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UNIVERSITY STUDIES
OF THE
UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA
VOLUME XV
LINCOLN
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY
1915
’ PRESS OF
ys THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY |
Le? LANCASTER, PA
D. of D. .
MAY 1 1917
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CONTENTS
BRUNER—Preliminary Catalogue of the Orthopteroid Insects of the Philippine
Nclancdsmee We Corman teeny er ests cabrt ohare Siathe. sled wa Wa Volta 195
ELMoRE—Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism; A Study of the Local and
Village, Deities‘of ‘Southern India; : . . 3 6 6 ee ey I
How1E—The Counter Revolution of June-July, 1789: Rdle of the Assembly
fom june) 30 to July. 2)... - ce ea Mesh ado, os" he et ae 203
SwENK—On a New Subspecies of Flying Squirrel from Nebraska. . . . . 51
SWENK—studiesiot North’ American Bees 27. 3. i se ware 8 oe 155
January 1915
UNIVERSITY STUDIES
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA
C. E. BESSEY
F, M. FLING
L. A. SHERMAN
Carnegie Institutiop.
of Washingtor
CONTENTS
I. DravipIAN GoDs IN MODERN HinpDuIsM; A STUDY OF
THE LOCAL AND VILLAGE DEITIES OF SOUTHERN INDIA
Wilber Theodore Elmore ; f : ; 1
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA
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¢ RAMAPATNAM
Mar SHOWING THE DisrrisuTION OF THE DRAVIDIAN Poputation in InvrIA. (According to the Manual of Admints-
tration of the Madras Presidency.)
Scale, 200 miles = 1 inch.
The portion of India in which the Dravidian population is in excess of the Aryan is surrounded by a red line.
Districts of the Madras Presidency: 1. Ganjam, 2. Vizagapatam, 3. Godavari, 4. Kistna, 5. Guntur, 6. Kurnool,
7. Bellary, 8. Anantapur, 9. Cuddapah, 10. Nellore, 11. Chingleput, 12. Madras, 13. North Arcot, 14. South
Arcot, 15. Salem, 16. Coimbatore, 17. Nilgiris, 18. Malabar, 19. South Canara, 20. Trichinopoly, 21. Tanjore,
22. Madura, 23. Tinnevelly.
PNIVERSITY STUDIES
VoL. XV JANUARY 10915 No. 1
I—DRAVIDIAN GODS IN MODERN HINDUISM; A
STUDY OF THE LOCAL AND VILLAGE
DEITIES OF SOUTHERN INDIA
BY WILBER THEODORE ELMORE
PREFATORY NOTE
The following thesis is a study of the gods of Dravidian origin
which are found in Modern Hinduism. The author has resided
in India almost continuously since 1900, associating somewhat
closely with the people, and attempting to learn as much as possible
about their various customs. During 1909-10, while pursuing
studies in the department of political science and sociology of the
University of Nebraska, the investigations reported in this thesis
were undertaken at the suggestion of Dr. Hutton Webster, of that
department. The greater part of the work has been done since the
author’s return to India in IgIt.
The author wishes to express his gratitude to the many friends
whose cooperation has made this work possible. Especial ac-
knowledgments are due to Dr. Hutton Webster for reading the
manuscript and making invaluable suggestions; to Mocherla
Robert, through whose untiring efforts a considerable portion of
the material has been secured; and to J. A. Curtis, who has read
the manuscript and who, from his accurate knowledge of the
Indian people, has rendered great assistance in verifying and in-
terpreting the customs described.
W.-T: E.
RAMAPATNAM, INDIA.
November, 1913.
2 Wilber Theodore Elmore
CONTENTS
[INTRODUCTION Juin sislacr carts sis tiotlcis eieteierone ateiate sieinia's \e)s'erelerals Sodebnhccanoce
A neglected branch of Hinduism. Difficulties in securing informa-
tion about Dravidian worship. The method of this thesis.
CHAPTER .I
THE CONGUEST/OF! THE DRAVIDTANS ie ta ciete ete a tie sis clecs-oio te ale) Waves amiete
Origin of the Dravidians. The present Dravidians in South
India. Dravidians in the Rigveda. Political conquest of the
Dravidians. Absorption of the Dravidian religion by Hinduism.
CHAPTER” II
GENERAL FEATURES OF DRAVIDIAN WORSHIP ..........-22eceeeceecces
Worship of Hindu gods. Dravidian temples and idols. Character-
istics of Dravidian gods. Their local origin. Bloody offerings to
them. Female deities.
CHAPTER IIT
BE SEVEN (OISTBRSi sx. 25 /cure ace Boe Ae os ae 2 8 arte wore bmai a es cee
Who are the Seven Sisters? Poleramma; her temple; ceremonies
in case of smallpox. General worship of Poleramma. Her con-
nection with Potu Razu. Ankamma; cruel features in her worship.
Muthyalamma. Her worship as a village deity. Dilli Polasi.
Her worship as a household goddess. Her public worship. Ban-
garamma; variations in her worship. Mathamma and Matangi.
Mathamma as a Madiga deity. Choosing a Matangi. Ceremonies
of initiation. Duties of a Matangi. Renuka.
CHAPTER IV
PPRANTALD. VWWORSHIP. . sci.ccuu, oe oa cation ouch whos sie emesis ee eee
Meaning of Perantalu. Perantalus in Matsavaram. Buchamma.
Lingamma. Usuramma. The worship of Usuramma.
CHAPTER V
Pete SARIS, vices) ck Ost it done se I Tne MLDS actin nario ere anes
Meaning of sakti. Sakti worship in the Tantras. Dravidian
Saktis. Worship of Saktis in connection with the village god-
dess. Various Saktis. Kati Ankamma. Donga Sakti. Nadividhi
Sakti. Lambadi Sakti. Malayala Sakti and human sacrifice.
Kateri Sakti.
CHAPLIER {VI
Demon ‘PasSESSIGN - 2222 Glakih Bok cua oe eee oak oe een a ee
Ceremonies for exorcising demons which cause sickness. An-
other method of exorcism. Exorcism at Nattaryan Kovil temple.
wy
i)
18
31
37
48
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 3
CHAPTER VII
KANAKA DURGAMMA AND POSHAMMA ........eeeceeecceecsseeeeeeee 54
Reasons for worshiping Kanaka Durgamma. Ceremonies in the
village. In the grove. Family worship of Poshamma.
CHAPTER VIII
TLocat ORIGINS OF DRAVIDIAN DEITIES ........00.000cccccestecceeence 58
Importance of local legends. Origins of various deities. Buch-
amma. Lingamma. Usuramma. Tota Kuramma. Demons at
Nattaryan temple. Kanaka Durgamma. Legend of a golden
horn. Gonti. Podilamma. Mundla Mudamma. Ladothamma.
Nagamma. Verdatchamma and the Cumbum tank. Bandlamma.
Kitsamma. Kurumayya. Mangamma. Sandamma and Gum-
pamma. Vinukonda Ankamma. Akka Devatalu. Kulagollamma.
Kudullamma. These local legends a distinguishing feature.
CHAPTER. IX
Tue Dravip1an Gops In Hinnu LEGENDS ..........20seesceceecevens 76
Origin of the legends. The Siva legends. The one hundred and
one kings. Legend of Renuka and the ant hill. Marriage of
Minakshi. The Vishnu legends. Renuka. Potu Razu. The
Rakshasas. The original Sakti. Legends of Korlapati Ankamma.
Legends of Matangi.
CHAPTER X
eee PRESEN ET BART AU cate oia.e wieiess Jeans nips e.obe's Cbjebsinrnles san’ sheloials 10C
The legend of Gangamma. Pedda Razu. Katama Razu. The
Virulu.
CHAPTER XI
INFLUENCE OF DRAVIDIAN DEITIES UPON HINDUISM .............+005: 105
Influence on Hindu ritual. Counter influence of Hinduism on
Dravidian rites. Dravidian method of forming gods adopted by
Hinduism. Mala Konda Swami. Narayanaswami. Kotappa
Konda Swami. Venagopala Swami. Aranjothi. Brahmans as
pujaris. Brahmans and Matangi worship. Brahmans profiting
by connection with Dravidian worship.
CHAPTER XII
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS IN DRAVIDIAN WORSHIP ............00+- 177
Sources of information as to fundamental conceptions. Did Dra-
vidian sacrifices originate in totemism? Fetishism in the Dravid-
ian conception. Dravidian animism. Dravidian demonolatry. The
meaning of the images. The meaning of the sacrifices. Origin
of the Dravidian gods. Morality of the Dravidian religion.
3
4 _ Wilber Theodore Elmore
INTRODUCTION
There is no lack of authoritative works on Hinduism as a sys-
tem of religion. No other system, with the exception of Chris-
tianity, is so interesting, so fully known, or has attracted so many
to its study. With such abundant interest, it seems somewhat
strange that a great branch of nominal Hinduism has been very
largely neglected in these works.. This branch is the worship of
local and village deities. It is estimated,t and probably conserva-
tively, that eighty per cent of the people of South India address
their worship almost exclusively to such minor deities, and yet
these deities receive little attention in studies of Hinduism. Often
they are dismissed with a page or two, while the remainder of the
treatment is given to the Brahmanic deities.”
The reasons for this apparent neglect are not difficult to discover.
There is no systematized teaching connected with village cults or
worship. No interesting systems of philosophy lie behind them.
The Dravidians are not a literary people, and their religion has no
literature. There-are no Vedas or other writings telling of their
gods. Their history is contained in the somewhat confused
legends recited by wandering singers who attend the festivals and
assist in the worship.
These legends and stories are always recited from memory;
and as usually the singers cannot read, written stories would be
of no value to them. Many of the legends, however, are written
on books made from the leaves of the palmyra palm,* but such
books are jealously guarded, and any suggestion as to translating
or printing them meets with strong objections.
This worship is found largely among uneducated people, and
not only are they unable to give any connected account of their
gods or the principles of their worship, but as soon as they see any
1 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 174.
- 2 Sir Monier Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1801,
gives the best account, Chs. VII, VIII, IX. Edward Washburn Hopkins,
The Religions of India, London, 1895, Ch. XVIII, gives a short account
of the Religious Traits of the Wild Tribes of India, under which heading
he classifies this worship.
3 Brab tree or Fan Palm tree, Borassus flabelliformis.
4
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 5
systematic attempt being made to learn of these things they are
filled with superstitious fears, and it is almost impossible to =
them to tell what they do know.‘
Again, the educated people of the land know little about these
local gods, and affect to know less. Any questions are met with
the reply that their worship belongs to outcastes and the lower
orders of society, and that they know nothing about it. The
Brahmans have a considerable interest in these gods, as will be
seen later, and no doubt know far more than they are willing to
admit. They are ashamed of their connection with this worship
and of their fears of the gods. Then, too, since this worship is
almost exclusively that of propitiation to avert some evil which a
local god may be perpetrating or intending, the Brahmans do not
wish to run the risk of incurring the displeasure of a god by
careless remarks about it, or even of attracting its attention by
allusions to it. They therefore pretend complete ignorance.
For these reasons the difficulties of learning about the subject
are considerable. The material, while almost limitless, is very
fugitive. There is scarcely any other way to gain necessary in-
formation than by protracted residence in India, by securing one
point at a time, by coming into as close contact with the people as
possible, by observing their worship, by learning as much as pos-
sible about each local deity met with, and obtaining one story here
and another there. The reasons for the customs are quite com-
monly unknown to the people themselves, and it requires persistent
effort to discover what traditions, former practices, and sub-
conscious ideas are responsible for a great deal that takes place.
Another reason for lack of investigation in regard to these
Dravidian gods is that the subject has not been considered an
attractive one. There is no historic leader or founder around
whose personality any interesting facts or legends may cluster.
It is not a worship that any one is proud of, or that any one of
ordinary enlightenment attempts to defend. In fact, it would not
be classed by most people as coming within the range of the
4In my investigations I have found that the people often thought that I
was collecting facts for the Government,—an idea which filled them with
needless fright.
6 Wilber Theodore Elmore
study of Comparative Religion, but would be assigned to Anthro-
pology, or discussed in connection with primitive customs. Edu-
cated Indians have not cared to undertake this study, and the
foreigners who write on Hinduism usually confine themselves to
what they can learn from the sacred books of the Hindus, or from
the educated classes.
A further obstacle lies in the fact that even if a foreigner is
inclined to do field work and make personal investigations, many of
the rites and ceremonies are performed at such times and in such
places that it is almost impossible to conduct satisfactory research,
and some of the orgies are of such a nature that, even if one had
the opportunity, it would take strong nerves and some bravery
to observe what is going on.®
While the following pages deal with Dravidian worship as found
in all of southern India, the collection of new material has been
confined almost exclusively to the Telugu people, and among them
the larger part of the work has been done in the Nellore District.
The sources of information have been largely oral. The writer
has visited as many temples and places of worship as possible, and
has had opportunity to see many of the ceremonies. It has usually
been possible to secure some friendly person to explain what was
seen. There is no reason to doubt the reliability of these explana-
tions. It is a common experience to have those interested in the
ceremonies refuse to tell about them, but I have not yet discovered
any definite attempt to deceive or to fabricate an explanation.
Often they evade all questions, saying that they do not know, or
that this is the way their fathers did, but no deliberate deception is
attempted.
Much information has been secured by conversation with people,
at other than festival times, about the various features of the wor-
ship. Priests and those directly connected with the deities, are
5 William Crooke, Things Indian, New York, 1906, p. 412, says, “ The
subject of the Sakti sacrifices is repulsive, and few Englishmen care to
explore those shrines of Kali or Devi, which reek with the blood of
victims. . . . Those who are curious in such matters will refer to Ward’s
account of the Bengal sacrifices. ... Dr. Oldfield gives a distressing
account.” This is a fair example of the feeling of most writers on
Hinduism.
6
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 7
usually not very communicative, and what they tell is fragmentary.
Many facts have been verified in this way, but very little consecu-
tive description has been secured. Among those who have left
this worship, many old men can give a great deal of information.
It is a tribute to the advancing intelligence and enlightenment in
India that those young men whose fathers no longer worship the
Dravidian deities, know almost nothing about the ceremonies.
Another method employed in collecting material was to send out
a questionnaire in both Telugu and English to a large number of
people who have opportunity to know about the subject under in-
vestigation. In these replies, especially those from Indian people,
a great deal of useful information has been secured. Still another
method, which has proved most fruitful, was to employ and train
a young man for the special work of making investigations and
collecting information. He soon became an expert, and was able
to secure a great deal which would have been entirely beyond
the reach of the personal investigations of the writer.
The written sources of information about Dravidian gods and
worship are limited. The most important are the government
gazetteers, district manuals, and bulletins of the Madras Govern-
ment Museum. The Government of India is doing a valuable work
in collecting and publishing information about the varied peoples
of India and their many peculiar customs. This information is
collected by district officers or by men especially selected for such
purposes.
There is only one of these various reports which deals directly
with the subject of this thesis. This is the Madras Government
Bulletin, V, 3, by Henry Whitehead, Bishop of Madras. He has
made an extensive study of village deities, and has collected a
large amount of information. The other reports have various
accounts of worship, demon possession, and similar matters,
scattered through many pages of description of the people.
The general works which are named in the bibliography con-
tain a great deal of material which is necessary to an understand-
ing of the subject, especially in its relations to other forms of Hin-
duism. Some of these works include chapters bearing directly on
the subject of these minor deities and demons. The sacred books
7
8 Wilber Theodore Elmore
of the Hindus hereinafter cited contain legends which have be-
come attached to the Dravidian gods, and which often throw
much light on the mutual relations of these two forms of
Hinduism.
Since the material for this thesis has been gathered from so
many sources, it has not been difficult to determine its reliability.
In oral information, the reports have naturally very much over-
lapped one another, and thus made it possible to verify doubtful
points. The government reports have been especially useful for
verifying the information secured orally, as also have been some
portions of the general works.
The importance of some knowledge of this subject to those who
wish to understand modern Hinduism, and especially to those
whose work brings them into direct touch with the people of
India, it is scarcely necessary to emphasize. Religion to the In-
dian is not an external or indifferent matter. It enters into every
detail of his life. It is evident, therefore, that for any sympathetic
understanding of the people a knowledge of their religion is neces-
sary. It is estimated that more than two hundred million of the
people of India are of Dravidian ancestry, and while they are
classified as Hindus and have adopted Hindu forms and names,
their daily religion is that of their Dravidian ancestors.
CHAPTER I
THE CONQUEST OF THE DRAVIDIANS
The term Dravidian is commonly used to refer to all of the
non-Aryan population in the peninsula of India. The Dravidians
are considered to be the aboriginal inhabitants of the land. They
predominate in the southern and eastern parts of India,1 but
form a considerable part of the population in the northwestern
part where the Aryans predominate.” 7
The history of the Dravidians is lost in antiquity. Long before
1 See map.
2 For a discussion of the distribution of Dravidian languages see R. Cald-
well, 4 Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family
of Languages, London, 1875, Introduction.
8
YANADIS
The Negritic type is unequivocal in this group.
TYPES OF DRAVIDIAN FACES
These people are Sudras. Negritic features are absent in this type.
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 9
the Aryans came to India they were the domiciled inhabitants.
They have preserved no literature and left no monuments which
throw light upon their origin.
There are two main theories with regard to the origin of the
Dravidians in India. The one most commonly accepted is that
they came through the northwest passages in the Himalaya Moun-
tains at some time far earlier than the Aryan invasion. The
physiognomy of the Dravidians is very similar to that of the Cau-
casians, and has but little resemblance to the Mongolians. More-
over, their distribution in India would indicate that they once cov-
ered the entire land and were driven to the south and east by the
later invasion of the Aryans.
The other theory is that the Dravidians have had a southern
origin. The hypothetical sunken continent in the Indian Ocean,
called Lemuria, is thought to have been their original home.*
Ceylon is certainly Dravidian, and the distribution of Dravidians
in India lends itself quite as well to the support of a southern
origin as of a northern. The negritic type which is so often ob-
served, especially in the Yanadis,®> has been attributed to this
southern origin, but it is probable that for centuries coasting trad-
ers have gone back and forth between India and Africa. The mon-
soon winds blowing steadily for many weeks every year from the
southwest to India, may also have brought shipwrecked Africans
or those who put out too far to sea and were unable to get back
to land.
It is not the intention of this thesis to throw new light on the
question of the origin of the Dravidians. It is sufficient to point
out that when the Aryan invaders came to India they found
another race in possession of the land—a race which they grad-
ually subjugated, and to some extent assimilated. |
In South India the Aryans are now represented almost exclu-
sively by the Brahmans. . It is usually understood that of the four
3 For a full discussion of the origin of the Dravidians in India see The
Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, 1885, I, pp. 29 sq.
4 See W. Crooke, The Northwest Provinces of India, London, 1897, pp.
198 sq.
ns Madees Government Museum, Bulletin, IV, no. 2, pp. 87 sq. gives a full
discussion of the probable origin of the Yanadis.
2
10 Wilber Theodore Elmore
castes of Hinduism, the Sudras only are Dravidian, but it is prob-
able that very few people in South India who claim descent from
the Vaisyas and Kshatriyas are of Aryan origin.© The Komaties,
or merchants, claim to be Vaisyas, but there appears to be an
intimate connection between them and the Madigas, or leather
workers, who are of undoubted Dravidian origin.* When a mar-
riage takes place among the Komaties it is necessary to bring the
fire from the house of a Madiga for the new household. Many
devices are used to cover up this connection. A Komatie will
come on some pretext to the house of a Madiga, and after com-
pleting his business will ask for a light for his cheroot. Komaties,
however, do not deny the connection.
The hymns of the Rigveda® give us much light on the great
struggle of the Aryans in conquering the Dravidians. The Aryans
were not lacking in epithets with which to describe these people.
They called them “ enemies,” “slaves,” “ abject tribes,” “void of
sense,” “ inhuman,” “ keeping alien rites,” “ malignant,” “ wicked,”
“riteless,” “prayerless,” “bestowing no gifts” (to the gods),
“pouring no oblation of milk,’ “non-worshipers,” “ priestless,”’
“not keeping sacred fires,” “ worshipers of mad gods,” and they
even accused them of eating human flesh.
It is probable that this is an exaggerated description, for the
conquerors also speak of their enemies as being wealthy in herds,
having impregnable castles, forts of iron, and cities. They were
found to be most powerful foes, and probably were stubborn in
their resistance, as the Aryans called them “bull-jawed.” In the
course of time, however, the conquest was complete. The Aryans
became the rulers, and the Dravidians took a subordinate position
in the newly organized caste system.
The conquerors soon found that if they were to hold the Dravid-
6 Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, pp. 79 sq., for
“Kebatriya’ = Wil; pp: 271, sq., for “ Vaisya.”
7 Ibid., III, pp. 325 sq.
8 See especially the following hymns of the Rigveda: T. H. Griffith,
The Ramayan of Valmiki, Benares, 1895, Book I, Cantos 22, 117, 132, 175.
Book II, Canto 20. Book III, Canto 53. Book IV, Cantos 6, 16, 28, 30,
32. Book V, Canto 7. Book VI, Cantos 23, 25, 31. Book VII, Canto 99.
Book VIII, Canto 14. Book IX, Canto 41. Book X, Cantos 22, 20.
IO
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism II
ians in subjection some consideration for their religion was neces-
sary. Although the Dravidians were worshipers of “ mad gods,”
they were most tenacious of their religious rites. The Aryans did
not attempt to compel them to give up their gods, but adopted the
policy of bringing the people with their religion into the fold of
Hinduism. This process has been going on until the present time.®
To what extent the effort has succeeded is evident on every hand.*®
9 Gazetteer of Vizagapatam District, I, p. 75. The Khonds, a hill tribe,
are an illustration. They are still worshipping simultaneously their aborig-
inal god, Poleramma from the Telugu country, and an orthodox Hindu god.
10 Census of 1911, Vol. XII, Pt. 1, Ch. 4, (paras. 4, 6, 22, 26). “It is
well to remember that the strict connotation of the word Hinduism is
racial and social rather than theological. At the same time we may ad-
mit that Hinduism is in a sense acquisitive. If it strains out the individual
gnat, it can swallow with cheerfulness the tribal camel. Some slight pro-
fession of faith, and modern efficiency in the nice conduct of ceremony,
are sufficient to secure for an aspiring animistic tribe, gods included,
admission within the pale.
“The most debatable Hindu may well worship, and often does worship,
the great Hindu deities. Such worship is not a necessary impediment to
a simultaneous worship of many minor godlings. The two acts of faith
at times co-exist even in Brahmans.
“ Whatever may be their present-day union or interminglement, it is diffi-
cult to imagine any original connection of the Aryan Brahmans and their
subtle philosophies, with the gross demonolatry of the Dravidian peoples
who surrounded them. Holding certain philosophical opinions, which they
neither expected nor particularly desired their Dravidian neighbors to share,
it is unlikely that the early Aryan theorists made any serious efforts to
obtain adherents to their way of thinking. But satisfied with the admission
of their undoubted intellectual superiority, they built gradually many a
connecting bridge between their own somewhat unpractical speculations,
and the extremely materialistic demonologies of the Dravidians.”
E. A. Gait, Census Commissioner for India, in his “ Notes on Census
Returns of Hindus,” dated Simla, 12th July, 1910 (See Indian Social
Reformer, Bombay, Nov. 20, 1912), discusses at length the question as to
who are to be enumerated as Hindus. “The complaint has often been
made that the Census returns of Hindus are misleading, as they include
millions of people who are not really Hindus at all, who are denied the
ministrations of the Brahmans, and are forbidden to enter Hindu temples,
and who in many cases are regarded as so unclean that their touch, or even
their proximity, causes pollution. There is of course much truth in the
criticism, but the fact that Hinduism has no definite creed makes it diffi-
cult to lay down any definite test as to who is, and who is not a Hindu.
rT
12 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The original Vedic religion finds but little in common with mod-
ern Hinduism. The great mass of Dravidian deities, rites, and
superstitions have become part of so-called Hinduism, and while
somewhat changed by Brahmanic Hinduism, the latter has been
equally changed by the Dravidian religion.
Siva worship is a marked illustration of the adoption of aborig-
inal gods.12 Siva is a god of the Puranas, and in connection with
his worship there is much that is opposed to Brahmanism. He
appears to be a deified chief.1* His wife, Parvati, is more strik-
ingly aboriginal than Siva himself. She appears in many different
A man may believe in the whole Hindu pantheon, or only in particular
gods, or, for that matter, in no gods at all; he may sacrifice or abstain from
sacrifices; he may eat flesh and fish or abstain from so doing; but he is
still regarded as a Hindu if he belongs to a recognized Hindu caste, does
not deny the supremacy of the Brahmans, and abstains from open disre-
gard of the restrictions observed by his caste fellows.” Mr. Gait proposes
the following as some of the tests which might be applied to discover
whether any certain class may be regarded as Hindus or not. “ (1) Do the
members of the caste or tribe worship the great Hindu gods? (2) Are
they allowed to enter Hindu temples or make offerings at the shrine?
(3) Will good Brahmans act as their priests? (4) Will degraded Brah-
mans do so? In that case, are they recognized as Brahmans by persons
outside the caste, or are they Brahmans only in name? (5) Will clean
castes take water from them? (6) Do they cause pollution, (a) by touch,
(b) by proximity?” These tests would cut off from Hinduism all the
outcastes, who are a very considerable number in the census, and who
commonly claim to be genuine Hindus.
11 Gazetteer of South Arcot, I, p. 94: “ The attitude of the Hindus of the
district toward the numerous deities worshiped therein is an odd medley
of orthodox Brahmanic ideas, and the most primitive superstitions.” “A
Native,” Pen and Ink Sketches of Native Life in South India, Madras,
1880, shows the attitude of mind assumed by many of the Indians of Aryan
descent toward the Dravidian people. He says, “ The pariah and chuckler
people and a whole lot of other half-wild tribes are supposed to be the
aborigines of the country.” He then tells something of their demon-wor-
ship and their subjection to the higher castes.
12 On: Siva as an aboriginal deity see Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, Cal-
cutta, 1882, p. 280; The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presi-
dency, I, p. 84; Journal of the Ethnological Society, I, p. 96.
13 Sir Alfred C. Lyall, Asiatic Studies, London, 1907, First Series, p. 49.
Sir Monier Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1891,
p. 84.
12
<
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 13
forms. As Kali** she is a bloodthirsty goddess, wearing a neck-
lace of skulls, and dancing on the bodies of her fallen enemies.
Another name commonly given her is Durga.* The goddesses of
the Dravidians are commonly said to be incarnations of Kali or
Durga, and so the wives of Siva.
- Ganesa, the elephant headed god, and Hanuman, the monkey
god, are said to be the sons of Siva,’® and in this way are connected
with the Hindu pantheon. It is possible that they were totems
or tribal animal gods of some branch of the aborigines, and have
been adopted into Hinduism. .
It appears that this adoption of aboriginal gods under the guise
of Siva worship has never fully satisfied either Brahmans or
Dravidians. There is evidence in the Nellore District that Siva
worship was once far stronger than at present. On every hand
fallen temples may be found, and these are almost invariably Siva
temples. They are usually found in the fields at some little dis-
tance from the villages, and appear to have been deserted for a
long time, perhaps for centuries. There are no local traditions of
any value concerning these temples. ‘The architecture is not to be
compared with that of the temples in the towns, yet they are usu-
ally built with massive stones. They are far better buildings than
the shrines of the Dravidian deities, but the style of architecture
is somewhat the same.
, 14 Kali is the tutelary goddess of Kalighat, from which place the city
of Calcutta takes its name. Large numbers of goats and sometimes
buffalos are beheaded here daily. The temple is owned by Brahmans
who have become immensely wealthy through the large number of offerings ©
made by pilgrims. For a description of the worship at Kalighat see Shib
Chundar Bose, The Hindus as They Are, Calcutta, 1883, pp..133 sq.
15 Gustav Oppert, The Original Inhabitants of India, Westminster, 1893,
p. 495. Kali as Durga sometimes receives the buffalo sacrifice in South
India. She has every mark of an aboriginal deity.
16 Hanuman is also claimed by the Vaishnavas. For the legend of his
double parentage see Moor, The Hindu Pantheon, Madras, 1864, pp. 250
sq. The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, p. 72,
says that monkeys were always worshiped in India, and when Siva worship
came, the old monkey god, Hanuman, was called an incarnation of Siva.
The Travencore State Manual, Il, p. 51, classifies these gods as tutelary
deities.
13
14 Wilber Theodore Elmore
It is probable that these temples were built by local kings at
public expense, under the direction of Brahmans at court. They
were built in the fields to satisfy the customs of the people, and
the style was Dravidian rather than Aryan. With the coming of
political changes support by the government disappeared, except
in cases where lands had been given to the temples, and the small
Siva temples seem not to have been thus endowed. As now the
burden of keeping up the worship fell upon the people themselves,
they found the Siva worship too much Brahmanized to suit their
tastes, and they soon went back to their unchanged Dravidian gods.
Although Siva has been deserted, the village demonesses are
usually said to be his wives. His sons, Hanuman and Ganesa,
also seem to be nearer to the hearts of the people. The image of
Hanuman is commonly worn around the necks of the children,
being drawn on a small piece of metal, while a large stone image
of Ganesa is often found beside the shrine of the Dravidian vil-
lage goddess, and at times is even placed in the temple beside the
goddess.
« It is evident, therefore, that although much of the aboriginal re-
ligion and many of the gods have been adopted into Hinduism,
working great changes in Hinduism itself, there has been but very
little assimilation in the thoughts and customs of the people. In
many ways an artificial connection has been found between the
original Dravidian worship and Hinduism, and the people are clas-
sified as Hindus, but the connection is to a great extent in name
only. The same strange rites, the same basal beliefs and ideas,
which these Dravidians possessed tens of centuries ago, seem no
less powerful to-day. The Dravidians have been conquered polit-
ically and socially, but religiously the contact of Aryans and Dra-
vidians has resulted in not more than a drawn battle.”
17 Gazetteer of Madura District, I, 84, states that in many places in this
district the influence of the Brahmans is comparatively weak, and that
weddings are performed without the help of these intermediaries. The
fact is very unusual, and shows that Brahmans have not secured complete
control. In the Madura District they are only 18 in every 1000 of the
population. The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I,
p. 71, gives a story to the effect that to subdue Vishnu, Siva placed himself
at the head of the demoniacal aborigines. This story indicates some early
14
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 15
CHAPTER II
GENERAL FEATURES OF DRAVIDIAN WoRSHIP
Hinduism as commonly known, and as described in the various
treatises on the subject, is the religion which originated in Vedic
times. It is controlled entirely by the Brahmans. The prominent
temples which are so evident in every town and village, are temples
for Vishnu or Siva or some of their incarnations or avatars.
Rama, the hero of the Ramayana, an avatar of Vishnu, is met
in every village, and has become to some extent a tutelary god of
South India.t_ His shrine is often small and poorly built, prob-
ably because he is considered much in the same light as the
Dravidian gods.
In all Vishnu and Siva temples Brahman priests officiate. The
worship has something more of dignity and mystery than that of
the Dravidian gods, but it cannot be said to be a popular worship.
This worship is supported largely through endowments of lands
made to the temples in former days by kings who wished to be
friendly with the Brahmans, or to attain merit for themselves.
These lands are now usually under the control of the government,
and the income is paid for the expenses of the temples. Pilgrims
and people hoping to attain merit also make gifts for the support
of the temples.
The mass of the people, meanwhile, are giving their attention
almost exclusively to another group of gods. Near every village
may be seen small rude temples or shrines. Usually an unhewn
struggle before Siva became a Hindu god. The Dravidian goddess, El-
lamma, is sometimes represented with the torn-off head of a Brahman in
her hand, which indicates that the political conquest was not an easy one.
See Oppert, Original Inhabitants of India, p. 464.
1The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, 71, gives
an interesting fact that the Shanans (‘toddy-drawers’) of South India
still celebrate with joy the successes of Ravana and the defeat of Rama.
At one time I was watching the removal of a fallen Ramaswami shrine in
a hamlet where his worship had ceased, and beneath the image were
found shells and little pots used in Dravidian devil worship. Also one
Chinese cash was found! The history of this is a mystery. It is evident
that when Rama’s shrine was erected, the people felt safer to have the
symbols of their demons included also.
15
16 Wilber Theodore Elmore
stone or a crudely graven image is the only occupant, and to these
images the people pay their devotions. There is also another
class of images which may very seldom be seen. These are tem-
porary images which are made for worship on a single occasion,
and then are deserted or thrown away.
Practically all of the people except the Brahmans join actively
in the worship of these minor gods, and the Brahmans are by no
means indifferent. The most of the sacrifices are of slaughtered
animals, hence usually a Brahman will not act as priest. An oc-
casional exception, however, is found. The Brahmans quite com-
monly direct some parts of the worship, and often are present,
usually standing at.a distance.? They admit that these deities are
powerful demons, and so are not to be neglected. One Brahman of
education explained his position in the matter to an English official
as follows: “I attempt to win the favor of the collector because
he may promote me, but I pay blackmail to the Kollans too. Of
what good is the collector’s friendship if the Kollans steal my
bullocks?’’® In his illustration the collector represented the Brah-
manic deities and the Kollans the minor gods and demons.
The characteristics which distinguish these Dravidian deities
from the Brahmanic gods are in general as follows.* In the first
place the Brahmanic gods usually have some kind of a divine his-
tory. They have some legendary birth in the abode of the gods,
and appear on the earth in various avatars. The Dravidian gods,
however, are usually local in their origin. Their history com-
monly begins on earth, often as the ghost of some person who has
died. In the thought of the people also, the Dravidian gods are
local. Each village has its own deity, a fact which has given rise
2 At a great festival for Kulagollamma in Kavili, Nellore District, Sept.
5, 1913, I saw large numbers of Brahmans standing on an elevation watch-
ing the beheading of buffaloes and the drawing of the carts. I talked with
some of them, asking them how it was that they were consenting to the
bloody offerings. They replied that in a time of danger it was right to
take life. The present danger was that Kulagollamma would send cholera
if not propitiated.
3 Gazetteer of Tanjore, I, p. 67.
* Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 109. J. N. Farquahar,
A Primer of Hinduism, London, tg1it, pp. 153 sq.
16
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 17
to the common term of “ Village Deities” for these Dravidian
gods. Even when one god is found in many places, the people
never think of it as a general god with world relations, but only
as their local deity.
Again, these gods are almost always propitiated with bloody or
animal sacrifices, but this is not the case with true Hindu gods.
Because of these bloody sacrifices, and also for historical reasons,
the pujari, or priest, is very rarely a Brahman. The Dravidian
deities, moreover, are commonly of the female sex, in contrast to
the masculine nature of the Hindu gods.
In India there are exceptions to all rules, and so every one of
the above tests will be found to fail at times. But the whole char-
acter of these Dravidian deities and their worship is so marked,
that there is no danger of confusing the two.® The people them-
selves commonly distinguish between the gods of Dravidian and of
Hindu origin, although they cannot tell what is the basis of their
classification. It is a striking phenomenon that after centuries of
close contact and definite efforts to amalgamate the two cults, the
breach seems almost as wide to-day as ever it was, as far as rites
and basic beliefs are concerned.®
5 Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, p. 70, divides
the deities of India into three classes: (1) Brahmanic deities, (2) Aborigi-
nal deities, and (3) Deities which are a combination of these two. In the
case of the last-named deities it is not difficult to trace their origin either
to Brahmanic or aboriginal sources, and to discover how the other ele-
ment has been added.
6 The Gazetteer of South Arcot District, I, p. 375, gives a strange in-
stance of an exception to the rule that these gods are female. In the town
of Kuvnakkam is a god named Aravan. There is a tradition concerning
him which is found in the Tamil version of the Mahabharata, but not in the
Sanskrit original, that Aravan was a man who offered his life as a sacri-
fice to assist the Pandavas when they were in despair because their enemies
had offered a white elephant. He was deified, and now men dress as
women at his festival, vow to marry him, and bewail him as their husband.
This is without doubt Dravidian, even though the god is not female.
Other exceptions will be noticed in the various descriptions of the deities.
17
18 Wilber Theodore Elmore
CHAPTER M1
THE SEVEN SISTERS
In all parts of South India the Seven Sisters are the most prom-
inent among Dravidian deities. They have one younger brother
called Potu Razu. His name seems to be the same everywhere,
but the names of the Seven Sisters vary, localities quite near to-
gether often having different names for them. In the Kandukuru
Taluq of the Nellore District the names commonly given are
Poleramma, Ankamma, Muthyalamma, Dilli Polasi, Bangaramma,
Mathamma, and Renuka. Of these Poleramma is the best known,
being found in almost every village.?
As the worship of the Seven Sisters is typical of that of all the
Dravidian deities, the rites connected with each will be described
with some detail.
POLERAMMA. The temple or shrine of Poleramma is usually
outside the village, and quite frequently on the bank of an irriga-
tion tank, or reservoir.2. The shrine is usually very crude, some-
times built with stones and mud. At other times it consists of
stones two or three feet long, set upright in the ground on three
sides of a small square, the fourth side being left open. On the
1 For other lists see Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p.
116; Manual of Administration of Madras Presidency, I, p. 78; Oppert,
Original Inhabitants of India, p. 488. Oppert includes two wives of Iyenar,
thus making nine in his group. Pidari in his list appears to be Poleramma.
2 Bishop Whitehead classifies Poleramma as a “boundary goddess.”
See Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 111. Polimeru is
a Telugu word meaning ‘boundary,’ or more accurately the field between
two villages. It is probable that the similarity of names, and the fact that
Poleramma’s temple is outside the village, have given the impression that
she is a boundary goddess. J. A. Curtis of Donokonda writes, “I am
unable to confirm my impression that Poleramma is a boundary goddess.
Baita Ankamma also is related to the boundaries. Of course polimeru
means not the edge of the settlement, but the field boundary between two
separate villages. In this sense the Poleramma temple is not on the
boundary.” Regarding boundary goddesses the Gazetteer of South Arcot
District, I, p. 92, says, “In many places stone slabs may be seen set up on
the outskirts of the village on what are said to be the old boundaries.”
Some of these have become idols. On others cocoanuts are broken
annually.
18
PLATE Ill
POLERAMMA
This is a fair example of a Dravidian goddess when the image is carved and
dressed. More commonly the image is an uncarved stone.
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 19
top is placed a flat stone. Within the shrine will be found one
small plain stone, of no particular form, set upright in the ground.
This is the image of Poleramma. Very rarely Poleramma will
have a temple built after the pattern of those Siva temples which
are found in the fields.
Poleramma is the goddess of smallpox in the Telugu country, as
Mariammam is in the Tamil country. She is also considered to be
responsible to some extent for all other troubles in the village, such
as cattle disease, drought, and sickness among the people. The
name Poleramma, however, is the common expression among the
people for smallpox.’
When smallpox breaks out in a village, the people say that Pol-
eramma has come to them. She is supposed to be angry, and ex-
presses her anger by the disease. Before a general jatara, or
the offering of bloody sacrifices to appease the goddess, takes
place, the afflicted person performs certain propitiatory ceremonies.
The first thing done is to place some cactus leaves on the wall
near the gate. Sometimes the cactus is placed over the door.*
The intention in this is that Poleramma, seeing the cactus, will
think the place uninhabited and pass on, since cactus would not
be allowed to grow on the wall of an inhabited house. Then a
sheep or small buffalo is tied to the leg of the cot on which the
sick man is lying. If the people are very poor, a chicken will be
substituted. This animal is a votive offering, and it is hoped that
with this promise Poleramma will be satisfied and leave the house.
Whether the smallpox disappears or not, within a few days the
devoted animal is taken outside the village boundaries and sacri-
ficed. Two pots of food are prepared. Some of the food is
placed on the decapitated head of the buffalo, or other animal sac-
rificed, and the head with the food on it is left outside the bound-
aries, with the hope that Poleramma also will be pleased to remain
3 Ammavaru, a respectful title for a woman, is a name also given to
smallpox. In some places Peddamma meaning a great woman, is used for
smallpox, and Chinnamma meaning a lesser woman, is used for chicken-
pox. In every case the underlying meaning is the same, that of a female
deity bringing the disease. See Brown’s English-Telugu Dictionary,
Madras, 1903, p. 1187. Here ammavaru is translated “ our lady.”
4 This is done also for cholera, and at times for other diseases.
19
20 Wilber Theodore Elmore
outside. The remainder of the food is taken home by the one
offering it, and is eaten there. When smallpox has appeared in
a village, many of the people besides the afflicted family perform
these ceremonies as a precautionary measure.
If the smallpox appears to be spreading, a general jatara® is
arranged for. First the announcement of the coming jatara is
made, and offerings solicited. This is done as follows. After
bathing the image of Poleramma, a procession is formed, led by
the Madiga asadi or story teller, a village servant called a yetti,
and a washerman. ‘Taking new pots these three go about the
village from house to house announcing the coming jatara. At
each house they receive a small amount of food and buttermilk,
which later they divide among themselves. They then go to the
centre of the village, and taking a new pot they place in it one-
fourth of an anna,® some turmeric, charcoal, and rice. The asadi
now tells the story of Poleramma, describing her powers and the
dangers which may come from neglecting her. The people become
much wrought up, and make vows to her to be fulfilled at the time
of the jatara. The pot is then tied to a tree and left until the
time of worship.
The jatara itself, or festival, usually occupies four days.” On
the first day the pot is taken from the tree and carried in proces-
sion through the village, accompanied by the beating of drums.
As it is carried past each house the inmates come out and bow
in worship before it. All the people then bring pots of food, and
5 Jatara is a Dravidian word meaning originally a tumult or noisy dis-
turbance. Tirunalla is also a Dravidian word meaning literally “ good
days.” It is used also for the festivals of the gods. I find that there is
much confusion in the minds of the people as to the use of these words.
One will say that the festival is a jatara, and another that the same festival
is a tirunalla. The most common distinction is that a tirunalla is the
general merry-making part, and the jatara is the time of bloody propitia-
tion. Tirunalla is often used of the worship of the Hindu gods, but jatara
never 1S.
6 An anna is equal to one penny or two cents.
‘For a full description of the worship of Peddamma, which is very
similar, see Bishop Whitehead’s account in Madras Government Museum,
Bulletin, V, no. 3, pp. 129 ff.; also Kurnool District Manual, 1880, Sec. II,
pp. 150-156.
20
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 21
going to the house of the head man of the shepherd caste, they
spread leaf-plates and make an offering of food. The asadi
summons all the elders to witness, calling each one by name, and
publicly announces the various vows made to Poleramma. A sheep
is then sacrificed to seal the promises made in the vows. Once
again the procession forms and the pot is carried around the
village, food being collected at each house. The asadi chants
the stories of the gods as they go, telling of their various wars
and exploits, in order to arouse the people to take a proper part
in the worship. After collecting the food the procession goes
outside the village to the temple of Poleramma. The temple is
purified with various ceremonies, Poleramma is bathed, and the
pot of food and some offerings are placed before her.
The procession now forms anew and goes to the water, a well
or irrigation tank, where the royal staff and the snake’s hood® have
been kept in water over night. These are taken from the water,
and carried to the temple, after a sheep has been offered. After
placing the royal staff and snake’s hood beside Poleramma in the
temple another sheep is offered, and this usually completes the
ceremonies of the first day.
On the second day there are still more processions about the
village, and food is offered in front of the house of another shep-
herd. A sheep is sacrificed, and story telling continues as on the
first day. The third day they start the procession earlier, and
more food is collected. Those who collect the food eat it them-
selves, after offering it to the goddess, so this part of the cere-
monies is not neglected. In the afternoon all the people leave
their houses, and going to some suitable spot outside the village
near the temple of Poleramma, they cook food, and eat it after
offering it to Poleramma.
The merry-making part of the festival now takes place. The
villagers bring their carts and oxen, the carts being gaily decorated
for the occasion, and form a procession to go around the temple.
Some people, especially children, ride in the carts and think this
is great sport. There is a definite order for the carts, according
to the wealth of the owner, and his standing in the community.
8 For meaning of these emblems see page 84.
2
22 Wilber Theodore Elmore
At times, when the number of carts is large, there is great con-
fusion, and the beating of drums and shouting of the people make
the oxen frantic. Accidents appear to be rare, however.®
After the procession of carts, the people bring sheep, goats,
and chickens and offer them to Poleramma, carrying away the
carcasses to be eaten later. This ends the ceremonies of the third
day.
The fourth day is the greatest day of the festival, and has the
most repulsive features of any part of the ceremonies. A great
heap of boiled cholam, kaffir corn, is poured out before the goddess,
and then the buffalo’ sacrifice is brought. The story tellers re-
count the deeds of heroes, and get the people into a high state
of excitement. The drums are then beaten loudly, while men
seize the buffalo by head and body, pulling on it so that the neck
is strained tight. The pujari blesses the sword and hands it to
the executioner, usually a Madiga. He worships the sword,
bowing to the ground before it, then with one stroke he severs the
head from the body.**. The head is then placed before Poleramma,
and one, or quite commonly, both front legs are cut off at the
knee and placed crosswise in the mouth of the buffalo. Some of
the fat is taken from the abdomen of the buffalo and spread
over its eyes, and a wick placed in a small vessel of oil is lighted
and placed on the head. This oil that is burned is supposed to be
from the fat of the buffalo, but this rule does not seem to be com-
monly observed.
Water is then poured over the blood, and later it is well cov-
ered with earth from fear lest some of it should be carried to
another village, as this would destroy the efficacy of the sacrifice.
® At one time I witnessed a procession in which the leg of an ox was
broken.
10 The Indian buffalo, Bos bubalus. The buffalo offered is usually a
small one, perhaps a year old.
11 Jt is said that the executioner is allowed three strokes, and if more
are required the offering is not acceptable. If the buffalo is small, one
stroke usually suffices, but with a large animal I have seen most dis-
tressing scenes when many blows were required. There was no evidence
in these cases that the offering was not acceptable. The requirement
seemed to be that the animal must stand until the head falls, and I have
seen it held up by poles until the neck was severed.
22
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 23
Later the outcastes remove the body of the buffalo, which comes
to them as a part of their pay for the work of the day.
At the close of the worship of Poleramma, a sheep is offered to
Potu Razu, and some of the food is poured out before him. He
is then requested to guard the village, and the ceremonies come
to an end. ated Ae
Potu Razu is represented by a small stone placed at some dis-
tance from the shrine of Poleramma. Bishop Whitehead says
of him: “ Potu Razu is a mysterious person in the Telugu coun-
try; sometimes he is described as the brother, sometimes as the
husband of the village goddess, and sometimes as only an attend-
ant. Once I was told that he was the devil’s younger brother,
and occasionally the villagers seem to think that the less said
about him the better. But I have never met with him as an inde-
pendent deity, and have always been told that sacrifice is never
offered to him alone, but always in conjunction with one or more
of the goddesses.”
ANKAMMA. This goddess has much in common with Poler-
amma. She is usually represented by a stone image in a little
temple outside the village. Sometimes the image has some re-
semblance to a human form, but often it is an unhewn stone.
In addition to this usual position, Ankamma is often a household
god.4* When she is worshiped as a household goddess she is rep-
resented by a pot in which are some shells, little earthen mugs,
and other similar articles. The shells represent the teeth of devils,
and the pots represent the food which they desire.
The worship of Ankamma as a village goddess is much the
same as that of Poleramma, and so need not be described in detail.
It is more bloody, however, and seems to increase in fervor and
cruelty during the five days which it usually continues. On the
first day three buffalos and three sheep are sacrificed, the blood
being poured out before Ankamma. At this time the drum beaters
and horn blowers make a great tumult. The excitement increases
12 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 111.
18 Any god may become a household god, but Ankamma seems to be
the one most commonly chosen.
23
24 Wilber Theodore Elmore
as the tumult grows louder, and the people leap and dance as if |
possessed by demons.
On the fourth day, in memory of Papanooka, whose story will
be told later,’* a man disguised as a woman carries a paper balloon
in procession on the end of along pole. Above the balloon is a pot
and above that a drinking cup, while the royal staff and snake hood
are carried behind accompanied by drumming and shouting.?®
On the last day the cruel features of the worship take place.
The village carpenter prepares a rude cart on which are set stakes
sharply pointed at the upper end. The usual number of stakes
isnine. On these are impaled alive a goat, a pig, a lamb, a chicken,
and other small animals. Then the story-teller drinks the blood of
a sheep, sometimes severing the jugular vein with his teeth, and
disguised as a woman mounts to the top of the cart. Here sitting
on a board prepared for him, he rides to Ankamma’s temple in the
midst of the suffering animals. The cart is drawn with great
tumult by the Madigas and Malas, while the crowd follows with
beating of drums and great excitement. After they have arrived
at the temple a live sheep is impaled on a stake set for that purpose
in the ground in front of the temple.*® All of these animals of
course die in their agonies.
The usual explanation of the impaling of the animals is that
Ankamma enters the man who is disguised as a woman, and is
propitiated by this suffering and shedding of blood. After these
horrible ceremonies are over, food is poured out before the
14 See page 94.
15 The story tellers in the worship of Ankamma are called pambala
vandlu. They are Malas. The Madiga asadis—who are the story-tellers
for Poleramma and the most of these gods—would not be allowed to tell
the story of Ankamma.
16 Oppert, Original Inhabitants of India, 479, tells of another cruel
practice in the worship of Mariamman, when live chickens are thrown
among the crowd from the temple. The people catch them and tear them
to pieces as they fall. It is claimed that the impaling ceremony is un-
common now, and that the legs of the sheep are tied together and simply
hooked over the impaling stake. There is much reason to believe, how-
ever, that the impaling still goes on, especially in out of the way places,
24
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 25
goddess. The people then eat, and the festival closes with the
usual procession of carts about the temple.*’
MutuHyaLAMMaA. The worship of this goddess is much the
same as that of Poleramma. In the jatara for Muthyalamma
which the writer was able to observe,?* a temporary clay image was
used to represent the goddess, as her own temple and image were
at some distance. This temporary image was afterwards left
to be trampled under foot. The object of the worship at this
time was to bring rain. Three buffalos and a large number of
sheep, goats, and chickens were offered.
In a case like this, where more than one buffalo is offered, the
one first slain is the real buffalo sacrifice, which is so constant a
feature in the worship of these gods. The remaining buffalos,
like the other animals, are usually given by individuals in payment
of vows. The one main buffalo sacrifice in which the head is
placed before the idol, is an essential of a jatara. ‘This sacrifice
is for the entire village. Other offerings are optional.
Dixit Porasi. This goddess also is both a village and a house-
hold deity. As a household goddess she is represented by a
number of pots placed one on top of another, the largest at the
bottom, and hung in a network of rope. These pots are very
commonly seen in any village house.
The household worship is simple. Usually the mother of the
wife of the household will send new clothes to her daughter and
son-in-law. They put these on, tie the ends together, and sit
near the household god, while the village story-teller, dressed
as a Brahman, gives a forecast of the coming year, the rain, the
crops, the prosperity of the farm and herds. He imitates a Brah-
man in reading their horoscopes, and the prophecy is usually a
favorable one. The husband and wife are then remarried. The
wife removes her tali bottu, or marriage symbol, which is worn
around her neck. The story-teller, now acting as priest, fur-
nishes a new string, and her husband again ties it around her neck
as he did on the first wedding day. They then worship Dilli
17 Ankamma is also called Ankallamma. In Tamil she is Angaramma.
18 In Ramapatnam, May, 1907. Muthyalamma is the village goddess of
Ramapatnam.
25
26 Wilber Theodore Elmore
Polasi, eat together, and this rather pleasing ceremony is at an
end.
The public worship of Dilli Polasi is more often engaged in
by one family, or a group of related families, than by all the vil-
lage. For this worship an earthen image is made, which is after-
wards allowed to fall to pieces in sun and rain. The head of
the worshiping family acts as priest. The pots and ropes are
taken to the water, and after ceremonies for purification, are
left there all night, a watch having been placed to see that they
are not molested or defiled.
In the morning the head of the family summons all of the
relatives. A sheep is sacrificed, and then they go to the water.
Here they make the muggu* on the ground and sacrifice another
sheep. The ropes and pots are then taken from the water and
carried in procession through the village. When the house is
reached another sheep is sacrificed. The executioner cuts its
throat and then taking it by the rear legs, he swings it around
several times. This is an offering to the evil spirits which may
be hovering about. in the air. It is hoped that, satisfied with
the gift, they will not attempt to enter the house.
The people then enter the house and worship the earthen image
of Dilli Polasi. The story-telling begins, and if the family is
able to hire a story-teller of ability, it may continue for several
days, much to the delight of the entire community.
BANGARAMMA. This goddess does not seem to be so important
as some of her sisters. Very commonly she has no temple of
her own, but her image is placed in the temple of Poleramma.
At times she has a smaller temple near that of Poleramma, and
receives a small share of the worship when that goddess is pro-
pitiated.
The worship of Bangaramma has much in common with that
19 A muggu is a pattern of various designs commonly drawn before
the doors of houses for ornamentation. It is made with lime or rice flour
which the women sift through their fingers very deftly in making the
pattern. The same name is given to a sacred pattern which is used in
many parts of the worship, especially in exorcism of devils, as will be seen
later. This sacred muggu is made by the one officiating as priest.
26
PLATE IV
THE SACRED MUGGU
These muggus are in preparation for a feast, and are not so much for use in the
worship as for ornament. The muggus described in the text are of the same nature,
but not often so large. Those designed for ornament are made by the women of the
household, and not by a priest. The picture is of a Brahman home.
PREPARING THE SACRIFICIAL FEAST
This is the feast which is eaten in connection with the worship of Dravidian deities.
It is prepared in a grove. The sheep is decorated with leaves as an offering to the
goddess. It will be killed before the idol and afterwards will be eaten.
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 27
of Poleramma. It begins, however, very mildly. There may be
some connection between the name Bangaramma, meaning “the
golden one,” and her mild nature. The first day the children are
treated to sweetmeats, and have a general good time. After this
pleasant beginning, however, the people seem to forget that she
is different from the others, and the jatara increases in intensity
until it comes to resemble that of the other goddesses.
The buffalo sacrifice takes place on the third day. After the
severed head is placed before Bangaramma, water is poured over
it until the head is said to jump. This indicates that the sacri-
fice is acceptable to Bangaramma, and the people dance like de-
mons while the drums and horns keep up the wildest din.
A strange custom is now observed. The Madigas, who are
outcastes, begin to revile the caste people, using the vilest lan-
guage. They certainly are adepts at invective, and make good
use of their opportunity. The caste people not only expect this
berating, but demand it. If the Madigas show any reluctance to
begin, the caste people will beat them with ropes and sticks to
compel them to perform their duty. No doubt the Madigas get
a good deal of satisfaction out of this privilege and pay off many
an old score, for they are in the position of serfs to the higher
castes, and often suffer a good deal of oppression.
MatTHAMMA AND Matanci. Mathamma is the especial goddess
of the Madigas. While all castes have much fear of her, and
contribute to her worship, caste distinctions prevent any but
Madigas from taking an active part in the ceremonies. As the
Madigas are usually very poor, her worship is not so extensive
or elaborate as that of the other goddesses. She is represented
by a small stone image in a very poor shrine.?°
In preparation for the jatara a small buffalo is procured and
then turned loose until the appointed day. The image is then
20 There is an occasional exception. In Kavili, Nellore District, the
temple of Mathamma is equal to many small Hindu temples. The
Madigas contracted a heavy debt with the Sudras to build it, and this they
have not been able to pay, and probably never will pay, the Sudras being
satisfied to have the Madigas in their power because of this debt. In
Kandukuru also the temple to Mathamma is a large one.
27
28 Wilber Theodore Elmore
given a bath, a sheep is offered, and there is the usual buffalo
sacrifice with the ceremonies already described. On the last day
the pujari, who is always a Madiga, takes a fowl, cuts off its
head before the idol, and, holding it by the legs, brushes away the
muggu, or sacred marks before the idol, thus removing the last
vestiges of the evil which may come from Mathamma.
But Mathamma has another form which is far more important,
and this is as a Matangi. A Matangi is a Madiga woman who
is supposed to be possessed with the spirit of Mathamma. She is
one of the most interesting characters in this Dravidian worship,
and later the stories concerning her origin will be given at some
length.”?
The selection of a new Matangi is an important ceremony.
The Matangi holds her position for life, and her successor is
usually not chosen until after her death. One method of making
the choice is to bring all the unmarried girls of the village before
the shrine of Mathamma. Songs are then sung, drums are
beaten loudly, and the goddess is invoked to descend upon the
chosen one. Soon one of the girls will act as if possessed with
the spirit, and it is understood that the choice has fallen on her.
There are other ordeals for the new Matangi to pass. The
test appears to be that she shall be able to control herself when
the possession comes upon her. She is seated on the sacred
muggu beside a pot of buttermilk, and four other pots of butter-
milk are placed around her. Strings are tied from the pots to
the roof so close to the girl that if she moves she will spill the
buttermilk. Then the possession is invoked. If she passes this
test successfully she is invested with the insignia of her position,
a basket or sieve, a snake-headed bamboo stick, a bunch of mar-
gosa leaves, and a rope with cowrie shells attached.
There are many variations in these ceremonies.”? At times if
a woman simply sits apart and acts strangely, they say the pos-
session is coming upon her and they put her through the tests.
In the village of Chendulur the custom is to dig out an ant-hill
21 See page 93.
22E. R. Clough, While Sewing Sandals, pp. 62 sq.; E. Thurston, Castes
and Tribes of Southern India, IV, pp. 303 sq.
28
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 29
and seat the girl in the excavation with a basket turned bottom
side up over her. The bavaneedu** then begins the story-telling,
relating the deeds of former Matangis. When the possession
comes upon the girl she leaps from the ant-hill, tossing the basket
aside, and is then acclaimed the chosen Matangi. None of these
tests would seem to be very conclusive.
The centre of the Matangi worship is in a village called Malin-
thapadu, near Cumbum in the Kurnool District. Here every
Matangi must come for final initiation. The expenses are heavy,
and must be borne by the Matangi or those sending her. There
will be much profit to her later by the gifts she receives in the
exercise of her office, so the expenses are gladly met.
The initiation is performed by Brahmans, and appears to be
simple. The candidates are placed in a row before the goddess
Ellamma, who is supposed to be the original form of Mathamma.
Their faces are marked with sacred symbols similar to those on
the face of the goddess, after which a buffalo is killed as an offer-
ing to Ellamma. These ceremonies continue for five days, when
the spirit of Ellamma is said to have fully come upon the Matan-
gis. The candidates are then sent away.
One other ceremony is performed usually in the native village
of the Matangi. This is some form of a marriage.?* Usually she
is married to a tree, and it is only a matter of form. After that
her life knows no moral restrictions.
The Matangi is Mathamma or Ellamma incarnate, and yet it
does not appear that she is worshiped. She takes, however, a
most important part in the cult of the village gods. If there is
no local Matangi, often one is brought from a distance. She
marches behind the master of ceremonies in the procession, and
when her time comes she becomes possessed by the spirit of
28 More commonly called bainedu. The asadis have no part here.
There is still another division of the Madiga story-tellers called kommu
vandlu, horn-blowers. They recite the Shepherds’ Purana, but do not in-
fringe on the duties of either asadis or bainedus.
24 E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, pp. 296, 304,
thinks she is not married. This is probably true so far as being married
to a man is concerned. E. R. Clough, While Sewing Sandals, p. 74, points
out that she is married to a tree.
29
30 Wilber Theodore Elmore
Mathamma. She then runs about among the people, touching them
with her stick, spurting toddy from her mouth over them, and
backing up against them, all the time uttering strange wild cries.
Not only the Madigas, but the higher castes, even Brahmans,
stand in line, as anxious to be spat upon and touched by her
stick and her person as are the lowest. There is a current story
of a rajah who was omitted by the Matangi, she thinking that he
was too great for her humiliating ceremonies, but he insisted
upon sharing the blessing.
At some parts of the ceremony she speaks things that are well
understood. As she rushes about spitting on those who under
ordinary circumstances would almost choose death rather than to
suffer such pollution from a Madiga, she breaks into wild, ex-
ulting songs, telling of the humiliation to which she is subjecting
the proud caste people. She also abuses them all thoroughly,
and as in the worship of Bangaramma, they appear to expect it
and not to be satisfied without a full measure of her invective.
After this ceremony she visits the homes of the Brahmans,”*
and the visit does not appear to be a pleasant one for them. She
comes into the courtyard and smears a spot with cow-dung, on
which she places her basket. The inmates of the house at once
fill the basket with food and cover the top with a layer of pow-
dered rice. Then a small lamp is placed on top of this and lighted.
This appears to be the nearest approach to worship the Matangi
receives. She then holds out a pot and asks for toddy. Water
is usually brought instead and filling her mouth with this she
again goes through the process of spattering them all. The
women give her their bodices, and the head woman of the house
gives her the cloth which she is wearing. The men give her
their sacred threads. She then leaves the place, still singing her
wild songs telling of the humiliation to which she has reduced
the Brahmans.”°
25 EF. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, p. 297.
26 Thurston thinks but few Brahman families now acknowledge this
allegiance to Matangi; Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, p. 207.
So far as I can find, Brahmans are loth to acknowledge any connection
with the Matangi, but some form of tribute to her seems very general.
30
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 31
Renuka. Although this goddess is enumerated often as one
of the Seven Sisters, she appears to have no separate worship
or temple. Her history is much connected with the origins of all
the other goddesses, and will be given later.*7
When other goddesses are named as composing the group of
the Seven Sisters, the worship and ceremonies are much the same
as that which has been given.?® None of the ceremonies are
without many variations, but the main features are always much
the same. The meaning and origin of these rites will be dealt
with later.
CHAPTER IV
PERANTALU WoRSHIP
A Perantalu is a woman whose husband is still living. She is
also described as a lucky woman or a woman who has attained
merit. This honorable name is extended to a woman who has
been a faithful wife, has borne children, and has died before her
husband. When the name is given to a woman who has died,
she becomes an object of worship. How this comes about will
be described in a later chapter.
The origin of a Perantalu being of a pleasant nature, the wor-
ship is usually somewhat milder than that of other similar local
deities. The following illustrations will show the character of
the worship given to a Perantalu.
In Matsavaram, in the Kandukuru Taluq? of the Nellore Dis-
trict, there were at one time two women who were very benevo-
lent, their chief work being the gift of a large irrigation tank to
the village. They were mother-in-law and daughter-in-law.
After both had died they were called Perantalus, and as such
have been worshiped ever since. They are represented by two
ungraven stone images over which no temple has been built.
27 See page 79.
28 The District Manual of Kurnool District, 150 sq., gives a full ac-
count of ceremonies connected with the jatara of Peddamma or Sunkal-
lamma. All the ceremonies given in this chapter appear to be present, and
also a good deal which belongs to demon and sakti worship.
1 Chapter VIII, pages 58 sq.
2 A talug corresponds to a county.
gar
32 Wilber Theodore Elmore
There is a yearly festival for these goddesses, and as in this
village there is no famine because of the good tank, the wor-
ship takes the form of making votive offerings rather than of
propitiation. One peculiar feature is that new clothes are tied
upon the idols. These clothes are later appropriated by the pujart.
Probably because these deities were once human women, this
desire for new garments is attributed to them. Many people give
these clothes in fulfillment of vows. There is the usual feasting
and drawing of decorated carts around the temple. Toward
the close of the worship many of the common features of a jatara
appear. There are blood offerings, but they are not so repellent
as in many other cases. A buffalo is beheaded, but the legs are
not placed in its mouth, and the head with a att burning on it is
simply left as an offering.
The object of this worship appears to be somewhat confused in
the minds of the people. It is difficult to see how these benevo-
lent women could have become deities who desire blood offerings.
It is probable that the originally simple worship has been added
to, and that, without much thought of the nature of these god-
desses, the usual exercises for the malevolent deities are per-
formed.
Buchamma is the name of another Perantalu. She enjoys
an annual festival lasting three days. Here again we may see a
combination of saint-worship and demon-worship. In this case
the buffalo sacrifice is omitted, but on the last day of the festival
a sheep is killed in front of the image so that it may see the
blood flow. This may be from fear that Buchamma, like other
village goddesses, has some evil propensities, and so needs pro-
pitiation. More probably, as in the case of the worship noted
above, this is simply an accretion from the usual Dravidian
worship.
In Muppararazuvarepalem, in the Darsi Taluq of the Nellore
District, there is a Perantalu called Lingamma, the worship of
whom appears to be altogether joyous. There are no blood
offerings, even though all castes worship her. The chief object
of the worship is to secure offspring, and a marriage ceremony is
32
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 33
performed between Lingamma and her husband. Rice is poured
over the heads of the images, as is done for the bridal pair at an
ordinary wedding, and many offerings are made in fulfillment of
vows.
In Pokuru of the Kandukuru Taluq a Perantalu bearing the
name Usuramma has risen to the position of the village god-
dess. She is represented by a rough stone image in a rude
temple outside the village. Her worship has become so impor-
tant, however, that another image of metal has been made for
her. The metal image is for use in processions, and is kept by
the Brahmans. This shows the influence of Hinduism, for the
Dravidian method would be to make an earthen image for the
one occasion only.
Usuramma is a local goddess, and yet she has attained such a
great reputation that people come from long distances to worship
her. She is a friendly, benevolent deity. She keeps away the
evil spirits and gives good crops.
The pujari for Usuramma is of the shepherd caste. Every
week he brings a simple offering to the temple, and as Usuramma
was an industrious woman, and still works for the villagers, her
clothes need changing; so he bathes the image, smears it with
saffron, and then ties on a clean koka, the cloth worn by the
women. |
Apart from this worship there is informal worship by individ-
uals. When any trouble appears in the village, the women af-
fected by it make vows to Usuramma, which are to be paid if
she removes the trouble. The vows are of a pleasing nature,
usually being promises to distribute sweetmeats to the children.
When such a vow is fulfilled the children are seated in front of
the temple; they wash their faces and anoint themselves with
saffron, and then receive the sweetmeats.
The annual worship of Usuramma is a more elaborate affair,
and as the expenses connected with it are considerable, it is often
omitted if all is going well in the village. At least once in three
years, however, the great festival takes place.
The great festival usually continues for five days. On the
33
34 Wilber Theodore Elmore
first day there are processions; the temple is circumambulated
three times, and all night long the story tellers stir up the people
with the tales of the prowess of the olden times. The second
day is a day of feasting. This takes place under a sacred jammi
tree? which is thought to be the habitation of spirits and demons.
After the feast there is story-telling as before. The third day
the processions and story-telling continue. On this day some
male member of the priest’s family, disguised as a woman, goes
about the village impersonating Gangamma, the especial goddess
of the shepherd caste. He is proceeded by a Madiga horn-blower,
and receives many offerings.
The fourth day the interest increases. All the women who
have made vows, fast until the afternoon. Then kokas are spread
from each house door to the centre of the village, and the women
come walking on these, each carrying a platter of well-prepared
food called ugumanchi bhojanam. After all have come to the
place of meeting the drums beat wildly, horns are blown, then
the chief story-teller steps forward, and as the noise lulls, his loud
chanting may be heard as he tells of the blood-stirring deeds of
former days.
The drums beat and the horns blow again, and the people dance
in a frenzy of excitement. One of the story-tellers now steps
forward and with a large needle pierces the skin of his left side,
drawing the thread through. This is the signal for other men
who have made this vow to do the same. The crowd then forms
into a turbulent procession, and carrying the offerings proceeds
to the temple of Usuramma. As the people advance the washer-
men spread kokas for them to walk upon, while a canopy of
similar cloths is carried over those who have made vows.
After arriving at the temple they march around it three times,
still walking on the cloths. Then coming before the idol, all
prostrate themselves and worship it. Those who have made
vows come into the temple. The Brahman and shepherd priests
take the offerings and after presenting them to the goddess, re-
3 Mimosa suma.
34
PLATE V
DRAVIDIAN TEMPLES
These temples are always outside a village, and are much neglected except at the
times when a jatara, or festival is conducted.
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 35
serve them for their own use. The cloths are returned to those
who have loaned them for the occasion.
In the evening the people of the shepherd caste observe the
domadi, or marriage feast, in which only married people whose
partners are still living may take part. This takes place under
the jammi tree. Drums are beaten to keep away interfering
spirits. The story-tellers, in this case the kommu vandlu or horn-
blowers, recite the Shepherds’ Purana, and at the close of each
line the people shout and throw a little food into the air for the
spirits and demons.
At the close of this feast a sheep is turned loose and all run
after it. It is the prize of the one who catches it, and the poor
sheep is often almost torn to pieces. The common explanation
of this part of the exercises is that if the sheep is caught it
proves the truth of the goddess. More probably, however, the
custom has come down from some ancient shepherd rite. At
night the sports continue, people disguising themselves as Giri
Razu and Renuka, and acting some of the scenes in the Shep-
herds’ Purana. Some of these stories will be given later.*
The fifth day there is still more feasting, then the carts are
drawn around the temple. After this occurs the hook-swinging
ceremony, which appears to be the only bloody or cruel feature
in the entire festival. A goat is tied up to the end of a long pole,
which swings horizontally on a pivot at the top of a high post.
A heavy stone is tied to the other end of the pole to balance the
goat. A man is then tied beneath the goat and both are swung
round and round, the man showering down betel leaves on the
people. The original method was to swing the man up with the
hooks fastened in the flesh of his back. When this was pro-
hibited by the government the hooks were placed in the flesh of a
goat’s back. This is now also prohibited, and so both are tied to
the pole. The placing of the hooks in a goat’s back is said to be
still very common, and at times the original method of fixing
+See pages 100 sq.
5 Ward, A View of the History, Religion, and Literature of the Hindus,
London, 1818, I, p. 24, tells of hook swinging to Siva. This would make
still more certain the Dravidian origin of Siva. See page 12.
a3
36 Wilber Theodore Elmore
them in a man’s back is undoubtedly carried out, if the police are
not too near.®
In the evening the sports still continue, this time a Madiga be-
ing disguised as a warrior. He enacts scenes from the Purana,
his chief feat being to cut off a pith post with a sword. After
this he leaps and dances about the temple while the shopkeepers
6 See Oppert, Original Inhabitants of India, pp. 477, 481. On hook-
swinging in Madura District, Mrs. J. S. Chandler sends the following in-
teresting information. “ Hook swinging was done in honor of the god-
dess Mariamman, goddess of smallpox and cholera. The swinging took
place in Sholanandan, about twelve miles from Madura, and has not oc-
curred since 1892. In J. S. Chandler’s Seventy-five Years in the Madura
Mission, page 16, is this paragraph. ‘Hook swinging was practised in
the first part of the nineteenth century. In 1856 the collector forbade it,
but it was revived and stopped two or three times after that. In 1868
it was publicly revived with the consent of the government, and in many
places was celebrated by great festivals and vast crowds of spectators.
It so happened, however, that in that same year the Governor of Madras,
Lord Napier of Merchistown, visited Madura. Mr. Chandler secured
the knives and hooks used in the swinging of one of the men, and showed
them to His Excellency. This led to the suppression of the practice for
the time. The last time it was publicly revived in the District was in the
years 1891-2. :
“In the Madura Gazetteer, page 324, Mr. Francis speaks of a village by
the name of Virapandi where there is a shrine to Mariamman, and adds,
‘Ward’s Survey account of 1821 says that in those days hook-swinging
took place at this shrine. Another village in the district where the cere-
mony was once regularly performed is Nallamaram in the Tirumangalam
taluq. The last swinging occurred there only a dozen years ago.’ This
book was published in 1906. It is strange that the author did not know
about Sholanandan, which was famous for this ceremony.
“Mr. Chandler saw the last hook-swinging. The man did not seem to
mind it, and when he was let down said he would go around again if
they would give him a present! While the man was swinging, the car on
which the swinging pole was erected was dragged around the temple.
The ceremony has not taken place since this time. It was performed to
get rain, good crops, and general prosperity. The man was chosen by
lot, the right to swing being confined to certain families only. Young
men only would be selected. It was considered an honor and a privilege
to be chosen, and for several months after the swinging the young man
received money from bazaar men and others by showing the knife and
hooks. He was probably under the influence of liquor when he was
swung.”
36
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 37
press him to take presents, hoping thus to secure good luck. And
so comes to a close the worship of Usuramma, with its many
sports from the olden times, and its slight touch of a severer
worship.
CHAPTER: V
THE SAKTIS
The word sakti is from the Sanskrit, and means energy, force,
or power. In Hinduism it is used to express the energy of the
gods as manifested in their wives. In this way the wives of the
chief Hindu gods have come to be called Saktis. Especially is
this name applied to Parvati, wife of Siva.*
These wives of the gods receive worship, but there has arisen
a definite worship called sakti puja. This arises from the Tan-
tras, which are later than the Puranas. The object of the wor-
ship is the adoration of the female principle, and its worst orgies
are exceedingly loathsome and immoral.*? These orgies are con-
ducted at night and in secret. Few Hindus would admit that
they have anything to do with them, or know anything about
sakti puja.®
1W. J. Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, Calcutta, 1882, pp. 320 sq. Monier-
Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1891, pp. 180 sq.
2The subject of sakti puja is dealt with in all works on Hinduism.
For further information see J. Campbell Oman, The Brahmans, Theists,
and Muslims of India, London, 1909, pp. 26 sq.; W. Ward, A View of the
History, Literature and Religions of the Hindus, London, 1818, pp. 152,
153, 232-234; H. H. Wilson, Essays on the Religion of the Hindus, I, pp.
254-263; W. J. Wilkins, Modern Hinduism, Calcutta, 1900, pp. 340 sq}
J. N. Bhattacharjee, Hindu Castes and Sects, pp. 407-413; Monier-Wil-
liams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1891, Ch. VII, pp. 180 sq.;
Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Oxford, 1899, pp. 288-
2090; J. Fr. Stacker, The Arsenal, Madras, 1910, pp. 80, 81; J. Murray
Mitchell, Hinduism, Past and Present, London, 1897, Ch. IX, pp. 135 sq.;
E. R. Clough, While Sewing Sandals, New York, 1890, pp. 103 sq.
3 Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 207, thinks that the
worst forms of sakti puja are dying out. Oman, Brahmans, Theists
and Muslims, p. 27, thinks that the rites are practised secretly by a great
number of people, especially Brahmans. Shib Chundur Bose, The Hindus
as They Are, Calcutta, 1883, Appendix D, p. 317, gives a full description
of the orgies, which he thinks are not dying out.
37
38 Wilber Theodore Elmore
There is still a third use of the word saktt, and it is with this
form of sakti worship that this chapter deals. It is common to
call all female Dravidian deities Saktis. It is probable that they
have no original connection with the Hindu Saktis, but as they
are female deities, this was the easiest classification. The most
of them are said to be incarnations of Parvati, the wife of Siva.
While any village goddess is commonly called a Sakti, the term
is usually applied to the fiercer ones, and especially to those which
have not been incarnated, and have no fixed temple or image.
They are really terrible female devils.
The Sakti ceremonies in the Dravidian worship are an entirely
different matter from the sakti puja of the Tantras. These cere-
monies are not markedly immoral, but are far more terrifying
than the Sakti ceremonies found in Hinduism. The worship of
these Dravidian Saktis is simply propitiation to prevent their
doing some evil, as the following illustrations will show.
While the worship of the village deity is proceeding, it is feared
that Saktis will be watching, and through jealousy or some other
unworthy reason, may do harm, even to the extent of destroying
the good that was hoped for from the jatara. To prevent any
such consequences, the Saktis are propitiated at midnight, after
the day when the sacrificial buffalo was killed. An outcaste man
is brought to the scene of the sacrifice. He smears his body with
blood from the beheaded buffalo, winds the intestines around his
neck, and takes the liver in his mouth. A pot containing food
soaked in blood is placed in his hands, and accompanied by men
armed with sticks and old swords, he starts to go to the bound-
aries of the village.
As this weird procession moves along they shout, Bali! Bali!
“The sacrifice, the sacrifice,” and the people who are in their
houses remain in deathlike stillness for fear of the Saktis and
evil spirits which are hovering over the procession. The men in
the procession shout and flourish their swords and sticks, to keep
off these spirits. The man carrying the bloody offering is held
up by ropes, and even then often falls to the ground, saying that
he sees the spirits. When he thus falls, limes are cut in two and
thrown into the air, and lambs are sacrificed on the spot. The
38
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 39
man then recovers from his pretended swoon, and the procession
goes forward.*
After they have arrived at the boundary of the village the
bloody rice is left as an offering, and the man who carried it
divests himself of his bloody trappings. Often he swoons, or
appears to do so, and is carried to the temple of the village god-
dess, where water is poured over him to revive him. Sometimes
the procession, after arriving at the boundary, continues around
the village, the bloody rice being scattered to keep out the Saktis.
A variation of this ceremony as reported by Bishop White-
head,® consists in carrying the buffalo head around the village in
order to draw a line over which no evil spirit may pass. Any
house which has not contributed to the expenses of the worship
will be omitted from this protection.®
At times individual Saktis are worshiped, the gruesome cere-
monies always having the one object of mollifying the anger of
the Sakti. Among these Saktis, Kati Ankamma is one of con-
siderable importance. She is the Sakti of the place where the
dead are buried or burned, and is feared accordingly. She is
said to live on corpses and to kill young children. She also sets
fire to houses, and like all other Indian demons, delights in killing
cattle.
The worship is by one household, or at times by two or three
households in union. It takes place when there has been some
unusual trouble which may be attributed to Kati Ankamma. It
appears that the household gods are jealous of this worship of
4See the account given by Bishop Whitehead, Madras Government
Museum Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 131, for some variations. Bishop Whitehead
thinks that the man carrying the bloody offering is supposed to be possessed
by the spirit of the village goddess. I have been led to believe rather
that he is simply carrying the offering to the Saktis, and that he is thus ter-
ribly arrayed so that the Saktis will fear to harm him or those with him.
See page 125 for a further discussion of this point.
5 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 130.
6] have seen a farmer going about his field carrying bloody rice, which
he scattered as he walked. This too was to keep the demons from his
ripening crop. His idea seemed to be that they would be satisfied with
the bloody offering when they reached the boundary of his field and so
would not injure his grain.
39
40 Wilber Theodore Elmore
Kati Ankamma, and so they must first be propitiated. Accord-
ingly the day before that set for Kati Ankamma, these gods, such
as Dilli Polasi,’ have their ceremonies.
The household gods are taken to the water in the evening, and
kept submerged all night. The next day the pujari comes with
the musicians, and also with any persons who are possessed by
demons, and joining with the worshiping household, they go to
the water. After removing the gods from the water they burn
incense and sacrifice a sheep. The procession then starts and
when the people reach the middle of the village they offer another
sheep to the household gods, and when they arrive at the house
still another sheep. The gods are then replaced with much cere-
mony, are smeared with saffron, and worshiped. It is hoped that
by these attentions no harm will result from the impending wor-
ship of Kati Ankamma.
The next day the worship of Kati Ankamma begins, and is of
short duration, for it is not pleasant enough to be extended any
longer than is actually necessary. The Madiga story-teller goes
to the burial ground accompanied by the people in whose inter-
est the worship is conducted, together with a crowd from the
village. .The story-teller disguises himself by dressing as a wo-
man, for he has no desire to be recognized later by any of the
other deities as the one who did honor to the Sakti. He takes
earth and with the help of cotton to make it stick together without
unnecessary delay, he hastily makes a rude image. Eggs are
placed in the head for eyes, and shells for teeth. The image is
dressed with a bodice and koka, and glass bangles are placed on
the arms.
After preparing the image, food is cooked and a heap of it
placed before it. A black goat is brought and killed and its blood
is caught and poured into the mouth of the image. This is an
unusual proceeding, and shows the terrible nature of the Sakti
and its thirst for blood. The image is then worshiped with many
prostrations, while the musicians keep up a turbulent drumming
7 See page 26.
40
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 4I
and dancing. But the people soon leave the place, as the cere-
monies are not pleasant, and the dangers are many.
As the worshipers return homeward they sacrifice another
goat about midway between the burial ground and the village, so
that in case Kati Ankamma is not satisfied she will stop for this
blood and not follow them into the village. When they come to
the house door still another goat is sacrificed, to be doubly secure.
The goat sacrificed in the burial ground is given to the story-tel-
ler; that sacrificed on the return journey is given to the washer-
man, who has assisted in the ceremonies; and the owners of the
house eat the one sacrificed at the door.
On the next day, in order to make certain that the household
gods have not been offended, they are again worshiped. The
story-teller comes and makes a sacred muggu in five colors before
the gods. Over this he spreads a sheet on which he makes offer-
ings of limes, cocoanuts, and various fruits. He sings some story
while the musicians keep up a terrible din outside to drive away
evil spirits, especially Kati Ankamma. Another goat is sacri-
ficed, and the worship comes to a close.
Donga Sakti is the name of another of these terrible Saktis.
Donga means thief, and the fact that she is thought to come by
stealth and kill the cattle for her own benefit, probably accounts
for her name. The worship is at night, for she is believed to be
an enemy to gods and men; circumstances which also may ac-
count for her sobriquet.
The worship of Donga Sakti is a kind of last resort. After
the usual worship of the village goddess, if the trouble or disease
does not disappear, the villagers again consult the diviner. Then
the possession of Donga Sakti will come upon her and she will say,
“You have worshiped your own gods, but are they the only ones
that you should worship? You have thrown me away on the
boundaries and left me out in the rain, and so now I am bring-
ing these troubles upon you.” The people hearing these words are
terrified, for Donga Sakti is a demoness not to be trifled with, and
money is at once raised for the worship.
The ceremonies take place in the night and are concluded before
daylight. Women do not come near, as the danger from evil
4!
42 Wilber Theodore Elmore
spirits is great. Among the men only the bravest are present. At
the dead of night the potter makes an image in his house. A
Brahman comes and performs the ceremonies to induce Donga
Sakti to enter the image. A sheep is killed and the blood mixed
with rice, which is offered as naivedyamu, the oblation presented
to Hindu gods.
The idol is then taken in procession through the darkness with
flaring and smoking torches. A booth is hastily improvised in
the center of the village, and the rest of the night is spent in
offering bloody sacrifices, accompanied by the beating of the
drums, which does not cease for a moment, but at times lulls while
the story-teller recites tales of the acts of the terrible demoness.
After offering the sacrifices, food is cooked and placed before the
image and another image, upon which many offerings are placed,
is drawn in the dust.
As morning approaches, the procession starts again, this time to
the boundaries of the village. A spot is smeared with cow-dung,®
and on this the muggu is drawn with powdered lime. Another
sheep is killed and food is again cooked, mixed with blood, and
offered to the Sakti. Since every particle of this food must be
eaten, all sit down and partake of the bloody meal. When all has
been eaten, they turn the face of Donga Sakti away from their
village and towards another village, and say, “ Amma, now we have
done everything for you. Please go away and do not enter our
village again.” By this time it is nearly morning, and all slip back
into the village by devious ways, hoping that Donga Sakti will not
follow them and that they will be free from her for a time.
Nadividhi Sakti is another of this group. Her name means
“the middle street.” The significance appears to be that she
comes into the very center of the village to commit her depreda-
tions. The method of making the image and inducing her to enter
it shows some variations. A booth with two apartments is con-
structed in the middle of the village. The inner compartment is
8 Cow-dung is useful in keeping away evil spirits. Probably this idea is
the reason for the universal custom in India of smearing the mud floors
of the houses with cow-dung and water. The reason usually given is that
it is a sanitary measure and it certainly is noticeable that after drying this
dressing seems to make the houses fresh and clean.
42
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 43
called the holy place and only the potter enters it. In the outer
part stand the priests who are to perform the life-giving cere-
mony. While the potter is at work within making the image,
the priests trace a rude drawing of the image in the dust outside.
When the image is finished, it is brought out and placed near this
drawing. The drums are beaten at the loudest, and the men yell
wildly to keep away interfering spirits. A goat is sacrificed and
charms are performed and repeated until it is thought the Sakti has
surely consented to enter the image.
In the worship of this Sakti, the household gods are propitiated
as in the worship of Kati Ankamma. After this the ceremonies
are somewhat the same as those in the worship of village god-
desses. There is the buffalo sacrifice, and a large number of sheep
and goats are killed. Blood is sprinkled freely over the Sakti,
a tite which is not performed with a village goddess. It appears
that Nadividhi Sakti is not quite so terrible as some of the other
Saktis, and may possibly at some time become a village goddess.
As with most Saktis, the most important part of the worship is
the escorting out of the village. In the early morning after the
day of sacrifice, before any one has appeared, the potter places
the image in a basket after another goat has been sacrificed. The
potter carries the basket, and a Madiga, the buffalo head. A few
men escort them, waving clubs, and shouting Bali! Bali!, while
the drums beat as usual. No woman or child dares so much as
to look out of the door as the procession passes. To see the
procession would mean death, they think.
On the outskirts of the village the procession halts, and the
pujari makes a harangue to the Sakti. He intercedes for the
people, telling her that if she will leave them alone they will wor-
ship her faithfully and give her offerings. After repeating man-
trams and performing charms, the Madiga again takes up the
buffalo head and the potter the image. Now only a few of the
men follow, the rest going quietly home. When they reach the
boundary, they place the image there with her face from the vil-
lage, put the buffalo head in front of her, and with many
protestations of homage, they request her to leave the village.
43
44 Wilber Theodore Elmore
They then leave her there and go quietly home by roundabout
paths.®
In some places, in the worship of this Sakti, they bury alive
four young pigs at the corners of the village. The pigs are
buried with their heads left above ground. Bloody rice is placed
in the holes in which the pigs are interred. This is a protection
against the Sakti again entering the village.
Lambadi Sakti is the chief goddess of the Lambadis, a wander-
ing tribe of traders well known in South India.*° The Lambadis
are undoubtedly an aboriginal tribe, and their worship is Sakti
worship having little connection with Hinduism. It is more like
the Dravidian worship, and probably has been adopted from it in
part.
When the day for worshiping Lambadi Sakti arrives, they seek
the help of the people who usually officiate in the village worship.
The potter makes an image in the usual way, and the Madigas
have their usual work. The worship consists chiefly of the buffalo
sacrifice, with some modifications. When the buffalo is brought
before the image, the pujari takes the sword, and after telling a
story of its divine origin,’* hands it to the Madiga headsman.
The Madiga comes forward to receive the sword, but before tak-
ing it he stops and removing his shoes, places the right foot one
9 The Gazetteer of Vizagapatam District, I, p. 75, tells of a curious cus-
tom among the Khonds, a hill tribe of Dravidian ancestry which has not
yet come into Hinduism. When disease appears among them they pre-
pare a small car on which is placed one grain of saffron-stained rice for
each person in the village. Offerings of blood are made, and then the
car is drawn to the next village, to deport the demon. The people of the
next village pass it on further, and so it is often kept moving for some
time. The Gazetteer of South Arcot, I, p. 93, tells of a method for re-
moving sickness. A pot is prepared with offerings of saffron, turmeric, etc.,
and at the dead of night is broken at some cross-road outside the village.
This is certainly to lead the Sakti away by one of the roads, or else to
prevent her coming into the village. The Kurnool District Manual, 1880,
Sec. II, p. 152, describes a custom in the worship of Peddamma in which
the straw temple is pulled to pieces and scattered so that the demoness will
not return.
10 Thurston (Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, pp. 207 sq.)
gives a full description of these interesting people.
11 See the note, page 102.
44
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 45
on the left, and vice versa. ‘This is in order that the Sakti or any
other demon may not be able to recognize his footprints and so
follow him later.
After beheading the buffalo they do not place the leg in the
mouth, as is the usual custom, but instead remove the heart, lungs,
and liver, and place them in the mouth, and smear the head with
blood. The image and the hideous head with the vitals in the
mouth are afterwards carried to the boundary and left in the usual
way.
The Lambadis have another Sakti, called Malayala Sakti, who is
the most terrible of all because she requires human sacrifice.2 She
has no image whatever, perhaps for the reason that no one dares
to make one for her. The sacrifice of human beings by the Lam-
badis was reported by the Abbé Dubois nearly one hundred years
ago.4* He says that when the Lambadis wish to make a human
sacrifice, they seize the first person whom they meet, and taking
him to a lonely spot they bury him up to the neck. They then
make a sort of cup from a lump of dough, and place it on his.
head. This they fill with oil, and placing four wicks in it they
light them. All then join hands, and dance around the victim
until he expires.
In the village of Pokuru, Nellore District, is a middle-aged man
who tells a strange story that corroborates in general what the
Abbé Dubois reported. When this man was a boy of five or six
years, he was stolen from home by a band of traveling Lambadis,**
12 The Lambadis are not the only people in India who have offered
human sacrifices. Max Miiller (Ancient Sanskrit Literature, Edinburgh,
1860, p. 419) thinks it may have existed among the Aryans. On the other
hand, the Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, p. 71,
states that human sacrifices were probably very common among the Dra-
vidians, and that the Aryans adopted sati and human sacrifices from
them. Monier-Williams (Brahmanism and Hinduism, p. 24) says that
it was probably once part of the Brahmanical system. For further dis-
cussion see Crooke, Things Indian, p. 262 sq.; E. R. Clough, While Sewing
Sandals, p. 72; Dubois, Hindu Manners and Customs, pp. 652 sq.
13 Hindu Manners and Customs, p. 70.
14 Thurston (Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, p. 226) says that
the Lambadis purchase children whom they adopt. It is probable that they
do purchase children in famine times. But it also seems well established
45
46 Wilber Theodore Elmore
who took him as far as the Malabar coast in western India. He
was stolen for the purpose of sacrifice, and was given into the care
of an old woman until he should be of sufficient age. When the
boy was ten or twelve years old, the sacrifice was about to be
made. But the old woman who had been caring for him had
developed a genuine affection for the boy, and while arrangements
were being perfected, she warned him of his danger, and helped
him to escape. He had lived a roaming life with the Lambadis
long enough to be familiar with the forests and the main roads of
travel. Secreting himself in the forest by day and traveling by
night, he made good his escape, and at last arrived again at his
native village.
The account which this man gives of the human sacrifice, which
he saw performed, is that it takes place once in three years if a
victim can be obtained, but now, since there is more difficulty
in securing the victims, not so frequently. He says that they
buy or steal a boy from any caste and raise him for the purpose.
At the appointed time they select a secret place deep in the forest.
The hole is dug, the victim buried, and the lights placed on his
head, as described by the Abbé Dubois. A muggu is drawn on
the ground a little to one side, and on it are placed the various
offerings. Mantrams are recited to the Sakti, and then the wild
cattle-call of the Lambadis rings through the forest. In response
all the cattle come running to the place, and trample down victim,
muggu, and offerings. This ends the ceremony, and immediately
they break camp and move on. Fear of detection may be one
reason for the sudden removal, but the original idea was probably
to leave the region where the Sakti would be likely to remain for
a time.
It is a common custom of the Lambadis to bury a pig, leaving
the head above ground, when they are about to start on a journey.
The cattle are then driven over it and trample the pig to death.
This appears to be a survival of the practice of human sacrifice.
The same custom of burying pigs alive was noticed above in con-
nection with the worship of Nadividhi Sakti® The similarity in
that they steal children, and that some of these children are secured with
the intention of offering them as human sacrifices.
15 See page 44.
46
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 47
the two rites points to a common origin. It may be that, as the
Lambadis have adopted many gods from the Dravidians,’* they
have adopted this custom too, because of the difficulty of obtaining
human sacrifices.
Another informant,’* one of their own number, admits human
sacrifice, but says that it has ceased within the past ten or twelve
years because of the vigilance of the government. He says that
the cattle do not trample the victim, but rush by on either side,
while the victim is left to die of starvation unless some passer-by
rescues him. A margin of only ten or twelve years since the
custom is said to have ceased brings it up practically to the
present, and we may well believe that the lonely depths of the
forest still witness these terrible scenes, and that this is the end of
some of the children whom it is well known that the Lambadis buy
or steal, nominally for the purpose of slavery.
Not all Saktis are of so terrible a nature as those described
above. Kateriis one of the milder ones. She is said to be a forest
goddess who sends cholera and similar diseases.1* In the Nellore
District she is propitiated by pregnant women for a safe and easy
delivery. She is said to have a great desire for blood, and the
woman fearing that her own blood may be required, makes the
propitiation in due time. She is moreover said to be a powerful
Sakti who can protect from other Saktis.
This Sakti has no image, but the woman who desires the favor
of Kateri takes offerings and also a new koka, and calling all the
married women of the place, gathers them beside a water pot in a
spot previously selected. All the women put on the botlu, or
sacred marks, and leave with singing and tumult. After they have
gone a short distance, the woman who is performing the puja,
or worship, returns alone. She bathes, offers a fowl to Kateri,
cooks the fowl and eats it. She then puts on the koka which has
been offered to Kateri, and makes various offerings, especially the
16 Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, IV, p. 230.
17 A young man who is now studying in one of our schools. When a
child he and his smaller brother and sick mother were deserted by the
Lambadis when starting on a journey. They were rescued by a missionary.
18 Brown’s Telugu Dictionary, Madras, 1903, p. 268.
47
48 Wilber Theodore Elmore
blood of more fowls. It is very important that she be absolutely
alone and that no one see the ceremonies. .
Women who have worshiped this Sakti may be recognized by
their kokas. Kateri appears to be a kind of house-name for a
group of Saktis. For Panta Kateri a white koka with a black
border is worn. For Rakta Kateri, it is a plaid of red and blue,
and for Chensu Kateri it is a white koka with blue stripes. A
woman who vows to this latter one usually takes the name Chen-
samma. .
CHAPTER VI
DEMON POSSESSION
Every Dravidian god has something of the demon element in
it, and the Saktis are pure demons.1 In close connection with
this propitiation of demons is the belief in demon possession.”
