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THE

OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA

WOE UM EV

LINCOLN
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY
1904

CONTENTS

BOLTON AND MIL.ER—On the Validity of the Ergograph as a Measurer

of Work Capacity....... ia Nicdas et aca ote Atanas bdase tate Be eh eee ga 79
CLEMENTS—Formation and Succession Herbaria ..................... 329
Dea te cclatisles OM Oronps jee hones ce ee a eee bee 231
Miris—On the Effect of a Magnetic Field on the Interference of

INVEW Ru cee oF 0S) 5 AR Mea giy SMR Maha ere iain ae Rea pee Se PRO PC 145
PIERCE—Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles and Their Hymenopterous

IERCRS Stns 97 oA aioe ya Le ka ele eg eno Ne tee gia! Man 153
Pau A Mew SeHOOW OF [UcIStS§ sor 5 wave Ga dante «athe Sw ree LOG bs 249

STEVENSON AND ENGBERG—Variation in the Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms,
Taenia Serrata and Taenia Serialis.

Patt lee SECVEMS ODE ee cyanea hn acetone erc Sia falttecaa al hota 6 apa 191

1 Brie (eee 0 (ed Boge Oy es hea AY Be led eh Ceara leer BUCCI PoP ECE EIR 211
STODDARD—The Causes of the Insurrection of the 5th and 6th of

WCLO DEHLI arate eet hice uate teense Sara oP avelobereaue Scene 267

TAVLOR—The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises ...........,.. 00.085 1

WILLIAMS—On the Determination of the Refractive Indices by Means
GES at CLEG SPCCLEAT «raha stanevnielcinet ure le's| wleleleja'n'g nated as Ole eiaTeee 129

LIN

Vou. IV - January 1904 No. 1

UNIVERSITY STUDIES

ail iS
Published by the University of eens HtST Whigs h

C. E. BESSEY 8 |
€ |

D.B.BRACE F.M.FLING R.S. LILLIE R. E. MORITZ
W. G. lL. TAYLOR J. I. WYER ;

L. A. SHERMAN, Epr:ror

CONTENTS

I Tux Kinetic THEorRY oF Economic CRISES
W. G. Langworthy Taylor. : : Sie

II VALIDITY OF THE ERGOGRAPH AS A MEASURER OF

Work CAPACITY
Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller . 9
|

LINCOLN NEBRASKA

Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, as University |

Bulletin, Series 8, No. 14 _ |
|
{

UNIVERSITY STUDIES

VoL. IV JANUARY, roo4 No. 1

I—The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises

BY W. G: LANGWORTHY. TAYLOR
I

THE KINETIC THEORY OF ECONOMIC LOGIC

The theory that there is somehow or other such a sympathy
between the different phases of social life that they all bear the
same hall-mark at any particular. epoch, and that a common
change takes place in ail of them from one epoch to another, is
so fascinating as to form the more or less unconscious assump-
tion of much of our reasoning about society. Even if it be
impossible to show that this sympathetic movement occurs
precisely at the same moment in all phases, it may still be most

_ plausibly assumed that a given impulse is propagated from one
phase of life to another so that all may share in the common
movement within a reasonably close period, although at any

given moment there will be some that are through with it and
others that it has not yet reached.

Just what this is that can be common to so many and so

_ different elements we need not attempt to describe. We char-
acterize many social phenomena as belonging to the savage,
barbarous, civilized epochs. While we may err in cataloguing
‘our items into this or that epoch, we assume confidently our use
of stages and epochs. We assume, further, that this succession
of general stages constitutes a progress, although we do not often

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 1, January, 1904.
. : .

4 ’ I

4
2 W. G. Langworthy Taylor ey

venture to hint in what it is that progress essentially consists.
This paper is no exception to the general tendency to make ~
these assumptions. ae 3
The present age is characterized by, some seciolog aa as the
economic-ethical. It has left in the rear the ponderous debate on —
constitutionality, the closet speculations of metaphysics, and the
bloody contests of religious schism—all stages of activity that |
were doubtless necessary, but could hardly be looked upon as cs
rapid means of solving the problems of life. In the economic=
ethical age, we find less casuistry and greater definiteness. The
discussions of previous ages have rendered many distinctions» —
simple that then seemed novel and fine-spun. With such a foun. ~
dation laid, there seems room for unlimited activity. The manifold oe
phenomena of life are no longer confounded, and hence a vastly
greater number of separate paths are opened. These paths soon ~
have tracks laid upon them, and instead of walking we find our-
selves carried at railroad speed. In some such way it is that the _
present age is characterized as one of motion. ene xP
The new philosophy finds the end and well-being of man as of
Nature, in energy. Function is more important than structure.
In the public eye it is doing, not wealth or rank, that occupies the ~~
foreground. The man of action wins admiration. The doctrine
of the strenuous life is undoubtedly extremely popular and may 5
even turn the balance in favor of a political candidate against the
preferences of the party machine and of the party boss. Hence, fits
progress is the watchword and keyncte of the day. In science and
in education, those closely allied phases of life, we must expect ives
to find it, and we shall be lacking in our assumed duty of har-
monizing ourselves with the spirit of the age if we do not seek
to work out its principles. The task in hand, therefore, is that — é
of analysis of life rather than of living itself. We seek to under- _
stand and to explain. | Bich
The close connection of science with education causes them:
mutually to affect each ‘other. The methods of science must de-
pend to a certain extent upon those of education. It is in the
field of education that we come most closely in contact with the yp.

1Cf. Professor F. H. Giddings, 7he Principles af Sociology, p. 302,

2

The Kinetic Theor of Economic Crises 3

processes of the human mind. The scientific investigator uses—
without full self-consciousness—the tools given him by Nature,
much as any other reasoner does. In so far as he is unconscious
of his process of thought, he may be set down as a really living
man (on a psychic plane, however), although he is engaged in
the investigation of the actions of those who are in a more
material sense living men. In order that he may reach a high
self-consciousness, he must be brought in touch with the problems
of education, for these are essentially the problems of self-con-
sciousness. It is said that President Eliot conceives the true end
of education to be to secure “effective power in action.”* While
this definition is doubtless correct from the point of view of a
college president who wishes to impart every desirable epoch-
making quality to his students, and while it is strictly in line with
the spirit of the age, the question may be raised whether it is not
technically too broad. The distinctive feature of education, nar-
rowly viewed, and especially in the present epoch, is the attempt
to make the student acquainted with facts and with accepted
forms of thought, and to make him acquire a sort of self-con-
sciousness about them. The object is to acquaint him with facts
of a higher order, those which he is not likely to acquire in the
push of life. These consist largely in general propositions and
may be treated not only as scientific facts but as indications of
the methods of thought employed in the several sciences and for
instructicn in them. Some facts of a lower order are also neces-
sarily inculcated becatise they are the means of acquiring the
higher kind of facts and can not be learned,in ordinary experi-
ence; such, for example, are the languages when regarded merely
as work tools, and the use of laberatory instruments in the vari-
ous natural sciences. Our business is to discover what kind of
thought and facts is characteristic of the present age of material
progress, adequate to investigate it and to describe it, and suited
to the apprehension of the students likely to be encountered. We
take the liberty of assuming, then, that the method of investiga-
tion and the method of teaching are to be in harmony with the
progressive spirit of the age: investigation must have for its

13. P. Morris, President Eliot of Harvard. Review of Reviews, March,
1902. ‘
3

4 W.- G. Langworthy Taylor

object the essential facts and laws of progress, while education

must recognize how persons of different epochs and at different.

ages are able to apprehend them.

Education assumes that the mind is immature, whatever may
be true of the body. There is much truth in the observation that
the individual must in his early personal experiences pass through
the history of the race. He is the microcosm, and from nebulous
beginning must in a short time develop into a representative of
the most highly differentiated organism. When fully matured

he will be master of the methods of thought prevailing in the _

epoch. In the course of his development, however, the methods
of earlier epochs are applicable. To the child, all phenomena

are present. There is but one reality—the present. He con- —

ceives of everything he observes as eternally the same. His
method is arithmetical, logical, and static. To the man, the
world is an old story. Nothing surprises him. Wonders
have ceased. He amuses himself by watching the fleeting pan-
orama of life., His observations are of rate of progress and of
changes in rate. He notes recurrences of high and low speed.
His method is organic and kinetic; his economics is ‘a calculus
of pleasure and of pain’? (Jevons).

Now we avail ourselves of the distinction between science and
education. The professor in his study is analyzing the tenden-
cies of the times; in the class room he is adapting his instruction
to minds of earlier epochs. A description, then, of present
methods of thought in the social sciences would be impossible
without the contrast afforded by former methods and without
noting the imperceptible transition from the old to the new—a
comparison which is to be made chiefly in the field of educational
method. What was and is the static thought with which we are
to contrast the newer kinetic thought? It must have. been, of
course, a statement of reality as apprehended by the past in-
vestigator and as imparted in the present class room. At this
point the doctrine of the harmonious development of different
social phases receives unexpected confirmation. That is only real
which is apprehended as such. Higher realities are only potential

1If not of pleasure and pain, anyhow a calculus.

4

The Kinetic Theory of Economie Crises 5

to the development of our faculties. The action and reaction
between science and education would naturally keep them in
touch with each other and with the spirit of the age in this matter
of reality. The living world may progress all unperceived. The
potential environments which it is entering and which it is realiz-
ing in life are unreal and non-existent to men’s apprehensions.

The truth as it is perceived is not the truth as it would be per-
ceived by more advanced beings. Therefore the truth as we
know it can be of no higher order than our method of thought
allows; and the nature of this method is most clearly appre-
hended in the field of education.

In view of the relativity of social and economic laws, as above
explained, let us now turn to the characteristics of static and
kinetic thought, respectively. The most prominent characteristic
of static thought is that it clings closely to the simplest logic of
premise and conclusion. In its endeavor to reach conclusions of
the utmost clearness and simplicity, it assumes the whole environ-
ment, with the exception of one item, to be unchanging. If the
environment is one naturally in motion, it is assumed that the
rate of motion is not changing, or if the rate be changing, it is
assumed that the rate at which the rate is changing is itself un-
changed. In other words, it contemplates any given state of
affairs as static with relation to one factor which is selected out
for differentiation. The effect produced by this variation is a
logical conclusion, and, if sufficiently authentic and general, may
constitute a static law.

Now, it is not claimed that we can ever disembarrass ourselves
completely of this method of reasoning. Still, we can recognize
its weakness and hope that an age of men is arising that is able
to reason better. The simplicity of this form of thought is due
to the simplicity of mind to which it is adapted. It is a safe
proposition that with more complex minds we shall be able to vary
more than one item at once, or so nearly simultaneously as to
produce a nearly simultaneous effect.. In a static age, men acted
on simple motives. Life was assumed to be simpler than it is now
assumed to be, and simple conclusions were reached. Progress
was hindered, however, by the fact that the conclusions were too

5

\

6 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

simple. As already noted, it is the fine distinctions that prevent.

interference and allow rapid progress. It was supposed in the
static age that men used logic as a ground of action; that men
acted upon conclusions drawn from premises. At present we
see that men adapt themselves to their environment by an organic
process and that reason is rather an effort to understand the en-
vironment and to complete the adaptation than the invention of
proper motives to action. The modern point of view, therefore,
does not connect reason with action so closely: it is less intensely
personal, and leaves the mind free for the apprehension of simul-
taneous variations in different items.

_A statement of some of the hypotheses of John Stuart Mill’s

Political Economy will illustrate the nature of the assumptions
of static thought :

1. Mill constantly accepts the popular conception of the wealth,
of the capital, and even of the source of wages in society as con-
stituting a definite fund. This conception has been found so
unreal by later thinkers that it has been abandoned in systematic
treatises. It exaggerates the importance of the conceptions of
wealth and capital relatively to that of income, and when applied
to wages, rent, and interest requires so much explanation and
qualification that the fundamental idea of a fund is lost and hence
comparatively useless. Nevertheless, for the youthful mind in the
static epoch, it is probably the only method of creating a vivid
self-consciousness on these economic topics.

2. Mill supposes in some cases that capital may be instantane-

ously withdrawn from one industry and invested in another
without loss. In other cases, he supposes that capital is a fixed
amount, for example, when he treats of the injury done to
laborers by the adoption of machinery.

3. He supposes labor and capital to act purely from selfish »

motives.
4. In his desire to reach fundamental principles, he considers

in many cases ultimate effects to the exclusion of immediate >

effects; but sometimes he pursues a contrary course,

5. He speaks frequently in his masterly treatment of interna-
tional trade, of absolute wages and profits, as if any wages and
profits did not need to be accounted for.

6

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 7

6. Like Ricardo, he compels the reader to make difficult as-
sumptions as to “other things being equal.”

The above criticisms of Mill are not offered in an adverse
spirit. On the contrary, it is maintained that the static method of
thought is necessary at some stage in the development of a so-
ciety, of an individual, and of the investigation of any given
social phenomenon. It is nevertheless manifest that the higher
truth consists in the apprehension of things as they move, live,
grow, and act. The rapid movemient of modern life necessitates
increased rapidity of movement of the modern scientific mind
engaged upon social problems. When progress was slow the
method of noticing single variations seemed satisfactory; the
student did not realize its inadequacy; he did not feel as though
his labor was lost through the rapid change of environment.
The environment apparently was the same when he had con-
cluded his investigation that it was when he began it. Not so
with the modern student: he feels that the environment that he

begins with is slipping away in the very course of the investiga-

:

tion of one of its parts.

While we are casting about for a new method of investigation,
it would not be surprising if the subject-matter itself changed.
New methods, new subjects. -It is now the change in the en-
vironment itself, whether capitalistic, squirearchal, or what not,
rather than its details, such as wages, rent, and interest, that
attracts our attention. The changes of detail are looked upon as
flowing from the change in environment. This change of sub-
ject-matter comes in to relieve somewhat the strain of the kinetic
process, for we may treat the social change as a whole and so
retain something of that simplicity which constitutes the advan-
tage of static thought. At the present moment, however, we are
to inquire, not into the concessions that must be made to static
thought even in a kinetic investigation, but as to the nature of
the kinetic investigation itself. |

The desideratum is a method of reasoning in which several
elements may be allowed to vary at once so that we are not held
down by the condition that but one factor may be changed at a
time. We wish to hear no more of the cumbersome and glaring

7

8 W. G, Langworthy Taylor

unreality of a “fund.” We wish to feel our whole being move
_with nature, to comprehend many motions at once, to follow many
themes simultaneously. The problem of reasoning is the problem
of clear ideas. The success of the static method lay in the fact
that it isolated impressions so that they were clear. Evidently the
requisite of distinct impressions at the self-conscious center? is
inexorable. The problem, therefore, is that of satisfying the con-
dition of motion without destroying the clearness of the mental

picture. There is but one conceivable means by which this result _

can be accomplished, and that is so to train the mind that it may
receive successive distinct impressions at shorter and shorter
intervals, until finally, the distance between the impressions de-
creasing indefinitely, they blend together into one homogeneous
picture. The simultaneous action of many different elements is
thus portrayed. This picture will constitute a higher, a kinetic
reality. Any student will recognize that in moments of most
successful thought he experiences pictures of this sort. Even

when we do not visualize environments as wholes in this way, it~

is common for a well-stored mind to suggest particular after
particular with almost lightning rapidity until the whole con-
juncture is reproduced.
The ability of the kinetic method to ease the mental strain
by permitting the use of static thought through this rapid differ-
entiation suggests that the old categories by which the economic
situation was analyzed are not to disappear at once. Land, labor,
and capital, rent, wages, and interest will abide with us still; but
they will not maintain so prominent a place. They will belong
to the lower rank of thought, retaived in order to form a con-
necting link for the practical application in life of the higher
realities. At the same time, new categories will be evolved in the
social life. Discussion will turn about the more fundamental
traits of human nature involved in progress. The effort to obtain

clear ideas will be connected not so much with the newer as with

the older categories. They will now seem complex, since a single

variation in the newer will involve multiple variations in the older..

1The theory of brain mechanism here followed seems to offer a stmple

explanation. The writer does not wish to be understood as definitively
committed to it.

8"

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 9

Everywhere the conception of motion will be introduced, so that
the self-conscious center will be called upon to visualize, at the
same moment, successive positions in time and simultaneous posi-
tions of all the elements.

It is well’to note in passing that the new method seems to

favor the doctrine of individualism. Socialism (the older type, at

least) is an attitude of mind essentially static. While it does look
upon society primarily as a whole, it goes too far in treating it as
independent of individual action and not as in action itself, but as
capable of being moulded, like a sort of fund, into any conceiv-
able, definitive shape. While individualism may well investigate
society from the social point of view, it does so on the supposi-
tion that the general social situation is rather a mode of thought
than an-objective fact and is at any rate the result of individual
efforts. Socialists have no need of kinetic thought since its adop-
tion would be a confession that society is objective, complex, and
not amenable to simple administrative regulations.

The common sense deliverances of normal men, especially about
their own industries or businesses, are more kinetic than those

of the student or teacher. They are in fact a part of the very

process that is to be investigated. Common sense opinions as to
social prosperity, or even as to national or local policy, are often
more trustworthy than those of students and professors, for they
‘are but a part of the general life. The distinction between them
and the opinion of scholars is that they are less self-conscious.
The task of the student is to reduce this instinctive thought to
self-consciousness. He selects such sequences as may be clearly
separated. The result is an obvious gain in clearness, but a
relatively low reality. The situation thus devitalized is said to
be “logical.” Logical conclusions are obtained at the expense
of comprehensiveness but to the advantage of clearness. They are
partial and dangerous except in the hands of experts. How
many a worthy teacher of political economy has allowed himself
to be side-tracked into dogmatism about free trade or hard money
because he had forgotten for the moment the artificial simplicity
of the premises and thus allowed his static logic to obtain the
mastery over his inexperienced motor nerves! On his tombstone

9

10 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

should be written this epitaph: ‘Slain by an Idea.” How. many
of us are in bondage to ideas instead of using them as a means
of daily upbuilding! Thus the search for clearness may actually
lead us away from higher and down to lower realities. Are the
difficulties inherent in clear thinking to prevent us forever from
attaining to the highest realities? Whatever change takes place
in our method, it can not afford definitively to sacrifice clearness.
It makes little difference whether we say that we abandon the
logical method or that we change our logic—that is a mere
matter of words. The impact of the isolated stroke must not be
lost. It is possible that the caliber of our guns has reached its
limit. It is the rapid succession of distinct blows on which we
are henceforth to rely. The self-conscious center wili remain the
target of the sensory fire. The question of the improvement of
our logic is a question of the target’s power of resistance and of
the rapidity and exactness of the discriminating fire maintained.
by the subordinate centers. We have seen that the advantage of
education consists in increasing our self-consciousness and that:
the method to this end is a logical one. We have also seen that
logic suffers from the very considerable disadvantage of partiality
and one-sidedness; it necessarily introduces us only to a por-
tion of our subject; it separates out particular influences and
traces them through an otherwise unanalyzed and unexplained
mass of material. Not only does this process tend to destro
mental perspective, but it may even cause us to know practically
less about the whole subject and its relation to life than we might
otherwise have known from common everyday experience. This
result is deeply to be deprecated. Of course, the static method, by
repeated applications, does, after a fashion, bring about a pretty
fair analysis of the subject-matter. Life is like a geometrical
solid ; it may be sliced by an infinite number of planes at an infinite
number of angles in order to analyze it fully. But this process
does not suit our. rushing age. The aim of the newer logic must |
be “to bring theory and practice together,’ and this without
unreasonable delay. We wish not merely to perceive the relation
of all the parts of any given section to each other, but also to feel
the motion of those parts incident to their rearrangement. Life

Io

‘ The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises Il
would better be compared to an elongated solid of which we wish
to take an infinite number of cross sections and also longitudinal
sections. Doubtless the old method of education in. static logic
is highly beneficial—but rather for the objective habit of mind and
the scientific scepticism that it encourages than for any actual
knowledge that it gives. If education can give completer knowl-
edge than it has heretofore furnished it would undeniably be much
more beneficial. The popular phrase ‘“‘to bring theory and prac-
tice together” really represents the greatest scientific desideratum.

Learning is being democratized along with everything else.
The student can not afford to assume aristocratic airs toward the
practical man. The latter has a right to be proud of what he
does; the former can only point to his thoughts and his ideals.
To few of us is it granted both to think and to do or live. If the
practical man—the man who really lives—knew how weak was
the logical armor of the theorist, his scorn would be redoubled.
The theorist must be prepared for the “I told you so” of the
practical man. The former has lofty aims, incomprehensible to
the latter; the latter judges all men by results upon his own
materialistic plane—his own geometrical slice; his only standard
is facts accomplished; his only facts are short-time and material-
istic; with him there can be no dispute; his contention must be
admitted as he understands it. It is not worth while to explain
to him that there are things that he does not understand. He that
scorns the schools and does not acquire high ideals in the school
of life would better be left undisturbed. After all, the practical
man is the material, the very stock in trade of the social student.
Without the former the latter would have to go out of business.
The experimental material for the social laboratory would be
gone. Let our thought, however, become thoroughly kinetic, the
crevice in the scientific armor will be repaired, and even the ap-
pearance of unpracticality will be saved.

Having considered in a general way the imperfections of the
older logical method, more particularly with reference to the social
sciences, and the general scope of what we may hope for from
the future, we may now turn our attention to a short statement
of what is being accomplished in the line of kinetic social thought.

II

12 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

A specific example of the old method will serve to give point by
contrast. In his chapter “Of the competition of different countries
in the same market,” Mill shows that if a country be undersold
it will simply reduce the general level of its prices and so enable
itself to regain its former market; however, the falling off in
foreign demand for a particular article may cause the production
of it to be accompanied with loss: “The loss which the country
will incur will not fall upon the exporters, but upon those who
consume imported commodities; who, with money, incomes re-
duced in amount, will have to pay the same or even an increased
price for all things produced in foreign countries.’ To the prac-
tical man the statement that exporters will not lose money in losing
their market seems preposterous. Anyone knows that a business
man loses money when he loses his market, as Professor Laughlin
points out in his edition of Mill. What Mill really meant was
that the business of exporting would continue just the same, but
that the consumers of foreign goods would find no compensation
for the fall in their own incomes and the rise in the price of for-
eign goods. Mill’s mind was so fixed on a final and pesmanent
state of affairs that the temporary losses of a few exporters did
not seem to form a part of the proper subject of discussion. We
could excuse this omission did not the static method of thought
lead him into a graver error; for the consumers of imported com-
modities are left permanently consenting to pay’a high price for
foreign goods upon a small income. Now, of course, Mill’s ©
premise was that the country was undersold; therefore the results
of underselling must last only so long as the cause lasts. ‘We
’ obtain a vivid picture of the possible ultimate effects of under-
selling, but only a very partial and one-sided view of the real
course of foreign trade relations. Probably the balance of trade
will turn in so short a time and to such an extent that the loss
which the consumers of foreign goods suffer will be no greater
than that which the producers or exporters of domestic goods
will have suffered. Mill, however, by supposing the adjustment
of the capital, prices, etc., of the exporters to be instantaneous,
and by again supposing the losses of the consumers to be perma-

*Principles of Political Economy, bk. III, ch. 20, sec. 1.

I2

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 13

nent, has produced upon the mind an effect of distorted per-
spective which is only too likely itself to be permanent.

It would be idle to claim that the static logic, of which an
example has just been given, could or should be dispensed with.
An inspection of all static sections of the social material is a
prerequisite to further economic investigation. The mind be-
comes trained in rapidly passing from section to section. A mind
that has acquited this facility has attained to what we call good
judgment; all the artificial static propositions are become so fa-
miliar to it that it does not object to move at an instant’s notice
in any direction on a reasonable suggestion, and is not conscious
of any considerable resistance necessary to be overcome in order
to reinspect one of the multitudinous sections. The prejudiced
person refuses to adapt his thoughts to circumstances; the
trained mind passing quickly from section to section obtains
a pretty good general view and is enabled to correct one exag-
geration by another. As already stated, this appears to be the
mechanism of good judgment as exhibited by the ordinary trained
thinker; it often enables him to silence the practical man-in
argument.

The purely kinetic method, on the other hand, will naturally
seek new categories, and its use will evolve new theories. Some
of the most kinetic effects, however, are produced by adherence
to the old categories. Such adherence results in what may be
called a partial or quasi-kinetic method. The best example per-
haps is that of Professor Alfred Marshall in his Principles of
Economics, and yet his treatment is so kinetic that it produces
upon the mind as much of the satisfying effect of motion as those
writers who have applied kinetic conceptions to newer categories.”
The desired effect is produced by the systematic employment of
the method of equilibria and differentials—a method that at once

1IThis statement is made in the fuil knowledge that Mill puts in a saving
clause by supposing the country to be ‘‘temporarily’’ undersold.

2The question at issue between static and kinetic methods appears to be
similar to the question whether political economy is an evolutionary science,
Professor Veblen credits Professor Marshall with some evolutionary quali-
ties, but hardly with sufficient, if we take into account bk. V, ch. II, secs. 4-6,
and especially the concluding note. Zhe Preconceptions of Economic Science
ITT, Quar. Jour. of Economics, February, 1900, p. 262, sqq.

13

14 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

appeals to one as essentially evolutionary and kinetic. Every old
category is vigorously submitted to this treatment, with the uni-
form result of a philosophical continuity between the categories,
which are filled with life and action. The reader is made to feel
at least as though he were cognizant of many motions taking
place simultaneously, or at least in such quick succession that the
self-conscious center is aware of but one continuous movement.
This movement, then, being single, attains to the appearance of
simplicity—the result desired for logical clearness—and if formu-
lated would constitute a new economic law, so far as anything
can be new that is composed of antecedent elements. But Mar-
shall refrains from new names and formulas. He possesses thor-
ough English conservatism, and prefers scientific evolution to
mere literary effect or a loudly announced revolution. Since all
invention is but a sufficient degree of rearrangement, we may
grant to him the merit of an originality strongly stamped with
the kinetic die. The following citation is typical:

“The production of everything, whether an agent of produc-
tion or a commodity ready for immediate consumption, is carried
forward up to that limit or margin at which there is equilibrium
between the forces of demand and supply.. The amount of the
thing and its price, the amounts of the several factors or agents
of production, used in making it, and their prices—all the ele-
ments mutually govern one another, and if an external cause
should alter any one of them the effect of the disturbance extends
to all the others. |

“In the same way, when several balls are lying in a bowl,,
they mutually govern one another’s position; and again, when a
heavy weight is suspended by several elastic strings of different
strength and lengths attached to different points in the ceiling,
the equilibrium position of all the strings and the weight mutually
govern one another. If any one of the strings that is already
stretched is shortened, everything else will change its position,
and the length and the tension of every other string will be
altered also.”*

AMarshall, Principles of Economics, 4th ed., bk. VI, ch. 2, par. a I

14

~

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 15

The kinetic method is essentially at home in the field of prog-
ress and prosperity, and lends to it new significance. It is
characteristic of this field, which the older economics recognized
indeed ; but the static tools at command did not lend themselves
readily to the dimly foreshadowed problem. Those tools were
better adapted to the old categories, were characteristically
employed in them, and pretty closely confined the old economics
to them. It is a great triumph for Professor Marshall to have
introduced the newer method into them.

The very thought of progress (in itself an assumption, if you
choose) implies motion. In dealing with it one must make allow-
ance for speed, as when a cowboy circles the riata above the
horns of a fleeing steer. The tool found, material can not long
be lacking. A general shifting and renewal of categories takes
place. The newer theories assume society as a whole to be in a
state of motion. They then investigate the effect of this motion
on the various categories. So far their method differs from the
older chiefly in more systematically taking their start from the
provisional conception of society as a whole.

The newness of the categories constitutes another and perhaps
more salient difference. Instead of materialistic interest, wages,
and land rent, we now-have all economic phenomena reduced to
psychological categories of pleasure and pain, cost, surplus, pro-
ducers’ and consumers’ rents, the law of substitution, and the
like. Space and time are regarded more abstractly and meta-
physically. Well-being is thus dissociated from political, con-
stitutional, or traditional classes, and identified with the simple
economic elements of human nature.*

Other analyses, in retaining the old categories, expressly state
that their reasoning is static, and hasten to admit that a full
formulation of social action must comprise the distinct studies
(1) of the separate laws of progress and (2) of the laws of the
interaction of the kinetic laws of progress with the static laws
of distribution.2 Only when these latter studies are completed
will that full picture be presented that will really bring theory

1K. g., Professor Simon N. Patten, 7he Theory of Dynamic Economics.
2Professor J. B. Clark, Zhe Distribution of Wealth, ch. vil.

‘

15

16 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

and practice together. The distinct admission of: the limitations
of static theory is one of the greatest services to science, and
places such theory on stronger grounds and in a truer light.
However, formulation is one thing and appreciation quite a dif-
ferent one. Because one student is capable of feeling and expert-
encing with clear consciousness the progressive process, passing
the various social phenomena in triple ranks—static, kinetic, and
stato-kinetic—before his mind with such rapidity and certainty
that they produce but a single effect upon the self-conscious cen-
ter, it does not follow that any one else will be able to visualize
the same picture upon the suggestion of a written or oral descrip-
tion. The progress of science. depends on our own progress after
all}.

The result of our discussion is that there are habits of thought
that may properly be characterized respectively as static and
kinetic; that the latter does not wholly supersede the former but —
serves additional purposes; and that the former is still especially
useful for education of the young and for exact thought of a not
very advanced type. Perhaps the chief characteristic of static
thought is its employment of contrasts. Ignoring the gradual
changes presented by nature, it seeks to cause clear ideas by accu-
mulation, as it were, of all the infinitesimal variations until a given
point (a point of satiety perhaps) and by then discharging the
accumulated suggestions like the shock of a Leyden jar upon the
self-conscious center. This method is especially observable in
the treatment the orthodox economics accorded to the assumed
unhomogeneous and discontinuous categories, land, labor, and
capital. While Professor Marshall has unquestionably succeeded
in substituting continuities for these discontinuities, the art and
the profundity of the achievement can hardly be appreciated by
a reader that has not studied the older writers. In the study of
progress, however, the older writers did not avail themselves of
the method of contrasts, except by drawing inferences from their
studies in distribution and exchange; and as they had no dis-
tinctively kinetic method, they were as badly off for exposition

1Professor Marshall touches the field of pure kinetic theory in various.
places, but especially bk. V, ch. II, sec. 6, note 1, p. 521.

16

é

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises ee

as they were for investigation in this field} We, however, in
adopting newer methods should not lose the advantages of the
older. It will be most convenient, therefore, to assume in the
first place that progress is not continuous, but that it is attained
by a series of sudden springs or leaps, from one stage to another
and higher. We shall then be able to assume that between the
different leaps a period elapses, during which there is no change
and in which the social phenomena bear a distinct hall-mark.*
Thus we shall attain to a static clearness of thought through the
contrasting of one assumed epoch with another.

Just as sociologists have characterized different periods of
human history as military-religious, liberal-legal, and economic-
ethical, so economists will give names to different stages of eco-
nomic development, such as the landed stage, the capitalistic
stage, the stage of transportation, the stage of combination and
organization, etc. The first duty after agreeing upon the general
characteristics of the stages will be to make as complete a cata-
logue as possible of the particular features of each of them and
especially of the present stage, so that each may present the
features of a complete environment. Progress will then appear
provisionally as passage from environment to environment. The
method will probably assume that successive environments are
more advanced and consist in higher (though potentia!) realities.*
The mind will conceive of the higher environments as though
they already existed and it were only necessary 'to open a door,
as it were, in order to enter them. It will, of course, soon be

perceived that there is no’ such regular succession of distinct

environments that can be contrasted with each other. Some
phenomena will continue very much the same, while others are
often changed or replaced. When change is once recognized as
taking place, it will soon be found that there :s really no instant

when some change is not taking place. Every moment is char-

acterized anew. Thus the environments will gradualiy be reduced
to infinitesimal lengths of time and the conception will arise of'a

1Such appears to be the method employed by Professor Patten in his
Theory of Social Forces. The writer does not wish Professor Patten to be

held responsible ‘ior all of the suggestions made in the text in this con-
nection. There is danger of misconstruing a novel method.

2 | 17

18 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

kinetic rate of progress. The theory of progress will then have
reached the full kinetic stage.

While in the static stage of contrasts, however. the theory of
progress will already contain kinetic elements. Instead of taking
various social elements and building up social conclusions out of
them and thus bringing them often into strange relations, it will
assume the condition and action of society as a whole to be the
simple unanalyzed fact. It will therefore start in accord with
common experience and bear a kinetic stamp from the first. The
business man and the statesman always deal with the matters in
which they are interested as wholes. Their materials have a way
of acting with which they are become familiar and with reference
to which they instinctively take active measures. The business
man does not stop to think whether prices are due to the produc-
tion of gold, to the state of credit, or to the production of com-
modities. The statesman does not stop to think whether attacks
on the banks are due to the materialism of the public, or to the
survival of the lower elements in the development of civilization.
To the statesman public opinion is public opinion.

Perhaps the most useful phase of the method of treatment here
outlined is in the fact that the recognition of assumed sudden
changes in environment is actually quite warranted. It is far
from true that: nature does not at least appear to act in a revo-
lutionary manner. The gradual change of the seasons is marked
by storms. The gradual movements of the earth’s crust are
marked by earthquakes and volcanoes, by “flaws” and “dikes.”
Political history is marked by revolutions, and economic history
by crises. It is possible that these phenomena are superficial and
that laws may be formulated that continue their uninterrupted
work after, as well as before them. Nevertheless, it is true that
the face of society, like the face of nature, presents a very dif-
ferent aspect after one of these interruptions. It may be true
that natura saltum non facit, but it is also true that “it is the
unexpected that always happens.” The striking phenomena must
not be omitted simply because they are superficial. Our theory
must find a place for them.

It is possible that this method will enable the Economic Crisis
to be studied with better success than heretofore. Crises have

18

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 19

been described as “growing pains.’”’ Industry is not the same
after them as before them. New organizations are attempted,
new inventions are made and utilized; business men adopt new
opinions, governments modify their economic policies. Never-
theless, the fundamental laws of production and distribution
probably hold true the same afterwards as before, only they are
understood in a still more fundamental sense. Competition is no
longer understood as the rivalry of small business concerns.
Stimulus is given for new inspection of every relation of life and
for a corresponding rearrangement of views. It really does seem
as though the human mind was realizing an environment that
had already existed potentially, as though it had entered a house
that had always stood ready-furnished to receive it. A further
and more kinetic step in theory will be to determine how far the
mind adapts itself to a house already existing and how far it
creates the house.
Crises are those economic phenomena most in need of the light
of kinetic logic. In order that we may understand them it is
necessary that we construct, provisionally, at least, a theory of
progress, since a crisis is essentially an episode of progress. In
accordance with the preceding theory of logic, some environ-
ments are low, others are high; some are primitive, others are
advanced ; some are materialistic, others are psychic. The theory
of the crisis proper will therefore necessarily be preceded by the-
ories of the materialistic conjuncture, of the psychic conjuncture,
and of the process of progress. Into this more kinetic frame-
work the theory of the crisis proper will then be easily fitted.

19

20 W. G. Langworthy Taylor.

II
THEORY OF THE MATERIALISTIC CONJUNCTURE

A catalogue of the materialistic conjuncture! includes all tangi-

ble useful: articles, whether they correspond to institutions (which
are psychic phenomena) or not. We may roughly class the forms
of the materialistic conjuncture into (a, environment proper) the
crust of the earth (Patten) and (b, conjuncture)’ mechanical
inventions and other more or less artificial modifications of mat-
ter, which might be regarded by themselves as constituting a
conjuncture or quasi-materialistic environment.
-. Thus we find a continuous series of conditions that must be
grouped together in order to afford a static contrast with the
psychic groups: (a) The crust of the earth, including improve-
ments made by man; drainage (Holland), artificial islands, clear-
ings of timber or stone, holes made for mines, exhaustion of at-
mosphere by combustion and breathing, dams, levelings, bridges,
roads, walls, buildings; (b) heavy machinery like docks and locks,
cranes, Bessemer retorts ; light machinery such as looms; movable
machinery like wagons, cars, ships, locomotives; and apparatus
for comfort or convenience, cloths, hand-tools, watches.

In general, as the material modifications become more portable
they correspond more to active mental states. Men think of them
more often. They need more frequent replacement. Hence the
material and psychic conjunctures tend to overlap at this end

1The writer has employed the terms ‘‘conjuncture’”’ and ‘‘environment’’
as synonyms, roughly speaking. The former term, however, seems to him
to connote a shorter-time point of view than the latter, and hence less. of
fixity and unmodifiableness Therefore, he has allowed himself to use the
two words generally in a similar sens2, but taking care, in his selection for
any particular content, to note whether it calls for a little more or less of the
idea of durability, The reader will notice that the terms ‘‘environment,”
“conjuncture,’’ and ‘‘process’’ are employed to designate continuous points
of view, beginning with the most materialistic and permanent, and passing
over into the most psychic and temporary. No separate treatment, how-
ever, has been given to the ‘‘conjuncture’’ apart from the ‘“‘environment.”’
It has been preferred to set them both over against the ‘‘process’’; indeed it
is difficult often to draw a line between the more and the less in the matter
of environment; but, since the less cosmic point of view is the one that
touches us most, it has been preferred to us2 the term ‘‘conjuncture’’ unless
itis quite plain that very durable conditions are under consideration,

20

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises Zin

of the series. The materialistic conjuncture forms at any given
moment an harmonious whole. It is composed of objective util-
ities, i. e., of items that are useful to each other: each comple-
ments the whole, which would, in its absence, be defective. This
is the kinetic interpretation of an economic utility. Thus in 1825
the scythe, the forge, the anvil, and the bellows, primitive looms
and cards, and spinning machinery driven by water or by weak,
high pressure steam-engines, domestic manufacture of shoes,
clothing, etc., domestic slaughtering, transportation with oxen,

bad roads, sailing ships—all ’ formed parts of one objective, |

material whole. A modern mill could not then have gotten sup-
plies nor have sold its output. A modern railroad could not
have made its expenses. To-day or even by 1875, none of those
old methods could have competed. The very goods produced
change. A machine-made shoe is not a hand-made shoe. Again,
from 1880 to 1900 another complete revolution has taken place.
The market has again doubled, the complexity of machinery, its
delicacy, its differentiation been revolutionized. Iron has doubled
in output, steel has been substituted for iron in the fine products,
coal output has doubled, ships and locomotives have been re-
‘created. Every manufacture has equally improved: silk, boots
and shoes, house and factory construction, electrical power,
renewed use of wind and water power, extension of system of
grading products, airbrakes and automatic couplers on freight
trains, inconceivable economies in iron manufacture,’ new pre-
pared foods, improved electrically-driven printing presses, agri-
cultural machinery (blower threshers, disk harrows), phosphate
fertilizers, typewriting, telephone. Such improvements immensely
further the ability of the organizer, spread out the differences
between the able man and the next most able. Big production
and big organization are favored.

Very few of these elements of the tenth decade could have
existed even technically in the ninth; none could have existed
economically. The steamer Great Eastern is an example in point.
Launched in 1858, she was an economic failure from the start,
on account, apparently, of her unprecedented carrying capacity.

1See report of visiting British iron masters, daily press for September 27,
2.

21

-

22 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

Much of the materialistic conjuncture has been worked out in
men’s minds. After being worked out in their minds, they have
ceased thinking about it; it acts on mere suggestion, as it were—
mere impulse of coal, water power; mere replenishment and up-
keep. Improvements have purely objective, present economic
efficiency, the same as fields and rivers. Hence an improvement
once accepted is not a part of the economizing, but only of the
economized industry. It produces, but does not economize with
respect to present industry. It does not save.

Is this a theory of “materialism”? Does it maintain that human
economic destiny is dependent upon and hence formed by mat-
ter? Certainly not. Only one side of the case is contained in
_the conjuncture. Really the assumption of the environment is a
necessary stage in the analysis of the relation of mind and matter
in progressive production.

All human reasoning is upon a physical, 1. e., materialistic
basis of analogy—in other words, just as all human economy is
built upon’ a materialistic conjuncture, so is all reasoning about
the subjective interests, the thoughts, customs, institutions, and
actions of men. explained by metaphors drawn from the same
materialistic conjuncture. Kinetic reasoning is no exception to
this rule. The business man speaks of prosperity in terms of
quantity; he must measure it in money, which he handles by
physical analogy, e. g., sale of a note. Materialism abounds also
in the law, e. g., trover or replevin of a note. So the theories
of stimuli, of differentiation, of equilibria are purely physical
analogies. They are the only means of explaining psychic phe-
nomena. The wse of physical or environmental language or
terms is therefore no test as to whether the subject-matter be
materialistic or psychic. But the kind of physical analogy
employed will be the test as to whether the thought be kinetic
or static. Thus, with dawning consciousness with respect to eco-~
nomics, people speak naively of a fortune as a given quantity or
mass of matter instead of a collection of interindividual rights,
of which fortunes are usually composed. This error is made
cumulative by speaking of the fortune of the deceased as so
much money—of which an estate is almost never composed. A

22

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 23

person worth so and so much is looked upon as the possessor of
something permanent which can not be impaired except by physi-
cal destruction. But the kinetic idea looks on a fortune as a
flowing fluid like a river, that can not be grasped, and can only
be kept in channel with unwearied pains. Evidently the kineto-
physical analogy is more psychic than the stato-physical. The
latter must be used in those lower forms of reality that are them-
selves static, while the former indicates a kinetic reality; the
kinetic reality is the more psyck:: (cf. III, infra).

A few illustrations of the materialistic conjuncture and its rela-
tion to progress may help to clear up the subject. The year 1875
was a turning-point in English agriculture, due to importation
of American and Indiar grain. The consequent fall in the value
of agricultural land was accompanied by a severe depression,
which was relieved 1880-83 by the revival in English shipping
due to the importation into Europe of grain largely from the
countries mentioned. It was not till the end of 1883 that agri-
cultural depression was united with transportation depression so
as to produce nearly a state of general commercial and industrial
‘crisis. The falling off in the demand for rails from the United
States due to depression in’ that country increased the English
depression. Was this quasi-crisis indicative of a move upward
or downward? The only test is the psychic one. Agricultural
depression was caused by the opening up of new and distant
sources—crop areas. This was made possible by inventions in
ship and railroad building. The -overcoming economically of
obstacles of space and time is the test of a more psychic con-
juncture; in other words, the conjuncture is more psychic when
man is technically less impeded in space and time, and hence has
a wider scope for his economical activities. India was little avail-
able economically in earlier periods—for the European market.
Argentina had been hitherto unsown. America had but just
filled up the central west. Railroad and shipping rates were
rapidly falling.

Here was a new environment—because physically wider—
partly of virgin soil, but embracing also the oldest country,
India. The question of materialistic or psychic conjuncture is

23

24 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

largely the question of the size of the market. Biologically,
the market is the test of the conjuncture,—it characterizes or
sums up the whole conjuncture. Inventions, speed of commu-
nication and production, rapidity of accumulation of wealth,—
all indicate greater influence of will, greater proportionate share
of mind in whatever affects human life (both individually and
socially speaking) in comparison with that of matter. Man has
advanced, but by his own efforts. The new local combinations

bring together or economize the preexisting materialistic but po-

tential environment. What items shall make up the new con-
juncture is a matter for experience, that is to say, experiment.
India has subsequently not advanced but rather fallen back as a
part of the conjuncture or market. Russia has advanced enor-
-mously compared with her position in the early eighties. The
Argentine Republic has made the greatest advance of all, espe-
cially.in the nineties. The United States actually fell back in
wheat area from 1882 to 1894 ; however, her yield was so large
as to more than compensate for decreased acreage. Her good
harvests.thus defeated the object of the decrease of acreage, viz.,
to accommodate herself to the competition of India, Russia, and
Argentina. Thus the environment, so far as it is composed of
wheat lands, has continually shifted. The potential environments
are always there, but what items (in this case geographical) shall
constitute them is a matter for experience and for tentative
activity.,

The availability of a given (e. g., geographical) item for the
conjuncture at a given moment is evidently determined by local
as well as by foreign conditions. It is the local psychic as well
as materialistic conjuncture that is decisive. The caste system of
India.is unfavorable to industrial enterprise; the tax system is
also unfavorable. These conditions inhere in the Indian type of
mind. Light yield, small holdings, hand labor, undeveloped
transportation—all conspire to make India a high-cost producer.
Small holdings are not necessarily so uneconomical; in France
small holdings offer some disadvantages, but these are partly
made up by rotation of crops, manures, intensive culture, and
cooperation for larger work, such as power threshing. Hencé

24

_—

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 25

the higher psychic quality of the French mind tends to keep the
French soil within the momentary materialistic conjuncture.

The higher, more psychic conjuncture is wider. This means
that it gives-room for more investment and for more produce.
In its crudest form its efficiency consists in literally extending
the geographical areas involved—not merely by transporting
produce from a more distant place and thus bringing it within
the market, but also by adding new areas not previously culti-
vated. This is the crudest form of widening the environment.
It was the sole means in earlier ages. By migrations and colo-
nizations ancient men lengthened their journeys, widened their
plans in space and time, broadened their markets; and thus from
the material, geographical side literally widened the environ-
ment, They first found the environment, then made use of it.
Very little scope now remains on the earth for this primitive
method. Argentina is the best example of recent times in the
wheat part-market; Africa, in the gold part-market. But the
real test now of the entrance of geographical items into the con-
juncture is whether they offer the proper psychic conditions.
Thus both France and Argentina, though so unlike in situation
and climate, are more permanently in the market than India. It
is true that France exports and imports but little; but this little
keeps her in the wheat market.t . Argentina is a simple case of
the successful trial of a new field and the discovery that it belongs
to the present and coming environment. England, on the con-
trary, in order to stay in the agricultural conjuncture at all, has
been compelled to change from wheat to beef, and, in the change,
to lower greatly the valuation of her agricultural land. Evi-
dently, the less favorable soil and climate of England can not _
compete in the wider, more psychic market, which is seeking out
all the potentialities of wheat culture hitherto neglected in the
earth’s crust.

Which, now, is the cause of the progress in wheat culture into
the larger, more psychic environment,—the crust of the earth or

1“Grain prices in France were regulated by the world-market at the pe-
riod when that country still supplied, on the whole, its own needs and only
occasionally made good a slight deficiency from abroad, or exported a light

surplus.” Prof. I. Conrad, Die Stellung der Landwirthschafilichen Zolle,
p. 131, Schr. d. Vereins fiir Socialpolitie, LXXXX.

25

26 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

the new inventions that “annihilate space and time’? This is a
purely casuistic inquiry, but one that the popular attitude
demands. The word “cause” is employed in many senses. If —
we mean those perpetual potentialities without which life and
progress could not exist, then the mere existence of Argentina,
France, India, Russia, the United States, with their natural cli-
matic, hydrographic, and meteorologic conditions, is the “cause”
of progress. If by “cause” we mean, not unvarying potentialities,
but active measures of intelligence adopted (generally through
fear of retrogression, e. g., a strike, or pressure of competition,
in the first instance) in order to attain to the wider environment
potential upon the earth, then we are taking a very distinct and
_ different point of view. The former sense is natural in treating
of the materialistic conjuncture, but only in a qualified sense of
the psychic conjuncture. It is the environmental or conjunctural
meaning of “cause.” The latter is appropriate when we are
treating of the laws of progress—the mechanism of advance into
the more psychic conjuncture. In each crisis those items are
selected for further addition to the materialistic conjuncture
which the existing environment finds truly cooperative. In this
selection the existing environment plays a wholly passive role:
its position is secure; the question alone admissible is whether the
new items so conduct themselves as to utilize all preexisting ele-
ments. It is probable, indeed, that some preexisting elements
may diminish in importance, temporarily at least; it is even pos-
sible that they may be disused; but observation shows that the
economy of nature does not favor waste in the evolution of the
industrial organism. Thus, the ancient use of water power to
drive machinery was partially abandoned for a long series of
years after the adoption of steam power; many mills on (e. g.)
the Connecticut and other rivers substituted steam for water
power. But now that the progress of electrical science allows
of the distant transmission of power, the great cataracts of the
world, which never run dry, are furnishing a source of indus-
trial power infinitely greater and of greater constancy than
steam. The same technique that belonged to a primitive, narrow
environment may reemerge into a higher, broader one. We may

26

DIAGRAM

INC ORP ORAT ION

ILLUSTRATING THE

a
” fe
Va) &
WJ S
Oo ue 2
Oz “So
row
HERR "
oe cote
eee he
Ss
fw eB
% wK

subd oi

rzZ< sk
Foe .
WL >
Osis
roe (O}
Ft £ \
Ti Be y
=) lu 4
ere 8

a
Ine anne Ares
Ww
=

PER IO0

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 27

expect that the final environment, at the last, ideal stage of prog-
ress, will have economized all possible technical elements, the
whole crust of the earth. .

With reference again to the superficial, wheat conjuncture, the
crisis of 1883-84 began with a widening conjuncture of wheat
land to which India and the West were not yet added, but were
candidates for incorporation. After the crisis, the West was
found to be a permanent addition, while India has remained in
a rather tentative position. Subsequently, and up to the crisis
of 1890-93, it was Russia and Argentina and Dakota that sought
‘admission, and the test of the crisis decided that they were all
to come in. Subsequently, experiments have been made with
- Oklahoma, the Canadian Northwest, Siberia, and other localities.
The exact importance and permanency of these additions to the
physical, materialistic environment are not yet settled.

In a less superficial, physical sense, the new environment con-
tains all that congeries of apparatus which industrial experiment
has approved and a crisis has not eliminated, e. g., acetylene gas, -
bicycles, chloroform, dynamite, steam dredges, electrotypes, fire
engines, fountain pens, galvanic batteries, harvester-reapers, knit-
ting machines, kinetoscope, liquid air, matches, macadamized
roads, wire nails, phonograph, planing machine, pneumatic tires,
the propeller, Roentgen rays, sleeping cars, Bessemer steel, steel
pens, sewing machines, Suez canal, telephone, telegraph, type-
writers, vulcanized rubber.

27

28 ~ W. G. Langworthy Taylor

Ill
THEORY OF THE PSYCHIC CONJUNCTURE

The psychic conjuncture consists primarily of those fixed or
rather constant ideas which we take for granted in industry, and
which are therefore a part of the conditions under which we act.
Those ideas are subjective in the sense that they are psychologi-
cal and within us as individuals; but they are objective in the
sense that they are always the hypotheses and never the con-
clusions of our thought. Moreover, they are normal and hence’
social among industrial men. Of course, all human institutions
_have a more or less direct influence upon industrial thought; but
as one of those more specifically economic, | would mention the
great institution of credit, with its appropriate paraphernalia of
banks, trust companies, clearing houses, bill brokers, exchanges
and boards of trade, guaranty funds or “reserves,” money mar-
kets, discounts, and establishments for savings, insurance, coop-
erative building and loan, agricultural credit, etc. Evidently this
great institution of credit by which we are enabled to adjust the
personal obligations arising from our acquisition of distant or
future goods by means of near or present payments, thus liqui-
dating and acquitting our personal cbligations with further
recourse only in cases of accident or fraud—is the most gigantic
department in modern industry.

Another example of the nature of the psychic conjuncture is
the division of society into industrial classes. This constant idea,
this caste idea, gives us an opportunity to test the objectivity of —
the psychic conjuncture, its non-ego characteristics. According
to the socialists, the different industrial classes arose with modern
capitalism; they admit that these classes were made possible by
capitalism, and they claim that capitalism must. be abolished in
order to abolish the class distinctions. But they mean to abolish
capitalism without abolishing the improvements ‘that were the
conditions precedent in its creation. These improvements were
the condition of the creation of the classes, but are not the condi-
tion of their perpetuation. This seems improbable.

28

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 29:

_As we ascend in the psychic scale, the more psychic elements
can. only be modified as they correspond to the materialistic basis
or substructure already provided for them. Thus we have

already seen that there can be a geographical expansion of the
market only as new countries are opened up, or as new inventions
disclose wider possibilities in old countries, either by redeeming
waste places, by more intensive cultivation, or by stimulating
new desires and exchanges. Statically considered, all the ele-
ments of a complete conjuncture are to be taken as reciprocally
harmonious. While it is true that machines—a qtasi-materialis-
tic part-conjuncture—can not be employed, however adapted to
the soil, climate, etc., unless a sufficient market—a psychic con-
ception—is at hand, or capable of being worked up within a
reasonably short time, it is also true that some of the elements
are to be taken as prior in the field, as it were——as more ancient
and permanent, and as exacting conformity from the others.
This hierarchy of elements exists in'a continuous row or series,
beginning with the most materialistic and passing over into the
more psychic. Thus not one of the improvements that form a
part of the materialistic or quasi-materialistic conjuncture but
was in the beginning vigorously conditioned by the crust of the
earth. In fact, large classes of improvements are denominated, .
by that philosophy of language which is the best proof of the
ey eonnitAnee of the social mind over the individual conscious-
‘ness—‘“discoveries.” Chentical discoveries are manifestly but the
isolation of chemical properties of the crust of the earth for man’s
behoof. In principle, mechanical inventions are im no respect
different. Once “discovered” or “invented,” improvements blend
into the crust of the earth, become to mana part of it,—become
in fact first conjuncture and then environment. .

Next in the hierarchy we have to note the institutions thane
selves. They are in turn conditioned upon the more materialistic
elements—the crust of the earth and the properties of it that
have been isolated for man’s advantage. Thus we are brought
back to the question of the unavoidableness of the industrial
classes, that is to say, of the classification of persons engaged in
industry. This follows as surely from the use of machinery as

29

30 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

does the machinery itself from the untouched crust of the earth.
Given a certain complex of machines, they must be served by a
certain complex of workers, some tending the more materialistic
processes, the raw materials, the cranes, and the like, others
finishing the more delicate product, and others, still higher, keep-
ing the whole process in mind, foreseeing what provision must
be made in order that continuous work may not be interrupted,
assigning the several lower workers to the machines to which
they are best adapted, and studying the irregularities, the fail-
ings, the shortcomings of the subordinates, in order by hook or
by crook, by reward, by cajolery, by threat of lowering of the
distributive share of the product, to keep them continuously at
their tasks, and to keep understudies ready to step in if a worker
default. These higher workers, then, must be students of the
psychology of the lower workers, must possess a firm will, a
strong personality, a high intelligence, and in every way lead a
more psychic life. These are conditions set by the materialistic
conjuncture. Given such a conjuncture, the grades of workers
must be such as they are. We may imagine government super-
vision, control, or ownership; if the new method of choosing the
classes of workers be not efficient, industry will suffer, will not
continue to inhabit its present dwelling, but will relapse to a lower
environment.

For example, what do we find to be the result of insufficient
moral qualifications in captains of industry? Take the trust as
an instance. The only condition under which trusts can prosper
permanently is that they be not organized for the purpose of
wrecking them or sucking them dry, but that they be managed
as going concerns intending to offer their products to the public
at current rates of profit so long as said products are in demand
and hence harmonize with the conjuncture. If the captains pre-
fer to put up prices, and to take every means to get a “rake-off”
from a temporary corner, their organization is sure to suffer;
latent competition will become active and aggressive, the work
begun by competitors will be finished by hard times and by the
courts of bankruptcy or insolvency, and a whole branch of indus-
try will be relegated back to smaller industry, to more primitive

30

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 31

methods, in fine to an earlier, more materialistic environment.
This part movement may become a general movement of retro-
gression, if the general run of trust magnates prove deficient in
moral quality. On the lower plane there is less division of labor,
less specialization, less scope for talents of the highest order, less
guaranty that employment be found for all.

Again, the obstinacy of employers’ syndicates, such as the
anthracite railroads on the one hand, and of laborers who demand
an influence in corporate management not warranted by their
psychic level on the other, may result in such inconvenience to
the general public, in such a congestion and lack of circulation
and supply in the general voluntary industrial organization, that
the latter may seek, through the intervention of government, to
make common cause and thus consciously and by compulsion to
accomplish what was previously attained unconsciously, freely,
and organically. If such intervention last a long time, it
must surely result in a less skill, a less energy, a mechanical
routine of red tape, which will arrest the development of the
industry, will cause it to cease to impart stimuli to other indus-
tries or to receive stimuli from them, and thus to prevent accom-
modation to a wider market, if not actually narrow the existing
one. If the intervention last but a short time, it may be the best
available way for society to defend itself from the immorality,
the unsociability, and the shortsightedness of certain classes and
industries. Probably such intervention is typical of the most
useful function of government. This illustration is in accord
with that theory which predicts the gradual shriveling of gov-
ernmental powers, or, in other words, that the higher conjunc-
tures will make less and less permanent place for them.

Thus we-perceive that the successive conjunctures condition
the functions that are active in them. The conjuncture or envi-
ronment is, in fact, the structure within which the functions act.
If it is sought to exercise a given function, or business, it must
seek out the proper conjuncture, or else fail of its peculiar sanc-
tion. In this quest, it may carry the whole industrial movement
along with it, either in advance or regress. That in the long run
the movement is psychic and hence an advance is the assumption

ou

32 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

of this study. If the movement is not propagated all along the
line, then the particular industry must fall out of the great world
market, and be an example of reversion to a primitive or to a
premature enterprise, as the case may be.

The régime of protective tariffs affords one of the best exam-
ples of the psychic conjuncture, because it is one of the most
psychic institutions and most difficult to trace in its dependence
upon. the materialistic conjuncture and in its industrial effects.
In the frequent tinkerings of the tariff we are to see chiefly the
actions and reactions to be considered under the . industrial
process. In the difference in tariff policy betweem different coun-
tries, we see reflected the differences in the other elements of their
-- respective conjunctures, and most obviously in their materialistic
conjunctures. Thus, it is generally recognized that the domi-
nance of free trade convictions in England is assignable to its
geographical position at the center of the commercial world, to
the decay of its agriculture, which has rendered it still more a ©
commercial country, and finally to foreign competition with its
manufactures, which has brought its carrying trade into still
greater prominence. -A_ carrying trade abhors tariffs. So
well had England succeeded in making herself the “workshop
of the world” that all other nations were convinced that the infant
industries argument applied to them, and raised high tariffs.

So much as to the respective policies of the different countries ;
but, in the larger theater in which we are chiefly interested, the’
elemental. economic forces work themselves out less in the light
of man’s consciousness. No one is concerned to plan. the tariff
policy of the whole world—its benefits to mankind. Free traders:
dwell on this subject, perhaps, academically, but on the hustings
we hear no note but national self-interest. How is it, then, that
vithout conscious plan the concert of nations vibrates from modi-
hed free trade to high protection, and back again? A suggestive
solution of this enigma. was that of Mr. David A. Wells, who
remarked that the protectionism of the eighties was a reaction:
from the fever heat of production and exchange which had been

1The facts of the world-fluctuations of tariff and free trade are stated in

the writer’s article, Protection, Expansion, and International Competitiou,
Annals of the Am. Acad. of Pol. and Soc. Science, Jan., 1904.
«

32

The Kinetic Theory of Economie Crises 33

stimulated by the free trade of the sixties and seventies. Compe-
tition had exhausted the whole field of investment, with the result
of low prices and low profits; credit became cautious and
restricted, producers still more cautious in asking for credit;
economy was pushed to the last point, while the inventions that
could be looked upon as safe and “environmental” had reached a
limit. Material wealth was, indeed, rapidly increasing, but not
at an increasing rate. The psychic condition became intolerable,
aggravated as it was by a relative overproduction here and there.
The whole organism became supersensitive. The case is analo-
gous on the psychological side to traveling companions who have
been too long thrown together in each other’s society; they have
heard all of each other’s stories, they know each other’s points of
view; they become tired, then petulent, captious, fault-finding,
and finally a nervous breakdown occurs, followed by a disagree-

able separation, permitting new associations and fresh stimu-

lation.
Professor Patten also has put forth the doctrine of the neces-

sity of industrial and social isolation for sake of the development

of the several communities. It is indeed interesting that eminent
authorities representing such different points of view should come
so near agreement. There is probably here a principle of social
psychology in need of further investigation and better recogni-.
tion. It would appear that industrial stimulation may advance
division of labor too rapidly; for division of labor involves fixed
individual relations between producers, who have some right to
be heard upon any proposition to break up those relations, which
in old countries are quite institutional and hence environmental.

34 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

IV

THEORY OF THE PROCESS OF PROGRESSIVE DIFFERFNTIATION: THE
. WAY IN WHICH INDUSTRIES ARE MUTUALLY ADJ USTED
IN THE PROCESS OF PROGRESS

A. Analogy of Equilibrium

The proper logical distinction between this topic and the two
that have preceded,—between differentiation and the environ-
ments, or conjunctures,—is the distinction between short- and
long-time causes. It is confusion of these fundamentally variant
views that is the cause of bad logic in most cases, and it is only
common sense or good judgment that supplies the needed cor-
rective where sound conclusions are actually drawn. Good judg-
ment has already been explained to be the capacity or ability,
innocently of self-consciousness, to combine a number of static
positions in such a way as to produce a kinetic conclusion, one
that is real to life as practically apprehended. Writers and read-
ers instinctively shift the scene of the drama from the practical
to the ideal, without the help of explanatory clauses. Let them
fail in this, let them carelessly state or connote ideal premises in
connection with practical conclusions, or the reverse, and they
are confronted with a non sequitur which the untrained mind
does not readily notice. Only too often a similarity of phrase-
ology applicable in the two environments, the actual, practical,
or present, and the abstract, theoretical, or future, helps to mis-
lead the unwary. The error consists in the failure to note that
one part of the reasoning has reference to a shorter period of
time than another part, for the terms used are, in general, equally
applicable to long and to short periods. For example, by the
clever distinction between labor that is merely productive and
labor that produces solely for the consumption of productive la-
borers, Mill is able to distinguish between labor that is devoted to
production for immediate consumption, and labor the product of
which is destined for ultimate consumption only in the indefinite
future, i. e., capital; for productive labor is defined as labor which
results in any material product, having value, even though it be a

34

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 35

luxury, while labor for productive consumption could produce
only laborers’ necessaries. If only the latter labor were employed,
all surplus would necessarily, other things being equal, be saved
for multiplied further production,—and so on, ad infinitum. By
devising this logical contrast he succeeded in drawing the great
moral lesson that only by saving does wealth increase.

The moral lesson, however, was partly at the expense of expe-
rience, and hence was not likely to sink deeply into minds not of
a doctrinaire or puritanic type. Wealth created by new inven-
tions is only remotely or secondarily, at most, due to the intention
of saving; it may be so recent that there has not been time to
consume it or otherwise to determine its destination. The ideal
premises of Mill, relating to ultimate social effects, are given a
practical application not warranted by experience: the: conclusion
is reached that now, to-day, we should not indulge in any luxury.
Only. minds addicted to the practice of abstractions can easily
reach and hold Mill’s conclusions and at the same time make the
allowances due to the momentary conjuncture. Such minds
doubtless feel from the beginning the wholly idealistic environ-
ment. Again, when Mill’s argument passes over to consideration
of the effects of circulating and fixed capital respectively, one
feels that the point of view is not quite so long-time. The “cap-
ital” here spoken of is not that ideal capital that was to be heaped
up indefinitely, but is that which either does or does not, may or
may not, within a reasonable time and with little delay, support
laborers. The two discussions,—on luxury and on circulating
capital—are contiguous in the arrangement of the book, and yet
the transition from long- to short-time point of view is not
expressed.

Again, in his chapters on credit, Mill speaks of “‘capital’’ in
the financial sense of the promises of men as to their mutual
dealings in abstract value! But he elsewhere defines capital as
food, shelter, tools, and clothing of laborers. Here again the
experienced student at once reads the future (or promise-) envi-
ronment into the text, but the inexperienced is hopelessly left in
the rear. The fallacies of the popular conception of the quantity
theory of money are clearly due to an ignorance of the fact that

35

36 . W. G. Langworthy ‘Taylor

moneyed capital consists not of consumable goods, nor of mate-
rial money, nor even of government notes, but of promises,
founded upon or rather recording business contracts (whence the
principle that “business makes money”). The double change
into a psychic and a future environment is not noticed. It
is not intended from these criticisms to develop a theory of
distribution; the above instances are adduced in order to show
what difficulties arise in the absence of the theory of environ-
ments or conjunctures, which allows us so easily to discriminate
between long- and short-time causes. The use of this test allows
us to bring into self-consciousness many of the elements of com-
mon sense judgment that heretofore have not produced their
conclusions by virtue of self-consciousness but because of a prac-
tical sub-consciousness.

The questions of orthodox political economy are of course
not precisely the same as those raised here. They relate
to production and distribution in any environment which ad-
mits of competition, and to the economic weal of classes or of
typical individuals. The separate environments there supposable
are not, therefore, precisely the same as those visualized in the
theory of progress, for the individual may be assumed to pass
from one part of the general environment to another, whether
the latter progress or not. And yet they are not so unidentical
as one might suppose: the larger movements of industry are
taking place pari-passw with the rise and fall of individual for-
tunes, and in fact, are composed of them. Even supposing no
progressive change in the general industrial environment of the
individual, his fortunes pass, as just remarked, from one (more
materialistic, technical, or quasi-technical) part of the given envi-
ronment to another (more psychic, involving “credit”? opera-
tions). Who has not read of the brakeman that rose to be presi-
dent of the railroad? These part-environments are therefore
arranged locally or contemporaneously, at least, in a hierarchy
corresponding to the successive environments conceived of as con-
stituting the progress ‘of the whole. Since the topic here treated
is that of progress, the,part-environments enter but little into the
argument, and do not need farther notice. They are mentioned

36

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 37

here in order to show that the clear conception of environments
would have been helpful to orthodox economies by keeping always
in view the distinction between ultimate tendencies and the imme-
diate effects of a given course of economic action, whether in the
case of society or in that of the individual.

The present discussion has to do essentially with short-time
causes, with forces, with motion. These causes act, not by pre-
venting motion, nor by confining motion within given channels
as do the environments, or conjunctures, but they rather embody
the motion itself. The more psychic elements are ever in motion,
and are ever put to the test of valid normality by the more mate-
rialistic. Those that fail in the test are rejected; or, to resume
the physical analogy, those that do not conform to the crust of
the earth lose their energy in its mass. Taking the example of
a machine, its relatively environmental part consists of the frame-
work, its causal part consists of the moving pieces (not to speak
of the steam or electricity, usually quite invisible or intangible).
Now, we do not look upon the tanks, pipes, and retorts, nor upon
the frame-work, as constituting a process; we look upon them
rather as the necessary conditions of the process: they are. the
structure, not the function. The chemical reactions and molec-
ular space-transformations are the process. The “causes” of the
product, in this sense of the word, are the forces at work in the
transformation from moment to moment without regard to the
permanent conditions, the frame-work of the machine.

Clearly it is a casuistic misfortune that the word “cause” has
this double meaning. All controversy as to whether the structure
or the function is the true cause is waste of time; and yet much
casuistry is of this order. It is as if two boys were each named

George, and then a dispute should arise as to which was the true

“George.” Nor is it worth while spending much time on the
inquiry whether it is in the environment or in the functional
processes that we find the characteristically economic causes. All
processes are economic if they exist in industry, including all
the arrangements and promises for satisfying our material wants ;
and all conjunctures: are economic if they condition economic
processes. Probably we shall not be able to get rid of this ambig-

37

38 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

uous word “‘cause,” but we may at least make an effort not to let
it hoodwink us.

Since conjunctures exist in a hierarchy, since higher conjunc-
tures are progressively psychic, since what is psychic is chardac-
terized by motion, and since motion is a matter of process and
function, it follows that the general circumstances that we call
a process, having motion and a psychic character, may, in turn,
be regarded as belonging to the environment when considered
relatively to a still higher process. This is the evolutionary
explanation of the analogy of society to a moving equilibrium.
Industry as a whole is advancing under the fixed conditions pre-
scribed by past advances, as explained in sec. III (Psychic Con-
juncture). The moving part is striving for equilibrium within
itself and with the static conditions already created; and again,
within the general motion are found particular motions of indus-
tries and individual workers, which are conditioned by the general
motion.

The environment and the process, then, are distinguished, not
by the mistaken idea that the one is more ‘“‘cause” than the other,
but by the fact that the process is more recent and more psychic
‘than the environment. The process consists essentially of short-
time causes, while the environment consists of long-time causes.
Among the short-time causes, acting and reacting on each ot!er
as they do, some are relatively more psychic and some more
materialistic, as will be hereafter described; but all short-time
causes tend to become psychic, or rather the psychic tends to
preponderate with progress. The process consists in the action
and reaction of relatively short-time causes. It contains the life
and movement so far as that is not already become relatively
static and environmental.

Consider the supposition of a stationary state, made by Mill,
and the similar supposition of a normal equilibrium, made by Mar-
shall, in which “the aggregate expenses of production might be
found either by multiplying the marginal expenses by the number
of units of the commodity; or by adding together all the actual
expenses of production of its several parts, and adding in all
the rents earned by differential advantages of production. . . .

338

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 39

The average expenses could be deduced sy dividing by the
amount of the commodity.”4 . . . This concept excludes that
of progress and hence that of a kinetic process. This is a
process, but a static process, one that is not becoming old. rela-
tively to a newer one, nor new relatively to an older one; in
other words, a process that does not blend into environment,
but goes on monotonously making the same motions within the
same containing walls—the same old grooves and channels, the
same conjuncture.

In the kinetic economy, however, which is not an abstraction,
but is reality, the conjuncture continually takes on a more psychic
character, and the process always keeps ahead, weaving a perma-
nent web, recombining old elements, making new and more com-
plicated combinations out of previous combinations, and putting
all its products to the test of acceptability to the environment—
the permanent results of past marginal effort.

Primitive, physical, short-time causes will always produce
effects on man’s welfare. For example, it is possible to trace the
effects of the vicissitudes of the weather ttpon the markets from
one year’s end to the other.2 It has been shown that modern
industrial crises have quite uniformly followed a period of défi-
cient rainfall.* On the other hand, it is a commonplace of eco-
nomic doctrine that man’s welfare is rendered by progress less
and less dependent upon his physical surroundings. The better
the drainage, the regulation of streams; the greater the preva-
lence of afforestation, of irrigation, of protection for live stock,
of veterinary surgery ; the better agricultural and mining machin-
ery and transportation methods,—so much the more secure is the
population in its supplies for material wants; so much the more
is it emancipated from dependence on short-time physical fluc-
tuations. The short-time physical influences are then becoming
relatively less important than the psychic. If the community is
deprived of coal and hence of a most materialistic supply, due

1Principles of Economics, 4th ed., vol. 1, p. 520.

2Professor R. de C. Ward, A Vear of Weather and Trade in the United
States, Popular Science Monthly, September, 1902.

5H. Helm Clayton, The Influence of Rainfall on Commerce and Poli-
tics, Popular Science Monthly, December, 1901.

39

40 W. G. Laneworthy Taylor

to a coal strike, the dominating cause or motion is evidently
psychic. The doctrine (in philosophy) of energism, if it
claims that a materialistic cause is essentially psychic in that a
common energy pervades all creation, proves too much for the
purposes of economic theory. Identity of the materialistic with
the psychic can not be economically postulated. They are dif-
ferent phenomena. Doubtless they may be modalities of a higher,
common element, from a transcendental point of view. But this
can not be the economic point of view, for economics necessarily
analyzes phenomena composed of two contrasted orders—the ma-
terialistic and the psychic. The moment this contrast is lost
sight of, or the study no longer dwells on the continuity between
these extremes, from that moment we are no longer within the
economic field.

The economic process is evolutionary, and is explained through
the analogies of equilibrium and stimulation. By “evolutionary”
is meant that we are interested in a large number of phenomena
which act and react upon each other with the apparent result of
producing progress in the whole, Perhaps it is more exact to
say that the progress of the whole is signalized by a complex of
changes in the different particulars (wages, profits, capitalism,
poverty, inventions, food-supply, organization, prices,,monopoly,
etc.), and that these changes are so interrelated that a change
occurring in one category is always accompanied by changes in
all the others. On account of the law of simultaneity, it follows
that there must be a fairly parallel development all along the line,
and that, if we wish to observe a separate, solitary change we
must choose a very short period of time. In such a period one
category may have experienced a change before others have been
affected. Indeed, we may assume that this is always the case,
and that the order and operation of these little successive changes
in the particular categories of phenomena (accompanied by a
general progress) constitute the process.

The growth of a biological organism is by precisely the same
process. Its life-forces assume various classes of forms which
are embodied, in each class, in the individuals of that class. These
corpuscles, cells, membranes, processes, etc., have individuality,

40

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises AI

act with apparent independence, compete for nutrition, in taking
they give in exchange, they respond to a series of stimuli, dis-
turbance of their equilibrium is passed on through all other
parts, creating corresponding and proportional disturbance in the
latter. In so living they progress, and with their progress: the
‘whole animal or plant progresses also.

-In all cases, whether social or biological, the process is essen-
tially one of a succession of stimuli and of a succession of dis-
turbed equilibria. The physical explanation of equilibrium has
its classic origin in the field of international trade. That was
the field that first attracted man’s attention. In rising interna-
tional commerce men saw marked, decisive movements that could
be distinctly contrasted and measured. It was practicable for
large dealers to keep pretty close watch of the quantities of mer-
chandise, precious metals, and commercial paper that moved in
and out of a country. The conception of a normal equilibrium
thus emerged from salient conditions at the dawn, as it were, of
the complex organization of industry. To extend this concep-
tion to the vastly larger field of domestic industry is the task of
the systematic bringing together of theory and experience. In
the category of credit this task has been partially accomplished ;
in the categories of production, consumption, and distribution it
has barely begun.

Consulting statistics of trade balance’ we note that, conforma-
bly with the general movement for paying off our foreign war
debt, which began in 1875, simultaneously with or just before
the deficiency in English and Continental harvests that lasted
roughly from 1875 till 1881, the years 1880 and 1881 mark a
rather large surplus of exports. There was heavy railroad build-
ing at home, 1879-81. The equilibrium of production at home
was thus disturbed in the direction of a heavier demand for
rails; abroad, the equilibrium of agricultural demand and supply
was disturbed by deficient supply due temporarily to poor crops,
but in the long run due to a comparatively high cost of agricul-
tural production. The poor crops were a short-time cause, an

1Cf. Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, June, 1900, p. 3424,
Imports and Expo:ts of Merchandise and Excess of Exports over Imports.

41

42 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

occasion, which started ‘the disturbance in the agricultural mar-
ket. The comparative cost of production was the long-time
cause, soon blending into the permanent materialistic environ-
ment, which prevented the return of agricultural praduction to
its pristine fields. It will usually be noted that those changes
that are to become permanent environmental conditions do not
operate except some adventitious or sportive element throw the
burden upon them. They do not come forward of their own
accord and directly change the current of affairs; they exercise
their controlling power only upon occasion; but the occasion
_ usually arises, provided there be in the industrial econorny a
sufficient content of energy, action, motion, enterprise.

It is not surprising that the demands of England for grain
were more permanent than those of the United States for iron
and steel, since the agriculture of England was decadent,
whereas the domestic American steel industry was nascent and
vigorous. The close of the Civil war, the liquidation of post-
bellum speculation fostered by paper-money financiering, the
return to specie payments, the oblivion of the losses of 1873, had
furnished the psychic, social conditions for a return of indus-
trial enthusiasm. This attitude of the industrial public was more
than an occasion for a positive movement :—so long as it lasted
it formed a subjective condition of the continuance of the move-
ment. The fact that England now greatly increased her unfa-
vorable balance of trade, however, acted as a temporary stim-
ulus, in turn, to English industry. The volume of trade was
large and consisted of raw material, such as grain brought from
India, America, or Russia, or of bulky articles, of no high or
remote degree of manufacture, such as rails. In marine trans-
portation comparative cost lay in favor of England. It was
twenty years since the equilibrium of transportation cost had
been permanently adjusted in her favor.

