domiy 


gehen 


* Bsns grsee sapere 
dyiphedete pote linet i ; 
rect 


oat 
sib ye via y 


heal 
nyt 


aut 


. 

neta 

alt bata betes Madea 

" wi teeuntied 

” 4 13](s ee ater 

Sa leanhrpras iodecste adest bebet 
at tatdaseis tose} by 


+ eh Aat 
; suite ey bd etn pap) et-arbe 


HM le bone 
Worhyint 


in biota 


odoin ute 
peur ite paent fied 
Gate de baja) ds 


Mpet trees Padewe, 

’ tre a 4 
eWeweteh 
pepeeperirhat sae au 
fot 


aha eva abi: 
lat © gene/la: ohaee 
eee 


ret ba 

ohm eee 

rape hanes 

yeh recor Nid uJ 
(3 


i ee ihe 


uaa Siri 
ral 


aT of eb PEs fade 

4 hay 
etece reulnniererose 

tipet mash bat 


dpa ate 4 


° trteue 74 | 

aehaesssieis He Fenner hs NAb Bey 

ipeitelaca select ard ia at 
pee se ranarey thy 


pare’ ‘9 tess}. 


! derbies of ot 
eae ets Zeyr bes bboy’ yy 


“yah Jepsen 
ie hors 
bah bode ; 


wp veds a pal 


eee Ho yte 


seyriene 
yee ra boyN i 


errr) 
Mire 
abet 


Sotigsae ebay Py 
=e Ig 


+e 


8 


a 
Poarta retin 
sett} eabeete 


1 
edtgar 


Ge fey Aade 
Rearytig wi 

einai 
ay adeye 


* Fone sae 
aaa te Piven 


eustale 


wig te 
prvaies 3s.) 


Dee 

pte Aye oe 

She bey r i rut 
plerss 


Ersiet 
td terchote: . ety 
oianateia ie eth 
regener 
ae 


Gemeente 


Tigi Rat fates 


pout edas 


eat 


Tihs jee eu thet 
+t aint 


+ 
Meeashane ve Oy de 
+ 4) 944 Ad daa 


re 

whebede latay 

Md pal ome od 
boat bets 


DO aeak oe 
artfistergeors ap pivs 
* 
ees i teost 


sa was 


abet bbeteber Ay ere 


fate Bastiat shite 


tee a6 ; 


tA f 
i" rat tt Coes 
eeF ae tieties 
try a pe 
oie rete ait set 


were rb 93 
yes 
= 
bait ela} 
septal 


= 

rs a4 

3 

ay pee 82 ‘ie 

a i nites 

= Oise a 

seul 
he 

ae 


pasiesiven 
Lababent 
ay 


phe 

st emp fe 
Lehene ia 
veg eek pe corey 
naa Hemsherrarts 
aienitind 


voi 


reshines i nt 
fata 
atest i i 
he Heat iete 
hae 


ae tech 


betesere sean ; 
# 


ot a Brbe be 3} 


ft sa 


ia fe er ater 
fie 
Te 


‘ube 


eas 


hays ce 


sara 
ine Te 
Winn 


Pet 
age 
tbr. Me 
ihtel ese oe 
sera da je 0 ahaha ed 


ep erede 


ae 


satin r 
ry 


nee 


“s 
1Seh sree 
ite site 
tye eres pore? 
a 
Hatter tia 
; Hi feeb iit 
yeolbre dente tire 
git Sheed 
\eee + nari gies 
ieseetay iy: 
Heat vist pen 


hebowen. he 


Bain 


eben a 


onan ih 


Petey 


vate tat 


meneiaiet: 
wevibed ets tana 
ries gprs heer: 
abe fotet 


ee 


Missa 
Near ie ates tit aie 
ees tte 
behen a pad 

OWT 


hat 


fF Foekge 


ae 


ens 
8 “si 


Veer 
Tey 


Ath 


vey aby 


er 


ey 


soon 
hobwielsa: | 
ities) 


seat te 
bales gti 
ve aie fuser! 


Jere 


ree 
Aeon larey ridata jae ois) 

ate 
refi 


bl oer oboe Beas pe 
te att 


hia tere pitts 


i 


alasdigieied 
a 


ethos: ptrerrssege 


tite wis 
phan Nate -disvey fait 1 


Jp eee aby 
” aoa 


sae 
sb 


tb need sry 
Fern es 
sare ‘ay 
shes.) 


i403 | yee git so lsuabe? pee clea! 
saben prereset nr 


th atl gt see by ong M4 pany 
op eee 
ee 


Tadaa 
ce pba be geet 
seas yeaririente 
7 
Hoh 5ed4 rh bttety 
er = 
hatha ahaled ‘iit 
Seapeseareitinse thy 
uppers yar 
Hate } 
Fyne ee eptes bees iin Veh amyl 
recat s 4 


iy rere ane 
are eet Ke abd iw eee ah oa See 
Patina ph yhiees i 
hit ier os 
set sot svete hae Pep 
% a a a 
Myint pores be Ps 
soy he by veststs sy dares 
virembey ta ee p hep n i pia ie 
shee oy st petal atesiies 
\4 ty spar roaaes 
srylagbsiee seipleel pice 
aus Pinievieeemeaaenss 
Roamans 
sae oie eg b gs eb 
Sete referee ft bebpwbe irate 
daisretevardini (wi rte’ ets 
+ 6 
oe a 
he 


Ha 


a bey bhet eyed py 
pietesliotes et 


Eas 


ears) have 
reeds Hae itd 
Ve one rte ste rieee 
i eteng lab pelane east 4 by wee ph 


syyratutateney 


“ig be bote pa tet 


ites ‘ 


0a Wyma 


an waited tly 


+ 
” ine 
gia hapa 


setae 


peng beeps ofa bry ae 
iepemmee tne 

tanith 4+ bite 929 
L+H vad nakoeat eve: a1 08 a6 


Sin leleretuay 
cieepeenet & 

Fg beg ad esa 
Aa ven tap aoet 
rb) Mesias 
otetieg 4 rst pes 
Lge hedh deere oer 
Leted enews 
aces 


eee eaer pelers rape 


nenvers: 
aereeas : pits 


+i Rita phrees hat ite heeds 
sear 
ate , + treaty 


elSte 


ebid ee 


sae Ad 
Sei vive! 
Tee 


SS oramaeaennn) 
Uren 
stahecehbiaald 
Ridcisieaed 
, Apfove-prteeenrds 6+ Oona ye 
lessdiditp etal 
ieaniatad - 
seoeerds 


ecer ey 

Speegisela eaoets 
yeuepet 

Disa 


caena ld TT a Aetietede 
Rips bette bey PEP my tere 
a Re he) ptotoverseerererrrs 


aa 
oy rely 254 bar gay the nites 
ae ae 
tees py 
baa balsas 
wr 184 rt otha 69h petat 
*bhedube+oteiedesateseresel 


“ 


pares Gape 


Heston eat sat fs tise ene 
vlasebeela bei ity 


yrbee 
she ra nee Sab jane veces A taueete ao lest 
tear heae nase ee bs Heh he 
Py ree ys eyereiryiperer ayy 
hedees ie Leohetias ‘a 
hight 4 bee) bese ye haha 
tt \evespbehebree toretede cers bebe lewn wep perusal 
tae pytenesseprbsssa res pbep muy bos 
rhage WP yd ead ete hn te rad 
Had vee stot eve erred our ionrs: 
PN Late Srp EH ET ot. Ach yeh oe 
ebardararb ord els bev edoy edbgce) Aras th ft 
Monet @vhateyetias ee * 
igaatet po ee PEs ebets bem 
ope rs ja gee renesaslantsics Sheed 
Aart No 
it 


a 
aT ft 


beeper 
Nel 


1 hark > 
rane 
biyiyate 
iyerigtos 

perv 
rites 


joa 
ae octal Me 


ett rt 


ban scale 1h bee Ags peje 
eerb Nat Aer bere pe te seh es 
tk 
agate 
rho 
RET ORPY SAREE T PAL babe - 
He LEADON bbe bere Cangere 


erste eran en thd ate} sovaveseone 
+ 


baled hepyneee 


3 
nee 
ot alte ts c-ayeadond? 


bey 
(pehhypenbe pene 


= 
= eyelet s 
Pee 


ater 
be iene Se * 
tieteteatettt 
SN beebeed ok Renee 
PASEd tree pekabes 14.7 wid 
Cypha Serer epur yen tbise 


ey eb hehs phe 
oat ‘ae 
v ae tats 
oe 
ip it Ces Wis ied ES Phe 
ea exvertrr | loa 


Hstretenaaer arrested 
Syke trvet ne 
se prpai tow ley 


eked eferaeerurst 
Per pices 2 bye He et 
he eae tanaies promergueterets 
pereveversir 
fet) bar} pesetiotnemacs 


ite atte irre Levee 


+ et 
ota tat 2. Sts ti 
tt vig ny ko kes 

a ui 
ht } 


neeby Lhd 
tee pha prt be bee fie 
o:o= tered ee mee) as 
etederpre yes 
Linhd hehe jee 
gees 


de totprerbets 
ny Betgheeet 


Sa 
a) 
Her 
levad 
dasa dees 


ee arretee 
rierinas 


ieseatrersss 


ign ofa gad ins 
ag bag Sobre rsh 
od Nba peek pte t yiseey 
jie See orti ae El iatandisee 
+ “* 


i 
. atta S or P 
Prthariey non tae ane? 
ans aitte ve noe er 
mitibastaety ea 


Pye 
Heth Riel gay wittislgeseta 
folie) HS eperotet » 
cae int Paice 2p ope tea 
ities levine gease rons 
synigseeente gape 
berebys pig bee 
iets 


' 


+ 
Hsandsterorst 
vp 94 e! at 
hg eke 
Haters 
459 
’ toad 
x reli? 
pobece le» Mehery 


sit ee 


tt apse 
betecot rt el 
es + 


whe Spr canek 
rshebentat 
stots; 
eye 
tig 
oF 
be peoe besy deep ug lebe| rome eee: 
pon goaperele ys i 79 ed, 
Bh rlbestastassars pttersy 
pephenyer 4 ’ 


ete arth ate 


Rltrwrse 
ath isiatye 
Fri trae 
Seen tree 
> jevebo let ssaraney 
ne jnnqectepees 


sith 
radageetged fe " 
phate wee ees 


Tieberaretit 
rofet sealers jhe! ees re 
tates + 


Bester Perey 
wash aah nbs pias 
rise 


a éy) 
seer 


wepenye ¢ 
vine thy 


1 St vein 
+ earia pagel I ere oy 
spines io 
nphs brag? Hemet 
Pe babe i 


tsi) 


ei +f 

oy ees 2 
= 

aa >. es. i ; 

pair a 


oes 
sagt 


jase 
See tet sn 


See 
tone ea tdes 


tal 


patna 
cae 
reine 

eh be ad + + 
me a ay 

rm $ aialse Tints 

rae bad 

bork 

‘ 


iene te 
net; 


pact ‘ a 


+ 
rit 

rea sesatres ane boyy et 
lab Sher opee 


ol sbonyara tba 
ee otto 


raipal 


‘ 
Ma keprerrn? 


pole a eddy 


nd beh rbant vane oe 1 pe 
bos aborveness jel vis 
saledartie! 


as sete 


ogee hep 


ase 24 


THE 


PeNIVERSITY STUDIES 


OF* THE 


UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA 


VOLUME V 


LINCOLN 
PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY 
1905 


INDEX 


Electric Double-Refraction in Carbon Saute 


CSOT I OVNI CTA eat AC IAC VIE ee ee Stee sianets 1 
English Version of Oehlenschlager’s Hakon Jarl 

WARES CHPESELEIE ECRIOCR Eo iota oa es & aig, Tasos o's k gaa eae ne e'a tO wine + 5 39 
Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 

(EES TUTOR ETTORE ae SiS heater a pee COCCI C 347 
On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 

OEMS TEOY Ee ARG CAE OE PIO Oe OCT hs 229 
On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 

WOM ICA eee G cee cin aN Sisal ssn Tove OSA ote «Melos ce wiete Mieieens 1438 
On the Movements of Petals 

PESULOKPECUK RIL CUSELS sere aes ee eel Serre le Se al sie Siar Shelia ae 191 
On the Substantivation of Adjectives in Chaucer 

SA ADL DG UAUEL I GATT AUS Ohne ERC ah tet RIE ERE OCR OOO 251 
Plant Migration Studies 

(CHE TAS ERT ROSY ERE TNS b AER OR TEREST TRE 11 
State Control and Supervision of Charities and Corrections 

ENIULGF SEN PLLC RELOM RE ad waa eos Batei ae aeUsce es wales wisieie Sieieee 357 


Studies on Human Parasites in North America—l. A7laria loa 
DERE ey aed ITT Gd /Re SOs CaN ete Ot GA PAA RSTO ORT NRC eI 271 


2 ies aaa eis : $9 


JANUARY 1905 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


‘ 13 Lhe Ths 
Published by the University of Nebrqsk A c_usuniba 147 liy iy sis 
: \N 
‘ 


C. E. BESSEY 
D. B. BRACE H. S. EVANS F. M. FLING 
W. G. lL. TAYLOR J. I. WYER 
L. A. SHERMAN EDITOR 


CONTENTS 


I Execrric DousLE-REFRACTION IN CARBON DISUL- 
PHIDE AT Low, POTENTIALS. 


Gustaf W. Elmén 


II PLANT MIGRATION STUDIES. 
Charles E. Bessey. ; 


III AN ENGLISH VERSION OF OEHLENSCHLAEGER’S 
HAKON JARL. 
James Christian Lindberg 


LINCOLN NEBRASKA 


Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, as University 
Bulletin, Series 10, No. 10 


' 


nae!) PS a 


«89° 


EP NIVERSITY STUDIES 
VoL. V JANUARY 1905 No. 1 


I.—Eleciric Double-Refraction in Carbon Disulphide at Low 
Potentials 


BY GUSTAF W. ELMEN 


When light polarized at an angle of forty-five degrees to the 
lines of force is passed through certain dielectrics, between two 
parallel electrodes, they become double-refracting. The differ- 
ence of phase, 8, between the two components of light at right 
angles and parallel to the lines of force, as represented by Kerr 
and verified by later investigators, is 


BP 


2 


(1) ot = 


_ where B is the electro-optic constant, depending on the dielectric, 
I the length, and a the distance between the plate electrodes in 
centimeters, and P the difference of potential between the elec- 
trodes in C.G.S. units. 

From data obtained in this investigation, there seems to be a 
decided variation from the above law for low potentials. As the 
potential was decreased from about 200 volts per millimeter of 
distance between the electrodes, the decrease of 8 was in a 
smaller ratio than the decrease of P*. 

In determining the electro-optic constant, either a high poten- 
tial or a sensitive system of measuring 6 must be used. In the 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No.1, January 1905. 


I 


j 


2 Gustaf IV, Elinén 


investigations of Kerr,? Quincke,? Lemoine,®? and Schmidt,* high 
potentials were employed. The difference of phase was meas- 
ured by means of a Babinet’s compensator, and the potential, 
supplied either by a static machine or an induction coil, by means 
of an electrometer. The difference in the values of B obtained by 
different observers and also of the values obtained by the same 
observer, as in the case of CS,, where the values of Quincke vary 
by one part in five, Schmidt points out as probably due to the 
cifficulty in measuring high potentials with a sufficient degree of 
accuracy. To eliminate this error he used two sets of electrodes 
on the same axis of rotation as the beam of light and set at right 
angles, so that the effect of one set was compensated by that of the 
other. This, however, gives only relative values, and some other 
method must be depended upon for absolute measurements. 

A sensitive system of determining the difference of phase has 
been used in this investigation. In place of the Babinet’s com- 
pensator, an elliptic half-shade polarizing system® was employed. 
With this system, as used in this particular problem, values of 6 
equal to .ooord could be observed. In measurements taken the 
lowest value recorded is .00025A. This brought the potential 
that could be used down io less than 100 volts per millimeter of 


distance between electrodes of 47 cm. length. For CS, with the - 


same length of electrodes the smallest value recorded by Quincke 
is over 3,000 volts per millimeter of distance. The potential was 
supplied by a storage battery of about 1,400 volts, and as the 
smallest potential used was less than 200 volts, a range of seven 
times this voltage was at the writer’s disposal. The potential 
was measured by means of a voltmeter which had been cali- 
brated so that the possible errors for the lowest potentials were 
less than 1 per cent. 

The half shade system consisted of two thin mica sections. 
‘One, the “sensitive strip” S (fig. 1), placed next to the polarizing 

1]. G. Kerr, Phil. Mag. (4), 50, p. 446, 1875; (5), 8, pp. 85 and 229, 1879; 
(5°, 9, p. 157, 1880, and (5), 13, pp. 153 and 248, 1882. 

2G. Quincke, Wied. Ann., 10, p. 729, 1883, 

3]. Lemoine, Compt. Rend., 122, p. 835, 1896. 


4W. Schmidt, Ann. d. Physik., 7, p. 142, 1902. 
5D. B. Brace, Prys. Rev., vol. 18, p. 70, vol. 19, p. 218, 1904. 


2 


Double Refraction in Carbon Disulphide 3 


Nicoi N, covered half of the field and was placed with its princi- 
pal axis at an aximuth of forty-five degrees to the plane of vibra- 
tion of the polarized light. The edge of this strip was parallel to 
the faces of the electrodes, thus making the vanishing line par- 
allel to the greatest dimension of the field of view. When elec- 
trodes of greatest length (127 cm.) were used, this strip was 
placed between the compensator and the analyzer, as the distance 
was too long to give good definition. The second section, the 
“compensator” C (fig. 1), was placed next to the analyzing 
Nicol N’, and covered the whole field. This section was mounted 
on a circle with a vernier that could be read to minutes. The 
position of the strip was changed several times, so that readings 
were obtained from different parts of the circle and thus elim- 
inated any possible instrumental errors. 


Se ne i bl AOTTL 
i[—E ZARTH 


A forty-eight candle power Nernst “glower,” one centimeter 
long and one millimeter in diameter, was first used as light-source 
L (fig. 1). Later, observations were taken with sunlight passed 
through a spectroscope and observations were taken for red 
(620 pp), green (540 we), and blue (490 pp) light. By means 
of a condensing lens A (fig. 1) the light was passed through the 
polarizing Nicol, the “‘sensitive strip,’ the liquid between the 
plate electrodes E (fig. 1), through the compensator, analyzer, 
and thence to a focus O within the observer’s eye. When sun- 
light was used the light was strong enough to allow the use of a 
short focus telescope with small magnifying power placed next 
to the analyzer. One of the electrodes was grounded and the 
other connected to the storage battery. V is a voltmeter, con- 
nected across the electrodes. 


4 Gustaf W. Elmén 


A thermometer was placed in the liquid and read before and 
after observations were taken. The measurements were taken at. 
room temperature. 2 

The order of the compensator was found by comparing it with 
a yuarter-wave plate. The compensator was set for a match, and 
the quarter-wave plate placed in the field so that it produced no 
effect. The compensator was now rotated through an angle of 
five or ten degrees and the quarter-wave plate rotated until the 

. intensities of the two halves of the field were again the same. 
Then,}! if NV’, 6’ and N, @ are the orders and the degrees respect- 
ively through which the two plates are rotated 


N'6=N6' 
6 ' 
(4) o van 


Having thus found the order of the “compensator” for a cer- 
tain wave-length, its order for any other wave-length was found — 
by means of the curve of differential dispersion of mica.? 