1Brahmanic Hinduism is not lacking in demons. The Rakshasas of
the Rigveda are demons, and the Asuras in the later use of the word are
also demons. There is, however, a marked distinction between the demons
of Hinduism and the Dravidian demons. For proofs of the origin of
Dravidian demon worship prior to and independent of Brahmanism see
Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, p. 71. The State
Manual of Travencore, Il, p. 55, also says that demon worship as found
among the Dravidians is absolutely unconnected with the higher orders
of Hinduism. The most persistent distinction is that the Rakshasas and
Hindu demons have a divine origin, while the Dravidian demons usually
are the spirits of dead people. This will be treated more fully later.
There is considerable confusion concerning these two classes of demons,
not only in books on Hinduism, but also in the minds of the people. One
reason for this is that the Brahmans in their effort to absorb the Dravidian
people and religion, have to some extent identified Dravidian demons with
their own Rakshasas. It is common for writers on Hinduism to treat the
Dravidian gods under the heading of Demons or Demonology. More
can be learned about them under these headings than under any other
given in indexes. On the whole matter see Monier-Williams, Brahmanism
and Hinduism, London, 1891, Ch. IX; Crooke, Things Indian, New York,
1906, pp. 131 sq.; Dubois, Hindu Manners and Customs, Oxford, 1809,
p. 650; Fausbgll, Indian Mythology, pp. 1-41.
2The Telugu word for demon is dayyamu, for the Sanskrit daivamu.
The first meaning is a deity or divine being. It has then come to mean
spirit of any sort, and as it is the evil spirits which are to be feared and
propitiated, in common use dayyamu means an evil spirit, or devil. On the
48
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 49
There are many ceremonies performed for the exorcism of these
spirits. The following illustrations of exorcism will show the
general ideas concerning demon possession.
When a person has been sick for a considerable time and other
remedies have failed, it is common to call a bhuta-vaidyadu, liter-
ally a demon doctor. He comes and examines the patient and
gives his decision that it is no ordinary sickness, but demon pos-
session. It is necessary for him to know the name of the demon
before he can exorcise it, so he requests the people to send for the
diviner. The people obey, and prepare an offering of five seers of
rice,® five cocoanuts, five dates, five betel leaves, and some saffron
and turmeric. The diviner* is then called. She comes, and after
various ceremonies and repeating many mantrams, the possession
of some spirit soon seizes her. The bystanders begin to call over
the names of different gods to see which one has entered her.
When they reach the name of the household god, the diviner in-
variably cries out that this is the one. This astonishes the on-
lookers, who now are thoroughly convinced that the household
god has entered the woman. The next thing is for the household
god to tell through the diviner who the demon is that is troubling
the sick person. After some delay and many contortions caused
by the possession, the diviner will usually name some person of
the household who has died, saying that his ghost is making the
trouble. This ends the work of the diviner, and telling them to
call the bhuta-vaidyadu again, she departs, taking with her the
offerings which have been prepared.
Again the bhuta-vaidyadu comes. He makes a muggu of magic
squares and circles, and in these places stars and numbers. He
distinction between demon and devil see Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and
Hinduism, London, 1891, p. 231. So far as I have been able to discover,
demon possession occurs only in the case of Dravidian demons. The
Hindu demons do not appear to take possession of people.
8 A seer is something more than a quart.
* The diviner is usually an Erukala woman, sometimes pronounced Yeru-
kala. Thurston (Castes and Tribes of Southern India, pp. 438 sq.) gives
a full description of these people under the name Korava. See also M.
Paupa Rao Naidu, The Criminal Tribes of India, No. Il, The History of
Korawars, Erukulas or Kiakaries, pp. 1, 2. They are Dravidians, but be-
cause of their nomad disposition have scattered to all parts of India.
49
50 Wilber Theodore Elmore
then asks the sick man to place his finger on any number. He
obeys, and the doctor immediately tells the name of the demon
which is troubling him. He gives the same name as that given by
the diviner, and all are more than ever convinced of the correctness
of the diagnosis.
The demon doctor now proceeds with the first part of the exor-
cism. Many things are done which appear to have no meaning in
themselves, but which by their mysteriousness have a striking
effect on the sick man and the bystanders. He takes a thread of
seven colors, seven cocoanut shells, seven dates, some leaves, and
a pot. Some money must be placed beneath these, and five seers
of rice poured over them. A goat is sacrificed, or if the people
are very poor, a chicken will do. Plenty of ghee, or clarified
butter, must be furnished, and the women prepare all the offerings
for a feast. Meanwhile the amount to be paid to the doctor is
decided upon. His fee is large compared with that which other
people connected with the village gods receive. An auspicious day
for the final ceremonies is selected, and the doctor eats the feast
and goes away.
On the selected day the bhutu-vaidyadu comes again. He first
makes an earthen image of a Sakti. It is made as terrible as pos-
sible, and various incantations are employed. A goat is killed,
and the blood sprinkled on the image, and the demon doctor goes
around the image several times repeating mantrams. After a
little he sends for the sick man, who comes trembling. As soon
as he sees the image he cries out, ‘‘ Alas, it is this which has taken
possession of me for so long!” and falls to the ground. The
doctor recites mantrams to him, and gives him earth which he
must carry to the boundary of the village and throw away, thus
getting rid of the demon. It is said that if he is a brave man and
has faith in the work of the bhuta-vaidyadu, he will recover.
Otherwise a greater sickness will come upon him and he will die.
There are different methods of exorcism. Another is as follows.
The demon doctor makes three kinds of the sacred muggu, and
after a bewildering number of small ceremonies he makes an image
of dough. He then forms nine small lamps of dough and pours
three kinds of oil into them. The lamps are lighted and placed
50
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 51
on an offering of food in front of the image. A sheep is sacri-
ficed, its blood caught in a broken pot and mixed with rice. This
bloody rice is then sprinkled in the four corners of the room.
The demon doctor now brings a thorn from the mundlu muvishtu
tree,> a rooster’s spur, and two or three nails. He dips all these
into the blood and pounds them into the ground around the sacred
muggu. ‘This is to prevent any interference with the ceremonies
by an evil eye or by another demon.
After further ceremonies the doctor rubs out the muggu with his
hand, thus indicating that the demon has been removed. He then
places the image of dough, one lamp, and the head of the sheep, in
a pot, and the procession starts for the burying ground. Two
men carry this pot and two others follow with the pot containing
the bloody rice. After reaching the burying ground, they dig a
hole and bury both pots with their contents, performing the usual
burying ceremonies. After all is over another bloody nail’ is
driven into the earth above the buried pots.
The procession now returns to the house, believing that the de-
mon has been left buried. To be certain that it will not again re-
turn, the demon doctor now prepares a charm. After bathing and
reciting mantrams, he makes a small diagram of nine squares on a
a piece of palm leaf. He writes numbers in each square, anoints
the whole with saffron, and burns incense before it. He then ties
it up with blue and yellow thread into an amulet.
These amulets are very common among the people. Often they
are made into a more permanent form, being placed in a small
silver cylinder. Almost all village children wear a small silver
image of Hanuman, the monkey god, suspended from a cord
around the neck, and on each side of the image of Hanuman
will be seen one of the small silver cylinders containing the
charm.
5 Andersonia rohitaka, Rox. ii. 213. Also called rohitaka vrukshamu.
6 The usual Indian burying ground is simply a piece of waste land outside
the village. It is unfrequented except from necessity, as it is supposed to
be inhabitated by ghosts. There is no order in the arrangement of the
graves, and it is unusual to mark them in any way. Burying is often care-
lessly done and jackals and other animals disinter the bodies. It is alto-
gether a gruesome place.
TIron is one of the best charms against evil spirits.
SI
52 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The above illustrations relate to individual cases of exorcism
In many places, however, exorcism is practiced on a much larger
scale. People will come from long distances to consult some re-
nowned demon doctor, or to visit some especially potent place. An
illustration of this is found at a temple known as Nattaryan Kovil
in the Dharapuram Taluq of the Coimbatore District.®
In this place there is a temple to the Hindu god, Nattaryan, and
also small images and shrines for two deities which are considered
to be powerful demons.® These demons are thought to have the
power to cast out other demons.
Tuesday night is the time when the demons are thought to be
ready to give help. The céremonies continue all night, and well
into Wednesday morning. All day Tuesday crowds will be arriv-
ing, and by night every available place about the temple yard will
be filled with encampments. As darkness comes on the ceremonies
for exorcism begin inside the temple yard. The possessed people,
with very few exceptions, are women, who have all kinds of nerv-
ous troubles, or are epileptics. As many as two or three hundred
of these afflicted people may be seen in the temple yard at one
time. All surge about and sway backward and forward in every
stage of nervous disorder. It is like visiting a madhouse.
In the ceremonies for exorcism, which begin about dark, the
priest sprinkles ashes over the prostrate form of each patient to
make the demon active. He then rudely tells the demon in the
possessed person to wake up. As the priests thus pass from one
to another, some one of the patients will begin to sway backward
and forward, and then round and round with a counter clockwise
motion... Then others take up the same motion, and soon all are
swaying round and round. It is a strange phenomenon that all
sway in the same direction. Sometimes the swaying is gentle and
dreamy, and at other times it is acompanied with loud cries, and
at times with reproaches directed at the priests. The afflicted per-
sons often work themselves into a fury and twist violently around,
striking the earth with the palms of their hands.
8 The facts here related are taken from an article printed in the Madras
Mail, June 4, 1012.
9 Their story is given on page 62.
52
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 53
These violent demonstrations indicate that the demon is now ac-
tive, so the priest comes again and adjures the patient to tell the
name of the demon which is afflicting her. One woman gave the
name of a young man deceased, whom she had never seen. An-
other gave the name of a twin sister who had died. The priest
now asks the demon if it is willing to leave that night. If the
answer is in the affirmative he leads the woman by her hair
to a tree about one hundred yards away, and cutting the hair off
nails it to the tree. This completes the exorcism.?®
Sometimes the demon says that it is not going to leave that
night, and names another time at which it will leave, perhaps a
week or a month later. Then the woman slowly arises and goes
away to return at the appointed time. The priests are anxious to
get the demons to leave, for they receive four annas, eight cents,
for each successful case and nothing for the unsuccessful ones.
There were about one hundred priests in attendance, mostly Sudras.
The next morning at dawn the observer returned and found a
few weary women still swaying to and fro, and still being adjured
by the priests to tell the names of the demons. As soon as the
sun appeared the work of exorcism ceased, and the whole camp
was astir. Large numbers of sheep and goats were brought inside
the temple yard and offered to the chief demon god. The heads
of the animals were chopped off and placed in a bag for the priest,
and the blood poured over the fierce-looking idol. The bodies were
handed back to those making the offerings and were taken away to
be eaten later. During this ceremony the door of the temple of
the Hindu god was closed to prevent him seeing the slaughter. It
is reported that from two hundred to five hundred sheep and goats
are slaughtered here every Wednesday morning. The priests
look like butchers, and the place literally runs with blood.
These offerings are largely the vows which have been promised
in case the relief sought is secured. Some of the offerings look
10 Two trees were covered with hair which had been nailed to them.
The trees were overrun with ants and beetles, attracted no doubt by the
cocoanut oil so freely used on the hair by Indian women. Both trees were
withered from the pounding of so many nails into them.
a3
54 Wilber Theodore Elmore
to the future and are to propitiate the god so that he will protect
the one making the offering from future possession by demons.
This method of propitiation with blood shows the direct con-
nection between the Dravidian gods and demon possession. This
demon possession is simply one of the activities of the Dravidian
deities.**
CHAPTER® Vit
KANAKA DURGAMMA AND POSHAMMA
The descriptions which have been given in the preceding chap-
ters will give a fairly complete idea of the ceremonies in connec-
tion with these Dravidian deities. In this chapter the ceremonies
connected with two more of the almost unlimited number of
these gods will be given. It will be seen that not always are all
the ceremonies performed, and that the variations are many. The
fundamental principles and ideas of the worship, however, will be
seen to be the same.
KanakKA DurcAMMA.! This goddess usually has no regular
temple or image, and possesses no fixed festival. She is the
Sakti or demoness especially responsible for the welfare of the
cattle, and is propitiated when there is cattle disease, and some-
times when there is sickness among the people.
The customary method of beginning this worship is that while
the people are considering the steps to be taken to stop the
ravages of cattle disease, some woman will suddenly become
possessed of the spirit of Kanaka Durgamma, and running to
water will throw herself in. The people rush to the rescue and
pull her out. She will then run to a margosa tree? and breaking
11 The Gazetteer of the Madura District, I, p. 87, gives another method
of exorcism. A stone is placed on the afflicted woman’s head. She then
rushes away, and when the stone falls it is thought that the demon has
gone into the earth at the place where the stone struck. A lock of her
hair is then nailed to the nearest tree.
1] am indebted to F. W. Stait of Udayagiri, Nellore District, for many
of the facts relating to the worship of Kanaka Durgamma.
2 Ayadirachta indica, sometimes called the Neem tree. This is a semi-
sacred tree. It is held in especially high esteem because its foliage is most
luxuriant in the hot season when many trees are bare, and shade is
especially appreciated.
54
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 55
off twigs will put them in her mouth as if she were a mad woman.
The people ask the woman who she is, meaning that they wish
to know what spirit has taken possession of her. She replies, “I
am Kanaka Durgamma, and it is because you have neglected my
worship that this sickness has come. I am the one who is killing
your cattle.” The people now ask what her demands are, and
again she replies, “I am Kanaka Durgamma. You have for-
gotten me. You have not given me offerings of blood. You
have not sent me from your village with honor. So you must
build me a temple and offer to me the blood of chickens, sheep,
goats, and buffalos. Do me the right honors and I will leave you.”
The people, hearing these words, proceed immediately to obey
them. The village carpenter makes an image of wood from a
branch of a margosa tree. The branch when cut off must not
be allowed to touch the ground or it will be defiled. The image is
often very rude, but may be more elaborate if the carpenter has
some ability. It is usually about two feet tall and represents a
woman with a sword in her hand. The carpenter must begin his
work in the evening and finish it before dawn. The image when
made is placed in water® and kept there until wanted for the cere-
monies. The Madigas meanwhile make a booth in some con-
venient grove outside the village. This booth answers for the
temple which Kanaka Durgamma demands.
In the morning the village washerman takes the image from the
water and after carefully dressing it and adorning it with jewels,
he places it on a litter in order that it may be carried in the
procession. A great din is kept up with the drums all of the time
that the image is being dressed in order to keep away troublesome
spirits, and a fowl is sacrificed at every stage of the proceeding.
The image is now carried about the village, the musicians going
ahead, and not stopping their tumult for an instant. The proces-
sion stops before every house, and the inmates bring out water,
3 The reason for placing this and other images in water does not seem
to be known by the people. The only explanation which I have been able
to secure from the people is that it is for santi, which means comfort,
quietness, and also propitiation. It is probable that the night in the water
is supposed to be pleasing to the goddess, but one Hindu ventured the
explanation that it was to cool down her anger!
55
56 Wilber Theodore Elmore
often colored red to represent blood, and pour it before the image.
Offerings are then made, the chief one being a chicken. The head
goes to the headsman, and those who make the offering take the
body for the feast later in the day.
It may be ten o’clock or later before all the houses have been
thus visited. The image is then taken to the grove and placed
in the booth. No fire is to be lighted in the village all day long.
It is said that the spirit of Kanaka Durgamma will again go
through the village, and seeing it deserted, will think that all the
people are dead and so will be glad to leave.
The exercises in the grove are much like a great picnic. The
offerings of the morning are cooked, and a feast is prepared.
Each woman brings a double handful of food, and placing incense
on it, offers it to the goddess. After the feasting the votive offer-
ings are brought, fowls, sheep, goats, and buffalos.t Later there
is the procession of carts. There is nothing unduly terrifying in
the sacrifices, and there is no Sakti worship. The buffalo sacrifice
with the legs placed in the mouth is not made, as a usual thing.
As the day declines the people come one by one before Kanaka
Durgamma and bow in worship. They then return quietly to
the village. A small procession now takes the image to the
boundary and leaves it there, after further sacrifices. By this
time it will be dark, and the procession is made with torches. At
the boundary these are suddenly extinguished, and the bearers slip
hurriedly away in order that she may not follow them.®
In Nalgonda in the Deccan, Kanaka Durgamma is not an inter-
loper, but is the village goddess. Her image and temple are per-
manent, and she is not left on the boundary. In this particular
instance a Brahman is pujari, but at the time the bloody sacrifices
4 At a festival for Kanakama Durgamma in Ramapatnam, Dec. 2, 1912,
only one sheep was offered in the grove, and no other animals.
5 It is evident that the image is not regarded as sacred after the day of
worship, for it is not difficult to secure after being left on the boundary.
I found one and took it to America in 1909. Fora small present I secured
the one worshiped at Ramapatnam, Dec. 2, 1912, and have it now in my
possession. Mr. Stait also secured an unusually fine one in connection with
the worship which he reports.
56
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 57
are made he will remain inside the temple so as not to see them.®
PosHAMMA. ‘The name means the one who supports or nour-
ishes. The following vivid description’ presents a good example
of the family or private worship of one of these deities.
“T halted my pony in front of several idols that showed signs of
recent worship, and began to ask questions about them. Being
told that a sacrifice was about to be offered by some of the vil-
lagers, I waited and saw the whole ceremony.
“A small procession of a dozen people or so, men, women, and
children, came filing out of the village. They were led by a
Madiga beating a drum. After him came two men of the washer-
man caste, each carrying a lamb, and after them came the women,
each with a brass chembu, or drinking cup, of water, and with
baskets containing food and other offerings. The whole proces-
sion marched three times around the ‘green tree’ under which
the idols stood, and then halted in front of them. The washer-
man placed the lambs on the ground in front of the idols. The
two women splashed water over the idols, and then bowing low
worshiped them. After this they put spots of red, yellow, and
purple all over the idols, pressing on the powder with the thumbs
of their right hands. This done, each woman placed a small leaf
plate of rice before each image, poured ghee and curds over the
food, and lighted incense. They then worshiped the idols again.
“Next they turned their attention to the sacrificial lambs.
These were treated to a splash of water in the face, and colored
powder on the nose and forehead, after which they were released
for a moment to see if they would shake their heads. Either to
get the water out of its ear, or to shake off its recent bondage, one
of the lambs shook its head, thus signifying that the goddess was
pleased with the sacrifice. The lamb which did not shake its
head was promply treated to another splash of water and applica-
tion of colored powder, when it also shook its head. One of the
women explained that this delay was caused by her neglecting to
®In this way any goddess may be permanent in one place, and an in-
terloper in another.
7 For this description I am indebted to Charles Rutherford of Hanuma-
konda, Deccan.
57
58 Wilber Theodore Elmore
give a promised cloth to the gods, but as she had now renewed
the promise the sacrifice had been accepted.
“Since the offerings were now acceptable to the goddess, the
washermen each seized a lamb and coolly cutting off the heads,
allowed the blood to flow out on the ground in front of the image.
Then each severed a forefoot from each lamb and hung them
up beside a lot of such feet of various animals which were already
dangling in front of the images. This seemed done with the
intention that the goddess should not soon forget their offerings.
“When the worship was over the children received the food,
the worshipers the mutton, the washermen each a lamb’s head, and
the poor Madiga received, I am told, about two thirds of a cent for
his pains. The reason for this worship was that chicken pox had
recently been in the village, and this was a thank offering for pro-
tection, or more probably the fulfillment of a vow to be paid if they
were protected. Just as I was riding away a young man of the
family ran up with the new cloth which had been promised, pre-
sented the cloth to the goddess, bowing low before her, and then
appropriated the cloth for his own wardrobe.”
CHAPTER VIII
LocAL ORIGINS OF DRAvIDIAN DEITIES
The great majority of Dravidian deities are of local origin, and
in those cases where a local story cannot be secured it is very
probable that there was a local origin, the history of which has
been lost. In this chapter the local legends of a number of the
gods whose worship has been described will be given, together
with typical stories of other gods whose worship it is not necessary
to describe.
These local stories are of the greatest importance in a study of
the Dravidian gods. With no writings and no systems of philos-
ophy or theology, these are practically the only sources from which
we may secure any light on the history and development of the
worship as well as upon the question of the fundamental reasons
for the development of the system.
The legends of the Seven Sisters, while no doubt originally sim-
58
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 59
ilar to those relating to the other Dravidian gods, have become so
much connected with Hindu legends that they will be noticed in
Chapter IX in connection with the stories given there. The
Perantalu goddesses are always local, and each one has her own
story.
The legend of Buchamma? is that she was a virtuous woman, the
daughter of a man of the Kamma branch of the Sudra caste. At
one time her husband went to another village on business, and soon
a messenger came bringing the tidings that he had died. It was too
terrible to believe, so she sent another messenger who returned
with the same report. She hurried to her dead husband, and
found that the funeral pyre had already been erected. She forbade
them burn the body, and then constructed a fire-pit with a struc-
ture above it such as the watchers sit on in the fields. On this she
placed the body of her husband, and then mounted it herself. She
then besought the bystanders to set the wood on fire in the fire-pit,
With some protestations they at last consented, and she was con-
sumed with her husband.
Four days later a Mala was passing the fire-pit, and seeing a bit
of Buchamma’s cloth which had not been burned, he turned it over
with the stick in his hand. That night the spirit of Buchamma
appeared to her father saying that she had been defiled by this
touch and needed to be purified. Her father went to the fire-pit
and after searching in the ashes, found her jewels and tali botu or
wedding symbol. He purified them and kept them in a pot. Soon
these relics were thought to have magical powers, and many began
to worship them. The worship rapidly expanded; a temple was
built; a stone image was made, and Buchamma became a regular
village deity.
It is quite probable that this story of the origin of the worship
of Buchamma is true. The tendency to deify widows who have
performed sati is always strong. Her marked devotion to her
husband appears to be the characteristic which placed Buchamma
in the list of Perantalus.
The story of Lingamma? runs as follows. In Mupparazuvari-
1 See page 32.
2 See page 32.
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60 Wilber Theodore Elmore
palem, Darsi Taluq, Nellore District, lived a woman called Lin-
gamma. She was of the Sudra caste, but she and her husband were
poor, and worked in the house of a rich man of the same caste.
Once some valuables were missing from the house and suspicion
pointed to Lingamma. Her employer made her much trouble and
was about to take legal proceedings against her, when she ended
the matter by jumping into a well and drowning herself.
A few days after this tragic death, troubles began to come to
the household of her employer. A little later Lingamma appeared
to him in a dream and told him that because of his cruelty she
was bringing these troubles upon him. She also threatened him
with worse disasters if he did not institute a proper worship for
her. His response evidently was not satisfactory, for Lingamma
immediately brought a scourge of cholera upon the village and
appeared to many asa devil. All were now thoroughly frightened,
and led by Lingamma’s former employer, they built a temple of
some importance, prepared an image of both Lingamma and her
husband, and instituted the worship already described.
We may here see the uncertain state of Perantalu worship.
Lingamma was at first considered a devil, and her worship was
well on the way to be the same as that of the ordinary demoness.
Since, however, she was a faithful wife, dying before her husband,
she was placed in the Perantalu category, and the ceremonies show
almost no sign of demon worship. As we have seen, it is a time of
general merry-making, and of the mildest form of Perantalu wor-
ship. Temperamental differences in the worshipers are probably
a contributing cause in such variations as this.
The worship of Usuramma? has continued for a long time, and
the story which accounts for its origin is not very definite. Usur-
amma was a woman of good deeds who died before her husband.
Soon after her death there was an outbreak of sickness in the vil-
lage. The people addressed themselves to a diviner to learn the
cause. She became possessed of a spirit which spoke to the people
through the diviner. The spirit said that she was Usuramma, and
that she was bringing all this trouble because, while she was
worthy to be worshiped, they had entirely neglected her. She in-
3 See page 33.
60
PLATE VI
DRAVIDIAN DEITIES IN THE MAKING
drowned herself when her husband was
The couple seated are dead. The woman
This occurred in 1912,
dying. Hearing of her act of devotion, he died very happy.
but already the names of these dead people are spoken only in whispers, and they are
thought to have great powers. It is probable that within another generation the woman
will become a Perantalu.
.
aly Ay
Bee EES
«J
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 61
structed them to build her a shrine outside the village where the
pounding of the grain and the crowing of the cocks would not dis-
turb her. She promised, if this was done, to come and inhabit the
shrine, and that she would then receive their gifts and in return
would protect them.
The stories of the local origin of the fiercer Saktis, such as are
described above,* are not common. Many of these Saktis are
demons which do not appear to have been incarnated, and so have
no stories. Where stories do exist, the nature of the Saktis and
fear of them, would prevent the stories from being popular. An
occasional legend is found of the human origin of a Sakti.
Tota Kuramma is a Sakti whose history is told. The story is
that at one time there was a great feast in a Hindu house. These
Hindus were not Brahmans and had prepared mutton and pork
for the feast. While they were eating, a begging Mohammedan
and his wife came to the house to ask alms from the guests. The
head of the house kindly invited them to come in and eat. They
accepted the invitation, and sat down. But the curry which was
brought contained pork. Seeing this the beggars were very angry
and going out, drowned themselves in a well.
From that time these two Mohammedans have been wandering
demons. They go about the villages at night and call, Kura!
Tota kura! which means vegetables, or commonly simply spinach.
If anyone goes out to purchase the vegetables the demons will say,
“May your mouth fall,” which means, may your speech be para-
lyzed, and as soon as these words are spoken the one thus cursed
falls down and dies.®
There is another current story which is somewhat more pleas-
ing. A Mohammedan woman and a Hindu woman were intimate
friends. One day the Hindu woman asked the Mohammedan
woman to eat with her, and not thinking of the Mohammedan atti-
tude toward pigs, gave her pork curry. The guest recognized the
meat, but so great was her love for the Hindu woman that she ate
4 See pp. 37 sq.
5TIt is commonly said that any demon calls three times in the night, so
no one responds to a call at night until it has been repeated four times.
See Manual of Administration of Madras Presidency, p. 81.
61
62 Wilber Theodore Elmore
it without comment, and then in shame for her defilement threw
herself into a well and was drowned. The Hindu woman, learn-
ing what had happened, was filled with sorrow and remorse, and
throwing herself into the same well was also drowned. Accord-
ing to this story it is the spirits of these two women who are the
demons. The name Tota Kuramma is in the singular number, and
appears to be the appellation for the spirit of the Mohammedan
woman.
A local variation of this story® is to the effect that a Moham-
medan woman was found in sin witha washerman. Her relatives,
hearing of this, drove her out, and she threw herself into a well
and was drowned. Soon after her ghost appeared and played with
the children. When asked its name the ghost replied that she was
Tota Kuramma, and gave directions that she must be worshiped.
It does not appear that these demons are worshiped, and they
have no image. For protection against them a spot about six
inches in diameter on the outer wall near the door, is smeared
with yellow earth. On this whitewash is spattered, and on the
whitewash are placed the bot/u, the red marks which are used in
Hindu worship. The whitewash represents the Mohammedans,
as they commonly decorate their houses in this way, and the botlu
represent the Hindus. It is commonly said that when the demons
pass along the street and see these symbols, they will say, “ My
big sister is being worshiped in that house, so it is no place for
me.” That is, they think a stronger demon is there, and so
pass on.
The story of the origin of the demons at the Nattaryan temple’
runs as follows. Years ago a Brahman and a Sudra found them-
selves together at this place, where there was already a shrine to a
jungle demoness called Peycchiammon. As is usual in these
stories, there was a woman in the case, and because of her un-
faithfulness the Brahman resolved to become a hermit and die
6 This story is current in the Darsi Taluq. It is said that in this region
thieves make use of the cry, Tota kura! to frighten the people so that they
will stay in their houses while the plundering is going on. The people have
learned this, and their faith in Tota Kuramma, and fear of her, have much
diminished.
7 See page 52.
62
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 63
there. The Sudra, being his friend, resolved to do the same.
They built a small hut and spent the remainder of their lives in
peace together. After the death of the hermits some of their
followers built two shrines in memory of them, one for the god
Nattarayan in honor of the Brahman, and one for the god Virab-
hadra in honor of the Sudra. Virabhadra,* sometimes called
Munniyappan, is an incarnation of Siva’s anger. Although the
temple was built by Hindus, it is evident that the Dravidians
adopted this god as one of their local deities, for he is now con-
sidered a terrible demon, and is even called Maha Saitan, the prince
of devils. He and the original Dravidian demoness are the ones
who have the power to cast out evil spirits.
The most common story of the origin of Kanaka Durgamma’ is
that she was a woman of the Komatie or merchant caste, living
near Bezwada. She fell sick and during her illness had a great
craving for meat. It was not given to her, and later she died.
Soon the cattle in the village began to die, and it was reported that
Kanakamma had returned to satisfy her craving for flesh food.
She was at once propitiated with blood, and her worship established.
The woman’s original name was Kanakamma, but as she was
considered now to be a Sakti, the name Durgamma was added,
and her own name changed to mean “ The Golden Durga.”
Another quite different story is that there were seven Brahman
brothers in a village who had one sister, Kanakamma. Her con-
duct filled them with suspicions, and when she heard of their
state of mind she drowned herself in a well. The people of the
village feared a police investigation, and they started the story
that Kanakamma had become a Sakti and entered the hills. The
spirit of Kanakamma came upon a little girl who spoke for her,
and thus the mysterious disappearance of the woman was ac-
counted for.
The story that Kanakamma had become a goddess was not so
easily stopped as was the investigation. When the body was taken
from the well and buried, the people began to worship at that
8 See Moor, Hindu Pantheon, Madras, 1864, p. 246; also Wilkins, Hindu
Mythology, Calcutta, 1900, p. 445.
9 See page 54.
63
64 Wilber Theodore Elmore
place, and soon built her a temple. Here her worship is that of a
village goddess, and it is when she wanders from this place that
she becomes a demon to be carried out of the villages. The word
durgamu means a hill fortress, and according to this story the
name Durgamma was given to Kanakamma because she went
to the hills.
Kanaka Durgamma is a very recent goddess. She seems not to
have been known a generation ago. It is somewhat remarkable,
therefore, that there is not more definiteness regarding her origin.
It is probable that the story will assume more definite form as
time goes on.
In a village in the western part of the Kandukuru Taluq the
household gods in a certain house are a small golden horn and a
pair of golden drums. The worship of these is said to be not
more than twenty years old. In explanation of the origin of the
worship the following story is told.
A Madiga horn-blower, who was a demon worshiper, was a
frequent visitor in the village. He knew many mantrams, and all
the people stood in great fear of him. After a time he established
illicit relations with a beautiful caste woman, the daughter of a
rich man. The matter became known to the people of the house,
but they were unable to do anything to prevent it. Soon the vil-
lagers heard of what was going on, and they with the girl’s father
prepared a plan for the murder of the horn-blower.
When the horn-blower again came to the village, the girl’s
father called him saying, “ There is a devil in my house. A child
is sick. The signs are definite. Come and drive out the devil.”
The man agreed and came to the house. He performed the usual
ceremonies, but the demon would not leave. A midnight visit
was then planned to the shrine of Poleramma. Taking the usual
pots and other articles, he called about twenty people, and they
went to the little temple outside the village. _
When they arrived at the temple he called for the goat which
was to be sacrificed. The people replied that it was ready and
would be produced when he had made the preparations. Accord-
ingly he arranged the pots and offerings, drew the muggu, made
64
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 65
an image of a demon in the dust, and then asked that the goat be
brought. Then the people cried out, “ You are our goat,” and
seizing the sword attempted to cut his throat. But no matter
how hard they tried the sword would not cut.
The horn-blower feeling that he had been disgraced, and not
wanting to live any longer, now said, “O fools, what are you do-
ing? Why are you thus persecuting me? It is impossible for
you to kill me. You have satisfied your vengeance, and now I
wish to die. There is a knot in my hair. Cut it out and take out
the amulet and you will succeed.” They did as directed, and two
little sticks flew out of the knot of hair. The charm was now
gone, and the people killed him, and throwing his body into a
hole, trod on it.
The villagers now went to their homes, but their troubles were
only beginning. In the morning the village was filled with con-
sternation. Some of the people went mad, and some children
and cattle suddenly sickened and died. When the people turned
their eyes toward their fields they saw that a blight was already
destroying the standing grain.
The afflicted villagers now visited a diviner. She became pos-
sessed of a spirit which proved to be that of the dead man who
now spoke, accusing them of his murder, and saying that their
only relief would be to worship him. But they said, “ Chee,
would we worship a Madiga?” They then went to another
diviner, and again to a third, with the same result. Finally the
rich man consented and had the horn and drums made and the
worship instituted.
This story is rather unusual. It is probably true in its main
points, for it happened recently, and is agreed to by all the vil-
lagers. ‘These stories are told by the horn-blowers, and the desire
of this class of people to instill into the villagers a proper respect
for themselves may account for some features of it. It further
appears from this tale that male gods are not likely to become
village deities. They may be worshiped, but their worship is
something outside that which is usually given to the village god-
desses. The general interest which the villagers took in this dead
65
66 Wilber Theodore Elmore
man, and the general nature of the disasters which came upon
them, would most certainly have created a village deity, had the
spirit been that of a woman.
Gonti, a goddess of the Malas, had the more common outcome
of becoming a village goddess for this caste. The story runs that
there was once a young woman of Sudra birth who lived in the
north country. She had brothers but no sisters. She was dis-
covered in sin with a Madiga, and her brothers hearing of it tried
to kill her. Gonti fled and hid in the house of the man with
whom she had been in improper relations. Soon a young man
came to the house. He would have been her brother-in-law ac-
cording to the new relationship. She failed to arise and show
him the respect due a brother-in-law, and when she became aware
of her neglect, she fled to the fields, ashamed and also evidently
fearing the Madigas.
Some Mala men saw Gonti as she was wandering in the field,
and she told them her story. They promised to protect her, and
concealed her during the day beneath a huge heap of straw.
When evening came they returned to the village, and taking Gonti
with them, they placed her on a beam in the roof of their house
in order to conceal her. At night they fastened the door on the
outside, but the next morning she was gone and the door had not
been opened. Now they were filled with fear, for they believed
her to be a goddess, and that they had offended her in some way.
For some unexplained reason the worship of Gonti is connected
with the rains. A Mala woman is the pujari, and receives many
gifts at the time of the ceremonies. When there is famine for
lack of rain, an image of Gonti is made and deposited on the
boundaries in the usual way. In this respect she has become a
Sakti and her presence in the village is not considered desirable.
At the annual festival the ceremonies have a more joyful nature.
An image is made of earth and a pot placed over it to conceal
it from the Madigas from whom Gonti fled. Dried grass is placed
in a grain mortar, and meanwhile the clouds are watched. The
ceremony is arranged for a time when rain seems near. When it
begins to rain, they say that Gonti has come, and place a pot of
66
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 67
milk over the dried grass, which is then ignited. While the fire
burns the women sing amorous songs to awaken Gonti, and call
her by name. When at last the milk in the pot begins to bubble,
they raise a great shout, thinking that Gonti has heard them.
After worshiping the image, remembering that Gonti once ran
away and probably still wants to do so, they place the image in a
basket and after passing it from hand to hand, deposit it on the
rubbish heap.
One unusual feature in this story of Gonti is that there is no
account of her death. Almost universally it is the ghost of one
who has died who returns and becomes the deity.
Podilamma is a goddess of more than usual importance. Her
temple is near the village of Podili, a taluq town in the Nellore
District. She is the tutelary goddess of this town, to which she
has given her name. They tell the following story of her origin.
Some Sudra farmers lived in a hamlet at some distance from
the present village of Podili. One day they were treading out
the grain with the oxen in a distant field. Their sister was to
bring them the midday meal. On the way in a lonely place she:
met a man. She put down her basket and was late in arriving
with the food. When she arrived, her brothers caught her and!
threw her beneath the feet of the oxen, for they had been watch-
ing her while she came, and believed her to be guilty.
The girl, evidently killed, disappeared under the feet of the
cattle among the sheaves. Later when they removed the straw to
winnow the grain they did not find the body, but found a stone.
A man standing near became possessed with the spirit of the girl
and she spoke through him. She said that she had been unjustly
killed, and that they must worship her or great evils would fol-
low. All the people who heard this were terrified, and placing
the stone in a desirable place they began its worship.
Podilamma, for such was the name of the girl, had now be-
come a deity and soon became noted for power to cure sickness.
A rich man who had some serious illness made a vow to her, and
was cured. In payment of his vow he had an image made for
Podilamma, but it was hideous and all the people feared it. Then
67
68 Wilber Theodore Elmore
another man fulfilled a vow by having a more beautiful image
made, and now both images are in the temple. The older image
is of stone and has silver eyes which are kept bright, and with a
carefully arranged light glare in such a way as to strike terror to
the heart of the worshiper. The newer image is of wood and is
gaily clothed.
Like Gonti, Podilamma is unusual in that the pujari is a wo-
man. The Venkatigiri Rajah, in whose dominions Podili is situ-
ated, has given about twelve acres of land for the support of the
temple. The offerings are made in the name of the rajah. The
pujari receives the offerings and lives from them and the income
from the land.
The story of Mundla Mudamma is somewhat striking. In a
village near Kandukuru lived a little girl of the Kamma branch
of the Sudra caste, who went daily with the other children to herd
the cattle in the waste land which is covered with bushes and
small trees. The children often played in the open plain while
the cattle were grazing. They played a game in which they
knocked small sticks with clubs. It was quite a boys’ game, but
this little girl, Mundla Mudamma, won every game. The boys
made great efforts to win, but with no success.
One day a traveler saw the game, and was filled with wonder,
for in India it is not thought possible for a female to have any
superiority over a male. While he still watched the children, the
cattle strayed into the field of a farmer, who in anger began to
drive them to the village pound. The traveler seeing this drew
the attention of the children to it, but the little girl called to them
that they need not worry about the cattle. She then made a shrill
cry and all the cattle came running toward her. Theangry farmer
tried to gather them together again to drive them to the pound,
but all in vain. That night in the village the stranger greatly
excited all the people by telling them what he had seen.
The people now watched Mundla Mudamma, and on another
day when the cattle had been driven to the pound, she made her
cry and they all jumped the walls and came running to her. The
villagers now began to fear her, and thought it best to put an end
68
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 69
to her activities. There are at least two stories of how this came
about. One is that they decided to kill her, but she heard of it
and drowned herself in a well. Then her spirit appeared in the
village and through a diviner demanded worship.
The other story is that a man who had power with mantrams
brought it about by his arts that Mundla Mudamma should not be
able to pass beyond a certain limited area. She soon discovered
the restrictions placed upon her movements, and one day she sud-
denly vanished, while in her place a black stone appeared. When
the people saw this stone they were greatly terrified. They called
a workman and after having the stone graven into the form of a
woman, they built a temple for it.
The stone appeared at the place where Mundla Mudamma
herded the cattle, and it was at this place that the temple was
erected. Many people thinking that this was a favored place
built their houses there, and a village has grown up which has
the same name as the goddess. Like Podilamma, the tutelary
goddess appears to have been the founder of the village. Her
worship usually lasts for nine days and includes all the charac-
teristic features along with much merry-making.
The story of Ladothamma has some similarities with that of
Mundla Mudamma. It contains more pathos than is usually
found in these legends. Ladothamma was the little daughter of
parents of the Reddi branch of the Sudra caste. She was much
loved by her parents, but when she was five or six years old she
died. A short time afterward when the village children were
playing, Ladothamma appeared among them and played with them
as she had done before she died. The children told this to
Ladothamma’s parents, and they came with great eagerness to see
her, but while the children saw her day by day, she was never
visible to the parents.
At last her parents gave up any hope of seeing Ladothamma
again, but they built a temple for her and placed a stone in it.
This happened a long time ago, but the worship has steadily in-
creased in importance so that as recently as the year 1912 a new
image of the five sacred metals was made for her and fitted over
69
70 Wilber Theodore Elmore
the stone image. This indicates a long step toward the adoption
of Ladothamma into the Hindu pantheon.
The unusual feature of the deifying of Ladothamma is that
while the ghosts which become deities commonly bring injury to
people and cattle, and thus secure worship, there is nothing of the
kind connected with this little girl. Even the children did not
fear her. Unfortunately, also, not many of the stories are so
pure and so pleasing in their nature as this one is. The following
story is an example of those which are far more general.
In the Nizam’s dominions in the Deccan there lived a Sudra
girl named Nagamma, who in due time was married to a man of
her own caste. Later she had illegitimate relations with a bar-
ber, and her husband and brothers drove her from home. She
went to her parents, but they would not receive her, so she lived
by herself in her native village, Chetty Palem.
At this time a village doctor became infatuated with her. Soon
a son was born to her, of whom the barber was the father, but
the doctor took both her and her son to his house, and she lived
with him. But now the village kernam, or clerk, a Brahman,
became interested in her. The doctor observed what was taking
place, but as the kernam is a man of importance and authority,
he raised no objections. After some time her relations with the
kernam became so intimate that he openly took her to his house,
where she lived until her death, some ten or fifteen years later.
When the kernam took Nagamma to his house he was a poor
man, but she was of the farmer caste and immediately took hold
of his affairs and handled the servants and farm work so effi-
ciently that soon he became well-to-do. After she died he built
a temple for her, and as a sign of especial honor, made an image
with his own hands to represent her. As she was particularly
interested in agriculture, the temple was built outside the village
in the fields. The kernam himself became the pujari, which no
doubt continues to add to his prosperity. The worship is simple,
the especial object being for good crops. There are offerings of
blood.
This is a very recent goddess, as the death of Nagamma oc-
70
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism FT
curred only a few years ago, and the kernam is still living. It
will be interesting to watch the development of the worship. The
unusual feature in the origin of this goddess is that an ordinary
Dravidian deity of the village type was established by a Brahman.
There appears also to have been no ghost story connected with
Nagamma, but her deification was the result of the arbitrary de-
cision of the kernam.
Verdatchamma is the name of a goddess whose temple is built
on a small island in the great Cumbum irrigation tank. She has
a second temple on the bank of the tank. Her story contains the
unusual feature of human sacrifice.t° When she lived on earth
as a woman, she and her husband did not dwell together, as she
was said to be born of the gods. It is a fact established in history
that a nabob gave her a large tract of land. The probable ex-
planation of her acquiring the reputation of having been born of
the gods is the use she made of her gift. The fact that she did
not dwell with her husband indicates an unusual condition in
Hindu society, and it is possible that he called her a Sakti be-
cause of her unwifely attitude.
Verdatchamma gave the money to construct the great tank
which lies between two high hills. There were two chief diggers,
probably maistries, or foremen of gangs. Every day they dug
and every night the bank broke away. The story goes that these
two men, who were brothers, then ascended the two hills and dis-
cussed the matter, quarreling over it. While they were having
this angry discussion a voice came from the ground in the tank.
It said, “If you will make a human sacrifice I will stand.”
Two shepherd boys named Pedda Kambudu and Chinna Kam-
budu, heard these words as they were herding their sheep. They
reported the words to Verdatchamma, and offered to be the sacri-
fices themselves. Their only request was that their memory
should in some way be perpetuated. The boys were slain, and in
their names two pipes were placed in the bank of the tank to dis-
charge the water. The tank was then completed without further
trouble.
So runs the story, and there is every reason to believe that the
10 On human sacrifices in India see page 45, note 12.
FM
72 Wilber Theodore Elmore
human sacrifice was made. There may be some doubt, however,
as to the willingness of the victims. Verdatchamma later built
herself a temple on the island in the tank and is said to have died
there. The people believing her to be a goddess, built another
temple on the tank bank, and erected two stones to the murdered
boys. The usual bloody offerings are made at this second temple
and before the stones representing the boys.
Such deities rise and fall. Bandlamma is an example of one
whose worship is evidently passing away. She appears to be a
purely local deity. The word bandlu means carts, and she ap-
pears to be the goddess of the carts. The story is told that she
was originally a goddess in the village of Chandaluru, Nellore
District, but one day she followed some carts which were going
on the road to Madras. At night they camped at the village of
Ravuru, near Ramapatnam. That night she appeared in a dream
to one of the cartmen who was a native of that place, and told
him that she desired to change her residence, and would protect
them if they built her a temple and worshiped her.
Bandlamma soon became a usual village goddess. The out-
standing feature of her worship is the hook-swinging ceremony.”
On the last day of her worship a live goat is swung from a frame
placed on a cart, the iron hooks being placed in the flesh of its
back. This cart leads the procession. The goat swung from a
cart appears intended for the propitiation of the goddess of the
carts. It is said that the goat greatly enjoys the experience, and
that it bleats with pleasure. Furthermore it does not die, but is
turned loose after the ceremony, and comes again of its own
accord for the next jatara!
The worship of Bandlamma has practically ceased. Only the
older people can remember when it took place. The growing sen-
timent against such cruelties as hook-swinging may have had
some influence, and the coming of the railway, which put an end
to extensive cart traffic, may have been another cause for the
neglect of Bandlamma.
Such are some of the local stories relating to the origins of
11 For further information about hook-swinging see pp. 35 sq.
72
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 73
Dravidian deities. The number of these legends is almost as
limitless as the list of the Dravidian gods. The main points in
a few additional legends may be given for comparison.
Kitsamma of Gandavarum, Kanigiri Talug, was a woman who
burned herself with her husband. The fact that she spoke from
the flames makes her a goddess of unusual power. After her
death some of the people who had heard her call from the flames,
went to a place at some distance and addressed her three times, to
which calls she replied. The configuration of the country indi-
cates that it was an echo which answered.
Kurumayya is a male deity who also owes his origin to an echo.
He was the son of a rich man, but after his father died the
property was taken by the other relatives. Kurumayya then
went to a farmer and hired himself out to herd sheep. One day
he fell into a gorge in the hills and died of hunger. When the
villagers searched for him they called his name and he replied.
Later they found his body and deified him. At the festival they
go to the hills and call and wait for the response.
Mangamma is still another illustration of the same method of
making gods. She burned herself with her husband, and after
a time a stone appeared on the north side of the village. The
people believed that this was Mangamma and built a temple.
At the yearly festival they go to the hills and call until she re-
sponds. Then knowing that she is present, they proceed with
the worship.
Sandamma and Gumpamma were two sisters who did not
marry. They had a quarrel and Sandamma threw herself into a
cavern in the Velugonda Hills and died there. Her sister then
did the same, and the people, saying they were Saktis, began to
worship them. The thieves in the hills propitiate them in order
to be protected from the police. They steal goats and then cut
their throats in front of the images, until blood runs in streams.”
Vinukonda Ankamma is a friendly goddess who is said to have
been one of seven daughters in a shepherd’s house. She was a
12 This appears to be connected with sacrifices which the Thugs formerly
offered to Kali before going on a thieving and murdering expedition.
See Meadows Taylor, Confessions of a Thug, London, 1906, pages 26 sq.
fi
74 Wilber Theodore Elmore
talkative and somewhat domineering girl. One day she “hid
herself,” so the villagers say, which evidently means that she
died. Soon cholera broke out, and her spirit came upon a diviner
and demanded worship. Ankamma is remembered as a jolly vil-
lage girl, so her spirit does not inspire unusual terror, and her
worship is a time of merry-making with but few blood-offerings.
The Akka Devatalu of the fishermen are represented by crude
earthen images which stand on a knoll overlooking the sea.
Their name means sister gods. There were once several sisters
in one house who quarreled and killed one another. Later sick-
ness appeared in the house, and the sisters spoke through a di-
viner, upbraiding the people because they had not prevented the
tragedy of their death. “ However,” they said, “we are females
and so desire worship. If you will worship us you may escape.”
The fishermen always propitiate these gods before going out to
sea. It is possible that the ever restless sea on the western shore
of the Bay of Bengal, where the tidal waves are always beating,
has something to do with the quarrelsome nature of these god-
desses.**
Kulagollamma is a village goddess of unusual importance in
Kavili. Her temple is larger and more imposing than that of
many Hindu gods, and is patterned after them.* In Sarvaia
Palem, near Kavili, there was a reddi or farmer, who had a great
crop of the grain called ragi.17> One day some one came to buy
grain, and the farmer found that no matter how much he meas-
ured out, the ragi in the bin did not decrease. Wondering what
could be the reason he overturned the great wicker grain bin,
when a black stone fell out. The diviner was called in, and
when the possession came upon her she said, “I am Kulagol-
lamma, the cause of your prosperity. Build me a temple outside
the village where I shall not hear the pounding of the grain, and
13 There is a sort of taboo connected with these goddesses. The fisher-
men say that it means death for any one to touch them. A lady was
stricken with typhoid fever soon after touching them, and the fishermen
attributed her illness to this rashness.
14 See page 16, note 2.
15 Cynosurus coracanus, a very nutritious chocolate-colored grain.
74
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 75
I will stay to bless you. If you do not, I will destroy you and
your house and go to another place.” This order was obeyed
and she has become far renowned. The last great festival was
held in September, 1913. The reason given was that the railway |
which has been built near her temple, gives her the headache, and
she contemplates removing to Madras. Thirty-two buffalos
were beheaded before her at that time.
Kudullamma is the village goddess of Chakicherala, Kandu-
kuru Talug. When she is worshiped blood is shed until it flows
in streams. Beneath the water pot, to keep it from rolling over,
is placed a small ring of grass or wattled twigs called kudulla.
One night an inmate of a house in this village dreamed that he
saw a goddess rise from the kudulla under a water pot in his
house. She demanded that she be worshiped, and so real was his
dream that he secured a stone, said that it was the goddess whom
he had seen, and instituted the worship.
These are the legends connected with some of the Dravidian
deities. It is probable that every Dravidian deity has had a simi-
lar local origin but the stories are forgotten in many cases, and
the people answer simply that the god was worshiped by their
fathers and so they have continued it. This local origin is a defi-
nite characteristic distinguishing these gods from those of Hindu-
ism, which originate in the abode of the gods.
In the majority of these local legends the gods were once
human beings. This characteristic is so constant that we may
suppose that in the cases where a new god appears outright with-
out a human history, there was such a history believed in by
those who instituted the worship. They probably simply thought
that the history was unknown to them. It is possible also that in
the case of these exceptions the influence of Hinduism is shown,
for Hindu gods come to the earth with no human mediation."
16 Tn Madavaram, Darsi Taluq, there was until recently a god called Potu-
kuri Verabramham, who, while scarcely a village deity, has a most interest-
ing origin. The story as told in the villages where Verabramham is wor-
shiped runs as follows. In a carpenter’s family there was a son born who
took his place among the other children of the family. When he was a
large boy he was one day feeding the cattle, and saw a man who had just
rs
76 Wilber Theodore Elmore
CHAPTER IX
THE DravipIAN Gops IN Hinpu LEGENDS
In addition to the stories of the local origin of Dravidian dei-
ties, there are many legends connecting them with the Hindu
pantheon. The original legend is usually found in the Puranas,
but in every case it has been changed and added to in order that
the Dravidian gods may be given a place in it. These are the
stories which are told by the horn-blowers and story-tellers at
died from snake bite. Verabramham, the carpenter’s son, at once raised
him from the dead. Later some of the villagers were bringing out a dead
man to bury him. Verabramham approached the procession and asked what
they were doing. Upon being told, he said, “ No, he is not dead. He is
alive,” and immediately the dead man arose and taking up his bier walked
away. One day as he was going on a journey a rain came on and he
stopped for a short time. After the rain was over it was discovered that
no water had fallen near where he had stood. Another day as Verabram-
ham and his disciple were going to Kandipullayyapuram they met a widow
who had lost a son, and Verabramham had compassion on her and restored
her son to life. Many other such acts are said to have been performed by
him.
At last Verabramham died, but on the third day he arose from the grave,
and appeared to his disciple and to others. He told them of a coming judg-
ment, of punishment and rewards, and promising to come again in the
form of a beggar, he went to heaven and left them.
The followers of Verabramham made an image of him, and the worship
has spread to several villages. The worship takes place on Friday, and
anyone, irrespective of caste, may officiate. The worship consists in placing
various offerings before the idol, but none of the offerings are of blood.
Then there are prayers and hymns much after the Christian fashion.
It is not difficult to trace the origin of this god. It is simply an adapta-
tion of some Christian teaching which the founders had heard. E. R.
Clough in While Sewing Sandals, p. 117, tells of this worship, but none of
these stories are mentioned. Many of the first Madigas who became
Christians were first worshipers of Verabramham. In 1909, when on tour
in the Darsi Taluq with Mr. J. A. Curtis, the priest of Verabramham
in Madavaram gave me the image and much of the paraphernalia, and
turned the temple into a school house. The image is now in the museum
in Rochester Theological Seminary. In a land so hospitable as India to
all new ideas, provided they come within the pale of Hinduism, it is
surprising that more such gods have not arisen.
76
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 77
the times of the worship. They are not printed, but often they
are written on palm-leaf books.
The origin of these stories in their present form is probably
Brahmanic in nearly every instance. They are an effort to con-
nect the gods of the Dravidians with the Hindu pantheon, and
are a part of the Hindu plan for the absorption of the Dravidian
religion into their own. In some cases, however, there is indica-
tion that the Dravidians have seized upon the Hindu story, and
by adding some of their own legends to it, have attempted to
connect themselves with the higher form of religion and civiliza-
tion. In this chapter a representative number of these legends
will be given.
THE Stva Lecenps. The Dravidian gods are more commonly
connected with Siva. There is more in the nature of Siva wor-
ship that is Dravidian than in Vishnu worship. It is quite prob-
able that Siva himself is an aboriginal god. One of the legends
runs as follows.’
There were one hundred and one kings ruling over the country
of Thiparapuram. They were devotees of Siva, and because of
the many offerings which they made, Siva granted them the
boons of immortality and of invincibility in battle. Afterwards
these kings engaged in many wars, and in every case they were
victorious. Finally the people came to Siva and asked him why
he had granted favors which gave so much distress. Siva saw
his mistake, but could see no way out of the difficulty except to
enter the battle himself and try to defeat these kings. He took
human form and went to war with the kings, but with the result
that he too was defeated and was about to be put to death.
Vishnu Murti, now seeing that Siva was trembling for his life,
offered his advice. He said, “ At yonder tank the wives of these
kings will be bathing at the appointed time. By virtue of their
chastity they will make brass pots from the sand, and in these
pots bring home water with which to cook the food which gives
1 For a discussion of this point see pp. 12 sq.
2 This story is not found in the Puranas.
is
78 Wilber Theodore Elmore
their husbands such prowess.? The chastity of their wives is the
reason for the power of the kings, but they have one sorrow ;
they have no children. You must assume the form of a peepul*
tree on the bank of the tank, and I will appear as a rismi5 The
women will certainly come to me when they bathe to ask me how
they may obtain children. I will advise them to embrace the
tree which you will become. You must thus ruin all of these
women, and then their husbands will lose their strength.”
Siva consented to the plan, and all happened as arranged.
After the women had embraced the tree they went as usual to
make the pots of sand, but the pots fell to pieces. Again and
again they tried, but to no avail. Then in terror they went home
and bringing other pots they took water to make food for their
husbands as usual. But when the kings ate the food they lost
their power and were destroyed by Siva.
After a time all of the one hundred and one wives brought
forth children. All were girls. Thinking that Siva was re-
sponsible for their being, the children went to him and asked that
he would provide them some way to make a living. He directed
them to go into the world as Saktis and torment people, who
would then propitiate them with food and thus support them.
So these Saktis are abroad in the earth, and whenever a new
deity appears, it is simply one of these Saktis assuming a new
form.
This legend makes the Saktis to be the daughters of Siva.
They are more commonly said to be his wives. This is the re-
lationship established in the following story.®
In the older times there was a king named Giri Razu. He had
sons, but although he made all kinds of offerings, no daughters
were born to him. For a long time he did penance to Siva, and
at last Siva’s wife, Parvati, had compassion on him and saying
3 This test of character is one commonly found in the Puranas. See
page 95.
4 The poplar-leaved fig tree, Ficus religiosa.
5 Otherwise spelled rusi. He is a hermit thought to have divine powers.
6 A story with enough similarity to have suggested this is found in the
Devi Bhagavatam. It has not been translated into English.
78
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 79
that she would be born as a daughter to him, took human form
and hid herself in a golden ant-hill near the palace.
That night the king had a dream that a daughter had been born
to him in the ant-hill, and so vivid was the dream that in the
morning he called his servants and directed them to dig the ant-
hill out. After digging they found a golden net such as are now
made of ropes to hold offerings before the gods. At the side of
this was a muggu, and upon the muggu a golden lamp. This is
said to be the origin of the use of these articles in worship. Be-
side these sat a maiden, who was Parvati in the form of Sakti
with the name Renuka.
The king ordered an elephant to be brought and sacrificed to
her. They also brought five hundred cart-loads of cakes, five
hundred cart-loads of cooked rice, and five hundred and fifty
cart-loads of minor offerings. After presenting these things to
Renuka they distributed them to the people who ate them. A
golden palanquin was now brought, and placing Renuka in it,
the procession started for the palace. After proceeding one foot
they stopped, poured out rice, and offered a sheep. This was
done at each foot of the journey until finally they arrived at the
palace.
Renuka is said to have been changed into one hundred and one
Saktis, which have become the village goddesses. In this story
the deities are Parvati incarnate, wives of Siva, and so are on an
equal footing with Kali. This legend gives a very honorable po-
sition to the Saktis, and is an evident attempt to please the Dra-
vidians. The various features of Dravidian worship are repre-
sented in the story. The Dravidians have an occasional worship
of ant-hills, of which this legend of Renuka may be the origin.
The idea that the goddesses are the wives of Siva is almost uni-
versal, and a favorite method of attaching a Dravidian goddess
to the Hindu pantheon is by a marriage with Siva or some one of
his incarnations. One of the important instances of this is that
of the goddess, Minakshi, of Madura.’
7 For the following interesting facts I am indebted to Dr. J. P. Jones,
author of India, Its Life and Thought, and other important works on India.
79
80 Wilber Theodore Elmore
In the Madura temple is a combination of Siva, Vishnu, and
Dravidian worship. The original god was called Chokkalingam,
and from his name and attributes we may judge that at first he
was one of the local demons. The Brahmans, not wishing to
antagonize so important a deity, adopted him into their pantheon.
giving him the honor of being an incarnation of Siva.
But there was another powerful local deity, a goddess, who was
much more feared by the people than was Chokkalinam, as a
Sakti is always more terrible than a male god. Her name was
Minakshi.2 The Brahmans wished to attach this powerful cult
also, and accomplished it by arranging a marriage between Min-
akshi and Chokkalingam, now called Siva.
In memory of this marriage there is a great annual celebration
at which often as many as one hundred and fifty thousand people
are present. At this celebration the marriage ceremonies are
again performed, but they are never completed. While the cere-
monies are proceeding, every year without fail some one sneezes
at the right moment, and as a sneeze at such a time is most in-
auspicious, the marriage is declared off for another year. As the
revenues of the festival are very large, the real motive of this
postponement is to make certain that the festival will be repeated
the next year. The sneezing stops the marriage ceremony, but
does not stop the drawing of the idol cars and the other excite-
ments of the festival.
Another curious feature of the festival deserves to be recorded.
The powerful king, Tirumala Naik, who reigned in Madura two
and a half centuries ago, and who built the great palace and
much of the temple there, was not a Saivate, but a Vaishnava
who also worshiped Minakshi. He devised a plan by which the
Saivite and Vaishnava sects should be brought together and at
least made to fraternize.
Twelve miles to the north was the temple of the Vaishnava
god, Algar, who had himself been a Dravidian god, the local
demon of the thief caste, before being adopted into Hinduism.
8 This is the third largest temple in the world. It covers thirteen acres.
9 Minakshi was originally a powerful Pandian queen. After her death
she was deified and worshiped by her subjects.
80
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 8I
He was said to be the elder brother of Minakshi. The plan de-
vised was to bring Algar every year from his temple to give
his sister in marriage to Siva. But he invariably arrives two
days late, and disgusted that they did not wait for him he refuses |
to cross the river or to have anything to do with the wedding.
He consents, however, to remain on the other side of the river for
two or three days, and it is during this time that the festival
reaches its climax. During these days Saivites and Vaishnavas
readily mingle together, and unite to raise a considerable sum of
money with which to appease the wrath of Algar so that he will
go home in peace, and cause no troubles during the year.
The following account?® of the marriage of Minakshi with Siva
shows the Brahmanic interpretation and explanation of the mar-
riage. It may usefully be compared with the description of the
actual ceremonies, since it shows the tendency of the Brahmans
to provide the necessary Hindu explanation for these ceremonies.
“When the Invincible (Minakshi) was ruling, her foster
mother represented to her the propriety of marriage, to which
she replied that she would assemble an army and go to fight with
the neighboring kings in order to discover among them her des-
tined husband. Accordingly her minister, Sunathi, assembled a
very large army with which she conquered all the neighboring
kings. She next conquered Indren and then proceeded to Kai-
lasa, the abode of Siva, in front of which she was met by Narada,
messenger of the gods, whom she forced to retreat. He went
and reported the same to Siva, who, smiling a little, arose and
came forth. As soon as he appeared, the before-mentioned sign
appeared (one of her three breasts withered) at which the amazon
being ashamed, dropped her weapon, and the minister said, ‘ This
is your husband.’ The god (Siva) told her to return to Madura
where he dwelt, and on Monday he would come and marry her;
desiring all preparations to be made. All was arranged accord-
ingly, and the gods inferior and superior were present, bringing
10 From Oriental Manuscripts, translated by Wm. Taylor, Madras, 1835,
I, p. 58. The “ Marriage of Minakshi with Siva by the name of Sunteras-
vara,” is translated from the Fifth Tiruvilliadel of the Madura Stalla
Purana.
81
82 Wilber Theodore Elmore
presents. She was seated beside the god on the marriage throne
when Vishnu joined their hands, and afterwards the marriage
ceremony was performed amidst the praises and adorations of
the rishis and others present.”
In the great temple at Madura there are two main divisions,
one given to the worship of Siva and one to that of Minakshi.
The walls of the temple are covered with paintings and other
decorations which show the details of the marriage.
THE VisHNu Lecenps. The legends connecting the Dravidian
goddesses with Hindu deities are not confined to tales of Siva.
They are also connected with Vishnu. In the Vishnu stories
Renuka is the wife of Jamadagni, and to them is born Parasu
Rama, or Parasram, one of the incarnations of Vishnu. Renuka
is still the source of the Saktis, so these stories make an incarna-
tion of Vishnu to be a son of a Sakti. The story most general
among the people runs as follows.*?
In the midst of a great forest the Rakshasas, the demons of the
Vedas,” were living upon mountains called Tipurupu Rallu. At
this time Dhandigiri Razu was a powerful king. He worshiped all
the gods and also the sages and rishis, beseeching them to help him
overthrow the Rakshasas.
Narada, the messenger of the gods, now came to Dhandigiri
Razu and told him that he must either defeat the Rakshasas or
cease pursuing them and acknowledge himself defeated. Dhandi-
giri asked him who would lead the battle against them and he
answered, “ Your daughter, Renuka, is the person to go.” Then
Dhandigiri stared into the face of Narada, and said, “Do you
think that a great monarch like myself would consent to have a
woman lead my battle? Never! I will lead it myself and tear
down their ramparts.”
Accordingly, Dhandigiri fitted out an expedition and attacked
the Rakshasas, but being unable to stand against them, hid in a
11 This story is commonly told during the festival for Usuramma. See
page 33. The legend from which it has its origin is in Sree mad Bagavata,
Madras, 1893, (Sanskrit) Novama Skandhamu, pp. 207 sq.
12 For further descriptions of the Rakshasas see Moor, The Hindu
Pantheon, Madras, 1864, p. 120; Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hin-
duism, London, 1891, pp. 238 sq.
82
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 83
cave. Renuka learned of her father’s plight by means of a vision,
and determined to go herself against the Rakshasas and rescue him.
She went first to her mother-in-law to secure leave to go, but con-
sent was not given. Her mother-in-law said that she had no desire
to help Dhandigiri, even though he was her own brother, and at
the same time father of her daughter-in-law, for he had been
cruel to her in times past. But she told Renuka that she might
ask her own husband, Jamadagni, and that perhaps he would give
the desired permission.
Renuka now started on the journey to her husband, who was
living far away in a forest, doing penance asa rishi. She carried
on her head seven pots, in which were rice and water mixed. Her
purity was so great that, as she walked along, the water in the
pots began to boil without the aid of fire.
As Renuka was going along Vishnu began to talk with Narada
about her purity, and at Narada’s request Vishnu suggested a
plan to destroy her virtue. In accordance with this plan Narada
appeared in the way before Renuka as a beggar and asked her
for food. She had compassion on him and gave him a little from
the pots on her head. A little further on Narada again appeared,
this time as a charming little child with rattling ornaments. When
Renuka saw the child she burst into merry laughter.
Jamadagni considered that these were wicked acts because he
was doing penance, and he determined that his wife must be pun-
ished. He thought of his eldest son, and immediately the son
stood before him. His father addressed him affectionately, and
asked his son what should be done if anyone were found guilty
within their premises. “ Forgive him thrice,’ answered the son.
“But suppose the offender commits a sin beyond forgiveness,
what would you suggest?” asked the father.
“Why, father, if such a one is found, you must certainly remove
his head from his body,” answered the son.
“Well, my dear son,” said his father, “look now! Your mother
is coming. She laughed at that little boy as she came toward our
13 That is, Renuka and her husbands were cousins. This cousin-mar-
riage is a very common and favorite arrangement.
83
84 Wilber Theodore Elmore
retreat. Do to her according to the judgment which you have
pronounced.” :
“No! no! father,” said the son, “ I have been nursed by her and
I can never do such an atrocious deed with my own hands.”
Then Jamadagni was very angry, and said, “ Wretch, I will curse
you for your failure to keep your word.”
“All right, father,” replied the son. “I am ready for your
curse. Kill me, or turn me into a beggar as suits you, but I will
never do this deed.”
Jamadagni accordingly cursed his son,'* and as he saw Renuka
drawing nearer he thought of his other son, Parasu Rama, the
terror of the world.* Parasu Rama immediately stood before his
father who repeated the request which he had made to his elder
son. This time no objections were raised, and before Parasu
Rama had finished making his declaration of willingness to do the
deed, his mother stood before him. He drew his sword, and telling
her of her fault, he cut off her head. The sword slipped from his
hand and went spinning through the air. Parasu Rama cursed his
hand for having done such a hideous deed, and immediately the
sword fell and severed his outstretched hand, which fell in the
dust beside the head of his mother.
Parasu Rama now turned in rage on his father, and accusing
him of being the cause of both deeds, demanded that the life
of his mother and his own right hand should be restored. “ Unless
you revive my mother and create a hand to my shoulder you shall
live no more,” he cried in anger. “Look sharp! I am coming.”
Jamadagni seeing that his terrible son was not to be trifled with
at once complied with his request, and restored Renuka and the
hand. Parasu Rama’s hand is now represented by the royal staff
and Renuka’s head by the snake hood, which are carried at the
time of worship.*®
14 According to the story in Moor, Hindu Pantheon, p. 116, the curse was
that his son should be an idiot. In this version of the story four sons were
thus cursed.
15 For information regarding the Parasu Rama avatar of Vishnu, see
Wilkins, Hindu Mythology, Calcutta, 1882, pp. 162 sq.; Moor, Hindu Pan-
theon, Madras, 1864, pp. 116 sq.
16 See page 21.
84
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 85
After Renuka had been brought back to life she upbraided her
husband for his act, and then asked his permission to proceed
against the Rakshasas that she might release her father. Her
husband asked her pardon for causing her to be killed, and then
asked, “ Who are they against whom you dream of going? Are
they not Rakshasas, and so unconquerable? Think of it no more.”
“ My husband, if you knew my powers you would not speak in
such a manner,” answered Renuka, “I will show my power pro-
vided you can stand the sight without fear.”
“What! Am I not a man, a rishi who has power to turn a
woman to ashes? Do you pretend to think that anything could
frighten me?” replied her husband.
“All right,” replied Renuka. “Turn your back and do not
look toward me until I give you permission.”
Jamadagni obeyed, and presently Renuka told him to face about
again. He did so and was terrified to see standing before him a
Sakti having a thousand hands. In each one of these hands she
held a thousand spikes, and upon each spike a thousand bodies
were impaled, and beside each one of the impaled bodies was a
devil watching, with a torch in his left hand and sword in his right
hand.
When Jamadagni saw this terrible figure, all his boasts of
bravery were forgotten, and he fled to the underworld. Renuka,
fearing that he would never return if he descended, called for him
to come back, but he would not come, so she caught him by the
tuft of his hair’? and drew him up. She then told him that this
terrifying figure was Korlapati Ankamma."§
Renuka now secured her husband’s permission to proceed against
the Rakshasas, and she slew large numbers of them, but for every
drop of their blood which fell to the ground sixty thousand new
Rakshasas arose. Under such conditions victory was impossible.
Renuka now thought of her brother, Potu Razu,!® who immedi-
17 This tuft of hair, called juttu or tguttu in Telugu, is the badge of
Hinduism.
18 This is one form of the Ankamma described on page 23.
19 See page 23. No one seems to know how it happens that Potu Razu
is a brother of Renuka. This legend appears to be lost.
85
86 Wilber Theodore Elmore
ately stood before her. ‘‘ My brother,” she said, “if you will help
me in this trouble I will see to it that you receive a sheep as tall
as the sky and a pile of rice as high as a palm tree.”
This generous offer induced Potu Razu to promise to do what-
ever she required. Renuka directed him to spread his tongue over
the ground as far as the kingdom of the Rakshasas extended, and
not to let one drop of their blood fall to the ground. Thus the
propagation of the Rakshasas was stopped and the battle was
won. This is the explanation of the offering of a sheep and a
pile of rice to Potu Razu whenever the village deity is worshiped.
This legend makes Renuka, the mother of one of Vishnu’s
avatars, to be the source of the Saktis, and so connects them very
directly with the Hindu pantheon. The aboriginal tribes are
spoken of as Rakshasas in the Ramayana. It may be that some
part of the Dravidian people assisted the Aryans in overcoming
such tribes, and that this story, which certainly gives a most
honorable place to Dravidian Saktis, was the result.?°
A variant of the latter part of the story comes more directly to
the matter of the origin of the Saktis. It relates that when
Renuka was engaged in her war with the Rakshasas and dis-
covered that from every drop of blood which fell to the ground,
sixty thousand new Rakshasas arose, she went in her perplexity to
the three gods, Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva. They appeared to her
in the form of Brahmans and heard her story. They admitted that
20 Moor, The Hindu Pantheon, Madras, 1864, p. 120. “It is certainly
likely that at some remote period, probably not long after the settlement
of the Aryan races in the plains of the Ganges, a body of invaders, headed
by a bold leader, and aided by the barbarous hill tribes, may have attempted
to force their way into India as far as Ceylon. The heroic exploits of the
chief would naturally become the theme of songs and ballads, the hero
himself would be deified, the wild mountaineers and foresters of the
Vindhya and neighboring hills, who assisted him, would be politically con-
verted into monkeys, and the powerful but savage aborigines of the south
into many-headed ogres and blood-lapping demons (called Rakshasas).
These songs would at first be the property of the Kshatriya or fighting
caste whose deeds were celebrated; but the ambitious Brahmans, who aimed
at religious and intellectual supremacy, would soon see the policy of collect-
ing the rude ballads, which they could not suppress, and moulding them to
their own purposes.”
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Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 87
the condition was serious, for, if such things continued, the Rak-
shasas would be so increased that the gods would not be able to
live.
The three gods then told Renuka that the solution of the diffi-
culty was to induce the sexless Rakshasas to propagate in the
same way that men do. They would then lose their power of un-
limited increase; their progeny would be comparatively small;
and victory would be easy. Renuka informed them that to bring
about such a happy result was not in her power, and they must
undertake it.
Still disguised as Brahmans, the gods now took the usual
articles and books for reading the horoscope, and went to the
abode of the Rakshasas. The Rakshasas saw them and sent one
of their number to enquire who were those Brahmans coming to
their abode. They sent back the reply, “ We are Brahmans, come
to read your horoscope, and we can give you much valuable in-
formation.” The Rakshasas asked what things they could tell,
and the Brahmans responded, “ We have heard that you have no
offspring. If you have offspring you will increase yet more and
more.” This pleased the Rakshasas and they asked how such a
boon could be secured. The Brahmans showed them a tree by the
tank and told them to bathe and embrace the tree.
The three gods then became a peepul tree. Siva formed the
roots, Vishnu the trunk, and Brahma the branches. One only of
the Rakshasas came at first and did as commanded. Upon em-
bracing the trunk of the tree, which was Vishnu, it became a
female and conceived. She returned and reported to the other
Rakshasas and two more came, and later one hundred more. All
of these conceived and brought forth children, one hundred and
two girls and one boy.
When the chiefs of the Rakshasas heard’ of this, they ordered
that the children should be killed. They were thrown into a well,
but the three gods went to the well and drew them out. One
could not be found, so there were one hundred and one girls and
one boy. They took these to Renuka and told her that the girls
should be Saktis who would be set free in the world to get their
living by troubling people, but that they should be her servants.
87
88 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The one boy they named Potu Razu, and said that by his help
she should overcome the Rakshasas. This she did as above re-
lated, Potu Razu preventing the blood from falling to the ground.
This story of embracing the tree is the same that we have met
‘before.24_ Here, however, it is Vishnu who is the trunk of the
tree and so the progenitor of the Saktis. Renuka is not so
directly connected with the Saktis in this legend, but Potu Razu’s
origin is accounted for.
The number of Saktis here again is given as one hundred and
one. No reason for this number appears to be known by the
people. It may be that it is used to indicate indefinite largeness,
like the English “‘ one thousand and one.”
The original legend of the beheading of Renuka must have
arisen from some historical incident, for it is found in the Maha-
bharata, the Bhagavata Purana, Padma Purana, and Agni
Purana.”? It is also mentioned in the Ramayana?’ as an example
of worthy obedience. The story as found in the Puranas relates
that when Jamadagni was doing penance in the forest, his family,
consisting of Renuka and her four sons, was with him. One day
when the sons were away from home, Renuka went to a stream
for water. She saw Chitraratha, the prince of Mrittakavata,
sporting with his queen in the water. She was envious of their
felicity and was defiled by her thoughts. Jamadagni demanded
that she should be killed for this, and called his four sons to slay
their mother. Three refused and were turned into idiots by their
father’s curse. The fourth, Parasu Rama, consented. His
father was so pleased with his obedience that he asked Parasu
Rama to request any boon. He asked that his mother should be
restored without any memory of the terrible deed, and that his
brothers should have their reason given to them again. He re-
quested for himself that he should be invincible in battle and have
length of days. All these requests Jamadagni readily granted.
In this original legend there is no mention of Saktis or Rak-
21 See page 78.
22. Moor, The Hindu Pantheon, Madras, 1864, pp. 116 sq.; Wilkins,
Hindu Mythology, Calcutta, 1882, pp. 162 sq.
23 T. H. Griffith, The Ramayan of Valmiki, Benares, 1805, Canto XXI,
p. 10.
88
—-
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 89
shasas. But it was evidently a story which took hold of the imagi-
nation of the people, and those wishing to unite the two cults have
seized upon it and enlarged it so as to make it belong to both
Hindus and Dravidians, and thus form a legendary connection
between the gods of the two.
In the Devi Bhagavatam,* which is a production later than the
Puranas, and prepared by the Brahmans to explain the origin of
various gods, the story of the Rakshasa embracing the tree is given.
Here only the one embraces the tree and she becomes Renuka, and
from her arise the other Saktis. This is an interesting variant, as
it makes the Saktis originate in the Rakshasas,”» while at the
same time they are the offspring of Vishnu. This attaches them
very closely to the Hindu pantheon. At first sight it would seem
that there must be some basis for this connection between the
Rakshasas and demons of the Vedas and the demons of the Dra-
vidians. Such an explanation is never given by the people, how-
ever, and a legend like the above, making this connection, is very
rare. The demons of the Vedas and the Dravidian demons have
but little in common.
Another legend in which Vishnu is the chief actor, runs as fol-
lows. In the beginning there was a Sakti who had amorous de-
sires for Vishnu, and attempted to entice him. Vishnu asked
her for her wheel or discus. She gave it to him, and it since
has become Vishnu’s weapon. He then asked her for her eye and
she gave him that also. Because she had parted with these things
the Sakti “lost one half her fat.” Vishnu now told her to go and
bathe in the sea to allay her amorous desires, but before she had
time to carry out his command, Vishnu drank all the water of the
seven seas, and there was none left for her to bathe in.
The Sakti was now very angry, and the gods, Brahma, Vishnu,
and Siva, were much frightened, fearing that she would destroy
them. From their own bodies they made an image which they
named Visva Brahma,?* and gave life to the image. They ordered
him to make them a chariot quickly. When this was ready the
24 Not translated into English.
25 On the relation between Rakshasas and Saktis see page 48, note I.
26 More commonly called Visva Karma or Visva Karmudu. He is the
Vulcan of the gods.
89
90 Wilber Theodore Elmore
gods mounted it and ascended into the skies to be out of reach
cf the Sakti.
The Sakti wandered over the earth looking for water, and finally
found as much as could be put into a cow’s track. She poured this
water over her head, and returned to where she had left Vishnu.
Not finding him she wept, saying that Vishnu had deceived her.
Suddenly the three gods appeared above her in the chariot. She
saw them and besought them to take her up to them. Vishnu
told her to come up to them by the help of the wonder-working
discus which he now threw down to her. This she did, but by so
doing lost her power as a Sakti. When she approached the chariot
she was unable to defend herself, and Vishnu took the discus and
cut her into three pieces. Brahma took the trunk, Vishnu the
head, and Siva the legs. These three parts became respectively
their three wives, Sarasvati, Lakshmi, and Parvati. They then
took the blood and with it created one hundred and one Saktis
which have in various forms become the village goddesses.
This legend is a direct attempt to attach the Dravidian deities to
the Hindu triad. They are the blood and so the life of the Sakti
who became the three wives of the gods. The main features of the
legend are found in the Dewi Bhagavatam.
LEGENDS OF KORLAPATI ANKAMMA. In the story of Jamadagni
and Renuka, Korlapati Ankamma is the terrible form which Re-
nuka assumes.?’7. This Ankamma is an important character among
Dravidian gods and there are many legends about her. None of
these appear at all in the Puranas. They are of later origin, and
as Ankamma is the victor and the Brahmans the defeated, it is
probable that these stories are of Dravidian origin. They evi-
dently were composed to set forth the humiliation of the Brah-
mans, a humiliation consisting in their having departed from their
traditions to such an extent that they worship Ankamma. Here
we may see the modern fear which the Brahmans have of
Dravidian devils. The stage is past when the Brahmans good-
naturedly attempted merely to attach the Dravidian goddesses to
their own system. Attempting to conquer the Dravidian gods
they have been conquered by them, until, although they hesitate to
27 See page 85.
90
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism gI
admit it, nearly all Brahmans fear the local deities almost as much
as do the Dravidians themselves.
One of the stories is concerning the subjection of seven kings.
They were reigning in a certain city, but neglected to worship the
Sakti of the place. They even whipped her and threw her away.
The ammavaru, or Saktis, were very angry over this, and sought
for a way to bring these kings into subjection. So the village
Sakti took the form of an Erukala woman** and went about the
village telling fortunes and divining.
Now it happened that the eldest of these kings was sick. When
the diviner went to the palace the mother of the sick king asked
her to come in and tell about the prospects of his recovery. When
the diviner was brought to the side of the sick man he recognized
her, and saying that she was not a diviner, but a Sakti, he caused
her to be whipped and driven from the city.
Having failed in this effort the Sakti now adopted a Siva dis-
guise, and wearing the lingam came to the king. When asked her
request she said that it was only a small one. She desired only to
be given a great rock in a desert place on which she would plant
a flower garden. The king granted her request and she, together
with the other Saktis, plowed the rock and planted the garden.
When the flowers were in bloom, she brought some to the king,
saying that Siva would be much pleased if the king would use the
flowers in his daily worship. The king was much interested, and
appointed her to bring him flowers daily.
After a time the woman told the king that it would be more
pleasing to Siva if he would come and gather the flowers him-
self. To this he consented, and for several days came to the gar-
den and picked the flowers. One day, however, the Sakti appeared
as a parrot, and pulled the lynch pins out of the king’s chariot.
She then called, ‘ Thief! Thief!” because the king was taking
the flowers. Hearing the cry, all the other Saktis rushed in
and binding the king, put him on his chariot, which at once fell
to pieces.
The village Sakti now appeared in her usual form and said,
“You have not worshiped me, but have driven me out. Never-
28 See the note, page 49.
9 I
92 Wilber Theodore Elmore
theless, if now you will worship me, I will let you go.” But the
king replied that even though they impaled him on a stick before
Ankamma he would not worship the Sakti. The Saktis replied
that he had named his own fate. He and his brothers must be
impaled on a stake. They cut down a palm tree and made a sharp
stake. The kings, however, requested that they might have an
iron spike. This point was conceded, and the kings threw them-
selves on to the spike and were killed. The name of the place was
Koralapadu, and so the goddess is called Koralapati Ankamma.*®
This legend accounts for the spikes in the hands of Ankamma,
and also for the impaling of animals at the time of her worship.
The story then goes on to tell of the complete surrender to
Ankamma.
Soon after the death of these kings on the impaling spike, the
wife of the head-king brought forth a posthumous son. One day,
when he was nearly grown, his companions twitted him with being
fatherless. He came in anger to his mother and asked her what
truth there was in the taunt. She feared to tell him lest the
Saktis should attempt to destroy him also, but he pleaded so
strongly that at last she informed him of the manner of his father’s
death.
Filled with anger the boy determined to destroy the Saktis. He
started out, but did not know the way. Seeing a rishi at his devo-
tions, he wanted to ask where the Saktis lived, but did not dare
disturb such a holy man. He adopted a device, however, to
draw the first word from the rishi. He placed two stones for a
fireplace, and his knee in the place of the third stone. He then
placed a pot on the stones and his knee, and lighted the fire in the
usual way. When the fire burned his knee, he jerked it away,
breaking the pot. After he had done: this twice the rishi became
interested and asked him about his journey, with the result that
the boy was properly advised.
The boy went on his journey and came to a flat-roofed house.
Ankamma was on the house top. He took out his pipe and played
her a tune, and Ankamma danced and danced, and finally came
down to where he was. Here the story stops strangely by simply
29 Koralapati is the genitive case of Koralapadu.
92
PLATE VII
WORSHIP OF AN ANT HILL
This is a nest of the destructive white ants. It is commonly called an ant hill.
If dug out it is quickly built again by the ants. Cobra snakes are often found in
these ant hills.
THE IMPALING STAKE
The small stone by the stake is Potu Razu. On the stake shown in this picture,
the villagers affirm that sheep are not impaled as formerly, but that their legs are tied
together and hooked over the stake.
25
“A ang
ae OP
aa 4 a
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 93
saying that the boy surrendered at once to Ankamma, and agreed
to worship her, something which his people have done ever since.
The playing of the pipes at the worship of Ankamma is said to be
in memory of this event.
The entire legend of Ankamma appears to be a Dravidian
composition intended to show the final surrender of the reluctant
Brahmans.
LEGENDs OF Matanci. The stories connected with the Matangi
worship are numerous, and throw much light on the effort to con-
nect a worship most decidedly aboriginal with that of the Brah-
manic cult.°° These stories, as will be seen, contain parts of many
of the same legends that are applied to other deities. Some of
them give evidence of Brahmanic origin, while others evidently
arose from the Dravidians. Some of them may now be given.
Brahma had a son, Vasa Devadu, and planned to marry him to
Devakka. Before the wedding was celebrated a rishi told De-
vakka’s brother that there would be no joy in the wedding; that
seven children would be born to them; that if the first lived harm
would come to his kingdom, while if the seventh lived the brother’s
wife would die. Because of this prophecy the brother took a
sword, and as all were going to the wedding, attempted to kill his
sister. In terror she asked the cause of his murderous intention.
He told her of the prophecy, and then she pleaded with him for
her life, promising to send to him every child as soon as it was
born that it might be destroyed. In consideration of this promise
the brother consented to the marriage.
When the first child was born it was brought to the brother, but
when he saw it he was moved with compassion, and so with all the
first six. All were spared. The rishi now appeared again and
by more dire threats and prophecies so frightened the brother that
he set out with all the children on a pilgtimage to Jagannath Swami
at Puri. There, when the children were on their faces before
the swami, he beheaded them all.
When the mother heard of this, she was distracted with grief,
but as she had promised to give up the children, she could do noth-
ing. When the seventh child was about to be born, Krishna,
30 See pp. 28 sq. for a description of Matangi ceremonies.
93
94 Wilber Theodore Elmore
knowing of her grief, took the place of the child, and was born to
Devakka. Soon, however, Krishna began to fear for himself,
and coming to his father, induced him to make an exchange, bring-
ing Papanooka, the newly born daughter of King Nandadu and
placing her beside Devakka, while Krishna took the place of the
baby girl. Krishna gave as his reason for the exchange that a
girl was more likely to be spared than a boy.
Devakka’s brother now came to slay that child also. The
mother pleaded with him, “ Brother, the child is a girl. You
must not hurt it. There will be no profit to you if you kill it.”
But he would not listen, and taking the child threw her into the air
to cut off her head as she fell. The girl did not fall, however, but
continued to ascend until she stood on the clouds. She then
turned and said, “ O Kamsada, you are an evil man. You are try-
ing to kill me. I will not destroy you, but my brother (Krishna)
is living in another place and he will destroy you.” She then
disappeared and became the mother of the earth. Krishna now
gave order that there should be a light in the world to represent
her. The Madigas now claim her as Mathamma or Matangi.**
The above story makes Matangi to be the foster sister of
Krishna, and so directly connected with Vishnu. A variant of the
legend of the origin of Renuka in an ant-hill,?? makes Matangi to
be Parvati incarnate, and so the wife of Siva.** According to
this variant, Parvati appeared to the king as a beautiful maiden,
and when he tried to capture her she evaded him, and disappeared
in an ant-hill. The king sent for men to dig out the ant-hill, but
the earth was as hard as stone and they made no progress. At
last the king grew angry, and struck his spear into the ant-hill,
piercing the head of the maiden. When he removed the spear,
brains and blood oozed out, and the king and his attendants, seeing
this, fell into a swoon.
The maiden now came out of the ant-hill as a great goddess.
She held the heavens in her left hand, and the great serpent,
31 The main points of this story are found originally in the Sree mad
Bagavata, Decima skandhamu, Madras, 1893, pp. 4 f. The identification
of the deified girl with Matangi is a later addition.
32 See page 70.
83 EF. R. Clough, While Sewing Sandals, New York, 1809, pp. 74 sq.
94
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 95
Adiseshudu, in her right hand. These are now represented by a
basket in the left hand and a stick in the right hand of the Matangi.
She also held the sun and moon as plates in her hands, and in one
caught the spilt blood and in the other the scattered brains. With
the blood she made the bottu, or sacred red mark, on the fore-
heads of the people who were still in a swoon. This is said to be
the reason that the Matangi now carries two brass plates containing
saffron and turmeric with which she marks the foreheads of the
worshipers.
At last the king and his attendants awoke from their swoon, and
the goddess now became a maiden again and was taken to the
palace. She was afterwards married to the rishi, Jamadagni, and
became the mother of five sons of whom Parasu Rama was one.**
The story is continued in a variant of the legend of the behead-
ing of Renuka.*® She went for water to the Gundlakamma, a
river of the Madras Presidency, and saw in the water the reflection
of the great warrior, Karthaviriyarjuna, with one thousand arms,
who happened at that moment to be flying across the sky. She
allowed her thoughts to rest on the beautiful warrior for a moment,
and then attempted to take home the water by rolling it into a ball,
as was her custom. But this time, try as she might, the water
would not form a ball, and she was obliged to return home empty-
handed.
It was because of this lapse in her chastity that Jamadagni or-
dered her to be killed. When Parasu Rama shot the arrow which
severed his mother’s head, it took off also the head of a Madiga
slave who was following her.
When Parasu Rama secured the promise from his father that
his mother should be reanimated, he went himself to attend to the
matter. It was early morning and still dark. He found the
head and placed it on the trunk. He then sprinkled holy water
on the dismembered body, and it lived. He now saw another
84 Thurston (Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras, 1900, IV, p.
207) gives another variation of the story in which the goddess appeared as
a golden parrot and sat on the ant-hill.
85 See page 84. For still other versions of this popular story see
Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, 1V, pp. 207, 300-303.
95
96 Wilber Theodore Elmore
head and trunk lying near, and recognizing the face of the slave,
he joined the head and body and caused her to live again also.
It was now growing light, and what was his vexation to discover
that he had mixed the heads and bodies, and his mother’s head was
now attached to the body of the Madiga slave, and vice versa.
He did not dare risk another double murder to put the matter
right, and so was compelled to bring the two women to his father,
and beg his forgiveness. Jamadagni was angry, but at last con-
sented to accept as his wife the woman who had Renuka’s head.
He then made the other woman an inferior deity, and she became
Matangi.
This surely marks the limit for the mixture of the Brahman and
Madiga cults. According to this story Matangi has the body of a
Hindu deity and the head of a Madiga woman. It is evidently a
definite attempt on the part of the Brahmans to explain the interest
which they have in the Matangi, and also an attempt to attach this
important goddess to the Hindu pantheon.
Another version of the story®® relates that Renuka took refuge
with the Madigas to escape being slain by her son. When they
refused to give her up, he slew them all. When he went later to
reanimate his mother he made the mistake of placing her head
on the body of a Madiga woman, but no one else was reanimated.
His father refused to accept this woman as his wife and she re-
mained with the Madigas as Ellamma, who is said to be another
form of Matangi. This story appears to be the Madiga recension
of the former story in which the slave became Matangi.
The asadis, Madiga story tellers, recite a legend®’ which gives a
still further account of the connection between Matangi and EI-
lamma, but does not make them identical. According to this tale,
Ellamma is the wife of Jamadagni, and so identical with Renuka.
She is the original Sakti, and the first cause of the universe.
Matangi is an inferior deity who secures her powers by associa-
tion with Ellamma.
The story proceeds to tell that one day Ellamma was going to a
36 FE. R. Clough, While Sewing Sandals, New York, 1890, p. 85.
87 Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras, 1909, IV, pp.
306 sq.
96
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 97
town called Oragallu, and was accompanied by Matangi. On the
way Matangi’s feet blistered, and she sat down with Ellamma be-
neath a margosa tree. She then asked permission from Ellamma
to get some toddy from a toddy drawer. He became angry at her
request, evidently because she was a Madiga, and tying her to a
date palm tree, beat her and gave her basket and cane to his groom.
Matangi escaped and went to a brother of this man, who treated
her kindly. He had sixty bullockloads of toddy and offered
some to her. She held a margosa shell to receive it. The shell
would not contain twenty drops, yet he poured the sixty bullock-
loads into the shell without being able to fill it. He then brought
fresh toddy from some palms near by, and the shell was filled.
Matangi blessed him and ordered that in every grove three trees
should be left untapped for her.** Matangi now returned to
Ellamma and they determined to punish the first toddy-drawer.
Matangi went to him once more, but this time as a young woman
selling cosmetics. He purchased them but upon applying them
was immediately attacked with all sorts of terrible diseases. Again
Matangi appeared, this time as a diviner, and told him the reason
for his affliction, whereupon he became her devoted follower and
was healed.
This story gives the reason for her worship. It is the same as
the reason for the worship of all Dravidian deities, the fear of
disaster. This is probably a story of Madiga origin, as it depicts
the victory of Matangi over higher castes. The following story
is still more evidently an attempt, from the Dravidian point of
view, to account for her worship by higher castes.
In former times there was a Brahman named Vera Kalita Raja.
He was a beggar®® and worshiped Poleramma, an unusual practice
for a Brahman. In the course of time six sons were born to this
Brahman and his wife. Before the seventh son, Pattadhi Rudra,
was born he felt the disgrace of his father being a worshiper of
Poleramma, and made a vow that he would never worship any of
38 This is still a common custom, but the toddy-drawers leave trees un-
tapped in the names of other goddesses beside Matangi.
89 The profession of begging is as honorable in India as is any other
method of making a livelihood. Those who adopt it are usually religious
mendicants.
97
98 Wilber Theodore Elmore
the ammavaru. Accordingly he determined that he would not ap-
pear in the world in the usual way, and coming out through his
mother’s back, he entered a gourd and continued to grow in that.
The gourd grew north and south, and one day it separated itself
from the vine and began to roll toward the bazaar. Meanwhile
his mother was going to the well, and the rolling gourd struck her
feet. As it was a large gourd, she called a cart and took it home
thinking that she had secured a prize. After arriving at the house
she opened the gourd, and her lost son appeared. Immediately the
entire house became the color of gold. Soon the father came from
his begging, and did not recognize the house because of its
changed appearance. He was about to pass by when his wife
called to him, and told him the whole story. Then there was
great joy in that house.
After this the villagers wanted to choose a king, and they de-
termined that one should be chosen from among the six sons of the
Brahman. The sons quarreled about the honor, and finally the
eldest proposed that all should secrete themselves in palm trees.
An elephant should be brought, a garland placed on its trunk, and
whichever boy should be given the garland by the elephant would
be king. The plan was carried out, but the elephant passed by all
the palm trees, and going to the house where the seventh son was,
put the garland on him. So he became the king.
Up to this point the story is evidently of Brahmanic origin,
but it now begins to take on the Dravidian aspect. The boy who
has been so honored because he refused to worship the ammavaru,
or Dravidian deities, has to submit at last.
The story now goes on to relate that when the new king assumed
his authority he commanded that no one should worship any of
the village goddesses on penalty of being driven out of the place.
The worship of Poleramma now ceased in the village. At the
king’s command they took Poleramma and throwing her into a
miry pit, caused the elephants to tread her down. There were
two leeches in the pit, and they helped Poleramma to escape. She
now called to her help Mathamma, who was in the hill of Matanga,
and also her brother, Potu Razu. These came at once and their
98
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 99
first act was to create three hundred and sixty diseases which they
put into a bundle and entrusted to Potu Razu.
