opposite St. Alkmund's John Wesley is said to have preached. A slight halt was made in Church Street opposite the house where Prince Rupert stayed when Charles I. and his court were in Shrewsbury at the commencement of the Civil War. Beyond the Infirmary, below which originally stood the house of the Dominican Friars, the party went down the Water Lane to the Water Gate, through which the Parliamentarian forces entered the town and surprised the castle in 1645. After a passing glance at the Council Mouse Gateway the party went to the Castle, where, by Miss Downward's kind permission, they went up to Laura's Tower, which occupies the site of the old keep, and enjoyed the beautiful view it affords of the town and its surroundings. Mr. Auden pointed out the great strength of the site on which the Norman Earl planted his castle. After the rebellion of Robert de iielesine, the third Earl of Shrewsbury, the castle became a Royal fortress, and remained so till about the time of Queen Elizabeth. Henry IV. gave the tithes of the Church of St. Michael-within-the-Castle to Battlefield Church, and now even the exact position of that building is unknown. The towers of the castle that overlook the railway station were built by Edward I., but the building behind them that forms the modern reside nce is somewhat later in date. XXXIX. A visit to St. Mary's Church closed the morning's programme, as time did not all ww of more than a passing glance at the old School Buildings, now occupied by the Free Library and Museum. Mr. Auden spoke briefly of the history of St. Mary's, and called attention to the many points^ of architectural interest of the building. The great pride of the church is its stained glass, which a former vicar collected and placed there in the eaily part of the 19II1 century. Much of this glass is of foreign make, but the greaf51^.* , east window and some lights in the other windows are of English glass. Thursday afternoon was devoted to a series of Old English Sports, which were held in the Quarry. These included Tilting at the Ring, Tilting at the Quintain, Wrestling on Horse-back, Jesters' Races, Hobby Horse Races, Coracle Races, Water Quintain, Maypole Dancing, Shepherdess Dances, Quarter Staff, Morris Dancing, &c. The attendance was very large, and the Sports excited the keenest interest. At 7 30 p.m., a second performance of Shakespeare's Richard II. was given. FRIDAY, JULY 24TH. At 10 o'clock a large party met at the Technical Schools, and were conveyed in brakes to Wroxeter, and a second party visited Haughmond Abbey. VISIT TO URICONIUM. The delightful weather of Friday morning encouraged many visitors to take advantage of the opportunity offered for seeing some- thing of the neighbourhood of Shrewsbury, and the large party who went to Wroxeter under the guidance of the Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., and the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, F\S.A., had a very enjoyable drive up the Abbey Foregate, and over Atcham Bridge, passing Atcham Church with its association with Ordericus Vitalis. Attingham Hall and Tern Bridge were looking their best in the sunshine, and the Shropshire hills stood out clearly on the horizon. The foundation of Uriconium dates from the early part of the Roman occupation, and it was probably destroyed by Ceawlin in his raid on the Severn Valley in the year 584. Legend says that the Saxons tarred a number of sparrows and then set them on fire. The poor frightened birds flew for refuge to the thatched roofs of xl. the town, and set the houses on fire, and in the panic that ensued the enemy made an entrance into the city. No doubt this is simply legend; but the excavations made in 1859 showed that the destruction of the city had been by fire. The part then uncovered was found to be the great . public baths, which formed in the Romano-British city, as in Rome itself, a centre of social life. They were the club-houses of that day, where men met to talk over current events, and to exchange ideas on politics or ait, or what---s ever subjects they were most interested in. The " Old Wall," which for so many centuries was all that was left to tell the casual passer-by where Uriconium had been, adjoined the baths. It was part of the basilica, or great hall, on the south side of which lay the baths themselves, with the hypocausts for heating the warm rooms, and a cold bath lined with tesserae of white marble. Crouching under the hypocaust, or rather/in the heating-chamber of the building, the skeleton of an old man was found in 1859. Beside him, among a little crumbling wood, was a pile of coins of small value, telling vividly the story of fear and flight *dth hardly-won savings. In the open courtyard near were found the bones of five people, some of them women, and one an infant — all apparently struck down in the act of flight ; and many years ago seve^i skeletons were found near the mounds that mark the watch-tower that guarded the riverside entrance to the city. Uriconium was a great meeting-place of Roman roads, and the Severn was crossed by either a bridge or a paved ford. The Watling Street from London to North Wales passed by the town, and the ioad, also known to this day as Watling Street, branched from it to go down the Stretton Dale towards South Wales. The London Watling Street was the route from Shrewsbury to London in the time of Queen Elizabeth. It passed by St. Albans and Coventry, and in the first part of " Henry IV." Falstaff brings his body of the King's troops by St. Albans (where he complains that his soldiers stole a shirt), through Coventry (where he sends Bardolph to fetch him a bottle of sack) to Sutton Coldfield, and so to Shrewsbury. The Romans lived in Britain much as the English of the present day in India, or in Natal. There was no lack of native population to till the soil, but camps, towns, roads, mines, and bridges owed their origin and maintenance to the strong foreign nation that held the reins of government. The tribes of Britain varied in civilisation, those of the South being considerably further advanced than those of the North ; but everywhere they assimilated readily the Roman customs. It lias xli. been the fashion to think of them as an enervated race, helpless without the Roman legions ; but this is disproved by their many years' struggle with the wild heathen Saxons. Their trained soldiers had been withdrawn ; their own men had been called to fight for Rome in outlying parts of the wide empire ; and the civilian population was called upon to defend itself against fierce fighting men, who loved war for war's sake. We are not surprised that Uriconium lies in ruins, but, rather, that it survived more than a century after the Roman legions had been called to the defence of Rome itself. The many objects of interest found at Uriconium, which are now preserved in the Museum at Shrewsbury, show no decline in civilisation and art from the most flourishing time of the Roman occupation, and the pottery is especially well finished. In mediaeval days the ruins were reputed to contain much buried treasure. In 1292 four men were in disgrace for <^tTigging by night at Wroxeter, in search of treasure." One man was in prison, one was dead, and the other two appeared for trial at the Assizes. They were dismissed, because, " though they had dug as aforesaid, they had found nothing." From the excavations, the party walked to Wroxeter Church, where they were met by the Rector, the Rev. R. f ^teavenson, who pointed out the interesting features of the building and the monuments. The Saxons as a general rule regarded the ruins of the Roman towns and villas as haunted, and rarely placed their villages within their precincts. Thus we find the Saxon village of Wroxeter only just touching the walls of Uriconium. The church at Wroxeter was a Saxon collegiate foundation of four priests, who ministered in its wide parish. There were four priests still there in 1086, but their number was later reduced to three, and after the first William Fitz Alan granted the advowson to the Canons of Haugh- mond in 1 155, the three prebends by degrees made way for a single vicar. William Fitz Alan was the founder of Haughmond, and lies buried there before the spot where once stood the high altar. The Fitz Alans occasionally lived at Wroxeter, where they apparently had a house, which has been- conjectured to have been a small fortress overlooking the passage of the river. William Fitz Alan's descendants for some generations did not fully acknowledge his gift of the advowson, and it was not (ill 1317 that the Abbey gained absolute possession ol the 1 eetorial tithes. William Fitz Alan had wished that in return for his gilt to the Abbey live of the xlii. | | Canons of Haughmond should yearly be present in Wroxeter Church on the festivals of St. Andrew, St. George, and St. Denys, and five lay serving men should overlook the property of the church. Probably this side of the agreement was not carried out, as that on the part of the Fitz Alans was not for six generations. The dedication of Wroxeter Church to St. Andrew goes to show that it was founded by Christian missionaries from the North, as was the case at Atcham. After the Dissolution of the Abbeys, Henry VIII. granted the advowson of Wroxeter Church to Adam Oteley, whose son sold it to Sir Francis Newport. The Newport family lived in Wroxeter parish, at Eyion-on-Severn, which had come to them by marriage with Margaret, the only daughter of Sir Thomas Bromley, Lord Chief Justice, and one of the executors of the will of Henry VIII. Eyton had been the country-house of the Abbots of Shrewsbury, and came to Sir Thomas at the dissolution of the Abbey. The Abbot paid tithes on his estate to Wroxeter Church, and the Vicar of Wroxeter, in turn, was bound to serve the chapel of Eyton. The Abbey of Lilleshall also had a small estate in Wroxeter, which passed to the Wolryches. The Earls of Bradford of the Newport family made the old house at Eyton their principal residence, and several are buried in Wroxeter Church ; but the chief interest of Eyton lies in the fact that George Herbert, the poet, spent much ot his boyhood there with his grandmother, Magdalene Newport. The fabric of the church is an epitome of English history. Worked into its walls are Roman bricks ; built into the south wall is the shaft of a Saxon cross ; it has a Norman doorway and chancel ; and later builders have successively left their handi- work in its windows and its walls. Fragments of an earlier building have been used in the tower, which are difficult to account for. Enlarged windows tell of the Reformation, and the need of light for the congregation to use their Bibles and their Prayer- Books ; while the line iGth century monuments speak of the stately house at Eyton, and the couitly men and women that have long since passed away. EXCURSION TO LlAUGilMOMD AI51JEY. A large party went to Haughmond under the guidance of the Rev. D. H. S. Cranage, F.S.A. The bright morning showed the grey ruins to full advantage, and Mr. Cranage gave a most interest- ing account of both t lie ruins and the life of the canons in the olden days. xliii. Haughinond Abbey, as it is generally styled, was a house of Austin Canons, founded in 1 135 by the first William Fitz Alan, the ancestor of the Fitz Alan, Earls of Arundel. There is a tradition that it was founded on the site of an earlier hermitage. Through- out the 1 2th and 13th centuries the Abbey grew steadily in .importance and in wealth. Towards the close of the 12th century Richard Teche, the then Bishop of Lichlield, allowed the canons to become parochially independent, and to undertake parochial duties, and the administration of the Sacraments to those people living in the immediate neighbourhood of the Abbey. A trace of this permission exists at the present day, in the fact that Sundorne and Haughmond were until lately extra-parochial. In 130b, Bishop Walter de Laiigtoh found at one 01 his visitations of the Abbey that live of the canons were leading irregular lives, and ordered them to be sent for stricter discipline to live other Austin Monas- teries in Lichlield Diocese. Nine years later, the same Bisiiop found a less serious irregularity in the custom that had grown up of each canon being allowed a sum of money to provide his own clothing. He forbade this, and ordered that a chamberlain should be appointed who would provide garments for all alike, and the tithes of Cheswardine Church were among tue Abbey revenues set aside lor the purpose. In 132b, Bishop Northburgh ordered the canons to provide for the maintenance of a priest, wiio had. been ordained on a title provided uy ttie Abbey, but who had been so maltreated by robbers as to be unable to discharge the duties of his office. About this time Abbot Nicholas built a new kitchen for the Abbey, and endowed it with tithes from Hunstanton (Norrolky and Ruyton-xi-Towns. in 1443, the Abbey took part in a movement for providing a college at Oxford for students of the Austin Order, in conjunction witn the Brior and Convent of Holy Trinity, London. In 1536, tue income of the Abbey was nearly £300, equivalent to about 15 times that amount in modern money. i'liomas Corvesor was then Abbot, and he, with 10 other canons, surrendered their house to the King in 1539. Abbot Thomas was pensioned with £40 a year. The site of the Abbey became the property of the Barker family, who made it their house for some generations. Several traces of alterations ol their time are to be seen in the buildings that now remain, especially the wooden ceiling of tlie Cuapter House. Alter some years part of the buildings was inhabited as a farmhouse by the family of Clarke, several of whose members in later days xliv. were distinguished as antiquaries and travellers. This in turn was disused and partially pulled down. It was however, still standing when Buck's view of the ruins was drawn in 1731. The ruins of the Abbey now standing are those of the Abbot's Lodgings, of the Infirmary, with the Chapter House and a wall of the cloisters. The church has wholly disappeared* only the processional doorway into, the cloisters and the base of the north doorway being left to tell of the beauty of its 12th century architecture. An interesting feature of the Abbey that still remains is the mediaeval well-house in the wood behind the ruins. At 2 30 p.m. Mr. Benson's Company gave a second performance of Shakespeare's Henry IV. SATURDAY, JULY 25TH. At 2 30 p.m. Mr. Benson's Company gave a second performance of The Merry Wives of Windsor ; and at 7 30 p.m. of Henry V. At the close of the latter performance, the Mayor thanked Mr. Benson and his Company for their efforts in producing the Plays, and Mr. F. R. Benson suitably responded. So ended a very interesting week. It only remains to add that the arduous duties of Hon. Secretaries were undertaken and successfully carried out by Messrs. Adnitt and Naunton. BATTLEFIELD MEDAL. In connection with the Commemoration, the Mayor designed a Medal, which was drawn by Mr. E. Cole and executed by E. Robinson & Co., all of Shrewsbury. On the obverse is a represen- tation of the south-east view of the Church, having the words ' Battlefield Church " underneath, and surrounded by the legend "The Five Hundredth Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury, 1403. July 21, 1903." On the reverse are four Shields of Arms, those of Edward VII., Henry IV. (at the time of the Battle), the County of Salop, and the Town of Shrewsbury, and the legend " The Earl of Bowls, Lord-Lieutenant of Shrop- shire. Herbert R. H. Southam, Mayor of Shrewsbury." The Medal was struck in white metal, bronze, and silver, and also four in gold, one of which was graciously accepted from the Mayor by the King, another given by the Mayor to the Lord-Lieutenant, one kept by himself, and the fourth split in half, and the obverse and reverse placed on the Mayor's chain of office. Battlefield Church, ! SOUTH-EAST VIEW). BATTLEFI ELD QlJ I N CENTENARY M EDAL. -?