The business of shipping, therefore, took a great boom in
England 1880-82, and this specialized prosperity obscured the
great calamity to agriculture. The domestic liquidation due to
that calamity was put off. The earnings of transportation were
diffused through the credit system of England and lightened the

42

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 43

downfall of agriculture. Better crops fed the mouths even if
the prices were not such as to enable the agricultural interests to
maintain their old footing.. But by 1883 there was a temporary
slackening of demand for transportation from the wheat. inter-
ests. The iron interests also needed less transportation. Railroad
building fell off in a marked degree in the United States in the
years 1883-85. The American home demand could consequently
be supplied from the growing domestic steel and iron industries.
There was a consequent slackening of demand on both sides; but
as the English demand for wheat had formerly exceeded the
American demand for iron, now.a let-up in those reciprocal de-,
mands caused a reversal of the disturbed merchandise equilibrium ;
the scale was tipped the other way until, indeed, in the fiscal years
1888-89 there was actually a slight balance against the United
States. The causes, however, had by that time somewhat
changed.

Whether the stimulus for this reversal of the merchandise
equilibrium came from the United States or from England, as
between the two, is a different question. The physical analogy
is satisfied by an examination of the reversal and of the changed
quantities which go to make up the new equilibrium. These we
have noted to be the decrease in demand for iron from the United
States and the decrease in the demand for wheat from Europe.
The total commerce decreases and the balance of merchandise
turns gradually and irregularly against the United States. ° These
are familiar facts, and can best be described without departing
much from the language of government experts and trade statis-
ticians. To attain to.a high self-consciousness with respect to
them is, however, quite another matter. So far, they appeal to
us solely through the physical analogy of disturbance of
equilibrium. An equilibrium is balanced, or even, scales. If one
scale is weighed down, the balance is restored by a weight in
the other. Gold and ‘credit are the means of keeping the total
balance even, when the merchandise balance is disturbed. But
the analogy of the scales is more significant if we suppose indus-
try to consist of a series of scales, and that the disturbance of
one disturbs all the rest. Thus a change in the international

43

44 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

balance of merchandise is accompanied by a change in the wheat ~

and iron equilibrium in the American and English markets sev-
erally, wheat going up relatively to iron in the United States and
down in England. Of course, the delayed liquidation of English
agriculture must now take place, and, in America, the delayed
explosion of railroad schemes. The violent liquidation of the
crisis we leave to the next section, except the observation that
for it the analogy of equilibrium also holds. )

The disturbance of equilibrium, however, that explains the
ordinary cause of industrial progress, is of infinite complexity.
The field of international trade is chosen because it is the sim-
plest and most patent. As noted above, a disturbance of inter-
national equilibrium of trade is always accompanied by a dis-
turbance of domestic markets, and a disturbance in any one of
_these is always accompanied by a disturbance in all the others,
according to the law of marginal efficiency or substitution. There
is, however, no theoretical need that we begin our investigation
of equilibrium with international trade. For large countries it
is in volume small compared with the domestic. The chief diffi-
culty is that within a country it is not so easy to correlate market
disturbances with transportation statistics. We know more accu-

rately how much wheat is sent to England from the United States.

than how much is sent to New England from the Dakotas. Our
treasury bureaux are endeavoring to remedy this deficiency; but
they will not make much progress until the railroads are com-
pelled to furnish detailed transportation statistics. It is true

that we export two-thirds of our cotton crop, but we do not.

export a quarter of our wheat crop nor a tenth of our corn crop.
In 1900 the export of iron and steel of all kinds was $121,000,-
ooo. Now if we suppose all the unwatered capital really
invested in the manufacture of those articles in the United States
to be one billion dollars, and suppose that capital to be half of or
even equal to the annual product—a most conservative guess—
it will be seen that the expanded exports of iron and steel can
hardly, in those most exceptional circumstances, have equaled
one-tenth of the total product of the country of those articles.

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 45

V

THEORY OF THE PROCESS OF PROGRESSIVE DIFFERENTIATION
(Continued)

B. Analogy of Stimuli

The analogy of equilibrium by itself presents to us only static
views at intervals. We study disturbances and compensations.
‘Tf the international balance of merchandise is disturbed, then a
further disturbance of the balance of gold or of credit compen-
sates for the original disturbance. If the compensation is of
gold, this disturbs the money market in the countries from and
to which it.is sent, through the effect on the respective guaranty
or reserve funds. These disturbances find their compensation
in the encouragement or discouragement of speculation or invest-
ment, as the case may be. But we do not, in the theory of equi-
libria, study the succession per se of these phenomena. We
consider whether at a given moment a surplus of wheat on one
side is balanced by a surplus of iron on the other, or whether a
difference of these surpluses is balanced by a surplus of gold, or
credit, or other merchandise. Thus we obtain a series of pic-
tures of static moments. If these pictures be taken at suff-
ciently rapid intervals, an undoubtedly kinetic impression is pro-
duced. But it falls short of reality because the analogy and
hence the point of view are too physical, and also because even
in the physical analogy stress is not laid upon the order of occur-
rence of phenomena that roughly appear to be contemporaneous,
but which really begin successively.

The environmental part of our study was purely objective.
We sought merely to catalogue contemporaneous phenomena.
As we shortened the time of our survey, objectivity became more
difficult and less important. It was no longer satisfying to know
that phenomena belonged together in groups. We were con-
fronted with a mass of phenomena that are always present in
greater or less degree. We find them fluctuating in quantity
from one category to another; pure objectivity demands that we —

45

46 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

keep right on with our method and record the contemporaneous-
ness of the several fluctuations,——whether much of this or little
of that is present. A point, however, has been reached where
motion is becoming the important element, and where its direc-
tion can best be pursued as a separate, and, in fact, the principal
theme. We are now prepared to understand the business man’s
point of view. In the quasi-physical sense, we want to know
what invention, what business, what enterprise gave the first |
impulse to prosperity, what was the next one to receive it, the
next, and so on throughout the entire list. The need of cata-
loguing businesses in the order in which they are affected by
expansion of trade and by “crises” is felt by those who are study-
ing crisis phenomena,. and the present analysis is conducive to
the setting of this desideratum in its proper relation to the rest
of the complete crisis theory.

The industrial movement of expansion does not, however, act
in this quasi-physical manner of causation alone. There is, to
be sure, an appearance of stimulus, when one card sets another
atumbling and so the whole house of cards falls. A stimulus is
that which disturbs an equilibrium; and the more unstable and
nicely poised be the equilibrium, so much the less ponderable and
hence less physical need be the disturbing force. Consequently,
the more the phenomena of industry are those implicating func-
tional motion, and the more nicely poised they are for the play
of such motion, so much the more are they obnoxious to indus-
trial influences of a more purely psychic order. In fact, in
organisms, the term “stimulus”’ is chiefly restricted to the nervous
impulses. It is supposed that nerve action always regulates the
coordination of the brain, the circulation, the digestion ; they are
not set at work by mere physical impact. Their particles are in
such unstable equilibrium that a nerve current suffices to set them
in motion. The steam in the boiler may be liberated. to do its
mighty work by a tiny electric impulse. It is highly significant
that nerve action has been discovered by Professor Loeb to be
essentially electric.

According to some popular theorists,’ there is something of
magic in money. The possession of money has seemed to be the

1F, Tugan-Baronowsky, Handelskrisen in England, p. 7, sqq.

46

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 47

open-sesame to riches. It is the Aladdin’s lamp which needs but
a gentle rub in order to realize all imaginable material wealth.
What is psychic is indeed mysterious, for it is new to science;
and it is precisely because it has not admitted of tangible explana-
tion that the vogue has felt it to be mysterious. The theory
alluded to gives some explanation, but not enough to remove the
mystery. The explanation runs as follows: In a state of barter
every seller is also a purchaser; there is, in fact, no distinction;
but in the money economy all is changed; all producers are sell-
ers, and are engaged in warlike competition in order to market
their wares. General overproduction becomes possible relatively
to money, and even a partial overproduction causes a general fall
in prices, since it is well known that something like Gregory
King’s law is of common occurrence—an increase of amount sold
is accompanied by a more than proportional fall in the price of
the given article. This is tantamount to a slackening of demand
for all articles exchanged for it, and hence to a general fall of
-prices,—only the given article falls more than the rest. This
conclusion may be made to accord perhaps with strict quantity
theory of money; a slackened mutual demand means a less rapid-
ity of circulation of goods, a rise of prices, a fall in the value of.
money, followed ultimately, of course, by a diminution of the
amount of money in circulation.

The producers are represented by these theorists as weighed
down with the burden of marketing their goods. Those who
control the money are the masters; they are exempt from this
competition for a market; they have only to wish, and imme-
_ diately their wants are gratified. The money economy therefore
introduces a new and strange force, and the state must intervene
to protect producers from its vagaries and malign influences.

In answer, it is to be said in the first place that it is better to
look on the change from barter to money-use as a continuous
development. Thus, it is a commonplace of orthodox economics
that purchase and sale are nothing but a differentiating of barter
into two acts that really complete the former simple act, but allow
goods. to be exchanged in more convenient quantities, money
being used to preserve or store the value during the time neces-

47

48 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

sarily occupied. That the credit or set-off system, which is the
further development of the money system, allows of exchanges
quicker, if possible, than the barter economy itself does not, mat-
ter to the present discussion.

In the second place, the use of money permits a much more
distinct stimulus to be imparted from one business or industry
to another. This agrees with the circumstance just mentioned
that money allows of the sale of undivided lots, and thus guaran-
tees the success of manufacture on a large scale. Values being
generalized’ and stored up by money are passed on to the benefit ©
of other industries, either through the well-known method of
purchase of supplies, raw materials, and labor, or through the
generally distinguished method of investment or capitalization,
which is really and essentially the purchasing, not of materials
for industry A, in which the money itself was earned, but of
other raw materials, supplies, and labor, suitable for industry B,
in which the money was not earned. The stimulus to general
business is equak in both cases. They are distinguishable, from
the point of view of business A, only by the difference between
a purchase of goods of the second degree and that of goods of
the third degree, following. Herrmann’s classification. Both cases
are cases of true industrial stimulus.

In the case of the purchase of secondary goods—materials,
labor, etc.—the stimulus is apt to be a more or less continuous.
one, the interruptions are slight, or merely a minute wave, as in
a so-called “continuous” electric current. The essentially psycho-
electric analogy is significant, since the money-system allows so
much freer scope to the schemes, plans, and imagination of man,
systematic though they must be if they would succeed. Through
and by the money system man’s mind essentially thinks and acts
in industry. But in tertiary purchase, or capitalization, the stim-
ulus is that of an interrupted current or even the shock of a
Leyden jar. The purchases are made en masse, and at distinct
intervals. The stimulus is pronounced, theatrical. We now see
how differently the theory of the kinetic process looks upon pur-

’
1The late Professor Sidney Sherwood’s valuable article, 7he Nature and
Mechanism of Credit, Quar. Jour. of Economics, January, 1894.

48

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 49

chase and capitalization from the magnified split between them
that the static economy of Mill attempted to draw. Here the
difference is an incident; there it was essential. The conclusion
is that here a wider generalization is permitted. Thus the pro-
ducers use money to stimulate each other socio-industrially, and
it is not true that the community is to be divided solely into
money-controllers and workers in industry.

In the third place, there is truth in the division of the indus-
trial world into one class, whose chief occupation is with money,
and into- another not so occupied. But is the former class an
eminently and exclusively purchasing class, or is it rather a class
deserving of psychic contrast with the industrial classes, whose
activities are more materialistic? We have seen that among
themselves the materio-productive classes buy and sell each indi-
vidual or economic unit alternately, and that consequently none
of their members can be stigmatized as exclusively buyers. Now
the existence of a moneyed or financial class is most strongly to
be insisted upon. So far the popular theory is right. But it is
not especially a buying class. That it exerts a dominant influence
in industry is also true,—not by virtue of a practice and power
of buying the material products of industry, but by virtue of
standing at the top of the materio-psychic ladder. Financiers con-
trol industry, not because of the mystery of money, but because
of the mastery of brains. They certainly buy more luxuries per
capita than others, but the item is not very important in the aggre-
gate, and insignificant if put against the aggregate of luxuries
consumed by the lowest industrial classes. Their purchases of
other material products, except they become directly investors,
are small. And yet they are great purchasers—of promises! A
parallel mutual relation exists between the members of this class
to that between the members of the materio-industrial class.
These also buy and sell some promises, but their chief business is
production. By selling promises financiers and manufacturers
obtain the “money” with which to buy new promises or wares.
Thus the great set-off system is effected by which debt and credit
become so generalized and homogeneous that within certain kinds
of transactions any individual debt will offset any other indi-

- ta 49

50 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

vidual debt in the world, although the debtor substituted be
personally unknown to either principal.

The operation of the analogy of stimulus in the psycho-set-off
or credit system is interesting and instructive. True to the
analogy, the psychic system can not originate within itself the
stimulus of industry. A system of trolley cars operates by elec-
tricity generated by steam power, the latter in turn generated by
ordinary combustion; or else the electricity is still more directly
and brutally generated by the momentum. of naturally falling
water, as at Niagara, Sault Ste. Marie, or on the North Yuba
river, California. So, in the credit system, all impulse comes
originally from mother earth, that is, from the physical workers
and those directly connected with them. But it does not always
have that appearance.

There is in finance something analogous to an induced current
of electricity, which appears to have its origin in some source
peculiarly and exclusively electzic and imponderable. Financiers
invest vast capitals. Their operations are like bolts of lightning
in that they seem to come from the impalpable sky and yet can
set mighty forests on fire. But the friction of the clouds and
the less known means of producing natural aerial electric phe-
nomena are themselves perhaps generated by the revolving of the
earth or by equally molar-physical or cosmical causes.

Although the apparently independent process of investment is
only the seeming, and far from being the sole part of the elec-
tricity of credit, its stimulating operation is manifest. The desire
to invest is sometimes local. From one locality it passes to
another, sometimes spreading over the whole industrial world,
and sometimes dying out in one place when it is kindled afresh
in another. The social mind acts by impulse of imitation, by
suggestion of example, refreshed after a period of quiescence.
The indicia of indebtedness are transmitted by mail, are antici-
pated by telegraph, and thus the minute psycho-physical stim-
ulus for investment is furnished. Leaders are at hand in every
financial market. They perceive the opportunities for new pro-
duction, for the economizing and revolutionizing of old organi-
zations. Others flock to the leaders. Combinations of general

50

‘

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises SI

indicia of indebtedness are made that stimulate, galvanize into
full life and action vast productive enterprises. The leaders make
great fortunes, as great, perhaps, as those made by the more
direct workers, the captains of the industrial, technical processes ;
and their fortunes seem to the ignorant to be made out of noth-
ing. And so far to us they can only be accounted for as a reward
for an original independent stimulus.

But all this financial stimulus known as “investment” is merely
a return circuit—or, if you will, a current induced by the primary
current from the earth. The lightning which seems to originate
in space and which acts with instantaneous, irresistible power, is
really a collection of small individual impulses—the long con-
tinued action of the wind, the gradual evaporation of water in
infinitely small particles, or the transmission through the air of
induced or return currents corresponding to primary currents
within the mass of the earth.

In industry there is a circuit similar to that in natural elec-
tricity. The transformation of finished products into still further
production must take place through the intervention of consump-
tion. The only ultimate consumers are individuals. The process
of consumption determines the existence of surpluses. It is the
natural necessity of individual consumption that guarantees the
individual right of determining surpluses. This economic free-
will is the peculiar field of the science of jurisprudence and of
the practice of law. Surpluses are hence necessarily atomized in
a social division of labor. But the atomizing process of con-
sumption is followed in turn by an integrating process of pro-
duction. The dialysis of consumption is succeeded by the
synthesis of production. The dissipation of matter that takes
place in consumption can not, however, be followed by a rein-
tegration until stimulating forces or moments are ready to disturb
their equilibrium and set them in motion toward each other.
With perfect mobility the individual surpluses take the initiative.
It matters not in what material forms an individual may have
had command over finished goods, or what goods he may have
produced,—his surplus emerges, by virtue of the generalizing
process of credit, as a right, the peer of that of any of his fellows,

51

52 W. G. Laneworthy Taylor

in other words, as a juro-economic value; and he is free to deter-
mine that value-right toward what fellows he chooses, entirely
free from prejudice due to the material form of the antecedent
technical process, from which the value-right emerged.

The collection of values in the hands of financial institutions
and financiers is evidently a purely psychic operation. It takes
place in several degrees just as the specialization of brute matter
into goods takes place in several degrees. The existence of finan-
cial leaders is an instance of the leadership that must take place
in every category of social life. The direction of the generalized
and accumulated rights to a special, perhaps altogether newly
introduced, or newly discovered industry is the arch-impetus and
stimulus of all industrial life. It is that case of “one-sided”
purchase the mystery of which so awes and terrifies the popular
mind. Really it is but a return-current of stimulus, passing back
from the psycho-industrial groups to the materio-industrial
groups. The stimulus of industry may thus be classified into (a)
the reactions between the members of the materialistic group,
(b) those between the members of the psychic group, and (c)
those between the two groups.

It is unquestionable that the element of stimulus is a mani-
festation in the kinetics of industry that imperatively demands
explanation. No process can exist without impulse, incentive,
suggestion, stimulus. Not only are certain phenomena contem-
poraneous, on the theory of equilibrium, but they are contempo-
raneously in motion, on the theory of stimulus. It is like the
steam-engine driving the looms of a factory: the forces of the
motor and the resistance of the machines and materials are in
equilibrium except that there is a slight excess of power in the
motor, which causes the different apparatus to move in the order
_ prescribed by the conjuncture, the motion being communicated
from one machine to another.

A distinction has now to be made which at once obviates a
misapprehension and shows the true relation of the process of
stimulation to the whole kinetic system. The analogies of elec-
tricity and steam represent the stimulus as originally generated
in the crust of the earth and as ultimately returning back to the

52

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 53

earth-source and restimulating it by a reflex action. The theory
of successive environments or conjunctures, however, represents
the crust of the earth and the psychic conjuncture, also, as purely
passive, as simply absorbing or eliminating all uneconomic mo-
tion. Thus, at first glance, it may look as though the theory of
environments excluded motion (except as incident to absorption)
from the environment, while the theory of stimuli places the origin
of a peculiar kind of motion, that of stimulus, within the environ-
ment. The careful reader, however, will have noticed that the
process of differential progress includes both materialistic and
psychic elements appropriate to motion in the stage of advance-
ment corresponding to the environment in which industry finds
itself. While motion is psychic in that it is an attempt to over-
come and thus escape the materialistic conditions of time and
space, it is impossible except within a relatively material environ-
ment. It is natural, therefore, that impulse for industry should
originate in the relatively materialistic environment.

It will be urged, however, that progress is due to the endeavor
of the individual or of society to pass into a higher environment,
and that therefore it is essentially a psychic matter. Conse-
quently the impulse to progress should arise close to or at the
margin of the subjective environment or within the purely finan-
cial classes. It is they that gather the surpluses, that select the ~
investments, that calculate carefully and with infinite pains the
proper direction of industry. In other words, it is they that
explore the path of progress, that visualize the new environment,
~ that catch glimpses of the promised land, while the more mate-
rialistic workers are pursuing a sodden routine. Is it not among
them that all impulse to progress must arise?

In answer it must be admitted and even insisted that the finan-
ciers are in the vanguard of progress. But this is inaccurate
language, not placing them scientifically in our system. The real
classification of the financiers will be understood by observing
the psychological distinction between the mind and the brain.
The mind is to be thought of as having an existence unreachable
by the senses, and is inconceivable as disposing of physical force.
The brain, however, is that psycho-physical organism that con-

53

54 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

trols stimuli. Again, even the brain does not originate stimuli,
but simply responds to stimuli originating in the inferior nerves,
which are closely associated with the environment.

In other words, stimulus is a force, and as such it must orig-
inate in connection with brute matter. We must look for the
stimulus to progress in close connection with the industrial
process.. The primary ctirrent that disturbs the preexisting
equilibria must start in the lower industries; it is then collected
and controlled by the financial brain (itself enlightened by the
financial mind), and returns to direct the terrestrial forces toward
higher planes. So far as the physical analogy goes, it is suffi-
_ cient to say that social stimulus is analogous to organic stimulus
and hence must originate in those social circumstances which are
analogous to the physical circumstances that attend the inception
of organic stimulus. However, the resemblance in question is
closer than mere analogy. Social stimulus acts only by imitation
and suggestion from individual to individual; therefore socio-in-
dustrial stimulus is but a manifestation of individual nerve and
brain action. Now individual action arises from environmental
suggestion. Hence it follows that the original suggestion or stim-
ulus to industry can only arise in connection with those essen-
tially economic processes where man is closely associated with
physical activities.

The invention of the Bessemer process was the disturbing ane
original stimulus that upset the whole set of equilibria established
by the liquidation following the crisis of 1873, and made possible
the Paes ee of wheat lands, the downfall of English agri-
culture, the advance of the English carrying trade, the opening
of the West, the rise of the steel industry in America, the incep-
tion of the age of steel, with all the financial readjustments
therein involved. This explanation is neither materialistic nor
dualistic. It simply describes the mutual relations of mind and
matter,—the materialistic conditions under which mind acts and
the psychic conditions under which matter acts, in economic
progress,

54

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 55

VI
THE THEORY OF THE CRISIS

A. The Relation to the Conjuncture

In the preceding sections an attempt has been made to suggest
some of the conditions and processes of economic progress, in
order that we might inquire in what respect, if any, the crisis
presents a variation from the stato-normal. Why have crises
received, comparatively speaking, so little attention at the hands
of economists? Why has the consideration of their theory been
left so largely in the hands of writers beset by prejudices,—men
of the ax-to-grind order, men with panaceas? Why have the
former feared to tread where the latter have so signally failed?
The cavalier treatment of crises by economists indicates preoccu-
pation with other problems. We do not regard as important
that which we do not see clearly. But lack of perception is as
likely to.be due to a lack of appropriate method as to an absence
of the external object. In other words, the habit of static logic
renders it hard to perceive aught that is kinetic. Those facts and
occurrences that are amenable to static thought have received
quite thorough analysis at the hands of economists. The
suppositions of free competition and that “other things are
equal’ (i. e., unvaried) lend themselves to the physical concep-
tions that “the whole is equal to the sum of all its parts,” and
even in emergency, that a change in one side of an equation must
be accompanied by a change in the other side. Thus, after mak-
ing allowance for an elaborate series of premises and contin-
gencies, we may conclude that there are certain relations between
wages, profits, interest, and rent. We may even go further and
note that an increase in population, capital, and inventions may
have various effects on.those relations. But we obtain thereby a
superficial conception of economic change. Economic progress
does not consist, as Mill* is forced by his system to suppose, in
increase “in production and in population” alone. Industrial

1 Principles, bk. IV, ch. I, sec. 1.

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56 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

progress can only be tested by its contributions to a higher, more
psychic living. This higher standard may at some times call for
a greater population or wealth, and sometimes for a smaller. It
may sometimes define goods as having a greater and sometimes
as having a less material mass or consistency. Economists find
matter for controversy on the point whether the strains of a violin
are physical and hence items of wealth.

As for changes in the rate of progress, deviations in its path, -
temporary pauses or retrogressions, changes in its phenomenal
constitution,—these were matters entirely beyond economic.
science or any science of social polity. Umnconsciously, perhaps,
_the crisis was acknowledged to be that very manifestation that
embodied all of these intractable phenomena—and therefore it
was ignored! Even the unconscious race-philosophy of lan-
guage employs in this connection a word, “crisis,” that indicates
a turning point, a parting of the ways calling for decisive action,
a culmination of a series of movements of utmost importance to
the industrial world (Kpivww). And yet the static philosophy of
industry says little or nothing on the subject which is really the
dominating one, but which it chooses to ignore or is unable to
see. The result of this attitude is that the crisis is looked upon
as something abnormal, as an unaccountable obsession of the
industrial world by malign, unexplainable influences which it is
hoped will run away and not come back again to bother the
weary brains of men who are trying to account for the happen-
ing of industrial events.

The criticism to be passed on static economists’ theories of
crises is therefore that of deficiency rather than that of incor-
rectness. Mill seized one of the most ‘salient crisis phenomena
when he said that crises were caused by an overfilling of the
field of investment, whence resulted a fall of profits, causing
speculation and an inordinate rise of prices, succeeded by a cor-
responding depression of the same. While all this is true, little
is said as to the socio-industrial utility of the process, except to
insist that it tends to raise profitst again. There is here a slight
hint of a large process of alternately filling and emptying a
reservoir of investment.

176,, tk. V, ch. III, sec. 4.

56

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 57

One theory claims that capital increases much faster than wages
advance. Capital is, however, dependent upon wages for a mar-
ket for products. The lack of wages causes a lack of a market,
the failure of the capitalists, and a crisis. The trouble with this
theory is, as Professor J. B. Clark has pointed out, that capital is
not dependent uniformly upon wages for a market.t Another
theory varies the above somewhat by showing that producers
seek to combat falling prices by widening the market, thus exag-
gerating the original evil. These theories are pessimistic and
inorganic. They suppose that the natural tendency of industry
is to gravitate into a state of chaos from which it can only be
saved by a clever tour de force, or by the introduction of a new
order of things conceived by the ingenuity of a mere man. In
other words, industry proceeds organically on a continuous down-
ward course, but the organism contains no corrective, no bal-
ance-wheel, no ability to right itself. The thought is pseudo-
organic for a while, but, at a certain point, ceases to be organic
at all and passes off into the realm of prepossession and idealism.

Perhaps the best explanation of a crisis flows from the theory
of undervaluation of future goods. If present goods are not
valued highly enough and future goods too highly, there will be
too much absorption of present goods ;—this will be followed by
a dearth of present goods and a tumble in future values (i. e.,
promises). This theory of V. Bohm-Bawerk, which he kas not
specifically applied to crisis phenomena, is thoroughly kinetic
and must form a large part of any comprehensive theory of a
crisis. By itself, however, it does not explain the larger social
and teleological bearings of crisis phenomena, only the mechan-
ism of some important price manifestations. It is essentially
kinetic, however, in that it gives due prominence to the element
of time. The time point of view is similar to the kinetic ; time is
a compendious term for all that happens successively or histori-
cally ; without happenings there can be no time; a time theory is
therefore a theory of those general changes that take place in
industry viewed abstractly from the position of pure sequence.
Hence a time theory must be very closely allied to a theory of
progress.

1Introduction to Rodbertus’ 77 heory of Crises.

57

58 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

The plain fact that a crisis is looked upon as an interruption
of progress made it necessary that we should inspect the nature
of progress before attempting to understand a crisis. The fur-
ther fact that experience so far has been that the interruption to
progress called a crisis has not been permanent leads us to inquire
whether the crisis may not be assigned a place in the general
scheme of economic progress. Remedies for the unpleasant inci-
dents of crises will be in order when once we understand their
nature. It is safe, however, to predict that the remedies will not
consist in a disorganization of business by an attempt to introduce
an ideal,—by directly hindering the accumulation of capital by
the passing of minimum wage- or price-laws, or by attempting
to preserve “competition” by confining business to small! industry.

Economic progress has been here treated as a movement of
mankind upward through a series of environments which, in the
first instance, are to be regarded provisionally as potentially exist-
ing in a rising psychic series, but unoccupied beyond the point to
which industrial mankind is actually arrived. Man progresses
through an impulse to live a more psychic life, to acquire more
psychic standards. As he progresses, however, the conception
of environment must change. Starting out with the idea, per-
haps, that environment is absolutely or unchangeably material-
istic, he must perceive, if he only can take a reasonably long
period into account, that the environment is only relatively mate-
rialistic, not absolutely nor unchangeably so. The environment
assumes more and more the aspect of a conjuncture. And this
must be so, since his life is continually becoming more psychic.
As he learns to “annihilate time ‘and space,” his environment or
conjuncture must itself become less material, since otherwise it
would not preserve a fairly constant relation with him, and
Nature’s continuity would be broken. More action, more “anni-
hilation of time and space,” involve more active cerebration, a
more mental life, and hence justify the general characterization
of progress as “psychic.”

Moreover, man progresses by a process of feeling his way, by

a series of rebuffs administered by the controlling limits of the old
environments. The successful experiments, however, become

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a ee a ti

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 59

fixed institutions and improvements. Further progress must
either alter them or be based upon them. Consequently, a large
part of the future advance is conditioned upon the results of past
advance. Those results may themselves, however, in many cases
be altered. Still the further back man goes towards the lower
environments, in his efforts to change conditions, the harder will
it be to alter the environment; the further forward he goes, the
easier will it be, and consequently the more will he be master of
his fate, faber suae fortunae.

In order to understand a crisis, the theory of progress/ must
be understood; without it we can neither understand the peculiar
nature of the crisis itself nor the gradual variations from a com-
paratively or short-time stato-normal condition that lead up to and
away from the crisis. The crisis is an integral portion of indus-
trial activity, and its phenomena are of the same laws and prin-
ciples working within the same categories as are recognizable at
each and every point of time. ;

Looking at a crisis now, in the largest way, from the point of
view of the progress through successive environments, there is
but one discovery that can follow our quest: the crisis marks the
transition from one industrial environment or conjuncture to
another. The crisis-process clears the way for reorganization
and recommencement of activity within the new tentative envi-
ronment or conjuncture. Looking widely over a series of years,
it would seem as if this explanation was the simplest and fitted
the most cases. The ninth decade (1880-90) of the last century
witnessed the opening of vast further areas of the world’s surface
to settlement and to the market of the world. The Dakotas, the
Argentine, and Russia were opened up. The crises of that dec-
ade were chiefly in confirmation or elimination of agricultural
areas and held off greater disaster till 1890-93. The same decade
also witnessed the opening of the mining regions of South Africa.
After 1893 there was for a number of years comparatively little
railway building. Industry of the tenth decade was busy living
in and exploiting the new materialistic conjuncture which the
previous decade had won. But a great new move towards further
territory is now on foot. Reserved lands, like Oklahoma, have

59

60" W. G. Langworthy Taylor

been opened. Emigration to the Canadian Northwest has discov-
ered regions to be attractive and fertile that were formerly deemed
uninhabitable. But the principal territories that are to be added
to the materialistic conjuncture of a new epoch are Africa, Siberia,
and China. The Boer war clearly means the opening up of Africa
to the world market. Whatever may be the reciprocal rights and
wrongs of Briton and Boer, the utilities of man demand that South
Africa be added to the world environment. The expeditions to
Cuba and to Pekin may be “predatory forays,” reminding us of the

age of fist-law, but it is the destiny of the tropics and of the

Orient to enter the world market pari passu with the development

of railway and navigation. Wars like the Chino-Japanese are .

but incidents in the economic development. The economic and
political relations of men must work within and throughout the
wider environment.

The quasi-materialistic conjuncture displays notable changes:
electrical inventions had something to do with the crisis of 1893.

Electricity has been a most prominent feature and disturbing -

element of the subsequent period. The world of industry was
by that crisis partially and only partially adjusted to it. It has
been an especially prominent factor in. the depression of 1901-02
in Germany; so that we have in electricity a case of slow devel-
opment, but with continual surprises which makes it practically
impossible for industry to know the limitations placed by the new
invention upon new activity.

In steam-transportation, the new developments of the ninth
decade were revolutionary, but those of the tenth were equally
so. Greater power and capacity of old kinds of machines depend
upon new inventions, especially those of new materials; but peo-
ple only notice a change of kind and are surprised at great results
where the change is apparently only one of degree. Twenty-five-
thousand-ton ships and fifty-ton pressed steel freight cars tell
the story of a new state of affairs that require larger plans and
a more complex organization. Moreover, a new era of railway
building is setting in; the Trans-Siberian railway allows of com-
munication along its entire line, and the Cairo-Cape railway is
under construction. The Panama Canal will soon again be

60

at es

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 61

pushed ahead. Preparations are therefore afoot for a new and
wider materialistic environment.

The psychic conjuncture changes with the materialistic, but
not precisely pari passu, for it does not embody a complete visu-
alization of the materialistic. The subjective reality is not of
the highest type; otherwise there would be no crisis. It is pre-
cisely in the failure of complete correspondence, parallelism, or
_ dualism, if you will, that exist the seeds of future crises. Thus,
in the ninth decade of the nineteenth century, the immense expan-
sion of the market fundamentally attributable to the stimulus of
the Bessemer process, necessitated a correspondingly extended
and more complicated organization. This was accomplished by
the putting of allied interests into the hands of trustees for the
purpose of carrying out a certain trade policy. This recognition
of the growing scale of productive and distributive operations
was quite justifiable and appropriate ; but it was accompanied by a
largeness of view as to the future possibilities of trade that was too
elastic and volatile. While the magnitude of subsequent devel-
opment was not and could not have been exaggerated, the error
lay in thinking it would come too soon, and still more in not
allowing for quick changes in the inchoate materialistic conjunc-
ture that must intervene, and that might occur in any line of
production.

Annihilation of space, economically considered, consists in the
traveling of men or in the transporting of commodities from one
place to another, in no time. Similarly, annihilation of time con-
sists in apprehending a future environment without the more or
less gradual space rearrangements and variations, mechanical,
chemical, geographical that must surely intervene; in other words,
it is economic prediction. It is precisely error in economic pre-
diction that has always formed the characteristic of crisis condi-
tions, and the eighties were no exception. Over-capitalization
was the expression of this error, which, while it formed the prin-
cipal theme of the fluctuating crisis process, was also so constant
an element as to form almost a feature of the psychic conjuncture.
There existed a constant tendency to overcapitalize (inflate or
“water” the nominal capital) ; but the manifestation of this ten-

61

62 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

dency was extremely varied and formed a salient feature of the
crisis process. The checkered history of the trusts, the invest-
ment companies, the land mortgage companies of the eighties—
not to speak of the fluctuations of credit in a banking sense, and
of commodity prices—were’ all part of a great socio-industrial
attempt to adapt the psychic conjuncture directly to the more
mobile portions of the materialistic conjuncture, while the latter
-was also not through with the work of adapting itself to the more
fixed parts of the materialistic environment. The attempt, of
course, was not wholly successful and the great crisis of 1893
followed.

The ground was cleared for a new psychic structure of organ-
ization and credit. The work went on slowly and cautiously.
Complete liquidation was insisted upon so late as 1896. The
absolute necessity of the largest possible scale of organization
was well understood, and the public was constantly assured that
all estimates of values were conservative. Doubtless an effort in
that direction was made. But tke steady and uninterrupted rise
of prices, 1898-1901, and the continued capitalization of “trusts”
in round numbers of incomprehensible amount tell the old, old ©
story.. There was, however, a distinct change in the psychic
conjuncture between the periods of adaptation preceding and
succeeding the crisis of 1893. The preceding period had been
one of doubt in the industrial world as to the necessity and prac-
ticability of the larger organization. The post-crisis period, after
the last liquidating wave of 18 6,, exhibited no doubt on this
score. In fact, the long drawn period of depression and liqui-
dation, 1893-97 (in fact, taking a broader world-view, 1890-97),
was due probably to a consciousness of the magnitude of the task
of reorganization, which was not to be undertaken lightly, and
in an environment which was uninviting for small and hence
quickly organized businesses.

If, however, the economic mind has fairly adopted the habit
of large organization, the same can not be said of the political.
What was true of the economic mind in the ninth decade is still
true of the political mind: it is at a loss to accommodate itself
to the new economic environment. It is from this fundamentally

ea

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The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 63

“economic and kinetic standpoint that explanation of political
phenomena must proceed.

‘The crisis is thus the door between two economic environ-
ments. How it is such a door is only to be explained by refer-
ence to the kinetic industrial process. It is not true, as the static
economics would assume, that the crisis is a mere sport that may
never happen again, an impudent disarrangement of preconceived
laws, which it is beneath our dignity to explain. The crisis is
that moment when the manifestation of the accumulated little
changes first occurs in ful! size; it is the supreme moment for
the kinetic analysis. M. Clément Juglar says that the crisis is
the end of the rise of prices.1 The difference between these
definitions is that between a broadly systematic point of view
and that simply of the most important category in active mani-
festation.

VU

THE THEORY OF THE CRISIS
(Continued )

B. The Process

The pain of the crisis does not come from the general dimin-
ution of production® so much as from the rearrangement of
individual fortunes. The process of liquidation, while it does
not stop production, does reduce to zero or greatly decrease the
rate of increase in production, which is one of the signs recog-
nized by Mill and others as a test of economic progress. It is
this personal inconvenience of the necessity of liquidation, there-
fore, that is to be accounted for. The simple principle of selec-
tion by the environment now stands us well in hand. As in all
organisms, so in society, the larger controlling influences do not
operate always by a gradual process of differentiation, While
the idea of continuity and of continual development by infinitesi-
mal differentiation is doubtless to be insisted upon as the more

1‘‘Ta crise serait donc l’arret de la Aausse des prix, c’est-a-dire le moment
ou l’on ne trouve plus de noveaux preneurs.’’ Des Crises Commerciales, p.
14, cf. p. 33. ‘

*In 1884 and 1894 the fall in freight earnings and in iron and steel pro-
duction was comparatively small.

64 W. G. Laneworthy Taylor

refined and real and hence the more elusive, it is also true that
Nature does also make decided breaks and apparent discontinu-
ities. It is these discontinuities that affect principally the mind
of man. It is his observation of them that forms the ground of
his judgments and of his reality. It is precisely they that have
trained him to be a reasoner by contrasts, a neglecter of the con-
trolling forces. Volcanic eruptions and earthquakes are the occa-
sion of vast loss of life, but are hardly to be counted as a part of
the more fundamental geological processes; and similarly, crises
are the occasion of a high financial death-rate, but they are not
the fundamental causes of it. Earthquakes are necessary to
restore an equilibrium that has been unbalanced by a strain upon
the earth’s crust, caused by secular deposits of detritus, and crises
are necessary to force a liquidation really caused by the strain
of personal obligation gradually accumulated by the process of
progress.

It is generally agreed by serious students that “credit” is the
chief category of crisis phenomena. Whatever be the favorite
fads in the assigning of deeper causes, such as “overproduction,”
“lack of purchasing power,” etc., all concede that credit makes
the whole display at the final catastrophe. “Credit” is the popu-
lar term for the congeries of contracts that witnesses the indi-
vidual relations of promise and guaranty between producers.
These promises are an evidence of the stimulus, which, passing
from producer to producer, causes a surplus. Through the inter-
vention of the banking system and its guaranties, they are gen-
eralized as before described and become subject to independent
management and direction. From the country and local banks
they are collected into more central institutions and added to by
the immediate contributions of the greater producers, until they
reach the highest levels of finance. On these levels they are so
detached from their materialistic origin that they do not react
at once from the technical influences of the conditions of pro-
duction. The great capitalists (who are the great debtors) form
their own conclusions as to the future prospects of productive
undertakings, and they encourage or discourage investment with
a free hand. Thus it is that small variations in the technical

64

The Kinetic Theory of. Economic Crises 65

prospects of industry may create undue variations in the value
anticipations of financiers, and to the fluctuations in technical
production due to the vicissitudes of the conjuncture, the finan-
cial world adds greater fluctuations due to psychological causes.
Enthusiasm for speculation finally gives out from sheer bodily
fatigue. A slow market in stocks is ascribed to the fact that a
prominent operator is taking a trip south.

The whole process is strangely analogous to what is known in
electrical science as “resonance.’’ Let materialistic industry rep-
resent the dynamo from which a current proceeds and to which
it returns again. The current of credit carries its stimulus from
point to point in the ascending psychic scale, at each point finding
little reservoirs for storage, so that the current is not uniform at
all points of the circuit, until finally, in the highest psychic part-
environment, a sort of a “loop” is formed. Here, by means of
coils of wire and a pair of Leyden jars, an independent current
is induced from the principal current. In other words, not only
does the principal current pass through the loop, but the loop has
an independent current of its own which is so intense as in case
of interruption to generate light rather than heat,—light being
a phenomenon of a more psychic order than heat.*

In general the analogy of the action of the financial classes to
that of an induced electrical current, even when it is entirely
unconnected, is strong: the induced current does not start simply
because the main curcuit in the field of which it happens to be
is in action; it is necessary that there be some change in the
main current in order to start up the induced current. Simi-
larly, the world of finance is not capable of starting up a circuit
of action on its own account; it must wait until surplus produc-
tion has set in motion a larger quantity of floating capital and
thus have charged the field with a stimulus of which it can borrow
a part.

By a mechanism of this nature, periods of speculation begin
to arise shortly after the disturbance of the industrial equilibrium
or calm which marks the end of the period of liquidation. For

1] am indebted for this analogy, taken from an experiment of Tesla, to

my colleague, Professor George Hart Morse, of the department of electrical
engineering.

5 65

66 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

speculation to assume a perfectly even tenor would be a most
unnatural thing in view of the mechanism described. Thus, after
the crisis of 1882-84 we find the inception of a new speculative
era over the whole world, except Austria and France. The year
1888 was not so brilliant; 1889 saw a perfect fever of specula-
tion which culminated in 1890 in the preliminary crisis of that
year. Then there was a calm for a year, attempted renewals of
speculation in 1892 and finally, in 1893, the final catastrophe took
place, with the United States and Australia as its principal
theaters.

Fortunately the Austrian economist, von Bohm-Bawerk, has
furnished us with a psychological theory of speculation which
allows us to obtain a better insight into the action of the specu-
lative mind in making its time-discounts. The general principles
are the following: Anything enters into the present market in
which people choose to trade and on which they put a value. The
most common commodities besides present goods are future goods.
That goods are not yet produced is no hindrance to trading in
them, and in fact such trading is the common phenomenon known
as credit operations. Now the value of the present and future
goods in terms of one another must be such in the gross that the
future product will be equal to the present product plus interest
and profit. If the expectation of the gross future value is very
large it will cause a high rate of interest, attract investment, and
raise the price of present goods. If the price of present goods
were not raised, they would be exhausted by the demand for them
as means of future production, and a period of dearth would in-
tervene before the future products themselves ripened into present
goods. ‘Now the constant presence of the agio on present goods
is like a self-acting drag on the tendency to extend the production
period.”* Of course if this warning of the rise in the price of
present goods is not heeded, a catastrophe must ensue. The
warning never is heeded; and this is undoubtedly the most funda-
mental cause of the crisis.

We would expect then that the rise in the price of stocks would
be the first phenomenon following the return of industrial activ-

1Positive Theory of Capital, p. 338.

66

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 67

ity, and that this would be followed by a rise in the price of com-
modities. Stock-watering, however, while it would tend to
conceal the test of stock prices, would itself be an additional
proof of the first stage of over sanguine belief in the future.

When it is found that certain inventions or that a new organ-
ization of industry are probabiy to be productive of increased
subjective values and hence of an increased rate of profit, there
exist few present means for the ordinary man, at least, or even
for the speculator to gauge the expected surplus. It is but nat-
ural, therefore, that these expectations should fluctuate with very
little reference to actual materio-technical processes. The vast
undertakings call for present goods, and as the latter become
scarcer and less and less available for immediate consumption,
their prices rise inordinately. The more prudent financiers re-
strict their operations. The less responsible push forward new
stock-watering combinations in the hope of standing out from
under before the failure of their schemes.

The very first issues of stocks and bonds are steps in the
mechanism of the credit and guaranty system. Just as, in the
fields of business that lie closer to materialistic production, pro-
ducers’ promises are exchanged for bankers’ promises, which the
public receives on the bankers’ guaranty primarily, so in the high-
est psychic conjuncture, the enterprises that are started by finan-
ciers are “financed” and guaranteed by combinations of under-
writers, consisting of other financiers, of banks at the financial
centers, of international banking houses, of trust companies, etc.,
who guarantee the organization and launching of these enterprises
as going concerns. In fact, we read of one set of underwriters
needing another set to guarantee them.

In confirmation of this theory, the recent course of prices may
be consulted. The rise in the price of railroad stocks and the
increase in bank clearings was very marked in the financial yeaf
of 1897-98 and continued rapidly during the next two years.
The average price of all commodities rose a little in England and
the United States in 1897-08, fell a little in the United States in
1898-99, and did not finally take its upward trend till the year
1899-1900. The characteristic commodity, iron, continued to fall

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68 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

during the years 1897-908. In 1898-99 it rose a little, and it was
not until 1899-1900 that it took its great upward soar. The
metals as a whole did not rise at all until 1898-g9 and railroad
freight rates did not rise till after 1899-1900.

Of course, disproportionate production (partial overproduc-
tion) may have some influence in causing crises. Doubtless some
producers find to their sorrow that they have miscalculated the
market, but in general it is not in this direction that we must
look for the cause of widespread failure. It is hardly probable
that if the laboring classes are receiving less pay, producers would
keep on producing the same amount for sale to them, as one
theory maintains; and the same is true of overproduction along
other lines. It is not necessary in order to cause a crisis that
the final products of industry should be so disproportioned that
they would not be salable against one another, were the condi-
tions of personal obligation otherwise static. It is the fact that
the great productive organizations have promised more than they
can carry out in the way of returns to investment which is the
great cause of crises. This analysis offers the explanation of the
abnormal credit,? which characterizes crises.

When at last the exhaustion of present goods reaches an acute
stage, and the inability of the new concerns to make good their
promises becomes manifest, all hands turn attention towards
liquidation. The whole structure of stock, bond, and note prom-
ises becomes valueless, and to a large extent even for the purposes
of set-off. Stocks and bonds can not be set off against stocks
and bonds in payment of debt, for they are not negotiable; nor
can individual notes be set off against each other, for since they
have become generalized in the form of bank credits, the holders
of notes against each other can not be brought together nor would
they accept attornment if that were possible. In other words, the
public holds notes and accounts against the banks, and the banks»
hold notes against individuals; but the public will not accept the
private notes held by the banks, but demands fulfilment of the

1 Bureau of Economic Research (Ed. Professor John R. Commons), No1,
July, 1900. Diagrams, pp. 30-34.

*Professor J. Laurence Laughlin, ‘‘Credit,’’ University of Chicago Decen-
nial Publications, secs. 6, 7. ;

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’ The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 69

guaranty by payment of coin. Bank notes are not accepted, since
they are founded upon the unproductive stocks, bonds, and pri-
vate notes. The consequence is that the market for future goods
is wiped out as with a sponge, and the exaggerated demand for
present goods is at last turned specially towards one of them,
namely, the real money of liquidation contained in the guaranty
fund—gold. Other goods now drop in value and the one good,
gold, acquires an unusual importance.

From the conjunctural point of view, the inordinately high

‘price of present goods indicates a tendency towards a lower

environment. While future goods are still in the market, just
before the crisis, they are inordinately depressed below present
goods, so that the prominent contrast in the market is the relation
of future to present goods. The exchange value of future goods
is so depressed that no possible technical increase in their output
can compensate for the fall. The market being resolved into an
exchange of present against future goods, the high value of pres-
ent goods is discovered to be all in terms of promises. This is
inflation pure and simple. The visualization of the market by
the current theories has treated promises materialistically, as so

much wares, commodities:

“His” (the holder’s) “cession of property” (in a note) “by
sale” (to a banker) “is as distinct and complete as if he had sold
a bale of cotton to another merchant.”

“Here then” (deposit), “as in the former case, the transaction
is in effect a saie, although the use of the word ‘deposit’ seems at
first to justify an entirely different idea of its character.’

The market takes the will for the deed; it obeys the maxim of
equity to “consider that as done which ought to be done.” So
long as negotiable paper is regarded as good, it does not need to
be paid. Without ever being paid, it is always treated as though
it were paid; and so it continues, by renewals and replacement
with new paper, to perform the high duty of circulating goods
for an indefinite period. But when it is evident that the promises
can not be fulfilled, then one side of this equation, present-future, —

1Charles F. Dunbar, Chapters on Banking, 1st and 2d ed., p. 11.
27d. 16., p. 14.

69

70 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

falls away, and the market for future goods vanishes. The gen:
eral market now deals in.a new commodity, gold. .

Everybody in the community that had any surplus had calcu.
lated on too great returns from it. Laborers had calculated on
too high wages. The whole society had anticipated an inordinate
increase of subjective total values, and this had influenced them in
incurring all sorts of expenditures on present goods at a high
_ price. Business corporations had incurred heavy bonded indebt-
edness on the basis of high returns. But the rise in the exchange-
value of present goods inevitably engenders a rise in wages—one
of the largest expenses in most businesses. Critics discover that
corporations, on the face of their published statements, are carry-
ing insufficient reserves or surpluses for necessary betterments
and replacements of old or antiquated plant; boards of directors
issue additional bonds for improvements and thus create addi-
tional demand for commodities in terms of future goods.

In the early days of the credit system, it was supposed that
inflation took place because inconvertible notes could not be pre-
sented for money when their value fell.1 With no more than
normal renewals, or, in other words, with normal payments into
the bank in discharge of borrowings, the bank notes could hardly
suffer very serious depreciation from the mere lack of converti-
bility. In the absence of lack of confidence, payment into the
bank in discharge of debt would act the same as presentation for
redemption in keeping up their value. Excess of issue is clearly
the cause of depreciation in such a case. Since all issue arises
from loans, excessive issue can only arise from a too high valua-
tion of the security or of the product. Productive loans are made
on the expectation of production and nothing else, and their nomi-
nal value can rise only with the nominally greater productivity of
the process. In other words, inflation is exaggerated forecast of
productivity.

The persons directly responsible for mistakes of this sort are
chiefly the leaders of financial industry. It would, however, be

1“ But if by law they (the bank notes) are not so convertible, of course this
excess will not be brought back, but will remain in the channels of circula-
tion, until paid again into the bank itself in discharge of the bills which
were originally discounted.’”? Zhe Bullion Report 1810, Sound Currency,
vol. II, no 14, p. 20.

70

ex
Sorts
— ao

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 71

an egregious error to mark them out as solely responsible for
credit fluctuations. The financier is but a leader, not an autocrat.
He is powerless without cooperation. In order to secure this, he
must offer sufficient inducements. If the bonuses, the capitaliza-
tion of prosperity-income, of good-will, bring om inflation, is that
more to be laid at the door of leaders of finance than of the in-
vesting public which refuses to join the procession of progress
without such inducements? The financiers are the prime movers
in progress, but they can only act within and through the existing
conjuncture. The largest concerns are those that set the example.
The induced currents of “credit” acquire a high tension in the
independent circuits of high finance and are finally discharged
through optional connections with the primary circuit, or even
across non-conducting spaces. The whole industrio-financial
body is finally coerced to join the movement upwards, on princi-
ples of normalization familiar to students of society; all prices are
forced upwards in order to meet the rising tide of expense. La-
borers, common carriers, hotels, as users of the prime necessaries
produced by the corporations, put up prices in order to cover their
rising expenses. The most striking example is offered of the
all-compelling power and irresistible action of the social mind.

In recent decades, covering as they do a series of successive
environments, exchange has normally been effected on the credit
plan. The movement towards the crisis has consisted in an
exaggeration or abuse of that plan. The definition of credit as
“set-off” makes prominent the simultaneous or spatial feature.
Along with this goes a temporal feature. Normal credit is not
only of a certain standard value but it represents a normally long
production process. Credit must exist of a certain Jength in order
to allow those transportations of merchandise from place to place
which are necessary in order to fulfil physically operations of
sale and delivery. When delivery is effected, set-off may occur.
It can not occur sooner, for the flow of bills can not, on the aver-
age, be faster than the flow of goods.

Similarly, payment of loans can not occur faster than produc-
tion turns goods out. The roundaboutness of the process limits
the length of the promise, on the one side; distance and rapidity

7A

72 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

of delivery, on the other. Accordingly, there exist two kinds of
credit, one which lengthens with the roundaboutness of the proc-
ess, and one which shortens with the rapid delivery of goods.
The latter is the more spatial and the more employed in set-off ;
the former the more temporal, and the more presented for liquida-
tion. But they are intimately alli¢d: if the temporal credit cease
to exist, production ceases; there are no goods for sale, hence
spatial credit ceases also. Either kind of credit affects the gen-
eral level of prices. Mere bulling of the market for certain ~oods,
say iron, may cause an inflation. But the usual and more potent
cause of inflation is to be found in the temporal credit connected
with the launching of industrial enterprises. This sort of credit
most powerfully affects prices. So far as mere exchange is con-
cerned, of course, the level of prices is of little significance. So
long as goods are produced, the set-off system can operate, for it
is purely a matter of exchange, and the static philosophy teaches
correctly that the number of counters employed in exchange is a
matter of indifference.

This is the normal, dual, time-space mechanism. of credit in
recent environments. The lengthening of the time-norm lends
to them their psychic aspect. With onward rush of credit-stimuli,
marked by pauses and renewed currents of ever greater inten-
sity, a disproportion of the stimulation of credit to the productive
capacity of technical apparatus and, in a less degree, to customary
consumption, ensues. There is a hypertrophy of the nervous sys-
tem of industry. The main result is a general fall of future
values. They finally cease to be dealt in. This is a painful mat-
ter for the persons chiefly interested in them. Having cast in
their economic lot with speculative production, they must now
pass through a process of liquidation corresponding in severity
to the disapproval which their enterprises may have met at the
hands of the general conjuncture. Nor can anyone escape some
share in the general liquidation; the principle of the social mind
is again invoked. The most conservative citizen, the one least
implicated in speculation, finds his property unsalable. Income
is equally affected, since income is only realized through exchange.
The exchange process, which is assumed to run itself in many

72

5 a

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 73

orthodox theories, such as the proposition that a man produces
his own income, now takes full possession of the economic scene.
How to set exchange in motion becomes the great problem of the
hour. A halt is called for liquidation, while persons who hold
titles to property, such as land or goods, must hold their breath,

as it were; they are lucky if they obtain daily necessaries and pay

taxes. The period of decline asserts the social solidarity with
even more emphasis than the period of inflation. The rich are in
mental distress, while levelling agitators find ready ears among
the half-employed poor. It is remarkable that so few are in a

‘position to take advantage of low prices in a time of crisis in

order to speculate.

There is a partial reversion toward a lower environment, or at
least conjuncture. The leadership of the psychic classes has
failed; the extended processes have not come up to expectation ;
the rate of profit on the actual investment, while high, is not
sufficient to pay a normal rate on the mass of stock-water. It
may be said that the amount of stock was an experiment in the
field of psychic conjuncture. When put to the test of the mate-
rialistic conjuncture, the experiment fails. New companies must
be formed on a basis of stock compatible with the returns actually
experienced or old companies pass through a painful reorganiza-
tion, involving a scaling down of stock and bonds.t| When the
new concerns are formed, there exist the conditions for a new
period of prosperity ; but the scaling down of stock and bonds has
been a drastic operation. It must not be thought that there is an
actual standstill of production during liquidation. Most concerns
continue to produce, upon reduced scale and in the hands perhaps
of court receivers. The great mistakes have not been those in
technique, nor even those in anticipation of relative demand and
relative consumption (as is claimed by most theories in the face
of the very patent fact of a general liquidation), but the mistakes
of the quasi-independent psychic classes in failing correctly to
forecast total social values.’

lKdward Sherwood Meade, 7he Reorganization of Railroads, Annals of
the Am. Acad. of Pol. and Soc. Science, vol. XVII, p. 205.

2 Besides the writings of Patten and Clark, passim, cf. the writer’s Values,
Positive and Relative, Annals of the Am. Acad. of Pol. and Soc. Science,
vol. IX, no. 1, p. 81 sqq.

73

74 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

The unlocking of hoards, the importation of gold, and its fre-

quent use in transactions and in financial centers where the highly
developed stato-normal credit system had entirely dispensed with
it outside the guaranty or reserve fund, characterize the period as
one of lower psychic tone. On the other hand, these periods of
reverses are not simple, direct retrogressions. The instruments
of the earlier environments are used for the distinct purpose of
clearing the ground for a new advance. The temporary regress
is merely a device in the grand plan of progress. The psychic
credit system preserved the guaranty fund down from the days
when money was the sole medium of exchange for the express
purpose of avoiding complete repudiation and disarrangement.
By means of it, individuals are enabled to make good their prom-
ises, but slowly and at sacrifice. Abnormally low prices evidence
the same helpful conditions. They encourage the use of gold and
help on liquidation and the starting afresh with individual obli-
gations more in accord with the technique of the materialistic
conjuncture.

The lowest level of prices is reached in those communities
where gold imports do not penetrate, owing to poverty or to a
chronic state of indebtedness. In those communities there is no
accumulation of wealth that can be used to pay debts or to pur-
chase gold. They are accustomed to transact their current busi-
ness in the evidences of indebtedness arising within wealthier
_ communities. Lacking these, they must perforce fall back upon
barter or extemporize a local currency of their own.

The expression “‘overcapitalization” is used in two senses, that
of stock-watering and that of too large a proportion of fixed
compared with circulating capital. Confusion of these terms is
not greatly to be wondered at, since the practice of the former
encourages the latter: the attempt to create great profits leads to
a too hasty conversion of present into future (capital) goods,
thus raising the price of the former, as so well described by von
Bohm-Rawerk. Some writers have gone off on a side track:
they ascribe the fall of profits to the “competition of capital,’ and
explain the conquest of wide markets as an attempt at compen-

‘John De Witt Warner, Zhe Currency Famine of 1893, Sound Currency»
vol. II, no. 6.

74

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 75

sation. Doubtless low profits often drive producers on to plunge
deeper into production; but there is nothing inherent in the “cap-
italistic system” to produce this effect. The lack of proper adjust-
ment of the psychic to the materialistic conjuncture is the-
fundamental cause, a cause that is deeply implanted in human
nature, far deeper than political policies; and from this evil even
the socialistic state could be free only on the hypothesis that it
had wiser leaders than those that now are found within the
psycho-financial circuit, or on the other more probable hypothesis
that the socialistic state did not advance at all.

The retirement of the psycho-financial classes after the crisis,
and their preoccupation in the inter-adjustment of their obliga-
tions, amounts to a total withdrawal of the reenforced and reac-
tionary stimulus which they had supplied to industry. This must
now jog on for a while, as best it may, with merely the stimulus
of the simple, primary current; and while there is not probably
any great reduction in the total mass of production, below at
least the recent average, there is a decided falling off in those
industries that have recently been especially favored. Thus, from
1883 (crisis) to 1884 the tonnage constructed in English ship-
yards fell from 892,216 to 588,274 and even to 331,528 in 1886.

The essential features of the theory of economic crises are:

I, Crisis phenomena are normal and kinetic. Their proximate
causes act in obedience to laws of motion and change. A thor-
ough study of crises will give to laws of that character a much
greater prominence in economic theory than they have hitherto
claimed or attained... It will be recognized that the theory of the
state of progress is as important as the theory of the stationary
state. The latter theory, however, is necessary to the former.
In order to apprehend a law of change, we must first crowd into
a given space of time as many stages as possible, each of when
momentarily presents itself as stationary.

II. Since economy is the satisfaction of wants, it consists in
the furnishing of relatively material objects for the use of a rela-
tively spiritual subject. Consequently progress must consist in
an elevation of this relation in the psychic scale: the subject and
the object must both become more psychic, while preserving

75

76 W. G. Langworthy Taylor

their mutual relation. The laws of progress must explain the
general movement upwards as well as coincident modifications in
the relation of subject with object.

III. Progress may provisionally be described as a journey from
house to house, or from environment to environment of a pro-

gressively cultured or psychic character, i. e., adapted to psychic »

advance of man. The lower environments are materialistic; in
them man must conform himself very strictly to materialistic
conditions. The higher are psychic; in them man conforms him-
self to conditions predominantly psychic. Since the latter condi-
tions are dependent upon himself, he may create or ‘even alter
them, if he will but make the necessary sacrifice of time or consent
‘to retrace his steps temporarily.

IV. In a normal course of progress, free from retrogression,
both the materialistic and psychic conditions present a perma-
nently environmental character. They are long-time causes,
changing little. Such change as does take place in them may be
compared to the change made annually in the volume of coined
money by the mintage, whfle the mass of the coins have been in
circulation for decades, and some individual coins may be made
_ of gold taken from the mines of Philip of Macedon. The mate-
rialistic and psychic parts of an environment may, for con-
venience, be treated separately. ]

V. In the higher environments change is rapid, and new con-
junctures swiftly succeed each other. The process of change
may here be seen weaving the conjunctures within which it will
continue its work. A complete treatment would describe the
assimilation of conjunctures into the environment.

VI. The process of progress must be such that it can occur
within the existing environment, including in that term the exist-
ing conjuncture. The environment being partly material and
partly psychic, the process avails itself of the contrast and of the
continuity between these two economic elements.

VII. Our own nature is such as to render it probably impos-
sible for us to apprehend any process except with the aid of at
least two sets of analogies: those of physics and those of biology.

76

Ee

The Kinetic Theory of Economic Crises 77

VIII. The physical analogy suggests primarily the laws of the
changes in industrial equilibrium. The concrete movements that
take place in the industrial relations of different geographical
areas, classes, products, and businesses, and in consumption, may
here be described with a view to ascertain the order of their
adjustment and readjustment to each other.

IX. The biological analogy suggests primarily the laws of
stimulation. These laws are fundamental to the process, for they
determine the disturbances in industrial equilibrium. They can
only be rightly apprehended by a thorough revision, in the kinetic
sense, of the theory of credit. The conception of credit must be
reduced to its simplest terms in the business man’s promise. It
will be found that promises are made coincidently with the sav-
ing of surplus goods, and that they act and react in waves and —
cumulatively upon business and industrial progress.

X. The crisis is a normal exhibition of the culmination of the
stimulative process. Its theater is the market: the culmination
of stimulation suspends abruptly the part-market for future goods,
which usually is the more important; the part-market for money
now endeavors imperfectly to fulfil both the demands upon the
market for future goods and those usually made upon itself also.

XI. From the environmental point of view the crisis is the

door between two conjunctures. Those industrial experiments
are eliminated that do not harmonize with the new conjuncture.

XII. The crisis process is one of social solidarity; it is a gen-
eral movement all along the line; it is not, in its essence, an over-
production of goods, but an overproduction of promises. -

77

Il.—On the Validity of the Ergograph as a Measurer of
Work Capacity

A Contribution to Practice and Learning
BY THADDEUS L. BOLTON AND ELEONORA T. MILLER
INTRODUCTION

The purpose of the experiment discussed in the following
pages was to test the validity of the ergograph as a measurer of
the capacity of an individual for muscular work; that is, to deter-
mine in how far the ergograph records might be relied upon as
giving a fair estimate of work capacity. The chief consideration
in this, as in any psychological problem where it is a question of
measuring processes accurately, is to determine the probable
value of a single observation or small number of observations
made within a few days, as furnishing sufficient data upon which
to generalize. The treatment of this question in connection with
the present problem involves a consideration of the character
and direction of influences which are most likely to affect a single
record or group of records, and thus render this record or group
of records unreliable as an indication of work capacity.

Thus stated, the problem becomes a study of the variations
that take place in a series of records taken under reasonably
uniform conditions. Investigators have used the ergograph upon
children and adults upon the assumption that a single record or
a small number of records taken within a period of a few days
is a fair measure of the amount of work they can do, and in the
long run can be relied upon in a comparative estimate of the
individuals studied. Are there not influences operative in a single
test or a small number which do not affect a long series, and
likewise, influences operative in a long series which do not enter
into a single test? Do records change relatively in the course
of a long series so as to invalidate those at the beginning of the

79

e

2 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

series? Are records taken after practice a better test of work
capacity than earlier ones? These are a few of the questions
which present themselves in a study of this kind, and for which
answers must be found before tests of capacity can be ‘cestce
as trustworthy.

Ordinary circumstances do not mean the same for all people.
Normal daily life and habits keep some individuals nearer than
others to their maximum capacities all the time, so that a short
series for the former would more nearly represent the maximum;
while, on the other hand, those whose bodily conditions resulting
from daily habits keep them near the minimum of capacity would
not, in a short series of observations, reach a point even approxi-
mating their maximum capacities. Accordingly, the maximum
records must be used as the standard, and this makes it abso-
lutely necessary that the reagents be practiced in the particular
exercises used as tests.

Upon empirical grounds it is highly probable that practice is
an essential in many psychological and physiological experiments
before the tests have either relative or absolute trustworthiness.
If ordinary circumstances meant the same thing for all individ+
uals, it would not be necessary to go through long and severe
courses of training, because tests at any time would establish the
relative merits of each, and, furthermore, it is probable that
certain individuals are capable of far greater practice effects than
others, so that the relative merits can be determined only after
each has been brought to the highest level of practicable practice
effect. Accordingly, maxima of effort are used by all trainers
of athletes and by sportsmen and breeders of animals when com-
parisons of relative merits are made. But besides this there are
other reasons why maxima should be sought for. First, there is
the purely sentimental one of knowing how great a performance
one is capable of; and, second, the reason that in performances
where accuracy is the chief desideratum, as in marksmanship,
- relative estimates are entirely without point until a certain degree
of accuracy has been obtained.

In nearly all skilled occupations the maxima are demanded
for commercial reasons. In many occupations workers can not

80

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 3

obtain a livelihood until they have attained considerable skill.
Without practice they can not do anything at all. The training
to which race horses, prize fighters, and professional athletes
must submit before they enter contests is essential both from a
sentimental or sporting and commercial standpoint; they must
be made to’ reach the highest level of practice effect of which
they are capable in order to satisfy our pleasure in seeing ani-
mals and men contend and strive with one another in rivalry and
because the strength, skill, and agility developed in this way
come to have commercial values as they formerly had selective
values in biological history.

Empirical Observations upon Practice.—Practice is not a sim-
ple phenomenon ; it manifests itself in different ways. One may
easily discover a variety of effects which exercise will have upon
the individual who practices himself in any line with vigor and
persistence. Naturally the results are not the same or uniform
in degree. Certain effects are greater and more obvious in one
kind of work than in another. The first and probably the most
important condition brought about by exercise is inurement to
the task. This is a process of hardening whereby the tissues and
skin which at the outset were rendered inflamed and bruised by
the physical exercise become calloused and give rise no longer
to the painful sensations which were experienced during the first
exercise. Want of inurement results in a greater or less degree
of muscular soreness and stiffness. A single unusual exercise
of any kind, if it be at all violent, has this effect. This soreness
and stiffness are probably due to small lesions: of the tissues
through the rubbing and twisting of muscular and tendonal fibers
about one another which are followed by local inflammations.
Lagrange’ attributes this condition to the retention within the
muscles of obscure waste products. A different hypothesis seems
to us more probable. The muscles and tendons lie contiguous
to one another in the members and when their positions remain
unchanged toward one another for considerable periods, as they
do at times when exercise is not taken, adhesions grow between
them as in all other tissues. Now when exercise is taken, the

1Physiology of Exercise. Appleton & Co.

6 81

4 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

muscles and tendons change their relative positions, and in that
way the adhesions are broken. Continual exercise is necessary
to prevent them reforming. The rupturing of the adherent tis-
sues produces local inflammations which are felt as soreness of
the members. A very smal! amount of exercise will prevent the
formation of adhesions. Other conditions follow a want of suffi-
cient exercise. These are the growth and deposit of fat in and
around the muscles and the development of a flabbiness of the

muscular tissues themselves. These can be checked only by vig-’

orous and systematic exercises regularly followed up. In games
and gymnastic exercises such as basket-ball, jumping, ladder-
climbing, etc., the painful sensations persist for some days, and
' the exercise must be kept up vigorously until the muscles and
tendons become hardened, that is, unti! the inflammation from the
rupturing of adhesions and blood vessels in the sheaths are healed
and callouses are developed where the rubbing is severe and
persistent. The training of prize fighters and athletes is first
of all, then, a process of hardening and toughening during which
all the muscles and other tissues of the body share in the devel-
opment which renders them less liable to injury. This is a
physiological and not a psychological process. The disappear-
ance of this muscle soreness is not to be attributed to our becom-
ing used to the discomfort and hence not noticing it, but to the
fact that the conditions that gave rise to the painful sensations
cease to exist.

Secondly, practice results in acquisition of more or less skill
and agility in the performance of a movement; that is, one has
a better knowledge of the movement and is capable of more ready
execution. From the physiological point of view skill is growth
in the perfection of muscle coordination, and it means not only
proper coordination, but certainty with which the coordination
can be repeated successively and without variation. A greater
or less degree of awkwardness characterizes movements made
before practice, that is, there is superfluous and misdirected activ-
ity. Before practice we do not know how to apply the power at
the point where it will be most effective; during practice there
comes about a reduction or suppression of superfluous and extra-

82

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 5

neous movements which are energy-consuming and use up the
force that should be exerted in other directions. This subject
will come up again later. When all the muscle groups work
together for the same end, the performance of the movement is
said to be skilful. The difference of manner in which the skilled
and the unskilled bicycle rider “take a hill” is due to the way
they apply power to the pedals. The ability to throw the weight
on the pedals at exactly the right point and at the right instant,
and to make the proper movements with the other limbs and
trunk characterizes the skilful rider, and the inability to time
movements and apply power properly is the defect of the un-
skilled rider. In the game of golf perfect coordination of the
muscles is essential. It is not always the most powerful stroke
that sends the ball farthest, but it is the swing of the driver which
takes the ball exactly at the right angle. Such a drive depends
upon the success with which the player contracts all his muscles
at the right instant and applies them exactly to the point where
their combined effect will be greatest.

Thirdly, by practice the power or contractile force of muscle
groups is greatly increased. After practice greater power is
shown by the baseball pitcher’s arm. This is due not only to an
increase in the bulk of tissue resulting from increased nourish-
ment through practice, but also to increased power of the nervous
system to discharge in a definite way and-to concentrate all the
force upon a movement in a given direction. The muscles grow
in contractile power, and the nervous system shows increased
tendency to confine the nervous currents within narrow pathways.
A given stimulus concentrated upon a few muscles will yield a
stronger contraction than the same stimulus spread over a less
definite area. Just as, when shooting at a target before practice,
the shot is scattered over the whole target, so the nervous stim-
ulus sent to the muscles in the first instance is distributed’ more
or less widely, and as more of the shot will probably fall around
near the center than towards the edge of the target, so the main
part of the nervous excitation reaches the desired muscles; but
‘during practice the nervous discharge comes to be confined
almost entirely to the few muscles whose contraction is desired.

83

6 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

The accessory movements which contribute nothing to the per-
formance and are energy-consuming gradually drop out.

Fourthly, practice increases endurance. By that we-mean the
power to contract a muscle a greater number of times under given
conditions. Let us suppose stronger innervation reaches a muscle
from a given discharge in the nervous centers after practice than
before, and that the amount of energy-yielding compound in the
cell presumably increases with practice, a greater number of suc-
cessive contractions are rendered possible before the muscle
becomes exhausted. The prize fighter, the football player, and
the soldier are enabled to stand violent exertion for long periods
_ of time by gradually increasing the amount of work as they grow

in practice. Each increase in stint of work adds an increment
to the available energy in the nerve and muscle cells at the dis- ©
posal of the organism, so that the number of successive efforts
may be greatly increased ; that is, they can be repeated more often.

Fifthly, with the acquisition of skill movements become more
rhythmical. The characteristics of rhythmical movements are
the perfect interdigitation of a number of movements into one
another and the joining of them together in serial order so that
the first movement in the series shall become the stimulus pro-
voking the next of the series, and these in turn provoke the next,
and so on until the cycle is completed. The last element of the
cycle becomes the stimulus for initiating again the first of a new
cycle. A rhythmical movement then consists of a number of
reflex actions following one another in serial order. The action ©
of one is the stimulus for the second, the action of the second
the stimulus for the third, and so on. Rhythmical movements
differ from the ordinary serially coordinated movements in the
fact that each movement of the series furnishes stimulus for eye
or ear and sometimes for both, and the new movement or cycle
is initiated from the special sense organ. Dancing is the type
and is chiefly directed by the ear, for rhythms appeal most
strongly to the ear; in fact, hearing is the rhythmical sense. The
tendency is for all forms of work to assume the rhythmical type.*
All nervous activity is rhythmical, the lowest centers following
simple rhythms and the highest more complex.

1Bicher, Karl, Arbeit und Rhythntus, Leipzig, 1902.
84

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer .of Work Capacity 7

So much for the positive phases of practice effect. Of the
negative effects we may mention, first—that acts which have —
become habitual require less voluntary effort for their perform-
ance than unfamiliar movements. When an unskilled bicycle
rider tries to ride up hill he must have his attention upon the
task constantly, and the mental strain is very noticeable. After
practice the task is accomplished better without conscious direc-
tion. Secondly, distractions are less likely to draw one away
from work in which one is well practiced. Telegraph operators
who are new at the business are bothered very greatly by the
other sounders when they are obliged to work in a room with
many operators. But with practice they can listen to the click
of their own sounder and are not disturbed by the confusion
about them. Thirdly, voluntary effort usually becomes less irk-
some with practice. The feelings of weariness and tiredness
intrude themselves less and less, and in case the routine does
not become monotonous, we come to enjoy the task which we
dreaded at first on account of the disagreeable results attendant
upon the performance. After one is inured to the work and is
accustomed to the machine, as in the experiment with the ergo-
graph, there is enough novelty about the investigation of new
problems to make the task enjoyable although the same old move-
ment is performed day after day for weeks together. All the
foregoing statements are based upon ordinary empirical obser-
vation; but before they can be considered as scientifically estab-
lished it is necessary to study these phenomena under uniform
conditions and circumstances which can to a great extent be
controlled.

Physiological Considerations——On the side of the organism,
changes resulting from exercise can take three possible direc-
tions: 1, Changes in the muscles themselves which are exercised;
2, changes in the nervous control of these muscles; and, 3,
changes in the blood supply for both muscles and nerve centers.

The changes in the character of the muscles will, as we have
described, be a hardening and toughening of the muscle sheaths,
rendering them less likely to become inflamed through the rub-
bing and twisting which they undergo during contraction. The

‘ ae

8 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

muscle fibers increase both in size and in contractile force. It is
not known whether new muscle cells or fibers actually develop in
the arm of the baseball pitcher or the blacksmith, but there is an
enormous increase in size which may be due only to the enlarge-
ment of the muscle fibers themselves, but a simple enlargement
must be accompanied by a multiplication of nuclei at least. It is
probable that after exercise under a given degree of nervous
stimulation the muscle will contract with greater force. There
is an elimination of fatty and other superfluous tissues which
hinder the contraction of the muscles and so decrease the resist-
ance within the member itself. Also, there is less friction in
moving joints, and tendons slide more easily upon their bearings
as a result of the callouses that develop on them.

In the nerve centers controlling the muscles changes no doubt
take place. From Professor Hodge’s experiments upon nerve
cells we learn that the energy-producing compounds are broken
down during functional activity, which is indicated by a shrink-
ing of the nucleus. This follows the normal daily activity of
the nerve cells as well as electrical stimulation of them.
During repose and sleep these compounds are again rebuilt, and
it is probable that the anabolic level to which they rise is higher
after exhaustion than before. Each exhaustion seems to add an
increment of energy-producing substance above the usual level
to which rebuilding rises. Again, as the result of further activ-
ity, the catabolic changes may be carried to a point lower than
before, from which full recovery is possible and speedy, so that.
in the center which is properly exercised the limits of metabolic
change are increased at both extremes. Thus it is possible, on
the theory that each discharge of the center destroys an equal
amount of the nervous compound, for the center to discharge a |
greater number of times as a result of practice. Permit us to
offer the further hypothesis that a given discharge in the center
will, on account of decreased resistance, send out a more intense
impulse over the nerve fibers. This would make it possible for
a weaker discharge to accomplish the same result, and thus
exhaustion of the nerve center would go on more slowly. Recu-
perative processes between successive discharges would become

86

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 9

more rapid, making less the actual loss from each discharge.
The cumuiaiive effects of the discharges in a long series would
be thuch slower in reaching the point where further functioning
would be impossible.