In the meantime the new king had fallen sick with a carbuncle,
and was at the point of death. His mother was frightened and
proposed that they worship the ammavaru, but he would not con-
sent, saying that the ammavaru were the gods of the Madigas,
and should not be worshiped in the village. His mother, however,
took an offering and went secretly to Mathamma to make her
petition. Mathamma replied that if the prime minister’s teeth
were changed into shells, his ribs into sticks, his stomach into a
pot, and his nerves into wires, her son would live.*°
King Rudra did not consent to these demands, and so Potu Razu
went through the village announcing that the next day there would
be a jatara. He placed a stone in the middle of the village, and
called it Potu Razu for himself. He then opened his bundle of
diseases, and immediately people and cattle in great numbers began
to die. Mathamma now appeared as a diviner, and when they
consulted her, she said that all this evil had come to pass because
they had driven Poleramma out, and she announced, “I am
Mathamma, born in the hill of Matanga. If people begin to wor-
ship me, all these troubles will go.” King Rudra hearing this,
consented with all of his people, to worship the ammavaru as they:
are worshiped by the Madigas, and again the conquerors were con--
quered.*?
40 Tt is said that this demanded transformation is now represented by the
sithara used by the singers. The instrument often consists of a pumpkin
or rude bowl which looks like a pot, on which with the aid of sticks are
strung the wires that give the music. Shells are always attached to the
instrument.
41 The name Matanga and the feminine form, Matangi, occur in early
Indian literature. See The Ramayan of Valmiki, translated by T. H.
Griffith, Benares, 1895, pp. 246, 315-310, etc. It is probable that there is
no connection between these names in the Ramayana and the religious insti-
tution of the Matangi, éxcept that the names have a common origin. For
an excellent discussion of this question see E. R. Clough, While Sewing
Sandals, New York, 1809, pp. 73 sq. Mrs. Clough is inclined to connect the
names in the Ramayana with the present institution of the Matangi.
og
100 Wilber Theodore Elmore
CHAPTER X
THE SHEPHERDS’ PURANA
The stories in the preceding chapter are connected with the
gods upon which the outcastes have especial claims, gods which
probably originated with them. There is another line of legends
belonging especially to the shepherd caste. These legends do not
deal primarly with the origin of their gods, but they help to
throw light on this question as well as on the motives and objects
of Dravidian worship.*
The chief goddess of the shepherd caste is Gangamma. She
has all the characteristics of the other Dravidian deities, and her
origin is certainly not Brahmanic. Her story is much confused.
Ganga is the name of the Ganges river, and means originally
“water.” One explanation commonly given for her worship is
that she is the symbol of water, one of the elements essential to
life. There seems to be nothing either in her worship or in the
stories connected with her to indicate any connection between her
and the Ganges river. One of the ancestors of the shepherds
was named Ganga Razu, and it seems more likely that the name
of the goddess came from him than from the river.
The story of the origin of Gangamma, as commonly told by the
shepherds, relates that she was in heaven and came down as a
spring of water to bless the earth in the Kali Yugamu.?, She then
was born in Madurapuri, in the Madura District. For some
reason the king wanted to kill her and so she ascended into the
sky, and later hid herself in a cave called Amboji.* Here she
was found by six thousand shepherds.
1 The shepherd caste is undoubtedly of Dravidian origin. It is a branch
of the Sudra caste. Their legends have not been printed, but are found on
palm-leaf books, which are jealously guarded. These legends are com-
monly called the “ Shepherds’ Purana.” They are of comparatively recent
origin.
2VYugamu means age. The Hindus divide all time into four ages, the
Krita, Treta, Dvapara, and Kali yugamus. The Kali Yugamu or iron age
is considered to be a time of distress and troubles. It is the present age.
3 Ambhojamu is the Sanskrit term for lotus.
I0O
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism IOI
Some time later these shepherds were worshiping Siva, when
she interfered with their worship, ruining some of the ceremonies.
The shepherds became angry and began to whip her with ropes,
but immediately she turned into a stone image. They then began
accusing and beating one another, and to this day rope whips are
kept as a part of the sacred relics of the goddess. This narrative
appears to be a mixture of the legend given in the Ramayana of
the origin of the Ganges river, and of some local story of the
origin of a goddess who was thus rather clumsily attached to
Hinduism.
Another legend, apparently quite distinct from this one, is con-
nected with the beginnings of the shepherd caste. There were
five brothers who were kings among the shepherds. One of
them, Pedda Razu, had a war with another king and was slain in
battle. When he was dying, the king who had wounded him, pre-
tending to be moved with compassion, asked him to think of the
person whom he loved best. This thought would bring that per-
son to his presence. The victorious king expected Pedda Razu
to think of his own son, Katama Razu, and thus there would be
an opportunity to kill him too.
Pedda Razu, however, thought of the gods, and immediately
they surrounded him and placed a guard about him so that no one
might touch his blood or his corpse. They called the Adi Sakti,
that is the original Sakti, Gangamma, and asked her to stand on
guard. She protested that as the battle was raging she could
not do so. They then placed a string in a winnowing fan, and
drew it around that part of the battle field so that no enemies or
demons might cross it and approach the dead king.
Katama Razu now heard of the death of his father, and com-
ing quickly, won the battle. Gangamma, seeing his powers, at
once fell in love with him and wished to marry him. But Ka- -
tama Razu said, ‘‘ You are a Sakti. How could such a relation
be possible?”? She would not accept his refusal and vowed to
marry him anyway. Katama Razu now made what he considered
to be a condition that it would be impossible to comply with. He
4 Griffith, The Ramayan of Valmiki, Benares, 1895, Canto XXXVI, p. 48.
IOI
102 Wilber Theodore Elmore
told her that if she could prevent his crossing the Paleru river
on his return from battle, he would marry her.
After a time Katama Razu ended the battle and driving the
cattle, the spoils of battle, before him, set out on his return jour-
ney. When he reached the Paleru river Gangamma was there.
Taking an ox and a heifer she hid them under a rock beside
the river, and then sat on a branch of a tree to see what would
happen.
After Katama Razu had driven the herd across the river, he
counted them and found that two were missing. He returned
and searched everywhere, but without success. Gangamma finally
appeared, and showing him the animals, took them out from
under the rock. She now reminded him of his promise to marry
her if she were able to impede his progress. Realizing that he
was caught, he told her that if she would be born in the house
of his uncle, he would marry her. Gangamma consented, and in
this way became incarnated, and is now worshiped as the wife of
Katama Razu.
In this legend Gangamma appears as the Adi Sakti, a position
usually assigned to Ellamma in the popular folklore. The story
is like the most of the local stories in that the goddess is a Sakti
who was incarnated as a woman, and is worshiped after her
death. It is probable that Gangamma was at first a Perantalu.
Katama Razu has also been deified, and is often worshiped in
connection with Gangamma.®
5 There are many myths about Katama Razu. In the worship of Gan-
gamma a Madiga cuts off the pith post as described on page 36. The
following narrative explains the act. When Katama Razu was reigning
in Nellore, he was engaged in a war. His brothers could not come to
help him, so he sent for Berunaydu, a Madiga king, who at once fitted
out an expedition and came to his relief. All the earth trembled when this
doughty king set forth. The gods saw him, and knowing that he was
certain to conquer, determined to prevent his progress. They placed a
great log across the road, such a log as no one had ever seen before, and
one that it was impossible to scale. Berunaydu came to the obstacle, and
said, “If I can cross this log it will be a great honor to me in the eyes
of Katama Razu, but if I cannot, I must return in disgrace.” Saying this,
he drew his sword, and with one stroke cut the log in two. His army
passed through, and went on to victory. This sword appears to be con-
102
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 103
The shepherds worship wirulu or heroes. Such personages
have many of the characteristics of the village deities, but are
not female. They are of Madiga origin. The legend goes on
to tell of the origin of their worship.
Chenniah Baludu, a brother of Katama Razu, was having a
terrible war with the people of Karamapudi. He sent to Ka-
tama Razu for help. Katama Razu was in the midst of a war
of his own and could not come, so Chenniah Baludu appealed to
the Madigas. They came at once and entered into the battle
with great success. At night all the warriors lay down to sleep.
In the morning Chenniah Baludu sent his prime minister to call
the Madigas to a feast which he had prepared for all without
caste distinction.
The prime minister did not wish to call outcastes, so he re-
turned after remaining away a sufficient time, and said that the
Madigas were bathing. Again he was sent, and again without
going near them he returned and said that they were putting on
their botlu, or caste marks. Once more he was sent, and this
time he reported that they were tying on their clothes. As it
was growing late, Chenniah Baludu decided to wait no longer,
so, putting their share of the feast at one side, he and his men
ate their part.
While Chenniah Baludu and his men were eating, some one
came to the Madigas, awakened them, and chided them for their
laziness. They rubbed their sleepy eyes, arose, and came to the
feast. Chenniah Baladu now saw that he had been deceived by
his messenger, and explained the matter to the Madigas, inviting
them to eat. They did not accept his explanation, however, and
accusing him of making caste distinctions, said they would re-
main seven days and fight his battles, but they would not touch
his food. Chenniah Baludu now became indignant and saying,
nected with the one used in beheading the buffalo sacrifice. Its power is
explained as follows. In a previous age Vishnu, seeing that in the Kali
Yugamu men would need much help, called his goldsmith, Visva Brahma,
and giving him a lump of gold told him to make four useful articles with
it. This sword was one of the articles. It is to be noticed that the sword
was given into the hands of a Madiga.
103
104 Wilber Theodore Elmore
“Tf you will not eat my food, you shall not fight my battles,” he
sent them away.
The Madigas returned to Katama Razu, and when he saw that
they had returned without fighting any battles or winning any
victories, he was angry, and would not speak to them. The
Madigas were filled with chagrin, and saying, “ We did not have
any part in the battle with Chenniah Baludu, and now we have
no part with Katama Razu, so it is better for us to die,” they
threw their weapons into the air, and baring their breasts were
slain by the falling swords and spears. For this brave act they
were immediately admitted into the heaven of heroes.
The wiralu now are thought to dwell in the sacred jammi tree.®
The place is marked by a stone, but the spirits are in the tree,
not in the stone. They are propitiated especially at wedding
times, no doubt with the idea that the powers of these heroes
will appear in the offspring. At such times it is common to kill
a sheep and throw the blood into the air for the spirits.
These legends of the shepherds show the influence of their
pastoral life, and in general are of a milder nature than the other
legends cited. It is noticeable also that there is no evidence of
Brahman influence. There is almost no attempt to connect their
gods with those of the Brahmans. It is probable that the shep-
herds, living a more nomadic life, and dwelling much on the
pasturing grounds far from the towns and villages, have never
come under the influences of Hinduism as have the other Dra-
vidians. The basic principles of Dravidian worship, however,
are everywhere evident in their legends and worship.”
6 The reason given by the shepherds for the sacredness of the jammi
tree is that at one time the shepherd kings wished to conceal their weapons,
and coming to a jammi tree, asked it to guard them. They found a corpse
and removing the skin, placed the weapons in that. This they tied to the
trunk of the tree. When anyone came near the tree he saw snakes, scor-
pions, and devils, but the shepherd kings saw only their weapons. Be-
cause of this kind act on the part of the tree, it has since been considered
sacred.
7 For further information about the shepherds see Thurston, Castes and
Tribes of Southern India, II, pp. 292 sq. under “ Golla.”
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Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 105
CHAPTER XI
INFLUENCE OF DRAVIDIAN DEITIES UPON HINDUISM
How has Hinduism been affected by the impact of this great
mass of aboriginal belief which it has attempted to incorporate
within itself? Perhaps the most surprising fact is that Hindu-
ism has been influenced so little. Hinduism is composite, and
while it contains two great cults, the Brahmanic and the Dra-
vidian, there has been but little change in the ceremonies of either
cult. The most marked change is in the attitude of the original
Hindus, who at first despising the Dravidian gods, have now
come to have a very wholesome fear of them, and to join to
some extent in their propitiation.*
The ritual of Hinduism, however, has been almost unaffected
by the Dravidian gods.2, The Brahman pujari still continues to
offer incense to the Brahmanic gods, and the common people care
but little whether he attends to his duties or not. Meanwhile,
the great mass of the people are paying their devotions to their
aboriginal gods with practically no change in the ritual from time
1 Census of India, 1891, I, p. 590. “The devils and tutelary deities that
have been described above are believed in by all classes of Hindus, from
Brahmans downward. A Brahman, it is true, will not attend the festivals
of the village goddess, but if misfortune befall him he will send an offering
of grain and fruit, though not any animal sacrifice. ... The Hindu re-
ligion is, in fact, a mixture of Brahman and aboriginal beliefs, and the
position which either holds in the religion of any particular caste varies
with the position of the caste. Thus among the lowest castes the devils
and village deities are almost everything, but even pariahs profess some
allegiance to Brahmanism. As we rise in the scale we find Brahmanic
influence becoming more and more powerful, but the number of Hindus
who are altogether free from demonolatry and put no trust in the village
goddesses, must be vefy small indeed.”
The Gazetteer of South Arcot District, I, 95, remarks to the same effect,
“Individual Brahmans are not above sharing in the festivals of the
meanest of the village goddesses, and making vows at their shrines.”
2 Such exceptions as bloody sacrifices at Kalighat are so unusual as to
be conspicuous. These exceptions are no doubt not the result of Dravid-
ian influence on Brahmanic rites, but rather the result of Brahmans com-
ing into possession of important Dravidian places of worship.
105
106 Wilber Theodore Elmore
immemorial, even though their worship has long been nominally
a part of Hinduism.
If the influence of the Dravidian deities has been but little in
modifying the ceremonies of Hinduism, the counter influence of
Brahmanism on Dravidian ceremonies has been even less. The
Dravidians have conceded almost everything else to the Brah-
mans, and give them divine reverence, but in the matter of their
own peculiar religion they stand where their ancestors did when
they worshiped devils in the gloomy forests at the time of the
Aryan invasion. The people have consented to have their wor-
ship called by Hindu names, but in nature it is unchanged.
Brahmanism, while practically unchanged as to ritual, has not
been uninfluenced by Dravidian ideas. One line of influence is
in the matter of forming new deities. The ordinary Hindu deity
is the offspring of deities, while the usual Dravidian deity has had
a human career as an ordinary person. Hindu deities have their
avatars and live on earth, but as divine persons, and not as ordi-
nary human beings. The following stories will show the tend-
ency for Hindu gods also to be formed locally in the same man-
ner as Dravidian gods.
Near the Tettu railway station in the Nellore District is a
small hill on the top of which is a little temple to the god, Mala
Konda Swami. The worship is purely Hindu, with no evidence
that any of the rites for Dravidian gods have ever been per-
formed there. The story of the origin of this god is, however,
that of a local Dravidian deity. It runs in this way.
Many years ago a small Brahman boy herded cattle daily in the
forest land about Tettu, and commonly drove his cattle to this hill
to graze. One day, while playing with the other boys on the hill,
he trod on a black stone, and kicked it contemptuously with his
foot, rolling it over a few times. That night the boy took his
usual bath and went to bed, but soon he was in a high fever,
tossing with delirium, and terrifying the entire household. In
the morning, however, he was well again, and went as usual with
his cattle.
The second night the fever was still higher, and the boy shrieked
106
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 107
so loudly that the cattle were frightened and, breaking their
tethers, fled into the forest. The people of the household per-
formed all kinds of mantrams, but to no avail. Next morning
he was well again as before.
The third night the boy had a dream in which a figure appeared
to him, and said, “I am Mala Konda Swami. You have kicked
me disgracefully. You have done me no honor. You have de-
spised and mistreated me, and so these evils have come upon you.
If you arise quickly and give me fitting honors, build me a temple
and worship me, you and your household will escape. If you do
not do this, you will all be destroyed.
The boy awoke and told his dream, but the people thought it
was his delirium. ‘To make certain they called a diviner, and she
told the same thing. Now they knew that the boy’s dream was a
real vision, and going to the hill they found the black stone. It
was shaped into the form of an image, a temple was built, and
the people began to worship it. The pujari was chosen from the
household of the afflicted boy.
This story very much resembles those relating to the origin of
Dravidian deities. It lacks, however, one essential feature, for
the boy himself does not become the deity. The following story
shows somewhat more Dravidian influence.
The village of Kogilumpadu possesses a local god with the
Hindu name, Narayanaswami. At one time there lived a boy of
the same name in this village. One day he went with his friends
to the forest to gather sticks for fuel. They soon came to an ant-
hill, and Narayanaswami stopped here while his friends left him
and went further into the forest. When they returned the boy
had disappeared, having gone into the ant-hill. They called him,
and he answered them from the ant-hill, saying that he would
not come out, and commanding them not to call him any more.
The children then took their bundles of sticks and went home.
Narayanaswami’s mother at once saw that he had not returned,
and learning from the children what had become of him, she
hurried to the ant-hill and called him. He replied that he would
come out if she would go away, but his mother would not leave.
107
108 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The boy’s father soon joined her, and for three days they waited
beside the ant-hill. At the end of that time Narayanaswami
came out covered with dirt, and with his hands full of cobra
snakes as proof that he had been to the lower world.
The boy now went to the village and walked about the streets,
eating nothing, and not going home. He announced that if any-
one were bitten by a snake or stung by a scorpion, he should put
a stone on his head and coming to the ant-hill call, “ Narayana-
swami!” Those who did this would be cured. After making
this announcement he returned to the ant-hill and disappeared in
it, never again to come out. Some time later children in the vil-
lage began to be possessed with evil spirits, and the diviner an-
nounced that it was Narayanaswami who was troubling them.
The people then built him a temple and his worship began.
From what other information can be gleaned, it seems probable
that the boy died in some uncanny way in the forest. He may have
been bitten by a snake from the ant-hill. In the worship there
are a few customs connected with the village deities. One sheep
only is offered, and the rest of the ceremonies are Hindu in char-
acter. All castes worship, from the highest to the lowest. The
deity is a male, so their worship is not Sakti worship. The con-
nection with the serpents is Hindu.* It seems to be a fairly even
mixture of Dravidian and Hindu cult and legend.
Another important instance of the tendency to originate Hindu
gods after the fashion of village deities is found in the case of
Kotappa Konda Swami near Narsaravupett in the Guntur Dis-
trict.* The legend runs that about one hundred years ago a man
named Yellamanda Kotiah of the Linga Bulija division of the Sudra
caste, ruined the wife of a shepherd when she was herding cattle
on the hill. The deed became known to her husband, and he de-
termined to seek revenge. The next day he went himself to herd
the cattle, and when Kotiah came, expecting to meet the woman
3 Fergusson (Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 58) says that serpent wor-
ship is not Dravidian. See also Manual of Administration of the Madras
Presidency, I, p. 72.
*¥For the facts relating to this god I am indebted to W. E. Boggs of
Sattenapalle, Guntur District.
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Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 109
as usual, her husband fell on him and killed him. He also killed
his guilty wife near the same spot.®
Soon after this the villagers heard a voice rising from the place
where the blood fell. The voice threatened them with destruc-
tion if they did not build a temple and institute worship for the
murdered man whose blood was crying to them from the ground.
The temple was built for Kotiah to whom the name of Kotappa
Konda Swami was now given. A shrine was erected to the mur-
dered woman who is now worshiped as a Sakti. The ceremonies
connected with the Sakti are, however, unimportant as compared
with those of the other deity. His worship is strictly Hindu with
no bloody sacrifices.
There is an annual tiruwnalla® at which often as many as one
hundred thousand people are present. This festival begins on
Siva Ratri.? The object of the worship is to secure productive-
ness in both people and cattle. For some weeks prior to the fes-
tival the farmers drive their cattle around the hill, and husbands
and wives desiring children tie their clothes together and walk
around it.
The most characteristic feature of the festival is the number of
prabhas which are brought to honor the god. A prabha is a tall
structure of bamboo poles erected on a cart and decorated with
fantastic banners and pictures of the gods. In this case some of
them reach a height of ninety feet, and it takes much ingenuity to
manage them in heavy winds. From all quarters of the land these
prabhas converge on the hill, accompanied by great crowds of
men, women, and children, running and shouting, while bands of
music precede them.®
5 Another story is that the man, Kotiah, was a rishi who was living in
the hill, and that the woman in the case was a shepherd girl who daily
brought him buttermilk. She had seven brothers, and when they heard of
the sinful relations, they slew them both.
6 See page 20, note 5.
7 Siva Ratri, meaning Siva’s Night, is the most important festival for that
god. It usually takes place in February. For a description of the cere-
monies see John Murdoch, Hindu and Muhammadan Festivals, Madras,
1904, pp. 28 sq.
8 The offerings at this festival are large. They belong to the ex-zemindar
109
I1O Wilber Theodore Elmore
In the case of Kotappa Konda Swami it seems that a local inci-
dent, viz., the murder of a man, has caused him to become a god,
whom the Hindus have later adopted as an incarnation of Siva.
There is another method of uniting Dravidian and Hindu origins
in which the god is first Hindu, and the Dravidian love of local
legends has gradually built up a local history. The following in-
stance is an illustration of this method.
In the village of Ulavapadu, Nellore District, lives a rich Sudra
widow, named Kotamma, who has built a great temple to Ven-
agopala Swami, and supports a large number of Brahman priests.
The worship is Vaishnava.
Although Kotamma is still living, already a strange story of
the origin of the temple has arisen among the villagers. It is to
the effect that at one time Kotamma had a Brahman cook who
did not please her. She drove him away with words that were
very humiliating toa Brahman. The cook went to another place
and secured work, but Kotamma wrote a letter to his new em-
ployers, and caused him to lose that place. The Brahman then
wrote the history of the entire matter on a palm leaf, tied it to his
waist, and drowned himself in a well.
Kotamma had a son at school in Ongole at this time. Soon he
fell sick with fever. Then a demon appeared to him, saying, “I
am the Brahman whom your mother killed. Did you think that
you could do such a deed and escape? Don’t think that you are
of Narsaravupett. They amount to so much that the government levies
income tax on them. The festival is a great fair where cattle, and all sorts
of produce, and even timber, are bought and sold. One of the evil results
of the festival is that because of unsanitary conditions it is very often ac-
companied by an outbreak of cholera which is scattered far and wide by
returning pilgrims. In 1900, at the time of the political unrest in India, a
riot broke out at this festival in which the police and every one suspected
of being connected with the government were attacked. About twenty
people were killed. One police constable was tied up in kaffir corn stalks
and burned to death. For these murders one man was hanged, and four-
teen others were either imprisoned or transported. After this trouble
there was an attempt made to transfer the festival to a hill near Sattena-
palle, some fifteen miles away. It was announced that the god had
changed his residence, but the effort was a failure, and the old festival at
the usual place still continues.
Ifo}
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism T1E
rid of me so easily. I have come to take you for your mother’s
sin.” Soon the son died, and a little later a son-in-law died under
similar circumstances. Kotamma was in great fear, and to escape
the consequences of her sin, built the temple and began to feed
the Brahmans.
It is a fact that Kotamma had some trouble with her cook, and
that her son and son-in-law died. The temple was not built for
the dead Brahman, but as a work of merit. There is undoubtedly
some connection between the misfortunes and her desire to pacify
the gods. It will be interesting to watch this case. It is prob-
able that the story will grow, and perhaps in time the temple will
be said to have been built for the dead Brahman. There seems to
be an innate desire in the Dravidian people to have a local legend
about their gods.
The legend of Aranjothi® involves apparently the adoption of
a Dravidian goddess by the Brahmans. The story commonly
known among the people runs thus. There was once a woman of
high birth who married, but remained with her parents. One
night her husband came unannounced and lay down beside her.
She did not recognize him and kicked him. Her husband then
cursed her and said that she should be born a Madiga. When her
father heard of the matter, he called a great council of kings, and
as a result the son-in-law was cursed because he had not recog-
nized the virtuous act of his wife. The curse pronounced was
that he should be born as the son of a prostitute.
In process of time the two curses were fulfilled. Aranjothi
was born a Madiga woman. At that time there was a guruvu
named Visva Brahma. His worshipers came to him and said,
“You are always away on your pilgrimages, so make us an image
of yourself which we may worship when you are not here.” He
agreed, and a five-faced image was made. It was decided that
the image must have a wife, so a prostitute was brought and
placed before it. By continually looking at her the image caused
her to bear a son. This boy was the reincarnated husband of
Aranjothi.
9 Sometimes written Aranzodi, Sanskrit Arundhati.
Dil
I12 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The people now told the boy that it was proper for one of such
birth to go to heaven. He replied that he would not go unless
they worshiped him. They said that if he would take sand for
rice, and small pieces of iron for puppu, and making curry from
these, would eat the food from the tiny jammi leaf, they would
worship him.
The boy took the sand and iron and traversed the entire earth
attempting to find a woman who could fulfill the seemingly im-
possible conditions. At last he came to the Madiga hamlet where
Aranjothi lived. She was at that time worshiping Siva. She
heard his request and performed the feat. From the sand and
iron she prepared a good rice and curry, serving it on the jammi
leaves which she had deftly woven together.
The man now asked Aranjothi to marry him. She replied that
she was a Madiga and he a Brahman, and she was not worthy to
marry him. He did not accept her refusal, and declining to leave
the house, lay down in the veranda. When Aranjothi’s brothers
came home they dragged him away, throwing him into a pit, and
themselves lay down in the veranda. Aranjothi now realized
who her suitor was and married him against the wishes of her
people.
Aranjothi’s father was now very angry and cursed her, saying
that she should be a star in the northeast. When she asked him
if he did not have a blessing also for her, he replied that after
two ages the Kali yugamu would come, and then all would wor-
ship her. He then cursed the husband of Aranjothi also, saying
that he should become a star in the southeast, but in compensa-
tion he was to be known as a rishi and worshiped also. His wor-
ship, however, does not seem to be continued among the people.
Aranjothi now in turn cursed the Madigas, saying that they
should always live in poverty, ignorance, and slavery.*°
Aranjothi can hardly be called a Dravidian deity, as she has
no image, but the legend has much to indicate that she is of Dra-
vidian origin. The Brahmans claim that this story is a fabrica-
tion made by those who wanted to steal their goddess. On the
10F, R. Clough (While Sewing Sandals, pp. 53 sq.) gives a somewhat
different story, and describes the worship.
112
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 113
other hand, they do not deny the truth of the tale, although they
turn their backs when it is told. This story reveals no tendency
in the Hindu gods to come down to the Dravidian conceptions,
‘but rather for the local gods to climb up into the Hindu pantheon.
We may conclude, therefore, that Aranjothi was once a Dravidian
goddess who has been adopted by the Hindus. The name, Aran-
jothi, is Dravidian, while the Brahmans call her by her Sanskrit
name, Arundhati.
Another result of the impact of Dravidian worship is that oc-
casionally Brahmans serve as pujaris for the village goddesses.
This is rather unusual, and this degradation of Brahmans is not
always easily accounted for. An illustration is found among the
Togata caste of weavers of Nandavaram in the Kurnool District.
These people worship a goddess, named Chandesvari, and even
though the offerings are of blood, the pujaris are Brahmans.
The story commonly told to show the origin of this strange
arrangement is that a South Indian king went with his wife on
a pilgrimage to Benares. Unwittingly he incurred a terrible pol-
lution. He applied to the Brahmans to cure him, promising them
one-half of his kingdom if they were successful. They asked
surety and he called upon a local goddess, Chandesvari, who had
a temple near the place, to be his witness. The Brahmans then
cured him and he returned to South India.
After a time the Brahmans came south to claim the half of the
kingdom which he had promised, but the king denied ever hav-
ing made such a promise. They then asked Chandesvari to come
and give witness for them. She promised to do so on condition
that they should walk ahead and not look back at her. The
Brahmans agreed and set forth. All went well until they got as
far as Nandavaram, when the curiosity of the Brahmans got the
better of them and they looked behind them. Chandesvari im-
mediately became an image of stone. The Brahmans were terri-
fied, and built her a temple. Fearing to return to Benares they
remained at Nandavaram as pujaris for Chandesvari.
It is difficult to solve the enigma of this story. The goddess is
one of the ordinary village deities with the usual bloody sacrifices.
I
114 Wilber Theodore Elmore
It is evident that at some time, against their own wishes, the Brah-
mans took up the unpleasant task of being priests to a Dravidian
demoness. As in nearly all cases of connection with these gods,
some great fear of a malevolent deity was the cause.
The Matangi worship also has taken hold of the Brahmans in
some places. This is most noticeable in the Cumbum Taluq of
the Kurnool District where this worship originated.** Here the
Brahmans have their own image of Mathamma which they wor-
ship. In explanation the Brahmans say that at one time a Brah-
man refused to worship Matangi, declaring that he would never
do homage to a Madiga, but his entire body broke out in sores and
then he capitulated.
In connection with the worship, the Brahmans have a buffalo
killed at their own house, which is a most unusual proceeding.
The Madigas prepare the buffalo meat, the chief cook tying a cloth
over his mouth to prevent any possible contamination from saliva
that might be ejected. While the Madigas are preparing the
buffalo meat, a washerman brings a goat and prepares its flesh.
The Brahmans furnish all pots and other utensils.
When all is ready, the Madigas are first seated, and the Brah-
man pujari serves them with the buffalo meat and other food.
After eating, the Madigas goes outside the house and keep up a
most frightful din to ward off evil spirits. The Brahman pujari
now serves the Brahmans to the goat flesh, which they all eat,
sitting around the image of Mathamma. They worship the
image, and spend the entire night in hearing the stories of Ma-
tangi. In the morning they give presents to the Madigas and
send them away.
A rather curious story in connection with the worship of Ma-
tangi by Brahmans is to the effect that in the village of Oragallu
a Brahman, named Patabi Rudrudu, also refused to worship
Matangi. All kinds of evils came upon his household. When he
enquired the reason he was informed that it was because of his
refusal to worship Matangi. He was ordered to arrange for a
nine days’ festival for her. He himself must be the bainedu, or
11 See page 28.
114
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism II5
story-teller. His son must guard the light on the head of the
buffalo, and his wife must take the place of the Matangi. All of
these offices are performed by Madigas.
The Brahman was further informed that later in the ceremony
he himself must be killed, his membranes made into drums, his
arms cut off and placed in his mouth, his fat spread over his eyes,
and the usual features of the buffalo sacrifice performed. All
castes were then to worship Mathamma-in her Matangi form.
This was all done, and afterwards the Brahman was brought to
life, and these various things were done to a buffalo. According
to this story the buffalo sacrifice thus originated.
In the greater part of this mixed worship, it appears that the
Brahmans are connected with it against their own wishes. Some-
-_ times, however, they appear to profit by the combination, and this
is no doubt the reason which has induced them in such instances
to interest themselves in ceremonies which they must find re-
volting.
In the village of. Chenduluru, in the Ongole Taluq of Guntur
District, is a goddess who is called Maha Lakshmi by the Sudras
and Siva Lakshmi by the Brahmans. She is said to have been a
Brahman woman who was killed and thrown into a pond because
of her evil life. She appeared afterward in the usual way of
Dravidian goddesses, and demanded that she be worshiped.
When the goddess is worshiped, the Sudras make an earthen
image and the Brahmans one of wood. A booth with two com-
partments is erected in the center of the village, and the images
placed one in each compartment. The Sudras say that at one
time they proceeded with the worship of their image without se-
curing the attendance of the Brahman goddess, but the plague
was not stayed, and their cattle continued to die in great numbers.
After this experience they never again attempted to conduct the
worship by themselves. There is a Brahman pujari for the
wooden image, and he insists that his goddess has not spoken to
him until a sufficient amount of money is placed in his hand.
The goddess then communicates her wishes and all proceeds.
The Sudras must bear all the very considerable expense of the
worship.
115
o
116 Wilber Theodore Elmore
In another place where the shepherds have a goddess called
Yerra Gadipati Ganga, they asked the Brahmans to assist them in
the worship. This they consented to do, and raised money from
the other castes for the purpose. They took for their fee one-
fifth of what they collected. As time went on the offerings grew
and the shepherds became dissatisfied with the arrangement.
They tried to get the Brahmans to withdraw, but a great quarrel
arose in which the Brahmans claimed that the real Ganga was in
their homes in the form of a girl ten years old. Soon the shep-
herds suffered much from thefts, and the Brahmans told them
that Ganga was protecting the thieves, and not protecting them.”
Seeing that their case was hopeless, the shepherds submitted and
a Brahman was made pujari.
Such are some of the ways in which Brahmanism has been
affected. Yet it is remarkable that with all these centuries of
association so little mutual influence has resulted. While in-
stances of the making of new local deities, and the stories con-
nected with them, are almost unlimited, these instances of any
marked connection between the two religions are rather excep-
tional. The Brahmans have succeeded in making nominal Hindus
of a whole race many times their own in number. They have
allowed these people to retain their own religion, and have given
the sanctions of Hinduism to their gods and ceremonies; and
yet to a great extent they have preserved their own ritual and
ceremonies.1*
12 The meaning of this explanation was that the Brahmans were sending
thieves to harass the shepherds, and that by their superior ability and
influence in the village, they were protecting the thieves from punishment.
I am told by those who know the customs of the people well that this is
not at all uncommon.
13 The influence of Hinduism on Mohammedanism is an interesting sub-
ject for study in this connection. That there has been such influence is
very evident. Moreover it is the Dravidian form of worship which has
appealed to the Mohammedans rather than the Brahmanic form. One
reason for this is that many of the Mohammedans of South India are con-
verts from Dravidian beliefs. Another reason is the exclusiveness of
Brahmanism, which would debar all Mohammedans as outcastes from its
ceremonies. The Census of India, 1911, Vol. XII, pt. 1, para. 40, says,
“Whether from design or from the insensible influence of environment,
116
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism DET
CHAPTER XII
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTIONS IN DRAVIDIAN WoRSHIP
No adequate knowledge of the origin of Dravidian worship
will perhaps ever be secured. There are no writings or other
records which give assistance. No monuments of any great im-
portance have been left. No buried cities have ever been dis-
covered. We-can only say that at the time of the Aryan invasion
the Dravidians were worshipers of deities which the Aryans called
“mad gods.” The persistence of the peculiar forms of their
worship to the present time, after centuries of close contact with
Hinduism, and while later surrounded with a fair degree of
modern enlightenment, indicates that the “mad gods” worshiped
when the Aryans came to India were very much the same as the
deities described in the preceding pages.
We are interested, however, more in the meaning of these cere-
monies than in the date of their origin. What were the motives
and beliefs which originated the ritual? What were the ideas
behind this worship, and whence did these ideas come? In Hin-
duism we are not at all left in the dark as to this question. From
the Vedas we learn that the great powers of nature so impressed
the Aryans that such powers were deified. From this august
nature-worship has grown the present system. In the Dravidian
religion, however, we are not so fortunate as to have left us any
ancient hymns or any systems of philosophy. No great inter-
preters of their religion have arisen. We are confined to one
source, the induction which may be made from the legends and
ceremonies as we now have them.
DID THE SACRIFICES ORIGINATE IN TOTEMISM? Bishop White-
there can be no doubt that certain compromises now exist in Madras
between Hinduism and Mohammedanism. Propitiation of disease god-
lings, worship of patron saints and local deities, veneration of relics, prac-
tisings of the black art, divinations of the future, Hindu ceremonies at
birth and death; all practises satirized by the poet Hali, abound through-
out the Presidency, and render the stern simplicity of Islam more attractive
for its rural followers.” William Crooke (Things Indian, p. 337 sq.) gives
instances of the same tendencies. See also Gazetteer of Madura District,
I, p. 80.
D7
118 Wilber Theodore Elmore
head’ presents the theory of a totemistic origin of the present
sacrifices as one which will best explain the peculiar customs. He
says that this theory is only a hypothesis, but he feels that it is
the best hypothesis yet suggested.
The argument for a totemistic origin is as follows. In the
primitive stage men wished to be brothers not only to the other
tribes, but also to the beasts, and often this was brought about by
an exchange of blood. In the Dravidian sacrifices, especially the
buffalo sacrifice, the victim is often worshiped and garlanded.
There is a feast in the presence of the deity. The blood of the
sacrifice is often applied to the worshipers, their houses, and
cattle, and is sometimes mixed with rice and scattered on the
streets or boundaries. The entrails of the buffalo are placed
about the neck of a Madiga, and with the vitals in his mouth, he
goes to the boundaries. All this, it is thought, may be best ex-
plained, not by any gift theory of sacrifice, but as the remnants of
an original desire to come into close blood relations with the sac-
rifice itself.
In the consideration of this question of totemism, an investiga-
tion of the meaning of the buffalo sacrifice will be useful. The
buffalo sacrifice in one of the most constant features of Dravidian
worship. Numbers of buffalos, sheep, goats, and chickens may
be offered, but there is but one offering to which the name of
devara potu, or “ The Buffalo Sacrifice,” is properly given. That
is the only buffalo which, in addition to being beheaded, has its
legs cut off and placed in its mouth and the fat from its abdomen
spread over its eyes.
We are no doubt a long distance from having found any ex-
planation of the incident or custom from which this peculiar and
persistent rite has arisen. The legends concerning the buffalo
sacrifice will, however, give us some assistance in learning what
its fundamental ideas may have been. Some of these may now
be given.
In former times there was a Brahman living in an agraharamu,?
who had one daughter. One day a young man came, saying that
1 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, pp. 179 sq.
2 An agraharamu is a village set apart exclusively for Brahmans.
118
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 119
he was a Brahman and wished to study. The Brahman received
him and taught him for years. The young man was, however,
a Pariah, a Mala according to the most common version of the
story. In the course of time the Brahman’s daughter became in-
fatuated with him and married him.
Some years later the young man’s mother came to visit them.
Her son warned her not to reveal his low origin. He had her
shaved and dressed as a Brahman widow, and told his wife that
she was deaf and dumb. All went well until one day the
daughter-in-law prepared a dish in which flour and water are
formed into long strings somewhat like macaroni. When the old
woman saw it she forgot to be silent and asked if it was the en-
trails of animals, a dish with which she would not be unfamiliar.
Another version runs that on a feast day she asked if certain
sweetmeats were fish tongues.
The suspicions of the daughter-in-law were aroused, and her
husband could not deny her accusations. She went to her father
and asked what should be done to purify a pot if a dog had licked
it. Her father replied that the only way was to cast the pot into
the fire. She understood his meaning, and soon after having
sent her mother-in-law and children away for a time, she shut
herself in the house and burned the house and herself.
The spirit of the dead woman now appeared in the center of the
village, and after rebuking the people for allowing her to marry
a Pariah, she gave directions for her worship. She further told
them that her husband should be beheaded, one of his hands
placed in his mouth, the fat from his abdomen placed over his
eyes, and a light placed on his head before her.
The villagers accordingly seized her husband, and after leading
him about the village, beheaded him according to her directions.
Her children were then brought before her. According to one
story she had no mercy on them because they were the children
of a Pariah, and ordered them to be slain. They are now repre-
sented by the sheep and goats which are offered to the goddess,
as the husband is represented by the buffalo. Another and more
pleasing legend is to the effect that she said the children were hers
119
120 Wilber Theodore Elmore
and should not be injured, but that they should become asadis.
The present Madiga horn-blowers accept this tale and claim to
be the descendants of these children.
This legend is attached to almost every one of the local deities.
It certainly gives no hint of a totemistic origin for the buffalo
sacrifice.* Here is another story, not nearly so common, how-
ever.
There was once a village king who did not worship Poleramma.
She reproved him for his neglect, and he made an agreement with
her that the matter should be decided by a fight between her and
the king’s buffalo. If she should be successful in the fight he
promised to worship her, but if she were defeated she must wor-
ship the king.
Poleramma now took human form, and the fight began. The
buffalo was getting the best of the fight, and so Poleramma fled to
an ant-hill and took refuge there. The buffalo followed with its
lumbering gait, but by the time he arrived at the ant-hill Pole-
ramma could not be seen. He put his front feet on the ant-hill
and peered into it, but could see no one. He now asked some
sheep and lambs which were grazing near by, to tell him what had
become of Poleramma. They informed him that she had gone
into the hill.
The buffalo waited with his feet on the ant-hill, but Poleramma
did not come out. Finally the time set for the battle was up, and
Poleramma appeared and claimed victory for what would seem at
least to be a drawn battle. She maintained that the fight was to
be to the death, and the buffalo had not killed her within the
allotted time.
Poleramma now reiterated her demand for worship, and gave
3 Kurnool District Manual, sec. 6, pp. 100-103, gives this story with some
variations as applying to Sunkulamma. Oppert, Original Inhabitants of
India, p. 485, attaches the story to Ankamma. Madras Government Mu-
seum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, pp. 119, 120, says the story is told of Ur-Amma as
well as other gods.
4 This story is given in the Mural Mahathmam. It is much as related
here up to the death of the woman, who was then honored by becoming
Vishnu’s flute. The account of her appearing as a ghost and demanding
the buffalo sacrifice is entirely Dravidian.
120
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism eed
the following directions. “ When you worship me you must cer-
tainly kill a buffalo in remembrance of this fight. The lambs
and sheep informed the buffalo that I went into the hill, so they
also must be sacrificed. If I see the eyes of the dead buffalo I
shall be afraid, so you must open its abdomen and with its fat
cover its eyes. If I see the mouth I shall be afraid, so you must
put the legs in the mouth. You must also put a light on its head
in honor of me.” ‘The king obeyed, and this has been the order
of worship ever since.
This story does not seem to be very consistent. The fat spread
over the eyes and the legs crossed in the mouth of the dead buf-
falo surely do not decrease the unpleasantness of the sight.
Again, however, there seems to be no totemistic connection. The
sacrificed buffalo is a conquered enemy.
When we turn to the Hindu and Puranic legends we find the
buffalo mentioned occasionally, and it is a marked coincidence that
in every case the buffalo is an enemy and is destroyed. In the
Ramayana® the fierce buffalo, Dundubhi, is a demon incarnate.
He tore up with his horns the cavern of Bali, son of Indra, and
king of the monkeys. Bali seized him by the horns, and after a
terrible struggle dashed him to pieces.
Another legend, as told in the Markandaya Purana,‘ relates that
Diti, the mother of the Asuras, lost all of her sons in a fight with
the gods. Another son was born to her, and he took the form of
a buffalo in order to annihilate the gods. He was called Mahisa-
sura. The story goes on to tell of the terrible fight between
Durga and this buffalo. Durga at last conquered him, and cutting
off his head, drank his blood.
A similar legend is connected with the defeat of the Rakshasas
by Renuka.? When she returned victorious to her father, she
brought the head of the chief Rakshasa in her hand. The Dravid-
ian version adds that his hands had been cut off and placed in his
5 Griffith, The Ramayan of Valmiki, Bk. IV, Canto XI, pp. 335 sq.
8 Durga Sapta Shati, in the Markandaya Purana, Bangalore, 1893, pp. 22
sq. (Sanskrit).
7 See page 85.
127
122 Wilber Theodore Elmore
mouth, while his eyes were covered with fat from his own
abdomen.
Oppert® gives the following story of Peddamma. In the be-
ginning there was only light. By meditation light produced a
woman, who was placed in a beautiful garden. Desiring a hus-
band she picked a jassamine flower, placed it on a lotus, and be-
coming a bird, hovered over it. Soon three eggs appeared. In
seventy-two days one egg opened and became the earth and sky.
The yolk of this egg became the sun and moon. From a black
speck in the egg Brahma, Siva, and Vishnu were born. Soon
the second egg opened and the Rakshasas came from it. The
third egg addled and brought forth diseases.
The legend then tells of the desire of this woman for the three
gods, in consequence of which she suffered the curse of becoming
prematurely old. Her passion was now gone, and she determined
to destroy the Rakshasas. She slew many, but a new one sprang
up for every drop of blood which fell to the ground. She spread
out her own tongue for a distance of one hundred and twenty
miles to catch the blood.® Now she was successful and had the
Rakshasas all but conquered, when another drop fell and pro-
duced Dundubhi, the buffalo demon.
Dundubhi now fought with the gods, seriously defeating them.
He blew away the chariots of Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva with his
breath. Peddamma, the original woman, now attacked him. She
had seven arms,?° and after various forms of contest, she created
an ant-hill into which she disappeared as an ichneumon. She now
led up from the under world ninety million Siddhalu, or demi-
gods, who by their chanting as they came up, scared the buffalo
demon to death. |
The Siddhalu now cut off the head of the buffalo, put its leg
in its mouth, spread the fat over the eyes, and from the buffalo’s
own fat made oil with which to feed the light placed on its head.
The head was placed before Peddamma as an offering, and the
Siddhalu cut up the body of the buffalo and made a feast.’
8 Original Inhabitants of India, pp. 472 sq.
® Compare the story of Potu Razu, page 86.
10 This probably identifies Pedamma with Durgamma who had ten arms.
11 Bishop Whitehead (Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3,
122
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 2s
From such legends as these we may not hope to establish any
historical facts about the origin and meaning of the buffalo sacri-
fice. We may get, however, what is almost as valuable. We may
get a psychological view of the motives behind it. The object of
the buffalo sacrifice as shown in these legends cannot be that of any
desire for fellowship with the sacrifice. In every case, both in the
modern and the Puranic legends, the sacrifice represents the dire
punishment and disgrace of a conquered enemy. It is remarkable
that the god should be honored by the dishonoring of the sacrifice.
What could be more of a dishonor than to have one’s own hands
cut off and crossed in the mouth of his decapitated head, while his
own fat, probably representing his strength, is spread over his
eyes, and his own body must furnish the oil for the light to be
placed beiore the victor? ‘This is the supreme humiliation of a
feared, despised, and defeated enemy.
The disposition of the carcass also shows this dishonor. The
sheep and the chickens are eaten by the givers, often with much
merry-making. But the body of the buffalo is dragged away at
night by the Pariahs for an unclean feast, and at times it is not
disposed of by them until after decomposition sets in.
In all the legends of the buffalo sacrifice, the buffalo represents
a fallen enemy. May this not be the historical origin of the
strange rites? As Renuka returned from her victories carrying
her enemy’s head in her hand, with the fat over his eyes and his
now useless hands in his mouth, unable to see, speak, or fight, so in
the struggles of the early days of the Dravidians this may have
been their method of showing complete victory over the himiliated
enemy.
p. 132) tells of a custom in which the buffalo is cut up and a part of the
flesh is cooked. This, with some cooked cholam, is given to five little Mala
boys called Siddhalu, who eat it. While eating they are covered with a
large cloth so as to be concealed from view. He suggests that the reason
for the covering may be to prevent interference from spirits or the evil eye.
It seems quite probable that, while no doubt this may be the explanation
now in the minds of the people, the origin of the custom is connected with
the above story, and the covered place represents the under-world where
the Siddhalu dwell unseen, and from which they came to the help of
Peddamma.
123
124 Wilber Theodore Elmore
The gods of the Dravidians are almost universally human be-
ings returned to earth. As in their lifetime the triumph over an
enemy was the greatest of honors, so now as gods a sacrifice
representing such honors would be thought to be of all things most
pleasing. After the head of the buffalo has been cut off the eyes
are often watched until they blink in death. A great shout is then
raised, as the blinking of the eyes is said to be a sign that the offer-
ing is now acceptable to the goddess. May not the blinking of
the eyes be the last act of submission by the conquered enemy ?
The peculiar features of the sacrifice which are explained by
totemism may perhaps be as well explained by this theory of a con-
quered enemy. The buffalo has a garland placed about its neck,
botlu are placed on its head, and as it is led about the village,
people bow before it placing their hands in the attitude of wor-
ship. This apparent worship is often omitted, and does not appear
to be an essential. This procession about the village in which the
buffalo is led with a garland about its neck, may very possibly
be the remnant of a triumphal procession in which the enemy was
exhibited before the disgraceful death. The only explanation
which the people appear to know is that this makes the offering
acceptable to the goddess. This explanation agrees better with
the theory of a conquered enemy than with the theory of totemism.
The apparent worship of the animal, when it occurs, may very
possibly be a later addition, arising from the Hindu idea of pan-
theism and the sacredness’of all life.
The feast in the presence of the deity, according to the totem-
istic hypothesis, is for the purpose of communion with the deity.
This no doubt is the object of the feast, or perhaps to indicate
that peace has been established. It is communion or peace with
the deity, not with the sacrificed animal, however, which is desired.
This feast does not often take place in direct connection with the
buffalo sacrifice, and probably needs no further explanation than
that in all lands a common meal is the seal of friendship, and
as the Dravidian gods are exceedingly anthropomorphic, naturally
such a feast would help to avert any evils which they were plan
ning. It is quite probable that the buffalo sacrifice and the feast
124
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 125
were entirely distinct features originally, and no common explana-
tion need be sought.
The use of the blood, worshipers smearing it upon themselves
at times, spattering it on their houses, or scattering bloody rice on
the boundaries, appears to be explained by totemism in that the
worshipers seek a blood relationship with the deity. It should
again be noticed that any connection established by such uses of the
blood is with the goddess, and not with the animal sacrificed.
The Dravidian goddesses are always bloodthirsty. It has been
seen that in some cases blood is poured into the mouth of the
image, or the pujari, as'representing the goddess, drinks the
blood.1? The smearing of blood upon the person, or sprinkling it
upon houses and cattle, is probably an effort to get the full benefit
of the sacrifice. The person or thing thus anointed would receive
special favor from the deity.
The totemistic theory explains the hideous custom of wrapping
the entrails about the neck and taking the vitals in the mouth as
an effort to get into closer touch with the life of the totem animal.
This explanation appears to be based on a misconception of the
intention in carrying the bloody rice to the boundaries. This
bloody rice is a real offering to the bloodthirsty devils and Saktis
which may have been aroused by the ceremonies going on inside
the village. It is a dangerous matter to deal with these devils,
and the man who is brave enough to undertake it must do every-
thing to protect himself. He makes himself as hideous as possible,
hoping that the devils will think that he is a stronger devil than
they. Even then he is in terrible danger, and sacrifices are
offered whenever he cries out that he sees devils. At last he
swoons and is revived with great difficulty because of the dangers
to which he has been exposed.*®
It may further be noticed that in South India the buffalo is not
considered an honorable animal, though a very useful one. It is
stupid, ungainly, ugly in appearance, sometimes viciotis, and is
12 See Ankamma, page 24, and Kati Ankamma, page 40.
13 See page 38. Oppert (Original Inhabitants of India, p. 462) says
that the puyart throws a handful of bloody rice into every back yard at
midnight to keep off the devils.
125
126 Wilber Theodore Elmore
noted for having the least sense of all domesticated animals. To
call one a buffalo is to offer the greatest insult. Before it was
domesticated it may have been a terror to the people, for the
buffalo was the vehicle of Yama, the god of death.1* This is not
the kind of an animal to become a totem. ‘The monkey, which is
never killed or used as a sacrifice, but which is often worshiped, is
a much more probable totem. It appears, therefore, from the
foregoing reasons, that the buffalo sacrifice at least did not orig-
inate in totemism.
FETISHISM IN THE DRAvVIDIAN ReEticIon. Much of the Dravid-
ian worship is often classed as fetishism. The fetish worshiper .
of Africa selects any object which strikes his fancy, especially an
unusual object, and makes it his fetish. When it appears to be
no longer helping him, he throws it away, thinking that its spirit
has left it. The objects of worship of the Dravidians bear some
resemblance to the fetishes of Africa. Often the idol is a shape-
less stone.® Like the African, the Dravidian deserts his god,
leaving it on the boundary of the village, or the rubbish heap.*®
14 [bid., p. 461. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern
India, II, p. 169, tells the same, and also says that at times the buffalo is
made a scapegoat to carry away disease.
15In Chagollu, Nellore District, I found Vinaiyakudu, the god of the
grain, represented by some dried cow-dung tied together with a saffron
colored string. Men were taking rice from the bin, and this image, which
had been kept in the bin, was carefully placed at one side to be used
again. I was informed that the image would double the crop. This seems
much like fetishism, but while the people were Dravidians, it appears that
Vinaiyakudu is more Hindu than Dravidian. I can find no local stories of
his birth, but he is said to be the son of Iswara. He has no bloody
offerings. )
16 Sir Alfred Lyall, Asiatic Studies, First Series, p. 10, gives an exhaus-
tive classification of the worship in Berar, Central India. It is as follows.
1. The worship of mere stocks and stones, and of local configurations,
which are unusual or grotesque in size, shape, or position.
2. The worship of things inanimate which are gifted with mysterious
motion.
3. The worship of animals which are feared.
4. The worship of visible things, animate or inanimate, which are directly
or indirectly useful and profitable, or which possess any incomprehensible
function or property.
126
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 127
There is, however, a fundamental difference in the conception
of the Dravidian and the African. The fetish of the African
possesses a spirit of its own, and this spirit is worshiped because it
has been found useful to the one possessing the fetish. When
this spirit inhabiting the fetish is found to be no longer useful,
the fetish is discarded.
The idol of the Dravidian also possesses a spirit, but it is
simply the abiding place of the spirit, usually a ghost. The spirit
is in no sense the spirit of the object or idol. Moreover, the
Dravidian does not worship his idol for good luck or prosperity.
He worships in order to avert calamity ; to pacify the deity so that
his prosperity will not be interfered with.’ The final object of his
worship is to secure prosperity, but his thought is not that the
god will bring him prosperity, but must rather be prevented from
interfering with his welfare. When the Dravidian throws away
the idol it is not because he is dissatisfied with it, but because
it has served its purpose, and the deity is no longer in it. When
5. The worship of a deo, or spirit, a thing without form, and void—the
vague impersonation of the uncanny sensation which comes over one at
certain places.
6. The worship of dead relatives, and other deceased persons known in
their lifetime to the worshiper.
7. The worship of persons who had a great reputation during life, or
who died in some strange and notorious way—at shrines.
8. The worship in temples of the persons belonging to the foregoing
class, as demigods, or subordinate deities.
9. The worship of manifold local incarnations of the elder deities and
their symbols.
10. The worship of departmental deities.
11. The worship of the supreme gods of Hinduism.
He speaks of 1-4 in the above classification as fetishism. The worship
which he describes under these headings, however, is Hindu rather than
Dravidian. Under 6-8 he describes what comes largely under the head of
Dravidian ceremonies, and he does not mention these as connected with
fetishism. The Hindu conception of pantheism seems to lend itself to
fetishism more readily than does the Dravidian spirit worship.
17 In the festival of Gowry, people worship their implements. This is,
however, a Hindu feast, not Dravidian. This worship of implements is
very close to fetishism. See Manual of Administration of the Madras
Presidency, I, p. 75.
128 Wilber Theodore Elmore
he leaves it on the boundaries, it is always with great honor, and
in the hope that the spirit will not come again into the village.
It is undoubtedly true that the Dravidians have some measure of
fetishism in their religious ideas.1*® There is no religion but
what has at some stage possessed considerable fetishism, and
strangely enough, those which are usually considered the more
advanced religious systems have a large amount of fetishism in
their corrupted forms, if not in their original conceptions. It is
indeed striking, however, that the fundamental ideas of the Dra-
vidians, as shown in their worship and the stories of their gods,
contain so little fetishism, which is commonly thought to be an
invariable feature in primitive religion.’
DRAVIDIAN ANIMISM. The term animism has been chosen to
represent the peculiar religious ideas of the Dravidians.?° It was
18 Cf. the story of Kulagollamma, page 74. I once visited a village
where there were no Brahmans, and noticed that Ramaswami’s temple
was empty. In answer to my enquiries the people laughed and said, “ Oh,
Ramaswami did not send us any rain last year, so we got tired of him
and threw him into the cactus.” Ramaswami is a Hindu god who has
been largely adopted by the Dravidians. He has never taken a very strong
hold on the people. There is no danger that the Dravidian village deity
will ever be thus thrown away.
19Qn the entire subject see Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hin-
duism, p. 340; F. Max Miller, Lectures on the Origin of Religion, London,
1891, Lect. II, pp. 54 sa.
20 Madras Census Report, 1891, Ch. III, p. 88. “ The term ‘ animistic’ was
suggested by the Census Commission to denote the religion of those forest
and hill tribes whose religious beliefs show no trace of orthodox Hinduism.
In 1881 this religion was called ‘ aboriginal,’ an expression to which excep-
tion has been taken on the ground that there are many aboriginal tribes
who are recognized to be Hindus by religion. But the term ‘animistic’
is equally open to objection in that there are many people invariably recog-
nized as Hindus whose real religion is almost pure animism. I take
‘animism’ to mean a belief in the existence of souls, with the addition
that after death the soul remains in the neighbérhood where it dwelt when
incarnate, and is active for good and evil. The souls of dead ancestors
must be worshiped and provided with sacrifices of animals and offerings
of other kinds of food, or otherwise evil will befall the members of the
family to whom the soul belonged.”
The “ people invariably recognized as Hindus” mentioned in this quota-
tion are the Dravidians, almost exclusively. We have seen, however, that
128
Lent) -
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 129
at first applied to the tribes which have not at all come within Hin-
duism, but the Dravidians who have come have brought with them
the same practices, and therefore their religion must be termed
animistic. Animism is not altogether a satisfactory term in this
connection, for as usually understood it does not accurately de-
scribe the Dravidian conception. Tylor defines it as the belief
that inanimate objects and the phenomena of nature are endowed
with personal life or a living soul. This approaches more to fetish-
ism. In fact, it is difficult to draw any hard and fast lines be-
tween animism and fetishism.?® The Travencore State Manual*4
_says that animism differs from fetishism in that it is the spirit
which is feared, while in fetishism it is the object which has super-
natural powers.”°
it is not especially the dead ancestors who are worshiped. Such an origin
for a Dravidian god would be a marked exception.
21 Census of 1911, Vol. XII, Pt. 1, paras. 86-103, gives an account of the
Khonds, a hill tribe which has not come into Hinduism. Their home is
in the Nalamalli Hills. In this tribe may be found all the fundamental
ideas of the worship of local deities such as have been described in the pre-
ceding pages. There is no belief in Karma or Transmigration, which comes
only from philosophical Hinduism. There is a god who guards the village
from the outside, and a helper who receives a fee of fowls and eggs.
These seem like Poleramma and Potu Razu. There are numerous gods
which brings various diseases, and connected with their various kinds of
property. Paragraph 96 says, “It may be that the Khonds’ hilly country,
with its feverish climate, has prevented the intersection of its orbit with that
of so-called Hinduism. Did opportunity offer, the Khond would probably
enter the Hindu fold, bringing with him his gods, as easily as many another
Dravidian demon worshiper has done, and receive in time a tincture of
deeper and more spiritual religious ideas, with a greater fixity and seem-
liness of his social relations.”
22 The Travencore State Manual, II, p. 39, says, “ Animism is an exceed-
ingly crude form of religion in which magic or the propitiation of the
unknown predominates. . . . According to Prof. Tiele of Leyden, animism
is the belief in the existence of souls or spirits of which only the powerful
acquire the rank of divine beings and become objects of worship. They
are free, or may take up their abode in any object, living or inanimate.”
23 Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, p. 340.
24 Travencore State Manual, II, p. 30.
25 Census of India, 1901, I, p. 358, gives an interesting account of clerks
worshiping a foreign ink bottle, pens, and stationary. This is said to be a
129
130 Wilber Theodore Elmore
As the Census Commission of India has adopted the term,
animism, for the Dravidian religion, we need not hesitate to use
that designation, perhaps modifying it to Dravidian animism. It
will be well, however, to examine somewhat more closely the fun-
damental conceptions of this Dravidian animism.
DraviDIAN DEMONOLATRY. In Dravidian animism there are ~
two outstanding characteristics: the spirits are always from out-
side the object of worship, not being the spirits of the objects
themselves ; and these spirits quite generally have a human origin.
The term, demonolatry, comes more close to describing the un-
derlying Dravidian ideas than does any other one expression. By
demonolatry we must not understand only what is ordinarily
called “ devil worship.” The dayyamu is a spirit, not necessarily
an evil spirit.2° In practice, of course, it is the evil spirits which
secure the most attention, for it is fear of them which calls
forth the ceremonies of propitiation. It is, therefore, by a con-
sideration of the Dravidian fear of evil-minded spirits that we
shall find the key to practically all of the ideas and customs con-
nected with their worship.?’
The customs connected with the Matangi?® are striking, and
various explanations have been offered. We may see if the belief
in demonolatry will explain these.
What can be the meaning of the strange procedure of the
Matangi as she rushes about, touching the people with her wand,
backing into them, and, worst of all, spitting upon them? She is
a Madiga, whose very touch is pollution to a Brahman. More-
over there is nothing more polluting than saliva. A Brahman will
be thrown into a panic if a leaf plate which has been used chances
form of animism. It should be remembered that clerks in India are almost
exclusively Brahmans. It is not probable that any Dravidians were among
those of whom this is told.
For an excellent discussion of animistic religions in India, see Ch. VIII
of this Census Report.
26 See page 48, note 2.
27 Manual of Administration of Madras Presidency, 1, p. 76: “The
real worship of the population consists in doing homage either to demons
to avert their displeasure, or to deities who rule such demons, to induce
their interposition. The former worship is more constant than the latter.”
28 See page 20.
130
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism F31
to fall in front of his door. The people eat with their fingers,
and it is considered that the saliva has come into contact with the
plate. This is what makes it so objectionable, as saliva is most
polluting.2® Why then this willingness and even eagerness to be
spat upon by a Madiga woman?
It is commonly said that this contact with the Matangi is for
purification, but at the same time the Brahmans say that Matangi
is a great devil. These two statements do not agree. The most
probable explanation is that the Brahmans have come to possess the
same fear of this devil that the Dravidians have of all their
demon goddesses, and the willingness to be spat upon is in order to
escape from some evil which might come from the Matangi.
By the Matangi spitting upon the people, she renders them
immune in two ways. First, as the Matangi is a terrible devil
herself, it is well to have her favor, even though it must be secured
in so unpleasant a manner. A second result is that after she has
spat upon the people no other demon would think them worth
spending time upon. Anyone who would consent to be spat upon
by a Madiga woman surely would be poor prey for other demons.
The haste of.the Brahman household to be rid of her, their willing-
ness to give her plenty of presents, and their meek submission while
she sings wildly and exultingly of their humiliation, all agree with
this idea of their fear of her, and not at all with the statement
that her spittle is purifying.
The fear of the evil eye among the Dravidians is most easily
explained by this fear of evil spirits.°° A common explanation of
29 One evening in a village I saw a great commotion in front of a Brah-
man’s house. An old Brahman, the head of the house, was jabbing at
something most excitedly and savagely with a long stick, while all the fam-
ily were gathered around in great excitement. I thought that he must be
killing a cobra, and wondered at that, as Brahmans will not kill anything,
most of all the sacred snake. Upon coming nearer I found that all this
consternation was caused by a used leaf plate which the wind or a dog had
left before his gate. He was trying to remove it with the stick, and
finally succeeded in piercing it, when he carried it at the end of the pole to
a distant rubbish heap.
30 For excellent descriptions of the various customs connected with the
evil eye in India see Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies,
Oxford, 1899, p. 152; Thurston, Omens and Superstitions of Southern
131
132 Wilber Theodore Elmore
the evil eye is that a person may have some evil influence which
is communicated by a look. This is called drishti-dosha. Un-
doubtedly there is some such fear of the look of a human being,
especially if he be a stranger. This conception of the evil eye
appears to be more Brahmanic than Dravidian. The most of the
Dravidian customs connected with the evil eye can with diffi-
culty be explained by the evil resulting from a look, while the
explanation becomes very simple if the fear of evil spirits is
postulated as the basis.
The Dravidian idea of the evil eye is that there are innumerable
evil spirits waiting at all times to do harm. ‘These spirits appear
to be very much dependent on human suggestion and initiative.
If special attention is directed to any object or person, and espe-
cially if something complimentary is said about it, some listening
spirit will take notice, and thinking the object is desirable for itself,
or out of jealousy and evil mindedness, will bring about some evil.
One can scarcely do a more untactful thing in India than to
praise a man’s crops or cattle or child.**_ The proper thing to do
is not to appear to pay too much attention to that which interests
you, or if it is necessary to mention it, mention some defect.
.This is one of the reasons for wearing ornaments, and it is al-
ways in order to praise or notice the ornaments on a child, as this
will keep attention away from the child itself. The gracious
friend always addresses one with words of commiseration be-
cause he is looking so poorly. .The European is often disappointed
because his Indian friends see nothing but faults in his new horse
or house, when he expects them to praise it.
With the idea of making the spirits think an article is worthless
some flaw is left in everything. No house is ever completed,
The weaver leaves a flaw in his cloth. The brickmaker daubs his
kiln with unsightly spots of lime. The placing of obscene figures
and carvings on idol cars and temples is often explained in the
same way. Crooke says this is the reason for blackening the under
India, London, 1912, pp. 109-120; Crooke, Things Indian, New York, 1906,
pp. 192-195; Monier-Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, pp. 253, 254.
31 When I first came to India I at one time thought to please a mother
by complimenting her attractive child, but the mother seized the child and
ran away with it in terrible fright.
ig2
PLATE VIII
AN IMAGE TO AVERT THE EVIL EYE
This image is for the protection of the ripening grain. It appears to be a scare-
crow, but it is not for the purpose of scaring birds.
attract attention and so divert evil from the grain.
It is expected that this image wiil
i a ee ae ee
oe ULL! ee ee
—
——
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 133
lids of the eyes, which is very common among well-to-do women.*”
The names of children often seem most unsuitable. Such names
as Pichchiah meaning crazy man, Dibbiah meaning rubbish heap,
Roshiah meaning an ill-tempered man, Musaliah meaning old, de-
crepit man, are common. The reason for giving these names is
that there have been deaths among the former children, and it is
hoped that by thus giving the new child a bad name the evil spirits
will think that it has no desirable qualities, and so not molest it.**
At times a boy will be dressed in girl’s clothing in order to deceive
the spirits.
Still other devices are adopted to deceive the spirits regarding
children. When two children have died it is a common custom to
roll the third in the dust to make it very undesirable in appear-
ance. It is then named Kuppiah, which means rubbish. At the
time of marriage such a child will be disfigured or disguised, still
further to prevent the demons from doing any injury.** At other
times a new-born child will be given to a Yanadi woman. She
is told that the child is useless, and she takes it away. Soon after
she appears at the door with the child, saying that it is hers and
asking the parents to take it and rear it as she is poor and cannot
do so. They indignantly refuse, and then she places the child on
the rubbish heap. After a time some member of the family will
go and bring the child in, saying that it is too bad to let it perish,
even though it is only a poor Yanadi. They name the child
Yanadi, and raise it in the usual way. All this is supposed to
throw the eager spirits off the track, and so save the child.*°
A pot smeared with whitewash is often placed in a field of
grain to protect from the evil eye. Such pots are also placed on
the housetops. In other cases strange images are placed in the
32 Crooke, Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, II, pp. 3 sq.
88 The writer was one time working with a Brahman pundit named
Pichchiah. In response to my question about his name he replied that
three children before him had died, and so his parents named him Pichchiah
with the result that he had survived.
34 Gazetteer of Tanjore, I, p. 67.
85 Jn north India when one child has died the next is placed in a sieve
and dragged around the house to baffle the evil eye.
133
134 Wilber Theodore Elmore
fields. Very often these images are exceedingly obscene.** The
usual explanation is that the object first seen will utilize all the
evil in the look, and these objects will first attract attention. There
is some reason to believe that before pots were used for these
purposes human skulls were placed in the fields. If this was the
origin it certainly must have been with the purpose of making
the demons think the spot was an undesirable place, perhaps a
cemetery. The strange images which look like scarecrows prob-
ably originated in the same idea. Their hideous appearance is
thought to deceive the spirits. The obscene images are more diffi-
cult to explain. Taking account of the state of Dravidian
morality, and that the spirits were once human beings, it is prob-
able that the original idea was that the spirts would have so much
interest in these figures that they would not proceed further.
Akin to the reason for the fear of the evil eye are other pecu-
liar customs which have been described in the preceding pages.
In the worship of Bangaramma,°*" and also occasionally in that of
other gods, the Madigas revile the higher castes. If they hesitate
to do this they are compelled to begin their vituperation. The
reason is the same as the desire to be spat upon by the Matangi,
and to have no complimentary word spoken of one. That reason
is that listening evil spirits may hear the vile epithets spoken by
despised outcastes, and so drop all interest in those who are
reviled.
The ordinary worship of Dravidian local deities is easily un-
derstood on the hypothesis of demonolatry. The usual object of
worship is to stop some epidemic or other trouble which has ap-
peared in the village. The deity concerned is angry and must be
propitiated. In the case of the village deity the cause of the
anger may be that she is expecting offerings. In the case of a
visiting goddess like Kanaka Durgamma, the offering is to induce
her to leave peaceably. In any case the goddess is an evil-bring-
ing demoness, and the worship is to propitiate her.*®
86 See Crooke, Things Indian, pp. 114 sq. At one time I was able to
persuade the villagers of the evil effects of such an image and they
removed it.
37 See page 20.
38] have tried to find in the worship at least some measure of gratitude
134
Se
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 135
Such ceremonies as those performed in times of epidemics are
easily understood in the light of this explanation. A piece of
cactus is often placed on the wall or hung over the door. This
is done so that the demon bringing the disease will think the place
deserted and pass it by. In some places the people suspend small
pots of toddy from the eaves of the house. The intention ap-
pears to be that the spirits will drink this, and being satisfied will
pass on. Another suggested explanation is that the spirits will
certainly think a place deserted where toddy is left untouched!
In this way it would be possible to go through all the ceremonies
described in the preceding chapters and in every case, from the
worship of the most benign Perantalu to the propitiation of the
most hideous devil, the simple explanation would be found to be
the belief in and worship of spirits and spirits only.
THE MEANING OF THE Ipors. It seems strange that a spirit
should be represented by a stone or other image, often shape-
less and uncarved, and quite unconnected with the history of the
spirit in any way. The popular conception of Dravidian worship
on the part of the majority of Europeans, is that it belongs under
Lyall’s first heading, the worship of “ stocks and stones.”*® We
see the throngs of people bowing before an image and making
offerings to it and naturally think that this constitutes all their
worship.
Contrary to the popular idea, however, the worship of “stocks
and stones” is far more the tendency of Hindus than of Dra-
vidians. The Hindu is a pantheist. To him deity appears in all
objects, animate and inanimate. He does not hesitate to support
for the protection which the goddess has given, but so far without success.
The worship appears to be totally for propitiation in order to escape the
present or impending evil. J. A. Curtis of Donokonda writes, “I do not
remember a single phrase or experience that would justify assigning ‘a
certain degree of thankfulness’ to any of these religious acts.” The Jour-
nal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, VII, p. 502, says, “ The sole
object of the worship of these village deities is to propitiate them and avert
their wrath. There is no idea of praise or thanksgiving, no expression
of gratitude and love, no desire for any moral or spiritual blessings. The
one object is to get rid of the cholera or small pox or cattle disease or
drought, or to avert some of the minor evils of life.”
39 See page 126, note 16.
135
136 Wilber Theodore Elmore
idolatry on the ground that deity is present in everything, and
that it is therefore justifiable to worship any object which is con-
venient or desirable.
The Dravidian idea is not the same. In the foregoing chapters
we have seen no instance of the worship of any object as an object,
or because of the spirit of the object. In every case the worship
is addressed to an outside spirit which has taken up its residence,
temporary or otherwise, in the object. The Dravidian makes a
god for the day and throws it away, or leaves it on the boundaries.
After the one day it is nothing, and the cattle may trample it under
foot. This by no means indicates that the deity is discarded. It
cannot be that the image is the object of worship. We see a
company of people placing botluw on a tree and making offerings
before it, and it appears that they are worshiping the tree. It is
not the tree, however, but the spirits in the tree, that they are
worshiping.*° ‘Tree worship as such is Hindu, not Dravidian.
It is very evident, therefore, that the Dravidian is not a wor-
shiper of “stocks and stones.” He is a worshiper of spirits. The
question then arises as to the connection between the spirit wor-
shiped, and the image, often shapeless and uncarved, and quite un-
connected with the history of the spirit. The totemistic theory ex-
plains the image as being at first placed to mark the spot where
the totem animal was killed to insure the presence of its spirit.
The place became taboo, and needed some such symbol to prevent
it from any violation. In course of time the original significance
was lost, and the stone itself was considered to be the deity.
My investigations lead me to believe that, while the stone was
not the original deity, and while it was erected to mark a partic-
ular spot, that spot was not the scene of the sacrifice of a totem
40 See page 35. Manual of Administration of Madras Presidency, I, p.
71, says trees are worshiped because they are supposed to be the abode
of gods. In South India it is thought that the superior gods live in groves,
and demons in single trees. This is probably an inaccurate distinction be-
tween the gods of Hinduism and of the Dravidians. The Gazetteer of
South Arcot, I, p. 102, says that puja is made to the margosa tree, appar-
ently, but really to Maramma who dwells in the tree. The Valaiyans in
their backyards have a tree, Odina wodier, in which devils are thought to
live. These devils are propitiated onceayear. Gazetteer of Tanjore, I, p. 60.
136
Seiad GB gma dee lil —
el ia i
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 137
animal, but rather the place where a spirit first appeared. The
difficulty with the totemistic theory is that to this day the stone is
not worshiped, and so no transference of worship from the totem
animal to the stone can be assumed. It is the spirit which has
come to dwell in the stone that is worshiped, and that spirit has
no connection with a totem.
The legends which have been given of the formation of new
deities all indicate that the stone marks the place where the spirit
appeared, or the place chosen for its residence. Commonly a
shrine or temple is erected over the stone, but this is by no means
essential. Often the stone is changed, or the same stone has an
image graven on it long after it was first erected.*?
After the place was marked by a stone, the dwelling place of
the spirit appears to have been gradually narrowed to the stone
itself. The idea has then developed that the spirit may be in-
duced to take up its residence, temporary or otherwise, in the
prepared image, and in this form receive the homage of the
people. It can not be denied that, by long association with the
image it inhabits, the spirit has become identified with the image in
the minds of many of the people. Even in such a case, however,
when the people speak of the image as the god, in their minds
they appear to have the same idea that more advanced people have
when they think of the bodily form of a friend as being the person,
and yet after his death would not consider the lifeless body to be
the one whom they had known.
The popular idea that these Dravidians are worshipers of
“stocks and stones” needs, therefore, considerable modification.
It is true that, while the spirit is supposed to be residing in the
image, the image itself receives the worship. At such a time one
who is rash enough to take liberties with such an image will cer-
tainly think that the image itself is the god, for the worshipers
would defend it or resent any familiarities most fanatically.
THe MEANING OF THE SAcrIFIcEs. The fundamental idea of
the sacrifices is undoubtedly that of propitiation. The spirits are
41 The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, p. 81, says
that images are not essential to demon-worship, and have been adopted
from Brahmanism.
137
138 Wilber Theodore Elmore
bloodthirsty, and so blood is shed before them. The more terrible
ones must have rivers of blood running before them.4? Often the
pujari drinks some of the blood. ‘The reason for this is that the
pujart for the time represents the goddess, and through him her
desire for blood is satisfied.42 In the case of some of the Saktis,
blood is poured into their mouths. Bloody rice is scattered about
the fields by farmers hoping that the devils will thus be satisfied
and not molest the crop. It is very evident that it is blood which
the spirits want.
Bishop Whitehead** thinks that the explanation commonly
given, that the god takes the essence while the worshiper eats the
body, is not satisfactory. He suggests that this idea may be a
very recent addition from the Roman Catholic doctrine of trans-
substantiation. Neither explanation seems really necessary, so
far as the sacrifices of animals are concerned. It is biood which
the spirit wants and blood which is offered to it. It is quite prob-
able that originally it was the life as symbolized by the blood
which was desired. It is the giving of life to redeem life. The
blood is the life in the thought of these people as well as in that
of the Hebrews, and when the fowl or animal is beheaded and
the blood is poured out, the desire for life is satisfied.
When we go further and ask why life is desired by the spirit,
42Tn one place in the Nalamalli Hills the blood is poured into a stone
trough in front of the image. When a dog comes and drinks it they
think the goddess has entered the dog and is satisfied. This is one of the
more terrible devils and is worshiped by the thieves. There is probably
some connection between such worship and that of Kali by the Thugs.
See The Confessions of a Thug, by Colonel Meadows Taylor, London,
1906, p. 27.
43 In such worship as that of Ankamma described on page 24, I have
tried to connect the dressing as a woman and riding in the midst of im-
paled animals with such a ceremony as carrying the vitals in the mouth
for the purpose of frightening away other spirits. I have not been able
to establish the point, however. The entire testimony is to the effect
that the pujari dressed as a woman represents the goddess, that he is for
the time the incarnation of the goddess. and so she is getting the benefit
of the blood which he drinks, and the impaled animals are sacrifices
to her.
44 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, p. 179.
138
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 139
we are in the region of speculation. It seems quite probable that
the reason is the same as that which leads to human sacrifices, or
to the burying of wife, weapons, etc., with a dead man. The
spirits of these things will be needed in the future world. So
with the Dravidian sacrifices, the god is the spirit of some one
who has lived on earth, and the spirit of the sacrifice is needed to
be of some service in the spirit realm, as the body would be of
service on earth.
There is, however, another feature of the worship which does
not yield to such an explanation, and that is the sacrificial meal.
In the case of the milder goddesses this is a very constant feature.
This sacrificial meal is usually a time of merrymaking and good
fellowship. As already pointed out in the discussion of totem-
ism,** this feast probably originated in the idea common among
all primitive people, that eating together cements friendship. It
is peace and friendship with the goddess which are desired.
In some way, it is thought, the goddess also is partaking. In
some of the sterner forms of worship the pujari eats in the name
of the goddess, and as in every case it is the attendants of the god-
dess who have the right to eat what is offered to her, it may be
considered that they too eat in her name. I do not see, however,
sufficient reason for rejecting the explanation commonly given
by the people, that the goddess takes the spiritual part of the food
or its essence or spiritual strength. One of the chief features of
the ceremonies for the dead is the placing of food on the grave
of the departed for his spirit. The spirit world is very real to
the Dravidian, and as he believes the air to be full of spirits with
all kinds of powers, he would see no difficulty in the food also
having a spiritual essence which these spirits utilize.
ORIGIN oF Dravip1an Gops. The Puranic legends which have
been related in connection with the Dravidian gods make them
out to be incarnations of the Hindu Saktis.*® The Hindu Sakti
45 See page 124.
46 Ziegenbalg, Genealogy of South Indian Gods, Madras, 1869, pp. 146,
147, says that the story told him by a Brahman was that the local goddesses
existed at first in the abode of the gods, and originated from Parasakti,
another name for Durga. They became proud and arrogant, and so were
139
140 Wilber Theodore Elmore
is the personification of the energy of the Hindu god in the per-
son of his wife. The Dravidian Sakti, however, is any female
ghost which has evil powers. Moreover the Sakti worship of the
Tantras has almost nothing in common with that of the Dra-
vidians.*7 No original connection between the two has yet been
established. The Brahmanic influence which has attempted to
fuse the two cults has identified Dravidian spirit worship with
Hindu Sakti worship. The stories which have been given all
show Brahmanic origin and the wish to connect the two lines of
legends. No local story about any one of these gods shows any
relation to the Puranic stories.
The fact that the Dravidian deities are so generally female*
banished to the earth where they were given the office of protecting men
from demons, among whom they reign as queens. If they do this work
faithfully, at the end of the Kali yugamu they will again be reinstated in
their former position. Ziegenbalg appears here to be sae 3 only of the
Seven Sisters.
47 See page 37.
48 There is occasionally a male god among the Dravidians as Potu Razu
(see page 23) and Aiyanar. This latter is an important demon in the
Tamil country. He has authority over the other demons and is provided
with pottery horses to ride on his night raids. He is said to be the Ven-
katasu of the Telugus. The story of his birth is Puranic. It is that there
was once a terrible demon named Bhasmasura. Siva promised him that
everything he touched should be turned to ashes. The demon now tried to
touch Siva himself, but he fled. Vishnu now took the form of a fascinat-
ing young woman, and the demon wanted her. The young woman ordered
him to bathe and put oil on his head. He did so and was turned to ashes.
Siva now asked Vishnu to become that young woman again for his benefit.
Vishnu consented, and Aiyanar is their child. See Gazetteer of South
Arcot, I, p. 90; Oppert, Original Inhabitants of India, p. 505. The demon,
Kattan, is another male god of importance. See Ziegenbalg, Genealogy
of South Indian Gods, pp. 160-163, and Oppert, The Original Inhabitants
of India, p. 483. He is said to be the son of an adulterous Brahman
woman and was brought up by a pariah. He violated all the women in
his region. The men could not catch him, so he impaled himself on a stake,
and becoming a terrible devil was made a servant of Mariayamma.
Such male gods as these are so very exceptional as to be noteworthy. In
the case of Potu Razu and Kattan they are not independent, but are servants
of the female gods. These few exceptions emphasize the preponderance
of female deities.
140
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Se —=— es SS UCU ee ee ee
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism IAI
would seem to connect them with the Hindu Saktis. It is quite
probable that the same causes have developed female deities in
both cults. The reason for the Dravidian deities being female is
probably nothing very profound, and is not especially compli-
mentary to the female sex among the Dravidians. “The qualities
which bring these goddesses the worship of the people are their
most undesirable ones. These qualities are quarrelsomeness, vin-
dictiveness, jealousy, and similar attributes.
It is a generally admitted fact in South India that it is the
Dravidian women rather than the men who are adepts in the use
of bad language and vigorous terms of defamation. Aryan and
Mohammedan influence has somewhat suppressed the Dravidian
women, yet it is commonly known that these women usually se-
cure their own way, and that by methods not always pleasant.
Their curses, too, are not unknown, and are much feared. When
such a woman attains the freedom and power of a spirit, and
there is reason to believe that she has returned to the scenes of
her life, it is considered wise to propitiate her. The entire ex-
planation is in all probability simply that the feminine character-
istics of the Dravidians are such as to make their ghosts more
feared than those of the men.*®
The fundamental conception of the Dravidians with regard to
the origin of their gods is without doubt that they are the spirits
of departed people. The basis is the primitive belief in ghosts.
The Dravidians have a great fear of ghosts of all kinds, regard-
less of what their earthly career has been.*°
49 The worship of the female Dravidian deities is very commonly spoken
of as mother worship. This is the term used by Monier-Williams (Brah-
manism and Hinduism, pp. 222-229). He admits that many of their func-
tions are anything but maternal. Hopkins (The Religions of India, p.
415) uses the same term and then proceeds to describe local demons. At
times the people will call a beneficient deity a tali or mother, but this is
unusual. The perantalu often seem to be considered as benevolent to
some extent. The general idea, however, which the Dravidians have of
their gods is not at all maternal, and I believe that mother worship did not
originate with them either as to the name or the conception. It comes
from the Hindu idea of the Saktis who are the wives of the gods, and so
may properly be considered to be mothers.
50 Census of Madras, 1891, III, p. 60, remarks that there is very little
IAI
142 Wilber Theodore Elmore
There are many customs practised by the people to prevent the
return of a ghost after the burial ceremony. The Lambadi people
allow only one person from each family to go toa funeral. After
performing the last rites those who have followed the corpse steal
quietly back to the camp by various paths. Immediately they
break camp and move far away so that the ghost of the departed
one may not follow them. Some other classes make a hole in
the wall or roof of the house through which the dead body is
taken. This opening is then closed up so that the ghost may not
be able to return. The Valaiyans place a pot of dung and water,
also a broom and firebrand, at various places along the road to
the burying ground to prevent the return of the ghost.**
In the funeral ceremonies and other rites for the dead such as
the taddinum, there are many acts performed with the one’ in-
tention of preventing the ghost from returning. On the last day
of the ceremonies the friends go to a sacred jammi tree and tak-
ing little pots in their hands, they pretend to throw something
into the air. This is probably a remnant of a former food-offer-
ing to the spirit of the departed. This done, they put out the
lights, and in perfect quietness come again to the house by various
paths so that the spirit may not follow them. After they have
arrived at the house some outsider often appears and apparently
becoming possessed with a spirit asserts that it is the spirit of
the dead person which has come upon him. A substantial pres-
ent persuades the possessed person to leave. Otherwise the
spirit would probably ask for worship. This final act seems to
assure the people that they are forever rid of the ghost of the
dead person.
Among the Gulgulias there is a custom of pouring liquor into
the mouth of the corpse. A chicken is killed and is then burned
and the ashes thrown into an irrigation tank, in the hope that the
ghost will be satisfied.°2 The Palyans, a jungle tribe, leave the
nature worship among the Dravidians. “ Nature worship is Aryan.
Among the Dravidians, on the other hand, religion seems to have com-
menced with a belief in ghosts.”
51 Gazetteer of Tanjore District, I, p. 77.
52 Census of I90I, p. 407.
142
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Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 143
body unburied, and avoid the place for months through fear of
the ghost.®*
In other cases the footprints of the mourners are swept away
so that the ghost may not be able to track them. The people
shake out their clothes fearing that a ghost may be in hiding. At
times a stone is set up to impede the progress of the ghost.°* The
soul is considered to be dependent upon the living, and so is pro-
vided for, or it will return and do harm.*®
The ghosts which become deities are generally those of person-
ages about whose death there has been something peculiar.
Wicked people, especially if they have died because of their sins,
have an open sesame to the pantheon. It is because their ghosts
are dangerous and so are feared.*®
Another class of ghosts which is feared, and whose members
easily become deities are those who have died violent deaths,
53 Gazetteer of Madura District, p. 105.
54 This suggests the origin of an idol. It may be thought that the ghost
will remain by the stone, or perhaps that as offerings are placed by the stone
the ghost will come no further. The step from this to considering the
stone to be the representation of the spirit would be a short one. The
custom of placing rags in a tree may be connected with this. The Gazetteer
of South Arcot, I, p. 102, says that no one seems to know the reason for the
custom, but the people think it will do some good. Travelers, especially,
tear a piece from their clothes and leave it in the tree. This may be so
that no spirit may follow them. The spirit will stop to examine the rag
in the tree and so lose the scent. In Madras within a short distance of the
Government Museum is a furlong stone which has botlu placed on it. Per-
haps this too is to stay the progress of some pursuing spirit.
55 Census of India, 1901, p. 407.
56 In the Nizam’s Dominions there lived recently a much feared rajah.
Since his death he is worshiped as a malignant demon who gives cholera,
etc. Associated with him is a female ghost, Ramamma, who was his con-
cubine. Manual of Kurnool District, p. 153. A curious custom is reported
in the Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, I, p. 81, to the
effect that because it is thought that spirits of criminals executed for their
crimes will return, the hamstrings of the criminals are severed to prevent
their traveling. The State Manual of Travencore, Il, p. 55, says that many
of the demons originate from those whose lives have been cut short by an
untimely death. The spirit fills out its existence as a demon. The only
difficulty with this theory is that as a demon the spirit never seems to finish
its existence, but is immortal.
143
144 Wilber Theodore Elmore
women who have died in childbirth, and any persons who have
received marked injustice while on earth. It is thought that these
people will have a grudge against the world which used them so
badly, and so will return to get satisfaction.®”
The ghosts of the Perantalus®* apparently are not feared at
first, but are worshiped because they did good while on earth.
They become the milder and more beneficent of the goddesses,
yet because of the general tendencies of Dravidian worship, the
more bloody ceremonies are often present, and in time many of
them come to be feared but little less than are the other demons.®®
MorALITY OF THE DRAVIDIAN RELIGION. To one who for the
first time comes into contact with the Dravidian religious cere-
monies, they seem shocking and terrible. Comparing them with
the ceremonies of Hinduism he is inclined to feel that the Dra-
vidian rites represent the very acme of immoral “ heathenism,”
57] place here the deification of women dying in childbirth, for it seems
the best explanation. What is more unjust than that a woman should
lose her life in giving life to another? From the human point of
view there is no explanation, and such a woman, it is thought by the Dra-
vidians, will not be in a good mood toward the living.
58 In the Vizagapatam District Perantalu worship is very common. They
are usually worshiped as gramma devatalu, or village goddesses, but have
no influence over epidemics. In this district little is known of the local
histories of the goddesses, which appears to indicate that they have come
from further south. See Gazetteer of Vizagapatam District, I, p. 315.
59 The Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, p. 71, says
that ancestor worship among the Dravidians began with fear of the shades
of the ancestors. This is no doubt true wherever ancestor worship is
found. As has been seen in the preceding pages, the deity is very seldom
an ancestor. Ancestor worship is more Brahmanic than Dravidian. Sir
Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, First Series, p. 49) argues that the gods of
the aboriginal tribes originate in the worship of living people. He says that
the human personality impresses them so powerfully that they worship
people while living, and the spirits of the same people after they have died.
The foregoing investigations cast considerable doubt on this explanation.
No instances have been found of a person being worshiped while living
and also after death. It is the Brahmanic religion which teaches the
worship of living people, that is, the worship of Brahmans. Among the
Dravidians the absence of the worship of people and of human personality
appears to be a marked feature.
144
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 145
while those of Brahmanic Hinduism have something of refine-
ment and charm. A closer study shows, however, that while the
Dravidian ceremonies are more shocking, their system does not
contain so many immoralities as does that of the Brahmans.®
In Brahmanical Hinduism we find many most debasing cus-
toms which are condemned by no one more strongly than by the
leading Hindu reformers themselves. The debauchery of many
of their festivals, the shamelessness of many places of pilgrim-
age, the attachment of dancing girls to the temples with all which
that implies, the lives of many of the religious mendicants, the
unmentionable things in connection of the worship of the lingam,
the proceedings in temples which women visit to pray for off-
spring: all these things are not denied by Hindus.
None of these immoralities has any counterpart in Dravidian
worship. The night orgies may be hideous, but the very nature
of the devil worship at night prevents other vice. The coming
together of great crowds of people at festival times quite likely
leads to more or less sin, but these festivals are pure compared
with many of the festivals of Hinduism. The Dravidian pujaris
have not the power over the people which the Brahman priests
60 Madras Government Museum, Bulletin, V, no. 3, pp. 176, 177. “The
Brahmanical system has sunk to lower depths than have been reached by
the cruder religion of the village people. The worship of the village deities
contains much that is physically repulsive. The details of the buffalo sae-
rifice are horrid to read about, and still worse to witness, and the sight
of a pujari parading the streets with the entrails of a lamb round his neck
and its liver in his mouth would be to us disgusting; and doubtless there
is much drunkenness and immorality connected with the village festivals;
while the whole system of religion is prompted by fear and superstition,
and seems almost entirely lacking in anything like a sense of sin or feelings
of gratitude toward a higher spiritual Power. But still it is also true,
setting aside a few local customs in the worship of the village deities,
there is nothing in the system itself which is so morally degrading and
repulsive as the lingam worship of the Sivaites, or the marriage of girls
to the god, and their consequent dedication to a life of prostitution among
the Vaishnavites. If the worship of Siva and Vishnu has risen to greater
heights, it has also sunk to lower moral depths than the less aesthetic wor-
ship of the grama-devatas.”
145
146 Wilber Theodore Elmore
possess, and so have less opportunity to turn their spiritual au-
thority to carnal purposes.
The Dravidian system of religion may be said, indeed, to be
non-moral rather than immoral.*t Moral considerations do not
enter into it at all. The propitiation of the village goddess is not
to expiate moral lapses, but in so far as it has anything at all to
do with conduct it is to make peace with her for any failure in her
worship. In connection with their religion no one thinks of such
a thing as reward for moral action or punishment for immoral
conduct.
In the accounts of the formation of Dravidian deities it has
been made evident that the immoral person is the one most likely
to be deified. This fact may produce the impression that immo-
rality is not condemned but rather sanctioned. It must be ad-
mitted that this making a god of the worst sinner may lead to
approval of evil deeds, for the one who has sinned is the hero,
and those who have brought just punishment upon him or her
are the ones who have reason to fear. The influence of such
ideas certainly is not good. In the deification of such evil doers,
however, the moral question does not have any place. It is not
because the man was a sinner that he became a god, but because
61 Census of India, 1891, para. 99, p. 60: “ There is very little connection
between the religion and the morality of the people of the Madras Presi-
dency. Their religion concerns itself with the ways to avoid or remove
evil, but the idea that wicked conduct will be punished or good conduct
obtain its reward in a future state is hardly to be found at all in the purely
Dravidian religion. The fear of hell and the hope of heaven appear in the
Puranic beliefs, but this doctrine has very little currency beyond the
Brahmans and a few of the higher castes, and even among these the moral
code of their religion is but vaguely known and of no great influence.
Nearly every Hindu pays allegience to some guru or spiritual teacher, but
the energies of their instructions are for the most part confined to teaching
mantrams that are unintelligible to the pupil, and not always understood by
the master, to performing ceremonial acts . . . and lastly to the collection
of funds. The functions of the domestic priests are entirely ceremonial,
and little if any religious instruction is given by the parents. The morality
of the Hindus, indeed, is a matter of caste and not of religion, and miscon-
duct is punished by the caste council, and not by the spiritual teacher.”
146
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 147
such a man is thought to be more terrible and more unscrupulous
than others, and so his ghost is feared the more.
In the matter of cheating and deceiving the gods we see simply
a reflection of the everyday actions of the people among them-
selves. The Dravidian religion has no moral sanctions. It is
simply a method of dealing with powerful spirits, the greater
number of which are malignant. The religion reflects the moral-
ity of the people, and is in no way responsible for it.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. Government and other Official Publications.
Gazetteer of Anatapur District, 1905.
Gazetteer of Godavary District, 1907.
Gazetteer of Madura District, 1906.
Gazetteer of South Arcot, 1906.
Gazetteer of Trichinoply District, 1907.
Gazetteer of Vizagapatam District, 1907.
Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1886.
Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, vols. I, II.
Kurnool District Manual, 1886.
Nellore District Manual, 1873.
Madras Government Museum; Bulletins IV, 3, 4; V, 3.
Manual of Administration of the Madras Presidency, 1885.