--!• 21st July 1903. 4-;- ■ks of the Medals kindly lent by the "LADY'S PICIORIAI. Temporary Cross, erected near the site of the old High Cross, at the top of Pride Hill, Shrewsbury, July, 1903, (u. /.. nMnivrr, riioto.) xlv. The Mayor also gave several silver medals to prominent persons in the County and Borough who had assisted him, some 200 bronze to Celebration helpers, School Teachers, Borough Police and others, and some 1,750 white metal to children, in the Fourth Standard and upwards, attending the Elementary Schools of Shrewsbury. By the kindness of the proprietors of the Lady's Pictorial we are enabled to give a reproduction (obverse and reverse) of the Medal, which can be purchased from Messrs. Robinson & Co. THE OLD HIGH CROSS. The Mayor of Shrewsbury, at his own expense, had an excellent representation of the High Cross, which formerly stood near the spot, erected at the top of Pride Hill, in front of the General Post Office. This temporary Cross, which was made of wood by Messrs. Cole and Sons, deceived many persons by its close imitation of stone work, attracted great attention, and was one of the special features of the Celebration. It was near the Cross that the dead body ot Hotspur was publicly exhibited, on the Monday after the battle, and placed between two mill stones, guarded by armed men. The temporary Cross bore the following inscription: — "This cross IS A REPRESENTATION OF THE HIGH CKOSS WHICH STOOD NEAR THIS SPOT, AND THE DE5IGN IS COPIED FROM THE ONE SHOWN ON LORD BURLEIGH'S MAP OF SHREWSBURY (TEMP. ELIZABETH). HERE HOTSPUR'S BODY IS SAID TO HAVE BEEN PLACED BETWEEN TWO MILL STONES AFIER THE BATTLE." It is hoped, if funds Can be raised for the purpose, to erect a permanent stone Cross on the site. The cost will probably be about £200, but it would be a pleasing addition to the beauties of this part of Shrewsbury. The illustration of the temporary Cross is from a photograph by Mr. R. E. Bartlett, and is kindly given by the Mayor. xlvi. MINUTES OF THE MONTHLY COUNCIL MEETINGS. October 8, 1902— Rev. C. H. Drinkwatcr in the Chair. Nothing of interest to record. November 12, 1902— Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., in the Chair. The following Resolution was carried : — The Council of the Shropshire Archreologic.il Society are of opinion that the =jooth Anniversary of the Battle of Shrewsbury should be suitably commemorated on the part of the Borough of Shrewsbury and the County generally, and for this purpose they ask the Mayor of Shrewsbury and the Chairman of the County Council to consult together as to what measures are desirable for the carrying out of the proposal in co-operation with the Council of the Archaeological Society. The Chairman was requested to convey this resolution to the Mayor and the Chairman of the County Council. The following new Members were elected : — Mr. Edward John Charles, Seisdon House, Wolverhampton. Mr. Harry Price, Cloverley, St. Donatt's Road, New Cross, London, S. K. Mr. II. T. Weyman reported that in executing some external repairs to Ludlow Church they had discovered underneath the surface some stones of early Norman work. The Council requested Mr. Weyman to kindly furnish a short account for insertion in the Miscellanea. December 10, 1902 — Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., in the Chair. The Mayor reported that 15 members of the Town Council had been appointed to act on the Commemoration Committee and he believed that the County Council would nominate 15 members. A Letter was read from the Bishop of Lichfield promising to preach at the Commemoration service in July next. January 11, 1903— Rev. T. Auden, U.S.A., in the Chair. It was decided that 150 copies of the articles and papers on Battlefield Church to be printed in Fart II. of the Transactions and the report of the celebrations in Rait III., be printed extra xlvii. re-paged, and issued to subscribers at such price as the Council may decide. The members of the Council were appointed a Committee to confer with the members of the County Council and the Town Council in the preparation of the programme of the proceedings in the Commemoration of the Battle of Shrewsbury. February 11, 1903— Rev. T. Aucleu, F.S.A., in the Chair. The Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher brought before the Council the desirability of printing in the Miscellanea of the Transactions a list of the present Shropshire families who are descendants of Hotspur slain at the Battle of Shrewsbury. It was decided that 50 extra copies of this list be printed and sent to the Mayor for distribution. May 11, 1903— Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., in the Chair. A Letter was read from the Rev. Richard Perkins, Vicar of Stoke St. Milborough, relative to the preservation of Heath Chapel, enclosing Report on its condition by Mr. J. Oldrid Scott, which was as follows : — Report by J. Oldrid Scott, Esq., Architect, 2, Dean's Yard, Westminster, concerning the Heath Chapel. This is a very complete early Norman building of very simple character. It consists of nave, about 29 feet long and 16 feet broad, and a chancel of 17 feet long and 15 feet broad. There is a good south doorway, with the shafts in each iamb, and a plain tympanum ; the arch being enriched with a chevron moulding. The chancel arch is only 5 feet 6 inches wide, has also two shafts in each side and slightly carved caps, the arch being quite plain. All the original windows are nearly alike and consist of narrow round headed openings with a broad splay running round them internally. There are three of these windows in the nave, and the same number in the chancel. In much more recent times a plain square headed window with a wooden mullion and frame was inserted in the north wall, to give more light to the pulpit. There are also two small openings high up in the west gable, which must have lighted a chamber above the flat ceiling which once covered the nave. The whole buildings, with the exception of the square headed windows, appears to belong to the end of the eleventh century. Externally, the walls are relieved by Hat pilaster buttresses, those in the centre of the end walls being pierced with the tiny east and west windows. The roofs are of latter date than the walls. That on the nave is a very simple one, which has been repaired and re-tiled not very long since. The chancel roof seems to be of the same age, but it is hidden internally by a flat plaster xlviii. ceiling, which unfortunately cuts off the top of the side windows The font is a very old one, certainly as old as the church, and very simple in design. The pulpit, altar rails, and a considerable portion of the seats are Jacobean, and the sill of a seat in the chancel seems to be the cornice of a mediaeval screen : there is no sign of such screen having ever existed at the chancel arch, and it is possible that it was brought from some other church. It will be evident that a church possessing these features is one of considerable antiquarian interest, and there can be but little doubt that in carrying out the necessary repairs as little alteration should be made in its appearance as is possible. The paving is of very rough flags, probably of no great age, and none of them carrying inscriptions, indeed, there do not ever appear to have been burials either inside or outside the church. The church is very damp, and there are a few settle- ments in the walls, especially at the south-west and north-west angles, where all the water from the nave roof has been allowed to sink into the soil, and, no doubt, the foundations have been affected. Until recently the pews for the most part had floors of earth, but deal boarding has been supplied, and is in fairly good condition. The interior of the walls has always been plastered, and the whole has received repeated coats of whitewash, the stone work as well as the plaster being thickly coated. The essential points to aim at in repairing the church are to get rid of the dampness of the wall and floor, and to remedy the settlements which have taken place. There are other repairs which seem desirable, such as removing the whitewash from the stone dressings and repairing the plaster, removing the plaster ceiling in the church so as to shew the timbers, if they are worth exposing, and to allow the top of the arches of the side windows to be seen. There are also the questions whether to do anything to the pews and to the flooring; the difficulty as to these two matters being that if anything is done, it will be hard to know where to stop. The church internally is so picturesque and interesting as it is, that it may be wisest to leave it almost untouched, trusting to lowering the ground externally and draining the building to cure the dampness. I feel strongly that these questions should be decided on antiquarian grounds rather than architectural, and I would suggest that the local Archaeological Society should be asked to express an opinion, and that their advice should be followed. With regard to the essential repairs, the north-west and south- west angles of the nave must be under-pinned, good foundations resting on solid ground being carefully inseited, the loose stone- work must then be re-set exactly as it now stands, but with sufficient bond to the body of the walls. The centre part of the south wall, where there is an inclination outwards, must also be xlix. under-pinned, including the east jamb of the south doorway and extending some 10 or 12 feet to the east. It will be necessary to uncover some of the roof at this point to get at the end of the beam and to attach it securely to the top of the wall, so that any further outward movement may be prevented. Where there are cracks in the walls, bending stones should be inserted and as much liquid cement poured in as may- be found possible. The surface of the ground against the walls must be lowered so as to be six inches below the floor levels, and the joints in the walls so exposed must be carefully pointed with cement mortar. Any open joints should be pointed and the tops of the pilaster buttresses made good, so that water can no longer get in. Eaves gutters should be supplied in the chancel, with a down spout on each side, connected properly with a drain. There are eaves gutters to the nave roofs, but their down spouts must be repaired and connected with the drain, which must be continued across to the ditch near the road. These are the only matters which I need deal with in detail now. If, as I hope, a report is obtained from the local Society there may be other points on which some advice may be wanted, which I shall be happy to supply. A letter from Mr. W. II. St. John Hope, Assistant-Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries of London, as to the Heath Chapel, was also read. June 17, 1903 — Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., in the Chair. A Letter was read from the Secretary of the Society for the protection of Ancient Buildings to the Rev. W. Leeke relative to the Tower of the Abbey Church, enclosing a report by Mr. Weir, the Society's representative, upon the repairs necessary. The Secretary was instructed to write to the Vicar of Holy Cross expressing the pleasure of the Council that the repairs are likely to be carried out and at a moderate cost. It was decided that the Special Battlefield number of the Transactions, with necessary additions, should be published in October at 10/6 per copy in cloth, post free 11/-. July 8, 1903 — Rev. T. Auden, F.S.A., in the Chair. Beville Stanier, Esq., of Peplow Hall, Market Drayton, was elected a member of the Society. The Hon. and Rev. G. H. E. Vane brought to the notice of the Council the existence of Sir Stephen Glynne's Manuscript Notes on the Shropshire Churches now in St. Deiniol's Library, Hawardcn, September 9, 1 903 —Rev. T. Audcn, F.S.A., in the Chair. The following resolution was unanimously passed :— The Council of the Shropshire Archaeological and Natural History Society desire to offer to their colleague Mr. Win Phillips their hearty congratulations on his receiving the honorary freedom of the Borough of Shrewsbury. Associated as they are with him in antiquarian pursuits, and therefore specially able to estimate the extent and value of his labours, they have peculiar pleasure in congratulating him on this public recognition on the part of his fellow townsmen, and trust that he may be long spared to enjoy the well merited honour. SHROPSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY SOCIETY, 1903. }J resident : The Right Hon.' Loud Barnard. His Grace The Duke of Sutherland The Right Hon. The Earl of Powis Right Hon. The Earl Brownlow Rt. Hon. The Earl of Bradford Rt. Hon. Viscount Boyne The Hie The The Right Rev. Lichfield fhe Right Rev He re ford The Right Hon, The the The Lord Bishop of The Lord Bishop of Lord Ken yon Right Hon. Lord Forester Right Hon. Lord Harlech Phe Right Hon. Lord Hawkesbury, F.S.A. Sir YV. O. Corbet, Bart. Sir C. H. RpusE-BouGHTON, Bart. Sir Offley Wake man, Bart. The Right Rev. Bishop Allen Rev. Prebendary \Y. H. Eoerton, M.ijU Rev. Prebendary G. H. Egeeton, M.A R. Lloyd Ken von, Esq. H. D, Greene, Esq., K.C., M.P. Rev. Prebendary H. \V. Moss, M A. Algernon Heber-Percv, Esq. (Council : Hev. T. Auden, M.A., F.S.A. , Condover (Chairman) I. Calvert, Esq., LL.D., Shrewsbury "Hev. YV. G. Clark-Maxwell, M.A., F.S.A., Clunbury Bev. I). H. S. Cranage, M.A , F.S.A., Cambridge [bury Rev. C H. Duinkwater, M.A., Shrews- Rev. YV. G. 1). Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A, Shrewsbury Charles Forte y, Esq., Ludlow S. M. Morris, Esq., Shrewsbury E. C. Peele, Esq., Shrewsbury Rev. A.Thursby-Pelham, M.A., Councf YV. Phillips, Esq., F.L.S., Shrewsbury H. R. H. Southam, Esq., F.S.A., F.R. Hist. S., Shrewsbury Hon. and Rev. G. H. F. Vane, M.A F.S.A., YYem Henry T. YYeyman, Esq., Ludlow Captain Williams-Freeman. Shrewsbury (Kbitovinl (tfommiltee : E. Calvert, Esq., LL.D Rev. T. Auden, M.A., F.S.A. W Phillips, Esq., F.L.S. Rev. W. G. 1). Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A. gjon. (Editorial Secret an) : Mr. H. W. Adnitt, Shrewsbury JUbitor : E. Calvert, Esq., LL.D. treasure is : Messrs. Eyton, Burton, and Co., Shrewsbury ^ccretnnj : Mr. F. Goyn e, Dogpole, Shrewsbury lii. LIST OF MEMBERS, 1903. Adnitt, H. W., Esq., Shrewsbury. Ailen, The Right Rev. Bishop, Kishop's House, Belmont, Shrewsbury. Allen, W., Esq , Benthall, Broseley. Anderson, Mrs., The Red House, Much Wenlock. Anstice, Colonel, Marnwood, Ironbridge. Anstice, W., Esq., Madeley Wood Hall, Ironbridge, R.S.O. Auden, Rev. T., M.A., F.S.A., Condover Vicarage, Shrewsbury. Bradford, Right Hon. Earl of Weston, Shifnal. Bkownlow, Right Hon. Earl, Belton, Grantham. Boyne, Right Hon. Viscount, Brancepeth, Castle, Durham. Barnard, Right Hon. Lord, Raby Castle, Darlington {President). Baldwyn-Childe, Mrs., Kyre Park, Tenbury. Barker, Thomas, Esq., Tong Lodge, Shifnal. Barnes, Harold A., Esq., The Quinta, Chirk. Beacall, W., Esq.. J. P., Sunfield, Shrewsbury. Beckwith, Miss, Radbrook House, Shrewsbury. Benthall, E., Esq., Glantwrch Ystalyfera, R.S.O., Glamorganshire. Beresford, Robert de la Poer, Esq., M.D., Oswestry. Bibby, F., Esq., Hardwicke Grange. Shrewsbury. Board of Education, South Kensington, S.W. Bowdler, W., Esq., Penybont, Sutton Lane, Shrewsbury. Bowen-Jones, J., Esq., J, P., Beckbury, Shrewsbury. Bridgeman, Rev. E. R. O., M.A., Blymhill Rectory, Shifnal. Burd, Rev. Prebendary, MA., Chirbury Vicarage, Salop. Burd, K., Esq., M.D., J. P., Newpoit House, Shrewsbury. Burd, T. H., Esq., Lexden Gardens, Shrewsbury. Bulkeley-Owen, The Hon. Mrs., Tedsmore Hall, West Felton. Bulkeley-Owen, Rev. T. M., B.A., J. P., Tedsmore Hall, West Felton. Burton, Rev, J. R., Bitterley Rectory, Ludlow. Burton, Rev. R. Lingen, Little Aston Vicarage, Sutton Coldfield. Birmingham. Burton, E. R Lingen, Esq., Whitton Hall, Westbury. Calvert, E., Esq., LL.D., J. P., Kingsland, Shrewsbury. Caradoc and Severn Valley Field Club. Cavan, James, Esq, M A., Eaton Mascott Hall, Shrewsbury. Chance, A. F., Esq, M.A., The Schools, Shrewsbury. Charles, Edward John, Esq., Seisdon Hall, Wolverhampton. Churchill, Rev. C J. S., M.A., The Schools, Shrewsbury. Clark-Maxwell, Rev. W. G., M.A., F.S.A, Clunbury Vicarage, Aston-on-Clun, R.S O. Clay, J. Cecil, Esq., Market Drayton. Clayton, Rev. Prebendary, M.A., The Rectory, Ludlow. Collett, Rev. Edward, M.A., Hayton Vicarage, Retford, Notts. Colville, 11. K., Esq, J. P., Bellaport, Market Drayton. Cooksey, J. H., Esq., Bridgnorth. Corbet, R. St. John, Esq., Wrexham. Corbet, Sir W. O., Bart., Acton Reynald, Shrewsbury. Coyrbet, Rev. ('anon G. W., Upton Magna Rectory, Shrewsbury. CorTiejd, F. Chan titer, Esq., J. P., Qhatwall Hall, Leebotwood. (Manage, Kcv. I). H. S., M.A., F.S.A., 4, Regent Street, Cambridge. Davis, Rev. J., The College, Cleobury Mortimer. Dickin, Capt, Loppmgton House, Wem. Dovaston, Adolphus, Esq., 14, Madeley Road, Ealing, London, W. Dovaston, J. E. F., Esq., West Felton. Dowries, Dr., 46, Gordon Square, London. Downward, Miss Alice, The Castle, Shrewsbury. Drinkwater, Rev. C. H., M.A., St. George's Vicange, Shrewsbury. Duignan, W. H.5 Esq., Gorway, Walsall. Eckeisley, N. ff., Esq., Trench, Wem. Egerton, Rev. Canon G. H., M.A., Middle Rectory, Shrewsbury. Egerton, Rev. Canon W. H., M.A., The Rectory, Whitchurch, Salop. Forester, Right Hon. Lord, Willey Park, Broseley. Feilden, Rev. O- M., M.A., Frankton Rectory, Oswestry. Fielden, E. B., Esq., J. P., M.P., Condover Hall, Shrewsbury. Fletcher, Rev. W. G. D., M.A., F.S.A., St. Michael's Vicarage, Shrewsbury. Foley, P. II., Esq., M.A., F.S.A , Prestwood, Stourbridge, Wor- cestershire. Fortey, Charles, Esq., Ludlow, Salop. Foster, W. H., Esq., Apley Park, Bridgnorth. Gepp, Maurice, Esq., Thorneycroft House, Shrewsbury. Godsal, Philip Thomas, Esq., J.P., Iscoyd Park, Whitchurch, Salop. Gough, Fred, H , Esq., Chilton Moor Vicarage, Fence Houses, co. Durham. Greene, H. I), Esq., K.C., M.P., 4, Brick Court, Temple, E.C. Greensill, Frank, Esq., 4, Windsor Terrace, Douglas, Isle of Man. Griffin, Harcourt, Esq., J.P, Summer Hill, Market Drayton. Guildhall Library, London, E.C. — C. Welch, Esq. Hereford, Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Hereford. Harlech, Right Hon. Lord, Brogyntyn, Oswestry. Hawkeshury, Right Hon. Lord, F S.A., Kirkham Abbey, York. Harley, Miss Theresa, Ross Hall, Salop. Harding, W, E., Esq., Shrewsbury. Hawkins, Miss, St. Mary's Court, Shrewsbury. Hcber-Pcroy, Major Algernon, J. P., Hodnet, Salop. Heighway, S., Esq., Claremont, Shrewsbury. Hignett, T. H., Esq , Oswestry. Hodges, E., Esq., Edgmond, Newport, Salop. liv. Honyman, Sir Wm. M., Bart., Coton, Whitchurch. Hope-Edwardes, Miss, Netley Hall, Salop. Horton, T. R., Esq., Harley Tower, Much Wcnlock. How, T. M. Esq., Nearwell, Shrewsbury. Howells, T. Middleton, Esq , Hi^hfield, Shrewsbury. Hughes, H II , Esq., Shrewsbury. Hughes, R. Scoltock, Esq., The S(]uare, Shrewsbury. Humphreys, Henry, ICscj., Woodhouse, Loughborough, Leicester- shire. Humphreys, Miss, Swan Hill Court House, Shrewsbury. Hunt, Captain, Ruyton Park, Ruyton-xi-Towns. Hunt, Captain Charles, Boreatton Hall, Baschurch. lnstone, Mrs., Walton Grange, Much Wenlock. Jackson, S., Esq., Kingsland, Shrewsbury. Jeffreys, Miss, Windsor House, Shrewsbury. Jones, H., Esq., K.S.A., 42, Shooters Hill Road, Blackheath, London, S. E. Jones, Heighway, Esq., J. P., Earlsdale, Pontesford, Salop. Jones, J. Parry, Esq., Beech-field, Oswestry. Jones, S. Gingell, Esq., Woodville, Shrewsbury. Kenyon, Right Hon. Lord, Giedington, Whitchurch, Salop. Kenyon, Rev. A. E. LI., The Vicarage, Clun. Kenyon, R. Lloyd, Esq., M.A., J. P., Pradoe, West Felton, Oswestry. Kittermaster, Rev. E. W., M.A., Bayston Hill Vicarage, Shrewsbury. Lichfield, Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of, The Palace, Lichfield Leslie, Mrs., Bryntanat, Llansantffraid, Oswestry. Lloyd, Lieut. -Colonel Francis, J. P., Aston Hall, Oswestry. Lloyd, J. B, Esq., Dorrington Grove, Salop? Lloyd, Miss Mary B , 2, Claremont Buildings, Shrewsbury. Maggs Bros., Messrs., 100, Strand, W.C. Maddocks, T., Esq., Woodlands, Weill. Marshall, Rev. W., B.A., Sarnesfield Court, Weobley, R S.O. Marston, Charles, Esq., Highfield, Wolverhampton. Maude, Ven. Archdeacon, M.A., Swan Hill, Shrewsbury. Minshall, Philip H., Esq., Bronwylfa, Oswestry. Mollis, J. A , Esq., The Priory, Shrewsbury. Monis, S. M., Esq., All Stretton Hall, Shropshire. Moss, Rev. Prebendary, M.A., The Schools, Shrewsbury. Naunton, W. W., Esq., Shrewsbury. New York Public Library, c/o Messrs. 1!. E. Stevens and Brown, I, Trafalgar S(|u;ue, W.( '. Nicholson, A. ( '., Esq.., Salop Road, Oswestry. Norton, Rev. E. C, Ditchling Vicarage, Sussex. Nurse, John, Esq., 37, Hellevuc, Shrewsbury. lv. Oldham, Rev. Piebendary, M.A., Bridgnorth. Oswell, A. E. LLoyd, Esq., Shrewsbury. Oswestry Free Library. Powis, Right Hon. Earl of, Powis Castle, Welshpool. Parry, Lieut. -Colonel G. S., i8, Hyde Gardens, Eastbourne. Parry, XV. FT., Esq., Shawbury, Salop. Patchett, Miss, Allt Fawr, Barmouth. Patcliett, Lieut. -Colonel Gordon, Greenfields, Shrewsbury. Peele, Colonel E. C , D.L., J. P., Cyngfeld, Shrewsbury. Peltiam, Rev. A. Thursby-, M.A., Cound Rectory, Shrewsbury. Pennsylvania Historical Society, c,o Messrs. Stevens and Brown, 4, Trafalgar Square, YV.C Perkins, Rev. R., Stoke St. Milborough Vicarage, Ludlow. Phillips, Richard, Esq , Pride Hill, Shrewsbury. Phillips, W., Esq., E L.S., J. P., Canonbury, Shrewsbury Pickering, T. E., Esq., M A., The Schools, Shrewsbury. Pool, Robert, Esq., Mytton Oak, Co[)thorn, Shrewsbury. Poole, T. Frank, Esq., The Sytch, Dorrington. Potts, E. B., Esq., Broseley. Price, Harry, Esq., Cloverley, St. Donatt's Road, New Cross, S.E. Public Record Office, Chancery Lane, London. Purton, Rev. Ralph C, M.A., Kempsey, Worcester. Roberts, R Lee, Esq., Dinham Cottage, Ludlow. Roberts, T., Esq., The Cottage, Staplcton, Shrewsbury Robinson, Brooke, Esq., M.P., Barf-rd House, Warwick. Robinson, Nicholas, Esq., Frankton Grange, Ellesmere. Rocke, Mrs., Clungunford Hall, Aston-on-Clun, R.S.O. Rogers, Henry Exell, Esq., J. P., Shrewsbury. Rouse-Boughton, Sir C. H., Bart., D.L., J P , Downton Flail, Ludlow. Rowland, G. J., Esq., 14, Parkdale, Wolverhampton. Sutherland, His Grace the Duke of, Lilleshall. Shrewsbury, Right Reverend The Lord Bishop of, Edgniond Rectory, Newport, Salop. Salt, (i. M ., Esq., Quarry Place, Shrewsbury. Salwey, T. J., Esq., J. I'., Mill Street, Ludlo'w Sitwell, Willoughby Hurt, Esq., J.P-, l''erney Hall, ('raven Anus. Smith, H. Percy, Esq.j Dunstall Manor, Wolverhampton. Smith. F. Rawdon, Esq., Eastfield Ir n bridge. Smythe, Miss Blanche, Trysull, Wolverhampton.. Southam, Herbert R. H., Esq., F.S.A., F.R. Hist.S., Innellan, Shrewsbury. Smitham, I ,. A. C, Esq., Rodney House, Malvern Link. Southam, Mrs, The Hollies. Shrewsbury. Southwell, W. L., I£sq„ J. P., Aslbury Hall, Bridgnorth Stanier, Ikiville, Esq., Peplow Hall Market Drayton. Steavenson, Rev. R., 15. A , Wroxeter Vicarage. Ivi. Stretche, T. Price, Esq., Heath Lodge, Lennard Road, Beckenham, Kent. Swainson, Rev. J. G., M A., Wistanstow Rectory, ("raven Anns. Taylenr, J., Es(j., J. P., D.L., Buntj.ngsdale, Market Drayton. Taylor, R., Esq., J. P., Abbey House, Shrewsbury. Thompson. E. G., Esq., Pauls Moss, Dodington, Whitchurch, fhiirsfield, T. H., Esq., J. P., The Grange, Much Wen lock. Tipton, Miss, Sutton Lane, St. Giles, Shrewsbury. Twemlow, Francis R., Esq., J. P., Peatswood, Market Drayton. Vaughan, H. F. J., Esq., B.A., S.C.L.Oxon., 30, Edwardes Square, Kensington, London. Vane, Hon. and Rev. Gilbert H. F., M.A., F.S.A., The Rectory, Wem. Venables, R. G., Esq., B.A., J. P., Oakhurst, Oswestry. Vickers, Dr. K. B J., Engleton House, Wellington. Wace, G. R., Esq., Fieldside, Shrewsbury. Wakeman, Sir Oflley, Bart., M.A., D.L., J. P., Yeaton-Peverey. Watts, Professor W. W., M.A., F.G.S., Holmwood, Bracebridge Road, Four Oaks, Sutton Cold field. Webb, Walter II., Esq., 2, Boundary Road, Birkenhead. Webster, E. M., Esq., Newport, Salop. Weyman, H. T., Esq., Ludlow, Salop. Whitaker, W, H., Esq., J. P., D.L, Totterton, Lydbury North. Whitcombe, Robert H , Esq., Bewdley. Whitley, J. H , Esq , J. P., D.L, Bourton Cottage, Much Wenlock. Wilcox, Rev. H. J., Cockshutt Vicarage, Ellesmere. Williams-Freeman, Captain, F.R.G.S., The Barn Field, Radbrook, Shrewsbury Wood, R. H., Esq., F.S.A., F.R.G.S., Belmont, Sidmouth, South Devon. Woods, Sir Albert W., K.C.M.G., O.B., F.S A., Garter King of Aims, 69, St. George's Road, Warwick Square, London, S W. Woodall, E., Esq., " Oswestry and Border Counties Advertizer," Oswestry. Woolley, G., Esq., Ludlow. H ONORARY M 11 M B E R S . The High Sheriff of Shropshire The Mayor of Shrewsbury during the year of office. Randall, Mr. J., F.G.S., Madeley, Salop. Members are requested to notify any change of Residence, or error of Description, to the Secretary, Mr. F. Goynk, Dogpole, Shrewsbury. Ivii. SOCIETIES IN COMMUNICATION WITH THIS SOCIETY. Archaeological Society, Birmingham and Midland Institute, Bir- mingham Bristol and Gloucester Archaeological Society. Rev. VV. Bazeley, Eastgate Library, Gloucester. Cambrian Archaeological Association. C. J Clarke, Esq., 65, Chancery Lane, W.C. Cambridge Antiquarian Society. St. Mary's Passage, Cambridge. Cheshire and North Wales Archaeological Society, Grosvenor Museum, Chester. Cumberland and Westmoreland Archaeological and Antiquarian Society, Kendal. Derbyshire Archaeological Society. Percy H. Currey, Esq., 3, Market Place, Derby. East Riding Antiquarian Society, Yorkshire. Wm. Andrews, Esq., 1, Dock Street, Hull. Essex Field Club. Springfield, Buckhurst Hill, Essex. Glasgow Archaeological Society. 88, West Regent Street, Glasgow. Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire. Mr. Shaw, The Athenaeum, Church Street, Liverpool. Kent Archaeological Society. G. Payne, Esq., The Precincts, Rochester. Leicestershire Aichitectural and Archaeological Society. Major Freer, 10, New Street, Leicester. Powys-Land Club, Welshpool. T. Simpson Jones, Esq. Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland. 20, Hanover Square, W. Society of Antiquaries of London. Burlington House, Piccadilly, W. Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle-on-Tyne. R. Blair, Esq., South Shields. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Museum of Antiquities, Edinburgh. Somerset Archaeological Society. Tounton Castle, Somerset. Surrey Archaeological Society. Castle Arch, Guildford. Sussex Archaeological Society. The Castle, Lewes. Thoresby Society, Leeds. S. Denison, Esq., 10, Park Street, Leeds. Worcester Diocesan Archaeological Society. Rev J. K. Floycr, F.S.A., Green Hill, Worcester. William Sail Archaeological Society, Stafford. Yorkshire Archaeological and Topographical Association, jo, Park Street, Leeds. Bodleian Library. British Museum, (Copyright Office) Natural History Department of British Museum. Cromwell Road, S.W. Shrewsbury Free Library. O O O "~> O O O M O ^ O O . O O O CO O -1 o *o O O VO o ro O o M vo fO t% C\ 0 M CS t-i c 1/1 G c q p;! O o S>5 o ^ o t/3 p .a C/J O Q., « o 2 a 3 s „ O li c " ° J3 3 . 