Changes in the character of circulation in the muscle take
place as a result of exercise. It is a well-known fact that activity
in a muscle increases immediately the amount of blood that flows
to it, and it is probable, further, that systematic and continued
exercise will increase the possibilities for the amount of blood
flowing into the muscle. Capillaries may be enlarged and thus
the tissues will be washed by a greater flow of blood, insuring
a more rapid’ elimination of the waste products accumulating
through exercise, and at the same time furnishing a greater sup-
ply of oxygen to carry on the process of combustion within the
tissues. Therefore during the interval between each successive
contraction, the accumulated waste will suffer a greater reduction
in amount, and more extensive rebuilding of the protoplasm will
take place. For this reason the muscles may make a larger num-
ber of coniractions before the waste products accumulate to the
point where they have a paralyzing effect on the muscle tissues,
and through the rebuilding of the tissues a larger amount of
protoplasmic substance remains at the disposal of the muscle,
from whose disintegration the energy for the contraction of the
muscle is supplied. :

The nerve centers, too, probably enjoy an increased circulation
as a result of their continued activity. The accumulation of waste
products in the centers will thus be kept down below the toxic
point for a longer period, and the recuperation of the cells between
successive explosions will more nearly equal the amount of
exhaustion occasioned by the explosion, so that a large number
of explosions are made possible before the point of paralysis is
reached.

The lower nerve centers are automatic and recuperate com-
pletely between successive discharges, so that they can go on
throughout life with no cessation of activity; they enjoy com-
paratively few and slight accelerations and suffer few and slight
depressions. Nerve centers with regard to rhythmical activity

87

10 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

form a hierarchy, the lowest being perfectly rhythmical and auto-
matic, the highest are the least rhythmical, or, at least, their
rhythms are highly complex. Between the extremes of perfect
automatic action and occasional activity we find all degrees of
automatism. The heart centers, for instance, work most automat-
ically of all, and the centers controlling respiration only slightly
‘less.so. The centers controlling the movements of walking pos-
sess a still less automatic character. They may continue their
periodic activity for a number of hours with no change; but the
time finally comes when the accumulated waste products within
them are so great and the degree of exhaustion falls so low as to
inhibit any further activity. They must then rest and recuper-
* ate, after which it will be possible to act again. It is not too
much to say that they can continue in rhythmical activity for ten
or twelve hours, this often happening in case of forced marches,
when soldiers keep a uniform pace from morning until night
with scarcely a rest. Of course a long period of activity must
be followed by a correspondingly long period of rest in order
that the nerve centers may recuperate. For normal daily activity
of these centers the normal period of sleep is sufficient to restore
fully the nerve cells. The centers for the control of the arms
are less aufomatic than those that control the lower limbs. The
periods during which they can act <automatically are much
shorter, and rest and recuperation must come more frequently.
The normal period of sleep is not sufficient for the full recupera-
tion of arm centers, so that rests must be allowed during the
course of their daily activity. There are probably great indi-
vidual differences in this respect. Sailors and expert oarsmen
have been known to row continuously ten, twelve, and even
fifteen hours. The highest centers of the cerebral cortex seem
to show the smallest capacity for automatic activity. A center
which is active in the conscious perception of an object must
rest for a considerable time while another falls into activity in
the perception of a different object. Thus consciousness: shifts
from one object to another, which means that the different cen-
ters act successively. Indeed, it is questionable whether a corti-
cal center ever acts in successive moments in exactly the same

| 88

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 1

way. The effect of practice is to increase the power or capacity
for successive discharges so that practice for nerve centers serves
to emphasize the tendency to automatic functioning.

To sum up, in the most automatic centers recuperation is rapid,
and in the least automatic it is slow. A period which is sufficient
for the recuperation of lower atttomatic centers will not suffice for
the higher centers. The effect of practice upon the higher cen-
ters is to render them more automatic, to increase their capacity
for recovery, and to make possible explosions which are succes-
sive and repeated at short intervals.

. EXPERIMENT

The particular purpose of this experiment can be definitely
stated in the form of a’question the solution of which has been
attempted. Can the ergograph be used as a measurer of work
capacity ; and, if so, under what conditions and within what limi-
tations will its validity be greatest?

Surely the greatest source of error will be found in the lack
of acquaintance which the reagent has with the instrument.. No
apparatus has as yet been found which is so simple that it does
not require a certain amount of practice on the part of the rea-
gents to be able to use it with good success.. The chief reason
for this is that simple pieces of apparatus give such enormous
accidental variations that it is practically impossible to obtain
results which have any claim to trustworthiness. More complex
pieces of apparatus, on the other hand, require considerable prac-
tice before they can be used at all. Any piece of apparatus must
then be a compromise between the most simple and the very
complex. The aim must be for simplicity of construction on the
one hand and for constancy and accuracy of measurements on
the other. .

The ergograph which was used was a modified form of the
pattern designed by Doctor Hoch in Professor Kraepelin’s labo-
ratory. While it is a great improvement upon the Mosso. instru-
ment, it scarcely meets all the theoretical objections that have
been brought against all ergographs. No instrument has or ever
can, probably, measure all the work the reagent does. The best
that we hope for is that the record will be a constant proportion

89

12 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

of the work that the reagent does at each trial and hence may be
used ‘to represent the actual work done. Z

The present apparatus has followed the usual method in ergo-
graphs in employing the contraction of the middle finger, but,
contrary to the usual custom, it allows the use of both hands.
The hand is laid in pronation upon a board, and the contraction
of the finger is made downward over the end. The first and
third fingers are inserted in stalls and the hand, from the knuckles
back to the wrist, is held in a plaster-of-Paris cast which is
moulded over it. The arm itself is strapped down in two places.
The finger is inserted in a stall which can be adjusted both as
regards size and length of the finger. The point of attachment
for the weight is the same distance from the knuckle joint for
all persons, the adjustment for length being made at the end of
the finger. The finger is contracted downward, lifting a weight
which is caught at the limit of contraction by a ratchet formed
by a small steel ball that rolls on the grooved circumference of
a cylinder under a dog, and the finger allowed to relax freely.
The arrangements as regards the fixation of fingers and hands
are in general new. The reagent remains standing during the
test, occupying different sides of the instrument when the dif-
ferent hands are tested. Two views of the instrument and rea-
gent are given in Plate I.

The weight used by one reagent was 6.84 kgs. and that by the
other reagent 3.58 kgs. The latter weight, however, had to be
increased toward the end of the experiment owing to the great
practice made by the reagent and to the limitations of the
apparatus.

The experiment was performed by two reagents, a gentleman
and a lady, the instructor and assistant in psychology. The rea-
gents will be designated by the letters B. and M. Both B. and
M. have always enjoyed good health, except that B. has suffered
somewhat from pen-paralysis in the right hand. Both are vig-
orous and active and are accustomed to indulge in gymnastic
and outdoor exercise daily. B. had had considerable practice
previous to this time in. work upon an ergograph similar in con-
struction to the one here used, and was not unpracticed at the
outset. The other reagent had.made a short series of observa-

je}e)

surangas. eam

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 13

tions the previous year and was-therefore not unfamiliar with
the work. The previous work will be included in this discussion.

The experiment continued over a period of more than three
months, from January 27 to May g. Periods of work of 5 to
20 days were alternated with periods of rest of 4 to 15 days.
When two records were taken daily the first one came between
9:30 and 10:30 A.M. and the second at about 2 p.m. When one
record a day was taken it came in the morning at the hour indi-
cated. The time remained constant within reasonable limits.

For a record, the contractions of the finger were made every
two seconds to the beat of a metronome until a movement was no
longer possible. After a pause of a minute a new fatigue curve
was written, which was followed, after a second pause of one
minute, by a third. In the latter part of the experiment the -
number of exhaustions was increased to six, and the pause
‘lengthened to two minutes. The records are given in the num-
ber of millimeters the weight was lifted during the three periods
of work constituting a test. .

No attempt was made to adhere closely in the daily habits to
a regular plan of living. However, all unusually trying and
fatiguing entertainments or diversions were interdicted as far
as possible during the periods of work, so that we can regard
the mode of life for the reagents, while the observations were
being made, as reasonably normal and free from unusual strains
or excitements.

TaBLe I

In the following table, part I, are given all the records taken
upon each reagent between January 27 and April 17. We have
in the first column for each reagent the total height the weight
was: raised in mm. for either hand, in the second column the
number of contractions, in the third the average height of the
contractions, and in the fourth the average performance increase
or decrease. The increase and decrease are indicated respec-
tively by the plus and minus signs. Five periods of work sep-
arated by four pauses are shown. In the second part of the table
are given the averages for the total height of lift, of the numbers
of contractions and of the averages of the heights of contraction’
for each of the five periods of work.

gt

. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

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Thaddeus L

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95

18 Thaddeus L. Boblton and Eleonora T. Miller

Table I contains all records taken from January 27 to April
17. During this time the method of experiment remained con-
stant with the exception of the number of records daily. Part
of the time two records a day were taken and part of the time
only one.

The actual amount of practice gained is shown in a comparison
of the averages of all records of the first and last periods for
both B. and M.

B M.
R. H L. H R. H L. Ha
Bitstyperiod. p05 72 takes eee Rakion 1249 1033 976 749
ASUE PEDO a 7. selevas Rites cone els nres ot 1920 2397 2689 2235
IDUELEN GE hfe te. pone 671 1364 1715 1486

The right hand shows a greater gain for M. and the left for B.
On account of injury to the right hand, B. suspended work from
February 26 to March 18; previous to actual suspension the
records had been invalidated by a broken mask. While the right
hand had up to that time given generally as good or better rec-
ords than the left, it never afterwards reached the height of the
left except on one occasion.

The experiment began with the thought of working three times
a day. On the first day two records were taken and three on
the second. This proved a very severe regimen. The muscle
soreness and the general physical condition which resulted were
such as to convince us that such a task was too great to yield
the best results, and accordingly two records a day were after-
wards taken. The weight used was unusually heavy and that
in a measure was the cause for such a result. Lack of inurement
is the chief factor to be noted in these first records, and with so
heavy a weight inurement comes slowly. In the first period the
average performance increase in six days for the left hand of M.
was 15.4 mm. and for the right hand of B. was 1.1; for-the right
hand of M. and the left hand of B. a loss of work was shown.
The amount of exercise required to habituate one to an instru-

96

ba
2 Eee

Vahdity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 19

ment like this is great. The first performances induce a condi-
tion of extreme muscle soreness which shows itself chiefly in
reducing the height of contractions and thus causing a falling
off in the amount of work done.

Analysis of Practice Effect on the Ergograph.—There are four
discoverable elements entering into practice gain upon the ergo-
graph. The first is inurement, which has been discussed as a
process of hardening and toughening of the skin where it comes
in contact with the apparatus and of habituating the muscles to
the strains which the unusual effort imposes. In spite of the
best precautions the skin will be bruised and rubbed, and blisters |
will form where the pressure is greatest.. These injuries affect
the record after the first trial and continue to exert some influence
until the bruises are healed and callouses formed. Muscular
soreness and stiffness make their appearance shortly after the
first trial and grow more severe for several days. Under such
circumstances the reagent can not do his best. These conditions
continued throughout the first work period, which is indicated
by an average performance decrease for the left hand of B. and
for the right hand of M. In the following rest period opportu-
nity was given for recuperation. The condition, however, was
somewhat aggravated when work was resumed, as is indicated
by a decrease in several records. Generally speaking, .inurement
comes rapidly and becomes complete before any of the other
effects of practice upon the ergograph and is on the other hand
most fleeting, thus illustrating that fundamental law of biology
which says that which is most recently and easily acquired is
most likely to decay and disappear early. A suspension of prac-
tice for six days, as in the case of the third rest period, was suffi-
cient to reduce some records through the loss in inurement that
had already taken place. We shall see in the discussion later
how this has affected the growth of practice.

The second element in the growth of practice is skill or per-
fection in the coordination of the movement. It is very difficult
to test accurately the growth in this direction. The inexperienced
reagent simply can not move his finger in the right manner to
lift the weight with any degree of regularity. There is no lack

4 | 97

20 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

of strength, Every moyement which is not purely hereditary
and perfectly inborn requires some exercise before it can be per-
formed easily, gracefully, regularly, and with the highest degree
of efficiency. Our muscles do not under normal circumstances
act separately. The middle finger is accustomed to contracting
synchronously with the other fingers of the hand and so with all
other muscles. Their movements are bound up in hereditarily
coordinated groups which must be broken up, when any new
movement is tried, and the activities associated with the activities
of other muscles that act hereditarily in other groups. A muscle
may be isolated and made to act more or less independently, but
very few, if any, muscles do so naturally. This requires con-
siderable practice. The movement employed on the ergograph
is comparatively simple, and yet it is probably not accomplished,
as Mosso alleged, by a single isolated muscle even when the
greatest precautions are taken to prevent the contractions of
other muscles. Much skill is required to make the contraction
of the finger most efficient in raising the weight. The efficiency
is the essential point. That means the application of the force
to the point and in the way that it will lift the weight with the
least waste of energy. This highest efficiency is not so easily
attained. Neither reagent seemed to have attained it fully until
the third series, when the greatest practice gains began to be
made. Consciously it is felt as ease and smoothness of contrac-
tion, with a minimum of accessory movement. The perfectly
coordinated movement is made without strain or undue mani-
festation of effort. When the experiment began every contrac-
tion was executed only with great demonstration of effort. All
the fingers of the hand contracted simultaneously and the trunk
and face joined sympathetically. The body was bowed well for-
ward with each contraction and the opposite hand vigorously
clenched. After a time these demonstrations grew less obvious,
and at the beginning of an observation a number of contractions
could be made with no apparent sympathetic movement. How-
ever, as the exhaustion point was approached, the effort grew
more and more strenuous and the number of accessory move-
ments increased until finally the whole organism was involved,

9&

ee Ser

— ——

Te

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 2

when no further contractions were possible. Toward the end of

the experiment the left hand of M. and the right hand of B.

would actually reach the exhaustion point without visible or men-
tal signs of fatigue, and it seemed to avail nothing to put effort
into it. This we take to be the highest perfection in the coordi-
nation of the movement. A movement once learned and prac-
ticed for a time is probably never forgotten. The inurement and
habituation to it, together with the rhythmical performance and
endurance in it are soon lost. The bicycle rider is quite as able,
after giving up riding for several years, to make his wheel stand
as he was when he quit practice, but he lacks the inurement and
endurance to perform great feats. Again, the baseball pitcher
does not easily forget the movements required to throw the vari-
ous curves, although his arm may not hold out to pitch for a»
single inning. With the ergograph the perfection of the coordi-
nation is shown in the height of the contraction which is made
and the regularity with which that height is attained at each
contraction. The left hand of M. and the right hand of B. dif-
fered remarkably from the others in this respect. .The contrac-
tions were of uniform height until the exhaustion point was

closely approached, when it fell off rapidly, and effort seemed to

avail little in keeping up the movement. The other hands, the
right of M. and the left of B., showed a more gradual decline.
The average number of contractions for both hands of either
reagent appear in the second part of Table I.

The numbers of contractions for both hands of each reagent
have increased steadily during the experimenting, the left hand
of B. more rapidly than the right, surpassing the right during
the third work period. The right hand of M. grew more rapidly
than the left, increasing the difference which was shown at the
beginning. In general it may be said that the height ef con-
tractions has increased steadily throughout the entire experi-
ment, the exceptions being found in the right and left hands of
B. in the third work period. This is to be accounted for by an
injury to the right hand and an imperfect mask for the left.

The processes of eliminating the accessory and superfluous
movements is one of the greatest psychological interest. The

99

22 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

feeling of effort is the psychological correlate of a bodily atti-
tude. To make an effort is to place the body in the position in
which all the muscles whose contractions can assist at all in the
task are made to contract simultaneously and successively in
the direction that will accomplish the work best. Efforts and
feelings of effort are accompaniments of more or less widespread
bodily activities. In this respect they relate themselves to the
emotions with this distinction—that in effort it is the voluntary
muscles that take the leading parts. The emphasis is laid upon
them. When any effort is to be made, there is a tendency to
revert to former types, to primitive modes of acting, such as are
found in instinctive performances, where all the bodily move-
ments are directed toward a single point, as upon an enemy in
combat. All the muscles are innervated even when the contrac-
tion of one is desired, and too when the contraction of that one
will better suffice alone. How, then, do the accessory movements
that thus arise fall out and disappear, leaving only the desired
muscular contraction? The method is that of trial and error
which is the principle that seems to underlie all learning. An
effort is made and a large group of muscles contract, the essential
and the inessential. In the following effort there appears a ten-
dency for the muscles in the group to vary in relation to one
another with respect to the parts they take in the movement.
Let us say that some inessential muscles do not join in the proc-
ess. The contraction is successful. The absence of these is
noted and in the next effort care is taken to see that they remain
uncontracted. Their association with the essential muscles is
thus broken up and their contractions become less likely to arise
during succeeding efforts. In this way one after the other of the
accessory contractions is eliminated until the movement is re-
duced to its lowest terms. But let us suppose that in the ten-
dency of the group to vary some essential muscle fails to con-
tract, in which case the contraction is not a success. ‘ This is
noted by the reagent and it is seen to that the former group is
contracted together. Thus the tendencies to vary are checked
when essential elements are dropped and augmented when ines-
sential elements fail to appear. If this tendency to vary is

100

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 23

checked before all the inessential elements have disappeared, the
contraction will always be accompanied by accessory movements.
Again, the tendency to vary may actually revive other movements
that did not originally appear, but which are essential to the most
successful accomplishment of the work. These will be preserved
by the same process of selection. During the first days of prac-
tice the inessentials drop out very rapidly, but later many random
variations are required before a new combination of muscles is
found that will better accomplish the work, which accounts for
the slow growth of practice. :

Each new combination, whether brought about by the elimina-
tion of an inessential muscle or the bringing in of a new essential
one, must be practiced long before the association is perfected.
Accordingly there are periods in practice, which Bryan and Har-
ter call the plateaus in the practice curve, when seemingly no gain
is made. This is to be accounted for by the fact that during the
time when the association is made among a new group by a
random groping, this must be thoroughly ingrained, and while
that is going on the process of random groping for further new
combinations is checked. The new combination when discovered
leads to a rapid gain in practice which is not improved upon
until that is firmly fixed in the nervous structure. Further prac-
tice gain must wait upon still other combinations turning up
fortuitously. The practice curve then shows sudden rises with
long periods without change in elevation.

All these associations are more or less feebly established.
When a contraction has been repeated a number of times the new
pathway established in the nervous structure is broken up or
rendered less permeable by fatigue, the nervous currents diffuse
themselves over the older ones, the muscles that do the work are
less strongly innervated, and this shortens the contraction, and
accessory movements come in, increasing the rate of accumulation
of waste products and checking repair in both muscles and nerve
centers, bringing the effort suddenly to the exhaustion point.

The third element is that of rhythm. No great gain seems to
have been possible until the movement could be done rhythmi-
cally. The contractions, as usual in experiments with the ergo-

‘ Io!

24 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

graph, were made to the beating of the metronome. The time
between the beats must be nicely divided between contraction
and relaxation. There must be neither haste nor too much delay
at any point. It is an easy matter, when time for consideration
can be taken, to learn the movement that will be most effective
in lifting the weight, but it is another thing to make it repeatedly
in spite of feelings of increasing discomfort and weariness which
tend most strongly to break up the coordination and the proper
timing of the movement within the interval in which a full con-
traction must be completed. Each part of the movement must
be the stimulus for making the next part, and so on, the com-
pleted movement becoming the stimulus of a new one. Each
_ part must be separated by a time interval practically equal to the
full reflex time for such an act. The movement then becomes a
series of reflex actions joined together in serial order by habit.
The various noises issuing from the apparatus during any con-
traction come to group themselves together in such a way as to
have a cumulative effect in exciting the succeeding contraction.
These successive stimuli are summated, apparently increasing
enormously the number of contractions that can be made. When
this stage in the perfection of the movement can be reached, it
seems to go on of itself and ceases only when some extraneous
influence intrudes itself to break the usual series of stimuli that
lead up to the climax before contraction. Effort must be used
either to repress the intruder or to execute the movement. Acces-
sory movements begin to appear after that, and the reagent soon
reaches the limit of his power. These accessory movements are
energy-consuming and hasten the approach of exhaustion as has
been shown. The rhythm of the movement once caught leads
to the gradual increase in the number of contractions and is
therefore an aid to endurance. Rhythm and skill can not easily
be separated. Rhythm means skill in executing repeated move-
ments, ‘

The fourth element in the growth of practice is endurance.
Without a doubt this is a distinct phenomenon. A reagent thor-
oughly habituated to the ergograph will make a long series of
contractions with no apparent signs of fatigue or feelings of
weariness. He will actually reach the exhaustion point without

102

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 25

any discomfort and perform the usual amount of work. Practice
will enable such a reagent to make a larger number of contrac-
tions than he could otherwise make. Greater endurance means
the power of the nerve center to excite a muscle to perform a
certain work a greater number of times than it could before the
exercise to which it has been subjected. Of the four elements.
into which practice gain has been analyzed, endurance is the one
which is acquired most slowly; that is, it comes last. The left
hand of B. especially and the right hand of M. develop the
greater endurance. This is shown by the greater proportional
number of contractions made by these fingers. The number of
contractions has contributed more to the gain shown by these
fingers than the increase in height of contraction. The left hand
of M. began early to show great efficiency in coordination. The
movement always seemed easy and was never attended by feel-
ings of discomfort. The exhaustion point was reached without
warning signal. The onset of paralysis was most sudden, as
three or four contractions were usually all that could be made
after the finger once failed to reach the usual height. The right
hand of B. occupies an intermediate position. The early con-
tractions in an observation were rhythmical and unattended by
pain or discomfort. Long after the contractions began to fall
off in height and the hand and arm experienced uncomfortable
feelings, voluntary effort still availed somewhat to keep the finger
contracting, although the height grew steadily less.

Our aim shall be to show how changes in these four different
directions have contributed toward the total amount of practice
gain shown by the reagents.

Effect of rest periods upon practice gain and practice loss—
The purpose of breaking the work up into a number of periods
was to determine the practice loss that would result from the
suspension of exercise for different periods of time. On one or
two occasions the rest period was enforced. An examination of
table I shows that during the first rest period an enormous
increase of power had taken place. A comparison of the records
for the four days previous to the rest with the first four imme-
diately after it gives these results. These are averages of four
records:

103

26 _ Thaddeus L. Bolion and Eleonora T. Miller
TABLE II
B M.
AVERAGE OF THE FOUR RECORDS
es R. H EB sees L. H

Before the rest period.............:. 1276.2 995 891 886.5
miter tite test period. s/o.) ee bee 1631.5 | 1209.5 | 1335.2 | 1222.2
Me-HTCEEN CE fer wise cee a0 os 395.3 214 444.2 335.7

AVERAGES OF ALI, RECORDS FOR FIRST AND SECOND PERIODS

Reed LORS Bs R. H. T,../ Hs

MEISE TIOWLOEL. Sh..2 vse pisetale s bidet ews 1249 1033 976 T19
DCEO ORIG» ciaiaiap.) avclereiaste a ove 1410 1284 1340 1188
2 Phe differences: $2 .083 vtgcen oa 161 251 364 409

The table shows that M. has added between one-third and one-
half of the average of four records before the rest to the average
of the first four records after the rest. The proportion is not so
great for B., yet it is high. The averages for all records before
the rest compared with the averages for all records during the
second period are found in the second part of the table. They
show considerable practice gain. The left hand for M. shows a
greater actual gain here than in the first part of the table, the
figures being 409 for the difference in the average of all records,
and 335.7 the difference in the average of the four compared, the
later records being lower than the earlier ones. Both reagents
suffered greatly from lack of inurement during the first period.
(The protocol contains a note to the effect that the general bodily
condition was exceedingly unfavorable to the continuation of
the experiment.) The right hand of M. and the left hand of B.
lost continuously, showing that the condition grew worse rather
than better, six days not being sufficient to habituate the hands
to the experiment. During the rest complete relief apparently
was found for the general bodily condition so that the first rec-
ords after the rest show considerable increase. The average
daily increase, however, for the second period is either very small
or a negative quantity except for the left hand of B. Perfect
habituation, therefore, had not-been attained. Two records a

104

eee

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 27

day were thought to be a pretty severe task, and a rest period of
four days was again taken, constituting the second rest period.
When work was resumed the records of M., as the table shows,
presented an increase equivalent to nearly one-fourth. On the
last day before the work was suspended the mask for the right
hand of B. was broken, and it was some days before a new one
could be made to fit well. The one that was used was extremely
painful, and the reagent was unable to reach anything near the
maximum attained during the second period of work. Even the
left hand during the same period showed no practice gain what-
ever.

As two records had been thought to be a pretty severe task,
the reagents feeling more or less exhausted by evening, only a
record a day with either hand was taken during the first five
days of the third period. The records of M. during the third
period, which continued for ten days, show with some fluctua-
tions a steady practice gain, 12.0 mm. average performance
increase for the right hand and 38.8 mm. for the left. The
records .of the left hand actually exceeded the records of the
right upon two occasions.

Since the records after the first two rest periods? showed a
considerable increase over those taken just before the rest, prov-
ing that no loss of practice effect had taken place, the work was
again suspended for six days, with a view of testing further the
question of practice loss. The average daily performances dur-
ing the third series are almost double the same averages for the
first period.

The average for the four records for M.’s right hand just
previous to the third rest was 1770 mm. and for the four just
after, 1785.5 mm., and of the left hand for the four before the
third rest 1636.7 mm. and for the four after, 1880.5 mm. Dur-
ing the rest the right hand had thus gained slightly and steadily
in power, and the left very considerably. So far as the apparent
bodily condition was concerned, inurement and habituation had
become complete, for no uncomfortable effects of any kind
seemed to remain after observations during the third period of

1Amberg: Ueber den Einfluss von Arbettspausen auf die geistizge Lets-
tungsfachigkeit. Psychologische Arbeiten (Kraepelin), 1896, Band 1, s. 30,

105

28 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

work. We can not therefore attribute the gain here to the relief,
during the rest, from the generally unfavorable bodily conditions
which had arisen through the severity of the work before the
third rest. The hypothesis which seems most applicable is that,
as a result of exercise, the nerve centers and muscles were in a
state of incipient exhaustion, and that during the rest period
they built themselves up to the highest level of metabolic change
for which they have been prepared by the exercise. This is a
manifestation, apparently, of the advantages of not over-train-
ing, that is, the maximum performance of a muscle is to be
attained only after a suspension of practice for a few days. This
point will come up again.

During the fourth period the work continued for nineteen
days. On the first eleven days only one record a day was taken
and on the remaining days two records a day. The left hand of
M. started out considerably better than the right and remained
ahead for eight days. The left then lost for a considerable time
while the right made steady and rapid gains during the whole
period. The left, however, began again to show great practice
gains when two records a day were taken up, and continued to
gain steadily and rapidly until the experiment was given up.

Influence of practice by one hand upon that of the other.—
B. injured the right hand so that it was impossible to wear the
mask,’ and no records of any kind were taken for twenty-two
days. While the left hand had shown a loss during the third
series and none of the records were equal to the best in the sec-
ond series, the practice gain as shown by the records at the be-
ginning of the fourth series was surprisingly great, and from
that time on to the end of the experiment the practice increase
was uniform and considerable. The right hand began practice
again, and from the records it would appear that it had gained
almost equally with the left hand during the interval in which
the left only was exercised. In order to see how much gain has
actually taken place we must compare the average for the four
records of the first part of the second series with the first four
records taken after practice was resumed in the fourth. Before
the influence of a lack of inurement showed itself the average
for the normal records of the second period was 1602.4 and for

106

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 29

the first five records, after the work was resumed in the fourth
period the average was 1735.6. The averages for the records
taken at the same time with the left hand are, second period,
1243.2 mm.; fourth period, 1777.6 mm. The gain for the right
hand is 133.2 mm. and for the left hand 534.4 mm. It is evident
then that while the right hand shows considerable practice gain,
it does not approach the gain made by the left hand during the
same period. The right hand, however, was lower than the left,
and during the remainder of the experiment it did not succeed
more than twice in equaling the performances of the left. The
averages for all records during the fourth period for the two
hands are, right, 1920 mm.; left, 2019 mm.

It is a question here of the effect of vicarious practice. Dur-
ing the long interval in which the right hand of B. did not work,
it made a clear gain of 133.2 mm. It had, however, lost in
habituation ; several records, one on May 19 and oneon May
20, are manifestly below the normal, and the protocol shows that
the hand suffered more or less muscle soreness after work was
resumed. It is clearly evident that, in so far as lack of inure-
ment is due to local conditions in the muscle, there can be no
vicarious practice effect. The growth in the perfection of coor-
dination and rhythmical execution in one hand may possibly be
affected by practice of the other. If endurance is dependent upon
changes in the conditions of the cortical centers of the brain, it,
too, may be affected by vicarious practice. But it would seem
probable that a movement which is perfectly coordinated and
rhythmical-controlled would depend quite largely for its control
upon the lower nervous centers, and that those on the one side
act more or less independently of those on the other side. [f,
then, there be such a thing as vicarious effect, it must take the
direction largely of coordination and rhythm.

Certain experiments were made to test the question of vica-
rious practice. They were made in May and June, 1901. The
right hand of B. and the left hand of M. wrote five records
apiece, then the left hand of B. and the right hand of M. were
made to write two or three records a day for nine days, after
which the right hand of B. and the left hand of M. again wrote
five records apiece. These records are contained in the following

107

30

table.

Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

A different method of recording results was used at that

time, so that while these figures are considerably higher propor-
tionately than the figures in the previous tables, they are not
directly comparable with the figures in the first table:

ews bce oe alsia 5 as

mje om ele.e.a 86.6 mie \ane

ey

ee

CC

Ce

Ce

eer ew ee seer wees

Ce

a piek® ¢ (es 010 0s olny sia

CC

ee eee ewww ewww ee

Pca Pe a Oe et

ee

Ce |

Ce ee

er

a

TABLE III
B. M.

R. : R. a

VOTO eae eee Pee Sore eee 1874

TOOT orale che een eee ee 1901

pi] 51 6 ea ad bi RTM IT rary Sant) 1347

VOB Bruce enicen cates ass cease lar sen a eee ae 22715

PEGS rea ae pots 2 arlene ele Shared ees 1601

AM et: eo ian ed « Senn pat eynel So r n d 1799
ee peor aoe 1703 1769 scm ee eee
Se etna aeons 121 2110 (dhe eee
SR Ed Nas hs oat 2165 1683 Pelee sae eee
Se Dae eae in ate 1674 1996 EEE re a
ue eae aa 1784 18643) teers
PEE, 7 Megs Fora 1810 1909 cay Soe
Fea? ei Pere 2) 1969 1950 Race eee
Sey teeiahe eons 1954 2015 Me plaeeeaetomee
Se ate Oia 1407 2164 Res hey
AS eld ee 1534 2139 LS oan tee ees oe
MRS ran Wisi 1452 1835. Rg Pan: PR EON un By.
5 anata ote areata 1364 1931 Re at Ae
PO Pe ten eae 1773 1940 Anca eRe ee
een. ere: 1214 1413 3h ee
Fi AR ek BN re 1609 2086 BREE Re Ratan Eos
BITE gue Ae ee 1051 1928 «th ee bie ee
srdrcrentiancte atte 1521 2016 A Aerts iy a
OEY Set Cano 1908 2266 . oot eee
sterA Sane aero aa 1887 1888 Rei eas
Oe eee 1351 2419 oh ea ee
ARNE Pope, BI 1588 2445 Sok ie ne
eae eT 1663 2207 Le eo eeaie

pcs Damm | ee ea cules re LE SE er 9205

DEAT NS ieallig eh ga a howe atc terd LLL Mi acai cone eee 1901

SG Seek ate a lie ie ean 1967

AER ee ete See Ac a ea 2073

LOND Pe eee Sa cae Ht pee wear 2190

TOZO Ge Pea eee Oe eee ete 2067

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 3

The averages for the right hand of B. show no practice gain;
figures are 1934 in first period and 1929.6 in second period. The
left, however, has lost during the period of work quite consid-
erably, as shown by the average for the first four records, 1784,
when compared with the average for the last four, 1663. The
knuckle was inflamed through the imperfect fit of the mask,
which made it impossible to continue the experiment further.
This inflammation of the knuckle is due to lack of inurement, for
later the knuckle recovered completely. This, too, may account
for the fact that no gain in practice was made by the left hand.
The left hand of M., however, shows a considerable practice gain
in its second period of work over the first, the figures being 1799
and 2067, and the right hand, with some fluctuations, gains stead-

ily in practice effect as shown by the averages for first four rec-

ords, 1864.3, compared with average of the last four 2207. The
results are therefore inconclusive. Neither reagent was suffi-
ciently practiced to insure that degree of habituation which seems
to be necessary to get uniform results. The difficulty lies in the
fact that if the practice by one hand be suspended long enough to
establish a clear gain by the other, the first will lose so much in
habituation that the records afterwards will be affected by this
loss. A sufficient number of records from which to get a good
average can not be taken without inducing a condition of muscle
soreness that is prejudicial to the best results. The total results,
then, of all our observations upon vicarious practice would favor
the hypothesis that there may be vicarious practice effect which
is chiefly in the direction of coordination and rhythm.

Relative standing of right and left hands.—At the beginning
of the experiment the right hands of both reagents, it is to be
seen, showed considerable superiority over the left hands. Before
the end of the first period of work, the left hand of M. showed a
slight advantage over the right. In the second period the right
again proved itself superior and maintained the superiority until

' near the end of the third period, when the left surpassed it and
maintained its position for several records after the beginning
of the fourth period of work. However, before the experiment
was finally completed, the left hand was able to write as great a

109

32 Thaddeus. L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

record as had been obtained from the right. As both hands had
reached the limit that could be recorded on the apparatus, it is
difficult to tell what would have been the relative standing had
the experiment been continued further.

With B. the right hand maintained its supremacy until the
suspension of exercise with it was caused by a broken mask and
injury to the hand. After exercise was taken up in the fourth
series it never again quite succeeded in equaling the left hand.

Further comparisons of right and left hands for both reagents
must be made on the basis of height of contraction. M. found
the movement of the left hand always easier than that of the
right. During the first three periods of work, however, the right
hand made a higher average contraction than the left. During
the fourth period the left hand gained considerably in the height
of contraction, surpassing the right, but lost in the number of
contractions. If our interpretation that the height of contraction
represents perfection of coordination in movement be correct,
then the left hand grew continuously in this respect. But as a
highly coordinated movement is more fatiguing than a less
highly coordinated one, we might expect that there would be
some Joss in endurance, which is shown by a reduction in the
number of contractions. Jn case of B. the right hand was supe-
rior to the left in all respects except in number of contractions
and maintained its superiority until work had to be given up.
The left hand, however, grew very slowly in height of contrac-
tion, even to the end of the fourth period of work. The enor-
mous practice gain which it made was due almost entirely to
increase in power of endurance and rhythm of movement. The
increase in number of contractions began during the third period
of work and the number continued to grow up to the end of the
fourth period. Here we have again a certain compensation.
The hand lacked perfection of coordination, but it more than
made up in endurance. The movement was always attended
with more or less difficulty and never seemed to be easily or
gracefully performed. This is further evidence that a highly
coordinated movement is expensive of energy, although it may
be proportionately more effective in the accomplishment of work.

TIO ‘

Ho ¢ ek

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity — 33

The right hand was superior to the left in the coordination of
the movement, but it lacked in endurance. It approached the
exhaustion point closely before any manifest feeling of discom-
fort arose, when its power waned rapidly. The left hand lost
gradually and more or less uniformly from the beginning to the
point of exhaustion, and its movements were always accompanied
by more or less uncomfortable sensations. Voluntary effort per-
sistently applied seemed to enable it to keep up the contraction.
The reverse was true in even a more striking manner for the left
hand of reagent M. It made a few long contractions of almost
uniform height and reached the exhaustion point without warn-
ing. Demonstrations of effort seemed inhibitory rather than
beneficial. The right hand showed about the same general char-
acter of record as the right hand of B.

Statements with regard to the relative capacity of the two
hands would be difficult. Had the experiments closed at any
one of several different times, we might have been able to state
that the left showed’ greater capacity for practice than the right,
or by stopping at different times, that the capacity for practice
of the two was relatively the same. Different muscles in the
same person seem to show idiosyncracies in the way they work.
What one accomplishes in the way of skill another makes up
through endurance.

The Validity of Ergograph Records—In view of the results
set forth above the question arises whether the ergograph can
really be used as a test of the work capacity or fatigue condition
of an individual. The most pertinent fact to be observed in the
results is that they show with some fluctuations a steady and
enormous increase as a result of practice, and that so far as this
experiment goes, and this is the conclusion of other experimenters,
practice gain is practically unlimited. There is, however, a limit
to practice gain. Practically it has been reached in the training
of trotting horses and of professional sprinters and oarsmen, but
the conditions in all such events can not be controlled. Wind,
weather, track, and water are important factors that can not be
kept uniform. While fluctuations in the records are most mani-
fest, in the long run they are far outweighed by the increase

which results from practice.

TRE

34 Thaddeus L..Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

‘The following table will show the average performance
increases for every period of work and for both hands of each
reagent.

B M.
R. H boR as | R. lL. H
Trap MICE | aias bs Nee ene siete 1.1 | —16.3 | —23 15.4
Beaeewd period sas cs Mowe! las oy ewe —105.2 25.6 7.1 | —17.4
MURA PeriOnl's\:s'2 ba eke w ss Sarees 18.5 | —16.2 12.6 38.8
POC PerdOd™ J>.', 25 sus sitet, cenit 43.3 30.8 34.2 eae 1!
PARA DOMTOAL ST | ia, <j.) S hare biaraisie nia SRI | Oaig dete weleeweers Sets Pb 129.2

This table shows that, generally speaking, the rate of’ practice
gain has increased throughout the whole experiment. The
lower average performance increases in the earlier part of the ex-
periment, which in some cases are negative quantities, were due,
first, to the lack of inurement which actually reduced the height
of the records for some days, and, second, to the imperfection _
of coordination and rhythm of the movement. -The completion
of the process of inurement is shown by the absence of any fur-
ther muscle soreness, and the growing perfection of the coor-
dination and rhythm was shown by the gradual disappearance
of accessory and sympathetic movements. When this condition
had been brought about in both reagents, the practice gain was
great and more steady. It is apparent, then, that the ergograph
records will have slight validity until after inurement has become
thorough and the coordination of the movement is complete.
Although great fluctuations in the records are to be expected,
greater even than before this condition has arisen, yet they tend
uniformly toward an increase. The study, then, of influences
which are supposed to affect the ergograph records must be made
in view of the practice gain. These influences must be seen by
the way they affect the rate of practice gain. First, the reagents
must be thoroughly inured to the experiment and brought up to
the highest perfection in the coordination of the movement; sec-
ondly, they must then continue their records until the average
increase from record to record is reasonably established, and

II2

Vahdity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 35

where it is necessary to’suspend exercise for any length of time
caution must be taken against making the time too long lest the
records taken afterwards be affected by the loss of inurement,
which comes rapidly and is most potent in influencing the height
of the records after the first two or three have been taken. A
few records taken upon unpracticed subjects, for instance, both
before or after some influence which is ‘thought to affect muscu-
lar power, are therefore without the slightest claims whatever to
trustworthiness. The ergograph is quite unadapted to obtaining
statistics upon a large number of individuals, except they be of
the most general character. It may be used for obtaining accu-
rate results only upon individuals studied under the most exact-
ing conditions and for long periods of time. The work is ex-
hausting and therefore tends to create an unfavorable disposition
towards the experiment itself. This, however, will depend very
much upon the number of records a day. Our experiment seems
_ to indicate that not more than two records a day for each hand
should be taken. When two records a day were taken the great-
est practice gains were made, although in the earlier.part of the
experiment, before the reagent had become thoroughly habitu-
ated and skilled, that seemed a pretty heavy task.

The conditions under which practice gain is greatest—The
influence which the rest periods have exercised upon the growth
of practice has already been touched upon, but a more detailed
study of the effects from a suspension of practice for a period
yields certain interesting results. In the following table we have
brought together the average daily performances for the last four
days before each rest period and for the first four days after
each rest period. The number four is more or less arbitrarily
chosen. The effects of incomplete inurement are usually shown
within two days, and after that they begin to disappear.

8 113

36 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller
TABLE IV
B. M.
RS Le pe 8 Roo L. H.

Berore Teste See my) 8 1312.2 999.5 891.5 886.5
Rest 9 days. 9 days.
ater Tests ea yrd nce. a kote a: 1631.5 | 1227.5 | 1355.5 | 1222.2

TIMELENEE wi stone hoe ee 369 228.0 464.0 335.7
BELOLE LESE ieee ao SA ee aye Ae Pee eae 1342 1355.5 | 1154.5
Rest 4 days. 4 days.
1 (Sighs To Sa NRE. Ee eda NECA i P50 <a ee oes ch OE 1302.8 | 1545.7} 1312

IMPeren Ce cong Ts sbi chs eels aie Auten —39.2 190.2 157.5
BELOTEMPEST 2 9 kes oon ee gee lene cee 1116.7 | 1769.7 | 1637
Rest 6 days. 6 days.
PNEECT MECHSE iotsie te) shcie cle WA ote ao) Reg REN ake hake 1713.7 | 1710.5 | °1880.5

WDIMELSMIG ELE Sant ctan.c anja eee baie tee ae 597.0 | —59.2 243.5
DELOLE TERE cor We cat etmek ae 2128.7 | 2552.3 |. 2561.2). LO8t.5
RES ZO CAVS He olooo a Ps ei aoa 18 days.
MSULET IT CS Gate oe me cts cue ae Gi neie Breen 2497.6 | 23866 2656.2 | 2139

PIMEKH CE 3 SVN alee ee, 298.9 | —186.3 95- 151.5
IBETOTE TEST Lia Ovals So. Sree 2427.6 | 2305.5 | (average of 3
Rest 5 days. records. )
PAT ECTSECS Ueiavenya) Syacck cledic ia aie ante ena a 2549.4] 2678.4

Witference cs! i leet lowe See 121.8 372.9

The table shows that there were six periods of work with five
periods of rest. Except on three occasions there has been no
loss of power shown after a rest. These occasions are, the left
hand of B. after the second rest and after the fourth rest, and
the right hand of M. after the third rest. In the case of B. some
unfavorable disposition seemed to have affected all the records
deleteriously, as the second work period and the loss of the left
hand after the fourth rest period which lasted twenty days may
be attributed to a loss in inurement. The rest period here
was twenty days. In the case of M.’s right hand there are
two accidentally low records among the four that were averaged.
Had we taken the average of five the result would have been

114

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 37

entirely different, for the right hand showed uniform and rapid
gain afterwards. We may be warranted, therefore, in saying
that practice effect on the ergograph is not easily lost since some
gain is shown after a rest period of twenty days. The gain
which is shown after the first two rest periods is undoubtedly due
to the fact that inurement was not complete before the rest.
After the other rest periods, the gain must find explanation upon
some other ground. While it is not equal to the amount of gain
which would have been made during the pause, had the exercise
been kept up, it is nevertheless a real and permanent gain. Some
light wiil be shed upon this point by a comparison of the amounts
of work that were done at morning observations with the amounts
of work that were done at the afternoon observations.

In the following table we have the averages of morning obser-
vations compared with the averages for afternoon observations.
The table makes this comparison between all the records for the
first half of the experiment and all those for the last half;

TABLE V

FIRST HALF OF EXPERIMENT

B M.
R. H L. H R. H Le
Average of A.M. records........... 1377 1157 1174 1070
Average of P.M. records........... 1286 1007 978 817
YRETOR CR 2. epciad, ncgevt ici eiasd Sone —91 —150 —196 —223

B M.
R.H so 8 R. H p REID &
Average of A.M. records........... 1893 1742 2115 1800
mverage of P.M. récords.\. <0.'.:.. +i: 1901 1784 2150 1863
TI MPETENCEL hie sla sahetas Core +8 +42 +35 . +63.

115

38 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

These figures show that in the first half of the experiment the
morning records have averaged uniformly higher than the after- .
noon records, and that in the second half of the experiment the
afternoon records have averaged uniformly higher than the morn-
ing records.

We find in this a further confirmation of the suggestion made
above that until inurement is perfect exercise induces a condition
within the muscles themselves which reduces their capacity for
work. In the first observations the morning record produces a
condition of local fatigue which influences deleteriously the after-
noon record. By the following morning this condition is re-
lieved, or if not completely so, the reagents are better able
to work than they are in the afternoon. After inurement
has become perfect, as it seems to have been in the latter part of
the experiment, the morning practice actually influences favor-
ably the afternoon practice. The morning record does this per-
haps by creating a favorable disposition toward the experiment,
a disposition to excel or rival oneself; and, again, a certain
amount of preliminary exercise, which is in the nature of a warm-
ing-up process, produces a condition of motor excitement which
is favorable to the attainment of the maximum. It should be
observed, further, as practice goes on recovery is more speedy,
so that while the effects of the morning exercise in the earlier
part of the experiment are still manifest in the afternoon, in the
latter part of the experiment the recovery is not only complete,
‘but the organism has actually built itself up as a result of the
practice in the morning, and yet it is not quite clear how a thor-
oughly inured reagent could benefit from morning practice by
afternoon. The process of building up of cells has been thought
to go on more slowly and to require the longer periods of sleep
to accomplish itself.

We have in this, then, a further demonstration of the fact that
the lack of inurement is in part responsibie for the great gain
that has been made during the first two rest periods, and that it
is not the lack of inurement which is accountable for the gains
made during the last rest period. No muscle soreness of impor-
tance manifested itself, and the fact that afternoon records have

116

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 39

fallen out uniformly higher than morning records is pretty good
proof that there is none. We must therefore attribute the
increase to the general processes of upbuilding which take place
as the result of practice, and that we have here a demonstration
of the reasonableness of the phenomenon of overtraining which
has been so often observed empirically. Prize fighters allow two
or three days for “drying out” before a fight, during which train-
ing is suspended. The amount of practice which will yield the
greatest increase in power keeps the organism in a condition of
incipient exhaustion, so that the maximum performance for which
the training may have prepared the organism is most likely to be
attained only after a suspension of practice for a day or two, to
allow the organism to build itself up. Fatigue is, therefore, a
necessary condition of practice gain; it is essential to growth in
general.

Recuperation.—An observation, as has been stated above, con-
sisted of three fatigue curves, the first and second, and the second
and third being separated by minute pauses.. The question of the
value of the pause immediately, presents itself, and, furthermore,
_ that of the influence of practice upon the relative efficiency of the

“pause at the beginning and end of the experiment.

In the following table the average amounts of work for the
successive curves for all periods of work have been brought to-
gether, along with the total amounts of work for the three
curves. Percentages for the second and third curves are given,
the first ‘curve being taken in every case as 100 per cent.

117

40 - Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

TABLE VI
B.
R. H L. H

eexoo |g | e| | ¢| | el tale] |e) [e

& 125] wn/lS5] wlB5! w] & 1 BS] we I/S5] w/o] ee
First ..../1249| 875| 100] 220/25.1| 154/17.6|1033| 792] 100! 146l18.4| 94/11.8
Second ..|1410| 914| 100] 290/31.6| 216/23.8l1284| 878! 100| 2411985] 166117.9
Third....| 934] 715! 100! 132/18.4| 87112111220] 920! 100] 248/30.2| 152/18.5
Fourth . _/1920/1309| 100| 357/27.2| 253/19.3/201911188| 100! 443/37.21 387132.5
Fifth ..../2428]1403| 100] 517/36.8| 505/35.9/241411308 100! 601/45.8] 505138.6
Sixth... _2549|1442| 100] 581/42.2| 544/37. 7/2680/1488| 100) 622/41.8] 569138.8
se tees Acie cries Ages, (OO saath Acta aetna 93.4|....|27.0

M.
R. H L. H
poe fe 8) keke le be ely ee

e145] wl/Sd] w [BS] wl] & 1 BS] we 135] we ISO] we
First ....| 976| 849) 100] 13515.9| 81! 9.5! 779| 587| 100] 102/17.3| 83/14.1
Second _.|1340/1035| 100] 187/18 | 118/11.4/1188] 944] 100] 173/18.3| 83] 8.7
Third . . .{1626/1230| 100| 227/18.3| 168]13.6/1458/1108| 100 198|17.8| 147/13.2
Fourth . ./2132/1392| 100! 397/285] 341/24. 4|1919/1267| 100] 361/28.4| 293123.3
Fifth ....|2689/1602| 100 546/34 | 541/33.7/2235/1399| 100] 413/29.5| 424/30.2
OOLEY taal Ren We Md ied Teaet Bee TOCA oe bursa ites se 16.1

This table shows, with one or two variations, a constant and
proportionately increasing value for the one-minute pause. The
first pause has greater efficiency than the second. For B. the
right hand shows an increase of 17.1 per cent in the first pause,
and 20.1 per cent in the second. The left shows an increase of
23.4 per cent in the first pause, and 27 per cent in the second.
For M. the right shows an increase of 18.1 per cent in the first
pause and 24.2 per cent in the second. The left hand shows an
increase of 12.2 per cent in the first pause, and 16.1 per cent in
the second. It appears, then, that the left hand has probably
made a little larger gain in recuperative power than the right,
and that the recuperation during the second pause has been pro-
portionately greater than in the first, that is, the value of the sec-
ond pause has grown proportionately more rapidly than the first.

118

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 41

This strikes us as a very significant and important point. At
the end of the first curve the reagent has reached a point of com-
plete exhaustion for voluntary effort. In one minute he makes
a certain amount of recovery. He works again to the point of
exhaustion and makes a certain recovery which is less than in
the first pause. Practice renders the first pause increasingly
more valuable and at the same time enhances the value of the -
second to even a greater extent. The emphasis is to be laid upon
this: Exhaustion does not always mean the same thing. It
may be understood why recovery from exhaustion should grow
with practice, but it is not quite so clear why recovery from the
second exhaustion should grow through practice more rapidly
than from the first. Let one suggestion suffice: The amount of
work done in writing the first curve is greater than in writing
the second. The rate of recovery may depend upon the amount
of work done just previous to the recuperation period. The
paralysis resulting from the first work is due mostly, let us sug-
gest, to the presence of accumulated waste products in the ner-
vous centers. A certain proportion will be removed in the fol-
lowing pause. During the writing of the second curve, which
requires less time, the accumulation of waste will be less. Since
the paralysis is now due to the exhausted condition of the cells
as well as the presence of waste products, the recovery from the
removal of toxic waste will be more complete or go on more
rapidly, and thus create a more favorable disposition for work.
The favorable disposition is further enhanced by the motory
excitement which follows the effort in writing the first curve,
and it may be increased during the writing of the second. The
more rapid recuperation during the second pause may be attrib-
uted to the higher degree of motory excitement at that time.
The exception to the constantly increasing value of the pause is
to be found in the third period for B.’s right hand. In the third
period the right hand of B. was rendered practically useless by
the fact of the broken mask which has been spoken of before.
The work was suspended because it proved too painful to be
continued. The condition so far as its effects upon the reagent
were concerned was like a return to a condition before which any

11g

42 Thaddeus L, Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

practice had been taken, so that the pauses would have about the
same value that they would have for an unpracticed reagent. A
similar set of circumstances seemed to affect the work of M.’s
left hand in the second period, making the second pause less
valuable for recuperation.

The recuperative value of these pauses was studied in another
way. When an observation was begun, the contractions of the
finger were continued until complete exhaustion was reached,
that is, until no further contractions were possible. The last
contractions in any fatigue curve were therefore very short and
made with great manifestations of effort, all the muscles of the
body joining sympathetically in the movement, and their activity
increased in violence and extent as the exhaustion point was
approached. It was thought that the amount of work the con-
tracting finger was accomplishing was very small in proportion
to the actual expenditure of energy, that is, there was a great
waste of energy here, and that if work were suspended as soon
as it became clear, through the amount of effort that was neces-
sary to make a contraction, that the exhaustion point was near,
the waste of energy would be stopped. Upon the approach of —
exhaustion the reagent gradually falls into the condition of an
uninured reagent. The work produces in the arm temporarily
the feelings of muscle soreness and stiffness which ordinarily
arise in the members of an unpracticed reagent. By the avoid-
ance, then, of this condition, it was thought that greater work
capacity would be shown. ‘Therefore, observations in which the
reagent ceased to contract the finger as soon as the symptoms
of fatigue became strongly apparent, were alternated with others
in which each fatigue curve was carried quite to the exhaustion
point.

In the following table, the averages of the curves which were
carried to the exhaustion point are compared with those that were
stopped short of the exhaustion point. They are designated “to
exhaustion,” and “not to exhaustion.”

120

"FF alidity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 43

TABLE VII
B.
RE L. H

— u uo u _ oO u 3)

a| 8 2 ? a |e

& | 35 |x IS] we [SO] we | & | BS] xe [SG] we IBS| we
Not-exhaustion |2569/1444/100/581/42.. 2/544137 . 7/2680/1488/100/622/41 .8/569/38 .8
Exhaustion... ./2428)1405]100/517/36. 8|505/35 . 9|2423)1387)100|557|40..1/479/34.5

Differences | 141) 39]...) 64) 5.4) 39) 1.8] 257) 101)...| 65} 1.7] 90) 4.3

M.
R. H L. H
Vv 10) vu —
3S - > > os S $ g
H | 40 |x [SO ow RO] & | & 25 | wild} w |B] xe

Not-exhaustion |2885}| 1675, 100/622 37.1 1 581 34. 8/2563] 1430|100/550)38 . 4|559/40.6
Exhaustion... .|2689/1602/100/545/34 = 540/33. 7/2235/1399/100/413 29.5)424/30.2

Differences | 196 73)... 77| 3.1 44 1.1] 328} 31].../137| 8.9)1335)10.4

(New weight)
Not-exhaustion /1224| 646/100)313/47.1/264/40.9)1198) 590)100/327|50. 4|281/47.6
Exhaustion... ./1132) 666)100)268)/40.2/194/29. 2/1110} 670|100)/240)35.8)196)29.3

Differences| 92/—20|...| 45) 6.9) 70/11.7| 88] 120)...) 87)14.6) 85/18.3

These tables undoubtedly show, by the greater percentages
which the fatigue curves after the pause offer, that the pause is

- more efficient when the reagent does not work to the exhaustion

point; the differences except in one case favor the “not to
exhaustion” curves.

The question arises whether this is due to the greater recu-
perative value of the pause or to the fact that the nervous centers
have not completely exhausted all their energies and the residue
remaining back in the centers is carried over and added to the
amount which is restored during the pause. In favor of the first
hypothesis is the fact that when the contractions are continued
to the exhaustion point they produce a condition of temporary

or incipient muscle soreness from which recovery during the

pause is not complete, in part because recovery is more slow,
and hence this condition of the muscles is inhibitory. Introspec-

. I21

44 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

tion would incline us to this point of view. Furthermore, the
amount of increase after the pauses in the “not exhaustion” curves
seems to be greater than the amount of loss, which is sustained
by the fact that the curve is not carried to the exhaustion point.
Our figures are scarcely sufficient to give an unequivocal answer.
Undoubtedly these accessory movements are energy-consuming
and may, therefore, by exhausting a greater number of nerve cen-
ters and creating a larger accumulation of waste products, actu-

ally prevent the most rapid and full recovery of those centers”

whose activities we are trying to study. The question can be
answered finally only by further investigations.

The general growth of practice during these “exhaustion” and
“not exhaustion” observations was evident and_ surprisingly
great. The limitations of the apparatus were reached by both
hands of both reagents, and it was thus impossible to trace it
completely. It seemed at the beginning of the experiment that
with the weight which we used the limits of practice effects must
certainly be reached before those of the apparatus had been ex-
ceeded. The weight was for M. increased by almost a kilogram.
The observations with this weight, which is now about 4.5 kilos,
are included in a later table. The results seem to confirm those

for the smaller weights. The percentages of increase for “ex-—

haustion” and “not exhaustion” are greater than for the other
weights. The first fatigue curve is therefore shorter than when
the smaller weight is used, but the larger percentages represent-
ing the second and third curves seem to indicate that the recu-
peration after a one-minute pause was greater proportionately
than when the smaller weight was used. This presents the inter-
esting point of the way a heavier weight affects respectively the
endurance and skill acquired in using a lighter weight. With
the smaller weight a greater number of contractions was neces-
sary to exhaust the finger, that is, greater endurance was re-
quired. Endurance is dependent upon the number of successive
explosions of which the nerve centers are capable before they
cease to respond, and hence recuperation after endurance will
mean, in a measure, cell reconstruction. In the longer period of
work the removal of waste can more nearly keep pace with the

I22

ety

Se

<1 ting!

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 45

production of the same. The less number of contractions which
is possible in lifting a heavier weight will therefore mean a less
degree of celi exhaustion and a more rapid generation of waste |
products.. The lifting of the heavier weight requires a greater
force of contraction in the muscle, and this is dependent upon
more vigorous innervation from the nerve.centers. The paraly-
sis of the muscles when exhaustion comes will result from the
accumulation of the waste products in the nerve center. The
recovery that comes from the removal of waste products during
the pause will be more rapid than through the reconstruction of
the cells which must be necessary after an exercise in endurance.
Although the figures showing the heights of contraction have
not been preserved, about the same degree of perfection of skill
was shown in lifting the larger weight as in lifting the smaller,
so that the larger weight affects the acquired endurance mostly.

Since the second pause has proved proportionately more effi-
cient as a rest period than the first, a series of observations were
made with the intention of determining what might be the
influence of a one-minute and a two-minute pause in a series of
fatigue curves. The number of curves that were possible within
the limits of our apparatus was six for the one-minute pause for
both right and left hands, and three for the right hand with tswo-
minute pause, and four for the left hand with a two-minute
pause. M. alone made observations upon this point. The ob-
servations were equally divided between “exhaustion” and “not
exhaustion,” and the figures given in the following table are the
averages of four records:

123

46 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T.. Miller

' TABLE VIII
M. R. H.
oe 2 $ 2 > > $
a Bs oe oH 35 45 25 a5
& {Zdlrwe|/SO}] we |BO] we [FO] we [BO] we [SO] we [EO] we

Not-ex. .|2424/861|100| 304) 35.2) 233) 27.1/316|36.5)251/29 {233/27 |228)26.4
Exhaus.|2301/833}100) 316} 37.9} 285) 34.2)229/27. 4/233/28 .5/211/25 .3)191/22.8

Difter...| 123)° 28). ..|—12|— 2. 7} —52|— 7.1) 87) 9. Li 3) 5) 22 aie aioe
Heelies ap =
ee eee ee
7 ore H e at = & oy
©) 8S [we ISS] we ISS! we SS) we BS] we ES) we ES) ae

Not-éxh. .|2366} 793)109/358)45 . 2)/259/32 .6/224)/28 .3/240)30.3/243/30.7|246/31
Exhaust. ./2153} 988]100/226/22 .8)244/24.6/211)21 .3/180)18 .3)154/15.5)151/15.3

Difference] 213|/—195).. ./1382/22.4| 15) 8 | 13) 7 | 60/12 | 89)15.2) 95)15.7

TABLE VIlI—Continued

M. Re at, 2-MINUTE PAUSE

- u vu u vu
a.) 5 E ata bet
Ee |25|wilSd| wl Sd] wl Sd] we
Wottexhalstiont. s<)cc. afer 2 2939} 1118} 100} 646)57.7| 627/56 582) 52
Ei rauStion'! eravuciene 'aveierdieteiae 2701} 1138} 100) 568} 49.9} 511) 44.9} 483) 42.4
FOMTELENCES Eis ¢ eeigis a sieicoiere we 238) —20).... 78| 7.8 116! 11.1} 99) 9.6
M. Ges B 2-MINUTE PAUSE
Sule c E E
2 18S | we | Sob. | Solin | Sol we bes We

Not-exhaustion. .| 2758} 972) 100) 510|52.4| 480/ 49.3) 465/47.8! 330) 33.3

Exhaustion ..... 2566} 956} 100) 457) 58.2) 432) 45 461} 37.8) 360) 37.7
Pitlerences:)\.... 199} 16)....) 53/—-5.8} 48] 4.3 4/10 | —30/-4.4

The first part of the table giving the value of the one-minute
pauses shows that while there are some fluctuations, the pause
shows a decreasing efficiency for recuperative purposes. The

124

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work C apacity 47

fatigue curves have grown gradually though not uniformly less
in the succeeding curves.

There are several considerations to be made here. As the
pause is too short to remove the hand and give it the best oppor-
tunity for rest, a very unfavorable disposition begins to arise.
The hand becomes congested with blood, and muscle cramps are
likely to manifest themselves. Even under the most favorable
conditions, for instance, where the hand could be taken out and
given the best opportunity to recuperate, the pause would be
likely to show a decreasing efficiency for recuperation. To re-
move the hand would result in a loss of the incitation that comes
with being warmed up to a task. 3

The observations were divided between the “exhaustion” and
“not exhaustion” types, and with one or two exceptions the “not
exhaustion” performances show a higher value for the rest period
than the “exhaustion” performances. In the observations where
a two-minute pause was allowed, the “not exhaustion” shows at
an equal, or perhaps only a little advantage over the “exhaus-
tion.” Compared with the observations in which one-minute
pause was allowed, the per cent of increase for the right hand is
nearly twenty and somewhat less for the left. The unfavorable
disposition created by the longer confinement of the hand in the
fixating devices was greater, and the reagents found the experi-
ments even more irksome than when a one-minute pause was
allowed. The results of these observations are introduced rather
to direct the attention to the problem here involved than on
account of the value which they may have in themselves. They
represent the last work that was done and would have been con-
tinued except for lack of. time.

SUMMARY

Ergograph records change relatively in the course of a long
series and thus the first records in a series are invalidated, for
maximum performances furnish a more reliable measure of work
capacity.

Since exercise induces a condition within the muscles them-
selves which reduces their capacity for work, ergograph records

125

48 Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

have slight validity until inurement has become thorough and
coordination is complete.

Since the reagents must be fairly inured and the effects of
exercise must be studied under the most exacting conditions and
for long periods of time, the ergograph is quite unadapted to the
obtaining of exact statistics upon a large number of individuals.
Therefore a few records taken upon unpracticed subjects, both
before and after operations whose influences are thought to
affect muscular poWer,ahe without the slightest claims to trust-
worthiness.

Influences which are supposed to affect the ergograph records
must be studied by the way they affect practice gain.

Practice gain with the ergograph is due to changes in the
direction of inurement, coordination, rhythm, and endurance in
muscular power.

Practice gain as shown ds the ergograph is practically unlim-
ited.

Fatigue is a necessary condition for practice gain. It is essen-
tial to growth.

Practice gain means increased power to recuperate.

Vicarious practice effect is chiefly in the direction of coordina-
tion and rhythm.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

The following references will give some of the most important contribu-
tions to the subject of the paper and closely related subjects.
ALLIN, ARTHUR
Some Experimental Conclusions on Practice and Habit. Journal of
Pedagogy, vol. XIV, pp. 237-54.
AMBERG, EMIL,
Ueber den Einfluss von Arbeitspausen auf die getstige Leistungsfaehig-
keit. Psychologische Arbeiten, Band 1, s. 300-77.
ANDERSON, WILLIAM S.
Studies in the Effect of Physical Training. Am. Phys. Ed. Rev., vol.
IV, p. 265.
BAIR, J. H.
Development of Voluntary Control, Psych. Rev., VIII, p. 474.
‘The Practice Curve: A Study in the Formation of Habits. Psych. Rev.
Monograph Suppl. No. 19. Nov., 1902.
The Process of Learning. New York Teachers’ Monographs, vol. VI,
p.51. Dec., 1902.

1 26

=

Validity of Ergograph as Measurer of Work Capacity 49

Bouron, T. Li.
Ueber die Beziehungen zwischen Ermuedung, Raumsinn der Haut und
Muskeileistung. Psychologische Arbeiten, Band 4, s. 175-234.
The Fatigue Problem. Jour. of Ped., vol. XVI, p. 97.
The Relation of Motor Power to Intelligence. Am. Jour.of Psych., vol.
XIV., pp. 351-67.
BRYAN, W. L., AND HARTER, NOBLE
Studies in the Physiology and Psychology of Telegraphic Languages.
Psych. Rev., vol. VI, p. 27.
Studies on the Telegraphic Language. The Acquisition of a Hier-
archy of Habits. Psych. Rev., vol. VI, p. 345.
BRYAN, W. L. |
On the Development of Voluntary Motory Ability. Am. Jour. of Psych.
vol. V, p. 125.
DAVIS, WALTER W.
Researches in Cross-Education. Studies from the Yale Psych. Lab.,
vol. VI, p. 6, and vol. VIII, p. 64.
DRESSLAR, F. B.
Studiesin Psychology of Touch. Am. Jour. of Psych., vol. VI, pp. 313-
368.
Some Influences which Affect Rapidity of Voluntary Movement. Am.
Jour. of Psych., vol. IV. pp. 314-27.

'FECHNER, G. TH.

Beobachtungen welche zu bewetsen scheinen dass die Uebung der Glieder
der einen Seite die der anderen zugleich mitgeuebt werden. Be-
richte u. d. Verh. d. k. Saechs. Gesell, d. Wiss. zu Leipzig. Mat-
Phys. Classe, Band 10, 1858, s. 70.

Hope#, C. F.

The Process of Recovery from Fatigue Occasioned by the Electrical
Stimulation of Cells of the Spinal Ganglia. Am. Jour. of Psych.,
vol. III, p. 530. ;

Microscopical Changes Due to Functional Activity in Nerve Cells.
Jour. of Morphology, vol. VII, pp. 95-168.

Microscopical Study of the Nerve Cell During Electrical Stimulation.
Jour. of Morph., vol. IX, pp. 449-63.

JOHNSON, W. S.

Researches in Practice and Habit. Studies frem Yale Psych. Lab.,
vol. VI, p. 51. ‘

Experiments in Motor Education. Studies from Yale Psych, Lab.,
vol. X, p. 81.

KRAEPELIN, E.
Zur Ueberbuerdungsfrage. Fisher. Jena, 1896.
Zur Hygiene der Arbeit. Fisher. Jena, 1896.
LINDLEY, E. H.
Arbeit und Ruhe. Psychologische Arbeiten, Band 3, s. 482.
LOMBARD, W. P. :
; The Effect of Fatigue on Voluntary Muscular Contractions. Am. Jour.
of Psych., vol. III, pp. 24-42.
LA GRANGE, FERNAND
Physiology of Bodily Exercise. Appleton & Co., 1896.
Moore, J. M.
Studies in Fatigue. Studies from Yale Psych. Lab., vol. III, p. 68.
Mosso, A.
Die Ermuedung. Leipzig, 1892.

127

50 ~~» Thaddeus L. Bolton and Eleonora T. Miller

PARTRIDGE, G. EH.
Experiments upon the Control of the Reflex Wink. Am. Jour. of

Psych., vol. IX, p. 244.
REEVES UND KRAEPELIN
Ueber Ermuedung und Erholung. Psychologiscke Arbeiten, Band 1,
s. 627.

SMITH, THEODATE L., AND BROWN, EMILY F.
On the Education of Muscular Power and Control. Studies from Yale

Psych. Lab., vol. II, p. 114.

SwIFT, E. J.
Studies in the Psychology and Physiology of Learning. Am. Jour. of

Psych., vol. XIV, pp. 201-251.

THORNDYKE, EDWARD L,
Mental fatigue. Psych. Rev., vol. VII, pp. 466-482, 547-579.

VOLKMANN, A. W.

Ueber den Einfluss der Uebung auf das Erkennen raeumlicher Distan-

zen. Ber. u. d. Verh. d. k. Saechs. Gesell. d. Wissen. zu Leipzig.
Mat-Phys. Classe, Band 10, s. 38. ;
WISSLER, CLARK, AND RICHARDSON, WM. W.
Diffusion of the Motor Intpulse. Psych. Rev., vol. VII, p. 29.

WoopwortH, R. S.

A> Keo nks

The Accuracy of Voluntary Movement. Psych. Rev. Monograph Suppl. —

No, 13. 1899.

WoopwortH, R. S., AND THORNDYEKE, E. L.
The Influence of Improvement in one Mental Function upon the Effi-
ciency of Other Functions. Psych. Rev., vol. VIII, pp. 247, 384,

and 553.

wa

naan? ot

PLATE I

Volumes I, II and III of University StuprEs are each complete in four
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A few copies of volumes I, II and III complete in numbers are still to be had.
All communications regarding purchase or exchange should be addressed to

THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA LIBRARY
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VoL. LV | Aprit, 1904 No. 2

UNIVERSITY STUDIES

Published by the University of € 18ST
oul siti -

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L. A. SHERMAN, EprIror

CONTENTS

I ON THE DETERMINATION OF THE REFRACTIVE
INDICES BY MEANS OF CHANNELED SPECTRA
S. R. Williams ‘ : : : } 129

II ON THE EFFECT OF A MAGNETIC FIELD ON THE
_INTERFERENCE OF NATURAL, LIGHT
John Mills : ‘ : ‘ - ; 145

| III Some HyPERMETAMORPHIC BEETLES AND THEIR

| HYMENOPTEROUS Hosts ~~

| ’ W. Dwight Pierce . ; : : i 153
|

|

|

LINCOLN NEBRASKA

Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, as University
Bulletin, Series 9, No. 10

ec a

UNIVERSITY STUDIES

VoL. IV APRIL, 1904 No. 2

1.—Onx the Determination of the Refractive Indices by Means of
Channeled Spectra

BY S. R. WILLIAMS

If the light reflected from two parallel optical surfaces be ex-
amined with a spectroscope of sufficient resolving power, the result-
ing spectrum will be traversed by dark bands corresponding to
_ those wave-lengths which interfere, the center of a dark band oc-
curring when 24)==2 A/2 and the medium between the surfaces
is of a less refractiye index than that composing the optical surfaces.
For the center of a light band 24)=(2/-++1)A/2 where D is the
linear thickness of the space intervening, A the wave-length, and V
some integral number. In case » becomes equal to unity, as oc-
curs when we have a vacuum, the value of VV in the above equation
may be derived, giving the length of the path D in wave-lengths
of light. Using the sun as a source of light there will appear in
the spectrum the Fraunhofer lines, in addition to the interference
bands, thus furnishing a scale of reference for every interference
band.

If two dark bands appear in determinate parts of the spectrum
corresponding to wave-lengths A; and 22, then by the above equa-
tions 24,0=NV.A; for the longer wave-lengths, and 24,)—=
(V-+-m)Xd2 for the shorter, whence, assuming p=1, we obtain

aaa mar2

Bin

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 2, April, 1904.

129

2 S. R. Williams

A comparison of the results obtained by various investigators in
the determination of refractive indices shows at once that the op-
tical thickness can not be obtained by the above formulae for those
substances in which p» is such an uncertain quantity.

Dr. D. B. Brace' has shown that the difference in path of two’

interfering rays, or the optical thickness, may be determined inde-

pendently of the factor ». His method is to take a cell, whose —

thickness can be varied (usually a wedge-shaped cell), and if, in
the variation of the thickness, 7 bands are shifted past a definite
point in the spectrum for which the difference in path JV is to be
determined, and z is the ratio of the bands between two definite
wave-lengths, A; and As, before and after the variation in thickness,

WAI
then V=

I—2
Being able to determine the difference in path thus, we are fur-
nished with the means for determining the value of » for any trans-
parent substance. For, if we take as a medium of reference a
substance of index »,, which is accurately known, 2n,D—=W,A.
In the body whose index is to be determined 24,D—=A. D and

A being made the same, we have p= that is, the refractive

We bry
index of any substance is equal to the ratio of the optical lengths
of equivalent paths in that substance, and the medium taken as a
reference, multiplied by the index of the reference film.

For liquids, the path D may be easily made the same by making
a thin wedge-shaped cell with its sides parallel, and allowing the
light to be reflected from a narrow vertical section of the same.
{f the upper half of the narrow section reflects from the surfaces
of the film taken as a reference, and the lower half from a sub-
stance whose index is to be determined, there will occur in the
spectrum, simultaneously, two sets of interference bands from
which the orders of interference may be calculated, and from
these the index.

By the distribution of the two sets of bands thus obtained the
dispersive power of the two substances may be compared, for if
# was larger in one than in the other, the bands would appear

1 Phil. Mag. (48), 1899, p. 345; (1), 1901, p. 339.

130

Bicones

s

tedbes. gee 4s atime

Fe ee Se a ee ee

mea

ee

pill

—

Determination of Refractive Indices 3

more frequent throughout the spectrum as shown by our equa-
tion above. In this way the complete record of dispersion of a
body may be obtained throughout the spectrum. Furthermore,
the bands superimposed upon the Fraunhofer lines as a scale
may be photographed and a permanent record made of the dis-
persion of the substance examined.

To make this a practical working method was the object of
this investigation.

A four-inch Rowland concave grating, 14,438 lines to the inch,
with Brashear mounting, and focal length of ten feet was used.
Fig. 1 shows the arrangement of the optical system. The slit
was illuminated by the direct rays of the sun, and an image of

Fig.

the same was formed on the wedge W by the lens L. In the
usual mounting of the Rowland concave grating, the slit or its
image should be placed over the intersection of the ways, in
order that the spectrum may be brought to a focus on the proper
focal curve. Instead of doing this, the light coming from the
slit S through the lens L was reflected by means of the prism /,
upon the wedge W, where the image of the slit was formed.
The two surfaces of W returned the light to the prism p,, which
reflected it upon the grating G. The distance of W from fp,
and p, was such that the image in p, was at the intersection of
the ways, and thus the conditions for accurate focusing were

131

4 S. R. Williams

secured. The image of the slit at JV served two purposes, in

that it brought the Fraunhofer lines and interference bands into.

focus at the same time, and also afforded the means of getting
a narrow vertical section of the cell.

Plate glass cut in strips, 3 x 13 cm. and 6 mm. thick, formed
the sides of the wedge-shaped cell. To keep the plates apart,
and also form the bottom and ends of the cell as well as the
dividing strip between the films, cork strips about .75 mm. thick
were cut out, as shown in fig. 2. The plates were then held
firmly against this strip by means of clamps, those on one end
being screwed down more tightly than the other, in order to
make the cell wedge-shaped. The mounting of the cell was so
arranged by means of a rack and pinion that it could be raised
and lowered in a vertical direction, and also moved in the direc-

Fig. 2

tion of its length, by means of a micrometer screw. For photo-
graphing the two sets of bands simultaneously, the cell was so
moved that the image of the slit occupied a position as ab in
fig. 2.

ABCD is that part of the cell containing the film of reference,
while the rest of the cell holds the liquid whose index is to be
determined. The two sets of bands having been photographed
together, the cell was moved parallel to its length, while the
bands from the liquid film were counted as they moved past some
fixed point in the spectrum, until the image of the slit occupied
a position as cd in fig. 2. In this position a set of bands through-
out the spectrum was photographed, and knowing the index for
one wave-length, it could be determined for all others by count-
ing the bands. .

Air was used for a reference film. Its’ index has been very

132

ie? -petw See eh tata ee ‘

a->>en-™

‘Sr "2
oe Je

‘ Determination of Refractive Indices 5

accurately determined by means of the interferometer, and the
presence of a vapor does not affect it, as it has been ascertained
that the refractive index of dry air is only about one-millionth
greater than air saturated with a vapor. The values, as found
by various investigators, vary by little over one part in a million.
Air has also been used as a medium of reference by other inves-
tigators, and so is used in this work.