Reports on the Indian Census, 1891, 1901, I9II.
State Manual of Travencore, 1906.
II. General Works.
Baden-Powell, B. H., Village Communities in India, London, 1908.
Barth, A., The Religions of India, London, 1882.
Bose, Shib Chundur, The Hindus as They Are, Calcutta, 1883.
Caldwell, R., A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian
Family of Languages, London, 1875.
Clough, Emma Rauschenbusch, While Sewing Sandals, New York, 1899.
Crooke, William, Things Indian, New York, 1906.
The Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, Westminster,
1806.
The Northwest Provinces of India, London 1897.
Dubois, The Abbé J. A., Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Oxford,
1890.
147
148 Wilber Theodore Elmore
Fausbgll, V., Indian Mythology according to the Mahabharata, London,
1903.
Farquahar, J. A.. A Primer of Hinduism, London, 1911.
Fergusson, James, Tree and Serpent Worship, London, 1868.
Jones, J. P., India, Its Life and Thought, New York, 1908.
Hopkins, Edward Washburn, The Religions of India, London, 1895.
Ketkar, Shridhar V., Hinduism, Its Formation and Future, London, 1911.
Lyall, Sir Alfred C., Asiatic Studies, First Series, London, 1907.
Mateer, Samuel, Travencore and its People, London, 1871.
Mitchell, J. Murray, Hinduism, Past and Present, London, 1897.
The Great Religions of India, London, 1905.
Monier-Williams, Sir Monier, Brahmanism and Hinduism, London, 1891.
Moor, E., The Hindu Pantheon, Madras, 1864.
Miller, F. Max, Lectures on the Origin of Religion, London, 1801.
India, What it can teach Us, London, 1802.
Ancient Sanskrit Literature, Edinburgh, 1860.
Murdock, J., The Religious Sects of the Hindus, Madras, 1904.
Hindu and Mohammedan Festivals, Madras, 1904.
Oman, J. Campbell, Brahmans, Theists, and Muslims of India, London,
1909. Cults, Customs, and Superstitions of India, London, 1908.
Oppert, Gustav, The Original Inhabitants of India, Westminster, 1893.
Padfield, J. E, The Hindu at Home, Madras, 1908.
Pandian, J. B., Indian Village Folk, London, 1808.
Paupa Rao Naidu, M., The Criminal Tribes of India, II, Madras, 1905.
Sherring, M. A., The Sacred City of the Hindus, London, 1868.
Smith, Vincent A., Ancient India, Madras, 1911.
Stacker, J. Fr., The Arsenal, Madras, 1910.
Taylor, Wm., Oriental Manuscripts, Madras, 1835.
Thurston, Edgar, Omens and Superstitions of Southern India, London,
IQI2.
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Madras, 1908.
Ward, W., View of the History, Religion and Literature of the Hindus,
London, 1818.
Wilkins, W. J., Hindu Mythology, Calcutta, 1882.
Modern Hinduism, Calcutta, 1900.
Ziegenbalg, B., The Gods of Malabar, Madras, 18609.
III. Sacred Books of the Hindus.
Atharva Veda, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, Benares, 1895.
Bhagavadgita, translated by F. Max Miller, Sacred Books of the East,
vol. viii, Oxford, 1908.
Mahabharata, translated by Pratapa Chandra Ray, Calcutta, 1893.
Ramayana, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, Benares, 1895.
148
Dravidian Gods in Modern Hinduism 149
Rigveda, translated by R. T. H. Griffith, Benares, 1896.
Vishnu Purana, translated by H. H. Wilson, London, 1865.
IV. Sanskrit and Telugu Works.
Agni Purana, Madras, 1900.
Bhagavata Purana, Madras, 1802.
Durga Sapta Shati, in Markandaya Purana, Bangalore, 1893.
Murali Mahathmam, Jupoodi Sanjeevarow, Secunderabad, 1904.
Padma Purana, Madras, 1900.
Sree Mad Bagavata, Madras, 1893.
149
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LincoLn, Sie vu. ee
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PRESS OF
THE NEW ERA PRINTING COMPANY
LANCASTER
, S.- 2y
APRIL 1915
|
Wey eras BN /
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COMMITTEE OF PUBLTSA ONaL music
C. E. BESSEY P. H. FRYE
F. M. FLING P, H. GRUMMANN
L. A. SHERMAN
CONTENTS
. On a New SusspeciEs oF FLyING SQUIRREL FROM
PUEBRASK AL Uys saces'vesaheceyees Myron Harmon Swenk 151
Stupigs OF NORTH AMERICAN BEES.
Myron Harmon Swenk 155
PRELIMINARY CATALOGUE OF THE ORTHOPTEROID
INSECTS OF THE PHILIPPINE ISLANDS.
Lawrence Bruner 195
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA
ee ee ee a ree
APRIL 1915 No. 2
Peon A NEW SUBSPECIES OF FLYING SQUIRREL
FROM NEBRASKA?
BY MYRON HARMON SWENK
Flying squirrels in Nebraska are confined to the timbered
bottoms along the Missouri river in the southeastern part of the
state, where they are not common. Most of the records of their
occurrence are from the vicinity of Nebraska City, Otoe county,
though there are several records of the animal having been seen
or captured in the vicinity of Peru, Nemaha county. We have
long known of the large size of the Nebraska flying squirrels, and
the recent securing of a good specimen in the flesh from Nebraska
City enables the describing of
Pteromys volans nebrascensis subsp. nov.
NEBRASKA FLYING SQUIRREL
Type—Nebraska City, Otoe County, Nebraska, November 26,
1914. G adult (No. 286, Collection of State Entomologist, Uni-
versity of Nebraska). Ellen Ware, collector.
Subspecific Characters—Similar to P. volans volans (Lin-
naeus),” of the east-central United States, but distinctly larger,
with a longer tail, and darker feet and toes; differing similarly in
size from P. v. querceti Bangs,® of Florida and Georgia to eastern
Texas, but coloration less russet and audital bullae less inflated ;
1 Publication No. 1 of the Nebraska State Biological Survey.
2 Syst. Nat., ed. 10, I, p. 63 (1758).
8 Proc. Biol. Soc. Wash., X, p. 166 (1806).
I5I
oe Myron Harmon Swenk
differing from P. v. goldmani Nelson,* of southern Mexico and
Guatemala, in the dusky instead of whitish nose and the merely
very slight pinkish wash of the under parts.
Color.—Upper parts yellowish drab to dusky brown, more or
less tinged with fulvous or russet, usually but slightly so but
occasionally rather strongly so, the hairs usually black basally ;
under parts pure white to the bases of the hairs, with a very
slight wash of pinkish buff on the sides, this deeping on the under
side of the wing membrane; wing membrane above mostly black,
sparingly mixed with yellowish drab internally but broadly nearly
pure black marginally, very narrowly edged with white; tail
above yellowish drab more or less intermixed with dusky, espe-
cially terminally, and washed with vinaceous basally, usually as
dark or darker than the back, below grayish with a median white
line, sometimes more or less washed with buffy or pinkish
laterally, occasionally quite strongly so, always darker and more
reddish than the under parts of the body; eye usually encircled
with a narrow blackish ring enlarged into a small spot before the
eye, this sometimes obsolete, sometimes a well-marked white
spot at the base of each ear, these spots usually obsolete; fore
feet above dusky gray, hind feet above sooty, the toes dark gray.
Measurements ——Extremes and averages of 4 adult specimens
from the type locality as given by Taylor and translated into
millimeters: Length (to end of tail hairs), 276.25-315.00
(297.81) ; tail (to end of hairs), 125-133.75 (127.18); of an
immature specimen from the type locality ; length (to end of tail
hairs), 236.25, tail (to end of hairs), 106.25.
Measurements of Type——Length to end of vertebrae, 240.5;
length to end of tail hairs, 256.5; tail vertebrae, 115; tail to end
of hairs, 131; hind foot, 30.5; ear from crown, 18; ear inside,
21.5.
Skull—vVery similar to that of P. v. volans, but the audital
bullae slightly larger and more rounded, though not so inflated
as in P. v. querceti, and not at all flattened as in P. sabrinus et
subspp., nor with the nasals elevated at the end as in that species,
* Proc. Biol. Soc. Wash., XVII, p. 148 (1904).
152
New Subspecies of Flying Squirrel from Nebraska 3
~ put flattish as is typical for forms of P. volans. Measurements
of the type in millimeters: Total length, 29.75; occipitonasal
length, 35.25; zygomatic width, 21.5; interorbital width, 7.75;
greatest height of skull above palate, 12.75; audital bullae, 9 x 9.
In 1888 Mr. W. Edgar Taylor,> then of the State Normal
- School at Peru, Nebraska, gave the measurements of the five
specimens of flying squirrels from Nebraska City, Nebraska,
previously referred to, and remarked: “It might be well to
notice that the average measurements given in this article are
about the same as given by Coues and Allen for S. volucella var.
hudsonius (=P. sabrinus et subspp.), which is stated to exist
“mostly north of the parallel of 49°’; average measurements of
var. volucella (=P. volans et subspp.), the southern variety,
being much less.”
A study of the measurements referred to seems to establish
the correctness of Mr. Taylor’s statement. Eliminating a speci-
men without definite locality (996), two with incomplete meas-
urements (763 and 3597), and an obviously young animal (2510),
we find the measurements given by Allen® of the remaining thirty-
two specimens, translated into millimeters, may be summarized
as follows, giving extremes followed by averages in parentheses :
Length from Nose to End
of Tail Hairs Tail to End of Hairs
Tail Vertebrae
9 Maine specimens...
3 New Hampshire
255.50-292.50 (275.75) | 127-50-150.00 (138.75)
103.73-122.50 (115.00)
2 Illinois specimens..| 226.50—232.50 (229.50)
2 Georgia specimens. | 218.25—224.00 (222.50)
2 Mississippi speci-
217.50-227.50 (222.50)
217.50-227.50 (221.75)
1 Maryland specimen: (230.00)
107.50—-117.50 (112.50)
I104.50-105.00 (104.75) |
97.50-102.50 (100.00) |
97.50—-102.50 ( 99.50)
(102.50)
Beespeciinens....'... | 246.25-296.25 (275.75) | 116.25-150.00 (137.00) 102.50-118.75 (112.75)
9 Massachusetts
specimens........ 215.00—203.75 (237.50) | 97.50-137-50 (112.75) | 80.00—112.50 ( 90.75)
90.00-100.00 ( 95.00)
87.50— 90.00 ( 88.75)
85.00— 90.00 ( 87.50)
72.50— 91.75 ( 86.00)
( 87.50)
Of these, the Maine and New Hampshire specimens are obvi-
ously considerably and abruptly larger than the specimens from
5 Amer. Nat., XXII, pp. 744-745 (1888).
® Monog. N. A. Rodentia, p. 663.
153
4 Myron Harmon Swenk
the other localities, and are quite probably referable to P. sabrinus
macrotis Mearns,’ which they approximate in measurements.
Moreover Bangs® does not record P. volans volans from Maine ~
at all, and states that it reaches only southern New Hampshire,
where it overlaps the range of P. s. macrotis. If we include all
thirty-two specimens the average length is 248.9 mm., the average
length of the tail vertebrae is 102.18 mm., and the average length
of the tail to end of hairs is 119.33 mm. But if we eliminate the
thirteen northern specimens, we find the average length of the
other nineteen specimens drops to 236.62 mm., the average length
of their tail vertebrae to 94.18 mm., and the average length of
the tail to end of hairs to 106.33 mm. The average measure-
ment of seven adults of P. v. volans from Connecticut, as given
by Bangs, is total length, 234.5 mm., tail vertebrae, 99.6; and of
three adults of P. v. querceti from Florida, total length 237.66,
tail vertebrae 102.66. It is thus seen that the average of the
five adult or subadult Nebraska animals is over 50 mm. more in
total length to end of tail hairs (289.5: 236.6) and about 20 mm.
more in length of tail to end of hairs (129: 106) than the average
of nineteen adult or subadult flying squirrels of the eastern
United States.
Summarizing, P. v. nebrascensis is larger and longer-tailed
than either P. v. volans or P. v. querceti; it seems to agree with
P. v. querceti in its dark toes and to approach it in its some-
what enlarged audital bullae, but differs in its less russet dorsal
coloration and the merely slight pinkish or russet wash on the
under parts, and it has darker feet and toes than P. v. volans.
No information is at hand as to the extent of its geographical
distribution.
7 Mearns gives for P. s. macrotis the following measurements: Length
280 mm.; tail, 125 mm.; hind foot, 38 mm.
8 Proc. Biol. Soc. Wash., X, pp. 162-166 (1806).
154
Pteromys volans nebrascensts
skull enlarged about one-tenth.
Type—sSkin one-half natural size;
II. STUDIES OF NORTH AMERICAN BEES
III. Famittes NOMADIDAE AND STELIDIDAE
BY MYRON HARMON SWENK
Since the publication of the previous papers on these two fami-
lies of bees (antea, XII, pp. 1-113 and XIV, pp. 1-36) the writer
has had the opportunity of studying a considerable amount of
additional material. Not only the results of our collecting in
Nebraska during 1913 and 1914, but also a lot of several hundred
specimens received for study from Mr. O. A. Stevens of the
North Dakota Agricultural College, and the material in these two
families in the University of Kansas collection, received through
Mr. H. L. Viereck, has been carefully gone over. As a result,
twelve new species of Nomada and one of Stelis have been found
and are here described, while there are numerous new facts on
distribution, season, flowers visited, etc., which have also been
deemed well worthy of publication, and are therefore included.
This paper may, therefore, be considered as supplementary to
the two previous contributions, bringing the work of the writer
on these two families up to date.
Nomada (Nomada) subnigrocincta n. sp.
9. Length 7 mm. Coppery red; supraclypeus, face between and above
points of insertion of antennae, oval area including the ocelli, cheeks ex-
cept for a narrow orbital line, prothorax, broad, depressed median line on
mesoscutum, depressed sides of mesoscutellum and metanotum, propodeum
except sides of enclosure and large contiguous spots thereunder, meta-
pleura, broad superior mesopleural sutures, large mesosternal spots, coxae
except tips, base and apical margin of tergite 1, black. Pubescence of head
and thorax wholly white, copious, especially on labrum, face, cheeks, pleura
and propodeum. Antennal joints 1-3 dark testaceous, following joints
reddish fuscous becoming blackish above, joint 3 about two-thirds as long
as 4. Mesoscutellum strongly bigibbous. Tegulae large, shiny, coppery
red. Wings darkened along apical margin, nervures brownish fuscous,
155
2 Myron Harmon Swenk
stigma reddish, basal nervure well based of transverso-medial nervure.
Abdomen pale red, the apical margins of tergites 1-4 broadly smooth and
more or less strongly dusky to blackish, tergite 2 with large, oval, yellow .
lateral spots, 3 with much smaller lateral spots, 4 with a narrow, basal, con-
cealed yellow line. Femora merely dusky at very base beneath.
&. Length 5.5 mm. Black; labrum, mandibles except tips, band across
lower face involving the lower half of the clypeus and a corresponding
height on lower corners of face, and spots on sides of tergites 2-4, clear
yellow. Pubescence thin, wholly white, appressed and silky on the face.
Antennae in front reddish testaceous, above on joints 1-6 black, the follow-
ing joints above with dusky spots, joint 3 about two-thirds as long as 4,
apical joint pointed. Mesoscutellum convex but not at all bigibbous. Tu-
bercies and tegulae reddish. Nervures pale testaceous, basal nervure meet-
ing transverso-medial nervure. Legs black, the front and middle femora
and tibiae anteriorly, the knees and tibial ends all around and the tarsi, at
least apically, reddish testaceous. Abdomen with the whole of tergites 4
and 5 and the middles of tergites 2 and 3 blackish, the subapical margin of
tergite 1 and sides of tergites 2 and 3 reddish around the yellow spots.
Venter dark, the sternites broadly edged with reddish. Apex broadly
notched.
Type.—tTrenton, New Jersey, May 24, 1905 (H. L. Viereck), 9.
Allotype-—Germantown, Pennsylvania, June 18, 1905 (H. L.
Viereck), ¢.
A member of the nigrocincta group, and may be, in fact, merely
a strongly marked variety of N. nigrocincta F. Smith. Com-
pared with typical nigrocincta 9, and its variety d. Lovell and
Ckll. 2, the present insect may be distinguished by its smaller size
(nigrocincta and nigrocincta var. d. are 8 mm. long), Jess in-
tensely black abdominal bands (black or blackened in migro-
cincta), much darker flagellum (red, with at most only blackish
dots above in migrocincta and var. d.) and less darkened femora
(extensively black beneath in nigrocincta and var. d.) ; it further
differs from var. d. in the unilineate mesoscutum (trilineate in-
var. d.), the red metanotum and red lines on propodeum (these
parts black in var. d.), the largely red pleura (mostly black in
var. d.), the yellow lateral spots on tergites 2 and 3 (lacking in
var. d.) and especially the wholly white pubescence (fuscous on
face and mesoscutum in var. d.). From the closely related N.
fontis Ckll., it differs in the much darker flagellum (wholly red
156
.
.
Studies of North American Bees 3
in fontis), strongly bigibbous mesoscutellum (scarcely so in
fontis), unilineate mesoscutum (trilineate in fontis), more exten-
sively black propodeum, lack of yellow on corners of face, etc.
From N. packardiella Ckll., it differs at once in its much. smaller
size, dark flagellum, shorter third antennal joint and copious,
wholly white pubescence. The black median mesoscutal line,
mostly black propodeum, black areas on base of abdomen, about
antennal bases and ocelli, together with the copious pubescence,
especially on the sides of the propodeum, distinguish it at once
from N. nigrofasciata Swenk. WN. pulsatillae Ckll. can easily be
told by its flattish, non-gibbous mesoscutellum, fuscous hair of
head and thorax above, longer third antennal joint, lack of
yellow on abdomen, etc.
The male resembles N. undulaticornis Ckll. (which is probably
the f of N. pulsatillae), but is much smaller, has less yellow on
the clypeus and sides of the face, the third antennal joint much
shorter, the mesoscutellum evenly convex and wholly black, the
nervures pale testaceous, etc. It is exceedingly close to N. 1da-
hoensis Swenk, and were it not for the feebly but distinctly
bigibbous mesoscutellum and the basal nervure being considerably
basad of the transverso-medial nervure in idahoensis, one would
certainly consider them conspecific; in addition submigrocincta ¢
differs from idahoensis in the broader and yellower apical band of
the clypeus, the yellow labrum, the scape and third antennal joint
being pale beneath, the black line on antennae above narrower,
apically broken and merely dusky, the more extensively blackish
tergum, the lack of subdiscal yellowish spots on tergite 5 and the
yellow marks on venter being obsolete.
Nomada (Nomada) depressicauda Cockerell.
A female is before me from Germantown, Pennsylvania, col-
lected April 21, 1905. This is the third recorded locality for the
species, it having been previously collected in Virginia and
Nebraska.
Nomada (Nomada) sayi Robertson.
Before me is a pair from Germantown, Pennsylvania, May 6,
tT905 (2), and May 7, 1905 (¢). Also two males from Glen-
157
4 Myron Harmon Swenk
carlyn, Virginia, April 25 and May 9, and a male from Falls
Church, Virginia, all collected by Nathan Banks. A fifth male
is from Douglas county, Kansas, April.
Nomada (Nomada) ziziae n. sp.
9. Length 5.5-7.5 mm. Dark red; mandible tips, subcordate area between
and above insertion of antennae and sometimes extending down into clypeal
sutures, oval spot involving ocelli, cheeks except orbital line, most of pro-
pleura, broad median mesoscutal line, depressed sides of mesoscutellum and
metanotum, median band on propodeum, metapleura and contiguous parts
of propodeum and basal half of first abdominal tergite, black. Pubescence
very sparse, white, most obvious on angles of propodeum. Antennae red,
joint 3 three-fifths as long as 4. Tubercles coppery red. Mesoscutellum
prominently bigibbose. Tegulae testaceous. Wings hyaline, the marginal
cell and wing tip infuscated, nervures and stigma blackish, the basal nerv-
ure well basad of transverso-medial, third submarginal much narrowed |
above. Legs dark red, the coxae, trochanters and femora behind and at
base extensively blackened, the hind basitarsi wholly blackish. Outer face
of hind tibiae finely tuberculate, the apex of hind tibiae with two fine, dark
setae. Abdomen minutely and feebly punctured, dark red, the apical mar-
gins of the tergites becoming obscured, large, oval, clear pale yellow spots
on sides of tergites 2 and 3, tergite 5 with a narrow apical band of short
dense white hair.
6. Length 5.5-6.5 mm. Head and thorax black; mandibles except tips,
labrum, lower half or more of clypeus, sometimes the supraclypeus, and
lower corners of face varying from yellow to reddish testaceous, the
tubercles, tegulae and legs, except coxae, trochanters and basal half of fem-
ora, reddish testaceous. Orbital areas on sides of vertex, sometimes extend-
ing down orbital margins, especially anteriorly, sometimes spots on collar,
mesoscutellum, large areas on sides of mesoscutum, a variably sized spot
on mesopleura and sometimes small spots on sides of propodeum, fer-
ruginous. Antennae reddish testaceous below, above black for basal seven
joints, last six joints infuscated above, joint 3 one-half as long as 4 or
slightly more. Pubescence wholly white, appressed and silky on face,
rather copious and erect on cheeks, pleura, angles of propodeum and
thoracic dorsum. Mesoscutellum slightly bilobed. Wings as in the 9, but
nervures testaceous and basal nervure varying from much to slightly or not
at all basad of transverso-medial. Abdomen with first tergite black on
basal half at least, apically reddish testaceous, following tergites reddish
testaceous, the apical margins of tergites 2-4 becoming broadly obfuscated,
tergite 2 with oval, pale yellow spots laterally, tergite 3 usually with similar
smaller spots. Apex sharply notched.
‘
‘
4
:
Type.—Fargo, North Dakota, June 20, 1914, on-Zizia aurea
CNey 8147, Ov AS Stevensiy
158
Studies of North American Bees 5
Allotype—Type lot (No. 8140, O. A. Stevens), ¢.
Paratypes.—Type lot (Nos. 8136, 8138, 8139, 8141), 3 9,1 d;
type locality, May 30, 1914, on Zigia aurea (No. 8037, O. A.
Stevens), 1 4; do., June 21, 1913, on Zizia aurea (Nos. 5162,
5165, O. A. Stevens), 2 4; do., June 22, 1913, on Zizia aurea
(Nos. 5329, 5330, O. A. Stevens), 2 6‘; do., June 22, 1913, on
Rubus strigosus (Nos. 5278, 5279, O. A. Stevens), 2 ¢.
A member of the sayi group, and is possibly only a northern
subspecies of N. sayi Rob. The @ differs from N. sayi Rob. 9,
however, in its darker red color, more extended black markings
of head and thorax, and distinctly tuberculated outer margin of
hind tibiae; the ¢ easily differs from say ¢ also in its darker
color, red areas on mesoscutum, and little or no clear yellow
color on the face or legs. It differs from N. propinqua Swenk 9,
in the same characters as from N. sayi; however, the ¢ differs
from the supposed ¢ of propinqua (which may not really be the
other sex of propinqua) in much smaller size, sharply pointed
mandibles, largely reddish testaceous instead of wholly yellow
head and front leg markings, lack of yellow on tergite 6, black
metanotum, etc. N. florilega Lovell and Cockerell 9, has much
more black color on the head and pleura, and the propodeum is
wholly black. N. ceanothi Ckll. 9, differs distinctly in its shorter
third antennal joint, less prominent mesoscutellum and wholly
black propodeum. WN. oregonica Ckll. 9, is distinct in its trin-
lineate mesoscutum, longer third antennal joint and simple meso-
scutellum ; oregonica J is readily separable by having the thorax
without red, except on the tubercles, and a more yellow-spotted
abdomen. N. bifurcata Ckll. g, differs in the wholly black
thorax, the black scape, and.the paler red and more yellow-
spotted abdomen. WN. wootonella Ckll. 3g, may be separated by
the subentire apex and broad, interrupted yellow bands on tergites
2and 3. N. lehighensis Ckll. J, which is not very closely related,
may be separated by the longer joint 3 and shorter joint 4 of
antennae.
Nomada (Nomada) obstusata n. sp.
2. Length 6.5-7.5 mm. Dark red; a large quadrate spot above and
159,
6 Myron Harmon Swenk
between insertion of antennae which extends down along sides of supra-
clypeus into upper clypeal sutures, oval spot including ocelli, posterior face
of cheeks, median band on mesoscutum, depressed areas at sides of meso-
scutellum and metanotum, median band on propodeum which widens below,
propleura, mesopleural sutures and some of contiguous areas especially
above, metapleura and most of lateral aspect of propodeum, black. Man-
dibles peculiar, being short, broad and red, with their apices broadly obtuse
or subtruncate. Antennae red, joint 3 three-fourths as long as 4. Legs
red, coxae and trochanters behind, femora basally and beneath and a line
on posterior tibiae behind and outer face of hind basitarsi, blackish. Pos-
terior tibiae with the outer face finely tuberculate, the apex with a long
dark seta. Tubercles and tegulae red. Mesoscutellum slightly bigibbose.
Wings rather heavily darkened in marginal cell and at tip, the nervures
and stigma blackish, basal nervure much before transverso-medial nervure.
Abdomen clear red, minutely and feebly punctured, the basal one-third of
tergite 1 black right across, tergite 2 with small lateral yellow spots, apical
margin of 5 with a narrow dense white fringe. Pubescence very sparse,
all white, most noticeable on labrum, cheeks, lower mesopleura and lower
angles of propodeum.
Type.—Fargo, North Dakota, June 20, 1913, on Brassica
campestris (No. 5114, O. A. Stevens), 9.
Paratype—Type lot (No. 5113), 9.
Evidently a member of the sayi group, and especially close to
N. siziae, just described, but easily distinguished by its peculiar
mandibles, slightly longer third antennal joint, less yellow on
abdomen, generally paler red color with lack of infuscation on
the apices of the tergites, etc.
Nomada (Nomada) illinoiensis Robertson.
A ? from Duluth, Minnesota, July 9, 1914 (No. 7023 O. A.
Stevens; Nevada S. Evans, coll.), seems clearly referable to N.
illinoiensis, but exemplifies a slight color variation. Tergites 2
and 3 have small, round, lateral, yellow spots (in Nebraska
illinoiensis the spot on tergite 2 is large and subpyriform, that on
3 rather large and oval), tergite 4 has minute yellow lateral
spots, and tergite 5 has separated, round spots. The abdominal
markings thus resemble those of typical N. parva Rob., but this
specimen is 7 mm. long, much too large for parva.
160
Studies of North American Bees 7
Nomada (Nomada) parva Robertson.
A pair from Southern Pines, North Carolina, April 12, 1910
(A. H. Manee) seem referable to N. parva in general characters
and size, but the abdominal spotting is confined to small but dis-
tinct spots on the sides of tergite 2. The 9 (“D”) agrees per-
fectly with Cockerell’s description of N. infantula except for the
two abdominal spots and the reduction of the median propodeal
band to a spot on the enclosure. The 4’, however, has the an-
tennae as in parva J, joint 4 being longer than 3 or 5 but much
shorter than 13, with joints 4-7 not sublobate at apex beneath,
while in infantula % joint 4 is not only conspicuously longer than
3 or 5 but subequal to 13 and joints 4-7 are sublobate at apex
beneath, much as in sayi ¢. Also the clypeal and lateral face
marks are yellow like the labrum, mandibles and front of scape,
not ferruginous as in infantula g. Evidently parva and infantula
are separable chiefly in the ¢@ sex. A female from Hamilton
county, Kansas, 3,350 feet (No. 367, F. H. Snow) is also refer-
able to N. parva, but, like the North Carolina 9, has yellow spots
on tergite 2 only. N. minuta Swenk is definitely separable from
the forms of parva by the distinctly longer third antennal joint;
joint 3 is two-thirds as long as 4 and one-half as long as 12, the
proportion being 3:4.5:6, while in parva joint 3 is only one-half
as long as 4 or less and not over five-twelfths as long as 12,
usually about one-third as long, the proportions in three @ being:
2.5:5:6 (Illinois), 2:5:6 (Kansas) and 2:4.5:6 (North Caro-
lina). It is also paler red, with less black color, than N. parva,
and has the hair on the inner side of hind basitarsi blackish
instead of pale and no yellowish color on the lower corners of
the face.
Nomada (Nomada) cressonii Robertson.
A female from Fargo, North Dakota, May 6, 1913, on Salix
(O. A. Stevens, 4392) is referred to cressonii. It is much like
the specimen from Manhattan, Kansas, mentioned in my paper
(p. 44), having a broad yellow band on tergite 5, but the black
on the propodeum is reduced to a narrow median line, while the
black mesoscutal line and ocellar spot are more reduced, thus
161
8 Myron Harmon Swenk
illustrating an intermediate coloration between the Manhattan
specimen and the two females from Lincoln, Nebraska.
Nomada (Nomada) cymbalariae Cockerell, var.
A female specimen from Estes Park, Colorado, July, 1892
(F. H. Snow), seems best referable here. It differs, however,
from the description of the type in that the mesoscutum has
narrow lateral lines as well as a broad median line, the hair on
inner side of hind basitarsi pale, the yellow marks on tergites
2-4 large and emarginate on posterior margin, the emargination
cutting through on 4, the spots on 5 coalesced mesad but with
small spots cut off at extreme sides of 5. It is distinguished
from N. luteopicta Ckll. 9, by the oddly shaped black marks at
base of tergite 1, the lateral mesoscutal lines, the yellow spots on
tergites I and 2 more pointed mesad, the interrupted yellow band
on tergite 4 and isolated yellow lateral spots on 4 and 5. JN.
lewisi Ckll. 9, differs in the yellow lower corners of the face, lack
of black on base of tergite I, separation of median spots and
lack of lateral spots on tergite 5 and dark hair on inner side of
hind basitarsi. N. oregonica Ckll. 9, differs in the much reduced
abdominal spotting but agrees in the trilineate mesoscutum.
These species, with possibly a few others, form a group, char-
acterized by the low, convex, scarcely bilobed mesoscutellum and
the third antennal joint being nearly as long as fourth, allied to
the eastern, more blackish N. simplex.Rob. Probably when more
material is examined the number of recognized species in this
group will be reduced, but for the present they had better all
stand as distinct.
Nomada (Nomada) accepta Cresson.
A female specimen from Colorado (207, Snow) is in the
Kansas University collection.
Nomada (Nomada) vicina Cresson.
This species is added to the Nebraska list through a male col-
lected at Omaha, September 8, 1913, on Solidago (L. T. Wil-
liams). It agrees well with Cresson’s characterization and runs
to vicina in Robertson’s table. .A character not mentioned by
162
RL ee em,
eae
Studies of North American Bees 9
either is the presence of a hairy tubercle or rudimentary spine
on the front coxae and the slightly moniliform antennae, thus
showing relationship to the denticulata-electa group.
Nomada (Nomada) vicina stevensi Swenk.
Additional metatypes examined from the type locality (Fargo,
North Dakota) are as follows: August 10, 1912, on Grindelia
squarrosa (3538, O. A. Stevens), 1 ¢; August 21, 1912, on same
plant (3807, 3808, 3809), 3 ¢; August 26, 1912, on Solidago
canadensis (3933), 1 2; September 6, 1912, on Melilotus alba
(4132), 1 9. At Medora, North Dakota, August 30, 1914, on
Solidago rigida, Mr. Stevens took two specimens (8466 and
8480), I 9, 1 g, and at Schafer, North Dakota, September 5,
1914, on the same plant another male (8507). This gives a
season for the bee of August 7 to September 6. The additional
three females bear out the characters of the subspecies but are a
little smaller than the type (7-8 mm.) and 4132 has. the pale
spots on tergite I nearly obsolete and the other abdominal macula-
tions more yellowish than usual, almost as yellow as in typical
vicina. The same deepening of the yellow is shown in one of
the males (3807). However the color differences are very re-
liable in the males, and I suspect stevensi will ultimately have to
be considered a distinct species.
Nomada (Heminomada) elrodi Cockerell.
A male is before me from Fedor, Texas, March 20, 1905, on
Prunus (Rev. G. Birkmann). It is not different in any way
from some of the series of Nebraska males. I have also to
record a series of six males collected April 26, 1913, on Leon-
todon (Taraxacum) taraxacum at Lincoln, Nebraska, by R. W.
Dawson. We have not previously collected the species on that
plant.
Nomada (Heminomada) maculiventer n. sp.
2. Length 7.5-9 mm. Bright dark red; ends of mandibles, elongate
oval spots above insertion of antennae connected medially, sutures around
supraclypeus and upper clypeal sutures, oval spot involving ocelli, bar on
posterior margin of cheeks, two large spots on propleura, narrow anterior
and posterior borders and a depressed median line on mesoscutum, de-
163
10 Myron Harmon Swenk
pressed areas at sides of mesoscutellum and metanotum, broad median
band across propodeum, upper metapleural plate, anterior and superior
mesopleural sutures narrowly, a small depressed dot on upper mesopleura,
spots on last four coxae behind and on middle tibiae at base and most of
posterior face of hind femora and tibiae, black. Extreme lower corners
of face and spots at sides of elevated portion of metanotum sometimes
yellowish. Antennae red, the ends of the joints faintly dusky above, joint
3 two-thirds as long as 4, about equal to 5. Tubercles red. Tegulae red,
punctured. Wings hyaline, a band across the end dusky, costal nervure
and stigma yellowish, other nervures yellowish brown to fuscous, basal
nervure intersitial with or basad of transverso-medial, second submargina!
cell much narrowed above. - Mesoscutellum rather strongly bilobed. Hind
basitarsi infuscated externally. Tergum strongly banded with yellowish
white, the band on tergite 1 narrow, medially interrupted and dividing the
basal black half from the apical mostly reddish half, those on 2-5 broad
and complete, the basal and apical margins of 2 and 3 more or less black
or red, the apical margins of 4 and 5 broadly red. Venter red, sternites 3
and 4 and sometimes 5 with more or less yellowish white spotting or band-
ing. Outer face of hind tibiae tuberculate. Pubescence very sparse and
short, almost absent over most of the body, brownish or fuscous on vertex
and thorax above, pale yellowish on inner sides of basitarsi, elsewhere
whitish. Tergite 5 with a narrow apical whitish hair fringe, its sides, with
sides of 4 and 6, with a few dark bristles. Head and thorax strongly and
densely punctured, abdomen minutely, closely punctured.
do. Length 7.5-0.5 mm. In general resembles the . Mandib'es except
tips, labrum, line under and sometimes behind eyes, clypeus or most of it.
lateral face marks extending about to level of antennae, scape in front,
tubercles, tegulae, two spots on mesopleura, spots on sides of elevated por-
tion of metanotum, usually four small spots on propodeum, spots on coxae
in front and spots on knees and ends of tibiae behind, yellowish white.
Yellow of face merging into red along orbits, lower sides of face and
supraclypeus, elsewhere black. Three broad black bands on mesoscutum,
these sometimes entirely crowding out the red color, other black markings
of thorax and legs as in the 9 except that sometimes the propodeum be-
comes mostly black. Antennae red below, much blackened above espe-
cially basally, joint 3 one-half as long as 4, distinctly shorter than 5. Yel-
lowish white band on tergite 1 undulate on anterior margin and usually
complete, those on 1-3 with small enclosed red spots or emarginations on
the sides posteriorly, and more or less incised on anterior margin medially,
4-6 yellowish white except for the narrow reddish apical margins, 6 red
with a pale spot, apically notched. Venter mostly yellowish white, the
apical margins of the sternites testaceous to blackish.
Type—Medora, North Dakota, August 30, 1914, on Solidago
vigida (O. A. Stevens, No. 8465), 9.
164
Studies of North American Bees II
Allotype—Type lot (No. 8464), &.
Paratypes.—Type lot (Nos. 8462, 8463), 2 3; type iocality,
August 30, 1914, on Solidago canadensis (O. A. Stevens, Nos.
8481 to 8490), 1 9,9 ¢.
Very close to N. parata Cresson 2, and possibly only a sub-
species of it, but apparently distinct in its smaller size (parata
is II mm. long), maculated venter, pale band on tergite 1, flagel-
lum not dusky apically, etc. N. libata Cresson 9, differs from
_maculiventer not only in the same characters as does parata, but
also in the lack of a broad complete band on tergite 2, the longer
third antennal joint, the less strongly bigibbose mesoscutellum,
the wholly red cheeks, the more punctured tegulae and the incom-
plete mesoscutal band; libata ¢ differs in the lack of reddish
suffusions on the face and of yellowish white spots on pro-
podeum, pleura and legs, and in the mostly red rather than largely
yellowish white venter. From the vernal N. vallesina Ckll. 9,
it differs in its shorter third antennal joint, less strongly punc-
tured tegulae, narrow second submarginal cell, maculated venter,
pale band on tergite 1, etc. Close to N. rhodoxantha Ckll. 2, but
differs from that species in the much paler (yellowish white
rather than yellow) maculations, the lack of yellow marks on the
collar, pleura or propodeum in the 9, the hind tibiae black behind,
the much narrowed second submarginal cell, rather smaller size,
etc. Also, it flies in late August while rhodoxvantha flies in early
June. N. munda Cresson 9, is quite distinct in the largely black
head and thorax, less bilobate mesoscutellum, immaculate venter
and lack of yellow on tergite 1.
Nomada (Heminomada) tricurta n. sp.
9. Length 8-10 mm. Red; mandibles except tips, labrum, clypeus,
supraclypeus, line under eye, lateral face marks filling the space between
clypeus and orbits and extending narrowly to vertex (the mandibles,
clypeus and lateral face marks sometimes more or less suffused with red-
dish), collar, tubercles, tegulae, sometimes a tiny spot on propleura, s>me-
times spots on anterior and posterior corners of mesoscutum, usually spots
on lobes of mesoscutellum, large bars on each side of middle of propodeum
including enclosures, large anterior and smaller posterior spots on meso-
pleura which are sometimes narrowly connected, most of front of anterior
tibiae and spots on first four coxae, all of the knees and ends of middle
165
2 Myron Harmon Swenk
and usually of posterior tibiae, yellow. Ends of mandibles, spot between
bases of antennae, spot involving ocelli, posterior face of cheeks, propleura,
narrow anterior and posterior margins and broad median band on meso-
scutum, depressed sides of mesoscutellum and metanotum, lower portion of
median propodeal band, metapleura and contiguous parts of propodeum,
middle coxae and posterior faces of front and hind coxae, small spots on
middle femora at base, large vaguely defined areas on posterior face of
hind femora, mesosternum and small contiguous spots on lower meso-
pleura, black. Antennae red, the ends of the joints faintly dusky above,
joint 3 nearly equal 5, about two-thirds as long as 4. Wings hyaline,
darkened at ends and in marginal cell, the nervures yellow, subcostal
nervure blackish, basal nervure well basad of transyerso-medial. Meso-
scutellum strongly bilobed. Outer face of hind tibiae finely tuberculate. :
Pubescence sparse, white or whitish, most obvious on labrum, occiput,
cheeks, mesopleura, coxae and angles of propodeum. Thorax strongly,
very densely punctured, head similarly but more finely punctured, abdomen
minutely punctured. Abdomen red, basal half of tergite 1 black, broad and
complete yellow bands across middle of tergites 1-4, that on I sometimes
narrowly interrupted, 5 entirely yellow, sternites 2-4 broadly yellow at
base, sternite 5 mostly yellow.
o. Length 7.5-9 mm. In general resembles the 9. Mandibles except
tips, labrum, line under and partly behind eye, clypeus, supraclypeus, lateral
face marks ending broadly at level of antennae, scape in front, collar,
tubercles, tegulae, large L-shaped spots on anterior mesopleura, oval spots
on propodeum behind and sometimes on enclosure, whole of anterior
coxae in front and spots on the other coxae, spots on first four trochanters
in front, usually small spots on first four tibial ends and often on the
knees, yellow. Area between bases of antennae extending broadly down
sides of supraclypeus and into clypeal sutures below, and coalescing broadly
with an area involving ocelli above, and cheeks behind, black. Black mark-
ings of thorax as in the 2 except that this color involves all of the median
band of the propodeum and encroaches not only over most of the sides of
the propodeum but over much of the posterior and inferior portions of the
mesopleura also, and the mesoscutum sometimes has faint lateral lines.
Mesoscutellum usually wholly red, rather feebly bilobed. Flagellum red,
largely blackened above, joint 3 less than one-half as long as 4, only slightly
over one-third as long, and distinctly shorter than 5. Abdomen colored
much as in the 9, tergites 5 and 6 yellow with an apical band or subapical
line of reddish, 7 red, deeply notched, venter red with sternite 2, and
usually 3 to 6 also, spotted or banded with yellow.
:
:
,
L
Type—Fargo, North Dakota, June 14, 1913, on Zizia aurea
(O. A. Stevens, No. 4857), 9.
Allotype—Type lot (No. 4858), ¢.
166
Studies of North American Bees 13
Paratypes—Type lot (No. 4859), 1 3; type locality, June 15,
1913, on Zizia aurea (4920), 1 6; do. (4952; €. H. Waldron,
coll.), 1 2; do., June 22, 1913, on Zizia aurea (5313, 5314),2
do., June 17, 1914, on Zizia aurea (8078, 8079), 2 &; do., on
Erigeron philadelphicus (8096), 1 &; do., June 20, 1914, on
Erigeron philadelphicus (8118), 1 &; do., June 20, 1914, on
Zizia aurea (8122, 8123), 2 9.
A member of the morrisoni group. Closest to N. morrisoni
Cresson 2, but third antennal joint much shorter (equal to 4 in
morrisont), mesoscutellum distinctly bilobate (slightly so in mor-
risoni), basal half of tergite 1 black (red in morrisoni), black
median mesoscutal stripe complete, and more red on propodeum
and venter. Close also to N. dilucida Cresson 9, but third
antennal joint is shorter (‘“‘a little” shorter than 4 in dilucida),
the mesoscutellum is distinctly -bilobate (“slightly impressed
medially ” in dilucida), the tegulae are punctured (“smooth and
shining” in dilucida), the apical margins of tergites I-4 are
reddish (fuscous in dilucida), the labrum, mandibles, clypeus and
supraclypeus are yellowish or yellowish red (these red in
dilucida), the mesoscutellar band is broken or lacking and the
median propodeal band is partly red. The short third antennal
joint distinguishes tricurta from N. morrisoni flagellaris Ckll.
and N. alpha Ckll. From N. maculiventer, just described, which
flies in the same locality two months later, tricurta differs at once
in the yellow instead of whitish abdominal maculations ; the @ is
further distinguished by the extended yellow marks on the head,
and the ¢ by very decidedly longer fourth antennal joint, yellow
collar and other color differences.
Nomada (Heminomada) civilis Cresson, variety e.
A female from Cannon Ball, North Dakota, April 15, 1913, on
Salix (O. A. Stevens, No. 4330) represents another variation of
the plastic N. civilis. It is closest to the Sioux county, Nebraska,
2, but is just a little smaller (7.5 mm.) and differs further in
having the light markings of the face red (except for a small
yellow spot on the lower corners of the face and the yellow basal
border of the labrum), the flagellum clearer red, the supra-
167
14 Myron Harmon Swenk
clypeus black, the mesopleura wholly black (except a small red
dot under each tegula), the metanotum and propodeum black
(except a pair of small yellow dots on the enclosure), and on
venter with a yellow band on sternite 2 only. From the Trouble-
some, Colorado, 9, it differs in the mostly red face marks, black
supraclypeus, wholly red scape, yellow tegulae, black mesopleura
and metanotum and mostly black propodeum and black ground
color of tergum with the band on tergite 1 merely narrowly
interrupted. From the Corvallis, Oregon, 9, it differs in much
smaller size, wholly red scape, black mesopleura, and reduced
propodeal spots. From N. civilis spokanensis Ckll. 9, it differs
in much smaller size, yellow tegulae, black mesopleura, yellow
propodeal marks, partly yellow legs without black on the tibiae,
and ground color of tergum black with the band on tergite I
merely narrowly interrupted.
The five described varieties of N. civilis exhibit much varia-
tion in size, extent of erythrization, development of yellow band
on tergite 1 and color of dorsal pubescence. They may be con-
trasted by the following table:
Size smaller, 7.5-9 mm.; Rocky mountain forms.
Mesopleura red or with a red area anteriorly; propodeal spots large
and not confined to enclosure.
Propodeal spots mostly red; tegulae red with a yellow spot; scape
in front and supraclypeus yellow; ground color of tergum mostly
red, the band on tergite 1 reduced to lateral marks; orbital
margins red; flagellum clear red; thorax above with reddish
pubescence (var. a, typical, from Troublesome, Colorado,
June 9).
Propodeal spots mostly yellow; tegulae yellow; scape and supra-
clypeus red; ground color of tergum black, the band on tergite I
merely narrowly interrupted; orbital margins yellow; flagellum
infuscated apically; thorax above with white pubescence (var. d,°
from Sioux county, Nebraska, May).
Mesopleura black except a red subtegular dot; propodeal spots small,
yellow, confined to enclosure; tegulae yellow; scape red; supra-
clypeus black; ground color of tergum black, the band on tergite 1
merely narrowly interrupted; orbital margins red; flagellum clear
red; thorax above with white pubescence (var. e, from Cannon Ball,
North Dakota, April 15).
168
Studies of North American Bees 15
Size larger, 11.5 mm.; northwestern forms. ‘
Scape red; tegulae reddish; mesopleural mark smaller and suffused
with red; propodeal spots small, reddish; ground color of tergum
partly red, the band on tergite 1 reduced to small obscure, yellow
lateral spots; thorax above with reddish pubescence (var. c. spoka-
nensis, from Spokane, Washington, May 30).
3 Scape in front yellow; tegulae yellow; mesopleural mark larger and
yellow; propodeal spots larger, yellow; ground color of tergum
black, the band on tergite 1 better developed; flagellum clear red
(var. b, from Corvallis, Oregon, June 3).
Nomada (Heminomada) luteoloides bishoppi (Cockerell).
| Two Pennsylvania females, from Fern Rock, May 17, 1903,
and Ogontz, May 28 (H. L. Viereck), have antennal joint 3—=5
and three-fourths or more as long as 4, and the enclosure sub-
uniformly roughened. By these characters they are certainly N.
luteoloides, but the yellow propodeal marks encroach on the en-
closure, as described for N. luteola. It thus agrees with the
characters of N. luteola bishoppi Ckll. 2, but I would emphasize
the antennal structure over the extent of the yellow propodeal
marks, and consider bishoppi a subspecies of luteoloides.
Nomada (Holonomada) superba Cresson.
Additional Nebraska records are: Wyoming, June 5, 1913, on
Melilotus officinalis (M. H. Swenk), 4 9; Omaha, June 9, 1913,
on Medicago sativa (L. T. Williams), 1 9, 1 g; Wymore, June
eotouss( Rh. W. Dawson), 1.2; Neligh, June 19, 1913 (L.: 'T.,
Williams), 1 9; Norfolk, June 25, 1913 (L. T. Williams), 1 9.
All of these eight females are typical, agreeing closely with
Robertson’s diagnosis of that sex, and not approaching my
superba var. or nebrascensis.
Nomada (Holonomada) vincta Say.
Additional records are: Omaha, Nebraska, August 13 to Sep-
tember 2, 1913, mostly on Helianthus (L. T. Williams), 9 9, 4 3;
Mitchell, Nebraska, July 29 and August 8, 1913, on Helianthus
annuus (L. M. Gates), 22; Fargo, North Dakota, August 10 and
18, 1912, and September 8, 1913, on Grindelia squarrosa, Heli-
anthus maximilian and H. tuberosus (O. A. Stevens Nos. 3531,
3759, 6697-6699), 3 9, 2 ¢; Mott, North Dakota, August 20,
169
16 Myron Harmon Swenk
1914, on Solidago rigida (O. A. Stevens, No. 7027), 1 g;
Schafer, North Dakota, September 5, 1914, on Grindelia squar-
rosa (O. A. Stevens, No. 8538), 1 9; Detroit, Minnesota, August
25, 1913, on Aster sagittifolius (O. A. Stevens, No. 6578), 1 &.
The two females from Mitchell, Nebraska, and the female from
Schafer, North Dakota, have the mesoscutum red with a median
black band and the ground color of the mesopleura red or
mostly so.
Nomada (Heminomada) zebrata Cresson, var.
A pair from Oak Creek Canyon, Arizona, 6,000 feet, August
(F. H. Snow, 1883, 1884), are apparently referable here. The
3, however, has the apex entire; the legs yellow with merely a
trace of reddish suffusion on the femora; the abdominal bands
very broad; no red color on the head, and only the edgings of
the mesopleural spot and four faint mesoscutal lines red on the
thorax. The 9 has the face wholly red; the first four tarsi and
stripes on the outer faces of the tibize, as well as the knees and
spots on the coxae, yellow; the band on tergite 1 broad and
complete ; and a broad median mesoscutal band and the enclosure
black. I at first thought these might constitute a new subspecies,
but suspect that a good series will show the same variations to
occur in Colorado and Kansas, where the cotypes of sebrata were
collected. N. coloradensis Ckll. 2, though allied, seems quite
distinct.
Nomada (Holonomada) adducta Cresson.
I am now convinced that N. adducta reposes better in Holo-
nomada than in Nomada sens. str., and that it is related to vincta
and gebrata through asteris. The apex varies from slightly
notched to entire, while joint 3 distinctly exceeds 4 and the scape
is swollen in the ¢, just as in zebrata J. The female is a wholly
red and black Holonomada. Aside from the Colorado type, this
species has previously been recorded only from Lincoln, Ne-
braska. Mr. L. T. Williams took a female at Omaha, Nebraska,
August 25, 1914, which agrees exactly with the allotype. Two
females from Phillips county, Kansas, 1940 feet, August 30, 1912
(F. X. Williams), agree with the allotype and other Nebraska
170
SSS aes ee eS!
Studies of North American Bees 17
females except that they are nearly 10 mm. long and possibly a
little darker red in color. These correspond a little better in
size with Cresson’s type than the Nebraska specimens do, but I
think all are conspecific.
Nomada (Holonomada) omahaensis n. sp.
6. Length 8mm. Black; mandibles except tips, labrum, clypeus except
upper edge, lateral face marks filling space between clypeus and eyes and
abruptly continued along orbits to antennal level thus making the appear-
ance of.a rectangular internal emargination, line under and behind eyes,
scape in front, collar, tubercles, tegulae, crescentic mark behind tegulae,
spot on wing bases, mesoscutellum, two spots on metanotum, large an-
terior and small posterior spots on mesopleura, spots on mesosternal lobes
posteriorly, spots on coxae involving most of posterior pair, spots on distal
ends of femora and lines on first four femora behind, both ends of tibiae
connected by a line on anterior tibiae, basitarsi externally more or less,
and abdominal maculations, yellowish white or cream color. Labrum and
mandibles suffused with reddish. Antennae dark red beneath, blackish
above, joint 3 one-third longer than 4. Legs red, except for creamy spots
described, and the rest of the coxae and all or most of the trochanters,
stripes on femora behind sometimes involving most or all of the surface,
sometimes hind femora in front, and middle of hind tibiae and sometimes
also middle tibiae, at least externally, all of which are black or blackish.
Pubescence thin, all pale, white on cheeks, pleura and legs, gray on vertex
and mesoscutum. Puncturation of head and thorax fine and dense, minute
on abdomen, the mesoscutum subopaque. Wings clear basally, apical
margin clouded, stigma and costal nervure ferruginous, other nervures
blackish, basal nervure meeting transverso-medial. Mesoscutellum flat-
tish, only feebly bilobed. Abdomen black, tergites I-64 with creamy bands,
that on I sometimes medially narrowly interrupted and always enclosing
round black spots laterally, the others complete but considerably narrowed
medially on 2 and 3. Venter black, sternites 2-5 with broad, complete
creamy bands. Apex black, entire.
Type—Omaha, Nebraska, August 29, 1914, on Solidago cana-
densis (L. T. Williams), ¢.
Paratype—tType lot, 1 J.
Belongs to the snowi group. Apparently it is very close to N.
mutans Ckll., from Washington, but is seemingly not the un-
known male of that species because of its larger size (mutans 2
is only 5.5-7 mm. long), subopaque mesoscutum, clearer wings
and several minor color differences. Related also to N. daco-
171
18 Myron Harmon Swenk
tensis Swenk, but can hardly be the ¢ of that species because of
the largely creamy legs, creamy tegulae, complete bands on
tergites I-3, spotted mesopleura, etc. Close to N. aquilarum
Ckll. 4, but much larger and with much more extended pale
markings. Differs from N. cockerelli Graenicher %, in the com-
plete bands on tergites 1-6 (no band on tergite 1 and those on
2-4 interrupted in cockerelli), spots on coxae (lacking in cocker-
elli), larger lateral face marks, wholly pale tegulae, whitish dots
on metanotum, whitish postocular line and pleural spots, basally
clear wings, etc. N. snowi Cresson 4, differs at once in the
mostly red legs and yellow abdominal bands. N. verecunda
Cresson , also differs in the yellow abdominal bands and other
characters.
Nomada (Holonomada) dawsoni Swenk.
I am greatly surprised on re-examining the type to find that
this supposed Nomada is really a specimen of Aphilanthops close
to frigidus F. Smith, but with the ordinarily bright yellow mark-
ings very pale yellow or cream color. The superficial resem-
blance of .this specimen in color marks to Holonomada spp., of
the preceding group, is astonishing.
Nomada (Gnathias) bella Cresson.
Three females from Germantown, Pennsylvania, May 6 and
June 12, 1905, (H. L. Viereck), are representative of true N.
bella 9 (=WN. maculata Cresson), agreeing best with Cresson’s
var. b but having the spots on tergite 5 quite separated. A study
of this series shows that the two females from Ute creek, Costilla
county, Colorado, and the female from Detroit, Minnesota, previ-
ously tentatively referred to N. bella (antea, XII, p, 92) cannot
really belong there; the former seems to be the previously un-
known @? of N. schwarzi Ckll. (the supposed 9 of schwarzi de-
scribed with the ¢ being lepida 3), and the latter the closely
related species or variety of schwarzi here described as N. rubi.
The Colorado female (June 27, 1907, L. Bruner) may be con-
sidered the allotype of N. schwarzi.
I have before mea large series of Gnathias from North Dakota
172
4
4
:
Studies of North American Bees 19
received through Mr. O. A. Stevens which I believe are repre-
sentative of five species, separable as follows:
Males
Joint 3 of antennae subequal to 4.
Mesoscutum red with a median line and narrow anterior and posterior
margins black; larger species, 6-8.5 mm. long; apical margins of
tergites usually not strongly infuscated, if at all.
Tergites 2 and 3 merely with lateral spots.
Propodeum with broad red bands, tergite 1 with a trilobed
black mark at base; sutural black of mesopleura not en-
croaching on the disk; black of face below antennae con-
fined to the clypeal and supraclypeal sutures, leaving the
supraclypeus red; tergites 2 and 3 always with yellow spots,
6 always immaculate; larger, 7-8.5 mm. .............-- rubi
Propodeum wholly black, or (25 per cent.) merely with red
spots or stains on the enclosure; basal one-third of tergite
1 black right across; black of mesopleura encroaching on
the disk, usually leaving a large red patch anteriorly and a
small subtegular spot; face above clypeus, except the narrow
orbital margins, black; tergites 2 and 3 with lateral spots,
those on 3 (8 per cent.) sometimes lacking, 6 often (28
per cent.) w:th two yellow spots; smaller, 5.5-8 mm..subrubi
Tergites 2-3 with complete or narrowly medially interrupted yellow
Pcie sre Oey amateye #14 Sted care ttre sd Shea ware easter tials Seige lepida var.
Mesoscutum black or with four red lines; very small, only 5 mm,
long; apical margins of tergites infuscated so as to form transverse
;
“Feh ot Caister ce ar Fy 007m a a eal epee a Se a ee fuscicincta
Joint 3 of antennae only about one-half as long as 4; scape swollen; 5-6.5
TANTO PS VETER Re BOs ts eed gat ene LD els eA hs pect Meters Gh oe maaer antec leks hydrophylli
Females
Mesoscutellum deeply bilobed; upper clypeal and supraclypeal sutures
broadly black; mesoscutum unilineate; 7-9 mm. long.
Tergite 3 with small lateral yellow spots, the base of tergite 1 with the
black mark small and trilobed, with the lateral lobes longer; pro-
podeum red on the posterior face except for a median band on en-
closure; third submarginal cell usually narrowed to a point above, or
almost so; size larger, 8-o mm., ustially o-mm. ...............> rubi
Tergite 3 normally immaculate, occasionally (8 per cent.) with small
lateral yellow spots, the base of tergite 1 black right across or nearly
so; propodeum normally black with large red areas on the upper
posterior face, these sometimes involving all of the posterior face
173
20 Myron Harmon Swenk
except the median line; third submarginal cell usually not greatly
narrowed above, never to a point; size smaller, 6-8 mm., usually
ADO UE 17 PIMA, Poa eee erat ches aye teas elec sie) Fre coke eHG fanaa epee ae eR subrubi
Mesoscutellum feebly bilobed; clypeal and supraclypeal sutures red; meso-
scutiim trilineates Sims lone aan. te eka ek etek een oereee fuscicincta
Nomada (Gnathias) rubin. sp. (or schwarzi subsp.?).
9. Length 8-9 mm. Dark red; upper clypeal and lateral supraclypeal
sutures, usually connecting with oval coalesced spots above insertion of
antennae, spot involving ocelli, cheeks behind, most of propleura, spots on
anterior mesosternum, sutures of mesopleura, metapleura and contiguous
areas on sides of propodeum to the spiracles, narrow anterior and pos-
terior margins and a broader median stripe on mesoscutum, depressed sides
of mesoscutellum and metanotum, median band on enclosure of pro-
podeum, more or less of coxae behind and femoral bases all around, black.
Antennae red, above with ends of the joints and a line on scape dusky,
joint 3 subequal to 4. Mesoscutellum prominent, distinctly bilobed.
Clypeus and supraclypeus finely and closely punctured, rest of head rather
coarsely and closely punctured especially on the vertex, mesothorax punc-
tured like the vertex, enclosure of propodeum minutely reticulated, longi-
tudinally wrinkled at base, its sides strongly curved inward. Tegulae punc-
tured. Wings clear, the marginal cell apically and apical margin infus-
cated, stigma dark brown, nervures fuscous, third submarginal cell usually
narrowed to a point above or almost so. Legs red except as noted.
Pubescence white, copious only on labrum and lower angles of propodeum.
Abdomen red, tergite 1 subimpunctate but following tergites finely punc-
tured basally with a small trilobed black mark with the lateral lobes longest,
tergite 2 with oval yellow lateral spots, 3 with similar but smaller spots, ab-
domen otherwise immaculate. Fringe of hair at apex of tergite 5 thin
and narrow, pygidial area covered with appressed hairs and pointed
apically.
6. Length 7-8.5 mm. Red; the mandible bases, labrum, line under and
behind lower part of eye, clypeus except upper edge, lateral face marks
ending in a narrow point at antennal level, and large lateral spots on ab-
dominal tergites 2 and 3, pale yellow; large area above and between an-
tennal bases extending down in lateral supraclypeal and upper clypeal
sutures, spot involving ocelli, cheeks behind, propleura, large mesosternal
spots, metapleura, sides and median band of propodeum, depressed areas
at sides of mesoscutellum and metanotum, anterior and posterior margins
and median band on mesoscutum, most of coxae behind, bases of first four
femora posteriorly and hind femoral bases all around, black. Antennie
red, scape behind and T-shaped marks on joints 3-6 black, joint 3 equal
to 4 or only slightly shorter. Sculpture as in the 9, lower face and clypeus
with silky, appressed, white hair. Wings as in the 2, third submarginal
174
:
|
Studies of North American Bees 21
cell less narrowed above. Abdomen uniform light red, tergite 1 with a
basal trilobed black mark, sometimes with small yellow spots, spots on 2
and 3 extending considerably mesad on the tergites, 4 sometimes with faint
lateral spots, apex deeply notched.
Type—Fargo, North Dakota, June 22, 1913, on Rubus
strigosus (No. 5275, O. A. Stevens) ¢.
Allotype.—tType lot (No. 5276, O. A. Stevens), 9.
Paratypes—tType locality, June 15, 1913, on Zizia aurea (C.
H. Waldron, Nos. 4996 and 4997, O. A. Stevens), 1 4, I 9; do.,
June 21, 1913, on Rubus strigosus (No. 5135), I 9; do., June 22,
1913, on Zizia aurea (Nos. 5316 and 5324), 1 9, 1 6; do., on
Erigeron philadelphicus (No. 5334), I &; do., June 17, 1914, on
Zizia aurea (No. 8080), 1 Q; do., June 20, 1914, on Thlaspi
arvense (No. 8114) 1 9; Detroit, Minnesota, June 17, 1911, on
mew and Samcula’” (C. H: Waldron, No. 2373, O. A.
erevens), I: 9.
A member of the schwarzi group, and, possibly, only a sub-
species of N. schwargzi Ckll. Apparently distinct from JN.
schwarzi 3g, however, in mesoscutum being wholly red except
for the black median band and the narrow anterior and posterior
margins (mesoscutum merely with four red lines in schwarzi),
the mostly red mesopleura (merely red-spotted in schzwarsi), red
postocular and occipital bands and sides of vertex (black in
schwarzi) and lack of blackish suffusions on the apical tergites.
In the largely red mesoscutum and mesopleura it is approached
by N. schwarsi contractula Ckll., but that form differs in the
feebly notched apex, dark red ground color of tergum, and
shorter third antennal joint. The frequently red-spotted or red-
banded propodeum differs from either schwarzi or contractula,
which have the propodeum entirely black. From N. schwarzi 9
(Ute Creek, Colo., June 27, 1907) the 9 differs chiefly in the
darker red color and spots on sides of tergite 3. N. rubrella
Ckil. gis also very close, but differs in its creamy-white instead
of pale yellow markings of the face and abdomen, red sides of
propodeum, less black at base of tergite 1, and less strongly
notched apex. From N. cornelliana and N. physura Ckll. the ¢
differs in somewhat smaller size, more extensively red thorax
175
i)
No
Myron Harmon Swenk
and narrowly separated yellow marks on tergites 2 and 3. differ-
ing further from cornelliana in the narrow and sharply pointed,
yellow lateral face marks, and from physura in’ the deeply
notched apex and lack of blackish apical margins on tergites I-5.
The g of rubi differs in the mostly red mesoscutum and meso-
pleura, red-banded propodeum and extensively red head from |
do of N. bella, bella callura, volatilis, perbella, rhodomelas, per-
plexans, perplexa, etc.
Nomada (Gnathias) subrubi n. sp.
2. Length 68 mm. Dark red; small spots on sides of clypeus, lateral
supraclypeal sutures, area above and between antennae, oval spot involving
ocelli, cheeks behind, most of sides of propleura, mesopleural sutures,
mesosternal spots, metapleura, propodeum except broad red areas on upper
posterior face (occasionally including all of posterior face except median
line), spots on coxae behind, femoral bases all around, depressed sides of
metanotum and mesoscutellum, narrow anterior margin and median line on
mesoscutum, and basal one-third or more of tergite 1 right across, black.
Antennae red, joint 3=4. Mesoscutellum strongly bilobed. Tegulae red-
dish testaceous, punctured. Sculpture asin rubi. Wings somewhat clouded,
infuscated apically, a clear spot beyond third submarginal and third dis-
coidal cells, nervures and stigma dark brown, subcostal nervure black,
basal nervure considerably basad of transverso-medial nervure, third sub-
marginal cell usually not greatly narrowed above, never to a point. Legs,
except for black spots mentioned and distinct dusky areas on posterior
face of hind tibiae, red. Abdomen red, tergite 2 with small triangular
yellow lateral spots, occasionally tergite 3 with small lateral spots, apical
margins of tergites I-4 sometimes more or less subfuscous; apical margin
of tergite 5 with a dense, palé tomentum fringe, pygidial area thinly haired,
pointed apically.
6. Length 5.5-8 mm. Red; the mandible bases, line under eye, labrum,
clypeus, lateral face marks extending up narrowly to level of antennae,
large oval spots on sides of tergite 2, usually spots on sides of 3 and some-
times two spots on disk of 6, pale yellow; the face above clypeus except
narrow orbital margins, cheeks behind, propleura, mesosternum and meso-
pleural sutures (the latter usually encroaching on the mesopleural disk so
as to reduce the red to an anterior patch and a small subtegular spot),
metapleura, propodeum except sometimes for red spots or stains on the
enclosure, depressed sides of metanotum and mesoscutellum, narrow an-
terior and posterior borders and broad median line on mesoscutum, coxae
and more or less of femoral bases behind, and basal one-third of first ab-
dominal tergite right across, black. Joint 3 of antennae slightly shorter
than 4. Abdomen, except as noted, light red, the apex deeply notched.
176
Studies of North American Bees ee.
Type.—Fargo, North Dakota, June 22, 1913, on Zizia aurea
(No. 5320, O. A. Stevens) ¢.
Allotype—tType lot (No. 5319), 9.
Paratypes—Type locality, June 14, 1913, on Zizia aurea ( No.
_ 4860), 1 #; do., June 15, 1913 (Nos. 4921-23), 1 9, 2 @; do.
(C. H. Waldron, Nos. 4953-4957), 3 9, 2 &; do., June 16, 1913
(Nos. 5009-10), 2 4; do., June 18, 1913, on Erigeron phila-
delphicus (No. 5028), 1 ¢; do., June 19, 1913, on Zizia aurea
(Nos. 5088-5091), 3 9, I #; do., June 20, 1913, on Melilotus
officinalis (No. 5111), 1 &; do., June 21, 1913, on Zizia aurea
(Nos. 5156-61 and 5164), 4 9, 3 3; do.; June 21, 1913, on
Erigeron philadelphicus (No. 5209), 1 &; do. (C. H. Waldron,
No. 5261), I ¢; do., June 22, 1913, on Rubus strigosus (No.
5277), 1 9; do., June 22, 1913, on Zizia aurea (Nos. 5315, 5317-
18, 5321-23, 5325), 3 9; 4 db; do., on Erigeron philadelphicus
(No. 5332), 1 2; do., June 7, 1914, on Ziz1a aurea (No. 8053),
1 2; do., June 17, 1914 (Nos. 8081-85, 8088-89), 4 9, 3 4; do.,
| on Erigeron philadelphicus (No. 8094), I @; do., June 20, 1914,
on Zizia aurea (Nos. 8124-30), 69,1 &.
Very close to N. rubi, just described, but I believe distinct ; at
least the two series are separable with reasonable certainty by the
characters given in the table.
Nomada (Gnathias) lepida Cresson, var.
A series of seven males from Fargo, North Dakota, Mav 6,
1913, on Prunus americana (No. 4373) and Salix sp. (No. 4393-
98), received from Mr. Stevens are certainly referable to N.
lepida but all have the scape in front red, the mesoscutum red
except for the anterior and posterior margins and a median black
line or with two large red areas, the mesopleura mostly red or
with large red spots, sometimes two broad red bands on the pro-
podeum and the ground color of the abdomen mostly light red.
While similar specimens occur elsewhere in the range of N.
lepida, they are not usually found so uniformly reddened as this
North Dakota series.
longer than wide. Elytra of female, if present, abbreviated.
Abdomen with lateral margins not totally foliaceously dilated.
d. Claws of the feet finely pectinated. Tegmina, if present,
filiform or stipuliform [Old World genera].
Ascepasmidae.
dd. Claws smooth. Tegmina, if present, lobiform, very rarely
filiform.
e. Body, together with the legs, sometimes armed with a
single spine or tooth. Femora usually without an apical
spine above. Tibiae with apical portion entirely un-
armed [genera often American].
f. Abdominal segments of male quadrate, of female trans-
verse. Legs unarmed, femora neither compressed nor
foliaceously dilated. Body apterous, very rarely
(CO cerdia) Mawinlgeds. i. tki-Viseciysete Anisomorphidae.
ff. Abdominal segments very much elongated (in the fe-
male at least quadrate, in the male much longer than
wide) or the anterior femor compressed or folia-
ceouslymadilated sm i en simi ote pracwertreren Phasmidae.
g. The four posterior femora without an inferior mid-
dle carina or obtuse, unarmed.
h. Femora smooth or faintly carinated. Ocelli
alweaySi PLESeMt. ot ce siatier tents Stratoclinae.
hh. Anterior femora at least obliquely compressed,
acutely and distinctly carinated. Ocelli miss-
Nika ee ee Ae Or Re cla cicis b Prisopinae.
gg. The four posterior femora furnished with a distinct
202
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 9
inferior median carina, unarmed or somewhat ob-
tuse and spinulose.
h. Tegmina and wings missing. Femora triquetrous.
Subgenital plate of male galeate or helmet
shaped; operculum of female strongly pro-
diced) felomg@ate .. a. k.c site ges rete Donusinae.
hh. Tegmina and wings often present. Four pos-
terior femora at least with distinct upper cari-
nae, remote. Subgenital plate of male not
helmet shaped, operculum of female not pro-
duced.
1. Elytra short, roundly ovate. Anterior femora
not or little compressed. Ocelli present.
Phasmatinae.
ut. Tegmina longer, lanceolate, rarely abbreviated.
Anterior femora distinctly compressed prin-
cipally towards the base. Ocelli variable.
Prexaspinae.
ec. Body together with the legs armed with numerous spines.
Femora quadrangular, not compressed, usually armed
above with an apical spine. Tibiae with the apical area
produced into a spine [Asiatic and Madagascaren
PESNeLall ler tc waswles aetna cee eee ee ee Heteropterygidae.
cc. Antennae of the males elongate, of the females very short. Me-
sonotum quadrate or transverse. Elytra of females covering
the greater part of the abdomen. Lateral margins of the ab-
domen entirely and strongly foliaceously dilated... Phyllidae.
AA. Middle and hind tibiae without the impressed triangular area.
ANAREOLATA.
b. Median segment much shorter than the metanotum, transverse or
a little longer than wide. Body apterous.
c. Antennae distinctly shorter than the anterior legs [Old World
OTIS Tall aad SH sales ae oT 8 oo sel dao eee olen he & hed viet Clitumnidae.
cc. Antennae longer than the anterior legs, or at least of equal
length.
d. Anal segment of the male abdomen roof-like, more or less bi-
lobed. Operculum frequently compressed, boat-shaped
Olde NWiorldl wenerallivs. craaeciieeesi cre eneeteiare Lonchodidae.
dd. Anal segment of the male abdomen arched, truncate. Oper-
culum slightly arched, lanceolate [American genera].
Bacunculidae.
bb. Median segment longer than the metanotum or of equal length or
frequently much longer than wide. Body always winged.
c. Antennae shorter than the anterior legs, or a very little longer.
203
IO Lawrence Bruner
d. Anterior femora above unarmed on both sides, equally
toothed, or at least not triquetrous ...... Phibalosomidae.
ec. Anterior femora straight at the base or above not com-
pressed, or above on both sides subequally spinose.
Prosterntum: wsually sbroad ....cr asses Eurycanthinae,
ee. Anterior femora always curved at their base, above more
or less compressed, unarmed.
f. Operculum of the female not surpassing the apex of
the abdomen or the prosternum broad, transverse
[Old World genera].
g. Vertex not foliaceous two horned [genera Aus-
tralia-Asiatic]. :
h. Prosternum transverse. Cheeks, viewed from
the side much wider than the eyes. Meso-
notum of female with the sides subparallel.
Platycraninae.
hh. Prosternum narrow. Cheeks not wider than the
eyes. Mesonotum of female dilated poste-
TOT ahi Gece be Erte Re Diurinae.
gg. Vertex foliaceous two horned. Prosternum narrow
[Atricanveenetall pica one ee tee eee Palophinae.
ff. Operculum of the female much surpassing the apex of
the abdomen or the metatarsi sulcate above. Pro-
sternum sulcate [American genera].
Philbalosomatinae.
dd. Anterior femora triangular, inside above sometimes or in-
side strongly spinosodentate. Cerci often large, foliaceous
LOld=Wrorldi*eencralt sae ewatrsicreratace setae Acrophyllinae.
cc. Antennae much longer than the anterior legs, slender, indis-
tinctly jointed [Old World genera] ............ Necroscidae.
FAMILIES OF LOCUSTOIDEA (ACRIDOIDEA )
A. Feet not provided with an arolium or cushion between the claws.
(Pronotum entirely covering the body. Tegmina when present
alwaws. lobivo iting) ecmaat ed ow eae ie ones ine ae kee Tetrigidae.
AA. Feet with the arolium invariably present between the claws. (Pro-
notum variable but never entirely covering the body. Tegmina
when present of various forms.)
b. Antennae of both sexes usually shorter than the anterior femora.
c. Head short, compressed from in front.
d. Body deeply inflated. (Pronotum covering at least half of
the, abdomen!) ec. ck ce won inemte ne einen sore Pneumoridae.
dd. “Bodya mona se cose eiceoic cisciea erveese te neti Eumastacidae.
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands II
cc. Head greatly elongated. (Body apterous or subapterous, phas-
AAC Mes) SR ee erage okt iste Sakae Ss Sawa SW tsle'e StS Proscopiidae.
bb. Antennae of one or both sexes always longer than the anterior
femora.
c. Prosternum unarmed or smooth, but little if at all swollen.
(Some Tryxaline genera, in which case the hind tibiae are
many-spined—12 or more.)
d. Fastigium of the vertex horizontally produced or ascending,
usually joining the front in a distinct angle. Face decid-
edly oblique or retreating. Wings generally hyaline or
WAEREOT Settee cher attache omar ars acaearn esate Tryxalidae.
dd. Fastigium of the vertex more or less depressed, joining the
front in a more or less rounded curve. Face nearly or
quite vertical. Base and disk of wings as a rule colored,
yellow, red or blue, and provided beyond with a fuliginous
or fuscous transverse band.
e. Outer margin of hind tibiae not provided with an apical
spine.
f. Ocelli situated close to the eyes. (Oedipodidae.)
Locustidae.
ff. Ocelli remote from the eyes ............ Thrinchidae.
ee. Outer margin of the hind tibiae furnished with an apical
SMU CMa Peete ee te ee oe ae ie oes Eremobiidae.
cc. Prosternum transversely swollen or strumose, laminately elevated
in front, or distinctly ridged or spined between the base of
the anterior legs. In these insects the hind tibiae are pro-
vided with less than 12 spines.
d. Vertex very wide, deeply sulcate and bordered by rather
prominent carinae, the fastigium declivent and its sulcation
continuous with that of the frontal costa. Face perpen-
dicular. Eyes prominent, globose, substylated; ocelli sit-
uated between the eyes, posterior margin of the pronotum
more or less denticulate or tuberculate...Ommexechidae.
dd. Vertex less wide, variable, often very narrow. Eyes oblong
and moderately convex; ocelli usually more removed from
the front margin of the eyes. Posterior margin of the
pronotum without denticles or tubercles.
e. Foveolae of the vertex above.
f. Foveolae contiguous, forming the apex of the fastigium
of the vertex, which is more or less ascending. Front
SELON AY) ODIIGentr es eet ote se eos Pyrgomorphidae.
ff. Foveolae not contiguous, open behind. Vertex decli-
, vant, more or less angulate. Front perpendicular.
Pamphagidae.
205
12 Lawrence Bruner
ee. Foveolae lateral or inferior, closed behind, or (frequently)
entirely obsolete. Prosternum distinctly, usually decid-
edly tuberculate or spined. (Acridiidae.)
Caloptenidae.
FAMILIES OF GRYLLOTALPOIDEA
A. Anterior tibiae greatly dilated and digitate. Antennae filiform, many-
jointed. Head without, or provided with but two large ocelli.
b. Antennae setaceous, rather long. Elytra membranous, in the male
provided with a tympanum. Pronotum elongate oval. Tarsi
three-jointed. Posterior legs small, saltatorial, the tibiae some-
what dilated. Cerci long and setaceous ........ Gryllotalpidae.
bb. Antennae very short. Body linear, cylindrical. Elytra almost ab-
sent. Posterior legs very short, nonsaltatorial. Tarsi two-
jointed. Cerci not apparent. Ocelli absent and the small eyes
Ocelliorin Aes MS ae Bint ay eee eee Cylindrodidae.
AA, Anterior tibiae little dilated, three to four spined at apex. Antennae
short, moniliform, composed of few joints. Posterior legs strongly
saltatorial, the femora dilated; tibiae slender, four clawed at apex,
tarsi single-jointed or aborted. Elytra corneous, without a tym-
panum. Head furnished with three ocelli ......... Tridactylidae.
FAMILIES OF ACHETOIDEA.
A, Tarsi compressed, the second joint minute.
b. Posterior tibiae moderately robust.
c. Posterior tibiae biseriately spinose.
d. The hind tibiae armed with spines on both sides, the carinae
not at all serrated.
e. Hind tibiae armed with long, movable hairy spines. The
posterior metatarsi unarmed above or provided with
but a single row of serrulations .......... Nemobiidae.
ee. Hind tibiae armed with heavy fixed spines, or in some in-
stances the spines are partly movable.
f. Head globose or very gently depressed, the face ver-
tical The front between the antennae neither
swollen nor produced.
g. The superior or upper claw of the hind tibiae longer
than the intermediate one (rarely of equal
length). Ocelli generally disposed in a straight
transverse line (occasionally a little arcuate).
Hind femora about as long as the tibiae and tarsi
Combine drassee oh acu Noa tee Batrachytrypidae.
gg. The superior or upper claw of the hind tibiae
shorter than the middle one, or of equal length.
206
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 13
Ocelli disposed ina triangle. Hind femora shorter
than the combined length of the tibiae and tarsi.
Achetidae.
ff. Head deformed, face sloping, front tumid or swollen,
the upper portion produced into a variously modified
TEEOCESS ere eta Re oe Uieisve connie Saree Platyblemmidae.
dd. Posterior tibiae on both sides of the basal portion serrated,
of the apical portion spined. Tegmina either abbreviated
Cie MW ATUL Aces Master eed ae clei ered Paes ccaree Gryllomorphidae.
cc. Posterior tibiae usually biseriately serrulate. W§ithout spines on
their lateral margins, but sometimes having them present in
their middle towards the apex.
d. Scutellum of the face about square, projecting forward be-
tween the antennal pits, below them not prominent. Body
frequently apterous. Median vein of the elytra, when
present, simple, not divided or branched.
e. Body subspherical, apterous. Antennae heavy, subfiliform.
Hind femora enormous, dilated, oval. Eyes subobso-
lete, minute. Anterior tibiae without auditory apparatus.
Hind tibiae without serration and provided above near
their middle with several movable spines; apex with
only three or four claws .:........ Myrmecophillidae.
ee. Body subelongate. Antennae slender, setaceous. Eyes
distinct. Posterior femora more slender, clavate; hind
tibiae slender, provided at apex with six claws.
f. Scutellum of the face tumid and prominent between the
antennae. Body covered with scales. In the females
apterous, in male with membranous elytra. Anterior
tibiae sometimes provided with auditory apparatus.
Hind tibiae serrulate, not spinose, provided with
ClON SALTER ClaniSe tials meee mec nares Mogisoplistidae.
ff. Scutellum of the face plain. Body subpubescent, winged.
Anterior tibiae always provided with auditory foram-
ina. Hind tibiae serrulated or spined.
Acanthoplistidae.
dd. Scutellum of the face transverse. Body winged. Elytra .
with the median vein branched; the male speculum divided
Dwerinvorvethisi wii o santas eatslo mind ciew bots Cachoplistidae.
bb. Posterior tibiae slender, armed on the lateral edges with slender
spines between which the canthi are serrulate. Male tegmina
with the speculum divided by one, two or more veins.
c. Apex of the posterior tibiae provided with five claws; on the
inside two, on the outside three ............. Pentacentridae,
207
14 Lawrence Bruner
cc. Apex of the posterior tibiae, provided with six claws; 3 inside,
3 outside.
d. Head vertical, vertex short, mouth inferior or below. All
the tibiae armed with movable spurs. The male speculum
of the elytra (when developed) divided by two veins.
Phalangopsitidae.
dd. Head elongate, horizontal, mouth directed to the front. Pro-
notum slender, longer than wide, the lateral lobes narrowed
anteriorly. Anterior and middle tibiae without spurs. The
speculum of the male elytra divided by a single vein.
Oecanthidae.
AA. Tarsi with the second joint depressed, heart-shaped.
b. Posterior tibiae not serrated, biseriately spinose, and provided on
each side with three movable spines; the apex sometimes pro-
vided with two claws on the inner side. Female ovipositor short
and curved; speculum of the tympanum of the male elytra un-
ivi dedi sas 6:5 Sx Noes om thal otere tee lei ate amen iach Seeger Trigonidiidae.
bb. Posterior tibiae serrated, spined on both sides; the apex furnished
with three spurs on each side. Ovipositor straight or a very little
curved; speculum of the tympanum of the male elytra divided by
one (or sometimes two) veins.
c. Claws of the posterior tibiae elongate, the intermediate one on
each side much longer than the upper. Metatarsi elongate.
d. Pronotum anteriorly scarcely coarctate, the angles somewhat
acute, lateral lobes oblique, in front angulate. Head robust
or large, eyes prominent at sides; rostrum of the front
with its sides parallel. Elytra of moderate size and of the
usual form, the lateral field bent down at right angle; in
the males with the tympanum provided with two oblique
parallel veins. Apex of the ovipositor furnished with lan-
ceolate, acute, non-dentate valves.......... Eneopteridae.
dd. Pronotum anteriorly decidedly coarctate. Head small; the
eyes prominent in front; rostrum of the front narrowed,
anteriorly. Elytra of males very wide at side, the lateral
field completely enveloping the body; oblique veins of the
male numerous, divergent fan-like. Ovipositor variable.
Phormincteridae.
cc. Claws of the posterior tibiae minute on the outer side, on the
inner side rather long, the upper one longest and the lower
one shortest. Metatarsi usually short, sparsely dentate basally.
Ovipositor variable, cylindrical, apical valves dentate, or flat-
PERE diet NG cect ners Merateisiets ko wi chains nic Ceo Podoscirtidae.
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 15
FAMILIES OF TETTIGONOIDEA (LOCUSTODEA)
A, Tarsi of all three pairs of legs normally four-jointed. (In the Amer-
ican genus Dathina of the family Rhaphidophoridae the middle and
in some species of a related genus the front tarsi are only three-~
jointed). :
b. Tarsi more or less depressed.
c. Anterior tibiae provided with auditory appratus or foramina.
d. Antennae inserted between the eyes, less remote from the
top of the occiput than from the clypeal suture.
e. First and second tarsal joints smooth, not sulcate laterally.
(Hind tibiae with an apical spine above on each side.)
Phaneropteridae.
ee. First and second tarsal joints longitudinally sulcate lat-
erally.
f. Foramina or auditory apparatus typically wide open.
g. Posterior tibiae without apical spines above. (Phas-
: mid-like in appearance.).........- Phasmodidae.
; or Prochilidae.
gg. Posterior tibiae provided with an apical spine on
both sides above.
; h. Prosternum unarmed ........... Meconimidae.
. hh. Prosternum armed with a pair of spines or
S tubercles.
i. Pronotum hood-like, posteriorly strongly and
acuminately produced; lateral carinz of the
pronotum cremulate or dentate.
:
:
3
z
+
‘
*
2
;
Phyllophoridae.
it. Pronotum not hood-like nor posteriorly much
PTOGUCEM Mize Suntacidcine ook ne es Mecopodidae.
ff. Foramina or auditory apparatus either linear or shell-
like in its opening.
g. Anterior tibiae without terminal spines above.
h. Antennal scrobes or pits with the margins pro-
GUCEA te iad pack ars aeons Pseudophyllidae.
hh. Antennal scrobes with their margins hardly pro-
duced.
7. Posterior tibiae without apical spines above.
Sagidae.
u. Posterior tibiae provided with an apical spine
above on one or both sides.
j. Posterior tibiae with an apical spine only
on the outer side above.
Tympanophoridae.
jj. Posterior tibiae with an apical spine on
209
16 Lawrence Bruner
both sides above or only on the inner
side.
k. Fore, or both front and middle tibiae
armed with long spines decreasing
in length towards the apex.
Listroscelidae.
kk. Fore and middle tibiae armed with
short or medium spines.
I. All the femora unarmed beneath,
rarely the posterior ones spined on
the outer, sometimes on both sides.
(Size usually smaller.)
Conocephalidae.
[ Xiphidiidae. ]
ll. All the femora usually spined below,
rarely the posterior ones armed
only on the outer side, in which
case the fastigium of the vertex is
either forked or extended consid-
erably beyond the basal joint of
the antennae. (Usually larger.)
m. Fastigium of the vertex gen-
erally noticeably narrower
than the basal joint of the
antennae, sometimes dorsally
sulcate.
n. Front smooth and shining, at
most with few small and
scattered punctures.
Agraecidae.
nn. Front entirely, or at least the
sides, strongly and densely
punctured or even spinose.
Salomonidae.
mm. Fastigium of the vertex usually
distinctly broader than the
basal antennal joint, never
Sulcate <.2¢.— Copiphoridae.
gg. Anterior tibiae with a terminal spine above on the
the outer side.
h. First joint of the posterior tarsus provided with
a conspicuous free plantula beneath.
Decticidae.
ZAIN)
;
.
eT EO te WIR. ae
ci i a te |
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands yi,
hh. First joint of the posterior tarsus without a
free plantula, or with a very short one.
Phasganuridae.
dd. Antennae inserted below the eyes or between their lower
margin, nearer the clypeal suture than to the top of the
occiput.
e. Posterior tarsi with the third joint shorter than the second;
anterior and posterior tibiae with an apical spine above
WR PWMEL SIGES Viet uiteccr ok ow kd aes oe Bradyporidae.
ee. Posterior tarsi with the third joint longer than the second;
anterior tibiae with an apical spine above on the inner
side, the posterior tibiae without an apical spine above
on the outer side.
f. Antennae inserted between the lower margins of the
eyes. Pronotum unarmed. Both sexes winged. An-
terior tibiae with an apical spine above on the outer
side. Posterior tibiae with four apical spurs below.
Ephippigeridae.
ff. Antennae inserted distinctly below the eyes. Pronotum
spined. Female apterous. Anterior tibiae without
apical spines above. Posterior tibiae without apical
spurs below or with but two ............ Hetrodidae.
cc. Anterior tibiae without foramina or auditory apparatus.
d. Head horizontal. Body long and slender, in general appear-
ance very phasmid-like. Wingless, at least in the female.
Phasmodidae.
dd. Head vertical. Body not very long and slender, in nowise
phasmid-like. Winged, only occasionally apterous.
Gryllacridae.
bb. Tarsi distinctly compressed. (Forms usually apterous. )
c. Tarsi provided beneath with pulvilli, that on the metatarsus
double; inserting angle of the posterior femora situated on
Wie. FEMtNSte: 25, ies Lad iae deiaisia tales coaeia's Stenopelmatidae.
cc. Tarsi without pulvilli beneath; inserting angle of the posterior
femora situated on the inner side ....... Rhaphidophoridae.
AA. Tarsithree-jointed. Wings fully developed. Anterior tibiae provided
with an auditory apparatus which is elongate narrowed at middle.
Phalangopsidae.
THE SUPERFAMILIES, FAMILIES AND SUBFAMILIES OF DERMAPTERA*
A. Metapygidium and telson present as distinct chitinous plates, or else
lost in the pygidium when that is fused with the tenth tergite to
* This table is taken from Burr, Genera Ins., fasc. no. 122.
211
18 Lawrence Bruner
form a horizontal squamopygidium; pygidium simple, never with
complex processes; male genitalia double.
b. Squamopygidium formed only in Gonolabina; normally all opis-
thomeres distinct; ninth vein of wing with a triangular area.
(Body not strongly depressed, nor forceps sickle-shaped, except
in, Platylobinia es) aac esitle prego erie ener et eer PROTODERMAPTERA,
c. Metapygidium and telson not reduced, nearly as large as the
pygidium, which is relatively small. (Head depressed, trun-
cate or concave posteriorly; femora compressed and usually
keeled. ine. 4A dameoun soa rte Aare Pygidicranidae.
d. Femora compressed and keeled or carinated.
e. Antennae setaceous, with from fifteen to twenty-five seg-
ments, the fifth elongate.
f. Totally apterous, metanotum larval; lobe of metaster-
num posteriorly truncate; larvae with unsegmented
COLEL APe sick decorirede a hk Maines lol hoe eee Anataelinae.
ff. Elytra always, wings usually, perfect; metanotum with
combs; lobe of metasternum posteriorly sinuate;
larvae with segmented cerci ........... Diplatyinae.
ee. Antennae with from twenty-five to thirty-five segments,
the fifth and sixth short.
f. Antennae usually heavy; fourth to sixth segments
transverse; larvae with segmented cerci.
Karschiellinae.
ff. Antennae not very heavy, fourth to sixth segments
short, but not transverse; larvae with unsegmented
COECH e Ne Lene ae Sy ae Pygidicraninae,
dd. Femora not keeled or carinated.
e. Prosternum convex, more or less acute anteriorly [Ameri-
Call wenerallinc ed lacve erectile oe ries tice Pyragrinae. .
ee. Prosternum not acute anteriorly [Old World genera].
Echinosomatinae.
cc. Metapygidium and telson much reduced, very much smaller than
the pygidium, which is relatively very large. (Sometimes the
pygidium is fused with the last dorsal segment, and depressed,
forming a squamopygidium as in Gonolabina; head gently
convex posteriorly, and more or less tumid; femora not com-
pressed, nor skecleds) tyes sais. ast ce ee eee Labiduridae.
d. Body not very strongly flattened; forceps not flattened nor
sickle-shaped.
e. Mesosternum strongly narrowed posteriorly.
Allostethinae.
ee. Mesosternum not narrowed.
f. Prosternum narrowed posteriorly ....Esphalmeninae.
212
r
i
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 19
ff. Prosternum not narrowed.
g. Metasternum rounded posteriorly ....... Psalinae.
gg. Metasternum truncate posteriorly.
h. Antennae with from twenty-five to thirty-five
segments; elytra always, wings usually, well
developedirs eons eoN ai ee ens ode aie Labidurinae.
hh. Antennae with from ten to fifteen segments;
apterous.
1. Last dorsal segment truncate. .Parisolabinae.
uu. Last dorsal segment bifid ..... Brachylabinae.
dd. Body very strongly flattened; forceps strongly flattened and
SiekLe=shlaped wee mtr reer cn eeneisvee terion Platylabiinae.
bb. Squamopygidium always developed; ninth vein of wings four-
shaped; body very much flattened; forceps sickle-shaped.
' PARADERMAPTERA.
Elytra weak at axillary angle, exposing ample scutellum.
Apachyidae.
AA. Metapygidium and telson degenerate; pygidium well developed, often
with complex processes; male genitalia single...... EUDERMAPTERA,
b. Second tarsal joint simple, not lobed nor dilated......... Labiidae.
d. Elytra keeled or carinated.
e. Tarsi long and very slender; elytra granulose, the keel formed
by a row of. minute: tubercles... 5)..2:....+. Pericominae.
ee. Tarsi short and relatively robust; elytra smooth, with sharp
keels.
f. Antennae with cylindrical segments.
_g. Abdomen of male parallel sided; elytra perfect; an-
tennae with from sixteen to twenty segments
[PAtinicanieo nor © aan aios cites sea oie cers, oe Vandicinae.
gg. Abdomen of male more or less dilated; antennae with
from twelve to fifteen segments; elytra abbreviated
[South American group] ....... Strongylopsalinae.
ff. Antennae with segments subconical or clavate [Oriental
ATIC SANUIStCA tate OOM | crampan ecrelsc.e eee e Nesogastrinae.
dd. Elytra not keeled or carinated.
e. Body not very strongly flattened.
f. Head transverse, the sutures very distinct; eyes promi-
nent, longer than, or as long as, the first joint of the
AUCH ACR Ate Sa Ne ya tote Se ort Spongiphorinae.
ff. Head narrow, the sutures subobsolete; eyes smaller,
scarcely as long as the first antennal segment.
Labiinae.
Pee Doce SthOLelye tl attends ys atars.cle aint steltiets ie alesse Sparattinae.
bb. Second tarsal segment lobed or dilated.
213
Lawrence Bruner
c. Second tarsal joint provided with a narrow lobe that is extended
beneath “the: thardy 358i. he aaenieeene «eee Chelisochidae.
cc. Second tarsal joint provided with a dilated lobe on each side.
Forficulidae.
d. Sternal plates decidedly transverse (elytra rudimentary; ab-
domen depressed and dilated) ; pygidium transverse.
Chelidurinae.
dd. Sternal plates not decidedly transverse.
e. Antennal segments not very long and slender, the fourth
often shorter than the third; first much shorter than
the head.
f. Meso- and metasternum relatively broad; pygidium
broad. (Forceps not depressed; elytra perfect or
abbnéyiated'’s)\"Aeetack oo eee eee Anechurinae.
ff. Meso- and metasternum subquadrate or narrow; pygid-
ium narrow.
g. Abdomen depressed; forceps flattened or cylin-
drical. (Mesosternum rounded posteriorly.)
Forficulinae.
gg. Abdomen cylindrical, not depressed.
h. Elytra not abbreviated; mesosternum rounded
posteriorly [Oriental genera] ...Eudohrninae.
hh. Elytra abbreviated; mesosternum truncate
[American genera] ....... Neolobophorinae.
ee. Antennal segments all long and slender; fourth not shorter
than third; first longer and heavier than the others.
f. Sternal plates generally transverse, or at least rela-
tively broad; metasternum truncate, transverse; ab-
domen and forceps depressed..... Ancistrogastrinae.
ff. Sternal plates narrow; metasternum narrow; concave
posteriorly.
g. Abdomen not much depressed, surface rather con-
vex, legs long and slender; pygidium narrow.