8 ' o.S - a. ) 7; IH K SQ „ 1/3 i) U 3 a; ^ Ml CO O O -tl' O « H 't I- ro O .3 O C/J ^2 O C E v d JS ^ C/5 '/•> MISCELLANEA. [Under this heading the Editors will be pleased to insert notes and short articles relative to recent discoveries in the County, or other matters of archaeological or historical interest. Communications are invited, and should be addressed to the Editors, c/o Mr. F. Goyne, Dogpole, Shrewsbury.] I. A CONTRACT FOR CARVINGS IN LUDLOW CHURCH. i524-5- The Rev. D. H. S. Cranage in his monumental work on '• The Churches of Shropshire/' states that the wall under the east window of St. John's Chapel, in Ludlow Church, is thinner than in other parts, li apparently in consequence of some internal fitting now removed." The following copy of a curious deed of 1524 ex- plains what the fitting was. The deed is the original contract for the construction and erection of certain carvi igs, probably a reredos, in St. John's Chapel, but it does not seem clear whether the carvings were of stone or wood. No trace of such carvings now remains : — This Indenture made the last day of January in the 1 6th year of the reign of our Sovereign Lord King Henry the 8th Between Richard Downe Warden of the Palmers Guild of Ludlow and the Brethren of the same Guild on the one part, and Robert Watkinson of Lilleshall in the County of Salop, Carver, on the other part Witnesseth that the said Robert afore- said hath promised covenanteth and guaran teeth and by this present Indenture him bindeth that he shall make within the Chapel of St. John Evangelist in the Parish Church of St. Law- rence of Ludlow, at the east end of the said Chapel three sub- stantial stories that is to wit on the north side of the Altar there one substantial story accordingly to his paper that is to be known St. John Evangelist standing beneath in a goodly story and the Palmers receiving the ring of him, and over him St. Edward in a goodly story receiving the ring of the Palmers and every story volted over with trayls gests and riche mounts joined with knots . ii MISCELLANEA. And on the opposite side of the Altar on the south side two sub- stantial storys our Lady beneath in the one story goodly and well- fashionedly made standing in a goodly story and Jesus over our Lady in another story & in the other story joining to the same St. John Baptist beneath in a story & St James the More over him in another story And furthermore the principals next to the altar on every side the said Altar on the south side St. Peter and on the north side Saint Paul with Saint Barbara St. Ursula St. Winifred St. Kellen and the four Doctors of the Church with other divers Saints such as he thinketh best with two or three miracles I of St. John Evangelist For the which covenant and bargain the said Robert hath promised that the said front shall be good & substantially made in every condition according to his paper and better For the which the said Warden and brethren aforesaid promiseth to pay unto the said Robert ten pounds of lawful Eng- lish money to be paid at the usual times as hereafter more plainly doth appear that is to wit at the beginning of the said work £3:6:8 and when the said work is known by the said Warden or his deputy to be half made £3 : 6 : 8 and when the said work is substantially finished ended and set up according to his paper £3 : 6 : 8 and over this sum, above rehearsed the said Warden and brethren have promised that if the woik be substantially & effectually finished & done in every condition according to his promise That then the said Warden & brethren guaranteeth to give unto the said Robert £3 : 6 : 8 and also the said Robert promiseth to convey and carry and set up the said storys & work at his own proper cost and charge & that it shall be set up at this side the feast of Christmas next coming after the date hereof To the which covenants & bargains above said the said parties interchange- ably have put their seals the day and year above written. HENRY T. WEYMAN, II. SHROPSHIRE JUSTICES OF THE PEACE, A.I)., 1590. So few documents remain to us throwing light on the adminis- tration of judicial business in Shropshire during the reign of Oueen Elizabeth, that the following list of Magistrates appointed to the several Hundreds of the county, in the 32nd year of her reign, may be of interest, We have in this list the names of the most prominent men of the county on whom was devolved the responsibility of discharging the many duties connected with the office- a responsi- bility of no mean character. Nearly all in this list had served, or at a later period were called upon to se rve, the office of High Sheriff. Miscellanea. in Accompanying the list are Orders set down for mustering the entire military force of the county, inspecting their accoutrements, and providing provisions and gunpowder. They are to appear at Shrewsbury on the 7th of October following. I have appended a list of their names, and in cases where they served the office of Sheriff, the date of their appointment. Salop. Apud Salop & viij0 die Septembris Ano. R. R. Eliz. &c. xxxij0 [1590] Hundreds A Division of the Justices of the peace for the executing of her ma'8 Service w'hin the said countie. Bradford Walter Leveson knight South ( Andrew Charlton Frauncs Newporte Jerome Corbett Rowland Berker esq rs Bradford North Stottesden Bridgnorth & Brymstrye I Walter Leveson knight j Andrew Cherlton \sic\\ \< ichard Corbett Robt Nedham Robt Powell j Andrew Chorlton \ Rowland Lacon J Jerom Corbett Richard Cressett Frauncys Bromley Willm. Mather •esq rs esq rs Monnselow Wenlock. & "I Roland [sic] Lacon J Charles Foxe Frauncys Newp't Willm Leighton Richard Cressett Edward Screven Richard Ottley ►esq rs Condov' Frauncys Newport I lenry Touneshend Edward Screven Willm Fowlar Richard Ottley .esq rs Churbury & Edward Leighton Ford Edward Screven Thomas Willyams Willm llopton iv MISCELLANEA. Richard Corbet t Robt Nedham Roland Berker Tho : Onslowe esq rs Oswester [sic] Edward Leighton Robt Nedham Tho : Onslowe Tho : Willyams | esq'rs Robart Powell Frauncs Albany Purslow & Charles Foxe Clunne Thomas Cornewall Henry Vernon Willm Hopton 1 esq'rs Richard Ottley Hugh Lloyd Edward Screven Salop Edward Leighton Frauncs Newport The BaylyiTs there Ludlow & Charles Foxe Overs Thomas Cornewall Edmund Walter y esq'rs Henry Touneshend Willm Hopton esq rs Salop Orders sett downe by the Justics of peace of the said County First that gen'all Musters of the whole force of the said County be made furthw'th by the Justics in their sev'all allottm'ts and the same by them to be certified to the Lyvetenaunts at Shrewsburye upon the vijth day of October next. The trayned Souldiers and the Souldiers for the Northerne Service to be also vewed before the said vijth of October wMl their Armor. Weopens & furniture and such defects as shalbe found eyther in men or Armor to be supplied before the day. All such as are charged eyther w'th Demylaunce or Light- horses to be streightly commaunded to have the same w'th the furniture thereunto belonging at the Towne of Salop upon the said vijth of October by lXen of the clocke in the lonnoone of the same day. Also that the Justics of th'allottm'ts of Overs, Ludlow Purslowe k Clunne are to cause the money due owt of their MISCELLANEA. V said Divisions for provision of gunnepould'r to be sent and payd unto William Jones of Shrewsbury before the said day. Overs iijli Ludlow iijH lid. Leighton Purslow viij11 Rich. Corbett Clunne iiij1' Ro. Berker W. Fowlar Ed. Screven Rob. Powell. [From the Ottley Papers.] ALPHABETICAL LIST OF NAMES AND RESIDENCES. Albany, Francis, Esq., Fern Hill, Sheriff in 1595. Berker, Rowland, Esq., Haughmond, Sheriff in 1585. Bromley, Francis, Esq., Halton, nr. Worfield. Burnell, Thomas, Esq., Bailiff of Shrewsbury 1590. Charlton, Andrew, Esq., Apley Castle, Sheriff this year, 1590. Corbett, Jerome, Esq., Beslow, near Wroxeter. Corbett, Richard, Esq., Stanwardine, Sheriff in iS93« Cornwall, Thomas, Esq., Burford, Sheriff in 1589. Cressett, Richard, Esq., Upton Cressett. Sheriff in 1584. Fowler, William, Esq., Harnage Grange. Fox, Charles, Esq., Caynham, Sheriff in 1598. Hopton, William, Esq., Hopton, Sheriff in 1591. Lacon, Rowland, Esq., Willey, Sheriff in 1 57 1. Leighton, Edward, Esq., Wattlesborough, Sheriff in 1568. Leighton, William, Esq., Plaish Hall, Cardington. Leveson, Sir Walter, Knt, Lilleshall, Sheriff in 1576. Lloyd, Hugh, Esq., Bettws, 7 miles W. by S. of Clun, Sheriff of Montgomeryshire in 1600. Mather, William, Esq. [?] Needham, Robert, Esq., Shavington, Sheriff in 1596. Newport, Francis, Esq., High Ercall, Sheriff in 1586. Onslow, Thomas, Esq., Acton (now Boreatton), nr. Baschurch. Ottley, Richard, Esq., Pitchford. Powell, Robert, Esq., Park Hall, Sheriff in 1594. Scriven, Edward, Esq., Frodesley, Sheriff in 1597. Sherer, Thomas, Esq., Shrewsbury, Bailiff of Shrewsbury. Towneshend, Henry, Esq., Cound, Chief Justice of Chester. Vernon, Henry, Esq., Stokesay. Walter, Edmund, Esq., Maryvale, Ludlow, Chief Justice of South Wales. Wylliams, Thomas, Esq., Wollaston, in Alberbury. WILLIAM PHILLIPS. VI MISCELLANEA. III. RECUSANTS IN SALOP IN 1690. Thomas Ottley, to whom the following instructions were addressed, was the son of Sir Richard Ottley, Knt, by Lady Lettice Ridgeway, daughter of Robert, second Earl of London- derry, born 30th January, 1650, at Pitchford, and buried there 11th May, 1695. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Samuel Baldwyn, Knt., of Elsedge. (See Trans. Shrop. Arch. Soc, 2nd Series, vii., p. 366). To Captain Thomas Ottley these. Sir, By vertue of an Order from the Lords of the Counsell to the Lord Lieuten* of this County of Salop directed, & by him com- municated to us whose names are subscribed, Deputy Lieutents for the County aforesaid for the Securing of such Papists or other p'sons who may be suspected to be disaffected to the Governm1, or as may probably be active agtri it in case of an Insurrection or Invasion : You are hereby authorised ^ required by yo1 selfe or by yor Officers and Troopers to seize or cause to be seized the p'sons hereunder written & to bring them to the Towne of Shrewsbury c\: to cause them to be there secured either wth Ml Charles Shelvock the Provost Marshall, or at such other places in the Towne as to you shall seem meet, and not to discharge them or any of them without or Order, or three, or more of us. Given under our hands this 11th day of July 1690. Ri : Newport John Corbett Will : Whitmore Hum : Brier lis Brimstrey hundred Oswestry hundred Pimhill Bradford Munslow Edward Revell of Shifnall, Gent, his nephew7 .... Revell John Sowtherne of ye White Ladyes Gent. Uve : Robt. fforrester of Tong, Gent. Geo : William Ellistr of Claverley Edw : Edward Hunt of Moorton Tho : Thomas Wolfe of Oswestry Edward Lloyd of Melverley Mathias Lloyd of yu same ffrancis Mason of Oswestry Richard Allen of Cockshutt I Richard Bostock of Whixhall Nathaniell Bostock of yu same Hill of Ternhill The men Papists at M1 Talbots of Longford (Lawrence Crump of Bouldon I ffrancis Smith of Aston, gent. [Richard Crump of Bouldon Wood of Munslow Clough of Mintowne To of Shadwell Corbett Weld 1 eighton Mackwcrth MISCELLANEA. Vlt Gascoyne of Ludlow Sping of ye same Sir Walter Blunt & his two brothers Mr Thomall [sic] Hill of Silvington Basill Brook, Esq1' Mr Fox of the Hurst. Ml Thomas Berrington & his son, Mr John Pursell. Humphrey Elliots the elder, Gent. Humphrey Elliots ye younger, ffrancis Glasbrook. Thomas Hassall & his son. Nock of Beambridge. Vera Copia Tho. OnXRY, [From the Ottley Papers.] WILLIAM PHILLIPS, THE IV. CORPORATION INSIGNIA OF THE BOROUGH OF SHREWSBURY. I have lately been able to add the following articles to the Corporation Insignia : — I On the ioth November, 1902, after my election as Mayor, a circular badge surrounded by a gold border, with a leopard's head in gold on a blue enamel centre. This will be worn on the cocked hat of the Mayor during his year as Chief Magistrate. 2. A copy of the New Testament bound in blue morocco, with a border of gilt fleurs-de-lys, and having the Town Arms on the front. This book will be used when the Mayor takes the oaths of office vm MISCELLANEA. and also on the occasion of the presentation of the Freedom of the Borough. 3. On the 1st January, 1903, at the Annual Council Meeting, a 15 carat gold chain of office for the use of the Mayoress. It is 30 inches in length and composed of York roses (the Town having been favourable to the Yorkist cause, and the birthplace of two of the sons of Edward IV.), alternating with the leopards 0/ England, as represented on the shield of Richard I , who, in 1 189, granted the earliest extant charter to the Borough. From a Castle (forming the front link) representing the ancient military government, is suspended a shield with the Arms of the Town, azure three leopards' heads gold , surrounded by a wreath of briar roses. On the back of the badge is inscribed : — THE GIFT OF HERBERT R. H. SOUTH AM, MAYOR I902 — 3, for the use of the Mayoress of Shrewsbury, The chain and badge were made by Messrs. Ramdsen & Carr of London, under the kind superintendence of my friend Mr. YV. H St. John Hope, Assistant Secretary of the Society of Antiquaries. The illustration is from a photograph by Bartlett, Shrewsbury, the block being lent by the Editor of The King. Full particulars of the previous gifts to the Corporation appear in the 2nd Series, Vol. x,, of the Society's Transaetions (1898). HERBERT R. H. SOUTHAM. ix MISCELLANEA. [Under this heading the Editors will be pleased to insert notes and short articles relative to recelit discoveries in the County, or other matters of archaeological or historical interest. Communications are invited, and should be addressed to the Editors, c/o Mr. E. Goyne, Dogpolc, Shrewsbury.] V. LIVING DESCENDANTS OK HOTSPUR IN SHROPSHIRE. The following is a list of Shropshire gentlemen who can trace an undoubted descent from Sir Henry Percy (Hotspur). As might be expected, they are not very numerous, as the Percies more often intermarried with northern families All descendants of Hotspur are also lineally descended from Edward III., since his wife Philippa Mortimer was a grand-daughter of Lionel of Antwerp, the second son of Edward III. By her Hotspur had issue two children : — (i) Henry Percy, 2nd Earl of Northumberland, who married Eleanor, daughter of Ralph Neville, first Earl of West- moreland ; and (2) Elizabeth Percy, who married John, Lord Clifford. From one or both of these children, a very large number of persons can trace a direct lineal descent The additions given in parentheses show the families through which each separate descent can be traced back to Hotspur. As a rule only the head of each family is named in the following list. No living persons can trace back their descent to Henry IV., as that monarch's issue became extinct in 147 r. Algernon Heber-Percy, of Hodnet Hall (through the Earls and Dukes of Northumberland. A second descent through Heber, Lowther, Clifford and Percy. A third descent through Manners-Sutton, Russell, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Lord Barnard (through Holies, Pierrepont, Talbot, Dacre, Grey- stock, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). The Marquis of Bath (through Howard, Stafford and Percy). John Sydney Burton Borough, of Chetwynd Park (through Burton, Watkin, Fleetwood, Denny, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). The Earl of Bradford (through Forester, Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Percy). William John Brooke, of Haughton Hall (through Cotes, Shirley. Berkeley, Howard, Stafford and Percy). X MISCELLANEA. Mrs. Lingen Burton, of Longner Hall (through Cleaveland, Oakeley, Walcot, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). Richard Francis Burton, of Longner Hall (through Cleaveland, Oakeley, Walcot, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy. A second descent through Oakeley, Walcot. Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). William Shakespeare Chikle-Pemberton, of Kinlet (through Cludde, Cockburn, Creutzer, Jacob, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy. A second descent through Laeon, Browne, Dacre, Greystock, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). Thomas Richard Cholmondeley, of Shrewsbury (through Heber, Lowther, Clifford and Percy). Sir Walter Orlando Corbet, Bart, (through Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Reginald Corbet, of Adderley Hall (through Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Rev. George William Corbet, of Sundorne Castle (through Mytton, Davenport, Talbot, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Charles James Cotes, of Pitchford (through Shirley, Berkeley, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Miss H. M. Davenport, of Davenport (through Talbot, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Rev. William Henry Egerton, rector of Whitchurch, and Rev. George Henry Egerton, rector of Middle (through Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). Ralph Aglionby Slaney Eyton, of Walford (through Rocke, Wing- field, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Lord Forester (through Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Percy. A . second descent through Manners, Russell, Carr, Howard, Stafford and Percy . Rev. Robert Evered Haymes, rector of Holdgate (through Buckby, Hesilrige, Maynard, Grey Earl of Kent, Grey de Ruthyn and Percy). Edward William Herbert, of Orleton (through Herbert and Percy. A second descent through Cludde, Cockburn, Creutzer, Jacob, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent, Grey de Ruthyn and Percy). Hon. William Henry Herbert, of Prestfelde, Shrewsbury (through Herbert and Percy). Thomas Maynard How, of Nearwell (through Wybergh, Lowther, Clifford and Percy). Charles Edward Jenkins, of Ci nekton, and Edgar Francis Jenkins, of Charlton (through Leighton, Forester, Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Percy. A second descent through Wmgfield, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). John Minor Kilvert, of Grinshill (through Clarke, Corbet, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). MISCELLANEA. XI Thomas Frederick Kynnersley, of Leighton Hall (through Wing- field, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Ralph Leeke, of Longford, and the Rev. William Leeke, vicar of Holy Cross, Shrewsbury (through Thursby, Pigott, Cotes, Shirley, Berkeley, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Sir Bryan ikildwyn Mawddy Leighton, Part., of Loton, and Bertie Edward Parker Leighton, of Sweeney Hall (through Forester, Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Arthur Henry Orlando LLoyd, of Leaton Knolls (through Scarlett, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Charles Edward Morris, of Oxon (through Burton, Oakeley, Walcot, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, (hey Earl of Kent and Percy). Robert Mytton, of Shrewsbury (through Davenport, Talbot, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Miss K. E. Oakeley, and Miss E. M. Oakeley \ formerly of Oakeley), of Kingsland, Shrewsbury (through Walcot, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). Arthur Edward LLoyd Oswell, of Shrewsbury (through LLoyd, Scarlett, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley. Clifford and Percy). William Francis Plowden, of Plowden (through Dormer, Browne, Dacre, Greystock, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). The Earl of Powis (through Herbert and Percy). John Charles Leveson Rocke, of Clungunford House (through Wingfield, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Sir Charles Henry Rouse Boughton, Bart, (through Greville, Russell, Bridges, Grey de Wilton, Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). Sir John Walter Smythe, Bart, (through Lee, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). The Duke of Sutherland (through Egerton, Stanley, Clifford and Percy). Rev. John G. Swainson, rector of Wistanstow (through Rocke, Wingfield, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford, and Percy). James Augustine Harvey Thursby Pelham, of Cound Hall, and the Rev. Augustus Tnursby-Pelham, rector of Cound (through Pigott, Cotes, Shirley, Berkeley, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Hon. and Rev. Gilbert Holies Fairer Vane, rector of Wem [through Holies, I'k nepont, Talbot, Dacre, Greystock, Grey of Kent, and Percy). Edward Goldisbrough Vaughan, of Burl ton Hall (through Jennings, Bowyer, Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Percy). Sir Oflley Wakeman, Bart, (through Ofiley, Ward, Onslow, Wrot- tesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Owen Charles Walcot. of Mytton (through Bridges, Grey de Wilton Grey Earl of Kent and Percy). xii MISCELLANEA. Thomas Andrew Wight-Boycott, of Kudge Hall (through Jenkins, Wingfield, Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy). Lord Windsor (through Herbert and Percy). Charles Ralph Borlase Wingfield, of Onslow, and the Rev. William Wingfield, of Shrewsbury (through Prynce, Wrottesley, Sutton alias Dudley, Clifford and Percy. A second descent through Jenkins. Leighton, Forester, Cecil, Howard, Stafford and Peicy). W. G. D. FLETCHER, F.S.A. VI. WHERE WAS HOTSPUR BURIED? After the battle of Shrewsbury Hotspur s body was given to his kinsman, Thomas Neville, lord of Furnival, to be buried, and it was the same day interred at Whitchurch, with the usual rites of the Church. On the following day (Sunday, July 22nd), it was disinterred, and publicly exhibited in Shrewsbury ; and on the next day (Monday, 23rd), was beheaded and quartered. The head was sent to Yoik, and the quarters 10 London, Bristol, Newcastle- upon-Tyne and Chester.1 There they remained until November following, when the King issued mandates to the several mayors of these places, dated November 3rd, 1403, directing them to deliver the head and quarters of Henry de Percy to his widow Elizabeth, to be buried.2 Where did Elizabeth bury these mutilated remains of her unfortunate husband ? The family chronicler, William Peeris, clerk and priest, and secretary to Henry Percy, the 5th Earl of Northumberland (who died in 1527), tells us in his charming little rhyming chronicle of the Percies 3 that Flotspur was buried in York Minster at the right side (I presume the south side) of the high altar. Speaking of the burial of Flotspur's father, who was slain at Bramham Moor in 1407-8, the chronicler says : - - "The body of the said Earle of Northumberland in Yorke Minster doth lye At the right hand of the high altar right honourably." 1 Sec Transactions, 2nd Scries, x., 243 to 249, and the a ithorities there cited. 2 Ante, pages 154-155- ;l The original is in the Bodleian Library, Dodsworth MSS., vol. L, fo. 119 It was reprinted at Newcastle in 1 S f 5 , in vol. I. (Biographical) of " Reprints of Rare Tracts*,'7 *K.c. MISCELLANEA. Xltl The chronicler then goes on to speak of Hotspur in the following terms : — "The eight Henry, sone to the seaventh Henry bounteous & good •. , His father yet living was a right valiant knight And did many notable acts as became his noble bloud For defence of his Princes Realme hee spared not to fight For his sharpe quicknesse & speedinesse at neede Henry Hottespur hee was called indeede. This eight Henry the first Earles sone his father Yet livinge in his foresaid princes quarrelling Richard the second was slaine at Shrewsburie whose intent was onely His Prince out of Pontfract from captivity deliver & bringe Of the said Henrie's innocent death was greate ruth & pitty A more noble Captaine none might bee at the battle of Hummeldon in the field plaine Hee tooke Earle Doughless of the Scotts chiefe Captaine For honor of the Realme hee endured paines greate amongst the most valiant Knights hee was worthy to obtayne a seate This honourable man & right noble Lord was faithfull & stedfast therefore unto this day Of his fall & Troth ould wryteings record Crowne of all vertues is truth I dare say Which in the noble Pearcies bloud has floured alway. In Yorke Minster this most honourable knight By the first Earle his father lyeth openly in sight." This chronicle, written only about 100 years after Hotspur's burial, by a chaplain to the family, plainly states that Hotspur was finally interred at York Minster. But why was he at first buried at Whitchurch ? The then lord of the manor of Whitchurch was John Talbot, first Farl of Shrewsbury, who had probably just married Maud, daughter and coheir of Thomas Neville, Lord Furnivall. The Earl, no doubt, assented to the request of his father-in-law, and arranged for the immediate burial of Hotspur at Whitchurch. Thomas Neville, lord of Furnival, was a younger brother of Ralph Neville, first Earl of Westmoreland, their mother being Maud, daughter of Henry, lord Percy, and thus he was a cousin of Hotspur's. Hotspur's mother also was a Neville, and his son and daughter both married Nevilles ; so that there was very close connection between the families of Neville and Percy. It is not surprising, thsrefore, that the lord of Furnivall was anxious to decently tuny the body of his kinsman Hotspur, though they fought in opposite camps. W. G. D. FLETCHER, F.S.A. xiv MISCELLANEA. VII. OUR LADY OF PITY. In connexion with Battlefiejd Church I should like to call special attention to one relic within its walls, which may be over- looked among objects which are more prominent, or, at first sight, of greater historical moment. Those who are at all acquainted with the countries of Southern Europe are familiar with representa- tions in painting or sculpture of the " Pieta," the name given to the figure of the Madonna holding the dead Christ on her lap. No doubt in pre-Reformation times the same iepresentation was frequent in England1 among those images which, about the time that Battlefield Church was completed, Bishop Pecock2 vigorously, if inconsistently, defended among the Aids to Devotion which the Church had provided Among the very few,3 however, which have come down to us, Battlefield possesses one, and "Our Lady of Pity," as it has been always called, forms one of its most interesting relics. The figure is of oak, and nearly 4 feet high, hollow at the back; but very little is known of its history. The earliest mention I have found of it is in the Gentleman's Magazine for 1792, to which some Notes on Battlefield were contributed by the well known Shropshire antiquary, I). Parkes. He says : "In a niche in the South Wall, within the Church is a rude carving of the Virgin and child in wood, of which I send you a drawing." It is hard to understand how he could have described the figures as the Virgin and child, but from other expressions in the account, it is clear that he was speaking from memory, and that his visit to the Church had not been very recent. As, however, he sent a drawing,4 we can only see in such a mistake how little medieval relics were understood at the end ot the 18th century, even by those who made a special study of antiquities. A somewhat longer notice appeared in Archceologia, vol. xiv.,5 where there is an engraving of three Sedilia, and in one of them the image in question. The note appended to the engraving states that it is from a drawing sent by the Rector of Battlefield to Thomas Tyrvvhitt Jones, F.S.A., and by him communicated to the Society of Antiquaries, February 13th, 1800. It then goes on: "This gentleman observes that the figure is moveable, and that he has been informed by an old man in the parish, who remembered the Church in its Collegiate state, that there was another image, 1 St. Chad's, Shrewsbury, possessed one. —Owen and Blakeway, vol. ii , p. 208. - V Repressor" (Rolls Scries), vol. i., pp 136 -147. 3 Only three in sculpture are known. — Arciueological Journal, vol. xlviii., p. 1 12. 4 The drawing is poor, especially of the Christ. 6 p. 273* MISCELLANEA. XV that of a man, in one of the other arches ; which was destroyed when the Church was repaired and altered about fifty or sixty years ago " [circa 1749]. There is also a notice of it in the second volume of Bloxam's Gothic Architecture} in which the writer points out its resemblance to a similar image, but of stone, discovered under the floor of Breadsall Church, Derbyshire ; and there is a paper dealing with the whole subject in the A rchceological Journal, vol xlviii., from the pen of E. Peacock, F.S.A. The most interesting question, however, from our present stand- point is, How comes it at Battlefield ? and to this various answers have been given. In the Report of the Shiopshire meeting of the British Archaeological Association in i860, the statement occurs that the image " is supposed to be taken from one of the Churches of Coventry." I think this theory is excessively improbable. There does not appear to have been any special connexion between Battlefield and ("oven try, and I can only imagine that it grew out of a statement in Bloxam that there are several wooden images to be found in that neighbourhood. Another and more probable theory is that it might originally have belonged to the Church of Albright Hussey, which no longer exists, and whose place Battlefield took at an early period. But I would ask, Why is it necessary to adopt a theory of removal at all? Mr. Cranage in his paper on the Church 2 has effectually demolished the theory that the Decorated Windows were brought from Albright Hussey ; I venture to suggest that there is also no need for such a theory in regard to " Our Lady of Pity." I have not sufficient acquaintance with medieval woodcarving to speak with any authority, but the shape of the Virgin's robe at the neck certainly suggests the beginning of the 15th century, and I am not alone in assigning the work to that date.3 If this is the case, its execution must have been as nearly as possible contemporary with the erection and fitting up of the Church. We may be quite sure that Roger Ive and Adam Grafton would regard images as necessary accessories to the worship for which it was their object to make fitting airangements, and among such images, in a Church whose special object was the commemoration of the dead, it would be natural to place over one of the altars the figure of the Madonna represented in her hour of sorrow over her own dead Son. " Our Lady of Pity " would be to medieval ideas the very embodi- ment of all that is tender and sympathetic towards human sorrow, and so most appropriate in such a position. I may add that this theory gains some further degree of probability from the fact that the image is of oak. We need not go to Coventry for figures of wood. The full length effigies in Pitchford, Eaton-under- Haywood and Ber 1 Tage 59. 2 Vide supra, p. 172. 