CB’ 


Fig. 2 


The wave-length for which the quarter-wave plate produced a 
retardation of 4/4 was determined in the following manner: A 
beam of sunlight polarized at forty-five degrees to the principal 
axis of the plate was passed twice through the plate and then 
through a second Nicol with its plane parallel to the polarizer. 
The beam was analyzed by means of a spectroscope. The spec- 
trum contained a black band corresponding to a retardation of 
half a wave-length. The plate used was found to correspond to 


1D. B. Brace, Phys. Rev., vol. 18, p. 73, 1904. 
*E. J. Rendtorff, P27. Mag., May, 1901, p. 545. 


4 


Double Refraction in Carbon. Disulphide 5 


A=560 pu. In fig. 2, A and 4’ are the two Nicols, B the quar- 
ter-wave plate, C a mirror silvered on the first surface, and S 
the spectroscope. 

In taking observations, “the compensator’ was set for a match, 
and then the plate electrodes charged and the “compensator” fo- 
tated until a match was again obtained. Then if @ is the angle 
through which the “compensator” was turned, N the order of the 
“compensator” 


/ 
(2) 5= Kaa A when @ is small 
180 : 
NO6 BP? 
and from (1) ieee a (3) 


For the same potential the settings of the mica “compensator” 
were approximately the same for all the colors used, showing 
that for the small differences of phase produced, the electric dif- 
ferential double refraction of CS, is approximately the same as 
the differential double refraction of mica. 

Two lengths of plate electrodes were used. The first made of 
nickel-plated brass strips 47 cm. long and 1.5 cm. wide. They 
were connected to the wires leading to the ground and the bat- 
tery by two rods, screwed into the plates, and taken out through 
glass tubes 5 cm. long, welded on the sides of the containing 
tube. Small glass strips were placed between them at the edges 
at intervals and held in position by fish glue. The electrodes 
were placed in a tube 2.5 cm. in diameter and extended I cm. 
_ from each end. On the ends of the tube were fastened squares 
of glass in which holes 1 cm. in diameter had been bored, and 
then covered with thin cover-glasses. These cover-glasses were 
tested for double-refraction after they were glued on, for it hap- 
pened in several cases that the drying of the glue produced 
enough strain in the glass to be observed. 

It was found quite difficult to obtain perfectly parallel metal 
strips for the longer electrodes, viz., 127 cm., so that plate glass 
strips were used instead. A thick coating of silver was deposited 
on one side of each plate, and the silvering carried over at the 


5 


6 Gustaf W. Elmén 


opposite ends, where contact was made by a couple of brass 


clamps which also served to hold the plates in position. Copper 


wires were soldered to these clamps and taken out through holes 
bored in the end plates of the tube. The electrodes were sep- 
arated in the same way as before. They rested without support 
in the tube containing the liquid. Fig. 3 shows a vertical and an 
end view of the electrodes. The formation of 4A,S when the 
electrodes were in contact with CS, was slow, and they could be 
used for some time without resilvering. 


je eee, 


Fi6.3 


The liquid used was CS,. The ordinary commercial CS, was 
found to have a great number of small particles in it which 
would vibrate between the electrodes when the charge was put 
on, so that it was found very difficult to maintain a high differ- 
ence of potential between them. It was therefore found neces- 
sary to clarify the liquid by filtering it through a porous cup 
which was fastened into the neck of a glass flask by means of 
plaster of Paris. Immediately below the neck was a hole in the 
flask into which a glass tube was cemented. This tube was con- 
nected to a vacuum pump, and thus the liquid was forced through 
the porous cup. The filtering of the CS, did not, however, seem 
to appreciably change the electro-optic constant of the liquid. 
Table I gives the manner in which each recorded value of B 
in the following tables was obtained. For voltages below 200 
volts per millimeter distance between electrodes, each value of B 
is the mean of twenty observations instead of nine. Tables II 
and III give mean values obtained with the brass electrodes with 
a=.2545 cm. and a=.184 cm. Table IV gives values obtained 
with the silvered electrodes. The values between the three sets 
agree fairly well. Table V gives values obtained for different 
colors. For the same value of P for different wave-lengths, 6 


remains approximately the same, and in calculating the value of. 


5 it was only necessary to multiply the value of B, obtained from 


6 


Double Refraction in Carbon Disulphide 7 


equation (3), by the ratio of the order of the “compensator” 


[ ey d enti i I 
eae etermined by means of the quarter-wave plate for 


that particular value of A, which, in this case, was 560 wp, while 
the order for any other colors used was obtained by interpolating 
from the curve obtained by Rendtorff. 


We OW 
OOS ais le La 
alfa || 
DMA aes 
-H ae aoaeaicl 
PEEP 
PUTS es OR ae et 
ON TG Bi a i 
PARE Oe Se i 
a 20 Pt 
| a 
CS a I A, 
Gs ERW NEA G 
BABS OGE PPE 
NV I) ee 
eae IE 
| a Bal Ps | 
ea EERE IEA Pel tas 
aS ee Sh 
Sk (uP i “Ad FY ES es 
E ge 
EA ast 13 De Sita ft hte 
x ] ' ' 
se, Me Lod) RS Ed ES AL et + 
Ss ee est | as 
\ feel Tiel tt wei 4 la ale | ioe 
Fal oa | Rl Der Ear IRS cd Gee ma 
Pip palefeeisieeie | 
400 500 


In fig. 4 the values of BX10~" are plotted as ordinates and 


f 


hela as abscissae. The curve is approximately a straight line 


until about 200 volts per millimeter of distance, when it turns 
and seems to become almost asymptotic to the ordinates. On 
obtaining these low values the errors of observation were of 
course large, owing to the smallness of the effect, and at first it 
was thought that the large deviation from the law was due to 
some systematic error. To eliminate such possible errors, the 
apparatus was taken down and remounted under different con- 


2 


8 Gustaf W. Elmén 


ditions. This, however, did not give any difference in values | 


obtained for B.* 

There is a great similarity between B, the constant of electric 
polarization in CS,, as determined by means of double-refrac- 
tion, and mw, the permeability, as determined by means of mag- 
netic induction, and this suggests that possibly the double-re- 
fraction in liquids under electric strain is due to a state of 
polarization analogous in nature to that which takes place in a 
magnetic substance when in a state of polarization. 


TABLE I 
2=47 cm. a=.2545 cm. 


READ. OF COMP.| READ OF COMP. —7 
ea Werte WITH POT. ON. (WITH Por, orF.| 2X10 
19°C 1360 354°17/ 6°13/ 
304°38/ 6°18” 
354°15/7 6° 5/ 
354°32/ 6°16/ 
354°16/ 6° 
304°19/ 5°54/ 
394°15/ 5°58” 
20°C 304°17/ 5°517 
304°247 GaGa? 
Meanie. oot 304°22,5/ 6° 4.57 
Rotation = 11°42’ 4.05 
¥ 


‘It might be suggested that the readings of the voltmeter do not give the 
true drop in potential within the liquid owing to a possible polarization at 
the electrodes, analogous to that within electrolytes, which, at the low poten- 
tials used, might make itself evident. This could be determined by varying 
the distance of the electrodes and comparing the observations for the same 
drop of potential. This conclusion does not seem to be borne out by the 
data in tables 2 and 3 where a=.2545 cm. and .184 cm. respectively. 


8 


Double Refraction in Carbon Disulphide 


TABLE II. 


Z=47cem. A=H5EO MMR a=.2545 cm. 


TEMP. Vous 0° . Bx10"' 
Doce 1389 11.66° 3.88 
19.5° 1360 11.68° 4.05 
S52 1345 1S 4.11 
20° 1043 Gaiits 3.94 
19° 995 6.28° 4.07 
20° 880 4.74° 3.94 
PAS 720 3.16° 3.92 
aa 649 2.58° 3.93 
19° 556 2.162 4.53 
22° 531 1.8° 4.09 
20° aot ikea Ee Bibs 
19° 324 74° 4.52 
202 324 84° 5.13 
19H? 283 76° 6.04 
24° 2D, 65° 6.77 
22° 252 68° 6.56 
229 247 62° 6.51 
19.5° 244 ike, 8.29 
19° 243 SBE 5.88 

. TABLE III 


J=47cm. A=—5EO wm a—.184cem. 


TEMP Vorts ye Bx10' 
25°C 876 Sale 3.78 
25° 861 8.24° atl 
239 418 29 3.82 
25° 242 .74° 4,22 
De 193 .08? 5.19 
252 191 iaty 4,56 
25° 191 .46° 4,23 


10 Gustaf W. Elmén 


TABLE IV 
Z=127cm. A=560e~e_ a=.656cem. 


TEMP. Vos 0° Bylo! 
19°C 1364 484° 4.08 
20° 1355 4.88° 4.17 
20° 1334 4.38° 3.85 
20.5° 1328 4.27° 3.84 
18° 1314 4,53° 441 
20° 1017 2,.8° 4.25 
20° 1017 2.812 4.35 
LOD? 1040 219° 4.17 

TABLE V 


747 cm. ~~ @=.184 cm. 


inpp | TEMPERATURE Vorts 0° Bx10~ 

620 23° 807 Theol 3.00 
23° 525 Bye 2.93 
Dare | 240 ata Bi 
23° 190 Og 4.32 

540 23° 997 TO 4.15 
23° 841 8.5° 4.16 
23° 543, 3.4° 4.20 
23° 242 .78° 4.88 
23° Lik oh 5.96 

490 23° 955 LT 5° 5.51 
23° 670 5.38 5.64 
26° 387 1.67 5.28 
26° 250 .66° 5.33. - 
26° 190 5° 6.39 


Io 


IIl—Plant Migration Studies 
BY CHARLES E. BESSEY 


Pc FORE SY CREES, 


{ 


It is a familiar fact that new species appear from time to time 
aimong the native plants of a region. Such newcomers turn out 
on examination to be new only in the sense that they have not 
previously lived in the region, and in every instance these new 
plants are found to have come from other regions where they 
had existed for a longer or shorter period of time. In some 
cases the new species remain for a time and then disappear, or 
at least become inconspicuous, but more commonly they crowd 
in among the former plants and become permanent members of 
the plant community. Whenever such an addition is made to 
the flora of a region there is a readjustment of the former spe- 
cies, with a necessary change in the relative numbers of the in- 
dividuals, and the particular habitat of each. In the case of 
annual plants these adjustments are made rapidly, so that in a 
short time the prominent features of the piant community may 
be entirely changed. On the other hand, in the case of perennial 
plants there is greater stability, new species finding greater dif- 
ficulty in entering, and the old species giving away, if at all, 
only after the lapse of a much longer time. A vegetation which 
is well rooted in the ground is much less easily disturbed than 
one whose roots live for but a single season and then abandon 
the particular plot of ground where they grow. Forests are 
therefore conservative plant communities, into which new species 
gain entrance with difficulty, and which change very slowly after 
such entrance has been effected. There is only one other plant 
community whose stability approaches that of the forest, namely, 
the grassy vegetation of the prairies and plains, which is com- 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 1, January 1905. 


If 


2 Charles E. Bessey 


posed of perennial-rooted grasses, sedges, and rushes. Where 
these form a close sod new species are almost wholly excluded, 
and but little change takes place in the character of the vegeta- 
tion. It is only where the surface is not closely covered that the 
grassy vegetation is more easily modified by the incoming of 
new species. Where accident, or disease, or some other cause 
has destroyed the grassy covering new species promptly take 
possession. A fine example of this is fo be seen in the growth 
of Helianthus annuus on the mounds made on the prairies by 
such burrowing animals as gophers and prairie dogs. Where 
the tough sod was broken by the freight-wagons which crossed 
Nebraska by various “trails” many years ago botanists find many 
newcomers, which could not have gained a foothold in the 
unbroken sod. 
FACTORS IN MIGRATION 


The means of migration are physical and biological, the for- 
mer including all the factors which are external to the plant, and 
which involve the mechanical movement of the plant or some of 
its parts, while the latter includes the devices on the part of the 
plant by means of which it takes advantage of physical agencies. 
In this paper only those means which have to do with the mi- 
gration of forest trees will be considered, thus limiting the dis- 
cussion by excluding a multitude of devices of all degrees of 
complexity which pertain to other plants. 

The most general physical agent in the dissemination of plants 
is the movement of the air in the currents of wind. These sweep 
over the earth’s surface with all degrees of rapidity, and with a 
carrying power which increases as the squares of the velocities. 
The fact that winds shift their direction at short intervals, rarely 
maintaining the same direction for more than a few hours, or at 
most a few days, makes them especially useful agents in the 
movement and transportation of such seeds and fruits as can be 
blown from place to place. It is probably true that to some ex- 
tent the distribution of all of the species of trees which grow 
naturally in Nebraska is affected by the winds. The violent and 
long continued winds of high velocity transport seeds and fruits 


EZ 


Plant Migration Studies 3 


of all kinds, whether or not they show any special adaptations 
for wind carriage. 

A second general agent in dissemination is moving water, upon 
which seeds and fruits may float from place to place. Every 
‘brook, every creek, every river carries thousands of seeds, many 

of which ultimately float to the banks, or are lodged upon sand- 
bars and islands. In the aggregate the number of seeds carried 
in this manner is large, but the number of trees resulting from 
their growth is by no means as great, since many seeds are in- 
jured by prolonged soaking in water, and in addition many do 
not find favorable conditions for growth when cast ashore. 

Animals of various kinds are active agents in the dissemination 
of seeds and fruits, especially of trees. Here the means'of trans- 
portation are much more efficient, since they may result in the 
dispersa! of seeds in all directions, and often for much greater 
‘distances. Squirrels, rats, mice, and other rodents which carry 
and secrete stores of food, and many herbivorous mammals which 
feed more or less commonly upon seeds and fruits, are efficient 
means for distributing the seeds of trees and other plants. To 
these must be added the birds of nearly all species, excepting 
those that subsist wholly upon animal food. Their power of 
swift flight enables them to transport seeds long distances in 
every direction, across barriers which are practically impassable 
for quadrupeds. The number of different species which take 
part in seed dissemination is not less than two hundred in the 
portion of the central plains included within the boundaries of 
Nebraska, and of these probably one-third carry the seeds of 
Erees, 

Nebraska occupies a central position in the United States, and 
is somewhat south of the centre of the North American conti- 
nent. It lies between latitude 40° to 43° north of the equator. 
and longitude 95°30’ to 104° west of Greenwich. It lies almost 
wholly in the Great Plains region, or the “Prairie Province” as 
denominated by Pound and Clements in the “Phytogeography of 
Nebraska.” In the valley of the Missouri River along its eastern 

“border its elevation above sea-level is 268 metres (880 feet) at 
the southeast, and about 335 metres (1100 feet) at the northeast, 


13 


4 Charles E. Bessey 


while westward and northwestward the elevation is much greater, 
reaching 1500 metres (4900 feet) in the northwest, and fully 
1616 metres (5300 feet) towards its southwest boundary, near 
the Wyoming line. 

The river system is a very simple one. Along the eastern 
border is the turbid Missouri River, which receives the Nemaha 
and Weeping Water (both short streams) south of the mouth 


of the Platte River. The Platte River flows from the Rocky 


Mountains as two streams, which unite in western Nebraska, 
and is, like the Missouri River, a rapid and turbid stream. It 
receives one tributary, Lodgepole River, in the western part of 
the state, the much-branched Loup River (which drains the 
Sandhills) in the centre, and the Elkhorn River toward the 
northeasterly part. On the north is the Niobrara River which 
comes from the Wyoming foothills, and in the extreme north- 
west are branches of the White River, rising in the mountainous 
country of Pine Ridge. On the south the Republican River 
comes from the elevated plateau of eastern Colorado, traverses 
the southern counties, and then passes into Kansas where 
it joins the Kansas River, and finally reaches the Missouri River. 
In the southeast, the Blue River drains a triangular area closely 
adjacent to the Platte River, and flowing south empties into the 
Kansas River. 

The surface features of the state are considerably varied, in- 
cluding the wet and marshy “bottoms” of the Missouri River 
valley, the steep “bluffs” which limit them on the westerly side, 
the hilly and broken country still further inland, the rolling sur- 
face of the prairies of the eastern portion of the state, the more 
pronounced hills adjacent to the bluffs of the Platte valley, the 
broad and nearly level valley of the Platte River, the steep and 
irregular hills of the Sandhill country, the high plains, “bad 
lands,” buttes, and mountainous ridges of the extreme west. 

The soils of Nebraska show much of uniformity. Most of the 
eastern portion is overlaid with loess, which becomes more sandy 
westward toward the Sandhills, while still further west it be- 
comes more clayey. These three general types of soil are more 
or less modified locally, as by the increase of humus in the marshy 


iad 


Plant Migration Studies 5 


borders of some streams, the increase of organic matter in the 
drainless valleys of the Sandhills, and the alkali soils surround- 
ing many ponds in regions still further west. 

The climate of Nebraska is of the “continental” type. The 
rainfall which reaches 88 centimetres (35 inches) a year in the 
southeastern part gradually decreases westward to 35 centimetres 
(14 inches). It is very unequally distributed throughout the 
year. About 30 per cent falls in the spring, 39 per cent in the 
summer, 23 per cent in the autumn, and 8 per cent in the winter. 
The humidity of the air is generally low, and is especially so in 
the winter. The insolation is high, the days with sunshine be- 
ing more than three times as many as those without. The tem- 
perature ranges are from about 38°C. (100°F.) as the maximum 
heat of summer, to —36°C. (—30°F.) as the minimum of win- 
ter, the former for the southern counties, and the latter for the 
northern. The prevailing winds are from the southeast in spring 
and summer, and from the northwest in the autumn and winter. 
The average for ten years of the number of miles of wind for 
_ each season in eastern Nebraska (Lincoln) is, 28,111 in spring, 
21,016 in summer, 23,586 in autumn, and 23,460 in winter. 

The native trees of Nebraska have developed many devices, 
for the distribution of their seeds, adapted to the physical factors 
just described. These may be reduced to five general classes, 
viz.: wings, hairs, fleshy fruits, rolling balls, edible nuts. 


WINGS 


Rock pine (Pimis scopulorum (Engelm.) Lemmon). Each 
seed is provided with a delicate membranous wing, a centimetre 
long and five to seven millimetres wide. When the seed drops 
from the cone it is given a whirling motion by a slight twist and 
bend in the plane of the wing, and if caught by the wind is car- 
ried a considerable distance from the parent tree. This tree oc- 
curs in the Rocky Mountains from Montana to Wyoming and 
Colorado, and in Nebraska (11) has pushed out upon the foothills 


1 The figures in parentheses refer to the maps showing the distribution 
of the different species of trees. 


15 


6 Charles E. Bessey 


(Pine Ridge, and Wild Cat Mountains), and from these to the 
bluffs of the Niobrara, and North Platte rivers. From the latter 
it spread to scattered stations along the eastern edge of the Great 
Sandhill region (Holt, Greeley, Valley, Custer, Lincoln and 
Franklin counties). 

Basswood or Linden (Tilia americana L.). The wing is an 
extension and enlargement of the bract of the peduncle of the 
inflorescence. The several spherical, dry fruits at maturity are 
attached nearly at right angles to this wing, which is slightly 
bent and twisted. At maturity the bract carrying the fruits 
separates at its base from the tree, and when caught by the wind 
whirls horizontally, carrying its freight of seed-bearing fruits 
often to a distance of many metres from the parent tree. The 
Jinden occurs abundantly in the forests bordering the Missouri 
River southeast of Nebraska, and it now extends up that river 
along the eastern edge of the state (16) and along the Niobrara 
River to Cherry County. It has also extended up the valley of 
the Blue and Republican rivers on the south to Jefferson County, 
and the Platte River in the central portion of the state, to Nance 
County. 