Opisthocosmiinae.
gg. Abdomen depressed and rather dilated; legs short;
pygidium strongly transverse. ..Diaperasticinae.
214
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 23
Class INSECTA
Sub-class ORTHOPTERA
Order GRYLLOBLATTARIA
Not found in the Philippines. [North American. |
Order DICEYOPTERA) or BLATTARIA
Family EcroprmaAr
Lupparia adimonialis Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 65 (1868) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 65 (1904).—Philippines (Walker).
Family CHORISONEURIDAE
Chorisoneura (?) nigrolineata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 73 (1904).—Philippines (Stal).
Family PHyLLODROMIIDAE
Pseudothyrsocera lugubris (Stal).
Thyrsocera lugubris Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 33 (1877).
Pseudothrysocera lugubris Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 5 (1908).
Philippines (Stl), Mindoro, Calapan, Luzon (Elera).
Pseudothyrsocera signata (Brunner).
Thyrsocera signata Brunner, Ann. Mus. Genova, XXXIII, p. 119
(1865).
Pseudothrysocera signata Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 5 (1908).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner), Samar; Borongan, Paragua, P. Prin-
cesa (Elera).
Pseudothyrsocera rufiventris (Stal).
Thyrsocera rufiventris Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 33 (1877).
Pseudothyrsocera rufiventris Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 5 (1908).
?Thrysocera semicincta Stal; 1. c. p. 33 (9).
Philippines (Stal) ; Ilocos Norte (C. S. Banks).
Pseudothyrsocera semicincta (Stal).
Thyrsocera semicincta Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 33 (1877)—
possibly the 9 of the preceding species.
Philippines (Stal).
215
22 Lawrence Bruner
Pseudothyrsocera circumcincta (Stal).
Thyrsocera circumcincta Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 33 (1877).
Pseudothyrsocera circumcincta Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fase. 73, p. 5
(1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Pseudothyrsocera circumclusa (Stal).
Thyrsocera circumclusa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877).
Possibly the female of the preceding species (see Shelford, l.c.).
Philippines (Stal).
Nisibis amoena Stal.
Thyrsocera (Nisibis) amoena Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34
(1877). ;
Nisibis amoenus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 78 (1904).
Philippines (Stal), Mindanao, Agusan River (Schultze, Merrill).
Pachnepteryx pruinosa (Brunner).
Thyrsocera pruinosa Brunner, Syst. Blatt. p. 117 (1865).
Pachnepteryx pruinosa Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 78 (1904).
Philippines (Coll. Dohrn, Coll. Brunner).
Pachnepteryx ventralis (Walker).
Ellipsidium ventrale Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 85 (1868).
Pachnepteryx ventralis Kirby, 1. c. p. 78 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Pachnepteryx pallidicollis (Stal).
Thyrsocera (Pachnepteryx) pallidicollis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp.
Pp. 33 (1877).
Pachnepteryx pallidicollis Kirby, 1. c. p. 79 (1904).
Philippines (Stal), Manila, Los Bafios, Laguna (Elera).
Mindanao, Agusan River (Weber) ; Ilocos Norte (C. S. Banks).
Pachnepteryx signaticollis (Stal).
Thyrsocera (Pachnepteryx) signaticollis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp.
p. 33 (1877).
Pachnepteryx signaticollis Kirby, 1. c. p. 79 (1904).
Philippines (Stal), Luzon (Elera).
Phyllodromia germanica (Linnzus).
Blatta germanica Linn. Syst. Nat. ed. XII, I (2) p. 668 (1767).
Phyllodromia germanica Fischer Waldheim, Orth. Ross. p. 76, pl. i, f.
4 (1842).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 87 (1904).
Philippines (Manila). Quite general over the islands.
Phyllodromia bivittata (Serville).
Blatta bivittata Serv. Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 108 (1839).
Phyllodromia bivittata Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 11 (1908).
216
—— >s
PAOLA Se Rese)
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 23
Cosmopolitan: Philippines, Mt. Pulog and Pauai, Benguet (Coll.
Bu. Sci.).
Phyllodromia supellectilum (Serville).
' Blatta supellectilum Serv. Hist. Inst. Orth. p. 114 (1839).
Phyllodromia supellectilum Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 11 (1908).
For synonymy see Shelford, 1. c.
Cosmopolitan: Manila, Davao, Cebu (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Phyllodromia rufescens (Beauvois).
Blatta rufescens Beauv. Ins. Afr. Amer. p. 183, Orth. pl. I, b. fig. 7
(1805).
Phyllodromia rufescens Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 11 (1908).
For synonymy see Shelford, 1. c.
Cosmopolitan.
Phyllodromia notulata (Stal).
Blatta notulata Stal, Eugenie’s Resa, Orth. p. 308 (1858).
Allacta notulata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 100 (1904).
Phyllodromia notulata Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 13 (1908).
Phyllodromia hieroglyphica Brunner, Syst. Blatt. p. 105 (1865).
Luzon, Il. Norte (C. S. Banks) ; Manila (Bu. Sci.).
Phyllodromia ignobilis (Walker).
Blatta ignobilis Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 224 (1868).
Allacta ignobilis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 100 (1904).
Phyllodromia ignobilis Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 14 (1908).
Sula = ?Sulu, Philippines (Walker).
Phyllodromia nigrolineata (Stal).
Chorisoneura nigrolineata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877).
Phyllodromia nigrolineata Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 73, p. 14 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Temnopteryx dimidiatipes Bolivar, An. Soc. Espan. Hist. Nat. XIX, p.
300, pl. I, f. 1 (1890); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 104 (1904).—
Philippines (Bolivar).
Family EpILtAMPRIDAE
Homalopteryx macassariensis (DeHaan).
Blatta (Epilampra) macassariensis DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 51, pl. 18,
f. 7 (1842).
Homalopteryx macassariensis Brunner, Noy. Syst. Blatt. p. 197 (1865) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. Vol. I, p. 115 (1904).
Epilampra strigifrons Walker, Cat. Blatt. Brit. Mus. Suppl. p. 132
(1869).
Philippines (Walker).
27
24 Lawrence Bruner
Homalopteryx vasta (Walker).
Epilampra vasta Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 195 (1868).
Homalopteryx vasta Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 115 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Rhicnoda obscurifrons (Stal).
Homalopteryx obscurifrons Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877).
Rhicnoda obscurifrons Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 124 (1904) ; Shel-
ford, Genera Ins. fasc. 101 (1910).
Philippines (Stal).
Rhabdoblatta pudica (Stal).
Epilampra pudica Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877).
Heterolampra pudica Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Rhabdoblatta pudica Shelford, 1. c. p. 15 (1910).
Philippines (Stal) ; Los’ Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
Heterolampra punctata (Brunner).
Epilampra punctata Brunn. Nov. Syst. Blatt. p. 173 (1865).
Heterolampra punctata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 120 (1904).
Philippines.
Heterolampra inconspicua (Brunner).
Epilampra inconspicua Brunn. Novy. Syst. Blatt. p. 186 (1865) ; Shel-
ford, Genera Ins. Fasc. 101, p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra inconspicua Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Brunner).
Heterolampra curta (Walker).
Epilampra curta Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 205 (1868) ; Shelford,
le p215 (ior).
Heterolampra curta Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Heterolampra cryptothalma (Stal).
Epilampra cryptothalma Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877) ;
Shelford, 1. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra cryptothalma Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra pustulata (Walker).
Epilampra pustulata Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 206 (1868) ; Shelford,
Lice pP se (1aro)-
Heterolampra pustulata Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Heterolampra insueta (Walker).
Epilampra insueta Walker, Cat. Blatt. p. 202 (1868); Shelford, 1. c.
p. I5 (1910).
218
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 25
Heterolampra insueta Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Heterolampra manillensis (Saussure).
Epilampra manillensis Sauss. Mem. Soc. Geneve, II, p. 268 (1869) ;
Shelford, 1. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra manillensis Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Kirby, Shelford, Saussure) ; Manila.
; Heterolampra staeli Kirby, Ann. Nat. Hist. Ser. 7, XII, p. 277 (1903) ;
F Ib. 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
a Epilampra puncticollis Stal (nec. Walker) Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p.
% 34 (1877).
: Philippines (Stal).
- Heterolampra pandens (Walker).
Epilampra pandens Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 204 (1868) ; Shelford,
ine pe a5: CLOTO).
Heterolampra pandens Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Heterolampra cribellata (Stal).
Epilampra cribellata Stal, Orth. nova Philipp. p. 34 (1877); Shelford,
ioc. pi. L54C1OLe)
Heterolampra cribellata Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
a | Mee ee
Heterolampra rustica (Stil).
Epilampra rustica Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877) ; Shel-
ford, l. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra rustica Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra plebeia (Stal).
Epilampra plebeia Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 34 (1877); Shel-
ford, .L-eop, 55° (1gro).
Heterolampra plebeia Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra tagalica (Stal). ,
Epilampra tagalica Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877); Shel-
ford, l. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra tagalica Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra trivialis (Stal).
Epilampra trivialis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877).
Heterolampra trivialis Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
219
26 Lawrence Bruner
Heterolampra caliginosa (Stal).
Epilampra caliginosa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877).
Heterolampra caliginosa Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra lugubrina (Stal).
Epilampra lugubrina Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877) ; Shel-
LOG, el eG-a pel a acOme) |,
Heterolampra lugubrina Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra meticulosa (Stal).
Epilampra meticulosa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877);
Shelford, 1. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra meticulosa Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Heterolampra ferruginosa (Stal).
Epilampra ferruginosa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 35 (1877);
Shelford, 1. c. p. 15 (1910).
Heterolampra ferruginosa Kirby, |. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Stal).
Heterolampra (?) elegans (Eschscholtz).
Blatta elegans Esch. Entomographien, p. 84 (1822).
Heterolampra (?) elegans Kirby, 1. c. p. 121 (1904).
Philippines (Eschscholtz), Luzon (Kirby).
Family BLATTIDAE
Platyzosteria soror Brunner, Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 219 (1865) ; Shelford,
Genera Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 7 (1910).
Periplaneta semicincta Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 140 (1868).
Distribution quite general—Formosa to Australia.
Cutilia nitida (Brunner).
Polyzosteria nitida Brunner, Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 214 (1865).
Cutilia tartarea Stal, Orth. Nouv. Ins. Philipp. p. 36 (1877).
Periplaneta polita Walk. Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 139 (1868).
?Blatta aervima Eschscholtz, Entomog. p. 89 (1822).
Philippines (Stal).
Scabina luzonica sp. nov.
Luzon, Baguio? (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Scabina (?) philippinensis sp. nov.
Palawan (Geo. Boetcher, coll.).
Dorylaea brunneri Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 37 (1877) ; Shelford,
Genera Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 14 (1910).—Philippines (Stal).
220
Ee
PA EP LOG
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 27
Dorylaea flavicincta (DeHaan).
Blatta (Periplaneta) flavicincta DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 50 (1842).
Dorylaea flavicincta Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 37 (1877) ; Shel-
ford, Genera Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 13 (1910).
Methana zehntneri Kirby, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (7), XII, p. 374
(1903).
Mindanao, Agusan River (Weber), Baguio (Sanchez).
Dorylaea (?) signata (Escholtz).
Blatta signata Esch. Entomographien, p. 88 (1822).
Dorylaea (?) signata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 135 (1904).
Philippines, Luzon,
Stylopiga rhombifolia (Stoll).
Blatta rhombifolia Stoll, Spectres, Blatt. etc. p. 5, pl. 3d, f. 13 (1913).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 135 (1904).
Cosmopolitan—Manila, Luzon, etc. Laguna, Bacoor, Manila (U.S.
Nat..Mus.).
Blatta orientalis Linnaeus, Syst. Nat. ed. X, Vol. I, p. 424 (1858).
For synonymy see Shelford, Genera Ins. Fasc. 109, p. I5 (1910).
Cosmopolitan—Manila, Los Bafis, etc.
Blatta concinna DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth’ p. 50 (1842); Shelford, Gen. Ins.
Fasc. 109, p. I5 (1910).
Periplaneta borret Sauss. Mem Soc. Sci. Geneve, XXIII, p. 113, pl.
10, fig. 38 (1873).
Blatta brunneri Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 139 (1904).
Oriental region—quite generally distributed.
Blatta (?) sanchezi sp. nov.
Luzon, Baguio (Sanchez).
Periplaneta americana (Linnaeus. )
Blatta americana Linn. Syst. Nat. ed. X, I, p. 424 (1858).
Periplaneta americana Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 503 (1838) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 140 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, |. c.
Cosmopolitan—Manila, Los Banos (Coll. L. Bruner). Mindanao
(U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Periplaneta australasiae (Fabriceus. )
Blatta australasiae Fabr. Syst. Ent. p. 271 (1775).
Periplaneta australasiae Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 503 (1838) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. B. M. I, p. 141 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Cosmopolitan—Los Bafios, Manila (Coll. L. Bruner). Mindanao
(U. S. Nat. Mus.).
221
28 Lawrence Bruner
Periplaneta nitida (Bolivar).
Stylopiga nitida Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat., XTX, p. 302 (1890).
Blatta (?) mitida Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 139 (1904).
Periplaneta nitida Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 18 (1910).
Philippines—Albay, Visita Catbacon (Bolivar).
Periplaneta brunnea Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 503 (1838); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 142 (1904) ; Shelford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 100, p
19 (IQI0).
Luzon (Coll. U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Periplaneta truncata Krauss. Zool. Anzeig. XV, p. 165 (1892) ; Shelford,
Genera Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 19 (1910).
Cosmopolitan.
Periplaneta (?) heros (Eschoschultz).
Blatta heros Esch. Entomographien, p. 83 (1822).
Periplaneta (?) heros Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 142 (1904) ; Shel-
ford, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 109, p. 19 (1910).
Philippines, Luzon.
Homalosilpha contraria (Walker).
Periplaneta contraria Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 131 (1868).
Homalosilpha contraria Shelford, Genera Ins: Fasc. 100, p. 19 (1910).
Philippines (Walker).
—_--
Family NocTIcoLIDAE
Nocticola simoni Bolivar, Bol. Ann. Soc. Ent. France, LXI, p. 32, pl. i
(1892) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 106 (1904).
Philippines (Bolivar), Grotto of San Mateo, Prov. Manila.
Nocticola caeca Bolivar, Bol. Ann. Soc. Ent. France, LXI, p. 33 (1802) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 106 (1904).
Philippines (Bolivar), Grotto of Antipolo, Prov. of Marong or
Rizal, Luzon.
Family PANCHLORIDAE
Rhyparobia maderae (Fabricius).
Blatta maderae Fabr. Spec. Ins. I, p. 341 (1781).
Rhyparobia maderae Krauss, Zool. Anzeig. XV, p. 165 (1892) ; Kirby.
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 150 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c. p. 150 (1904).
Cosmopolitan—Balinag (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Leucophaea surinamensis (Linnaeus).
Blatta surinamensis Linn. Syst. Nat. Ed. X, I, p. 424 (1758).
For extended synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 151 (1904).
Cosmopolitan—Philippines, Coll. Bu. Science, Bu. Agr. Coll.
Bruner, etc. Balinag, Laguna (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
222
ee a eee
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 29
Nauphoeta cinerea (Olivier).
Blatta cinerea Oliv. Enc. Meth. Ins. IV, p. 314 (1789).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 156 (1904).
Philippines (Coll. Brit. Mus. Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Wattenwyliella circumvagans (Burmeister).
Nauphoeta circumvagans Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 508 (1838).
Cosmopolitan.
Family CoryIIDAE
?Holocompsa debilis Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 192 (1868) ; Kirby, Syn.
Gat. Othe wap. 170" (1904):
Manila, Ac. 15836 (Banks), Manila (Jones).
Family PoLyPHAGIDAE
Ergaula scarabaeoides Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 19 (1868) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 173 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Dyscologamia carunculigera (Gerstaecker).
Corydia carunculigera Gerst. Arch. f. Naturg. XXVII, p. 12 (1861) ;
Brunner, Syst. Blatt. p. 337 (1865).
Dyscologamia carunculigera Sauss. Rev. Suisse Zool. I, p. 299 (1803).
Philippines, Luzon.
Family OXYHALOIDAE
Diploptera minor (Brunner).
Eleutheroda minor Brunner, Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 265 (1865).
Diploptera minor Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 176 (1904).
Philippines (Brunner).
Family PLECTOPTERIDAE
Areolaria bipunctata Brunner, Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 261 (1865); Kirby,
Sym. Cat Orth 1; p: 177. (1904).
Philippines (Coll. Dohrn. Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Areolaria coccinelloides (Walker).
Prosoplecta coccinelloides Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 56 (1868).
Areolaria coccinelloides Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 177 (1904).
Philippines (Walker).
Prosoplecta coccinella Saussure, Rev. Zool. (2) XVI, p. 324 (1864) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 177 (1904).
Philippines (Sauss.) ; Limay (Coll. L. Bruner).
Prosoplecta semperi Shelford, Proc. Zool. Soc. London, 1912, p. ——,
Philippines.
223
30 Lawrence Bruner
Prosoplecta nigra Shelford, Proc. Zool. Soc. London, 1912, p. ——,
Philippines.
Prosoplecta mimas Shelford, Proc. Zool. Soc. London, 1912, p. —,
Philippines.
Prosoplecta ligata (Brunner).
Cassidodes ligata Brunn. Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 262, Pl. 6, £. 28 (1865).
Prosoplecta ligata Kirby, 1. c. p. 177 (1904).
Philippines (Coll. Dohrn.).
Prosoplecta rufa Kirby, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (7), XII, p. 379 (1903) ;
Ib. Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 177 (1904).—Philippines (Kirby), Mindanao.
?Prosoplecta bipunctata (Walker).
Blatta bipunctata Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. Suppl. p. 141 (1869).
Prosoplecta bipunctata Kirby, 1. c. p. 177 (1904).
Philippines Lamao, Batan (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Family PERISPHAERIIDAE
Paranauphoeta lyrata (Burmeister).
Nauphoeta lyrata Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 508 (1838).
Paranauphocta lyrata Brunner, Syst. Blatt. p. 401 (1865) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 180 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines.
Proscratea bilineata Navas, Boll. Soc. Arag. Sci. Nat. III, p. 135 (1904).—
Mindanao, Rio Agusan (Navas).
Perisphaeria fornicata (Walker).
Zetobora fornicata Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 48 (1868).
Perisphaeria fornicata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 189 (1904).
Philippines (Walker, Coll. Brit. Mus.)
Perisphaeria glomeriformis Lucas, Ann. Soc. Ent. France, Ser. 4, III, p.
408, pl. 9, ff. 10, 10a (1863); Sauss. and Zehntn. Rey. Suisse Zool.
III, p. 37, (1895) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 190 (1904).—Philippines.
Perisphaeria aenia (Brunner).
Derocalymma aenia Brunn. Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 322 (1865).
Perisphaeria aenia Kirby, 1. c. p. 190 (1904).
Philippines (Brunner).
Perisphaeria sp—Mindoro, Naujan (Elera).
Family PANESTHIIDAE
Salganea amboinica Brunner, Rev. Syst. Orth. p. 47 (1893) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 200 (1904).
Panesthia morio var. minor (pt.) Brunner, Syst. Blatt. p. 392 (1865).
Mindanao (Coll. U. S. Nat. Mus.).
224
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Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 31
Panesthia aethiops (Stoll).
4 Blatta aethiops Stoll, Spect. Blatt. etc. p. 3, pl. Id, f. 3 (1813).
; Panesthia aethiops Kirby, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. Ser. 7, XI, P. 412
(1903) ; Ib. Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 202 (1904).
; Philippines.
’Panesthia javanica Serville, Ann. Sci. Nat. XXII, p. 38 (1831) ; Ib. Hist.
Ins. Orth. p. 131, pl. 2, f. 5 (18390).
Panesthia affinis Burmeister, Handb, Ent. II, p. 513 (1838).
Panesthia quadrimaculata Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 21 (1868)—
larva,
Philippines, Gimares, Mindanao (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Panesthia saussurei Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 37 (1877); Sauss,
Rev. Suisse Zool. III, p. 312 (1895) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p.
202 (1904).—Philippines (Stal).
Panesthia angustipennis (Illiger).
Blatta angustipennis Illig. Mag. Insekt. I, p. 185 (1801).
Panesthia angustipennis Brunner, Nouv. Syst. Blatt. p. 395 (1865).
Panesthia aethiops Walker, Cat. Blatt. B. M. p. 20 (1868).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner, Coll. Mus. Vienna).
Panesthia puncticollis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 37 (1877) ; Kirby,
1. c. p. 203 (1904).—Philippines (Stal).
Panesthia lobipennis Brunner, Rev. Syst. Orth. p. 51 (1893).—Lamao,
Bataan, Luzon (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Panesthia minutipennis sp. nov.
Philippines, Mt. Pulog, Benguet, Luzon (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Luzon (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
?Panesthia mandarina Saussure.—Philippines.
?Panesthia ornata Saussure.—Philippines.
Panesthia morio Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 513 (1838) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 204 (1904) .—Philippines.
Order MANTARIA
Family AMORPHOSCELIDAE
Compsothespis tumidiceps Bolivar, ‘An. Soc. Espan. Hist. Nat. XIX, p.
303 (1890); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 208 (1904).—Philippines
(Bolivar).
Family EREMIAPHILIDAE
Theopompa tosta Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal).
225
32 Lawrence Bruner
Family MANTIDAE
Odontomantis eriphrosyne Stal. Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877).
—Philippines (Stal).
Gonypeta aspera Stal. Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal).
Statilia maculata (Thunberg).
Mantis maculata Thunb. Nov. Spec. Ins. III, p. 61 (1784) ; DeHaan,
Temminck, Verh. Orth. p. 77, pl. 18, f. 5 (1842).
Statilia maculata Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. France, p. 309 (1897).
Pseudomantis haani Sauss. Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXI, pp. 37, 276 (1871).
Philippines (Sauss.).
Statilia nemoralis (Saussure).
Pseudomantis nemoralis Sauss. Mitth. Schweiz. Ent. Ges. III, p. 229
(1870) ; Mem: Soc. Geneve, XXI, pp. -35, 275, pl. 4, £08) pl &
£3 30(870))-
Statilia nemoralis Stal, Syst. Mant. p. 55 (1877).
3 Mantis orientalis Sauss. 1. c. p. 233 (1870).
Philippines (Mus. Holm.) ; Manila (Sauss., Brunner).
Euchomena manillensis Saussure, Mitth. Schweiz. Ent. Ges. III, p. 236
(1870) ; Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXI, p. 47, pl. 6, f. 44 (1871).—Manila
(Sauss.).
Tenodera costalis (Blanchard). ‘
Mantis costalis Blanch. Voy. Pole Sud, Zool. IV, p. 353 (1853), in part.
Tenodera costalis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 238 (1904).
Mantis fusca Blanch. 1. c. pl. 2, f. 1 (1853).
Quite general over Oceanica.
Tenodera superstitiosa (Fabricius).
Mantis superstitiosa Fabr. Spec. Ins. I, p. 348 (1781) ; Olivier, Enc.
Meth. Ins. VII, p. 632 (1792).
Tenedera superstitiosa Sauss. Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXI, pp. 99, 206
1871) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 238 (1904).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Tenodera australasiae (Leach).
Mantis australasiae Leach, Zool. Misc. I, pl. 34 (1814).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 230.
Philippines (Bu. Sci. Coll.).
Tenodera aridifolia Stoll, Spectres, Mantes, etc. p. 65, pl. 22, f. 82 (1813).
Tenodera aridifolia Sauss. Ess. Syst. Mant. p. 69 (1869).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 239, and Giglio-Tos,
Mant. Esot. V, p. 37 (1912).
Mindanao (Navas).
226
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.
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 33
Tenodera fasciata (Olivier).
Mantis fasciata Oliv. Encycl. Meth. VII, p. 640 (1792).
Tenodera fasciata Giglio-Tos, Mant. Esot. V, p. 45 (1912).
For synonymy see Giglio-Tos, 1. c.
Sulu Isl. (Mus. Berlin).
Mesopteryx alata Saussure, Mitth. Schweiz. Ent. Ges. III, p. 235 (1870) ;
Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXI, p. 40 (1871).—Manila (Sauss.).
Hierodula vitreoides Giglio-Tos, Mant. Esot. V, p. 82 (1912).—Manila
(Mus. Geneva).
Hierodula dyaka Westwood, Rev. Mant. p. 34, pl. 6, f. 4 (1880).
Hierodula patellifera (Serville).
Mantis patellifera Serv. Hist. Orth. p. 185 (1839).
Hierodula patellifera Stal, Syst. Mant. p. 57 (1877).
For synonymy see Giglio-Tos, Mant. Esot. p. 95.
Manila (Saussure).
Hierodula manillana Giglio-Tos, Mant. Esot. p. 96 (1912).—Manila
(Mus. Berlin, Mus. Geneva).
Hierodula bipapilla (Serville).
Mantis bipapilla Serv. Hist. Orth. p. 188 (1839).
Hierodula bipapilla Westwood, Rev. Mant. p. 34, pl. 5, f. 2 (1889).
For synonymy see Giglio-Tos, Mant. Esot. p. 96 (1912).
Mindanao (Navas, Coll. U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Hierodula raptoria Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 245 (1904).—Philippines (Stal) (Coll. Brit.
Mus.).
Hierodula parviceps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 247 (1904).—Philippines (Stal), Cavite, etc.
(Elera).
Hierodula daphne Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. I, p. 247 (1904).—Philippines (Stal), Cavite (Elera).
Rhomboderula phryne (Stal).
Hierodula (Rhombodera) phryne Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38
(1877).
Rhombodera phryne Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 249 (1904).
Parhicrodula (Rhomboderula) phryne Gig.-Tos, Mant. Esot. p. 132
(1912).
Philippines (Stal), Luzon, etc. (Elera).
Nanomantis albella (Burmeister).
Mantis albella Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 533, no. 15 (1838).
Nanomantis (?) albella Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 255 (1904).
227
34 Lawrence Bruner
Miopteryx albella Saussure, Mitth. Schweiz. Ent. Ges. III, p. 237
(1870).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Manila (Elera, Coll. Brit. Mus.), Ilocos Norte (C. S. Banks).
Family CREOBOTRIDAE
Acromantis oligoneura (DeHaan).
Mantis oligoneura DeHaan, Temminck, Verhandel. Orth. p. 90, pl. 18,
f. 6 (1842).
Acromantis oligoneura Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 280 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, I. c.
East Indies generally.
Acromantis hesione Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 38 (1877) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. p. 280 (1904).—Philippines (Stal), Laguna, etc.
(Elera).
Creoboter urbana (Fabricius).
Mantis urbana Fabr. Syst. Ent. p. 278, no. 19 (1775).
Creoboter urbana Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 290 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Manila, Bulacan, Lolomboy (Elera).
Creoboter meleagris Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 39 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal).
Harpagomantis tricolor (Linnaeus).
Gryllus (Mantis) tricolor Linn. sae Nat. ed. X, I, p. 426, moro
(1758).
Harpagomantis tricolor Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 295 (1904).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Elera).
Order GRESSORIA
Family OBRIMINIDAE
Stenobrimus bolivari Redtenbacher, die Ins. Fam. Phasmiden, p. 37, pl. I,
f. 1, Ia (1906).—Philippinen, Tayabas (Coll. I. Bolivar).
Theramenes olivaceus (Westwood).
Eurycantha olivacea Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 65, pl. 2, f. 8 & (18590).
Theramenes olivaceus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 37 (19008
Philippines, Talauer Isls. (Coll. Brunner).
Theramenes dromedarius Stal, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX, p. 68 (1877) ;
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 38, pl. 1, ff. 2, 3a, b (1906).—
Philippines, Talauer Isls. (Coll. Brunner).
228
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 35
Eubulides alutaceus Stal, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX, p. 68 (1877) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 38 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Obrimus lacerta Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 39 (1906).—Philippines,
Luzon, Mindanao (Coll. Brunner, Mus. Berlin).
Obrimus cavernosus Stal, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX, p. 68 (1877) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam.. Phasm. p. 39, pl. 1, f. 6 (1906)—Luzon (Mus. Ber-
lin), Mindanao (Mus. Paris).
Obrimus quadratipes Bolivar, Ortopt. Nuevos, p. 307 (1890); Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 40 (1906).—Philippines (Mazareddo, Coll.
Bolivar).
Obrimus foveolatus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 40 (1906).—Philip-
pines, Mindanao (Mus. Paris). ;
Obrimus bufo (Westwood).
Acanthoderus bufo Westw. Orient. Ent. p. 77, pl. 38, f. 32 (1848), Cat.
Phasm.'p.. 51, pl. 2, f. 6: (1850):
?A. mesoplatus Westw. 1. c.
Philippines, Manila (Westwood, Coll. Brunner).
Obrimus mesoplatus (Westwood).
(Acanthoderus) mesoplatus Westw. Orient. Ent. p. 77, pl. 38, f. 4 do
(1847) ; Ib. Cat. Phasm. p. 51, no. 141 (1859).
Obrimus mesoplatus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 398 (1904).
Philippines.
Obrimus echinatus Stal, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX, p. 68 (1877) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 41 (1906).—Manila (Coll. Brunner), Phil-
ippines (Stal).
Heterocopus leprosus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 42, pl. 1, f. 7
(1906).—Pelew Islands (Coll. Brunner, Mus. Hamburg).
Heterocopus ranarius (Westwood).
Acanthoderus ranarius Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 53, pl. 4, f. 3 2 (18590).
Heterocopus ranarius Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 42 (1906).
Philippines (Westw. Coll. Bolivar).
Tisamenus cervicornis Bolivar, Ortopt. Nuevos Ann. Soc. Esp. XIX, p.
307, f. 5 (1890); Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 44 (1906).—
Philippines (Bolivar).
Tisamenus deplanatus (Westwood).
Pachymorpha deplanata Westw. Orient. Ent. p. 78, pl. 38, £. 6 2 (1848).
Tisamenus deplanatus Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 93 (1875) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 44 (1906).
Philippines (Westw.).
229
36 Lawrence Bruner
Tisamenus armadillo Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 44, pl. 1, f. 8 (1906).
Philippines (Mus. Dresden).
Tisamenus serratorius Stal. Recens. Orth. III, p. 92 (1875); Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 44 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
- Tisamenus asper Bolivar, Ortopt. Nuevos. p. 308 (1890); Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 45 (1906).—Philippines, Angat (Bolivar).
Hoploclonia draconina (Westwood).
Pachymorpha draconina Westw. Orient. Ent. p. 78, pl. 38, fig. 5 2
(1848).
Hoploclonia draconina Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 93 (1875) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 45, pl. 1, f. 9 2 (1906).
Philippines (Westw. Hofmus. Wien).
Family ASCEPASMIDAE
Ascepasma hieroglyphicum (Gray).
Pedamorpha hierogliphica Gray, Syn. Phasm. p. 21 (1835).
Ascepasma hieroglyphicum Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 75
(1906).
Ascepasma annulipes Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 92, pl. 15, f. 2 od.
Philippines, Menado (Mus. Brussel), etc.
Ascepasma pandora Westwood, Cat. Phasm. p. 93, pl. 9, f. 2 d.
Ascepasma forsteni DeHaan, Bijdr. etc. p. 114 2 (nec. d).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner, Hofmus. Wien, Mus. Hamburg, Mus.
Paris) ; Los Bafios and Paeta, Luzon (L. Bruner).
Ascepasma forsteni DeHaan, Bijdr. etc. p. 114 (1842), nec. 2; Westw.
Cat. Phasm. p. 93 (1859).—Philippines (Mus. Dresden).
Ascepasma catadromus Westwood, Cat. Phasm. p. 94, pl. 18, f. 3 2
(1859) ; Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 76 (1906).—Philippines
(Coll. Brunner, Mus. Paris).
Ascepasma alexis Westwood, Cat. Phasm. p. 94, pl. 28, f. 3 2 (18590) ;
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 77 (1906)—Luzon (Mus.
Berlin).
Abrosoma apterum Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 85, pl. 4 ff. 7, 8 (1906).
—Palawan (Coll. Brunner).
Abrosoma sericeum Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 85 (1906).—Palawan
(Coll. Brunner).
Family PHASMIDAE
Donusa spatulata Blanchard, Hist., Chile, VI, p. 25, Orth. Pl. 1, f. 6
(1852).
230
4
.
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;
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 37
Conusa spatulata Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 98 (1906).
Bacteria cornuta Philippi, Verz. Chil. Orth. p. 217 (1863).
Bacteria chilensis Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 26, 180 (1859).
Philippines (Coll. Bolivar).
Family PRISOPIDAE
Family PHYLLIDAE
Family HETEROPTERYGIDAE
Phyllium celebicum DeHaan, Bijdr. etc. p. 111 (1842); Westw. Cat.
Phasm. p. 173, pl. 40, f. 6, &; Wood-Mason, Journ. Asiat. Soc.
Bengal, XLIV, pl. II, p. 218, pl. 16 ?.—Philippines (Mus. Hamburg),
Manila (Wood-Mason).
Phyllium siccifolium (Linnaeus).
Gryllus siccifolius Linn. Syst. Nat. ed. X, I, p. 425 (1864).
Phyllium siccifolium Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 176, pl. 6, f.
19 (1906).
For synonymy see Brunner and Redtenbacher, 1. c.
Philippines (Coll. Brunner, Coll. Bolivar, Mus. Paris, Mus. Berlin,
Mus. Dresden).
Phyllium bilobatum Gray, Zoologist, I, p. 120 (1843); Kirby, Syn. Cat.
Orth. I, p. 423 (1904).—Philippines (Kirby).
Phyllium geryon Gray, Zoologist, I, p. 118 (1843); Brunner and Redt.
Fam. Phasm. p. 177, pl. 6, f. 12 (1906).—Philippines (Gray).
Family CLITUMNIDAE
Eucarcharus feruloides (Westwood).
Lonchodes feruloides Westw., Cat. Phasm. p. 45, pl. 6, f. 5.
Eucarcharus feruloides Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 186 (1907).
Philippines (Westwood).
Eucarcharus fallax Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 186 (1907) .—Luzon
(Coll. Brunner).
Clitumnus philippinicus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 193 (1907).—
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Cuniculina nematodes (DeHaan).
Phasma (Bacteria) nematodes DeHaan, Bijdr. etc. p. 132, pl. 11, f.
G4, pl 13; F292. (1842).
Lonchodes nematodes Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 42, pl. V, fig. 7.
Cuniculina nematodes Brunner, Ins. Fam. Phasm.
Engano (U. S. Nat. Mus.) (p. 206, 1907).
231
38 Lawrence Bruner
Cuniculina rustica (Stal).
Clitumnus rusticus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 10 (1877).
Cuniculina rustica Brunner and Redt. p. 207 (1907).
Philippines.
Prosentoria sp.—The two described forms of this genus come from Kina
Bolu, Borneo, and without doubt also occur in the adjacent islands
of the Philippines.
Entoria denticornis Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 72 (1875); Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 208, pl. 8, f. 3a, 2, b (1907).—Philippines
Stal, Coll. Brunner).
Pachymorpha systropedon (Westwood).
Lonchodes systropedon Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 44, pl. 3, f. 8 (1859).
Pachymorpha systropedon Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 214
(1907).
Philippines (Westwood).
Family LOoNCHODIDAE
Stheneboea whiteheadi (Kirby).
Lonchodes whiteheadi Kirby, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. VI, pt. 6, p.
450 (1806).
Stheneboea whiteheadi Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 249 (1907).
Luzon (Kirby). :
Diangelus helleri Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 256 (1907).—Dapitan in ins.
Philippinis (Mus. Dresden).
Periphetes graniferum (Westwood).
Phasma graniferum Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 35, pl. 3, f. 4 (1859).
Periphetes graniferum Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 40 (1877);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 320 (1904).
Philippines.
Lonchodes tagalicus Stal, Orth. Ins. Philipp. p. 39 (1877); Brunner and
Redt. Phasm. p. 259 (1907).
Staelonchodes tagalicus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 317 (1904).
Philippines (Stal, Coll. Brunner, Mus. Berol. Mus. Dresden).
Lonchodes analis Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 260 (1907).—Luzon (Mus.
Berol.).
Lonchodes nodulosus Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 261° (1907).—Manila
(Mus. Paris).
Lonchodes trollius Westwood, Cat. Phasm. p. 40, pl. 23, f. 1 (1859);
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 261 (1907).
Staelonchodes trollius Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orthop. I, p. 318 (1904).
232
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 39
Phasma graniferum Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 35, pl. 3, f. 4 (1859).
Philippines (Westwood).
Mithrenus asperulus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 39 (1877) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 263 (1907).—Ins. Philippinae (Stal).
Carausius capreolus (Stal).
Mnesilochus capriolus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 39 (1877).
Carausius capreolus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 275 (1907).
Ins. Philippinae (Stal).
Carausius haedulus (Stal).
Mnesolochus haedulus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 39 (1877).
Carausius haedulus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 276 (1907).
Ins. Philippinae (Stal).
Dixippus bilobatus Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 281 (1907).—Ins. Philippinae
(Coll. Bolivar) ; Albay, Luzon (Coll. Bolivar).
Prisomera mindanaensis Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 286 (1907) —Mindanao
(Mus. Dresden).
Prisomera palawanica Carl, Rev. Suisse Zool. XXI, pp. 30, 31 (1913).—
Palawan (Mus. Geneva).
Prisomera tuberculatum Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 287 (1907).—Mindanao
(Mus. Paris).
Prisomera rubrifemur Brunner, Fam. Phasm. p. 291 (1907).—?Balabac
in ins. Borneo (Coll. Brunner).
Manduria systropedon (Westwood).
Lonchodes systropedon Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 44, pl. III, f. 8. (1850).
Manduria systropedon Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 300 (1907).
Ins. Philippinae (Westwood).
Family PHIBALOSOMIDAE
Platycrania viridana (Olivier).
Mantis viridana Oliv. Enc. Meth. Ins. VII, p. 636, no. 60 (1792).
Phasma edule Lichtenstein, Cat. Mus. Zool. Hamb. III, p. 77, no. 5
(1796).
For additional synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 385 (1904)
and Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 369 (1908).
Philippines (Wallace).
Megacrania batesi Kirby, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. p. 741 (1806) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 360, pl. 16, f. 16, pl. 17, f. 1 (1908).
Platycrania alpheus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 112 (1859).
Luzon (Mus. Paris).
233
40 Lawrence Bruner
Megacrania alpheus (Westwood).
Platycrania alpheus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 112, pl. 4, f. 2 9 (1859).
Megacrania alpheus Kirby, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. p. 471 (1896) ;
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 370 (1908).
Philippines (Westwood).
Graeffea coccophaga (Newport).
Alophus coccophagus Newpt. Phil. Trans. p. 288, pl. 14, f. 4 (1844).
Gracffea coccophaga Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 371 (1908).
Entire Oceanica and adjoining islands.
Arrhidaéus nigroplagiatus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 376 (1908).—
Luzon (Coll. Brunner).
Arrhidaeus palinurus (Westwood).
Necroscia palinurus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 135, pl. 2, f. 6 2 (1859).
Arrhidaecus palinurus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 376 (1908).
Philippines (Westwood).
Arrhidaeus nigricornis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 41 (1877);
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 377 (1908).—Philippines (Stal).
Arrhidaeus nigrotaeniatus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 377 (1908).—
Valle de Bulasan (Coll. Bolivar). ;
Arrhidaeus stygius (Westwood).
Necroscia stygius Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 192, pl. 9, f. 3 ¢ (1859).
Arrhidacus styxius Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 377 (1908).
Philippines (Westwood, Mus. Paris).
Arrhidaeus vittipennis Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 85 (1875) ; Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 377 (1908).—Philippines (Mus. Holm. Coll.
Brunner).
Arrhidaeus viridinervis Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 85 (1875) ; Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 377, pl. 17, f. 4 (1908).—Philippines (Coll.
Brunner).
Arrhidaeus stali Kirby, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. p. 741 (1896) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 378 (1908).—Albay, N. E. Luzon (Kirby),
Philippines (Hofmus. Wien).
Arrhidaeus brunni Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 378 (1908).—Palapa,
Samar (Mus. Hamburg).
Vasilissa tecticollis Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 383, pl. 17, f. 6 (1908).
—Philippines (Mus. Paris).
Rhaphiderus alliaceus Stal, Recens. Orth. III, p. 85 (1875) ; Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 387 (1908).—Manila (Mus. Paris).
Rhaphiderus bilobatus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 388 (1908).—Manila
(Mus. Paris).
234
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 41
Salganea humeralis Caudell, Can. Ent. XX XVIII, p. 136, 1906.—Philip-
pines (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Family ACROPHYLLIDAE
Taeniosoma sanchezi Bolivar, Act. de la Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. Jan. p. 29
1897) ; Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 442, pl. 22, f. 5 (1908).—
Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Madrid).
Diagoras ephialtes Stal, Comp. Rend. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX, p. Ixvi (1877) ;
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 444 (1908).—?Palau = Insel.
(Stal).
Pharnacia ponderosa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 40 (1877); ?Kirby,
Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. Vol. 6, pt. 6, p. 451 (1896).—Philippines
(Stal), —Luzon (Kirby).
Pharnacia longicornis (Burmeister).
Cladoxerus longicornis Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 572 (1838).
Orthonecroscia longicornis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 374 (1904).
Manila (Burmeister).
Anchiale maculata (Olivier).
Mantis maculata Oliv. Enc. Meth. VII, pp. 626, 636 (1825).
Anchiale maculata Stal, Recens. Orthop. III, p. 84 (1877); Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 460, pl. 23, f. 5 (1908).
For synonymy see Brunner and Redt. 1. c.
General over East Indies and Oceanica. (Most of the museums.)
Cyphocrania gigas (Linnaeus).
Gryllus (Mantis) gigas Linn. Syst. Nat. ed. X, I, p. 425, ed. XII, II,
p. 689 (1758, 1767).
Cyphocrania gigas Serville, Hist. Orth. p. 237 (1839); Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 467, pl. 23, f. 9 (1908).
For synonymy see Brunner and Redt. 1. c.
General over East Indies and Australasia. (Most of the large
museums.) *
Eurycnema stenocerca Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 469 (1908).—Phil-
ippines, Menado (Mus. Brussel).
Family NECROSCIIDAE
Thrasyllus macilentus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 41 (1877);
Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 474 (1908).—Philippines (Stal).
Lamachus granulosus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. 483 (1908) —Mindanao,
Dapitan (Mus. Dresden, Coll. Brunner).
Lamachus semperi Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 41 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal).
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42 Lawrence Bruner
Asceles rulanda Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 497 (1908).—Luzon (Coll.
Brunner).
Asceles obsoletus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 499 (1908).—Philippines
(Mus. Dresden).
Asceles scaber (Stal).
Necroscia scaber Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1875).
Asceles scaber Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 499 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Asceles mancinus (Westwood).
Necroscia mancinus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 144, pl. 14, f. 3 (1859).
Asceles mancenus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 500 (1908).
Philippines (Westwood).
Asceles icaris (Stal).
Necroscia icaris Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877).
Asceles (?) icaris Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 501 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Asceles nigro-granosus (Stal).
Necroscia nigro-granosa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877).
Asceles nigro-granosus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 501 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Loxopsis conocephala (DeHaan).
Phasma conocephalum DeHaan, Bijdr. etc. p. 124, pl. 12, f. 4 2 (1842).
Loxopsis conocephala Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 503, pl. 24,
f. 7 (1908).
Necroscia agondas Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 129, pl. 28, f. 2 d.
Mindanao (Coll. Brunner, Mus. Dresden).
Neocles echinatus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 505 (1908).—Dapitan,
Mindanao (Mus. Dresden).
Marmessoidea flavoguttata (Stal).
Necroscia flavoguttata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877).
Marmessoidea flavoguttata Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 512
(1908). |
Philippines (Stal). :
Marmessoidea mustea (Bates).
Necroscea mustea Bates, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. XXV, p. 355, pl. 45,
f. 8 (1865).
Marmessoidea mustea Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 513 (1908).
Sulu Isl. (Bates).
Aruanoidea conspicua Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 520 (1908).—Philip-
pines (Coll. Bolivar, Coll. Brunner).
236
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 43
Aruanoidea refractaria Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 520 (1908).—Luzon
(Mus. Berlin).
Aruanoidea dense-granulosa Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 521 (1908).—
?Sula Besi bei Celebes (Mus. Hamburg).
Aruanoidea salamanzar (Westwood).
Necroscia salamanzar Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 133, pl. 16, f. 6 (1859).
Aruanoidea salamanzar Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 522 (1908).
Philippines (Westwood).
Aruanoidea truncata Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 522 (1908).—Dapitan,
Mindanao (Mus. Dresden).
Aruanoidea nigrofasciata Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 525 (1908).—
Philippines (Coll. Bolivar, Coll. Brunner).
Aruanoidea munda Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 525 (1908).—Philip-
pines (Coll. Brunner, Mus. Genf.).
Aruanoidea roseipennis (Serville).
Necroscia roseipennis Sery. Ins. Orth. p. 272 (1839).
Aruanoidea roseipennis Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 526, pl. 27,
f. 10 (1908).
For synonymy see Brunner and Redt. I. c.
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Aruanoidea fasciolata (Stal).
Necroscia fasciolata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877).
Aruanoidea fasciolata Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 528 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Aruanoidea stali Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 529 (1908).—Manila
(Coll. Brunner).
Aruanoidea ceres (Stal).
Necroscia ceres Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877).
?Aruanoidea ceres Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 529 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Aruanoidea eurynome (Stal).
Necroscia eurynome Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p.. 373 (1904):
Philippines (Stal).
?Aruanoides eucerca (Stal).
Necroscia eucerca Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877).
?Aruanoidea eucerca Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 529 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
?Aruanoidea fatua (Stal).
Necroscia fatua Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
237
44 Lawrence Bruner
?Araunoidea fatwa Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 529 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
?Aruanoidea virens (Stal).
Necroscia virens Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
?Aruanoidea virens Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 530 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
?Aruanoidea conspersa (Stal).
Necroscia conspersa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877).
?Aruanoidea conspersa Brunner and Redt. p. 530 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Sosibia esacus (Westwood).
Necroscia esacus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 132, pl. 16, f. 4 (1859).
Sosibia esacus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 537 (1908).
Dapitan, Mindanao (Mus. Dresden).
Sosibia parvipennis (Stal).
Necroscia parvipennis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877).
Sosibia parvipennis Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 537 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Candaules muticus Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 539 (1908).—Mindanao
(Coll. Brunner).
Sipyloidea sipylus (Westwood).
Necroscia sipylus Westw. Cat. Phasm. p. 138, pl. 18, f. 4 (1859).
Sipyloidea sipylus Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 544 (1908).
Quite generally distributed over East Indian islands and Oceanica.
Sipyloidea morio Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 544 (1908).—Philippines :
(Coll. Brunner), Manila (Mus. Paris).
Sipyloidea normalis Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 547 (1908).—Celebes,
Moluccas, etc. (Coll. Brunner, etc.).
Sipyloidea tristis Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 548 (1908).—?Insel Ba-
labe (Coll. Brunner). Is this Balabec?
Sipyloidea styligera (Bates).
Necroscia styligera Bates, Trans. Linn. Soc. Lond. XXV, p. 355, pl.
45. °f) 1 (sos)
Sipyloidea styligera Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 550 (1908).
Sula Islands (Bates).
Sipyloidea falcata Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 550, pl. 27, f. 2 (1908).—
Sula Mangoli (Coll. Brunner, Mus. Hamburg).
Sipyloidea rostrata Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 550 (1908).—Sula Man-
goli (Coll. Brunner).
238
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 45
Sipyloidea longithorax Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 550 (1908).
?Necroscia philippa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
Philippines (Mus. Paris).
Sipyloidea philippa (Stal).
Necroscia philippa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
Philippines (Stal).
Sipyloidea brevipennis Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 350 (1908).—Phil-
ippines (Coll. Brunner).
Sipyloidea berenice (Stal).
Necroscia berenice Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
Sipyloidea berenice Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 551 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Sipyloidea calliope (Stal).
Necroscia calliope Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 43 (1877).
Sipyloidea calliope Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 551 (1908).
Philippines (Stal), U. S. Nat. Museum).
Sipyloidea eurycneme (Stal).
Necroscia eurycneme Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877).
Sipyloidea eurycneme Brunner and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 551 (1908).
Philippines (Stal).
Paranecroscia operculata Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 557 (1908).—
?Kina-Bala, N. Borneo (Coll. Brunner); also quite common and
generally distributed.
Necroscia maculiceps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877) ; Brunner
and Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 561 (1908).—Philippines (Stal).
Necroscia philippina Redtenbacher, Fam. Phasm. p. 563 (1908).—Philip-
pines (Coll. Brunner).
Necroscia thisbe Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 42 (1877) ; Brunner and
Redt. Fam. Phasm. p. 563 (1908).—Philippines (Stal).
Order ISOPTERA
The insects of this order are unusually abundant in various
parts of the Philippines, but unfortunately they have not been
collected and studied. In 1904 J. Desneux published a paper on
the group entitled ‘The Family Termitidae” (Genera Insec-
torum, fascicule 25, pp. I-52, two plates) which was practically a
catalogue of all the species of the world known at that time.
Since then much additional has been written on these insects. But,
239
46 Lawrence Bruner
as I do not have the time nor the literature to enable me to
prepare a more recent list, the following one based on Desneux’s
paper is offered.
The following named species occur in northern Borneo and
undoubtedly most of them are to be found in the Philippines as
well.
Family CALOTERMITIDAE
Calotermes atrocarpi Haviland Calotermes dentatus Haviland
Calotermes borneensis Haviland Calotermes domesticus Haviland
Calotermes brevicaudatus Haviland Calotermes pinangae Haviland
Family TERMITIDAE
Rhinotermes brevialatus Haviland Termes longipes Haviland
Rhinotermes translucens Haviland Termes matangensis Haviland
Rhinotermes aequalis Haviland Termes minutus Haviland
Rhinotermes inaequalis Haviland Termes mirabilis Haviland
Leucotermes tenuior Haviland Termes monoceros Konig
Coptotermes gestrot Wasman (see T. hospitalis)
Coptotermes travians Haviland Termes nemorosus Haviland
Termes carbonarius Hagan Termes ovipennis Haviland
Termes dives Hagan Termes regularis Haviland
Termes borneensis Haviland Termes malayanus Haviland
Termes brevicornis Haviland Termes taprobanes Walker
Termes comis Haviland Termes rostratus Haviland
Termes constrictus Haviland Termes sarawakensis Haviland
Termes dentatus Haviland Termes serrula Desneux
Termes distans Haviland Termes setiger Haviland
Termes duplex Desneux Termes sordidus Haviland
Termes filicornis Haviland Termes speciosus Haviland
Termes foraminifer Haviland Termes umbrinus Haviland
Termes fuscipennis Haviland Eutermes aciculatus (Haviland)
Termes globosus Haviland Eutermes albipes (Haviland)
Termes havilandi Desneux Eutermes atripennis (Haviland)
Termes laticornis Haviland Termitogeton umbilicatus (Hagen)
Order SALTATORIA
Suborder Acridoidea
Family TETRIGIDAE
Cleostratus monocrus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877) ; Bolivar,
Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 108, pl. 1, f. 1 (1887) ; Hancock,
240
ve ta
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 47
Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 5, fig. (1906).—Philippines (Stal) ; Paragua,
P. Princesa (Elera) ; Luzon, Los Bafios (Bruner); Calanang, La-
guna (Bu. Science).
Cleostratus longifrons Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877) ; Han-
cock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 5 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Discotettix scabrides (Stal).
Mnuesarchus scabridus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 55 (1877).
Discotettix scabridus Bolivar, Essai, Tettig. p. 133 (1887) ; Hancock,
Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 6 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm).
Arulenus validispinus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877) ; Hancock.
Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 7 (1906).—Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm).
Hirrius punctatus (Stal).
Arulenus punctatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877).
Hirrius punctatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, p. 308 (1887) ;
Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 7 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm, Coll. Brunner) ; Luzon, Ma-
nila, Bulacan, Lolomboy, (Elera).
Hymenotus triangularis Westwood, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond. p. 130 (1837) ;
Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 11, pl. 1, f. 5 (1906), in part—Phil-
ippines (Stal); Agusan Riv. Mindanao (Schultze); Cabadbaran
and Davao, Mindanao (Weber).
Hymenotes bolivari Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 4 (1910).
Hymenotes triangularis Bolivar (nec. Westw.), Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg.
SOOT py 200) pl 4ieits 2.24.9, (A887 )e
Philippines (Mus. Stockholm) ; Bulusan, Daraga, Albay (Bolivar).
Cladonotus cristicornis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. V, p. 844 (1871);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. I, p. 9 (1910).—Philippines (Walker, Coll.
Brit. Mus.).
Cladonotus securifer Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 844 (1871) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 9 (1910).—Philippines (Walker, Coll.
Brit. Mus.).
Cladonotus echinatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 54 (1877) ; Bolivar,
l. c. p. 209 (1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 16 (1906).—Philippines (Stal) ;
Semper, Mus. Stockholm; Luzon, Lamao, Batan (H. Cuzner).
Hypsaeus westwoodi Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 200, pl. 1,
ff. 3, 3-b (1887).; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc; 48, p. 12, pl. 2, £. 12
(1906).—Philippines (Westwood) ; Luzon (Mus. Stockholm).
Hypsaeus schultzei sp. nov.
- Cabadbaran and Davao, Mindanao (Weber).
241
48 Lawrence Bruner
Piezotettix cultratus (Stal).
Hymenotes cultratus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 54 (1877).
Piezotettix cultratus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 201, pl. 1,
ff. 4, 4a (1887).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm), Luzon, Cavite (Elera).
Piezotettix sulcatus (Stal).
Hymenotes sulcatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 54 (1877).
Piezotettix sulcatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 201 (1887) ;
Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 13 (1906).
Philippines (Stal) ; Semper, Mus. Stockholm; Cabadbaran, Min-
danao (Weber).
Misythus laminatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 55 (1877) ; Bolivar,
I> c. p. 210; Hf. 11, tia. (1887); Hancock, 1. ¢.p. 17, — 8 (ioon)——
Philippines (Stal, Semper) ; Manila (Mus. Stockholm) ; Batan Isl.
(McGregor).
Misythus appendiculatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philip. p. 55 (1877) ; Boli-
vat, 1c. p, 210, (1687): Haneock, 1. c. (1906).—Philippines (Stal),
Semper, Mus. Stockholm.
Misythus ensatrix Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 833 (1871);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 10 (1910).
?Misythus appendiculatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. Pp. 55 (1877).
Philippines (Walker, type in Brit. Museum).
Misythus cultatrix (Walker).
Tetttx cultatrix Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 833 (1871).
Misythus cultatrix Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 9 (1910).
Misythus histrionicus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 55 (1877).
Philippines (Walker, Stal), Angat. (Mus. Madrid); Dolores
(Coll. Bolivar); Luzon, Manila, Novotas, Laguna, Calamba
(Elera) ; Philippines (type in Brit. Museum).
Misythus gladiatrix (Walker).
Tettix gladiatrix Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 833 (1871).
Misythus gladiatrix Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 9 (1910).
Philippines (Walker,—type in Brit. Mus.).
Diotarus galeatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 212 (1887) ;
Hancock, 1. c. p. 17 (1906).—Montes de Angat (Mus. Madrid) ;
Norzagaray, Bulacan (Coll. Bolivar) ; Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
Diotarus pupus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, p. 212 (1887) ; Han-
cock, l. c. p. 17 (1906).—Camarines Sur, Philippines (Coll. Bolivar).
Diotarus verrucifer Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 55 (1877) ; Hancock,
l. c. p. 17 (1906).—Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm).
242
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 49
Scelimena palidaventris sp. nov.
Philippines, Limay, Bataan (L. Bruner).
Scelimena boetcheri sp. nov.
Palawan (Geo. Boetcher, coll.).
Eugavialidium kraussei Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 221
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 24 (1906).—Philippines
(Coll. Brunner, Coll. U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Eugavialidium dentifer (Stal).
Tettix dentifer Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Gavialidium dentifer Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 221
(1887).
Eugavialidium dentifer Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 24 (1906).
Philippines (Mus. Stockholm, Coll. Brunner) ; Irocin, Albay (Coll.
Bolivar).
Eugavialidium spiculatum (Stal).
Tettix spiculatum Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Gavialidium spiculatum Bolivar, 1. c. p. 220 (1887).
Eugavialidium spiculatum Hancock, 1. c. p. 24 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm) ; Dumaran (Mus. Madrid),
iazon, Cavite, St.'Cruz (Elera), Los Bafios (Coll. Bu.. Sci.).
Eugavialidium aurivilli (Bolivar).
Gavialidium aurivilli Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 220
(1887).
Eugavialidium aurivilli Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 24 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm, Coll. Brunner) ; Limay, Bataan
(L. Bruner).
Eugavialidium maculatum sp. nov.
Benguet, Twin Peaks (C. S. Banks).
Eugavialidium ledyardi sp. nov.
Los Bafios (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Eugavialidium sp.—Sibuyan Isl. (R. C. MeGregor, Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Gavialidium productum (Walker).
Tettix producta Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 831, no. 80
(1871).
Gavialidium productum Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 15 (1910).
Gavialidium philippinum Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 219
(1887).
Philippines (Walker, Elera), Coll. Bolivar.
Tefrinda palpatus (Stal).
Tettix palpatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
243
50 Lawrence Bruner
Chthonius palpatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 222, pl. 4
ff. 14, 14a (1887). ;
Chthonotettix palpatus Hancock, Trans. Ent. Soc. Lond. p. 219, pl. 21,
f. 3 (1907).
Tefrinda palpatus Bolivar, Bol. Soc. Espan. VI, p. 394 (July, 1906).
Philippines (Mus. Stockholm, Coll. Bolivar), Mindora, ete.
(Elera) ; Los Bafios (Bruner).
Criotettix vidali Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 227 (1887);
Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fase. 48, p. 28 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar)
Causip, Camarines sur (Coll. Bolivar).
Criotettix baeri Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, p. 227 (1887) ; Han-
cock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 28 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Bolivar).
Criotettix sp.
Los Bafios, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Acanthalobus armigera (Walker).
Tettix armigera Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 826 (1871).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Loxilobus pullus (Bolivar).
Criotettix pullus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 230 (1887) ;
Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 30 (1906).
Irocin, Ligao, Albay (Coll. Bolivar).
Loxilobus manillensis sp. nov.
Luzon, Manila, Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
Loxilobus pulcher Bolivar. Name in letter from C. F. Baker.—Los
Bafios, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Loxilobus perminutus (Bolivar).
Criotettix perminutus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 224, 227
(1887).
Loxilobus perminutus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 19 (1910).
Sibul, Bulusan (Bulacan) (Bolivar) ; Paeta, Laguna and Manila
(Coll. L. Bruner).
Loxilobus luzonicus sp. nov.
Montalban, Luzon (Coll. L. Bruner).
Threciscus pugionatus (Stal).
Spartolus pugionatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877).
Threciscus pugionatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 232
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 33 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm), Samar, Borogan (Elera) ;
Mts. near Zamboanga (Merrill).
Spartolus longiceps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877) ; Bolivar,
Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 59, pl. 2, ff. 15, 15a (1887) ; Hancock,
244
ee
roar
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands SI
Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 33, f. 15 (1906).—Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stock-
holm), Agusan Riv. Mindanao (Schultze).
Spartolus tricostatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, p. 233 (1887) ;
Hancock, |. c. p. 33 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Spartolus minax (Walker). _
Tettix minax Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 832, no. 83 (1871).
?Spartolus longiceps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 56 (1877).
Philippines (Coll. Cumings).
Systolederus angusticeps (Stal).
Tettix angusticeps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Systolederus angusticeps Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 235
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 34 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm), Gorge, Montalban, Rizal
€Bu:. Set.):
Systolederus femoralis (Walker).
Tettix femoralis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 834 (1871).
Systolederus femoralis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 20 (1910).
Philippines (Walker, type in Brit. Museum) ; Guimaras Isl. (Bu.
Sci) snossbanos Chit oct):
Systolederus ophthalmicus Bolivar, Essai Acrid. Tribu Tettig. pp. 60, 61
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 34 (1906).—Luzon, Gorge,
Montalban, Rizal (C. S. Banks).
Systolederus haani Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 235, pl. 2, ff.
16, 16a (1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 34 (1906).—Philip-
pines (Coll. Bolivar, Coll. Brunner, Mus. Stockholm).
Systolederus cephalicus (DeHaan).
Acridium (Tetrix) cephalicum DeHaan, Temminck, Verh. Orth. pp.
167, 169 (1842).
Systolederus cephalicus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 236
(1887) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 20 (1910).
Philippines (Kirby).
Systolederus languidus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 234, 236
_ (1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 34 (1906).—Philippines
(Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Systolederus uncinatus (Stal).
Tettix uncinatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Systolederus uncinatus Bolivar, 1. c. p. 236 (1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 34
(1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm), Culicon, Calamianes, eic.
(Elera).
245
52 Lawrence Bruner
Pediotettix brunneus sp. nov.
Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner and Bu. Agr.).
Mazarredia sobria (Walker).
Tettix sobria Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 831 (1871).
Mazarredia sobria Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 24 (1910).
Philippines (Walker, type in Brit. Museum).
Mazarredia semperi Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 237, 238
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fase. 48, p. 43 (1906).—Philippines
(Mus. Stockholm).
Mazarredia gallinacea Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 237, 239
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 43 (1906).—Philippines (Mus. Stockholm),
Navota, Manila, Luzon (Elera) ; Bued River, Benguet (Bu. Sci.).
Mazarredia atypa Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 240 (1887) ;
Hancock, |. c. p. 43 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Mazarredia lauta Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 240 (1887);
Hancock, 1. c. p. 43 (1906).—Monts d’Angat (Mus. Madrid), Dolores
(Coll. Bolivar) ; Limay, Bataan (Coll. L. Bruner).
Mazarredia fuscipes (Stal).
Tettix fuscipes Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 58 (1877).
Mazarredia fuscipes Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 241
(1887) ; Hancock, I. c. p. 43 (1906).
Philippines (Mus. Stockholm, Coll. Brunner); Luzon, Novotas,
etc. (Elera).
Mazarredia rufipes (Stal).
Tettix rufipes Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Mazarredia rufipes Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 241 (1887) ;
Hancock, I. c. p. 43 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm).
Mazarredia consocia (Walker).
Tettix consocia Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 834 (1871).
Magsarredia consocia Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 25 (1910).
Philippines (Walker), type in Brit. Museum.
Mazarredia gmella Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, p. 241, pl. 2, f. 17
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 43 (1906).—Irocin, Albay, Bulacan (Coll.
Bolivar).
Xistra gogorzae Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 243, pl. 2, ff. 18,
18a (1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 46, f. 17 (1906).—Libu-
manan, Camarines Sur (Coll. Bolivar).
Xistra satanica sp. nov.
Agusan River, Mindanao (Weber collector).
246
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 53
Xistra corniculata (Stal).
Tettix corniculatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 57 (1877).
Xistra corniculata Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 243 (1887) ;
Hancock, 1. c. p. 46 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Stockholm), Mindoro, Calapan (Elera).
Xistra sagittaria Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 243, 244 (1887) ;
Hancock, |. c. p. 46 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm),
Mindanao (——) ; Los Bajos, Luzon (Baker).
Xistra impressa Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI,. pp. 243, 244 (1887) ;
Hancock, |. c. p. 46 (1906).—Marivales, Luzon (Bolivar, Mus. Stock-
holm).
Xistra lurida Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 243, 244 (1887);
Hancock, |. c. p. 46 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Xistra similis Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 243, 245 (1887) ;
Hancock, 1. c. p. 46 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Xistra ochracea Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, pp. 243, 245 (1887) ;
Hancock, 1. c. p. 46 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Xistra sagittata Bolivar.
Paratettix sagittatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 280
(1887).
Xistra sagittata Bolivar, Ann. Mus. Stor. Nat. Genova, ser. 2, XIX,
p. 76 (1808) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 46 (1906).
Philippines (Coll. Bolivar, Mus. Stockholm).
Mitritettix processus Hancock?, Trans. Ent. Soc. Lond. 1907, p. 220, pl.
21, fig. 8—Malampaya Sound, North Palawan (Geo. Boetcher, col-
lector).
Euparatettix personatus Bolivar.
Paratettix personatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 278
(1887).
Euparatettix personatus Hancock, Spolia Zelanica, II, p. 146, pl. 2, ff.
10-10b, pl. 3, ff. 20-20b (1904).
Philippines (Hancock).
Euparatettix philippinensis Hancock, in letter from C. F. Baker.—Phil-
ippines (Coll. C. F. Baker).
Euparatettix tenuis insularis Hancock, in letter from C. F. Baker.—Phil-
ippines (Coll. C. F. Baker).
Euparatettix similis Hancock, Trans. Ent. Soc. Lond. p. 238 (1907) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 578 (1910).—Philippines (Hancock,
Oxford Museum).
247
54 Lawrence Bruner
Paratettix variabilis Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 271, 276
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 56 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus.
Stockholm; Binalnan, Palawan (Geo. Boetcher).
Paratettix bolivari Bruner, New name.
Paratettix personatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 271,
278 (1887), in part.
Philippines (Bolivar) ; Manila (Coll. L. Bruner).
Paratettix mimus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 271, 278
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 56 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Bolivar,
Coll Brunner).
Paratettix histricus (Stal).
Tetrix histricus Stal, Freg. Eug. Resa. Ins. Orth. p. 347 (1860).
Paratettix histricus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, pp. 271, 279
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 56 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Coll. Bolivar, Coll. Brunner).
Paratettix contractus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 272, 281
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 56 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus.
Stockholm).
Paratettix tricarinatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 272, 282
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 56 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus.
Stockholm).
Paratettix (?) palawanica sp. nov.
Binalnan, Palawan (Geo. Boetcher).
Tetrix signatus (Bolivar).
Tettix signatus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 259, 268
(1887).
Tetrix signatus Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 58 (1906).
Philippines (Coll. Bolivar) ; Dolores (Mazarredo) ; Manila and
Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
Hedotettix gracilis (DeHaan).
Acridium (Tettix) gracile DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 169 (1842).
Hedotettix gracilis Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, p. 283 (1887) ;
Hancock, Spolia Zeylanica, II, pt. 7, p. 104 (1904).
Hedotettix festivus Bolivar, 1. c. p. 286, pl. 2, ff. 24, 24a (1887).
Philippines (Hancock).
Hedotettix plana (Walker).
Tettix plana Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, p. 828 (1871).
Hedotettix plana Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 50 (1910).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Hedotettix affinis Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 284, 285
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 60 (1906).—Philippines
(Bolivar, Coll. Brunner).
248
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 55
Hedotettix guibelondoi Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 284, 285
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 60 (1906).—Sibul (Coll. Bolivar) ; Philip-
pines (Hancock) ; Los Bafios, Luzon (Baker).
Hedotettix sobrinus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 284, 286
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 60 (1906).—Nueva Caceres (Coll. Boli-
var); Los Bafios, Luzon (Baker).
Hedotettix rusticus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 284, 286
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 60 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus.
Stockholm) ; Los Bafios, Luzon (Baker).
Hedotettix angustifrons Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 284,
287 (1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 60 (1906).—Dolores, Philippines (Coll.
Bolivar).
Hedotettix puellus Navas, Boll. Soc. Aragon, IV, p. 52 (1905); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 50 (1910) —Mindanao (Navas).
Hedotettix equestris Navas, Boll. Soc. Aragon, IV, p. 52 (1905) ; Kirby,
1. c. p. 50 (1910).—Mindanao (Navas).
Coptotettix fuscus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 288, 289
(1887) ; Hancock, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 48, p. 66 (1906).—Sibul (Bolivar).
Coptotettix maesoi Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 288, 290
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 66 (1906).—Nueva Caceres (Coll. Bolivar).
Coptotettix nodulosus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 288, 292
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 66 (1906).—Dolores, Philippines (Coll.
Bolivar).
Coptotettix ferrugineus Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XX XI, pp. 288, 292
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 66 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar, Mus.
Stockholm) ; Luzon, Los Bafios (Baker).
Coptotettix angustifrons Bolivar, in letter from C. F. Baker—Philippines,
Luzon, Los Bafios (Baker).
Coptotettix mazarredoi Bolivar, Ann. Soc. Ent. Belg. XXXI, pp. 288, 203
(1887) ; Hancock, 1. c. p. 66 (1906).—Dolores, Philippines (Coll.
Bolivar).
Coptotettix interruptus Bolivar, in letter from C. F. Baker.—Philippines
(Coll. C. F. Baker).
Platypalus sp.—Philippines (Coll. C. F. Baker).
Bolotettix bakeri Hancock, in letter from C. F. Baker——Philippines (Coll.
C. F. Baker).
Bolotettix sinulobus Hancock, in letter from C. F. Baker—Los Bafios
(Coll. C. F. Baker).
249
56 Lawrence Bruner
Family EUMASTACIDAE
Erianthus erectus Karsch, Ent. Nachr. XV, p. 29 (1889); Brunner, Ab-
handl. Senckenb. Ges.. XXIV, p. 222, pl. 17, f. 29 (1808) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. ITI, p. 70 (1910).—Philippines (Kirby) ; Luzon (Coll.
Dr. Jagor).
Erianthus guttatus (Westwood).
Mastax guttata Westwood, Arcana Ent. II, p. 100, pl. 26, f. 3 (1841).
Erianthus guttatus Brunner, 1. c. pp. 222, 223 (1808).
Philippines.
Erianthus flavo-inflatus Brunner, Abhandl. Senckenb. Ges. XXIV, pp. 222,
223 (1808) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 70 (1910).—Philippines.
Erucius magnificus Rehn, Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci. Philad. LIV, p. 674
(1905) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 73 (1910).
Erucius vitreus Brunner (nec. Westwood), Abhandl. Senckenb. Ges.
XXIV, pp. 226, 227 (1898).
Philippines.
Erucius vitreus (Westwood).
Mastax vitrea Westwood, Arcana Ent. I, p. 100, pl. 26, fig. 2 (1841).
Erucius vitreus Burr. An. Soc. Espan. XXVIII, pp. 89, 109 (1899};
Sauss. Rev. Suisse Zool. XI, p. 85 (1903).
Philippines.
Erucius bifasciatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 54 (1877); Brunner,
l. c. pp. 226, 227, pl. 17, f. 31 (1889) ; Burr. An. Soc. Espan. XXVIII,
PP. 94, 109 (1899).—Philippines (Stal).
Mnescicles modestus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 54 (1877) ; Brunn.
Abhandl. Senckenb. Ges. XXIV, p. 229 (1898).—Philippines (Stal).
Mnescicles crassipes Karsch, Ent. Nachr. XXV, p. 28 (1889) ; Brunn. 1. ¢.
p. 229 (1898).—Philippines, Luzon.
Mnesicles fuscipes sp. nov.
Butuan, Mindanao (C. F. Baker).
Mnesicles sp—Mt. Makiling, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Mnesicles roseosignatus Brunner, Abhandb. Senckenb. Ges. XXIV, pp.
229, 230, pl. 18, f. 32° (1808); Kirby, Syn. Cat, Orth, Tit pea
(1910).—N. Celebes. Possibly also the Philippines.
Mnesicles manilensis sp. nov.
Luzon, Montalban (Coll. L. Bruner).
250
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 57
Family TRYXALIDAE
Acrida conica (Fabricius).
Truxalis conicus Fabricius, Spec. Ins. I, p. 352 (1781).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 95 (1910).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridella nasuta (Linnaeus).
Gryllus acrida nasutus Linn. Syst. Nat. (Ed. 10), I, p. 427 (1758).
Acridella nasuta Bolivar, Feuille Jennes Nat. XXIII, p. 163 (1893) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 95 (1910).
For extended synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (all the collections), Luzon (Bruner).
Achurum (?) orientale sp. nov.
Mt. Makiling, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Sphenotettix insularis sp. nov.
Faytay, Palawan (Schultze).
Sphenotettix vittatus sp. nov.
Iligan, Mindanao (C. F. Baker).
Machaeridia (?) macilenta Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 100 (1910).—Philippines (Stal) ;
Manila (Coll. Bu. Agric.).
Euthynous caerulescens Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 100 (1910).—Philippines (Stal).
Itogon sanchezi sp. nov.
Baguio, Benguet (Coll. L. Bruner).
Chrysochraon tagalicum sp. nov.
Luzon, Montalban (Coll. L. Bruner).
Aeolopus tamulus (Fabricius).
Gryllus tamulus Fabr. Ent. Syst. Suppl. p. 195 (1798).
Aeolopus tamulus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 192 (1910).
Philippines—generally distributed ; Manila, Los Bafios, Lamao, etc.
(Coll, Ls Bruner),
Aeolopus fuscatus (Navas).
Epacromia fuscata Navas, Bol. Soc. Aragon, III, p. 136 (1904).
Philippines (Navas) ; Agusan, Mindanao.
Family OErDIPODIDAE
Gastrimargus sundaicus (Saussure).
Oedaleus marmoratus stirps sundaicus Sauss. Prodom. Oedip. p. 113
(1884).
251
58 Lawrence Bruner
Gastrimargus sundaicus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 228 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Saussure) ; Paeta (Coll. L. Bruner).
Gastrimargus subfasciatus (DeHaan).
Acridium Oecedipoda subfasciatus DeHaan, Bijdr. Kenntis Orth. pp.
150, 161, pl 21; 4.12 (842).
Gastrimargus subfasciatus Kirby, 1. c.
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Pelew Isl.; also very likely the Philippines.
Locusta (Pachytylus) migratoroides (Reiche and Fairm.).
Oedipoda migratoroides Reiche and Fairm. Ferret and Galinier Voy.
Abyss. III, p. 430, pl. 28, £. 12 (1847).
Locusta migratoroides Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 229 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, l. c.
Philippines—general (all collections).
Locusta australis (Saussure).
Pachytylus australis Sauss. Prodrom. Oedip. p. 120 (1884).
Locusta australis Frogg. Agr. Gaz. N. S. Wales, XV, p. 1106 (1903) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 229 (1910).
Oceanica—Fiji, etc.
Locusta danica Linnaeus.
Gryllus (Locusta) danicus Linn. Syst. Nat. (ed. XII), I, p. 702 (1767).
Locusta danica Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 230 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, |. c.
Manila, Los Bafios, etc. (L. Bruner).
Heteropternis respondens (Walker).
Acrydium respondens Walker, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (3), IV, p. 233
(1859).
Heteropternis respondens Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 220 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Bu. Agriculture); Paeta (Coll. L. Bruner).
Heteropternis sp.—Los Bafios, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Heteropternis obscurella (Blanchard).
Oedipoda obscurella Blanch. Voy. Pole, Sud. Zool. IV, p. 375 (1853).
Heteropternis obscurella Sauss. Prodrom. Oedip. pp. 129, 130 (1884) ;
Kirby, 1. c.
Distribution quite general in Oceanica; Philippines—quite sure to
occur in southern islands.
Trilophidia cristella (Stal).
Oedipoda cristella Stal, Eugenies Resa, Orth. p. 344 (1860).
Trilophidia cristella Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 131 (1873); Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. III, p. 244 (1910).
252
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 59
Epacromia aspera Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. IV, p. 775 (1870).
Philippines (Stal, Coll. Bu. Agriculture).
Trilophidia annulata (Thunberg).
Gryllus annulatus Thunb. Mem. Acad. Petersb. V, p. 234 (1815).
Trilophidia annulata Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 131 (1873) ; Kirby, 1. c.
Pp. 244 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby I. c.
Philippines (Stal).
Family PyRGOMORPHIDAE
Tagasta hoplosterna (Stal).
Mestra hoplosterna Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 52 (1877) ; Boli-
val, An soc, Esp. Hist Nat. Vill, pp. 70; 405; pl. 1,’ ff. 9; 9a
(1884).
Togasta hoplosterna Bolivar, Bol. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. V, pp. 112, 113
(1905).
Philippines (Stal).
Tagasta inornata (Walker).
Opomala inornata Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. III, p. 514 (1870).
Tagasta inornata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 330 (1910).
Philippines (Walker).
Tagasta (?) cinnamomea sp. nov.
Luzon, Mt. Banahao (C. F. Baker).
Tagasta anoplosterna (Stal).
Mestra anoplosterna Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 52 (1877) ; Boli-
vat, lc. pp: 70) 71; 405 (1884).
Tagasta anoplosterna Bolivar, Bol. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. V, p. 112
(1905).
Philippines (Stal).
Atractomorpha philippina Bolivar, Bol. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. V, pp. 199,
212 (1905); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 333 (1910).—Philippines
(Bolivar), Dolores; Luzon, Los Bafios (Baker).
Atractomorpha psittacina (DeHaan).
Acridium (Truxalis) psittacinum DeHaan Temminck, Verhandel, Orth.
p. 149 (1842).
Atractomorpha psittacina Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist “at. XIII, pp.
64, 68, 405 (1884).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 333 (1910).
Philippines (Bolivar), Camarines, Dolores, Mindanao (Elera).
Trigonopteryx hopei (Westwood).
Systella hopet Westw. Arcana Ent. I, p. 12, pl. 4, ff. 3, 3* (1841);
Bolivar, An. Soc. Espan. XIII, pp. 52, 53, 494 (1884).
253
60 Lawrence Bruner
Trigonopteryx hopei Bol. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. V, p. 302 (1905).—Ban-
guey Isl. north of Borneo and but a few miles from Palawan
(Bolivar).
Systella philippinensis (Walker).
Trigonopteryx philippinensis Walk. Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. III, p. 518
(1870).
Systella philippinensis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 340 (1910).
Philippines (Walker).
Systella westwoodi Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 52 (1877) ; Bolivar,
An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XIII, pp. 52, 54, 404, pl. 1, ff. 3, game
(1884).—Philippines (Stal) ; Tayabas (Coll. Bolivar).
Systella rafflesi Westwood, Arcana Ent. I, p. 22, pl. 4, ff. 1, 2 (1841);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 340 (1910).
Systella raflest Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XIII, pp. 52, 53, 404
(1884) ; Bol. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. V, pp. 303, 304 (1905).
Philippines (Bolivar).
Systella gestroi Bolivar, An. Soc. Espan. Hist. Nat. V, pp. 303, 306 (1905) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 340 (1910).—Engano (Bolivar).
Family CyrTACANTHACRIDAE
Phalaca (?) maculifrons sp. nov.
Mt. Makiling, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Schistacra armata sp. nov.
Mt. Banahao, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Schistacra picticornis sp. nov.
Butuan, Mindanao (C. F. Baker).
Schistacra vittapennis sp. nov.
Butuan, Mindanao (C. F. Baker).
Cranaé (?) nigrigeniculata sp. nov.
Dapitan, Mindanao, (C. F. Baker).
Racilia femoralis Stal, Syst. Acrid. p. 94 (1878) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. |
III, p. 397 (1910).—Philippines (Stal).
iw Dee we wee.
Ls .-. 27 Cee
Carsula sulciceps Stal, Syst. Acrid. p. 100 (1878) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. 5
III, p. 407 (1910).—Philippines (Stal).
Ischnacrida vittata (Fabricius). |
Truxalis vittatus Fabr. Mant. Ins. p. 231 (1787).
Ischnacrida vittata Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 87 (1873); Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. III, p. 405 (1910).
254
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands OI
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agric.).
Bukidnon schultzei sp. nov.
Butuan, Agusan, Mindanao (Coll. Bu. Science).
Catantops infuscatus (DeHaan).
Acridium (Oxya) infuscatum DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. pp. 155,- 156
(1842).
Catantops infuscatus Bolivar, Ann. Mus. Genova, XXXIX, p. Io1
(1898) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 483 (1910).
Philippines.
Catantops splendens (Thunberg).
Gryllus splendens Thunb. Mem. Acad. Petersb. V, p. 236 (1815).
Catantops splendens Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 71 (1873) ; Karny, Sitz.
Akad. Wiss. Wien, Math.-nat. kl. CXVI, pp. 311, 326 (1907) ;
Kirby, l. c. p. 482 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Luzon).
Catantops luteolus (Serville).
Acridium luteolum Sery. Ins. Orth. p. 661 (1839). See C. splendens
(Thunb. ).
Oceanica, East Indies, Brazil, etc.
Catantops pulchellus Karny, Sitz. k. k. Akad. Wissen. Wien, CXVI, pp.
51, 73 (1907).—Manila, Ilcos Norte, Dungon Planta (Bu. Sci.).
Catantops humilis (Serville).
Acridium humile Serv. Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 662 (1839).
Catantops humilis Stal, 1. c. p. 71 (1873); Karny, 1. c. pp. 317, 342
(1907) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 483 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines; Ilocos Norte; Dumaran Isl. (Coll. Bu. Sci.) ; Pala-
wan (Geo. Boetcher).
Gesonia punctifrons (Stal).
Acridium (Oxya) punctifrons Stal, Eugen. Resa. Orth. p. 336 (1860).
Oxya punctifrons Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 81 (1873).
Heteracris tenuis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. IV, p. 668 (1870).
Gesonia punctifrons Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 393 (1910).
China and adjoining regions (Philippines?).
Gesonia zonocera Navas, Bol. Soc. Aragon, III, p. 136 (1904); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 393 (1910).—Agusan, Mindanao (Navas).
Gesonia luzonica sp. nov.
Luzon, Paeta, Laguna (Coll. L. Bruner), Maao, Neg. Occid. (C. S.
Banks).
255
62 Lawrence Bruner
Oxya velox (Fabricius).
Gryllus velox Fabr. Mant. Ins. I, p. 239 (1787).
Oxya velox Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 635 (1838); Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. III, p. 393 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines, Manila (Coll. L. Bruner, Bu. Science, Bu. Agricul-
ture, etc.).
Oxya lobipennis sp. nov.
Luzon, Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Oxya intricata (Stal).
Acridium (Oxya) intricatum Stal, Eugen. Resa. Ins. Orth. p. 335
(1860).
Oxya intricata Stal, Recens. Orth. I, p. 82 (1873); Kirby, Syn. Cat.
Orth. III, p. 394 (1910).
Philippines (Brunner); Paeta, Laguna and Manila (Coll. L.
Bruner).
Oxya lobata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877).—Philippines
(Stal).
Oxya simplex (Walker).
Heteracris simplex Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. IV, p. 669 (1870).
Oxya simplex Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 394 (1910).
Philippines (Walker).
Oxya sp.—Paeta, Laguna (Coll. L. Bruner).
Tauchira (?) apicalis sp. nov.
Mt. Banahao, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Phalaca antica (Walker).
Oxya antica Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. IV, p. 649 (1870).
Phalaca antica Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 388 (1910).
Philippines (Walker), Coll. Brit: Mus.
Acridium tartaricum (Linnaeus).
Gryllus (Locusta) tartaricus Linn. Syst. Nat. (ed. 10) I, p. 432 (1758).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 450.
Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridium roseum DeGeer.
Acridium roseum DeGeer, Mem. Ins. III, p. 488, pl. 41, fig. 1 (1773).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 447 (1910).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridium nigricorne Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 629 (1838).
Acridium melanocorne Serville, Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 659 (1839).
256
:
:
|
:
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 63
Cyrtacanthacris nigricornis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 446 (1910).
For synonymy see Kirby, I. c.
Southern Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridium geniculatum Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877) ; Finot,
Ann. Soc. Ent. France, LX XVI, p. 319 (1907).—Philippines (Stal).
Acridium vittaticolle Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877) ; Finot,
l. c. p. 318 (1907).—Philippines (Stal).
Acridium cognatum Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877) ; Finot, 1. c.
p. 321 (1907).—Philippines (Stal).
Acridium rubescens Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. III, p. 588 (1870) ;
Finot, 1. c. p. 335 (1907).—Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridium ranaceum (Stoll).
Gryllus Locusta ranaceus Stoll, Spect. Saut. p. 30, pl. 14b, fig. 52
(1813).
Acridium ranaceum Burm. Handb. Ent. IIT, p. 630 (1835).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Acridium manilense Stal. See Elera, Cat. Sist. Fauna Filipinas, II, p.
204 (1895).—Philippines (Elera).
Acridium gramineum Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 53 (1877) ; Finot,
l. c. pp. 282, 318, 350 (1907).—Philippines (Stal) ; Manila (Coll. L.
Bruner, Coll. Bu. Science, Bu. Agriculture).
Schistocerca philippina Navas, Bol. Soc. Aragon, III, p. 137, No. 12
(1904).—Philippines, Agusan, Mindanao (Navas).
Bibracte bakeri Bolivar, in letter from C. F. Baker.—Philippines (Coll.
@Fe Baker):
Eucoptacra contracta (Walker).
Acridium contractum Walk. Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. III, p. 501 (1870).
Eucoptacra contracta Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. III, p. 469 (1910).
Philippines (Walker).
Eucoptacra cyanoptera (Stal).
Coptacra cyanoptera Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 52 (1877).
Philippines (Stal).
Eucoptacra annulipes (Bolivar).
Coptacra annulipes Bol. An. Soc. Espan. XIX, p. 320 (1890).
Philippines, Dolores (Mazarredo).
Batotettix juvinalis sp. nov.
Luzon, Los Bajfios, Paeta, etc. (Coll. L. Bruner).
Batotettix infuscatus sp. nov.
Mt. Makiling, Luzon (C. F. Baker).
257
64 Lawrence Bruner
Traulia pictilis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 52 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. III, p. 475 (1910).—Philippines (Stal).
Traulia dattonis sp. nov.
Isl. of Palawan (Geo. Boetcher Coll.).
Traulia lobipennis sp. nov.
Luzon, Montalban (Coll. L. Brunner) ; Mt. Banahao (C. F. Baker).
Traulia (?) vittata sp. nov.
Dapitan and Iligan, Mindanao (C. F. Baker).
Suborder Gryllotalpoidea
Family CURTILLIDAE
Curtilla gryllotalpa (Linnaeus).
Gryllus (Acheta) gryllotalpa Linn. Syst. Nat. (Ed. X), I, p. 428
(1758).
Gryllotalpa vulgaris Latr. Hist. Nat. Crust. Ins. III, p. 275 (1802).
For additional synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 4 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Curtilla hirsuta (Burmeister).
Gryllotalpa hirsuta Burm. Handb. Ent. II, p. 739, No. 4 (1839).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 5 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Curtilla africana (Beauvois).
Gryllotalpa africana Beauv. Ins. Afr. & Amer. p. 229, pl. 2c, f. 6 (1805)
Curtilla africana Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 6 (1906).
Gryllotalpa orientalis Burm., Handb. Ent. II, p. 739, No. 3 (1838).
Luzon, Manila (Bu. Sci., Bruner) ; and East Indies generally.
Family TRIDACTYLIDAE
Tridactylus riparius Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 48, pl. 11 (iv),
f. 11 (1877).—Philippines, Luzon, Bulacan.
Tridactylus variegatus (Latreille).
Xya variegata Latr. Gen. Crust. Ins. IV, p. 383 (1809).
Tridactylus variegatus Brulle, Hist. Nat. Ins. IX, p. 197, pl. 18, fig. 6
(1835) ; Sauss. Rev. Suisse Zool. IV, p. 416 (1806).
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Tridactylus pulex Saussure, Rev. Suisse Zool. IV, p. 419 (1896) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 10 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Tridactylus nigroaeneus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, Suppl. p. 1
(1871) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 9 (1906).—Philippines, Luzon,
Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci.) ; Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
258
a
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 65
Suborder Achetoidea
Family ACHETIDAE
Nemobius vagus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. V, suppl. p. 10 (1871) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 16 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Nemobius tagalicus Bolivar, An. Soc. Espan. XVIII, p. 417 (1889) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 16 (1906).—Philippines, Camarines Sur, Albay,
Dolores, etc. (Bolivar).
Nemobius luzonicus Bolivar, An. Soc. Espan. XVIII, p. 418 (1889) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 16 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar), Luzon.
Nemobius novarae Saussure, Melanges Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 251, pl.
11, VII, f. 10 (1877) ; Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 418
(1889).—Philippines (Bolivar), Ligao, Albay.
Nemobius histrio Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 263 (1877) ;
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 418 (1889).—Philippines
(Bolivar), Ligao, Albay, Bataan, etc. (Elera).
Nemobius sp.—Philippines, Mt. Canlaon, Negros Occid. (C. S. Banks).
Nemobius sp.—Philippines, Dungon Plantation, Ilocos Norte (C. S.
Banks).
Nemobius sp.—Philippines, Luzon, Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci.)
Apiotarsus luzonicus sp. nov.
Philippines (Bruner), Missiones, Cagayan (Bu. Sci.).
Brachytrypes robustus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 12 (1869) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 22 (1906).—Philippines (Walker).
Brachytrypes portentosus (Lichtenstein).
Acheta portentosus Licht. Cat. Mus. Zool. Hamburg, III, p. 85, no.
106 (1706).
Luzon, Bataan, Orion (Elera).
Acheta bimaculata (DeGeer).
Gryllus bimaculatus DeGeer, Mem. Ins. III, p. 521, pl. 43, f. 4 (1773).
Acheta bimaculata Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 26 (1906).
For extensive synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Luzon, Tayabas, etc. (Elera) ; Los Bafios (Bu. Agric.). All the
collections.
Gryllus testaceus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 38 (1869) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 33 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Kirby).
Gryllus mitratus Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 734 (1838) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat Orth), p33; (1906):
259
66 Lawrence Bruner
Gryllus occipitalis Serville, Hist. Orth. p. 339 (1839).
Bato, Albay (Elera).
Gryllus consimilis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 41 (1869).—Phil-
ippines (Walker), type in Brit. Museum.
Gryllus consobrinus Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 356, pl.
12, XI, fig. 4 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 32 (1906).—Phil-
ippines (Saussure) ; Cavite, Santa Cruz, Bataan (Elera); Manila
(Bu; Agr., Bu.-Sci.) ; Para; Tarlac (Bu. Sei:).
Gryllus plebejus Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 333 (1877) ;
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 419 (1889).—Philippines
(Coll. Brunner); Bulacan, Tayabas (Bolivar); Manila (Bu. Sci.
Bu. Agr.) ; Ilocos Norte.
Gryllus quadrimaculatus Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 340
(1877) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 34 (1906).—Philippines (Brit.
Museum).
Gryllus atratulus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 40 (1869) ; Kirby,
1. c. p. 34 (1906).—Philippines (Walker) ; Los Bafios (L. Bruner) ;
Taytay, Palawan (W. Schultze, Mus. Bu. Sci.).
Gryllodes berthellus Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 373
(1877) ; Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 42 (1889).—
Philippines (Bolivar), Luzon, Bulacan, Angat, ete.
Gryllodes sigillatus (Walker).
Gryllus sigillatus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 46 (1869).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 42 (1906).
Philippines (U. S. Nat. Museum) ; Luzon (Bu. Agr.).
Cophogryllus philippinensis sp. nov.
Philippines, Limay (L. Brunner).
Loxoblemmus histrionicus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877) ;
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 42 (1880) ; Kirby, 1. c.
p. 46 (1906).—Philippines (Stal). |
Loxoblemmus satellitius Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877);
Bolivar, 1. c. p. 420; Kirby, 1. c. p. 47.—Philippines (Stal) ; Bataan
(Bolivar).
Loxoblemmus monstrosus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877) ;
Bolivar, 1. c. p. 420; Kirby, 1. c. p. 47—Philippines (Stal).
Loxoblemmus haani Saussure, Melang. Orth. Fasc. V, Gryll. p. 425, pl.
Tie pul be arama is(eue (ate yA)
Gryllus (Platyblemmus) delectus g DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 228
(1842).
Paete, Laguna (L. Bruner).
260
ee a
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 67
Family MyRMECOPHILIDAE
Undoubtedly one or more species of the genus Myrmecophila
will be found to occur in the Islands. Both the genus and their
hosts are widely distributed over the earth’s surface.
Family Mocop.isTIDAE
Ornebius abdominalis (Stal).
Ectatoderus abdominalis Stal, Orth. nova Philipp. p. 48 (1877).
Ornebius (?) abdominalis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 58 (1906).
Philippines (Stal); Manila, Antipolo (Bolivar); East Isl. near
Palawan (W. Schultze, Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Ornebius cucullatus (Bolivar).
Ectatoderus cucullatus Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 421
(1889).
Ornebius cucullatus Kirby, 1. c. p. 58 (1906).
Volcano Mayon, Albay (Bolivar).
Arachnocephalus steini Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 313 (1878) ;
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 422 (1889) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 60 (1906).—Luzon (Saussure), Laguna, Calamba.
Arachnocephalus dewitzi Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 315
(1878) ; Bolivar, 1. c. p. 422 (1889) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 60 (1906).—Phil-
ippines (Saussure), Manila.
Family OECANTHIDAE
Homoeogryllus japonicus (DeHaan).
Gryllus (Phalangopsis) japonicus DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 236. (1842).
Homoeogryllus japonicus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 428
(1878).
Phalangopsis albicornis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 106 (1869).
Philippines (Kirby).
Tremellia spurca Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 49 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 68 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Phaloria amplipennis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 49 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal); Luzon, Manila, Samar, Paranas, Mindora, Bacao
(Elera).
Vescelia infumata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 49 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 69 (1906).—Philippines (Stal) ; Mindora, Maujan,
Calamianes, Culion (Elera).
261
68 Lawrence Bruner
Strophia lugubrina Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 49 (1877); Kirby,
l. c. p. 69 (1906).—Philippines (Stal), Luzon, Manila, Laguna, Los
Bafios (Elera).
Arachnomimus annulipes (Bolivar).
Arachnopsis annulipes Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. XVIII, p. 433 (1889).
Arochnomimus annulipes Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 71 (1906).
Philippines (Kirby), Cueva Puning, Angat (Mus. Madrid). »
Arachnomimus sp.—Philippines.
Oecanthus indicus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 454 (1878);
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 423 (1889).—Philippines
(Bolivar), Talisay, Batangas, Dolores. Philippines generally (Elera,
Mus. Bu. Sci.).
Oecanthus lineatus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 96 (1860);
Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 455 (1878).—Philippines (Bu.
Agr. C. R. Jones).
Family TRIGONIDIIDAE
Trigonidium cicindeloides Rambur, Faune Andal. II, p. 39 (Jan. 1839) ;
Serv. Ins. Orth. p. 349 (1839).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 77 (1906).
Philippines, Luzon, Camerines Sur (Elera).