3 Bloxam, as above. Compare Peacock. — Avclueologlcal Journal, vol. xlviii., p. 112. ; '' xvi MISCELLANEA. rington Churches are sufficient proof that wood-carving had already reached a considerable degree of perfection in Shropshire, which was a land of oak trees ; and one at least of these figures is not much ante- cedent in date1 to that which we are considering. I think therefore we are permitted to see in " Our Lady of Pity" a valuable link in the chain of history which encircles Battlefield — a link which may remind us of those higher aspects which are not wanting in the commemoiation of an event, which brought with it not only glory but sorrow ; not only victory, but death. THOMAS AUDEN, M.A., F.S.A. VIII. PRINCE HENRY'S SPEECH AT THE BATTLE OF SHREWSBURY. It is recorded by most of the contemporary chroniclers that Prince Henry was wounded in the face by an arrow at the battle of Shrewsbury, but refused to yield to the advice of his friends and leave the held. The prose Vita et Gesia Henrici Quinti, Anglomm Regis, erroneously attributed to Thomas de Elmham (circa 14 16 — 1426, edited by Thomas Hearne, 172/), cap. III., says that during the battle an arrow shot with great force struck the face of the Prince so cruelly that it was thought that death must inevitably result. His officers who were about him wished him to withdraw from the fight, whereupon he gave utterance to the following speech, for the translation of which 1 am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Calvert. We need not think that the Prince, who was then a youth of sixteen, really spoke these very words, but his remarks on the occasion were expanded by his biographer into this set speech. " Spare me, my good lords, the infamy of this dishonour : let me not, like a witless fool, sully with the reproach of dastard flight this my first essay in warfare. Who can hope to win a battle if his leader quits the field ? Would it not, think you, be a lingering death to me to be borne to the rear before the fight be won ? Carry me therefore, I beg, I advise, I charge you, straight to the front, into the thickest of the fray ; let me not have to shout to my comrades "Onward before me to the battle !" but rather let them hear me cry, at close quarters with the foe, " Follow your leader to the charge ! " Thus by taking the lead should 1 earn a following. For rather would I face all risks of fortune, than blast by retreat my credit as a soldier." W. G. D. FLETCHER, F.S.A. Transactions, 1st Series, vol. III., p^ge 152. l.i/./ a1 r/A' i. u a a Dim;, turn*. BATTLEFIELD Our Lady of Pity. MISCELLANEA. XT 11 IX. HOTSPUR AT BERWICK. One of the most familiar traditions in connexion with the Battle of Shrewsbury is that related in Wyntown's Chronicle, which tells how Hotspur asked for his sword on the morning of the Battle, and on being told that it had been left behind at Berwick, he turned pale, and said, "I perceive that my plough is drawing to its last furrow, for a wizard told me in Northumberland that I should perish at Berwick : which I vainly interpreted of that town in the North. " It may not be uninteresting to those readers of the Transactions \ who do not live in the immediate neighbourhood of Shrewsbury, to know that there are two, or more strictly speaking, three spots bearing the name of Berwick in near proximity to the site of the Battle, viz., Upper and Lower Berwick on the road from Shrewsbury to Basehurch, and Berwick Mavison on the road from Atcham to Uffington. There is nothing in the tradition itself to show at which of these Berwicks it was that Hotspur slept the night before the Battle, and the statement by the Chronicler1 that his forces lay carelessly about the town would seem to make either possible. There can, however, scarcely be a doubt that his sleeping place was Upper Berwick, on the north-west of the town, and not Berwick Mavison on the east. Coming from Chester, the former would be almost on his direct route, whereas the latter would have involved not only a longer march, but a considerable detour caused by the windings of the Severn. There is no trace remaining in either case of a house in which he could have stayed. Upper (or Great) Berwick was the seat of the Bettons ; the other Berwick, as implied in the name, belonged to the Mavisons. The idea that the incident of the sword took place at Upper Berwick is confirmed by the further tradition that Hotspur, in acknowledgment of the hospitality he had received, drew the outline of his hand upon a piece of board, which was treasured in the Betton family down to modern times. It was believed that so long as thay kept it, so long they would retain their estate at Berwick. The late Mr. Richard Helton, of Upper Berwick) and afterwards of Overton House, stated that whilst some repairs were being done at Upper Berwick at the beginning of the 19th century, the board was lost, and not long afterwards the estate passed out of the family. If we assume that the tradition of the drawing of the hand is correct, it seems possible that Hotspur gave it as a token of his indebtedness, and a sign that if it should lie in his power he would repay the heavy expense incurred on his account by the Betton of that day. Berwick Mavison, though now little more than a name, was an important hamlet in mediaeval times as the seat of an influential family. The Mavisons were succeeded there by the Whitcombes, Wylie's Henry IV., vol. i , p. 359. J XV 1 11 miscellanea. and in the Bodleian Library, among the MSS. of the Rev. J. B. Blak-\vay are drawings of their manor house, and of t ie substantial farmhouse of the Calcotts, both of which were pulled down about a century ago. Both these houses, however, only went back to the late 17th or early 18th century, and imagination can have full scope in picturing the house in which Hotspur quartered himself on the Bettons, for no complete manor house of 14th century date remains in Shropshire, unless it be that at Upper Millichope. We h ue castles of that date, and fortified manor houses like Stokesay, but the ordinary dwelling of the country gentleman of 1403 has almost universally made way for the more comfortable and commcdious houses of the Renaissance time, and the periods of increasing luxury that have followed. II. M AUDEN, F.R.Hist.S. X. SIR ROBERT GOUSHILL. (Supplementary note to Transactions, p. 146). Since putting my question (e) as to who was " Dominus B. Gotisile," 1 have found the solution, which was really lying on the surface all the time. It is only necessary to read 4 R" instead of " B," and the name is at once recognised as that of Robert Goushill, Kt., whose monument still exists in the church at Hoveringham, near Newark. He had been an esquire to Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk,1 was appointed to act as attorney for him dining his banishment in 1398,- and after the Duke's death at Venice in the following year he married his widow Elizabeth. He is usually called her 4th husband, and is supposed to have married her after the death of her 3rd husband, Gerard Ufflete,3 but it is clear that the order must be inverted, for the fact of Goushill's death on the battlefield at Shrewsbury is confirmed by the Inqui- sition post mortem with regard to his property, which is dated 5 Henry IV. (i.e., 1403), 4 while Ufflete was certainly living in 141 5 and fought at Agincourt, his retinue being variously given as 9 men-of-arms and 33 archers0 or 20 + 60. 0 Goushill's monument is usually taken as a typical example to illustrate the position of the orlii or garland on the basnet, which some explain not merely as an ornament, but as a device for easing the pressure of the 1 Dugdale, Baronage, i. 320, from Clans. I II. iv., 21. r Uymer, viii. 52. 3 Dugdale, lia/onage, i. 320 ; Complete Peerage, vi. 41 ; Beltz, 307. 4 Xiiqaisit 'tones post mortem, iii. 295, where the name is wrongly spelt Gonshill. 5 Nicolas, Agincourt , 341. 6 Ibid, 385. In the Ashmolean Roll of Agincourt (MS. 825), in the Bodleian Library, he is called Ursllett ; ibid 403, but Ursellete in (.).[<. Exchequer Account.-. 45 t in the Public Record Office. MISCELLANEA. XIX tilting helm.1 The name is variously spelt as Goushill,2 Gousel,3 Gausell,4 Goushill,5 or Gawsey.€ As to my question (b) (p. 145) relating to armour, a curious note appeared in the Antiquary (vol. xxi., p. 92), in March, 1S90, to the effect that a battle-axe and helmet that had previously hung above the tomb of Edmund Gockayne in the church at Ashbourne in Derbyshire, and had been stolen in 1839, had recently been recovered, and would be replaced in their old position. I have been unable to find any account of this armour or of its disappear- ance, though the tomb of Edmund Cockayne was described by Lysons in 181 7," was carefully reported upon by Planche when the British Archaeological Association visited Ashbourne in 185 1, 8 and has recently been again described by Mr. J. C. Cox in 187 7. y The present Vicar informs me that no such trophies are now to be found in the church, and it becomes a question how the story in the Antiqiuuy took its rise. The Cockayne arms are said to be carved on one of the hammer-beams of the roof of the church at Battlefield.10 J. H. WYLIE. XI. THE STAINED GLASS FORMERLY IN BATTLEFIELD CHURCH. The stained glass formerly in Battlefield Church, which from the fragments that remain must have been brilliant and richly coloured, is believed from the arms and inscriptions, to have been painted between the years 1434 and 1445. It was designed to represent the connections of the Hussey family, of Fitz-Alan their superior lord of whom the Albright Hussey estate was holden, of Strange, Engletield, Sandford, Banestre, &c. Sir William Dugdale visited " Battaile Chapel neere Shrewsbury" on 19 March, 1662-3, and has left a record of the glass he found in the windows. His Church Notes are preserved in the College of Arms, but a copy of them is given in the Ashmole MS. 854, in the Bodleian Library; and the Rev. Edward Williams has sketched them in his " Drawings of Monuments, ecc, in Shropshire," 1792 — 1803, now Additional MS. 1 llartshorne in Y. P. Barnard, Companion to English History. - Yeatman, Feudal Derbyshire, i. 471, 479, 537 ; li. 497. J Ibid, i. 420 ; iii. 463. 4 Otterbenrne, 244, where the first name is Nicholas ; also Hume, iv. 15. 5 Dugdale Baronage, i. 320, from Clans. 2 11. iv., p. 2. 6 " T1! to Nicholas Gawsey," Henry IV'., Act V., Sc. 4, line 57 ; French, Shakespeareana Genealogica 74, who supposes that Nicholas was the father of Robert, and that both were killed at Shre wsbury. 7 Lysons, Bedfordshire. 8 Journal, vol. vii. A. E. Cockayne, Cockayne Monuments, i. 16; ii. 193 ; also Monuments, p. 4. 9 Notes on the Churches of Derbyshire, ii. 381. 10 Cockayne Monuments, i. 16. XX MISCELLANEA. 21236, fos. 345-355, in the British Museum. Reference should be made to the Transactions, Second Series, J. 336-338, 340-1, and 345, where is some account of the glass, but a few further notes about the armorial bearings may be useful. South sh/e.—The 1st window, nearest to the east. The kneeling figure in armour had a surcoat of the arms of Strange and Mohun quarterly. In a square were the arms of Strange and Mohun quarterly, impaling, Or six bars gemelles sable, over all a lion rampant of the second. These are believed to be the arms of Richard lord Strange of Knokyn (\vho died 1^48-9), and his first wife. The 2nd window had the arms of Arundel and Maltravers quarterly ; and the same coat, impaling, quarterly. 1 and 4. Montacute and Monthermer quarterly, 2 and 3. Nevill These are the arms of William Fitz-Alan, nth Earl of Arundel (who died 1487), and his wife Joan Neville, daughter of Richard Earl of Salisbury. At the bottom of the window was the Eitz-Alan badge, — a white horse in front of an oak tree, with a banner of the arms of Maltravers and Fit/ Alan quarterly, and the legend " donhr.i Matrauers." In the centre of the window was the picture of St. George and the Dragon. The 3rd window had the instruments of the Passion, and an Abbot or Bishop with his crozier. The 4th window had an escutcheon with argent a boot sable, for Hussey. The 5th window had the figure of Roger Yve in white and shorn kneeling, out of his mouth " Fili dei miserere mci," and underneath " . . . . Rogeri Yve primi Mag'ri huius Colleg' et . . . ." Under him a woman kneeling, in red and white robes (evidently Yve's mother), and the inscription " . . . . p'ent' suor' ac omi' quoi' cor- pora hie requiesc . . .'' The 6th window had figures of St. Nicholas and St. Chad, also of a man kneeling, in a red robe, and shorn head, and this — " Orate p' a'i'abus Adam' Balle, Johann' . . . Will'i . . . Tho'e Sondeford." North side. — The 2nd window towards the east had the behead- ing of St. John Baptist. This was probably brought from the church of Albright Hussey, which was dedicated to that saint. The third window had in the left pane a shield of the Sandford arms, and the kneeling figure of Richard Sandford in armour, with a surcoat of the arms of Sandford. and this inscription, ft Scs Cedda ora p' a'i'a Kic'i Sonford." Underneath "Orate p' animabus Roberti . . ." In the middle pane, a kneeling figure in armour with a surcoat, and the legend " Scs Joh'es Rapt' ora p' a'i'a Ric'i Husee." In the right pane, a shield of the Englefield arms, and the kneeling figure of Robert Englefield, and the legend "Scs Georg' ora p' a'i'a Rob'ti Inglefield." Underneath, " . . . . 1 1 use et Ric'i Sondford." MISCELLANEA. xxi The 4th window had a shield red and white, with the letters I and T in the lower part The 5th window had a figure of St. Winifred, and a shield of these arms, Argent three lions' [?J heads erased sable. The 6th window had three shields of arms : — (1) blank, impaling sable a bend between six martlets argent. (2) Or a chevron engrailed between three cocks gules. (3) Or a bird sable. Dugdale says : " In the middle of the East window, is p'te of the picture of King Henry the 4th (from the neck to the knees) in Armour, having a surcoate of his Armes over his brest, and holding a pole-axe in his left hand : but his head and leggs are broken off." " On the outside of Bataile Chapel over the East window, stands the Portraiture of a King in Armour, cut in stone, having his right arme in the posture as if he held a sword erect, but the sword is broken off." On the pulpit were painted the arms of Hussey, impaling, Or three birds sable. Over it was written : " Richard son of Sr. Richard Hussey Knight was borne the 13th day of Oct., 1614, & was cristned the 23rd day of October 1614." The Additional MS. 21236 gives a somewhat different account of the figures and arms to that given by Dugdale. It professes to be "Copied from drawings 111 the possession of John Corbet of Sundorn, Esq., taken by Mr. James Bowen of Shrewsbury." The old stained glass was taken down at the first restoration of the church in 1749, and entrusted to the care of a neighbouring farmer ; but before it could be replaced, much of it was destroyed, and the fragments that remained were placed in the east window without any attempt at arrangement. In 1 86 1, this old glass was unfortunately taken down, and sent to Frees Church, where it was placed in the Sandford Chapel in the north aisle. The window at Frees consists of three lights. In the centre of the middle light is the kneeling figure of Richard Sandford in armour, with a surcoat emblazoned with the Sandford arms. Below is this modern inscription, " Ricardi Sondeford effigies qui in praelio apud Salopiam commisso pro rege suo fortiter pugnans occisus est A.D. 1403." In the left panel are several heads, including a king and queen crowned, and two female heads, and a chalice and paten. In the right panel are some more heads, and some fragments of the window representing the decollation of St. John the Baptist. Some other fragments of the old glass are inserted in a glass door in Sundorne Castle. The glass now in Battlefield Church is modern, that in the east window representing scenes in the life of St. Mary Magdalene. The glass in the vestry is old, and was brought from France in 1 86 1 ; it had no connection originally with Battlefield Church. One cannot help regretting the removal in 1861 of the fragments of the original Battlefield glass to Frees Church. W. G. I). FLETCHER, F.S.A. XXII MISCELLANEA. XII. BRONZE IMPLEMENTS FOUND AT BATTLEFIELD. Although the few bronze implements to which this note refers, found at Battlefield some years ago, may have had no connection with the great event of