The Elm (Ulmus spp.). The flat seed-pods are winged on 
their margins so that the surface is increased several times. 
When ripe they are very light, and are easily carried by the wind 
tq a distance of ten to twenty or more metres from the parent 
tree. While great numbers fall to the ground under the tree, 
many are carried to a distance equal to or more than that of the 
height of the tree. 

The White Elm (Ulmus americana L.) is very abundant in 
the valley of the Missouri River southeast of Nebraska, and 
thence eastward to the Atlantic Ocean. From the southeastern 
forest body of this species it has extended up the several river 
valleys into all portions of the state (17) to the western counties. 

Rock Elm (Ulimus racemosa Thomas) occurs commonly in the 
forest belt bordering the Missouri River southeastward, and from 
this region it has moved upward along the eastern border of the 
state (18) and up the Niobrara River near the northern bound- 
ary. While it has been recorded from but two stations (Cass 


16 


Plant Migration Studies 7 


and Keya Paha counties) it is highly probable that it occurs 
somewhat sparingly and perhaps intermittently along the eastern 
and northeastern border. 

Red Elm (Ulmus fulva Michx.) is abundant in the Missouri 
River forest area, from which it has spread westward up the 
river valleys nearly or quite half way across the state (IQ). 
GBeyond this area a single station is reported in Frontier County. 

The Ashes (Fraxrinus spp.). Each cylindrical seed pod is pro- 
longed upward into a flat oar-shaped, slightly bent and twisted 
wing. Where the fruit separates from its pedicel it drops with 
the heavier seed-end down, and is given a whirling motion by 
the wing, and when caught by the wind is carried many metres 
before it reaches the ground. 

White Ash (Fraxinis americana L.) is common in the Mis- 
souri forest area, from which it has extended up along the east- 
ern border of the state (22) to Sarpy County. 

Green Ash (Fraxinus lanceolata Bork.) is also common in the 
Missouri. forest area, from which it has spread westward and 
northward along the river valleys, across the state (24) to the 
western counties. 

Red Ash (Fraxinus Eh ann ore Marsh.) is found with the 
preceding (23) and apparently has been disseminated with it. 

Red Bud (Cercis canadensis L.). The bean-like pods are 
very flat and thin, and are well adapted to be carried in the wind 
a few metres. It is common in the Missouri forests and has 
extended northwestward into Nebraska (36) as far as Lancaster 
and Douglas counties. 

The Maples (Acer spp.). The bicarpellary fruit develops two 
thin membranous curved and slightly twisted wings, one on the 
back of each carpel. At maturity the carpels split apart, and 
each falls slowly with a whirling motion, while the wind carries 
it to a greater or less distance from the parent tree. In a high 
wind this distance may be twenty to thirty metres, or even more. 

Mountain Maple (Acer glabrum Torrey) is abundant in the 
Rocky Mountains of Wyoming and southward, from which it 
has extended eastward into the extreme western part of the state 

(42) at two stations (Sioux and Scott’s Bluff counties). 


17 


8 Charles E. Bessey 


Silver Maple (Acer saccharinum L.) occurs abundantly in the 
Missouri forest area from which it has extended up the Missouri 
River nearly to the mouth of the Niobrara River (43) and west- 
ward fifty to sixty miles, in the moist lands along the streams. 

Box Elder or Ash-leaved Maple (Acer negundo L.) grows — 
abundantly in the Missouri forests, from which it has extended 
across the state (44). As this species occurs in the Rocky 
Mountains from New Mexico northward it is possible that some 
of the trees in western Nebraska have come down from the 
mountains and met those disseminated directly from the eastern 
forest areas. 

Ironwood (Ostrya virginica (Miller) Willd.). The small nut 
is enclosed in a bladdery bag, which is so much larger that it 
serves the purpose of a wing. A dozen or more of these are 
aggregated into a loose strobilus. The obvious purpose of this 
structure is the easy transportation of the seed by the wind either 
in the whole strobilus, or the separate seed-bearing bags. The 
tree is abundant in the Missouri forests, from which it has ex- ~ 
tended up through the eastern and northern counties to Brown, 
Cherry and Sioux counties (63). 

Water Beech (Carpinus caroliniana Walter.). The small nut 
is attached to a foliaceous, somewhat three-lobed bract, which 
serves as a wing. These bracts are not crowded into a strobilus, 
hut constitute a loose raceme. Qn falling from the tree the 
bracts serve to float the seed in the wind for some distance from 
the parent tree. This species occurs in the Missouri forests, 
and has been reported from eastern (Sarpy County) and northern 
stations (Brown County) in Nebraska (64) to which it has ap- 
parently extended its range. 

The Birches (Betula spp.). The little nut is winged on its 
margins. These grow in small cones, from which when mature 
they are shaken out by the wind, and carried away some distance 
before reaching the ground. } 

Canoe Birch (Betula papyrifera Marshall). This tree occurs 
in Minnesota and Montana, the Black Hills of North Dakota, 
and at a single station on the Iowa River in central Iowa (Hardin 
County). In Nebraska it is found only on the bluffs and in the 


18 


Plant Migration Studies 9 


tavines along the Niobrara River in Keya Paha, Brown, and 
Cherry counties (65). The occurrence of this tree in Nebraska 
is a puzzle to the botanical geographers, for it is difficult to con- 
ceive of any means by which the seeds could be carried from the 
nearest known stations. Even shouid we consider the possibility 
of its dissemination from the Biack Hills the difficulty is nearly 
as great, for the distance is fully one hundred and fifty miles, a 
part of it across the very rough country known as the “Bad 
Lands.” 

Black Birch (Betula occidentalis Hook.) occurs abundantly in 
the Rocky Mountains west of Nebraska (66) and has extended 
from thence eastward into the state in Sioux County. 

River Birch (Betula sigra L.) is found in the Missouri forests 
southeastward, and has extended its range northward along the 
eastern border of the state, being reported from Cass County 
(67). 


HAIRS 


The Willows (Salix spp.). The bicarpellary seed-pods con- 
tain two rows of inverted seeds (anatropous), each of which de- 
velops ‘a circular tuft of long straight ascending hairs on its 
funicle. Upon the dehiscence of the mature fruit the seeds are 
released, when the hairs spread out almost spherically, and are 
caught by the winds and floated away for long distances, often 
a mile or more, or in high winds, many miles. 

Black Willow (Salix nigra Marsh.) is common in the Missouri 
forests, from which it has spread up the streams, apparently 
across the state (5). 

Almond Willow (Salix amygdaloides And.) is found abun- 
dantly in the Missouri forests, and has followed the river valleys 
across the Plains to the Rocky Mountains (6) and even to 
. Oregon. 

Shining Willow (Salix lucida Muehl.) occurs in the Missouri 
forests and has moved up the river to Cass County (7). 

Sand-bar Willow (Salix fluviatilis Nutt.) is abundant in the 
Missouri forests, from which it has extended up the river val- 
leys, across the Plains to the Rocky Mountains (8), California, 
and Oregon. 


19 


10 Charles E. Bessey 


Bebb’s Willow (Salix bebbiana Sarg.) is found in the Black 
Hills of South Dakota, and the Rocky Mountains from Montana 
to Colorado, from which it has extended eastward (9) so as to 
enter the northwest corner of the state (Dawes and Sioux coun- 
ties). | 

Diamond Willow (Salix missouriensis Bebb) is common along - 
-the Missouri River in Western Missouri from which region it 
has extended its range northward along the river, and westward 
‘in the Republican, Platte and Niobrara river valleys to the west- 
ern border (10). 

The Poplars (Populus spp.). The bi- and tricarpellary seed- 
pods develop two or three rows of seeds having the same general 
structure as those of the Willows. (©n the escape of the seeds 
they are buoyed up by the attached mass of fluffy hairs, and car- 
ried away by the winds, sometimes for several miles. 

Quaking Aspen (Populus tremuloides Michx.) is a Rocky 
Mountain tree which has extended eastward into Nebraska but 
a few miles in the western counties (11) from Banner to Sioux, 
Dawes and Sheridan counties. 

Balsam Poplar (Populus balsamifera L.) occurs in the Rocky 
Mountains of Wyoming from which it has extended eastward 
into Nebraska in Sioux County (12). 

Narrow-leaf Cottonwood (Populus angustifolia James) is also 
a member of the forests of the Rocky Mountains, from which it 
has come eastward into Nebraska (13) in Sioux and Scott’s 
Bluff counties. 

Rydberg’s Cottonwood (Populus acuminata Ryd.) occurs here 
and there in the Rocky Mountains of Colorado and Wyoming, 
from which it has invaded western Nebraska (14) at one point 
(Scott’s Bluff County). 

Common Cottonwood (Populus deltoides Marsh.) is very 
abundant in the Missouri forests, from which it has passed up 
the rivers across the state (15) tothe western border and beyond. 


FLESHY FRUITS 
Red Cedar (Juniperus spp.). The small few-scaled cones in- 


crease their parenchymatous tissue and become fleshy, and berry- 


20 


\ 


Plant Migration Studies 1 


like. They are eaten by some birds, and in this way the seeds 
are scattered. 

Eastern Red Cedar (Juniperus virginiana L.) is found scat- 
tered over the eastern United States, and occurs in the various 
bodies of forests eastward of Nebraska. From these it has 
moved westward up the river valleys fully two-thirds of the dis- 
tance across the state (2). 

Western Red Cedar (Juniperus scopulorum Sarg.) occurs in 
the Rocky Mountains, from which it appears to have moved 
eastward into the western third of the state (3). 

Papaw (Asinuna triloba (L.) Dunal). The large fleshy fruits 
which contain about eight large hard seeds are edible, and are 
picked up and carried off, or eaten directly by various quadru- 


‘peds. In either case it happens that some of the seeds are car- 


ried some distance from the parent trees. This species is very 
common in the Missouri forests, from which it has moved up 
the river valleys (4) in southeastern Nebraska (Richardson to 
Pawnee, Nemaha, Otoe, and Saunders counties). 

Hackberry (Celtis occidentalis L.). The globose one-seeded 
fruits are fleshy, and are in fact smal! drupes, much like thin- 
fleshed cherries. They are freely eaten by birds, and thus the 
seeds may be carried to considerable distances (even to many 
miles) from the parent trees. This species occurs abundantly in 
the Missouri forests, from which it has extended its range up 
the Missouri, Republican, Platte and Niobrara river valleys, 
across the plains (20) to the Rocky Mountains. 

Red Mulberry (Morus rubra L.). The compound fleshy fruit 
(sorosis) consists of an aggregation of small one-seeded drupes, 
each surrounded by the fleshy calyx-lobes. . They are eaten by 
many birds, and the hard seeds are voided uninjured, and thus 
carried far away from the parent trees. The Mulberry is found 
abundantly in the Missouri forests, from which it has extended 
northwestward along the eastern border of the state to Cedar 
County (21). 

Prairie Apple or Western Crab-Apple (Malus iowensis 
(Wood) Britt.). The fleshy fruit contains five two-seeded car- 
pels, and is eaten by swine, cattle, sheep, horses, and probably by 


7 


21 


12 Charles E. Bessey 


deer, rabbits, woodchucks and a few other quadrupeds. Such 
fruits as are carried short distances and then dropped whole, or 
partially eaten, may supply seeds from which new trees may 
spring. This species is abundant in the Missouri forests, from 
which it has extended its range into Nebraska along the Missouri 
River and up the Niobrara River to Brown County (25). It 
lias been distributed up the Nemaha River valley to Gage County, 
and the Platte River valley to Butler County. 

The Hawthorns (Crataegus spp.). The fleshy fruits are in 
fact little apples with bony instead of papery carpels. The flesh 
is palatable and the fruits are eaten by many quadrupeds (as 
swine, cattle, sheep, horses, deer, rabbits, etc.) and by some birds 
which are attracted by the bright colors in most of the species. 

Blackthorn (Crataegus tomentosa L.) occurs in the Missouri 
forests, from which it has moved up the river into the south- 
eastern counties, from Richardson to Lancaster and Douglas 
(26). 

Downy Haw (Crataegus mollis (T. & G.) Scheele) occurs in 
the Missouri forests, and has extended its range apparently with 
the preceding species to Lancaster and Douglas counties (27). 

Red Haw (Crataegus colorado Ashe) is probably a western 
species which has moved down into the Sandhill region, where 
it occurs along the banks of the Dismal and Middle Loup rivers 
in Thomas County (28). 

Thorny Haw (Crataegus occidentalis Britt.) is a native of 
Colorado, Wyoming and Montana from which it has moved down 
the Niobrara River to Cherry, Brown, Rock, Holt, Keya Paha, 
Boyd and Knox counties. It occurs also on the Middle Loup 
River in Thomas County (29). 

Juneberry (Amelanchier canadensis Jets Med.). The little 
hard-seeded apples have a soft edible flesh which is greedily 
eaten by birds. Many of the seeds pass through the alimentary 
canal uninjured and are thus distributed over considerable dis- 
tances. This species occurs in the Missouri forests, from which 
it has moved up the valley of the Missouri River as far as Sarpy 
County (30). 


22 


Plant Migration Studies 13 


Cherries and Plums (Prunus spp.). “The monocarpellary, two- 
ovuled ovary becomes a fleshy one-seeded drupe. The hard shell 
of the stone protects the seed from crushing when the fruit is 
eaten by birds or quadrupeds, and preserves many of the em- 
bryos while the seeds are passing through the alimentary canal. 
The smaller fruits (cherries) are greedily eaten by many birds, 
while the larger (plums) are eaten by quadrupeds, and occa- 
sionally carried away by birds. 

‘Choke Cherry (Prunus virginiana L.) is found in the Mis- 
souri forests, from which it has been carried northward along 
the Missouri River as far as Sarpy County, and westward in the 
Nemaha, Blue and Republican river valleys to Franklin County 
(31). 

Wild Black Cherry (Prunus serotina Ehrh.) occurs in the for- 
ests of Missouri, from which it has spread into southern and 
eastern Nebraska, to Sarpy County along the Missouri River, 
and Franklin County in the valley of the Republican River (32). 

Wild Plum (Prunus americana Marsh.) is common in the 
country East of the Plains, into and across which it appears to 
have been carried, so that it is now found in the Rocky Mountain 
region. It is found in all parts of Nebraska (33), even in the 
“nockets” in the Sandhills into which it must have been carried 
by birds. 

Kentucky Coffee Tree (Gymmnocladus dioica (L.) Koch). The 
large monocarpellary fruits (15-18 centimetres long, 4-5 wide, 
and nearly 2 centimetres thick) contain about half a dozen large, 
spherical, very hard seeds, imbedded in a sweet pulp. The ri- 
pened pods hang on the trees for a part of the winter, and when 
they fall are picked up by quadrupeds which are attracted by 
their sweet odor. The hardness of the seeds prevents their be- 
ing crushed. The tree occurs in the Missouri forests, and has- 
followed the Missouri and Niobrara rivers northwestward to 
Rock county (34). In the southeastern part of the state it has 
followed the smaller streams westward fifty to sixty miles from 
the Missouri River. 

Honey Locust (Gieditsia triacanthos L.). The large twisted 
and bent monocarpellary fruits (20-30 centimetres long, 2-2.5 


23 


14 Charles E. Bessey 


wide, and 0.5 thick), contain ten or more very hard, flat seeds, 
bedded in a sweet pulp. The pods fall from the tree during the 
winter and are picked up and partly eaten by the larger quadru- 
peds, as swine, cattle, etc., and doubtless were also by deer, buffa- 
loes, and other wild animals before the advent of white men. The 
hardness of the seeds preserves them from injury. The tree is 
commion in the forests of Missouri, and has been carried up the 
Missouri River and its tributaries so that now it occurs as far 
west as Franklin County in the Republican valley, and Holt 
County along the Niobrara River (35). It has also passed up 
the Nemaha and the Blue rivers to Gage and Lancaster counties. 

Buckthorns (Rhamnus spp.). The small drupe contains two 
to four very hard one-seeded stones, surrounded by a thin flesh. 
When these drupes are eaten by birds the seeds are preserved 
from injury by their hard covering. 

Buckthorn (Rhanmmnus lanceolata Pursh) is common in the 
Missouri forests, from which it has moved up along the eastern 
border of the state to Cherry County on the Niobrara River. It- 
has followed the tributaries of the Missouri River (Nemaha and 
Blue rivers) to Gage, and (Platte River) Saunders counties 
(38). 

Indian Cherry (Rhamiuus caroliniana Walt.) occurs somewhat 
sparingly in the Missouri forests, from which it has advanced 
into eastern Nebraska (39) having been noticed at two stations 
(Cass and Saunders counties). 

Buffalo Berry (Lepargyraea argentea (Pursh) Greene). The 
small red or amber one-seeded drupes are edible, and are eaten 
by birds and thus carried away. The seed is protected from 
injury in the alimentary canal by its hard covering. This small 
tree is a native of the Rocky Mountain region and westward, 
from which it has been carried eastward across the state (40) to 
the banks of the Missouri River (Nemaha County). 

Sumach (Rhus copallina L.). The small one-seeded drupes 
are crimson in color and have an acid flavor. They are eaten by 
birds, and their seeds are protected from injury by the bony seed 
coat. This species occurs in the Missouri forests, and has been 
carried northward (45) .to the extreme southeastern corner of 
the state (Richardson County). 

24 


Plant Migration Studies 15 
ROLLING BALLS 


Sycamore (Platanus occidentalis L.). The flowers grow in 
spherical heads, and produce compact, spherical clusters of ob- 
long nutlets, which hang from long peduncles. When they fall 
from the tree (in the winter) they roll over the ground in the 
wind, carrying their seeds with them. These trees are common 
in the forests of Missouri, from which they have moved up along 
the eastern edge of the state to Douglas County (37). 


EDIBLE SEEDS AND NUTS 


Buckeye (Aesculus glabra Willd.). The large brown shiny 
seeds drop to the ground as soon as mature, where they are quite 
conspicuous. Here they are picked up by large animals and 
sometimes swallowed. They are too hard to be easily masti- 
cated, and many must be rejected after trial. In the meantime 
they have usually been carried some distance from the parent 
tree. This species occurs in the Missouri forests, from which it 
has moved into Nebraska (41) as far as Richardson, Pawnee, 
and Nemaha counties. 

Walnuts (Jugians spp.). The large drupaceous fruits contain 
a bony shell (the nut) enclosing a four-lobed, edible seed. At 
maturity the bitter flesh rots away, leaving the nut, which is. 
picked up by squirrels and related rodents, and carried away to 
be eaten at once, or hidden for future eating. Many of these are 
dropped on the way, or those hidden are forgotten or overiooked, 
so that much effective distribution of seeds has taken place. 

Butternut (Juglans cinerea L.) is common in the Missouri 
forests, from which it has heen carried into the southeastern part 
of Nebraska, as far as Gage, Johnson, Otoe and Cass counties 
(46). | 

Walnut (Juglans nigra L.) is found in abundance in the for- 
ests in the Missouri River valley southeast of Nebraska, and 
from here it has moved up that river and up the Niobrara valley 
to Cherry County. It has occupied the southeastern corner of the 
state, and the Republican valley to Harlan County (47). 