The direction of variation in thickness of the cell is at right
angles to the interference bands, since along their length the
thickness must be uniform. They will be parallel to the Fraun-
hofer lines, then, when the refracting edge of the cell is parallel
to the image of the slit. This was the means used for getting

the plates of the cell parallel in a vertical direction, for, if the
interference bands were brought into coincidence above and below
the dividing strip, before the liquid is introduced, the value of D
for both films must be the same.

Another condition necessary to give D an equivalent path, in
both films, is that the incidence be normal upon their surfaces,
for, owing to refraction at the bounding surfaces, the ray will
be bent more or less for one than the other, depending upon the
difference in index, consequently D would vary for the two films.
In the system used, normal incidence was not possible, but it
was made so small that it entered no appreciable error. Let AO,
fig. 3, represent the path of normal incidence upon air film -ry
contained between two plates. Let BOC be the path of a ray
at an incident angle of 6;. Since the film -ry is an air film, the
angle of refraction at its surface will be the same as the angle of

133

6 S. Rk. Williams

incidence on the plate ( 0—6,); @, will also be. a maximum for,
air. Hence if it can be shown that the angle 6, does not produce
an appreciable error in difference between c and b, which are
the lengths of D at normal and oblique incidence, then it can be
shown that for a ray incident at an angle 6; upon two films, as
an air and a liquid film, the difference in D for the two is not an
appreciable error, for the difference in the angle of refraction
at the surfaces of the two films can never become as large as 96,;

consequently the difference in length can never be as great as »

c-b in the figure.
tan 6,—=a/é
sin 6,—=a/¢

ay Ne ates da 5)
Wen (sin 6, tan 6, J

Cb) CaN Eee sti
STAD pag coe eng aren 6, —==Sec 6, I.

—b. :
but is the per cent of error introduced. In the apparatus

‘as set up, the light at prism /,, fig. 1, was diaphragmed so that
6, was about 25’. Substituting this value in the above equation,
shows an error of about three parts in a hundred thousand.
With light incident on two films the error due to difference of
path D is still less, as shown above.

In the liquid films with oblique incidence, dispersion produces
a variation in D for the different wave-lengths, so that if the
index of the substance under examination be smaller than that
of the containing cells, the path D for the violet ray will be
greater than that of the red, since it will be bent away from the
normal more than the less refrangible wave-lengths. We have
shown that difference in path, due to refraction, produced a
negligible error, and since the angle of deviation is always less
than the angle of refraction, no error in difference of D for the
various wave-frequencies will occur.

Again, the length of path D, as determined from the bands in
the photographs, will be augmented by change of phase, at reflec-

134

Determination of Refractive Indices 7

tion from the bounding surfaces of the film, if the conditions of
reflection for the two beams are not the same. In order to
increase the intensity of light in reflection from the surfaces, a

_ full-silvered surface was used at the back. After repeated trials,

it was found that an approximate half-silvered front surface,
which gave a brighter image of a flame by reflection than by
transmission, produced the blackest bands in the channeled
spectra.

O. Wiener* has found that the change of phase by reflection
varies with the thickness of the silvering, increasing as a retar-
dation from o to 3/4A, for all wave-lengths, as the thickness of

_ silver increased from zero to a full silver.

The index of silver is about .25, so that in the cell that was

_ used, if the half-silvering was placed on the rear surface of the

front plate, and the full-silvering on the front surface of the
rear plate, then for both films the condition of reflecting from a
less refracting substance to a greater was secured for the two
interfering rays.

According to Wiener, the half-silvered surface introduced a
retardation of about A/2, while at the rear surface it was 3A/4.
This made the difference in phase of the two interfering rays
greater by about A/4, since the ray reflected from the back sur-
face has been retarded that much more than the one reflected
from the front surface. With the order of interference that
was used in this work, this entered an error of less than three
parts in one hundred thousand in determining the order.

In making the computation of indices, this change of phase
was not regarded, and since, in photographing, the bands from
the two films were brought into coincidence with the D, line, the
orders of interference for these were regarded as an odd multiple

Xr
ees

(2N-+1)A/2=2pD then becomes the formula for finding the or-
der of an interference band.

The cell was housed in a pasteboard box, which kept the tem-
perature uniform during the photographing, so that the bands

1 Wied. Annal, (31), 1887, p. 647.

135

-

8 S. R. Williams

did not shift due to that cause. The temperature was taken at
the beginning of the series of photographs, and is indicated on
the plates.

At times, a shift of the bands did occur, but this was due to

a yielding of the cork strip between the plates or other mechani-

cal effects. It was found that if the cell was allowed to stand
before using, no difficulty was encountered from this source, for
an eye-piece was attached to the side of the camera box, whose
focus was on the focal curve of the grating, and through this

the bands were watched, to see that they did not shift with respect:

to the Fraunhofer lines.
Mitchell’ has shown that the astigmatism of a grating depends
upon the length of the illuminated portion of the slit, the length

_ of the ruled lines, and the angle which the incident light makes

with the axis of the grating. On account of this property, com-
parison work is not possible as in the prismatic spectrum. In
photographing the two sets of bands, comparison work was done,
but other conditions were introduced that do not occur in ordi-
nary comparison work. The light falling upon a grating was
slightly divergent, and the dividing strip in the cell cut out a
narrow section of light across the middle of the ruled portion of
the grating. The light above this dark strip came from one
film, and that below from the other. The length of ruling that
was producing the spectrum for one set of bands was therefore
less than half the actual length of ruling of the grating, and as
a result the interference bands, from one film, extended about
half the width of the spectrum.

If D is the thickness, » the index, A the wave-length, and N
the order of interference, the distribution of the bands through-
cut the spectrum is represented by the equations,— -

@) va

A

2
(2) oh age where y=1, as for a vacuum.

1Johns Hopkins Univ. Circulars, June, 1898.

136

Determination of Refractive Indices 9

Differentiating these we have,

dN 2D( dp
Me ae (uaF |
dN .2D
LUNG sia

Equations (1) and (2) are the equations of an equilateral
hyperbola, N and A being the variable parameters. In (3) and
(4) the left-hand side of the equation represents the number of
bands between wave-lengths A and A—AA, and is expressed on the
right-hand side in terms of D, X, andy. The variation of the
order with wave-lengths in the two equations (3) and (4) differs
by the factor in parenthesis, which expresses the difference in.
variation between the two sets of bands. Since in the two equa-
tions - appears, which is the expression for the variation of
order due to wave-length alone, if we superimpose a set of bands,
e. g., those in a vacuum, whose variation is represented by (4),
upon a set of bands represented by (3), the differential effect
will be that due to the dispersion of the substance whose bands
are represented by (3). To do this, the bands from the two
films are brought into coincidence, say in the less refrangible
portion of the spectrum. If, now, we go toward the violet, the
bands in the spectrum whose variation is represented by (3) will, |
in general, increase in number more rapidly than those used as
a scale. Consequently they will get out of coincidence. If then
they should come into coincidence again, due to the bands not
increasing so rapidly as those on the scale, the term in paren-
thesis must diminish, which indicates anomalous dispersion. In
a subsequent paper it will be shown more in detail how this
method may be used for the detection of this characteristic.

Preliminary work has been done in adapting this method to
the determination of refractive indices of solids. The optical
system was, in general, the same as used in working with liquids.
The difficulty with solid wedges is to get a reflecting surface for
the wedge and an equivalent film of air. If silvered plates be
placed on both sides of the solid wedge, as for the liquid film, it

137

10 S. R. Williams

is impossible to get the plates in close enough contact to the
wedge so as not to have thin air films intervening. This diffi-
culty was overcome by measuring these air films, and thereby
obtaining the equivalent film of air for reference. In fig. 4 is
shown a vertical cross-section of the cell used in getting the
order of interference in the wedge and an equivalent film of air.
W is the solid wedge between two glass plates, silvered as they
were in the liquid cell described above. The path of the light
at A gives the total thickness of airspace, B that of the wedge
and air films on both sides. By properly silvering the lower part
of the wedge, the interference bands due to the wedge itself

Fig. 5
may be obtained in C. B—C gives the thickness of the air films

on the two sides of the wedge. A

(B—C) gives the thickness of
: t ‘ G

an air film equivalent to the wedge. Consequently oy ag a

gives the index as compared with air. It was impossible to get

the three sets of bands simultaneously, but A and B were first

obtained and photographed, and then by means of rack and

pinion the cell was raised and B and C obtained.

With proper adjustments, there was no shift of the bands in
raising the cell vertically, since its sides and that of the wedge
are parallel in that direction.

In solids showing double refraction, the optical system was
arranged as shown in fig. 5, with a nicol, 4, before the slit and
another one, E, between the prism p, and the grating.

138

~~ ee eon

Determination of Refractive Indices II

If a ray of light, polarized at an angle of 45° to the principal
axis of a crystalline wedge, pass normally through and is re-
flected back again, the emergent light, when resolved by a spec-
troscope, will be traversed by interference bands due to double
refraction in addition to the ordinary bands arising from the
wedge. The superposition of the two sets of these latter bands
gives rise to maximum and minimum in the intensity, producing
the bands from double refraction referred to. The formula for
these minima, when the nicols are crossed, is yo
In this way both the bands due to interference between the beams
reflected between the front and back surface and those due to
differential double refraction may be photographed.

With double refracting crystals, the system of reflection at p,
and p, had to be changed, and is shown in fig. 5. In using the
prisms p, and p, only, there would. be a change of phase between
the component vibrations. By using a double system of reflec-
tion, at right angles to each other, as shown in the cut, the two
components will have practically the same change of phase intro-
duced. This double reflection will place the image of the slit in
a horizontal position, which necessitates turning the wedge so
that its length is at right angles to the image of the slit.

Plate I is a series of photographs for triple distilled water.
The photographs are arranged with the shorter wave-lengths to
the left. In each set of photographs No. 4 was the first setting
made in the spectrum, and is that of the liquid and air bands
together, between the Fraunhofer lines, 8, and D,. No. 3 was
taken in the same portion of the spectrum, after shifting several
hundred bands. The others were taken in the order 5, 6, 2, I.

In plate I the number of air bands between £, and D, is 276.6
from which the order 1978.5 for the Fraunhofer line D, is ob-

tained by the formula N= a

x: In the liquid bands there are
1—Az

374-7 between these two wave-lengths, and after shifting 338
bands past the D, line in the spectrum and photographing again,
there are by count 326.7 bands in this same region. Substituting

139

12 S. R. Wihams
26.
Boch ee
; s mn Rae
these values in our equation N= = 32 300,5,
tee 48.
374-7

The order as found for the liquid is that of the D, line in photo-
graph No. 3. For the D, line in No. 4 we add 338 to 2300.5 =
2638.5. The ratio between these two orders,

Niiquid 2638 5
Nair. Sa, 1978.5

For the D, line in No. 3, the order for air would be the order

for liquid at that point, divided by the index,

1233260

2300.5
==1725.0.
r33360 0-2

From these two orders of air and liquid for the D, line, the
orders for all other points in the spectrum may be calculated and
counted from the photographs.

In counting the bands, they were laid on a dividing engine
under a micrometer eye-piece, and as the photographs were
shifted under the cross wires, the bands were counted, the frac-
tional part of a band being estimated only to tenths.

The results from all of the photographs shown were obtained
in the manner described above and are tabulated below.

PLATE I—TRIPLE DISTILLED WATER. 7=338. TEmpP. 22°.

X CMS. IV AIR NV LAQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10-5 1480.9 1971.1 1.3310
6.5630 ‘* * 1549.9 2063.8 1.3316
BIBOO IN oes 1725.0 2300.5 1.3336
FOIE Soe 1810.7 2416.9 1.3348
Drewes sass 1908.7 2549.2 -- 1.3356
SPP ATU oe 1945.8 2599.4 1.3359
ya WPts per 1966.2 2627.4 1.3363
Hb iis. 2051.4 2743.8 aol
4.8615 ** ‘* 2092.1 2799.4 1.3381
4.6680 ‘* * 2178.7 2917.6 1.3391
4.3837 ‘* “* 2320.1 3111.0 1.3409
4.2269 $* << 2406.2 3228.5 1.3417
4.1019 “ <5 2479.5 3330.5 1.3432
3.9686 °° ‘ 2562.6 3445.0 1.3443

140

— ait Ses

Determination of Refractive Indices

PLATE II—ABSOLUTE ALCOHOL. 72=393. TEmpP. 22°.

A CMS. NV AIR LV LIQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10-5 1268.0 1721.0 1.3572
- 6.5630 “«-«< 1326.4 1802.1 1.3586
BBoGLS et 1476.2 2009.5 1.3612
B.GLG9 $549.5 2111.5 1.3627
5.3283 “« “ 1633.4 2227.5 1.3637
5.2270 ‘« 1665.1 2271.5 1.3642
5.1728 ‘* “« 1682.5 2296.0 1.3646
LS Fr 1755.5 2397.7 1.3655
4.8615“ “ 1790.3 2446.3 1.3664
4.6680 ‘* “ 1864.4 2550.4 1.3679
4.3837 ** ‘* 1985.5 2721.3 1.3705
cere 2059.1 2825.1 1.3720
AIDT9 6s 2121.9 2913.5 L331
3.9686 ‘* <* 2193.0 3014.5 1.3746

PLATE IIJ—a@-MONOBROMONAPHTHALIN. m=475. TEMP. 24°.

A CMs. NV AIR NV LIQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10-5 1440.1 2374.0 1.6485
6.5630 ‘* ‘* 1507.2 2489.2 1.6515
5.8961 ‘<« 1677.5 2787.5 1.6617
B.GLGIs'¢.* 1760.9 2934.6 1.6665
5.3283 ‘* ‘* 1856.2 3103.6 1.6720
B27.“ 1892.2 3168.2 1.6743
B:1728 6s 1911.0 3204.1 1.6767
cB th (ea 1994.9 3354.9 1.6817

_ 4.8615. 2034.5 3427.5 1.6847
4.6680 ‘* “* 2118.7 3584.6 1.6918
4. SBT S698 2256.2 3844.7 1.7034
4.2269 «« «« 2339.5 4007.6 1.7130
4.1019 ‘* « 2411.2 4149.7 1.7210
3.9686 ‘<< ‘ 2492.1 4329.5 1.7345

141

S. R. Williams

PLATE IV—OIL oF CINNAMON (CASSIA). 2=273.. TEMP. 25.5°.

X CMs. NV AIR NV LIQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10- 1229.0 1919.1 — 1.5615
6.5630 ‘* “ 1286.3 2014.2 1.5659
5.8961‘ * 1431.6 2257.5 1.5769
BOLE sf 1502.7 2379.3 1.5833
6.3283 ‘4°55 1584.0 2519.0 1.5903 ~
52270 ** «* 1614.8 2572.5 1.5937
Seles aie 1631.7 2602.4 1.5949
AMONTT £6 Sf 1702.4 2728.0 1.6024
4.8615 ‘* 1736.2 2788.5 1.6061
4.6680 ‘« ‘ 1808.1 2920.0 1.6149
4.3837 “ “ 1925.5 3141.0 1.6312
4.2269 «« «« 1997.0 3283.5 1.6437
OLS Absorption, no | bands visible.

8.9686 cc 46 e ce ins ce

PLATE V—BENZOLE. m=235, TEmp. 22°.

X CMs. LV AIR NV LAQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10-5 1298.7 1924.9 1.4822
G5 G30 SNe 1359.2 2017.7 1.4844
SOG Hass 1512.8 2954.4 1.4902
5.6169 ‘* <° 1588.0 2371.6 1.4934
FS artes 1673.9 2508.4 1,4967 /
yyy (0 Gora 1706.4 2556. 4 1.4981
yO PN 1724.3 9584.4 1.4988
AOD eas 1799.0 2702.5 1.5022
AAS Oi) ee 1834.7 2758.9 1.5037
4.6680 ‘* ‘ 1910.6 2880.4 1.5076
Aaoat 5 2034.7 3079.4 1.5134
ADIGO Ess 2110.2 3202.8 1.5177
AMOUR KS 2174.5 3308.4 1.5214
3.9686 “* “ -2247.4 3429.4 1.5259

T42

Determination of Refractive Indices 15

PLATE VI—OLIVE OIL. m=267. TEmp. 26°.

X CMS. JV AIR NV LIQUID INDEX
6.8674 x 10-5 1190.3 | 1721.0 1.4458
6.5630 <* ‘* 1245.7 1802.1 1.4474
5.8961 ‘* “ 1386,5 2012.5 1.4514
56169 ‘S< 1455.4 2116.5 1.4542
Dronse es 4s 1534.2 2934 5 1.4565
ero ees 1564.0 2279.5 1.4567
Bel728 (oo 1580.3 2304.2 1.4581
Anal bets. < 6 1648.8 2407.6 1.4602
4.8615 “* “§ 1681.5 2457.5 1.4615
4.6680 ‘* ‘* a ly (a fea 2563.5 1.4639
4 O8a15° 6 1864.9 2733.0 1.4655
4.2269 ‘« "6 1934.0 2839.5 1.4682
AATOLG «6 1992.9 2930.6 1.4705
e.9086.55. 6 2059.8 3034.5 1.4732

One of the difficulties met with in this method is the shifting
of the bands during the photographing, as occurs in all inter-
ference work. This was mechanical, and was overcome by shift-
ing the cell, for all the shift of the bands with respect to the
Fraunhofer lines originated in the cell itself. That the Fraun-
hofer lines and interference bands appear simultaneously is one
of the important features of this method. No matter what ap-
paratus is used, the scale of the Fraunhofer lines will always be
the same from which the measurements are made, and no me-
chanical errors can enter. The shift of bands which might arise
due to changes of temperature must be guarded against in all

~ methods.

It is also possible with the normal spectrum to determine di-
rectly the index for any wave-length. In the prism method, we
are dependent upon the more prominent Fraunhofer lines for
points of reference.

143

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TT

Il.—On the Effect of a Magnetic Field on the Interference of
Natural Light

BY JOHN’ MILLS

The fundamental principles stated by Fresnel and Arago of the
interference phenomena of plane polarized light are well enough
known. In the case of natural light our conception is that it is
an elliptically polarized vibration, where the major axes of the
ellipse assume in a very short space of time all the possible azi-
muths, and the eccentricity of the ellipse is at the same time under-
going continuous changes. We further conceive of this elliptical
vibration as capable of resolution into two straight line compo-
nents at right angles to each other and in no way correlated. In
the interference of natural light under ordinary conditions we
may look upon the phenomenon as produced by the superposition
upon an ether particle of two sets of the component parts of \an
ellipse, where the two components of the same kind are acting in
directions parallel to each other. The rotation of the ellipse as
a whole through 90° would bring like components into a position
at right angles to each other, and interference phenomena should
then disappear.

In an article by L. Sohncke* the statement is made that Abbe
had noticed in his investigations that natural light was capable of
rotation by natural rotatory substances in a way entirely analogous
to the rotation of plane polarized light. In the path of one ray
of an interfering system he had placed a piece of right-handed
quartz capable of producing a rotation in the case of plane po-
larized light of 45°, in the path of the other ray a similar piece
of left-handed. The rotation thus brought about of the two
beams through an angle of go° with respect to each other caused

ISohncke, Uber electromagnetische Drehung natiralischen Lichts, Wied.
Ann. 27, p. 206, 1886.

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 2, April, 1904.

145

i)

2 John Mills

the disappearance of the interference phenomena previously ob- —

servable. The addition of two similar pieces producing a dif-
ference of 180° caused their reappearance.

The discovery of the electromagnetic rotation of plane polarized —

light by Faraday was. followed by many investigations in that
line. The question as to whether an electromagnetic field in-
fluenced natural light in a manner analogous to its rotation of
plane polarized light was first set forth by Sohncke in the paper
previously referred to. In a paper on the nature of the Faraday
effect D. B. Brace* had already remarked that in the case of
elliptically polarized light—that is more nearly approaching the
form of vibration of natural light than either plane or circularly
polarized—the interference bands became less distinct upon the
formation of an electromagnetic field in the medium. By an in-
terference system similar to that of the fundamental interference
experiment of Young, Sohncke found that natural light was
capable of rotation in an electromagnetic field.

His method was as follows: Light from a single slit was
allowed to fall upon a screen with two small slits close together.
Upon the further side of this screen and at a suitable distance
interference bands were observable. By placing behind this dou-
ble slit a Soleil double quartz plate of the proper thickness and
allowing the light from one slit to pass through one side of the
plate, while the light from the other slit passed through the other
side, there was brought about a rotation of the components of the
light used through an angie of 9go° and the consequent disap-
pearance of the interference bands. In the path of one of these
interfering rays and between the screen and the observer was
placed a parallelopiped of Faraday glass surrounded by a coil.
In the path of the other ray was placed a similar plate and coil,
but drawn back along the line of the beam far enough to allow of
the formation of independent electromagnetic fields. For the
strength of current used a rotation of 9.2° was possible in each
coil. The coils were so connected as to give twice the rotation

possible for one coil. If, then, natural light is capable of an

1Wied. Ann. 26, p. 576, 1885.

146

7

The Interference of Natural Light on a Magnetic Field | 3

electromagnetic rotation, the making of the current circuit should
cause the reappearance of the interference fringes. Such was the
phenomenon observed by Sohncke.

The writer has recently been using a form of apparatus’ which
suggested the further verification of this work in a somewhat
different manner. The apparatus used consisted of the more
general type of the Michelson interferometer, in the path of each
ray of which was placed a tube of carbon bisuiphide surrounded
by a coil and supported independently of the coil. The coils were
connected so as to produce a rotation in the case of plane pol-
arized light in opposite directions in the two tubes. The source
used was sodium light. Jf natural light’ is capable of rotation
in an electromagnetic field, varying the current should cause the
interference bands to pass through alternate maxima and minima
of intensity. The positions of the minima should then correspond
to the times at which the current would produce in the two tubes
a rotation of an odd multiple of go”.

Plane polarized light in passing through one coil was found to
be rotated 90° by a current of 13.06 amperes. In the case of the
Other this was found to be 13.23 amperes. The mean of these
two values should give the current necessary in both coils if
acting in opposite directions to produce a rotation of 180°.

Using the apparatus described, a series of readings were taken
as follows: A rheostat in the circuit was adjusted, increasing
the current until the quantity passing through the coils was just
sufficient to cause the disappearance of the bands; at this point
the ammeter reading was taken by an assistant. The current
was then increased until the bands reappeared. The motion of
the lever arm of the rheostat was then reversed and the current
decreased until they again disappeared; at this point a second
reading was taken. The mean of these two readings should give
the value of the current for which the fringes were entirely invis-
ible. The point of disappearance of the bands it was found could
inost easily be ascertained by the following device. The com-
pensating plate of the interferometer was mounted on a brass

1The apparatus used was that granted to Messrs. Morley and Miller by
the A. A.A.S. See Phys. Rev. 7, p. 283, 1898.

147

4 : John Mills ;

support. To this a lever arm was attached. Applying a slight
pull to this arm produced a torque on the support which varied
the length of path of one beam, and so caused the fringes to move
across the field. By, this slight motion their presence could be
recognized after they were otherwise indiscernible.

A series of these readings appears below. In the following 4
table it is to be noted that the mean of the first two columns ‘4
would give the current flowing in each coil. Twice this mean 3
would give the current necessary to produce the same effect if 4
only one coil was causing rotation. |

TABLE I—For a RovTaTIon oF 90° a

ae EQUIVALENT CUR- | a

UPPER VALUE OF b, ‘ = CORRESPONDING {

CURRENT LOWER VALUE RENT FOR ONE ROTATION 4

COIL }

%

7.8 6.4 14.2 97.24° 4

fists} 6.25 14.05 96.20 5

7.8 6.3 14.1 96.56 5 |

1.15 6.45 14 95.86 .

7.75 6.45 14.2 97.24 rt

7.4 6.45 13.85 94.86 :

ed 6.3 14 95.86 y

Tht 5.8 13.5 92.44 b

7.4 6.4 13.8 94.53 g

fio 6.4 14,1 96.56 9

Mean 95. 73° q

| :

=

TABLE II—For A ROTATION OF 270° :

EQUIVALENT CUR- .

UPPER VALUE OF ss . oat ‘ CORRESPONDING ,

CURRENT LOWER VALUE Fg ieans, ONE ROTATION e

L |

19 Sis, Silas 258.2° d

19 18.6 37.6 257.8

al syal 18.6 en 258.2 .
18.9 18.6 37.5 256.8

18.9 18.4 3120 255.7 4

19.2 18.5 SPS 258 .2 .
19 18.8 37.8 258.9
18.8 18.6 37.4 256.2
19 18.6 37.6 257.5
Lf) 18.5 37.5 256.8
Mean 256.8°

148

The Interference of Natural Light on a Magnetic Field 5

TABLE III—For a RovraTIon oF 450°

EQUIVALENT CUR-

UPPER VALUE OF CORRESPONDING
CURRENT LOWER VALUE RENT FOR ONE ROTATION
COIL

32 32.5 64.5 441.8°
32 | 33 65 445.1
a ee) STE) 66 452
a2, 33 65 : 445.1
33 33 66 452
3275 33 65.5 448.5
32.5 33 ‘ 65.5 448.5
32 33 65 445.1
32 33 f 65 445.1
B25 ao.0 66 452

~ Mean 447.5°

TABLE IV—For A ROTATION OF 630°

EQUIVALENT CUR-
UPPER VALUE OF bs CORRESPONDING
CURRENT LOWER VALUE RENT FOR ONE ROTATION
CcoIL

44 44.5 88.5 606 .0°
45 45 90 616.3
45.5 46 91.5 626.6
45 45 90 616.3
44.5 45 89.5 612.8
45 48 93 "630.08
44 45 89 609.6
43 45 88 602.7
44 44 88 602.7
44 44.5 88.5 606

Mean 613.6°

In consideration of the fact that the observations of Sohncke
were made for a rotation of only 9.2° in each coil, it seemed
worth while to make use of the apparatus mentioned above to
carry out that investigation for some 720°. In the work of
Sohncke, however, a type of interference system was used which
involved no reflecting surfaces. At first glance it would seem
that the results obtained from the present form of the experiment
were vitiated by the use of plates giving reflections. It is true
that a portion of the light passing through the coils will be po-

149

6 John Mills

larized. If, however, the plane polarized portions of the two
beams which go to form the fringes have been rotated through

an angle of an odd multiple of go° with respect to each other,
the fringes previously due to them will disappear. Interference
phenomena due to the natural light portions of the same beams

would still be observable unless these also had suffered a similar
rotation.

In the form in which the observations given above were taken
each tube was susceptible at the point of a minimum of rotation
of an odd multiple of 45°. Of the light entering the interferom-
eter (see the accompanying figure) a portion of that reaching
tube EW is plane polarized by reflection from the dividing sur-
facet ab and by transmission through the compensating plate cd.

1Tn the present form of the interferometer the dividing surface of ad was
used unsilvered.

T50

*
ee ea

sean sets

———

The Interference of Natural Light on a Magnetic Field 7

Upon emerging its plane has been rotated 45°. he greater part
of that entering tube N.S is unaffected until by its final transmis-
sion and reflection at aba portion of it is polarized in the same
plane as that entering EWV. Ili, however, the natural light in
traversing the coil V.S was rotated through 45° the portion of it
which suffered polarization at ab would be resolvable into two
components at right angles, one of which would be at an angle of
go° to the rotated polarized light emerging from the tube EW
and so incapable of interference. The remaining portions of the
light entering the observing telescope composed of natural light
would have been rotated 45° in each coil and would also be in-
capable of interference. The-criterion, then, for the rotation of
natural light is, in the present form of experiment, the disappear-
ance of all the fringes previously observable.

The question now arises as to whether or not the fringes
formed by the natural light are of sufficient intensity to be visible
if no rotation of natural light should occur. If the portion of
natural light entering the field of the telescope is sufficiently large
for the fringes formed by it to be observable when the other
portion of the light fails to interfere, the method used seems suf-
ficiently rigorous. The amount of unaffected light as found by
. the formulae of Fresnel was some .26 of all the light capable of
forming interference bands. To find the minimum value that
this quantity could have and still be observable, a series of read-
ings was taken for plane polarized light in the following man-
ner: A field was produced in only one coil. The current was
then increased until the fringes vanished. The current was
then varied until they reappeared; at this point the reading was
taken. The angle as calculated for the rotation corresponding to
the difference between the value of the current at which the
fringes were visible and that at which they were entirely extinct
gave a measure of the sensitiveness of the present arrangement.
It was found as a mean of several readings that fringes formed
by 0.06 of the total light could be recognized. The criterion
then, as stated above, for the rotation of natural light was the
disappearance of all the fringes previously observable.

I51

ale 3

Ill.—Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles and Their
Hymenopterous Hosts

BY W. DWIGHT PIERCE
INTRODUCTION?

The accompanying paper is the result of the study of the life-
history of certain beetles. These beetles are parasites upon Or-
thoptera and Hymenoptera. As a result of this parasitic habit
their metamorphosis is prolonged and modified, occasioning that
series of supernumerary changes which is designated as hyper-
metamorphosis. The study of the group brings out many inter-
esting points in the life cycle of such parasites. In the discussion
of the hosts of these beetles interesting notes are also recorded
concerning their life-history and economy, and additional records
are given of other parasites on the same hosts, indicating a great
whirlpool of parasitism.

The treatise is divided into three distinct sections. Part I is
a systematic account of the hypermetamorphic beetles as a whole,
and includes descriptions and tables. Part II is a biological study
of the life-history of one of these beetles (Mvyodites solidaginis),
so far as the personal observation of the writer has reached.
Part IIT is a biological study of the conditions existing in the
homes of the host of the beetle (Epinomia triangulifera).

The author’s acknowledgments are due to Professors L. Bru-
ner and R. H. Wolcott, to Mr. Myron Swenk of the University
of Nebraska, and to Mr. J. C. Crawford, Jr., of West Point,

1 Notice to Bibliographers. This paper includes important notes on sev-
eral subjects and should be indexed by cross-references. The author does
not wish to be presumptuous, but thinks that it would be of considerable
aid to those working on the subjects if the article were indexed under its
subtitles. For this reason the following references are suggested as import-
ant: Nebraska, Parasitism, Hypermetamorphosis, Meloidae, Myodites,
Rhiphiphorus, Stylops, Xenos, Apoidea, Vespoidea.

UNIVERSITy STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 2, April, 1904.

153

2 W. Dwight Pierce

Neb., for valuable. advice and information. Mr. Crawford
and Mr. Swenk have both furnished lists of bees that visit certain
host plants and those that might be implicated in other ways.
Mr. Crawford has also furnished specimens and determinations,
in addition to assisting in deciphering several of the problems.
Acknowledgments are also due to. various members of the Unt-
VERSITY STUDIES committee for aiding toward a concise state-
iment of the facts embodied.

Part I
THE HYPERMETAMORPHIC BEETLES

_ Under this grouping we place those three families of Hetero-
mera, Meloidae, Rhipiphoridae, and Stylopidae, which undergo
hypermetamorphosijs and are parasitic in the larva form at least.

Heteromera is defined by Le Conte as having the front and
middle tarsi 5-, and hind tarsi 4-jointed. In Stylopidae will be
found exceptions to this rule which the author thinks, however,
due to parasitism. Their natural position is assuredly with the
three above named families. Heteromera is first divided as to
whether the coxal cavities are closed or open behind. The fam-
ilies under consideration have them open.

The next division is as to the constriction of the head at its
base. The families Monommidae, Melandryidae, Pythidae, and
Oedemeridae do not have the head strongly and suddenly con-
stricted at the base. The remainder of the families have the
head strongly constricted at the base. The Cephaloidae have
the head prolonged behind and gradually narrowed.

Mordellidae have the lateral suture of the thorax distinct; this
is also true of the Evaniocerini in the Rhipiphoridae. The other
families lack the lateral suture. In Mordellidae the antennae
are filiform, I1-jointed, and usually slightly thickened externally,
and the elytra are narrowed behind, exposing the tip of the
abdomen, though not truncate.

Anthicidae have the hind coxae not prominent; the antennae
I1-jointed, nearly filiform, and rarely flabellate.

154

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 3

Pyrochroidae have the hind coxae prominent, the claws simple,
and the head horizontal. The antennae are 11-jointed, serrate
or subpectinate in the female, and ramose in the male, very
nearly filiform.

The preceding families have normal metamorphosis so far as
known, are found on plants, and are not parasitic. The three
remaining families have hypermetamorphosis, and although the
first two families are found on plants in their adult and beginning
stages, they are parasites during the intermediate stages of
growth.

The Meloidae, like the preceding family, have large prominent
hind coxae. The claws are cleft or toothed. The vertex is verti-
cal. The antennae are, as a rule, filiform, though sometimes
thickened and sometimes reduced. Elytra frequently truncate.

The Rhipiphoridae have the prothorax at base as wide as the
elytra, while in the three preceding families it is narrower. The
antennae are I1-jointed (10-jointed in certain females), pectinate
or flabellate in the males, and frequently serrate in the females.
As in Meloidae, the elytra are truncate, sometimes being very

small (Mvyodites) and being entirely wanting in Riipidius female.

The claws are seldom simple.

The Stylopidae have a very much reduced prothorax, aborted
elytra, and reduced flabellate antennae in the males and complete
degeneration in the females.

From this brief review we find the place of the three parasitic
families lower than the other plant-feeding families. There is of
course degeneration in habits. Degeneration of the elytra and re-
duction in the number of antennal joints are the principal external
proofs of degeneration. It is interesting to note the increase
of flabellation in the antennae as we approach the last family.

Let us mention here a discrepancy which in our mind should
be overruled as being due to degeneracy rather than develop-
ment. Stylopidae will not run in tables to Heteromera because
of the number of tarsal joints. The fossil genus Triaena Menge
had five-jointed tarsi and two claws. Stylops and Xenos have
four-jointed tarsi and no claws. Halictophagus has tarsi three-
jointed and Elenchus two-jointed (apparently). This is as they
have been described.

159

4 W. Dwight Pierce

All three of these families are peculiar because of their para-
sitic habits. Meloidae and Rhipiphoridae are parasitic on Or-
thoptera and Hymenoptera, Stylopidae on Hymenoptera and
Homoptera. .

Among the Meloidae those parasitic on Orthoptera seem to be
the highest. Epicauta, Macrobasis, Mylabis, and Henous in
the adults show as a rule entire elytra. In the triungulins they
have large, powerful, toothed mandibles and maxillae, and spined
legs. They live on the eggs and young of grasshoppers, which
they must reach by active burrowing in the ground. They are
their own agents in transmission to the host.

Cantharis, Meloe, Apalus, Sitaris, and Hornia-show increased
degeneracy in the adults, to the complete loss of the wings and

‘almost entire reduction of the elytra in Hornia. In the triun-
gulins also may be noticed increasing degeneracy. These genera
and Horia, Leonidia, Zonitis, and Tetraonyx are known to be
parasitic on Hymenoptera. The larvae are conveyed, however,
to the host by some other insect—that is, they are passively con-
veyed. Their feet are specialized for clinging, not digging.
Their food is generally honey, hence the mouth-parts are reduced.

The Rhipiphoridae probably belong to a parallel line of descent.
The Evaniocerini are the highest in development; their habits
are not known. The Rhipiphorini and Myoditini are known to
be Hymenopterous parasites. In the latter at least it is known
that the transference to the host is passive. The Rhipidiini are
very degenerate. The oral organs are atrophied; the elytra

short, dehiscent; the wings not folded; the female is larviform,
without elytra or wings. Ahipidius is a parasite of Blattidae.

The Stylopidae seem very close to Rhipidius, having the oral
organs atrophied; elytra reduced, wings very simple; the female
being larviform, wingless, legless. Like Rhipidius, the eyes are
very large and prominent. ‘

There is an increase in ventral segments from five in
Evaniocerini to eight in Rhipidins and sometimes nine in Styl-
opidae. Stylopidae have lost the tarsal claws in the adult. In
the larvae, Rhipiphorus, Mvyodites, and Xenos have the feet slen-
der, terminated with a pad or sucker. Rhipiphorus has in addi-

’ 156

a

dd abe. Dieses evancaing eet “

thet her cthe Reese

ow

ee a

pies =

Some Hypermetamorplic Beetles 5

tion to the sucker several claws, Myodites one claw, and Xenos
none. All these larvae are Campodeaform.
am not prepared to enter into an extended discussion of the

‘hypermetamorphic beetles, but shall limit it to those features

actually studied or observed during my investigations. The value
of the present article should consist mainly in allowing others to

compare their views with those herein stated and to come to

definite conclusions thereby. Material is at hand for a discussion
of the Stylopidae, but it will be held back with the exception of
one description of a triunguloid.

For purposes of clearness and conciseness merely descriptions
and tables are included herewith, while all biological notes, which
refer entirely to Myodites, will be found in Part II.

RHIPIPHORIDAE

Myodites scaber Lec. A female, supposedly of this species,
was very kindly loaned me by Mr. Warren Knaus. The speci-
men was taken at McPherson, Kan., in June. The abdomen is
red as in solidaginis.

The following differences appear between it and solidaginis.
The pygidium in the former is red, in the latter black. The first
joint of the hind tarsus in scaber is long, very little thicker than
the second; in solidaginis it is stout and very thick, and more
than twice as Jong as the second and third joints together. The
abdomen of scaber is without median spots, while solidaginis
shows these in every one of over a hundred females examined.
The anterior tibiae of solidaginis are visibly longer than the tarsi,
while in scaber they are seemingly shorter than the tarsi.

Myodites solidaginis Pierce1 In addition to the preceding
notes on this species it is important to state that the male averages
the same size as the females. In one pair the male was larger
than the female.

In the characterization of this species the description of the
scutellum is erroneous. It should read: Scutellum triangu-
lar, impunctate, hidden by prothorax. Mesothorax very finely

densely punctate, pubescent, with well-developed, glabrous, me-

aa 1See pl. I, figs. 3, 12.

ee ee 7
ie . m

157

6 W. Dwight Pierce

dian carina. In the description of the anterior and median legs,

the word “tibiae” was used where “tarsi” was intended.

In the paper above alluded to a variety from Pine Ridge, Neb.,
was described. This specimen was taken in July. Aside from
the differences already given no more need be said, except that
if this is solidaginis var. it extends the range over the entire
state of Nebraska. Pine Ridge is a high, broken range of foot-
hills, of the Arikaree formation, varying from 4,300 to 5,000
feet, bordering on the barren Little Bad Lands in Sioux county
at the extreme northwest corner of the state.

Lincoln is in a comparatively flat country, on the other hand,
with an altitude from 1,100 to 1,200 feet. To the north and
west of the city lie extensive salt basins in the valley, of Salt
creek. Concerning these salt basins, Prof. Barbour says:* “The
area of salt land soil is too restricted to be mentioned, being
confined to Salt creek and other salt marshes near Lincoln.”

Myodites solidaginis is also found at West Point, Neb. This
latter place has no. salt land or alkaline earth, but does present
sandy flats in the vicinities near which Myodites is taken.

At Lincoln Myodites is only taken in the vicinity of the salt
basins.. In the latter part of August, from the 23d to the 27th,
it is difficult to find a Solidago plant without at least one beetle
feeding on its flowers.

Solidago missouriensis, S. canadensis, and S. rigida are the
common species, and each in its season is visited.

It is worthy to note the abundance of this particular species
in this locality as compared with the supposed scarcity of other
species of the genus Myodites in other parts. Reasons will be
suggested for this abundance in another place in this article.

A close examination of the buds of goldenrod at which Myo-
dites has been seen always results in finding one or more young
of this beetle. I shall use the term “‘triunguloid’”’ because of the
similarity to the triungulins. “Triungulin’’ would be a misnomer
for this larva and also for the Stylops larva.

The triunguloid is a light brown hexapod averaging about .82
mm. in length and .21 mm. in breadth, broadest toward the apex

1 Neb. Geol. Surv., I, 222.

158

© invade gel NA APU A gE dane A iRise eae rae Pe ee ee oe

res Fan)

NE ee ee ee ee re ee

:
>
i

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 7

of the metathorax, tapering to the apex. Head trapezoidal,

length and breadth almost equal, and but little narrower than
metathorax ; antennae with three joints and a terminal filament,
not as long as the head; labrum produced, entirely covering
mandibles, ‘inflexed at sides forming a little ridge below, also
bearing on each side in front of the mandibles a row of spines;
mandibles simple, short, curved inward; labial palpi short, soft,
two-jointed with base covered by mandibles. Legs well-armed
with spines ; coxae hollowed otit for the reception of the femora.
Tarsus apparently three-jointed with a long claw, almost entirely
concealed by a large, transparent, fleshy, elliptical sucker which is
double its length. Last ventrai segment constructed to serve as
a clasper or sucker.

For the comparison oi Myodites triunguloids with those of
Rhipiphorus, and also of the Meloidae and Stylopidae, the reader
is referred to the table at the close of Part I.

Myodites minimus n. sp.1. Male, Belmont, Neb., length 4 mm.

Head depressed, rather coarsely and unevenly punctate, clad
with very sparse, whitish pubescence; antennae doubly flabellate,
11-jointed, very finely punctate throughout; vertex between the
antennae elevated, rounded, not carinate. Prothorax very un-
evenly and coarsely punctate; laterally, basally, apically, and dis-
cally, glabrous, shining; pubescence very sparse; not carinate
and but slightly and very broadly grooved mesially toward apex.
Mesothorax with scutellum concealed; apical half coarsely punc-
tate; posterior margin straight. Mesothorax sparsely punctate;
postscutellum shining, glabrous, laterally converging, apically
truncate. Abdomen coarsely, sparsely, unevenly punctate; finely
but sparsely pubescent. Body sparsely punctate, pubescent be-
neath. Elytra sparsely and shallowy punctate. Posterior tarsi
with the first joint not remarkably elongate, as long as second
and third joints together, but not equaling the length of fourth,
apically thickened, twice as thick as succeeding joints, obliquely
truncate, and emarginate behind; second joint over twice as long
as third; claws as long as second joint, pectinate. Anterior and
median tibiae with the first joint equaling second and third com-

Pee. pk 2 her 11.

159

8 : W. Dwight Pierce

bined; of the first four joints each is a little longer than the one .

beyond ; fifth equaling second, third, and fourth combined.
Color: Antennae with stalk brown, and pectinations light yel-
lowish-brown, tipped with darker; elytra, anterior and median
legs about color of the pectinations of the antennae; posterior
legs somewhat darker; head and thorax black; abdomen dark
brownish; elytra hyaline, clouded at middle with brown.

Myodites fasciatus Say, brunneus n. var.?

Say’s description is so general that the author has not dared
to call this a typical fasciatus. Before deciding that this is Say’s
species, it would be necessary to see the type or topotype. The

first joint of the hind tarsi is as long as the succeeding three

_ joints, about once and a half as thick, and slightly emarginate
and obliquely truncate at tip. The abdomen has a distinct brown-
ish luster. The antennae are brown with black at base; elytra
reddish yellow; wings clouded with fuscous; legs light brown,
tarsi yellow; prothorax with abbreviated median line; 6 mm.;
West Point, Neb., June 20. Specimen in collection of the Uni-
versity of Nebraska.

A specimen at Manhattan, Kan., answers this description also:
5.5 mm.; Riley county, Kan.; Popenoe, May.

Melander and Brues in their paper on the genus Halictus
record this species as follows:

“Inasmuch as Fabre and others have found the larvae and
pupae of a member of this family in the cells of a European
species of Halictus, it is quite interesting to note the occurrence
of M. fasciatus about the colonies of the American form. Seyv-
eral specimens were taken while sweeping with the net among
the swarming bees as they entered and left their nests.”

The following table will aid in the determination of the species
of this genus, found in the United States. It is largely remodeled
from Le Conte, Trans. Am. Ent. Soc., 1880, vol. VIII, p. 210:

1See pl. I, fig. 10.

160

>>

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles

MYODITES LATR.*

. First joint of hind tarsi elevated, obliquely truncate and

emarginate at tip; elytra yellow.................
First joint of hind tarsi long, but slightly thicker, not
AMUN PEATE AG Fey saci ushas Ser) po Wa Ia cloths on

Female abdomen black, male abdomen black........ Wine
Female abdomen yellow or red, male abdomen ———;
or female abdomen ————; male abdomen dark

PDMS Dl sere ae Age sank elaticl Pon ta ovary. as tie
First joint of hind tarsi stout, not more than one-half
longer than second; prothorax sparsely punctured,

to

e,2)

smooth each side in front; 6 mm.; N. Y.luteipennis Lec.

First joint of hind tarsi long, somewhat thicker than the
second ; prothorax sparsely punctured behind, nearly

smooth: i dtomt;. 5. mm-;- Neve .e ss. nevadicus Lec.

Peeotoraxsamootlr Om GSC mls. Poysfea’e hod viewed pee Se
Promotaxmeusely punctutate oor. hy te Loe oe
First joint of hind tarsi stout and thick, not more than
one-half longer than the second; vertex sparsely
pumctired-“opitisely. comunded | .5 de are aye 4 as
First joint of hind tarsi long, thicker than the second,
and more than twice as long; vertex sparsely punc-
tured, not carinate; female abdomen yellow; 7.5

5

MENTE. Cova VaELs PONE oh, Se aah S.-i hl ee semiflavus Lec.

Honey yellow; prothorax with sides, median line and
base black; prothorax smooth; male unknown; fe-

male abdomen yellow; 7.3 mm.; Col...... popenoi Lec.

Black; prothorax smooth on disc, coarsely punctured at
base, apex, and sides; abdomen with dark brown
luster; female unknown; 4 mm.; Belmont, Neb...

Female abdomen red (according to the specimen owned
by Knaus, but yellow according to Le Conte) ; py-
gidium red; first joint of hind tarsi very long, very
little thicker than the second; prothorax and vertex

1See pl. I, figs. 10, 11, 12.
161

minimus Nn.

Sp.

Io

IO.

rhe

13:

W. Dwight Pierce

densely punctate, the latter carinate; 8 mm.; Indian

her, Wan, | Jlitie Se atvice totes nants cena paeme scaber Lec..

Female abdomen red; pygidium black; male abdomen
black; first joint of hind tarsi stout and very thick,
and more than twice as long as second and third
joints together; prothorax. and vertex densely punc-
tate; male antennae honey yellow; 7.9 mm.; July to
September, Solidago; Lincoln, Neb., West Point,

Neb.; Epinonua triangulifera Vachal host........
2 Haas Mennphe Vig BOLE MPa abe ola feog'e Scpondiop nis etal SOULUNC@ areca

Male abdomen black, antennae orange, Pine Ridge, Neb.,
Taille 25S PN acne ake aria saee solidagimis Pierce var.

. Elytra shining yellow, or black only at base; head and
orothorax: densély’ piitictate Lis. a ee ee 9
Elytra alutaceous, more or less blackish or piceous..... II

. Elytra entirely yellow; hind tarsi with the first joint as

long as the others united, scarcely thicker; 5 mm.;

Coan Si ROR or otc eer aig Cased e ota californicus Lec.
Pivita black at base ys Vi se visas oe alee sees cS ae ee 10
Body black; 6 mm.; Pa., Ill., Mo., Chloralictus pruinosus

A PROBS RLOSE "Ste hs cogs yicea Peas cane ve eee Oh mae ek fasciatus Say.

Female abdomen dark brown; first joint as long as suc-
ceeding three joints, about once and a half as thick,
and slightly emarginate and obliquely truncate at

tip; .6mm.; West Point, Neb... . .. oy Mee
RNS ioe Rihana fasciatus Say var., brunneus n. var.
Hund tibiaeyslightly. compressed /,: +40 >. .clavente eee I2

Hind tibiae strongly compressed; black, with small tes-
taceous elytral spot; 6 mm.; Fla.; Augochlora pura

DAV MOSES et cnibe ciao ny AR nae male schwarsi Lec.
2. Vertex strongly elevated and compressed; 6.5 mm.; N.

WY se(RASEHIE AM IOCE en. persth Octet female schwarzi Lec.
Vertex ‘feeblypetevated: (ive snnc ae tas is Scot iota ene 13
Pectus and abdomen densely punctured; 5 mm.; IIL,

INGO MEETS Woe ene Wiasak Sait SAC aay Se ae or oe ea te qwalshiit Lec.

Pectus and abdomen more strongly, less densely punc-:
tured ; 2.5-3 mm.; Can., N. Y., D. C.. stylopides Newm.

162

— a a

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles II

-(Myodites favicornis Say and americanus Guér. are not placed
in this table because of too general descriptions. )

Rhipiphorus acutipennis n. sp.!

Described from one male’ Lincoln, Neb., W. D. Pierce, and
from six females, July, Pine Ridge, Neb.; July 16, 1902, July 28,
1902 (two), Carns, Neb., W..D. Pierce; July, 1897, July 23,
1895, Grand Rapids, Mich., R. H. Wolcott. One of each sex in

_ the author’s collection ; females in the collection of the University
of Nebraska.

Length 7.5 mm.—9.5 mm.

See accompanying plate for structure of the prosternum and
legs.

Mae.—Body entirely black, elytra yellow with apex black.

Vertex slightly concave in front, above; upper edge acute; much
elevated, very shiny and sparsely punctured. Antennae ochra-
ceous. Thorax convex, slightly concave on each side of middle
at apex; posterior angles not produced; medianly angulate, hardly
produced, with apex emarginate, and with semicircular lobe ele-
vated just before apex, deeply concave behind; posterior lateral
angles and median lobe tinged with rosy color. Elytra con-
tinuous for very short distance at base, rapidly narrowing and
very acute at tips. Mandibles flattened at base, slightly concave
with a rosy tinge; acute at tips, furrowed below. Epistoma
long, apically rounded, slightly truncate. Anterior coxae sep-
arated in their entire length by a slender prolongation of the
prosternum. Second joint of posterior tarsi flattened above,
equaling and slightly longer than the third. Spurs of legs rufous,
claws yellowish. Body clad with very fine, sparse pubescence.

FemALeE.—Flagellum of antennae black, scape luteous. Basal
third of elytra black. Abdomen telescopic, in nature, last seg-
ments often drawn in beyond second segment.

1See pl. I, fig. 8.

163

12 W. Dwight Pierce

TABLE OF THE SPECIES OF RHIPIPHORUS OF THE UNITED STATES!

(Remodeled from Horn, Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc., 1875, vol.

Neues L225’)
Anterior coxae contiguous in their entire extent........ 2
Anterior coxae separated in nearly their entire length by
| a slender prolongation of the prosternum......... ye
2. Anterior tarsi of male spinulose beneath, elytra very acute 3
Anterior tarsi of male with three joints pubescent beneath 4
3. Basal lobe of thorax with a strong elevation; second joint
of hind tarsi not flattened above........ flavipennis Lec.
Basal lobe of thorax transversely notched at tip; second
joint of hind tarsi flattened above... .dimidiatus Fabr.
4. Second joint of hind tarsi shorter than third and flat above = 5
Second joint of hind tarsi longer than third, subcylindri-
cal; lobe of thorax neither carinate nor notched.
See ae EAE ay ot nN Catal EASA CPs ae gA cruentus Gere
es peor lobe with obtuse elevation and a deep fovea on
BaenM SIGal toy YS Pee oi oa iene we ars bifoveatus Horn
Thoracic lobe not elevated; surface regularly convex.... 6
6. Metasternum very densely punctulate, punctures closer to-
gether than their own diameter. ..octomaculatus Gerst.
Metasternum more shining, moderately punctured, punc-
tures distant at least their own diameter.........
Ra CRM re G Aine espe acd ear bat Se pectinatus Fabr.
7. Vertex scarcely elevated, obtuse, and nearly impunctate.. 8
Vertex much elevated, acute, sparsely punctured. Second
joint of hind tarsi flattened above, equaling and
slightly longer than the third; epistoma long, api-
cally rounded, slightly truncate...... acutipennis nN. sp.
8. Second joint of hind tarsi longer than half the third and
not flattened above; epistomma oval........ linearis Lee.
Second joint of hind tarsi shorter than half the third and
flattened above; epistoma truncate...... limbatus Fabr.

1See pl. I, figs. 8, 9.

164

-*

a:

Some Hypermetamorphic Bectles 13

STYLOPIDAE!

This family of beetles has always presented difficulties to en-
tomologists and probably will for some time to come. On ac-
count of their peculiarities a large amount of literature has been
written about them. But from all this literature a very smail
proportion of facts can be obtained, the remainder being expres-
sions of doubt, or surmises which prove incorrect. If a student
were to apply himself to the task and make careful collections
he ought to have no difficulty in procuring a large amount of
material. The editor of the Entomological News in a note, Oc-
tober, 1903, states that from two nests of Polistes texanus Cress.
from Pecos, Texas, one hundred and forty wasps emerged and
thirty-four were stylopized by Xenos sp. ‘Most of the Xenos
appeared to be females, and only four males were secured. Many
of the wasps had a number of parasites on them.”

-Mr. Hubbard in the Can. Ent., 1892, pp. 257-61, states that he
found Polistes americanus Fabr. from Florida very commonly
stylopized by Xenos sp. Mr. Hubbard found that the males were
numerous, that they emerged early in the morning, lived but
fifteen or twenty minutes, and that the Polistes crushed them to
pulp as soon as they fell to the ground, dead. This accounts
for the scarcity of males in collections. Mr. Hubbard suggests
that if the cage were provided with a false floor of wire netting
through which the dead Nenos could fall, perhaps more speci-
mens could be procured.

Since most of the literature on the subject is available, the
author will merely give the bibliography and confine his remarks
mainly to observations made upon the material at hand through
the aid of the works listed.

THE GENERA OF STYLOPIDAE

Antennae with third joint lobed or flabellate........... I
1. Antennae with four joints, fourth simple; tarsi four-
POMIEE Gs cco. Nan. Sa DU pats as WE gM iy Oe ante Xenos Rossi
(Pseudoxenos Saund., Paraxenos Saund., Hylechthrus
Said.) >

1See pl. I, figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, 13; pl. I, figs. 3, 4.
165

14 W. Dwight Pierce

Antennae, with more than four joints... 2... 220. J. ele 2
2. pomts following third simples). ¢.).5 45's «ht sae eee 3
Joints. tollowine third, not all ‘simple. 5 455%... sean 4
3. Antennae five-jointed, last two elongate; tarsi apparently
only two-jomted.-afs SS USe ees See Elenchus Curtis
Antennae six-jointed, last three not very much longer
than third; tarsi four-jointed........... Stylops Kirby
4. Antennae seven-jointed, fourth joint flabellate; tarsi five-
jointed with two claws........ (fossil) Triaena Menge
Antennae seven-jointed, fourth, fifth, and sixth joints
flabellate; tarsi three-jointed...... Halictophagus Dale

(Myrmecolax, parasitic on ants, and Colacina Westw., parasitic
on Homoptera, the author can not locate in default of descrip-
tions. )

Genus Xenos; type X. vesparum Rossi; August; Europe and
America. .

Genus Stylops; type S. melittae Kirby; March 15, May 15;
Europe and America.

Genus Elenchus; type E. tenuicornis Kirby; June-August;
England, Mauritius.

Genus Halictophagus; type H. curtisii Dale; August 15; Eng-
land.

Genus Triaena; type T. tertiaria Menge; fossil in amber.

Genus Colacina; type C. insidiator Westw.; Sarawak.

Genus Xenos.

The genus Xenos is supposed to be found exclusively on wasps,
while Stylops is supposed to occur in bees. Hence when a spe-
cies of Xenos is taken from a bee it is immediately suspected to
be a new species.

While collecting bees about nine o’clock a.m. on August 10,
1903, on the garden squash, Mr. J. C. Crawford, Jr., of West
Point, Neb., took a species of Panurginus, in the body of which -
were two female Xenos, and in his collecting tube, flying fran- .
tically about, was found a maie Xenos. It had probably been in
copula with one of the females when taken,

166

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 15

Xenos pulvinipes, n. sp.!

Mare.—Length.2 mm.; color, very dark brown with light
yellowish legs.

Antennae four-jointed; first and second joints externally
obliquely truncate, emarginate, for the reception of the following
joint, very short; third joint with stem as short as preceding
joints but elongated anteriorly into a very long, ribbon-like la-
mella which twists around the fourth joint; fourth joint sur-
passing third by length of stem of first three; third and fourth
joints very slightly inflated, thickly covered with very fine hairs
and very closely provided with large sensory pores. Eyes globu-
lar; lenses few, large, and separated by slightly raised, densely
pubescent partitions.

The mouth-parts of Stylopidae are not well understood, and
the author is not able to give a perfect description because of
the fact that the type is mounted with the head turned partially
sideways and also because of the difficulty of viewing the object
with a high power and obstructed light. Three distinct pairs of
mouth appendages are, however, visible. The first is a trans-
parent yellow lancet-shaped appendage, curved slightly at the
base, toothed near tip, obliquely truncate and acute at tip. This
the author regards as the mandible, but as there is no proof as
to its point of attachment, nothing definite can be said. The next.
pair seem to be the maxillae or maxillary palpi. They are three-
jointed, the first and second joints about equal and moderately
long, the third very long and broadly flattened. The third pair
appear to be merely single-jointed appendages (the base, how-
ever, is obscured), and are nearly as long as the third joint of
the maxillary palpi. This is probably the labial palpus.

The prothorax is a mere band. The mesothorax is about dou-
ble the length of the prothorax. The metathorax is composed
of the typical parts named by Westwood. Following Westwood’s
nomenclature, the lumbi of the scutum do not meet in the center
and are somewhat elevated, with the interior margin rounded;
the praescutum and scutellum are distinctly separated, but to-
gether resemble a spindle; the postlumbium is shield-shaped,

1See pl. I, fig. 1.
167

16 W. Dwight Pierce

rounded behind, lower than the scutellum, rather concave, me-
dianly longitudinally ridged, closely, finely punctate, yellowish;
postscutellum long, narrow, surpassing the femoralia which cover
the sides of the body and several abdominal segments. The
thorax, with the exception of the postlumbium, is finely pubescent.
Elytra short, narrow, apically thickened and rumpled into many
ridges, thickly pubescent. Wings large, surpassing abdomen,
consisting merely of the primary veins, costa, subcosta, radius,
and media from the costal stalk and cubitus and anus from the
anal stalk; radius arises from sub-costa; none of the veins are
branched. The legs can be illustrated better than described. All
have four tarsal joints, and these joints each inserted far before
the apex of the preceding and with the apex sucker-like. The
coxa of the first two pair seems to be single-jointed, long, while
the posterior pair apparently has a rather short coxa and a long
trochanter. The femora and tibiae are on all pairs longitudinally
obliquely furrowed.

The abdomen is short and is mainly characterized by the pe-
culiar genital apparatus. From the anal opening there projects
a tube, which is immediately dilated, then turned and narrowed
into a very acute curved process.

FemMALE.'—A mere sac with chitinized head and neck. Sur-
face closely reticulately marked. Color flavus, with neck and gen-
eralized head-structures darker to very dark brown.

Owing to certain limits on the present article a brief statement
of existent structures will be made here and complete drawings
will accompany this article, but the detailed discussion of the
structures must be published later in a distinct article. Speci-

mens at hand show clearly the existence of several species. Cer-—

tain characters lead us to believe that pulvinipes belongs to an
undescribed genus. The head is rhomboidal, narrowed in front

and constricted behind the eyes. The eyes are distinct and promi-—

nent, not faceted. The nerve cord leading to the eyes is very
easily found. The mouth-parts are retracted but distinct.
Breathing pores are distinct on each side of the body, on each
segment.

SOS pl. wl fie Gar" \
108°

~~

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 17

Certain authors have called that part which protrudes from
the body of the host the cephalo-thorax. Owing to the fact that
the eyes are located at the posterior end of this structure we
must consider it the head, and the constricted neck the thorax.
The organs of the head cast aside all doubt as to its identity.
Considerable work remains to be done on these structures, and
more material is desirable.

Xenos (?) sp.t :

The triunguloid of this species is brown, robust, very small.
Length .158 mm.; width at second abdominal segment .063 mm.
Head shorter than broad; eyes not prominent, consisting of
several little blotches of pigment; antennae very small, not as
long as eyes are wide (impossible to magnify high enough to
ascertain their character) ; mandibles short, acuminate, about as
long as eyes, immediately in front of eyes, not meeting at mid-
dle; other mouth parts too small to recognize distinctly. Legs
short, slender, weak, hardly equaling in length the width of the
prothorax ; tibiae terminated by long, almost invisible acuminate
pad, which is strongly convex on the edge and almost equals in
length the tibiae. Body enlarging gradually to second abdom-
inal and then narrowing to the last segment, which is squarely
truncate and terminated at each side by a short tubercle, bearing
a long, stout, acuminate stylet, which equals about six segments
of the abdomen. Dorsum armed with many short stout spines
at the apical edge of each segment; venter armed with ‘but few
spines on each abdominal segment.

Twenty-one hundred and fifty-two of these were actually
counted as the offspring of one female. They were extracted
from the parent’s body, in which large numbers of eggs still
undeveloped were also found. The parent was found in An-
drena solidaginis taken in September at Lincoln.

Two other females of the same species taken from a specimen
of Andrena solidaginis, dated September 18, 1903, appear to be
mere sacs full of larvae, many of which have already worked
their way to the head. On the other hand two females taken
September 30, 1903, on Andrena solidaginis are full of unde-

1See pl. I, fig. 18.

169

18 W. Dwight Pierce

veloped eggs. The same remark concerning these females is ap-
plicable as the one applied to the female of Xenos pulvinipes.

HYPERMETAMORPHIC TRIUNGULOIDS

Following is a table of the triunguloids or first larvae of these
parasitic beetles, drawn from specimens at hand and published
descriptions :

1.. Typical triungulins, 1. e., with three claws. .... crane 2
Triunguloids, not having three claws, but possessing a

prilvillus sor, SUCKS j.i4sie. mn cictae ie oes Soe eae ey ee 8

2. Abdomen provided with caudal setae................. 3
Abdomen provided with caudal spinning apparatus or

SUCK Ei 2 ioe tas eipeiees ol eee eh win ae Gefen, (eee re eee 7

get HOracic: yomnts wneqiall yi 0. o-c.we eer. aes a oo ow tors 4

Photacte joints: subequal Mir. Gl yt halen Noa oes 6
4. Mandibles and maxillae powerful; femora slender ; tibiae

well armed; tarsal claws slender, spine-like....... 5

5. Mandible toothed; antennae short, last joint bilobed. Epicauta
(Macrobasis, Nalabeas Henous also belong here.)
6. Antennae long; mandibles toothless; femora slender;
{ tesetables\ A Pica) ox wie ccs Pees Soe Cantharis
Antennae four-jointed with apical bristle; mandibles
acute, sinuate, not toothed ; femora stout, legs spine-
Lesa S en an ba Peer EAC ae acca ele als ate Meloe
(Apalus belongs near Meloe.)
7. Femora stout; legs spineless; tarsal claws strong, ar-
ticulating; mandibles toothed; antennae three-

yomted with’ a Jong apical bristle, 2: 2. tas ese Sitaris
8. Tibiae tipped with sucker or pulvillus, and claws....... 9
Tibiae tipped with a pad or pulvillus, only........... 10

. Tibiae ending in two or three claws supported by a large
transparent pulvillus or sucker of twice their
length; each abdominal segment with short lateral
spine pointing backwards; last segment terminated
by a large double sucker similar to those of the
Lee gw me Ol ait 2 Etech ole Rhipiphorus paradoxus

Ke)

1See p!. I, figs. 3, 13, 14, 15; pl. IJ, figs. 1, 2, 3.
170

setts eu peal

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 19

- Tibiae bearing an appendage apparently 3-jointed, as a

tarsus, and terminated by a curved claw, almost
concealed by a large semi-transparent elliptical pul-
villus of twice its length; next to last segment lat-
erally armed with long hairs ; last ventral terminated
abylan-ellipticalisuckerd. v0 2.42. Myodites solidaginis

to.-Abdomen squarely truncate behind, not greatly nar-

1824.

18309.
1875.

1877.

1878.
1878.

1879.

~ 1880.

rowed, armed with two long stylets from posterior
corners Stylops, Xenos

CALIFORNIA MELOE

__ @, Triungulin; 6, the three triungulin claws; c, antenna of same; d, max-
illary palpus; ¢, labial palpus; 7, mandible; ¢, an abdominal joint; #,imago,
female; 7, antenna of male.—[ After Riley from Packard. ]

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Say, Entomology of North America, II, 162 (Lec. ed.,
1883).

Westwood, Jnsects, vol. I, 291-95.

Horn, Notes on the Species of Rhipiphorus of the United
States, Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc., V, 121-25.

Riley, On the Larval Characteristics and Habits of the
Blister Beetles, First Ann. Rept. Ent. Com., 293-302.

Riley, Notes on Hornia, Can. Ent., X, 178.

Riley, On the Life History of Some Blister Beetles, Ent.
Month. Mag., XIV, 169-75.

Taschenburg, Familie Blasenkaefer, Afterkaefer, WKaefer,
QI-08.

Le Conte, Myodites Laitr., Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc., VIII,
210-12.

; 171

20 W. Dwight Pierce

1880. Notes on Myodites, Trans. Amer. Ent. Soc., VIII, p.
2p) ;

1885. Henshaw, Check List Coleopt N. A.

1892. Kirby, Text-Book of Entomology, 306.

1895. Comstock, Manual for Study of Insects, 580.

1898. Packard, Text-book of Entomology, 688-710. .

1899. Sharp, Cambridge Natural History, V1, 267-75.

1899. Cockerell, A New Meloid Beetle Parasite on Anthophora,
Psyche, VIII, 416-17.

1902. Pierce, d New Myodites, Can. Ent.,.X XXIV, 293-94.

1903. Melander & Brues, Guests and Parasites of the Burrowing
Bee Halictus, Biol. Bull. Marine Biol. Lab., V, 23.

Part II.
THE BIOLOGY OF MYODITES SOLIDAGINIS

Myodites solidaginis occurs in great abundance near Lincoln,
and hence affords an excellent study in the life history of these
parasitic beetles. In discussing this problem the following rec-
ords and data based on personal observation are placed first.
These are followed by the writer’s conclusions.

RECORDS

Following is a complete list of records of the adults of this

species to date:

Pine Ridge, Neb., July (M. solidaginis var.).

Lincoln, July 29, 1903; S. missouriensis, single female; Pierce. '

West Point, August 3, 1903; flying, single female; Crawford.

Lincoln, August 17, 1903; S. canadensis, 12 females, ovipositing ;
Pierce.

Lincoln, August 19, 1903; S. muissouriensis, S. canadensis, S.
rigida, 22 females, ovipositing; Pierce, Swenk.

Lincoln, August 21, 1902; Solidago all species, many females
ovipositing or feeding; Pierce.

Lincoln, August 23, 1903; I male in hole of Epinomia triangu-
lifera Vachal, pygidium of male in cast of hole, 3 males ~

172

Aig inherent Te

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 21

hovering around holes, several others seen but not taken;
ay LD? Pierce; aR, Gu Pierce.

Lincoln, August 24, 1901; large numbers of females on all spe-
cies of Solidago; Pierce, Cary. |

Lincoln, August 25, 1901; a large swarm of males hovering over
the holes of a colony of bees of several genera; Crawford.
These bees are listed elsewhere in this article (Part III).

Lincoln, August 26, 1901; females on Solidago; Pierce.

‘Lincoln, August 27, 1901; pairs on Solidago; Pierce.

Lincoln, August 30, 1903; single female on Solidago rigida;
Swenk. .

Myodites is a Solidago visitor and parasitic on Epinomia. The
latter is only a visitor of Helianthus. This fact indicates the
existence of an intermediate host or carrier; hence there is a
necessity: for first ascertaining something concerning other Soli-
dago insects.

SOLIDAGO INSECTS

A list of bees frequenting the blossoms of Solidago, especially
rigida, has been carefully prepared for the author by Mr. J. C.
Crawford of West Point, Neb., and Mr. M. H. Swenk of. the
State University. This list is large and by itself can give little
aid. Since Myodites appears with Solidago and disappears with
it, we may safely say that some one of these bees is probably
either a permanent or temporary host.

The following is the list of the bees taken on Solidago rigida
at Lincoln and West Point, the two known homes of Myodites
solidaginis, by Mr. Crawford and Mr. Swenk.

Bombidae (Bumble Bees—colonial).

Bombus americanorum Fabr. West Point, September 18,
Crawford.

.B. pennsylvanicus DeGeer (Bombias auricoma Rob.). West
Point, September 18, 1903, September I9, 1903, Craw-
ford.

B. scutellaris Cress. (Bombias). West Point, September 12,
1903, September 19, 1903, Crawford.

B. separatus Cress. (Bombias). West Point, September 8,
1903, September 20, 1903, Crawford.

173

22 W. Dwight Pierce

B, vagans Sm.(?). West Point, September 12, 1903, Craw-
ford.
Psithyridae (False Bumble Bees—parasitic).
Psithyrus variabilis Cress. West Point, September 8, 1903,
September 21, 1903, Crawford.
Anthophoridae (solitary bees).
Anthophora sp.(?). Lincoln, September 4, 1903, Swenk.
Melissodes agilis Cress. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bru-
ner. ;
Melissodes sp. West Point, Crawford.
Nomadidae (Cuckoo Bees—parasitic).
Triepeolus concavus Cress. (Epeolus). West Point, Sep-
tember 18, 1903, Crawford.
Triepeolus helianthi Rob. West Point, moe 12, 1903,
Crawford.
Epeolus scutellaris Say. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bru-
THETA Der
Epeolus sp. Lincoln, August 27, 1902, Swenk.
Epeolus sp. West Point, Crawford.
Nomada sp. Lincoln, August 27, 1902, Swenk.
Melanomada grindeliae Ckll. (Nomada). Lincoln, August
27, 1902, Swenk.
Ceratinidae (Small Carpenter Bees).
Ceratina tejonensis Cress. (C. calcarata Rob.). West Point,
September 19, 1903, Crawford.
Megachilidae (Mason, Leaf-cutting, and Potter Bees).
Osmiinae (Mason Bees).
Ashmeadiella sp. Lincoln, August 19, 1903, Pierce.
Megachilinae (Leaf-cutting Bees).
Megachile latimanus Say. West Point, September 18, 1903,
Crawford.
Megachile sp. West Point, September 10, 1903, Crawford.
Megachile sp. Lincoln, September 4, 1903, Swenk.
Stelidae (Parasitic Bees).
Coelioxinae.
Neopasites heliopsis Rob. Lincoln, August 27, 1902,
Swenk.

174

| Mere
VS pa
2 ae {

Eta

ns

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 23

Neopasites illinoiensis Rob. West Point, September 6,

' 1900, September 12, 1900, Crawford.

Coelioxys sp. West Point, September 10, 1901, Crawford.

_ Panurgidae.

Halictoides marginatus Cress. West Point, September 12,
1903, Crawford; Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bruner,
Pierce; August 24, 1902, Crawford.

Cockerellia albipennis Cress. (Perdita). West Point, Sep-
tember 18, 1903, Crawford.

Perdita aftinis Cress. Lincoln, August 30, September 4,
1903, Swenk; West Point, September 10, September IT,
1901, Crawford.

Perdita bruneri Ckll. West Point, September 10, 1901, Sep-
tember 11, 1901, Crawford.

Perdita crawfordi Ckll. Lincoln, August 30, 1902, Septem-
ber 4, 1903, Swenk.

Panurginus nebraskensis Crfd. Lincoln, August 24, 1902,
Crawford; West Point, September 12, 1901, Crawford.

Panurginus sp. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bruner.

Panurginus spp. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Pierce; Au-
gust 30, September 4, 1902, Swenk.

Calliopsis coloradensis Cress. West Point, September 12,
1900, September 12, 1901, August 30, 1903, Crawford.

Andrenidae (Acute-tongued Burrowing Bees).
Andreninae.

Epinomia triangulifera Vachal (Nomia persimilis Cll).
West Point, September 10, 1901, Crawford.

Andrena helianthi Rob. West Poirit, September 12, 1903,
Crawford.

Andrena nubecula Sm. West Point, September 12, 1903,

| Crawford; Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bruner,
Pierce.

Andrena pulchella Rob. West Point, September Io, Igo1,
September 8, 1903, September 12, 1903, Crawford; Lin-
coln, August 24, 1902, Crawford.

Andrena solidaginis Rob. Lincoln, August 30, 1902, Sep-
tember 4, 1903, Swenk, September 18, 1903, Bruner.

175

24 W. Dwight Pierce

Andrena albovirgata Ckll. West Point, September 8, 1903,
September 20, 1903, Crawford.

Andrena truncata Vier. West Point, September, Crawford.

Halictinae. |

Augochlora humeralis Patton. West Point, September 19,
1903, Crawford.

Agapostemon texanus Cress. Lincoln, September 18, 1903,
Pierce.

Agapostemon viridulus Fabr. Lincoln, September 18, 1903,
Bruner; West Point, September 19, 1903, September
20, 1903, Crawford.

Halictus fasciatus Nyl. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bru-
ner. :

FHalictus ligatus Say. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Bruner.

Halictus sp. West Point, Crawford.

Sphecodinae.
Sphecodes sp. West Point, Crawford.
Colletidae (Obtuse-tongued Burrowing Bees).

Colletes armatus Patton. Lincoln, September 4, 1903,
Swenk.

Colletes americanus Cress. West Point, Crawford.

Colletes willistoni Rob. Lincoln, September 18, 1903,
Pierce.

Prosopidae (Obtuse-tongued Carpenter Bees). .

Prosopis bakeri Ckll. Lincoln, September 18, 1903, Pierce;
West Point, September, Crawford; Nebraska City, Car-
riker.

The principal beetles found on Solidago are the following:

. Chauliognathus pennsylvanicus Lec.
. Nemognatha immaculata Say.

. Nemognatha sparsa Lec.

. Zonitis bilineata Say.

Epicauta pennsylvanica DeG.
Myodites solidagims Pierce.

An fpwnd

:
“
‘i 4

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 25

TRIUNGULOID CARRIERS

An examination of all the insects included in the above lists
disclosed the fact that several of them, perhaps all, at various
times become temporary hosts or carriers of the Myodites triun-
guloids. Following are the results of the investigation:

A lot of twenty-two Solidago bees taken by Mr. Swenk on
August 8 was first examined. Not one showed signs of triun-

- guloids.

Under the date of August 19, 1903, Ashmeadiella was found
to bear a triunguloid. (Ashmeadieila is a mason bee living in
stumps, etc.)

Under date of August 27, 1902, twenty-six bees were exam-
med, of which ten bore larvae. Four were taken on Melanomada
grindeliae. This bee is a parasite on ground-dwelling bees and
will be considered later. Four were taken on Neopasites heli-
opsis; this bee is also a parasite on ground-dwelling bees. One
was taken on Cockerellia, a ground-dwelling bee. Nine were on
Epeolus, another parasite of ground-dwelling bees. One was on
Cerceris, a predaceous wasp; four on Halictoides sp., and one
on Andrena solidaginis, both of which are ground-dwelling bees.

On examining the collection of adults of Myodites itself, bet-
ter results were obtained, which indicate that it is probably the
principal carrier. Twenty-seven males were examined without
evidence of the larvae, and out of ninety-two females examined
only five bore larvae. Of these, three bore one apiece and were
dated August 17, 1903, August 19, 1903, August 21, 1902. One
collected August 24, 1901, held two; one collected August 26,
Igol, held five.