July 21, 1403, it may be well to call attention to them, as they are curious and interesting. In 1862, while a farm labourer was engaged in ploughing land, the exact locality is not known, he turned up near the hedge of the field a la ge number of bronze objects, which unfortunately fell into the possession of a dealer in old iron, and were nearly all melted before the fact came to the knowledge of a local antiquary, the late Mr. Samuel Wood, Surgeon, of Shrewsbury. He secured a few of them, which he exhibited before a meeting of the Society of Antiquaries on April 16, 1863. (See Proceedings, vol. ii , s.s. 252). They consisted of the following objects :— A palstave, without loop, 5! in. long, 34 in. broad at the cutting edge. A small plain bronze celt, in. long, 2 in. broad at the cutting edge, and § of an inch at the opposite end. Three other objects similar to each other in form, but differing in size. The largest of them resembles some- what the blade of a sickle, being nearly semi-circular, the blade being ih in. wide, tapering at the one extremity. It is of the same thickness throughout, i.e., without a cutting edge. At one-third of the distance from the base is a projecting portion, square in form, i| in. wide, and the same in breadth, pierced by a circular hole J of an inch wide. This is designed to fasten it to some kind of object for a use quite inexplicable. It measures across the semi- circle 5 § in. A reduced figure is given in the Proceedings above named, but no explanation of its use is suggested. These objects may be seen in the Shrewsbury Museum, to which they were presented by Mr. T. Beacall. WILLIAM PHILLIPS XX 11 1 MISCELLANEA. [Under this heading the Editors will be pleased to insert notes and short articles relative to recent 'discoveries in the County, or other matters of archaeological or historical interest. Conununications are invited, and should be addressed to the Editors, cfo Mr. E. Goyne, Dogpolc, Shrcivsbury.] XIII. HOTSPUR'S WIFE. Elizabeth, the wife of Hotspur, who was in November, 1403, allowed the privilege of giving Christian burial to the quarters of her husband's body, was the daughter of Edmund Mortimer, 3rd Earl of March. She was born at Usk, 12 Feb., 137 1, and baptized 16 Feb. by the Bishop of Exeter. She was left a widow with one son, Henry, who, in 1408, succeeded his grandfather as 2nd Earl of Northumberland, and was allowed possession of his estates in 1414. Elizabeth Percy married as her second husband (she being his second wife) Sir Thomas Camoys, K C, 5U1 Baron Camoys, one of the greatest soldiers of his time. He was summoned as a Baron of the Realm as early as 1383, and was on the Council of Henry V. In 140: he was summoned to take up arms against Owen Glyndwr. In 1403 he received ^,100 for conducting Henry IV's intended bride, the Princess Joan, from Brittany to England. Two years later he was sent to Calais, to treat with the Flemish Ambassadors- In 14 15 he accompanied Henry V. on his French expedition, and he commanded the left wing of the English army at Agincourt. He died on 28 March, 1420 (his wife, Elizabeth, having predeceased him on 20 April. 141 7), and was buried at Trotton. His eldest son, Richard, died before him, and lie was succeeded by his grandson, Hugh. Hugh, at his death in August, 1426, left two sisters, co-heirs, through whom the Parony descended, and it is now held, after long abeyance, by the Stonor family. Sir Thomas had apparently one son by his wife, Elizabeth, whose effigy is shown at his mother's feet in the fine brass to the memory of Sir Thomas and his wife in Trotton Church, Sussex. It is curious that the son should be depicted at the w;i'''.s and not tin: husband's feet. Can it be intended as an elligy of her son, Henry Percy, and not of a son by her second marriage at all ? H. M. AUDEN, F.R.HistS. XXIV XIV. EXISTING TOMBS OF KNIGHTS SLAIN AT BATTLEFIELD. Lord Dillon, in his Paper on the Arms and Clotliing of the Forces, in the present volume 'of the Transactions, asks — " Who of the great men of that day were present on either side, and have we any memorials of them in stone, brass or glass ? '\ There are yet extant memorials of a few of the prominent men who were slain in the battle. (1) In Ashbourne Church, Derbyshire, is an altar tomb of excellent character, of John Cokayne and Edmund Cokayne (his son) whose effigies are recumbent thereon. The tomb itself is of free- stone, the effigies are of alabaster. Edmund Cokayne was engaged on the King's side at the battle of Shrewsbury, where he fell,, and his body (tradition says) was brought to Ashbourne for burial. He is represented clad in. the armour of the period, with a pointed bascinet, a tippet of mail (or camail) which bears thereon a plain shield, remarkably if not uniquely placed, and a tabard displaying the three cocks, the arms of the Cokayne family. Angels support his pillow, and his feet rest on a lion (See Journal of Hie Archaeological Association, vol. vii. ; J. C. Cox's Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 381 ; Glover's Derbyshire, ii., 35.) (2) In Bakewell Church, Derbyshire, is a well executed effigy in alabaster of Sir Thomas Wendesley of Wendesley, who was mortally wounded at the battle of Shrewsbury, and was buried at Bakewell. He is represented clad in plate-armour, but wearing a camail and shirt of chain mail. Round the hips is a bawdric or broad belt richly ornamented, and on the head, which rests on a cushion supported by angels, is a pointed helmet or bascinet, having the letters " ihc nazaren" inscribed on the front. The surcoat bears his Arms, Ermine on a bend gules, three escallops or, and round the neck is the collar of SS. Round the tomb is the following modern inscription : — Hie jacet D'ns Thomas de Wendesley miles in proelio apud Shrewsburye occisus Anno D'ni MCCCCIII." The effigy formerly rested on a raised tomb within a plainly arched recess in the east wall of the south transept, but is now placed upon a new table monument away from the wall. (See J. C. Cox's Churches of Derbyshire, ii., 18; Glover's Derbyshire, ii., 72)^ (3) The effigy of Richard Sandford of Sandford, kneeling, in armour, with a surcoat bearing the Sandford arms, is now to be seen in a window in the north aisle of Frees Church. (See " Miscellanea," XL, ante, p. xxi). (4) In Mavesyn Rid ware Church, Staffordshire, is the altar tcmb of Sir Robert Malveysin, of freestone, with an alabaster top, on which is incised the figure of Sir Robert Malveysin. He is represented clad in plate armour, with a gorget and pointed XXV helmet. Round the figure is this inscription : " Hie iacet d'ns Robertas Mawveysyn miles d'ns de Mawveysyn rydwar qui occubuit juxta Salopian? Anno d'ni Mill'mo cccc"iij stans cum rege et dimicans ex parte sua usque ad mortem cuius anime propicietur deus >J<." The tomb was opened September 8th, 1785. There is a tradition that there was a deadly ieud between the families of Malveysin and Handesacre. When Henry IV. collected his army to oppose Hotspur, Sir Robert Malveysin rode forth with six or seven retainers to aid the King. Sir William de Handesacre, Knight, left home the same day with an equal number of followers to help Percy. The rival parties met on their way to Shrewsbury, and at once engaged in battle, when Handesacre was slain. Malveysin, after defeating his opponent, marched forward to Shrewsbury, and was himself slain in the battle, fighting for his King. It appears that about h\ c years after the battle, Handesacre's son and heir, William de Handesacre, married Margaret Malveysin, the younger daughter and co-heiress of the victorious knight, and " with her received her purparty, as a recompense for the death of his father slain by her's." (See Shaw's Staffordshire, i., 179, 193, 209.) In the list of combatants given at pp. 161 and 162 ante, the name of Edmund de Stafford, 5th Earl of Stafford, K.G , is inadvertently omitted. He was slain fighting for the King, and was buried at the Augustine Friars in Stafford. W. G. D. FLETCHER, F.S.A. XV. OBJECTS FOUND DURING RECENT EXCAVATIONS AT THE SHREWSBURY RAILWAY STATION. At the end of last year, and the beginning of this year, a large quantity of ground was removed from the front of the General Railway Station. It was expected that there would be many finds of interest, especially as the locality is in such close proximity to the Castle. As far as I can ascertain from Mr. R. McNaught, Station Master, and others, the following is a list of the only objects, and these are of no special value : — (1) . A Silver Coin of Elizabeth. (2) . A Bronze Bodkin, about four inches long, somewhat similar to No. 19, Plate 36, Roach Smith's 1 rliustrations of Roman London, 1859, only the head was flat and plain. I saw this for a few minutes, when going on a railway journey, and unfoitunately it was accidentally lost immediately afterwards This was found about five to six feet below the surface, and about three feet below the foundation of an old house pulled down when the Static was first built. XXVI (3) - The blade of a dagger, much rusted, about nine inches long, unseen by me. As there was no haft, it is difficult to fix a date, but from description of blade, it may have been 14th century. The person into whose possession it fell, thinking it of no value, threw it in a fire. (4) . Part of the skeleton of a young man. This was found about six feet from the surface, and a few feet from the present central entrance. As there were traces of lime, which had acted on tiie bones, it has been suggested that the person was probably murdeied, and afterwards buried on this site. No traces of the Castle Ditch were observed/ it having been destroyed when the Station was erected. HERBERT R. H. SOUTHAM, E.S.A. XVI. CLAVERLEY CHURCH. The eailiest church, of which we have found distinct indications, was built by Roger de Montgomery towards the close of the nth century, and given by him in 10S6 as part endowment of his new foundation of St. Mary Magdalene, Quatford. Indications of foundations discovered in the chancel may have belonged to a Saxon building. Roger's church seems to have consisted of what now forms the nave, with the lower part of the present tower. In the 1 2th century the present north aisle was thrown out, leaving at both ends traces of Roger's walls By lowering the floor 20 inches we came upon the original floor level, and revealed the bases of the piers. The galleries also having been removed, which obstructed the view of the capitals, the fine Norman arcading is now seen to advantage. In the 13th century the south aisle was added. Here, too, Roger's wall is easily traced in the foundations. There are good specimens of carving round the capitals. The fine 15th century roof is in excellent preservation, and has beautiful carving in the first bay. Plaster and varnish had concealed much of it. The Norman piers of the tower arch opening into the nave have been disclosed. The most interesting find has been the 12th century wall painting, on the north wall of the nave. A full account of it may be found in the paper read by Mr. Philip M. Johnston, before the members of the Royal Archaeological Institute, which has been printed in their Transactions^ with coloured photographs made from his tracings. The sc heme runs the w hole length of the wall, and more than half of it is in fair preservation, the colours being quite good It is a military scene, in the spirit of the Bayeux Tapestry. It has been suggested that one of the subjects represents Roger meeting and killing with a lance, at the battle of Senlac, the "gigantic Englishman" mentioned by Wace in his "Roman de Ron." (See Freeman's Norman Conquest.) XXV 1 1 On the spandrels are angels and religious emblems. Between the clerestory windows, over the chancel arch, on the walls and in the windows of the tower, and elsewhere, are traces of later painting. On the chancel walls, and on the west wall of the nave, are consecration crosses. Near the latter are circles containing a kind of Tudor Rose.,, In the chancel pier is the stair- case leading to the rood-loft. There is a large recess in a buttress in the nave, which may have been originally a shrine, and subsequently enlarged to form a seat, but no satisfactory explanation of its use has yet been given. Numerous old tiles were found, with chalices and griffins and shields upon them. These are now placed round the font, which is an interesting specimen of Norman work. T W, HARVEY, Vicar. XVII. FIND OF AN ANCIENT POTTERY VASE AT WHITCHURCH. In digging the foundation of a new shed adjoining the Market at Whitchurch, Salop, an ancient pottery vase was discovered. Unfortunately the workman broke the 'base, otherwise it is in a perfect state. The height is about 1 2 inches, diameter 9, and base about 4 inches. The top is circular, about 5 inches, with a rudely constructed lip, and no handle. The pottery is light reddish yellow in colour, and similar to the cinerary vase found in another part of the town, which contained the remains of a human cremation. This vase was empty. It is now placed in the Whitchurch Museum. EDWARD P. THOMPSON, Hon. Curator, Whitchurch Museum. XXIX GENERAL INDEX TO VOL. 