Trigonidium flavipes Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 465, pl. 16,
xlvii, ff. 1, 2i, e, pl. 19, Ixxx, f. 1 (1878) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 78 (1906).—
Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Metioche vittaticollis (Stal).
Trigonidium vittaticole Stal, Eugenic’s Resa. Orth. p. 317 (1860).
Homoeoxiphus (?) vittaticollis Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p.
474 (1878).
Metioche vittaticollis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 78 (1906).
Metioche lepidula Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877).
Philippines (Stal), Manila, Ligao, Bataan, etc.
Metioche pallipes (Stal).
Trigonidium pallipes Stal, Eugenie’s Resa. Orth. p. 316 (1860).
Homoeoxiphus (?) pallipes Saussure, 1. c. p. 472 (1878).
Metioche pallipes Kirby, 1. c. p. 79 (1906).
Manila (C. S. Banks).
Metioche insularis (Saussure).
Homoeoxiphus insularis Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 470
(1878).
Metioche insularis Kirby, 1. c. p. 79 (1906).
Manila (C. S. Banks). :
262
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 69
Cyrtoxipha fulva (Saussure).
Cyrtoxiphus fulvus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 481, pl.
7, mux, of, 5 C1878):
Cyrtoxipha fulva Kirby, 1. c. p. 82 (1006).
Luzon, Albay, Ligao, etc. (Elera).
Cyrtoxipha pusilla Saussure.
Cyrtoxiphus pusillus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 486 (1878).
Cyrtoxipha pusilla Kirby, 1. c. p. 81 (1906).
Luzon, Albay, Ligao (Elera).
Cyrtoxipha unicolor (Scudder).
Eneoptera unicolor Scudder, Bost. Soc. Nat. Hist. XII, p. 14 (1868) ;
Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 683 (1878).
Cyrtoxipha unicolor Kirby, 1. c. p. 81 (1906).
Manila (Scudder).
Family ENEOPTERIDAE
Lebinthus bitaeniatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 50 (1877) ; Bolivar,
An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 425 (1889).—Philippines (Stal),
Isla Bagatao, Albay (Bolivar).
Lebinthus sanchezi Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 425 (1889) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 88 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar), Jala
Jala, district of Morong.
Lebinthus saussurei Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 425
(1889) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 88 (1906).
Paraencopterus bitaeniatus Saussure, nec. Stal, Mem. Soc. Geneve,
XXV, p. 534 (1878).
Philippines (Bolivar).
Lebinthus sp.—Philippines, Luzon (Coll. L. Bruner).
Eurepa philippinensis sp. nov.
Luzon (L. Bruner).
Heterotrypus modulator Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 545
(1878) ; Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 426 (1889).—
Philippines (Saussure), Manila, Nueva Caceres.
Heterotrypus buqueti (Serville).
Platydactylus buqueti Serville, Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 367 (1839).
Gryllus (Phalangopsis) buquett DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 236 (1842).
Heterotrypus buquett Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 542, pl.
UViccily ain eA Giteytey) 6
Philippines (Bolivar) ; Bulacan, Angat (Elera).
Itara microcephala (DeHaan).
Gryllus (Phalangopsis) microcephala DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 236
(1842).
263
70 Lawrence Bruner
Phalangopsis microcephala Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 550,
pl. 17, lii, ff. 1-8i, e (1878).
Itara microcephala Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 91 (1906).
Itara sericea Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 64 (1869).
Philippines, Iwahig, Palawan (Schultze).
Madasumma conspersa (Stal).
Paroecanthus conspersa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 50 (1877).
Calyptotrypus conspersus Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p.
426 (1889).
Madasumma conspersa Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 94 (1906). :
Philippines (Stal).
Madasumma saussurei (Stal).
Paraecanthus saussurei Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 50 (1877).
Calyptotrypus saussurei Bolivar, 1. c. p. 427 (1889).
Madasumma saussurei Kirby, 1. c. p. 94 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Coll. Bolivar).
Madasumma fuscinervis (Stal).
Paroecanthus fuscinervis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51 (1877).
Calyptotrypus fuscinervis Bolivar, 1. c. p. 427.
Madasumma fuscinervis Kirby, 1. c. p. 94 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Madasumma tibialis (Saussure).
Calyptotrypus tibialis Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 580, pl.
18, Ixii, ff. 4, 41, e (1878) ; Bolivar, 1. c. p. 427 (1880).
Madasumma tibialis Kirby, 1. c. p. 95 (1906).
Philippines (Kirby) ; Ligao, Albay (Bolivar).
Mnesibulus bicolor (DeHaan).
Gryllus (Phalangopsis) bicolor DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 235 (1842).
Calyptotrypus bicolor Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, Vol. 25, p. 587
(1878).
Mnesibulus bicolor Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 95 (1906).
Mnesilobus bicolor Bolivar, 1. c. p. 427 (1889).
Manila (Bolivar).
Mnesibulus lineolatus Stal, Orth. nova Philipp. p. 51 (1877) ; Kirby, 1. ¢.
Pp. 95 (1906).
Calyptotrypus simodus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 590
(1878).
Philippines (Stal).
Mnesibulus splendidulus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51 (1877);
Kirby, 1. c. p. 95 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Mnesibulus pallidulus Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 428
(1889) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 95 (1906).—Philippines (Bolivar), Sibul.
264
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands va
Scepastus pachyrrhynchoides Gerstaecker, Stettin Ent. Zeit. XXIV, pp.
93, 423, pl. 1, f. 3 2 (1863) ; Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p.
592 (1878); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 96 (1906).—Philippines
(Gerstaecker), Luzon.
Gryllus (Eneoptera) concinnus DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 231, pl. 20,
ts F(TS42)\
Euscirtus concinnus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 626 (1878) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 102 (1905).
Philippines.
__ Euscirtus concinnus (DeHaan).
*
Euscirtus hemelytrus (DeHaan).
Gryllus (Eneoptera) hemelytrus DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 231, pl. 20,
f. 2 (1842).
Euscirtus hemelytrus Saussure, 1. c. p. 627 (1878) ; Elera, Cat. Fauna,
Filipinas, II, p. 222 (1895).
Luzon, Bulacan, Sibul, Albay (Elera).
Pasticus maesoi (Bolivar).
Euscirtus maesoi Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 429
(1889).
Pasticus masoi Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 102 (1906).
Philippines (Mus. Madrid).
Pasticus dorsalis (Stal).
Euscirtus (Pasticus) dorsalis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51
(1877).
Pasticus dorsalis Kirby, 1. c. p. 102 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Pasticus pallidus (Stal).
Euscirtus (Pasticus) pallidus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51
(1877).
Pasticus pallidus Kirby, 1. c. p. 102 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Pasticus sigmoidalis (Saussure).
Euscirtus sigmoidalis Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 628
(1878) ; Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 430 (1889).
Pasticus sigmoidalis Kirby, 1. c. p. 102 (1906).
Philippines (Luzon, Saussure), Daraga, Albay, Bataan.
Pasticus tagalicus (Stal).
Euscirtus (Pasticus) tagalicus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51
(1877) ; Bolivar, 1. c. p. 429 (1889).
Pasticus tagalicus Kirby, 1. c. p. 102 (1906).
Philippines (Stal) ; Sibul (Bolivar).
265
72 Lawrence Bruner
Podoscritus picturatus (Stal).
Munda picturata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51 (1877).
Podoscirtus picturatus Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p.
430 (1889) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 104 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Podoscirtus congruus (Walker).
Laurepa congrua Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 98 (1869).
Podoscirtus congruus Saussure, Gryll. pt. 2, p. 7093 (1878); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 104 (1906).
Philippines (Walker) ; Sibul (Bolivar).
Podoscirtus cicur Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, Fasc. VI, p. 647 (1878) ;
Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XVIII, p. 430 (1889).—Philippines
(Bolivar) ; Luzon (Saussure).
Aphonomorphus cinereus (DeHaan).
Gryllus (Eneoptera) cinereus DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. p. 232, pl. 20, f. 5
(1842).
Paroecanthus cinereus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 51 (1877).
Aphonus ‘cinereus Saussure, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXV, p. 662 (1878).
Philippines (Stal). .
Suborder Tettigonioidea
Family STENOPELMATIDAE
Representatives of this family do not seem to have been met
with in the Philippines up to the present time.
Family RAPHIDOPHORIDAE
Rhaphidophora gracilis Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XX XVIII,
p. 297 (1888) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 124 (1906).—Philippines
(Gumid Isl. near Samar).
Rhaphidophora baeri Bolivar, An. Soc. Esp. Hist. Nat. XIX, p. 328 (1890) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 124 (1906).
?Rhaphidophora deusta var. Brunner, Kirby, 1. c. p. 124 (1906).
Philippines, Manila (Bolivar).
Rhaphidophora deusta Brunner ?, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XX XVIII,
p. 208 (1888).
Rhaphidophora picea Pictet and Saussure (nec. Sery.), Mitth. Schweiz.
Ent. Ges: VIII, p. 303, pl. 1, £. 6 (1801).
Philippines (Manila).
Diestramena unicolor Brunner, Mon. Stenopel. u. Gryllacr. p. 55 (1888). |
—Limay, Bataan, Luzon (Coll. L. Bruner).
Diestrammena sp.—Bacuit, Palawan (G. Boetcher, in cave).
266
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands re,
Family GRYLLACRIDAE
Gryllacris scripta Navas, Bol. Soc. Aragon, III, p. 138 (1904).—Zam-
boanga, Mindanao (Navas).
Gryllacris punctifrons Stal. Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 140 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris nigro-geniculata Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien,
XXXVIII, pp. 318, 330 (1888); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p.
140 (1906).
Philippines, “ Manilla” (Coll. Brunner).
Gryllacris arctata Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 184 (1806) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 140 (1906).
Gryllacris brevispina Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 48 (1877).
Philippines (Walker).
Gryllacris brachyptera Gerstaecker, Arch. f. Nat. p. 269 (1860); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 140 (1906).
Philippines, Luzon (Gerstaecker) ; Mindoro (Mus. Nat. Hung.).
Gryllacris vittipes Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 168 (1869) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. IT, p. 141 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Gryllacris nasalis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. I, p. 183 (1869) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 141 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Gryllacris limbaticollis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth II, p. 141 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris isseli Griffini, Ann. Mus. Nat. Hung. 1913, p. 2909.—Samar, Phil-
ippines (Mus. Nat. Hung.).
Gryllacris fuscinervis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877) ; Brunner,
Mon. Stenopel. u. Gryllacrid. pp. 75, 90 (1888); Kirby, Syn. Cat.
Orth. II, p. 141 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris plebeia Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877); Brunner,
Mon. Stenopel. u. Gryllacrid. pp. 75, 90 (1888); Kirby, Syn. Cat.
Orth. II, p. 141 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris plebeia Stal, var. immaculata Griffini, Boll. Mus. Zool. Anat.
Torino, No. 668, XXVIII, pp. 7, 8, 1913.—Philippines, Los Bafios,
Luzon (C. F. Baker).
Gryllacris princeps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877); Brun-
ner, Mon. Stenopel. and Gryllacrid. pp. 78, 102 (1888) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 143 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
267
74 Lawrence Bruner
Gryllacris biguttata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877); Brun-
ner, Mon. Stenopel. and Gryllacrid. pp. 78, 102 (1888) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth.. II, p. 143 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris biguttata var. detersa Griffini, Wiener Ent. Zeit. XXXII, pp.
241-242 (1913).—Luzon, Mt. Makiling (Griffini).
Gryllacris moesta Brunner, Mon. Stenopel. u. Gryllacrid. pp. 78, 102
(1888) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 143 (1906).—Philippines.
Gryllacris maculipennis Stal, Orth. nova Ins.. Philipp. p. 47 (1877);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 143 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Gryllacris pustulata Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 145 (1906).—Philippines (Stal) ; Luzon, Taya-
bas (Bu. Sci.).
Gryllacris pustulata Stal, var. mindorensis Griffini, Ann. Mus. Nat. Hung.
1913, p. 292.—Philippines, Mindoro (Mus. Nat. Budapest).
Gryllacris nigripennis Gerst. subsp. trimaculata Griffini, Ann. Mus. Nat.
Hung. 1913, p. 94.—Philippines, Mindoro (Mus. Nat. Hung.).
Gryllacris signifer (Stoll) var.
Gryllus (Tettigonia) signifera Stoll, Rep. Saut. Grill, et Blatt. p. 26,
pl. XI1, aig. 50: (2814).
Gryllacris maculicollis Serville, Rec. Meth. Ins. Orth. p. 139 (1831).
Gryllacris signifera Blanch. Hist. Nat. Ins. III, p. 30 (1840) ; Griffini,
Boll. Mus. Zool. Anat. Torino, No. 587, XXIII, p. 9 (1908).
Philippines, Mindanao.
Neanias philippinus (Griffini).
Eremus philippinus Griffini, Atti. Soc. Ital. Sci. Nat. XLVII, pp. 9-10
(1911).
Neanias philippinus Griff. Wiener Ent. Zeit. XXIII, p. 251 (1914).
Philippines.
Family CopioPpHORIDAE
Pseudorhynchus antennalis (Stal).
Pyrgocorypha antennalis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877).
Pseudorhynchus antennalis Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 55, pl. 3,
ff. 19, 20 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 238 (1906).
Philippines (Stal) Coll. Brunner.
Pseudorhynchus gigas Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 56 (1906).—
? Philippines.
Pseudorhynchus minor Rentenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 56 (1906) ;
Kirby, 1. c. p. 238 (1906).—Philippines (K. K. Hofmuseum, Wien,
Coll. Bu. Agric.).
268
oe, be tes ee Seti eee,
eat eh.
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Pt
OEE SA ASS
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 75
Pyrgocorypha veluntina Redtenbacher, Mon. Conceph. p. 60 (1801).
—?Philippines.
Euconocephalus brachyxiphus (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus brachyxiphus Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 69, 99
(1891).
Conocephaloides brachyxiphus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 249 (1906).
Euconocephalus brachyxiphus Karny, Revis. Conoceph. p. 39 (1907).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Euconocephalus coniceps (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus coniceps Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 68, 94, pl.
3, f. 39 (18901).
Conocephaloides coniceps Kirby, 1. c. p. 249 (1906).
Euconocephalus coniceps Karny, 1. c. p. 39 (1907).
Borneo. Possibly also in the southern islands of the Philippines.
Euconocephalus varius (Walker). .
Conocephalus varius Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 320 (1869).
Conocephaloides varius Kirby, 1. c. p. 249 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, I. c.
Philippines.
Euconocephalus pallidus (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus pallidus Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 609, 100
(1891).
Conocephaloides pallidus Kirby, 1. c. p. 250 (1906).
Euconocephalus pallidus Karny, 1. c. p. 39 (1907).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Euconocephalus insulanus (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus insulanus Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 69, 102
(1891).
Conocephaloides insulanus Kirby, |. c. p. 250 (1906).
Euconocephalus insulanus Karny, 1. c. p. 39 (1907).
Manila (Coll. Bu. Sci. No. 4550).
Euconocephalus gracilis (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus gracilis Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 69, 102 (1891).
Conocephaloides gracilis Kirby, 1. c. p. 250 (1906).
Euconocephalus gracilis Karny, 1. c. p. 39 (1907).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner and Dohrn, Mus. Geneva).
Euconocephalus philippinensis sp. nov.
Philippines (Coll. L. Bruner).
Euconocephalus jonesi sp. nov.
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agric.).
269
76 Lawrence Bruner
Euconocephalus turpis (Walker).
Conocephalus turpis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 323 (1869).
Conocephaloides turpis Kirby, 1. c. p. 250 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Euconocephalus sobrinus (Bolivar).
Conocephalus sobrinus Bolivar, Viaje al Pacif. Ins. Orth. p. 88, note
(1884) ; Redtenbacher, |. c. pp. 69, 99 (1891).
Conocephaloides sobrinus Kirby, 1. c. p. 249 (1906).
Euconocephalus sobrinus Karny, 1. c. p. 39 (1907).
Euconocephalus fuscipes (Redtenbacher).
Conocephalus fuscipes Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 71, 107
(1891).
? Philippines.
Family AGROECIIDAE
Scytocera longicornis Redtenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XL, p.
436, pl. 3, f. 52 (1891).—Mindanao (Coll. Dohrn).
Anelytra philippinensis sp. nov.
Laguna, Paeta (Coll. L. Bruner). )
Anelytra vittafrons sp. nov.
Acc. No. 17,628 (Bu. Sci.), Philippines.
Nicsara nigrifrons (Brunner).
Lobaspis nigrifrons Brunner, Abhandl. Senckenb. Ges. XXIV, p. 267,
1898; Carl, Rev. Suisse Zool. XVI, pp. 139 (1908).
Nicsara nigrifrons Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 261, 1906.
“ Manila” (Coll. Mus. Geneva).
Nicsara inflata (Brunner).
Lobospis inflata Brunner, 1. c. pp. 267, 268 (1808).
Nicsara inflata Kirby, 1. c. p. 261 (1906).
Nicsara sp.—Philippines, Faraon, Negros Occid.
Anthracites nitidus Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 153, pl. 4, f. 70
(1905) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. IT, p. 263 (1906).—Philippines, Min-
danao (Coll. Dohrn).
Anthracites geniculatus Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. LX VI, p. 241 (1905) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 263 (1906).—Mindanao (Coll. Dohrn).
Family SALOMONIDAE
Dicranocerus niger Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 154 (1891); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 263 (1906).—Jolo (Coll. Dohrn), Sulu (Kirby).
270
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands ba
Salomona megacephala (DeHaan).
Locusta megacephala DeHaan, Temminck Verhandel. Orth. p. 200, pl.
19, fig. 1 (1842); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 265 (1906) ;
Karny, Revis. Conoceph. p. 73 (1907).
Iwahig, Palawan (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Salomona conspersa Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 266 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Salomona maculifrons Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877) ; Red-
tenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 157, 174 (1891); Kirby, 1. c. p. 267
(1906).—Philippines (Stal) ; Luzon (Coll. Brunner).
Salomona vittifrons (Walker).
Agroecia vittifrons Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 298 (1869).
Salomona vittifrons Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 266 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, I. c.
Philippines (Walker) ; Mindanao (Coll. Dohrn).
Salomona brevicollis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877); Red-
tenbacher, 1. c. pp. 157, 164 (1891).—Philippines (Stal).
Salomona tetra (Walker).
Agroecia tetra Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 209 (1869).
Salomona tetra Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 267 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Salomona obscura (Giebel).
Agroecia obscura Giebel, Zeitschr. ges, Naturw. XVIII, p. 117 (1861).
Salomona obscura Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 267 (1906).
Philippines.
Family LisTROSCELIDAE
Phisis gracilipes (Stal).
Teuthras gracilipes Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877) ; Red-
tenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 540, 542 (1891).
Phisis gracilipes Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 286 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Axylus castaneus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 46 (1877); Redten-
bacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 543 (1891) 5 Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 286 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Hexacentrus munda (Walker).
Piura munda Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 282 (1869).
Hexacentrus munda Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 287 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby; lI. c.
Philippines (Stal).
271
78 Lawrence Bruner
Hexacentrus unicolor Serville, Ann. Sci. Nat. XXII, 146 (1831); Red-
tenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 548, 552 (1801) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 287 (1906).
Locusta unicolor Serville, Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 531, pl. 9, f. 4 (1839).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner) ; Luzon, Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
Hexacentrus australis Redtenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p.
550 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 287 (1906).—Philippines.
Family CoNOCEPHALIDAE
Xiphidion vestitum Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. an: 185,, 215, GIsons
Karny, Revis. Conoceph. p. 90 (1907).—Philippines (Mus. Geneva).
Xiphidion longipenne (DeHaan).
Locusta (Xiphidium) longipennis DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. pp. 188, 189
(1842).
Xiphidion longipenne Karny, Revis. Conoceph. p. 92 (1907).
Philippines (Stal, Coll. Brunner) ; Luzon (Coll. L. Bruner).
Xiphidion affine Redtenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 183, 199 (1891);
Karny, Revis. Conoceph. p. 92 (1907).—Philippines (Mus. Geneva).
Xiphidion maculatum le Guillon, Rev. et Mag, IV, p. 204 (1841); Red-
tenbacher, Mon. Conoceph. pp. 183, 201 (1891 ).—Philippines—gen-
eral (Coll. Brunner, Coll. L. Bruner, etc.).
Xiphidion spinipes Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 47 (1877).—Philip-
pines (Stal).
Xiphidion amabile Stal, Eugenies Resa. Orth. p. 323 (1860); Redten-
bacher, Mon. Conoceph. p. 212 (1891).—Philippines (Stal).
Family PSEUDOPHYLLIDAE
Rhomboptera teter (Walker).
Pseudophyllus teter Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 411 (1869).
Rhomboptera teter Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 294 (1906).
Philippines (Walker).
Cratylus elongatus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 34, 35 (1805); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 293 (1906).—Philippines, Palawan (Coll.
Brunner).
Cleandrus neriifolius (Stoll).
Gryllus Tettigonia neriifolia Stoll, Spectres, Saut. etc. p. 11, pl. 4 a,
E> LiM(LSTs))).
Cleandrus neriifolius Stal, Recens. Orth. II, p. 50 (1874) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 295 (1906).
272
ee eT
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 79
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Mindanao (Mus. Berol.).
Cleandrus ligatus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 30, 40 (1895); Kirby, l. c.
p. 295 (1906).—Iwahig, Palawan (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Cleandrus latipennis Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 39, 40 (1895) ; Kirby,
l. c. p. 295 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner, Coll. Dohrn, Mus.
Madrid, etc.) ; Luzon (Mus. Berol.).
Cleandrus fortis (Walker).
Pseudophyllus fortis Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 413 (1869)
larva.
Cleandrus fortis Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 295 (1906).
Cratylus obesus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877).
Philippines (Stal) ; Los Baftos (Coll. L. Bruner).
Onomarchus leuconotus (Serville).
Pseudophyllus leuconotus Serville, Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 469 (1830).
Onomarchus leuconotus Stal, Recens. Orth. II, p. 51 (1874); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 296 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Kirby) ; Los Bafios, Luzon (L. Bruner).
Microprion philippinensis Pictet and Saussure, Icon. Saut. Vertes, p. 18
(1892); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 297 (1906).—Philippines
(Pictet and Saussure).
Phyllomimus detersus (Walker).
Pseudophyllus detersus Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 406
(1869).
Phyllomimus detersus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 209 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Stal).
Phyllomimus acutipennis Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 55 (1805) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 299 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Phyllomimus amplipennis Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 56 (1805) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 299 (1906) .—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Phyllomimus rufatus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 56 (1895) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 2099 (1906).—Philippines, Albany (Coll.
Bolivar).
Phyllomimus reticulosus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 45 (1877);
Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 58 (1895).—Philippines (Stal) ;
Mindanao (Mus. Berol. Coll. Dohrn).
Phyllomimus mutilatus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 55, 590 (18905) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 300 (1906).—Philippines, Dolores,
Marinduque (Coll. Bolivar).
273
80 Lawrence Bruner
Phyllomimus pallidus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 57 (18905) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 300 (1906).
Phyllomimus pallidus var. major Brunner, 1. c. p. 57 (18905).
Ins. Palawan (Coll. Dohrn).
Phyllomimus inversus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 54, 57 (1895).—Phil-
ippines, Ilocos Norte (Banks).
Phyllomimus luzonicus sp. nov.
Luzon, Los Baftos (Coll. L. Bruner).
Phyllomimus longipennis sp. nov.
Philippines (Coll. L. Bruner).
Phyllomimus manillensis sp. nov.
Luzon, Manila (Bu. Sci.).
Gonyatopus integer (Stal).
Phyllomimus integer Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 45 (1877).
Gonyatopus integer Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. p. 63 (1895); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. IT, p. 301 (1906).
Philippines (Stal, Mus. Madrid, Coll. Bolivar).
Timanthes lobifolia (DeHaan).
Locusta (Aprion) lobifolia DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. pp. 205, 206, pl. 18,
i; 27,12 (i842).
Timanthes lobifolia Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. pp. 64, 65,. pl. 3, f. 24
(1895) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 302 (1906).
Philippines (Stal).
Timanthes signatipennis Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 45 (1877);
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 302 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Tympanoptera grioleti Pictet and Saussure, Icon. Saut. Vertes, p. 20, pl.
3, f. 15 (1892) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 303. (1906).
Oxyscelus grioleti Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. p. 71, pl. 3, f. 29 (1895).
Mindanao (Coll. Dohrn).
Morsimus areatus Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 44 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 305 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Platenia semialata Dohrn, Stettin, Ent. Zeit. XLIX, p. 354, pl. 2, f. 4 a-c
(1888) ; Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. p. 89 (1895).—Philippines, Pala-
wan.
Olcinia erosifolia Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 45 (1877) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 308 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Callimenellus ferrugineus (Brunner).
Phanerotus ferrugineus Brunner, Mon. Pseudoph. p. 99 (1895).
Callimenellus ferrugineus Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 310 (1906).
Philippines (Brunner), Luzon.
274
Orthopteroid Insects of Philuppine Islands 8I
Family MEcopopIDAE
Cardiodactylus novae-guineae (DeHaan).
Locusta novae-guineae DeHaan, Temminck, Verhandel. Orth. p. 187,
fiers, £513 @1842).
Dasyphleps novae-guineae Karsch, Berl. Ent. Zeitschr. XXXVI, p.
343, note (1882).
Quite general in New Guinea and the surrounding islands.
Segestes vittaticeps Stal, Orth. nova Ins. Philipp. p. 45 (1877) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 359 (1906).—Philippines (Stal).
Segestes puncticeps Redtenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLII,
pp. 198, 199 (1892); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 359 (1906).—
Philippines.
Segestes fuscus Redtenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLII, pp.
198, 199 (1892); Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 359 (1906).—Phil-
ippines.
Segestidia punctipennis Bolivar, Ann. Mus. Nat. Hungar. I, pp. 166, 168
(1903) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 359 (1906).—Philippines.
Mecopoda elongata (Linnaeus).
Gryllus Tettigonia elongatus Linnaeus, Syst. Nat. (Ed. X), I, p. 4290
(1758).
Mecopoda elongata Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 685 (1838) ; Red-
tenbacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLII, pp. 212, 214 (1892).
For extended synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 364 (1906).
Philippines (Kirby).
Mecopoda walkeri Kirby, Trans. Ent. Soc. Lond. p. 407 (1891) ; Redten-
bacher, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLII, pp. 212, 214 (1892).
Mecopoda imperator var. Walker (nec. Voll.), Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M.
III, p. 458 (1870).
Philippines (Kirby).
Family PHYLLOPHORIDAE
Hyperhomala philippinica (Brunner).
Phyllophora philippinica Brunner, Abhandl. Senckenb. es. XXIV, p.
362 (1898) ; Kirby, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. Ser. 7, IV, p. 304, pl.
6, f. 3 (1899).
Hyperhomala philippinica Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 368 (1906).
Philippines (Brunner, Kirby) ; Luzon (Coll. L. Bruner).
Family PHANEROPTERIDAE
Elimaea parumpunctata (Serville).
Phaneroptera parumpunctata Serville, Hist. Nat. Ins. Orth. p. 418
(1839).
275
82 Lawrence Bruner
Locusta (Phaneroptera) parumpunctata DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. pp.
190, 192 (1842).
Elimaea parumpunctata Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. o1, 98 (1878) ; Verh.
Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 47, 49 (1891).
Phaneroptera aliena Walker, Cat. Derm. Salt. B. M. II, p. 437 (1869).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Elimaea brunneri Dohrn, Uber einige Phaner. indomalayisch. Geb. Stett.
Ent. Zeitschr. LX VII, p. 348 (1906).
Philippines.
Mirollia cincticornis sp. nov.
Los Bafios, Luzon (Coll. Agric. College).
Ducetia thymifolia (Fabricius).
Locusta thymifolia Fabricius, Syst. Ent. p. 283 (1775).
For synonymy see Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 398 (1906).
Philippines (Coll. Brunner) ; Paeta, Laguna (L. Bruner).
Ducetia adspersa Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 109, 110 (1878) ; Kirby, Syn.
Cat. Orth. II, p. 399 (1906).—Philippines, Manila (Mus. Berlin).
Leptoderes ornatipennis Serville, Hist. Ins. Orth. p. 410 (1839); Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 408 (1906).—Iwahig, Palawan (Coll. Bu.
Sci.).
Casigneta pellucida Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 164, 165 (1878) ; Verh. Zool.-
Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 77 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p.
425 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Elbenia manillensis Pictet, Mem. Soc. Geneve, XXX, no. 6, p. 7 (1808) ;
Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 425 (1906).—Philippines (Manila,
Pictet).
Elbenia modesta Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 78 (1801) ;
Abhandl. Senckenb. Ges. XXV, pp. 244, 255, pl. 18, f. 41 a-c (1808).
—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Phaula rugulosa Brunner, Mon. Phan. p. 167 (1878); Verh. Zool.-Bot.
Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 79, 80 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p.
425 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Phaula laevis Brunner, 11, cc. pp. 167, 168, pl. 3, f. 48 (1878); pp. 77, 80
(1891) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 426 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Phaula phaneropteroides Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp.
79, 81 (1891) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 426 (1906).—Philippines, Manila (Coll.
Brunner), Paeta (L. Bruner).
Phaula cornuta Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 80, 83
(1891); Kirby, 1 c. p. 426 (1906).—Philippines, Luzon (Coll.
Brunner).
276
ii
&
>
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 83
Phaula denticauda Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 80, 84
(1891); Kirby, 1. c. p. 426 (1906).—Philippines, Ilo Ilo (Coll.
Dohrn).
Psyra longestylata Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 87, 88
(1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. IT, p. 427 (1906).—Philippines (Coll.
Brunner).
Psyra marginata Fritze, Mitt. Schweiz. ent. Gess. XI, pp. 299-300 (1908).
—Mindoro (Coll. Brunner).
Psyra ensis (DeHaan).
Locusta (Phaneroptera) ensis DeHaan, Bijdr. Orth. pp. 191, 194
(1842).
Psyra ensis Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 170, 171, pl. 3, f. 49 a, b (1878) ;
Verh. Zool-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 87 (1891); Kirby, 1. c. p.
427 (1906).
Philippines, Iwahig, Palawan (Schultze).
Holochlora albida Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 175, 176 (1878); Ib. Addit.
Mon. Phan. p. 90 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 430 (1906).—
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Sci.).
Holochlora fuscospinosa Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp.
91, 92 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 431 (1906).—Philippines,
Luzon (Coll. Brunner) ; Paeta, Laguna (L. Bruner).
Moalechiora 3 javanica Brunner, Mon. Phan. p. 175, 180 (1878) ; Verh. Zool.-
Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, pp. 90, 91 (1891).
Locusta (Phaneroptera) japonica DeHaan (nec. Thunberg), Bijdr.
Orth. pp. 191, 194 (1842).
Philippines, Mindanao (Navas) (Coll. Bu. Gay
Holochlora emarginata Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 175, 180 (1878) ; Verh.
Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 90 (1891) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II,
p. 431 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Liotrachela nitida Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 182, 183, pl. 3, f. 51 a, b
(1878) ; Kirby, Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 432 (1906).—Philippines (Coll.
Brunner).
Liotrachela marginata sp. nov.
Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Liotrachela philippina Brunner, Mon. Phan. p. 183 (1878); Verh. Zool.-
Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 93 (1891); Kirby, 1. c. p. 432 (1906).—
Philippines (Coll. Brunner).
Liotrachela minuta Brunner, Mon. Phan. pp. 183, 184 (1878); Kirby,
l. c. p. 432 (1906).—Luzon (Mus. Berlin).
277
84 Lawrence Bruner
Liotrachela lobata Brunner, Verh. Zool.-Bot. Ges. Wien, XLI, p. 93
(1891) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 432 (1906).—Philippines (Coll. Brunner) ;
Mindanao (Coll. Dohrn).
Phaneroptera furcifera Stal, Recens. Orth. I], p. 29 (1874); Brunner,
Mon. Phan. pp. 210, 216 (1878) ; Kirby, 1. c. p. 436 (1906).—Philip-
pines (Stal); Manila (L. Bruner, Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Phaneroptera gracilis Burmeister, Handb. Ent. II, p. 690 (1838) ; Kirby,
Syn. Cat. Orth. II, p. 436 (1906).
For synonymy see Kirby, 1. c.
Philippines (Stal) ; Paeta, Laguna (L. Bruner).
Order DERMAPTERA
Suborder Arixenina
Family ARIXENIIDAE
Arixenia esau Jordan, Novit. Zool. XVI, p. 313, pls. 16-18 (1909). —Malay
archipelago (in pouch of Cheiromeles torquatus). It is possible
that it may occur also in the Philippines along with its host.
Suborder Hemimerina
Family HEMIMERIDAE
These insects are in all probability confined to Africa.
Suborder Forficulina
Family PyGmIpICRANIDAE
Tagalina semperi Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXIV, p. 44 (1863) ; Burr. Gen.
Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 17 (1911).
Pygidicrana papua Bormans (apud Burr), Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (7),
Lap: 2s2uCrorg)).
Philippines (Burr).
Echinosoma sumatranum (DeHaan).
Forficula (Echinosoma) sumatranum DeHaan, Verh. Nat. Gesch.
Nederl. Overz, Bezitt. Oorth. p. 241 (1842).
Echinosoma westermanni Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXIV, p. 65 (1863).
Philippines.
Family LABIDURIDAE
Gonolabis sp.—Luzon, Los Bafios (Coll. L. Bruner).
278
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 85
Anisolabis annulipes Lucas, Ann. Soc. Ent. Fr. (2), V, Bull. p. 84
(1847) ; Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 29 (1911).
Anisolabis bormansi Scudder, Bull. Mus. Harvard, XX\V, p. 5, pl. I, f. 1
(1893).
Anisolabis antoni Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXV, p. 289 (1864).
Anisolabis antennata Kirby, Journ. Linn. Soc. Lond. Zool. XXIII, p.
517 (18901).
Anisolabis annulicornis Blanchard, in Gay, Hist. Nat. Chile Zool. VI,
p. Io (1851).
Forficula varicornis Smith, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (4), XVII, p. 450
(1876).
Cosmopolitan, along the seashore.
Anisolabis maritima (Gene). Forficula maritima Gene, Monog. Forf. p.
9 (1832).
Cosmopolitan, as the preceding.
Euborellia moesta (Serville).
Forficesila moesta Serville, Hist. Nat. Orth. p. 28 (1839).
var. anelytrata Verhoeff (apud Zacher), Zool. Jahrb. XXX, p. 380
(1911).
Luzon, Manila; Palawan (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Euborellia stali (Dohrn). .
Forcinella stali Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXV, p. 286 (1864).
Euborellia stali Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 31 (1911).
Philippines, Tubbataha Reef, Sulu Sea (W. Schultze) ; Palawan
(U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Nala lividipes (Dufour).
Forficula lividipes Dufour, Ann. Sc. Nat. XIII, p. 340 (1828).
Nala lividipes Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 36, pl. 3, f. 10 (191I).
For synonymy see Burr, 1. c.
Philippines (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Labidura riparia (Pallas).
Forficula riparia Pallas, Reise Russ. II, Anhang, p. 727 (1773).
For complicated synonymy see Burr, Gen. Ins. 122, pp. 36-37 (1911).
Cosmopolitan, Philippines (Coll. Bu. Agr.).
Forcipula tarsata Westwood, Proc. Zool. Soc. Lond. V, p. 129 (1857).
Philippines.
Family APACHYIDAE
Although no records of this family are at hand it is, without
doubt, represented in the Philippines.
279
86 Lawrence Bruner
Family LABIIDAE
Nesogaster amoenus (Stal).
Labia amoena Stal, Oefv. Vet. Akad. Forh. XII, p. 356 (1855).
Nesogastrella ruficeps Verhoeff, Zool. Anzeig, No. 665, p. 46 (1902).
Lebia pulchriceps Bormans, Ann. Mag. Nat. Hist. (7), II, p. 236
(1903).
Philippines.
Chaetospania thosacica (Dohrn).
Platylabia thoracica Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXVIII, p. 348 (1867).
For synonymy see Burr, Genera Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 54 (1911).
Philippines (?) (Coll. C. F. Baker).
Labia minor (Linnaeus).
Forficula minor Linnaeus, Syst. Nat. (ed. 10), I, p. 423 (1758).
Labia minor Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 55, pl. 5, ff. 7,7 a,7 b,7 ¢
(19II).
Labia minuta Scudder, Bost. Journ. Nat. Hist. VII, p. 415 (1862).
?Forficula livida Zschach, Mus. Lesk, p. 46 (1788).
Luzon, Baccoor (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Labia curvicauda (Motschulsky).
Forficesilla curvicanda, Motsch. Bull. Soc. Nat. Moscow, XXXVI, p.
Bp), 2 F... Fe (LOGS).
For synonymy see Burr, l. c. p. 56. .
Cosmopolitan, Luzon (Elera).
Labia mucronata (Stal).
Forficula mucronata Stal, Eugen. Resa. Ins. p. 303 (1860).
Philippines (Stal).
Prolabia arachidis (Yersin).
Forficula arachidis Yers, Ann. Soc. Ent. Fr. (3), VIII, p. 500, pl. 10,
ff. 33-35 (1860).
Labia wallacei Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXV, p. 427 (1864).
Forficula nigripennis Motsch. Boll. Soc. Nat. Moscow, XXXV, p. I
(1863).
Apterygida gravidula Gerstaecker, Arch. f. Naturg. XXXV, p. 221
(1869).
Cosmopolitan.
Prolabia luzonica (Dohrn).
Labia luzonica Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXV, p. 427 (1864).
Philippines.
280
Orthopteroid Insects of Philippine Islands 87
Family CHELISOCHIDAE
Prorerus simulans (Stal).
Forficula simulans Stal, Eug. Resa. Ins. p. 302 (1860).
Prorerus simulans Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 64, pl. 5, f. 21; pl. 6, f. 3
Giorr):.
Luzon (U. S. Nat. Mus.), Mindanao, Agusan.
Prorerus minor (Caudell).
Auchenomus minor Caud., Journ. N. Y. Ent. Soc. XII, P. 108 (1904).
Luzon, Bacoor, Cavite (Coll. U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Chelisoches morio (Fabricius).
Forficula morio Fabricius, Syst. Ent. p. 270 (1775).
Chelisoches morio Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, pl. 6, f. 2 (1911).
Luzon, Navotas, Manila (Elera), Los Bafios (Ledyard).
Family FoRFICULIDAE
Allodahlia ancylura (Dohrn).
Forficula ancylura Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XX VI, p. 91 (1865).
Philippines.
Pterygida jagori (Dohrn).
Forficula jagori Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XX VI, p. 94 (1865).
Pterygida jagori Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 72, pl. 6, ff. 16 a, 16 b
(1911).
Luzon.
Forficula auricularia Linnaeus, Syst. Nat. (ed. 10), I, p. 423 (1758).
For synonymy see Burr, Gen. Ins. Fasc. 122, p. 81.
Cosmopolitan.
Opisthocosmia centuria Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XXVI, p. 70 (1865) ;
Burr, Gen. Ins. Fase: 122, p. 92, pl. o, ff. 13, 13 a, 13° b (1or1r).—
Luzon (Semper).
Opisthocosmia sp.—Mindanao (U. S. Nat. Mus.).
Rhadamanthus lobophoroides (Dohrn).
Forficula lobophoroides Dohrn, Stett. Ent. Zeit. XX VI, p. 96 (1865).
Rhadamanthus lobophoroides Burr, Gen. Ins, Fasc. 122, p. 93, pl. 9,
fie tO; 10a) (1OED)).
?Chelisoches picticornis Kirby, Jour. Linn. Soc. Lond. Zool. XXIII, p.
LOO ple LF ate Aa uCOl).
Philippines.
Index and title page are furnished for each volume. Pears
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me Vou. XV Juty—Ocroper 1915 Nos. 3, 4
| UNIVERSITY STUDIES
| q PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA
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12 F, M. FLING P, H. GRUMMANN
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(x suN 29 1934
| Vax — oh
Fi Ty ev
| ONAL MUSE
4 Howe , tthe a
; P CONTENTS
; I.—THE COUNTER REVOLUTION OF JUNE-JULY, 1789:
ROLE OF THE ASSEMBLY FROM JUNE 30 TO JuLy11 283
LINCOLN, NEBRASKA
7
MNIVERSITY STUDIES
VOL. ° protest against all decrees contrary to the wishes of the
constituents ;°° decrees which were prejudicial to the nobles of the
several bailliages were not binding ;** protest against all done in
the assembly till the right to vote was granted by the con-
stituents.°®
Protests were also made against any change in the constitu-
tion®® or any change which was not made by the vote of the
separate orders.
While apparently the clergy had no intention of protesting on
the morning of June 30, it is evident that on this question, as
much as on the question of joining the assembly, they followed
the example of the nobles. On July 1 and July 2 groups of
clergy presented declarations concerning their appearance in the
assembly and insisting on the vote by head. A far more im-
portant step was taken on July 2 when the Cardinal de la Roche-
foucauld read reservations made by the minority of the clergy in
which they assumed that they constituted the entire order. The
reserves stated that “the members of the clergy, always desiring
to give to His Majesty some mark of respect and confidence,
justly impatient to give themselves over to the discussions of
affairs of great interest, on which the happiness of the nation
depends, have decided to unite with the two orders of the nobility
and the third estate in the common hall in order to act on affairs
of general utility, thus conforming with the declarations of the
king, without prejudice of the rights which belong to the clergy,
in conformity with the constitutive laws of the monarchy, to
assemble and to vote separately; a right they do not wish to
abandon, nor can abandon, in the present session of the states-
54 Nos. 20, 50, 62; 44, 45, 49, 53, 563 3, 47, 9, 14, 15, 16, 20, 28, 29, 31, 33,
34, 35, 38; 27, 30, 47, 64, 65, 66.
55 Nos. 50, 58.
56 Nos. 2, 5, 10, 14, 22.
57 Nos. 17, 38, 44, 58.
58 Nos. 9, 10, 42, 53, 54, 73.
59 Nos. 7, 38.
205
14 Ethel Lee Howie
general and which is expressly reserved to them by articles VIII
and IX of the same declarations.’’®
Many of the protests presented on June 30 were read in the
assembly, but after the reading had gone on for over an hour®
one of the commons arose to say that those whose credentials had
not been verified had no right to protest and that the assembly
should no longer listen to the protests. This assertion brought
on a lively debate concerning the right of individuals to protest
before they had been received as bona fide members.** The pre-
vailing sentiment was that the protests should not be read. Such
was the opinion of Pétion de Villeneuve, Salomon, De la Borde and
Rabaud de Saint-Etienne. Pétion de Villeneuve and Salomon
said that before receiving the protests it must be decided whether
these protests were permissible; before considering the nature of
limited instructions, it must be considered whether instructions
of any kind existed.** That the assembly was the judge of all
these questions and that protests could not be made in advance
against its judgment was the opinion of De la Borde,® while
Raubaud de Saint-Etienne said that deputies who had not been
received as members could only present their credentials.°* Some
of the deputies desired more recognition of the protests. Pison
du Galland desired that a record should be made and the protests
then sent to the commissioners.**? Target at first favored the
idea that the credentials and the protests should be examined at
61 Courrier de Provence I, 15th letter, 8; Point du jour, I, 90; Bulle-
tins de Vassemblée nationale, July 2; Journal de Paris, No. 185 (July 2),
832; Assemblée nationale, I, 305, says, “ Personne n’a entendu sans étonne-
ment M. le Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld prétendre que ces réserves étaient .
celles de l’ordre du clergé.”
62 Point du jour, I, 76; Courrier de Provence, 1, 15th; Biauzat, Sa vie
et sa correspondance, II, 149, states that the reading lasted during the en-
tire session, while Mirabeau says “almost the entire session”; Journal de
Paris, No. 183, 823 (July 2).
8 Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 3; Assemblée nationale, 1, 277;
Journal de Paris, No. 183, 823 (July 2).
64 Point du jour, I, 76; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, June 30.
65 Assemblée nationale, I, 278; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 3.
66 Point du jour, I, 77.
67 Moniteur, I, 111.
296
The Counter Revolution, of June-July 15
the same time by the commissioners, but afterwards advocated
the consideration of the protests after the credentials had been
verified.®
The only advocates for the reception of the protests were two
nobles. One of these, whose name is not given, said that “ pro-
tests which contested the existence of the assembly were, without
doubt, null, but that the right to protest could not be refused to
those who had for their object to make France and Europe
understand that the French had performed their duty.”®® Tou-
longeon, the other noble, said that the safety of the state should
govern their actions. “The assembly should, at some future
time, decide whether imperative instructions were to be permitted
but, as yet, no regulations had been made concerning them; the
ancient régime, which permitted these instructions, had not been
overthrown so that it is impossible to prevent the deputies justify-
ing themselves with their constituents.”
The assembly at last decided that the credentials should be
turned over to the committee of verification, the protests being
kept by the secretaries until the report on the credentials had
been made. Many desired the assembly to meet the same even-
ing to hear the report of the committee, but Bailly having ob-
jected on the ground that it would be impossible to finish the
work by five or even seven o’clock, the report was put off till
the next day.”
Duquesnoy sums up the conditions which existed in the as-
sembly at this time in the following words: ‘ Uppermost a great
commotion, marked signs of disapproval and dissatisfaction,
some extremely insolent propositions, as much as to say that since
the credentials were not verified they could only be received and
sent to the commissioners to be reported on to the assembly. As
68 Assemblée nationale, I, 278-279; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter,
3; Point du jour, I, 76.
69 Journal de Paris, No. 183, 823 (July 2).
70 Point du jour, I, 76.
71 Procés-verbal, I, No. 10, 5-6; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 4;
Point du jour, I, 78; Journal de Paris, No. 183, 824 (July 2); Assemblée
nationale, I, 279; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 150; Bulletins de
VPassemblée nationale, June 30.
297
16 Ethel Lee Howie
to the protests, they could be acted upon only after the creden-
tials had been disposed of. This conduct appeared simple and
would have excited no complaint on the part of the nobles, but
after some long, vain debates into which a feeling of irritation
entered, the nobles were angered.
“This confirms me in what I have so often said that there are
among the commons men who would be in despair if the union
were effective because their reputation is founded on discord,
their projects established on misunderstanding. It cannot be
denied that in the orders men can be found who are enemies of
the public welfare, who have no other desire than to make the
estates fail. It is easy to believe that many of the great lords,
people of the court and bishops have the same aim, since they see
only what the estates are going to take away from them, because
they are basely sold to authority. These men have not joined
the assembly of their own accord and with good faith, but were
forced to it by circumstances. One must keep them there by
delicate and upright proceedings, by kind and gentle forms. This
we have not done, far from it, but have given a plausible pretext
to their animosity. They have cause to complain of us and they
can do so in the court and in the kingdom, and the members of
the commons who only desire the good of the country will be in-
volved in these accusations. What will be the result? A part of
the nobles will return to their estates and when they begin to go
few will remain. Then the estates will no longer be general;
authority will resume its sway and its rights through force and
what will become of the nation?”
The presentation of the protests by the clergy on July 2 also
brought on a lively discussion in which only one speaker favored
the acceptance of the protests, the Archbishop of Aix. In his
emotional and tactful way he asserted that the clergy had not
protested against any action which might be taken by the as-
sembly, but that they had reserved the rights which they be-
72 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 142.
73 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 3; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Gazette de
Leyde, No. 56; Journal de Paris, No. 18, 832 (July 4) ; Assemblée nationale,
I, 306; Point du jour, I, ot.
298
The Counter Revolution of June-July 17
lieved belonged to them. He then distinguished between reserves
and protests and painted the eagerness of the clergy for the
common good and their desire to deliberate with the assembly
upon everything which the general welfare of the country de-
manded. It was far from the intentions of the clergy, he said,
to retard the realizations of the best interests of the country.
Then he cried out, his voice choked with sobs, “ Oh if I could but
talk to the people, if I could explain the patriotic sentiments which
animate us, then in the midst of public tranquility we would do
the good without disputing the manner in which it should be
done. . . . If I could say to each of my constituents, ‘We are
going to begin the important operations for which we were called
and occupy ourselves with things concerning the general interest,’
they would reply ‘We have been deceived, let us cease to be
alarmed, for they desire the welfare of the country and what
does it matter in what form they assemble? Let us cease to
assemble and to carry alarm to the heart of the king and our
brothers. Let our representatives consider in silence the happi-
ness of the public.’”” These were, according to the archbishop,
the important questions and he asked what protests and reserva-
tions amounted to in comparison with them. The act of the mi-
nority was performed, he said, at the dictate of conscience. Could
they abandon the instructions which had been given them? Have
we searched well the constitutive laws of the monarchy and do
we know the difference in possessions? Have we reflected on
the distinction of orders? Do you believe this the effect of an
imperial whim of legislation, an artificial law? No, these things
are in the nature of the constitution and have always existed."
Shall we renounce these ancient rights sanctioned, during an
enlightened century, by the king, in letters of convocation and
even by the actions of the electoral assemblies?’’*® The arch-
bishop said that the assembly could not refuse an act, which pre-
served the rights of the clergy. He again insisted that the clergy
had not protested, but simply made reserves.*® In his speech
74 Point du jour, I, 92; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2, 307.
7 Point du jour, I, 92.
76 Point du jour, I, 92; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154.
299
18 Ethel Lee Howie
the archbishop had aroused the animosity of Bouche, member
of the third estate from Provence, who, it seems, had declared
that he would denounce the archbishop.” Bouche asked whether
the archbishop intended to remain with the majority or minority.
The Archbishop of Vienne, attempting to avoid trouble, remarked
that there was neither majority nor minority. Bouche, however,
was not satisfied and pressed the archbishop to declare if he
intended to remain in the assembly with the majority. Again
the Archbishop of Vienne attempted to play the role of peace-
maker by stating that neither majority nor minority of clergy
existed. Bouche insisted, nevertheless, and the Archbishop of
Aix replied that he did not wish to leave the assembly. Bailly
now stated that in a well-regulated assembly no one should be
allowed to interrupt the speaker. The Archbishop of Aix replied
that this interpellation was not distasteful to him and that since
he had expressed his true sentiments he would trust his hearers
to judge him fairly.”®
The Archbishop of Vienne who had joined the assembly with
the majority of the clergy and who was in full sympathy with the
idea of a general assembly was the spokesman for the majority
of the clergy. He spoke with dignity and moderation asserting
that when the declarations read were made the majority of the
clergy had already joined the assembly, that the majority alone
could call itself the order of the nobles and that the declarations
represented the action cf only a part of the clergy.** This view
was maintained by Pétion de Villeneuve,®? Mirabeau*t and Pison
77 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154.
78 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56, July 4; Bulle-
tins de Vassemblée nationale, July 2; Assemblée nationale, 1, 308; Point
du jour, I, 92; Moniteur, I, 116.
79 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 3; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 9;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Point du jour, 1, 91; Journal de Paris, No.
185, 832 (July 4) ; Assemblée nationale, I, 305; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56,
July 4; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 155.
80 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 155; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2;
Assemblée nationale, I, 300.
81 Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 10.
300
a ———
The Counter Revolution of June-July 19
du Galland.** Another idea which was generally approved was
that the protests were against the decrees of the assembly and
that no one had a right to oppose these decrees. This view was
likewise adopted by Pétion de Villeneuve, Mirabeau, Clermont-
Tonnerre, and Mounier. Pétion de Villeneuve said that the
protests were a proclamation of the declaration of the king on
June 23. The king could not hold a lit du justice because when
the nation was assembled to make laws there was no power which
could force upon it measures which it had not discussed or con-
sented to. These measures were contrary to the action of the
assembly on June 23 when the third estate insisted on their
former decrees.** Mirabeau thought the assembly would fail
‘both in respect to itself and its constituents by receiving an act in
which some members of the states general uttered a wish dif-
ferent from that of the assembly and one destructive of all its
decrees, “such as no power under the sun, not even the executive
had a right to utter.”** He stated that he considered it “ astonish-
ing that one should be allowed to protest in an assembly of which
one is a member, against the rights of that assembly ; that if the
sovereignty of the assembly is not recognized, the assembly
should not deliberate in the presence of the protestants; if any
one wished to protest he should leave the assembly.”** Clermont-
Tonnerre was less positive than Mirabeau and said that the
method of uniting the deputies in a single assembly was of little
moment, but the vital point was that they were united and
possessed legislative power and that no one had a right to say
“je veux” in the assembly or recall past discords.’* Mounier,
82 Point du jour, I, 94.
83 Point du jour, I, 92; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 10; Assem-
blée nationale, 1, 309; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2.
84 Courrier de Provence, 1, 15th letter, 11; Point du jour, I, 93; Duques-
noy, Journal, I, 155; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 2; Assemblée
nationale, I, 311; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56.
85 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 3; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 9;
Point du jour, I, 91; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Journal de Paris, No.
185, 832 (July 4) ; Assemblée nationale, I, 306. ;
86 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 155; Point du jour, I, 93; Bulletins de V'assem-
blée nationale, July 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 312.
301
20 Ethel Lee Howie
supported by Le Grand, said that if protests were made the
decrees of the assembly were weakened.** Several suggestions
were made regarding the action which should be taken by the
assembly. Pétion de Villeneuve and Pison du Galland said they
thought the protests should be treated as the protests of indi-
viduals.** Pétion de Villeneuve added that individuals had the
right to protest, but that the assembly could not receive these
protests.*® Pison du Galland thought a precedent was found in
the action taken on June 30 when the protests of the nobles had
been presented.°° Mounier said that the assembly should
officially recognize the declarations, but not the protests. “ Dec-
larations are made to quiet the conscience and in justification of
constituents, but protests should not be received, even if they are
not to be examined.”’®! This position differed from that of
Clermont-Tonnerre who advised the assembly to refuse the pro-
tests and receive the declarations, but to make no record of
them. Bailly saw that the debate was being unduly prolonged
and announced that there was no more time for discussion.®* La
Borde, the Prince de Poix and Démeunier then called for the
order of the day.°* The assembly voted to recognize the protests
only as individual and to consider them after the verification of
87 Point du jour, 1, 94; Assemblée nationale, I, 313.
88 Point du jour, I, 93, 94; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2;
Assemblée nationale, I, 310.
89 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 155; Point du jour, I, 92.
90 Point du jour, 1, 94; Courrier de Provence, 15th letter, 10; Assem-
blée nationale, I, 313.
91 Point du jour, I, 94; Assemblée nationale, I, 313.
92 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 155; Point du jour, 1, 93; Bulletins de l’assem-
blée nationale, July 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 312.
93 Assemblée nationale, I, 313.
94 Courricr de Provence, I, 15th letter, 11; Point du jour, 1, 94; Gazette
de Leyde, No. 56, July 4; Journal de Paris, No. 185, 832 (July 4) ; Duques-
noy, Journal, I, 155; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2, says that De
la Borde “a dit que l’ordre du jour était de se diviser en bureaux pour la
nomination des officiers et qu’on n’a du récevoir d’autre motion et que les
déclarations et les réserves présentés sont une motion nouvelle.” Assem-
blée nationale, I, 314; Journal de Paris, No. 185, 832 (July 4).
302
The Counter Revolution of June-July 21
credentials, thus following the precedent set on June 30.°° The
minority of the clergy had failed in their attempt to weaken the
national assembly by a decree which would have been contrary
to those of June 17 and June 23. It had also failed to show the
dependence of the assembly on the king. The Bulletins d’un
agent secret state that these protests caused much dissatisfaction
in Paris where it was claimed that the question of a single as-
sembly had been decided for all time, both by deed and circum-
stance, and that there was to be “no more orders, no more rank,
no more distinction.”** Protests presented by groups of nobles
on July 2° and July 3°° and by groups of clergy on July 1°° and
2,'° and which related to the instructions of these gentlemen,
were treated by the assembly in the same way as the protests
which had been presented on June 30; that is they were to remain
in the hands of the secretaries until the credentials of these new
members had been verified. Thus while the nobles and the
clergy had cleared their consciences by protesting, nothing definite
was decided by the assembly regarding the protests. Although
these documents were allowed to be placed on the table, the
commons regarded them only as the acts of individuals. The
activity of the assembly was not suspended and the question was
permanently dropped.
IV.
A new justification for opposition to the assembly was however
found by clergy and nobility in the imperative instructions which
had been given to practically all the members of the privileged
orders. Not all the nobles and clergy had protested against the~
single assembly, but if their instructions were to be obeyed, few
of the members of the upper orders could take part in a general
assembly. As this assembly was necessary to establish equality
95 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 4; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, Il,
155; Assemblée nationale, 1, 314; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 2.
96 Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 3.
97 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 4.
98 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 10.
99 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 17.
100 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12,
5°5
22 Ethel Lee Howie
before the law in matters of taxation and to increase the royal
revenue the king undertook to solve the problem on June 23 when
in his first set of declarations he declared that, “the king annuls
as anticonstitutional, contrary to the letters of convocation and
opposed to the interest of the state, the restrictions of power,
which by preventing the liberty of the deputies in the states-
general prevents them from deliberating separately by order or
in a general assembly, in accordance with the distinct vote of the
three orders.
“Tf, contrary to the intentions of the king, some of the deputies
have rashly taken the oath not to depart from a certain form of
deliberation, his majesty leaves it to their conscience to consider
if the dispositions which he is about to make deviate from the
letter or the spirit of the engagement which they would have
taken.
“The king permits the deputies who feel bound by their in-
structions to ask new powers from their constituents, but his
majesty enjoins them to remain in the states-general, in order
to be present at all the deliberations on the pressing affairs of the
state and to give their opinion on these questions.
“His Majesty declares that in the following sessions of the
states-general he will not suffer the cahiers or the mandates to be
considered as imperative; they should be only simple instructions
confided to the conscience and the free opinion of the deputies
who have been chosen.’’?°!
Many of the nobles did not feel released from their oath by
this action of the king and protested against the deliberation in
common before new instructions had been given to them. The
king, therefore, in a conseil d’état held at Versailies June 27,
supplemented his declaration of June 23 by a ruling, in which he
provided for a new convocation of electors of the clergy and
nobility to give new instructions to the deputies who felt them-
selves bound by their imperative mandates. In this ruling the
king refers to Article V of his declaration of June 23, in which
he permitted the deputies to ask new instructions, then states
101 Procés-verbal de l’assemblée nationale, I, No. 5, Déclaration du roi,
4. Articles IIJ-VI.
304
|
:
The Counter Revolution of June—July fer
that he judges it necessary to determine in what form the
request should be made. The deputies who considered them-
selves bound by imperative instructions were to “address them-
selves to the bailliage or sénéchaussée or their lieutenants: or in
their absence to the oldest officer of the place so that all the
members of the order to which said deputies belonged and who
concurred in their elections might be convoked.” The bailliage
or sénéchaussée or their lieutenants were then to “assemble with-
out delay, by invitation only, all the members of the order who
have concurred directly in the election of the deputies who formed
such a request; on the information which will be given of such
requests to the electors thus reassembled, they will take the action
necessary to give to their deputies fresh instructions, generous
and according to the letters of convocation and without any
limitations, his Majesty having formally prohibited them by Art.
VI of said declaration.” The bailliage or sénéchaussée was also
to “prepare a procés-verbal of said assembly to contain the
deliberations which will be taken, turn the necessary papers over
to the deputies, send a copy to the guard of the seals and another
to the secretary of state of the province.’
Many of the deputies of the nobles went to their bailliage to
explain the situation; some of them were desirous of new in-
structions, while others wished the imperative instructions to be
maintained.°? The question of imperative instructions was not
formally brought before the assembly until July 3 when Target
introduced the question’’* by suggesting that imperative instruc-
102 Assemblée nationale, 1, 337; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 4) ; Jour-
nal de Paris, No. 184 (July 3), 828.
103 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9) ; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 172,
says: “On raconte que M. de Damas d’Anlezy, donnant sa démission, a
écrit qu'il priait qu’on le tint pour mort. Il circule une lettre fort plai-
sante, écrite 4 un duc qui avait demandé a ses commettants’ de confirmer
ses pouvoirs et de ne pas consentir a l’opinion par téte, attendu que la
monarchie est en péril; ils lui répondent en le félicitant sur la réunion
inespérée des trois orders.”
104 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5) ; Point du jour, I, 100; Bulle-
tins de Vassemblée nationale, July 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 336; Biauzat,
395 .
24 Ethel Lee Howie
tions and the oaths binding the votes of the nobles should be
declared null.?°° It is stated by the Bulletins de lassemblée nation-
ale that Target introduced the subject after two o’clock in the
afternoon with the twofold purpose of preventing an assembly of
the majority of the nobles and of stopping further protests.*°° It
seems that several days before Target had announced his intention
of presenting such a motion,’®* but I find no evidence that he
made such a statement in the assembly. Biauzat, however, in his
letter of June 30, when he stated that the protests were to be con-
sidered after the verification of credentials, said: “I shall then
propose a motion which seems to me of urgent and indispens-
able necessity.”*°S Target, at the same time he presented his
motion, announced that Talleyrand wished to make the same
motion and would develop it more extensively.7°° Talleyrand
then read a motion, which according to the Point du Jour was
as follows: “ The national assembly considering that a bailliage
and especially a part of a bailliage, has only the right to concur
through its deputies and to form the general wish and not the right
to prevent this wish, or to sustain itself in this attitude declares
that all imperative clauses of a mandate which deprive the deputy
of the right of voting in the assembly or which order him to retire
Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 161; Gazette
de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5).
105 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5); Bulletins de lassemblée
nationale, July 3; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5).
106 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 3. This also states that the
nobles had kept the keys of their chamber, thus preventing the bureaus
from meeting there.
107 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5) ; Point du jour, I, 100.
108 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 150.
109 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5) ; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 161;
Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157. It is perfectly clear from
these sources that an agreement had been made between Target and
Talleyrand to bring the question before the assembly.
110 Point du jour, I, 100; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 3.
None of the other sources give the wording of the motion, although Du-
quesnoy (I, 161), and the Assemblée nationale (1, 336), Biauzat (II, 157),
the Journal de Paris and Gazette de Leyde all speak of Talleyrand making
a motion on this day.
306
The Counter Revolution of June-July 25
because his individual wish did not prevail are null; that such an
engagement between a deputy and his constituents should be
promptly broken by the constituents and could not be recognized
by the assembly ; that such a clause could under no consideration
be affixed by any bailliage, hence all protests made in consequence
could not be received and could not for a single moment suspend
the operations of a legally constituted and essentially active as-
sembly ; as a natural consequence, in spite of voluntary or forced
absence of some deputies, all decrees of the assembly will be
equally binding on all bailliages without exception.”1"* Biauzat
asserts that when Target made his motion he arose to say that he
approved of it and that he had already sent a copy of it four days
before to Bailly and another one that very morning to the presi-
dent. He asked permission to develop his views in case Talley-
rand did not develop them as he wished. In the same letter, he
says “ Tallyrand has developed a motion similar to the first part of
my own.’"? The Journal de Paris says that Talleyrand “presented
anew the question in a manner so clear that it seemed settled. He
discussed it with so much thoroughness and, at the same time,
with so much clearness that it seemed to convince everyone, to
dispose of all scruples and to reassure doubtful consciences,” but
that in spite of this some rose to oppose the motion.‘4* The de-
bate took place on July 3'%* and 7, and the question was not
settled until July 8. In declaring the instructions null Talleyrand
was supported on July 3 by Clermont-Tonnerre’* and the Arch-
111 Point du jour, I, 100.
112 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157. That Biauzat had
knowledge of the motion so long before it was presented shows that the
question had been talked about among some of the deputies.
113 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5).
114 Journal de Paris, No. 186, 836 (July 5); Biauzat, Sa vie et sa corre-
spondance, II, 158; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 161; Point du jour, I, 102. All
of these speak of the question being turned over (July 3) to the bureaus
for discussion.
115 Point du jour, I, 101; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157;
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 3; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56
(July 5).
307
26 Ethel Lee Howie
bishop of Chartres™® and on July 7 by Barere,’** Lally-Tolendal,***
Biauzat; and Bousaiara,?
On July 7 the debate opened, Talleyrand explaining the motion
he had made July 3. He began by giving definitions of a bailliage,
a deputy, a mandate and various kinds of instructions. “A bail-
liage,”’ he explained, “is a part of the whole having the right to
concur in the wish of the whole. A deputy is one charged with
doing for the bailliage what it had the right to do to make its
wishes known. . . . A mandate is a document containing the in-
structions given to a deputy so that he can deliberate for the bail-
liage; it is an act which substitutes his person, his will, his con-
science for the wishes of all the inhabitants of the bailliage, ....
Two kinds of mandates exist; first, the limited; second, the im-
perative. .. . [There were] three kinds of limiting instructions ;
concerning duration, concerning an object and concerning the time
in which certain things could be considered, as in the case of a tax.
Some bailliages have provided that instructions expire at the end
of the year’’; some instructions, he explained, stated that the
deputies could vote on certain questions only, but that their in-
action could not cause the inaction of other deputies. “If he does
not have the power to do such a thing, he must ask new instruc-
tions from his constituents.” The most common limitation, how-
ever, was “concerning the time when a deputy could deliberate
on certain questions, as in the case of a tax which could be voted
only after the constitution had been made.” A distinction was
then made between the limiting and imperative instructions. The
latter were also divided into three classes; first, “1 order you to
say such a thing, or to keep from saying something; second, I
order you to vote only in such a case; third, I order you to retire
if such a thing is not adopted.” Talleyrand said that none of
116 Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 3.
117 Point du jour, I, 130; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 7.
118 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 7; Point du jour, I, 132;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168; Assemblée nationale, I, 395.
119 Point du jour, I, 130; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 7; As-
semblée nationale, I, 392; Journal de Paris, No. 190, 855 (July 9), says
ten or twelve deputies spoke.
120 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 7; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168,
308
The Counter Revolution of June-July 27
these instructions could be given by the bailliages to their repre-
sentatives ; the first form could not be used because deputies were
“sent to deliberate and there is no deliberation when the vote is
prescribed. Moreover, although I think that an imperative man-
date is against principle and reason, I avow frankly that I would
not regard that form of instructions with as much rigor as the
others, especially for a first meeting of the states-general where
the citizens, in order to insure their rights, saw nothing fixed
except by an imperious and absolute wish.” The second form was
“ without effect and is null for, through silence, a bearer of a man-
date can not reduce the other agents to inaction and when the other
bailliages deliberate it is a right even a duty for the interest of the
. bailliage to deliberate also.” The third kind of imperative in-
structions was the worst of all for it “ announced a schism, a de-
sire contrary to all the other bailliages and it substituted a par-
ticular wish for the general desire. . . . To those who may insist
that imperative instructions bind the assembly, suspend its activity,
so that it can not deliberate I reply; first, that all opinion com-
manded by a bailliage is a forced opinion, and that if the assembly
is not free as to the end it should be as to the means; second, that
in every case, in every circumstance, the deputies of the bailliages
should deliberate because they are censurable, if they do not exer-
cise their right to deliberate when the other bailliages deliberate;
third, that the order to retire is,also censurable since it expresses
the desire to withdraw from the decision of the assembly. .. . I
firmly believe that the deputies are bound by such mandates. I do
not allow myself to be led by the opinion that it is through force,
by constraint that they have submitted to imperative instructions
and that it is in some way, in spite of the cry of their conscience
that they have submitted to these laws. I do not see in that en-
gagement an immoral action. The deputy certainly can say, ‘I
shall not deliberate on such a subject’; he can promise it and his
promise can be received; there is no law which prevents this
social compact and nothing is more sacred than when the religion
of the promise is joined to the religion of the oath. But are there,
in reality, any imperative instructions? Has not an anxious
scruple given to a simple indicative instruction the appearance of
309
28 Ethel Lee Howie
an order and a certain desire? Where there has been only a
simple indication has not one believed that they saw an absolute
determination?” Such mistakes, he thought, were dangerous, as
was seen in the contest over the vote by order or by head, where
opinions had ‘been exaggerated. When a bailliage said to a deputy.
“You will deliberate by order or by head,” it meant that when
such and such questions arose they would express its wish for the
vote by order or by head. It certainly did not mean that when
others desired deliberation by order they should insist on delibera-
tion by head, or if others wanted the vote by head they should
demand the vote by order.***
Lally-Tolendal, although the bearer of imperative instructions,
favored the motion of Talleyrand and showed a disposition to give
up his instructions, if not given full liberty. There were, he said,
“three meritorious things in the motion; it established general
principles ; it respected the scruples of bearers of imperative instruc-
tions ; it gave the opportunity to instruct the public.” He opposed
the protests and evidently desired them changed into declarations
which, he thought, should be recognized by the assembly.**?
That the work of the assembly could not be suspended by im-
perative instructions was insisted upon by the Bishop of Lan-
gres’*> on July 3 and Barere,’** Bouche,?”° the Archbishop of Bor-
deaux??® and Castellane’** on July 7. Barere distinguished be-
tween cases where one individual gave instructions to another
individual on subjects which interested him personally and where
121 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17,9; Point du jour,1, 126; Bulletins de lassem-
blée nationale, July 7; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168; Journal de Paris, No.
190, 855 (July 9); Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 19; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 384.
122 Point du jour, I, 131; Assemblée nationale, I, 395; Bulletins de las-
semblée nationale, July 7.
123 Point du jour, I, 101; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157;
Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 3; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56
(July 5).
124 Point du jour, I, 129-130; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
125 Point du jour, I, 133; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 7.
126 Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 7; Assemblée nationale, I, 402.
127 Point du jour, 1, 132; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
310
rw
The Counter Revolution of June-July 29
the elementary assemblies gave the deputies instructions which
should be exercised in a general assembly. In the first case, the
constituent was the legislator because his personal interests were
concerned; in the second case individuals not legislators gave to
their deputies the right to be members of a legislative body and to
vote for their constituents. In this latter class the particular con-
stituent could not be a legislator because the general assembly
would not consider individual wishes, but the general welfare and
no particular constituent could be a legislator in matters of public
interest. The legislative power began when the general assembly
of the representatives was formed; if it were otherwise, it would
be enough for the bailliages and sénéchaussées to send in their
votes. If they admitted the system of imperative instructions,
they impeded the resolutions of the assembly by recognizing a vote
in each of the 177 bailliages of the realm or in 431 divisions of
orders sending deputies to the assembly. Barere adopted all of
the motion of the Bishop of Autun except the part which declared
that the kind of “engagement between a deputy and his constitu-
ent, as a result of imperative clauses should be immediately
broken.” This seemed to subordinate the national assembly to the
primary assemblies and was otherwise “incompatible with prin-
ciples’ since when they declared the imperative clauses null there
was no need of appealing to the constituent. “It is not we who
have exceeded our rights in annulling the imperative clauses; but
the bailliages have exceeded theirs. A legally constituted body,
becoming legislative, must remedy the abuse of the constituent
power and make known to the latter that it has encroached upon
the legislative power of the nation, represented by the assembly of
deputies.” Bouche affirmed that an individual could not suspend
the activity of the assembly and that no part of the great whole
should assume to do so. The national assembly should continue
to deliberate undisturbed.1** Castellane said that no one could
criticise the oath or release one from it, but while the constituents
were considering whether they would or would not release the
deputies from such oath the assembly could not be retarded in its
128 Point du jour, I, 131; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
311
30 Ethel Lee Howie
work. He favored the adoption of Talleyrand’s motion, without
amendment.1°
That protests or imperative instructions could not prevent the
decrees of the assembly from becoming binding on the bailliages
were maintained by Clermont-Tonnerre,’® the Bishop of Lan-
gres,‘*! the Bishop of Orange**? and the Bishop of Chartres'** on
July 30 and by Barere’** on July 7. Clermont-Tonnerre said
that each bailliage was subject to the general wish and must abide
by this wish, but that the assembly could decree nothing till the
constituents had either released the deputies from their oaths or
refused to change their instructions. In the latter case, the bail-
liage would not be represented, but would be no less subject to the
laws which were made.*** The Bishop of Chartres said that “a
part of a bailliage can not prevent the wish of a majority any more
than five million can prevent the wishes of the other twenty mil-
lion if the whole nation were assembled.’’?**
That imperative instructions were binding on the assembly was
maintained by the Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld,’*? the Duc de
Mortemart™® on July 3 and by Toustain de Veray,1*® Clermont-
129 Point du jour, I, 132; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7, says
that “l’assemblée ne se livre qu’a un travail préparatoire et attends la
division des bailliages sur les mandats.”
130 Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 3.
131 Point du jour, I, 101; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157;
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 3; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56
(July 5).
182 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 161. —
133 Point du jour, I, 101; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157.
134 Point du jour, I, 131.
135 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 3.
136 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 3.
137 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157; Gazette de Leyde, Sup.
No. 56 (July 5).
138 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157; Gazette de Leyde, Sup.
No. 56 (July 5); Point du jour, I, 101; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale,
July 3.
139 Point du jour, I, 137; Journal de Paris, No. 190, 855 (July 9); Du-
quesnoy, Journal, I, 168. The Point du jour gives no name but says “un
membre de la noblesse.”
312
EEE
te nF
The Counter Revolution of June-July 31
Lodéve,'*° the Archbishop of Bordeaux,"! the Bishop of Dijon,**
and Pétion de Villeneuvet** on July 7, and Barnave,'** but no
one person took the lead in the debate on the validity of im-
perative instructions. The Duc de Mortemart claimed that the
imperative instructions existed in full force, being based on the
solemnity of the oath and authorized by ancient customs. They
should, therefore, be upheld during the session of the states-
general unless repealed by an article in the new constitution.’
This latter idea was rather general in the debate and was pre-
sented by Barnave,'*® Abbé Si¢yes,1** the Archbishop of Bor-
deaux*® and Lally-Tolendal.*® Barnave stated that the assembly
was “given the alternative of attacking its constituents or modi-
fying its operations. No representative can exercise power unless
it has been delegated to him, but when the nation makes a consti-
tution it can create an assembly according to its desires. When
such a law is made imperative instructions will not exist. At the
present time, however, the deputies can only assert that their con-
stituents can not give instructions, but how much force is there
in these assertions? The national body has a unity which has been
recognized by all the provinces sending deputies to the assembly ;
it follows, then, that the law of the majority is the only one and,
according to this principle, every deputy who is not expressly
charged to retire should remain in the assembly and submit to the
wishes of the majority.”°° The Archbishop of Bordeaux saw
some inconveniences in declaring the instructions null. “‘ They
140 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160.
141 Point du jour, I, 134.
142 Point du jour, I, 134; Assemblée nationale, I, 403.
143 Point du jour, I, 133; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
144 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 7.
145 Point du jour, I, 101; Bulletins de V'assemblée nationale, July 3.
146 Assemblée nationale, I, 400-401; Point du jour, I, 133; Bulletins de
Passemblée nationale, July 7.
147 Point du jour, I, 134; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168; Journal de Paris,
No. 190, 855 (July 9) ; Bulletins de ’assemblée nationale, July 7.
148 Point du jour, I, 134.
149 Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 7.
150 Assemblée nationale, I, 400-401; Point du jour, I, 133; Bulletins de
Passemblée nationale, July 7.
313
32 Ethel Lee Howie
are useless for the future, but at present are not radically null.
The bearer of the instructions and the constituent are bound by
oath and nullity can be pronounced only after the future states-
general has been arranged.”**t Lally-Tolendal apparently felt that
the motion of Talleyrand would bind the bearers of the imperative
instructions for this time only to vote on questions relating to the
constitution, taxation and the formation of the provincial estates
and that the new constitution would regulate the formation of the
estates for the future.1°%* The Bishop of Dijon was one of the
most radical stating that the assembly could not be constituted be-
cause of the great number of protests.°? Comte Toustain de
Viray declared that no one had more respect for the assembly than
he, but that the deputies must defend their oaths and that this
could not be done if they declared their instructions null.1°4
That the constituents were masters and had the right to attach
whatever conditions they wished to the mandates was the belief
of Pétion de Villeneuve. He did not think that the assembly could
abolish the instructions and free the bearers from their oaths, but
it could declare that the majority constituted a quorum to do
business.2°° This opinion was also shared by Bousmard.1*®
Another idea which was brought out in the debate was that it
was out of order to discuss the question. Clermont-Lodéve?™” and
the Abbé Siéyes, both speaking July 7, supported this idea, but
from entirely different standpoints. Clermont-Lodeéve said that
the assembly could not “confound the orders whose distinction
was according to the constitution—a constitution which the nobles
cherished, and according to which they intended to deliberate by
order and in separate chambers.” He said that he knew this state-
151 Point du jour, I, 134.
152 Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 7.
153 Point du jour, I, 134; Assemblée nationale, I, 403.
154 Point du jour, I, 137; Journal de Paris, No. 190, 855 (July 9); Du-
quesnoy, Journal, I, 168.
155 Point du jour, I, 133; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 7.
156 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 7; Duquesnoy, Journal, I,
169; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
157 Point du jour, I, 134; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168; Journal de Paris,
No. 190, 855 (July 9) ; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
314
Ee ED “
The Counter Revolution of June-July 33
ment would not please every one, and he prophesied correctly, for
a murmur arose at this time. Assuming a haughty manner, he as-
serted that he should enjoy the liberty which the assembly sought .
to establish. He stated that it was “ not the time to make a consti-
tution, for one already exists.’”’ It was a question of correcting
abuses and to do this the deputies had only to consult their
cahiers. No innovation in the manner of voting was possible for,
according to the constitution, the orders must vote separately.
The nobles had agreed to deliberate in common on affairs of gen-
eral interest and in separate chambers on other questions. They
had joined the assembly to obey the king and to end his anxiety.1*8
The Abbé Siéyes, on the other hand, had opposed imperative in-
structions, but thought this was not the proper time to discuss
them. No harm could come however from the assembly decree-
ing that it was best for the bailliages to revoke these instruc-
tions.°° Pison du Galland, we are told, also felt that the question
was not in order.*®°
At the end of his speech on July 7, the Bishop of Autun pre-
sented a motion which was almost identical with the motion he
had made on July 3. The wording was: “ The national assembly
considering that a bailliage has the right merely to formulate the
general wish and not the right to withdraw or to suspend by im-
perative instructions, which contain only its particular wish, the
activity of the states general, declares that all imperative instruc-
tions are radically null; that the kind of engagement resulting from
them should be at once annulled by the bailliage, such a clause not
being permissable, and all contrary protests being inadmissable,
and that by a natural consequence all decrees of the assembly will
158 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 7; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160.
159 Point du jour, I, 134; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168; Journal de Paris,
No. 190, 855 (July 9) ; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7.
160 Point du jour, I, 138; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7. The
Point du jour, I, 137, states that Riviére, curé of Vic, spoke on the nature
of the oath binding the deputies and the constituents, and that Créniére
talked on the rights of the constituents, but in none of the sources do I
find just what their position was. Brocheton, Point du jour, I, 132, said
that law-making did not enter the discussion, that it was only a question of
declaring principles.
315
34 Ethel Lee Howie
be obligatory on all the bailliages when they have been passed by
all without exception.’’?* '
Amendments to this motion were made by Biauzat, Lally-
Tolendal, and Bousmard. The amendment by Biauzat was to the
effect that no deputy, unless forced to do so by necessity, should
ask for change in his instructions and that the assembly should
authorize and enjoin its members to deliberate according to the
dictates of their conscience.1®? The amendments of Lally-Tolendal
and Bousmard were to the effect that a certain time, the shortest
possible, should be granted to the bearers of imperative instruc-
tions for rectification of their mandates. In the meantime, the
assembly should devote itself to preliminary discussions.1®
Motions were made by Barere, the Archbishop of Bordeaux
and Créniére on July 7, and by the president of the assembly and
Abbé Siéyes on July 8. The motion of Barere was that the
“limited and imperative dispositions urged in the instructions of
some of the deputies should be declared null and powerless to
stop operations, except for the deputies who did not feel suffi-
ciently relieved by this decree from voting as they had been
advised.”*** The motion of the Archbishop of Bordeaux was
that no imperative instruction could stop the activity of the as-
sembly and that the mandates would be submitted to the wish of
the majority. At the same time the members were to declare
that no deputy would be admitted who did not intend to submit
to the majority.1©
Clermont-Tonnerre ended the debate on July 7 by stating that
161 Assemblée nationale, I, 391; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 26.
162 Assemblée nationale, I, 392; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July
7; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 164; Point du jour, I, 126.
163 Assemblée nationale, I, 397, 399; Point du jour, I, 133, 137; Journal
de Paris, No. 190, 855 (July 9) ; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 168, in speaking
of Bousmard, says: “Il a été durement improuvé, tandis que M. de To-
lendal, qui, . . . avait dit la méme chose, a été fortement applaudi”; Bul-
letins de lassemblée nationale, July 7.
164 Point du jour, I, 131.
165 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 7; Assemblée nationale, I,
402. The bulletins do not say that the archbishop presented a motion, but
say that he spoke.
316
The Counter Revolution of June-July 35
the question had already been decided, but that in their discussion
they had wandered far from the original idea which he now
recalled. He did not believe that the author of the original
motion wished that the personal engagement between the deputy
and his constituents should be broken or that the assembly should
tyrannize over the consciences of the deputies. As the question
seemed to have been discussed sufficiently the president announced
that all discussion was ended and the vote would be taken the
first thing the next morning.*°* Accordingly, on July 8, in spite
of attempts on the part of the Bishop of Perpignan and others to
discuss the question,’® the Archbishop of Vienne gave a sum-
mary of the motions. The following is the result: first, the
activity of the assembly could not be interrupted by these man-
dates ; second, the work for which they were assembled must be
taken up immediately; third, belief among the deputies that
there should be as many members in the assembly as the letters
of convocation called for; fourth, the necessity of taking action
concerning imperative instructions.°% The president then pro-
posed as a decree that?®® “ The national assembly deliberating on
the declarations and reservations, made by different members of
the clergy and nobility, concerning the instructions they laid on
the table declares ; first, that none of these acts, in whatever form
they are drawn, can suspend its activity or stop its work. All
opposition or protests against the authority of the assembly and
the validity of its decrees are null; second, that it is disposed to
receive all and each of the members the rigor of whose instruc-
tions have forced them to retire, or new deputies whom the
electors have substituted; third, that it reserves for itself the
right to take action concerning imperative instructions when it
166 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 11; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July
7; Journal de Paris, No. 190, 856 (July 9).
167 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 8; Journal de Parts, No. 191,
859 (July 10).
168 Assemblée nationale, I, 411; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 27;
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 8.
169 Assemblée nationale, I, 411; Point du jour, I, 139; Courrier de
Provence, I, 17th letter, 27.
317
36 Ethel Lee Howie
takes up the formation and the constitution of the estates-
general.”’?”°
The assembly appears to have been pleased with this proposed
decree and also with the suggestion that the motions made on
previous days should be read and the vote taken immediately.”
The motion of the Bishop of Autun was then read. Some
changes had been made by the bishop, notably in the clause which
declared the imperative instructions null. In place of this, he
proposed to ask the bailliages and the provinces to change their
instructions and thus to conform to the wishes of the majority.*”
When the decree suggested by the Archbishop of Bordeaux
was read there was a general commotion in the hall. A member
of the nobility said that they were “about to consider very im-
portant questions and that there will be neither orders nor sepa-
rate chambers—a condition which is contrary to the constitution.
Imperative instructions being only a consequence of ancient
rights could be given and were not null.”1** Clermont-Tonnerre
vigorously opposed this stating that the motion of Talleyrand was
not prejudicial so long as the assembly was united. Clermont-
Lodeéve, on the other hand, believed that the majority, or more
exactly, almost all the instructions of the nobles were imperative
in demanding the vote by order. If by examination such was
found to be the case, it could not truthfully be said that the
majority were opposed to imperative instructions and it was not
right to consider the question.'”+
Mirabeau, we are told, was about to answer Clermont-Lodéve
and even began his speech when he was interrupted, it is asserted,
by nobles who “ dissatisfied with the quizzing directed by a de-
fender of the commons against a member of their order cried out
‘a lordre’” Whatever the real motive for the interruption
170 Assemblée nationale, I, 412; Point du jour, I, 139; Courrier de
Provence, I, 17th letter, 28; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 8.
171 Assemblée nationale, I, 412.
172 Assemblée nationale, 1, 412; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 8;
Point du jour, I, 139.
173 Assemblée nationale, 1, 413; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 8.
174 Assemblée nationale, 1, 413; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 8.
318
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The Counter Revolution of June-July ay
may have been, a call for the order of the day was made by the
commons. Above the din one voice was heard calling for the
motion of Abbé Siéyes.1%° Mirabeau, who had retired in the
midst of the din, now came forward to suggest that before de-
liberating on Talleyrand’s motion they decide whether the ques-
tion was in order.‘* This suggestion, it appears, was pleasing
to those favorable to the motion of Talleyrand and disagreeable
to those who defended various motions of the previous day.17
Apparently Siéyes was now given the floor. He recalled his
motion. He believed that they should, if not by a new decree at
least by a simple declaration, express the principles laid down in
the decree of June 17, in terms something like the following:
The national assembly, instructed by declarations of many of its mem-
bers that some bailliages have bound their deputies by indiscreet mandates
so that these deputies think that they can not take part in common delib-
eration, and considering that these bailliages have through this error
prejudiced their own interests—since they are thus deprived of their
direct representation in the assembly—
Judges it worthy of the general solicitude to ask the bailliage to give to
their deputies liberty necessary for true representatives of the nation;
moreover, the assembly declares that the French nation, being always
legitimately represented by the plurality of its deputies, neither the impera-
tive instructions, or voluntary absence of some of its members or the
protests of the minority can ever either stop its activity or weaken the
force of its decrees, or limit questions submitted to its legislative power.
This declaration to extend to all parts of the nation and the French
possessions.178
The first part of the motion was adopted by the assembly and
it was agreed almost unanimously that the question was not in
arder 17
175 Assemblée nationale, I, 414.
176 Assemblée nationale, I, 414; Point du jour, I, 139; Courrier de
Provence, I, 17th letter, 28; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 173; Bulletins de
Passemblée nationale, July 8.
177 Assemblée nationale, I, 414.
178 Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 29-30.
179 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 164; Courrier de Provence,
I, 17th letter, 30; Assemblée nationale, I, 414; Point du jour, I, 140;
319
38 Ethel Lee Howie
The Bishop of Autun thought that this action did not decide
the question about the instructions which had been put on the
table, but he was informed that he was mistaken in this idea and
that the action bore directly upon these declarations.1®°
The Journal de Paris asserts that although the general opinion
was that the question was not in order, yet the motives leading
to this decision differed in the three orders. “The nobles wished
this verdict because they did not desire the general assembly to
pass a decree which would almost abolish the order, at least in
legislative affairs. The commons did not wish to deliberate be-
cause they regarded the national assembly as reclothed, from this
moment, with the rights of the nation and they thought there
was no necessity of releasing the bearers of the imperative in-
structions in order to gain rights which they already had.’’*?
It is necessary to recall that Target had introduced the subject
of imperative instructions to prevent a meeting of the nobles and
to stop them from making protests. As the question of impera-
tive instructions was not decided at this time, Target was not.
successful in his undertaking for on the evening of July 3, the
same day in which he had introduced his motion, between 138
and 160 nobles met in their chamber.t8? The Assemblée
Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 2e This states that the vote was taken by roll
call of the different bailliages ; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 174.
The result of the voting differs in the sources as follows: Point du jour,
731 to 28; Assemblée nationale, 700 to 29; Bulletins de lassemblée na-
tionale (July 7) gives 708 to 28 and states that the bearers of imperative
instructions did not vote; the Procés-verbal does not give the exact vote;
Journal de Paris (No. 191, 859, July 10) gives 700 to 28.
180 Assemblée nationale, I, 415.
181 Journal de Paris, No. 191, 859 (July 10).
182 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 37, says there were 138 present;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 172, in letter for July 7, speaks of the meeting
being on July 4 and says there were 151 members present. He evidently
erred regarding the day. Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 3, states
that there were between 150 and 160 present; Assemblée nationale, I, 406,
in the issue for July 7 has a division headed “A Versailles le 3 juillet,
1789,” in which the action of the nobles is treated, but the number present
is not given. Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9), says “a part of the
nobles.” This meeting was evidently not well known at the time although
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The Counter Revolution of June-July 39
nationale states that every day after the general assembly the
nobles met in special committees,1®* but this was evidently a more
important meeting than usual. Printed invitations had been sent
out,*** worded, if the Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale reports
correctly, something like this: “ M. le duc de Luxembourg, presi-
dent of the order of the nobles, invites M . . . to come this even-
ing to the chamber of the order of the nobles to deliberate on
present affairs.’”1°° It seems that the meeting lasted till mid-
night**® and that the nobles passed a decree “tending to protest
against everything which had up to that time been done in the
national assembly, as unconstitutional, ruinous to the principles
of royal authority, etc.”2®’ It is stated that “ D’Espremesnil,
who was the author of this, seasoned it with so much artisto-
cratic salt that the 89 nobles who had approved it were afraid to
Rion 1, °°
The Gazette de Leyde states that it was even “proposed to
form a schism and retire from the assembly but that the Comte
d’Antraigues succeeded in making them reject the protests and
Target seems to have had inside information. Mirabeau in his letter for
July 3 and 4 says that he is adding an account of “an action taken by
some members of the nobles, who like members of the minority of the
clergy, pretend that they are an entire order and desire to make reserva-
tions.” He then adds, “ Voici cette piéce mystique, ou du moins peu com-
mune mais dont on nous garantit l’authenticité.” That Duquesnoy and Le
Hodey of the Assemblée nationale do not speak of it till July 7 goes to
show that the action was not generally known at the time. Also the
Gazeite de Leyde makes no mention of it till the letter of July 9, although
letters from Paris had been written on July 5 telling of events of July 3.
The Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale gives no details of the meeting till
July 8, although it states July 3 that Target attempted to prevent such a
meeting of the nobles.
183 Assemblée nationale, I, 403.
184 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 37; Bulletins de l’'assemblée na-
tionale, July 7.
185 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 8.
186 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9).
187 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9); Bulletins de lassemblée
nationale, July 8.
188 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 8.
321
40 Ethel Lee Howie
recognize the other steps as useless and dangerous.’’'8? The
decree as it was finally passed was as follows:
The order of the nobles in the states-general, all the members of which
are accountable to their constituents, to the entire nation and to posterity
for the usage they have made of the powers which have been intrusted
to them and of the body of the principles transmitted from age to age in
the French monarchy, declares that it does not cease to regard as invariable
and constitutional maximes the distinction of the orders, the independence
of the orders, the form of voting by order, the necessity of the royal
sanction for the establishment of laws; that these principles, as ancient
as the monarchy, constantly followed in the assemblies, expressly estab-
lished in the solemn laws proposed by the states-general and sanctioned
by the king such as those of 1355, 1357, and 1561, are fundamental points
of the constitution which cannot be touched, at least that these same
powers which have given force of law to them cannot freely agree to
abolish them; announces that its intention has never been to depart from
these principles when it has adopted for the present session of the states-
general alone, and without reference to the future, the declaration of the
king of the 23 of last June, since article I of that declaration announces
and preserves the essential principles of the distinction of orders, of the
independence and the separate vote of the orders; that reassured by this
formal recognition, led by love of peace and by the desire to render to
the states-general their suspended activity, desirous of correcting the error
of one of the integral parts of the states-general which has attributed to
itself a name and some powers which belong only to the union of the three
orders; wishing to give to the king some proofs of a respectful deference
to the invitations reiterated by the letter of the 27 of last June it has felt
itself permitted to accede to the partial and momentary derogations that
said declaration brings to bear on the constitutive principles; that it be-
lieves it can with the good will of the nobles of the bailliages, and await-
ing their ulterior desires, regard that exception as a confirmation of the
principles that it is more than ever resolved to maintain for the future;
that it moreover believes itself authorized to assert that the three orders
can, when they judge it fitting, take separately the deliberation to unite in
a single assembly.
Through these motives, the order of the nobles without being stopped
by the form of the declaration read at the royal session of June 23 last,
has accepted it purely and simply; led by imperious circumstances, being
always the faithful servant of the king, it went the 27th of last June into
the common hall of the states-general inviting anew the other orders to
accept the declaration of the king.
189 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, July 9.
322
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The Counter Revolution of June-July 41
The order of the nobles, moreover, makes the present declaration of
principles of the monarchy and rights of the orders in order to preserve
them in their fullness and with all care which can guarantee and assure
them.
Made and decreed in the chamber of the order of the nobles, reserving
the ulterior rights of the constituents; and some protests or preceding
declarations of a great many deputies of different bailliages.19°
Although about 89 nobles adhered to this declaration they were
afraid to sign it, so only the president, the Duc de Luxembourg,
and the two secretaries signed.1%* Nothing more seems to have
been done with the declaration and it appears to have been a last
despairing effort of some of the nobles to resist the commons.
Thus the attempts to block the activities of the general assembly
by protests and by appeals to imperative instruction had come to
naught.
V
The question of protests and imperative instructions was very
closely connected with that of verification of credentials. It was
the imperative instructions which, in theory at least, prevented
the upper orders from verifying their credentials in common.
It was in order to conform to these instructions that the nobles
had verified their credentials in their own chamber on May 11
and had insisted on the vote by order. The majority of the
nobles, as has already been shown, yielded, rather ungraciously
and through necessity, to the union of orders. They joined the
190 Assemblée nationale, I, 403-406; Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter,
35-37. The declaration is given the same in both sources down to the last
three paragraphs. Here the Courrier has cut out some statements. On
the other hand, the Courrier states that the decree was passed July 3, while
the Assemblée nationale gives no date. ‘The Gazette de Leyde gives only
the part of the decree referring to the distinction of orders.
191 Assemblée nationale (I, 407) says 85 members participated. This
evidently refers to those who favored the decree; Courrier de Provence,
I, 16th letter, states it was adopted by 89; Duquesnoy, Journal (I, 172),
says 90 persons consented to sign, but that only the president and secre-
tary signed “ pour qu’on ne vit pas dans le public la faiblesse de ce parti”;
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 3, says that 93 nobles adhered to
the declaration, but that the president and the two secretaries alone signed;
the Bulletins for July 8, however, states that 89 approved.