25 


16 Charles E. Bessey 


The Hickories (Hicoria spp.). The fruits are drupes, with a 
hard flesh which splits at maturity into four segments and sep- 
arates from the hard, smooth, but usually angled nuts, each en- 
closing a two- to four-lobed, edible seed. ‘These nuts constitute 
the favorite food of squirrels, and are carried away and secreted 
in great quantities. Many of these eventually germinate and 
spring up into young trees. 

Shellbark Hickory (Hicoria ovata (Mill.) Britt.) is common 
in the Missouri forests, from which it has been carried into the 
southeastern counties of Nebraska, from Gage to Cass (48). 

Big Hickory Nut (Hicoria laciniosa (Michx.) Sarg.) occurs in 
the Missouri forests, from which it has been carried northward 
along the Missouri River from Richardson to Sarpy counties 
(49). 

Mocker-Nut (Hicoria alba (L.) Britt.) occurs in the Mis- 
souri forests, from which it is reported to have moved north- 
ward (50) into eastern Nebraska (Sargent). 

Pig-Nut (Hicoria glabra (Mill.) Britt.) is common in the 
Missouri forests, from which it has been carried along the Mis- 
souri River into eastern Nebraska from Richardson to Cass 
counties (51). 

Bitter Hickory (Hicoria minima (Marsh.) Britt.) is common 
in the forests of the Missouri River valley, from which it -has 
been carried northward into the southeastern counties of Ne- 
braska (52) from Richardson to Pawnee, Lancaster and Cass. 

Oaks (Quercus spp.). The fruits (known as “acorns”) are 
thin- and tough-shelled nuts, each containing a single, large, «d- 
ible seed. They are relished by squirrels and other rodents, as 
well as by swine, cattle and sheep, and also bysdeer and buffaloes. 
All of these no doubt have contributed in some degree to their 
dissemination, but the squirrels have been the most active agents 
in this work, gathering and hiding them in many places, usually 
at some distance from the parent tree. 

White Oak (Quercus aiba L.) is common in the Missouri for- 
ests, from which it has been carried into southeastern Nebraska 
(53) as far north as Cass County. 


26 


Plant Migration Studies 17 


Post Oak (Quercus minor (Marsh.) Sarg.) is found in the 
Missouri forests, from which it is reported to have moved north- 
ward (54) into southeastern Nebraska (Sargent). 

Bur-Oak (Quercus macrocarpa Michx.) is abundant in the 
Missouri River valley forests, from which it has migrated along 
the river valleys fully half way across the state (55), reaching 
Harlan County on the south, Custer County in the centre and 
Cherry County on the north. It occurs, also, in the Black Hills 
of South Dakota, to which it was probably brought from the 
same Missouri forest area. 

Yellow Oak (Quercus acuminata (Michx.) Sarg.) found in 
the Missouri forests, has barelv reached Nebraska (56) in Rich- 
-ardson County. 

Low Yellow Oak (Quercus prinoides Willd.) of the Missouri 
‘forests has barely reached southeastern Nebraska (57) in Rich- 
ardson County. 

Red Oak (Quercus rubra L.) is common in the Missouri for- 
ests, from which it has been carried northward along the Mis- 
souri River to Dixon County (58) and westward fifty or sixty 
miles. 

Scarlet Oak (Quercus coccinea Muench.) occurs in the Mis- 
souri forests, and has entered the southeastern counties of Ne- 
braska (59) from Richardson to Cass. 

Black Oak (Quercus velutina Lam.) is found in the Missouri 
forests, from which it has moved northward along the eastern 
border of Nebraska (60) to the Platte River. 

Black Jack Oak (Quercus marilandica Muench.) of the Mis- 
souri forests, has moved into the southeastern counties of Ne- 
braska (61), Richardson to Pawnee and Nemaha. 

Laurel Oak (Quercus imbricaria Michx.) is found in the Mis- 
souri forests, from which it has moved northwestward nearly or 
quite to the southeastern corner of Nebraska (62). Although 
this species has repeatedly been reported from this part of the 
state, I have seen no specimens which were collected within our 
borders. I have specimens collected in Missouri but a short dis- 
tance from the southeastern extremity of Nebraska. 


27 


18 Charles E. Bessey 
DISCUSSION 


From the foregoing statistics it appears that of the seventeen 
trees whose fruits or seeds are winged thirteen came into Ne- 
braska from the southeast and four from the west. Of the eleven 
species with hairy seeds six came from the southeast and five 
from the west. Of the twenty species with fleshy fruits sixteen 
came from the southeast, and four from the west. The single 
species whose seeds are in rolling balls came from the southeast, 
and all of the species with edible nuts (eighteen) came from the 
southeast. The significance of these facts is not at once very 
obvious. They do not directly indicate the relative value of the 
several devices for dissemination, nor do they plainly decide the 
question of the efficiency of winds, waters, birds, and quadrupeds 
as carrying agents. Thus the fact that thirteen trees with winged 
fruits or seeds came from the southeast, and only four from the 
west, does not indicate the greater efficiency of the south-east 
winds over those from the west. The fact that there is a much 
more compact forest area, containing a greater number of species 
of trees of this kind a short distance southeast of the state, is of 
far greater importance. The nearness of a vigorous vegetation 
representing many species makes that vegetation more efficient in 
invading a territory. The Missouri forests dominate the forests 
of Nebraska, because they are near by, and contain many species. 
This is shown more emphatically in the case of the species with 
edible nuts, all of which have come from the Missouri forests, 
where they are abundant. In Wyoming and northern Colorado 
there are no species of this kind in the sparse forests within a 
hundred miles of the western border of Nebraska. There are no 
oaks, hickories, walnuts, or buckeyes in this portion of the Rocky 
Mountain foothills to move eastward. On the other hand, there 
are species of trees having hairy seeds not only in the Missour: 
forests, but also in the canyons of Wyoming, and here we find 
that almost one-half of our trees of this kind came from the 
west. It is to be remarked, however, that while five of the six 
southeastern species have crossed the state, the five western spe- 
cies have moved eastward only a few miles from the Wyoming 
line. 


28 


hoe 
ae. e 


Plant Migration Studies 19 


Of the thirteen southeastern species with winged seeds or 
fruits three barely enter the state, one has advanced one-fourth 
of the way across the state; three, one-half; one, two-thirds, and 
five to or beyond the western border. Of the four western spe- 
cies, two have barely entered; one has advanced half way, and 
one, two-thirds of the way across the state. 

Of the sixteen species with fleshy fruits, seven have barely 
entered the state; six have advanced half way across the state; 
one, three-fourths, and two to the western border and beyond. 
Of the four western species two have advanced about one-fourth 
of the way across the state; one, three-fourths, and one has 
reached the Missouri River. 

Lastly if we examine the eighteen species with edible nuts, 
all of which have entered from the southeast, we find that fifteen 
have barely entered the state; one has advanced nearly one-fourth 
of the way across the state, one, two-thirds, and one, three- 
fourths. 

Summarizing what we have found, by assigning a definite 
value to the distance covered by each species and taking the 
aggregate of these for all the species, we find that the average of 
those with winged seeds and fruits is fifty-three per cent of the 
whole distance; for those with hairy seeds, fifty-two per cent; 
with fleshy fruits, forty-five per cent; with edible nuts, sixteen 
per cent; and with rolling ,balls, ten per cent. We can thus 
express the efficiency of each device in these per cents, as fol- 
lows: 


Whtioa Oi SCCUS OF TIES. 5.5 e's 0rc ola snes ace wg 53 per cent 
Medd Sept SOUS este OEY, cease SAVE dicho, ecstate Seabed ance 3 
Meta P TTS 82s SS Pa hala ea ek Saeed See ek ae = Peek 
Me eA IT ES cas ois vis ASG Sigh ic wheelie Ye nied sys LG ie oie 
Rese Cee ADA S ares. 4h =1 ess Reape eee Ges onal S Bi ROS tan Es: 


That the migrating movement of the trees in Nebraska is still 
going on is attested by many observers, especially in the south- 
eastern part of the state. The conditions under which such 
movement occurs are usually the following:— (1) Cessation of 
prairie fires, (2) protection from domestic animals, (3) a forest 
border in a moist valley. Under such conditions the forest bor- 


29 


20 Charles E. Bessey 


der becomes margined with tall-growing weeds which kill the 
tenacious prairie grasses, at the same time affording a lodgment 
for seeds of shrubs and trees. These grow, and gradually the 
shrubs and trees retain possession of the belt of ground, at first 
to the partial exclusion of the weeds, and later to their total! 
suppression. Still later the trees overtop the shrubs, and event- 
ually the latter may be suppressed also. While this is happen-. 
ing, a new weed belt is forming in advance of the belt of shrubs 
and young trees, and thus the forest margin is continually 
advanced. 

There are many such advancing forest borders in Nebraska. 
In fact wherever the fires and domestic animals are kept out 
such an advance is commonly taking place. The rate of ad- 
vance varies from a few feet a year to a hundred feet under fa- 
vorable conditions, and in exceptional cases to several hundred 
feet. When it is remembered that an advance of but ten feet a 
year along a forest border a mile long adds a little more than an 
acre of woodland, even such a slow advance is seen to accom- 
plish much. In this way in the course of a century the actual 
forest area. may be greatly enlarged. While such a steady ad- 
vance of the forest margins is now actually going on, there is 
another mode of distribution which is even more rapid. A seed 
is carried by a bird or other means to a considerable distance 
from the body of trees of its kind. It springs up in its new sta- 
tion and eventually produces seeds, and becomes a centre from 
which further distribution takes place. A case of this kind has 
_been brought to my attention in the recent appearance of the 
Linden tree (Tilia americana) in the vicinity of Lincoln. 

In the western part of Nebraska the present spreading of the 
Rock Pine (Pinus scopulorum) is quite noticeable. It is not 
uncommon to find young trees considerably in advance of the 
older trees of the sparse forest, around which are many small 
trees which have sprung up from the young parent trees. 


ate 


Plant Migration Studies 21 


MAPS SHOWING DISTRIBUTION OF NEBRASKA TREES 


(Compiled from specimens and available data in the Herbar- 
ium of the Botanical Survey of Nebraska. The lines are drawn 
so as to show the general distribution of each species, it being 
impossible to show details on maps drawn to such a small scale. 
In some cases isolated stations have been connected where there 
is good reason for believing that the species extends from one 
to the other, while in others no such attempt has been made, 
although further investigation will probably show intermediate 
stations, if not an actual continuity. ) 


31 


IN 
\ | iS 
bE 


b : 
NS: 


‘a 
eS 
LE 


[ee 
7 
Bima 
fers 


NNN: 


rN 
RAN 


Charles E. Bessey 


2 
CAEL 


ca 

—_ 
lol | 

mea 


SN; a 


NV 


& 


N 
t , 


72 ==: 
Van. wpe TUPPeeee: 


Se 
mae 
Papaw 


32 


Plant Migration Studies 23 


ZZ ra ZA J 
20 GAR agen 
Hackberry LAL ALAA 


a ie Ca I FE 
Mulberry RM wl 


; 7 BaP inhmnAaS 2 
Basswood L_|_| |° | | | BAZ 


LA, LU TA: : 
WUULMAUCBABI 


24 Charles E. Bessey 


i | 
} L 
ee 
| ia : 
| Misuadee, 
ui ' 
20 Fe 
[eecknon Pee 


ball 
Bao 
rer 


moh aca 
Hmm inwwee 
Downy Haw nn aeEoeeas 


a a 
PO] ARR 
Seg py Se OS 
| eee mee 
aa te 
ames SER wee 
Payee a (a (is aa) 
Red Haw aa Fs a 


EEEEH ESN 


34 


Le 


C 2, 
CEO 


Zee 
239 4 CULABBELELE: 
Wild Plum WULAZAZEeZ: 


Fines 


Ce es Bi 
Kerkeeg see tal 
pec clos aT a ad PS 


= ap, 


Is 


a 
iw 
a 


a a 
TT TCA 
Honey (CAO 


NN 


Bemus Hig 
aLLErH eit 


5/6) Ol ES ae 
Red Bud L_[ TI] ete 


NN 


Butternut L_| 


45 
Sumach 
Shellbark 
Hickory 


Box Elder ZAZA 


Bee 
rey 


LA 


ASW 


SEEN 
sal ce | 
aaa 
Bren 


a 


Plant Migration Studies 


ig 


a, 


L. 

Se yy 

SS 

‘a 

WT 
all 


eee 
a 
LH 
is ae 
i 
fel 


Buckeye L_[ | | 


a 


Maple 


NN 


42 
i Mountain 


35 


aes 
an 
Dee 


Bessey 


Charles E. 


50 
Mocker Nut 


él 
Black Jack 
Oak 


Laure! OakL_[ TT | 


Plant Migration Studies 


Pyotr tH 
TTA 
Peete A 


ees 


S 


7 aed 


63 
Ironwood 
fae 


YB MY LL: 


GD 
a 
EB 


River Birch RARE 


[hes 


ioe) 
“I 


Ill—An English Version of Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


BY JAMES CHRISTIAN LINDBERG 


INTRODUCTORY NOTE 


The tragedy Hakon Jarl the Mighty was completed toward the latter 
part of the year 1805 at Halle, Germany. The author, Adam Gottlob 
Oehlenschlaeger, wrote the work in Danish and later on translated it into 
German. It was first published in November, 1807, in Nordiske Digie, 
and was presented for the first time at the Royal Theatre in Copenhagen, 
January 30, 1808. Before this, Oehlenschlaeger had used the same mate- 
rials in his poem, The Death of Hakon Jarl, which appeared in 1802. 
These materials were taken from the fragments of old Icelandic court 
poetry as given in the Elder Edda. In many cases Oehlenschlaeger de- 
parts from the historical facts, and he does not always present the inci- 
dents in their true chronological order. 

The two principal characters, which alone will be considered here, 
are Hakon Jarl and Olaf Trygveson. The date of Hakon’s birth is un- 
certain. When we find him in history he is the most famous of an al- 
‘ready famous family, whose genealogy and notable deeds are’ celebrated 
by Eywind, the poet, in Haleyia-ial. His grandfather, Hakon I, foster- 
son of King Athelstan of England and a close friend and advisor of King 
Harald Fairhair, was Earl of Yriar. His father’s name was -Sigurd. 
Both were great men in their day as law-makers and famous for their 
power of organization. 

Of Hakon himself we know very little until about the year 970 A. D. 
At this time the three Haralds, Graafeld, Blaatand, and Guldharald, were 
masters of Norway and Denmark. They were constantly at war with 
each other and each in turn sought the advice of Hakon. But Hakon 
was shrewd and in all his advice kept his own advantage in view, so that 
at each turn he was the gainer and they were losers. Graafeld, King in 
Norway, was lured from thence to Denmark, where he was killed by 
Guldharald. Scarcely was this done when Hakon himself, in league with 
Blaatand of Denmark, killed Guldharald and for this was made earl in 
Norway. He soon cast off this Danish suzerainty and for about twenty 
years, 976-995, was in all but name king of Norway. 

As a vassal earl of Harald Blaatand, Hakon fought against the in- 
roads of the German Emperor, Otho II, who wished to force the Christian 
religion upon Denmark. Compare Corpus Poeticum Boreale, vol. I, p. 45: 

“He (the Danish king) bade the prince of the Hords,. Hakon, de- 
fend the Wall against the king of the Logobards (Germans). alent mat 
was a hard fight when they joined shields: the earl faced Otho bravely, he 
turned the Saxons to flight. Thus he guarded the Wall against the army 
of Southerners” (cf. I, ii, p. 11 below). 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 1, January 1905. 


39 


2 James Christian Lindberg 


When he returned to Norway after this battle, he renounced the 
Danish suzerainty. Learning of this the Danish king induced the Wick- 
ings of lom to go against the crafty and rebellious earl. The result was 
the famous Iomsborg’s battle where Hakon won a glorious victory. It 
was in this encounter that the warrior Bue, who had lost both of his 
hands in the fight, when he saw that all was lost, sprang overboard, hold- 
ing a heavy money chest under his arms (cf. I, ii, p. 16 below). It was 
also at this time, when the battle seemed doubtful, that Hakon gave as 
an offering his little son, Erling (cf. IV, ii, p. 75 below). Chronologically, 
Oehlenschlaeger puts this scene much later. In the Jomswikinga-drapa 
Bishop Biarni (circa 1200) says of this incident: 

“Cruel was the song of the sharp swords! The blood dripped on 
the javelins! Brave was the defense. . . On every side the foe 
gave way before them in the fight, till the cruel Hakon offered up his 
son in the midst of the battle.” 

This saving of Norway from the dreaded Wickings of Iom put 
down all opposition toward Hakon that had hitherto existed. He was 
heralded as the hero of the North and became the national idol. All 
Norway lay under his sway. Says Einar: 

“T say that the gods strengthen Hakon’s sway. Was there ever a 
land and sixteen earls lying so ‘under one ruler? His glory soars high 
under the four ends of the heaven.”—Vellekla, Corpus Poeticum Boreale, 
vol. I, p..47: 

While he was still in league with Harald Blaatand, he was baptized 
and acknowledged the Christian faith. But no sooner was he independ- 
ent of the Danish king than he threw it off as lightly as he had assumed 
it, and again became a dutiful and zealous worshiper of Odin and Thor. 
By his enemies he was called the “sacrificing earl.” During the reign of 
the Ynglings, everything was uncertain and unstable. Now all was peace- 
ful, and while Hakon conducted himself wisely the country prospered. 

But as the vears passed he began to overstep his legitimate rights. 
The hero became the monster. The -people were dissatisfied. Olaf ap- 
peared as a threatening cloud from the West. Hakon was put to flight 
and died at last at the hands of a treacherous slave. On this point 
Saemund the historian says: 

“The stern Earl Hakon took the land after the dead Harald; one- 
score and thirteen years he ruled the country. The end of the life of 
Eric’s father in Gaula-dale was not a good one, where Cark (in the play 
Karker) the thrall slit the throat of Hakon with a knife.’—Konunga-tal, 
Corpus Poeticum Boreale, vol. Ul, p. 318. 

About the year 995 Olaf Trygveson appeared in Norway. He was 
the son of Trygve, who was the grandson of Harald Fairhair. The poet 
Hallfred Vandraedascald, Lives of the Kings, Corpus Poeticum Boreale, 
vol. II, pp. 94-95, says the following of Olat’s viking exploits: 

“He was twelve years old ... . when they launched his warship 
out of Garth (Novgorod territory). . . . He dyed his spear red in 
blood at Holm, and east in Garth. Who knows it not? I have heard 
how the Breaker of high-places piled heaps of corpses in many a place. 
The Hater of the Fanes made the kindred of the Iamts and Wends to 
fall in battle. He was trained early to that. He was a danger to the 
lives of the Gots, and I hear that he fought at Sconey. He hewed the 
mailcoats with the sword in Denmark, and south of Heathby Tryggwe’s 
son cut down the coarse-grown carcases of the Saxons for the witches’ 
chargers (the wolves), and gave the blood of many a Frisian to the 
steeds of the night-hags (wolves). He fed the wolves on the bodies of 


.40 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 3 


the Gaulish Bretons, and gave the flesh of the Flemings to the raven. 
The young king waged war against the English, and made a slaughter of 
the Northumbrians. He destroyed the Scots far and wide. He held a 
sword-play in Man. The archer-king brought death to the Islanders (of 
the Western Islands) and Irish; he battled with the dwellers in the land 
of the British (Wales), and cut down the Cumbrian folk.” 