Having found triunguloids on bees of certain dates, the period
at which they might be found elsewhere was indicated. Exam-
inations of the buds of Solidago were made at various times.
On August 17 and 19, 1903, small quantities of Solidago clusters
were gathered, and from these twenty-two good specimens of
the triunguloid were found. On September 19, 1903, two larvae
were taken on goldenrod, one dead, the other alive. On August
21, 1903, several holes of Epinomia were dug out, and from the

177

26 W. Dwight Pierce

cells of these, fifteen larvae were collected, all of them consider-
ably shortened and broader than those taken from the flowers.

A list of the dwellers in the Epimomia community will be found
in Part III.

Additional data concerning the host consist in the finding of
males in swarms at the holes on August 23, 1903, and August
25, 1901, and in the finding on the former date portions of the
males in the casts of the holes and about the holes, where they
had been caught by tiger beetles.

RESULTS AND FINDINGS

The results of these inquiries are embodied below:

I. Oviposition takes place in the spring. All observations in-
dicate this. The eggs are laid in the green buds of the goldenrod.
The female probably dies soon afterward.

II. The triunguloid soon hatches and when the bud opens
climbs to a prominent place, where it erects itself by the caudal
sucker and patiently awaits the advent of a*host. It probably
takes nourishment first from the Solidago. My reasons are:

1. There is a great increase in size between the minute egg
and the triunguloids.

.2. If vegetable food were not necessary it would be strange
for the adult to lay its eggs on a plant which the host does not
visit. The egg would either be laid on Helianthus (no Myodites
was ever taken from Helianthus), or the female would lay them
in the vicinity of or in the holes of the hosts.

III. The triunguloid attaches itself to any host whatever which
is provided with hairs, and in fact shows no preference to any
particular portion of the host’s body.

IV. Many triunguloids perish. The bees, Ashmeadiella, never
approach the holes. The probability is that many such cases
would be found by close study. One larva was found dead on
goldenrod probably due to inability to cling to a host.

V. Vast numbers of larvae reach Epinomia holes. Eight of
the nine found on bees were on visitors or residents of the Epi-
nomia community. A much greater number were found on
Myodites females. These females undoubtedly hibernate in the

-178

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 27

t
Epimomia holes. The largest number of larvae taken from any
one kind of location were in the cells of the Epinomia holes.

V1. The Rhipiphoridae are supposed to undergo that process
of hypermetamorphosis which is found typically in the Meloidae.
Following I give a brief outline of this type of transformation:

The eggs are laid in various localities according to the species.
The first larva is a triungulin, and is called the instar or cam-
podeoid larva. The behavior of the triungulin diverges along two
lines. Members of one group love the dark, and immediately
after birth commence to burrow. These are parasitic on Or-
thoptera. The other group love the light, and they immediately
find their way to some flower if not there already. These dre
mainly parasitic on Hymenoptera and must be carried to the
nests of their hosts. Hence they are well developed for clinging
to a hair or leg or wing. In the nest they live on the eggs, pollen,
honey, or larvae. This parasitic life causes a degeneration of
form and after the first moult the larva has the form of a Carabid
larva, and is hence called the carabidoid stage of the second larva.
The next two moults each shows more degenerate forms, which
are called respectively the scarabaeidoid stage and the ultimate
_ stage of the second larva. In these stages the larvae are active.
The next moult gives the pseudopupa or coarctate larva, which
is semiquiescent. This is generally the stage of hibernation.
In the spring the third larva, bearing the same shape as the
pseudopupa but being more active, appears. This in a short
time moults again into the normal pupal stage.

Dr. T. A. Chapman says that Rhipiphorus paradoxus has only
three larval stages, in the first of which, after reaching the wasp
hole, it lives within the body of its larval host; in the second of
which it emerges from the body and clings to the exterior, suck-
ing the body juices, and remaining in this position during the
third stage, until fully developed, when it leaves the bee hole and
burrows off to the side in order to escape the effects of the
rotting host, and transforms into a pupa.

It will probably be difficult to trace these stages of Myodites
because of its being found two feet underground.

VII. In early August the hibernating females come out and
Oviposit in great numbers.

179

28 W. Dwight Pierce:

VIII. About the 21st of August the transforming generations
commence to mature. In a few days they are very active, vis-

iting the flowers for nourishment. During this period fertiliza-

tion takes place.

IX. During the first part of August there are three generations
of Myodites—the fertilizing adults, which are ovipositing, their
offspring, and the alternating brood which is in the holes, about
ready to emerge.

X. Certain reasons for the abundance of MWyodites seem very
plausible.

1. The host is in its prime in this locality. Epinomia trian-
gulifera occurs at West Point, Neb., Lincoln, Neb., western Kan-
sas, and New Mexico. In Nebraska it is most numerous at
Lincoln. Its only parasite of much importance is Myodites, and
its greatest enemy is Cicindela. Helianthus is in abundance, as
are also good breeding places. These breeding places are free
from cultivation or any artificial disturbances, being subject only
to floods. Abundance of host provides for the abundance of
parasites.

2. The food plant is not distant from the holes. The insects
are only found on Solidago in the vicinity of the holes.

3. No enemies except Cicindela have been noted. The only
apparent dangers to the triunguloids are miscarriage, that is,
attachment to insects which will not conduct them to the holes,
and complete lack of carriers (this is not likely).

4. All data seem to point to the carrying of the triunguloids
by their own species to the holes of their hosts. The carrier is
merely an inquiline, while the triunguloid is a parasite. Since
Myodites is the most numerous Solidago insect, the probability
is that a large proportion of the triunguloids therefore reach
their proper destination.

“180

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 29
Part III
EPINOMIA

Epinomia triangulifera Vachal is a large black bee, recorded
only from New Mexico, western Kansas, and Lincoln, Neb. As
already stated in the preceding text, it lives colonially on the salt
basins of Lincoln. Ten large communitiest of these bees are
known to the author, all within one square mile.

The region is alkaline, but is generally covered with many wild
flowers and grasses. Three railways traverse this area, one of
them having two branches. Oak creek and Salt creek approach
each other quite closely, and between them are at least seven or
eight ponds filled by the spring overflows of the two creeks.
The ponds are really due to excavations made in building the
railroad embankments. The country being low and subject to
many overflows, the railroads have found it necessary to raise
their tracks about ten feet. Where these excavations have been
made are found the bee colonies. Plants are absent, the ground
is hard, not under cultivation, and only occasionally bothered by
sheep or cattle grazing from the packing houses. Each com-
munity is bounded by an elevation of ground about a foot or so
high in which are the nests of numerous insects.

Although the author’s work hitherto at these colonies has been
of secondary importance, it will henceforth be taken up as thor-
oughly as possible. For several years one or two of these col-
onies have been known, and during the past summer several
others have been found. <A study of a single colony will suffice
to explain the conditions. As already stated, the only adverse
conditions are those brought about by nature. These conditions,
however, are very numerous and will appear throughout the
discussion.

The first community studied was several hundred feet long
and not more than ten feet wide, on an elevation of a foot or so

1The term community is here applied to such gatherings, as exhibited by
Epinomia, in which in a certain limited region are myriads of individual
homes, possessed often by very different species. Usually some species pre-

dominates and that species givesthe name to the community. Several colo-
nial societies might exist in the midst of a community.

I8I

BO Mire W. Dwight Pierce

above the surrounding ground. On a sunny day in summer,
from late July to early September, the air is full of busy buzzing
bees and many other insects. The Epinomia holes are 7 mm.
in diameter at the entrance and are usually surrounded with a
little embankment of tiny particles of earth. The holes are usu-
ally not more than four or five inches apart, so that in general
appearance the community resembles a great expanse of ant-hills.
Between the Epinomia holes are numerous other holes varying
in sizes down to I mm. and even less. The appearance and dis-
appearance of certain large holes soon denotes the presence of
Cicindela larvae, and generally little observation is required to
find one or more Epinomiae or other insects frantically struggling
on the ground in their attempts to free themselves from Cicin-
dela, The beetles are represented mainly by Cicindela fulgida
“Say, both the red and the undescribed melanistic forms, and C.
iogata Laf., although C. punctulata Fab. is also found. Certain
larger holes are those of Ammophila pictipennis Walsh. This
wasp has been observed dragging large caterpillars to its hole
with great industry. It is not very numerous, there being not
more than four or five located within the precincts of the bee
community, as a general rule.

Although he has examined carefully the contents of a large
number of holes in his search for Myodites, the author has not
made any complete casts. In several cases he has had to do the
work alone and has been limited in time. The communities are
some distance from the city, and time has prevented leaving
the casts long enough to become well hardened. The holes re-
quire a large amount of plaster and considerable time is c6n-
sumed in pouring it. In the future a more careful study of
these holes will be made. For this it will be necessary to devise
some means for the escape of the air bubbles which have made
the work more difficult. Professor Smith in his Notes on Digger
Bees has very well outlined the details for careful work of this
kind, and his plans will probably be adopted.

The holes generally enter the ground perpendicularly, although
sometimes at a slight incline. They take a very nearly perpen-
dicular course throughout, sometimes not varying more than an

182

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 31

inch or so from it. The depth varies from fifteen to twenty-two
inches or even more. The diameter of the hole is invariable
throughout except for the slight irregularities necessarily due to
mandibular action. The holes are not enlarged at the bottom,
but are evenly and very regularly rounded. Side chambers are
found below twelve inches, varying from abandoned galleries of
one-quarter’inch to an inch and a half. These chambers are
generally horizontal and are of the same diameter exactly as the
main hole. Occasionally the hole will branch out on its down-
ward path and have two main passages. That smaller holes
enter these is very noticeable. Some of these holes are hardly
larger than a pin in diameter. and reach the main hole by down-
ward, horizontal, or upward directions. They undoubtedly be-
long to some parasites not yet observed. In many cases roots
were found to have entered the holes near the bottom and coiled
themselves to form a neat nest in which the bee had deposited
pollen masses.

The contents of one certain cell has occasioned a great deal of
discussion among those consulted. Not varying whatever in
size or shape, it was found to contain at its bottom a very com-
pact mass of skeletal remains of the small sunflower snout-
beetle, probably Smicronyx fulvus, or a nearly related species.
Consider that the hole is not enlarged as is customary among
wasps; that these were found at least a foot and a half below
ground; that sunflower does not exist within a large radius from
the holes; that the beetle and also Epinomia are typical Helian-
thus insects; that the only wasps found at the holes besides
Ammophila are too small to carry the beetle; that the tiger beetle
does not customarily visit the sunflower for its prey; that the
beetles would not come of their own accord in such number to a
single hole; that the only insect at the holes which might be
suspected are tiger beetles, bees, and wasps. The author does
not attempt to explain. Mr. Titus writes as follows: “I have
never found a beetle in any [nest] which I have examined.
Cerceris spp. do store food in the nests of some bees and Sphexv
sp. will store grasshoppers in nests of spider and Melissodes
obliqua. They sometimes have to enlarge the holes. The same

. 183

32 W. Dwight Pierce

with other Fossores. Cerceris sp. might easily have stored in
Epinonua nests. I have found Osmia nesting in holes and cells
of Melissodes obliqua the year following their digging by obliqua,
and the second year the same cells were occupied for the summer
by Fossores and by spiders. The third year obliqua was again
nesting along the same bluff.”

The author has not yet noticed this alternation by dwellers in

the communities under observation. Since 1900 Mr. Crawford
and the author have watched these holes carefully and Epinomia
has been almost the sole occupant. As for Cerceris it has not
yet been taken in the vicinity of the holes, nor has any other
wasp besides Ammophila outside of the three families Pemphre-
donidae, Mimesidae, and Crabronidae.

MEMBERS OF THE EPINOMIA COMMUNITIES

Epinomia triangulifera Vachal.

This bee lives on Helianthus annuus and its season coincides
with that of its food plant. The bees come out late in July or
early in August, and by September 1g are all gone. Some time
later than that the author visited the holes and found that by
scraping away not more than half an inch of the surface the
holes were laid bare. This was in early October and the only
forms in the holes were the larvae. On August 20, 1903, in
digging out holes, the author found the bee in the larval, pupal,
and imaginal stages in the holes—in fact there were all grada-
tions from larva to imago. The holes are 7 tog mm. in diameter
and go straight down about twenty-one inches. Three or four
galleries about three-quarters of an inch in length extend out-
ward, horizontally, near the bottom of the hole.

Myodites solidaginis Pierce.

This beetle is the most prominent parasite. Its habits are
recorded on the preceding pages. Females have never been
found at the holes. Males have been caught hovering over the
holes on August 23, 1903, and August 25, r90r. On the former
date a male was also found in a hole and also the pygidium of
another, and from the contents of the cells fifteen triunguloids
were collected.

184

27>

—— ee!

a

Some Hvypermetamorphic Beetles 33

Ammophila pictipennis Walsh.

This is a neighbor of Epinomuia, but so far as known is not an:
enemy, its food being caterpillars. The holes are considerably
larger than Epinomuia holes.

Cicindela fulgida Say.
Cicindela togata Laf.
Cicindela punctulata Fab.

These beetles are predaceous on almost anything within their
reach. They have been taken in the act of catching Epinomia
and Myodites. The melanistic form of fulgida is common on
the salt basins, but has not been described. Dr. Wolcott expects
to describe it in a revision of the list of Nebraska Cicindelidae.

Panurginus piercei Cfd.!

The holes of this species are Siow 4 mm. in diameter and
extend straight downward. Usually a little pile of dirt is thrown
up and cemented around the entrance. It is found in but one

small community. Epinomia is also present, but less numerous.

The holes have not been investigated. A single specimen has
been taken on Grindelia squarrosa.

Halictus ligatus Say.

Lincoln, September 8, 1903, one female, Pierce. This speci-
men was taken from a hole 3% or 4 mm. in diameter, into which
a Nomada was seen to enter. This bee visits Solidago.

Halictus tegularis Rob.
Lincoln, August 28, 1900, one female, Crawford. This speci-
men was collected on coming from a hole.

Cockerellia albipennis Cress.

Lincoln, 1901, Crawford, Pierce. Several specimens of this
were seen entering small sized holes in these regions. This bee
is recorded from Solidago.

Andrena pulchella Rob.
Lincoln, 1900, Crawford. Only two or three holes of this
Solidago bee were found.

1J. C. Crawford, Can, Ent., December, 1903, p. 335.

185

34 W. Dwight Pierce

The four preceding species are not colonial as far as observed,
but seem to have their holes scattered sparsely among the holes
of the other species. They are not parasitic. Cockerellia is re-
corded as carrying Myodites triunguloid.

Melanomada grindeliae Ck1l.

Lincoln, September 8, 1903, eight females, Pierce; Lincoln,
Crawford. This parasitic bee was found mainly hovering around
the holes of Halictus ligatus and in several cases was seen to
enter these holes. It is a very industrious little bee. It also is
a triunguloid carrier.

Neopasites heliopsis Rob.

Lincoln, September 8, 1903, four females, Pierce. This is
another parasitic bee which was taken in considerable numbers
especially around the holes of Halictus ligatus and Panurginus
piercei. Neopasites is a triunguloid carrier. It is recorded from
Heliopsis, Grindelia, and Solidago.

Epeolus spp.

Lincoln, September 8, 1903, Pierce; West Point, Crawford.
Several Epeoli were taken in the vicinity of the holes, although
not seen to enter any hole. Epeolus is a triunguloid carrier.
This genus is found abundantly on Solidago and Grindela.

Crabro sp. (Crabronidae)

This very small wasp was found August 17, 1903, August 21,
1903, and September 8, 1903, hovering constantly around the
holes of Epinomia and Panurginus. There were quite a number

of them. Peckham and Peckham in The Solitary Wasps, chap.

TV, record Crabro as dwelling in pithy stems and feeding its
young with Muscidae. The species under consideration is much
smaller but very probably was in search of the minute flies so
abundant about the holes.

-Oxybelus sp.
A single little specimen of this genus was taken on September

8, 1903, and the same observation made as concerning the pre-
ceding genus and those following. Peckham and Peckham in
chap. VII record O-xvybelus as dwelling in the ground and stor-
ing its nests with flies.

186

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 35
Diodontus (?) spp. (Pemphredonidae).
These wasps were also very small. They were taken August
17, 1903, and September 8, 1903. Like Crabro they were hover-
ing around the holes.

Psen sp. (Mimesidae).
Three small specimens of this genus were also taken hovering
around the holes on the same dates as Crabro.

eS Spogostylum (Argyramoeba) analis Say (?) (Bombyliidae).

Flies of this species are very numerous at the holes. They
have often been seen to suddenly dart down at a hole, insert the
abdomen, and then quickly fly away. Often they made mistakes,
alighting at Cicindela holes, and it was very noticeable that they
made haste to remove themselves, usually escaping before the
Cicindela larva had reached the top of its hole. This fact would
indicate that oviposition must be almost instantaneous. Wills-
ton in his Manual of N. A. Diptera states that this genus is
parasitic on Pelopaeus, Megachile, Cemonus, Osmia, and Cali-
codoma. The present species is probably an Epinomia parasite,
to judge from its great numbers. }

Mutilla sp. (sews datum).

A small female of the simillima group of Fox (Trans. Aim.
- Ent. Soc., XXV, 226) was found on September 7, 1903, crawl-
ing around among the holes. It is undoubtedly a parasite on
some of the bees dwelling here. It is 41% mm. long. - Head large,
slightly wider than thorax, eyes hemispherical, faceted. An-
tennae with all joints short, scape equaling first three joints of
flagellum; first and second flagellar joints subequal, hardly as
long as broad; third and fourth subequal, not twice as long as
first or second; mandibles evidently not toothed, but broadly
sulcate beneath. Thorax one and one-half times longer than
broad, sides parallel, narrowed behind middle slightly. First
abdominal apically sessile; abdominal segments after first api-
cally fringed with yellowish pubescence; pygidium longitudinally
striate, with pygidial area. Reddish brown; pubescence sparse,
whitish; abdominal segments after second, black, immaculate ;
eyes, mandibles, apical half of antennae and legs externally also

187

36 W. Dwight Pierce ;

black. Punctuation large, distinct, and round on head, confluent
on thorax, distinct and slightly longitudinal on abdomen. This
species comes nearest simillima Smith in the Fox table. The
species runs in Ashmead’s Superfamily Vespoidea to the sub-
family Mutillinae. It probably belongs in the tribe Photopsidini
running to the genus Photopsis Blake. It has points in common
with the genus Timulia Ashmead in Mutillini, but it differs as to
antennal joints.
SUMMARY

That we may better hold in mind the results of the investi-
gations, a summary of the main points is herewith given:

1. Certain ground-dwelling insects, as Epinomia, are often
found to dwell in individual homes, but very close to one an-
other. Other species of insects are also found to dwell amongst
these holes in holes of their own. Such a colony (sens latum)
we call a “community.”

2. These various insects may or may not have any relations
with their neighbors. Some are peaceable (Panurginus, Halic-
tus), some are predaceous (Cicindela, Ammophila).

3. Parasites are found to live upon and in the holes of these
insects (Myodites upon Epinomia, mites in Epinomia holes).

4. Parasites are found to live the entire cycles of their lives
within the bodies of certain ground-dwelling bees (Stylopids
upon Andrena, Panurginus, Halictus).

5. The parasites often reach the holes of the hosts in a very
peculiar manner (Myodites carried by its own species).

6. Where it is possible to oviposit in the hole of the host it is
found that a parasite (M/yodites) may find it necessary to have
vegetable food first, and that the eggs are laid in plants (Soli-
dago), which the host (Epinomia) never visits (Epinomia visits
the common sunflower, Helianthus annuus).

7. In the ‘case of Myodites solidaginis it is found that the life
cycle is two years, and that there are two distinct lines of descent
alternating in maturing. The interesting item that M/yodites is
a principal carrier of the young of its species and that it is prob-
ably the agent of transportation to the holes is of importance.
It is very likely that Myodites hibernates in the Epinomia holes. ©

188

Some Hypermetamorphic Beetles 37

8. In the case of the Stylopidae the fact that the female lives
throughout life in the body of its host has and always will call
forth much interest. The question of fertilization is an unset-
tled problem. The ovoviviparous habit of Stylopidae is striking.
It is probably the only instance of such a habit among the insects
undergoing complete metamorphosis.

g. The increasing degeneracy of the Heteromerous beetles as
their food increases in animal nature and as the parasitism de-
-velops; the occurrence of hypermetamorphosis among the para-
sitic forms; the loss by Stylopidae of the principal Heteromerous
characters, rendering their determination difficult and their sys-
‘tematic position doubtful, are all points worthy of note.

to. The hypermetamorphosis exhibited by these beetles is pe-
culiar to themselves. The first larva is a highly specialized larva
resembling certain adult Thysanura (Campodea). The second
and successive stages are more degenerate, becoming apodous.
The pupa is normal.

11. While all of the above points are by no means new to
science, the evidence at hand has emphasized them—hence the
mention,

189

'

38 W. Dwight Pierce

EXPLANATION OF PLATES
PLATE I. FIGURES DRAWN BY W. DWIGHT PIERCE

Fig. 1. Xenos pulvinipes Pierce. Type male. West Point, Neb., August
10, 1903, from Panurginus sp.; 6, antenna; c, left elytron; d, posterior leg;
é, anterior leg; /, median leg; g, genitalia from side view.

Fig. 2. Diagrammatic forms of stylopid antennae. a, Stylops; 6, Xenos;
¢, Elenchus,;, dad, Haiictophagus.

Fig. 3. Myodites solidagints Pierce. a, Triunguloid, ventral view; 6, pos-
terior leg; c, coxa from above by optical section; d, pulvillus and tarsal

_ Claw from side view; ¢, pulvillus from above; _/, mouth-parts, ventral. Ac-

tual size, 82 mm.

Fig. 4. Female stylopid from Andrena solidaginis; August 30, 1903, Lin-
coln. 6, head, ventral; c, female from Andrena solidaginis, September,
Lincoln; head showing young within. ,

Fig. 5. Xenos sp. from Polistes sp.; Hat creek valley, Nebraska, August.
a, Pupa of male; 6, presumably larval head of male; c, head of female.

Fig. 6. Xenos pulvinipes. Type female, West Point, Neb., August 10,
1903, from Panurginus sp.; head.

Fig. 7. Stylopid female from Andrena tllinoiensis, April, Lincoln.

Fig. 8. Rhipiphorus acutipennis. a, Ventral view of thorax.

NotE—Fig. 86 and Fig. 9 are missing.

Fig. 10. A/yodites fasciatus brunneus, posterior tarsus.

Fig. 1). Myodites minimus, posterior tarsus.

Fig. 12. AZvodites solidaginis, posterior tarsus; 6, claw.

Fig. 13. Stylopid triunguloid extracted from parent, taken in body of An-
drena solidaginis; Lincoln, September. Actual size .158 mm.

Fig. 14. Meloid triungulin from Andrena sp., Pullman, Washington. Ac-
tual size, excluding stylets, 1.35 mm.

Fig. 15. Meloid triungulin from Andrena sp. noy.; Lewiston, Idaho (five
specimens taken from one bee). Actual size, excluding stylets, .55 mm.

PLATE IJ. FIGURES FROM PACKARD

Fig. 1. Oil beetle. a@, First larva; 6, second larva; ¢, third larva; d, pupa.

Fig 2. Sitavis. a, Triungulin; g, anal spinnerets of same; 6, second larva;
c, true pupa; d@, female adult; e, pseudopupa; /, third larva.—[After Mayet
from Packard. ]

Fig. 3. Triunguloid of Stylops childrent.

Fig. 4. Stylops childreni, male. a, Abdomen of Andrena with female

Stylops (6).

190

PLATE I

PLATE, Il

ae

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THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA LIBRARY
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Vor. IV Jury 1904 No. 3 |

UNIVERSITY STUDIES

Published by the University of Nebraska

COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION

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|| #D.B.BRACE F.M.FLING R.S.LILLIE R. E. MORITZ
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L. A. SHERMAN, EDITOR

CONTENTS

val I VARIATION IN THE HOOKs OF THE DoG-TAPEWORMS, ~~
+3 , TAENIA SERRATA AND TAENIA SERIALIS

Part I Earle C. Stevenson —. ; 191
PART IT Cy CG. aene bere. : ; sina

II EXAMPLES OF GROUPS
Ellery Williams Davis : ; 2 ee

III A NEw ScHOOL OF JURISTS
| Roscoe Pound . ; ; ; : . 249

LINCOLN NEBRASKAI=*itio,
¥ 5 }

i hel }

\ ' »
Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska} as second- 7class' austies, as University
eS Bulletin, Series 9, No. 4 —

WNIVERSTITY OLTUDIES

“Vor. IV JULY, ro04 | No, 8 -

bya hon - Fs oc etx. >
eee + rs *, . = te =o

>

‘

L—Variation in the Hooks of the Dog-Tapeworms, Taenia
serrata and Taenia serialis

eae
Lp

PARR 4.

gerd

BY: EARLE C. STEVENSON

This paper was submitted as a thesis for a master’s degree in
‘the department of zoology at the University of Nebraska, Lin~-
E coln, (Studies from the Zoological Laboratory, under the Direc-
a tion of Henry B. Ward, No. 50) in May, 1903. Since then Dr.

#Carl C. Engberg, instructor in biometrics in the University of
‘ _ Nebraska, has been able to work over the derived data and to
; deduce from them more complete and extended conclusions than

AGN

ree

would have been possible for one less versed in this field of
ss mathematics. I have accordingly deemed it for the best interests
of scientific investigation to withdraw entirely my somewhat in-
_ complete studies on the mathematical side of the question which
a were contained in the original thesis, and to have the mathemat- |
ical discussion appear as a whole in the second part of the paper,
Sy for which Dr. Engberg accordingly becomes responsible.

COLLECTION OF MATERIAL

: Under the direction and instruction of Dr. Henry B. Ward, I
_ took up the study of these parasites during the summer of IgoI.
in cooperation with Mr. B. L. Doane, B. Sc., of the University

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 3, July, 1904.

IgI

2 Earle C. Stevenson

of Nebraska, who at that time contemplated a study of these
same parasites with regard to other anatomical structures, I be-
gan the collection of material in and near the city of Lincoln,
Neb.

Stray dogs from the smaller towns about Lincoln, and the
dogs taken up by the pound-master in Lincoln, were examined
for parasites. All but four of the thirty-five dogs examined were
infested with parasites of some sort. About forty specimens of

Taenia serrata, twenty of Taenia serialis, as well as numerous —

roundworms and hundreds of Dipylidium caninum were found
in the intestines. Eight dogs carried specimens of T. serrata
and two contained T. serialis.

The dogs were killed with potassium cyanide and examined
before becoming cold. Beginning at the stomach, the whole ali-
mentary tract was slit open, and the parasites when found were
placed in warm water and washed, then killed in corrosive
sublimate and preserved in 70 per cent alcohol.

In classifying the specimens collected, each host was given a
serial number, and the portion of the intestine where the worm
was attached noted; the parasites from each host were bottled
separately and the species determined later.

In preparing the hooks for study, which was a difficult matter
because of their minuteness and the necessity of perfect isolation
from the tissue of the rostellum, the heads were cut off, then
placed in 35 per cent alcohol for a few minutes, and afterward
transferred to a drop of glycerine, which was used for a macer-
ating fluid because of its advantage as a mounting medium. The
smallness of the hooks, their fragile structure, and firm setting in
the tissues caused many of them to be broken in separating them
from the tissue; at first about 35 to 50 per cent of the hooks were
either lost or broken, but with practice this loss was decreased
to less than 25 per cent. A pair of finely pointed needles served
as dissecting instruments, and a dissecting microscope gave the
necessary magnification for careful isolation of the structures.
The hooks being separated from the tissues, a cover-glass was
placed over the drop of glycerine containing the hooks, and
sealed with balsam, most of the mounts remaining intact one year
after preparation.

oT

192

‘s
Y

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ie
r
é
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Sa Bi ae Mela

Re ope gy eet soe rg
Ft ae

OTS ey are Pree yee rm
a ve a ae 3 7

Rs,

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es med es be
ae ‘

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 3

In the study of the hooks a Leitz compound microscope was

‘used with a No. 2 ocular and No. 7 and No. 8 objectives, magni-

fying the projected drawing 416.5 and 568 times respectively.

By means of the camera lucida, each hook was projected and

drawn, care being taken to have the same relative position and

adjustment at all times of the tube length, camera lucida, and

drawing board. The No. 7 objective was used in examining the
hooks of T. serrata, and the No. 8 objective for the hooks of T.

serialis, All measurements were made on the projected draw-

ings, with a scale prepared by projecting a stage micrometer,

making the magnification correspond to that of the projected

hooks. This method of measurement is more accurate than

‘measuring with an eye-piece scale, as with the latter it is prac-

tically impossible to locate definitely constant points on the hooks,

since it is necessary to manipulate both the eye-piece scale and
_the mount in making the different measurements.

The distance between two parallel lines placed one at each ex-
tremity of the hook, and perpendicular to a line connecting the
two extremities, is taken as the total length of the hook and des-

“ignated as character a (see fig. 9, pl. II1). Character c, the an-

terior chord length, is the distance from the point of the prong
to the point of tangency on the extremity of the ventral root, of
a line drawn from the point of the prong. Character b, the
posterior chord length, is the distance from the point of tangency
on the ventral root to the extremity of the dorsal root. Charac-

“ter d is the length of the perpendicular from the anterior chord

to the highest point of the curve of the prong.
It is readily apparent from the figure that the anterior and
posterior extremities of the hook and the tangency point on the

-ventral root are the constant points for measurement in all the

hooks, It is necessary to select constancy points of this general
character because of the variation in the shape and relative posi-
tion of the different parts of the hook.

The four measurements of the hook are taken for the purpose
of correlation or comparison of these characters with regard to

their relative deviation from a mean magnitude to be determined.

For instance, character a is correlated with character b and a

193

4 Earle C. Stevenson

with c. By this method it is determined whether one character
a, regarded as “subject,” varies in an equal or approximate ratio _
with its relative b or c. Each hook when measured was num- —
bered and a corresponding number placed opposite the record of
magnitudes of that hook, making it possible to compare the draw-
ings of any two hooks whose magnitudes presented any par-
ticular deviation in one or more of its characters. The large —
hooks of each species were considered apart from the small hooks a
of that species. ‘ :

In the seriation or classification of data the varying magni- —
tudes of any one character were grouped into classes with a class
range of 3 microns; all measurements were made in microns. ~
This minute distinction may seem arbitrary and over-precise at a
first thought, but when it is noted that 3 microns actual value are —
represented on the magnified drawing by 1.75 mm. when No, 8
objective was used, and 1.33 mm. when No. 7 objective was used,
the practice is seen to be perfectly rational. For the greater mag-
nitudes of the hooks a wider class range could be used, but in
considering the smaller character, d, a smaller class range is im-
perative. From these arranged data the mean or abscissa of the
center of gravity of the magnitudes of the total number of hooks,
and the mean magnitude of the total number of measurements,
can be computed. The limits of the magnitude variation of any
one character are also established. 4
With the method of study thus briefly outlined, the develop--
ment of the hooks should be reviewed, since the question of
growth of the hooks influences the significance of the results ob-

4
Z
.
:
;
tained in this study. . :

pe

POSITION AND ATTACHMENT OF THE HOOKS }

(Figs. 47, 48, 49, Pl. VI)

In the two species of tapeworms under discussion the hooks
are restricted to a circular margin on the very short rostellum,
within the region bounded by the four cup-shaped suckers that
are located one at each corner of the square head. The rostellum _

.

in these parasites is very short and rudimentary (see fig. 47, pl.

194

oe Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 5

V1). The hooks are set into the tissues of the rostellum, each
F< hook resting in a sort of socket. The large hooks are located in
the inner row of the double crown, and project above the smaller
hooks which are in the outer row. Ktichenmeister did not con-
_ sider that the hooks possessed any movement other than that
ie occurring simultaneously with general motions of the rostellum.
_ According to his view there were no muscle fibers in connection
_ with the radical portion of the hook, therefore there could be no
- special movement of the hook that would change its posture or
position in its socket. Examination of the preserved rostellum,
however, shows the presence of numerous muscle fibers, and ob-
servation of a number of the preserved heads shows the action
‘of the muscles, since in some cases the hooks are projected with
their. points directed toward the lateral border of the head, while
in other instances the hooks are retracted and the points directed
~ upward. Goeze (1782) speaks of having observed the live worm
| protract and retract its hooks. The presence of two types of
_ hooks in the same head also may be taken as an argument for a
certain individual movement, which assists the parasite in bur-

' rowing into the tissues of the alimentary canal.

\

i FUNCTION OF THE HOOKS

Werner (1782), discussing the hooks of T. serrata, suggested

the idea that the hooks were sheaths for sucking bladders which
Fy could be extruded and retracted, serving the purpose of securing
nourishment. This view was occasioned, of course, by an erro-
e neous conception of the structure of the hook and of the true
character of the pulpy mass within the cavity of the hook.

; Goeze (1782) held somewhat the same opinion as Werner as
_ to the function of the hooks. Steinbuch (1801), however, con-
F sidered the hooks to be organs of attachment, which, by tearing
the tissues of the intestine, also assisted the suckers in the work
: : of securing nourishment.

: Wagener (1854) describes the hooks of Cysticercus pisiformis
as possessing a small opening at the point of the prong, and
s thought that he had observed pulsations and movements within
ee.

195

6 Earle C. Stevenson:

the cavity of the hook. From these observations. he concluded
that the hooks might function as suctorial organs. After exam-
ination of a large number of hooks, both of Cysticercus pisifor-
mis, and of the adult Taemia serrata, however, | have found no
such openings in them.

The position of the hooks on the head and the manner in which
they are found imbedded in the tissue of the intestine demonstrate
that they are essentially organs of attachment.

LIFE HISTORY OF T. serrata AND T. serialis

The gravid segments, escaping with the feces, carry the eggs
which constitute the source of new infections. The eggs are con-
veyed in food or water into the stomach of the hare, where the
action of the fluids of the stomach destroys the shell, thus releas-
ing the embryo, which bores through the intestinal wall. The
onchosphere, according to Ktichenmeister (1857), may be either
passive or active in its migrations to parts of the body, after
penetrating the wall of the alimentary canal. Embryos have been:
found in the blood by Leuckart, and in such cases would be as-
sisted in movements by the blood current.

The onchosphere at the time of its migration possesses six
minute hooks (5 to 7m in length) which are used in burrowing
through the tissues. These hooks, according to Leuckart, are
either lost when the embryo is in the blood or are soon cast off
after encystment. The following account of the development of
the permanent crown of hooks is taken from Leuckart, Kiichen-
meister, and Wagener.

The encysted stage in the life history of T. serrata is known as
Cysticercus pisiformis, and of- T. serialis as Coenurus serialis.
During the formation of this stage, the adult crown of hooks is
developed. Papillae appear on the epithelial coat at the bottom
of the flask-shaped cavity which represents the beginning in the
embryo of the head of the adult parasite. These papillae become
elongated into hollow cones, the walls of which are membranous.
These membranous cones, though at first very delicate and fragile,
become hard and resistant by the deposit of chitin in successive

196

: Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms ¥

_ layers, and represent what are to be the prongs or sickles of the

mature hooks. The cone, which is open at the bottom, is devel-

a oped to its mature size before formation of the radical portion of

x“
ot

yes

the hook, which first appears as a horseshoe-shaped body separate

from the prong, but later fusing with it. The hook must be com-

pletely formed before the Cysticercus is eaten by the dog, or this
larva will not develop into the adult Taenia. As soon as the cyst

afrives in the stomach of the dog, it is ruptured, and the larva,
_thus released, passes into the intestine, where it attaches itself by

means of its hooks to the intestinal wall.

Kuchenmeister (1852) maintains that, after entrance inta the
alimentary canal, the hooks grow both in size and in number; he
bases his view on the fact that there is a difference in the number

and size of the hooks of the Cysticercus pisiformis and those of

the adult Taenia serrata. He has even worked out a mathematical

relation or proportion between the number of hooks of the Cyst-
tcercus and the adult stage of Cysticercus fasciolaris, showing a
general law governing the increase in the number of hooks in the
adult parasite over the original number in the Cysticercus. I may
state, however, that a number of Cysticerci examined during my
work showed a wide variation in the number of hooks in the
individual heads.

From this fact it is evident that one is dealing with very irreg-
ular data in computing such a relation. Kiichenmeister supposed
that the mode of increase in the number of hooks was either a
development of other secondary hooks between the primary hooks,
or that an annual moulting of hooks occurred, two hooks being
added in the number developed after each moulting. In thus

_ determining the age of a parasite by means of its hooks, the

question arises as to the original number of hooks in each Cyst-

- icercus, and as this number is known to be so irregular, the theory

is seen to be wholly unreliable. No positive evidence of moulting
is recorded, though Kiichenmeister cites as probable evidence
seven cases where tapeworms of a species not given were removed.

- from individuals during the month of March, and bore no hooks,

og!

but exhibited traces of having possessed such at some former
time. The suggestion followed that if the time of year for moult-

197

8 Earle C. Stevenson

ing could be ascertained, the removal of the parasites would be
much easier, as their attachment to the intestinal wall would be at
that time much less firm.

Whatever be the cause or causes of the difference in the num--
ber and size of the hooks in different individuals from the same
and different dogs, the fact that there is a difference in the varia-
tion in the size of the hooks on some individual heads amounting .
to over one-half of the total difference between hooks of the dif-
ferent heads, is proof that a factor other than supposed processes
of moulting, or difference in age, must be considered in studying
the growth of the hooks.

It is evident that Leuckart regarded she hook as fully developed
in the Cysticercus stage. Whether or not the hooks grow after
entrance of the Cysticercus into the alimentary canal of the dog is
a question directly influencing the data used in this paper. Ifa
constant factor, such as age, affects the magnitudes of the hooks,
and is not considered in measurements taken, the results in aver-
ages are unreliable. It is therefore assumed that practically con-
stant normal characters are under consideration.

DESCRIPTION OF THE HOOKS

Taemia serrata.—O. Deffke (1891) gives a fairly typical draw-
ing of the hooks of Taenia serrata, but observation wil! show
wide deviations from this figure. This is also true of all the
ficures I have found in works of different authors. In the small .
hooks of Taenia serrata the angle of the arc and position of the
dorsal and ventral roots affects all the magnitudes; some of the
small hooks have the point of the prong bent sharply down-
ward, while others have a variation in the angle of the prongs
of hooks of the same a magnitude.

These peculiarities make a difference in the chord magnitudes
b and c. The ventral root, which is bifid, will have the prongs
slanting more forward in some cases than in others, but in all
hooks these branches extend laterally, as is seen in Plate II, fig.
8a. This lateral projection of parts of the ventral root will cause
the hook to tilt either forward or backward when on its side, and

198

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 9

_ thus account for a very slight amount of the variation in the
magnitudes of the chord lengths as measured in the drawing.
The branches of the ventral root will be either exactly opposed
to each other in position, or one branch will slant forward and
the other backward.

- This is partly due to the tilting of the hook, though not en-
tirely. In the extreme cases it is merely a matter of judgment
as to what is the proper point from which to measure, but usu-
ally the anterior branch was used. These two branches are often
of unequal length, and in such cases the longer branch was used
in measurement. The cleft between the two branchés is exceed-
ingly variable in its depth, and may be, in fact usually is, re-
duced to a mere furrow or shallow depression extending from the
_ base of the root on either side over the end (pl. I, figs. 2, 3, 4).
-. In other hooks the cleft extends into the root fully twe-thirds of
its length (pl. I, fig. 5).

The general outline of the small hooks also varies from an
even and continuous to a rough and broken margin. A deep
notch occurs immediately behind the ventral root in some cases
and is followed by an abrupt elevation that gradually inclines
backwards for a short distance 'to a level with the general outline
of the dorsal root. Usually this notch is absent, though there is
always the elevation noted. The end of the dorsal root is usu-

ally club-shaped, but is occasionally drawn out to a point (pl.

JIU, figs. 14, 15). The dorsal line of the hook may or may not
have an angle at the origin of the blade or prong. The majority
of the small hooks present a very even outline for the dorsal
root.

LARGE HOOKS OF Taenia serrata

The large hooks of Taenia serrata present as irregular an out-
line as the small ones. The ventral root varies in shape, size,
and direction of its slant, but is not bifid. The anterior margin
may pass evenly into the lower margin of the blade, but quite
frequently there occurs a notch at the base of the root. The
posterior margin may also present the same differences as the
anterior. Different authors describe the ventral root as heart-

199

10 Earle C. Stevenson

shaped, but it is often pointed or broad and blunt (pl. IV, fig.
33; pl. V, fig. 43). On the lower margin of the dorsal root at
its origin usually occurs a more or less abrupt elevation, but
frequently this is graduated in its origin and termination. The
posterior end of the dorsal root is usually broader than the mid-
dle portion, but not infrequently it is narrower. The upper
boundary is very rough in outline, there being in some hooks
one or more deep notches; and in many cases at the base of the
blade is found an abrupt shoulder, marking the point of -pro-
jection of the blade from the tissues.

In many of the hooks the back margin of the blade just in
front of the shoulder is undulate or ridged (pl. IV, figs. 34, 35).
The prong of many of the large hooks is sharply bent downward
at the extreme point. One peculiar feature noticed is shown in
pl. II, fig. 19, where the anterior and posterior extremities of
the hook have apparent additions to the original length, though
_ the length with the added parts corresponds to the usual magni-
tude of the mature hook. This peculiarity, also occurring in
some of the small hooks of this species, is presumed to be caused
by a greater deposit of chitin on the inner walls of the hook
during its growth.

SMALL HOOKS OF Taenta serialis

The hooks of Taenia serialis are easily distinguished from
those of Twenia serrata by means of their lesser magnitude and
their characteristic differences in shape and outline. The small
hooks are bifid and also present a wide difference in the depth
of the cleft between the branches of the ventral root. The body
of the hook is more slender and the anterior root much longer
than in the small hooks of Taenia serrata. The branches of the

ventral root vary in their mutual positions as in Taenia serrata. ©

Usually the outline of the branches is regular and even, gently
rounding at the point, but frequently the root may be broadened
and flattened (pl. ITI, fig. 20). At the base of the root on the
posterior side there may occur a deep notch, though more fre-
quently the margin passes in a gradual curve into the lower
boundary of the dorsal root, which is usually enlarged near its

200

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms II

end and then tapered sharply to the end; however, the root may
continue evenly toward the end and be gently rounded or drawn

out to a point (pl. III, figs. 22, 23). Only in rare cases is the

upward bend of the end of the dorsal root wanting. The out-
line of the dorsal root is, as a rule, quite regular, but occasfon-
ally presents elevations and depressions at irregular intervals.

The upper margin may pass gradually into the back boundary
of the blade, but quite frequently a slight angle marks the tran-

sition. The blade tapers regularly, but in a few instances is

abruptly pointed (pl. III, fig. 20). It is to be noted that the

dorsal root varies extensively in length and that the ventral root
is often a broad, flat, solid body.

LARGE HOOKS OF Taenia serialis

The large hooks of Taenia serialis vary greatly in general form
and comparative volume, some being heavier-bodied than others.
The ventral root is undivided, its anterior margin slanting for-
ward in a gentle curve to its base, where it then turns abruptly
backward for a short space, then passes into the lower boundary
of the blade which varies in the angle of the curvature, as in the
case of the hooks of Taenia serrata; also, it often has the point
bent sharply downward. The back margin of the blade passes
in an even course to its base, where it makes an angle with the
upper boundary of the dorsal root, which has almost invariably
in its course a single depression and elevation, though frequently

-a second depression and elevation are present. The end of the

dorsal root is usually rounded, but very often is either blunt or
tapering. The lower margin of the dorsal root is uniform in its
course, excepting for a slight downward inclination where it
meets the posterior boundary of the ventral root. In many of
the hooks there are, however, along this margin, depressions and
elevations at irregular intervals. The end of the dorsal root may
or may not be bent upward or downward from its general direc-
tion.

In general the shape and form of the hooks of the two species
are similar, but in detail of outline the hooks of Taenia serialis
are the most variable. The hooks of both species are flattened

201

7

12 Earle C. Stevenson

laterally, and the pulp-filled cavity of the hook conforms to the
oval shape of the body as is shown in cross-section (pl. VI, fig. |
50). The number of hooks on each individual head varies in both
species. The specimens under my observation gave a numerical
range of 34 to 48 for 7. serrata, and of 30 to 32 for T. serialis;
the number of small hooks equaled the number of large hooks on
each head.

The following table gives the observations of several authors
regarding the number and size of the hooks of the two species
under discussion :

Taenta serrata

LARGE HOOKS: SMALL HOOKS
NO, OF HOOKS

LENGTH IN pB LENGTH IN Be
—_—_—_—_—_—_———_::.:.n nn nn am re re el RS Fal T ee Le WaT
atte AGG) <: Seaoes eeu eee 44-46 225-256 135-162
Ballet: (Defike, 1801)... 5.24 34-36 230-260 140-160
Blanchard R. (1885)......... 34-48 225-250 130-162
eree AS) oases. ee 34-38 260 120
aoeiarcaiae( 1845 ) 5A cis. as. 20> ovet 48 135 (? erroneous) fe Sok
Berane (1806). %. Goo di\s yng < 40-42 230-240 130
Kiichenmeister (1852) ....... 42 276 191
Kuchenmeister ( Deffke, 1891) 34-40 230 150
1Leuckart (Deffke, 1891) .... 40-48 250 140
POAC AEE: (STO) ia le wine alecoce Ss S848 hee se hee
Railliet{1886) 2.4... Hee 34-48 225-250 130-162
Railliet (1893) ib odes teas Se alk 34-48 225-250 120-160
2Stevenson (1904) ......2.... 34-48 246-294 132-177
PRIAEA ROOM ) hs ayes oo sek OS og es 38-42 220-230 140-150

Taenta serialis

Natonten ares LARGE HOOKS SMALL HOOKS:
LENGTH IN Be LENGTH IN Be
Bact (1886) 4N |. aie tarag sg oh 26-32 135-157 85-112
2Stevenson (1904) .....0...,. 30-32 139-175 78-114
RGUIEZ LBB ): OS. wa’ siclatpe = 30 139-146 101-107

1T did not succeed in finding Leuckart’s original figures quoted by Deffke
(1901), but the number of hooks given by Leuckart (1879), does not agree
with Deffke’s citation.

*The present paper.

202

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 13

The measurements given by Reinitz are those of the bladder-
worm (Coenurus serialis) and not of the adult parasite, and are
given, not for direct comparison with the hooks of the adult
parasite, but to show that the hooks of the bladder-worms exam-
ined are not less in magnitude than are some of the hooks of the
adult parasite examined by Baillet. This fact is to be noted in
connection with the discussion of the growth and development of
the hooks of the species under discussion earlier in this paper.

From the above table it is seen that the range of the number of
hooks of the specimens collected at Lincoln corresponds to the
average limits given by the writers mentioned. There were ex-

. amined at Lincoln, Neb., 28 specimens of T. serrata and 15 speci-

1,

i

mens of T. serialis. In comparing the relative magnitudes of the
hooks of the two species of parasites studied, an interesting coin-
cidence is noted, in that the range of magnitude for character a
of the large hooks of T. serialis is the same as the range of char-
acter a of the small hooks of T. serrata.

Comparison of the results of my measurements of hooks with
the measurements made by the observers mentioned shows that
the most striking feature of this paper is the excessive magnitude

of the hooks of the parasites found at Lincoln, Neb. To account

AC

3 0 bie

for this difference is a problematic matter; yet it is not at all an
extreme suggestion nor improbable circumstance that geographic
distribution may account in part for the variation. There is also
a possibility of inaccurate computation of magnification of the
different microscopes used by different investigators. An exam-
ple of such an error is found in Deffke’s article, where he gives
as magnitude of the large hooks of T. serrata, 260 », and of the
small hooks 120 p, and then gives a drawing magnified 480 times
according to the text. The figures of the hooks are not magnified
480 times, else the original hooks, large ones, were only 131 pin>
length, and small ones 70. To have the drawings given con-
sistent with the magnitude of the hook that is given, the drawing
would be magnified only about 250 times. The error may well be
due to a reduction in size made in connection with the repro-
duction of the original drawings.

203

14 Earle C. Stevenson
KEY TO CLASSIFICATION OF T. serrata AND T. serialis

Subfamily Taenunae.. Diagnosis. Taeniidae: Large species,
strobila segmented, with the ripe segments longer than broad.
Scolex with a short, rudimentary rostellum armed with a double —
crown of hooks. In some instances the rostellum is modified into
a sucker, whose armament becomes rudimentary and disappears.
Genital pores irregularly alternate; usually large numbers of ;
testes in lateral portions of median field; yolk gland, shell gland, |
and ovary in posterior half of median zone. Uterus with a me- —
dian stem developing lateral branches, which in the ripe segments
entirely obliterate the other genital organs. Egg shell thin and
delicate; embryonic shell thick and richly striated. Encysted |
stage in plant-eating mammals: adult in man and flesh-eating
mammals.

Genus Taenia. Diagnosis. Taeniinae: Same characters as
subfamily.

Species Taenia serrata. Diagnosis. Taenia: Strobila ser-
rated, 60 cm. to 2 m. in length; head from-1.5 to .2.0 mm. in
diameter, bearing 4 suckers, one at each corner. Short rostellum
armed with a double crown of 34 to 48 hooks: large hooks (inner
row), 246 to 294,4 in length; small hooks (outer row), 132 # to
177 in length. Ventral root of small hooks bifid. Uterus stem
median, with 8 to 10 richly branched lateral branches. Gravid
segments 4.9 mm. long by 4.2 mm. broad anteriorly, posteriorly
4.7 mm. broad, and at opening of genital pore 4.8 mm. broad.*

Embryophore ovoid. Genital pore very salient.

SynonymMy.—Lumbricus latus Tyson 1683 (from the dog) ;
T. canina Bloch (part.) 1782; T. canina solium Werner 1782;
T. canina Carlisle 1793; T. serrata Goeze 1782; Alyselminthus
serratus Zeder 1800; Halysis serrata Zeder 1803 (not T. serrata
Rosa 1794; not T. serrata Roll 1853; not T. serrata [from Cyst-
icercus tenwicollis| Kichenmeister 1852).

Species Taenia serialis, Diagnosis. Taenia: Strobila 45 to
72 cm. in length; head globular, 0.85 to 1.3 mm. in diameter.

1Dr, Vital (1874) has reported a case of 7. serrata occurring in man.
The specimen was found in company with a specimen of 7. sodium in the
intestine of a young girl at the Military hospital at Constantine (Algiers),

204

———-

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 15

Rostellum short, armed with a double crown of 26 to 32 hooks;
large hooks (inner row) 139 to 175 » in length, small hooks

(outer row) 78 to 114 , in length. Uterus median with 20 to

25 lateral branches.

Ventral root of small hooks bifid. Gravid segments narrower
than those of T. serrata. Embryophore ovoid.

SynonymMy.—Because of its close resemblance to T. coenurus,
T. serialis was formerly confused with that species. Experi-
ments with its bladder-worm, Coenurus serialis, in the rabbit, by
French experimenters, confirmed its distinctness from 7. coen-
urus, and it was classed as a distinct species by Baillet in 1863.

For the sake of comparison with J. serialis, the diagnosis of
T. coenurus is given.

Species T. coenurus. Diagnosis. Taenia: Strobila 40 to 60

cm. in length; head pyriform, 0.8 mm. in diameter. Rostellum

short, armed with a double crown of 22 to 32 hooks; small hooks

_ (outer row) go to 130 p in length; large hooks (inner row) 150

to to 170 pw long.
Ventral root of small hooks not bifid. Gravid segments broader
than those of T. serialis. Embryophore spherical.
SyNonyMy.—T. coenurus Kiichenmeister 1853; T. (Cysto-
taema) coenurus Leuckart 1853.

HOOKS OF 7. serrata AND T. serialis

Examination of a large number of these hooks shows a marked
variation in different particulars. There is not orily a variation
in the number of hooks found on the individual heads of the same
species, but the hooks of the same and different heads of that
species differ from one another in size, general conformation,
and mutual relation of parts.

In comparison of the hooks, each species is considered sep-
arately. There is such an extreme deviation in the comparative
magnitudes of the hooks of T. serrata and those of T. serialis,
that detailed differences need not be noted in distinguishing be-
tween the two species. As these hooks approximate very closely

in some characteristics the hooks of certain allied cestodes, it is

necessary to obtain a definite and exact description of the T.

205

16 Earle C. Stevenson

serrata and T. serialis hooks if they are to be used, as heretofore,
as a reliable basis in identifying the species.

It is in relation to this question of determining species by means
of the hooks that the practical value, of this. statistical work
exists.

By studying a large number of hooks from several different
worms, an average type may be established, and many apparent
peculiarities and abnormalities shown to be practically common
factors. For instance, the shape and relative position of the
ventral root, barb, tooth, or radical portion of the hook, as dif-
ferent writers term it, is determined by observing the prevailing
type in a group.

SUMMARY OF RESULTS OF OBSERVATIONS

1. The average length of the hooks of Taenia serrata and
Taenia serialis found in dogs at Lincoln, Neb., is much in excess
of the measurements of hooks of the same parasites observed in
other places by different investigators. A comparison of the
limits in the table on page 12 will show the divergence.

2. The correlation between characters a and b in each group
of hooks of both species is nearer unity than is the correlation
between characters a and c.

3. The depth of the cleft in the ventral root of the small hooks
of both species is usually very slight.

4. While the general form and outline of the hooks of both.
species is quite variable in detail, yet it is practically always that
which is typical of the average hook.

5. The dorsal root of all the hooks of both species is the most
variable in length of any part of the hook, and with the excep-
tion of a single head of T. serialis, character b is always greater
than character c. This exception occurred only in the case of
the small hooks of the specimen.

206

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 17

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BAILLET, C. C.
«1866. Histoire naturelle des helminthes des principaux mammiferes
domestiqgues. 172 pp., 8°. Paris.

SeBATSCE, A. J.
1786. Naturgeschichte der Bandwurmgaitung ttberhaupt und thren
‘ : Arten insbesondere, nach den neuern Beobachtungen in einem sys-
tematischen Auszuge. ll pp.,5pls. Halle.
ye
_ BLANCHARD, R.
( 1886. Zraité de zoologie médicale. v. 1. : Protozoatres, histoire de
loeuf, coelenteres, echinodermes, vers (aneuriens, plathelminthes,
nemathelminthes). 192 pp., 124 figs.

- Brocu, M. E.

«1782. Abhandlung von der Erzeugung der Eingew-idewitrmer und
der mitteln wider dieselben. Eine von der Koniglich Dénischen
Societit der Wissenschaflen zu Copenhagen gekronte Preisschrift.
54 pp., 10 pls. Berlin.

_ BRAUN, MAX.
1894. Vermes. Bronn’s Klass. u. Ordnung d. Thierreichs. Leipzig.
; v. 4, abt. 1 b, pp. 1167-1246, pls. 38-47.

CARLISLE, SIR ANTHONY.
1794. Observations on the Structure and Economy of those Intestinal
Worms called Taenta. ‘Tr. Iann. Soc. London. vol. 2, pp. 247-
62, pl. 25. .
_ DUJARDIN, F.

1845. Histoire naturelle des helminthes ou vers intestinaux, pp. xvit
654, 15 pls. Paris.

DIESING, C. M.
1850. Systema helminthum. 679 pp. Vindebonae.

ee ee ee Fre

DEFFKE, O.
er 1891. Die Entozoen des Hundes. Arch. f. wissensch. u. prakt. Thierh.
e Berlin. v.17, pp. 1-60, 253-89, pls. 1-2.

GoEzE, J. A. F.
: 1782. Versuch einer Naturgeschichte der Eingeweidewtirmer thier-
i ischer Korper. 471 pp., 30 pls. Blankenburg.
C

€ 207

bo

.
f
b;

18 Earle C. Stevenson

KUCHENMEISTER, F.
1852. Ueber die Umwandlung der Finnen ( Cysticerci) in Bandwitrmer
(Taenien). pp. 105-58, i pl. Prag.
1857. On Animal and Vegetable Parasites of the Human Body, a
Manual of Their Natural History, Diagnosis, and Treatment.
vol. 1, xix+-452 pp., 8 pls. London.

LEUCKART, R.
1836. Die Blasenbandwirmer und thre Entwickelung. Zugleich ein

Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Cysticercusleber. 162 pp., 3 pls.

Giessen.

1879-81. Die Parasiten des Menschen und die von thnen herrithrenden
Krankheiten. 2.ed., 1bd., xii+856 pp., 180 figs. Leipzig und
Heidelberg.

NEUMANN, L. G.
1888. Zraité des maladies parasitaires non microbtennes des animaux
domestiques. 2. ed., xv-+673 pp., 306 figs. Paris.
1892. Traité des maladies parasitaires des animaux domestiques. 2.
ed., xvi+767 pp., 364 figs. Paris.

REINITZ, G.
1885. Mittheilungen tiber einen bisher wenig bekannten Llasenwurm.
43 pp., 1 pl. Dorpat.

RAILIAET, A.
1886. Elements de zoologie médicale et agricole. xv-+1053 pp., 705 figs.
Paris.
1893. Traité des zoologie médicale et agricole. 2. ed., 736 pp., 494 figs.
Paris.

STILES, C. W.
1898. Juspection of Meats for Animal Parasites. Bull. 19, Bureau of
Animal Industry, U. S. Dept. Agric., p. 102.

STEINBUCH.
1801. Cogito quaedem de vermium visceralium physiologica. p. 85, art. 2.

TYSON, E.

1863. Lumbricus latus, or a discourse read before the Royal Society of
the joynted worm, wherein a great many mistakes of former writers
concerning it are remarked; its natural history from more exact
observation is attempted; and the whole urged as a difficulty against
the doctrine of universal generation. Phil. Tr. Lond. (146). vol.
12, vol. 13, pp. 113-44, figs. 1-12.

VITAL, A.
1874. Les entozoaires a Vhépital militaire de Constantine (Algérie),
Gaz, méd. de Par., v. 45, 274-75; pp. 285-88.

208

¥
4

6 i ta fi

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 19

WARD, H. B.
1897. Report of the Zoologist. Animal Parasites of Nebraska. Ann.
Rept. Neb. State Bd. Agric. for the year 1896; pp. 174-76.

WERNER.
1782. Vermium intestinalium brevis expositionis continuatio. 28 pp.,
tab. viii-ix. Ljipsiae.
WAGENER, G. R.
1854. Die Entwickelung der Cestoden nach eigenen Untersuchungen.
ix-+91 pp., 22 pls. Breslau.

ZURN, F. A.
1882. Die tierischen Parasiten auf und an dem Korper unserer Haus-
sdugetiere, sowte die durch erstere veranlassten Krankhetten, deren
Behandlung und Verhiitung. 2.ed.,xvi+316 pp.,4 pls. Weimar.

ZEDER UND GOEZE.
1800. Erster Nachtrag zur Naturgeschichte der Kingeweidewtirmer mit
Zusatzen und Anmerkungen von Dr. Johann Georg Heinrich Zeder.
xx+320 pp., 6 pls. Leipzig.

For bibliography of Zaenia serialis see above list; Baillet, 1866; Blanch-
ard, R., 1886; Neumann, lL. G., 1892; Reinitz, 1885; Railliet, 1886; Stiles,
1898; and Ward, 1898.

209

20 Earle C. Stevenson

EXPLANATION OF PLATES
PLATE I.

Fig. 1. A large hook of 7. serrata. > 627.

Figs. 2-4. Different views of the same small hook of 7. serzalis, show-
ing the shape of ventral root. < 310.

Fig. 5. Large hook of 7: serialis. 488.

PLATE II.
Fig. 6. a. Large and small hooks of 7. serrata. >< 199.
. 6. Largeandsmall hooksof 7. serzalis. > 199.
c. Large and small hooks of 7. coenurus. >< 199.
Fig. 7. a, 6, c, d, e. Different stages in the development of the hooks of
T. serrata. (a, 6, c, e, after Leuckart, 1856; d, original drawing. )
Fig. 8. A crown of hooks of Cysticercus pisiformis. X lil.
a, a small hook showing the lateral projection-of prongs of ven-
tral root.

PLATE III.

Figs. 9-19. Large hooks of 7. serialis, showing the various shapes and ©

_ outlines. > 242.
Figs. 20-23, Small hooks of 7. serialis, showing different shapes and
outlines. >< 242,

PLATE IV.
Figs. 24-31. Small hooks of 7. serrata, showing different shapes and
outlines. < 234.
Figs. 32-35; 43-46. Large hooks of 7: serrata, showing different shapes
and outlines. X< 234.

PLATE V.
Figs. 36-41. Small hooks of 7. serrata superimposed to show the vari-
ation in relative position of homologous parts of different hooks
having the same magnitude a. X 254.
Fig. 42. A small hook of 7. serrata with prongs of ventral root widely
separated. < 234.

PLATE VI.

Fig. 47. Side view of head of 7. serrata, showing the hooks 77 stu, and
the position of the suckers, also the first marks of segmentation
of the strobila posterior of the head. > 40.

Fig. 48. Anterior view of the head of 7. serialis, showing the crown of
hooks and the position of the suckers. >< 28.

Fig. 49. Same view of head of 7. serrata, X28.

Fig. 50. Portion of a section through the rostellum, cutting the hooks
transversely. a. Cross-section of prong of a hook, cut just in front
of the ventral root.

210

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t.ho ea — 3

ee Sete wet’ sale Metin tate

es

+

a

PLATE I

PLATE 11!

PLATE IV

s
-

een

PLATE VI

vay
apis

be

py perth ? OT

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 21

Part Il. MATHEMATICAL
BY C. C. ENGBERG

This paper is devoted chiefly to the study of the variability of
the various parts of the hooks of the dog-tapeworms, Taenia
serrata and T. serialis, and the correlations of these parts to one
another. The data used are those obtained by Mr. E. C. Steven-
son, who discusses them from a zoological standpoint in Part I
of this joint paper. In these discussions certain mathematical
constants and formulae are used, which may be defined here.

1. The Standard Deviation, abbreviated S. D. and symbolized
by the Greek letter o. It may be proved both mathematically
and physically that the measure of variability is that deviation
from the mean magnitude whose square is the mean of the squares
of the individual deviations. The mathematical statement of
this is

oN aes
aN a

‘l Sum of [ (deviation of class from mean)”. frequency of class]
number of variates.

2. The standard deviation gives the absolute variability of the
character under consideration, while for purposes of comparison
a relative measure is required, as is seen from the fact that the

difference of a ton in the weight of two elephants is not rela-

tively so large as a difference of an ounce in the weight of two
mice. A good relative measure of the variability is obtained by
dividing the standard deviation by the mean (7) and multi-
plying by 100, which gives the coefficient in terms of per cent;
that is, the coefficient of variability.

v=, . 100%

2II

22 C. C. Engberg

3. The coefficient of corre’ation p. Correlated variability is such
a relation between the magnitudes of two characters that any abmo-
dality of the one is accompanied by a corresponding abmodality of
the other. This coefficient varies evidently between the limits + 1.
If two characters are perfectly correlated the value of p is evidently
1, while o indicates no correlation. A negative value of p shows
that while one character increases the other decreases. The mathe-
matical formula is

Sum of products of (deviation of subj. class x deviation
__3fxy _ ofeach assoc. rel. class < number of cases in both)
e~no,o, total no. of individ. X S.D. of subj. X SD. of rel.

In this paper Duncker’s short method of computing the corre-
lation is used. He puts the above formula into the following
form:

ee AY J (FAVS PY) +311) JY) — 23 FX) — nn

Ox Ty

where X and ¥ are the integral parts of the deviations from the
means of subject and relative respectively, € and » are the comple-
ments of the fractional parts of these means, / stands for the num-
ber of cases, and the numbers indicating the summation refer to
the quadrants as shown in the correlation table.

EXPLANATION OF THE TABLES

These tables were compiled by Mr. E. C. Stevenson from the
data obtained by him.

Table I gives the measurements of the hooks of 28 worms of
the species Taenia serrata. The measurements of the large and
small hooks of the same head are given on the same line, thus
making possible a comparison of the dimensions of the two kinds
of hooks.

Table II gives the same measurements similarly arranged for
the hooks of 15 worms of the species Taenia serialis.

Table III is a correlation table for characters a and b of the
small hooks of Taenia serrata. It is divided into 4 quadrants by
lines drawn through the zero points, i. e., the means. The column

212

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 23

headed X and the row headed Y give respectively the integral
parts of the deviations from the means of a and b. The Roman
numeral found in each quadrant indicates its number. The re-
maining tables are correlation tables for the characters a, b, c,
and d. | |

After these introductory remarks we may at once enumerate
the results obtained as farther explanation of the methods used
seems unnecessary.

COEFFICIENTS OF CORRELATION

Correlation a: 6= .62
e ok CROW A Ss
Tarad hooks... ses: Re if Sag
ne 63) cS — 2

Taenia servrata.......
Correlation @: 6= .70
. es L649
| Small hooks..... Patent ia Ate ngs
lf st 6: c=—.09
( Correlation @: 6= .71
ae I Pm of 318)
; WATTS MOOS tens sincere) rT i eS
63 56" 726

Taenta serialis.......

Correlation a: 6= .76
t if Qi? 6=heat
Smalieiooks. eee eae % aay ES
ce 0 Geen

We gather from this table that, while the correlations of a to
b and a to ¢ are mostly quite large, the correlations of b to c are
very small, and in two cases even negative. Or, in other words,
while a large a implies a large b and also a large c, a large b may
imply a small c. This apparent paradox is readily explained
when we consider that we are dealing with correlation “in the
long run,” and that an infinite number of variations may arise
affecting characters b and c which belong to the same character
a, in such a way as totally to negate any expected correlation
between b and c.

213

24 ERB wever es.

From the fact that the posterior chord length follows more
closely the total length of the hook than does the anterior chord
length, we see that, as the hook gets larger, the increase is more
in the root than in the claw. This, it seems to me, has an impor-
tant bearing on the question of the functions of the hooks. The
faet that the firmness of the fastenings of the hooks’ increases
relatively faster than the length of the claw indicates that the
hook is intended for rough work, such as grasping—thus en-
abling the worm to attach itself to the walls of the intestines—
tearing and lacerating.

We also see that characters c and d are very slightly corre-
lated, which means that the shape and size of the claw are nearly
independent of each other.

MEAN, STANDARD DEVIATION, AND COEF. OF VARIABILITY

| CHARACTER | MEAN. | S.D. |/V. ING
a 966.37 | 9.62 | 3.61
i, hook b 173.69 | 8.09 | 4.66
aEBE OOS - C 107.68 | 7.94 | 7.37
d 49.19 | 3.30 | 6.71
Taenia serrata, 4 |
a | 151,99 |7.59 | 4.99
b 94 90 | 6.80 | 7.17
Pe Oo c 85,39 | 5.64 | 6.60
| d 40.20 | 3.41 | 8.48
a 153.93 | 7.07 | 4.59
L ates b 97.75 | 5.87 | 5.50
ey OOS c 73.19 | 3.41] 4.66
d 30.23 | 1.88 | 6.22
Taenia serialis. +
ER Been ee a 99.91 | 7.04 7.05
b 64.94 | 6.72 | 10.3
[| Small hooks. . : 52.93 | 3.88 | 7.33
d 26.67 | 2.48 | 9.30

These figures clearly disprove the assertions made by biologists
that character a is the most variable part of the hook. Its stan-
dard deviation is, to be sure, the largest of the standard devia-
tions, but its coefficient of variation, i. e., its relative variability,

214

a

eee ee te

- . Yo
Pee ee ee a ee

a

*.

Seat’

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 25

is the smallest in every case, and it is hence the least variable of

all the parts. Next in order comes c in three out of the four
cases, while d appears to be the most variable of the characters.
_ With exception of the figures given by Kiichenmeister (1852),
the mean magnitude of the large hooks of 7. serrata, as observed
at Lincoln, is above the upper limits given by the authors quoted
on page 12, Part I. It is different in the case of the small hooks,
however, the mean magnitude here being not far above the aver-
age of the mean found by above-quoted authors.

In the case of T. serialis, the minimum of the large hooks is ‘
practically the minimum observed elsewhere, while the maximum
is far above the maxima given on page 12, Part I. The small

hooks average somewhat less.

FRATERNAL CORRELATION

A question which is of great importance now arises: How
large a proportion of the total variability does each head exhibit?
lf, by the standard deviation of an individual, we mean the aver-
age of the standard deviations of the individual heads, as found
from tables I and II, we have the following results:

Taenia serrata.—The standard deviation of the individual large
hook is 4.9, while the standard deviation of all the hooks is 9.62,
whence the individual variability is about 51 per cent of the
whole.

The standard deviation of the individual small hook is 4.1,
while that of the type is 7.59, or the individual here exhibits 54
per cent of the total variability.

Taenia serialis—For the large hooks we find the individual
variability to be 4.1, and the type variability to be 7.07, or 58

‘per cent of the total variability is found in the individual.

The small hooks give us a mean standard deviation of 4.6,
which is 65 per cent of the total variability. If, however, we
omit the evidently abnormal case (6), we have the mean S. D.
=3.6, and the individual variability is 51 per cent of the total
variability.

215

26 C. C. Engberg

The closeness with which these results agree is very remark-
able. In order that they may be compared more readily, they
are tabulated below.

S24 OE. S.DrOr PERCENTAGE
IND. TE, VARIABILITY
: “st Large hooks.. 4.9 9.62 51
Ree SCIPS TN serait totes alee ied 7.59 54
. eas Large hooks.. 4.1 7.07 58 z
PEHE SETIAUES tere ot hooked. 1) Bupha Tees 7.04 51 (65?)

Sie atari eliiigesce Ceaila tee SN re sedis SRA a lin RG SPA z

CORRELATION OF LARGE AND SMALL HOOKS

Another question of importance is this: From the mean of the
large hooks of any worm can we predict within reasonable limits
the mean of the small hooks of that worm? ‘To determine this,
correlation tables were made in which the means of the large
hooks of each head were entered as subject, and the correspond-
ing means of the small hooks as the relative. In this manner the
correlation existing between the large and the small hooks of a
worm was found to be .3 for 7. serrata, and .38 for T. serials.
The probable errors of these determinations are +.11, and +.14
respectively, a trifle over one-third of the correlation in each case,
not sufficiently large to destroy it. We thus see that the corre-
lation between the large and the small hooks of a worm is a real,
though not very large quantity. —

FEES Ee OT ee eS

SUMMARY

The results obtained from these mathematical considerations
may be summed up as follows:

1. There exists a quite high correlation between characters a
and b in both the large and the small hooks of both species of
tapeworms, it being on the average about .7. |

The correlation between a and ¢ is also fairly large, about .5.

The correlations of c to b and d are small.

216

Variation im Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 27

2. As the hook increases in length, its strength increases réla-
tively faster than the length of its claw.

3. The length is uniformly the least variable part of the hook,
while the curvature of the hook is on the whole the most variable.

4. The specimens of both T. serrata and T. serialis found here »
have their small hooks approximately of the size found else-
where, while in the dimensions of the large hooks they excel
greatly.

5. The percentage of the total variability exhibited by the in-
dividual is nearly constant, and amounts to a little over 50 per
cent.

6. The correlation between the large and the small hooks on
the same head is .30-+.11 for T. serrata, and .38+.14 for T.

serialis,

217

a ae

Oa Ae Ie RO en es: SSP ahi gies Sanat sek” oo tase) AS. poet me te Ose eae

iF Shi Aaa Rta CNOA ee ee ice valde BRA EE toe Au och hens Sees
2 (See alg eg SIRE See Ua ted Sila ee ae aOR CURL eC Re Rese eS Le Se NS
i u TK Pet eee Oy spe eae eee meer ae ahem tas Oi ad Sear eta ea
s S| == [fiat ea pe ety co Tee eee Ce ee eat ee MICE DURES Mie a ie
Es ete a Rika ease ihe! eo hak gh baa lets Ce yet TOME NT Tied tase ote me als el” Ne Mal jet made 6 etd ox SBPR pr ld
; GT ST pol) ee EER Te is eh ale mc i terse Bal, "oy a Tages Coen dae hay Sag we Els <5 sw ety apes bie, ne fee
a for) | HN utes VGtn a eles MiaeP a ENE Ne? Mints, sappete'> Poe = - °O 0D [5
mS, =H Greg ete “geTeh ss. a pede re . re
2 (Ci eel ieee OSS ye bd So oi oe ie aie de pen a Meer eos ad eerie
: ion on Uk eta ec eC ct co mc ci a! OO te ee Or)
{= ae Oe a a Pb Ras . . : |=
nie Ve) GH pain Mae ME atin Soa ltnewe arent lewtet calls aA -O MONO rt 110
aes Petey Riot Sige eatg an § ae eat a . N
re) (ano SI Onst ace Stee ae ae) DOAN +s ae HOnRA |e
10 sMtemce ples 0? fey ie esl . a
5 rm AN +O TAN H (RP OOMMONE 1D «| 6
SS le} - ° ‘ (Jo)
8 nN ys) Van oe eleteete tye ols . .
ss
x “£4 S oS ea 19 art) OSA 200 GI SH OD SO SHO rar gas [is
Q ip] AN
= tH 8 ss Ps : moo 5 1D tN HNN NA HH NRHMAN eee |
cA reat aS (fe) nN = te Sete Se oT RMR ye rr A ee eo PE ON cake eS
3 = a Sei! RS 7 A A ION HOA “18
Q) a s at les | os) arte aAy se at ey el) eis Cee ee es ee ee “6
)
. io) fae) IO oo CN SP ee nn Ute es a om J | rv)
aH ; ~ ot He c pest 5 a een aa eae cow Fale re
CO HH [o) m4 fons | ride : 6 i . Oe ae Pe ee Bose phe Che ie oY
. ip) HW 2 SSeS Abt rel! Chali CPS LST MGM SSH real i dae onset eie nea?) pe aise =H
O “ a ; Se Ses gk ae aA oe
fo) for) (OPI Nin pen LI LGah = (ene [OD pe en Oey) ane LL en aaa I ea eS eee me aor to}
> fas | Rd . rl ee Se ee eae | OE 6 ee dee re Te Not Vioh les tar | ot Sp wiopl 1s | 3
los] a yy eS OF ee Oa Po Lee Ek ee het sews Be eee
a tinea hae ee MR sped NEY) Rich Zeb had ice eS GO ahaaite nas Etcckur Sart fea cake
H SLT ree ea ede APPEASE cae EM eae pg ee ea le
ol Cr ae NST yee ae 2 eet ere EE ae ee ROME, goo ein er, eae ia mr iy
10 oe SOE RC (a eed i ah ee ES OPO OS alee Da Se Sen a eu ere
I Ps eee re a ee ee Re ne ce
fay Pe eotem gos he Meri em os) Oak okie” oo e ie clycine - Suse piel Minh® or, Sery tach Gi a
lo @) ogees tel eet peed ea oy oas PE? pM es ne ot ele Lage ab ie ue tierce me, g5> pb a> aoe teaLe =
& | CES a te ene SO re PO OR eT |
nN Sa Me a ae Sek ced vo Rete mitey Wise cuere, de™ fie als peel lei ow er he eg a) a a aaa
re epee Varo ee Ren tele) Sere cn heme eM LIT” aie Spf. Neer al ale Shang aM tee se AP Sal ap ate eh ve H
é Sale ene ec Meer Ria Merete I ete |
E ie (5 eel ly ee ES Ie oie ee en el Joey Aes ae ee os Batons tame s eb ee EN La ee] | eee
a a hee ace Pic fila Se ee OF | et RO ion Gaiaie) MELA Te HD heat Te <
S | eR pana pipe task Arcata ol oie Meme ahr de Bean a Se aemeoyane. he
ob, le ee gen ewan lon Wel hemee aw eghxelln Woes, Viet we dicyes erste, ane BOR) Tat. git ha Be oleh ey Sapo
26 f2
le) ANAM HOOM-DRDODAANAMIHNOFPORDOAAMHIMOOr®w I
a ia AAAS AAA HANANNANOAN 5
- HH

HEAD
NO.