323
42 Ethel Lee Howie
assembly and submitted their credentials for verification, but
refused to take part in the deliberations of the assembly until
they had received new instructions. -
When the minority of the clergy and the majority of the
nobility joined the assembly the work of verifying the credentials
of the members of the national assembly was practically finished.
As far back as June 13, provision had been made by the commons
for verification of credentials. At that time, the credentials were
distributed among the twenty bureaus?” for the purpose of rapid
verification, but on June 19 a more permanent arrangement was
made by the establishment of a committee of verification.1%* At
this time, only a few clergy and nobles being members of the
assembly,?** the third estate alone formed the original committee
of thirty-two.1® As fast as the other orders joined the assembly,
they were given representation on the committee. On June 22,
the president asked that sixteen members of the clergy be added
to the committee on verification, but only five were chosen on
this day,1°° and I find no record that any more were added. On
June 26, sixteen members of the nobles were also added to the
192 Procés-verbal des séances des députés des communes depuis le 12
juin, 1789, jusqu’au 17 juin, jour de la constitution en assemblée na-
tionale, 48.
193 Procés-verbal, I, No. 2, 2.
194 The Procés-verbal of the commons shows that 16 clergy and 3 nobles
presented their credentials to the assembly before June 24.
Days on which clergy No. presenting Page in Procés-
presented credentials credentials verbal
TIS DAL. Cees trea ea eiceeeieer ectevemmretone 6 80
JiltnS ES? ow sak petaine ee eac ee oeleelers 3 84, 87, 80
JUNE SO ke AVS ree arte eter ae tere 7 96, 100, 104
Four of these did not become members till after June 24. All are in-
cluded in the list answering to roll call June 24, but have not been included
with those entering the assembly June 24.
Days on which nobles No. presenting : Page in Procés-
presented credentials credentials verbal
JaGVS: BSPRIT TA VES er se ctetsters elarieteete 3 5, 10
195 Procés-verbal, I, No. 2, 3.
196 Jbid., I, No. 4, 9.
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The Counter Revolution of June-July 43
committee.**’ It is thus clear that the assembly continued to
recognize the existence of the orders by following the rule of
proportional representation on its committees.
The majority of the clergy presented their credentials on June
24. Of the one hundred thirty who at this time submitted their
credentials*** only seven were favorably reported on by the com-
mittee*®® on the same day ; three representatives lacked the proceés-
verbal of their election and were instructed to produce this act
within a fortnight.*°° A report on the credentials of the majority
of the clergy presented on June 24 was made June 25 ;?*! ninety-
nine had satisfactory credentials? while eleven lacked the proces-
verbal of their election.*°* This same day seven more submitted
their credentials,?°* but only one of these was favorably reported
on by the committee at this time.?°° Five of them became bona
fide members the next day?°* (June 26), while the sixth one,
Ralph de Varicourt, became a member of the assembly on July
1.2°7 One who had submitted his credentials June 24,7°° one who
was without the procés-verbal of his election on June 24,”°° one
who lacked the procés-verbal of his election on June 25,77? and
four who submitted their credentials June 26°" were favorably
reported on June 26. Two deputies who had submitted their
credentials June 24 were reported on June 26 without the procés-
verbal of their election.?*” June 27, three members who on this
197 Tbid., I, No. 8, 25.
198 Proces-verbal, I, No. 6, 5-14.
199 Procés-verbal, I, No. 6, 14.
200 [bid., No. 6, 15.
201 Procés-verbal, I, No. 6, 5-14.
202 Tbid., I, No. 7, 21-23.
203 [bid., I, No. 7, 21-23.
204 Ibid., No. 7, 1.
205 Ibid., No. 7, 17.
206 Ibid., No. 8, 6, 12.
207 [bid., No. 11, 6.
208 Jbid., No. 6, 11.
209 Tbid., No. 6, 15; No. 8, 7.
210 Ibid., No. 7, 23.
211 Jbid., No. 8, 2.
212 [bid., No. 8, II.
325
44 Ethel Lee Howie
day had presented their credentials,?** two who had submitted
their credentials on June 26,2" and two, of the presentation of
whose credentials I find no mention,?** were favorably reported
on, while one, who had presented his credentials on June 26,
lacked the procés-verbal of his election.2** Thus between June
24 and June 30 the record shows that 149 of the clergy presented
their credentials ; 124 were reported as satisfactory while 17 failed
to produce the procés-verbal of election.
When the minority of the nobles entered the assembly June
25, 47 submitted their credentials ;?"" of this number 13 were
favorably passed on the same day and 3 were reported as having
no proces-verbal of their election ;?** 23 others were recognized as
members June 26.719 One noble on June 267° and two on June
27*°1 submitted their credentials; two of these, along with two
others who presented their credentials June 25, were favorably
reported on June 27,”°? while one lacked the procés-verbal of his
election.2** Thus fifty nobles presented credentials between
June 25 and June 30. Of these, forty became members of the
assembly and four were without the procés-verbal of their
election.
Of the eight commons favorably reported on June 24?** and
June 26” all had presented their credentials on June 13, but had
lacked the procés-verbal of their election.**°
In considering the reports of the committee of verification for
213 [bid., No. 9, I.
214 Procés-verbal, No. 8, I, 2.
215 Tbid., No. 9, 3.
216 Tbid., No. 9, 4.
217 Jbid., No. 7, 9-12.
218 [bid., No. 7, 16.
219 [bid., No. 8, 7, 12, 14.
220 [bid., No. 8, I.
221 Jbid., No. 9, I.
222 Tbid., No. 9,°3.
223 Tbid., No. 9, 4.
224 Tbid., No. 6, 15.
225 Tbid., No. 8, 12.
226 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12-17, 61, 63.
326
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The Counter Revolution of June-July 45
the period between June 30 and July 11 after the union of the
orders, the material has been grouped under two heads; first,
reports on credentials where there was no irregularity in election ;
second, reports where irregularity in elections caused difficulty.
Under this first head are treated practically all of the credentials
of the clergy and the nobles presented to the assembly as a result
of the union of orders on June 27. While the sources do not
state the number of the clergy who appeared in the assembly June
30 the procés-verbal of the assembly gives the names of 98 who
submitted their credentials on this day ;?*7 92 of these??* and one
other, the Bishop of Lydda,?*® were favorably reported on July 1,
while 6 were reported without the procés-verbal of their elec-
tion.?8° On July 2, six clergy were reported with satisfactory
credentials.?*t_ For five of these I find no record of the date when
their credentials were presented while on June 27 the sixth one
had been reported lacking the procés-verbal of his election.?**
Five more clergy were favorably reported on July 6,*° but I find
no record to show when they had submitted their credentials.
Thus between June 30 and July 11, 98 of those regularly elected,
had submitted credentials, 104 had been favorably reported on
and six lacked the procés-verbal of their election.
Of the majority of nobles 124,7°* probably 151,7*° submitted
their credentials June 30; 121 of these were favorably reported on
by the committee July 1, while three failed to present the procés-
verbal of their election.7*® On July 2, twenty-seven nobles were
favorably reported on by the committee.?** July 3, three nobles
227 Procés-verbal, No. 11, 4-0, 16.
228 Tbid., No. 11, 4-0.
229 Tbid., No. II, 17.
230 [bid., No. I1, 16.
231 [bid., No. 12, 4, 5, 7.
232 Tbid., No. 9, 4.
233 Jbid., I, No. 16, 1.
234 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 9-17.
235 Ibid., I, No. 12, 4-6. These names are given among those protesting
on June 30, and hence they probably presented their credentials at that
time.
236 Tbid., I, No. 11, 9-17.
287 Ibid., I, No. 12, 4-6. These had protested June 30.
327
46 Ethel Lee Howie
presented their credentials and, along with a noble who had
formerly lacked the procés-verbal of his election, became mem-
bers of the assembly on this day.7*8 One noble on July 6,7*° and
three on July 107° were favorably reported on. Thus 156
nobles, regularly elected, had satisfactory credentials between
June 30 and July 11, while three lacked the procés-verbal of their
election.
Of the commons having no irregularity in election only one
deputy presented his credentials between June 30 and July 11 and
a report was not made on them by the committee till after July
11.244 Six other commons who had submitted their credentials
June 13,74? but who then lacked the procés-verbal of their elec-
tions,24* were favorably reported on; two on July 2*** and four on
July. 6.24"
Under the second heading, where there was sone irregularity in
the elections, may be treated first, cases where special regulations
for the election had been made by the king. The first of these
concerned the election of Abbé Royer, deputy of the clergy of
Arles.24® This case appears to have caused the committee con-
siderable trouble. The clergy of the city of Arles, before electing
the Abbé Royer, had taken part in the election of the clergy of the
sénéchaussée.247 Hebrard, the reporter for the committee of veri-
fication on July 6, said that “ the majority of the committee favored
the admission of M. Royer; that its decision was based on a
decree of the king of April 4, which gave an individual deputa-
tion to the city of Arles on the strength of its ancient privileges ;
that in reality the clergy of this city had not had a deputy in
238 Ibid., No. 13, 9, 10.
239 Tbid., No. 16, 2.
240 Tbid., No. 20, 3, 4.
241 Tbid., No. 17, 9.
242 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12 to 17, 51, 52.
243 Procés-verbal, 63, 70.
244 [bid., I, No. 12, 7.
245 Jbid., I, No. 16, 2.
246 Tbid., I, No. 16, 2; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6; Point
du jour, I, 115.
247 Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 2.
328
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The Counter Revolution of June-July 47
previous national assemblies, but that present circumstances and
the decree of his majesty had authorized it to name one at this
time; that when the clergy of the city took part in the election of
the sénéchaussée they did not know of the special provision made
by the king.”*48 The Point du jour states that “the election was
made according to the established form; there was neither opposi-
tion nor protest.”*4® The assembly decided that the representative
should be admitted as a deputy,?°° but made no provision concern-
ing what should be done in the future as to deputies of the city of
unless? )*
The second case in which the election had not taken place accord-
ing to the prescribed forms was at Béarn. Four representatives
of the third estate presented their credentials on July 2 and on
July 7 Barere, as member of the committee of verification, reported
concerning them. Although this deputation had been chosen in a
corps d état, according to some individual forms of that body,
authorized by provisional legislature,”’? it was favorably reported
on.2°2
There were three cases where the nobles had sent two deputa-
tions. The first of these was the bailliage of Amont in Franche-
Comté.?°* The question had been brought before the assembly
June 25,*°° but was not discussed till July 9. Each deputation had
three nobles; one deputation had been named by a majority in a
convocation of the three orders ; the other by an arrét du conseil.?*°
Biauzat sums up the case thus:
248 Tbid., I, No. 16, 2.
249 Point du jour, I, 115.
250 Procés-verbal, I, 2; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6; Point
du jour, I, 115; Assemblée nationale, 1, 354.
251 Procés-verbal, I, 3.
252 Point du jour, I, 138.
253 Point du jour, I, 138; Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 10.
254 Assemblée nationale, I, 427; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July
9; Journal de Paris, No. 192, 867, July 11; Point du jour, I, 147; Procés-
verbal, No. 19, 3; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 183; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa corre-
spondance, II, 168; Courrier de Provence, I, toth letter, 2.
255 Procés-verbal, No. 7, 15.
256 Assemblée nationale, I, 427; Point du jour, I, 147, says “la premiére
avait les avantages et la faveur que donne la majorité des suffrages; la
329
48 Ethel Lee Howie
The three orders had at first proceeded in common in this bailliage:
some difficulties arose in the order of the nobles and the minority retired,
but in spite of this the majority of the nobles and the other orders con-
tinued in session till the deputies were chosen. A decree of council an-
nulled this nomination made by the majority of the nobles under the
pretext that the réglement allowed the orders to proceed separately. You
have since heard the idea expressed that the orders could proceed in
common only with the permission of the king; and if one dared to speak
frankly you would know that the aristocrats desire the two first orders to
do everything. This decree of council led many nobles into error; the
minority increased in number and became the majority. Under the new
conditions they named other deputies. This affair was laid before the
order of the nobles when they were meeting in a separate chamber at
Versailles and they voted to admit the second deputation.2°7
Tronchet gave a long report”®* on this affair for the committee
on verification and ended by stating that the committee favored the
first deputation, but that the nobles had favored the second.**® As
a result of this report a discussion took place in the assembly.
Saint-Fargeau proposed that the question should be referred to the
bailliage so that a new election might be held,*® or if this method
was not deemed advisable by the assembly, he thought that two
members from each deputation should be admitted as members of
the assembly.2*t Both deputations should be rejected in preference
to admitting only one deputation.** Toulongeon favored the first
deputation?®* and stated that the minority of the nobles, number-
seconde présentait les caractéres d’une scission”; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa cor-
respondance, II, 168.
257 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 168. He also states that the
first deputation was instructed to vote by head, while the second was to
vote by order.
258 Assemblée nationale, I, 428; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July
9; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 168.
259 Point du jour, I, 147; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 168;
Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 2; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 183.
260 Point du jour, I, 147.
261 Assemblée nationale, I, 428; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 9.
262 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 9, says he regarded the first
as most regular, but wished both admitted ; Point du jour, I, 147, says Tou-
longeon spoke, but does not give the substance of his speech.
263 Assemblée nationale, I, 420.
209
The Counter Revolution of June-July 49
ing 150, left the majority numbering 160 in the church with the
other orders; that this minority had by oath recognized the legality
of the assembly and that they had protested against the states-
general and all that would be done there.2** There was some
doubt as to the best method of voting on the subject, but it was
finally decided to formulate the question thus: “Shall the first
or second deputation be admitted? Shall both deputations be
admitted ’”?°° The assembly voted to admit the first deputation.?®
The second case of double representation was that of the three
bishoprics and Clermantois. Salomon,?* as reporter for the com-
mittee of verification, reported concerning this on July 10. Ac-
cording to the réglement the nobles of the three bishoprics includ-
ing Metz were to name a single deputation.*®° The nobles of the
bishopric met, and when the nobles of Metz did not appear,
named two deputies, Custine and Neubourg.?®? The Point du jour
states that “a hundred and eighty nobles of Metz opposed MM.
de Custine and de Neubourg claiming that these gentlemen could
lay claim to the title of deputies of the bailliages of Thionville,
Sarrelouis, Longwy and the prévotés-bailliages of Phalsbourg and
Sarrebourg only; that the nobles of Metz could not be deprived
of the rights of representation. The nobles of Metz then elected
264 Tbid., I, 430.
265 Assemblée nationale, I, 431.
266 Assemblée nationale, I, 431, gives the result of the balloting as fol-
lows: 5097 for first deputation, 84 for both deputations; 3 no vote; I
desired three members chosen indiscriminately, to have deliberative voice;
2 to consider the question; Point du jour (I, 147) gives 597 for first depu-
tation, and that 84 were divided on the second and those favoring both
deputations; Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 3; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th
letter, 2; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 184; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance,
II, 168; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 9; Journal de Paris, No.
192, 871 (July 9).
267 Point du jour, I, 156; Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 3; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 452; Courrier de Provence, I, 1oth letter, 5; Duquesnoy, Journal,
I, 182; Journal de Paris, No. 193, 871 (July 12); Bulletins de l’assemblée
nationale, July 10.
268 Assemblée nationale, I, 452.
269 Assemblée nationale, I, 452; Point du jour, I, 156.
331
50 Ethel Lee Howie
M. the Baron de Poutet.?7° The deputies of the nobles of the
bailliages replied to the nobles of Metz that it (Metz) would
voluntarily deprive itself of its right of representation by separat-
ing from the other bailliages and by violating the réglement for
elections.”*"1 Fréteau, it is said, defended the action of the nobles
of Metz on the ground that the nobles of that bailliage were very
numerous and that it was unjust not to have them represented in
the states-general.?’? M. Poutet gave a simple but “ interesting
statement” concerning his credentials and seems to have gained
some friends, but when the vote was taken the majority of the
assembly voted to receive M. de Custine and M. de Neubourg as
members.?**
270 Assemblée nationale, I, 452; Point du jour, 156. The Assemblée
nationale agrees with the Point du jour that Poutet was elected.
271 Point du jour, I, 157.
272 Assemblée nationale, I, 458.
273 Point du jour, I, 157; Assemblée nationale, I, 452, 458; Procés-verbal,
I, No. 20, 3; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 10; Journal de Paris,
No. 193, July 12; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 5; Duquesnoy,
Journal, I, 182. According to the Procés-verbal the vote was by roll call,
and the Assemblée nationale states that the vote was to decide whether to
admit the first deputation only or to admit both and that the voting resulted
in 442 votes for the first deputation and 131 for the second. The Assem-
blée nationale (I, 453-457) gives a letter of the Baron de Poutet to the
Comte de Custine in which M. Poutet discusses his rights. Duquesnoy
states that Custine and Neubourg lost in the chamber of the nobles. (The
credentials had first been presented to this order.) The Assemblée na-
tionale says that they would have admitted both deputations. The ‘Procés-
verbal of the nobles (page 50) states that the nobles of Metz alone were
more numerous than those of the other bailliages .. . that the nobles of
the bailliages of Thionville, Sarrlouis, and Longwy were united with the
nobles of Metz in asking the admission of a deputy from Metz. Neither
deputation was admitted at this time. We find (page 65) that the deputy
of Metz was not received, but that the president of the nobles announced
that, according to the wishes of the nobles, he had asked the king for a
new convocation of the nobles of Metz, Thionville, Saarlouis, Longwy, etc.
(page 84). No definite action regarding M. Poutet was taken by the
nobles, however, for on June 26 discussion on this question was postponed
till another day (page 299). Evidently the question was referred to the
committee of verification for the assembly after the union of orders and
no decision had been made in the chamber of the nobles.
332
The Counter Revolution of June-July SI
Another report given by Salomon July 10 for the committee on
verification concerned the nobles of Bordeaux. There were two
deputations from Bordeaux; the first deputation had been chosen
by the majority of nobles while the sécond had been chosen in an
assembly of the minority of nobles. The assembly voted that the
first deputation should be received.?**
Another difficulty for the committee concerned the deputation of
San Domingo. On June 13 the Marquis Gouy d’Arsy said that
San Domingo had been omitted from roll call although they had
“presented a request” on June 8. The credentials of the San
Domingo delegation were submitted June 13 to the twentieth
bureau for verification**® and on June 14 this bureau reported that
the credentials of these representatives were incomplete, that the
electors had not been convoked by the king. The assembly post-
poned action on the question until after the assembly was consti-
tuted.27* On June 20, the president announced that the com-
mittee on verification had unanimously agreed on the provisional
admission of twelve deputies from San Domingo. The assembly
decided that these twelve deputies should be admitted provision-
ally. Consequently they took the famous tennis court oath and
signed the decree.?** On June 27, Prieur, as reporter for the com-
mittee on verification, presented the question of the San Domingo
delegation to the assembly and stated that two things should be
considered ; first, whether the assembly wished to admit a delega-
tion from San Domingo; second, how many deputies the assembly
wished to admit. After some discussion it was unanimously
274 Point du jour, I, 157, gives the deputation from Guyenne. This is
the name of the military division, while Bordeaux is the name of the
diocese covering the same territory. (Brette, Les limites et les divisions
territoriales de la France en 1789.) This source also states that the second
deputation was elected by the minority of nobles; Procés-verbal, I, No.
20, 3; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale (July 10) says that the reporter
was Hebrard, while the Point du jour says it was Salomon; Journal de
Paris, No. 193, 871 (July 12), states that the first deputation could vote
by head.
275 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12 to June 17, 54.
276 Tbid., 78.
277 Procés-verbal, No. 3, 7.
329
52 Ethel Lee Howie
agreed that a delegation should be admitted. The vote was about
to be taken on the number to be admitted when word was brought
that the minority of the clergy and the majority of the nobles were
on their way to the common hall.2*8 The question was dropped
for that day and was not taken up again until July 3 when Prieur
brought the question before the assembly.?*? Three questions, he
stated, must be decided: “Did San Domingo have any right to
send a deputation? Was the deputation regular? How many
deputies should be admitted? The first two questions had already
been decided” so the question now was, how many should be
admitted? He stated that the committee itself was undecided
regarding the number which should be admitted.*®° The report of
Prieur started a debate which lasted during July 3 and 4. In con-
sidering the proper basis for representation the negro question was
naturally raised, and the debate on July 3 centered on this. Mira-
beau, Turkheim, Bouche and Garat claimed that suffrage should
be the basis of representation and that so long as the blacks had no
part in the government they should not be represented. Mirabeau
said that the colony should not claim any other basis of repre-
sentation than what had served the French provinces.**! If colo-
nial riches and reports of commerce were considered so must the
great fortune that husbandry puts into the balance of commerce.?*
“The maritime cities and the great merchants,” he felt, “ would
also have a right to claim a greater representation.*** The colony
278 Procés-verbal, No. 9, 5.
279 Point du jour, I, 99; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157;
Assemblée nationale, I, 323; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, July 5; Cour-
rier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 4; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 158; Procés-
verbal, I, No. 14, 1; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 3; Journal de
Paris, No. 186, 835 (July 5).
280 Assemblée nationale, I, 323.
281 Point du jour, I, 99; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150.
282 Point du jour, I, 99.
283 Joint du jour, I, 99; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 159, names the cities of
Lyon, Nantes, Rouen and states “il faudra adopter des bases de repre-
sentation tellement metaphysiques qu’elles deviendront purement arbi-
traire.” Assemblée nationale, I, 324, gives the names of Nantes, Mar-
seille, Toulon; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 3, mentions Bor-
deaux, Nantes, Marseilles.
334
The Counter Revolution of June—Juiy 53
was peopled with 25,000 whites only. The blacks could not be
counted so long as they were regarded as pack animals.?** Let
them be enfranchised and we will then count all the population in
determining the number of deputies.’’**® Turkheim of Strasbourg
felt that the 364,000 blacks, who were neither free nor French,
could not be represented by their masters.**®
Bouche stated that he had learned there were but 23,533 whites
on the island and that these alone constituted the assembly. It
seemed strange to him that San Domingo should expect to be
granted 20 deputies under these circumstances.*** Garat talked
for.a long time putting the question in a definite way by asking
if six, twelve or twenty deputies should be received. “‘To decide
this is to decide what part San Domingo shall have in the legisla-
tive and sovereign authority of the nation. On such a question a
great supply of information is necessary ... If we give too much
power to the colony of San Domingo our constituents will have
the right to reproach us with having allowed some of their legisla-
tive and sovereign power to be usurped—the worst reproach that
can be made to a representative. In asking that we admit twenty
deputies, the colony of San Domingo bases its rights, or its pre-
tentions on the extent and nature of its territorial productions, its
commercial wealth and on the contributions it pays to France.”
He then referred to doubts which arose in considering the extent
of production, commerce and contributions in the system of a
national representation and concluded that “in determining the
284 Point du jour, I, 99; Assemblée nationale, I, 325, says: “ Mais parlez-
vous de ces populations nombreuses que vous traitez de bétes de somme?
Mais ces bétes de sommes, connues sous le nom de gens de couleur, sont
libres, paient des impots, sont propriétaires; et pourquoi vous étes-vous
opposés a ce quils eussent aucune influence dans les élections? Pour-
quoi n’avez vous pas voulu les admettre au rang d’électeurs?” Bulletins
de l’assemblée nationale (July) says he favored four deputies, and two
others with the right to attend sessions and advise.
285 Point du jour, I, 99.
286 Point du jour, I, 99; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160, does not give his
ideas but says he made “ des observations trés sages, avec beaucoup d’ordre
et de clarté.”
287 Assemblée nationale, I, 327; Point du jour, I, 100; Bulletins de
Vassemblée nationale, July 3.
335
54 Ethel Lee Howie
number of the deputies which should be admitted from San Do-
mingo we must consider alone, or at least principally, the popu-
lation of the colony. It is of three kinds; 35,000 or 36,000 whites,
6,000 or 7,000 free negroes and about 340,000 negro slaves.” He
was surprised to learn that the free negroes were not admitted
to the elections, but that they were counted in the population to
increase the number of deputies. He then tried to prove that these
so called free men were not really free but were excluded from
rights which belonged to free men such as social functions and
public employment. He therefore concluded that in regard to
population whites alone should fix the number of deputies.**$
That riches, commerce, industry and remoteness of the island
made a larger’deputation necessary was argued by the Marquis de
Sillery, Choiseul, Duc de Praslin, Marquis Gouy d’Arsy and Garat,
the younger, while Mirabeau spoke again against taking them as a
basis for representation. The Marquis de Sillery made use of a
map to show that San Domingo was “ susceptible of great improve-
ment and that much territory was yet uncultivated.’*°? Mirabeau
again took the floor and attempted to meet the arguments which
had been advanced by Sillery. The riches of the colony were con-
siderable, but so were the riches of the mother country. Repre-
sentation of the colony was very important, for the home land as
well. ‘“‘ Why then is it necessary to adopt for San Domingo a law
more favorable than that which rules the deputies in all the bail-
liages? On every side the provinces will cry out against such a
*88 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 5-21; Point du jour, I, 100, men-
tions Garat as a speaker, but does not give the substance of his speech;
Assemblée nationale, I, 333; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160.
This speech was heard with disfavor. The president, Duquesnoy tells
us, said long speeches were unnecessary and that it was impossible to keep
order in an assembly which was tired out. Mirabeau says that the dis-
course, excellent in every respect, was poorly listened to, partly because
the orator had a poor voice and partly because the meetings of the bureaus
and the general assembly were held too close together and it was physically
impossible to hold the attention on the debate. The Assemblée nationale
reports the president as saying that all had a right to speak, but that the
speeches should be shortened because an assembly which was worn out
could not be attentive.
289 Assemblée nationale, I, 326.
336 ‘
The Counter Revolution of June—July 55
distinction and ask that their deputations be increased.” It was
not without surprise, he asserted, that he had heard as an argument
for permitting this numerous deputation of San Domingo that
negroes who did not have the right to protest in the temple of
liberty, were the producers of wealth; so were the cattle and the
horses which belonged to the people in France. By what right had
these 23,000 whites excluded men, free like themselves, from the
assembly and then asked representation for them? By what right
had these 23,000 whites chosen men to represent the negroes whom
they had excluded from the assembly? “Do they believe that we
shall not represent them, that we shall not defend their cause?
Deputies should be accorded in proportion to the number of those
having suffrage. This is the general law and it is the same for
France and for San Domingo.’’®° Gouy d’Arsy, deputy of San
Domingo, desired to correct some errors which had been made
during the debate. He said: “The inhabitants of San Domingo
ask that the delegation be increased to twenty, not because of am-
bition but because they deem that this number is necessary in order
to thoroughly understand the great work to which they are called.
San Domingo should not be compared to the provinces of the
kingdom for the colony is remote, isolated, and the soil, the in-
habitants, the culture, the wealth, all are different.’?%
The Point du jour states that Gouy d’Arsy said that “ the
population should not be the only thermometer to determine the
size of the deputation. The number of deputies should be based
on the number of inhabitants, the riches of the country, its extent
and the contributions which it pays; that according to this, San
Domingo, paying 12,000,000 direct taxes and 60,000,000 indirect
should have a large representation. Regarding negro slavery
and the abolition of the traffic M. de Gouy pretended that if the
assembly found the means of uniting the preservation of the
290 Assemblée nationale, I, 330-331.
291 Assemblée nationale, I, 334; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160, said in speak-
ing of the speech: “C’est en tout un des plus grands diseurs de rien que
je connaisse.” Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 3; Gazette de Leyde,
Sup. No. 56 (July 5); Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 157; Point
du jour, I, 106, gives the speech for July 4, but this is evidently a mistake.
oe
56 Ethel Lee Howie
colonies, the property of the colonies, and the maintenance of
their workers with the abolition of slavery and the traffic, there is
no colonist who would not quickly give proofs of his humanity
and patriotism.”*°? Garat contrasted the distance that the San
Domingo deputies were from their constituents with the distance
that the deputies of France were from their constituents. The
French deputies, because of the rapid and continual communica-
tion between all parts of France and Versailles, could easily be
under the eyes of their constituents while those of San Domingo
could not be thus watched. It was, therefore, necessary, perhaps,
to admit a greater number of delegates from the colony in order
to be assured of their integrity.2°* Duc Choiseul de Praslin on
July 4 stated that his cahier demanded a representation from
San Domingo and asked how a representation could be refused
when riches were immense and their commerce flourished in every
country.?°*
The discussion on the negro problem and on riches as a basis
for representation was practically ended on July 3, but the num-
ber of deputies to be accorded had not been decided. The ques-
tion was taken up for discussion in the bureaus on the even-
ing of July 3°°° and the debate was renewed in the assembly
292 Point du jour, I, 107; Assemblée nationale, I, 335, says that M.
d’Arsy said regarding the relation of population to taxation, “La popu-
lation, et c’est ici vraiment l’article le plus interessant, s’évalue par les
impOts, par les richesses que la colonie verse dans le commerce; or toutes
nos colonies versent a peu prés soixante millions, et Saint-Domingue y
entre pour cinquante; elle supporte plus de neuf millions d’impots directs
et indirects.”
293 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter; Point du jour, I, 100; Duques-
noy, Journal, I, 160; Assemblée nationale, I, 333.
294 The Point du jour, I, 107, simply mentions that the duke spoke; the
Assemblée nationale, I, 346, says that the nobles of Angers asked that San
Domingo have a deputation. The Duc Choiseul de Praslin was a deputy
from Angers and he is evidently the one referred to here.
295 Assemblée nationale, I, 336; Procés-verbal, No. 14; Point du jour,
I, 103; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160.
The Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale states that the bureaus met at five
o’clock to consider the San Domingo question. “La discussion s’est faite
par l’appel des membres selon 1’ordre de la liste.
338
— ae
The Counter Revolution of June-July 57
on July 4. At this time, it was chiefly limited to the question
of the number of deputies to be admitted. This number varied
from two to twenfy, twelve being the number most generally
approved of during the debate. Turkheim of Strasbourg, who
spoke July 3, favored two deputies only because he felt that this
was enough to represent 30,000 people, for the blacks, ““ who were
neither free nor French, could not be represented by their
masters.’’*°* Bouche, Montesquiou and Garat, who also spoke
July 3, favored four deputies. Bouche said, that four should be
admitted with right to vote and that these should be taken from
the colony itself.2°* By another source, we are told that he
wished two others to have the right to advise the four deputies,
but that these advisers should be chosen from those residing in
France.*°* Montesquiou desired four deputies with right to vote,
the remaining fourteen to form a consultative committee.?*?
Garat said that the population of the whites in the island was in
round numbers about 40,000; that among the deputies of the
commons there were few who did not represent 50,000 but, as in
every deputation in France there were at least four, counting
the clergy and nobles, the same number should be granted San
Domingo.2°° Garat called attention to an article in his cahier
which instructed him to vote for the freedom of the slaves of the
“Dans la plupart des bureau on fut d’avis de n’accorder que 3 députa-
tions composée chacune de deux députés, parceque dans cette isle il n’y
a ni nobles possedant fiefs, ni ecclesiastiques possedant bénéfices. Tous
les habitans sont colons, propriétaires ou planteurs. Une des raisons de
cette triple députation fut la division de cette colonie en 3 parties a peu
prés égales.”
296 Point du jour, I, 99; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 160.
297 Point du jour, 1, 100; Assemblée nationale, I, 327; Bulletins de las-
semblée nationale, July 3, states he wished four deputies and two sub-
stitutes.
298 Point du jour, I, 100.
299 Assemblée nationale, I, 332; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, Il,
157, does not state the number he desired but that he opposed the number
which the colony asked; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 3; Ga-
sette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5), simply mentions him as speaking;
Point du jour, I, too.
300 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 17.
goo
58 Ethel Lee Howie
colonies and concluded his long speech by saying: “Let the
deputies of San Domingo declare today that they will enter an
assembly founded on natural rights; that they will regard slavery
of the black as a crime against nations, which no political interests
can justify; that they will never oppose any attempt on the part
of the national assembly to stop this crime; that they promise
that all the time this question is being considered in the assembly
they will not vote; on this condition, more votes should be granted
but I wait till then before I shall declare the number of deputies
which should be accorded to them.’’%°! Saint-Fargeau spoke on
July 4 and asked that six deputies be admitted. He thought that
the divisions of the island should be considered and two deputies
accorded to each of the three divisions.*°? The remaining
deputies should have consultative voice. If twelve deputies were
accorded, it would give San Domingo a superiority over the
provinces having a smaller delegation, but not less populous. The
capital, he thought, should never lose its influence and the mother
country should never destroy itself.%
Those who favored the admission of twelve deputies were
Pison du Galland, Mounier, Dillon, Malouet and the Duc
Choiseul de Praslin. Pison du Galland said on July 3 that it was
not the time to talk of the culture of the island or of distinction
regarding persons of color, but that the assembly was to decide
if more than twelve deputies should be admitted. This number
had already been admitted and the decision could not be revoked,
but more could be added should the assembly desire it.%%*
Mounier thought that the twelve oldest should be chosen without
distinction as to the noble or plebeian condition. Malouet, on
the other hand, thought that the twelve provisionally admitted
should become members of the assembly.*° Dillon, curé of
301 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 17, 18.
802 Assemblée nationale, I, 348; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July
4. The Assemblée nationale states that he desired to develop the motion
of Montesquiou “in the shape of an amendment.” Montesquiou desired
four deputies while Saint-Fargeau wanted six; Point du jour, I, 107.
303 Assemblée nationale, I, 348.
304 Tbid., I, 331-332.
305 Assemblée nationale, I, 332.
340
~The Counter Revolution of June-July 59
Vieux-Pouzauzes, said on July 4, that as in time of calamity one
recognized freinds so, in the same way, when the country was in
danger one recognized citizens. He recalled the memorable day
of June 20 and how, with joy, the representatives of San
Domingo were welcomed, both by the members of the assembly
and the spectators in the gallery. “ They have, like us,” he said,
“taken the formidable oath which binds us all until the country
is regenerated.” He considered that the twelve deputies were
already members of the assembly and that the others should be
given the right to speak.°°® The Duc de Praslin said that as San
Domingo was divided into three parts and as the smallest bailliage
had four deputies a like proportion should be accorded here. The
twelve admitted provisionally should be given the right to vote and
the others should be permitted to advise.*°* The Marquis de Sil-
lery®*°* and the Marquis Gouy d’Arsy wished twenty deputies. The
latter stated, however, that San Domingo now asked only eighteen
deputies, for one of the number died during the crossing, while
another was then ill. He asked if the decision made on June 20
should not be declared final, or if it showed imprudent haste and
should be reconsidered. He stated that “so majestic an assembly
could not give a thoughtless decision; it is unchangeable in its
decisions.”’°°?
The debate was practically at an end when an attempt was made
to keep the assembly from admitting the San Domingo deputation.
A request or act of opposition from some of the planters of San
Domingo then in France was read by one of the secretaries. In
this letter it was stated that, “the colonists of San Domingo, under-
signed, had not seen with an indifferent eye the time when the
French people were called by a generous king to state their griev-
ences and to work for the common restauration. Many of our
citizens have met with the intention of working for the general
306 Assemblée nationale, I, 341; Point du jour, I, 107; Bulletins de
Vassemblée nationale, July 4. r
307 Assemblée nationale, I, 346.
308 [bid., I, 327.
309 Assemblée nationale, I, 335-336. This source also states (p. 336) that
“'M. de Gouy d’Arsy, aprés avoir parlé trés longtemps, a semblé conclure
a ne démander qu’une députation de douze réprésentatives.”
341
60 Ethel Lee Howie
good. They have without letters of convocation caused to as-
semble certain people to elect deputies to the states-general. This
lack of convocation seemed to close the door to them but the
nation has seen fit to reject this defect in form. It has recognized
that the colonies like all other provinces had and have the right to
be represented in the assembly of the nation. The undersigned
colonists thankfully accept sucha declaration. Removed by the sea,
they felt themselves forgotten. Let thanks be given to the as-
sembly which has just signified, in a most striking manner the
rights of humanity. The assembly is not satisfied with this gener-
ous declaration, it has admitted provisionally the deputies who pre-
tend to have been named at San Domingo. Nothing wiser or more
prudent. At a distance of two thousand leagues from the capital
what certainly could there be regarding the legality of such a nomi-
nation? It is with sorrow that the colonists, in spite of their high
esteem for the pretended deputies of San Domingo ask the as-
sembly to suspend judgment until they have sufficient time to vali-
date the credentials and verify the elections by a more regular,
more public, freer convocation, conforming to the rules of elec-
tion.” The claim was made that these men who pretended to be the
deputies had been elected in an assembly of fifteen or twenty
people. The signatures attached to the procés-verbal of this first
deputation were, according to this letter, procured after the elec-
tion had taken place. This letter started another debate as to
whether this protest should be considered. Gouy d’Arsy, accord-
ing to the Procés-verbal,** claimed that some of the protestants had
been witnesses of the first election. He insisted that the election
had taken place in regular form and that this regularity had been
recognized by the assembly. The only question to be considered
was the number of deputies which should be granted, for the other
request, being presented after the verification, could not be re-
ceived.*4*_ The assembly was ready to go to vote when a considera-
310 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 4; Point du jour, I, 108; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 349-52; Bulletins ile Vassemblée nationale, July 4. The Point
du jour speaks of this as an “act of opposition” of some of the colonists;
the Procés-verbal and the Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale say it was a
letter from a second deputation of San Domingo.
311 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 4.
342
The Counter Revolution of June-July 61
tion of the protests was called for. Clermont-Tonnerre thought
that all opinions were only provisional and stated that if any one
wished to dispute his opinion in the assembly this request must be
granted. Pison du Galland said that since a decision had been
reached without contradiction it could be changed.*** The as-
sembly persisted in its previous decision and regarded the first
deputation as legal.*1* The number of deputies was then decided.
Le Chapelier worded the question, ‘‘ Shall San Domingo have six
or twelve deputies?”’*4* Mounier said that this question would be
contrary to the'liberty of suffrage so each deputy was given the
right to say how many deputies he desired.*#® The majority
favored six,*1® although during the debate the majority of the
speakers favored twelve. At the request of M. Gouy d’Arsy per-
mission was given for the other substitutes to attend the session,
but when he asked that they might be granted consultative voice
the assembly felt that he was asking too much. M. Freteau stated
that substitutes from other provinces merited no less favor than
those from San Domingo, and that although the deputation had
been judged valid it was not certain that it was all right. This
statement was instrumental in causing the request of Gouy d’Arsy
312 Assemblée nationale, I, 352.
313 Assemblée nationale, I, 353; Point du jour, I, 108.
314 Assemblée nationale, I, 352.
315 [bid., I, 352.
316 Assemblée nationale, I, 353; Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 4-5; Journal
de Paris, No. 187 (July 6), 839; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, July 5;
Point du jour, I, 108; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 4; Courrier
de Provence, I, 16th letter, 34; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 162; Biauzat, Sa vie
et sa correspondance, II, 160.
The result of the balloting as given in the various sources:
Point du jour Gazette de Leyde Journal de Paris
523 for 6 523 for 6 523 for 6
223 for 12 250 for I2 223 for 12
9 for 4 8 for 4 Some for 4
T for! 1S four) 2 Some for 8
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale says 566 votes out of 788 were for six
deputies.
From these reports it is certain that a considerable majority, 523, favored
the admission of six deputies.
343
62 Ethel Lee Howie
to be rejected.**7 Thus the debate on the San Domingo delega-
tion was ended and the first deputies from a colony were ad-
mitted to the national assembly. The deputies according to the
vote of the assembly reduced their number to six and on July 7
placed a declaration on the table stating that such reduction had
been made.
The vote on the San Domingo question is of special significance
as it was the first time that balloting by head in answer to roll
call had come squarely before the assembly. Biauzat shows the
attitude of the higher orders at this time when he says: “The
Archbishop of Vienne, who aspired to the vote by order, declared
that he had too poor eyesight to be sure of the general wish by a
standing vote. The roll call of 1,200 deputies was then taken..
A single aristocrat responded ‘I do not vote.’ The majority were
silent when their names were called; others, such as a great arch-
bishop, withdrew when it was about time for their names to be
called. It is not less true that several of those who joined us only
because we followed in respect to them the recommendation of
the holy scriptures, compelle intrare, have responded, voted and
consequently voted by head. The great question of vote by head
or by order will then be decided by action without any need of
discussion. I am looking for that, assuming that our advance may
not be stopped by dominating events which I always fear.”*18 The
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale states that “the three orders
voted by head with the exception of some members of the clergy
and the nobles who under pretext of their imperative instruc-
tions refused.” This source states that the voting lasted two and
ay yhalf hours.
The last question involving irregularities in election, considered
previous to July 11, concerned the election of Malouet, deputy of
Riom in Auvergne.*?° The credentials of the deputies of Riom
317 Assemblée nationale, I, 353; Point du jour, I, 108.
318 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 160.
319 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 4.
320 Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 4; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II,
172; Assemblée nationale, I, 459; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 183; Courrier de
Provence, I, 1oth letter, 5.
344
The Counter Revolution of June-July 63
had been given on June 13 to the sixteenth bureau for examina-
tion*** and a report was made on them June 14. M. Prefelne
who reported for the bureau at this time stated that all the cre-
dentials were in good form except that there was a little diffi-
culty concerning Malouet because he had been chosen by accla-
mation and not by ballot. M. Prefelne stated, however, that no
one had objected to this vote. The assembly listened to the read-
ing of the credentials of M. Malouet and postponed decision on
the question until after the assembly had been constituted.**? Thus
on July 10, Goupil de Prefelne, reporting for the committee of
verification, brought the question before the assembly by asking
two questions; first, “Is an election by acclamation regular?;
second, are there facts which can prevent the application of a
principle and cause us to admit the vote by acclamation?’’** Ac-
cording to the Point du jour, our chief source of information on
this subject, Goupil continued by saying that “if the regulations
for election were to be followed the question would not be diffi-
cult, for they ordered the vote by ballot, but supposing the regu-
lations to be only instructions, natural principles must be con-
sidered which require that the general wish be stated in a positive
manner. Acclamation is a tumultuous vote which can never state
the general wish. How many acclamations have never been con-
firmed when the ballot was taken!’’*** The procés-verbal of the
election in the sénéchaussée showed that there were 156 signa-
tures conforming the election but it was observed that there were
557 electors in the sénéchaussée. Malouet had accepted the elec-
tion only after it had been urged upon him three times.**° The
reporter added that “although there had been no contest about the
election strict conformity to the réglement, which distinguished
absolute nullities from those which are only relative would not
permit an election infected by a vice of absolute nullity because
that it insists on the right that elections are free and that the
321 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12 to June 17, 52.
322 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12 to June 17, 73.
323 Assemblée nationale, I, 459; Point du jour, I, 157.
324 Point du jour, I, 157.
325 Point du jour, I, 159; Assemblée nationale, I, 461, 462; Courrier de
Provence, I, toth letter, 6.
345
64 Ethel Lee Howie
voting be stated in a positive way. The two prelates of Auvergne,
who were at first chosen by acclamation were afterwards elected
by ballot, but this had not been done with Malouet.”**° The
majority of the commissioners rejected the nomination, but some
of the assembly favored Malouet.®?* .
Thibault, curé of Souppes, said that he conscientiously felt that
the nomination of Malouet was legal, that although acclamation
was not the most regular method of procedure it seemed to be the
most honorable.**8 é
Dufraisse did not think that the regulations were imperative
for the vote by ballot. ‘‘ Why, then, were they imperative for
Malouet? They should consider ancient conditions. Acclama-
tion was then permitted, even among the Romans, As proof that
acclamation was legal at this time he stated that of the 156 electors
who signed the procés-verbal of the election three were magis-
trates who would not wish to deceive the province and the
assembly.*?°
Malouet, given a chance to defend himself, said: “I believe it
necessary to my oath, to my country, to your principles to justify
a nomination which gave me an honorable place among you; first,
there is no example of a deputation being attacked unless there is
supposed corruption. The regulations prescribed the vote by bal-
lot, but it did not say other methods were null. You have con-
sidered that a regulation is not a law. The first time I was chosen
I resisted the election for I did not believe that I merited this
public testimony from my country. Of the 580 electors who voted
156 signed. It was noticed that it was the country deputies who
did not sign, because they did not know that it was necessary.
They asked that they might return home as it was an important
time for agriculture. They wished to hurry the elections; it re-
326 Point du jour, I, 158.
327 Ibid., I, 158.
328 Jbid., I, 150.
829 Point du jour, 159; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 1. The
name given in the Point du jour is M. du Fraine du Chey, while in the
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale it is Fraysse. Brette in Les Constituants
gives Dufraisse-Duchey from Riom. This is evidently the deputy who
spoke at this time.
346
4
&
The Counter Revolution of June-July 65
quired one day for each vote. I await, with respect, the verdict
which you will pass and whatever it may be I shall continue to
extol the justice of the assembly.”**°
Lally-Tolendal said: “If the king who convokes is silent, if the
constituents do not complain, if only one deputation exists; if
there is perfect agreement, there is no cause for trouble; there
is nothing to reform. All that passes in a legitimate assembly is
legitimate.’’*** Duquesnoy in speaking of the situation says: “ The
aristocratic party had already triumphed; it believed that the com-
mons were ready to decide par passion, to dishonor themselves in
the eyes of all Europe, to commit a great injustice, but that fortu-
nately the Comte de Lally-Tolendal, who perceived this, found a
means of disconcerting this intrigue. He talked with so much
force, reason, feeling and justice that he recalled every one to
principles of honor from which one should never escape and con-
trary to the expectation of the aristocrats Malouet was ad-
mitted.’’**? Many gentlemen of Riom agreed with Lally-Tolen-
dal.** Garat, the senior, said that “acclamation which was not
contested proved rather clearly the general vote and that if a per-
fect unanimity was required no deliberation would be valid; when
the electors after acclamation insist on the ballot it would be
absurd to authorize it (that is the vote by acclamation) and when
no one contests or demands it it should express the general de-
sire.”’**4 The Marquis de Montesquiou expressed himself in these
words: “It is certain that the form of election by acclamation has
the inconvenience of being tumultuous and suspicious ; movements
of enthusiasm have their danger and esteem quietly shown, with-
out doubt, inspires more confidence. But it is unnecessary to con-
clude that all movements of enthusiasm are not true and that they
330 Point du jour, I, 159; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July to.
331 Point du jour, I, 160; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 183, and the Bulletins
de l’'assemblée nationale, July 10, mention that Lally-Tolendal spoke, but do
not give the substance of the speech.
332 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 183.
833 Point du jour, I, 160; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 10,
names Andrieu; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172, names
Branche and Andrieu.
334 Point du jour, I, 160; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July to.
347
66 Ethel Lee Howie
can not state the general wish. If the election of M. Malouet was
the only one, some doubt might arise but subsequent operations
have done away with any such doubt. The electors could have
opposed the election. Thus there could be no stronger proof of
the confidence of the electors than when they have made a new
choice without protesting against the first. I believe that it is not
in order to deliberate.’’**> After M. Loys had repeated that the
réglement did not have the force of law and that it did not pro-
nounce a nullity,**° a call for the vote was made, but Mounier
secured the floor and asserted that “ the assembly had the right to
ask if the deputy has a legal power to act for another, but if the
constituents do not disavow him the assembly cannot deprive a
bailliage of representation. . . . Without doubt, acclamation is
subject to some inconveniences, but a law must be made in order
to proscribe it. Until that time, you cannot force the electors to
name deputies in any other way than they choose to name
them.”*87 When the vote was taken the election of Malouet was
confirmed by the assembly.**§
VI
At the same time that the committee on verification was at
work on the credentials of the majority of the nobles and the
minority of the clergy who had joined the assembly on June 27,
the committee on rules was busy making plans for the future
335 Point du jour, I, 160; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172;
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July to.
336 Point du jour, I, 160.
337 Point du jour, I, 160; Biauzat, Sa vie et so correspondance, Lie 172,
This latter source gives no speech, however.
338 Point du jour (1, 161) gives the result of the vote as 439 for Malouet
and 33 against him. Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 4; Duquesnoy, Journal, I,
183; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 6; Bulletins de l'assemblée na-
tionale (July 10) state “on fit voter par assis et levé pour savoir s’il y avait
lieu a deliberer ou non. Une vingtaine se leva pour l’affirmative et le plus
se leva en 2d lieu pour la negative. Cependant les ennemis de M. de
Malouet (et ils étaient en grand nombre) firent tant de tapage en de-
mandant qu’on allat aux voix, qu’on fut obligé d’y aller; et a la‘majorité
M. de Malouet fut admis.” Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 4.
348
q
The Counter Revolution of June-July 67
organization of the assembly. This committee, which was to
“occupy itself with the necessary rules for the order and expedi-
tion of affairs of the assembly,” was established on June 19.3
It was originally composed of twenty members of the third
estate, one from each of the twenty bureaus provisionally estab-
lished June 13.°*° As members of the upper orders joined the
assembly, the committee was enlarged, but proportional repre-
sentation was maintained. Thus ten clergy were added to the
committee on June 25°*1 and ten nobles on June 26.*#?
In the session of July 1, Rabaut de Saint-Etienne, as reporter
for the committee, presented “several articles which seemed
necessary to render the assembly active.”*** These related to the
establishment of four huwissiers*** to prevent too many people
occupying the seats of the deputies, the election of a president
and six secretaries**® and the distribution of the deputies into
thirty bureaus.**® Some of the articles proposed were opposed
and the assembly postponed further action on them until six
o’clock in the evening.**7 In the evening session the proposition
made by the committee concerning the distribution of members
into bureaus was taken up**® and after a little difficulty re-
339 Procés-verbal, I, No. 2, 2, 3.
340 Procés-verbal of the commons from June 12 to 17, 48.
341 Procés-verbal, I, No. 7, 18.
342 Tbid., I, No. 8, 26.
343 Tbid., I, No. 11, 18; Journal de Paris, No. 184, 827 (July 3) ; Courrier
de Provence, I, 15th letter, 7; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II,
153; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 1.
344 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 1; Assemblée nationale, I,
I, 299.
345 Bulletins de V'assemblée nationale, July 1; Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 8.
346 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 1; Journal de Paris, No. 184,
827 (July 3).
347 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 20; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 7;
Point du jour, I, 87.
848 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, Il, 153. Biauzat states an in-
teresting circumstance regarding this evening session. He says: “On a
apercu des choix d’idees qui justifiaient combien il est plus avantageux
de deliberer en toute affaire comme pour le jugement des criminels. M.
le cardinal de la Rochefoucauld et son bon ami, qui avaient tant de répug-
349
68 Ethel Lee Howie
garding the method of forming the bureaus,*#? the plan sug-
gested by the committee carried and instructions were given
for the distribution of the members into thirty bureaus.?°°
These bureaus were to be formed immediately and were to
be composed of forty members, each selected from the printed
lists of bailliages in alphabetical order and without distinc-
tion of orders; the first, thirty-first, sixty-first, etc., to be in
the first bureau and the second, thirty-second, sixty-second, etc.,
in the second bureau.**t Questions were to be discussed in the
bureaus before being taken up in the general assembly so that
the time of the assembly might be economized. The members of
the bureaus were to be changed each month.**?. According to the
Procés-verbal the secretaries of the assembly were to make this
distribution. A report of the distribution of the members in the
bureaus was given in the morning of July 2.°% The Bulletins
nance a se rendre a la salle commune, ont pris ce moment pour presenter
des protestations. Des personnes prudentes ont imaginé, de concert avec
M. le president et en petits pourparlers, d’eviter la lecture de ces actes et
de renvoyer la séance 4 demain pour former les vingt-quatre on trente
nouveaux bureaux et procéder a la nomination des officiers. Ila pris pour
pretexte qu’il faut une liste générale numérotée.”
349 Point du jour, I, 87, states that one of the members asked that the
bureaus might be composed of members of clergy, nobles and commons
according to the established proportion. Duquesnoy, Journal (I, 151),
mentions that a member of the commons observed that by following the
plan of the committee the established order would not be followed.
350 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 21; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II,
154; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Point du jour, I, 87; Bulletins de ’assem-
blée nationale, July t.
351 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 21; Point du jour,I,87; Bulletins de l'assem-
blée nationale, July 1; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 151; Courrier de Provence,
I, 15th letter, 7, says nothing about the plan except that there were to be
40 members in each bureau.
352 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 21; Point du jour, I, 87, says that the com-
mittee was to do this work.
353 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 21; Biauzat, in Sa vie et sa correspondance
(II, 155), says that these lists were according to his printed propositions ;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 154; Point du jour, I, 89; Journal de Paris, No.
185, 831 (July 4), says that the bureaus were given meeting places in dif-
ferent halls and that there was enough room, with the halls of the clergy,
35°
The Counter Revolution of June-July 69
d'un agent secret state that the formation of the thirty bureaus
seemed to have given much satisfaction. It was “believed that
the distribution into bureaus would definitely decide the manner
of voting.’’** This belief was doubtless due to the fact that there
was no distinction of orders in the bureaus. Barere wrote that
“the method that has been observed can produce only the best
results. This composition of the bureaus tends to happily con-
found all the provinces in order to form only one opinion and
even a national spirit. It will serve to stifle the discordant cries
of privileges and particular constitutions of different regions sub-
mitted to French domination. By the distribution of deputies
of the same provinces into diverse bureaus and the adherence of
all to great principles, that variety of local customs, isolated
administrations which in this vast and beautiful kingdom would
be a strange mixture of gothic laws, feudal tyrannies, constitu-
tional vice and ancient abuse, will disappear. Those who do not
reason deeply will see perhaps in this formation into bureaus only
an ordinary manipulation or a mechanical procedure, but the truly
wise person will easily see the germ of restoration which should
substitute a great nation for divided provinces, strangers to each
other, and replace feudal France by free and enlightened
Prance,.”’*°
On July 2, the same day in which the lists of the thirty bureaus
were read, the assembly resumed the examination of the project
presented by the committee on rules and decreed concerning the
election of the officers of the assembly that a president should
be elected by majority vote, to serve two weeks and that six
secretaries should be elected by a simple plurality vote to serve
for a month.*°° The president asked the bureaus to meet at six
o’clock in the evening to elect these officers.*°* The bureaus met
nobles and the general assembly hall, where one or two would meet, until
other places could be provided; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 2.
354 Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 3.
355 Point du jour, I, 8o.
356 Procés-verbal, No. 12, 8; Point du jour, I, 94; Courrier de Provence,
I, 16th letter, 11; Assemblée nationale, I, 316; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 151.
357 Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 8; Point du jour, I, 95; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 317; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 155.
351
70 Ethel Lee Howie
and began their work by choosing their officers, a president, a
secretary and in some cases an assistant secretary. Of the presi-
dents five were archbishops, nine were bishops, one an abbé, one
a curé, two princes, four counts, five dukes, and two marquises.
That not a single member of the third estate was chosen as presi-
dent of a bureau is significant for it shows that the assembly still
respected the honorary prerogatives of the clergy and nobles.
On the other hand, of the thirty-three secretaries who were
chosen (four bureaus chose two secretaries or a secretary and an
assistant) twenty-nine were from the third estate, one was a
marquis, one a chevalier and one a curé;*°* that is, almost with-
out exception from the third estate. In accordance with the
rules for the election of a president and secretaries each member
voted in his bureau for the one he desired for president and
secretaries of the assembly. The votes of each bureau were then
counted and arranged in lists showing who had received the votes
and how many each had received. These votes were then
carried by two tellers from each bureau to the bureau in the
358 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 3. The presidents of the bureaus from 1 to
30 were as follows: L’évéque d’Agen; Le comte de la Blache; L’éveque
de Chartres; Le duc d’Aiguillon; ; L’évéque de Nancy; Le comte de
Crillon; Le marquis de la Coste; L’ évéque de Coutances; Le duc de la
Rochefoucauld; L’évéque de Lydda; Le comte de Rochechouart; L’arché-
véque d’Aix; Le duc de Liancourt; De Coulmier; Le prince de Poix;
L’archévéque de Bourges; Le duc de Praslin; Le prince de Broglie; Le
marquis de Lezay-Marnézia; L’évéque, duc de Langres; ; Le due
d’Orléans and L’évéque d’Orange; L’évéque de Dijon; Lanusse L’arché-
véque de Venne; L’archévéque de Bordeaux; Le comte de la Tour-
Dupin; L’archévéque de Paris; L’évéque de Nimes.
The secretaries of the bureaus from 1 to 30 were: Le Chapelier; Turk-
heim and Garnier; Salomon; Garat; Petion dé Villeneuve; Lapoule;
Grégoire, and Rabaut de Saint-Etienne; Mounier; Chevalier de Boufflers
and Regnauld d’Epercy; Pison du Galland; Gaultier de Biauzat and
Mathiez; Barnave; Thouret; Emmery; Du Port; Créniére; Bergasse;
; Bouche; Volney; Gaillon; Meusnier-Dubreuil; Prieur; Target;
Thibault; Glezen; Du Pont; Laborde de Mereville; Lofficial; Marquis de
Blacons.
All the bureaus except two, the fifth and the twenty-second, had elected
presidents. The twenty-third had elected both a president and a vice-
president (the president being the Duc d’Orleans).
352
The Counter Revolution of June-July rp
general hall and the votes from all the bureaus were then counted,
the one receiving the majority vote being elected president.**®
The tellers were assisted in this work by M. Camus, one of the
secretaries of the assembly.**° When the votes were counted it
was found that the Duc d’Orléans had a majority vote and hence
was elected president.**t There was not time enough this even-
ing to count the votes for the secretaries, so these ballots were
359 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 4.
360 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 7.
361 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13,7; Assemblée nationale, I, 318, says: “Lorsque
dans chaque bureau l’on a apporté la nouvelle que M. le duc d’Orléans
était président, tous les membres se sont rendus avec empressement dans
la salle générale pour le féliciter d’un choix qui honore autant les vertus
de celui sur qui il est tombé que la juste reconnoissance de ceux qui l’ont
fait”; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 156; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July
5); Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 2; Journal de Paris, No. 185,
832 (July 4), states that “A huit heures et demie a peu prés, les secre-
taires de chaque bureau ont apporté dans la salle commune les résultats
de leurs scrutins respectifs ”; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 156.
The result of the balloting as given in the different sources is as follows:
Votes for Duc Votes for Arch.
Source No. voting d’ Orléans Vienne
Assemblée nattonalé ......0...0000% 869 553
OTIITTES ION RON cic araieta esi sal shai eacerer ene’ 860 553 194
GAVEL ECHO CHC EVGCe: ses: s: oe oele win sais bes 860 553
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale... 756
LGR. CIPI ELS (OSD AS eS EOS 860 553 194
Duquesnoy gives the votes on others as follows: l’archevéque de Reims,
4; Varchevéque de Vienne, 194; le cardinal de la Rochefoucauld, 66;
l’évéque de Laon, 1; l’archevéque de Paris, 3; M. de Luxembourg, 3; M.
de Croy, 1; l’évéque de Chartres, 2; M. de la Tour du Pin, 2; l’archevéque
de Bordeaux, 2; l’évéque de Nancy, 1; l’archevéque d’Aix, 1; l’archevéque
d’Arles, 5; M. Bailly, 1; M. d’Egmont, 1; M. de Clermont Tonnerre, 2;
M. de la Fayette, 1; l’évéque de Clermont, 2; l’évéque de Saintes, 1; le
curé Dillon, 1.
The Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 2, states that “ Les bureaux,
dans cette I°"® séance étaient fort incomplets. Il y en a eu ot le nombre
des votans n’était que de 20, 25, trés peu ont passé le nombre de 30. Et en
générale, le nombre des votans n’a été que de 756. Beaucoup de députés
des 2, 1°78 ordres s’étaient absentés; et beaucoup, quoique présents, avaient
des scrupules, relativement a leurs mandats imperatifs.”
353
72 Ethel Lee Howie
placed in a sealed envelope and given to the care of M. Camus.
The next morning at seven o’clock the tellers went to the bureau
in the general hall and Camus having placed the sealed envelope
on the bureau the counting was begun, but the operation not
being completed when the time for the opening of the session
came was, at the vote of the assembly, concluded in one of the
nearby bureaus.*° >
At the opening of the session on July 3, a report was made on
the election of the officers of the bureaus*®* and while the tellers
were counting the votes for the secretaries of the assembly Bailly
announced that the Duc d’Orléans had been elected president of
the assembly.* There was hearty applause®® and the duke,
taking the president’s place, said: “Gentlemen, if I believed I
could fill the place to which you have called me I would accept
it with pleasure. But, gentlemen, knowing how poorly fitted I
am for it, I would be unworthy of your kindness if I accepted it.
Find it right then that I refuse the honor and see in this refusal
only the undoubtable proof that I shall always sacrifice my
personal interests to the good of the state.’’*°* He then asked the
assembly to meet in the bureaus and to proceed to a new elec-
362 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 7, 8; Journal de Paris, No. 185, 832 (July 4),
says: “Les scrutins pour les secrétaires avaient aussi été remis; mais
comme les suffrages se trouvaient balancés entre 50 et 60 membres, et que
le recensement n’aurait pas été achevé de toute la nuit, on a renvoyé a
demain ce dépouillement, qui est aussie difficile.”
363 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 3.
364 Gazette de Leyde, Nc -. '‘y 5; Point du jour, I, 97; Duquesnoy,
Journal, 1,157; Courrier de Proverice, I, 16th letter, 2; Bulletins de lassem-
blée nationale, July 3; Journal de Paris, No. 186, 835 (July 5); Biauzat,
Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 156; Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 8.
365 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 8; Courrier de Provence, 2, 16th letter, 2;
Point du jour, I, 97; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157; Gazette de Leyde, Sup.
No. 56 (July 5), states that the report of the election caused much enthu-
siasm outside the assembly.
366 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 8; Point du jour, I, 97; Assemblée nationale,
I, 320; Journal de Paris, No. 186, 835 (July 5); Biauzat, Sa vie et sa cor-
respondance, II, 156; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5) ; Bulletins de
Passemblée nationale, July 3; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157; Courrier de
Provence, I, 16th letter, 3.
354
The Counter Revolution of June-July 73
tion.*** As a result of this the Archbishop of Vienne was
elected,*** the Duc d’Orléans announcing the result.**° The re-
port on the election of the six secretaries was given at this time.
Three commons, two nobles and one of the clergy were chosen.?”
According to M. Mounier, “many proposed to elect M. the Duc
d’Orléans, and said, correctly, that the dignity of the throne
demanded that a prince of the royal blood, member of the as-
sembly should be the first president ; but, for some time the rumor
gained credence that the popularity of the prince caused alarm at
court. This was enough to make the majority little disposed in
his favor and they succeeded in procuring for him the greatest
number of votes only by affirming, on their honor, that M. the
Duc d’Orléans would renounce the presidency as soon as it would
be conferred on him.”*"*
367 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 8; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 3;
Point du jour, I, 98; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157, says: “On a applaudi
également quand il a été nommeé et quand il a refusé, ce qui m’a paru fort
bizarre; au reste, je n’ai pas vu dans les acclamations cet enthouiasme,
cette unanimité sur lesquels il pouvait compter. On ne l’a pas pressé de
rester. The Assemblée nationale (1, 320) does not agree with Duquesnoy
in this when it says, “ L’assemblée nationale a recu avec chagrin la démis-
sion d’un prince qu’elle avait placé a sa téte avec empressement.” Biauzat,
Sa vie et sa correspondance, I1, 196; Journal de Paris, No. 186 (July 5);
Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 3.
368 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 9; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II,
156; Journal de Paris, No. 186; Point du jour, I, 98; Assemblée nationale,
I, 321; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157, gives the result of the balloting as fol-
lows: 793 votes in all. Archbishop of Vienne, 700; La Rochefoucauld,
59; Archbishop of Aix, 11; the Archbishops of Bordeaux, Arles and Paris,
and M.M. Luxembourg, Croy, Rabaud de Saint-Etienne and Mirabeau
each received several votes.
369 Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 5), and Sup. No. 56 (July 5). This
source mentions that many were absent from the election and that some,
like the Duc de Caylus and M. de Damas d’Anlezy, retired.
870 Procés-verbal, I, 158; Point du jour, I, 105; Assemblée nationale, I,
336. These secretaries were MM. Grégoire, Mounier, le Comte de Lally-
Tolendal, Le Chapelier; l’abbé Siéyes, le Comte de Clermont-Tonnerre.
371 Mounier, Recherches sur les causes qui ont empeché les Francais de
devemr libres, 13. See the remarks of Duquesnoy on the election, Journal,
I, 156, 157.
355
74 Ethel Lee Howie
The Archbishop of Vienne amid applause®?? took the presi-
dent’s place*’? and, after making a profound bow,? said: “A
mouth more eloquent could not express, at this time, the emo-
tions which oppress my heart for the honor which I receive. My
career could not permit a more glorious ending. What more
could I desire? To be buried in my triumphs and to see, at the
end of my life, the happy restoration of our common father-
laned.?’2%
The speech was heard with pleasure*™® and, according to Du-
quesnoy, was applauded more than that of the Duc d’Orléans.37
Amid the general satisfaction, however, Bailly was not forgotten
for the Duc de la Rochefoucauld recalled the efficient way in
which the retiring president had performed his functions and
stated that he felt that Bailly merited a special mark of approba-
tion on the part of the assembly. La Rochefoucauld therefore
proposed that a deputation should be sent to thank Bailly for the
“noble and wise manner in which he had presided over the
assembly and to make mention of this deputation in the minutes
of the assembly.”’*78 He was sustained in this by the Archbishop
of Bordeaux and the assembly named the delegation.?”®
372 Assemblée nationale, I, 321.
373 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 3; Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 9;
Point du jour, I, 98; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 3, says he was
called forward by the Duc d’Orleans. Biauzat also makes this statement
in his Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 156; Journal de Paris, No. 186, 835
(July 5); Assemblée nationale, I, 322.
374 Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 3.
375 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13, 9; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July
3; Point du jour, I, 98; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa
correspondance, II, 156; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, July 5; Journal de
Paris, No. 186 (July 5); Assemblée nationale, I, 322.
376 Point du jour, I, 98; Assemblée nationale, I, 322.
377 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157.
378 Point du jour, I, 98; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, letter July 5;
Assemblée nationale, 1, 322, speaks of a member of the nobility making the
suggestion. This is evidently La Rouchefoucauld. Courrier de Provence,
I, 16th letter, 4; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 157; Bulletins de l'assemblée na-
tionale, July 3; Journal de Paris, No. 187, July 6.
379 Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 4; Point du jour, I, 98; Gazette
de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, letter July 5; Assemblée nationale (1, 322) states
356
——_
The Counter Revolution of June-July. 75
On July 4, Bailly thanked the assembly for the honor it had
conferred on him. He said that their choice of him as president
had raised him to an important position and given him a title
which would honor his name forever. His only regret was that
“perhaps he had not always fulfilled his duties or always pleased
them as he desired. The testimonies of satisfaction accorded to
him by the assembly, completed his good fortune and he found
himself in most remarkable circumstances, having seen the work
of the assembly begun, witnessed their power and firmness, and
seen the union of the three orders. The harmony among the
orders offered most flattering hope. These moments were the
most beautiful of his life and he should always retain a tender
memory of them.’’S°
After the applause**! had subsided the Archbishop of Vienne
replied that Bailly had left an excellent example to his successors,
but one which it would be difficult to equal.**?
VII
It is to be remembered that at the time of the union of erders
the third estate assumed that a single assembly was assured.
Events since that time have shown that the commons were suc-
cessful in realizing this assumption. The protests of the ma-
jority of the nobles and the minority of the clergy, and the
imperative instructions of these orders failed to prove a serious
hindrance to the assembly. The upper orders had submitted
their credentials for verification in common and now a president
and six secretaries were elected in bureaus composed of deputies
of the three orders without regard to the established proportion.
that the suggestion was welcomed with enthusiasm, but does not mention
the Archbishop of Vienne as seconding it. Bulletins de lassemblée na-
tionale (July 3) states that those who had received some votes for presi-
dent were sent in the delegation.
380 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 6; Point du jour, I, 106; Bulletins de las-
semblée nationale, July 4; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 162; Biauzat, Sa vie et
sa correspondance, I, 159; Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 34; Gazette
de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5).
381 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 2; Point du jour, I, 106.
382 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 3.
357
76 Ethel Lee Howie
True the president was from a privileged order, but the commons,
as has already been shown, had agreed that the honorary pre-
rogatives would be followed in this, but at the same time they
insisted that the third estate should have its turn at the presi-
dency. The unification as well as the organization of the as-
sembly had been further helped along by the establishment of
committees. Four of these on verification, rules, redaction and
subsistance, had been created on June 19. Each of these had
been originally composed of members of the third estate, but as
the other orders joined the assembly representatives of the privi-
leged orders were added.
As one of the most vital questions confronting the assembly,
one which had been the real cause for the convocation of the
states-general, concerned finance it was quite natural that a com-
mittee of finance should be established. This was proposed by
M. Bouche on July 10%** and had for its object to prepare in
advance “material on this subject so essential to the administra-
tion.’”’*8* This work should be divided between two committees®**
composed of twenty members each ;**° the first to get “ informa-
tion on the state of the national finances, of the product of taxes
and subsidies, debts of all kind, pensions, etc., in a word of all
which is the object of revenues and expenses of the state” ;°°7 the
second, which will get “information of the actual condition of
the national treasury and which will faithfully inform the as-
sembly of the means which the government has to make good
383 Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 2; Point du jour, I, 156; Courrier de
Provence, I, 1oth letter, 4; Bulletins de ’assemblée nationale, July 10; Du-
quesnoy, Journal, I, 182; Assemblée nationale, I, 448; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa
correspondance, II, 172; Journal de Paris, No. 193, 871, July 12.
384 Point du jour, I, 156.
385 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172; Assemblée nationale, I,
449; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 10; Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 2.
386 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 10; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa cor-
respondance, I, 172; Assemblée nationale, I, 449; Duquesnoy, Journal (I,
182), states that Bouche desired that two members should be chosen in
each of the thirty bureaus. Duquesnoy evidently erred in this statement.
887 Assemblée nationale, I, 449; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July
10; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172.
358
The Counter Revolution of June-July a7,
from now till January 1, 1790.°°8 The Bulletins de l’assemblée
nationale state that these two committees were to report to a
committee of forty, but that this committee of forty was not to
be chosen until the two other committees were prepared to make
a report.**® Bouche seemed to attach much importance to the
work of this committee, but no one, at first, seconded his motion.
He then insisted upon immediate action®®® but the Comte de
Virieu arose to say that generally it was dangerous to act im-
mediately on a motion and he therefore asked that the question
should be sent to the bureaus for discussion.*** Fréteau also
desired discussion in the bureaus.*®? According to Duquesnoy,
Fréteau asserted that even during the time that the national as-
sembly had been in session taxes, especially the vingtiémes, had
been increased,°°* and the Point du jour adds that this increase
amounted to 33% per cent. of the total.*** Fréteau also com-
plained that the capitaineries were becoming more and more in-
tolerable and that a committee was indeed necessary to stop
depredations in all departments of finance.**® Target, it appears,
thought that the committee should be composed of sixty mem-
bers, two from each bureau. Financial questions should be con-
sidered only after the constitution had been made.*®® Bouche
asked that copies of his motion might be printed and sent to
the bureaus so that the motion could be discussed in the evening.
388 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172; Bulletins de l’assemblée
nationale, July to.
389 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 3; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 182,
says that a report was to be given after the constitution was established.
390 Assemblée nationale, I, 450.
391 Point du jour, I, 156.
392 Assemblée nationale, I, 450; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 182; Point du
jour, I, 156.
393 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 182.
394 Point du jour, I, 156.
395 Assemblée nationale, I, 451; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 182.
396 Point du jour, I, 156; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 182, says that it was
Bouche who desired 60 on the committee, but this is evidently a mistake,
as the other sources agree that Bouche desired 20 on each of the two
committees.
359
78 Ethel Lee Howie
This request was granted.*°? The committee was established on
jaly tre
Closely connected with the question of finance was the question
of commerce and agriculture. On July 10, a project for the
establishment of a committee on commerce and agriculture was
sent to the bureaus for consideration,®®® but no such committee
was established till September 2.4°° It appears that it was rather
generally felt that these committees should not have been estab-
lished at this time, on the ground that when the deputies were
considering the constitution their attention should not be drawn
to other subjects.
Not only was the assembly concerned with the formation of
committees, but suggestions were also made to make the assembly
hall more comfortable. M. Guillotin, on July 2, proposed some
changes in the arrangement of the hall. The chairs were to be
placed in amphitheater form, the desk of the president located
near the middle column in the hall so that he might be seen by
all the members of the assembly; the desks of the secretaries
were to be raised; the clergy to be seated at the right, the nobles
at the left and the third estate in front of the president. Two
doors, opening on the Rue des Chantiers and the Avenue de Paris,
were to serve the deputies, while strangers were to enter by two
side doors opening on the Rue des Chantiers and the Rue Saint-
Martin.*°* Ventilators were to be installed and the floors to be
sprinkled with water and vinegar so that the air might be
purified.*°
897 Assemblée nationale, I, 452; Journal de Paris, No. 193, 871 (July 12).
398 Procés-verbal, No. 21, 3.
399 Point du jour, I, 156; Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 3; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 19th letter, 4; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 10; Biauzat,
Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 172; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter,
4; Journal de Paris, No. 191, 871 (July 12).
400 Procés-verbal, III, No. 65, 8.
401 Bulletins de V’assemblée nationale, July 2; Point du jour, I, 95.
402 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 2; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56
(July 4).
360
The Counter Revolution of June-July 79
VIII
Thus far we have considered only the organization and unifica-
tion of the assembly, but it must be remembered that practically all
the cahiers demanded a constitution and that the deputies con-
sidered this the most important part of their work. Some of the
cahiers of the privileged orders implied that a constitution
already existed and that all that was necessary was to amend
this constitution, while the cahiers of the third estate generally
assumed that a new constitution must be made. The clergy
and nobles based their ideas on tradition and precedent, but the
third estate wished to ignore the old institutions of France, which
had never been approved by the people, and to leave the states-
general free to mould the constitution to meet their wishes. In
the discussions which occupied the attention of the assembly after
the union of the orders impatience to take up work on the consti-
tution was frequently manifested and it was only natural that this
should be one of the first questions to be considered after the
organization of the assembly was well under way.
On July 6 it was proposed that the assembly should “ occupy
itself at once with fixing the constitution of the kingdom and
that there should be established a particular committee to prepare
the order of the work.’’*°? This committee was to be known as
the bureau of correspondance or central committee and was to
correspond with all the other bureaus.4°* Among the questions to
be considered by this committee was that of a declaration of
rights.4°° Rabaud de Saint-Etienne, reporter for the committee
on rules, presented a project for the establishment of a committee
of sixteen for this purpose, ‘but the assembly felt that on such a
vital question a larger number would act more wisely and more
deliberately.*°® According to the Point du jour, the president
403 Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 3; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II,
161; Journal de Paris, No. 180, 848 (July 6).
404 Point du jour, I, 123; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 14; As-
semblée nationale, 379; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 6; Journal
de Paris, No. 189, 848 (July 6).
405 Assemblée nationale, 1,379; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
406 Point du jour, I, 124; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
361
80 Ethel Lee Howie
suggested that there should be thirty on the committee, one from
each bureau.*°* The assembly decreed that all the members should
immediately go into the bureaus and choose one person by ballot
in each bureau to form this central committee. The committee
would begin work at six o’clock on that evening.*°* The apparent
reason for hastening the work on the constitution was that at the
opening of the session on July 6 a report was circulated that the
Comte d’Artois had said, and even written, “that the assembly
was wise not to occupy-itself with a new constitution which they
(the government) were prepared to hinder and even to annul.”
This same authority continues that “this news excited everyone
and is the principal cause for immediate action. They say that
it is urgent to work on the constitution without relaxation and the
committee of thirty was named to gain time.” While the bureaus
were electing the members of this committee the Duc d’Orléans
went from bureau to bureau to learn what each bureau was doing
and to urge them to lose no time. Furthermore we are told that
“at a meeting of the committee on subsistence on this evening the
Archbishop of Vienne and the Duc d’Aiguillon assured those as-
sembled that the government did not wish the constitution dis-
cussed and that it had been decided to dissolve the states-general.”
It seems that this report had a two-fold effect; it excited the people
so much that an attempt was planned to arouse the provinces
against the government and to prepare them to resist any meas-
ures against the assembly and it also caused the members of the
assembly to hasten the work on the constitution.*
On July 7 the names of those who had been chosen on this com-
mittee of thirty were read in the assembly.**? It was observed
407 Point du jour, I, 124.
408 Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 6; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July
6, says it was to meet at five o’clock. Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance
(II, 161), says “this evening; ” Journal de Paris, No. 189, 848 (July 6).
409 Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 7.
410 Assemblée nationale, I, 381; Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 6; Point du
jour, I, 125; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 14; Duquesnoy, Journal, I,
167; Bulletins de lV’assemblée nationale, July 7, says there were 25 from
the third estate and five of the nobles on the committee. The list of
362
The Counter Revolution of June-July 81
that none of the clergy had been chosen and there was a general
cry on the part of the commons that this order should be repre-
sented.*** It was suggested that six of the clergy should be added
to the committee already chosen, but the clergy replied that they
had taken part in the election and that they were satisfied with the
result. The commons, upheld by the nobles, insisted that six of
the clergy should be added to the committee but the clergy per-
sisted in refusing this addition and finally gained their point.*1?
The Archbishp of Vienne said that as president of the assembly
and as a member of the clergy, he rejoiced in the feeling of gener-
osity among the orders and he hoped that this feeling would
always continue.*?®
On July 8, when Lally-Tolendal read the proces telling of this
names is given in the Procés-verbal, Point du jour and Assemblée na-
tionale:
Démeunier, Turkheim, Fréteau, Le comte de Virieux, Petion de Ville-
neuve, Anson, Rabaut de Saint-Etienne (Nimes), Mounier (Dauphiné),
Le comte de Clermont-Tonnerre (Paris), Regnier (Nancy), Le comte
de Lally-Tolendal (Paris), Perisse du Luc (Lyon), Ricard de Séalt
(Toulon), Emmery (Metz-bailliage), André (Aix), Ulry (Bar-le-Duc),
Bergasse (Lyon), Bouche (probably from Aix), Bailly (probably Paris)
—there were three Bailly’s in assembly—from Laon, Paris and Fresnoy,
Volney (probably of Angers), Delépeaux, Vernier (Lons-le Saunier),
Brassart (Arras), Glezen (Rennes), Lanjuinais (Rennes), Le Grand
(Bourges), Treilhard (Paris), Brocheton (Soissons), Le comte Alex-
andre de Lameth. It is to be noted that all but six were members of the
third estate.
411 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 8; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July
7; Point du jour, I, 125; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 14; Assem-
blée nationale, 1, 382; Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 7.
412 Assemblée nationale, I, 382; Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 8; Point du
jour, I, 126; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 173; Bulletins de ’assemblée nationale,
July 7, states that the Archbishop of Bordeaux said that “ c’était indifferent
pour ce moment, et qu’il suffirait qu’a la prochaine formation on corrigeat
cette omission. Les communes ont persisté a ce qu’il en fut nommé 10 de
cet ordre. M. Grégoire a déclaré que c’était inutile; que le clergé ayant
concouru dans chaque bureau a la nomination avait surement nommé les
personnes qui l’avaient été. De la part des communes !’on a dit qu’il fallait
en nommer au moins 6 de cet ordre”; Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 7,
8; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 14.
413 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 8.
363
82 Ethel Lee Howie
debate between the clergy, nobles and commons there were some
murmurs of disapproval. Tolendal is reported to have said that
he had recorded the details of this debate with joy because he had
been a witness of it. Surrounded on all sides by clergy he thought
he had given a correct report, but that if there were any objections
to what he had written he would willingly make changes. A curé
declared it was false to state that the clergy had refused to name
a member of their order to serve on the central committee. The
majority of the clergy opposed the claims of this curé and per-
sisted in their action of the day before. This action was hailed
with shouts of approbation by the commons. Another curé, it
seems, approached the tribune, but cries of ad Pordre, a Vordre,
caused him to return to his place. Thus the debate for a second
time ended to the honor of the clergy, who desired no change in
the procés.*'*
Mounier, as reporter for the committee on the constitution, pre-
sented on July 9 a mémoire on the order of the work as he had
planned it and as the committee had accepted it.4® After defin-
ing carefully the word constitution, after having distinguished the
governments de fait from those which were founded on a consti-
tution, he claimed that in France they were not entirely unpro-
vided with the fundamental laws necessary to form a constitution.
He recalled the natural attachment of the French to the monarchy
and to the principles of government which constitute this kind of
government. “ We have no consititution since all authority is con-
414 Point du jour, I, 138; Assemblée nationale, I, 400.
415 Point du jour, I, 151; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 181; Procés-verbal, No.
18, 6; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 2; Assemblée nationale, I, 437;
Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 169; Bulletins de lassemblée na-
tionale, July 9; Journal de Paris, No. 192, 872 (July 9); Bulletins d’un
agent secret, July 9.
It is not clear what part the committee had in this report. It is highly
probable that Mounier wrote the report, read it before the committee and
that the committee authorized him to read it to the assembly. The report
which is attached to No. 19 of the Procés-verbal is headed “ Rapport du
comité chargé du travail sur la constitution par M. Mounier.”
Duquesnoy, speaking of the plan of work, said that it was an excellent
table of material for a good constitution. “Il ne s’agit plus aujourd’hui
que de remplir ce plan et je me persuade qu'il le sera bien.”
364
The Counter Revolution of June-July 83
fused; since there is no definite division of authority the various
branches are always in contradiction.” He proved that the consti-
tution was necessary and proposed, in the name of the committee,
that the assembly would consider in the bureaus all the articles
concerning the constitution of the kingdom and that, before any
article had been decreed, a committee of correspondence should be
established ; this committee to communicate with all the bureaus so
that the dominating opinions could ‘be compared and a uniformity
of views established. According to this plan there would be held
each week three general assemblies where questions which had
been previously considered in the bureaus would be publicly dis-
cussed. After all the articles had been thus treated they would
then be submitted to general debate. Mounier finished his dis-
course by saying that “ without doubt the deputies of all the prov-
inces of the kingdom will no longer consider ancient individual
rights, which arbitrary power would not guarantee to their prov-
inces; they will prefer a general liberty, a common happiness to
the sad privilege of being distinguished in servitude by some weak
advantage. All the provinces, then, can through their deputies
contract an eternal alliance between themselves and the throne.’’**®
The Point du jour states that in this mémoire the necessity of
- framing a declaration of the rights of man to serve as a preamble
to the constitution was shown.*1* The assembly ordered that the
mémoire be printed and decreed that the bureaus would take up
the question for discussion.*** The order of work as presented to
the assembly was as follows:
Article 1. All governments should have for their sole aim the
maintenance of the rights of man, from which it follows that in
order to continually hold the government to this proposed aim the
constitution should begin by a declaration of the natural and indes-
tructible rights of man. ;
2. The monarchical government being fitted to maintain these
416 Procés-verbal, I, following No. 19, gives the complete report; Point
du jour, I, I5I.
417 Point du jour, I, 152.
418 Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 9, state that M. La Galisson-
niére was the deputy who asked that the mémoire be printed. Procés-
verbal, I, No. 19, 6; Point du jour, I, 152.
365
84 Ethel Lee Howie
rights has been chosen by the French nation. This government is
especially adapted to a great society. The happiness of France
requires it. The declarations of the principles of government
should therefore immediately follow the declarations of the rights
of man. ;
3. Certain principles of monarchy therefore follow; that the
nation in order to assure its rights has conceded certain particular
rights to the monarch. The constitution must then declare spe-
cifically the rights of the one and the other. One should begin ‘by
declaring the rights of the French nation and then the rights of
the king.
4. The prerogatives of the king and of the nation exist only for
the happiness of the individuals who compose the nation; they lead
to the examination of the rights of citizens.
5. The French nation not being individually united to exercise
all its rights must be represented ; it must announce the method of
its representation and the rights of its representatives.
6. With the help of the authority of the nation and the king the
establishment and the execution of laws should result; thus one
must first determine how the laws are to be established and after-
wards examine how the laws will be executed.
7. Laws have for their object the general administration of the
kingdom, the property and actions of the citizens. The execution
of the general administration concerns the provincial and munici-
pal assemblies. One must then consider what the organization of
these assemblies is to be.
8. The execution of the laws concerning the property and
actions of the citizens necessitates the judicial power. One must
determine to whom this is to be entrusted and must also define its
obligations and limits.
9. For the execution of the laws and the defense of the king-
dom a public force exists. It is a question of determining the
principles which should direct this force and determine how it
should be employed.*?® ,
419 Point du jour, I, 152; Courrier de Provence, I, toth letter, 3; As-
semblée nationale, I, 443; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 170;
366
The Counter Revolution of June-July 85
It seems that when this mémoire was taken up in the ‘bureaus
it did not give general satisfaction,*?° although we are told in the
Journal de Paris that the report received a general and flattering
success and was equally approved by the three orders.**t. Mira-
beau found in the mémoire the merit of analysis and clearness but
a vagueness of program more suitable to a society of philosophers
than to a national convention.*””
The work of this committee was evidently considered at an end
by the assembly for no further reports were made by it and a new
committee of eight was chosen July 14 to draft a plan of a consti-
tution and to present it to the assembly.*?*
IX
Although the making of a constitution for France was regarded
by the national assembly as its chief work the deputies were not
permitted to limit their labors to this one great task; the question
of the food supply of Paris early demanded their attention. The
clergy had attempted to make political capital out of the economic
distress by inviting the third estate, June 6, to examine with it the
problem of the food supply. The third estate did not fall into the
trap but replied to the invitation that “the most ardent desire of
the representatives of the people is to come to its help. The
decree of the clergy justifies them in believing that that order
shares their impatience in that regard, and that it will not refuse,
for any length of time, a union without which the public mis-
fortunes can only be increased.’’*** But while they did not allow
the clergy to use the economic question to defeat their efforts to
form a single assembly they did not fail to recognize the neces-
sity of taking some steps to relieve the famine in Paris and in the
’ Journal de Paris, No. 192, 872 (July 11) ; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 57 .
(July 10) ; Procés-verbal, I, following No. to.
420 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 9.
421 Journal de Paris, No. 192, 872.
422 Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 2.
423 Procés-verbal, I, No. 23, 4.
424 Recit des séances des députés des communes Teenie. le 5 mai 1789
jusqu’au 12 juin suivant, 84.
367
86 Ethel Lee Howie
provinces. On the very day when the national assembly was
established, it was declared that a committee should be named to
“examine the causes producing famine in the provinces and to
seek the best and promptest means of remedying it.” It was also
decreed that the king be asked to submit to this committee all the
information it needed.*?> On June 19 it was decreed that the com-
mittee on subsistence should “concern itself without relaxation
with the dearth and to seek means to remedy its evil effect.” This
original committee was composed of thirty-two members of the
commons,*”* but it was increased by ten of tthe clergy on June
257 and sixteen of the nobility on June 26.**®
On July 4, Du Pont, acting for the committee, reported to the as-
sembly. Three of the committee, he stated, had been appointed to
ask the controller-general for information on the subject of food
supply so that the committee would be in a better position to know
what steps should be taken. Necker had given them a statement of
the imports and exports and had prepared a mémoire which Du
Pont presented to the assembly.**® In this mémoire, Necker stated
that 1,421,400 hundred weight of wheat, costing the king more than
25,000,000 livres, had been purchased, but that this had failed to
supply the capital and indemnify the bakers. He also added that
if it were necessary to eat rye bread, after the harvest of rye, in
order to make the wheat last longer, that every one, even the king,
would have rye bread only. He opposed the popular belief that
the scarcity of grain was due to the greed of a few who had grain
425 Proces-verbal, I, No. 1, 13.
426 Procés-verbal, No. 2, 3.
427 Thtd., NO. 7, Ub.
428 Ibid., No. 8, 26:
#29 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 5; Point du jour, I, 108; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 353; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 1; Bulletins de l’assem-
blée nationale, July 4; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, letters of July 5
and July 9; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance (II, 160), speaks of M.
Du Pont giving the report, but gives no details. The Bulletins de l’assem-
blée nationale state that, “hier 17 boulangers de Paris étaient venus se
plaindre au comité des subsistances qu’il y avait des farines, qu’on leur
en fournissait peu, et qu’elles étaient de mauvaise qualité. Il est probable
que c’est ce qui a determiné le rapport.”
368
The Counter Revolution of June-July 87
stored, for at a time so near harvest it would be to the interest of
those who had grain in their storehouses to get rid of it.**°
Du Pont stated that the commissioners thought that three things
were possible under the circumstances: “ First, to favor the circu-
lation of grain from province to province, and from canton to can-
ton, in the interior of the kingdom; second, to carry aid to places
where the people are really in need; third, to supply salaries, and
even alms, in places where the provisions do not fail but where
the people do not have sufficient means to secure the food.” Du
Pont said that help not laws were necessary for those who suffered,
and stated that, without doubt, the instructions of the deputies did
not permit them to consider taxes or loans before they had made
decrees concerning the constitution and periodic meetings of the
national assembly. As the three suggestions made by the com-
mittee involved either a loan, a tax or an authorization of expenses
which necessitated a tax, Du Pont asked if the assembly could give
aid to those desiring it or if it would grieve the nation by taking
no action. If it were a question of providing for an extravagant
court or making some ministers independent, contributions and
loans should be prohibited, but the constituents would think that
public safety was the supreme law and would authorize their repre-
sentatives to stop the ravages of a fire or flood, to repulse the
enemy in case of an invasion or to help the poor and to save it
from death. The constituents had not forbidden them to make a
contribution to the poor and they should therefore do what the
constituents would do under the same circumstances.**+
Du Pont presented six suggestions which the committee felt
might be used to better conditions. He stated, at the same time,
430 Assemblée nationale, I, 354; Point du jour, I, 109; Bulletins de las-
semblée nationale, July 4; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56, letters of July
5 and 9g; Journal de Paris, No. 187, 839 (July 6), states that the reading
of the report lasted “cinq quarts d’heures, a toujours soutenn l’attention
de l’assemblée par l’extreme interest attaché a tout ce qui regarde la situa-
tion d’un grand peuple toujours menacé depuis plusieurs mois de manquer
de pain.”
431 Point du jour, I, 110; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 3; Gazette
de Leyde, No. 56 (July 9). Both the Point du jour and the Courrier de
Provence give the speech in full.
269
88 Ethel Lee Howie
that the committee limited itself to presenting the suggestions.
They were as follows: “ First, to open a subscription for the relief
of the people. This subscription to be raised in the assembly, in
Paris and in the provinces. The funds thus obtained to be turned
over to the provincial assemblies and municipalities and to be dis-
tributed by them under the supervision of the national assembly.
Second, to authorize the government, the provincial states, the
provincial assemblies and the municipalities to make advances
necessary to aid the suffering. These advances to be under the
guarantee of the nation and the inspection of the national as-
sembly. Third, to authorize in the provinces, where there either
has not been or will not be a harvest, a contribution of ten or
twenty sous per head, or a sum which, locally, would be thought
sufficient. The advance for this contribution to be made in each
municipality by eight of the wealthiest and most important citizens
of the three orders; to divide the payments which will be made till
the harvest time, according to the suggestion of the municipal as-
semblies, in buying or transporting food, and in giving relief to the
poor, on the condition that account of the expenditures be given
to all the superior assemblies and through these assemblies to the
national assembly. Fourth, to take time to formulate, with the
greatest care, the exposition of principles which should assure the
free and mutual communication of subsistences to all the French,
to assure also the greatest possible equalization of provisions and
prices in order that the king, having given his sanction, this equit-
able and useful division of subsistences cannot be intercepted by
any authority and that this distribution might become a funda-
mental and constitutional law of the state. Fifth, to consider other
questions connected with the commerce of grain and flour, when
such consideration is necessary. Sixth, without awaiting any more
information on the subject to pronounce beginning to-day the
prohibition:of the exportation of grain and flour until October,
1790.’?482
432 Point du jour, I, 113; Assemblée nationale, I, 354, 356; Procés-verbal,
I, No. 15, 5; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 4; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa
correspondance, II, 160; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 162; Bulletins de lassem-
blée nationale, July 4; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9), states that
370
The Counter Revolution of June-July 89
Biauzat asserts that although Du Pont presented the report
in an interesting way there was general dissatisfaction with the
six expedients suggested.*** Duquesnoy, on the other hand,
found the report “ detestable, infinitely long, presenting false and
perhaps dangerous ideas.”4** As the assembly did not consider
that it possessed sufficient information on the question to vote on
it at this time it was agreed to send the matter to the bureaus
for discussion.**® The bureaus considered the six propositions
of the committee on the evening of July 4 and in the morning of
July 6.48 Opinions varied in the bureaus and the discussion con-
tinued in the assembly on the morning of July 6.4°7 M. Blandin,
curé of Orleans, was the only one who favored the subscription.
The suggestions of the committee would help for the future, he
said, but the actual needs made these suggestions unsatisfactory
for the present. Two great misfortunes afflicted the people; the
lack of grain and the lack of money. Productions had been sent
to foreign countries, but grain was not lacking in France. The
frontier provinces were not ruined, but the interior of the king-
dom suffered. Continued disturbances around Orleans had
he proposed three ways of aiding the people; Journal de Paris, No. 187,
840 (July 6).
433 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 160.
434 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 162.
435 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 5) ; Point du jour, I, 110; Jour-
nal de Paris, No. 187, 840 (July 6) ; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance,
II, 160; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 6; Bulletins de l'assemblée
nationale, July 4; Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 5.
436 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 5; Point du jour, I, 111; Assemblée na-
tionale, 355; Biauzat, Correspondance, II, 161. ‘‘ Nous avons conferé en
bureaux jusque sur les dix heures et demi... Tous les moyens indiqués
par le bureau de subsistances ont paru, dans celui dont je suis membre,
minutieux ou dangereux. ... M. de Lally-Tolendal en a proposé un qui
nous a paru beaucoup moins mauvais”; Journal de Paris, No. 188, 840
(July 7), states that the bureaus met on the morning of July 6 and that
the session did not open till eleven o’clock; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56
(July 5), states that the bureaus would assemble that evening and the
next morning and that the united assembly would take up the question on
the morning of July 6.