Oehlenschlaeger’s reason for Olaf’s appearance in Norway is not 
historical. He was not on his way to Russia as the play states, but came 
to christianize his native land and incidentally to claim his birthright to 
the throne. He succeeded in ridding the land of Hakon Jarl and in 
planting permanently the Christian faith. After five years in the midst 
of his activities he was overtaken by his enemies and fought his last fight 
at Svold. 

So far as ascertained no complete translation of Hakon Jarl is ex- 
tant. Mention should be made of a certain Mr. Gillies, probably Robert 
Percy Gillies of literary fame, who is spoken of in an unsigned article on 
Hakon Jarl in Blackwood’s Magazine. 1820, vol. 7, p. 73, as having made— 
presumably from the German version—a translation of the play. Samp- 
son Low’s English Catalogue of Books (1835-1863) mentions a transla- 
tion published by Hookam in 1840, but the translator is not named. 
Whether either of these translations was complete can not, from present 
means, be ascertained. For the chief sources, from which the author 
constructed five characters in the play, consult Vigfusson and Powell’s 
Corpus Poeticum Boreale, which has been used, in definite citation, in 
references above made. The present translation is made from the text 
of F. L. Liebenberg, Copenhagen, 1895. 


41 


PERSONS 


OTA AMG VERON 10 sie as d's aac cee odecec oat .. King of Dublin. 

Haxon Jart, called The Mighty.......... Norway’s ruling Earl, 

BEEING els ote cin ele shal eis eee hs ee Oe . His son. 

THOoRER KLAKE...... Re eho ee ...A merchant. 

CARLSHOVED } |... so... qricesiesciteattes tae Olaf’s cousins. 

JOSTETN ; 

ORR) AM BESICIELVERS 3. sock cost ea oe ee A young archer. 

BRPREM ROR, © 200 of LS eacca EAGER ON ys CRM A blacksmith; spokesman of 

the people of Throndhiem. 

Ag ay ° 

PRE RON eM a eAe ee ee es Se ninereier Ja. His daughters. 

ASTRID. f 

Or. egg ges Ua Aes ae ries Shr ...+. Lheir lovers. 

THOoRVALD. f 

MIEN OR Ast ities aie demas Gates tc ramones ....Hakon’s mistress. 

PLAN CERAND 2 sehd-ciebe-cyuveseia se waters Bicialene cidke pall A priest. 

Ta\ET IS ge AAT oon yaa iia Zee OLN A NN enka An old, one-eyed man. 

(Eaiserd (Esch ribo baie AiG Bee oe ae ie ier n ict ae Thorer’s slave. 

KARKER. 

STEIN. Be NE Saban a naka usr tee emeyehe vate Hakon’s slaves. 

LEIF. 

NENGER? Giese alele ers petec eta ieee meister k MOA Semnarae 


A Messenger 
Priests, Warriors, Peasants, and Slaves. 


AGT 
ScENE I 


Hlade! 


A square, with trees, before HAKon’s palace, upon which faces a row 
of buildings with open windows. KaArKer and Grip seated under a tree; 
beside them, dishes and ale-cups. Noise and sounds of revelry issue from 
the guest-rooms. 

Karker. Wark, what noise! What boisterous revelry. That’s 
the voice of Thorer Kiake, thy master, discoursing about his 
foreign travels. 

Grib. He does rightly so. It’s worth the hearing, how 
shrewdly he bartered off his goods cn every northern coast, and 
returned laden with stores of gold and silver. My master has a 
wise and cunning brain; he shculd have lived in the time of 
Harald Graafeld.? 

Karker. And why just at that time? 


42 


ray 


> 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 5 


Grib. “He was a king who helped the trades and strove for 
the development of our land; a king who for Norway’s welfare 
put aside the purple robe with all its gold and humbly dressed 
himself in sheepskin. 

Karker. And therefore people called him Harald Graafeld? 

Grib. Indeed, to his everlasting honor. He was a merchant- 
_king. The trading vessel was his fleet, the yardstick his scepter. 
He was a noble hero. 

Karker. Have a care and praise him not too highly. The 
Jarl rules us now and he dislikes that too much be said in praise 
of other men. 

Grib. Thanks for this advice, my gentle friend. 

Karker. No mention of thanks. But Grib, tell me something 
now. We know nothing about what goes on abroad, but must 
sit here and mope in irksome loneliness. 

Grib. Ha! Would that we might enter the guest-room yon- 
der, seat ourselves beside the board, and with hands unchained, 
seize the golden horn, as freemen do. 

Karker. The gods defend us! What depraved words! Have 
a care, and be content with thy common lot. For all time, we 
are born to serve. 

Grib. And thus thy languid soul is put to sleep? 

Karker. And why not so? That which cannot be changed, 
must continue as it is. 

Grib. Aye, that’s true, alas. 

Karker. And: aiter all what lack we here? Have we not 
prospered well? Thorer Klake fancies thee, Jarl Hakon me. 
Indeed thou dost not fare as well as |; thy master is only a mer- 
chant, mine an earl, and more than that the greatest earl in all 
the land. There are sixteen others who bow the knee to him ;° 
in sooth, he is almost a king. Now then, should I not be content ? 
Formerly I drove the plow, raked hay, and many a night I have 
slept in the sheep-fold. Now my clothes are soft, my food the 
very best; I have little to do, a cozy winter house, and I am 
seldom beaten. 

Grib, In truth thou ’st found thy place. 


43 


6 James Christian Lindberg 


Karker. Aye, so my master thinks. He searched and searched 
before he found such a man as I. One knows he has his own 
whims. He says, and right it is, that a thrall must always be 
obedient and truthful, never proud, but strong to argue for his 
master. 

Grib. In brief, precisely what one would ask of a dog. 

Karker. As soon as Hakon saw me he knew I was just what 
he wanted; he noticed my low broad forehead, he examined my 
short thick fingers, my flat nose, and my manner, slow and staid, 
and all—what more could he wish? Now f live continually at 
his side, and they are few who know his daily thoughts as well 
as I. 

‘Grib. Hush, be still. Again they speak of Olaf Trygveson.* 
_Karker. And who may that Olaf be? 

Grib. A noble hero; once a thrall, as I; now he is a son-in- 
law to the king of Dublin,—indeed a king himself. 

Karker. Was born and bred a thrall? . 

Grib. [Sighing.| | Not exactly born a thrall; he was a king’s 
son, 

Karker. Indeed, why then ‘t is nothing to be a king. 

Grib. Quite new in QOlaf’s case; before his birth he felt the 
heavy hand of fate, and since, the world has been a constant foe. 

Karker. They leave the table. Stand up! There comes the 
Jarl with all his men, 


[Jart Haxon® and his men cross over the stage.] 


Grib. A lordly hero is Hakon Jarl. He towers high as the 
knotted oak, above the lowly copse. 

Karker. He now departs to take his accustomed walk. I 
must in to clear the tables and keep an eye on the other thralls. 
Wilt thou come with me ? 

Grib. No. I'll linger here, here in this vaulted palace which 
the gods have built for me, as well-as for the greatest hero. 

[Exit among the trees. 

Karker. Too proud perhaps. Go suck the empty air while I 
gather up the crumbs. Let Thor® then judge between us, which 
is truly wise. [ Exit. 


ve 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 7 


Scene II 
A Sacred Growe. 


In the background statues, in gray stone, of the twelve principal 
gods,’ Odin in the center. The sun, setting, lights up the scene with its 
_last rays. GupruNn and Astrip enter the grove, the first with a wreath of 


flowers. 

Astrid. My sister, whither art thou leading me? 
How dare we enter consecrated ground,— 

This grove, wherein the hallowed only walk. 

Gudrun. My Astrid, whoso truly loves with heart 
And soul is hallowed; this thou dost as I. 

Astrid. Dear sister, come, my heart rebels! Look, look, 
The mighty gods with sober face behold 
Our erring feet, and angry seems their gaze. 

Let ’s not offend the gods, my sister. Come! 

Gudrun. Not all alike are thus severe; for see, 

The blessed Frigga® sends a mother’s smile; 
‘And yonder, look, the gentle Freia® beams, 
Her radiant face aglow with tenderest love 
That speaks a gladdening welcome to her daughters. 

Astrid. Thy beauty, sister, gladdens Freia’s heart. 
She knows, as each of Norway’s gentle swains, 

That thou ’rt “The Sylvan Sun.” 

Gudrun. My Astrid, go, 
Precede me home; prepare our father’s meal. 

He toileth hard on Hakon’s kingly crown. 

But when the gathering shadows bid him cease 
From work, he’s weary, worn and needs our care. 
Go thou before; I follow thee when I 

Have bound this flowery wreath. 

Astrid. A useless task ! 
And wherefore all this show ? Thy Orm comes not 
Tonight ; tomorrow is its beauty faded. 

Gudrun. Now go, my sister; leave me, pray, alone. 


45 


8 James Christian Lindberg 


Astrid. Thy heart is touched by Freia’s love and thou 

-Dost yearn for solitude, ’T is natural. 

Behold, now glides the sun, a purple red, 

Behind the earth, and casts a furtive glance 

Among the mirky copse. The heavenly orb | 

Thus greets “The Sylvan Sun.” I leave thee'so. [Ewit Astrid, 
Gudrun. Lamalone. Ye everlasting gods! 

Do not be angry with a timid maid 

Who, guiltless, unoffending, full of dread, 

Hath dared to plant her foot on holy ground. 

Oh beauteous Freia! Freia, goddess mine! 

Forgive my boldness. Here I twined a wreath 

_ Of rarest flowers, freshly plucked, while gay 

As sprightly elves they danced in twilight glow. 

Forgive thy maid, that she with faltering steps 

Approaches shy thy consecrated image, 

To bind this airy circlet round about 

Thy heavy locks. 


[She ascends the base of the statuc, and places the wreath on 
Freia’s head. At this moment HAKon Jaru and THoRER KLAKE 
enter, (GUDRUN terrified remains standing upon the statue.] 

Hakon. Alone at last. None step within this grove 
But Odin’s priests and Hakon. 


Thorer. ’ Noble Earl, 
Thy faith in Thorer honors him. 
‘Hakon. So thou 


Didst think that all was new to Hakon’s ears, 
What thou didst tell of Olaf Trygveson ? 

Thorer. Thy firm attention, eager face, displayed 
A keen surprise. 

Hakon. But never trust my face! 
My face belongs to me, and must obey 
Its owner. Therefore, what I seem, I seem. 
To be surprised among the multitude 
Was needful then. But here we are alone; 
Then learn: That I have known of Trygve’s son 
Full well, before to-day for many a year. 


46° 


map ‘imap, ciithta, Att mites tall sel Magill 


= = 


=v. Fe 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Thorer. Indeed, ’t is nothing strange that Olaf’s fame 
Hath reached thine ear. But why? It seems the news 
Concerns thee much, and stirs thy calmer self. 

Hakon. Give me thy hand in proof that thou art true. 

Thorer. My hand and heart are thine. For all my wealth 
I am in debt to thee. Thou gavest me ships. 

To thee, none other, my success is due. 

Hakon. My friend, my Thorer; know, I love thee well. 
] longed for thy return; for thou art shrewd 
To execute whatever is resolved. 

And when obstructions unforeseen appear - 

Thou ’rt bold to wield the sword and use the axe 
As late thou didst thy wit.*° And thus, my friend, 
t ought to be. 

Thorer. We are endowed by Odin 
With powers quite distinct; we each employ, 

Nor slight the one and use the other more. 

Hakon. Each man must feel a reason for his being; 
Then native bent his native strength evolves. 

He carves his path as best he may, and lo! 
His consummation needs no other aim. 

Thorer. A most ingenious speech, my noble lord ! 

Hakon. My inborn passion ever was to rule, 
To sit supreme on Norway’s ancient throne 
Has been the keenest passion of my soul. 

Thorer. A worthy goal, my lord; and what thou ’st craved, 
Behold, ’t is thine. 

Hakon. Not wholly so, my friend. ¥ 
In close approximation, nay, almost. 

The people call me now but Hakon Jarl; 
But this prerogative my birth bestows,— 
For this I need not strive. 


Thorer. It rests with thee 
Alone; whene’er thou wilt, the people name 
Thee king. 


Hakon. I trust that Norway’s sons will think 
It more appropriate a king, and not 


47 


10 James Christian Lindberg 


An earl, should rule the realm. Ill soon convene 

The court, and dauntless there present my wish. 

The sturdy Bergthor, brave, old warrior-smith, 

Is moiling hard to forge my royal crown. 

When that is done, th’ assembly will convene. 
Thorer. Whate’er may chance, even now thou art a king. 
Haakon. A merchant thou, and moved alone by gain; 

But outward splendor need not be despised, 

And that I’ve sought with all my craft and power. 

A maiden’s fond embrace is not so blest, 

As is the kingly crown’s about the brow. 

Almost the goal is reached; my daylight fades 

And evening bends beneath its weight of dew, 

As Eivind Skaldaspilder’s ballad says.” 

My raven locks are changing fast to white 

Give me thy hand. 


{THORER extends his hand; HaKxon takes it, and downcast 
speaks. | 


Recall how once I pressed 
Thy hand so hard that from its nail-roots blood 
Rurst forth, as juices forced from ripened fruit. 
Come, tell me truly, didst thou feel my grip? 
Thorer. No clasp of hand should make a friend complain, 
No matter how severe. 
Hakon. : My grasp was not 
Severe. Thotu mockest me now! Behold my brow, 
With furrows deeply plowed. ; 
Thorer. Such furrows much 
Adorn a man. 
Hakon. They please not Norway’s maids. 
In short, my friend, I age too fast, too fast ! 
I feel it now; but mark! I am resolved 
To fill my eventide with joy; my sun 
Shall calmly set aglow with purple splendor,— 
And woe the cloud that dares obscure my sky. 
Thorer. Aye, aye, my lord! But where’s the cloud ? 


48 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Hakon. 
But in the west? Just where it must not be. 
Thorer. Dost speak of Olaf, Dublin’s king 7” 


II 


Where else 


Hakon. Aye, him! 


Unquestioned lies his right in straight descent 
From Harald, him of golden hair.1* = My friend, 
Thou knowest well our Norway’s peasant folk: 
A race of heroes, noble, true and brave, 

Yet superstitious, ruled by prejudice. 

I ‘ll wager my achievements, even myself, 

Would be forgot in Olaf’s kingly birth, 

If once the rumor spread that he yet lives. 

Thorer. Dost thou helieve — 

Hakon. Believe? Indeed! 
Ah, Thorer mine! I know my people well. 
This wild fanatic, aye, this traitor bold, 

Shall he ascend the throne ? 

Thorer. A traitor, lord ? 

Hakon. I stood at Danevirket* with my men,— 
A Norseman every one. To Harald’s" aid, 
The son of Gorm, we wert. This Olaf helped 
The Christian Otto, aye, our Southern foe, 

To burn the bulwark of the North. A traitor ? 
This word displeases thee ? And still is not 
He such, who proves disloyal to his gods ? 

Thorer. WDisloyal? Olaf never has embraced 
Our northern faith. 

Hakon. A scoffer of our gods, 
Shall he acquire, ascend, old Norway’s throne? 

Thorer. Who harbors such a thought — 


Believe ! 


Hakon. I, I, my friend! 


And Olaf too, perhaps. Excepting him, 
The lineage of Harald*® is extinct. 

My noble race is all as strong as his; 

From olden time, the mightiest next the king. 
And nearest to the crown, was Hlade’s Jarl. 
Now none were left. A mere enthusiast, 


49 


12 James Christian Lindberg 


Who disavows our northern creed and faith, 

A ransomed thrall, whose mother gave him birth?’ 
While journeying through a wood, —the father dead. 
A desert child! ’Tis easy thus to claim  , 

A royal birth. He shall not hinder me. ~ 

By Valhal’s'S everlasting gods, I swear! 

Sublimest Aesir!*® Ne’er shall he assail 
Audaciously your power. Almighty Odin! 

Thou mighty Aukathor?® and Freia ! 


[He turns to the background towards the statues and notices 
GUDRUN. | 
Ha! 
What’s this I pray ? 
Gudrun. Most noble Earl! Forgive! 
Forgive! I perish quite from fear and shame. 
I know the law forbids us to approach 
The silent sanctuaries of the gods. 
Forgive me, noble lord. 
Hakon. [Surprised.| <A fairy maid! 
What brings thee to this grove? To overhear 
Our speech? I am appalled! Thou here, a spy? 
Gudrun. By Freia, by mine innocence, I have 
Not heard a single word. I would have gone 
Before, but that I feared to fall and so 
Betray my — 
Hakon. Pray, what brought thee here ? 
Gudrun. Ah me! 
Necessity compels me to confess: 
I am thy smith’s, the aged Bergthor’s, daughter, 
Affianced bride of Orm; and therefore, sir, 
I’ve bound this wreath for Freia’s head and risked 
Intruding here, to decorate the-brow 
Of my protecting goddess. Pray, forgive me! 
Hakon. A happy meeting this; most fortunate ! 
Thou art the fairest among the woodland maids ; 
And so enraptured youth have christened thee . 
“The Sylvan Sun.” 


50 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 13 


Gudrun. Ah, sir, let me descend ! 
I give thee solemn promise never more 
To enter here. 

Hakon. [To Thorer.] By Freia, wondrous fair, 
Come, pretty babe, let Hakon help thee down ! 


[Takes her upon his arm and carries her to the front of the stage.) . 


A feather’s weight, luxuriant as a flower. 
A bud, half blown, that’s opening to the sun. 
Now tell me, pet! Art thou not pleased to sit 
On Hakon’s mighty arm? . 

Gudrun. By everything 
That’s holy, sir, I pray thee let me down. : 
Dishonor not thy Aesir’s hallowed grove! 


Hakon. [Sets her down, with an anxious look towards the 
statues. | 


Dishonor? Ha, I marvel how so fair 
A mouth can speak a word so indiscreet. 
How like a child!’ What hands! So soft and white! [Kusses 
them. | 
Gudrun. By everything that’s holy, let me go! 
Hakon. [Places his arm about her.] 
And secretly hath Bergthor kept thee hid. 

And when I wished to see thee, thou hadst gone, 
Perhaps to visit—Thor knows where-—thy aunt 
In some far distant vale ? 

Gudrun. And what, I pray, 
Couldst thou desire to see in me, in me, 
Betrothed, a peasant’s bride? He’s jealous, sir! 
If he should come, — Oh let me go! 

Hakon. Tf he 
Should come? What horror? He! I would announce 
Myself a bidden guest, nor by my troth 
Would I forget the wedding gift. 

Gudrun, Release— 

Hakon. Thou never shalt escape from Freia’s grove 
Ere first thou givest me a kiss. 


51 


14 James Christian Lindberg - 


Gudrun. O gods! 

Hakon. Oh gods ? How now? Proud Norway’s doughty Jarl, 
Soon Norway’s king, is he denied a kiss ? 
Must I so long entreat ? 

Gudrun. I die from fear, 


[He forces a kiss from her. She hastens away.] 


Hakon. Ha! Like a hind she flees; and this old bear 
No longer swift, can only look and long. 

But wait! Aye, wait! 

Dhorer? ox My Hakon! Sir! 

Hakon. O what 
A charming creature! Saw you not her hair, — 
Those heavy golden braids, with filiets bound ? 

And then her arm! How plump! What tender cyes 
Of quiet blue! Her ample bosom heaved 

As if *t would burst the silver chain that clung 

About her throat. 

Thorer. My lord! My Earl! 