OMA Ur Wyre

10

L77)ATA 71

Os ier

se eleee

Ce i ee ad

as ee

ee elects

TABLE I—Continued

Hooks of 7aenta Serrata

168/165

SMALL HOOKS

ee ole rele ersten e

se ele ee leeerle

pe
Lo:

al ono Gm

ele ew etewstoae

ele ee fe we

eet: C000: ODOUR: We: DO

162/159) 156

WOW aNWEH OW:

DRE: Bn:

153

hoe

2} 2) 6 5} 7 14) 44) 62) 58

219

aS

ON OED:

Woh en:

e
> PPE bos IR:

150/147

144

141/138

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms

135

29

132] Total

i prmHeoae:

Saher ea eile tte ees

who ne:

we bho:

we

woomaw: QMWeENwwyaeD

BE wonee or:

46) 66

eeele we leeeloeue

see

ee ee

eee] ee wees

see] ee see ee

eelewe|] eeeeees

©) | qujetn ||) ee set eye)

ele we] ee eee ne

8) «] 6)\) (ee sale 0

eee] ee weeee

see] ee ewe ee

ele ee] @ we wee ewe

en ee ed

oe

© [bie fe eee) ale

a eere ee

Oa ica S

see ewer

eee eeee

=

30

Hooks of 7aenia Serialis

C. C. Engberg

TABLE II

LARGE HOOKS

163 | 160 | 157 | 154 | 151 | 148 | 145 | 142 | 139 | Total |

220

HEAD | 175 | 172 | 169 | 166

1 2| 2 Odi Neth hic 1
elo} Seeia. so? SW Bets bea Sek
ad ee spe piccolo Wee Be Bis Es
Pd RIS he il
ea st ye em ah ees i lg
Tol. Se et ED
LET MDS tes
2 ae, eg Wg a 1). Lope es
PAD) aR hers 5 Mapes ea co Gn

Bea MY 3/2
eee al al a NnINS St he 1 2
Been orale Al yon ee 2 3
NS sea Jeans bt Realteam | ish os
aN (OUR Peat Regent) as OW gO, Pea 3
SO Baa pli ERA PA a Sac a ta 1
1} 1] 4| 4] 7/16/14 | 25] 21

A) 0:25, ] Site at pei eat
See) Let ere ea
ee eee ee So
Ee 4 POS ice tice Ade
Di Wied sn asa ecliotavey gl ie, Seagal
1 ave oa] Sedna teh aa oe
4 3 A tre (een (ysis (sere
5 ee baa) A SEE
5 Pea? 2) ine “fh [ero ns ct
wie'eft 2a] alge ae iene
16) VL) cE Se Sis

Variation i Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 31
TABLE lI1—Continued
Hooks of 7aenia Serialis
SMALL HOOKS

Fear 114/111! 108 |105! 102 99 | 96 | 93 | 90 | 87 | 84 | 81 | 78 | Total
1 3 3 Ll ea] | BR ah ot eNO lee Leen ar Ope ren Da I ooo ©

Terk Sees NERA AG, lease eee palh ea ci cD atl en beeline elie, sel aet eee

3 2 AA al a | Del as oP De ea Lean Mbp Sait eet Fae oe

2 La e Sy ee l beseta CR [e Yg eis an| fene! te a bUaiee os (a LAS ee

Fe ae al 2 4 1 Sahel Beste, [ETS sell egeete ais eee eer

a 2 3 1 2 Sayre Wea tthe te ioe al[pauka ge] te ll elon ae ae
Hea | eect ae il 2 3 3 De a eo aes | ee nea e aette
Hei. Micrel tstek 1 2 5 if Da a ges mi TO ime kde emt
1 LP alba Dee ENING os oe te ha Gal te 2 oa Saas ae oe

5) -ebapregt| Pa ae ge Ro] Gan at Gar Ie TEN UE WAR Pease RY BEY | dr

ue alk i Pe Re ed RS ae oR De ab | | rl he tcl te ea RE gee hele Ea eS ih
Ag a eae | (eat (Ny ee 1 2 3 3 1 Doe eon yo) ale eo eae
Ee lars wrth cs ches oes 2 1 2 (ele eo Sea aller ol ee onl ae
Sid or leseyehed | cae aeaenl Rect 4 2 1 a Re ck lotic ecard atl oe See
Ea adeeslhe eal late 1 2 2 a Fa cote [ta eer Protas Soal leavete cil erase are
3/11/10} 7/17| 27/17/1294 5| 3] 2/....) 11 v5

221

32 C. C. Engberg

TABLE III

Correlation of characters a and 6 of the small hooks of 7aenta Serrata -

Relative Classes, Character 0

Ye ae See es 0] 3} .6| 9] 12] 15} 18] 21
xe 80; 83) 86] 89} 92 95| 98]101)104/107/110/113/116! Total
19] 132 SAS RS oy ue eo ley SPT Re a 1

fe aN a nal S135 itt 3 fae pAMe re Ead | shinai aeons iar IL 6
Boh ge al vl. sp 2} 3} 4). il shy Bch bites 4 10
Or AAO 1a 3] 9} 4| 3 Te ee aes there 20
Sea tga ee Bho ° Oh 4 Gh eS, ae ee 30
BL AL AT 27 Ol D1 AT 13} 9| 3 al 66
7) |— Ap 180 ieee Bk 416) Ome Ta BRS ahve Pk ae 42
g |
7 1) 153) 1; 4| 2) 19 OB) OGL al? a eS 58
5 4) 156} 1 7| 12 10] 15) 9} 5i. 149 62
3 7| 159 Oe 4 Ot Pgh Ass 5] Dt al 1 44
2 | 10) 162 Dies. WON SANS ae Dane ee 14
=), 18) .165 RS Tha: OP ol. pa ees 7
2 | 16| 169) ....| LIT a} a) oEV oe 5
19} 171 1 ee 3). 1
29} 174 F Hom Weatel te 1
Da GT oe: a! DH Soe | are 1 Bae oe.
Oe Le: 9} 14! 36] 47] 71 62} 56] 40] 23). 9} 8] 3] 4) 375

Bi (/XY )==5030—387—587+-7254; —2i( FX )— 2a SY ) +f)
P57 O59 IL 53) ef YO) Say A) = 1 ay,
13510+-375=36.03

Ey 01L:X. 1==0, Gz'oy——6: 8 X7.'59==5 1:61; 36.035 2, Ole =. oan

Mean=151.99 { Mean==94.90
Subject: classes: oa. 759 Relative ees oy = "basd
Vz= 4.99% Vy = 7.17%

U

ee ee ae ee ee

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 33

TABLE IV

- Correlation of characters @and c of the small hooks of Zuenia Serrata

Character ¢

65| 68| 71| 74] 77| 80! 83] 86) 89} 92! 95! 98) 101| 104] ‘Total

132 Posh neta 1

“Ea el ae ae thes tl volelk 6

fgets Hicgy. at ohh ale 10

ie ye ee 1} 3) 3i 3} ol al: 20

cae es age Sie Ae NY BP aalis glacaliee Wea ene|oy b ara 30

ST Sa ra | bee dle Adl vel tetas aheale @ leat tac 66

Spalinie |< bilo By ttiel Shao sal culo he ee 42

Ua aen ise she ah ol eal-qeh dele) aaleest cd 58

g cS a ae eel a 2} 1) 4! 14} 20] 16) 2) Q).. 1 62

SMCS 28 Bale es 1} a} si i4al of alaol] 1 44

Bet igh sake Ops qeeqt agh al ighisakcs cle cee 14

| SW aed as ae TiN aa aed AO) Ie a A 7

712 ese Dn Eo gs a es + Ric ase) ps | ey | ean 5

Va OSes Pr) earn a aa i} "6

EE pn oe fa ead Dre ener ge 2

ity lta oxo We v1 eae Pah pes i 5

ata l= tt. 1| 20| 19 47] 65] 89] 77 26 23 | 4 i 375
TABLE V

Correlation of characters c and d of the small hooks of 7aenia Serrata
Character ¢

65| 68] 71) 74} 77| 80) 83} 86} 89} 92) 95) 98) 101} 104) Total

os 32 Be eallsced ia abel eee AU rae lon as eeaiieer eI, at 2 7
4 roel i ed ieee ati aoe 19] i (ce? FSi Pal bagi ea 46
1 Sto hea (eaSe foe Wee Ale) 20)221) 261 18) 7 tse. 2 106
S ails Ace yslio-s si tals, « Si Sls 2a 2226 Sh L6G)... pl) eae 115
Y 44 1 LESS aoleOeco| belt SAO dad| alts. 1 82
S) CT al Ye 2) |e oe Se Sliven meals eran Aleoeatee ral. 1 i
Total 1 1) 20) 19] 47| 65} 89) 77) 26} 23) 2 4 1 375

223

146/149) 152/155 158101 164167 170/173 176
246|...).. ire Bee Naveen deel Aan ee AD
24a 12 OR li 9D i Me ec Ua St Une ES kha
BOON A) cel ed ot) Sle se | Bll Bova ie aN eBnaNs hig
rs sg a ae oe ne (ak) ea a | A PE
258 MP aes iT Oe dns toe os eer | et a U
261 we sfee a} /S} LO} 9} V4) 14h aa) Bho.
~ | 264 DP skedeb) Ghee dopaay Take:
8 | 267 ys eae a er a | i
U7 a le Rae SQ) A 1} 2h 2 4b 6] 8) 4b 8
5.273 PSDP Bp Bs Be Bb OOP ates
Seach GMCS Ba a 228 a 1} 2} 5} 4} 8} 5] 4) 4)...
ET ea Ne Ne) he 2 2) 2) 4p 3h 7 2) 7) 6
ole lie IE Sa Zored Rl SAA See 1 cdl Se rhe eae RE) Ag
IE Maeght aie aia) CW) all Se Eee 8 11 a ae Sere ray
BRB baal lc elec lalon Sins Shoah dy Tht Hertel Roe 2I.
BOR Osh goa ecg. shel a ee re ea ie Sey
DOG TES aI! cal Meal hn ele lloras Sale g bl at ear Ty deseo ake aes
Tot’l} 1]...] 1) 2} 2) 11) 47] 51) 44) 52] 61) 50} 21) 17] 12

34

C. C. Engberg

TABLE VI

Correlation of characters 6 and c of the small hooks of 7aenia Serrata
Character 6

Character c

80} 83] 86) 89
BU eSh BaF
Ag} la Res 4
re ee ee
-e oh 8] 105
...| 6| 11} 6
Seat) 212 6h 16
ee ees
Se PU ae:
Bip |i, dae a
2] 14| 36] 47

}

Pach tbe ahs
gl eat ee
4) 4] 5
7| 11} 7
10} 9} 15
25] 14| 7
12} 12] 14
4, 3] 2
4) 7] 4
tl ete
pot] eat
71| 62) 56
TABLE

95| 98) 101} 104

eee

e
SOMO RHE

wo

ot

VII

feet posta ors:

107} 110) 113

Someone

eee] wees

116} Total

Correlation of characters a and 6 of the large hooks of 7aenia Serrata
Character 6

224

Ce cs cry

179}182}185| 188) 191) 194)197|200)Tot.

——

eS ee eS ee ee ee ee eee ee

)
ngnted

2

ee ee, ee

Character @

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms

93

| ¢
oO

es ee

ms EE now;wlmwRwh:

res .
Rt G9 SIC O1DD CO WO es

ee sleee

TABLE VIII

Correlation of characters a and c of the large hooks of 7aenta Serrata

— WR PR PHODRwWwWWWEH:

Character ¢

aL

114

117

fs

ra

oo
DS HORMUwWAOMH-:

: we DOD DEH OD O1W C1 UIE be:

> corRMARO:
[nll eel eat Sl eel eel” Lee eet

120)123

eee

35

nae

126

135 Total

5] 21) 56) 27

59

(op)
(ep)

41

TABLE IX

Correlation of characters cand d of the large hooks of 7aenia Serrata

‘Character d

Character c

90| 93] 96] 99102|105|108/111|114|117/120!123]126|129) 132/135} Total
7 GR WN (ea a: FEA Slee | JAR Ea pa sltetats ['5 tic Htexelgel te Guoliatode 8
BEL Copii sie LIC, Ole: the Shonen -ORy lasted we eat Tce Neate 36
AC etal Ol SAI EL OS) QQ UTE MOP a Bs] Sek das sates 127
60] 1j-..| G6} 18) 10; 16) 24) 22) 6): 3). FH 1) 2h...) 1s 117
Doe. ste S04 ahekap La LYE TO Gh Ob Bl Bh Te. 3 fae 82
abies all ore tea ea Sd abate « ies |e | Mies | ie | aN 1 18
Tot’l} 5) 5) 21} 56) 27) 59) 66; 53} 41) 16; 20) 6) 8 3 1 1 388

36

C. C. Engberg

TABLE X

Correlation of characters 6 and ¢ of the large hooks of 7aenia Serrata
Character 6

Character ¢

146) 149}152!155/158)161)164/167

=

eee

sleeelene

eee

e

—
HH HH OMmOMmNmweoan:

NWwWonwanw

1}, 2) 2) 11) 47) 51

170

Heo oawmowwe.: ¥
ave Ee
wwe oWwWwOo=A80:

173|176

—.

179)182

188|191)194)197/200)Tet.

PA gee eo eed eos 5
ela opal LeveS le a Peel nce eee ea 5
Ay byl Die" s ye) Sie eee eee 21
ISP a W540 a) avert Real fee 56
AN Ble Dt 2 Die Dl ell ee eee eee 27
TD SO stl ord |e Lipa
73-3) 2 Bl Tie Say ay
Fy TaGleey dil neh eect eels Qi eee
6) S6 leas ae alee a
Rei pra eel bie PARI Patra abe
AN eine tT). ofan ape ea
F| 2 2, [ear een eteslee 4 Sa See ene
1 ll eet a hee rls >in Seo
peas Fils Ths Ace |e Bealeton me
beta a a ate, awit SICen ata bal eal
INN ol ea eee a

61} 50) 21) 17; 12) 11) 1) 3) 11388

TABLE XI]

Correlation of the characters a and 6 of the large hcoks of 7aenia Serialis
Character &

Character @

Cees iC ee rr PW

100 | 103
1
2
5 ae 2
6 6
5 4
5 6
1 3
a
airs ots 1
1

Cs oC

CC cs Ce

a eee, oe

vie; ahenns

85 |s8 [91 | 94
ecole

ad ha

igs We We eR)
Rte Cae Bia 8
peed Oy 3 | 10
Ele te Pains
be Le Mage geste
3. (92 |16 | 26

Bae.

‘ Wisaeen
eS ee eee ee ee 7

ee ee ee ee

Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 37

TABLE XII

Correlation of characters a and cof the large hooks of 7aenia Serialis
Character ¢

| 61 | 6 | 67 | 7 | w | v6 | 79 | 92 | rota

ABO er | oe IG? leo Renae een SIRE P Oe aes 1

Aer Mn etalk Ni 3 2 ees Nags eh caltes 6 is 7
AB, Balke: 3 5 Dele a Lal eae 11

148 he te 1 2 te 10 Dice he ee 16

= Sl Glo ah ae a ae 2 7 8 ae Oona ta 21
De ee Re teal naa rea 6 | 12 6 Belek 25
AP 2 ih Ley (2) (Reade Raine ts ieee 2 8 al ie see) eS 14
2PP (8 Ts eed ee ee Bee a 3 5 ri Role a et 16
BG a8 de See al eevee 1 2 2 ag Pee 7
TES) (SEO A le Pane ing cen | CGR seer 7 i 4

11 TE CH et RG hapa (Ge Ram At 2 2 4

2 RSIS cele eam Ns OS ea a IgA Ber bp t

Dae aa pep ees ahs ws | hatte we Wee on Lr cisakcs atte 1 1
Total | 1 1 Poe Deyo Slt V2 7 3 128

TABLE XIII

Correlation of characters c and d of the large hooks of 7aenia Serialis

Character c

8
3 va any dl eae el | Sea ee eed Pea ES Be coe hep cee Loe aes 2
a3) POW bee aes: 1 4 12 17 5 Se Por 40
£ 31 aa os Br. 12 30 25 2 2 75
a ce SE) Age caeae at Rea aceea cb 2 2 2 4 1 11
3)

227

38

Character c

C. C. Engberg
TABLE XIV
Correlation of characters 6 and c of the large hooks of 7aenia Serialis
Character 6
85 88 91 94 97 100 | 103 | 106 | 109 |Tot’l
0) ie ES Sd Rae pea og Ce Das peed lisse sail alee eee 1
GA Nadine. sit onsic ei SGM Sy ease hetlaner st ag Ws Als 4 ete, eee ol shee ee 1
2 lege oe 1 TE iene ae eb). | ice at lhe «he etl a eee uh
OSTA cla PC 8 4 3 4 4 2 1 26
73 2 1 3 16 9 7 10 2 iN 51
76 Leta ss 2 6 5 7 ii 38 1 | "32
MONAT aril A analhtecs, Mele hte il 2 Ra beats th fi
‘chal Leo Waa S| a ieee ya | ale a hee Lt a ee 3
Tat] 3 | 2 16 26 25 20 24 8 4 |128
TABLE XV

Correlation of characters a and 6 of the small hooks of Juenia Serialis
Character 6

52 | 55 | 58] 61] 64] 67 | 70] 73| 76} 79] 82| Tor

PRB hea Aceon) eel er annette calle # elgg nea ar

2 OL Ee A I tc ee RE IA 3
~ | 90 ie Rage Ue ees aie eaten ora PN Nba ea || 2 5
8] 93 Sale Bal AN 1 Peel a eet eo
2 | 96 a 9 4 BN a ee a
= | 99 Pe ae a ts wees Wee a Pestle Reis) 2 oS
& | 102 Di owt sl ao Bie Bel EBA TPS Ole a a
105 am heey bamcecl i ier onn f Ucaeat Mit Be tS 7
i sl ape weal (SB SV BLS Nc ice ee aaa
Hate tl os Dep aes oe ah 8 tel ae ee
114 fe Sah pcan. ge ae kt 3
Total | 2| 12] 8| 23) 22| 16] 12] 8] 6) 5] 1} 15

228

Ns i Variation in Hooks of Dog-Tapeworms 39
\
TABLE XVI
Correlation of characters ¢ and d of the small hooks of 7aenia Serialis
; Character c —

492 45 48 Bil 54 57 60 63 | Total

Peel Carla eM, v5: Heal Meaeete ledbeaan eh Ca phe 1

2 ANOS ZAR EA ee 1 6 3 reat a 11

Q 25 1 3 3 13 12 MY 2 1 By

2 28 i 2; 5 15 21 8 1 5

g Snes ean: 1 [iia PR 3 4 he clare ees 11

2| 6| 8 | 52) 4.115] 6 | 2 | 15

TABLE XVII
Correlation of characters @ and c of the small hooks of 7uen?a Serialis
Be Character ¢

492 45 48 51 54 57 60 63. | Total
78 Gg je ate al ae | cere Le aber gee ON i TY a VA 1
SE Pie espe yt 5 a Oras a Ub ar |W Patiala ep 4 LA UY latin ety a dW Bh
SA ees eee hea eS lle SD ha Nera cee aa Nee cee oe SOLE Eg 2
to)? cama [ey erase eels, «a al EN ie ef aet eege Tee sn Manag a 3
. 0 Ue ee PE Eas ey ee 2 A reece sathes oot 5
7) eat eee a 1 2 2 5 De il Servet see eee uz
S Gay oe ete] sees to 2 6 8 A oe Ba Sea tek ee 17
= 99 aL 2 2 9 10 1 yp APNG eas PAT
5 Oe S| ere: a a By 8 A leche Keer 1 17
LODE Cee 1 1 1 2 il Ta th Sloe: Te
BLOB ar see Ieee howe te 3 3 AE ee ne ee 10
TTY AE a Dre 1 2 S 2 SPU ie ee alt
SELLE) Fs te Sn eee All| Ve ek 1 TPS feces cic cilteve eens 1 3
Total 2 6 8 32 44 15 6 2 1th)

220

40

C. C. Engberg |

TABLE XVIII

Correlation of characters 0 and c of the small hooks of Taenia Serialis
Character 6

TI Mla al een | a ee eee

Dm ae et Cc! | el ee SS

230

ad
a x! ig

\
Il—E-xamples of Groups
BY ELLERY WILLIAMS DAVIS

The notion of a group is so simple and so useful an aid to the
logical memory that it can well be brought into: even rather
elementary mathematics. For example, the operations of taking
the complement and taking the supplement of an angle generate
a group of order 8. To see this,

let s mean supplement-of,

and ¢ mean complement-of;

so that s¢ means supplement-of-complement-of.

Then,

if ais any angle

we have sSa—7T—a4, ca==7/2—a
csa=a—m/2, sca=a-+7/2
scsa—=37 /2—a, csca——a

cstsa==a—mT, scsca—=a--7
Two angles like a:z differing by 27, or a complete revolution,
we regard as the same angle.

It will be found that either s or c performed upon any one of
the above seven angles will produce another of them, or a, Thus,
we have the group of operations

Gps, CEs WePSE,. 68, SES, 80, SESE,

such that the performance of any two in succession is the same
as the performance of some single operation of the group. We
call this single operation the product of the other two and con-
struct the multiplication table below.

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 3, July, 1904.

231

2 Ellery Wilhams Davis
1 Ss c SC cs SCS CSCS A 2
1} 1 s é SC cs SCS GSE. TERE) s
S s if SL c SCS cs (se)* ete
3B c cs it CSC Ss (sc) Se SCS
SC SC SCS 5 (sc)? if CSC Cc cs
cs cs Cc CSC al (sey? Ss SCS SC
*scs | Ses Sci Detect tl 6.ns CSC 4: cs 4G
CSC C56 IC SC)AA OCS SCS c SC 1 Ss
(isan (senor Wase SCS ray SC c Ss 1

Multiplication is here supposed performed from left to right,

multiplicands being taken from the upper border, while multi-

phers are taken from the left border. We have marked by *
in the table

sos, (se)?; and ' ses: (sc)?
In words, the equation just written is

supplement-of-complement-of-supplement
of
supplement-of-complement-of supplement-of-complement-of
is the same as
complement-of.

It will be noted that every operation occurs in every line of the
table and that the square of every operation except sc and cs is
unity, while the product of each of these by the other is unity.
That is to say—

1. The product of all the operations of the group into or by
ony one of them is again all the operations of the group.

. The group is composed of operations. that are either self-
ees or reciprocal in pairs.

These are properties of all groups.

Examples of Groups 3

To visualize our results, take an angle a, not an integral mul-
tiple of z/8, and place in the standard position, vertex at origen
and positive +-axis for initial line. If the other angles be like-
wise thought of as in standard position, their terminal lines will
lie as in the diagram below.

x 7Y =)

7

SESE

Geometrically then—

Multiplication by unity leaves the terminal line alone.
Multiplication by s reflects it upon the y-axis.
Multiplication by c¢ reflects it upon the line +r—y—o.
Multiplication by sc turns it forward 7/2.

Multiplication by cs turns it backward 7/2.
Multiplication by scs reflects it upon the line x-+-y=0.
Multiplication by»csc reflects it upon the 2-axis.
Multiplication by (sc)* turns it forward or backward 7.

233

4 Ellery Wilhams Davis

Of course a reflection on a line followed by a reflection on that
line, or a turn forward followed by an equal turn backward sim-
ply leaves alone; is equivalent to unity.

Reflection on a line can be replaced by a healf-turn about that
line as an axis. If now we perform the operations, thus modi-
fied, upon a square, whose center is the origen and whose sides
are parallel to the coordinate axes, they will each bring the —
square into coincidence with itself. Thus the group and the
square “belong to each other,” as also do the group and a set —
of eight angles all having numerically equivalent sets of trigo-—
nometric functions.

The group has various subgroups, viz.—
1. Those of order 2 generated by any self-teciprocal operation.
2. The group of order 4 generated by sc or cs.

'

3. The groups of order 4 generated geometrically by a half-
turn about a line and a half-turn. about a perpendicular thereto.

4
I write these all out— |
\ :
Ge Vs tSh 5 NT Che) Lp So tee LCSeTy. ae Gleges
ao Hips asc, 2es,. (se)*t,
Baty Ty OR OSG, (SC) tte A, ey eS SE)

The operations I, other than unity, are half-turns about an
axis and leave unchanged all figures having two-fold symmetry
about that axis; for example, a figure whose sections normal to
the axis are parallelograms with centers in the axis.

The operations 2 leave unchanged all figures having four-fold
symmetry about the z-axis through O normal to the -xry-plane.
Such would be a regular four-sided pyramid whose axis was
the g-axis.

The operations 3 leave unchanged figures having two-fold
symmetry as to the x, y, and s-axes; for example a tetrahedron
centered in O, whose three pairs of opposite edges are each pair
perpendicular to one of the three axes while equally inclined to
one and therefore both of the other axes.

eee ee eee Se

o-*

an

234

Examples of Groups 5

Instead of operations upon an angle a we can have operations

upon the expression cosa--zsina where z, as usual, denotes V —1.
Then s performed upon a in cosa+Zsina gives

x? —I
cos (sa) -+-2 Ae ane rE

while c upon cosa-+ 7 sina gives

ig z

COS \ C0. OSS OTEN NO COS ) ns rere

san eH) cosa-+zsin a’
Thus, if ~ means reciprocal-of, the group

145 (5) (Gy Sly CS, SCS, 050, Csc)*t

corresponds, operation by operation, to
{1, —+, ir, 7, —z, —ir, r, —i},

Note that z and ~ here stand for the operations multiplying-
by ’—1 and taking-reciprocal-of, so that 7-—=—~yré. If we pass
to the Argand diagram, by representing x+zy by (x, y), then
multiplication by 7 will turn through a right-angle, while r will
reflect on the x-axis. We thus reproduce our former geometry.

For still another representation, let the square belonging to
the group have vertices a, b, c, d, in the quadrants I, II, III, IV
respectively, and let us agree that (abcd) as an operator means
to change a, b, c, d into b, c, d, a, advancing cyclically the letters
within the symbol. Then the corresponding group on the letters
is

{1, (ab) (cd), (bd), (deba), (abcd), (ac), (ad) (bc), (ac) (bd).

The reader will find it interesting to write out the various sub-
groups of the above and compare with the corresponding groups of
movements of the square.

Again, we might consider the mutations of the coordinates of
a point (x, y) on the terminal line of the angle a. This would

235

6 Ellery Willams Davis

give the group generated by (ry) (ry) and (xx) corresponding
respectively to c and s; the group, namely:

11, (xy) (ay), (ayxy), (4x), (ex) (wy), (xy) (ay), (yxy), Cvv)}.

There is, of course, a one-to-one correspondence between the
operations of these various groups. We can best, indeed, regard
the various groups as merely several out of many ways of writ-
ing the same group. It is the multiplication table, not the names
we give the multipliers, that determines the character of the
group.

The correspondence is exhibited below:

s c SC cs SCS CSC Gse)2
—r ar. z —t —ir 7 —I
(ab)(cd) (bd) (dcba) (abcd) (ac) (ad)(ba) (ac) (6d)

(ex) (Cy)Gy) Gyay) yxy) Gx) Gr) (oy) (x) G9)

SUG oa gOnh.@ tions are connected by a group

somewhat similar to the one we

have been studying. In: the

diagram to the left any pair of

-cce?t*@ expressions joined by full lines
; are reciprocal; any pair of ex-
pressions joined by dotted lines

have unity for their sum. It

% follows that, if £? be the value
630° of any one of the expressions,

the six are

S27

I —k eB, PB ur eet.

If r denote, as above, reciprocal-of, while m denotes 1—, the
six may be written

k*?, mk*, rk?, mrk®, rmk?, mrmk?,

giving the group jr, mm, », mr, rm, mrmt,

236

The six trigonometric func-

eee
Lp 2 Ea AS

stat

——s ee sf

———— ee ee

- "
OE a a a ae ea ee

Examples of Groups

with the multiplication table—

| 1 | m

1 1 m

Mm m 1
7 r rm
mr my | mrm

rm rm r

MLV | 117972 mr

The subgroups are—

pin 2b leg Phy A

| r mr rm | mrm
r mr rae | mrm
mr r mrm| ru
1 mr Mm mr
m 771 af Yr

mrIn 1 mr m
rim mu a ib

|

1, mr, rmt, {1, mrm}.

That these are the only subgroups is easily seen; for either
m, , or mrm, together with any second operation of the group,
will generate the entire group.

If, in the triply-crossed hexagon
to the left, “denotes motion from end
to end of a full iine, while d denotes
motion from end to end of a dotted
one, it is plain that d and / generate
a group differing from the previous
one only in the substitution of d for
mand f for y But the group fits
precisely as well the uncrossed hexa-
gon, just as the original group could
have been entirely expressed in terms

of rm and m instead of x and m.*

*If 2 denotes mrm, the multiplication table in terms of ~ and m will
come from that in terms of r and m by the mere replacement of 7 by #.

237

8 Ellery Williams Davis

eA ea aeiees Suppose the uncrossed hexagon

\ regular and prolong the dotted sides

to form an equilateral triangle. Con-

sider now the movements that bring

the figure into coincidence with itself.

/ These are: turning the figure over

# about any altitude, and turning the

é figure in its own plane through one-

f third, two-thirds, or a whole revolu-

; tion about its center. We thus have

a group of rotations corresponding uniquely to the groups just con-

sidered. To see this, it is only necessary to let say 4 and & de-

note turning over about any two altitudes, when the multiplication

~ table will be reproduced with 4 and #4 in place of # and7. Thusthe

group we are now considering is related to the equilateral triangle
precisely as was the one we started out with to the square.

If the corners of the triangle are marked +, y, 7, and if ¢,
‘causes an interchange of x and y, while t, causes an interchange
of y and r, then ¢,, t,, and their combinations can be expressed
in terms 4, y, and r as below—

TS Fae to, fit, ft, hhh,
1y Cay) V7 )5 VF), C7). GLa

sin 0 cos O But if x and y denote rectangu-
Jag aa lar coordinates of a point while 7

\% and 6 are polar coordinates of the

e \. same point, (%y) changes each

tO 2) at trigonometric function of 6 into its
Font a tor @. complementary iuncton, yas
\ function on the diagram to that
‘ Me joined to it by full lines; while

a a (yr) changes each into the one
es 6 joined to it by dotted lines. The

eroup {d, f} fits this scheme
quite as well as the one for which it was devised. The hexagon
formed by the lines is now singly-crossed instead of triply-crossed or
quite uncrossed, but, as in those, dotted lines alternate with full.

238

Examples of Groups 9

It is interesting to note the trigonometric meaning of the trans-
formations (a7) and (yr). Connected with every number @ there
is a number z, such that

sin @= tan tu.
We call @ the Gudermanian of z, writing
6=gud u=sin tan t2.

Expressed in terms of z and like-placed on the hexagon with their
equals in terms of 6, the six functions are

lan /u

rN

.

SEC ‘Uy

005 ju — cor fu

It thus appears that (yr) changes each function of iw into its
complementary function.
Similarly, if we write

co-0=gud v
the six functions become
SEG OY tantly

7 :
Ys ”

/ af

a - > Sin lv
Con "COS WW.

*7 is, as usual, V —1.

230

fe) Ellery Willams Davis

and it is thus the functions of iv that are changed into their
complementary functions by the transformation («r).

Therefore to each geometric operation of turning over about
the altitude of an equilateral triangle corresponds the analytic
Operation of taking a complement. Likewise to the geometric
operation of turning through 27/3 about an axis normal to
the triangle and through its center, corresponds the analytic oper-
ation of taking complements as to two arguments in succession
from the trio 6, zz, zv.

Both the group of order 8 and that of order 6 are subgroups
of a group of order 24. This latter group is connected with the
elliptic functions in a manner which we proceed to explain.

In the theory of pendulum motion and elsewhere occurs the

integral.
fi
aa int begs
5 V 1—F* sin?¢

Here ¢ is called the amplitude of w to the modulus &.

o=am(w,k, )=amw,
SiN P=SIN AMW=SNW,
COS P=COS AMW=CNW,
V 1—F? sin? 6-=/\o=Aamu=dnu.

Glaisher has used nsw, new, ndw to denote the reciprocals of
these functions, while scw, cdw, dsw,... mean respectively
snw/cnw, cnw/dnw, .

It is to be noticed that if Ao, then

w=, SNW=SIN W=SIN >, CNwW=COs W==coS F,
danw=1; scw=tan w=tan ¢, etc.

If, however, =1,
gud w=, snw=tan 1b, cnw=dnw=sec td, ete.
If we have four real quantities, a, 8, y, 6, such that
ar>a>PB>y>8;

240

o~

See

Examples of Groups II

_ and if, moreover, we define ¢ and & by

Bl By a Ore YO ee
AS galley gem VY Cas orc deetct oma

it follows that

hh de
Ww, or re
a V 1—F? sin?h

_V = (B—8) (es dx
? a Vo (#—«) (4—B) (4—y) (4-8)
== Say; Ml

If now we perform upon sin ¢ the 24 possible changes in the ar-
rangement, substitutions we call them, of the letters a, B, y, 8 en-
tering into its expression, it will pass over always into some constant
multiple of one of the Glaisher functions.

The substitution group on the letters a, B, y, 8 is

[% (a8), (ay), (a8), (By), (88), (78),

bg (By8), (Bay), (ays), (ady), (488), (088), (aBy), (ayB)
(oS (ay) (88), (a8) (By)
(aBy8), (adyB), (ayB8), (adBy), (aBdy), (ay88) J

Each substitution in the second line is the square of one next
to it in that line. Each in the third line is the square of each of
two in the fourth. Each in the fourth is the cube oF one next to
it in that line.

These 24 substitutions produce in £7 only six changes, as
follows:

Bp—y a—

k? = say, sin? 6—=—— _- a is left unchanged by
eas

y B—é
I, (aB) (78), (ay) (P38), (ad) (By);

is changed to

i=1— Bact 5 = by (ay), (88) (aPy8), (ody);

241

12 Ellery Wiliams Davis

is changed to

ai aies
paecon FT FSS by (a8), (98), (e788), (abBy);

is changed to

Va : —y a—od
— jam ~ lan — FS by (a8), (By), (aby), (8B);

is changed to

peeiee Sa | :
5= TS by (088), (857), (aby), (an);

Re?

is changed to

k? —
— = — f= —* B

Ha .
= Bay aad PY (aB8), (By8), (ayB), (aby).

The substitutions from Ga that leave unchanged some one letter,
say 6, form a subgroup of order 6, producing all the changes above
recorded in £? or szz”0._ The group leaving out 4 is

11, (a8), (ay), (By), (aBy), (ayB)$

*

and obviously the same as

Sr Gay), (aay, Cue), Ceyay Cray ee

e ay To the left I have dia-
SH A ogee @

; BY : grammed the changes
produced by the group in
oe a, 8, y. The arrow indi-
Q 25 cates that the change pro-

S -co/ @ ee
a hd oc MO duced by the substitution

is as the arrow flies, and
not in the reverse way.
In place of the substitu-
eye, pe 3 tions written can be put,
in this particular diagram,

those which produce the same changes in £”,

242

:
’

ad erin

“ i =
ee ee ee ee

ae eT ee ae

Examples of Groups | 13

Consider now Glaisher’s functions. We have—

B—8 x—a “72 B—8 x=8
2 pies ee ae 6 2 a . S|
sntw =" —> ea sin*Osn*w =" — many
eRe WEA ond X haa
Pas = : a tan’ Ocn?w — ced ne
hy ep ne a =O
fees BR aE SCC AS a mali Saley sae
a—y x—B y—8 «—B
uF aise . —y x«—8
CS ce CRIES eR stn? 6cd*w = Poe RETR
a—d x—y eae ga
DA eo Bie tn
ES ema poiuiny ie esebds*y = as Le
7y. x—a Yara X—a
B30 eo Yr ee
mas ane CY pp ane ;
sew Fre 5s cos bsc?w a pneas

together with twelve equations gotten by taking reciprocals of both
members of each of these.

sn*w cn?w sin’ cos"
The set —se’w —cs'w is —tan’> —cot’>
new nsw Sebtges: A ese

and so of a sort frequently considered. Thesubstitutions producing
these changes are indicated to the left. | Call any one of these forms
Ji(w, k)=fA(w)=A. Then any other
substitution than that of the group
in a, 8, 8 will change any f{ into a
new form /2 and the six forms f will
be related precisely as are the six
forms fi; for to operate upon 1—/A
_ or 1+A with any substitutions is
merely to operate upon the fi giving |
I—f. and 1--f.__ In particular, con-
sider the three substitutions other
than unity which leave £? unaltered,
viz.: + (a3)(By), (aB)(y8), and
(ay)(88). These belong to the
rectangle whose corners are a, 8, y, 6 and may be symbolized by it.

243

14 Ellery Williams Davis

Let the first change A to fand .°. f2 back to fA, the second change
f, to fz, while the third changes fi to /4.

We get—
sn?w cit?'w ca°w cosOsd*w
—slw fi —cs’w —serbc?w fp —cosOsc’w
new nS°w secbdsw dew
os ;
a, SAE a SRL -
Bet ae oe ee 3
|
.
; a
csc Ons’ w —csc?0ds?w cCbdew —cofOncew ;
naw A dn*w secOdn?w fa cos*Ond?w :
—sin*Osd*w stn? Osn?w —tan*0cn?w sin Oca*w :
q

The substitutions connecting the forms in each set are shown
below.

ra J
ean fan a f
oy Ne
AN ce
ae ;

244

Examples of Groups 15

It will be noticed that we get the substitutions in any f from
those in any other by performing upon the symbols in the substitu-
tions of the first # the same substitution that carries the forms
connected by the substitutions of the first f into those connected
by the substitutions of the second f It is not difficult to see
why this is. Consider for example the four forms to the left
and their connections.

sow ___(adBy) cdw Plainly we can. pass from
ca’w to dc?w by the route

(a8) (By). (af). (a8) (By).

But (a8)(By) changes 8

and y to a and £ respect-
ively; the second inter-
changes them as transformed; the third transforms them back again
to Sand y; so that it is the sameas if Sand y had been interchanged. *

The substitutions of order 4 of which (aBy8) is the type are not
expressed in our scheme. They are all products of a substitution
of order 2, within a set, by one of the substitutions that connects
like-placed functions in the different sets. Thus—

arent es Se Se 2
nsw (aS HBy) actw

(aBy8)==(B8)- (a8) (8) =(4B) (78). (ay).

The five other pairs of equations eo to this can be obtained
by merely permuting the letters a, 8, y, 8

Similarly can we find the effect of any substitution not occurring
in a set upon a form that does there occur.

E.g. (ay) does not occur in the f set.

But (ay) =(8). (ay) (88)

and (88) does occur in the set.

So cn?w( ay) new. (ay) (88) =— tan?Ocn?w.
Again, because (aBy)=(a8B). (ay) (88),

we have cn?w(aBy)—ns?w. (ay) (88) =sin*Ocd?w.

*It is usual to consider substitutions performed in the order in which they
are written, i.e., from left to right.

245

16 Ellery Williams Davis

The definite integrals

cs a and f 7? dp ih

6 V1—k sind 0 Vi—k" sin®

are called K and KX”. Elliptic-function theory shows us that
st(w+K)=cd*w, sn?( wth” )—=csc?Ons*w,
sw (w+K+tK’ )=cscOdew,

with similar equations for the other forms. If, now, f(w) denotes
any one of the 24 forms,

SJ (w). (08) (ByY)=/(w+K), eg, (w+ \=f,(w),

SJ (w). (a8) (78) =f (w+iK’), eg. fi(w+ik’)=A(w),
fw). (y) (B= (W+KHIK), 0g. fw EIR =f).
When we wish to consider the functions de
w but also & we write Fee RY,
change to a reciprocal modulus by

pendent not only upon
Theory shows us that we can

k*sn?(w, Pye spe =z }

(

sin*Osn?(w, sind) —=sn?(w sin, cscO)
sn?(w, sinO) (78) =sn?( wsin8, csc0),

or more generally A(w, szz0) ( 78) =fi(w sind, cscO),

or

i.e,

and Sa(@, sin8) (yd) =fa(w sinG, csc0),
But also aa | kw, 5 |= e(aw, k)=ca?(w, k) (78),
whence

Sw sind, csc0) =fa(w, sind) (79);
TS beg alge been soe ARO amar ras einen ean

while Bp ca Le EJB dc*(w, k)=[hcd?(w, k)] (78),
so that Ji(w, sin8) (y8)=fa(w sind, cscO).

Thus the subscripts can be dropped and we can write

J (@, sind) (y8)=/ (w sind, csc0),

| 0 EMC) see

oF | F(a, 2) B)=y[ kee, = |

246

me “ae, ‘ima
j oi ik lin one sink
eee es ee ee ee eed an are

Ne en ee ee ee eee

ab — —_ Se ee,

Examples of Groups 17

We pass to a complementary modulus

by sn? (iw, k)=-—-s2(w, k) [analogous to sin?@—=— tan*iu |
whence fi(zw, &)=fi(w). (BS);

by dc? (tw, k')==dn?w. (Bd)

whence fA(iw, k')=f(w, 2). (BS)

and ftw, k')=fa(w, &).( 88);

finally by csc?6dc? (zw, k') =sec*Odc?(z, k);
whence (fa(z7, k')=fs(w, &). (8). ,
So that again the subscripts can be dropped and we can write
f (tw, B)=f (w, &). (88)
or f (tw, cos0)=f (w, sinO).( 8).

But the operations of passing to reciprocal and to complementary
modulus generate a group. In writing the scheme of the group,
only the arguments and the moduli are put at the corners of the

hexagon. The dotted lines indicate (By), the full lines (8).

LW Sin Ch

ew.itard . rent age
; ————— ~wsin 8, 1059
Ay \ rs
‘, x i
vrees G,set) ‘ew sin b,cscO

247

Ill—A New School of Jurists
BY ROSCOE POUND

Hitherto it has been possible to divide jurists into three prin-
cipal groups, according to their views of the nature of law and
of the standpoint from which jurisprudence should be ap-
proached. We may call these groups the Philosophical School, —
the Historical School, and the Analytical School.t On closer
analysis, the Philosophical School falls into two: the Eighteenth
Century Law of Nature School, still represented by a Rousseauist
school in France,? and a Later Philosophical School, of which
there are numerous varieties.* The historical jurists may be dis-
tinguished into the German Historical School, whose method is
philosophical and historical, and the English Historical School,
whose method is comparative and historical. The Analytical
School likewise has an older and a newer phase. The older type,
which adheres to the analytical method exclusively,* may be dis-
tinguished from a later English school whose method is histori-
cal as well as analytical.» Thus it will be noted that there is a
marked tendency to abandon the exclusive use of any one method,
and to bring these formerly divergent schools into something
like accord. In this movement, however, propinquity has hith-
erto played a curious part. The German Historical School arose

1On schools of jurists, reference may be made to Bluntschli, Die neueren
Rechtsschulen der deutschen Juristen; Dan, Rechtsschulen, in his Rechts-
philosophische Studien, 132;*Dernburg, Pandekten, I, secs. 16, 17; Wind-
scheid, Pandekten, I, secs. T-10; Bryce, Studies in History and Jurispru-
dence, Essay XII; Pollock, Oaford Lectures, 1-36.

2 Acollas, L’ldée du Droit, (10 ed.), 1889; Lntroduction 2 1 étude du Droit,
85.

. 8Lorimer, Justitutes of Law, 38; Ahrens, Cours de Droit Naturel, 1, 26-80.

4e.9,. Amos, Systematic View of the Science of Jurisprudence, \872; Markby,
Elements of Law, 1 ed., 1871; Holland, Jurisprudence, 1 ed., 1880.

5 Perhaps Salmond (/urisprudence, 1902) represents a philosophical type
of what is still the analytical school.

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 3, July, 1904.

249

2 Roscoe Pound

in a country dominated by philosophical methods. Hence its
methods are philosophical as well as historical. The English
Historical School arose by way of revolt from a predominant
analytical school. Hence its methods are comparative and his-
torical, and the representatives of this school have regarded them
as supplementary to analytical methods rather than as self-suff-
cient. On the other hand, the influence of this revolt has given
the recent analytical jurists a strong historical bent; while in
Germany the rise of legislation, instead of creating an analytical
school, has merely given an analytical turn to jurists who must
still be counted either as philosophical or as historical. More-

over, the Philosophical School, except in Scotland and in Italy,

its present stronghold, has almost turned historical.

We should naturally expect a new school to emerge from this
breakdown of the older schools, and there are many signs that
such an event is in progress. Jurists are coming together upon
a new ground from many different starting points. Some of
them profess to find this new ground, potentially at least, in the
schools from which they set out. But there is much to indicate
that, instead of a further variation of one of the old creeds, an
entirely new creed is to be looked for. The rising and still form-
ative school, to which we must look henceforth for advance in
juristic thought, may be styled the Sociological School.

The first movement in the new direction was from the then —
dominant historical school in Germany. The historical school —

began by applying historical method to the modern Roman law.
Next we see a tendency to investigate the legal institutions of
all Aryan peoples and reconstruct an Aryan Urrecht, in which
the roots of modern law were to be found.? Presently, while the
latter movement was in progress, the scope of inquiry was
widened, an ethnological turn was given to historical jurispru-
dence, and the foundations of what Kohler styles universal legal
history (Universalrechtsgeschichte) began to be laid. At first
_ this wider historical jurisprudence was thought of as a com-

1 Maine, Ancient Law,7; Jenks, Law and Politics in the Middle Ages, 2, -

*Prins, La Philosophie du droit etl école historique, 8.

’The best examples are: Leist, A/tarisches Jus Gentium (1889) and Alt-
arisches Jus Civile (1892). :

250

A New School of Jurists x

‘parative ethnological jurisprudence.t But it was not long in

assuming the name and something of the character of a socio-
logical jurisprudence,? and may be held one of the prime agen-
cies in bringing about the new movement. The triumph of the
Germanists, and consequent relegation of Roman law to a dis-
tinctly lower position in German legal education, began to be
felt in turning the energies of jurists and scholars into wider
fields of historical research, and a new type of legal literature,
dealing with the legal institutions of all manner of peoples from
the comparative and historical standpoints, grew to considerable
proportions.2 Even Romanists were affected, and deemed it
necessary to begin a history of Roman law by an investigation
of the legal institutions of Babylon.*

Meanwhile others were approaching the same position from
the philoscphical side. Dahn® in an article on the history and
system of the philosophy of law, reprinted in 1883, clearly fore-
shadows the treatment of the conception of law now character-
istic of the rising school. The latter define not law, but the legal
order. He defines law, but defines it as an institution of society,
and terms it a Friedensordnung. <A little later, Nani,®° writing
in Italy, where the philosophical school is still paramount, re-
jected both the historical and the natural-law standpoints, and
ranged himself with Dahn, declaring that comparative ethnology
and anthropology must be the basis of jurisprudence. Wal-
laschek approached the analytical view. He asserted that the
philosophy of law is “the science of juristic thought,’ and in-
sisted that it was to be found in the actual methods of jurists.7

1Post, Bausteine fir eine algemeine Rechtswissenschaft (1880), sec. 1.

2Post, Grundlagen des Rechts (1884). In this work there is an avowed
attempt to put jurisprudence on a sociological basis.

8Tn addition to the numerous contributions of Kohler and Post, the newly
published Vorgeschichte des Rechts of Willutzky (1903) may be mentioned.
_ *Ehrenberg, preface to Ihering, Vorgeschichte der Indoeuropder (1894),
vi,

5 Rechtsphilosophische Studien, 119.

6 Vecchi e nuovi problemi del diritto (1886).

7 Studien zur Rechtsphilosaphie (1889). Schuppe carries this even further.
Jahrbicher der Int. Vereinig, fir vergletch. Rechtswissenschaft, Jahrg. I,
art, /I

251

4 Roscoe Pound

Kohler, professing to follow Hegel, developed and limited these
ideas, so as to set off the philosophy of law from history and

anthropology on the one hand and from analysis of matured —

systems of law on the other, and yet give it an intimate relation
to each. According to him, its province is philosophical study
of the evolutionary processes by which law is formed. Thus, in
his view, historical and philosophical jurisprudence are merged
in a sociological jurisprudence, and lose their identity.

In order to perceive the place which this formative school occu-
pies in the history of jurisprudence, and the work which lies im-
mediately before it, we must understand the history of the con-
ception of law and of the schools which have developed and
debated it. And, since the definition of law was long the battle-
ground of jurisprudence, there is no method by which this his-
tory may be set forth more concisely and strikingly than by
examining the formulas by which jurists have attempted to ex-
press their conceptions and set forth their conclusions.

A developed body of law is made up of two chief elements:
The enacted or imperative element, which is the modern element
and is tending to become predominant, and the traditional or
habitual element,—the older or historical element upon which
juristic speculation proceeds by interpretation and analogy. Cor-
responding to these two elements in the law, two distinct words,
originally expressing two distinct ideas, are to be found in most
languages spoken by peoples among whom law has reached any
great development. The one set of words (ius, Recht, droit,
diritto) has particular reference to the idea of right and justice,
but is used to mean law in general. It is appropriate to periods
in which law is formative or is expanding and developing through
juridical speculation or some other non-imperative agency. The
other set of words (lex, Gesetz, loi, legge) refers primarily to
that which is enacted or set authoritatively, but tends to mean
law as a whole. It is appropriate to periods of enacted law, and
to periods in which the growing-point is in legislation. As now
one and now the other of the elements of which law is made up

4 Rechtsphilosophie und Universalrechtsgeschichte, in Holtzendorff, Aucy-
klopadie der Rechtswissenschaft (6 ed.), 9 (1902).

252

A New School of Jurists 5

has prevailed; now one and now the other name has come to be
used for the whole. The classical period of Roman law was
marked by juristic rather than by legislative activity, and the
classical period of the modern Roman law was similarly char-
acterized. Hence the predominance of iws and its equivalents
in the languages of continental Europe. On the other hand, in
England, where a strong central authority took the administra-
tion of justice in hand from an early period, and the executive
legislation of the royal writs created: a vigorous system which
attained fixity before juristic speculation was sufficiently ad-
vanced to exert an influence, Jaw, a word of the second type,
became the general term, and right never acquired more than
an ethical signification. A similar double series is to be observed
in the formulas in which jurists have expressed their concep-
tions of law. The two sets of words of which iws and lex re-
spectively are the types represent two ideas between which defi-
nitions of law have oscillated according to the circumstances of
legal systefns and the agencies through which their rules have
been expressed for the time being. |
The first attempts at a formula which have come to us from a
Roman jurist or philosopher are to be found in the writings of

Cicero. Cicero lived in a transition period, that of the is gen-

tium, after the strict, formal law set down in the Twelve Tables
had been modified profoundly by the praetor’s edict, but before
the period of the great jurisconsults. A period of enacted law
had come to an end; one of juristic speculation was beginning.
His formulas, accordingly, savor of each. His essay De Legibus,
purporting to contain the discourse of a jurisconsult asked to
expound his views of the ius ciuile,’ is in name a dialogue on the
rules of law, and he defines not ius, but Jer. Yet he does not
use Jex in the stricter sense of a statute or enacted rule, as in
Capito’s well-known formula in the next generation,? but gives
it the wider meaning of law. His formulas are doubtless drawn
from or modeled upon Greek originals. Nevertheless, it is note-

1 De Legtbus, I, 4.
2«*A4 Jex is a general command of the people or of the A/ebs, upon question
by the magistrate.” Aulus Gellius, X, 20, 2.

253

6 Roscoe Pound

worthy that, as he puts them, they have something of the idea
of authority and command, appropriate to the period just past,
and something of the idea of reason and justice, appropriate to
the immediate future.? : ‘

Passing to the classical jurists, in the golden age ‘of juristic
law-making, we find the idea of authority and command has dis-
appeared, and reason and justice, to which the jurists of the time
were striving to make the actual rules of law conform, alone are
insisted upon. Thus Celsus (beginning of the second century)
and Ulpian, following him, define law (ius) as the “art of what
is right and equitable,’’? and the latter defines jurisprudence as
“the science of the just and the unjust.’’? Paulus in like manner
says law (ius) is “that which is always equitable and right.’’*
By ‘the middle of the third century, however, the period of the
classical jurists is past. Rescripts of the emperor supplant
responsa of the jurisconsults as the source of private law, and
by the end of the fourth century these rescripts cease to be au-
thoritative except for those to whom addressed. From the time
of Diocletian (284), imperial legislation becomes the growing-
point of the law. This period has left no juridical or philo-

sophical treatise to set forth the current notion of law. But it :

can hardly be an accident that the word Jex began to mean law
in general during the period of legislation and codification from
Diocletian to Justinian.’ An antiquarian revival in the reign
of Justinian preserved for us the formulas of the classical jurists,
But the Institutes and Digest give us the legal speculation of the

1“ Law (lex) is the right reason of commanding and prohibiting.’’ De
Legibus, 1,5. ‘A just sanction, commanding what is upright and prohibit-
ing the contrary.’ Philipp., XI, 12.

* Ars aequt et boni, Dig., I, 1, 1, sec. 1.

Poe oh, NOL secu

Sie lb, Aiepr

*Savigny, Geschichte des Romischen Rechtsim Mittelalter, I, sec. 87. The
first case of its use in this sense is in the Lex Dei siue Mosaicorum et
Romanorum Legum Collatio, dating from the end of the fourth century.
In this connection it is of interest to note that while Rech, drott, diritto, all
meaning etymologically that which is straight or right, are equivalents of zs
and are generic terms, and Gesefz, loi, and legge, equivalents of /ex, are
properly employed to mean enactment, legislation, or rule, yet /oi and legge,

for the same reasons that led to the wider meaning of /ea, are sometimes
used for law in the wider sense.

254

} sm _— -
ee ee

A New School of Jurists ¥ |

second century, not of the sixth. The ideas of an age when

Roman law was known as a body of enactments are well illus:
trated by the definitions in the treatise on the etymology of words
of Isidorus Hispalensis (ob. 636). He says: “Fas is divine law
(lex), ius is human law. Lex is a written enactment. Custom
is usage approved by time or unwritten law (ler)

Usage, moreover, is a certain kind of law (lex) instituted by
observance, which is held for enactment (/ex) when enacted law
is wanting.” In other words, enacted law is the normal type,
customary law is a makeshift, to which men resort when the
former fails them.2 This view is even more apparent in the
writings of the period prior to the rise of the school at Bologna.
Although the classical formulas as to ius are repeated, they have
become empty. Lex is the living word, and enactment is ob-
viously felt to be the true law. For example, in the Expositio
Terminorum, appended to the eleventh-century Petri Excep-
tiones Legum Romanorum, after Celsus’s. well-known formula,
we come upon this: “Law (les) is right (ius) enacted by wise
princes.”* Also in the related Libellus de Uerbis Legalibus:
“But all law (ius) consists of statutes and customs. Statute
(lex) is the enactment of princes written for the common good ;
custom is unwritten enactment (/ex).’* The absence of any
real line between ius and lex, so far as the former has more than
an ethical meaning, is noteworthy.

In tracing the growth of the conception of law from the re-
vival of legal studies at Bologna in the twelfth century to the
time of Grotius, we must bear in mind that the theories of the
time “implied the acceptance of three great authorities, which
might be interpreted or applied, but were not to be questioned,—
the authority of the Bible, of Aristotle, and of Justinian.”® The .

1Bruns, Fontes Iuris Romani Antigui, I, 83. :

2'This was evidently an important point to insist upon in the period of the
Leges Barbarorum. Thus in a capitulary of 793 ( Capit. Pippin. Reg. It., 23)
we read: ‘‘ Where law (/ex) is wanting, let custom prevail, avd let no custom
be put over the law.”

: 8Compare this with Gaius, I, 2: ‘“‘Constant autem iura ... ex legibus,”

etc.

4Fitting, Juristische Schriften des friheren Mittelalters, 164, 181.

5Ritchie, Natural Rights, 7.

255

8 Roscoe Pound

Corpus Iuris Ciuilis, as legislation of the emperor Justinian, was
supposed to be binding statute law, and was properly to be des-
ignated lex. In this belief, jurists were engaged in interpreting
and commenting upon the authoritative text, so as to fit it to
the conditions of the modern world. As the reception of Roman
law proceeded, the law in continental Europe was made up of
the Corpus Juris with its modern gloss,—which, together with
the legislation of contemporary sovereigns, was regarded as en-
acted law,—and the customary law of the various peoples, as it
had developed prior to the revival or reception of the Roman
law. Hence Gratian (about 1150), instead of drawing upon the
classical definitions of 7us, turns to the formulas of Isidorus His-
palensis, already quoted, and tells us, substantially in the latter’s
very words, that all ius consists of enactments and customs ; that
lex is a written enactment; and that custom is a certain kind of
ius which is taken for Jer when enacted law is wanting.t For
him, too, enacted law was the normal type, and customary law
a mere makeshift to which men resorted for want of enactment
in order to prevent failure of justice. During this period Eng-
lish judges were constructing the common law of England by
developing a judge-made customary law through interpretation
and analogical extension of writs and precedents. English law

was ius, not lev, although the powerful central authority behind |

it gave it the strength of imperative law and obscured the ethical
and logical element, usually so prominent in non-legislative sys-
tems. But the title De Legibus ct Consuetudinibus, borne both
by Glanvill’s treatise and by Bracton’s, makes it evident that the
continental ideas as to the nature of law were taken for granted.
Indeed, Glanvill (about 1189) feels compelled to consider
whether England has laws in view of the circumstance that the

rules administered by the king’s judges are not enacted.2 The

beginning of the movement back to the classical theory of law is
to be seen in the next century, when St. Thomas Aquinas (1225
or 1227~74) formulates a theory which, in one way or another,
has been felt in jurisprudence until very recent times. The Ger-

1CC. 2-5,. Dist. 1.
*Preface (Beale’s ed.), pp. xxviii-xxix.

256

A New School of Jurists 9

manic principle that the state was bouud to act by law coming
in contact with the revived classical idea that the state exists of
natural necessity for the general welfare, toward which law is
but a means, so that the state creates law instead of merely rec-
ognizing it, led men to take up once more the distinction of
natural law and positive law.‘ Positive law was the creature of
the sovereign. But all sovereigns were subject to natural law,
and their enactments in conflict therewith were simply void.
Thomas Aquinas made over this philosophical theory to bring it
into accord with theology. He divided the old ius naturale into
two parts,—a lex aeterna and a lex naturalis,—of which the one
is the “reason of the divine wisdom” governing the whole uni-
verse,” the other the law of human nature, proceeding ultimately
from God but immediately from human reason, and governing
the actions of men only. Man, he held, being a rational crea-
ture, participates in the eternal reason, so that the must which
the /ex aeterna addresses to the rest of creation is ought to him.
Thus that part of the eternal law which man’s reason reveals is
to be called natural law. While this scheme made law a body of
enactments of the supreme law-giver of the universe, and so
properly to be called lex, it took from positive law its character
of enactment and made it a mere recognition of the lex naturallis,
which was above all human authority. Hence it prepared the
way for the more liberal notions of the humanist school of jurists
and for the return in the seventeenth century to the classical
conception of reasonableness as the source of authority in law.
No conception has been more fruitful in legal history than this
notion that the foundation of law is in ideal or natural justice.*

1Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Age, 73, TA.

2Summa Theologiae, 1, 2, q..93, art. 1.

3 Summa Theologiae, 1, 2, q. 91, art. 2.

4The warfare which the historical and analytical schools have waged
against the abstract systems which sometimes spring Minerva-like from the
heads of metaphysical jurists has caused many to forget this. It is curious
that a masterly sketch of legal evolution, such as Kohler’s Rechisphil. sophie
und Universali echtsgeschichte (Holtzendorff, Encyklopadie der Rechtswissen-
schaft, 6 ed., 1-69), should pass over it so lightly. But see Grueber, Zinfuh-
rung tn die Rechtwissenschaft, sec. 2 (Birkmeyer, Encyklopadie der Rechts-
wissenschaft, 15). OR

257

IO Roscoe Pound

The influence of this theological-philosophical system of juris-
prudence outlined by Thomas Aquinas may be seen in the for-
mulas of practical lawyers down to the Reformation. Yo give
but two examples: Fortescue (between 1453 and 1471), after
defining ius in the words of the Digest, defines lex, used in the
sense of positive law, as “a holy sanction (sancio sancta) com-
manding what is right and forbidding the contrary,”’—that is,
a sanction added by the state to a rule of natural law. As this
natural law, however, was discoverable by reason, the obvious
effect of the doctrine was to require all rules of positive law to
be tested by reason, and accordingly we find in Doctor and Stu-
dent (before 1523) the significant statement that the law of
nature “is called by them that be learned in the law of England
the Jaw of reason.”?

A new period begins with the great work of Grotius (1625).
Although, perhaps, he did no more than give currency to what
the expositors of natural law had worked out already,* the result |
of his book was to emancipate jurisprudence from theology.*
Soon afterward Conring (1643) overthrew the notion of the
statutory authority of the Corpus Juris.» Thus natural law
ceased to be lex naturalis, the enactments of a supernatural legis-
lator, and became once more ius naturale, the dictates of reason
in view of the exigencies of human constitution and of human
society. And positive law became the application of reason to
the civil-relations of men, whereof, on the Continent, the Corpus
Juris was the chiefest exponent merely because of its inherent
reasonableness.° Thus a movement arose comparable to the clas-

qi
Y
a
7
¢
«
.
5

1De Laudibus Legum Angliae, cap.3. This goes back to Cicero (sanctio
tusta, tubens honesta et prohibens contraria). Butthe choice of this formula .
and the pious turn given it are remarkable. Compare Bracton, I, 3.

2 Doctor and Student. Introduction.

8 Hinrichs, Geschichte der Rechts und Staatsprincipien seit der Reforma-
tion, I, 59.

4Tioy, Philosophy of Right (Hastie’s Tr.), I, 113.

3 De Origine Luris Cra See Brunner, Gundziige der Deutschen
Rechtsgeschichte, sec. 64; Stintzing, Geschichte der Deutschen Rechtswissen-
schaft, Il, 3.

6«The grand destinies of Rome are not yet accomplished; she reigns
throughout the world by her reason, after having ceased to reign by her au-
thority. » LD’ Aguesseau (1658-1751), quoted by Kent, Commentaries, I, 516.

258

>

A New School of Jurists II

oA erases

sical period of Roman law, in which the growing-point was to
be found in juristic speculation under the influence of a philo-
sophical theory. Until the rise of legislation upon the Continent,
the theory of natural law was dominant in jurisprudence. The
idea which was at work in legal theory and practice can not be
stated more clearly than in the words of Montesquieu (1748):
“Law in general is human reason.”* In the eighteenth century,
the movement for codification and the influence of an age of
absolute governments revived the older conception of law, nat-
ural and positive, as enactment, and brought about a reaction.
This reaction begins, indeed, with Hobbes, a century earlier.
Writing in England where there was a vigorous and efficient
legislative, and where, for historical reasons, the notion of nat-
ural law was producing no practical results, it was natural that
he should be impressed with the imperative element only. Ac-
cordingly, he says: “Civil law is to every subject those rules
which the commonwealth hath commanded him ... . to
make use of for the distinction of right and wrong; that is, of
what is contrary and what is not contrary to the rule.”? Until
Kant, this insistence upon the imperative element becomes grad-
ually more and more marked. Thus Burlamaqui (1747) defines
law as “a rule prescribed by the sovereign of a society to his
subjects.” Likewise Rousseau (1762), seeing in law “the con-
ditions of civil association,’ and perceiving that these conditions
were controlled by a highly centralized sovereign, whereas in his
view the people are the sole legitimate sovereign, insists upon
the imperative side. He says: “Law is the expression of the
general will.’’* Finally, Blackstone (1765), characteristically
reconciling the current philosophy with his common sense as a
practical lawyer, by the simple process of’stating the results to

ILesprit des Lots, liv. I, chap. 3.
® Leviathan, chap. 26. As to the circumstances influencing Hobbes’s con-
ception of law, see Maine, Zarly Hist. Inst., 395.

8 Principes du Droit Naturel, par. I, chap. 8, sec. 2. The imperative
theory is stated very clearly as to positive law by Wolff, /nstitutiones Juris
Naturae et Gentinum, sec. 1068 (1750).

4 Contrat Social, liv. 2, chap. 6.

259

12 Roscoe Pound A
which they led respectively side by side without comment,*
adapted a Ciceronian formula so as to make it include both of
the current conceptions.2 English thought continued in the
course marked by Hobbes. But on the Continent another period
was about to begin under the influence of Kant.

The problem which confronted Kant and those who followed
him more immediately was the relation of law to liberty. On
the one hand, we live in an age of legislation, in which there is
and must be external restraint and coercion, in which a philoso-
phy that sees only reason and ideal justice is not the philosophy
of the law that is. On the other hand, we live in a democratic
age, in which the arbitrary and authoritative must have some
solid basis other than mere authority, and in which the indi-
vidual demands the widest possible freedom of action. How
were these two ideas, external restraint and individual freedom
of action, to be reconciled? This question furnishes the clue to
the formulas of philosophers and of jurists during the hegemony
of the German historical school. Kant met it by formulating
the judicial notion of justice,—the notion of an equal chance to
all exactly as they are, with no artificial or extrinsic handicaps.
He looked on restraint as a means and freedom as an end, so
that there should be complete freedom of action except so far as
restraint was needed to insure harmonious coexistence of the
individual with his fellows according to a universal rule.* Say-
igny (1840), as a lawyer, turned this formula of right into one
of law: “The rules whereby the invisible boundaries are deter-
mined, within which the existence and the activity of each indi-
vidual gain secure and free opportunity.”* Acollas (1885), in a
country governed by a code and in an age of legislation, gives
us a modern version: “The aggregate of the rules which pro-

1Compare his statement of the extreme view as to conflict of legislation
and natural law (I, 43) with his statement as to the omnipotence of parlia-
ment (I, 161); his criticism of the state of nature theory (I, 47) with his
scheme of rights based on that theory (I, 122); his curious juxtaposition of
utilitarianism and Grotian natural law (I, 41).

2Commentaries,.I, 44.

3 Metaphysische Anfangsgriinde der Rechtslehre, 27 (1797).

4 System des heutigen Romischen Rechts, I, 52.

260

~ yide for the employment of the force of society to restrain those
who infringe the liberty of others.”* But after a time men be-
came more doubtful of the efficacy of equality as a panacea, and

the purely judicial idea of justice began to drop out of the for-

A New School of Jurists 13

mulas of metaphysical jurists. This appears noticeably in the
writings of Krause and his school,? but may be seen also in re-
cent formulas in which the imperative element is beginning to
reappear.* :

It will be noted that the modern formulas which have been
cited are drawn from the philosophical standpoint. This is due
to the influence of the historical school founded by Savigny.

Regarding law as something organic, brought forth by inherent

necessity and developed by natural forces, a product of the his-
tory of a people, he opposed codification and was skeptical as to
the efficacy of legislation. Hence the imperative element plays
no part in the conception of his school, and during the period
of its predominance the best definitions are metaphysical. More
recently the shifting of the growing point of German law to
legislation has made itself felt in jurisprudence in a renewed

‘insistence upon the imperative element. Ihering was the pioneer

in this movement. He made the needed corrections in the theory

based upon the imperative element and brought together the

philosophical and the analytical conceptions, as Savigny had
reconciled the philosophical with the historical.* After his dis-
cussion of the subject, the imperative element ceased to be kept
in the background in German treatises.’

1 [Introduction a0 étude du drott, 2.
- 2The organic whole of the external conditions of life measured by rea-
son.’’? Krause, Abriss des Systemes der Philosophie des Rechtes, 209 (1828).
8E.g., ‘“Anageregate of rules which determine the mutual relations of men
living in a community,’’? Arndts, /uristische Encyklopddie, sec. 1 (1850);
“The sum of the conditions of social co-existence with regard to the activity
of the community and of individuals,’’ Pulszky, Theory of Law and Civil
Society, 312 (1888); ‘‘ The sum of the rules which fix the relations of men
living in society, or at least of the rules which are sanctioned by the society,

‘imposed upon the individual by a social constraint,’ Brissaud, J/anuel

@histotre du droit Francais, 3 (1898).

4He defines law as: ‘‘The sum of the rules of constraint which obtain in
a state.” Der Zweck tm Recht, 1, 320 (1877).

5See Merkel, Juristische Encvklopé tte, sec. 19; Gareis, Rechtsencyklopadie,
sec. 5; Holtzendorff, Hncvklopadie der Rech(swissenschaft (5ed.), 5, 78; Sohm,
Institutes of Roman Law (Tr. by Ledlie), 2 ed., 163.

261

14 | Roscoe Pound

While German jurists were coming back to the imperative
idea, English jurists were engaged in getting away from it. The
century from Blackstone to the Judicature Act was one of legis-
lation. The growing-point of our law has been shifting slowly
but surely to legislation for a long time. Nevertheless the dom-
inant element is still case law, and common-law legislation is still
very largely a mere outline, to be filled in by a judicial gloss.
In consequence legislation has been so active that English jurists
could not overlook the imperative element, and yet the other ele-
ment has been too conspicuous to make it possible for an ex-
clusively imperative theory to remain current. At the beginning
of the reform-movement we find Bentham, the founder of the
science of legislation, in a treatise on the principles of legisla-
tion, saying that “a law is either a command or the revocation
of one.”t His disciple Austin, writing when the reform-move-
ment was in full career and was producing all manner of arti-
ficial changes, so that such parts of the law as remained in their
original condition did so, as it were, by the grace of parliament,
worked out this idea rigorously in all its consequences and
founded his system upon it. The general and almost blind ad-
herence to Austin’s theories at one time, and the no less general

and perhaps at times little less blind repudiation which has come
| by way of reaction, have obscured his true position in the history
of jurisprudence. In many respects he marks the end of a period
rather than a starting point. But the exactness and severity
with which he summed up and restated what had long been the
English theory of law made an issue on which the historical
school could and did join. Blackstone had said already that law
was a “rule of action which is prescribed by some superior, and
which the inferior is bound to obey;’ likewise, that it was a
“rule of action dictated by some superior being.”? But along
with these statements Blackstone laid down, with no apparent
thought of inconsistency, the most extreme views of Natural
Law. Austin saw the inconsistency, and was never weary of
pointing it out. Having to choose between the two ideas, in

1 Principles of Morals and Legislation, 330 (1789).
21 Comm., 38, 39.

262

A New School of Jurists 15

view of the condition of law at the time, Austin naturally in-
clined tc the imperative theory, and laid down its general prin-~
ciples almost in the very words of Blackstone. A law, in the
most general sense, is, he says, “a rule laid down for the guid-

ance of an intelligent being by an intelligent being having power

over him.”* Jurisprudence has to do with rules set by men to
men, provided they are established by determinate political su-
periors.” He requires a state as a condition of positive law; for
a law, being a command, must proceed from a determinate source

_ and must be sanctioned.* Accordingly he defines positive law as

“the aggregate of rules set by men as politically superior to men
as politically subject.”* This is simply a thorough carrying out
of the notion we have traced from the beginnings of jurispru-
dence in the writings of jurists living in periods of legislative
activity. Its defects are now well understood. . Not only does it
fail when applied to the law of archaic communities, but it re-
quires an over-ingenious theory of implied command to account
for the large traditional or customary element still to be found
in developed-systems. Nevertheless it must be admitted to rep-
resent what law is largely coming to be, especially where the
common law itself is in force by the express terms of a statute.®
The point most directly vulnerable is the notion that rules of
law must be prescribed or set by the sovereign. We may under-
stand such a doctrine when we find it still put forward by one
who believes that rules of morals are to be taken from a spirit-
tial sovereign and rules of law from a temporal sovereign.£ We
may expect to find it still asserted by those who cling to eigh-
teenth century dogmas and refer the source of all things to some
agreement or consent on the part of the “people.’* But to one

1 Jurisprudence (3 ed.), 88.

a Tod, ; 89.

8 Tdid., 90-94.

4 bid., 98, student’s ed. (Campbell), 86.

5See, for instance, Comp. Stat. Neb., chap. 15a. Compare Hear Law
and Politics in the Middle Ages, 2; Rattigan, Jurisprudence, sec. 2; Bris-
saud, Manuel d’histoive du droit Frangais, ray

6 Vareilles-Sommiéres, Principes fondamentaux de droit, 12.

74 rule agreed upon by the people, regulating the rights and duties of
persons.”’ Andrews, American Law, sec.72. This agreement of the people

7 263

16 Roscoe Pound’ a
who investigates the actual facts of existing systems it is impos-

sible. The will of the state, or, if one likes, the will of the people * |
is not always expressed in imperative form. The state may be y
passive. It may suffer old practices to continue or may continue
to protect or require them, without any express declaration on
the subject. Rules of. law are administered by the courts, and
the courts have been established by the state. This does not
mean, however, that the state has established or prescribed the —
rules. These considerations must have led in time to an over-
hauling of Austin’s theories had nothing happened to bring
them suddenly in question. But contact of English lawyers with
a living body of archaic law in India gave England a historical
school of jurists and hastened the result. Hence Holland (1880)
made a distinct advance in substituting the idea of enforcement
by the sovereign.t The next improvement was to limit the for-
mula to those rules enforced in the administration of justice.2
F inally, we owe to Salmond a suggestion which serves tersely ; :
to reconcile the analysis of atodeen: systems with the facts of
legal history. He defines law as “the rules recognized and acted
on in courts of justice.’”* If we substitute or for and, we have a
formula which accords also with the circumstances of archaic
law, since before the rise of the state as the active agent in put-
ting down private war, law is something recognized in the ad-
ministration of justice; and it continues to be merely recognized
until the state becomes strong enough to take it up and enforce
it. International law to-day is a system recognized by states.

and Austin’s command of the sovereign are the same; each exists, as to the
traditional element of the law by implication only. The one author looks to
an ultimate moral source, the other to the immediate practical source of the
sanction upon which both have fixed their attention.

1«*A general rule of external human action, enforced by a sovereign polit-
ical authority. » Jurisprudence, chap. 3. :

2« The sum of the rules administered by courts of justice.’? Pollock and
Maitland, Hist. Eng. Law (1 ed.), xxv (1895). ‘‘ The sum of the rules of
justice administered in a state and by its authority.’’ Pollock, /irvst Book
of Jurisprudence, 17 (1896). Compare formulas of Thayer (4 Harv. Law
Rev., 153), Gray (6 Harv. Law Rev., 24), and Dicey (Law of the Constitu-
tion, 93), which PDETOSCE this phase of the analytical definition.

3 Jurisprudence, sec. 5 (1902). Compare his earlier statement: ‘‘ The ag-
gregate of principles or ies recognized or acted on by the state in the admin-
istration of justice.’ /7rst Principles of Jurisprudence, T7 (1893).