'ill. Compiled by R. E. DAVIES. Accounts, Statement of, lviii Annual Excursion, viii ,, Meeting, v Anns and Armour, 149, 261, xxh Armorial Bearings, 271,* xix* Ive, 229 Paunteley, 367 Porter, 367 Rathebon, 369 Sandford, xx,xxi Smalman, 4 Strange, xx Tylere, 365 Wendesley, xxiv VVylleleye, 365 Hundred Years Thomas, M.A. Alduscote, 365 Cokayne, xxiv De Forde, 364 Fitz Alan, xx Forster, 368 Gerard, 366 Glover, 369 Grafton, 269, 363, 364 Hussey, xx, xxi Auden, Mis? H. M., F.R. Hist.S., Hotspur at Berwick, xvii Hotspur's Wife, xxiii Shropshire Five Ago, 285 Audkn, The Ricv F.S.A. Giraldus Cambrensis in Shropshire 37 Our Lady of Pity, xiv Authority to Sir Richard Ottley, Knt. to Search for Hidden Treasures William Phillips, 345 Autographs. Corbet, Sir Andrew, 340 Newport, Sir Richard, 340 Smalman, Tho., 20, 22 B Battle of Sh klwshury, 293, 295 Arms and Clothing of the Forces ; Viscount Dillon, 149 Documents, some additional ; Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, 153 Glyndwr, Owen, and the Rattle ; J. Parry Jones, 163 Knights, &c, who fought, 154, 161, XXV Knights Slain, existing tombs of ; Rev. W. G. D. Flctclier,.r.r»-y Prince Henry's speech ; Rev. W G. D. Fletcher, xvi Traditions, xvii Wylie, Dr. J. H. on, xxiii, 139 Quincentenary celebration of, viii Lectures delivered at Battlefield Dr. J. H. Wyi.ik on the Battle of Shrewsbury, -xxiii Rev. D. H. S. Cranage on Battlefield Church, xxxi Ri-;v. W. G. D. Flktghir on Battlefield College, xxxi Medal, Commemoration, xliv Old High Cross, Shrewsbury, xlv Public Luncheon, and speeches, xxxiii Service at Abbey Church, Shrews- bury, ix. , x Service at Battlefield Church, xvii Sermon by Bishop of Lichfield, xvii ,, Prebendary Moss, x Shakespearean Plays by F. R. Benson's Company, xvii, xxxvii, xxxix, xliv Sports, Old English, at Shrews- bury, xxxix Visits, and Descriptive Addresses ,, Haughmond Abbey, xlii ,, Shrewsbury Churches, Castle, eVc, xxxvii ,, Uriconium, xxxix YVroxeter Church, xli Battlefield. Bibliography of, A ; Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, 273 Bronze Implements, found at ; William Phillips, xxii Fair, 190, 251 Hearth Tax, 284 Population of parish, 260 Relics alleged ; Herbert R. H. Southam, 261 * An asterisk denotes more than one reference on the same page. .A A A' (, 1 \ E KAL INDEX TO Vol 111. Bat i i.ii i ij.i.ij r.u(j kch. Architecture pi , l )':> Bells ami goods, 246 Granule, Rev. 1'. H. S.. on, xxxi, 171' Decorated windows in, 17 ~>. Foundatu >ii til, 171 Our Lady of l'ny, 173, xiv Restoration of. 172 Stained ghi:;s, 176, xix 'lower of, 174, 267 R.vi 1 1 1.11 1- i' (. OL1.I.GK, 145, 175, 260 • • . Agreement with lia&lwnond Abbey, 22 1 Briefs, 2:9, 220, 2 }4 Charter of Royal Confirmation, 191 ,, I'apal 191 Commissioners' certificate, 241, 243, 245 Dissolution, xxxiii, 242 Endowment of perpetual chantry, 1 86, sxxii 1-.ni>o\\'.m i:ni s. Advowaon of Albiight Uussey, 194 Advcwson of Battlefield, 194 J? Ford, 2co Advvo'wson ot Idesale (Shifnal), 187, ] " 3 Advowhon of Michaellskirke, L;uvcashire, l So, 18} A d v o \\ jib 11 61 l'e n k e r i <; li e , Staffordshire, 19.; Advowsofi of Shrewsbury, chapels ot Ss Michael and Juliana, L/xchcipier suits lc-pccting tithes of iecior> ol shifnal, 1585 , Rev. \Y. G. 1 > Fletcher, 303 Fletcher, Rev- W G. I)., Oil, XSCXI Foundation, 1 77, » 90 jurisdiction oi vvills, ttfc;, 235, 237 Master,. Ive, Roger, 213 Basiaid, Henry, 213 Bhely.ps, Roger, 210, 222 Oration., Adam, ri2 Llussey, John, 224 Thomas, Humphrey, 226 llussey, John, 230, 303 Plate and goods, 240 Property, 23'i Side pf, XXX111, 247 [.i^ut t* ' execute briefs, warrants, &c, 210 School, 201, '39. <4« Seal, 2« 8, 2 j 9 Shifnal Rectory and Battlefield " College .3 Suits re College or Chantry, xxxiii, Berwick, xvii ,, M avislon, .t-yi'g Brasses, 149, 223, 267, 363, xxiil Bronze Implements, xxii C Carvings in Battlefield Church, 267, xiv * ' - * -'"»'« u't' , i,,?1 Carvings 111 Ludlow Chinch, i ClJ IJKCIU' S, Shropshire, xlix Battleli .-Id, 171 \\ hitchurch, 44 CkiVerley, xxvi YVithingtoO, 223, Heath, xlvii 267, 363 Ludlow, i Worfield, 101 l'rees, xxi, xxiv Wroxeter, xli Churchwardens' Accounts, Worfield, 99 C i vi 1 War, 4,345 Claverley c hurch ; Rev. T. W. 1 Iarvey, xxvi Cockayne tomb, Ashbourne Church, xix, xxiv Corporation Insignia, Shrewsbury, viz Cranage, this Ri;v. 1). H. S.» M.A., F.S.A., Battlefield Church, xxxi, 171 D Dii.i.ov, Viscount, I'.S.A., Arms and 1. lothing of the Forces at the l> itile dt Shrewsbury, i.,9 Documents, some Ad iitional, Relative to the battle 01 Shiewsbury ; the Rev. \V. G. 1). Fletcher, 153 Drink w a i kr, thk Rrv.C. H., M. A., Sev- n Shrewsbury Gild Merchant Rolls of the 14th ( entuiy, 47 Two Merchant Odd Rolls of the 1 (tli I 'entury, 3 51 Exchequei Suits Respecting the 1 ilhes of the Rectory of Shifnal, and certain payments for the poor inhabitants, 1585 ; the Rev. \\ . G, 1). Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A., 303 F !• A Ml I.I i.S. Alduscote, 365 Hussey, 179, xix Camo s, xx Hi Prince, 9, 13 Forstef, 568 Rathebon, 369 Gerard, $66 Snudman, 2, 12 Grafton, 269, ^63 1 3, 14 1 lord, 569 \Ydl)lei, 364 Finds: Battlefield ; bronze implements, xxii GENERAL INDEX TO VOL III. XXXI Claverley Church ; wall paintings, xxvi Shrewsbury Railway Station ; various, XXV Whitchurch ; pottery vase, xxvii Five Hundred Years Age ; J. H. Wylie, M. A., D.Litt./i39 live Hunched Years Ago*, Shropshire ; Miss H. M. Auden, P. R.Hist.S., ,85 PhlTCHIK, J1IK REV. W. G. 1)., IM.A., P.S.A. (W. G. 1). P.) A Bibliography of Battlefield, 273 Battle-held Uofiege, xxxi. 177 Existing bombs of knights slain at Battlefield, XXZV Living descendants ot" Hotspur in Shropshire, ix Prince Henry's speech at the Battle of Shrew sou:)', xvi Some addi'ional documents relative to the Battle ot Shrewsbuty, 1 53 The Hearth Money lax lor Battle- field and Albright Hussey, 1674, 2S4 . . \.> The Sequestration Papers of Thomas Smabnan of Wildethope, 1 The Stained Glass formerly in liattlefield Church, xix Two Exchequer Suits respecting the Tithes of the Rectory of Shitnal, and curtain payments for the poor inhabitants, 1 585, 303 \N here was Hotspur buried ? xii . horsier, Robert, 227, 303, 305 G Ghost, Major Smallman's, 6 (bid Merchant Rolls, Shrewsbury, 47, 351 Baptismal and Personal Names, 84, 359 Designations and Trades, 85, 91, 360 Surnames and Patronymics, 86, 359 Place Names, o j, 30I, 3(12 Giraldus Cainbrensis in Shropshire ; Rev. 1 liomas Auden, }7 Glass Stained, xxxix, six, xxiv Glyndwr, Owen, 146, 163, 330, 370 ,, and the Battle of Shrewsbury; J. Parry- Jones, 163 Goushill, Sir Robert ; J. H. Wybe, xviii Grafton, Adam, 22 2, 223, 267, 363 Uakykv, Tint Krv. T. W Claverley t 'huieh, xx;>i Haughmond Abbey, xlii Heath The, Norman Chapel at, xlvii Hearth Tax, Battlefield and Albright Hussey, 1674; 284 Henry, Prince of Wales (Henry V.), 140, 164, 329, xvi Hoi peach, David, 170, 370 Hotspur. At Berwick; Miss II. M. Auden, ixvii At Nantwich, 161 Living descendants in Shropshire, ix Barnard, Lord, [x Bath, Marquis of, /.,- Borough. J. S Burton, ix Bradford, i arl of, ix Brooke, \V. J., ix Burton, .Mrs. Lingen, ± 1 „ rc. p?^ < x Chihle-l'emberton, W. S. , x Gholmoudeley, T. R., x Corbet, Sir W . O., x ,, Reginald, x „ Rev. G. VV., x Cotes, C. J., x Davenport, Miss H. M. , x Egerton, Rev. \Y . If., c Rev. G. H., x Eyton, R. A. Slaney x Forester, Lord, x llaymes, Rev. R. K.t x lleber-Percv, A., jx Herbert, bk" VV., c Hon. W. H., x How, T. M . , x Jenkins, C. P., x Kilvert, J. M., Kynnersley, T. P., Leekc, Ralph, Rev. Y\k, Leighton, Sir P.. B. M., B. E. P., LLoyd, A. H. ()., xi Moiris, C. E., xi Mytton, Robert, vi Oakelcy, Miss K. P., ;,: l1'- M . , xi Oswell, A. Ik PP., xi Plowdeli, \\ . P., xi Powis, Pari ot, vl Rocke, P C. P., x\ Rouse-Boughton, Sir C. if., xi Smythe, Sir J. W., xi Sutherland, Duke of, xi Swainsorr, Rev. J. G. , xi Thursby- IVlhani, f. A. IP, xi ,, Rev. Augustus .<.,! Vane, lion, and Rev. G. M. Ik, xi Vaughaii, P. G. , xi Wakcinaii, Sir ( J 1 lie y x% Watcot, O. C, xi xxxii GENERAL INDEX TO VOL III. Wight Boycott, T. A., xii Windsor, Lord, xii Wingf.eld, C. R. B., xii ,, Rev. William xii Remains of, xlv, 153, 154, xii Traditions, oevii Where was Hotspur buried ? Rev. W. G. D. Fleicher, xii Wife ; Miss H. M. Auden, xxiii Huiseys, of Albright Hussey, 179 Hussey, John, 224. 230, 303 ,, Richard, 171, 177, 179, 194, 257, xxi I Incumbents. Albright Hussey, 177 Alkmund, St., Shrewsbury, 222,363 Fitz, 177, 178 Kemberton, 307, 317 Upton Magna, 222, 363 Withington, 363 Worfield, 100, 10 r Index, General, to Vol. III., xxtx Ive, Roger, 177. 306 Arms, 229 ; Will, 201; Tomb, 213 Justices of the Peace, 1590 ; ii L Lords-Lieutenant of Shropshire ; W. Phillips, F.L.S., 319 1258. John l itz Alan, 325 1276. Roger Mortimer, 325 1294. John de Berwick, 325 1296. Richard Fitz Alan. 325 1326. Ed man d Fitz Akin, 326 1339. Richard Fitz ^lan, 326 1405. Thomas l it/. Alan, 326 1471. John Talbot, 326 1488. George Talbot, 326 1523. Thomas Howard, 327 1403. Henry. Prince of Wales, 329 ' 1483. Henry, Duke of Buckingham, 33^ ' I 1547. Francis Talbot, Earl of J Shrewsbury, 533 15S7. lk-nry Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. 33 } 1007. Ralph, Lord lane. 330 1617. W i 1 1 i a m , E a r 1 o f | Northampton, 337 163 1. J im Egerton, Earl ot llridgewKter, 341 1642. Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex, 343 Ludlow Church, carvings in, i M Members, List of, 1903, lii Mills and Millers, 291 Minutes of Council Meetings, xlvi Morris, Joseph, tiik late, The Provosts and Bailiffs of Shrewsbury, continued, 363. (Sde list under P. ). MONUMKMS AND TOMKS. Cokayne, John, and Edmund ; Ashbourne Church, Derbyshire, xxiv Malveysin, Sir Robert ; Mavesyn Ridware Church, Staffordshire, xxiv Wendesley, Sir Thomas ; Bakewell Church, Derbyshire, xxlr [See also under Brasses]. O Objects found during recent excavations at Shrewsbury, .<•.<•/• Officers of the Society, li Oswestry, 39, 1G9 Ottley, Sir Richard, Knt., 345 Our Lady of Pity, 173, xio P Pardon Bread, 304, 315, 317, 318 Parry-Jones, J., Owen Glyndwr and the Battle of Shrewsbury, 163 Pei igkees. De Forde, 364 Forster, 368 Gerard, 366 Grafton, 270 Smalman, 2, 3 Percy, Sir Henry (see Hotspur) Phmxips, William, F. L.S. Authority to Sir RichaidOttley,Knt. , to Search for Hidden Treasures, 345 Bronze Implements found at Battlefield, xxli Carved Memorials on the Tower of Battlefield Church, 267 The Loids-Lieutenantof Shropshire, 3»9 Recusants in Salop in 160^, i*# Shropshire |usticcs of the Peace, A. I). 1 ijooj ii Phillips, Wm., and Honorary Freedom (-1 Borough of Shrewsbury, viii, / GENERAL INDEX TO VOL III. xx xm Place-names, 93, 361, 362 Oswestry, 45 Wenlock, 45 Shrewsbury, 45 Whitchurch, 44 Prince Henry's Speech at the Battle of Shrewsbury, xvi Prince, Sir Richard, 9, 26 Provosts and Bailiffs of Shrewsbury (continued), 363 1390. Robertde Grafton (continued) 139 1. Simon de la Tour Radulp de Forde 1392. John Geflrei William de Biriton 1393. Thomas Pryde William Willylei 1394. John Tylere Richard de Alduscote 1395. William de Birytcn Reginald Skryveyn 1396. John Jeffrey James Dyer 1397. William Williley Nicholas Gerard 1398. Robert Thornes William Byiiton Thomas Paunteley Richard Alduscote 1399. James Dyer Thomas Sorter 1400. Thomas Skynner Reginald de Mutton 1401. Robert de Grafton William Biryton 1402. Robert Thornes John Scryveyn 1403. Simon de la Tour William Forster 1404. Thomas Skynner Richard Stuiy 1405. William Tour William Biryton, Sen. John Perle, Jun. 1406. John Skryveyn John Perle, Jun. 1407. John Glover David Rathcbon 1408. Richard Stuiy Nicholas Schetton 1409. Robert Thornes Simon de la Tour 1 410. John Perle William Tour 141 1. Nicholas Gerard William Hord 1412. David Holbache Richard Stury 11 Recusants in Salop in 1690 ; William Phillips, ri S Sandford, Richard, xx, xxi, xxiv Seals, 163, 229 Sequestration Papers of Thom?s Smalman of Wilderhope j the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, I Shelton Oak, 146, 165 Shifnal, Rectory, 259, 303 Shrewsbury. Battle, 139, 149, 153, 163, xvi, xxiv [See also under BatjLe and Battlefield] Castle, Constable of, 154, 332 Corporation Insignia, vii Excavations at Railway Station, xxv Earls of, 272,* 326,* 333, xiii George inn, 237 Gild Merchant Rolls, 47, 351 Giraldus Cambrensis at, 41 M.P. for, 365, 370 Muster of the Forces, 1590, Hi Plague of 1348, 48 Provosts and Bailiffs. {See list under P.) Shropshire. Five Hundred Years Ago ; Miss H. M. Auden, 285 Giraldus Cambrensis in ; Rev. Thomas Auden, 37 Hotspur, Living Descendants in ; Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, ix Justices of the Peace, 1590 ; William Phillips, ii Lords-Lieutenant of; William Phillips, 319 (See list under L.) Place-names, 44, 45,* 93, 361, 362 Recusants in 1690 ; William Phillips, vi Surnames, 86, 102, 359 Smalman, Thomas, of Wilderhope, I Southam, Herbert R. H., F.S.A., F.R.Hist.S. (Mayor of Shrews- bury) Alleged Relics from Battlefield, 261 The Corporation Insignia of the Borough of Shrewsbury, vii Objects found during Recent Excavations at the Shrewsbury Railway Station, xxv Societies in Communication, Ivii Stapleton, Moat Farm, 287 T Talbot, Francis, 333 ,, George, 272, 326 ,, Gilbert, 272 ,, John, 326, xiii Thompson, Edward P., Find of an Ancient Pottery Vase at Whitchurch, xxvii XX XIV GENERAL INDEX TO VOL III. Traditions. Hotspur, xvii Smalman, 5 U Uriconium, xxxix W Walters, H. B., M.A., F.S.A., The Churchwardens' Accounts of the Parish of Wortield, 1500- „r IS". 99 Wkyman, HliNKY T. , A Contract for Caivings in Ludlow Church, 1524-5, i Whitchurch. Ancient Tottery Vase, found sd,xxt>ii Hotspur buried in Church, 154, xii Wilderhope, 1 ,, House, 15 Wills. Forster, Robert, 305 Ive, Roger, 201 Smalman, Edward, 14 Francis, 1 , 17 Thomas, 2, 11, 17, 18 WOR FIELD. Chantry of Blessed Virgin, 100 Churchwardens' Accounts, 99 Players at, no, 115 Wylie, J. H., M.A., D.Litt., Five Hundred Years Ago, 139 Sir Kobeit Goushill, xriii i t may be noted that there is a double pagination in Roman numerals up to wxiv, the hist page of Index, but that of the Miscellanea and Index is in italics. I SPECIAL BATTLEFIELD NUMBER. 3rd Series, Vol. III., Part II. transactions OF T-HE Shropshire Archaeological AND natural fiistorp Societp i si'Ar.i.iMi i;d j S 7 7 V A R T II., 3 k i) s k k i i<: s , VOL. III., 1903. P R 1 N T E 1> F O K T UK S O C 1 K T Y S II K li W S IS U k V . \ N D N A U N T ON, Til K S Q U A K K 0 S W K S T K V : M I N S II A L L , I II O M A h AND CO. WOIIDAI.I , MINSIIAI I., I'HOMAS AMI CO KSWKSI'KV ADM T T • WOO I) A I, I,, Df>2ffJ)l _ I'agk Five Hundred Years Ago. By J. H. Wylie, M.A., D.Litt. ... 139 Arms and Clothing of the Forces at the Battle of Shrewsbury. By Viscount Dillon, P.S.A. ... ... ... ... ... 149 Some Additional Documents relative to the Battle of Shrewsbury. By the Rev. W. G. D. Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A 153 Owen Glyndwr and the Battle of Shrewsbury. By J. Parry-Jones 163 Battlefield Church. By the Rev. D. H. S. Cranage, M.A., F.S.A. 171 Battlefield College. By the Rev. VV. G. I). Fletcher, M.A., F S. A. 177 Alleged Relics from Battlefield. By Herbert R. H. Southam, F.S.A 261 Carved Memorials on the Tower of Battlefield Church. By William Phillips F.L S 267 A Bibliography of Battlefield. By the Rev. VV. G. 1). Fletcher, M.A., F.S.A 273 Assessment to the Hearth Tax, 1676 ... ... ... ... 284 Miscellanea : V Living Descendants of Hotspur in Shropshire ... ... ix VI. Where was Hotspur buried ? ... ... ... ... xii VII. Our Lady of Pity xiv VIII. Prince Henry's Speech at the Battle of Shrewsbury ... xvi IX. Hotspur at Berwick ... ... ... ... ... ... xvii X. Sir Robert Goushill ... ... ... ... ... ... xviii XI. The Stained Glass formerly in Battlefield Church ... xix XII. Bronze Implements found at Battlefield ... ... ... xxii ILLUSTRATIONS. Henry IV from his Tomb at Canterbury Cathedral. To face page 139 Brass of Sir John Swynborne 1391, and Sir Thomas Swynborne 141^ M9 Early picture of the Battle of Shrewsbury... ... ... ... 152 Seal of Owen Glyndwr ... ... ••• ... ... ... 163 Shelton Oak, circa 1825 ... ... ... ... ... ... 165 Exterior of Battlefield Chinch, from the south-east Interior of Bat tie field Church, from the east East Window, and figure of Henry IV. Plan of Battlefield Church Mouldings of window and plinth ... .. ... ... ,.. 176 Plan of Battlefield College site, made 1855 I77 Seal of Battlefield College .. . . . ... ... ... ... 22t^ Memorials on the Tower of Battlefield Church ... ... ... 207 Our Lady of Pity ... ... ... ... 171 172 '73 173 xvi SJiiJU NOTICE WITHIN OF SPECIAL BATTLEFIELD VOLUME. 3rd Series, Vol. III., Part III. transactions OF THE Shropshire Archaeological AND Datural mstorp Societp ESTABLISHED 1877. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED part nr., 3RD SERIES, VOL. III., 1903 PRINTED FOR T HE SOCIETY. SHREWSBURY: A D N I T T AND NAUNTON, T H E SQUARE OSWESTRY: WOODALL, MINSIIALL, THOMAS AND CO WUODAI.L, MiNSIIAl.l-, THOMAS AND CO. OSWU.S I'KY. t\iHh(l&