Hakon. © what 
To this is Berglioth’s?! beauty; where, alas, 
Compared with Gudrun’s lies our Thora’s charm? = & 

Thorer. By Odin, she is fair. But noble lord, 
Forget not why we came; remember, thou 
Didst come to tell thy servant secret things 
Of state, of larger import. 

Hakon. Larger import ? 

Thou frozen lump of ice! Ts ’t possible 

No spark of passion smolders in thy breast? 
Ha, feel of mine! There's yet the lusty stroke 
Of youth. And why desire to be the lord 

Of this extensive realm, unless—unless 

To satisfy my craving, — yea, my right, 

To pluck the flower no matter where it grows. 

Thorer. But Olaf, noble lord ! 

Hakon. Ah, that is true ! 
"T was well I saw her then, and yet she vowed 


52 


Oehlenschlacgers Hakon Jarl I 


on 


She nothing heard; I'll not mistrust her; no! —, 
She ’s innocence itself, by which she swore. 
Here Jostein and Carlshoved come; ’t is them 
I waited for. | Enter JosteE1n and CARLSHOVED. 
Hakon.  [Gocs to- meet them.| 
You ’re very welcome all! 
Here have | now my rarest friends; I would 
I had a hand for each. 
Carlshowved. Our noble lord, 
’ Our greatest pride is this, that we are friends. 
Hakon. You two already know what long I’ve had 
In mind, and why we seek this private place. 
But Thorer here, whose shrewdness much I need, 
To execute my scheme, is only half 
Informed. So hear me now: Amid the storm 
And strife of war, my life is spent ; and many 
A stone, and much entangling copse were cleared 
Before this fir stood free to rear its head 
And thrive through strength bestowed by mighty Thor. 
Ye are my friends; in you I may confide 
My heart’s intent. My name is honored far 
And wide, throughout the North. I’ve fought my way 
Till now, I stand as Norway's greatest man ; 
Alone my foe denies me what I am. 
‘The weakling, Harald Graafeld and his brothers 
Corrupted all the land; with each deprived 
Of strength, no one possessed the power to assert 
Himself, and thus maintain his inborn right. 
Like gnomes at play they tumbled right and left, 
Until they died a mutual death. Alone 
Was Harald Graafeld an opposing force, 
And I confess, my stratagem was served, 
Through chance, by that which birth had given him. 
I ‘ve treated ill, they say, this merchant Prince.?? 
And how, I pray? A recreant traitor he, 
Who, tired of wealth, betook himself to me,?* 
Desiring that his brother share the realm 


53 


TO: James Christian Lindberg 


With him; and I betrayed his confidence, 
Lured Harald Graafeld out, — and all, for what ? 
That I myself might gain. | Unworthy he, 
As was the merchant Prince, to wear a crown. 
At Limfiord** fell they both, and Halse holds 
Their common grave, the end of foolish greed, 
And Harald Bluetooth then assumed the crown, 
Unshared, and all through me. ‘That later, I 
Defied him, when he asked for homage, toll, 
Entire submission, brought me no reproach 
From Norway’s sons. My every act, and most, 
My last exploit at Hjoringsvaag?® at which 
The might of lomsborg sank, — when Bue?® sprang 
Disheartened, overboard, his crippled arm 
About the money-chest,—have shown the power 
And shrewdness I possess. Now slowly sinks 
My sun; a lingering hour of twilight still 
Remains, and that shall not be darkened. No! 
But one of all the ancient stock remains ; 
And he, you think, is fully satisfied 
On Britain’s throne? What sayst thou, cautious friend, 
If I should tell thee Trygve’s son is here? 
Thorer. Here? 
Carlshoved. Here in Norway ! 
Jostein. Olaf Trygveson! 
Hakon. It forced a smile, my Thorer, when this morn, 
Thou didst with clever look, suggesting great 
Importance, tell about thy kingly friend 
In Dublin, pious Trygveson! As if 
For all these years my watchful eye hath slept. 
' Though silent then, the time to speak has come. 
Then know: These tidings came today from boats 
That hourly guard the coast, that Olaf takes 
A fleet to aid the Russian Valdemar :27 
But on his way has stopped at Norway’s coast, 
To visit, so they say, his fatherland. 
Thorer. King Olaf? Olaf? .Is it possible? 


54 


* suena 


Oehlenschlaeger’'s Hakon Jarl 


Hakon. Perhaps it is a childish whim that makes 
Him pause midway, perchance to fill his lung's 
With mountain air; I neither know nor care 
To know. But this, as you perceive, I must 
Find out, if underneath this artless halt 
There lurks not something else. I watch him close. 
‘hou, Thorer, art his friend; how like a friend 
That thou shouldst visit him, when thou dost know 
Of his arrival here. The wind is friendly. 
Tomorrow thou art there, when daylight breaks. 
Then, Thorer, grant me this one small request, — 
To sail to him; and while, as friend thou tellest 
Him what thou wilt, keep silent strange reports. 
Thorer. And what, my lord, is thy design? 
Hakon. Even as 
I say, unravel Olaf’s real design, _ 
But most of all to set for him a trap. 
Thou ’rt clever, shrewd, and wont to deal with men; 
An easy task for thee to cause delay, 
Till quickly IT am there with all my ships. 
His own ships tarry near him; force to force, 
“Tis ever thus that Northmen fight. Can one 
Complain at this, I ask? 
Carlshoved. No, surely not. 
Thorer. But how solicit him to stay, my lord? 
Hakon. Why strike the chords, that flatter most his ear, 
Or, chant the song, that pleases him the best ! 
Or tell him how (none better knows than thou) 
O’er Norway hangs a cloud of discontent, 
That people murmur much at Hakon’s rule; 
That peasants, here and there, alone await 
Their cue, a valiant lord. Entice him then 
On shore; I’d rather meet him on the land — 
I*m growing old, and sicken on tlie sea. 
It then, he tarries not. but quickly leaves 
As first he planned, unheeding, though the crown 
Implores and beckons him to stay,— why then » 


55 


18 James Christian Lindberg 


He’s honest, —I have done him wrong, — he seeks 
The sea; my mind’s at rest. 
Thorer. A- well-formed plan, 
My Jarl!  I7’Il do thy wish as best I can. 
Hakon. ’°*T will not be unrewarded, noble friend. 
Thorer. I know, I know, my lord! The Jarl rewards 
Full like a king; thou knowest my faithfulness. 
Hakon. [Presses his hand.| My honest Thorer! 
Carlshoved. 
To sack our coasts, he ‘ll meet opposing power, 
Or if he came a spy, he clumsily 
Entraps himself. 
Hakon. , Perhaps, as Olaf’s kin, 
Ye too will go, and Thorer’s word confirm? 
Jostein. Our kinsman he, but thou our lord, our Jarl, 
Our friend! Our presence there will only aid 
In testing Olaf’s innocence. 
Thorer. Well said, 
My friend! 
Hakon. [Draws his sword.| Then here upon this shining 
glaive 
In Odin’s presence, swear before the gods, 
To succor me. 
All Three Men.. By Odin, Freia, Thor, 
We swear ! 


[In the background Odin’s statue falls down.] 


Jostem Ha! what was that? 

Carlshoved. God* Odin fell! 
Thorer. Lies buried deep in dust. 

Hakon. [Calms himself, and approaches the statuc.] 


This brittle stone 
For months has had a deep and open rift. 


Come hither, look — ’t is dark — but see, the breach 
Is old; a tiny portion held it fast 

Which easily the slightest wind could burst. 

You’re all dismissed! Tonight beside the board 


56 


tne ¥ 


aidctrininiaais 


Ti-Olat came, perchance, 


Ochlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 1g 


Well meet and consummate our plans. Each one 
To his, and leave me here alone ! 3efore 
You sail we ll gather round the evening meal. 
[Exeunt Tirtorer, CARLSHOVED and JOSTEIN. 
Hakon. [Stands long and_ silently looking at the broken 
stone. | 
‘This old? Ah no; it is not old; ’tis new. 
Almighty Odin! Wherefore fell thy statue ? 
Art thou displeased? A warning this for me? 
Thou ’rt covered deep with dust, while Freia stands 
All smiling, decked with flowers. Does all this mean 
That Southern love shall conquer Northern strength ? 
Ah, Odin, leave us not; wipe out a foe 
That hates thee, mocks, and ridicules thy might. | He kneels. 
I covenant here a worthy offering ! 
No less than nine and ninety blackest kine ;. 
And all my foes for thee I'll slaughter, if — 
If only thou wilt grant me Norway’s crown, 
That golden, beauteous, dearly purchased crown. 
In praise to thee the sacrificial bowls | 
Shall send their fumes to heaven; with reeking blood 
The doer post shall be painted red. And I 
Myself will plunge the sword in Olaf’s breast. 
From Dovre’s solid stone** a second statue 


i ’ll raise, and that defies eternity. [ Rises. 

Now darkness with its dusky veil entombs 

The earth. [Stands for a moment quietly gazing, then says] 
I’ll visit Bergthor and my crown. [Havtt. 


ScENE III 
Bergthor’s Workshop 
Enter Bercrror with a crown and a hammer in his hand; Grre 
with a light. 
-Bergthor. Put down the light and bring me the anvil. 


Though the day grows longer, it is dark this evening and still 
there is much to do. 


ou 


20 James Christian Lindberg 


Grib. Thy hands are apt and quick. 

Bergthor. If thou dost wish to come and blow the bellows, 
and help me in other ways, thou mayst while thy master stays 
at Hlade. 

Grib. I have nothing else to do, sir, and time drags slowly 
on. To live with the other slaves is small enjoyment; and what 
else is there to do? May Thor bless thee many times since 
thou dost pity me, a wretched thrall. Is it time to blow the 
bellows ? | 


Bergthor. No, no. Leave it alone, thou rogue; hand me my 


file. 

Grib. Thou knowest how to do things. 

Bergthor. Do things! What dost thou know about such ? 
Thou shouldst have seen me in my youth when I forged for King 
Hakon Athelstein.2° h, that was workmanship! A sword 
indeed that pierced the hardest rock, or living flesh with equal 
ease. This crown moves slowly towards compietion, and yet 
there is time, plenty time ! 

Grib. But why that sigh? It is almost done. 

Bergthor. Almost done? Thou speakest like a fool. These 
precious stones must first be set. [Enter GupruNn.] How now 
my daughter, what brings thee here thus out of breath. 

Gudrun. My dearest father, Hakon Jarl has seen me. 

Bergthor. Where? | 

Gudrun. In the grove. 

Bergthor. Wave I not forbidden thee to enter that grove to 
gather weeds and flowers? The blessed gods be praised, thou 
wilt soon be wed, and I relieved from ail this toil of guarding 
thee. [Hammers on the crown.| Listen boy, 1 would rather 
fashion twenty crowns than guard two simple girls and keep them 
chaste; believe me boy, such ore is very frail indeed, aye, frail 
indeed ! 

Gudrun. Father, I am much afraid that Hakon is coming 
after me. What then will Orm say? 

Bergthor. Is coming after thee? My Hakon, nothing good 
will come of this; I know thee well. Come hither child, down 
in the celler with thee ! 


58. 


Ochlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 21 


Gudrun. And must I now be locked underground again? 

Bergthor. Perhaps thou hadst rather be locked in Hakon’s 
arms ? 

Gudrun. May Baldur help me, no! 

Bergthor. I know him well; there is not a man who lives in 
peace because of wife or daughter, or sister, or mother, or even 
grandmother! Down I say, into the cellar, quick! No rest for 
me before I have placed thee safely under lock and key. Away, 
I say! Where is thy sister ? 

Gudrun. She prepares the evening meal. 

Bergthor. That I can do myself; to keep you safe from 
Hakon’s lustful eye is much the harder task. Away, away! 
Tomorrow I will send you both away,—thee to thy Orm, and 
her to Thorvald. Then they must take the blame perchance 


aught should happen to you after that. [| Eveunt. 
Grib. [Looks with quiet wonder at the crown, which lies 

upon the anvil.] . 
And this is the way the crown looks! And this is the 


way it is made. And when it is done, Hakon puts it on his 
head; then the people swear, and then he is king. That’s very 
queer. [Takes it in his hand.| How bright it is; made of solid 
gold. And heavy! JI wonder how many pounds it weighs ? 
I wonder if it fits me? [Places it on his head.| It’s too large; 
still I can carry it, although it sinks upon my shoulders. There! 
This way it fits. A crown isn’t as light, I see, as I thought; 
‘] can hardly keep my head straight. [Walks up and down the 
room:| - Now I ama king! [Takes the file.| _- Here, — this 
is my scepter! And yonder is my kingly throne. [Seats him- 
self upon the anvil.| Now I am sitting among my men at the 
council. 


[At this point HAKoN enters unnoticed; he remains in the back- 
ground and watches Grim attentively. | 


Grib. I herewith promise you, proud Norway's sons, 
That I will be to you a gracious lord, 
Provided you will choose me for your king; 
But if, with insubordination, or 


59 


22 James Christian Lindberg 


Defiance you resist in anything 
Whatever I may ask as just and fair, 
You ‘Il quake beneath my heavy hand. 


[Becomes aware of HAKON and is dumb with fear.} 


FHakon. Well done. 
My lad, well done. 

Grib. Sir, be not angry with me! 

Hakon. Yhou tremblest on the throne, my boy? That ne‘er 
Becomes a king. Though round about him raves 
The storm, though earth’s foundations shake, and death 
Seems nigh, above it all he calmly clasps 
His spear. <A kingly, bold, imposing look — 
The clouds disperse, the sky is clear. and once 
Again the sun resplendent shines and gilds 
His throne. 

Grib. I’m sure thou ’rt right. I feel that I 
Was never born to rule. 


[Bergthor enters with a large bunch of keys, which he hides 
when he sees HaKxon.] 


Hakon. Good evening, sir. 
Bergthor. All hail the Jarl! 


[Becomes aware of Grin who is seized with fright and dares 
not move. | 


By Vauland’s help !*° What means’ 
All this ? 
Hakon. He plays the king. 
Bergthor. [Half aside.| It seems that this 
Is quite the fashion lately. Down, I say! 
Are people all gone mad! 
akon. T came. teo late 
And heard not more than half he pledged the King. 
Is he thy swain ? 
Bergthor. We’s my apprentice, Thorer Klake’s thrall. 
Haakon, And thou dost trust a slave with Hakon’s crown ? 


60° 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 23 


Bergthor. An interruption came; I had to leave 
My work to place my daughters under lock 
And key ; meanwhile the rogue has dared — 
Hakon. How, sir, — 
Thy daughters ? 
Bergthor. Aye, my lord! Of late thou sawst 
The one, and now she fears, as well as I, 
That thou ‘It renew thy gaze. The cellar holds 
Her now! Tomorrow morn I'll send for Orm, 
To whom she’s pledged, and when he comes we ’Il hold 
Their nuptiai feast; then he must guard his own. 
Hakon. But father Bergthor! Pray what whims are these: 
Art thou aware that this offends me ? 
Bergthor. Hush! 
A tender spot, indeed, my Jarl; we'll touch 
This boil no more. Come now, assay the crown. 
I’ve found a ring of iron, rescued first 
From Melhuus’ temple ruins,** handed down 
From son to son. My father’s father forged 
The swarthy Halfdan’s*® crown from this; although 
The ring is old and quite consumed with rust, 
It measures still our ancient crowns. Let’s see! 
[HaKon puts on the crown, which ships down over his eyes.] 
How now, too large! It dims thy vision like 
A settling cloud. 
Hakon. [Incensed.| A monster thou! Have I 
Not given thee my measure? Where is it ? 
Bergthor. Thor knows, somehow ’t is lost; and so I thought 
That Hakon’s crown should not be smaller made 
Than Halfdan’s. 
Hakon. Bergthor! Bergthor, thou art old, 
Sagacious, honest, bold, and skilled in art. 
I spare thee now, but misuse not my mercy. 
I grant thee two days more and woe to thee 
If Hakon’s crown then fits not Hakon’s head. (Exit. 
Bergthor. [Looks after him proud, yet touched. | 
Thou threatenest what? My hair is white; three hours, 


61 


24 James Christian Lindberg 


Or four perhaps, I’ve left, — of these dost wish 
To rob me? Think you Bergthor trembles like 


A slave when thou dost scowl? Ahno! He’ll die 

Beside his sword, but Norway’s crown shall ne’er 

Be changed. He wears the crown who worthy is. [ Exit. 
ING Weel 
ScENE I 


The Island Moster 


Woods and mountains. In the background the ocean. Orar, TANG- 


BRAND, and /Varriors approach from the seashore, followed by THorER 
KLAKE, JOSTEIN, and CARLSHOVED. 


Olaf. Now this is friendship of the truest kind, 
My Thorer. Sail the seas all night to meet 
Mehere. Thou’rt right; an hour’s delay and thou 
Hadst found me gone. _ Propitiously the winds 
At midnight changed and urged us to embark. 

But pray, my Thorer, how wert thou informed 
That I was here? 

Thorer. By merest chance, my lord, 
*T was told me yesterday at Hakon’s board; 
A skipper brought the news. Thy kindly ways, 
Thy hospitality has all but won 
Stout Norway’s heart. King Olaf’s kindness came 
To mind when out on stormy seas my ship 
Sprung leak. Enchanting was the night, so bright 
And clear; the wind was brisk; unworthy I 
Thy love, had I not hastened here to greet 
Thee on our northern soil. Our veering course 
Was not our greatest care, but rather this: 
Perhaps the fickle winds that hindered us, 
Were driving thee from Norway’s coast. 

Olaf. Soah) Heist 
That Hakon Jarl is not displeased because 
I briefly visit thus my fatherland ? 


62 


ects nici asap ialcit ETL ATES 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


My ship alone lies anchored in the bay; 
‘The rest are not dissuaded from their course. 
One apprehension, quite unfounded, I 
Foresaw, and hence took all precaution not 
To rouse alarm. But who are these, my friend ?’ 
Thorer. Thy worthy kinsmen, sir, whom thou dost now 
Embrace, — Carlshoved he, and Jostein there, 
Maternal cousins; gladly they have come 
To clasp their kinsman’s hand. 
Olaf. My cousins, they? 
A double welcome then, twice dear to me. 
Jostein. Receive thy country’s greetings, Ola. 
Olaf. Ola ? 
Thy speech betrays the honest dalesman; round 
_ And full thou roll’st the ‘‘l’’; I never learned 
It thus; while yet an infant I was forced 
To flee my native land. Our kinship then, 
Is on my mother’s side ? 
Carlshoved. Thy mother, sir, 
Was Astrid, sister to our father, Halfdan. 
Jostein. Just so, my lord. 
Olaf. And hence we’re cousins, we? 
You both resemble Astrid; still I see 
That face, though early she was torn away. 
Thou, Jostein, hast her dimpled cheeks, and thou 
My Carl, art heir to all her golden locks. 
Carlshoved. We’re glad thou seest her counterpart in us. 
Olaf. Now tell me friends, how fares our goodly land ? 
I sail, perhaps you know, to Russia’s aid; 
My foster-father Valdemar is dead, 
And all the land is filled with restlessness, 
His son, Ivan defends the Christian faith, 
And so I hasten to his aid with men 
That stoutly wield the sword, as well as those 
Who reverently bear the cross. When I 
Embarked, I never thought of Norway; yet 
When through the mists I saw her lofty cliffs 


63 


25 


26 James Christian Lindberg 


Adorned with fir, my heart began to swell; 
A tender longing seized me; suddenly 
There came to mind, a ballad, strange and long 
Forgotten, from my childhood days. The tears 
Of memory burned my cheeks. The sail, which bore 
The ship away, relaxed; the pennants each 
Unfolded, eagle-like, their purple wings, 
As if they strove to rend their cords and reach _ 
The shore. ’T was quite against my heart for me 
To hasten by. Where lives the son who when 
His mother beckons him, with loving eyes 
And outstretched arms, could coldiy turn aside ? 
To silence all mistrust, I landed here 
‘Upon an island, here where no one lives, 
Where only now and then the herdsman plants 
His hut behind the cliffs. But now, before 
T journey farther, — who can know if yet 
Again my eye shall see this blessed land.— 
Pray tell me Thorer, how our Norway stands ? 
Thorer. Our Norway stands on solid rock, a firm 
Foundation, sir, that is not lightly moved. 
Olaf. ’T is true; I know it!  E’en white-bearded Odin 
With all his cosmic power cannot compel 
Your hills to quake, although for centuries 
He’s threatened it. 
Thorer. Then know, my lord, the state 
Stands frm; luxuriantly the timid birch 
And haughty fir, lift up their heads; the sun 
Hurls down his golden shafts and ripens all 
Our fields. With fruitless rage, as in all the past 
The scornful waves besiege our coast. But still 
My lord! while thus in calm composure hills 
And valleys thrive, a deadly poison gnaws, 
Consumes our nation’s heart. 
. Olaf. How so, I pray ? 
Does not vour Hakon calmly occupy 
The throne ? 