264

A New School of Jurists 17

Thus it appears that the growth of legislation as the chief
agency in law-making has emphasized the imperative element in
all recent formulas. In England, as the historical school came
last, jurists have been tempering ultra-imperative analytical for-
mulas to bring them into accord with the results of historical
research. In Germany, where the historical school came earlier
and waged its war with philosophical rather than with analytical
antagonists, metaphysical formulas have had to be made over to
accord with the every-day experience of those who live under

the jurisdiction of legislatures. Since Hobbes, English jurists

have always given the imperative element great prominence, and
continental jurists, almost without exception, are coming to in-
sist upon it more and more. Even writers on ethics have been
influenced by this modern predominance of enacted law.* In
Italy alone the theory of natural law and its concomitant methods
still flourish despite a code.2 But, as we have seen, in the his-
tory of jurisprudence periods of legislation and codification, in
which the imperative theory of law has been predominant, have
always been periods of stagnation. The law has lived and grown
through juristic activity under the influence of ideas of natural
right and justice or of reasonableness, not force, as the ultimate
source of authority. Hence, if there were no counter movement
visible, we might well regard the well-marked swing of the pen-
dulum toward the imperative side as an ill omen.* It is precisely
here that the new Sociological School has its opportunity. Re-
alizing that a final answer to the question, ‘““What is law?’’ is
impossible, since the thing to be defined is living and growing,
and therefore subject to change, the most conspicuous represen-
tative of the new school abandons that question and goes behind

1«We must define Laws to be rules of conduct laid down by a Rightful
Authority, commanding within the limits of its authority.’ Sidgwick,
Methods of Ethics (6 ed.), 296. ;
2Tioy, Philosophy of Right (Hastie’s Tr.), II, 379-392. But a decadence
has been remarked. Carle, Vita del diritto, (2 ed.), sec. 204 (1890).
8A protest has appeared in Austria already. Ehrlich, Freie Rechisfindung

und freie Rechtswissenschaft (1903).

265

18 Roscoe Pound — ee tee

it to define the legal order (Rechtsordnung) in which law re a
sults and for which it exists.1 | The means of attaining this legal
order may varv. They may be command and coercion or reason —
and justice. But the end has been before men from the begin- _ a”
ning of legal evolution. By appealing from the particular phase - % E
of law which is now current to the universal conception of the |
legal order, the new school points out the road for future devel- i
opment in jurisprudence. Law is not an end, but a means. q
school which studies it as a social mechanism? will do no litfle He
service if it but deliver us from the condition of dry rot which
_juristic thought has hitherto contracted in periods of enactment
and codification, and preserve or restore the juristic ideals of ©
reason and justice, which, for a time, we seem fated to lose or to a es
forget. a

| ae

1Kohler, Linfithrung in die Rechtswissenschaft, sec 1. cf. Paulsen,
Ethics (Thilly’ s Tr.),627, In Kohler we see the historical and the sociological
views coming together; in Paulsen the teleological and the sociological.

2«*A mechanism in the service of the good.” Paulsen, l.c.

266

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CONTENTS

I Tue Causes OF THE INSURRECTION OF THE 5TH
AND 6TH OF OCTOBER, 1789.
Julia Crewitt Stoddard

II FoRMATION AND SUCCESSION HERBARIA.
Frederic EF. Clements ?

LINCOLN NEBRASKA

Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, as University
Bulletin, Series 9, No. 15

UM VERSTTY SLUDIES

VoL. IV OCTOBER, r904 No. 4

I.—The Causes of the Insurrection of the 5th and 6th of
October, 1789

BY JULIA CREWITT STODDARD
INTRODUCTION

Many explanations have been offered by historians for the
insurrection of the 5th and 6th of October, 1789, when a Parisian
mob marched to Versailles and brought back the king to Paris.
It has been claimed by some writers that the movement was the
result of conspiracies, that it was brought about by individuals
for motives of personal ambition; by others that “it was entirely
unforeseen, spontaneous, and truly popular,” that “the events of
these two days are due to an extraordinary concatenation of
fortuitous circumstances.”*

It will be the purpose of this paper to find as much as possible
of the truth or error in these various interpretations. By a study
of the economic conditions of France, and by tracing the in-
fluence of a bad system of agriculture and a demoralized grain
trade in producing a state of want and suffering, I shall endeavor
to show that Paris was ripe for revolt. And if it does not appear
that hunger was the only “real and certain cause” of the insur-

1Sybel, History of the French Revolution, 1, 124, 131, 132; Stephens, /7/7s-
tory of the French Revolution, 1, 220, 227; Loménie, Les Mtr abeau, IV, 493;
Blanc, Histoire de la révolution francaise, III, 44, 45, 1V, 117,118. See also
Michelet, and Battifol cited by Mathiez.

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 4, October, 1904.

267

2 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

rection, it will be seen that the fear of famine was a most impor-
tant factor in that event.

The political situation will be studied; the interests and pur-
poses of parties, and their effect on each other and on the course
of events, will be pointed out. The evidence cited will, I think,
create the conviction that there is no necessity for theories of
deep-laid plots to account for this uprising.

Military: complications will also be investigated and their in-
fluence on the course of events estimated. What was the attitude
of the French guards and of the king’s body-guard and what the
effect of calling the regiment of Flanders?

The role played by individuals is not at all a simple question.
But it is possible to show that this great movement was not the
result of the political machinations of any one man or of any
group of men, but that its causes were various and very compli-
cated. Many things of different degrees of importance working
together produced it. It will be my task to note these causes in
their relations to each other and to what had gone before, to
attempt to unravel the tangled web of circumstance, and to show
the October days as a necessary link in the chain of historical!
development.

ECONOMIC CAUSES

Undoubtedly one of the causes of the revolt was scarcity of
bread and fear of famine. How fundamental a cause this was
it would be hard to understand without some examination of the
economic conditions of France.

Taine has drawn so vivid a picture of the pitiful conaition of
the French peasant before the revolution that a study of the
economic causes of any event in the course of that social up-
heaval seems incomplete without a rapid glance at his work.

It is well to remember that scarcity of food was no new thing
in France: that for more than a hundred years poverty and
wretchedness had burdened the whole rural population.* An

1 Taine, L’ancien régime, 430, in a note: ‘‘I,’oppression et la misére com-
mencement vers 1672.”’

268

The Insurrection of October, 1789 3

unequal and unjust system of taxation oppressed the needy far-
mers and exempted the wealthy and privileged classes. The
manner of collecting taxes was most arbitrary. “The collectors
with sheriffs’ officers and locksmiths opened the doors, carried
away the furniture and sold it for one-fourth of its value, so
that the expense exceeded the tazlle.”’1 Every evidence of in-
creasing comfort, every acquisition which might indicate or even
suggest prosperity was an excuse for the exaction of higher
taxes. Even an appearance of physical improvement was a pre-
text for increasing assessment. D’Argenson is quoted by Taine
to this effect: “An officer elect came into the village where my
country home is situated and said that the faille for this year
ought to be much increased in this parish, that he had noticed
the peasants were much fatter than formerly, that he had seen
chicken feathers on the door steps, indicating high living,” etc.?

The only escape from intolerable extortions was the lowest
possible degree of poverty. Frequently men were found living
in wretched hovels totally unfit for human habitation. They
were miserably clothed, sometimes in mere rags. Their only
food was often black bread and water, when, indeed, they were
not reduced to absolute starvation “eating grass like sheep and
dying like flies.”* After generations of this sort of life what
wonder that French peasants were ignorant, suspicious, and
stupid ?¢*

Certainly many reforms had been instituted since the begin-
ning of the reign of Louis XVI.° Attempts had been made to
remedy the evils of unequal taxation. The corvée, a road tax
worked out by the tenants and poorer farmers, had been sup-
pressed in many parts of France, and a money tax on all pro-
_ prietors alike substituted. The taille was modified to lessen the
burdens of the poor. Nevertheless many of them still lived in
misery too abject for human endurance. Arthur Young, who

1Taine, L’ancien régime, 433, quotation from D’Argenson.
2 Thid., 484.

8 Tbid., 431.

4Young, Zvavels in France, 157.

5 Anciennes lois, XXVIII, 358, 368.

269

4 Julia Crewatt Stoddard

spent three years in France collecting data for a work on agri-
culture, was “much impressed by the wretchedness of the coun-
try people.’”* “An Englishman,” he says in his journal for July
12, 1789, “who has not traveled can not imagine the figure made
by infinitely the greater part of the countrywomen of France;
it speaks at first sight, hard and severe labor.” Of one poor
woman who complained to him of the hardships of their life, of
oppressive feudal dues and heavy taxes crushing them down, he
says: “This woman at no great distance might have been taken
for sixty or seventy, her figure was so bent and her face so
furrowed and hardened by labor, but she said she was only
twenty-eight.’

There was a marked contrast between country and city.
“What a miracle,” exclaims Young, “that all this splendor and
wealth of the cities of France should be so unconnected with the
country! There are no gentle transitions from ease to comfort,
from comfort to wealth; you pass at once from beggary to pro-
fusion, from misery in mud cabins to Mlle. Saint Huberti in
splendid spectacles at 500 liv. a night. The country deserted,
or if a gentleman is in it, you find him in some wretched hole to
save that money which is lavished with such profusion in the
luxuries of a capital.’’*

Was not this unfortunate state of affairs due in part to the
state of agriculture in France? A study of Young leaves little
doubt of it. There were great stretches of wild land. Young’s
journal for September, 1789 contains the following passages:
At Nantes, “Mon Dieu, cried I to myself, do all the wastes, the
deserts, the heath, ling, furz, broom and bog that I have passed
through for 300 miles lead to this spectacle?’* At Frejus, “I
passed to-day thirty miles of which five are not cultivated. The
whole coast of Provence is nearly the same desert; yet the cli-
mate would give on all these mountains productions valuable for
feeding sheep and cattle.” And two days journey further on

1Young, Travels in France, 12, 83, 84, 88.
2 Jbid., 134.

8 Thid., 89.

4 Tbid.

270

The Insurrection of October, 1789 7 5

he wrote, “The same bad country—not one mile in twenty
cultivated.’

It thus appears that the area of cultivated land was too small
to produce the necessary supply of foodstuffs. The extent of
this area was unknown even to Necker, who was in a most favor-
able position to know and who in the preparation of his book,
De Vadmimistration des finances, certainly had occasion to in-
form himself upon this subject, if such a thing had been pos-
sible.* Various estimates had been made ranging from 40,000,-
000 to 112,760,000 acres, based for the most part on the amount
of grain produced, a very manifest reason for wide differences
between them. Out of eight estimates, two give 60,000,000
acres, while three are more and three less than this.®

According to Young’s conjecture, the land under cultivation
amounted to from 66,000,000 to 70,000,000 acres out of a total
area of about 131,000,000.* The rest seems to have been utterly
unimproved. When we consider that to-day only about 7% per
cent of the total area of France is unproductive, it is clear that
one reason for scarcity of food was a failure to cultivate the
land.

This growing neglect of the soil and desertion of the country
did not go unheeded by the government. Measures had been
taken which it was hoped would result in increasing the produc-
tive area. Necker states that in 1776 “the king remitted the
iailles and the vingtiémes for twenty years to those who should
bring land under cultivation.”® It does not appear, however,
that this measure was successful. Again, a system of rotation
of crops prevailed in the greater part of the realm by which land
was left idle every third year, and by this arrangement the area
under cultivation was reduced a fifth or even a fourth.’

Young, Travels in France, 185.

2Necker, De administration des finances, III, 162.

3Young, 7ravels in France, 455.

4 [bid., 456. Arable is the word used by Young, but it seems clear from
the context that he meant to include all improved land.

5Necker, De ’ administration des finances, III, 162.

6 Jbid., III, 164. :

TYoung, Zravels in France, 456.

271

6k Julia Crewitt Stoddard

f

Not only was a large part of the arable land in France allowed
to lie untilled, but the cultivated portion was so unskilfully man-
aged as to reduce its productiveness to the minimum. Again
and again Young groans over the poor husbandry.* At La Loge
he says: “The fields are scenes of pitiful management, as the
houses are of misery! yet all this country is highly improvable
if they knew what to do with it.”? In Bretagne he asserts that
“the country has a savage aspect; husbandry not much further
advanced, at least in skill, than among the Hurons.’’* In other
places the state of agriculture was a “disgrace to France.”*
Lands that might without much trouble be made to produce an
average of £2 5s. per acre, “if farmers could be induced to change
their. methods,” brought in fact only an average of £1 8s.°
It was estimated that the total product from the harvests of
France was to that of England as 3 to 8.°

This lack of enterprise in agricultural pursuits was so gerieral
and the annual product of the land so insufficient in consequence
that the government had been impelled to take measures to rem-
edy the evil. In the hope of inducing an improvement of methods
there had been instituted a society “for the encouragement of
agriculture.’ It was hoped that this society would succeed in
creating a new interest in the subject, and by promoting the
adoption of improved methods, increase the production of the
country. By a ruling of the king, dated May 30, 1788, the Royal
Society of Agriculture was empowered to distribute prizes and
award gold medals for such improvement as might fulfil the de-
mands of this society.’ We have already seen that this measure
was without success. Too many circumstances tended to inter-
fere with quiet rural pursuits... New methods are not readily
adopted by the ignorant and suspicious. Without doubt the fear

1Young, 77avels in France, 13, 155, 489.

2Tbid.,: 12.

8 Tbid., 83.

4*7bid., 12, 13, 155.

*Young, 7vavels in France.

®6Champion in A/istoire générale, VIII, 17.

7 Anciennes lots, XXVIII, 573, 578.

8Young, 7rvavels in France, 545.

272

The Insurrection of October, 1789 vi

that the tax collectors alone would profit by any increased pro-
duction had its effect. Moreover, the unsettled condition of the
country, the restless expectation of change was not more con-
ducive to a new interest in agriculture than to other settled
industries.

Husbandry, then, was at a low ebb. The amount of bread-
stuff produced was inadequate. But beyond this there were
other reasons for scarcity. Traditions, reaching back to the time
when separate barbarian tribes contended for supremacy in this
land, kept the provinces apart and assured a certain amount of
local independence. All over France there were still maintained
between the country districts frontier lines that proved formidable
barriers to commerce. Merchandise sent from Bretagne to Proy-
ence, for instance, “was subjected to eight declarations and as
many examinations, paid seven taxes and changed vehicles
twice.” The roads, moreover, were often bad. Even the road
to Troyes, one of the most important in the kingdom, was utterly
impassable in winter on account of the ruts.* The fact that there
were some magnificent highways in France was of little conse-
quence to those who were unable to reach them over the wretched
roadways intervening.

To make the domestic trade still more difficult there was a
constantly varying system of weights and measures. “The so-
ciety of agriculture pointed out, in 1790, considerable differences
in the same city, in the same town, even in the same village.’
All these things, local barriers, bad roads, and differing weights
and measures prevented the excess produced in one part from
going to another.

Decrees for the free circulation of grain had been passed,* but
had not been executed. Two opposite theories were held with
regard to trade: one, that it should be free, that all would go well
if the law of supply and demand were allowed to operate; the
other claimed that it was the duty of government to watch over

1Champion in Histoire générale, VIII, 23.
2 Tbid., VIII, 25.
3 Tbid., VIIT, 24.
a A ie es lois, XXVIII, 361; Necker, De administration des finances,

273

8 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

the interests of the state and place restrictions on commerce when
public interest seemed to demand such action. Turgot had been
of the first school; Necker was of the last. :

The summer of 1788, just before the beginning of Necker’s
second administration, was one of extraordinary dryness. The
crop was almost a total failure.* Necker began by prohibiting,
in the most absolute manner, the exportation of grain and by
offering subsidies for importation.2 As this decree failed of the
desired effect, it was followed by another in November in which
the places of sale were limited to markets, and all speculation
was forbidden.* Then there came a winter of such unusual
severity as had never been known in France since the beginning
of history. “On the 31st of December, 1788, the Reaumur ther-
mometer registered 18 degrees below freezing in Paris. Frosts
began on the 24th of November, and the Seine was frozen from
the 26th.”* Prices continued to rise and the suffering from cold
and scarcity was terrible.

The government then resorted to more severe measures. In
April there came another decree by which government officers
were commanded to find out just what quantity of grain was
held within their provinces, and to compel the holders, whether
farmers or merchants, to supply the markets. This was intended
to discourage speculation, and to reassure those whom the high
prices naturally made uneasy. There was a clause in this de-
eree which forbade the gathering of crowds and shouting in
public, since such acts might lead to rioting. It is evident from
this decree that such manifestations of disorder were not infre-
quent.

Not only was domestic trade controlled by government, but
foreign commerce also suffered severely from government inter-
ference. The privilege of trading with foreign countries was
granted or taken away at the discretion of the government.®

1 Histoire parlementatre, I, 282.
2 Anciennes lois, XXVIII, 663.
3 Jbid., XXVIII, 629.

4 Histoire parlementatre, I, 283.
5 Anciennes lois, XXVIII, 664.
6 Jbid., XXVIII, 361, 363.

274

a

ars

Py tater
a bss e,

The Insurrection of October, 1789 9

Necker’s idea was that it was the duty of the administration “to
suspend this liberty in certain places, under certain circumstances,
or even in a general way when information which it alone was
in a position to obtain should prompt such an act of prudence.’
In September, 1788, as has been stated, all exportation of grain
was positively forbidden. This prohibition, although repeated
by the national assembly, did not have the desired effect. In
the following September the penaaes of grain continued
“with fearful activity.’?

While forbidding exportation the government was making an
effort to relieve the scarcity by importations. In November,
1788, subsidies were granted for importation of grain from
America, and in January for grain coming from different parts
of Europe.* In April this premium was doubled. In June
Necker announced that he had ordered “immense cargoes of
wheat to be bought up all over Europe,’’* for it was found neces-
sary for the administration itself to take up the matter of supply-
ing the markets. Through the summer this was done by im-
porting grain from foreign lands. The supply of Paris
depended entirely on purchases made outside the country.® Jef-
ferson speaks of a quantity of flour and wheat imported from
America.?. The scarcity throughout the country continuing,
Bailly advocated in the assembly the buying up of a supply for
the winter in foreign parts.®

What was the result of this government interference with the
grain trade? According to Young, the effect of Necker’s meas-
ures was disastrous. “I have had some conversation,” says
Young in his journal for June 10, “with well-informed persons
on this topic. They assure me the price is much higher than the

Necker, De administration des finances, III, 159.

2Le point du jour, II, 1, 2.

8 Histoire parlementaire, 1, 283; Anciennes lois, XXVIII, 663.
4Young, 7ravels in France, 477.

5 Procés-u-rbal de Vassemblée des électeurs de la ville de Paris, 11, 258.
®Bailly, AWémo-:res, II, 422

TJefferson, Memoir, Correspondence and Miscellanies, III, 2.

8 Actes de la commune de Parts, I, 355.

275

IO Julia Creuitt Stoddard

proportion of the crop demanded and there would have been no
real scarcity if Mr. Necker would have let the corn trade alone:
but his edicts of restrictions have operated to raise the price more
than all other causes together.” On the publication of Necler’s
mémoire, announcing that he had ordered the importation of
immense cargoes of wheat,” “the price rose in one week 30 per
cent.” “TI was personal witness,’ savs Young, “of the effect of
this publication in many markets; instead of sinking the price it
raised it directly and enormously.’

“Proclamations against exports, ordinances regulating sale,
laws against monopolizers or boasts of imports from abroad, all
these measures have the same tendency: they confirm
the apprehension of want.’’* This fear of want was the greatest
aggravation to the social troubles, tending to produce the very
condition dreaded by its effect on the circulation of grain. It
is probably no exaggeration to say that “more persons died of
famine in consequence of these measures than all the corn pro-
duced by them would feed in a year.’

That the high prices tempted to speculation is without doubt.
The opportunity was too good to be neglected. Whether these
speculations were as enormous as contemporaries believed it
would be impossible to say. Notwithstanding the known integ-
rity of Bailly, the fact that he was a stanch patriot and mayor of
Paris, and that he had been the first president of the assembly,
the Paris committee of subsistence of which he was chairman
did not escape suspicion. Gouverneur Morris, out of patience
with Lafavette for delays in arranging for the food supply for
the army, casts aspersions on some members of this committee.
They have, he presumes, “been casting about for ways to make
money out of the present distress.’

Another deplorable effect of government interference was that
by these measures of restriction on the grain trade, the trade

lYoung, 7ravels in France, 104.

2 Tbid., 476.

3 Jbid., 477.

4 [bid., 476.

5 Jbid., 479.
®6Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 167.

276

The Insurrection of October, 1789 II

itself was demoralized. Pillage grew so common that farmers
and merchants kept their grain at home through fear that the
convoys might be attacked. After some grain wagons had been
seized at Orleans the farmers refused to take their produce to
that city.t| Even where the producers were willing to take their
grain to market they were sometimes prevented from doing so
by their neighbors, the inhabitants of their own province, who
feared scarcity for themselves. “Sometimes loads of grain were
stopped by municipalities and the grain not allowed to pass
through.”? “All the towns,” says Duquesnoy, “take upon them-
selves the rights of petty sovereignty and stop the passage of
grain through their territory.”*

But if government restrictions disorganized the grain trade,
caused higher prices, and increased scarcity, speculation, and suf-
fering throughout France, the effect in Paris was even more
unfortunate. On the roth of June the national assembly had
appointed a committee of thirty-two members to look into the
causes of the high prices and to find a means of relieving the
public distress.t It was through this committee that grain was
imported. But the details of providing food for the city of Paris
were left to the capital itself.° The chief burden fell on Bailly
and made his position one of tremendous difficulty and danger.
On the 29th of August the assembly decreed the free circulation
of grain in the interior,® but the king’s sanction was long in com-
ing. He announced on the 18th of September that he would
sanction the decree, but gave warning that “in the existing state.
of things it would be a lack of wisdom to have it too rigorously
executed.’ And he deferred the matter. It was only on the
most urgent demands of the assembly that the decree received
the royal sanction three days later. Such evident reluctance

1Gomel, Histoire financtére de lassemblée constituante, I, 355.

2 Tbid., I, 262.

3Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 393.

eee verbal de l’assemblée nationale, No. 2, 2; Duquesnoy, Journal,
I, 110.

5 Bailly, Mémoires, UI, 422.

6 Procés-vertal de l assemblée nationale, No. 62, 3.

i Jéid., No. 78.

277

12 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

caused suspicion of the king’s good faith. Nor were the repre-
sentatives of the commune of Paris ready to support Bailly in
his efforts to relieve the scarcity. They opposed his influence
and hindered his usefulness.t. Under these circumstances, secret
speculation going on among members of the committee, the king
half-hearted, perhaps unwilling in his support, and the commune
opposing his efforts, no wonder that Bailly cries out that he “led
a most frightful life providing the supply of food for Paris.’””?
“For two months,” he says on the 19th of June, “we never had
more grain than enough for one day.’* The life of the inhab-
itants of Paris depended from day to day on the never-failing
punctuality and the unremitting vigilance of the municipal com-
mittee in looking after the important details of securing a supply.*

As Paris and Versailles were alike dependent on government
importations for provision, it happened on one occasion that the
guard sent to escort the convoys to the latter place took more
than their just share of the wagons. This left Paris in such
desperate straits that Bailly, as soon as he heard of it, sent two
of his associates to Versailles with instructions to insist on the
immediate return of the wagons. They were to say that if those
wagons were not at the market before morning, Bailly would
call together the battalions and explain the matter to them. In
which case, Bailly significantly remarked, “there was reason to
believe that 30,000 men would go after them.”® Tnere was
plenty of grain at the Paris market before morning.

Sometimes the grain received would be of inferior quality, and
when people began to complain and show an ugly disposition
toward the bakers, the committee was forced to explain that
although the bread undoubtedly tasted bad, from damage which

1Bailly, Wémoires, IT, passim.

2 Tbid., TI, 269.

8 Jbid., II, 283.

4 [/bid.. 11, 290. ‘‘1,’approvisionnement de nos subsistances était toujours
si court dans ce moment que la vie des habitants de Paris dépendait chaque
jour de l’exactitude des envois aux moulins de celle des meuniers 4 moudre
a Paris. II fallait des personnes expressiment chargées de surveiller tous ces
objets.”’

5 [bid., II, 289.

278

5 A

The Insurrection of October, 1789 i

the grain received coming so far by water, yet it was harmlesss
and must of necessity be eaten.*

What were some of the results of this condition of affairs?
From the poverty-stricken country the people moved in a con-
stant stream to the cities. Paris had been increasing her number
of tramps and beggars for several years. In 1789 there were, it
was said, 40,000 residents who had no right to be called citizens.
The financial situation killed every enterprise. The fear of bank-
ruptcy stopped the circulation or investment of capital. There
was no money. Commerce was dead. Manufactories were
closed, and a great army of unemployed fermented in Paris.
This army had been greatly increased by servants of the emi-
grating nobility thrown out of employment. Since July an in-
credible number of passports had been issued, 20,000 according
to the Venetian ambassador. No doubt the greater number of
these were used by persons seeking refuge in the country, as it
was forbidden to leave Paris without a passport, but many went
beyond the frontier.* Antonio Capello, who was ambassador
from Venice in Paris at this time, speaks of this “multitude

who will become a burden through their misery if they
do not become formidable by their violence.’”* The same fear is
expressed in a letter from Bailly to Necker: “I can not describe
to you, Monsieur, the astonishing number of unfortunates who
besiege me. Paris is in a condition that makes one tremble, espe-
cially when one thinks what must be the result, the greater part
of the workingmen of this great city reduced to a state of abso-
lute inactivity, a condition of distress all the more frightful that it
strikes the poorest class, the class most apt to become enflamed.’’”®

The danger of the situation was heightened by the constant
pillage of grain. Scarcity and high prices tempted to lawless
seizures of grain on the road. In the country, as already stated,

1Bailly, Mémoires, I1, 202.

*Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti alla corte di Francia du-
rante la rivoluzione, 62.

3Gomel, Histoire financiére de l’assemblée constituant, I, 363.

4Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti alia corte di Francia du-
vante la rivoluzione, 63.

5 Histoire parlementaire, IV, 186.

279

14 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

convoys of grain were often prevented from passing out of a
province. Wagons loaded with wheat and flour were pillaged
almost daily, first in one place and then in another.t On the
29th of July, Bailly complains of being exposed to the greatest
danger by the pillage of a government convoy on the way from
Rouen.? And again about a month later, the wagons were pil-
laged first by mobs on the road, and again by bakers in the sub-
urbs of Paris.*. Duquesnoy’s journal for the 3d of October con-
tains the statement that “The city of Rouen has just stopped
the last convoy of subsistence destined for Paris. Everything is
- in the most frightful distress there.’’*

Since early spring France had been given up more and more
to a spirit of lawlessness and revolution. Disturbances broke out
on all sides so simultaneously that it appeared that a “vast num-
ber of criminals, without visible leaders, had agreed among them-
selves to commit the same excesses.”® Young wrote on the toth
of June, “Accounts arrive every moment from the provinces of
riots and disturbances.”* And on the 21st of July, “The spirit
of revolt has gone forth into various parts of the kingdom. The
price of bread prepares for violence. At Lyons ..° ) : > come
motions furious as at Paris. Dauphiné is in arms and Bretagne
in absolute rebellion.” The same night there occurred a riot
in Strasbourg which Young himself witnessed.?

A report was spread all over France that an army of brigands
was overrunning the country plundering and- burning. There
was no truth in the report, but many chateaux had been burnt
and the peasants everywhere were terror-stricken. It was the
“Great fear.” Citizens in cities and workmen in the fields, on
hearing that the brigands were coming, left their work and made
haste to arm themselves to meet the foe... On the 4th of August

1Gomel, Histoire financiére de Passemblée constituante, 289.
?Bailly, Mémoires, I, 171.

8Tbid., II, 305.

4Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 393.

5 Taine, L’ancien régime, 8, quotation from Montjoie.
®Young, Zrvavels in France, 104.

7 Tbid., 141 ££.

8Bailly, J7émotres, II, 160, 161.

280

oor

The Insurrection of October, 1789 15

Young reports that rumor had increased the size of this army to
1,600. The people were quite surprised that he discredited the
stories of brigands and attributed the destruction of chateaux to
the peasants."

Paris was in a continual state of fermentation. Laborers de-
manded work and tailors an increase of wages. Wig-makers
made public protests, and domestics united in a demand that the
Savoyards be sent away so there would be less competition.
Women went in crowds to the Hotel de Ville to complain of the
bakers and demand that measures be taken to provide food for
the city.2 There were continual disturbances over bread.* Gath-
erings at the Palais Royal became more and more tumultuous,
and Lafayette had much trouble in dispersing riotous mobs.

One of the most exasperating things about the whole situation
was the fact that certain speculators were growing rich at the
expense of the public distress. “For money men have adulter-
ated the food of their brothers with a deadly mixture,” says
Camille Desmoulins, after having gone over various intrigues of
speculators before the committee of investigation, “They have
said, ‘What matter to me the sufferings, the sorrow, the groan-
ings of the poor provided I have money? What matter to me
the hospitals filled with scurvy patients, if I have money? What
matters it to me if a mother is in despair that she can give her
children no bread, if I have money?’ ’’*

Under the influence of such language as this, it is no wonder
that for a long time there had been a great outcry against spec-
ulators and monopolists. Foulon, director of the war depart-

ment under Broglie, had been especially execrated because of a

prevalent report that he had said the people should be made to
eat grass.. He had been obliged to conceal himself, on the change
of ministers, but was discovered and brought back to Paris on
the 22d of July. So great was the popular fury against him

l1Young, Zravels in France, 151, 155.

2Bailly, A/émoives, II, 276, 277; Révolutions de Paris, No. 6, 15-17;
Revue historique, XVIII, 259.

3Bailly, Mémoires, II, 351.

4 Histoire parlementaire, III, 5, quotation from Camille Desmoulins.

281

16 Julia Crexnntt Stoddard

that it was impossible for the mayor and Lafayette to save him
from the mob. He was taken from the Hotel de Ville and bar-
barously executed; his body was dragged through the streets
and his head carried about on a pike.t Berthier, intendant of
Paris and son-in-law of Foulon, shared with him the odious rep-
utation of wishing to profit by famishing the people. He, too,
fell a victim to the infuriated mob, and was even more savagely
executed than Foulon had been on the same day.?

By these summary acts of vengeance several men, grain mer-
chants and others, who, by reason of their knowledge of the
business were of service to Bailly and his associates, were fright-
ened out of the country. In this way the difficulties of the situ-
ation were increased.*

Agitation over the scarcity of bread in Paris continued to in-
crease. On the 21st of August it was found necessary to place
sentinels to guard the bakeries and see that just distribution was
made.* This state of things continued through the whole month
of September. The people stood in line for hours waiting their
turn to be served.* The Deux Amis thus describe the situation:
“From four in the morning crowds of men, women and children
besieged the bakers’ shops. A loaf of bread purchased, or con-
quered with the money in hand, was, as it were, a victory. The
unfortunate day laborer, sometimes obliged to struggle until four
in the afternoon to obtain food for his family, lost the day’s
wages and, without being able to satisfy his hunger, found him-
self the next dav without money and without strength.’’®

The quality of the bread when once acquired was also a source
of bitter resentment. It is described as of a “blackish color,
earthy taste, and disgusting odor.”* Many people ate rice. The
effect of all this was a sort of panic. Some struggled to get
more than they needed for their daily consumption in order to

1 Fyocés-verbal des électeurs de Paris, 11, 300-16.
2 Tbid, II, 316-25.
3 Bailly, Mémoires, II, 136, 158.
4 Révolutions de Paris, No. VI, 28, 29.
5 Revue historique, XVIII, 258.
6 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, III, 147.
7 Tbid., III, 148.
282

The Insurrection of October, 1789 17

be prepared to ward off starvation for a little longer when the
supply should fail. They hoarded up food secretly. One old
woman living in a garret had hidden away sixteen big loaves of
bread.*

There seemed to be some reason to fear the supply would fail.
“The boat which brought flour from the mills of Corbeil, and
which had come twice a day in the beginning of the revolution,
later came but once a day and finally only in the morning of one
day and the evening of the next.” So it happened that on Mon-
day morning, the 5th of October, there was almost a total lack of
bread in the markets.”

And all this scarcity, the lack of bread after an abundant har-
vest, the obstacles to the circulation of grain, all this wretched
misery, was believed by the people to have been wilfully brought
about by the aristocrats.* The thought is monstrous, but it was
a time when everybody believed in conspiracies. And what more
natural than that this people, crushed for centuries beneath a
cruel despotism, should be suspicious of their old-time enemies
when roused from the lethargy of hopelessness by the first breath
of liberty?

The newspapers, moreover, publicly accused the aristocrats.
According to the Révolutions de Paris, of September 30, they
were saying among themselves that “popular rumors, riots, the
lack of bread, sooner or later, will rouse the people; they will
turn against the municipal officers, and the assemblies of the
communes, and will believe them guilty, will hunt them down

1Bailly, Mémoires, II, 299.

2 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 9; Capello, Dispacct degli ambasciatori
Venité, 71.

8Bailly, Wémotres, II, 292. ‘Le récolte se faisait et elle était belle;’’
Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, III, 148;
Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 7, 9: ‘‘On regardait les obstacles des grains
et farines, comme 1l’ouvrage des grands seigneurs propriétaires, laiques ou
ecclésiastiques. Le défaut presque absolu des subsistances et la mauvaise
qualité du peu de pain qu’on a distribué dans la matinée du lundi ont rendu
palpable 4 tous les citoyens cette vérité qui avait beaucoup été répetée la
veille; que s’il fallait se battre contre l’armée des conjures, il ne fallait pas
attendre que la faim nous eut entirement énervée.”’

4Malouet, Mémoires, 1, 311: ‘‘Je croyais comme tout le monde aux con-
jurations.’’

283

18 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

and annihilate them, and will end by demanding the ancient
régime.’’

Other publications did even more than Loustalot’s to intensify
suspicions and excite the people to violence. One of the most
incendiary contains the following appeal: “Parisians, open!
open at last your eyes! Rise! rise from your lethargy! The
aristocrats surround you on all sides. They wish to put you in
fetters, and you sleep! If you do not make haste to destroy
them you will be a prey to servitude, to misery, to desolation!
Wake! Rouse yourselves !’?

Another, a pamphlet not less potent to move to revolt, was
called “When, shall we have bread?” and this distressing ery is
repeated as a refrain after every paragraph. “Why, citizens, do
- Lafayette, Bailly, and the leaders of the commune allow you to
lack bread? Is it to grow fat on your substance? Why do these
infamous rascals bring troops to surround Paris, Versailles, and
the neighborhood with pikes and soldiers under pretext of guard-
ing the king and the national assembly? These scoundrels be-
lieve that you have too much to eat. That is why they send for
troops to consume what there is very quickly, and then to stran-
gle you. And you sleep! When shall we have bread? In the
midst of abundance we have no bread!’*

Such appeals did not go unheeded. There .were many proph-
ecies of a second revolution. Jefferson in a letter dated the
18th of September says: “The danger of famine here has not
ceased with a plentiful harvest. A new and unskilful adminis-
tration has not vet got into the way of bringing regular supplies
to the capital. We are in danger of hourly insurrection for want
of bread.” Capello, the Venetian ambassador, on the 14th of
September, asserts most positively that the “present revolution
necessitates another revolution,” which can not be very far off,
whether sooner or later “will depend on the impulse of circum-

1 Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 29.

2 Revue historique XVIII, 267, quotation from Le Fouet national, les
pourquoi du mois de septembre.

8 Revue historique, L.XVIII, 266, 267.

4Jefferson, Memoir, Correspondence and Miscellanies, III, 35.

284

The Insurrection of October, 1789 19

stances.”* Loustalot in the issue of his paper for October 1,
after hinting at an aristocratic confederation, and expressing
alarm, says significantly: “A second access of revolution is
necessary. Everything is preparing for it.”?

From all these troubles the poorer class looked to the king for
deliverance. Still attached to monarchical traditions, they “had
faith in the all-powerfulness and goodness of the king and
were convinced that the famine would be permanently removed
only on the day when his majesty should dwell in their midst.”*
If the king were in Paris all would go well. On the way back
from Versailles what was the cry of victory of the women? “My
friends, we shall lack bread no longer, we are bringing back the
baker, the baker’s wife and the baker’s boy.’* “It is a great day
for the good Parisians,” writes Marat in his journal, “to possess
at last their king; his presence will change the face of things;
the poor people will no longer die of hunger.”®

When a young girl went about Paris early on the morning of
the 5th with a drum calling the women together—“bread” was
her rallying cry,® and “bread” was the cry before the Hotel de
Ville? E’ven in the national assembly, during that memorable
night session when the deputies were trying to preserve a sem-
blance of order by carrying on a discussion on criminal law, cries
of “bread! bread!” interrupted the debate.®

On the 2d of October the commune of Paris had sent a depu-
tation to the assembly with certain demands, one of which was
that some certain means should be adopted by which the free

1Capello, Disprcci degli ambasciatori Veniti, 63: ‘To dico con assever-
anza l’attuale revoluzione necessita un altra rivoluzione.’

* Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 31: ‘“‘Wn’ya plus de foyer patriotique,
il faut un second acces de révolution; tout s’y prépare.””

8 Revue historique, XTX, 54.

4Bailly, A/émoires, III, 119; Deux amis de la liberté, Aistoive de la
révolution de France, II, 241; 242. —

5 Marat, L’ami du peuple, 13; Revue historique, UXIX, 54.

6 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, II, 151.

7 Jbid., III, 162. .

8 eee de Provence, III, 255. Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 405: ‘Pendant
cette discussion plusieurs voix sont élevées des galeries: ‘Vos belles phrases
ne nous donneront pas du pain. Du pain! du pain! Parlez du pain!”

285

20 Julia Creuntt Stoddard

circulation of grain in the interior of the realm might be assured.*
This demand was renewed by the women. . They wished to be
assured of means of subsistence in the prospect of coming win-
ter. And after the assembly had decreed a strict police to facili-
tate the transportation of wheat, and after they were furnished
with the king’s assurance that he would do all in his power in
the matter, many of the women, together with their leader, Mail-
lard, returned to Paris in the night of the 5th. Loustalot gives
the “lack of bread” as one of the motives for the insurrection.?
Was he not right? Were not the conditions such that the out-
break was inevitable? Could this movement have taken place
as the result of mere political intrigue? Would it have been pos-
sible except among a people driven to desperation by physical
distress? The conclusion seems beyond question: a very cer-
tain, active, and potent cause of the insurrection of the 5th and
6th of October was fear of famine.

II
POLITICAL MOTIVES

Human motives are always mixed. It was not alone the lack
of bread that sent the mob to Versailles. If economic conditions
were conducive to insurrection, the political situation was not
less liable to provoke the movement of October, 1789.

Up to this time the revolution had made three great strides.
First on the 23d of June, when an attempt was made to annul
all that had been done since the meeting of the estates general
and to restore old conditions, the deputies of the third estate re-

1Le point du jour, No. XCVIII, 203. One of the demands by this depu-
tation on the 6th of October was that ‘‘la commune de Paris suppliait le roi
de faire communiquer, par ses ministres les états et les moyens de subsist-
ance de la capitale, afin de rassurer la multitude sur les craints qui redoublent
aux approaches d’hiver.’? Actes de la commune de Paris, II, 183.

2Bailly, W7émoires, UI, 421. Deposition of Maillard: ‘‘ Ensuite il fit lec-
ture de cinq piéces relative a la démande . . pour les subsistances
s les pieces furent transcrites . . . et lui déposantimmediatement
aprés, revint 4 Paris avec une partie de ces femmes.’’ Also p. 118.
‘‘Maillard et son cortége avaient paru de grande matin a l’hétel de ville’’;
Deux amis de la liberté, Wistotre de la révolution de France, III, 206.

3 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 11.
286

The Insurrection of October, 1789 21

fused to obey, and by insisting on their rights as representatives
of the nation, took to themselves the sovereign power of the state.
Second, on the 14th of July, when the monarchy seemed about to
regain by force its ancient absolutism, the people of Paris rose,
the Bastille fell, and victory was again with the popular cause.
Finally, on the night of August 4, when discussion over the burn-
ing chateaux brought out the hatred of the feudal system, the
national assembly, moved by an impulse of wild enthusiasm,
passed decree after decree abolishing the rights and privileges
of caste, and established a reign of equality before the law.

It was said that the revolution was over.1. But a majority of
the nobility and a minority of the clergy, including the highest
dignitaries of the church, were not disposed to give up their
ancient privileges without a struggle. Nor was the king himself
favorable to such a sacrifice. Even in the last days of August,
when the question of the royal veto came up for discussion in the
assembly, the 4th of August decrees had not yet been sanctioned.
Fears were naturally entertained that the veto, if granted to the
king, might be used to defeat the will of the majority in the as-
sembly and that its whole work might be overthrown. When at
last the suspensive veto was passed it was with the distinct un-
derstanding that it should not be used to annul the decrees of the
present assembly. A sentence in Barnave’s letter to Mme. de
Staél on the eve of the 1oth of September, 1789, shows this
clearly. “It is very important,” he says, “that the letter (from
Necker) which shall be read express the intention of the king
not to use his suspensive right on the decrees of the present as-
sembly, but only on laws which may be proposed by future as-
semblies. The interest which one part of the assembly takes in
the decrees of the night of August 4 would be a great obstacle
to the success of the proposition, if any doubt in this respect
were allowed to subsist.”? It was, therefore, only on this condi-
tion that the patriot deputies consented to the suspensive veto on
September 11. It was naturally hoped that there would be no
further delay about sanctioning and promulgating the decrees.

1Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 143.
2 Revue historique, XVII, 278.

287

22 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

But the message of Necker on the next day made no allusion to
them. Then the friends of the measure influenced the assembly
to decide that the decrees of August 4 should be presented for
royal sanction.2, Two days later no answer had been received,
and the matter was again agitated. Barnave urged the impor-
tance of the question in the following words: “I believe, gen-
tlemen, that we ought to know what to maintain with respect to
the decrees of August 4. Saturday it was said that they would
be presented for sanction. But there is no law as to the form
of presentation. It is not yet decided whether these decrees shall
come under the suspensive veto, like laws made. by other legis-
lative bodies. It would be very troublesome if they should be
stopped by the suspensive veto, because they have been pub-
lished and the people everywhere have received them with trans-
ports of joy. I believe, therefore, that we ought to suspend the
order of the day until we have voted on the question whether
the decrees of August 4 shall be sanctioned purely and simply or
whether they shall be submitted to the suspensive veto.’

Mirabeau went even further than Barnave: “The decrees of
August 4,’ he said, “emanate from the constitutional power.

These decrees are not laws, and when you send them to
the king, it is simply to have them promulgated, not sanctioned.

The decrees are for promulgation! Will the king refusé
it? There is the question and I do not imagine that there can be
any question about it.”* The assembly took no action.

On the 18th of September the king sent a long mémoire in
reply to the demand that he sanction the decrees of August 4, in
which he expressed approval of some of these measures, found
others very reasonable, and gave opinions more or less favorable
on several more.’ But this was not the unqualified sanction de-
sired. The reading of the mémoire provoked much dissatisfac-

1 Letter et rapport de M. Necker, Paris, 1789.

2 Proces-verbal de Vassemblée nationale, WXXII1, 7; Courrier de Provence:
No. XXII.

3 Histoir’ parlementatre, Il, 428.

4Méjan, Collection complete des travaux de M. Mivabeau lainé, II, 125,

6 Pyocés-verbal de Passemblée nationale, No. U.XXVIII.

288

*

The Insurrection of October, 1789 23

tion. -It was claimed that the rights of the assembly relative to
the constitution and the decrees of August 4 were beyond the
power of the king’s sanction or disapproval, and that all that had
been demanded of him was the promulgation pure and simple.
It was even proposed by Barnave to setile immediately the terms
in which the sanction should be given, and to send the president
to the king, to demand, without delay and during the session,
the promulgation of the decrees of August 4.1 The action of
the king was regarded as a direct challenge to the assembly.”
The discussion resulted in the adoption on the next day of the
following motion: “The assembly decrees that the president
go immediately to the king and implore him to order without
delay the pee ae of the decrees of August 4 and the days
following.”

The king’s policy of procrastination would hardly serve him
in the face of such determined persistence. He was not in a
position to refuse absolutely, vet his reply on the following day
was hardly more than a subterfuge. “He was going to order the
publication of the decrees of August 4 in all his realm, but pro-
mulgation belonged only tolaws already drawn up.’”*

What interpretation could be put on the king’s action in this
matter, if not that he intended to defer the promulgation of these
decrees until he should be in a position to defeat altogether the
wishes of the national assembly? And that such was indeed the
case is proved by the evidence of his own words. On the 5th of
August,® Louis. XVI. wrote the following letter to the Archbishop
of Arles: “I am pleased with this noble and generous proceed-
ing of the first two orders of the state. They have made great
sacrifices for the general reconciliation, for their country, for their
king. . . The sacrifice is fine; but I can only admire it; I will
never consent to despoil my clergy, my nobility . . .; I will
not give my sanction to decrees which will despoil them, for then

1 Procés-verbal de Vassemblée nationale, No. UX XVIII.
2Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 348.

8 Procés-7erbal de ? assemblée nationale, No. L.XXIX.

4 Tbid., No. .XXX; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 352.

5 Revue historique, XVI, 280.

289

‘24 Julia Crenutt Stoddard

the French people might some day accuse me of injustice or of
weakness. Monsieur Archbishop, you submit yourself to the de-
crees of providence; I believe that I am submitting to providence
in not yielding to this enthusiasm which has taken possession of
all the orders, but which makes slight impression on my soul. I
will do all in my power to preserve my clergy, my nobility. .
If force shall oblige me to sanction, then I will yield; but then
there will be no longer in France either monarchy or monarch.
In tracing the history of the 4th of August decrees, I have
virtually shown the king’s attitude towards the declaration of the
rights of man and the constitutional articles proposed by the as-
sembly. Since July the efforts of the friends of the revolution
had been directed towards making a constitution in accordance
with the wishes and demands of the people expressed in the
cahiers. The plan of having a declaration of rights was pro-
posed by Lafayette, who thus showed his admiration of the
American declaration of independence.? This declaration to-
gether with the constitutional articles, having been discussed and
voted upon by the assembly, was sent to the king for the royal!
sanction. The reply came at last on the sth of October and
raised a lively storm in the assembly. Instead of being a simple
acceptance of the constitutional articles, it was a sort of criticism
expressing approbation on some points and acceding to others
only under the “positive condition,” from which he “would never
depart, that the executive power be left absolutely in the hands
of the monarch.” As for the declaration of rights, it contained
“some very good maxims,” but it also included principles sus-
ceptible of explanation and even of different interpretations.’’*
This reply, said Muguet in the assembly, “was not the response
the nation had a right to expect.”* If they granted that the
king “had a right to modify the constitution, would they not be
giving him the right to refuse it? If he could change it, could
he not destroy it?’ Robespierre claimed that “the response of

1 Histoire par/ementaire, Il, 248.

*Lafayette, Wémorres, II. 360.

8 Procés-verbal de Passemblée nationale, No. XCII.
4 FTistoire parlementaire, III, 97.

290 a

The Insurrection of October, 1789 25

the king was destructive not only of every constitution, but also
of the national right to have a constitution. The constitutional
articles were adopted only with a positive condition: he who
could impose a condition on a constitution had the right to hin-
der the making of this constitution; he placed his will above the
right of the nation.” After a good deal of discussion the fol-
lowing decree was adopted: “The national assembly orders that
the president, at the head of a delegation, go to-day to the king,
to supplicate him to give his acceptance pure and simple to the
articles of the declaration of rights, and to those of the constitu-
tion which have been presented to him.’’* At ten o’clock that
same night, while Versailles was filled with the Parisian mob,
Moumier, president of the assembly, read to the crowd of women
and men who filled the square, the king’s acceptance pure and
simple of the constitutional articles and of the declaration of
the rights of man.?

Why did Louis XVI. persist in opposing the will of the na-
tional representatives? He had been named the “Restorer of
Liberty,” and yet he was not ready to accept a parliamentary
government. His letter to the archbishop shows a strong deter-
mination to maintain the privileges of rank. Superstitious piety
led him to overlook the welfare of the whole nation in order to
favor a class of priests. But instead of consistently upholding
the aristocrats he refused to join their schemes of counter-revo-
lution; he would not go to Metz and bring back the army to
crush the revolution and restore the ancient régime.* Nor would
he trust the moderates and accept their plan to transfer the court
and assembly to some provincial town at a safe distance from
Paris. Neither had he any confidence in the ministers. Sus-
picious of others, yet too weak and incapable to comprehend and
master the difficulties of his position for himself; possessing con-
siderable courage and a high sense of honor, yet controlled by

1 Procés-verbal de Vassemblée nationale, No. XCII.

2 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, II, 174.
3 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 18.

4 Weber, AlZémoires, I, 421; Revue historique, XVII, 274.

291

26 Julia Creuitt Stoddard

his fears ;+ good, if goodness consists in kind intentions impos-
sible of accomplishment; irresolute, yet possessed at times of a
spirit of obstinacy only equaled by his incompetence; could France
have had a greater misfortune at this critical period than the
guidance of such a.king? The ministers of Louis XVI. were no
more competent to direct the course of events through such dan-
gerous times than the king himself. Necker had followed a
faint-hearted policy that contented nobody. The moderates and
aristocrats were offended by his support of the suspensive veto,
and the patriots by his action on the 4th of August decrees. The
portrait of him drawn by Morris is pronounced by Mathiez “true
to life.”? “He is utterly ignorant of politics, by which I mean
_ politics in the large sense, or that sublime science which embraces
as its object the happiness of mankind. Consequently he neither
knows what constitution to form nor how to obtain the consent
of others to such as he wishes. From the moment of the con-
vening of the states general, he has been afloat on the wide ocean
of incidents. But what is most extraordinary is that M. Necker
is a very poor financier. This I know will sound like heresy in
the ears of most people, but it is true. The plans he has pro-
posed are feeble and ineptious.” The other ministers were no

better. Montmorin a “mere clerk,’ Saint-Priest ‘a blunderer,” .

La Tour du Pin lacking in energy, and the Archbishop of Bor-
deaux, to whom alone was conceded some intelligence, was said
to use it only in intrigue.”’* And these were the official advisers
of the king!

.It has always been believed that Louis XVI. acted habitually
under the influence of the queen or his counselors.* Marie An-
toinette was a thorough aristocrat in her sympathies. The fail-
ure of counter-revolutionary intrigues had humiliated her.
Necker’s recall was an offense. Moreover she had no taste for
government. But under the influence of Mercy, the Austrian

1Morris, Diary and Letters, 1, 142.

® Revue historique, UXVII, 277; Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 283. See
also Young’s 7razels in France, 108, 109, for the,character of Necker.

8 Revue historique, XVII, 278.

4Jbid., WXVIU, 275.

292

er NS

The Insurrection of October, 1789 27

ambassador, she had learned to interest herself in affairs of state.*
For it was of the highest importance to Joseph II. that anarchy
in France should cease. Austria’s interest was in the preserva-
tion. of the monarchy. “For this end the king and ministers
should stand together against the usurpations of the assembly.”
So the queen was strongly urged by Joseph II. to sustain the
recalled ministers. It is not likely that she forgot her humilia-
tion, but she was made to feel the necessity of encouraging
Necker and Montmorin in attempts of resistance to the revolu-
tion.2 She was probably in sympathy with the courtiers who
“had intentions from the beginning of September to apply to the
army to dissolve the assembly.” The royal governess received
notice in September to be ready to leave at any time without
preparation. This has been interpreted as showing the queen’s
hope of overcoming the king’s resistance to flight.®

Marie Antoinette was too shallow to understand the signs of
the times. The revolution was to her “but a transient crisis, a
sort of Fronde which would end by dying out of itself.’ The
assembly was but another states general that “would pass like
all those which royalty had hitherto convoked, without having
done anything except to make a little more noise and cause a
little more fear.”* Then the king would again become the abso-
lute master.

That the queen was a prime mover in the Metz scheme?’ is
evident from a letter written to her by D’Estaing. He had heard
of the project from Lafayette and was much alarmed by the
thought that it might get out. He says the Spanish ambassador
“confessed to having heard from a reputable witness that the
proposition had been made to sign an agreement.” He points
out the danger in such schemes and appeals to Marie Antoinette
not to “follow a false course that would cause the shedding of
blood,” etc., etc.®

1 Revue historique, XVII, 276.

2Tbid.

8 Jbid., L.XIX, 63.

4Jbid , LWXVII, 275.

5Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatort Veniti, 16.
6 Z’ancien moniteur, 1, 521.

293

28 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

What wonder that the people hated and suspected her! The
distrust which they had always felt for the “Austrian” increased
in intensity. All sorts of wild rumors about her were current
and were universally believed. “All the world knew the queen
was conspiring against France in the most daring manner.”
Young heard a report on the 31st of July that Marie Antoinette
had been “convicted of a plot to poison the king and monsieur
and give the regency to the Count of Artois.”? Two weeks later
Young was himself arrested in Roya near Clermont on suspicion
of being an “agent of the queen who intended to blow up the
town with a mine and send all that escaped to the galleys.” Com-
menting on this Young says: “That princess was so detested
among the people that there seemed to be no absurdity too gross
‘nor circumstances too impossible for their faith.’*

Although much that was said of Marie Antoinette was without
foundation, yet it is true that she was in touch with all that was
going on about her, looking towards the restoration of the old
order of things. The idea of defeating the revolution ‘had never
been given up. And there can be no doubt that the queen was
in sympathy with the idea, or that she used her influence with
the king to further the intrigues of the court party.

An example of this influence is seen in’ Necker’s account of
the preparations for the royal session in June. There had been
several meetings and at last a council of state. The king and
his ministers had agreed upon a plan and all seemed settled, when
his majesty was suddenly called out. During his half-hour’s
absence the presumption was offered that they had “accomplished
nothing,” that “the queen alone would be permitted to interrupt
a council of state;” that “the princes had apparently won her
over,” etc., etc.,4 an interpretation which after-events showed to
be only too correct.

1Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniir, 15; Jefferson, Memoir, Cor-
respondence and Miscell nies, III, 41.

2Young, 7vavels in France, 151.

3 Jhid., 162.

4Necker, De la révolution frangaise, I, 286.

294

The Insurrection of October, 1789 29

The success of the revolution meant the destruction of all class
privileges and distinctions of rank. What more natural than
that the great body of the aristocrats should contest openly or
secretly, by every means in their power, each step in its progress?
Their policy had been to block all measures of reform by sys-
tematic opposition or delay. It was publicly charged in the as-
sembly on the 19th of September that “for fifteen days opposition
to the clearest principles, and difficulties over the simplest ques-
tions had greatly increased.”?

On the 22d of September the Révolutions de Paris published
the following: “The municipal officers of Versailles have asked
for 1000 soldiers. It is said these troops are to help the king to
get away to Metz, and that he will return at the head of an army
and try to enslave by right of conquest.”? D’Estaing’s letter to
the queen has already been quoted. The plot of the aristocrats,
to get the king to take refuge at Metz, to destroy the assembly,
and to take by force the kingly power, now slipping from his
grasp, was widely reported.* After the arrival of the regiment
of Flanders, the “departure of the king, the dissolution of the
assembly, and the success of civil war were spoken of no more
mysteriously and in secret, but openly. It was pointed out how
the army would increase, how a Place d’armes would be estab-
lished at Metz where, in case of an improbable first defeat, there
would be an impregnable asylum, and it would be easy to intro-
duce foreign troops.”*

‘After the October insurrection, chargés against the aristocrats
multiplied. The next number of the Révolutions de Paris con-
tained the following: “The insolent aristocracy has been a sec-
ond time thrown to the earth, and the nation has made one more
step towards liberty. A few days ago we said ‘A second access
of revolution is necessary, and everything is preparing for it.’

1 Courrier de Provence, II, 108.

2 Révolutions de Paris, No. XI, 24.

8Lafayette, Mémoires, II, 326, 329; Jefferson, Wemoir, Correspondence
and Miscellantes, III, 23; Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution
de France, III, 98, 99.

4Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, III, 120;
Révolutions de Paris, No.- XIII, 6.

295

30 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

Citizens. were you not a few days ago on the eve of famine and
of civil war? A prompt revolution, a moment of activity, a
choice loudly expressed between death and liberty, stifled the
conspiracy in its cradle.”

Capello, in his despatch for October 12 asserts that it “is pub-
lished and reported that a counter-revolution was preparing to
kill off the regular troops of Paris and to burn and sack a great
many houses. Some suspected persons were imprisoned, and
day before yesterday two men were arrested who were marking
houses. Certainly a great number of houses were marked.”

It is not possible to determine the exact amount of truth in
these reports. It seems most probable that fear of what the
aristocrats might do, together with the knowledge of what they
most, certainly would like to do, caused much exaggeration. But
it is beyond question that their interests were promoted by the
action of the conservative deputies in the assembly.

The moderates were sincere patriots, but were alarmed at the
reckless destruction of old customs and privileges on the night
of August 4, and began to draw back. They were afraid that a
revolution made in such haste would be neither legitimate nor
secure. Although they saw the evils of feudalism, they were not
blind to the dangers of anarchy. Mounier led the opposition
against the suppression of feudal rights without indemnity.
“These rights,” he said, “have been bought and sold for centuries ;
it is in good faith that they have been placed on sale and have
been made the foundation of several establishments ; to annihilate
them would be to annihilate contracts, ruin entire families, and
overthrow the first foundations of public welfare.”* Other dep-
uties held the same opinions, some fearing to compromise the
revolution by precipitous measures, others, less disinterested, be-
cause their income was affected by the decrees of August 4. They
favored the English plan of having two houses, and would have
given all necessary executive power to the monarch.* They de-

1 Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 1, 2.
2Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti, 75.
8 Revue historique, XVII, 264, 265.
4Qafayette, (/émoires, II, 299; Jefferson, JWemotr, Correspondence and
Miscellanies, III, 39.
296.

The Insurrection of October, 1789 31

- fended the absolute veto, and this brought them near the court
and ministerial parties and separated them from the patriots.’
Towards the end of August, the breach between the conserva-
tives and the popular party widened. Lafayette tried in vain to
bring about a reconciliation.” The leaders of the left or patriot
side “were ready to accept the absolute veto and the two cham-
bers on three conditions: first, that the chamber of representa-
tives could not be dissolved by the king; second, that the upper
chamber have only a suspensive veto upon the decisions of the
lower ; third, that the national conventions be periodically charged
with the revision cf the constitution.” But Mounier believed the
majority of the assembly favored his views, and would make but
one slight concession.* So the parties separated.

The fact that several presiding officers had been chosen from
among the moderates was not conclusive evidence that the ma-
jority of the assembly agreed with them politically. According
to Mathiez, the leaders were chosen for their eloquence and high
moral character, and the majority “formed an undecided mass
floating between the two parties, made up of good sincere men,
passionately loving their country and profoundly attached to the
public welfare.” They voted against the veto “in spite of Mou-
nier whom they esteemed and respected. In spite of him and in
spite of Necker, in whom they had great confidence, they did not
cease to demand the promulgation of the decrees of August 4.”
It was, therefore, “in vain that the moderate leaders had a con-
nected policy—the majority on which they counted escaped them
at the decisive moment.’’*

The discussion of the veto caused much public agitation.®
Fears were entertained that the moderates had become corrupted
by court influence. The August 4 decrees had not yet been
sanctioned. The absolute veto would be a convenient weapon in

1Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 320. .

2Lafayette, Mémoires, 11, 298; Jefferson, Memotr, Correspondence and
Miscellantes, 111, 40.

8 Revue historique, LXVII, 266, 267.

4Jbid., UXVII, 269.

5Malouet, JW/émoires, I, 367.

207

32 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

the hands of the aristocrats.t_ On the 30th of August a riot broke
out at the Palais Royal.? It was said that “traitors wished the
absolute veto; that France was about to be enslaved.” It was
proposed “that 15,000 men should march to Versailles to invite
the nation to crush its unfaithful representatives and name others
in their places and to supplicate the king to come to Paris for
security. The Marquis of Saint pes was charged to carry
this motion to the assembly.’

Mathiez draws a parallel between this insurrection and that of
October. ‘The riot of August 30,” he says, “like that of the 4th
of October commenced by deputations to the commune. In botir
cases it was the queen who was the object of hatred and of most
furious accusations. What is more remarkable, we find in the
statement of the wishes of the insurgents of August the same
thing that was demanded in October: that the king and his son
be supplicated to come to the Louvre and to dwell there in the
midst of his faithful Parisians.’’*

But if the thought of bringing the king to Paris appeared at
this time, it was in no way the main or the general thought of
the rioters. They wanted to punish the faithless conservative
deputies for desertion to the ranks of the aristocrats.° The riot
was soon crushed. At ten o’clock in the evening a message of
warning had been sent to Versailles, but at two in the morning a
second letter was sent “to inform you that in spite of the effer-
vescence at the Palais Roval the precautions of the commandant
have succeeded; all is quiet.’’

In spite of this assurance that all was quiet the moderates had
had too great a shock. to recover at once from their fear. “Ii
the insurrection should break out again and be successful—the
assembly would be dispersed—and they would themselves lose
their power, if not their lives. Even if a transfer of the court

1 Revue historique, XVII, 252.

2 Révolutions de Faris. No. VII, 13.
8Bailly, /émotres, Il, 328.

4 Revue historique, XVII, 270.

6 Révolutions de Paris, No. VII, 13.
6 Histoire parlementaire, I1, 368.

298

The Insurrection of October, 1789 33

and assembly to Paris should be all that was accomplished it
would still put an end to the influence of the conservatives.’
“On the 31st of August, while fears were still lively, Clermont-
Tonneérre proposed that in case of danger the national assembly
quit Versailles and establish itself in another city far from the
enterprises of the people of Paris.’

This proposition was afterwards adopted by the moderate
party as the best means of assuring the independence of the as-
sembly as well as preserving their own influence.* But they
could not put their plan into execution without the help of the
aristocrats, the ministers and the king. The aristocrats were
already very desirous of getting the king away from Versailles
and the neighborhood of Paris; their consent was not hard to
win. At Soissons or at Compiégne their chances would be good
for getting control of affairs with the help of the army.

As soon as the news reached Versailles of the threatened at-
tack on the assembly, an understanding was reached between the
leaders of the moderates and the representatives of the aristo-
crats. They agreed: “(1) That in view of the troubles and of
the nearness of Paris the position of the king at Versailles was
no longer tenable; (2) that the position of the assembly, threat-
ened as it had been for some time in its principal members, was
also untenable; (3) that whether the king should decide to leave
Versailles or remain there, some body of troops of the line was
absolutely necessary, conjointly with his guard, to preserve him
from popular enterprises.’’*

A delegation was sent at once to the king to ask him that the
assembly be transferred to Soissons or Compiégne.® His maj-
esty had been hunting and was very tired. It was nevertheless
thought necessary to hold a meeting of the council the same
night. The result was totally unexpected, not only by the mod-
erates and aristocrats but by the:ministers themselves. The king

1 Revue historique, XVII, 270.

2 Tbid., WXVII, 271.

8 Jbid., UXVII, 272.

4Montlosier, Mémoires, 1, 278; Revue historique, U.XVII, 273.
5 [bid., LXVIU, 273.

299

34 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

slept or feigned sleep during the discussion of the matter and on
awakening refused his consent to the proposed plan.1_ Whether
this act was due to firmness and a fear of provoking an insur-
rection of the people by such open defiance, as Mathiez suggests,”
or whether the king really slept in council, as seems quite prob-
able in a man like him after a day in the open air, and on awak-
ening gave his decision without definite knowledge of the plan
or its advisers, the fact remains that he refused, to the conster-
nation of all his counselors. And having given this answer, no
power could make him retract. “In spite of the queen,” it was
said, “in spite of M. de Mercy, in spite of the most pressing in-
sinuations of a great number of court nobles, the king decided to
_ remain at Versailles.’

It is not to be imagined that the motives of all who supported
the plan of removal to the provinces were equally disinterested.
The moderates, while anxious to preserve their power in the as-
sembly, were without doubt in favor of a representative govern-
ment and a stable constitution. The aristocrats, on the other
hand, desired the restoration of the monarchy with all its abuses.
Their income depended largely on the maintenance of the privi-
leges which the revolution would destroy.

While the court and the moderate parties were scheming to-
gether to get the king and the assembly out of the power of the
popular party, the patriots were growing more and more uneasy
over the situation. Regarding the queen and the court with the
most intense hostility, distrusting the ministers and detesting the
moderates as traitors to their country, they feared for the success
of the revolution. For a month there had been no progress.°
The 4th of August decrees were the very corner-stone of the
free government they hoped to establish. The suppression of
feudalism had been unanimously demanded by the cahiers.
France as a whole favored the revolution.®

1 Revue historique, XVII, 274.

2Tbid., UXVII, 276.

8Montlosier, J/émoires, 1, 279; Revue historique, IX VI, 276,

4 De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 130.

6 Revue historique, 1,XVII, 253.

6Young, Travels in France, passim.

300

The Insurrection of October, 1789 35

As has been seen, the thought of bringing the king to Paris
for safety had found expression at the time of the August riot.
It was understood that the king was well disposed towards the
reform movement, but that he was under the influence of those
whom he was too weak to resist. Mathiez quotes Le triomphe
de la nation: ‘There was but one cry after the 14th of July, to
save the king, this good king that loves us all, to take him away
from seductions and obsessions, and break his fetters that he
may deign to break ours.”

On the 26th of August the following conversation occurred
between Dussaulx, a royalist, a member of the Academy and of
the commune, and Augeard the farmer-general:? “This affair
will never be well settled so long as the king resides in his cha-
teau. It was a great mistake on the 16th of July not to have
kept him. The dwelling place of a king ought to be in his cap-
ital.” “You are right,” replied Augeard, “but who in his states
has the right to force him to take up his residence there?”
“When it is for the welfare of all,’ responded Dussaulx, “he
will have to be forced to it, and it will come to that.’* I1t had
not yet come to that at the time of the August riot, but the
thought had been expressed and it spread until it became very
general, that the king should be in Paris.

Reports that foreign countries were preparing to take part in
the affairs of France increased the purturbation of the patriots.
Les révolutions de Paris for September 30 contained, under ex-
tracts from English papers, the news that “Distinguished for-
eigners from the court of Spain are in England for the purpose
of engaging the English cabinet in a plan to reestablish the
monarchical authority in France. There is much talk of a treaty
of peace between the emperor and the porte. If the emperor in
conjunction with Spain should take measures to reestablish the
monarchical dignity in France’ the national assembly and the
spirit of democracy which have lately prevailed in that realm’
will experience a violent check.”* |

1 Revue historique, XVII, 252.

2Tbid., LXV, 249.

S’Augeard, Mémoires secrets, 194.
4Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 50.

301

36 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

Commenting on this news Camille Desmoulins said: “The
emperor has just made peace with the Turks to be in condition
to send forces against us; the queen, certainly, would like to go
and join him, and the king, who loves his wife, would not wish
to be separated from her; if we permit him to leave the realm
it would be necessary that we at least take the dauphin as a hos-
tage; but I believe that we should do better not to be in danger
of losing this good king, to send a deputation to him, to get him
to shut up the queen in Saint-Cyr, and to bring the king to Paris

where we should be surer of lus person.’*

_ This speech is reported by the Venetian ambassador as a “bar-
barous and sanguinary motion,’ made on “the pretext that the
so-called aristocratic party is seeking to get the power in, the
assembly,’ and such it doubtless appears from an outside point
of view. But the matter of power in the assembly getting into
the hands of the aristocrats was looked at more seriously by those
who hoped for a free government. The following is from the
rough draft of a letter written by Barnave on the 4th and 5th of
October: “If you could see with your own eyes that the minis-
ters, not excepting Necker, and the majority of our assembly
never wished any constitution ; that they have never had a moment
of superiority without trying with incredibly bad faith to over-
throw all that they had appeared to consent to; that their relations
in the extent of the realm embrace almost every exercise of au-
thority ; that since the decrees of August 4 almost all the gov-
erning part of the nation has become our enemy and the enemy of
liberty; that to give power to the ancient order in these circum-
stances would be most certain to reestablish it, to give it the
means of annihilating us almost without a struggle since the gov-
ernment and the majority of the assembly would have been for
it . . . ready to declare themselves in case the fear or wish
of the nation strongly expressed should not restrain them.’
Enough has been quoted to show that Barnave believed the revo-
lution in very great danger. The suggestion that the “fear or

1 Revue historique, XVII, 253.
*Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti, 60.
8 Revue historique, UXVII, 272-73.

302

et. et

The Insurrection of October, 1789 37

wish of the nation strongly expressed” could alone restrain the
enemies of the constitution should not be overlooked. A month
later he spoke of the October insurrection in these terms: ‘Paris
believed it her duty to save the public liberty a second time,”*
and this, says Mathiez, was the opinion of all patriots. As Lous-
talot said a “second access of revolution was necessary.’

After the regiment of Flanders had been called to Versailles
the popular leaders were all agreed on the necessity of forcing
the king to establish himself in Paris. The newspapers were
full of demands for energetic measures. The following appeared
in the Révolutions de Paris, September 20: “We ought not to
expect to obtain a constitution for the nation from the minis-
terial party in the assembly, i. e., from the nobles, clergy, and
deputies who have feudal properties, or who aspire to court fa-
vors. They would make a constitution for the court. What
then shall we do? Give up hope, or go to Versailles and tear
from the assembly the traitors to their country?’* In the next
number occurs the much quoted expression on the necessity for
a new “access of revolution.”

La Chronique de Paris of the 25th of September proposed to
“invite the king and queen to come and pass the winter in Paris,”
and expressed the wish that the “assembly, too, might come to
sit in the Louvre.’® Marat, in L’ami du Peuple, demanded more
energetic measures: ‘Convinced that the national assembly can
no longer do anything for the welfare of the nation whose de-
crees have been abandoned in a cowardly manner, and whose
rights have been sacrificed (unless by retracing its steps, it re-
forms its dark decrees), I believe it can not be too soon dis-
solved.’’*

It was felt that neither the king nor the assembly seriously
desired the 4th of August decrees, and that all hopes of the revo-

t Revue historique, UXVIII, 273.

2 Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 31.

8 Revue historique, UXVIII, 265, 269.

4 Révolutions de Paris, No. XI, 14.

5 Revue historique, UXVIII, 265.

6 Marat, L’ami du peuple, No. 1T, pp. 65, 66.

393

38 Julia Crewttt Stoddard

Jution would be lost unless these decrees were carried out. There-
fore measures should be taken to “get the king and the assembly
away from the pernicious influence of Versailles at any cost.2

It was only too evident that the king was disposed to favor the
plans of counter-revolution, and very unwilling to accept the pro-
posed reforms and constitution. The queen was winning her
cause. The aristocrats were happy in the hope of victory. But
the patriots were grimly determined never to yield what they had
won for France. They knew that the country was behind them.
They needed but the spur of some new aggression on the part of
the court to be ready for desperate deeds. This incentive came
in the banquet of the body-guards and its attendant circum-
stances.

Ill
MILITARY COMPLICATIONS

Before studying the immediate causes which precipitated the
insurrection, it is necessary to go back and take into account the
general situation of military affairs, the position of the French
guards and the share they had in bringing about the call of the
regiment of Flanders, the attitude of the body-guards of the king
toward the revolution, and the fact of secret enrolment of new
troops in the royal service.

Before the 14th of July the French guards shared with the
body-guard the honor of protecting the king. But when the
moment came to choose or sacrifice the patriotic cause, they aban-
doned their post at Versailles and joined the revolution. Their
action afterwards received the approval of the king, who author-
ized them to remain in Paris and become a part of the citizen
militia.*

Their share in the triumph of taking the Bastille made them
popular heroes. The commune recognized their service to the
state by granting to each of them a certificate of acknowledgment

1 Revue historique, 1X VIII, 266.

2Deux amis de la liberté, Aistoire de la révolution de France, II, 107.
8afayette. A/émotres, II, 271.

304

The Insurrection of October, 1789 39

of the city’s gratitude.t They received other marks of distinc-
tion. It was proposed by one of the districts that a gold medal
be given to each soldier of the French guards who had helped to
bring about the revolution. This proposition was at once sec-
onded by the other districts.2 The demand seemed to involve
unnecessary expense at a time when extravagance was a crime,
but the public power in Paris at this time was with the districts,®
whose open sessions were crowded and very animated. Fortu-
nately the guards themselves requested that the medal be made
of a less expensive metal than gold. They wished it to be known
that they were disinterested.* Their patriotism was further re-
warded by public gifts and newspaper fame.® Their favor was
sought by all parties. Courted by the aristocrats who hoped to
detach them from the popular cause, and flattered by the atten-
tions heaped upon them, they soon began to regret their former
privilege of guarding the king. Citizen militia seemed ignoble
by comparison.

Towards the middle of September they began to talk of going
to Versailles to resume their places in the guard of the king.®
They had heard that a new corps was forming to replace them
at court. Rumors were also current that the king was to go to
Metz.7. The French guards were patriots, as we have seen.
They therefore strongly objected to letting the counter-revolu-
tionists carry off the king.§ Lafayette succeeded in dissuading
them from carrying out their design to go to Versailles. But he
feared the consequences of the alarm at court if the matter should

1 Actes de la commune de Paris, I, 87.

2 Tbid., 1, 100.

8Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti, 62; Revue histori ‘igue,
LXVIII, 269. Mathiez says: ‘‘Les districts sont la vraie force publique.’’
In a note he gives the testimony of Fitzgerald, chargé d’affairs from Eng-

‘land, as follows: ‘The sixty districts, which are absolutely so many little

sovereignties within the metropolis, exercise the most despotic rule over all.’’
4 Actes de la commune de Faris, I, 121.

5 Revue historique, UXVIII, 268: ‘‘ Les estampes reproduisent leurs traits,
les brochures d’actualité se placent sous leur patronage, les journaux racon-
tent leurs faits et gestes.”’

6 Montlosier, Mémoires, I, 271.
7 Ibid., 1, 276.
8 Revue historique, XVIII, 268.

395

40 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

become known in that city, and he wrote a letter to Saint-Priest
informing him of the plan which the French guards had for a
moment entertained of going to Versailles, but assuring him that
all danger was over, that the idea had been given up.

Doubtless Lafayette sincerely believed there was no longer any
real danger; but the public mind was too much on the alert, and
circumstances were too suspicious to justify any assurance of
peace and quiet. It was known that the body-guard, whose three
months of service ended the tst of October, were retained to-
gether with those who entered the service at that time.2 The
number of the guards was in this way doubled. For some reason
this body of troops had not yet taken the oath to the nation, nor
changed the white cockade of the Bourbons for the tri-color of
the revolution.®

It was currently reported, moreover, that this guard was about
to be reinforced, that a new corps was being recruited to fill the
place left vacant by the defection of the French guards,* that
there was “‘a list of 30,000 names including old officers, cheva-
hers de St. Louis, and gentlemen who have agreed to join the
body-guard,” and “that the plan of the aristocratic leaders is to
carry off the king to Metz in order to be able to make war in his
name upon his people.” These rumors were only too well
founded. By the confession of the Abbé Douglas before the com-
mittee of investigation of the national assembly on the 6th of
October, the facts came to light. A regiment of volunteers was
to replace the French guards in the service of the king, under
the name of guard of the royal household. Fontainebleau was
fixed upon as the recruiting place. The officers were to be cho-
sen from the old French guards. Fifteen hundred men were
bound by agreement to accompany the king to Metz.° Four

1Vafayette, Mémoires, II, 333.

2 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIll, 4.

3 Deux ainis de la liberté, Hzstotre de la révolution de France, III, 127.

4Jbid., III, 121; Revue historique, UXVIUII, 287.

5 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 6.

6 Revue historique, I.X1X, 64. From the ‘‘Interrogatoire de l’abbé de
Douglas, comité des recherches de l’assemblée nationale.’’