437 Assemblée nationale, I, 355; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance,
ii, Sr,
371
go Ethel Lee Howie
shown the dangers of famine and in other provinces death had
occurred. Obstacles were multiplying each day and misfortunes
increasing. A free circulation of grain, a month ago, he thought
could have prevented such calamities. He had proposed this in
the order of the clergy, but by so doing had been accused of
having little respect for laws and the authority of the court. The
curé stated that the confidence of the princes was often deceived
and that it was the duty of every good citizen to enlighten the
princes by the truth. He felt that free circulation of grain should
still be considered, but this was not enough in the time of a public
disaster. Every one should share the common misfortune and
this was why he believed a voluntary subscription should be
raised. Subscriptions would remedy the lack of money until the
time of harvests, even in the most backward provinces. It would
also show the humanity and generosity of the assembly and the
court, the influential people and the rich, Paris especially, would
follow the good example. A loan was dangerous, a tax forced,
but the benevolence of subscribers voluntary.**®
That a sum should be advanced was advised by the twenty-
seventh bureau and by Target. The idea of the twenty-seventh
bureau was that in places where the harvest would begin within
fifteen days and in places where bread cost more than three sous
a pound, the lords, curés, municipal assemblies, if there were
such assemblies, would advance a sum for the purchase of grain.
This grain was to be distributed to the poor from week to week,
even after the harvest, those charged with the distribution being
responsible for the proper distribution. These advances were
to be guaranteed by the nation which would consider these loans
as the first debt of the state.*8° Target, who spoke for the
twenty-fourth bureau, said that it was dangerous to discuss taxes.
His bureau felt that each municipal assembly should be .author-
488 Assemblée nationale, I, 358; Point du jour, I, 116; Courrier de
Provence, I, 17th letter, 6; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 6. The
Point du jour states that the curé said that “la Beauce, qui nourrit
lOrleanais, a été ruinée par la gréle; la Sologne n’a pas recueilli de quoi
semer; la situation de leurs habitants est telle qu’ils ne peuvent se nourrir
que de la chair des animaux, de I’herbe qui couvre les champs.”
439 Assemblée nationale, I, 371.
372
The Counter Revolution of June-July gI
ized and asked to advance a sum of one hundred livres in parishes
of fifty homes, of two hundred in parishes of one hundred homes,
etc., in similar proportions. These advances were to be guar-
anteed by the nation.*?°
Free circulation of grain was favored by Lally-Tolendal,
Pétion de Villeneuve and Virieu and Bouche.*#! Lally-Tolendal
said that if ever there were circumstances where impatience was
permitted they were in such circumstances now. Unfortunate
people were suffering and every one wished to help them. The
suggestions presented by the committee were divided into two
parts ; first, means of aid; second, means of administration. The
voluntary subscription was too uncertain, too slow, not produc-
tive enough and not in accordance with the majesty of the as-
sembly. A contribution, by head, perhaps offered more ad-
vantages, but it carried with it an unfavorable idea of a grant, a
forced tax; this could be consented to only after the constitution
had been established on a firm basis. The government had
never been more worthy of public esteem or better merited their
confidence. For this reason it was necessary to hold themselves
bound to their principles. They should not violate their instruc-
tions, but they should aid the people who were suffering. He
desired that the propositions made by the committee on subsist-
ence should be amended somewhat, although he adopted the
propositions on the administration. He desired that the assembly
should decree that “ from to-day the circulation of grain and flour
in the interior of the kingdom shall be and remain free, no author-
ity being able to place an obstacle in the way of circulation;
even decrees or sentences of the courts of justice shall have no
force for the national assembly annuls such decrees for the past
and prohibits them in the future.”**
Pétion de Villeneuve as reporter for the twenty-first bureau
440 Point du jour, I, 121.
441 Assemblée nationale, I, 365; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
442 Point du jour, I, 117; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 7; Assem-
blée nationale, I, 361; Biauzat, Sa vie ef sa correspondance (II, 161), does
not give the decree suggested by Lally-Tolendal, but states that “il etait
trés bien écrit, bref et bien moins sujet a inconvenient que les autres”;
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6.
; 373
92 Ethel Lee Howie
rejected the three first measures of the committee, the subscrip-
tion because it would neither be sufficient to relieve the suffer-
ings of the people nor conform to the dignity of the assembly,
the advances because they were uncertain and impractical, the
contribution because it contained a tax. The bureau, which he
represented, felt that it was because of the restriction on the
circulation of grain that dearth ravaged one province while abun-
dance reigned in another, hence all prohibitive laws should be
abolished.***
Bouche, representing the 18th bureau, proposed that the as-
sembly should decree that “all decrees of council, decrees of
court, sentences from whatever tribunal they originate and ordon-
nances of the intendant are null. Consequently the circulation of
grain whether by land or sea will be re-established.’’4*+
Those who thought that the exportation of grain should be
prohibited were Lally-Tolendal,**® Bouche,*#® and Joubert.**7
Several other suggestions, not proposed by the committee,
were brought out in the debate. One of these was a loan of
60,000,000 livres. This was suggested by Pétion de Villeneuve.
He stated that at first this seemed to be opposed to their instruc-
tions, but the amount was small and concerned an object so en-
tirely different from the objects prescribed in their cahiers that
it seemed there should be no objection.**® The suggestion that the
king should be thanked for saving the country from the approach
of famine and asked to continue this paternal care for the relief of
his people was quite generally approved of in the assembly
being supported by Lally-Tolendal,**® Virieu,*°° the Archbishop
443 Assemblée nationale, I, 370; Courrier de Provence, 17th letter, 11;
Bulletins de V’assemblée nationale, July 6.
444 Assemblée nationale, I, 368; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
445 Point du jour, I, 119; Assemblée nationale, I, 363; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 17th letter, ro.
446 Assemblée nationale, I, 368; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6.
447 Momiteur, I, 128.
448 Point du jour, I, 121; Assemblée nationale, I, 370. “x
449 Point du jour, I, 119; Assemblée nationale, I, 363; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 17th letter, 10; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6.
450 Assemblée nationale, I, 365; Bulletins de ’assemblée nationale, July 6.
374
The Counter Revolution of June-July 93
of Bordeaux, Bouche,*** Boufflers,*°? and Joubert,*** while Pétion
de Villeneuve opposed it.
The Archbishop of Bordeaux stated that his bureau desired
this action because the assembly would not be stopped in its work.
His bureau also suggested first, that charity organizations be
doubled and in places where none now existed, some should be
organized; second, that since the assembly was charged with
framing a constitution the king, the government, the provincial
and municipal assemblies and all officers charged with public
adminstration should be asked to direct their attention to methods
of stopping this evil which has afflicted the people for such a long
time.***
Pétion de Villeneuve opposed this suggestion because the as-
sembly was ignorant of the measures which the king had used to
prevent the famine. His bureau thought the assembly should
wait until it was sure that the result justified this first move-
ment.*°° Lally-Tolendal desired the assembly to decree that the
king should be requested to make known through his ministry if
any extraordinary aid is necessary in these circumstances and
to state exactly what kind of help should be given. Furthermore
he desired the assembly to promise that “as soon as the estab-
lishment and the promulgation of constitutional laws will permit,
it would consider subsidies and that the first to be considered
would be one to give help in such times as the present.” Tolendal
also suggested that the decree which he desired the assembly to
adopt should be sent to the king for his royal sanction and that the
king be asked to publish this decree in all parts of his kingdom,
“the assembly reserving for itself the right to provide a succession
of fundamental laws on grains, provisions and subsistence; these
451 Assemblée nationale, I, 368; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
452 Assemblée nationale, I, 371; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July
6; the Assemblée nationale says he spoke for the ninth bureau, while the
Bulletins says he was a member of the fifth bureau.
453 Montteur, I, 128.
454 Assemblée nationale, I, 366-367; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale,
July 6.
455 Assemblée nationale, I, 370; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 11;
Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6.
375
94 Ethel Lee Howie
laws, sanctioned by the king would become the rule of the land
and would assure the tranquility of all the subjects of the
king.’”’45°
Mounier took the floor to say that the projects the assembly
was considering were not within its province. The assembly
could neither state, decide or arrange anything since it had no
instructions touching such matters. It could order nothing since
orders belonged to the executive authority. Nothing was in the
power of the assembly except the making of laws. He con-
sidered that the assembly “without light, without information,
without executive force, deprived of all activity, reduced to in-
capacity, is isolated, abandoned to the single desire to do good;
it may order, but that is all. . . . The legislative power is noth-
ing without the executive while the executive power can do every-
thing without the legislative.” Mounier took up the examination
of the suggestions made by the committee. In connection with
the subscription he said that a bureau where pride and vanity
instead of pity would distribute the gifts might be opened in the
cities ; the success of the second would depend on the inclination
of the individuals composing the provincial assemblies. The
execution of the third suggestion would be a dishonor to the
nation. He asked if taxation by head was necessary to relieve
misery, and stated that a simple exhortation would be better than
a law which commanded and prescribed. The committee on sub-
sistence should continue to search for speculators, but the as-
sembly should proceed with its work on the constitution.*%*
Mirabeau, in the course of the discussion, asked the committee,
if it had not been informed of a proposition made by Mr. Jeffer-
son, in the name of the Americans, in which Jefferson suggested —
a method of furnishing subsistence,*** and of the offer of a resi-
456 Point du jour, I, 119; Assemblée nationale, I, 363; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 17th letter, ro.
457 Assemblée nationale, I, 375; Point du jour, 1, 120.
458 Moniteur, I, 128; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 12; Assem-
blée nationale, I, 372; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 163; Bulletins de lassemblée
nationale (July 6) states that it was “un mémoire présenté depuis trois mois
par un particulier qui se chargeait de l’approvisionnement des farines
nécessaires a deux sols la livre.”
376
: The Counter Revolution of June-July 95
dent of England to sell flour at a very moderate price. “If such
is known to the committee,” he asked, “ why has it not informed
the assembly of it.”4°° This suggestion of the bad faith on the
part of the committee seems to have caused murmurs in the as-
sembly,**° until Du Pont replied that the committee on subsist-
ence was entirely ignorant of such offers.*** Mirabeau then
asked the assembly to suspend its decision for twenty-four hours,
till he could get more information on the subject. There was
apparently no definite action taken on this motion.**? However,
on July 8, Mirabeau retracted the statement that he had made
regarding the opportunity to obtain grain from America and Eng-
land. He also placed on the table a jJetter from Jefferson to M.
de la Fayette which stated that Jefferson had not offered grain or
flour to the government, but that he had informed the American
markets of the advantage of selling grain in France.*®
459 Moniteur, I, 128; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 163; Courrier de Provence,
I, 17th letter, 12; Assemblée nationale, I, 372, says two sous a pound and
does not mention the kind of flour, while the Moniteur says farine de
pois; Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale (July 6) states that “M. Fréteau
a repondu que le 3 bureau de ce comité dont il est membre, n’a point de
connaissance de ce mémoire.”
460 Assemblée nationale, I, 372.
461 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6; Assemblée nationale, I,
372; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 12. In Duquesnoy, Journal, I,
164, we find, “C’est la une dénunciation de M. Necker, et il n’est pas
permit d’en douter quand on sait quil répand, qu’une maison de com-
merce de Londres a écrit 4 M. Necker pour lui offrir du blé et qu’elle n’a
pas recu de résponse a la premiére, la seconde et la troisiéme de ces lettres.
Il ajoute que, frappés d’un silence si étonnant, les gens dont il s’agit ont
envoyé un des leurs a Versailles avec un échantillon des farines, et que
M. Necker n’a pas répondu a la lettre et n’a pas recu l’envoyé. Enfin, le
roi, disait-on, en a copie, mais il n’ose pas le dire parce qu'il craint M.
Necker.
“ Cette inculpation est bien évidemment destituée de vraisemblance, mais
enfin elle existait, et j’ai jugé qu’il était important que M. Necker en fit
prévenu. Je lui ai trouvé le calme, la tranquillité d’un homme de bien, et
il veut qu’on attende que Mirabeau ait posé son accusation et donné des
détails pour qu’il y puisse répondre.”
462 Courrier de Provence, 17th letter, 12.
463 Point du jour, I, 140; Courrier de Provence, II, 18th letter, 1; As-
semblée nationale, I, 416; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 174; Bulletins de las-
377
96 Ethel Lee Howie
The Assemblée nationale states that M. Camus claimed that the
suggestions which had been made by various orators were against
the rules of the assembly, that in place of learning the opinions of
the members of the assembly they had learned the opinions of the
bureaus only and that this was against the réglement. The presi-
dent replied that the projects should be regarded as motions and
he felt that no one was deprived of the right to speak.*%
During the discussion the Archbishop of Vienne had announced
that he had just received a letter from some Paris bakers. The
communication was addressed to the committee on subsistence
and was marked “Jmportant.” Although some members desired
that the letter be read in the assembly others felt that this would
be indiscreet and the letter was given to the committee on sub-
sistence.*°° The president asked the committee to investigate this
communication and in case any valuable information was found
to report it to the assembly.**® Bouche, who was a member of
the committee, asked that the discussion might be postponed
until the next day as he then hoped to present some interesting
facts to the assembly.**”
On July 7 the president gave a general account of the work
done by the committee on the evening of July 6. Some Paris
bakers, he stated, headed by M. le Chevalier de Rutledge had
gone before the committee claiming that they had some valuable
information to offer. The committee felt, however, that the
matter presented by M. Rutledge was not within its province, but
semblée nationale, July 8; Journal de Paris, No. 192, 872 (July 11), states
that the Marquis de la Fayette informed the assembly of a letter he had
just received from Jefferson in which the statement was made: “I never
in my life made any proposition to M. de Necker on the subject. I never
said that I had made such a proposition.”
464 Assemblée nationale, I, 372.
465 Assemblée nationale, I, 360; Point du jour, I, 115; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 17th letter, 7.
466 Assemblée nationale, I, 360; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 7;
Bulletins de ’assemblée nationale, July 6.
467 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 164; Assemblée nationale, I, 375; Point du
jour, 1, 120; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 13; Procés-verbal, I, No.
16, 3; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 6.
378
The Counter Revolution of June-July 97
concerned the administration and suggested that he should give
his information to Necker.4* Duquesnoy, who was a member of
the committee on subsistence, throws some light on the situation.
“The Chevalier de Rutledge,” he wrote, “so well known for his
immorality and fiery spirit, entered with the bakers. This privi-
lege was given to him only after the committee had made him
promise to report exact facts and to sign everything he might say.
Far from keeping his word he lost himself in vague declamations,
in ridiculous denunciations against the Compagnie Leleu, against
parliament and against the lieutenant of police. I can not even
say that, in spite of his declarations of beautiful sentiments for
M. Necker, there was not in his immense discourse some perverse .
sentiments against this minister. The Chevalier de Rutledge pre-
tends that the bakers addressed Necker many times and that they
had never been received although they announced that they had
some definite plans to present to him. It has seemed very clear
to me that this man was only an adventurer who has placed him-
self at the head of some bakers, in order to have the satisfaction
of declaiming, accusing, and injuring all those who displeased him;
either the Chevalier de Rutledge is a man paid by the enemies of
the public or he is a fool whose hot head might lead the people
to the greatest excesses. I do not know, but it seems to me that it
is because of such talk that the home of Reveillon was burned.”
Duquesnoy asserts that M. Rutledge asked the committee to
give an immediate reply, but that as soon as Rutledge left the
room the Duc d’Aiguillon asked that no answer should be given.
Another member of the committee, evidently Duquesnoy, after
showing how little confidence such a man merited, added that
having been received Rutledge had the “ right to ask a reply, that,
moreover, there was danger in sending such a man away without
an answer, but that, once for all, he asked that the committee
should not consider these miserable details, which were put for-
ward by evil intentioned people, enemies of the public good who
468 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 2; Assemblée nationale, I, 370; Journal de
Paris, No. 190, 855 (July 9), says: “ Vraisemblablement cet objet des sub-
sistances n’occupera plus désormais que le comité qui en porte le nom”;
_ Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 7.
379
98 Ethel Lee Howie
wished to prevent work on the constitution.” He thought it was
certain that their constituents had not sent them from all parts
of the kingdom to provide subsistence, “‘ but rather to assure their
liberty, to put the constitution on a firm basis and not to concern
themselves with details, which, in any case, belonged to the
executive authority.” Consequently this member proposed “that
the committee declare to Rutledge that it found no facts in what
he had announced to it, that moreover the subject was an affair
belonging to the administration, and he should therefore present
the question to Necker.” He also insisted on the necessity of the
committee preventing the talk of Rutledge from taking the time
of the assembly because that would give an opening for new
motions which would consume time.
A decree, drawn up by M. Malouet, was presented to the
committee, evidently by Duquesnoy. In presenting this decree he
stated that “many of the ideas would be criticized, that even the
examination of the decree would take too long ; that if a proposi-
tion were made to thank the king the Comte de Mirabeau would
seize the opportunity to continue the denunciation which he had
announced and that a way would be found to delay the work
on the constitution until 60,000 men in arms would surround the
assembly and the enemies of the assembly would believe that
they were very strong, thinking they could awe the people through
fear. It is certain that the plan of the enemies of the state is
to gain time because they desire a revolution and work for
this aim. It is then a crime to retard for a single day, a single
hour or even for a single moment the work on the constitution
and those who cause the least delay, who yield to vain and
frivolous research on subsistence are suspects of bad intentions.”
Apparently these ideas were adopted by the committee and the
Duc d’Aiguillon, the Baron de Menou and Duquesnoy were ap-
pointed to go to the committee on the constitution to ask it to
propose at the opening of the session the next day some point to
be discussed on the constitution. This action was taken for the
two-fold purpose of escaping long delay on the constitution and
of disarranging the projects of the Comte de Mirabeau. The
committee also agreed to ask, at the opening of the session the
380
The Counter Revolution of June-July 99
next day, that no motion on any subject should be admitted
until the constitution was finished. Duquesnoy sums up the
situation when he says: “ Everything demands prompt measures ;
the arrival of troops, the impatience in the provinces, the needs of
the treasury, the distress of the finances and their just claims,
the intrigues of the enemies of the state, the weakness of the
king, the hatred of the people, opposed to Necker, the uncer-
tainty of the future, make all who differ in their ideas extremely
blamable.”’4®
Xx
Thus far we have considered only the work of the assembly
without any reference to the attitude of the French people. The
French were, however, watching every move made by their repre-
sentatives and when the assembly took steps approved by the
people their satisfaction was shown by the addresses sent to the
assembly. Thus between June 30 and July 11, thirty-five ad-
dresses were received, the number increasing from June 30 till
July 8, when the greatest number was presented, and then decreas-
ing, but not ceasing altogether.*7° The addresses were addressed
469 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 165, 166. In a footnote (page 165) it is.
suggested that Duquesnoy was the member of the committee who said it
was necessary to reply to M. de Rutledge.
470 The dates and number of addresses presented were as follows:
June 30. Third estate from Moncontour in Brittany (Procés-verbal, I,
No. 10, 2; Point du jour, I, 73; Assemblée nationale, 1, 269; Bulletins de
Vassemblée nationale, June 30); from the bailliage of Vermandois
(Procés-verbal, I, No. 10, 2; Point du jour, 1, 74; Assemblée nationale, I,
270; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, June 30).
July 1. From Ploermel (Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 19-20).
July 2. From Chateauroux (Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 3; Point du Jour,
I, 95; Assemblée nationale, I, 317).
July 4. From Chateau-Thierry, Pontivy and Vernouillet-sur-Seine
(Assemblée nationale, I, 340; Procés-verbal, I, 15, 3; Point du jour, I,
106. The Assemblée nationale and the Point du jour state that at
Chateau-Thierry Te Deum was to be chanted in honor of the union and
the Assemblée nationale adds that 400 or 500 pounds of bread was to be
distributed because of joy; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 4).
July 7. From Vitré and Saint-Jean-de Losne (Procés-verbal, I, No. 17,
3; Assemblée nationale, I, 380; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 14;
381
100 Ethel Lee Howie
to the assembly, almost all,—thirty out of thirty-five—being re-
ported on by the secretaries ;** two were presented by the presi-
dent**? and three by deputies.*7* Of the thirty-five addresses,
Bulletins de V’assemblée nationale, July 7); from Le Bourg de Saint Val-
lier and Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier (Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 4; Assemblée
nationale, I, 380) ; from Nantes (Assemblée nationale, I, 393; Duquesnoy,
Journal, I, 171; Point du jour, I, 127; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter,
15; Procés-verbal, I, No. 17,13; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 7).
July 8. From Rennes (Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, I,
139; Assemblée nationale, I, 410; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July
8); from Rennes, Montfort, Saint Brieuc, Lamballe, Dinan, Guerande,
Vannes (Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, I, 139) ; from Loudéac
(Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, I, 139); from Clermont-
Ferrand (Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Assemblée nationale, I, 410); from
Metz (Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, I, 139); from Saint Dié
(Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, I, 139); from Andrezé
(Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 1; Point du jour, 1, 139); from Bar-le-Duc
(Point du jour, I, 138; Assemblée nationale, I, 410) ; from Guerche (Point
du jour, I, 139; Assemblée nationale, I, 410).
July 9. From Bordeaux (Point du jour, I, 146; Procés-verbal, I, No.
19, 2; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 179; Courrier de Provence, 1, toth letter, 2;
18th letter, 18); from Poitiers (Procés-verbal, No. 19, 2; Point du jour,
I, 146; Courrier de Provence, toth letter, 2) ; from Nemours, Uzerche, and
Chateauroux (Procés-verbal, No. 19, 2).
July 10. From the bailliage of Mortain (Procés-verbal, I, No. 20,
1; Point du jour, I, 155; Courrier de Provence, I, 1oth letter, 4. The
Procés-verbal says the address was sent by the bailliage of Mortain, while
the Point du jour and Courrier de Provence say the city of Mortaigne.
As there is a bailliage Mortain, the Procés-verbal is probably correct
(Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 10); from Sarrelouis (Procés-
verbal, I, No. 20, 1; Point du jour, I, 155; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th
letter, 4); from Dijon (Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 1).
471 Procés-verbal, No. 15, 3, gives the names of Chateau-Thierry, Pon-
tivy, Vernouillet-sur-Seine; No. 17, 3, gives names of Vitré, Saint-Jean-
de-Losne, Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, le Bourg de Saint-Vallier; No. 18, 1,
mentions Rennes, Vannes, Saint Brieuc, Lamballe, Dinan, Guerande, la
Guerche, Monfort, Loudéac, Clermont-Ferrand, Metz, Saint Dié, Andrezé;
Point du jour, I, 138, and Assemblée nationale, I, 410, mention Bar-le-
Duc; Procés-verbal, No. 19, 2, gives those from Bordeaux, Poitiers,
Nemours, Chatellerault and Uzerche; Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 1, bailliage
of Mortain, district of Colmar, bailliage of Sarrelouis, bailliage of Dijou.
472 Procés-verbal, I, No. 10, 1, gives the name of Montcontour; No. 11,
19, gives Ploermel.
382
The Counter Revolution of June-July IOI
fourteen came from Brittany, representing the later departments of
Cotes-du-Nord (5), Morbihan (3), Loire-Inferieure (2), Ille et-
Vilaine (3), and Manche (1). Eight came from the eastern sec-
tion of France from the departments of Cote d’Or (2), Lorraine
. (1), Vosges (1), Meuse (1), Haute-Marne (1), upper Alsace (1)
and Moselle (1). Six came from central France, one from each
of the departments of Indre, Nievre, Cher, Seine-et-Marne, Cor-
rége, and Puy-de-Dome, one from the north-east in the depart-
ment of Aisne, one from the south-east in the department of
Drome and one from the south-west in the department of Gironde.
Three came from the west from the departments*™* of Maine-et-
Loire (1) and Vienne (2). I am unable to find the location of
the thirty-fifth, Vernouillet-sur-Seine. Thus we see that 13,
almost half, were from Brittany, and that 14 of the others were
from central and eastern France, while only 6 were from all the
other sections. Twenty-seven of the addresses were sent by munic-
ipal bodies or cities,**® while 8 came from the third estate.*"
Only. nine of the addresses were read in the assembly, namely
those from Moncontour*™* and Vermandois,*** which had been pre-
473 Procés-verbal, I, No. 10, 3, from the bailliage of Vermandois; No.
12, 2, from the Hotel-de-Ville of Chateauroux; No. 17, 9, from Nantes.
474 The names of the places sending addresses from the departments in
the order given in the text were: Montcontour, Saint Brieuc, Lamballe,
Dinan, Loudéac, Ploermel, Pontivy, Vannes, Nantes, Guerande, Rennes,
Montfort, Vitré, bailliage of Mortain, Saint-Jean-de-Losne, Dijon, Metz,
Saint Dié, Bar-le-Duc, bailliage of Vermandois, district of Colmar, bail-
liage of Sarrelouis, Chateauroux, Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, la Guerche,
Nemours, Uzerche, Clermont-ferrand, Chateau-Thierry, le Bourg de Val-
lier, Bordeaux, Andrezé, Poitiers and Chatellerault.
475 These were from Vermandois, Ploermel, Chateau-Thierry, Pontivy,
Vernouillet-sur-Seine, bailliage of Sarrelouis, Vitré, Saint Jean-de-Losne,
Saint Pierre-le-Moutier, le Bourg de Saint Vallier, Nantes, Rennes,
Vannes, Saint Brieuc, Lamballe, Dinan, Guerande, Montfort, Clermont-
Ferrand, Metz, Saint Dié, Andrezé, district of Colmar, Chateauroux, Bar-
le-Duc, la Guerche, Loudéac.
476 Moncontour, Bordeaux, Poitiers, Nemours, Chatellerault, Uzerche,
bailliage of Mortain, bailliage of Dijon.
477 Procés-verbal, I, No. 10,1; Point du jour, I, 73; Assemblée nationale,
I, 260.
* 478 Procés-verbal, I, No. 10, 2.
383
102 Ethel Lee Howie
sented by the president; of Ploermel,*® Chateauroux,**® and
Nantes**! presented by deputies; of Chateau-Thierry, Pontivy,
Vernouillet-sur-Seine*®? and Saint-Jean-de-Losne*®* presented by
the secretaries. Twenty-four addresses were ordered registered***
and one of these (that of Nantes) was ordered attached to the
Procés-verbal of the assembly.**® On July 10 it was “ observed by
many that the addresses of adhesion which arrive every day from
the different parts of the kingdom merited, especially under the
circumstances, all the interest and special attention of the as-
sembly. It was agreed that the assembly would, in the future,
recognize these during the first half hour after the reading of the
Procés-verbal.’’4*6
All the addresses expressed admiration for the assembly and
many showed special appreciation of its action on June 17, 20, 23
and of the union of the orders. All but ten spoke of respect for the
479 Tbid., No. II, 10.
480 [bid., No. 12, 4; Assemblée nationale, I, 317.
481 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 9; Point du jour, I, 129; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 393.
482 Procés-verbal, I, No. 15, 3; Point du jour, I, 106; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 340.
483 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 380.
484 Those from Chateau-Thierry, Pontivy, Vernouillet-sur-Seine (July
4), Saint-Jean-de-Losne and Nantes (July 7); Rennes, Vennes, Saint
Brieuc, Lamballe, Dinan, Guerande, la Guerche, Montfort, Lou-Cler-
mont-ferrand, Metz, Saint-Dié, Andrezé (July 8); Bordeaux, Pottiers,
Nemours, Chatellerault, Uzerche (July 9).
485 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 9.
486 Procés-verbal, I, No. 20,2; Point du jour,I,155; Assemblée nationale,
I, 447. According to the Assemblée nationale Target desired the reading
of the addresses, stating that some very interesting things had been dis-
closed in those which had been read. The Point du jour states that
Freteau proposed that eight people should be chosen to report to the
assembly before the addresses should be registered or printed, but that
this was opposed by Clermont-Tonnerre, who thought that this would
establish a sort of censure. M. Marguerittes then proposed the addresses
should be read when the assembly was forming. The Assemblée nationale
states that the president proposed the addresses should be read at nine, so
that the time of the assembly could be saved.
384
The Counter Revolution of June-July 103
king and the monarchy,*®* thus showing that while they approved
the work of the assembly they had not lost confidence in the king.
As has already been stated only nine of these addresses were read
in the assembly. The first of these, presented June 30, was from
the third estate of Moncontour and stated that “learning that the
representatives of the French people at the states-general have
constituted themselves the national assembly the 17 of this month
and that they have passed this same day different decrees on the
most important objects . . . has filled the hearts of the third
estate of Montontour with the most perfect joy.’4*®
In the declarations presented by the Hotel de Ville of Laon
June 30 homage was rendered “to the firmness and enlightened
patriotism which has dictated these deliberations to which they
adhere.’’4®® In the deliberations of Ploermel presented in the even-
ing session of July 1, it is stated that the municipal body “ in-
structed of what happened at the states-general, notably in the
session of June 23 and although persuaded that the monarch who
governs us will recognize that he has been deceived, adheres to all
the decrees taken by the representatives of the third estate and the
national assembly, approves their firmness for the public good and
the rights of the nation and, animated with the same zeal for the
maintenance of liberty and the true principles of the monarchy,
assures them of their entire devotion and that it will regard any
violence of which they may be the object as violence done to the
nation.”*%°
In the deliberation of the Hotel de Ville of Chateauroux it was
stated that “the profound feeling of misery does not stifle in the
hearts of the inhabitants the admiration that your conduct and
patriotism have inspired.” This address, unlike any of the others,
was sent to the committee of subsistence to be considered.**? The
487 These were from Moncontour, Vermandois, Chateauroux, Chateau-
Thierry, Pontivy, Vernouillet-sur-Seine, bailliage of Mortain.
488 Procés-verbal, No. 10, 1; Assemblée nationale, I, 269; Point du
jour, I, 72.
489 Procés-verbal, No. 10, 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 270; Point du jour,
i 74.
» 490 Procés-verbal, No. II, 20.
491 Ibid., No. 12, 2; Point du jour, I, 96; Assemblée nationale, I, 317.
385
104 Ethel Lee Howie
addresses from Chateau-Thierry, Pontivy and Vernouillet-sur-
Seine “adhered to all the decrees taken by the assembly and com-
plimented them on the union of the orders.”#*? The deputy of
Saint-Jean-de-Losne delivered a discourse which, he stated, had
been prepared for him. For six centuries, he said, the town had
enjoyed special privileges because of its bravery and its loyalty.
It had always guarded these rights and retained them till the
present time. They now felt that citizens who had sacrificed blood
and fortune should sacrifice still more when the country was in
distress. It therefore renounced from that time all its peculiar
privileges, the effect of the renunciation to take place as soon as
the national assembly had fixed the basis of the constitution by a
definite declaration of the rights of the nation and the monarch,
and had established equality proportional to the possessions and
the faculties of each individual.**?
The address from Nantes complimented the assembly on its
wisdom and energy, approved the decrees of June 17 and those
following, declared that the people of Nantes desired the royal
authority maintained in all its force; spoke of the expectation of
the French people as a result of the union of the orders and praised
the nobles for joining the third estate in order to work for the
regeneration of the kingdom.***
In regard to the addresses not read in the assembly, the sources
do not give the terms of the addresses, but we are told that those
received July 7 from Vitré, Saint-Pierre-le-Moutier, and le Bourg
de Saint-Vallier all “contained protestations of love and fidelity
for the sacred person of the king, and expressed sentiments of
respect, admiration, recognition, approval for the firmness, mod-
eration, patriotism and deliberations of the national assembly.’’4%*
The addresses July 8 from Rennes, Vannes, Saint-Brieuc, Lam-
balle, Dinan, Guerande, la Guerche, Montfort, Loudeac, Clermont-
492 Tbid., No. 15, 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 340, says that the address of
Chateau-Thierry contained 5 articles and stated that the union of the
orders would be mentioned in the city registry.
493 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 3; Assemblée nationale, I, 381.
494 Tbid., I, No. 17, 9, 13. The address is given in full, pages 13-18;
Assemblée nationale, I, 393; Point du jour, I, 127.
495 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 2.
386
The Counter Revolution of June-July 105
Ferrand, Metz, Saint-Dié and Andrezé expressed “ the most pro-
found respect, most inviolable attachment for the person of the
king, the recognition of the people for the national assembly, and
the most formal adhesion to its decrees.”*°® Those from Bor-
deaux, Poitiers, Nemours, Chatellerault and Uzerche “ contained
the same sentiments and the same adhesion as those previously
received ” ;#°7 those of the third estate of the bailliage of Mortain,
the district of Colmar, the bailliage, of Sarrelouis and the bailliage
of Dijon “had for their principal object to give to the national °
_assembly testimonies of respect and satisfaction for its conduct
and a full and complete adhesion to all its decrees specially for
those of June 17.74%
XI
Although these addresses showed that the assembly had the sup-
port of the French people the success of the revolution depended,
to a large extent, on the attitude of the troops. As has been noted,
the king was determined to execute the plan presented at the royal
session on June 23, but it is evident that he had not pushed the
execution of this project at that time because he did not have a
sufficient number of troops to carry out his plan. The union of
the orders on June 27 had been resorted to by the government only
as an arrangement intended to quiet the populace until enough
troops could be collected to enable the king to execute his coup
d’ état.
The French guards, stationed at Paris and Versailles, had de-
clared in favor of the third estate and stated that they would not
fire on the people. They turned against their officers, complaining
of their harshness and openly announced their intention to desert.
On June 25 some of the soldiers left their barracks and went to the
Barriére Blanche to celebrate; others went to the cafés at the
Palais Royal. They were greeted by the cries of “Long live the
French Guards! Long live the Swiss!” and were treated to wine
by the populace. On June 26 the barracks were completely de-
496 Tbid., I, No. 18, 1.
+ 497 Jbid., I, No. 19, 2.
498 Procés-verbal, I, No. 20, 1.
387
106 Ethel Lee Howie
serted and the officers lost all control over the troops. The French
guards went to different quarters of the city, especially to the
Palais Royal. M. du Chatelet then decided to act.*9® He arrested
eleven soldiers who had sworn fidelity to the nation and had them
imprisoned in the Abbey of Saint Germain. One of the guards
succeeded in sending a letter from the A’bbey prison in which he
complained of the treatment received and asked the people to
deliver them.°°° This letter, which was read at the Palais Royal,
stated that the soldiers were imprisoned for having refused to
turn their arms against the people and that it was to the honor and’
the interest of the people to deliver them.*°t Haste was necessary
because they were to be transferred to Bicétre that evening.°°? A
crowd started from the Palais Royal for the Abbey.®°? The num-
ber increased as the crowd advanced and it is said that ten, even
twenty thousand*” people, finally reached the Abbey. Little resist-
499 Rouff, Marcel, “Le peuple ouvrier de Paris aux journées du 30 juin
et du 30 Adut 1780,” La révolution francaise, November, 1912, 434-437.
500 Rouff, “ Le peuple ouvrier de Paris aux journées du 30 juin et du 30
Adut 1789, La révolution francaise, November, 1912, 443; Duquesnoy,
Journal, I, 149, says that the letter was written to M. Valady and that
there were two grenadiers placed in the abbey and that one of these wrote
to Valady. Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2); Journal de Hardy,
June 30, VIII, 373, states that word was brought that the soldiers were im-
prisoned, but does not say that a letter was sent; Bulletins d’un agent secret,
June 30, states that some one mounted a chair and haranged the people.
This agrees with the Gazette de Leyde when it says that some one mounted
a chair to read the letter.
501 Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2) ; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149,
states that the letter was read by M. Valady.
502 Rouff, “Le peuple ouvrier de Paris au 30 juin et du 30 Aout 1780,”
La révolution francaise, November, 1912, 444; Journal de Hardy, June 30,
VIII, 373; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2).
503 Journal de Hardy, June 30, VIII, 373, says 300 left the Palais Royal;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149, says 400 or 500 left the Palais Royal; Bulletins
d’un agent secret, June 30, says about 3,000 people left the Palais Royal,
but this is without doubt overestimated. Biauzat, Sa vie et sa corre-
spondance, II, 152, gives the number almost as high, between 2,000 and
3,000.
504 Rouff, “Le peuple ouvrier de Paris au 30 juin, etc.,” La révolution
francaise, November, 1912, 444, gives 10,000 or 12,000; Duquesnoy, Journal,
388
The Counter Revolution of June-July 107
ance was made, the doors of the Abbey were forced and the
prisoners released.®°°° Some dragoons and hussars, warned by the
mounted night watch, galloped to the Abbey. They were met by a
crowd of people with outstretched hands who cried, “ Lower your
arms, friends.” The dragoons sheathed their sabers and frater-
nized with the people.°°° The prisoners, who had been released,
were then taken to the Palais Royal and placed under the safe-
guard of the people.*”
In the words of M. Rouff, ‘ The revolution was effected. The
royal authority could not count on the army.’°°* The French
guards were “ the hope of the assembly, an important force in the
hands of the people of Paris, the first troops openly giving them-
selves to the service of the revolution and would usefully oppose
the forces prepared by the king, perhaps even determining a move-
ment among the other troops.’’°°® On the other hand the situation
of the French guards in the Palais Royal could not be permanent.
Something must be done and done immediately. Since the
guards had declared themselves in favor of the third estate it was
only natural that the third estate should be expected to help them.
A deputation from the Palais Royal to the assembly was there-
fore agreed upon.®?°
As Bailly started from his lodgings for the assembly hall on
the morning of July 1, he was met by this delegation.°** A
letter which recounted the events of the previous night and gave
I, gives 700 or 800; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 152, says
there were 20,000 by the time they reached the prison.
505 Journal de Hardy, June 30, VIII, 373; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149;
Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2).
506 Journal de Hardy, June 30, VIII, 373.
507 Journal de Hardy, June 30, VIII, 373; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55
(July 2); Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149.
508 Rouff, “Le peuple ouvrier de Paris, etc.,” La révolution francaise,
November, 1912, 446.
509 Jbid., 438.
510 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 152; Bulletins d’un agent
secret, July 1; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2) ; Duquesnoy, Jour-
nal, I, 140.
511 Bailly, Mémoires, I, 264-267; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July
2) ; Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 1.
389
1c8 Ethel Lee Howie
the object of the deputation was handed to him.*”? “ Uncertain
of their fate,” the letter ran, “the prisoners asked that their
liberty be officially recognized.”*** It was significant that this
appeal was made to the assembly and not to the king. Should
a clash come between the king and the assembly the latter would
have no force to defend it unless the troops refused to execute
the king’s orders. The assembly was therefore put in the diffi-
cult position of solving the problem so as to retain the support of
the people of Paris and the troops and, at the same time, not
offend the king. Bailly saw the significance of the situation and
realized that it was necessary to bring the question before the
assembly, but he had no guarantee of the facts except from un-
known persons. He finally told the deputation to go to the
assembly hall at the opening of the session and he himself went
to consult M. Necker and to find how much he knew of the
circumstances. Necker informed him that the report was true.
He (Necker) was anxious and represented the danger of sanc-
tioning such acts. Bailly, on the other hand, realized the danger
of severity and thought that, guilty or not guilty, these prisoners
should be granted their liberty, but in such a manner as would
not compromise the royal authority. Both Necker and Bailly
were convinced that it was necessary to have the assembly recom-
mend the guards to the mercy of the king.®** It seems that
Bailly again met the deputation at the assembly hall and told
them that he believed the assembly could not receive a deputa-
tion without credentials but that he would propose that a com-
mittee should be named to consider the question and report to
the assembly.**5
When Bailly presented the question the assembly refused to
admit the deputation, but listened to the reading of the letter
which had been presented to Bailly.54* Duquesnoy says that
512 Point du jour, I, 81; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149; Gazette de Leyde,
Sup. No. 55 (July 2) ; Journal de Paris, No. 184, 827 (July 3) ; Assemblée
nationale, I, 283; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 1.
518 Bailly, Mémoires, I, 265; Point du jour, I, 81.
514 Bailly, Mémoires, I, 266-267.
515 Assemblée nationale, I, 283.
516 Procés-verbal, I, No. 17, 1; Courrier de Provence, I, No. 15, 1; Point
399
The Counter Revolution of June-July 109
Bailly should not perhaps have read the letter for it was ad-
dressed to him personally,°!’ but this criticism is unfounded for
the letter was addressed to the “president” of the assembly.
Five plans of action received favorable consideration by the as-
sembly: (1) That a committee be appointed to examine into the
affair ;°*® (2) that the assembly itself should act ;*?® (3) that an
address should be sent to the constituents ;°*° (4) that the question
should be left to executive action;°*! (5) that a deputation be
sent to the king.®?? The Archbishop of Bordeaux*** and Reubell®**
urged that a committee be appointed, while Démeunier, Clermont-
Lodeve and Lemercier desired the assembly itself to act and to
use its influence to disperse the crowd at the Palais Royal. None
of them made any proposition for any action by the assembly con-
cerning the troops. Démeunier realized that the deputies pos-
sessed only legislative power, but he thought that there were cir-
cumstances under which the executive and legislative power should
move in concert. At this time, deputies should be sent, not to the
king, or to the ministers or to the colonel of the guards, but to
the capital itself so that by their presence they might prevent
the excitement from spreading to all parts of the kingdom.°”®
Lemercier proposed that the president ask the deputies to return
to Paris, for the “surest way to win the approval of the as-
sembly ” was to become orderly.*** Clermont-Lodeve said that
du jour, I, 81; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa corre-
spondance, II, 152; Assemblée nationale, I, 283.
517 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149.
518 Point du jour, I, 82; Assemblée nationale, 1, 284; Gazette de Leyde,
Sup. No. 55 (July 2).
519 Point du jour, I, 82; Assemblée nationale, I, 286.
520 Point du jour,1,83; Assemblée nationale, 1, 288; Duquesnoy, Journal,
I, 149; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 5.
521 Point du jour, I, 84; Assemblée nationale, I, 289; Biauzat, Sa vie et
sa correspondance, II, 152; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 4.
522 Point du jour, I, 84.
523 [bid., 84.
524 Ibid., 82.
525 Assemblée nationale, I, 286; Point du jour, I, 83; Bulletins de las-
semblée nationale, July 1.
526 Assemblée nationale, I, 203.
391
I1O Ethel Lee Howie
the soldiers should submit to military law until a national militia
could be established by the assembly.®??
Mirabeau was the only upholder of an appeal to the constitu-
ents.°°§ He presented an address which he had prepared before
the union of the orders, but which he had changed to fit the occa-
sion.°?® He stated that the right of their constituents could be
“in peril only by popular agitations. Hope of a grand and sure
union should quiet every one.’®°° There were exhortations to
stop the popular uprisings which hindered the activity of the
assembly. Such disturbances vave rise to atrocious slanders
which were attributed to the members of the assembly. It was
stated, according to the Assemblée nationale, that every effort
would be made to obtain from the king pardon for the unfortu-
nate victims led astray by an impulse of patriotism.°*+
Fréteau, Mounier, Clermont-Tonnerre, the Comte de Crillon,
Boufflers and the Prince de Poix thought that the question should
be left to the executive authority. It is significant that all those
desiring executive action, except Mounier, were nobles. They
naturally did not wish any action taken which would weaken the
power of the king for, at this time, as has been stated before, the
upper orders looked upon the union of the orders as a temporary
ore and many refused to deliberate until their instructions had
been changed. Any check on the power of the king and any
step which increased the influence of the assembly would be
detrimental to the interests of the nobles and hence was opposed
by them.
Fréteau is reported to have said that the cahiers did not pre-
scribe what the deputies should do in such an important affair,
but their instructions attributed the executive power to the king
and left the legislative power to the representatives. The
527 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150.
528 Point du jour, I, 83; Assemblée nationale, I, 288; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 15th letter, 5; also 14th letter, 18-30; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 140;
Bulletins de l’'assemblée nationale, July 1.
529 Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 5.
530 Point du jour, I, 83.
531 Assemblée nationale, I, 288.
392
The Counter Revolution of June-July III
deputies should follow their instructions. “But what is the
question here?” he asked. “A police affair, military discipline
which does not concern us. Is it right to assume that military
discipline belongs to us? Should we watch over public security?
These duties belong to the executive authority, they belong to
the king.”°%? z
Mounier, according to the Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale,
thought that it was unworthy the dignity of the national assembly
to consider an insurrection when all the knowledge they had of
the uprising came in a letter signed by nineteen unknown people.**?
Clermont-Tonnerre said they should wait until the king asked
their intervention before they considered the question.°** The
Comte de Crillon proposed that the president send to the guard
of the seals a copy of the letter which they had just received, with-
out the signatures, explaining, at the same time, that the legisla-
tive power had no right to consider these complaints, but that the
members of the assembly appealed to the justice and kindness of
the king.**° The Prince de Poix having affirmed that the ques-
tion should be left to the “justice and wisdom of the king’’®*®
was according to the Point du jour, interrupted by M. Brostaret
crying out: “ We ought not be inactive when the executive power
inspires alarm. The legislative power is delegated by the people
and we must not abondon the people.’’***
This was the first utterance that really touched the heart of the
question. Alarm was caused by the arrival of troops which were
evidently to be used in executing a coup d'état. The assembly
532 Assemblée nationale, I, 285; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 1.
533 Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 1.
534 Point du jour, I, 82; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 149; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 285.
535 Point du jour, I, 83; Assemblée nationale, 1, 292; Bulletins de Vas-
semblée nationale, July 1; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2).
536 Point du jour, I, 83.
537 Point du jour, I, 84. The name given here is Broustaret, but as I
find no deputy by that name I have concluded it is meant for Brostaret,
deputy of Nerac, member of the third estate (Brette, Les Constituants,
206).
393
112 Ethel Lee Howie
must take such action, as would keep the French guards favorable
to it, if it would have military support in the conflict with the
king. Boufflers desired the assembly to declare that knowledge
of affairs relative to popular troubles belongs to the king alone;
that it condemned those stirring up trouble in Paris and that the
members of the assembly would not cease to give an example of
‘profound respect for the royal authority on which the security
of the empire depends,” that the people of Paris would be asked
to become orderly as this alone “can assure the infinite good
which France is ready to receive from the free assembly of the
states-general to which the union of the three orders leaves no
obstacle.’’*?® Duquesnoy asserts that when the words states-
general were used such a murmur arose that Boufflers was obliged
to substitute the words national assembly.®*® This is significant
for it is to be remembered that on this day the committee on
verification gave its first report after the union of the orders and
that the committee on rules also reported several plans for unify-
ing and organizing the assembly.
Target, Camus, Gouy d’Arsy, Le Chapelier and Volney favored a
deputation to the king while the Bishop of Langres, the Arch-
bishop of Vienne and M. Boery opposed such a deputation. It is
clear here again that there was a division in the assembly, the
upper orders desiring to do nothing which would limit the king’s
power while the third estate had the two-fold idea of retaining the
good will of the people of Paris and the French guards and of
preventing a clash with the king. Target and Camus wished the
president to ask the delegates to take back to Paris a report of
the “desire for peace and order which alone could aid the work
of the assembly for public good” ; that the deputies of Paris should
write to the electors of the capital asking them to second the
sentiments of the assembly in desiring peace; that four prelates
should go to inform the king of the action of the assembly and ask
538 Assemblée nationale, I, 2904; Point du jour, I, 84; Duquesnoy, Jour-
nal, I, 150; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 1.
539 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150.
394
The Counter Revolution of June-July 5 a
him to use the “infallible means of gentleness and confidence in
the people.’’5#°
Gouy d’Arsy, it appears, asked that the three orders, not the
bishops alone, should compose the deputation to the king. He
thought also that the best way to end this popular uprising was to
send four deputies directly to Paris. They should represent to the
people that they—the people—had been deceived and should en-
gage the crowd to separate so that the assembly might obtain the
pardon of the king for the transgressors.°** The Archbishop of
Bordeaux desired action hastened as delay was dangerous to public
security.**2 Volney and Mirepoix claimed that each one had the
right to speak on such an important question. M. Volney thought
that the deputation to the king should be composed of all the orders
according to the established proportion. M. de Boery said that
the nature of the offense should be known before asking the
clemency of the king.5*
The assembly was on the point of going to vote on the motions
of Target, Camus, and Boufflers when Le Chapelier asked for the
floor. He expressed the opinion that in this circumstance the
executive and legislative powers should be united.*4* According
to the Assemblée nationale, he said that “at this time it would be
dangerous to show a cruel hard-heartedness for those who, in
other circumstances, would be guilty, but who to-day are excus-
able.”**° He proposed that six deputies should be named to con-
sider with the king’s ministers the surest and easiest way to put
a stop to disorder in the capital.°#® The Bishop of Langres and
the Archbishop of Vienne thought that it was not right to ask
forgiveness for men who were in a state of sedition.***
540 Assemblée nationale, 1,295; Point du jour, 1,84; Duquesnoy, Journal,
I, 150; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 1.
541 Point du jour, I, 84.
542 Point du jour, I, 84.
543 Tbid., I, 84.
544 Assemblée nationale, I, 289; Point du jour, I, 85.
545 Assemblée nationale, I, 291.
546 Assemblée nationale, I, 290; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150; Bulletins de
Vassemblée nationale, July 1.
547 Assemblée nationale, I, 290; Bulletins de lVassembiée nationale, July
I, says the Bishop of Laon, but this is evidently a mistake.
395
114 Ethel Lee Howie
The motions of Crillon, Lemercier, Camus, Target, Boufflers
and le Chapelier were voted on by a rising vote and all were re-
jected,°#8 although it seems that the motion of Target had the
plurality.°*° This plurality was however contested by Mirepoix
who insisted that they must vote by ballot on the question.
Duquesnoy says in regard to this action of Mirepoix, “I suspect
that his secret aim was to show that it was impossible to make
1200 people vote, so much more so because many nobles have
said, ‘We wish to see you ask us to retire.’ Two spirits of
opposition are manifest: some members of the nobles and clergy
who wish to retard in order to force deliberation and some mem-
bers of the commons who talk shamefully of the nobles and seem
distressed to have them in the hall.’’®°°
Fréteau, it seems, proposed a second reading of the motion of
Boufflers®** and after a suggestion had been made to unite this
motion with the one proposed by Target,*®* the assembly agreed
and the following decree was passed: “ The president will reply to
those sent from the capital that they should report in that city
the desire for peace and union, which alone can help in the work
to which the national assembly consecrates itself. The national as-
sembly laments the troubles which agitate the capital; and its
members in invoking the clemency of the king for the guilty ones
will always give an example of profound respect for the royal
authority on which the security of the empire depends. It there-
fore entreats the inhabitants of the capital to become orderly at
once and to fill themselves with peaceful feelings, which alone can
548 Point du jour, I, 85; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 152;
Assemblée nationale, I, 293, 294, 295, 2907; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150; Bul-
letins de l'assemblée nationale, July 1.
549 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150.
550 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 150.
551 Point du jour, I, 8s.
552 Point du jour, I, 85; Assemblée nationale, I, 297; Biauzat, Sa vie et
sa correspondance, II, 152. The Assemblée nationale states that the bu-
reau reduced them to a single motion, while the Point du jour says that
Target “saisissant le voeu général de l’assemblée, a rédigé, d’aprés le
diverses motions, l’arrété suivant qui a passé a la plus grand majorité:
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, July 1; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56
(July 4).
396
The Counter Revolution of June-July 115
assure the blessing which France is ready to receive from the
voluntary union of all the representatives of the nation. A deputa-
tion will be sent to the king to inform him of the action taken by
the assembly and to ask him to use, in re-establishing order in
Paris, the unfailing method of clemency and good will, which are
so natural to him, and confidence, which all good people merit.”**?
At the suggestion of M. Grégoire, the assembly decreed that the
deputation might be composed not simply of prelates but of vari-
ous members of the hierarchy.*** The delegation chosen by the
assembly consisted of two archbishops, two curés, two chevaliers,
two marquises and eight of the commons.*®
The Assemblée nationale states that in the debates on this ques-
tion one could notice among the clergy a “‘ weakness, a mean spirit,
or perhaps a devotion to the prejudices of this order.” Among
the nobles there was “a strictness, more severe than rational, for
military discipline.’ Among the commons, there was “more
gentleness, yet this gentleness did not change the severity of
military laws.”°°® Biauzat saw conditions in another light. He
calls attention to the fact that in the discussions the clergy and the
nobles had deliberated in common and that everything occurred
as if there had ‘been no schism or any difference regarding the
manner of voting. He also speaks. of the decree being taken in
553 Procés-verbal, I, No. 11, 1, states that the decree was to be printed
and made public; Assemblée nationale, I, 207; Courrier de Provence, I.
15th letter, 6; Point du jour, I, 85-86; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 151 (this
does not give the decree but states that one was made); Biauzat, Sa vie
et sa correspondance, II, 153; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 55 (July 2);
Journal de Paris, No. 184, 827 (July 3).
554 Point du jour, I, 86; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 156, states that he desired
two prelates and two curés.
555 Procés-verbal, 1, No. 11, 3; Point du jour, I, 86; Assemblée nationale,
I, 299; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 153. The members of the
delegation were as follows: clergy, Archbishop of Paris, Archbishop of
Amiens, Curé de Sergi and Curé de Montigni; nobles, the Chevalier de
Boufflers, the Chevalier de la Liniére, the Marquis de Lancosne, Marquis
d’Avarai; commons, MM. Arnoult, Lemercier, Thouret, Hebrard, Ba-
rere, Maillot, Lapoule, Emmery. Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 4);
Journal de Paris, No. 184, 827 (July 3).
556 Assemblée nationale, I, 292.
397
116 | Ethel Lee Howie
the name of the national assembly and that reference was made
to the voluntary union of the orders.**’
On the morning of July 2, the Archbishop of Paris gave a
report on the deputation to the king.®*°** Duquesnoy, who is the
chief source on this, states that “at the time the delegation was
introduced into the cabinet of the king, the king had both doors
thrown open and invited all the delegation to enter. This was not
according to his usual custom which is to place himself near the
door of his cabinet and to allow only a part of the delegation to
enter. He had an air of joy and satisfaction, and according to
the expression of one of the deputies ‘resembled a child freed
from leading strings. The Archbishop of Paris spoke. When
he entered the king gave him some marks of satisfaction and
saluted each of the deputies. The archbishop finished his dis-
course by saying, ‘Such are, Sire, the motives of the decree which
we have the honor to present to your majesty.’ He then pre-
sented the paper but the king said, ‘ No, read! read!’ and he had
the light brought for the archbishop. At these words, ‘the royal
authority on which the security of the empire depends,’ he [the
king] testified his contentment by very marked signs. He also
showed these marks of satisfaction at the words, ‘the voluntary
union of the three orders,’ ‘the clemency, favor,’ etc.*°® Finally,
without paper, with a simple and kindly air, his face radiant with
joy as a good man who is satisfied he said, ‘I find your decree
very wise. I approve the disposition of the assembly of the states-
general and so long as it continues to show me confidence all will
go well.’ Then turning to all sides where the deputies were stand-
ing, he repeated ‘ All will go well, all will go well.’ °°
When the archbishop made his report to the assembly there
557 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 153.
558 Point du jour, 1, 89; Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 1; Duquesnoy, Journal,
I, 152; Assemblée nationale, I, 302; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 4);
Journal de Paris, No. 185, 831 (July 4).
559 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 152.
560 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 152; Procés-verbal, I, No. 12, 1; Assemblée
nationale, I, 302; Courrier de Provence, I, 15th letter, 7; Point du jour,
I, 88; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 154; Gazette de Leyde, No.
56 (July 4) ; Journal de Paris, No. 184, 828 (July 3).
398
The Counter Revolution of June-July ri?
were some acclamations showing respect for the sovereign.
Duquesnoy states, however, that it was almost impossible to be-
lieve that these cries of “ Long live the king’’ were very few and
an attempt was made by some to impose silence on those who gave
these signs of joy. He also states that it is hard to believe that
when the words “the assembly of the states-general’’ were read
a murmur arose and the expression “national assembly” was
heard. This act in general was very much disapproved, but there
were some who saw in it indications of an effort to turn the king
against the commons.°**2
The answer of the king was, indeed, significant, because it
showed clearly that he had not changed his attitude towards the
assembly since June 23, the day of the royal session. He still
viewed the action of the commons on June 17 as illegal.
July 3 a letter, written by the king to the Archbishop of Paris,
was read in the assembly.°*? That this letter was addressed to
the Archbishop of Paris instead of the president of the assembly
is important for it shows that the king did not recognize the
existence of the national assembly and strengthens the supposi-
tion that the union of orders was looked on by the government
as only temporary. The letter ran as follows: “An exact ac-
count, my cousin, of what took place on the evening of June 30
has been given me. The violence employed to deliver some
prisoners from the abbey is most condemnable; and every order,
every body, every honest and peace-loving citizen has the greatest
interest to maintain in full force the laws which protect public
order. I shall yield, however, when order is established, to a
kindly feeling; and I hope that reproaches will never be made
to me because of my clemency when it has been invoked for the
first time by the assembly of the representatives of the nation.
“But I do not doubt that the assembly attaches an equal im-
561 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 152; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 4).
562 Procés-verbal, No. 13, 1; Point du jour, I, 97; Courrier de Provence,
I, 16th letter, 1; Assemblée nationale, I, 318, states that the letter was read
in the evening session of July 2, but this is without doubt a mistake;
Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 155. The letter was evidently
sent to the Archbishop on July 2, but read on the morning of July 3;
Gazette de Leyde, No. 56 (July 4).
399
118 Ethel Lee Howie
portance to the success of all the steps I am taking to restore order
in the capital. A spirit of license and insubordination is destruc-
tive of all good, and if this insubordination increases, not only
will the happiness of all the people be troubled and their con-
fidence shattered, but it will all end in a disregard for the cost
meconnaitre le prix of the work to which the representatives of
the nation are consecrated. Communicate my letter to the states-
general and do not doubt of my esteem for you.”—Signed Louis,
july 2, a7se0""*
When, on Saturday, royal pardon had not been granted to the
soldiers held at the Palais Royal, a letter in their behalf was sent
to the electors of Paris. While the electors deliberated on this
letter many people, sent by the citizens of the Palais Royal, went
to the Hotel-de-Ville to ask the electors if they thought the
soldiers should return to the prison of the abbey, stating that, in
the king’s letter to the Archbishop of Paris, that had ‘been given
as a condition for pardoning the soldiers. At the suggestion of
the Abbé Bertolio, the electors passed a decree stating that they
thought the pardon was contained in the letter to the archbishop ;
that it was not right to doubt the word of the king; that if the
prisoners consented to re-enter the prison and if order reigned in
Paris, especially at the Palais Royal, twenty-four electors would
go to announce to the national assembly that order was estab-
lished according to the terms of the letter of the king to the arch-
bishop ; that they would solicit the execution of the king’s promise
and agreed not to return to Paris until pardon had been
granted.°*
In accordance with this promise the deputation of electors pre-
sented themselves at the assembly on the morning of July 6.°°
563 Procés-verbal, I, No. 13,1; Point du jour, I, 96; Assemblée nationale,
I, 319; Courrier de Provence, I, 16th letter, 1; Gazette de Leyde, No. 56
(July 4) ; Journal de Paris, No. 185, 831, July 4, No. 186, 835 (July 5).
564 Procés-verbal des séances et déliberations de l’assemblée générale des
électeurs de Paris, I, 100.
565 Assemblée nationale, I, 376; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 13;
Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 4, gives the names of Abbé Faucher (Fauchet),
Abbé Bertolio, Bellanger, de Bonneville, Charton, Petiot, De Leutre, Du
Mangin, De la Poize, Dameuve, Dupré, De Montizon (Montyzon), Tassin,
400
The Counter Revolution of June-July 119
They were permitted to enter and M. Bertolio became spokesman.
He stated that there had been much disorder in Paris on the days
following June 30; told of the letter which had ‘been sent from
the Palais Royal to the electors and of the excitement among the
people both at the Palais Royal and among those watching the
deliberations at the Hotel-de-Ville. He went on to say that as
the night advanced the people became more excited and the
decree passed by the electors quieted the people because it seemed
just. Before the night had passed the prisoners had returned to
the abbey, the crowd at the Palais Royal had scattered and order
reigned in Paris. Since their arrival at Versailles pardon had
been granted by the king, and the prisoners were freed. He asked
that the assembly present the thanks of the electors to the king
and tell him that “ peace and order will be unalterable so long as
he cherish us as we cherish him.”
The president replied that ‘the assembly learned with joy that
order reigned in Paris.°®* It (the assembly) has never doubled,”
he said, “the fidelity of the inhabitants of the capital. Tell the
inhabitants that the national assembly considers the public good,
but that this good fortune can only be the reward of an attach-
ment of the citizens to the fatherland and to the king. Also state
that the assembly is about to take up the question of the consti-
tution.”’>°*
Thus it is seen, both from the addresses and the action regard-
ing the French guards, that the people and the French guards
Prevot de Saint-Lucien, Marquis de la Salle, Jannin (Jeanin), Pinon,
D’Osmond. The Procés-verbal of the electors of Paris, I, 114, gives the
additional names of Dufresnoy, Agier, Pitra, Séguin, Le Roux, Delopoize
and Ricard. It also states that M. d’Osmond volunteered to join the
delegation; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6; Journal de Paris,
No. 1890, 848 (July 8), says that there were 24 in the deputation.
566 Assemblée nationale, I, 376; Courrier de Provence, I, 17th letter, 3;
Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 5; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 162,
does not give the speech but speaks of the electors going to Versailles and
of the prisoners being given their liberty; Point du jour, I, 121; Bulletins
de l'assemblée nationale, July 6; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9),
also in letter of July 6; Journal de Paris, No. 189, 848 (July 8).
567 Procés-verbal, I, No. 16, 5; Assemblée nationale, I, 379; Courrier de
Provence, I, 17th letter, 13; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 6.
401
120 Ethel Lee Howie
were thoroughly in sympathy with the assembly, yet at the same
time, they felt that the king was to be trusted. Perhaps the feel-
ings of the times may ‘best be expressed in the words of Le Hodey,
when he says, speaking of the letter of the king on July 2, “ We
are ignorant what are the precautions which the prudence of the
king has adopted in order to establish order in the capital, but
what we can state and what all French will repeat with us is that
twenty regiments would not produce the same effect that the
generous pardon, solicited by the national assembly and accorded
by the clemency of the king, has produced on the hearts of all
good citizens.”°*
XII
We have dealt with the importance of the revolt of the French
guards for the history of the revolution and have noted that the
government could not depend on these troops in a struggle against
the national assembly. The French guards, however, formed
only a small part of the army around Paris at this time. Ever
since the royal session troops, chiefly foreign, had been gathering
about Paris and Versailles. Nothing had been said in the as-
sembly about this movement of troops, but it was perfectly clear,
both from the number arriving and the silence on the part of the
authorities concerning the object in bringing them to Paris, that
the government was planning a coup d’état. The army would
make it possible to hold Paris under control while the assembly
was forced to accept the declarations of the king or be dissolved.
Reports were circulated that plots were being formed against the
national assembly. ‘There was even talk of a second royal session,
having for its object the suspension of the estates for a month.°®
Necker says, in speaking of the orders for the concentration of
568 Assemblée nationale, I, 310.
569 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 171; Bulletins d’un agent secret, July 8, states
that at the session it would be announced that the three orders had been
together long enough, that the first two should retire to their chambers;
Journal de Hardy (VIII, July 9, 381) states that the object was to sus-
pend the session of the assembly for a month under the pretext of waiting
until the constituents had addressed less imperative mandates to their
deputies.
402
The Counter Revolution of June-July I21
troops around Paris and Versailles, that ‘“ Many ministers, and I
was among this number, knew of these orders only at the time
when it became impossible to keep it from any one.’7° Du-
quesnoy also thought that Necker had no part in the movements
of troops, but he added “if we are wise nothing can separate us.
They may force us to leave Versailles, but we should unite else-
where. The germ of liberty is sown in the French soil and it
must be developed.” It seems that many complained because of
the number of troops, but Duquesnoy thought that it was better
not to talk because there would be “more grandeur and more
power when they deliberated surrounded by 60,000 men sold to
despotism than in attempting to remove these troops. Such
efforts would not fail to corrupt those around the king.” Du-
quesnoy continued: “Time presses, everything commands us to
go forward; we are accountable for every movement; if we put
off deliberations on the constitution perhaps it will become in-
finitely difficult.”°"1 The estimates of the number of troops in
the vicinity of Paris differ considerably in the various sources,
but range from 15,000 up to 80,000. Barentin in his mémoires
gives 1I5,000-16,000 ;°? Duquesnoy, on June 30, says 25,000 ;5%
Mirabeau in his speech of July 8 gives 55,000°%* while in the
secret correspondance of Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette 60,000
to 80,000 are given.°”®
It finally became necessary for the assembly to act. Not only
was it imperative that the attention of the assembly should be
drawn to the movement of troops, but Paris and the whole
country should be informed. The assembly must take the lead
in this. Mirabeau became the spokesman for the assembly. On
July 8, he presented the dangers which threatened public liberty
570 Necker, De la révolution, I. The day of 14 July.
571 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 171.
572 Barentin, Mémoires, 20, note 1.
573 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 142.
574 Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 5.
575 La correspondance secréte inédite sur Louis XVI, Marie-Antoinette,
II, 370. See the enumeration of the estimates given by Caron, “La
tentative de contre-révolution,” in Revue dhistoire moderne, VIII, 14, note.
403
122 Ethel Lee Howie
by the military preparations around Paris.°** To him, this sub-
ject was the most urgent of all subjects. He recalled the time
when the prisoners had been taken from the abbey of Saint-
Germain, the decree then passed by the assembly, the answer of
the king to the deputation from the assembly and the letter of the
king to the archbishop of Paris. In considering the expressions
of this letter to the archbishop doubt and anxiety arose concern-
ing the nature of the measures which the king would employ.
This anxiety should cause the assembly to ask some explanations
from the king and a characterization, in detail, of the measures
for which he desired the approbation of the assembly. ‘“‘ Already
a great number of troops surround us. They have come from
all quarters. Every day more troops arrive. Thirty-five thou-
sand are now stationed between Paris and Versailles and twenty
thousand more are expected. Trains of artillery are coming.
Some places are designated for batteries, communication is as-
sured for them; all passages are interrupted. Our roads, bridges,
promenades are turned into military posts. Public events, hidden
facts, secret orders, hasty counter orders and preparations for
war strike us on every side and fill out hearts with indignation.
Thus it is not enough that the asylum of liberty has been ex-
plored by troops, not enough that one has witnessed the unheard-
of spectacle of a national assembly surrounded by military
sentinels and submitting to an armed force; not enough that incon-
veniences and lack of regard are joined to these outrages...
but every appearance of despotism must be used; more soldiers,
threatening the nation, on the day when the king himself sum-
moned the nation to counsel him and help him; more soldiers
than an invasion of the enemy would demand or at least a thou-
sand times more than could be collected to help some martyred
friends, suffering because of their fidelity to us, in order to pre-
serve our most sacred engagements, to preserve our political con-
°™6 Point du jour, I, 140; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 174; Procés-verbal,
No. 18, 2; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 165; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 416; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 1; Bulletins de
Vassemblée nationale, July 8; Gazette de Leyde, Sup. No. 56 (July 9);
Journal de Paris, No. 191, 859 (July 10).
404
The Counter Revolution of June-July 123
siderations and the alliance with Holland, so precious, but so
dearly gained and so shamefully lost.”
Mirabeau did not think the question concerned the national
assembly alone, but that it was important for the king himself to
have the deputies treated with decency because they were repre-
sentatives of the nation which made the glory of the king and
which constituted the splendor of the throne; they were repre-
sentatives of the nation which rendered the person of king honor-
able in proportion as the king himself honored it. He continued
that these “odious forms and insulting proceedings” led those
around the king to think that “royal authority consists of the
debasing relation of the master to the slave.” He claimed that
the measures were dangerous, both for the individual and for the
throne, and asserted that even if the disorders were of a nature to
be suppressed by troops, these troops were unnecessary as the
recent riot in the capital on the evening of June 30 had shown.
The word of the king had accomplished more than could have
been done with cannon and armies. He asked why the troops were
collected at this time and stated that the people had never been
more orderly. ‘Everything announces the end of misfortune
and the regeneration of the kingdom; the attention of the people,
their hopes and their wishes are all centered in us. How can
there be a better guarantee of confidence and fidelity to the
monarch?” The presence of the assembly was a pledge of public
peace and it was a shame to submit the people to terrible projects
of despotism.
Although he did not know all the schemes of the public enemies
the uselessness and danger of the troops was apparent to every-
one. “In what way will the people, weakened by so many calami-
ties, see this crowd of inactive soldiers come to dispute their sub-
stance with them?” The contrast between the soldiers, ‘ for
whom the manna falls without their ever thinking of it,” and the
people who “ obtain something only at the price of hard work and
grievous toil” was made to carry consternation into the hearts of
the people. “The presence of troops strikes the imagination of the
multitude and, arousing fears and alarms, causes a general com-
motion. Peaceful citizens are prepared for terrors of all kinds
405
124 Ethel Lee Howie
and the excited people assemble in crowds, yield to impulse and
throw themselves into dangers.”
Mirabeau then asked when the excitement commenced and
added that the movement of troops at the time of the royal session
was orderly but that agitation began at this time. ‘“ Must we then
understand that the people who were watching us murmured
when they saw violence directed, not against them, but against an
assembly which should be free to consider the causes of their
suffering?” Regarding the troops themselves he said that they
would become electrified by contact with the capital and interested
in the political discussions of the assembly and would recognize
that the assembly was considering their interests and never strike
without inquiring who the victims were. Trouble among the
soldiers would arise which would spread from regiment to regi-
ment and from national troops to foreign troops. Again such
methods were detrimental to the throne. He drew their atten-
tion to the way revolutions had spread and how thoughtful people
had been carried away by such movements while excitable people
plunged into the worst kind of excesses. The king, he said, —
looked with horror on those who started a revolt. Mirabeau then
suggested an address to the king to inform the sovereign of the
alarm the assembly felt because of the arrival of troops; to
represent how much these measures were opposed to the good in-
tention of the king and the liberty of the national assembly ; that
the king should be asked to reassure his subjects by giving the
necessary orders for the suspension of these measures and for
sending away the troops and artillery to the places from which
they came; to ask that in Paris and Versailles a citizen guard
should be raised to maintain order.
This plan of address was greeted with applause by the as-
sembly.5*?7 It appears that Mirabeau and the Baron de Menon-
ville had a little discussion as to whether the English troops could
approach the place where parliament met. The president asked
577 Point du jour, I, 142; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 14; As-
semblée nationale, I, 423.
578 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 174; Assemblée nationale, I, 423, gives no
names but says: “Trois ou quatre membres de la noblesse ont voulu
406
The Counter Revolution of June-July 125
if the assembly desired to send the project to the bureaus for dis-
cussion.®7® The Marquis de la Fayette thought that Mirabeau’s
motion was so important that the question should be taken up at
once,°®® but Bousmard desired discussion postponed until the next
day.*** The president stated that he had been asked to go to the
king at six o’clock that evening. As some supposed that the con-
ference would be regarding troops the deliberations were has-
tened.°8? M. Goupil de Prefelne said that honor and liberty were
innate in the hearts of the French. It was a question of honor
that the assembly deliberated in freedom. The service of the
king was also concerned. ‘‘ What citizen desiring to recognize the
legitimate rights of the executive power is not stopped by these
alarming preparations? What can one hope when our work
develops in the midst of troops? Our claim is not an act of
_ weakness, for each of us is incapable of such; it is a homage
which I render to the national assembly. I propose that the
president present this consideration to the king this evening.’’®**
Siéyes stated that in Brittany troops could not go nearer than
ten leagues to the place where the estates met, and he thought
there should be no less respect for the national assembly.°** Le
écarter cette motion, en disant que ce n’était pas des sentiments de peur
et de pusillanimité dont il faillait faire parade; qu’en Angleterre les troupes
sont aux portes de Londres quand le parlement délibére.”
579 Point du jour, I, 142; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 15.
580 Point du jour, I, 142; Assemblée nationale, I, 423; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 18th letter, 15; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Bulletins de lassemblée
nationale, July 8.
581 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Assemblée nationale, I, 423, says there
were three or four nobles who wished to avoid the subject, saying that in
England the troops were at the gates of London when parliament
deliberated.
582 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 174; Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 5; Point du
jour, 1,142; Assemblée nationale, 1, 424; Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale,
July 8, mentions M. Blin as one who thought the matter very pressing,
and also says that a member from Metz announced a letter from Metz
stating that a courier had arrived to give orders for the troops to start
immediately for Paris.
583 Point du jour, I, 143; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 8.
584 Point du jour, I, 143; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Assemblée na-
407
126 Ethel Lee Howie
Chapelier agreed with Si¢yes in this and asked how any one
could think that camps and armies should surround them and
alarm their constituents.°*° Such a claim, he asserted, had been
made twenty years ago by the nobles in Brittany and the troops
were withdrawn.®*
Mirabeau said: “I have never doubted that the nobles would
cast themselves between us and bayonets. I here take an oath to
denounce some day those counselling attacks on public liberty.”°*®
Bouchotte and Target cited the terms of their cahiers which de-
manded the removal of the troops.°** Bouchotte stated that the
provinces had the privilege of having no troops near them and
asked why the states-general did not have the same privilege.***
Target read an article of his cahier which said that “no troops
should approach nearer than ten leagues to the place where the
assembly of the estates met, without the consent or the request of
the estates.°*° Biauzat proposed an amendment to the plan of
Mirabeau. He desired that the article referring to the citizen
guard be omitted unless such a provision should be deemed neces-
sary in the future.°°® Biauzat gives as a reason for making this
amendment that being “instructed they had ordered the guns,
pistols, and other arms taken from the homes of individuals at
six leagues from Versailles, I feared that this demand might be
represented to the king as tending to put arms in the hands of
people who were represented to the king as having little respect
for his person and his throne. Besides I feared that the capital
tionale, I, 424. This does not mention Brittany but says the provincial
estates; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 15.
585 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Point du jour, I, 143; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 18th letter, 15; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 8.
586 Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 16; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175;
Point du jour, I, 143.
587 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Point du jour, I, 144.
588 Point du jour, I, 143; Assemblée nationale, I, 424; Duquesnoy, Jour-
nal, I, 175; Bulletins de l'assemblée nationale, July 8.
589 Point du jour, I, 144; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 15; Bul-
letins de lassemblée nationale, July 8.
590 Point du jour, I, 143; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 175; Courrier de Prov-
ence, I, 18th letter, 17; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale, July 8.
408
The Counter Revolution of June-July 127
might not be politically fit for the establishment of a bourgeois
fariitia.. °°%
Gregoire said that those who delighted in abuses were respon-
sible for the movement of troops. “If the nation wishes to be
fettered, it has only to contemplate, without indignation, the
troops, the eternal enemies of France, insult the nation in order
to serve the king of the French against the French. ‘The as-
sembly should take action at once and denounce the authors of
these detestable manoéuvres, abandon them to infamy and conse-
crate them to the curse of the present and future generations.’’>°?
Mr. Gouy d’Arsy thought that enough time had been spent in de-
bate. As the subject was so important he proposed that the presi-
dent should order a roll-call so that a decision could be had that
day.°°* Mirabeau then reread his motion. It was accepted by the
assembly with the exception of the part referring to the citizen
guard of Paris. This part was replaced by the amendment of
Biawzat.>°*
What was the significance of this action? By establishing a
militia in Paris two things would result: (1) The order of the
city would be put in the hands of the middle class of citizens, a
thing which practically no one would oppose; (2) a military force
would be raised which would aid the assembly in the struggle
591 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 165.
592 Duquesnoy, Journal, II, 175; Assemblée nationale, I, 424; Bulletins
de lassemblée nationale, July 8; Point du jour, I, 144.
593 Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 17; Point du jour, I, 144.
594 Point du jour, I, 144; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 176; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 425; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 17; Procés-verbal, I,
No. 18,-3: The Assemblée nationale says there were four votes against
the measure, the Courrier de Provence says it passed almost unanimously
except the part referring to the citizen guard. Duquesnoy says: “Il est
extrémement remarquable que la noblesse francaise s’est avilie hier d’une
maniére bien odieuse; il n’est resté que trés peu de gentilhommes, la plu-
part d’entre eux n’ayant pas méme la portion de courage nécessaire pour
improuver la motion; le marquis de Saint-Simon est celui qui a dit le
premier non. Il n’est resté guére plus de 100 personnes nobles pour
donner leur voix. On se doute bien que la minorité en était et que tous
ceux qui la composaient ont dit oui”; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale,
July 8, says it was passed by a vote of 668 against 20.
409
128 Ethel Lee Howie
against the king. The nobles and higher clergy naturally opposed
this for they realized how ineffective the troops under the com-
mand of the king would be when opposed by this immense army
of citizens. The nobles were so opposed to the measure that
many left the assembly, so many, Duquesnoy asserts, that there
remained scarcely more than a hundred nobles to vote on the
question and that these without doubt belonged to the minority
and voted for the measure.*** It was also decreed that the presi-
dent should that evening announce the action of the assembly
to the king and that Mirabeau would present a project of address
to the committee of redaction.®*®
On July 9 the president reported concerning his interview with
the king. The king had desired to explain his position regarding
the troops, saying that they were to be used to re-establish order
and that they would be retained only the necessary time to guar-
antee public security. He stated that he had been informed of
the action of the assembly and that he would receive the deputa-
tion and give “a public and ostensible response.”’**"
On July 9 the Bishop of Chartres reported the work of the com-
mittee on redaction regarding the address to the king and stated
that the author was ready to make any changes which the assembly
deemed necessary.°°® The tenor of the address was as follows:
They had come to fill his heart with alarm, not to implore his
protection. These fears concerned the interests of their constitu-
595 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 176.
596 Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 17; Point du jour, I, 144;
Procés-verbal, I, No. 18, 5; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 8.
597 Procés-verbal, I, No. 19, 1; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th letter, 17;
Point du jour, I, 146; Assemblée nationale, I, 426; Duquesnoy, Journal, I,
178; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 167; Bulletins de l’assemblée
nationale, July 9.
598 Point du jour, I, 144; Procés-verbal, I, No. 19, 4; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 432; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 179, 181. This source states that
Mirabeau read the address but adds, “C’est n’est pas de Mirabeau seul
cette adresse, car le comité de rédaction y a travaillé”; Biauzat, Sa vie et
sa correspondance, II, 168, says that when Mirabeau presented on the
evening of July 8 a project of address, “Il y fit, avec une docilité admira-
ble tous les changements que chacun de nous lui proposa”; Courrier de
Provence, I, 18th letter, 18; Bulletins de l’assemblée nationale, July 9.
410
The Counter Revolution of June-July 129
ents, public tranquility and the happiness of the monarch. The
true safety of the French lay in the impulses of the king’s heart.
“When troops come from all sides, camps are formed around us,
and the capital is invested we ask ourselves in astonishment, ‘ Is
the king deceived regarding the fidelity of his people? . . . What
do these threatening preparations tell us? Where are the enemies
of the state and the king to be subjugated? Where are the rebels
and the members of a league to be reduced? A unanimous voice
in the capital and in the kingom replies ‘ We cherish our king; we
bless heaven for the gift of his love. Your confidence can be
deceived only under the pretext of public good. . . . How do they
manage, sire, to make you doubt the attachment and love of your
subjects? Have you wasted their blood? Are you cruel, im-
placable? Have you violated law? Do the people blame you for
their misfortunes? Do they associate you with their calamities?
Have they told you that the people are tired of your yoke, that
they are weary of the scepter of the Bourbons? No, they have
not done this. Calumny is, at least, not absurd. It seeks a little
truth to color its blackness.’”» Reference was then made to the
trouble with the French guards and the restoration of order by a
word of clemency on the part of the king. “ France will not per-
mit the best kings to be abused or allow him to be diverted by
evil influences from the noble plan which he himself has traced.
You have called us to fix, in concert with you, the constitution, in
order to effect the regeneration of the kingdom. The national as-
sembly comes to solemnly declare to you that your wishes will be
fulfilled, that your promises will not be in vain, that intrigues,
difficulties, terrors will not stop its progress or intimidate its cour-
age. Where then is the danger from the troops?”
The address then enumerated five places of danger: (1) The
people of the provinces would be alarmed concerning the liberty
of the assembly and could not be checked, for at a distance every
thing is exaggetated; (2) in Paris. The people in the depths of
poverty would not see the remainder of their substance disputed
by a crowd of threatening soldiers without being excited and
indulging in riots; “the first act of violence, exercised under the
pretext of police may produce a horrible succession of calamities” ;
4II
130 Ethel Lee Howie
(3) among the troops, for “French soldiers brought together in
the midst of discussions, sharing the passions and the interests of
the people can forget that an agreement has made them soldiers,
while remembering that nature made.:them men”; (4) there would
be danger for the work of the assembly which could be completely
successful, only when the people regarded the deputies as entirely
free. “There is besides a contagion in intense impulses; we are
only men; distrust of ourselves, fear of seeming to be weak can
draw us on further than we had intended to go. We shall be
possessed of other violent and immoderate counsels; calm reason,
quiet wisdom do not deliver their oracles in the midst of tumults,
disorders and partisan scenes”’; (5) danger of a great revolution.
“Some great revolutions have had less striking causes. More than
one enterprise fatal to nations has been announced in a manner less
disastrous and less formidable.” A warning was given against
those who talked too lightly of the nation, representing it “ accord-
ing to their idea, sometimes insolently, rebelliously, seditiously ;
sometimes docile, submitted to the yoke, prompt to bend the head
in order to retain it.”
The statement was then made that they were ready to obey the
king because he commanded in the name of the law, but that they
were ready to resist all commands of those who abused the name
of the king. The king was then asked to send the soldiers to the
posts from where his counsellors had drawn them; to send away
the artillery destined for the frontiers; to send away, especially,
the foreign troops. “Your majesty has no need of them. Why
should a king, adored by twenty-five million French, collect at a
great expense thousands of foreigners? Sire, in the midst of your
children be guarded by their love. The deputies of the nation are
called to consecrate with you the imminent rights of the royalty
on the immutable basis of the liberty of the people. But when they
fulfill their duty, when they yield to reason, to their feelings, will
you expose them to the suspicion of having yielded only through
fear? Ah! the authority that every heart tenders to you is alone
pure and immovable; it is the just return for your kindness and
the everlasting endowment of princes, of whom you will be the
model.”
412
The Counter Revolution of June-July 131
General satisfaction was manifested by the assembly.°°° A
second reading of the address was called for in order that they
might correct phrases which were not approved.®° As soon as a
phrase which contained some objections was presented the reader
was to be interrupted.°°' Biauzat asserts that this announcement
was made when the president saw that the address did not please
the nobles, ‘but Biauzat did not believe the president thought the
nobles would oppose anything reasonable.°°? After the first phrase
was read it seems that “the aristocrat De Menonville asked, ‘ what
proof have you that the king desired that the national assembly
would testify its confidence in him?’” Biauzat states that the idea
of the noble was that the king did not approve of the name Assem-
blée nationale. It appears that this interruption was generally dis-
approved and the reading was continued to the end.*** Apparently
this second reading was followed by. the same testimony of ap-
proval as the first. The address remained intact and the deputies
who were to compose the deputation to the king were chosen.**
On July 11 the president announced that the deputation to the
king had ‘been received the evening before at half past eight. When
the address was read to the king the following reply was given:
No one is ignorant of the disorders and the scandalous events which
have occurred and are occurring at Paris and at Versailles, under my eyes
and under those of the states-general; it is necessary that I use the means
which are in my power, in order to bring back and to maintain order in
the capital and in the environs. It is one of my first duties to watch
over public safety; these are the motives which have engaged me to as-
semble the troops around Paris.
599 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 179; Point du jour, I, 150; Biauzat, Sa vie et
sa correspondance, II, 169.
600 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 181; Point du jour, I, 150; Biauzat, Sa vie
et sa correspondance, II, 169; Procés-verbal, I, No. 19, 4.
601 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 181; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance,
II, 169.
602 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 169.
603 Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 169.
604 Pyocés-verbal, I, No. 19, 4; Point du jour, I, 150; Assemblée na-
tionale, I, 437; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 181; Courrier de Provence, I, 18th
letter, 25; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 169; Bulletins de l’as-
semblée nationale, July 9.
413
132 Ethel Lee Howie
You can assure the assembly of the states-general that they (the troops)
are destined only to repress or rather to prevent new disorders, to maintain
order and to execute the laws, to assure and protect the liberty which
should reign in your deliberations. All kind of constraint should be ban-
ished, just as all apprehension of tumult and violence should be turned
aside. It was only evil intentioned people who could mislead my people
concerning the true motives of the measures of precaution which I take.
I have constantly sought to do all that might tend to their happiness and
I have always had cause to be assured of their love and their fidelity.
If, however, the necessary presence of the troops in the environs
of Paris still causes misgivings I would consent, on the request of the
states-general, to transfer them to Noyon or to Soissons; and then I
would go to Compiégne, in order to maintain the communication which
there should be between the assembly and myself.6
This answer of the king shows clearly that he did not recognize
the national assembly ; neither did he give his real motive in bring-
ing the troops to Paris. But how was the king’s answer received
by the assembly? The Marquis de Crillon proposed a testimony
to the king of “love and confidence,” as the assembly could have
no fear once the word and the assurance of the king had been
given. We see in this suggestion what the attitude of the upper
orders was. They naturally would do nothing to check the coup
d’état. Mirabeau, however, opposed this motion, stating that no
one disputed their love and confidence in the king, but there were
some objects concerning which confidence should rest on knowl-
edge. The removal of the assembly would indicate that the mem-
bers were afraid. He advocated remaining at Versailles but in-
sisted on the removal of the army. He asked that the question of
the renewal of the protest to the king be considered, urging that
the assembly should be careful not to give the idea that it had
taken a “vain and inconsiderate step.” It is reported that the
Archbishop of Vienne favored a discussion of the question and
605 Procés-verbal, I, No. 21, 2; Courrier de Provence, I, toth letter, 7-8;
Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 180-186, gives the sense but not the exact terms
of the response; Biauzat, Sa vie et sa correspondance, II, 173, states, “ Ce-
pendant la réponse que le roi fit hier 4 nos députés est expressive de senti-
ments affectueux. C’est qu’on ne le croit pas capable de tenir des propos
durs lorsqu’il a le temps de réfléchir”; Bulletins de lassemblée nationale,
July 11.
414
The Counter Revolution of June-July 133
that the Archbishop of Chartres proposed that copies of the letter
of the king be distributed in the bureaus and that the question be
discussed the next day but no action was taken by the assembly.°®
So conservative was the assembly that no mention was made in the
Procés-verbal of the discussion. Thus it appears that the assembly
took the answer of the king at its face value and although it was
generally known that the government was planning a coup d’état
the members of the assembly were unwilling to take any action
which would precipitate any clash with the king.
XIII
What was the significance of this failure to act on the part of
the assembly? What had been gained since the union of the
orders? The third estate by assuming that the union was perma-
nent had succeeded in bringing about verification of credentials in
common. It had, furthermore, secured a single assembly with
majority rule for, in spite of the protests against a single assembly
and against vote by head, and in spite of imperative instructions
urged by the upper orders as obstacles in the way of a single
assembly, the orders had finally been absorbed. Organization and
unification were completed by the election of officers, the distribu-
tion of the members into bureaus and the establishment of com-
mittees. The activities of the assembly had been limited to some
discussions on subsistence and finance and a plan of work on
the constitution. That public opinion was in sympathy with the
assembly was shown by the addresses sent from various sections
of the country. However, the reform work of the assembly had
not yet begun, although an instrument had been created for the
passage of a constitution. A single assembly with majority rule
put the control of reform into the hands of the middle class.
What then could prevent the assembly from reforming France?
An armed force in the hands of the king. Such a force was
already being gathered and it was believed that the king intended
to use it to force his June measures through or to dissolve the
assembly.
606 Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 187; Courrier de Provence, I, 19th letter, 413;
Assemblée nationale, I, 469.
415
134 Ethel Lee Howie
What steps had the assembly taken to defend itself? On the
very day on which the national assembly came into existence, the
assembly passed a decree on taxation in which it stated that
taxes and contributions would continue to be raised in the same
manner in which they had always been raised until the first
separation of the assembly; that from that day the raising of
taxes and contributions of whatever kind, which had not been
formally and freely accorded by the assembly, would entirely
cease in all provinces of the kingdom.°””
Again, the revolt of the French guards, the insurrection on the
night of June 30, and the appeal of the people of Paris to the
assembly had given an opportunity for the assembly to secure a
military force to defend it in the inevitable conflict with the king.
However, the assembly took no decisive action in the settlement
of this question. Had it taken the matter into its own hands,
it is probable that the conflict with the king would have occurred
at this time. The deputies, however, were unwilling to take the
offensive in the struggle with the king and by a deputation to the
king, the question was settled in such a way that the people were
not alienated or the king offended.
The natural support for the assembly was, however, to be
found in a citizen militia. The creation of such a force in Paris,
as has been noted before, had been suggested by Mirabeau in his
plan for an address to the king asking the removal of the troops,
but it had been voted down by the assembly. It was also sug-
gested by one of the electors of Paris on July 1, but not voted
by the assembly.°°S Again, we have noted that on July 11, the
very day that the king executed his first step in the coup d’état by
the dismissal of Necker, the assembly was unwilling to renew the
request to the king for the removal of the troops. It thus refused
to oppose force by force and it became perfectly evident that if
the revolution was to be effected help must come from another
direction. This help was to be found in the people of Paris. The
insurrection of July created a citizen militia and by placing this
force at the disposal of the assembly frustrated the coup d’état
607 Procés-verbal, I, No. I, 12.
608 Pyocés-verbal of the electors of Paris, I, 107.
416
The Counter Revolution of June-July 135
and rendered hopeless all future attempts to restore the old order
of things in France by an appeal to arms.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
SouRCcES
Manuscripts
Archives nationales, Paris:
C 26, 175-180 (1783).
Bulletins de Vassemblée nationale, r°°€ séance du samedi 27 juin,
1789.
C 185, No. 613.
Tableaux des principaux événements de la révolution trouvé aux
Tuileries en 1793.
K 679.
Correspondance de M. de Barentin, garde des sceaux avec Louis
XVI. Lettres, bulletins, notes envoyés par lui au roi con-
cernant ce que se passait aux états-généraux du 25 April au
1r juillet 1789. (Papiers trouvés aux Tuileries dans le cabinet
du rot.)
Bibliothéque nationale:
Mss. fonds francais, 6680-6687.
Mes loisirs ou journal d’événements, tels qwils parviennent a ma
connaissance par Hardy ancien libraire. 8 vols. Le dermer
volume consacré @ la periode comprise le 21 juin 1788 et le 14
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Printed Sources
Documents:
Procés-verbal de l’assemblée des communes et de l’assemblée nationale,
imprimé par son ordre. 75 vols. Paris, 1789-1701.
Procés-verbal des électeurs de Paris, rédigé depuis le 26 avril jusqu-au
2r mai 1789, par M. Bailly ... et depuis le 22 mai jusqu’au 30
juillet, 1789 par M. Duveyrier. 3 vols. Paris, 1790.
Procés-verbal des séances de la chambre de l’ordre de la noblesse aux
états-généraux, A Versailles de Vimprimérie de Ph.-D. Pierres,
premier imprimeur ordinaire du roi et de lordre de la noblesse aux
états-généraux. 1789.
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417
136 Ethel Lee Howie
Correspondance:
“Bulletins d’un agent secret ” in La révolution francaise vols. 23, 24.
Duquesnoy, Adrien. Journal sur l’assemblée constituante (3 mai
1789-3 avril 1790), publié par Robert de Crevecoeur. 2 vols. Paris,
1894.
Gaultier de Biauzat: Sa vie et sa correspondance, par Francisque
Mége. 2 vols. Paris, 1890.
Lescure. Correspondance secréte inédite sur Louis XVI, Marie An-
toinette, la cour et la ville de 1777-1792. Publieé d’aprés les manu-
scrits de la bibliothéque impériale de Saint-Petersbourg. 2 vols.
Paris, 1866.
Newspapers:
Assemblée nationale. 35 vols. Paris, 1789-02.
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commettants. 18 vols. Paris, 1789-1791.
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généraux jusqu’au consulat (mai, 1789-novembre, 1799) avec des
notes. 31 vols. Paris, 1840-1847. Although not a source for this
period, the Moniteur made use of one or two sources that I have not
met with elsewhere.
Mémoires:
Bailly, J. D. Mémoires, avec une notice sur sa vie, des notes et des
éclaircissements historiques, par M. M. Berville et Barriere. 3 vols.
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cureur du rot au Chatelet. Paris, 1790.
Necker, J. De la révolution. 2 vols. Paris, 1797.
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de devenir libres, et sur les moyens qui leur restent pour acquerir
la liberté. 2 vols. Genéve, 17092.
A418
The Counter Revolution of June-July 137
Collection of Documents:
Brette, Armand. Recueil de documents relatifs a la convocation des
états-généraux de 1789. 3 vols. Paris, 1894.
SEcoNDARY Works
Bord, Gustave. La conspiration révolutionaire de 1789. Paris, 1900.
Brette, Armand. Les constituants, liste des députés et des suppléants élus
a@ Vassemblée constituante. Paris, 1897.
Brette, Armand. Les limites et les divisions territoriales de la France
en 1789. Paris, 1907.
Caron, P. “La tentative de contre-révolution de juin-juillet in Revue
a@ histoire moderne et contemporaine, Octobre, 1906.
Rouff, Marcel. “Le peuple ouvrier de Paris au 30 Aout 1789.” In the
Révolution frangaise, November, 1912, 434-437.
Walsh, Emile. La déclaration des droits de lhomme et du citoyen et
Vassemblée constituante. Paris, 1903.
419
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