64 


is acai 


SS ee ee 


Ochlenschlaeyer’s Hakon Jarl 27 


_ Thorer. Indeed, my lord, for eighteen years. 
But now our peasants fee!, how base 
It is to pay allegiance to an Earl. 
Olaf. Just so; but why not name him king? 
Thorer. Can such 
A question come from Halfdan Svarte’s stock 7 
Olaf. What cares the peasant Norse for Halfdan Svarte ? 
Thorer. Much more than thou surmisest. The sons of Thor, 
Intrepid, bold, unswerving in their faith, 
Have always reverenced their rightful king. 
Olaf. And yet this Ear! has ruled for eighteen years !** 
Thorer. What power, what cunning he employed to lift 
Himself to his position thou dost know 
As weli as we. No one denies that he 
Is brave; his keen perception, rarest type 
Of judgment, — these have made him what he is. 
Thou knowest how matters stood; how Gunhild’s sons** 
Ran wild; through childish weakness wasted, lost 
The veneration due their rank. The Jarl 
In easy battle conquered all. Thereto 
Was added Denmark’s friendship through her king. 
The man who fights to win must first explore 
The field, and such a man is Hakon Jarl. 
And so unnoticed, like the crafty merchant 
Who bargains only for his private gain, 
He soon possessed the upper hand. Worn out 
By war, the peasant longed for peace. And thus 
Serenely Hakon sat upon his throne. 
What made his power complete was Jomsborg’s fight** 
In which, to Norway’s honor, he repressed 
A youthful heresy that hitherto 
Had terrorized the North. 
Olaf. And now in peace, 
Surrounded by his hard-gained splendor, you 
Forsake the man ? 
Thorer. How very natural, 
My lord! At first was Hakon wise; he knew 


65 


28 James Christian Lindberg 


*T was wisdom clinched his power. | He soon became 
The nation’s greatest idol, honored far 


And near. ‘‘Jar! Hakon, Jomsborg’s hero,” shrieked 
The crowd; “what power withstands the man; what shakes 
His might?” And thus admired, undone by fame, 


His head began to swim. He soon forgot 

His former prudence, quite ignored the truth, — 
The nation’s strongest pillar must remain 

The peasant’s love. He then abused his power; 
Becoming indiscreet, he slacked the rein 

To every craving of his heart. and each 
Deep-rooted passion played at will. | No more 

At peace, his heart was proud; he longed to rule. 
No longer he respected private rights, 
But seized the peasants’ lands and stole their goods. 
Indeed, far worse than that, he even took 

Their wives, their daughters, dragged them to his home, 
And offered them in sacrifice to please 

His lewd desires. Unnoticed, everywhere, 

The flames began to smolder. Heeding not 

A foreign foe, he seemed unmindful of, 

Or noticed not, the cancer gnawing deep 

In Norway’s heart. His power is waning, here 
And there in daily botits, while Norway waits 
With longing for a valiant, lawful prince 

To seize the throne and strip the Earl of all 
His strength. 

Olaf. My Thorer, hast thou spoken true ? 

Thorer. There stand thy cousins, sir, let them confirm 
My words. 

Olaf. My friendly Jostein, where are now 
Those dimples in thy cheeks ? Thou smil’st no more. 
Art thou not pleased that Norway casts away 
Her thralldom chains ? 

Jostein. [Much disturbed.| I’m all too young, my lord 
To know my country’s real advantage, yet, 

What Thorer said is quite correct. 


66 


ee ee) 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 29 


Thorer. I need 
Not teli thee how I felt, King Olaf, when 
I learned that thou wert here. I thought the news 
‘Had reached thee of our evil state-—that thou 
Hadst seized this hour as opportune. But now 
That thou hast spoken, now I recognize, 
Astonished, that this is heaven’s call. 
Olaf. My friend! 
Thou ’st deeply stirred the quiet of my soul. 
Thorer. As stirs the seed that germinates and sprouts 
Beneath the soil to blossom later on. 
Thou ’st not forgot what blood is coursing through 
Thy veins ? 
Olaf. [Deep in thought.] Is’t not, I pray, from Harald, he 
Of golden locks? 


Thorer. Upon the side o’ the sword, 
In straight descent. 
Olaf. Whose mother Ragnhild dreamed 


About a tree: while resting on the grass 

She drew a twig from out her pouch and while 

She held it in her hand, it grew a branch 

Of wondrous size, whose lower end took root 

In the mellow earth. The vigorous top reached up 
Toward heaven, and stretched so high her eye could scarce 
Behold it more. The trunk was large and round, 
And near the ground was red as blood; above, 

The trunk was smooth and of a tender green; 

The limbs were white and broadly arching spread 
Themselves and covered all the North. Such was, 
I think, her dream ? 

Thorer. So says the myth, my lord! 

Olaf. Was’t not King Harald with the golden hair 
Who strangely dreamed about his locks? How some 
In wavelets reached the ground, and some his knees, 
And some his shoulders; others still did cling, 

About his brow in tender curls ? 


67 


30 James Christian Lindberg 


Thorer. It was, 
My lord! Accordingly our wisest men 
Have prophesied: this dream foretells how great 
Will be the royal race, that after him 
Shall rule the North. 
Olaf. [Stands in deep meditation. | 
Thorer. What virgin thoughts are waking in thy soul? 
Olaf. What virgin thoughts? Not so; my thoughts are old 
And cherished; dreams of youth, and manhood’s fond 
Ambition. 
Thorer. Worthy of thy birth. Forgive 
Me, lord; but why hast thou not claimed before 
Thy right, by birth, to Norway’s crown ? 
Olaf. It seemed 
So far away,—'t was occupied. Besides 
My mind was filled with other thoughts. The soul’s 
Eternal rest outweighs the thrones of all 
The earth. Its craving, hitherto, has drawn 
Me toward the South, where Christian faith is taught. 
Still fortune ne’er forsook me; twice have I 
Been chosen king. ’T was love that forced me leave 
The Wendish*® sceptre; aye, ’t was love recrowned 
Me on the Irish throne. But never once 
In all my life, in all my ramblings, here 
And there, have | forgot my proper place,— 
The North, there born of kingly blood. Full oft 
The thought has stirred-me: seize the sword, defend 
Thy rights by birth! But everywhere I heard 
That Norway’s peasants throve, were satisfied 
With Hakon Jarl. What power had 1? One needs 
Must have a mighty force thus to invade 
A well-contented land. And could I not 
3e Norway’s king, I could not wish myself 
The sole disturber of her peace. 
Thorer. But now © 
The times have changed. When Throndhiem’s*’ peasants hear 
That Harald’s great-great-grandson lives, then naught 


68 


i ta les Nar ae ie 


= 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 31 


Can hinder the espousal of thy cause; 
They ’re thine when thou dost enter Throndhiem’s fiord. 
Thy cousins’ aid and mine,—I need not here 
Assure thee, we are thine. And know beside: 
That Norway’s strongest, ablest men, desire 
To offer thee their friendship, their entire 
Devotion. Wishing thus to be the first 
To bring this goodly news, we hither sailed 
Last night. If thou dost wish to follow friends’ 
Advice, go not on strange adventure, seize 
Thy Norn’s, thy fortune’s call; for not in vain 
They ’ve beckoned thee to land. 

Olaf. [After a brief silence.| 

These tidings overwhelm me. Leave me, friends, 

A moment! Yonder ’neath a tree, is raised 
A tent. Refresh and rest yourselves. Ill come 
Anon. Attend them. 


| FHORER, CARLSHOVED aid JOSTEIN go, followed by OLAF’s men. 
OLAF and TANGBRAND remiati. | 


Ah, my Tangbrand, thou 
Hast stood there silent and absorbed— 

Tangbrand. And glad 
At heart because thy fortune smiles, and crowns 
Thee king of this illustrious realm. 

Olaf. A race 
Of heathen men, who mock and jeer our God. 

Tangbrand. The larger, sir, thy glory will become 
When thou hast turned them from their evil ways. 

Olaf. Yes, Tangbrand! yes, I’Il follow heaven’s call. 
And yet I had determined first to go 
To Russia. 

Tangbrand. Yet no promise has been made. 

An unconfirmed report has lured thee out. 

Thou ’rt wont to do, to act, hence thou didst tire 
Of ceaseless rest, and yearned for deeds, as well 
Becomes a Christian; deep within thy breast 


69 


32 James Christian Lindberg 


There stirred that sweet desire to plant the faith 
Of Christ in all the earth. 
Olaf. And Tangbrand, think, 
The first shall be the precious fatherland. 
Tangbrand. As king of Norway, thou canst better aid 
The Russian Ivan, if indeed thou must.*® 
Olaf. One’s duty first concerns hi§ blood, his kin. 
To win this iand for Christ,—inspiring thought. 
Tangbrand. Aye! Norway first, and, Garderike*® next. 
Olaf. But Tangbrand—nothing I conceal from thee— 
My heart rejoices not from pious zeal 
Alone, it swells with ever increasing joy 
To think of gaining back its own. My birth 
' Assures me Norway’s crown. Now tell me, Tangbrand, 
Doth Olaf sin, to crave his rights by birth ? 
Tangbrand. As sure as there’s a God in heaven who loves 
Us all, no, Olaf, no! Rightly to use 
The joys of earth without extremes, in thought 
Or deed,—such is to see the Father’s love. 
_Ah, well for him who sees in earthly joys 
A mere reflection from the glory found 
Above! And well for thee, if thou dost thrive, 
As shepherd, leading forth thy Christian flocks. 
Olaf. Go, pious father; leave me, go! I needs 
Must be alone. 
Tangbrand. Christ strengthen thee, my son. [ Exit. 
~ Olaf. [Falls upon his knees, hands folded. 
My heart dissolves with joy; sublimest thought ! 
Most holy Christ, am I thy humble tool, 
Thy chosen instrument, to spread abroad 
Thy glory here on earth? My father, see, 
I yield, thy kingdom come, thy will be done ! 
~ [Rises from his knees inspired. 
Lfeéluit aly, tteel tial Wes myer 
Is strong. Within my breast I feel a strength 
Divine. Henceforth, O Christ, I’im thine Apostle. 
With this my sword, Deliverer, which bears 


70 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 33 


The semblance of the cross,—with this my sword, 
Ill fight and conquer each effrontery 

That dares oppose itself against thy will. 

As chosen shepherd of this beloved North 

Shall Olaf keep the charge entrusted him. 

Where QOdin’s shrines have stood ali gloomy, dark, 
Where blameless blood has cried aloud to Heaven, 
Henceforth, to Thee, shall incense, myrrh, arise. 
No more shall heathen drench their gods with blood; 
No expiatory sobs; no heartless cries 

From Odin’s priests about the livid corpse. 

But strains of gentlest harmony, from harp 

And voice, shall hover round the throne of all 
Eternity. With true devotion all 

Shall meet beyond, transfigured,—all with thee. 
The pangs of poverty shall be forgot ; 

No vulgar feasts shall then pollute thy church; 
Alone the silent, awe-inspiring feast*® 

Shall there announce: Whatever is, is God! 
Away with hatred, murder, brutal force, 

For innocence and love shall be supreme. { Exit. 


ScENE II 
Hlade 
A Path through the Woods 


HAKON JARL comes armed with sword, shield and bow. TuHora 
meets him. 
Hakon. [Pauses, somewhat uneasy.] 
Ha, who goes here? ' My Thora! Also thee 

This summer day hath beckoned to the woods ? 

Thora. What beckons thee? Not Thora! Come perhaps | 
To visit me? I see that thou art armed. 

Hakon. For warfare, Thora, — ready, thou must know, 
With all my men to board the ships. We sail 
Against a pirate who with impudence 
Is ravaging our coast. 


71 


34 James Christian Lindberg 


Thora. How glad I am 

To see thee once again before thou ’rt gone. 
Hakon. Thy charge I left with Karker ; he will icine it. 
Thora. ‘Thy slave, thy thrall! 


Hakon. Even so, my time was brief. 
Thora. O Hakon, Hakon! 

Hakon. Pain me not with doubts! 
Thora. Thou lovest me no more! 

Hakon. And were it so, 


Dost think, perhaps, that thy reproach hath power 
To light the flame anew, perchance it waned ? 

Thora. And I must suffer this? I whom in all 
The world thou lovedst the most? © faithless man! 
_ What honeyed words thy flattering tongue devised ! 
*T was I alone could brighten Hakon’s life, 

*T was I alone could melt his iron heart 

Or change its fickleness to constancy. 

And like a fatuous fool I trusted thee, 
Renounced my house, my home, my honor, yea, 
My very soul I gave, and now — but I 

Deserve the shame! 

FHakon. What shame! Among the charms, 
Among the excellencies, which I found 
In thee, was also this, that thou wert free 
From prejudice. Thou speakest of fickleness, 
While thou art guilty of the same offense. 

Where is now thy former optimistic view 

Of life? Thou sayest thou gavest thyself to me? 
That ’s true; thou madest me happy. What of that? 
Was he a youth, whose heart the wily moon 

Could melt, who won thy love? Didst thou not say 
That thou didst prize me first among the men 

Thou ’st known? What most becomes a man, —to sigh 
And ever sigh in lover’s arms? Thou wert 

A charming widow; slowly came and passed 

The empty hours. What sacrifice was thine ? 

Of noble station, independent, rich, 


72 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Thou canst if thou dost choose, disdain report, 
Contemn reproach. Together we enjoyed 
Our days as lovingly as any pair 

In Freia’s hall; now other things absorb 

The hero’s spirit. Rashly, people here 

And there have dared to murmur, talk aloud, 
While pirate ships infest our coasts. All this 
Must stop; and Norway’s greatest man must not 
Be found asleep. The present gives no time 
For love’s sweet jests. My Thora, be content; 
For yet a while, return to thine estates. 

The briefest absence strengthens feeble love. 
We meet again, and doubly fond will be 

Thy Hakon’s love. 

Thora. Thus all is settled, all! 
This paltry, feeble stream of words requites 
Thy Thora’s loyalty, thy Thora’s love? 

But I deserve it; yes, by all the gods, 

Deserve thy sordid faithlessness. Thou callest 

Me wise and shrewd? Indeed I’m shrewd enough 
To see, that words are wasted which would try 

To light anew the love within thy icy heart. 

And yet this prompt audacity, this calm 
Effrontery — acquired by countless practice — 

This lack of mercy, lack of modesty, 

This lack of sympathy for all my pain, — 

This crushes me, this drives me mad. [She weeps. 

Hakon. By Freia! 

I love thee still, my Thora! Had I planned 
To disappoint thee, which thou seem’st to think, 
I’d ne’er assume this calm repose of mind; 
Thou dost mistake. 

Thora.  [E«xcited.| Thou liest, aduiterous man! 
By Syn,*? thou liest! Thou dost summon Freia 
To witness? Ha! Swear not by her. She scorns 
Thy false behavior. Fornicator! Bah! 

Can I have loved thee? Yes, I loved thee once; 


73 


36 James Christian Lindberg 


The only one who brought thee artless love. 
Was Thora. Rank was naught to me. My strain 
Renowned and famed, dates back as.far as thine. 
Bewildered as ] was, I thought to cleanse, 
Regenerate thy heart, to make thee chaste 
And lovely. Odin! When was Loke*? true ? 
But vengeance, vengeance, Hakon! T have friends 
And brothers! Better men than thou. I swear 
By Asa Odin, they shall punish thee. 
Hakon. [With excited coldness. | 
Too fast, too fast; thou hast lost thy breath; take time! 


[He calls. © KARKER comes. | 


‘Tf thou hast more to say, behold, there stands 
My thrall; tell him the rest. It ill becomes 
The Jarl to hear such weak abusive words 


From an excited woman. [ Exit. 
Thora. Shameless knave ! , 
What brings thee here ? 
Karker. Thou ’st heard my master say, 


I’m here to be abused. 

Thora. [Strikes him.|] Slave, reprobate! 

Karker. My noble lady, oh, beware! Thou ‘It bruise 
Thy hand upon my back. 

Thora. [Calnung kerself.)- Ha; Thora! You 
Debase yourself. Where’s now your rank, your pride ? 
Thou fool, begone ! 


Karker. My master’s orders bid 
Me not begone. 

Thora. What are his orders, pray ? 

Karker. That I announce, thy carriage waits to drive 
Thee home to Rimol. 

Thora. This then, is the charge 


That thou shouldst bring, wherefore thy master lacked 
The time? °T is well; he is our common lord. 
I freely yield; I go without delay. ' [ E-vit. 


74 


Ochlenschiaeger’s Hakon Jarl 37 


Karker. [Calls the other slaves. They come.| 
Lady Thora went home just now, and so there is to be a moving. 
Now bear yourselves discreetly. She is a little cross-grained. 


In case you act as if something broke, it’s likely she will strike 
you in the face. That's the way I fared. O, it tickled my soul. 
She has two of the daintiest, softest, whitest hands you ever felt; 
why, it seemed to me as if she buried my nose in a silken pillow. 

Leif. . Aye! | | 

Karker. You see she would like to have stayed longer. I 
am sure she would, but that would never do. It won’t do to 
make the others stepchildren. This morning a crowd of our 
thralls went to Lunde, to bring Gudrun, Bergthor’s daughter; 
she steps into Thora’s place. 7 

Leif. Again.a new one? 

Karker. Again? One sees that you are a novice at Hlade, 
otherwise you had said, “At last another?” For two long 
months was Thora here; this won't do as you yourself can see, 
if it must go the round of all the land. 

Leif. The round of all the land? 

Karker. |Demonstrative.| \ndeed, it must be so. Our Jarl 
who carries so many things in his head, and who must look after 
us all and who must always be where there is trouble, and who 
must look after us all, and who carries so many things in his 
head, you see? We can’t exactly blame him for this, him, who 
carries so many things in his head, who must always be where 
there is trouble, that he 

Leif. Yes, ves, I understand you so far. 

Karker. 3esides, tell me this dear friend, upon your con- 
science, if you were an earl, and might have whatever you 
found good, would n’t you have all the good you found ? 