306°

The Insurrection of October, 1789 41

thousand uniforms had been ordered of a tailor for these new
troops.*

It had, indeed, been the desire of the aristocrats for a long
time to strengthen the position of the king by increasing the
number of troops at Versailles. The necessity for this had, as
we know, been agreed to by the moderates at the end of August.
And two weeks later, when the demands of the assembly for the
immediate promulgation of the decrees of August 4 became so
imperative as to alarm the king, the regiment of Flanders was
sent for. According to Mathiez this regiment had been on its
way two days on the 18th of September when Louis XVI. sent
to the assembly his long mémoire explaining the necessity for
delaying the promulgation of these decrees.®

It was on this same day that Lafayette’s letter, concerning the
proposed movement of the French guards, was used by Saint-
Priest for a purpose never intended by its author.* The regi-
ment of Flanders was already on its way to Versailles before the
fear arose that the unexpected arrival of troops might rouse that
most dreaded of all instruments of revolution, the Paris mob.
Lafayette’s letter served as a much desired pretext for shoulder-
ing the responsibility of the decision upon the staff and the mu-
nicipality of Versailles. The letter was not made public,® but
its message was so used as to create alarm and bring about a
formal requisition on the king to send for more troops.* The
thing was so skilfully managed that many good patriots were de-
ceived.’? But that the threatened invasion of the guards was not
a reason for sending for the regiment of Flanders is shown by
an examination of dates. It was’ on the 16th of September that
this regiment left Douai for Versailles.8 The summons could
not have been sent from the latter city later than the 14th.

1 Revue historique, XVII, 287.

2Tbid., XVII, 280; Weber, Mémoires, I, 421.

8 Jbid., UXVII, 281.

4 Jbid., WX VIII, 264, 285; Lafayette, Wémotires, IV, 149.
5 Révolutions de Paris, XIII, 4.

8 Revue historique, 1X VU, 281, and XVIII, 284.

7 Bailly, Wémoires, II, 381; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 362.
8 Actes de la commune de Paris, II, 48, 49.

397

42 Juha Crewitt Stoddard

Lafayette’s letter was written on the 17th,t and presented to the
staff on the 18th. It is therefore manifestly impossible that it
could have been the cause of sending for this body of troops.
Is it not probable that the reason for this step lay deeper? At
the end of August, Versailles had been threatened by a mob from
the Palais Royal, incensed by the action of the moderate deputies
on the veto and alarmed for the safety of the decrees of August
4. If we remember that the king was obstinately opposed to
these decrees, that the ministers believed that their promulgation
would bring anarchy; and if we recall that the moderates were
so strong in the assembly as to be believed in the majority, and
that the plan to transfer both the king and the assembly to the
provinces had not yet been given up, and if we reflect that the
aristocrats had never ceased to work and plot for the complete
restoration of the ancient régime, we shall, I think, accept Ma-
thiez’s interpretation of the calling of the regiment of Flanders,
that it was “the first step of the king and his ministers in the
way of open resistance.’’

Not without lively opposition was the deed accomplished. The
municipality of Versailles had ratified the demand fer reinforce-
ments,® but the staff was by no means unanimous. On the 2Ist
of September, Mirabeau rose in the assembly to contest the right
of the municipality of Versailles to call troops without the con-
sent of the national assembly.* Before the arrival of the troops,
members of the Breton club, Lafayette, and the commune of
Paris had united in the demand that the regiment of Flanders he
sent away again.> The reply which they received from Saint-
Priest destroyed their last hope of success by legal means.®

\Bailly, Wémoires, 11, 380; Revue historique, LXIX, 61.

2 Revue historique, L,X1X, 63.

8 Piéces justificatives du rapport de la procédure du chételet, 35.

4 Proceés-verbal de Lassemblée nationale, No. WUXXX, 4; Courrier de Pro-
vence, No. XXV.

5 Revue historique, WXVIII, 269.

6Campan, W/7émoires, II, 294. The reply which Saint-Priest sent to this
demand is mentioned in the ‘‘Abregé des circonstances du depart de Louis
XVI, pour Paris le 6 octobre, 1789,’’ written by Saint-Priest and contained
in Mme. Campan’s Wémoires. ‘‘Je lui répondis, le plus modérément que je
pus, que cette demande d’un régiment de ligne était une suite naturelle de

308

The Insurrection of October, 1789 ‘43

The regiment arrived on the 23d of September.t. On the same
day, the king asked for a list of the officers of the rfational guard
who had gone to meet it. And the next day he sent an auto-
graph letter expressing in flattering terms his gratification that
they had been so prompt to receive the new troops, and promising
not to forget the attachment and confidence thus shown to him.’
An attempt was also made by the queen to conciliate the national
guards. On the 29th of September she sent for the lieutenant-
colonels to announce to them that she was having flags made to
present to each of their companies.*

Meanwhile Paris was in the greatest state of fermentation.
The districts met and sent deputations to the commune to express
their uneasiness over the movement of troops about Paris, and to
ask if the national assembly was cognizant of these things. The
commune asked Bailly to write and demand information from the
ministers concerning the “regiment of Flanders and all other
troops that may have been called.” The reply not being satis-
factory, the demand was repeated the following day.*

The most intense alarm was felt by the patriots who looked
upon the arrival of the regiment as a defiance and a menace.®
“It was reported that already formidable armies were marching
on Paris and Versailles, that a cordon of troops was formed
around the two cities, and the nation was in danger.’® “It was
not doubted that the regiment of Flanders was but the advance
guard of the enemy, that the body-guard, doubled and increas-
ing every day . . . was but the nucleus of the army which
was silently preparing to fall upon the patriots.’’”

The people of Paris, distracted by famine, suspicious of con-
spiracies, and seeing the ranks of their enemy increase day by

Vavis donné par une lettre de M. de La Fayette. J’ajoutai que je lui repon-
dais ainsi de moi-méme le roi ne m’ayant pas autorisé 4 répondre a une
question que Sa Majesté n’avait pu imaginer qu’on osat faire 4 son ministre.”’

1 Revue historique, XVIII, 286. *

2 Pieces Justrficatives du rapport de la procédure du chételet, 36.

3 Revue historique, LX VIII, 286.

4 Artes de la commune de Faris, 11, 37-89, 51-56.

5 Révolutions de Paris, No. XII, 31.

6 Deux amis de la liberté, Wistoive de la révolution de France, II, 115.
7 Tbid., III, 144.

529

44 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

day, were in that extremely sensitive state where any indiscretion
on the part of the court would precipitate an outbreak. The ban-
quet given by the body-guard to the officers of the regiment of
Flanders furnished the provocation, and the insurrection fol-
lowed.

There had not been at all times the best of feeling between the
body-guard and the court. The occasion of the banquet given to
the regiment of Flanders was seized by the court to conciliate
the guard and restore their loyalty to the king. The feast was
made an affair of unusual magnificence. The theater of the
chateau, heretofore reserved for court festivities, was granted
them for their repast.t
The list of invited guests included not only the officers of the
_ regiment of Flanders, but also those of all the other troops at
Versailles? They drank the health of the king, the queen, the
dauphin and the royal family; but no toast was drunk to the
nation. Whether purposely omitted or expressly rejected it is
impossible to know because of conflicting testimony.®

In the midst of the festivities, the queen appeared, and made
the round of the tables, leading the dauphin,* eliciting the en-
thusiastic applause of the delighted soldiers. The king alsa
graced the banquet by his presence, the orchestra played the fa-
mous air, “O Richard, O my king! the world abandons thee,”
and loyalty expressed itself in enthusiastic cheers and applause.®

1 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoive de la révolution de France, X11, 129.

2 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 5; Courrier de Provence, No. XXXI;
Weber, I, 422; Duquesnoy, I, 397; Campan, II, 295.

3Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, III, 129;
De. Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 129.

4There are several versions of this. I have followed Weber (I, 423) who
says: ‘‘ Marie-Antoinette, par un movement irresistible imitant son auguste
meére, prit M. le dauphin par la main et le promena autour des tables.’’ This
is the version followed by the Révolutions de Paris (No. XIII, 5). According
to Ferriéres (I, 281), the queen ‘‘ prend le dauphin dans ses bras, et fait le tour
de la table au milieu des acclamations les plus bruyantes.’’? This seems
highly improbable and is doubtless a reminiscence of the famous act of
Maria Theresa. Morris states (I, 168) that ‘‘ Her Majesty descended from
her box, and with her son and husband, graceful and tall, with a truly
queenly dignity, walked through the ranks of the soldiers.’’ De Stael-
Holstein gives (p. 129) yet another version. See also Courrier de Provence,
No. XXXI.

5Campan, Mémoires, II, 71.

310

The Insurrection of October, 1789 45

The guests, with drawn sword in hand, drank to the health of
their royal visitors, who accepted this homage and withdrew.*
“From this time the feast degenerated into an orgy.” Intoxica-
tion took the place of enthusiasm, and amidst the wild and fool-
ish excesses that followed, the tri-colored cockade of the nation
was insulted,* and the nation itself made the object of most fright-
ful imprecations.*®

The most alarming feature of this whole matter was that the
banquet of the body-guard was no mere accident, no unforeseen
outburst of loyalty. There is evidence to show that it had all
been planned beforehand for dramatic effect, to dazzle and win
the allegiance of the troops to the court party. D’Estaing’s let-
ter to the queen speaks specifically of a premeditated purpose not
to drink the health of the nation.*

The effect of the demonstration on the court party was to re-
move all restraint. They seem to have thought the cause al-
ready won, and that there was no longer necessity for conceal-
ment. After the banquet, ladies of the court exerted themselves
openly to win proselytes in the chateau. National guards wear-
ing the tri-colored cockade were accosted and asked to change
it for the white, emblem of the ancient régime, or the black, the
color of the queen.® Several officers of the national guard ap-
peared with white cockades;° men presented themselves at the
review wearing this badge;’ and a gentleman wearing the na-
tional uniform was refused admittance to the chateau and in-
formed that the insult was due to his dress. As if to cap the
defiance to the friends of the revolution, Marie Antoinette, on

1Campan, Mémoires, 11, 296; Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la ré-
volution de France, III, 131.

2 De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 130; Courrier de Pro-
vence, No. XX XI; Duquesnoy, I, 397.

8 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 5; Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 397.
4 Revue historique, LXVIII, 289.

’ Révolutions de Paris, XIII, 5; Weber, I, 426; Courrierde Provence, No.
XXXI; Préces justificatives du rapport de la procédure du ch&telet, No. IX.

6 bid.
7 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 6.
8 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, II, 136.

311

46 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

the 2d of October, received a deputation from the national guard,
come to thank her for her gift of flags. She said to them, “I am
very glad to have given flags to the national guard of Versailles.
The nation and the army should be attached to the king as we
are ourselves to them. I was enchanted with Thursday,’’—the
day of the banquet.’

The news of the banquet reached Paris on the follgnnals day,
and the alarm spread rapidly. There was no longer any doubt
of the reality: of the plots which, for some time, the pamphlets |
and journals had been attributing to the court, the ministers, and
the majority of the assembly. La Chronique de Paris denounced
the plot of the aristocrats on the 4th. Marat condemned “the
orgy of Versailles in burning terms, and closed by a veritable
call to arms.’ The agitation increased in all quarters of the
city. Wherever a man appeared wearing a white or black cock-
ade he was attacked and his emblem torn from him, and he him-
self arrested or threatened.* The districts assembled and sent
-deputations to the commune to demand that it take necessary
measures. The city officers were alarmed “at the outrage against
the nation and the commune, committed by persons who have
allowed themselves to abjure and discard a cockade which has
been adopted as a symboi of union and of liberty.” The com-
manders of the battalions were ordered to remain under arms,
and a decree was passed forbidding individuals to wear any other
than red, blue, and white, the national colors.‘

At the Cordeliers, Danton secured a decree to send a deputa-
tion to the commune to urge that the “commanding general go
to Versailles the next day to ask, in the name of all the citizens
of Paris, that the troops be sent away immediately,” etc., etc.®

1 Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, II, 136.

2 Revue historique, IyXVIII, 291. Mathiez quotes ‘‘selon le mot de Des-
moulins;’’? ‘‘Tous les bons citoyens doivent s’assembler en armes, envoyer
un nombreux détachement pour enlever toutes les poudres d’Essonne;
chaque district doit retirer ses canons de l’hétel de ville.”’

aa amis de la liberté, Aistoive de la révolution de France, Vi, 149,
150.

4Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, Il, 150.

5 Revue historique, XVIII, 292. Mathiez quotes from the Courrier de
Versailles. ‘

are.

The Insurrection of October, 1789 47

The Palais Royal, that rallying place of thousands of homeless
dwellers of Paris, the lawless, the idle, the discontented, was in
permanent session, and more than ever a hot-bed of insurrection
and rebellion.*| On Sunday, the 4th, the place was crowded with
women who cried out that “to-morrow things would go better,
that they would put themselves at the head of affairs.” One
“whose appearance indicated a woman above the middle class”
said that Paris lacked bread and they must go to-morrow and
demand it of the king and royal family.”

The French guards, patriots at heart and jealous of those who
had usurped their places at court, were in sympathy with the
people. They heard and applauded the popular orators. The
national guards dispersed the crowds so gently that evidence
was afterwards given that “no precautions were taken against
the agitators.”®

The discontent of the French guards at seeing their places at
court filled by strangers, the alarm caused by the increased num-
ber of troops about Versailles, the doubling of the body-guard,
the enlistment of a new corps, and the calling of the regiment of
Flanders,—all these military complications helped to make the
position utterly intolerable to the friends of the revolution. And
finally the banquet of the body-guard, with its open insults to the
popular cause, was like a spark to a powder magazine,—the
explosion was inevitable.

IV
PERSONAL AND OTHER INFLUENCES

To determine with any exactness the rdles played by individ-
uals in the October insurrection is an impossible task. I shall
therefore confine myself to a discussion of some statements that
have been made, some opinions that have been held, and to a
suggestion of probabilities. :

1 Bailly, Wémotres, II, 232, 233.

2 Revue historique XVIII, 293.
8 Jbid., XVIII, 293. Mathiez quotes from the Procédure du chitelet.

313

48 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

Accusations against the Duke of Orleans began to be heard in
the latter part of August. Among his accusers was Jefferson.
A letter written to John Jay on the 27th of August contains the
assertion that the faction of Orleans “wish to dethrone the reign-
ing branch and transfer the crown to the Duke of Orleans.”?
Two days later De Staél-Holstein, the Swedish ambassador, wrote
in his home despatch: “It is believed that the Duke of Orleans
is at the head of a formidable party.’’? And on the 17th of Sep-
tember he expressed himself more positively: “The party of the
Duke of Orleans takes the lead in extravagant and violent opin-
ions. J believe it is certain that this prince has high preten-
sions.”* A few days later Bailly mentions the “fearful faction
at the Palais Royal working under the name of Fgalité.”* La-
fayette believed there was “no doubt that the party of the Duke
of Orleans wished to place him on the throne.”®> As for this
Orleans party he goes so far as to name the principal members.
of it. Lafayette even claims that the duke tried to win his ad-
herence to the proposed measures, that he came to see him sev-
eral times on the subject.’ |

The Duke of Orleans was also accused of using his money
freely to feed the flame of revolution.* Young states in his jour-
nal for June 25: “It is asserted expressly that the mobs have
been excited and instigated by the leaders of the commons, and
some of them paid by the Duke of Orleans.”® And two days.
later, speaking of the brilliant displays of fireworks at the Palais
Royal, and the question as to who paid for them he says: “There
is no doubt of its being the Duke of Orleans’ money.”?® Mathiez
refers to the Procédure du chdatelet for evidence of the fact that

1Jefferson, Wemoir, Correspondence and Miscellanies, III, 20. '
2De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 112.

3 Tbid., 126.

4Bailly, Wémoires, I, 396.

5Tafayette, W/émoitres, II, 335.

6 Jbid., 1V, 138.

TLafayette, Mémoires, II, 355-57.

8 Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti, TT.

®Young, Travels in France, 122.

10 Jbid., 125.

3 tay

—_

4

The Insurrection of October, 1780 49

much money was distributed before the October outbreak, not
only among the troops but also among the people.*

There was strong suspicion that the troubles in. France were
fomented by English subsidies. The Swedish ambassador found
in the suspicion “much probability.” He also believed it “quite
probable that the Duke of Orleans has come to an understanding
with this power.’* “The sums of money scattered among the
people,” he says, ‘‘are not to be explained by the fortune of the
Duke of Orleans.”* According to the French chargé d affaires
at London, England was disposed to take advantage of the situa-
tion in France to force unpleasant sacrifices.*

However this may have been, it is certain that after the Octo-
ber insurrection charges against the Duke of Orleans multiplied.
On the 19th of October, Capello wrote that a “conspiracy had
been discovered,’ from which it appeared that this prince had
been the “‘defender of the popular cause to further his own ends.”
“Being aware,’ says Capello, “of the project for the king to aban-
don Versailles to go to Metz, a project said to have been formed
by the queen, this first prince of the blood planned everything to
bring about the destruction of the king and the royal family on
the way; then, favored by the insurrection, to have himself named
lieutenant general of the realm,” etc., etc. Capello does not
vouch for the truth of this report, but reserves his judgment
until he has further information. At the same time he asserts
that the accusations are based on the “depositions of many
people.’’®

The Swedish ambassador asserts that the party of Orleans
wished to get the king away from Versailles “in the hope that he
would be dethroned, if once he went away.’’®

1 Revue historique, LXVII, 261, and LXVIII, 274.

2De Stael-Holstein, 112, 126.

3 Jbid., 142.

4Sorel, L’ Europe et la révolution frangaise, I1, 30. See also correspond-
ence between Dorset and Montmorin in Archives parlementaires, VIII, 287,
342.

5Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatort Ventti, 76.

6 De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 134. See also Duques-
noy, Journal, I, 444, 449, 462.

315

50 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

From so much concurrent testimony of reputable witnesses we
may be sure of two facts:—that there was an Orleans party, and
that this party was intriguing for power. But to know just how
much truth there is in the charge that the insurrection was
brought about by this faction, or just how far the duke was him-
self responsible for the acts of his party, are very difficult ques-
tions to answer. A study of the character of the witnesses, their
opportunities for gaining information, and also a knowledge of
the character of the duke himself may help somewhat.

The foreign ambassadors in Paris at this time were men of
character and ability, and presumably free from party prejudice,
but they seldom give the source of their information. The depo-
sitions mentioned in Capello’s despatch last cited are not to be
‘accepted as conclusive evidence. Indeed they sometimes contra-
dict each other.t. Lafayette was persuaded that the Duke of Or-
leans played an important part in the October insurrection. But
was not Lafayette a prejudiced witness? A man of high ideals,
‘of private virtue and public honor, he could not but despise a
man so notorious for his vices as was Philippe of Orleans.” The
most suspicious circumstance in connection with the charges
against the duke is his going to England immediately after the
outbreak, in obedience to Lafayette’s most urgent and threaten-
ing insistence® on a mission that was merely a pretext and which
deceived nobody as to the true character of his banishment.*
The acceptance of such a mission under such circumstances is ia
itself a confession of guilt. The efforts made by the friends of
the duke to keep him from going seem to show that they under-
stood this. Lafayette gives the following account of the matter:
“On the 7th of October Lafayette demanded an interview. . After
a conversation which Mirabeau called ‘very imperious on one side
and very resigned on the other’ it was resolved that the Duke of

1 Revue historique, XVIII, 276.

2 Tbid., UXVII, 259. Jefferson, Memoir, Correspondence and Miscellantes,
III, 20. ‘‘The duke . . . sunk in debaucheries of the lowest kind, and
incapable of quitting them for business; not a fool, yet not head enough to
conduct anything,”’ etc., etc.

3Montlosier, J7émoires, I, 315; Lafayette, Wémoires, Il, 357, 358.
4De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 136.

316

an iaives ane

The Insurrection of October, 1789 51

Orleans should go to England with a kind of mission to justify
his departure; but he changed his mind the same evening on the
advice of his friends. He informed Lafayette of it; Lafayette
gave him a second rendezvous and made him promise to leave
within twenty-four hours. . . In the night Orleans changed
his mind again, and Mirabeau having taken it upon him to de-
nounce in the assembly Lafayette’s conduct in giving orders to a
representative of the people, he, Orleans, wrote at daybreak that
he would not go. A third rendezvous was immediately set by
Lafayette . . .; the result of the conversation was that Or-
leans went.’? |

Tf such was the character of the Duke of Orleans, so weak, so
cowardly, so irresolute, can we believe that he was the leading
spirit in a conspiracy to overthrow the government? Is it not
much more probable that he was the willing instrument of bolder
men? De Staél-Holstein affirms that the Duke of Orleans, “‘in-
stead of leading his party, allows himself rather to be drawn on
by it; and when the instant to act arrives courage fails him.’

From the beginning of the revolution the Duke of Orleans
had been very popular with the common people. On the 12th
of July they had carried his bust with Necker’s in procession
through the streets of Paris.? He made every effort to gain the
good graces-of the patriots, even to the extent sometimes of dis-
courtesy to the court. Capello speaks thus of his conduct at
Versailles on the day of Saint-Louis, the féte day of the king:
“For a climax of humiliation, the Duke of Orleans, with an in-
solence truly disgusting in a Bourbon and a first prince of the
blood, alone, among those who accompanied his majesty, wore
the cockade of the third estate.”* A royal prince who was hated

lL afayette, Mémoires, II, 357, 358; Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 202, 222,
223. Morris reports that Lafayette had said of the Duke of Orleans: ‘‘Ses
lettres de créance sont des lettres de grace,’’ but afterwards denied that he
had used such an expression, ‘‘puisqu’il n’y a aucun indice contre le duc
d’Orleans.’’ Morris thought the friends of the duke were likely to convict
him by their zeal in circulating absurd stories, such as that ‘‘ England gives

two millions sterling to make mischief in this country.’? In November the
Duke of Orleans was offering 20 per cent for a loan of 500,000 francs.

2De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 142.
3Flammermont, La journée du rg /uillet, 1789, CI;XXVII.
4Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Venitt, 58.

any

52 Julia Crewvitt Stoddard

v

by the court and who espoused the popular cause was looked
upon as a natural leader. Whether it be true, as Barras asserts,
that the Duke of Orleans would “naturally have been placed on
the throne at this time if he had shown the slightest ambition,’’t
it appears evident that by reason of his lack of character he was
more led than leader in the movement. And although his friends
made use of him as far as possible to further their own interests,
and although he doubtless hoped to profit by their intrigues, we
have seen that the insurrection of October had other and more
potent causes. Malouet’s judgment in the matter appears most
worthy of acceptation: “Even if the Duke of Orleans had never
existed we should probably have seen the same scenes

the course of events would not have been changed.’

The Count of Mirabeau was suspected and accused of com-
plicity in the conspiracy attributed to the Duke of Orleans. La-
favette believed that at the time of the October troubles ‘“Mira-
beau was closely allied with the Orleans party which directed
the movement.’’* Dumont, in his Recollections of Muirabeau,
says, “I remember hearing him speak somewhat favorably of this
prince” (the Duke of Orleans), and after some discussion con-
cludes: “It is impossible not to think there was some connec-
tion between them.”® The attitude of Mirabeau towards the
pretended mission to England is taken by Mathiez as evidence
that his own interests were bound up with those of the Duke of
Orleans. When the note containing the duke’s final decision to
leave the country was received by Mirabeau, he read it and then
held it out to his friends exclaiming “Read! They pretend that [
am of his party. I would not have him for my valet!’’® The
speech prepared to denounce Lafayette in the assembly is also

1Barras, Wémoires, I, 65.

?Malouet, Alémoires, I, 331; Revue historique, XVII, 276.

8Duquesnoy, Journal, 1,412, 462; Dumont, Recollections of Mirabeau, 13;
Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Venitt, 77.

4Lafayette, W7émoires, IV, 45.

5 Dumont, Reco//ections of Mirabeau, 141.

6Loménie, Les Mirabeau, IV, 513; Correspondance de Mirabeau et de La
Marck, I, 128.

318

Arb ors

ee

The Insurrection of October, 1789 53

taken as evidence against Mirabeau, on the ground that he “con-
founds the cause of the Duke of Orleans with his own.’

The testimony of La Marck, that Mirabeau objected to the
exile of the Duke of Orleans because he feared Lafayette’s dom-
ination and the triumph of republican ideas,? is called into ques-
tion by Mathiez, who claims that La Marck was not a disinter-
ested witness, but a “confidant and in some sort an accomplice,”
and “in defending his old friend he was merely defending him-
Serr. °

“Mirabeau’s conduct during the days of the 5th and 6th of
October,” says Loménie, ‘was of an equivocal character, at least,
and afforded matter for suspicion.”* Yet “even his enemies
confess that he was too indiscreet to conceal his plans,’® he was
“as prompt to write as to speak, and all his negotiations, all his
secret plots found expression in contintled correspondence that
has been gradually coming to light for a hundred years.” “Would
it not be astonishing,” asks Loménie, “if his intrigue with the
Duke of Orleans should be the only one that left no written
trace ?’’*

It is true that Mirabeau wanted to get into the ministry at this
time, and that Lafayette was his confidant in the matter... He
was ambitious and needed the income that the ministry alone
could pay.’ He was also capable and could see what he might
do for France. It is also true that he was engaged, not long
after, in an “intrigue to displace Necker for Tallyrand.”® Doubt-
less a man of his ability chafed under Necker’s incompetence.

I can do no better than reproduce Loménie’s conclusion of the
matter: “Mirabeau, like many others, had the thought of plac-

1 Revue historique, 1X VIII, 280.

2 Correspondance de Mirabeau et de La Marck, I, 127.

3 Revue historique, U.XVIKII, 281, 282.

4Toménie, Les Wirabeau, IV, 483.

5 Tbid., 503; Correspondance de Mirabeau et de La Marck, I, 112, 113.

6Loménie, Les Mirabeau, IV, 506.

7™Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 193; De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance
diplomatique, 42, Duquesnoy, /ournal, 462, 463.

8 Correspordance de Mirabeau et de La Marck, I, 129.

®Duquesnoy, Journal, I, 370, 335, 355.

319

54 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

ing at the head of the government, in case Louis XVI. should
not be able to maintain himself, a prince naturally fitted for the
position by the political opinions which he held and by his place
in public esteem; but this thought, conceived about the time of
the July insurrection, far from taking root in his mind, disap-
peared as the character of the prince became better known; allied
to the friends of the Duke of Orleans, he must also have had a
passing intercourse with the Duke of Orleans himself, and have
knocked at this door, if we may so express it, as he had knocked
successively at all the doors that might open a career for his»
impatient ambition; but he has never been either the recipient
of the real secrets of the prince and his associates, or engaged
to them by a formal compact.’

What was the part of Lafavette in the October insurrection?
Was it, as Stephens says, to “pose as the savior of the monar-
chy?” Did he bring the king to Paris “merely ta increase his
own honor and glory?’ As a patriot Lafayette had the success
of the revolution at heart. Great danger threatened the cause
of liberty. Lafayette shared the general alarm over the arrival
of the regiment of Flanders and the boldness of the aristocratic
reaction shown in the banquet of the body-guard. He was,
moreover, irritated at the “mysterious and irregular use’ made
of his letter to Saint-Priest.2 He had refused Montmorin’s offer
of conciliation with the reply: “If the king fears a riot let him
come to Paris. He will be safe there in the midst of the national
guard.’”* Lafayette was not without ambition. It is true, per-
haps, that he desired ‘‘a direct and habitual influence over the
decisions of the king.”* Nor was he invulnerable to “the deli-
cious sensation of the smile of multitudes.’”®

But I have found no evidence that. Lafayette was in any way
responsible for the movement of the national guard on the 5th

1Loménie, Les AZirabeau, IV, 507, 508.

2 Revue historique, XVIII, 264.

8 Jhid., XVII, 287.

4Vafayette, W/émoires, I1, 298.

5’ Revue historique XIX, 49, quotation from Necker,
6Loménie, Les Mirabeau, V, 28.

320°

a ae
pot S

The Insurrection of October, 1780 55

of October. There is, on the contrary, a convincing amount of
testimony that, instead of provoking the movement, Lafayette
did all in his power to restrain it, and consented to go to Ver-

_sailles at last only under practical compulsion.t “The guard

wished to go to Versailles,’ says the Swedish ambassador, “to
avenge the insult to the national cockade on the day of the ban-
quet of the body-guard. . . The Marquis of Lafayette did
all in his power to stop them. He was forced to yield to the
multitude.”? According to Montlosier, a deputation from the
grenadiers brought the message to Lafayette that the “people
are in misery; the source of the evil is at Versailles: we must go
to seek the king and bring him to Paris; we must exterminate —
the regiment of Flanders and the body-guard who have dared to
trample the national cockade under foot.” And when Lafayette
tried to harangue the crowd “his voice was lost in cries of “To
Versailles! To Versailles!’”’? Capello says that Lafayette, “un-
able to resist, tried to gain time, but was threatened with hanging
and obliged to give way to circumstances.”’* The same story is
told by Morris: “Lafayette has marched by compulsion, guarded
by his own troops who suspect and threaten him. Dreadful sit-
uation! Obliged to do what he abhors or suffer an ignominious
death with the certainty that the sacrifice of his life will not pre-
vent the mischief.”® Lafayette’s own testimony confirms that
already given.®

If we consider that these troops were scarcely organized and
so undisciplined that they refused to mount guard in the rain,’
and if we remember that it was Lafayette’s duty as a man of
honor to protect the king and the national assembly, we shall see
little reason to doubt his hesitation to take the responsibility of
leading this movement.

1 Révolutions de Paris, No. XIII, 13; Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de
la révolution de France, III, 163-64.

?De Staél-Holstein, Correspondance diplomatique, 130.
3 Montlosier, Mémoires, I, 288.

4Capello, Dispacci degli ambasciatori Veniti, T4.
‘Morris, Diary and Letters, 1, 173.

6 Lafayette, Mémoires, II, 336, also III, 219,

7Morris, Diary and Letters, I, 156.

321

56 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

Lafayette’s part in the insurrection, then, was not one of self-
glorification, although his power was unquestionably increased
by the results of it But by placing himself in command he
gave dignity and a certain character of legality to the movement
which made it formidable to possible resistance on the part of
the court.?

The influence of persons, therefore, appears not so much a
cause of this insurrection as an attempt to reap some benefit
from a revolution which was inevitable.

More influential than the intrigues of persons or of parties in
precipitating the outbreak was the public press. After the ar-
rival of the regiment of Flanders, the patriotic journals united
in proclaiming the necessity for forcing the king to establish
himself in Paris. A campaign was commenced against all ‘‘ene-
mies of the revolution.” J] have already quoted enough from the
leading newspapers to show the spirit of the press. The com-
mune of Paris was accused of “favoring a new system of aris-
tocracy,” Lafayette and Bailly of “allowing the people to starve.”
Leading members of the assembly were denounced as “traitors to
the revolution.” The aristocrats were accused of “secret plots
and dangerous conspiracies,” and the attacks on the queen grew
more numerous and more virulent.*| Pamphlets were circulated
that were even more violent than the newspapers. An example
was given in the one entitled When shall we have bread? The
effect of these publications, appearing day by day, can hardly be
imagined. At the Palais Royal, the ideas they expressed were
constantly discussed by the popular orators, with the result that
“the people became strongly impressed with the thought that it
was necessary for the success of the revolution to establish the
seat of public power at Paris.”® “It was the press that not only
prepared the insurrection and rendered it possible, but which gave
it its peculiar purpose and character. All the hatred, all the
-passions with which the revolted people were animated, all the

1 Revue historique, XVIII, 264.
2 Tbid., UWXIX, 49.

8 Jbid., LX VIII, 265.

4 Jbid., LXVIII, 266.

5 [bid., XIX, 46.
322

ee. ee

The Insurrection of October, 1789 57

accusations they uttered, all the demands they made had first
found expression in the press.”?

This insurrection, then, was not an unpremeditated outburst
of lawlessness, “entirely unforeseen and spontaneous.” It was
rather foretold and prearranged and carried out with the fixed
and conscious purpose of bringing the king to Paris. “This was
what the papers had been preaching as necessary to the success
of the revolution. This was the required remedy for all distress
of body or mind. If bread was lacking, the king’s presence
would bring plenty. If the aristocrats were plotting against the
public welfare, their plots would fall harmless if once the king
were removed from their influence. From the beginning of the
agitation, the chief thought of the insurgents was that they must
bring the king to Paris at any cost. We have seen how the
women at the Palais Royal announced on the 4th of October
their plan of going to Versailles the next day “to seek the king
and to bring him to the Louvre.” The women who went to the
Hotel de Ville to demand bread, as well as the men who followed
them, were all determined to march to Versailles and bring back
the king.?

One of the demands of the commune, sent by the delegation
which accompanied Lafayette, was to this same effect. “The
king would give a great proof of his love for the French nation
if he would dwell in the finest palace in Europe, in the greatest
city of his realm, and among the most numerous part of his sub-
jects.” The French guards were represented in another demand
of the commune: that “His Majesty would confide the guard of
his sacred person only to the national guards of Paris and of
Versailles.” According to Mathiez, who refers to the Précedure
du chatelét for evidence, the French guards had won over the
regiment of Flanders to the popular cause, and had received the
assurance from this regiment that it would take no part against
the nation in the proposed movement.®

1 Revue historique, 1,X1X, 41, 42.

2 Thid., 44; Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France,
III, 175.

8 Revue historique, 1,X VIII, 294.

323

58 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

On the morning of the 5th, the alarm bell was sounded accord-
ing to a plan announced the day before, to call the people to-
gether to go to Versailles after the king. The uprising was
general. Beginning at six in the morning, the bells were rung
for several hours and the ‘whole city was put in motion.’

To sum up: The causes of the October insurrection were many
and complicated. First, the economic conditions, brought about
by corrupt administration and stupid legislation, caused untold
suffering and prepared the way for revolt. Second, the political
situation, the reaction against the revolution, the king helpless,
the queen intriguing against the nation, the ministers inefficient,
the aristocrats ready to plunge the country into civil war to bring
back the ancient régime, the moderates suspected of treason
against the popular cause, and the patriots determined to main-
tain advantages already won,—all these warring elements made
an explosion inevitable. Third, the military complications, the
jealousy and discontent of the French guards, the alarm caused
by the arrival of the regiment of Flanders, and rumors of other
forces gathering about Versailles, culminating in furious indig-
nation over the orgy of the body-guard, precipitated the revolt,
which, last of all, was helped along by the schemes of ambitious
men and the influence of a virulent press. All these things con-
tributed in a greater or less degree to produce the insurrection.
“The night of the 4th of August had been the logical result of
the revolution of July; the 5th and 6th days of October were
the inevitable consequence of the night of the 4th of August.’

1Deux amis de la liberté, Histoire de la révolution de France, IIT, 159,
2 Revue historique, XIX, 58.

324

i
Se

The Insurrection of October, 1789 5One

BIBLIOGRAPHY
SOURCES

Archives parlementaires de 1789 &@ 1860, recueil complet des
debats legislatifs & politique des chambres francaise imprimé par
M. M. J. Mavidal & E. Laurent. Série I, 1787-99. 49 vols.
Paris, 1867-96.

Actes de la commune de Paris pendant la révolution, Publiés
et annotés par Sigismond Lacroix. 3 vols. Paris, 1891.

Augeard, Jaques, Matthieu: Mémoires secrets; précédé d'une .
introduction par M. E. Bavoux. Paris, 1866.

Bacourt, Ad, de, Ed: Correspondance entre le comte de Mira-
beau et la comte de la Marck pendant les années 1789, 1790,
L7OTecsbatisy: bO5T.

Bailly, Jean, Sylvain de: Mémoires, avec une notice sur sa vie,
des notes & des eclaircissements historique par M. M. Berville &
Barriere.. 3 vols: 'Patis, 1821, 1822.

Barras, Paul, Francois, Jean, Nicholas, comte de: Mémoures
de. 4 vols. Paris, 1895.

Buchez, Phillippe, Joseph, Benjamin; & Roux, Lavergne, P. C.:
Histoire parlementaire de la révolution francatse; un journal des
assemblées nationales depuis 1789 jusquen 1815. 40 vols. Paris,
1834-38.

Campan, Mme: Mémoires sur la vie privée de Marte-An-
toinette, reine de France et de Navarre. 3 vols. Paris, 1822.

Capello, Antonio: Dispacci degli ambasciatori V eniti alla corte
di Francia durante la rivoluzione. Torino, 1895.

Deux amis de la liberté: Histoire de la révolution de France.
19 vols. Nouvelle ed. Paris, 1792.

Dumont, Etienne: Fecollections of Mirabeau na of the two
‘legislative assemblies of France. London, 1832.

Duquesnoy, Adrien: Journal. 2 vols. Paris, 1894.

Ferriéres, Marquis de: Mémoires de, par M. M. Berville et
Berriére. 3 vols. Paris, 1821.

Gazette nationale: ou le moniteur universal, 3 vols. Paris,
1840-47. Réimpression de l’ancien moniteur depuis le réunion
des états-généraux jusqu’au consulat, mai 1789, nov. 1799.

325

60 Julia Crewitt Stoddard

Jefferson, Thomas: Memoir, Correspondence and Miscel-
lanies. 4 vols. Second edition. Boston, 1830.

Lafayette, Général: Mémoires, correspondance et manuscrits
du; Publiés par sa famille. Paris et Leipzig, 1828.

Leouzon le Duc, L.: Correspondance dipiomatique du Baron
de Stacl-Holstein. Paris, 1881.

Malouet: Mémoires de; Publiés par son petit-fils le Baron
Malouet. 2 vols. Nouvelle ed. Paris.

Marie-Antoinette: Lettres. 2 vols. Paris, 1896.

Mijan, Etienne: Collection complete des travaux de M. Mira-
beau Tainé. 5 vols. Paris, 1791.

Montlosier: Mémoires de. 2 vols. Paris, 1830.

Morris Gouverneur: Diary and Letters. Ed. by Anne Cary
Morris. 2 vols. New York, 1888.

Necker, De /a révolution francaise, avec additions par l’auteur.
4 vols. Paris, 1797.

Necker: De l’administration des finances de la France, 3 vols.
1785.

Le point du jour. 27 vols. Paris, 1789-91.

Procés-verbal de l’assemblée des communes et de lassemblée
national, suite du proces verbal d’lassemblée nationale. 75 vols.
Paris, 1789-93. ,

Procés-verbal de lassemblée des électeurs de la ville de Paris.
3 vols. Paris, 1790. ,

Pieces justificatives du rapport cP la procédure du chdatelet.
Paris, 1790.

Révolutions de Paris. 17 vols. Paris, 1789-93.

Recueil général des anciennes lois francaises. 28 vols. Paris,
1821-33.

Vermorel, Ed. Marat J. P. (l’ami du peuple): Ocuvres de.
Paris, 1869.

Weber: Mémoires de, concernant Marie-Antoinette, arch-
duchesse d’ Autriche et reine de France et de Navarre, avec des
notes et des éclaircissements historique, par MM. Berville et Ber-
riere. 2 vols. Paris, 1822.

326

—— Pee

The Insurrection of October, 1780 61

Young, Arthur: Travels during the years 1787, 1788, and
1789—in France. Bury St. Edmunds, 1792.

MODERN WRITERS

Blanc, Louis: Histoire de la révolution francaise. 15 vols.
Nouvelle ed. Paris, 1878.

Flammermont, Jules: La Journée du 14 Juillet 1789. Frag-
ment des mémoires inédits de L.-G. Pitra—par Jules Flammer-
mont. Paris, 1892.

Gomel, Charles: Histoire financiére de lassemblée constit-

- wante, 2 vols. Paris, 1896.

Lavisse, Ernest; et Rambaud, Alfred: Histoire générale. 10
vols. Paris, 1894-98. vol. VIII. La révolution francaise.

Lomenie, Louis et Charles de: Les Mirabeau. 5 vols.
Paris, 1891.

Michelet, J.: Historical View of the French Revolution.
London, 1848.

Revue historique, vols. LXVII-LXIX, Mathiez, A.. Etude
critique sur les journées des 5 and 6 october, 1789. Paris,

1898-99.

Sorel, Albert: L’Europe et la révolution francaise, 4 vols.
Paris, 1889.

Stephens, H. Morse: History of the French Revolution. 2
vols. New York, 1886.

Sybel, Heinrich von: History of the French Revolution. 4
vols. London, 1867.

Taine, H.: L’ancien régime. Sixteenth ed. Paris, 1891.

327

II.—Formation and Succession Herbaria

BY FREDERIC E, ‘CLEMENTS

Drude (1896) was the first to suggest that ecologists should
collect and arrange herbaria with reference to plant formations.
His suggestion embraced the following details: “Fir grossere
Museen, in denen der Flora des engeren Heimatgebietes ein be-
sonderes, die zahlreichen Einzelstandorte aufweisendes Herbar-
ium gewidmet ist, lasst sich empfehlen, zur Erganzung des
systematisch angeordneten Hauptherbariums noch ein Forma-
tionsherbarium anzulegen, welches etwa den Gang der im Ab-
schnitt IV aneinandergereiheten Hauptformationen einschlagt.
In diesem mussen die geselligen Hauptarten der Bestande in den
Vordergrund kommen, und die Nebenarten (oder in den offenen
Formationen alle Arten) sind dann zweckmiassiger nach _bio-
logischen Riicksichten (besonders Wachstumsform, Unterscheid-
ung der Ausdauer etc.) anzuordnen als nach dem System,
welches nur die Rangfolge in derselben Kategorie zu bestimmen
hat. Der Vorteil eines solchen Herbars liegt auf der Hand: wie
lehrreich ist es, samtliche Wasserpflanzen, die Felsbestande, die
Wiesen etc. sogleich tbersichtlich beisammen zu haben und
nunmehr auf den Etiketten die Angaben tber Haufigkeit, Stand-
orts-Erfordernis etc. sogleich auf die Formation beziehen zu

konnen!” The first formation herbaria were collected by Clem=

ents in the Rocky mountains of Colorado during I900 and 1901,
and were distributed in 1902. These were based upon forma-
tional structure, and arranged to show vegetation zones, as well
as the time, position, and numerical importance of the species.
Engler (1901) made a logical extension of the idea underlying
formation herbaria in the formation anlage of the Berlin botani-
cal garden. While formation gardens are intrinsically superior
to formation herbaria, the impossibility of reproducing each for-

UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. IV, No. 4, October, 1904

329

©

2 Frederic E. Clements

mation in detail and with accuracy makes them of much less
practical value.

Formation herbaria are not only invaluable records of vegeta-
tion, on account of their lists, quadrat charts, and photographs,
but they are also as indispensable to the worker in comparative
phytogeography as they are useful in class instruction. When
collected with reference to the developmental series and arranged
in what may be termed succession herbaria, they will mark a new
period in the study of the development of vegetation. For a
phytogeographer concerned with the critical. comparison of the
vegetation of distant countries, such herbaria will put into his
hands, at a great saving of time and expense, a much better and
more detailed summary of a distant region than he could pos-
sibly obtain without actual tesidence for several years. It is

hardly too sweeping to assert that accurate work in the new field —

of comparative phytogeography can only be done with such
means. The value of formation herbaria in class work is evi-
dent. On account of the limitations of time and distance, classes
can touch but few formations, and these at every other time than
at the growing period. For these reasons, an accurate and com-
plete formational record that can be consulted or studied at any
time is all but absolutely necessary for class study in the develop-
ment and structure of formations.

Formational collections, unlike the ordinary sets of exsiccati,
can not be made upon the first visit to a region, or by a single
journey through it. The determination of formation limits, of
aspects, layers, abundance, etc., must necessarily precede,—a work
which alone takes several years. Moreover, collecting itself re-
quires more than one year in a region containing numerous for-
mations. The Herbaria Formationum Coloradensium affords an
excellent illustration of this. The preliminary study was made
from 1896 to 1899; the major part of the collecting was done in
1900 and igor, while additional numbers were added in 1902-3.
Specimens must be taken in both flower. and fruit, with the under-
ground parts as complete as possible. Opened corollas are valu-
able for flower biology, and seeds are highly desirable. In press-

rie

Formation and Succession Herbaria 3

ing, one or two leaves should be arranged with the lower side
uppermost to admit of the ready comparison of both surfaces.
Seedlings and rosettes should be included whenever present. The
number of photographs taken to illustrate each formation should
be limited cnly by considerations of time and expense. The ideal
series consists of a general view of each formation, showing its
physiographic setting, nearer views of each of its aspects, detail
views of its associations, groups, and layers, and flower portraits
of all the constituent species. Such a series can be obtained only
by residence through a long term of years, and in most cases, gen-
eral and aspect views, with portraits of the facies and a few of
the striking principal species, must suffice. For views, a 614 x
8% inch camera is most satisfactory, while a 4 x 5 is large
enough for detail and for individual plants. Quadrat and tran-
sect charts are of the greatest value for indicating the minute
structure of formations, but the cost of reproduction has proved
prohibitive to their use in the Colorado collection.

As in all formational work, it is difficult to give proper value
to the fungi and algae of the various formations. After mucli
deliberation, the writer has decided to treat these, so far as Colo-
rado formations are concerned, in a supplementary collection
under the title, “Cryptogamae Formationum Coloradensium.”
This will include the mosses and liverworts as well, the ferns
having been treated in the original collection. The plan is to
arrange all the cryptogams of each formation in their proper
order, grouping them into layers and aspects in so far as possible,
and making use of the camera for the detail of groups and the
portraits of important species.

The arrangement of species within each formation herbarium
is based upon gross structure when layers and zones are present,
and also upon time of appearance and abundance. In the Colo-
rado collection, the first division is into three aspects based upon
the period of flowering (aspectus vernalis, aestivalis, autumnalis).
Within each aspect, the species are arranged with respect to
abundance in the groups, facies, principal species, and secondary
species. Each group is placed in a manila cover, bearing a

331

4 Frederic E. Clements

printed label indicating the aspect and group. The species labels
give, in addition to the name, date, and place of collection, the
vegetation form, the geographical area, the rank of the species,
the aspect, and the formation. The labels are printed in Latin,
and the whole nomenclature is of necessity in this international
language. The terms used are those proposed by the writer in
“A System of Nomenclature for Phytogeography.”

The arrangement of formation herbaria may follow the classi-
fication of formations with respect to character, region, or devel-
opment. The first is certainly the most convenient for purposes
of instruction, and has distinct advantages in permitting a close
comparison of the vegetation of different habitats. The second
arrangement, which is the one followed in the “Herbaria Forma-
tionum Coloradensium,” is peculiarly adapted to mountain vege-
tation, in which the zones are usually very distinct. The arrange-
ment of herbaria in a developmental series, however, is at the same
time the most logical and the most illuminating, as the structure
of the ultimate formations is not only made plain, but the stages
in their development are also laid bare. Such succession herbaria
are the natural outgrowth of formational ones. The latter, in-
deed, should simply be made the starting point for the former in
all regions where the causes which bring about successions are
active. Where weathering is still an important factor, as -in
mountains, the initial and intermediate formations which lead to
the final grassland or forest are often in evidence, and the group
of formation herbaria may be changed into a succession herbar-
ium simply by arranging them in the sequence of the develop-
mental stages. Thus, in the Colorado collection, the subalpine
formations are arranged according to altitude in the following
series: (1) the pine formation, (2) the gravel slide formation,
(3) the half gravel slide formation, (4) the aspen formation, (5)
the balsam-spruce formation, (6) the spruce-pine formation, (7)
the meadow thicket formation, (8) the brook bank formation.
Of these, five belong to the same succession, and it is possible to
trace the development of the spruce-pine forest by arranging
these five formations in their proper order in a succession her-

332

So ee ee

-—

Formation and Succession Herbaria 5

barium, as follows: (1) the gravel slide formation, (2) the half
gravel slide formation, (3) the pine formation, (4) the balsam-
spruce formation, (5) the spruce-pine formation.

The value of formation herbaria in the exposition of a vege-
tative covering and the methods of arrangement and classification
to be employed are illustrated by the following descriptive list of
the Colorado formations:

HERBARIA FORMATIONUM COLORADENSIUM

PAGOPHYTIA: FOOTHILL FORMATIONS

BouTELOUA-ANDROPOGON-PSILIUM
The plains grass formation

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Facies
1. Bouteloua hirsuta Lag.
2. Atheropogon curtipendulus (Michx.) Fourn.

Species principales
3. Talinum parviflorum Nutt.
3.1. Plantago purshii R. & S.
4. Pentstemon unilateralis Rydb.
5. Argemone intermedia Sweet
6. Cleome serrulata Pursh
7. Munroa squarrosa (Nutt.) Torr.
8. Helianthus petiolaris Nutt.
9g. Verbena bracteosa Michx.

Species secondariae
10. Anogra pallida (Lindl.) Britt.
11. Anogra coronopifolia (T. & G.) Britt.:
12. Euphorbia cuphosperma (Engelm.) Boiss,
13. Gilia aggregata (Pursh) Spreng.
14. Asclepias pumila (Gray) Vail

353

. Senecio spartioides Torr. & Gr.

. Gutierrezia sarothrae (Pursh) Britt. & Rusby
. Artemisia frigida Willd.

. Eriogonum effusum Nutt.

. Eriogonum annuum Nutt.

ar =

Frederic FE. Clements

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

esa

Facies :

. Andropogon scoparius Michx.
. Andropogon furcatus Muhl.
. Stipa vaseyi Scribn.

Species principales

Species secondariae

: Snhacralces cuspidata (Gray) Britt.
. Salvia lanceolata Willd.

. Euphorbia serpyllifolia Pers.

. Muhlenbergia gracillima Torr.

. Eriocoma cuspidata Nutt.

. Psoralea tenuiflora Pursh

. Ambrosia psilostachya DC.

QueERCUS-CERCOCARPUS-LOCH MODIUM
The foothill thicket formation

Facies

. Quercus novimexicana (DC.) Rydb.
aa.

32.
. Prunus demissa ( Nutt.) Walp.

Cercocarpus parvifolia Nutt.
Rhus trilobata Nutt.

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Species principales

. Tetraneuris glabriuscula Rydb.

. Malvastrum coccineum (Pursh) Gray
. Allionia hirsuta Pursh

. Mentzelia nuda (Pursh) Torr. & Gr.
. Thelesperma gracile (Torr.) Gray

. Chrysopsis villosa (Pursh) Nutt.

334

45.
46.
47.

Formation and Succession Herbaria

. Aristida longiseta Steud.

. Helianthus pumilus Nutt.

. Kuhniastera oligophylla (Torr.) Heller
. Kuhniastera purpurea (Vent.) MacM.
. Froelichia gracilis Mog.

Gaura coccinea Pursh
Lycurus phalarioides H.B.K.
Castilleia integra Gray

47.1. Phacelia glandulosa Nutt.
47.2. Delphinium ramosum Rydb.
47.3. Asclepias tuberosa L.

48.
49.
50.
BE
ey
53-
54-

Spectes secondariae
Hedeoma nana (Torr.) Greene
Polygonum douglasii Greene
Bromus porteri lanatipes Shear
Onagra strigosa Rydb.
Erigeron beyrichii (F. & M.) Torr. & Gr.
Eriogonum alatum Torr.
Phacelia heterophylla Pursh

54.1. Comandra pallida A. DC.
54.2. Astragalus sparsiflorus Gray

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Species principales

. Verbesina encelioides (Cav.) Gray

. Machaeranthera cichoriacea Greene

. Artemisia ludoviciana Nutt.

. Machaeranthera viscosa Nutt.

. Gymnolomia multiflora Benth. & Hook.
. Mirabilis oxybaphoides Gray

. Sideranthus spinulosum (Pursh) Sweet
. Solidago pallida Porter

Species secondariae

. Eurotia lanata (Pursh) Mog.
. Bidens bigelovii Gray
. Bidens tenuisecta Gray

8 Frederic E. Clements

66. Kuhnia gooddingii A. Nels.

67. Aster polycephalus Rydb.

68. Gentiana affinis Griseb.

69. Eupatorium texense (T. & G.) Rydb.
70. Artemisia gnaphalodes Nutt.

71. Clematis ligusticifolia Nutt.

72. Laciniaria punctata (Hook.) OK.
73. Melica parviflora (Porter) Scribn.
73.1. Cheilanthes fendleri Hook.

73.2. Notholaena fendleri Kunze

73.3. Woodsia plummerae Lemmon
73.4. Woodsia mexicana Fee

PINUS-] UNIPERUS-XEROHYLIUM
The foothill woodland formation

Facies
74. Pinus edulis Engelm.
75. Juniperus monosperma (Engelm.) Sarg.
Species principales

76. Stipa scribneri Vasey

Species secondariae
77. Cheilanthes feei Moore
78. Coleanthus albicaule Rydb.
79. Pericome caudata Gray

OREOPHYTIA: SUBALPINE FORMATIONS

PINUS PONDEROSA-FLEXILIS-XEROHYLIUM
The pine formation

. Facies
80. Pinus ponderosa Doug.
81. Pinus flexilis James

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales
82. Arctostaphylus uva-ursi (L.) Spreng.
83. Pentstemon secundiflorus Benth.
84. Pentstemon humilis Nutt.

336

eS

93-

94.
05.

96.
97.
08.
09:

I0O

Formation and Succession Herbaria

Species secondariae

. Pulsatilla hirsutissima (Pursh) Britt.
. Draba streptocarpa Gray
. Pentstemon humilis roseiflora

Erysimum elegans Rydb.

. Erigeron multifidus Rydb.

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Species principales

. Geranium caespitosum James
. Drymocallis fissa (Nutt.) Rydb.

Species secondariae

. Arenaria fendleri Gray

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Species principales
Gentiana affinis Griseb.

PSEUDOCY MOPTERUS- MENTZELIA-CHALICODIUM
The gravel slide formation

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Facies

Pseudocymopterus anisatus (Gray) C. & R.
Scutellaria brittonii Porter

Species principales
Vagnera stellata (L.) Morong
Physaria acutifolia Rydb.
Aragallus multiceps ( Nutt.) Heller
Atragene occidentalis chalicodocolus

Species secondariae
Pentstemon torreyi Gray

337

Io

TOI.
102.
103.

104.
105.
106.
107.
108.
109.

110.
FIT.
112.
113.
114.
115.

116.

LL,
118.

ITO.
120.
121.
T22.

Frederic E. Clements

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Facies
Touterea multiflora (Nutt.) Rydb.
Oreocarya virgata (Porter) Greene
Paronychia jamesii Torr. & Gr.

Species principales

Rubus strigosus Michx.

Gilia pinnatifida Nutt.

Pachylophus caespitosus (Nutt.) Raimann
Apocynum androsaemifolium L,
Pentstemon brandegei Porter

Senecio rosulatus Rydb.

Species secondariae
eens aureum ( Willd.) OK.
Bromus pumpellianus Scribn.
Allionia linearis Pursh
Pentstemon brandegei prostratus
Polygonum convolvulus L.

Arenaria saxosa Gray

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Facies
Machaeranthera aspera Greene
Species principales
Eriogonum flavum Nutt.
Coleanthus congestum A. Nels.

EtymMus-MUHLENBERGIA-CHALICODIUM
The half gravel slide formation

Facies
Elymus ambiguus Vas. & Scribn.
Muhlenbergia gracilis Trin.

Blepharoneurum tricholepis (Torr.) Nash
Opulaster monogyna (Torr.) OK.

122.1. Yucca glauca Nutt.

338

we

» a

Formation and Succession Herbaria

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales
123. Rubus deliciosus James
124. Mertensia linearis Greene

Species secondariae
125. Euphorbia robusta (Engelm.) Small
126. Erigeron glandulosus Porter
126.1. Arabis holboellii fendleri Wats.
126.2. Bursa bursa-pastoris nana

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Species principales
127. Holodiscus dumosa (Nutt.) Heller
128. Gilia aggregata (Pursh) Spreng.
129. Sedum stenopetalum Pursh
130. Campanula petiolata DC.
131. Erigeron speciosus DC.
132. Allium recurvatum Rydb.
133. Galium boreale L.
134. Lappula texana (Scheele) Britt.
135. Koelera cristata (L.) Pers.
136. Silene hallii Wats.
137. Heuchera hallii Gray
138. Epilobium paniculatum Nutt.
Species secondariae
139. Monarda menthifolia Benth.
140. Agoseris greenei (Gray) Rydb.
141. Potentilla propinqua Rydb.
142. Potentilla bipinnatifida Dougl.
143. Chrysopsis amplifolia Rydb.
144. Orthocarpus luteus Nutt.
145. Antennaria umbrinella Rydb.
146. Draba aureiformis Rydb.
147. Potentilla monspeliensis L.
148. Solanum triflorum Nutt.
149. Poa crocata Michx.

339

II

12 Frederic E. Clements

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALI

Species principales
150. Muhlenbergia subalpina Vasey
151. Solidago extraria (Gray)
152. Senecio eremophilus Richards
153. Leptilum canadense chalicodocolum
154. Psoralea tenuiflora Pursh
155. Aster porteri Gray
- 156. Artemisia scouleriana (Bess.) Rydb.
157. Muhlenbergia racemosa (Michx.) B.S.P.
Species secondariae
158. Artemisia rhizomata A. Nels.
159. Bahia dissecta (Gray) Britt.
160. Boebera papposa (Vent.) Rydb.
161. Eriogonum cernuum Nutt.
162. Sporobolus confusus Vasey

POPULUS TREMULOIDES-HYLIUM
The aspen formation

Facies
163. Populus tremuloides Michx.

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales
164. Rosa sayii Schwein.
165. Fragaria glauca (Wats.) Rydb.
166. Carex pennsilvanica Lam.
167. Pedicularis canadensis L.
168. Sieversia ciliata (Pursh) Rydb.
169. Poa longipeduncula Scribn.
170. Iris missouriensis Nutt.
171. Poa crocata Michx.
Species secondariae
172. Poa pratensis L.
173. Avena striata Michx,.
174. Antennaria viscidula (A. Nels.) Rydb.

340

ae
—a >

175.
176.

197.
. Carex obtusata Lilj.
199.
200.
201.
202.

Formation and Succession Herbaria
Anemone globosa Nutt.
Arabis oxyphylla Greene
ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Lamina herbacea superior

Species principales

. Bromus richardsonii Link

. Festuca thurberi Vasey

. Agropyrum violaceum (Horn.) Vasey
. Agropyrum richardsonii Schrad.
. Danthonia parryi Scribn.

. Avena americana Scribn.

+ dc0elera ‘cristata (L.'). Pers.

. Pedicularis procera Gray

. Antennaria anaphaloides Rydb.

. Valeriana purpurascens A. Nels.
. Helianthella parryi Gray

. Achillea lanulosa Nutt.

. Delphinium ramosum Rydb.

. Pentstemon glaucus Graham

. Erigeron subtrinervis Rydb.

Species secondariae

. Frasera speciosa Doug].

. Rudbeckia flava Moore

. Lithospermum multiflorum Torr.
. Anemone globosa rubriflora

. Zygadenus elegans Pursh

Lamina herbacea Inferior
Species principales
Erigeron visciduus Rydb.

Carex filifolia Nutt.

Festuca pseudovina Hackel
Sisyrinchium angustifolium Miller
Antennaria microphylla Rydb.

34!

13

Frederic E. Clements

. Campanula petiolata DC.
. Calochortus gunnisonii Wat
. Solidago extraria (Gray)

Species secondariae

. Erigeron flagellaris Gray
. Antennaria imbricata E. Nels.
. Antennaria concinna FE. Nels.

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Species principales

. Castilleia confusa Greene

. Gentiana parryi Engelm.

. Gentiana acuta Michx.

. Agoseris glauca (Pursh) Greene

Species secondariae

. Solidago oreophila Rydb.
. Gentiana barbellata Engelm.

PicEA-PSEUDOTSUGA-HYLIUM
The balsam-spruce formation

Facies

. Picea engelmannii Parry
. Pseudotsuga mucronata (Raf.) Sudw.
. Picea parryana Sarg.

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales

. Acer glabrum Torr.

. Betula occidentalis Hook.

. Cornus amomum Mill.

. Prunus pennsilvanica L.

. Opulaster intermedia Rydh.
223.
224.

Ribes molle (Gray) Howell
Edwinia americana (T. & G.) Heller

224.5. Juniperus communis L,

225.

Rosa sayii Schwein.

342

Formation and Succession Herbaria

226. Viburnum pauciflorum Pylaie
227. Atragene occidentalis Hornem.
228, Fragaria pauciflora Rydb.
229. Heuchera parvifolia Nutt.
- 230. Aralia nudicaulis L.
231. Fragaria bracteata Heller
232. Mertensia pratensis Heller
233. Synthyris plantaginea Benth.
234. Viola biflora L.
Species secondariae
235. Pseudocymopterus tenuifolius (Gray)
236. Washingtonia obtusa Coult. & Rose
237. Corallorrhiza multiflora Nutt.
238. Pirola chlorantha Sw.
239. Actaea rubra (Ait.) Willd.
240. Limnorchis stricta (Lindl.) Rydb.
241. Valeriana ovata Rydb.
242. Vagnera leptopetala Rydb.
242.1. Viola blanda L.
242.2. Corallorhiza corallorhiza (L.) Karst.

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS
Species principales
243. Thalictrum sparsiflorum Turcz.
244. Streptopus amplexifolius (L.) DC.
245. Saxifraga austromontana Wiegand
246. Erigeron salsuginosus (Rich.) Gray
247. Erigeron superbus Greene
248. Galium boreale hylocolum
249. Castilleia confusa Greene
250. Galium triflorum Michx.
251. Pirola asarifolia~ Michx.
252. Heracleum lanatum Michx,
253. Gentiana acuta Michx.

343

15

16

iS)
N

NO wR HY WN
NENT, AST,
CON Aun

NI
\O

Frederic E. Clements

Species secondariae

. Blitum capitatum L.

. Allium recurvatum Rydb.

. Alsine longipes (Goldie) Coville

. Capnoides aureum (Willd.) OK.
sePirolasecanda. 1.

. Peramium ophioides (Fern.) Rydb.
. Potentilla coloradensis Rydb.

. Trisetum subspicatum (L.) Beauy.
. Solidago oreophila Rydb.

. Androsace diffusa Small

. Aquilegia coerulea James

. Campanula petiolata DC.

. Zygadenus elegans Pursh

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Species principales

. Cystopteris fragilis (L.) Bernh.
. Senecio pudicus Greene

. Solidago parryi (Gray) Greene
. Peltigera aphthosa (L.) Hoffm.
. Peltigera venosa (L.) Hoffm.

. Cladonia furcata racemosa FI.

. Cladonia

. Cladonia pyxidata (L.). Fr.

ladonia fimbriata tubiformis Fr.

Weta

. Psoroma hypnorum (Hoffm.) Koerb.
. Lecidea viridescens (Schrad.) Ach.

. Selaginella underwoodii Hieron.

Species secondariae

. Asplenium filix-foemina (L.) Bernh.
. Chenopodium fremontii Wats.

nh ne

291.
292.
203.
204.
205.
296.
297.
298.

Formation and Succession Herbaria

PIcEA-PINUS-HYLIUM
The spruce-pine formation

Facies
(Picea engelmannii Parry).

. Pinus aristata Engelm.

ASPECTUS PRIOR

Species principales

. Salix nuttallii Sarg.

. Polernmonium pulchellum Bunge
. Pirola minor L.

. Thlaspi coloradense hylocolum
. Adoxa moschatellina L.

. Mertensia polyphylla Greene

. Arenaria fendleri Gray

. Fragaria pumila Rydb.

Species secondariae
Alsine baicalensis Coville
Androsace subumbellata (A. Nels.) Small.
Arnica cordifolia Hook.
Moneses uniflora (L.) Gray
Draba streptocarpa Gray
Draba aurea Vahl.
Poa crocata Michx.
Pseudocymopterus montanus C. & R.

298.1. Senecio wernerifolius Gray

298

209.
300.
301.
302.
202:

72

. Ranunculus ovalis Raf.

ASPECTUS SEROTINUS
Species principales
Sedum stenopetalum Pursh
Solidago decumbens Greene
Erigeron salsuginosus Gray
Erigeron elatior (Hook.) Greene
Gentiana frigida Haenke

345

17

18 Frederic E. Clements

304. Poa crocata Michx.
305. Festuca pseudovina Hackel

Species secondariae
306. Carex bella Bailey
306.5. Bromus richardsonii Link
307. Erigeron debilis (Gray) Rydb.

SALIX-BETULA-HELOLOCH MIUM
The meadow thicket formation

Facies
308. Salix pseudolapponum Seemen
309. Salix chlorophylla Anders.
310. Salix chlorophylla Anders. var.
311. Salix geyerana Anders.
312. Salix glaucops Anders.
313. Salix bebbiana Sarg.
314. Salix monticola Bebb
315. Betula glandulosa Michx.
316. Dasyphora fruticosa (L.) Rydb.

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales
317. Sambucus microbotrya Rydb.
318. Elephantella groenlandica (Retz.) Rydb.
319. Thalictrum alpinum L.
320. Veronica wormskjoldii R. & S.
221. Juncoides comosum (Meyer) Kuntze
322. Carex aurea Nutt.
323. Geranium richardsonii F. & M.
324. Mertensia lateriflora Greene

Species sccondariae
325. Ranunculus inamoenus Greene
326. Halerpestes cymbalaria (Pursh) Greene

346

327.
328.
329.
330.
331.
332.
333:
334-
335.
336.
337:
338.
339.
340.
341.
342.
343.
344.
345.
346.

347:
348.
349.
350.
351.
252)
353:
354-
355-
350.
357:
358:

ve

359-

Formation and Succession Herbaria

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Species principales
Deschampsia caespitosa (L.) Beauv.
Valeriana acutiloba Rydb.
Carex utriculata minor Boott
Sieversia turbinata helolochmocolus
Clementsia rhodantha (Gray) Rose
Castilleia sulphurea Rydb.
Carex alpina Swartz
Swertia scopulina Greene
Chamaenerium angustifolium (L.) Scop.
Danthonia intermedia Vasey
Phleum alpinum L. -
Phleum pratense L.
Agrostis hiemalis (Walt.) B.S. P.
Eriophorum gracile Koch
Juncus balticus montanus Engelm.
Crepis runcinata (James) T. & G.
Potentilla pulcherrima Lehm.
Carex acutina tenuior Bailey
Senecio chloranthus Gray
Aster frondosus (Gray) Greene
Species secondariae
Calochortus gunnisonii Wats.
Lilium montanum A. Nels.
Eleocharis palustris glaucescens ( Willd.) Gray
Scirpus pauciflorus Lightf.
Juncus castaneus Smith
Gyrostachys stricta Rydb.

Juncus longistylis Torr.

Erigeron minor (Hook.) Rydb.
Carex douglasii Boott

Thlaspi glaucum A. Nels.
Antennaria imbricata E. Nels.
Poa pratensis L.

Cerastium oreophilum Greene

347

20 Frederic E. Clements

360. Trifolium repens L.

361. Carex siccata Dewey

362. Carex canescens L.

363. Webera nutans Hedw.

303.1. Taraxacum dumetorum Greene

ASPECTUS AUTUMNAEIS

Species principales
304. Aster geyeri (Gray) Howell
305. Gentiana acuta Michx.
306. Poa leptocoma Bong.
367. Mertensia ciliata Don
368. Nabalus racemosus (Michx.) DC.
Species secondariae
309. Saxifraga hirculus L.
370. Gnaphalium strictum Gray
371. Solidago pulcherrima A. Nels.

PoLyGONUM-MERTENSIA-OCHTHIUM
The brook bank formation

ASPECTUS VERNALIS

Species principales
372. Rosa woodsii Lindl.
373. Juncoides parviflorum (Ehrb.) Coville
374. Dodecatheon pauciflorum (Dur.) Greene

ASPECTUS AESTIVALIS

Facies
375. Polygonum bistortoides Pursh
376. Mertensia polyphylla Greene

Species principales

377. Aconitum columbianum Nutt.
378. Calamagrostis canadensis (Michx.) Beauv.
379. Carex variabilis Bailey
380. Panicularia nervata ( Willd.) OK.

348 ©

399:

400.
4ol.

402.
403.
404.

Formation and Succession Herbaria

. Geum rivale L.

. Carex tenella Schkuhr

. Ligusticum porteri Coult. & Rose
. Rudbeckia flava Moore

. Mnium cuspidatum Hedw.

Species secondariag

. Carduus scopulorum Greene

. Poa pratensis L.

. Epilobium adenocaulum Haussk.

. Epilobium adenocaulum Haussk. var.
. Geum oregonense (Scheutz) Rydb.
. Arabis hirsuta (L.) Scop.

. Saxifraga punctata L.

. Achillea lanulosa ochthocolus

. Solidago multiradiata Ait.

. Rumex occidentalis Wats.

. Agrostis alba L.

. Poa serotina Ehr.

. Apocynum androsaemifolium L.

ASPECTUS AUTUMNALIS

Species principales
Aster geyeri (Gray) Howell

Species secondariae
Solidago canadensis L.
Kuhnia gooddingii A. Nels.

ACROPHYTIA: ALPINE FORMATIONS

CAREX-CAMPANULA-CORYPHIUM
The alpine meadow formation

ASPECTUS PRIOR

Facies

Carex rupestris All.
Carex filifolia Nutt.
Sieversia turbinata (Rydb.) Greene

349

21

. Achillea lanulosa coryphocolus
. Primula angustifolia Torr.

Frederic E. Clements

. Mertensia alpina (Torr.) Don
. Rydbergia grandiflora (T. & G.) Greene

. Festuca brachyphylla nana

Species principales

. Salix saximontana Rydb.

. Dryas. octopetala L.
. Castilleia occidentalis Torr.
. Sibbaldia procumbens L.

. Artemisia scopulorum Gray

. Artemisia pattersonii Gray

. Androsace chamaejasme Host.

. Trifolium nanum Torr.

. Eritrichium aretioides DC.

. Potentilla rubricaulis Lehm.
. Juncoides spicatum (L.) OK.
. Campanula uniflora L.

. Lloydia serotina Reichenb.

. Carex chalciolepis Holm

. Festuca pseudovina Hackel

. Cerastium strictum L. .

. Allium reticulatum Don

. Thlaspi coloradense Rydb.

. Saxifraga flagellaris Willd.

. Saxifraga chrysantha Gray

. Saxiiraga interrupta nana

. Polemonium confertum Gray

.I. Pseudocymopterus montanus purpureus C. & R.

Species secondariae

. Pedicularis parryi Gray
. Sedum frigidum Rydb.

. Erigeron leucotrichus Rydb.

. Oreoxis humilis Raf.

. Carex festiva Dewey

. Draba streptocarpa Gray

359

450.
451.
452.
453.
454.
455.
. Gentiana tenella Rottb.
3 P62

. Poa pratensis L. var.

Formation and Succession Herbaria

. Draba aurea Vahl

. Festuca ovina ingrata Hackel ©

. Sieversia ciliata (Pursh) Rydb.

. Erysimum caespitosum Rydb. —

. Saxifraga interrupta Greene

. Chionophila jamesii Benth.

. Danthonia intermedia coryphocolus

. Castilleia

. Androsace subumbellata (A. Nels.) Small

ASPECTUS SEROTINUS

Facies

. Deschampsia caespitosa alpina Vasey
. Polygonum viviparum L.
. Campanula petiolata coryphocolus

Species principales
Phleum alpinum coryphocolum
Gentiana frigida coryphocolus
Poa pattersonii Vasey
Agrostis hiemalis coryphocolus
Trisetum subspicatum (L.) Beauv.
Gentiana acuta coryphocolus

Species secondaria

. Erigeron leucotrichus Rydb.

. Agoseris aurantiaca (Hook.) Greene

. Solidago decumbens coryphocolus

. Gentiana parryi coryphocolus

. Blepharoneurum tricholepis coryphocolum
. Alopecurus geniculatus fulvus (Smith) Scribn.
. Poa grayana Vasey

Poa

. Erigeron glabellus Nutt.

351

23

24

Frederic E. Clements

CAREX-SCIRPUS-HELIUM
The alpine bog formation

ASPECTUS PRIOR

Facies

. Carex scopulorum Holm
. Carex melanocephala Turcz.
. Caltha leptosepala DC.

Species principales

. Carex aurea Nutt.

. Carex brunnescens (Pers.) Poir.
. Carex acutina Bailey

. Carex alpina Swartz

. Carex variabilis Bailey

Species secondariae

. Juncus subtriflorus (E. Mey.) Coville
. Vaccinium myrtillus L.
. Veronica wormskjoldii R. & S.

ASPECTUS SEROTINUS

Factes

. Scirpus pauciflorus Lightf.
. Polytrichum gracile Menz.

Species principales

. Elephantella groenlandica coryphocolus
. Antennaria nardina Greene

. Swertia scopulina coryphocolus

. Gentiana acuta coryphocolus

. Senecio crocatus Rydb.
JiGatexeapillanis is

. Ligusticum porteri coryphocolum

Species secondariae

. Juncus triglumis L.

Juncus castaneus Smith

352

Formation and Succession Herbaria

SPARGANIUM-POTAMOGETON-LIMNIUM
The alpine lake formation

Factes
490. Sparganium angustifolium Michx.
491. Potamogetan alpinus Balbis
491.1. Sparganium angustifolium ochthocolum
Species principales
492. Utricularia vulgaris L.
493. Callitriche bifida (L.) Morong
493.1. Isoetes lacustris paupercula Engelm.

PARONYCHIA-SILENE-CHALICODIUM
The alpine mat formation
ASPECTUS PRIOR
Facies
494. Paronychia pulvinata Gray
495. Silene acaulis L.
496. Arenaria sajanensis Willd.
497. Erigeron pinnatisectus (Gray) A. Nels.
498. Tetraneuris lanata (Nutt.) Greene
Species principales
499. Trifolium dasyphyllum Torr. & Gr.
500. Carex ebenea Rydb.
501. Carex petaseta Dewey
502. Zygadenus elegans Pursh
503. Polygonum bistortoides Pursh
504. Pentstemon hallii Gray
505. Agropyrum scribneri Vasey
506. Sieversia turbinata nana
507. Potentilla minutifolia Rydb.
Species secondariae

508. Saxifraga austromontana Wiegand
509. Phacelia lyallii (Gray) Rydb.
510. Pentstemon hallii nana
511. Aquilegia saximontana chalicodocolus
512. Polemonium pulchellum coryphocolum

ao

25

Frederic E. Clements

. Oreoxis alpina (Gray) Coult. & Rose
. Festuca brachyphylla Schultes

ASPECTUS SEROTINUS

Facies

. Senecio taraxacoides (Gray) Greene
. Dasyphora fruticosa tenuifolia (Willd.) Rydb.

Species principales.

. Macronema pygmaeum (T. & G.) Greene
. Trisetum subspicatum (L.) Beauv.
. Calamagrostis purpurascens R. Br.

Species secondariae

. Sedum stenopetalum Pursh
. Arenaria verna aequicaulis A. Nels.
. Senecio rosulatus coryphocolus

PoOLEMONIUM-SENECIO-PHELLIUM
The alpine rockfield formation

ASPECTUS PRIOR

Facies

. Polemonium speciosum Rydb.
. Primula parryi Gray
. Claytonia megarrhiza (Gray) Parry

Species principales

. Therophon jamesii (Torr.) Wheelock
. Heuchera hallii Gray

Species secondariae

. Aquilegia saximontana Rydb.
. Synthyris plantaginea coryphocolus

ASPECTUS SEROTINUS

Facies

. Senecio carthamioides Greene
. Oxyria digyna (L.) Camptdera
. Selaginella densa Rydb.

Species principales

. Poa

354

1896
IQOI

IQO1

1902

Formation and Succession Herbaria 27

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Drude, Oscar. Deutschlands Pflanzengeographie I :70

Clements, F. E. and E. S. Herbaria Formationum Colo-
radensium

Engler, A. Die Pflanzen-Formationen und die pflanzen-
geographischen Gliederung der Alpenkette. Notizh.
Konigl. Bot. Gart. Appendix, VII, 1.

Clements, F. E. A System of Nomenclature for Phyto-
geography. Engler’s Bot. Jahrb. 32:B70:1.

355

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