Leif. Indeed, whatever I found good, but not what [ 
found bad. 

Karker. Bad? «Thor defend us! Bad? One sees that: 
you are a novice and never heard the speeches of wise lords. 
Otherwise you would know that such a man who carries so 
many, many things in his head, and who must always, always 


be where there is trouble, and who must look after us all, 
that he 


“I 
n 


38 James Christian Lindberg 


Leif. Yes, Karker, I understand. 

Karker. [Angry at being pnrerrupied | Then let me hear 
what it is that you understand. 

Leif. You mean that such a hero, waking all the day for Nor- 
way’s men, at night may sleep with Norway’s women. 

Karker. Exactly so, correct, thy reasoning is natural and 
sound. [ Exeunt. 


ScENE III 


EINAR TAMBESKIELVER has in the meanwhile entered and seated him- 
self upon a tree stump in the background, getting his bow in readiness ; 
when the thralls go out, he arises, and looks in the opposite direction. 


Einar. Who loiters idly down the road? By Thor, 
It’s Hakon Jarl, returning from the ships. 
Let ’s see! - .1 ll play the Jarl.a trick! They say 
That nothing ever frightens him. 
[Places an arrow in the bow and shoots out from the scene. | 
Prathia bors 
I’ve struck the bushy crest from off his helm. 
Hakon. [Runs angrily with sword uplifted towards E1Nar, 
seizes him at ie throat and say's:| 
Ha, purchased hireling! quick, I say, confess, 
What have they promised thee for Hakon’s life. 
Einar. [Calmly.] | Ah, nothing sir; I never asked for aught. 
I’m not a hireling either; I may boast 
A noble birth; thou knowest my parents well. 
Hakon. Who art thou, traitor? Speak, reveal thy kin. 
Emar. My father’s name is Manhood, sir; thou knowest 
Tim well, a crabid fellow, old, but brisk, 
Alert for all his years; his beard is thick, 
His arm is strong; his rugged health he drew 
From Norway’s mountains. 
Hakon. Manhood? Villain! Die! 
Einar. [Holding his arm firmly.] 
May all the gods be praised who gave me strength 
To master Hakon’s arm; or else [’d breathed 
My last. 


70s 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 39 


Hakon. What wrinkled hag hath willed to thee 
Her art, that baffles Hakon’s brawny arm. 
' Eimar. Indeed, my mother, sir, has taught me this. 
A witch, perhaps, as thou hast said, but not 
A wrinkled hag; she’s white and red as milk 
And blood; her name is Health, and comes as thou 
Of ancient northern stock. 
Hakon. Thine hour has come ! 
Eimar. Not vet, my lord! But twenty winters crown 
My head. Thou’dst come to want, my noble Jarl, 
If thou didst slaughter Norway’s sturdy youth. 
Hakon. Thou wretch ! How nearly thou hadst slaughtered me ! 
Einar. By Odin, aye, by Norway’s Freia, no! 
I only wished to sever crest from helm; 
No more J swear. 
Hakon. And for thy practice, boy, 
Thou choosest as thy target Hakon’s head ? 
Eimar. His crest, my master, only Hakon’s crest. 
To frighten thee did please me, for they say 
That Hakon never flinches, hence I struck 
The feather from thy helm. That wound may soon 
Be healed, and cost at most a cockrel’s tail. 
For quittance, sir, pray hold within thy hand 
This coin, and if my arrow fails the mark 
Or wounds thy finger, shame me, call me woman, 
Or hang me to the nearest tree. 
Hakon. I trust 
Thee, boy. Thine eye speaks true. In yonder birch 
Thou seest a blemish, small and black, i’ the bark; 
Aim well, and if thine arrow squarely hits 
The mark, thou ’st spoken true, 
Einar. |Aims and shoots.| It’s done, my lord. 
Hakon. A splendid marksman! Constantly I’ll have 
Thee at my side. ’T was fortunate I met cates 
Thee here. The rumor goes throughout the state 
About a lad, who far excels with bow 
And arrow. I have summoned him to Hlade. 


77 


40 James Christian Lindberg 


When he arrives, he ’ll see that also we 
Have marksmen. 
Einar. Let him come, and I'll contest 
His right to-claim the laurel. What’s his name? 
Hakon. They call him Einar Tambeskielver. 
Einar. So? 
Thus I am called. .Ha! Lethim come. I feel 
In all that I’m his equal, even in name. 
Hakon. What? Thou art Einar Tambeskielver ? 
Einar. Aye, 
The one. But bring me quick the other; then 
We'll strive for mastery. 
Hakon. Upon my word 
Thou art a swift and merry lad. Hast come 
‘To stay at Hakon’s court ? | Takes him by the chin.| 
How young and strong 
And handsome ! . How presumptuous! Well, I’ve need 
Of sturdy lads like thee. So thou wilt serve 
At court with Hakon Jarl ? 


Finar. Tf I can serve 
In this or that, ’t will be a pleasure ; but, 
It seems that Norway’s peaceful, well-content, ‘ 


And calmly dreams as doth an elder parent 
I the cozy corner by the fire. 

Hakon. Not all 
Is peaceful, thou must know. I stand in need 
Of men, aye, faithful, trusty men. Today 
I sail with ships to clear our western coast 
Of a strong and dangerous enemy. Wilt thou, 
My friend, accompany us, and stretch the bow 
For our defence, and honer for thyself ? 

Einar. I gladly go, my lord. By Thrudvang’s** Thor, 
Thou hast an excellent bow, my Jarl! Inlaid 
With gold and silver; mine thou seest is made 
From toughened sinews of the bear, and wood, —. 
No more. 


Vhele 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 41 


Hakon., [Taking his bow from his shoulder, hands it to 
EINAR. | 
Take this, my friend, and keep it; ’t is 
A pledge of Hakon’s friendship ! 
Einar. [Tries the tightness of the string.] 
Ah! Too slack, 
Too slack is Hakon’s weapon. Take it, sir, 
Again. Too heavy; much too weak! My own 
Is far the better. 


Hakon. Ha, thou haughty youth ! 
Disdainest thou my gift ? 
Einar. Thou hast a gift 


Which I would not disdain, if offered me. 

Hakon. What is it, pray? 

Einar. Thou hast a daughter, sir; 
A rosebud on a slender maid, is not, — 
But later we will speak of that. 


_ Hakon., And thou 
Dost think — 
Einar. That I deserve sweet Berglioth. 


Hakon. Thy aim is fixed on high and distant goals. 
Eimar. A skilful archer seeks a lofty aim. 
Thou knowest my arrow reaches distant goals ; 
The eye of love hath also sent abroad 
Its darts. 
Hakon. . And is the archer wounded ? 
Einar. That, 
He'll tell thee when he’s killed a goodly share 
Of all thine enemies. Aboard, my lord! 
Hakon. Art ready, boy, so soon? 
Einar. [Strikes his quiver. | My chattels, sir, 
I bear upon my back. To sea, my lord! 
Hakon. <A brave and fiery youth! My heart goes out 
To thee as if thou wert a woman, lad. 
Einar. My lord, of all ambitions, that is last! [Exeunt. 


79 


42 James Christian Lindberg 


ScENE IV 
A Peasant’s House 


Or, with his bride, Guprun, seated at the head of the table, Brerc- 
THOR next her. On the other side Astrip with her betrothed, THorva.p. 
Other peasants. 


Bergthor. Be merry, children! Let the horns go round! 
No stinting of the wine though dear with age. 
Long since, the day Gunldde stood my bride, 
I placed this wine within the cellar, swore 
An.oath that it should not be touched, before 
I solemnized my eldest daughter’s marriage. 
You see I kept my oath. My later years” 
Are filled with joy. A goodly wench, my friends; 
Just nine months younger than the wine; thus long 
I waited ere Gunldde bore the child. 
I well remember when I saw thee first ; 
Thou madest me angry, child, I nearly cursed thee; 
And then thy mother, how I chided her. 
‘Woman’! I cried, ‘what pranks are these? What need 
Have I of daughters? Get me sons, whom | 
Can teach the arts of war.’ Therewith I threw 
The wench upon the bed. 


Orm. And yet in time 
Thou camest to love the child. 
Bergthor. I can’t say how 


It was, but as she grew, she crawled and whisked 
About, now here, now there, and then when girls 
Are fifteen, sixteen years of age, — well then, 
Somehow you have to like them, aye or no; 
It seems you ’re forced. | 

Orm. Old age is happy here 
Tonight. Come Thorvald, fill the horns anew! 
Have all forgotten how to drink ¢ 

Thorvald. Forgot 
To drink! How now my lad! Forgot to drink! 
I feel like Fidlnir, I, the king who drowned 


80 


Ocehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 43 


Himself in a keg o’ wine. 


Bergthor. Hush, children, hush! 
What noise without ¢ 
Thorvald. More friends, more guests to the feast ! 


[Stein and a crowd of armed slaves enter. | 


Thorvald. What men or slaves are these? Your errand, sirs? 
Stein. We’re slaves of Hakon Jarl and bring withal 
His latest orders. 
Orm. Hakon then has learned 
Of our assembling here and so has sent 
Us word. We’ll hear his wish; speak freely, sir. 
Stein. That such a numerous throng was gathered here 
The Jarl did not suspect, although he knew 
About the nuptial feast. | 
Orm. Thine errand, sir, 
Speak out ! 
Stein. In short the Jarl has sent us here 
To greet thee, Orm, with friendliness. He’s well 
Acquainted with thee, knows thou art a man, 
Obedient to thy master, always true. 
The, Jarl has seen thy bride; she stirred his heart, 
He cannot live without her. Long he strove 
Against his craving, but he could not bear 
Vo think, that that which he desired, vea longed 
To have, a subject now possessed. He hopes 
That thou wilt still this yearning of his heart 
And freely yield to him thy bride. 


Bergthor. [ Rising.) How’s that ? 
Orm. You come to steal my bride ? 
Stein. Nay, not to steal, 


If thou, as Hakon thinks thou wilt, dost yield 
Her willingly. Thou ’lt only need to wait 
A little time, he “ll send thy Gudrun back, 
Along with costly presents, jewels and gold. 

Orm. Depraved thralls, you dare pronounce those words ? 
And such demand, such offer, Hakon dares 
Propose to Norsemen who are proud and free ? 

81 


44 James Christian Lindberg 


Stein. There’s many a bridegroom proud and free as thou, 
tas deemed a like proposal fortunate. 
We hoped, except a few especial friends, 
To find thee here alone. Two reasons urged 
The haste with which we bring the message: first, 
The Jarl’s departure on his ship from Hlade; — 
And next, the haste which thou dost show to wed 
Thy bride; as thou must see, emphatic means 
Must here be used to check this haste. He left 
Distinct commands that we should bring the maid 
To Hlade, guard her there until he comes. 
Condemn the Jarl ?— No, none of us would dare 
Presume as much. He lives too high for censure. [Great 
uproar. | 

Bergthor. his goes too far. Audacious slaves ! Begone, 
Away, I say! 

Thorvald. [Seizing a drinking horn.] 

Salute the Jarl and say: 

Thorvald has drunk to Hakon’s funeral feast. 

[Several voices.| Away with Hakon’s slaves! Away, away! 

Stem. [To the other thralls.| 

To arms, my lads! 


Thorvald. Ye dare to measure arms? 
All. Kill them, kili them ! 
Bergthor. This hammer, sirs, is forged 


Of toughest iron; where it strikes it cuts 
A bloody swath. 
Stein, Strike hard, my lads, strike hard ! 
The Peasants. Kill off the brood of vipers ! Mow them down! 
Battle. After some opposition the slaves of Haxon flee; the peasants 
follow them. Guprun, who has fainted, is surrounded by. the women 
present, who try to bring her to herself again. 
Astrid. My sister! Dearest Gudrun, open, sweet, 
Those eyes! Come back to life. The foe has gone. 
Look! Look you through the window where they flee! 


[The men return. Or, who ‘becomes aware of GUDRUN’S con- _ 


dition, throws himself at her feet. | 


82 


Gat, ¥. en ATs 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 45 


Orm. My bride, my Gudrun, bring me back my bride ! 
Why stand ye there and weep, ye women? Where’ ° 
O where is now your art? My bride, my bride! 

Thorvald. By that All-father Odin, seated high 
On his exalted throne, I lift my sword 
Besmeared with blood of slaves, with blood that Be 
From Hakon’s friends. I hereby swear an oath 
Of vengeance! Yes, by all the Aesir, all 
That ’s holy, not to rest before I mix 
With Hakon’s blood, the blood of slaves, and thus 
Revenge the shame he thought to bring my brother. 

Bergthor. Although I arm old and wrinkled, bent with years, 
I swear by the hammer’s molten tooth, that far 
And wide I'll seek revenge for this disgrace. 

He wished to have us forge a crown, — aye, first 
Let ’s forge the man! I am the oldest here, 
The father of the girl! Look, where she lies, 
A. hapless maid, a drooping flower, death pale, 
Within her lover’s arms. Come, peasants, come, 
Surround me, swear upon this hammer, swear, 
That Hakon Jarl, the evil one, must die! 
Orm. My Gudrun, life again looks through thine eye! 
All the Peasants. [About the hammer. | 
*Tis sworn! The tyrant, Hakon Jarl, must die! 


PE bE, 
ScENE I 
The Island Moster 
[Enter JostEIN, CARLSHOVED and GrrB.] 


Grib. As JI have told you, worthy lords, the Earl 
Has landed here at Moster, and lies with all 
His crew in the woods, behind the isle. 

Carishoved, — . And chanced ° 
There no encounter ’twixt the two when Olaf - 


83 


4° James Christian Lindberg 


Went out to bring his ships to harbor? Strange! 
We hourly wait the king. 


Grib. The night was dark 
And helped the shrewdness of the Earl. 
Jostein. And so 


The doughty Jarl is all prepared to greet 
The king when he attempts to jand? A large 
And worthy island this, for sucha duel. 
Grib. <A greeting is in store for Olaf; yet 
This duel needs no large and splendid isle. 
An open place is not what Hakon seeks ; 
He wants a dark and gloomy forest, such 
As here we find on either side. 
Carlshoved. Explain 
Thyself, nor hide the meaning of thy words. 
Grib. A holy ordering of the gods has changed 
My master’s lie to truth; which truth in turn 
Has changed their common plans. 
Jostein. Audacious slave ! 
Dost dare to utter thoughts as bold as these ? 
Grib. J speak as thou wilt speak, I trust, when thou 
Shalt know how matters stand. 
Carlshoved. Speak plainly then! 
Grib. Then know: The Jarl had scarcely put to sea 
Before a hasty fishing smack o’ertook him, 
When late he crossed the bay. It brought the news 
That Throndhiem’s peasants were in arms, conspired 
Against the Jarl, because of a certain maid 
His passions craved. The strength with which their wrath 
Broke forth betokened that the smoldering coals 
Had long been fanned. So what was he to do? 
The Jarl, you know, decides with over-haste. 
A moment’s thought and he announced: to crush 
The powerful hostile prince, would aid his cause 
Far more, than war against the farmer-folk. 
To fight the king, he meant, would strongly aid 
His martial fame, and fright the people most. 


84 


— > a 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


But out upon the deep, he learned from spies, 
That Olaf’s fleet outnumbered far the rumor 
Reported him at Hlade. What was he 
To do? He sought this island, where he found 
My lord, his other-self. The Jarl is not 
Dissuaded from his will with ease. When one 
Scheme fails, another takes its place. My lord’s 
Proposal was agreed upon. “The need 
Compels me! the cause concerns the highest gods.” 
Such were his words, and yet the cause concerns 
Himself as much, to seize the unbidden guest 
That grapples at his throat. The Jarl’s distress 
Is sore; if once ’tis known how matters stand, 
That Olaf lives, his presence here, then love, 
The ancient love for Norway's kingly blood, 
Combined with hate toward Hakon’s guilt, would make 
The danger for the Jarl more dangerous still. 
What happened then? He told his men to rear 
The tents; they little guess the truth, and think 
That they are robbers whom they seek. 

Josteim. And what 
Are now his plans ? 

Grib. Through many a sleepless night 
'Upon my bed of straw, with tear-stained eyes, 
I’ve asked the gods to show me why they ’ve bound 
My young ambitious life in thralldom chains. 
Thanks be to these all-wise and precious gods! 
for otherwise, too late, had Thorer’s schemes 
Been known; for otherwise was Olaf lost, 
Aye, steeped in’s noble, kingly blood. 

Jostein, Conceal 
No more the substance of thy words; speak out ! 

Grib. I heard it; I was present; [’m his slave, 
A wretched, sordid slave, who must attend 
His master, quite unnoticed, like the trail 
That fastens to his cloak. And, briefly, what 
Are his intentions? Under friendship’s guise, 


85 


48 James Christian Lindberg 


To yonder wood must Olaf be enticed, 
And there entrapped and—stabbed! In a hut, near by, 
The Jarl awaits my lord with Olat’s head. 
In Rogaland** the people still are true, ; 
And thither they proceed to raise a force 
With which to stem the Irish, should they dare 
To land and try to avenge King Olaf’s death. 
Jostem. All this thou ’st heard ? 

Grib. I swear by pious Baldur,*® 
As true as I am blameless, innocent. . 
Jostein. And we are pledged to lend a helping hand ? 

Carlshoved. And we are pledged to further such a deed ? 
Jostein.. Ha, Grib! I blush for shame before thee, I— 
Grib. O never mind, my lord; when one has reached 

That point where he’s ashamed, he feels the sting 

And need not be ashamed. And how, surmise 

That Hakon Jarl was base enough to stoop 

To such a deed? His eyes hurl forth a light 

_As if he were a god. A simple glance 

Commands; he spoke and you obeyed. ’Tis great 

To fight for Hakon, feel within your breast: 

I helped to place this man upon the throne. 

Were ’t not such thoughts that spurred you on ? 
Jostein. Well wrench 

Him from his throne ! 
Carlshoved. As sure as Olaf lives, 

That noble hero, Astrid’s son, so sure, 

The Jarl must die! 
Grib. . I see your hearts are true. 

But hush! The ship has all but touched the shore. 

Look, yonder lands the king. Dost see his boat ? 

Whate’er is done must now be done with haste; 

As soon as Olaf comes — and you ’re alone — 

Reveal to him the plot. | My lord delays 

With Hakon in the woods; if Olaf hastes 

To land his men, he’ll cage them both with ease. 

Whate’er may chance the power belongs to Olaf. 


86 


tae 


3 


Dy 
os 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 49 


List! Gentle tones are wafted from the ships. 
How sweetly float upon the level sea 
Those pious chants! Adieu; I haste to join 
My master in the woods. Remember well 
Your part. 
Jostein. We'll not forget. 
Carlshoved. The ship’s at rest. 
And see, the king descends, and now his men, 
And priests. | And look, he spreads to all the winds 
The scarlet flag with cross of purest white. 
Jostein. The scarlet groundwork stands for heroism, 
The cross for Christian peace and innocence. 
They now approach. | Come let us walk aside. [ Eveunt. 


OvarF enters with the large banner in his hand; he is followed by his 
warriors and priests. The latter sing: 


Coeli Deus sanctissime, 
Oui lucidas mundi plagas 
Candore pingts igneo, 
Augens decoro lumine! 


Infunde nunc, pussime! 
Donum perennis gratiae, 
Fraudis novae ne casibus 
Nos error atterat vetus. 


Expelle noctem cordium! 
Absterge sordes mentium! 
Resolve culpae vinculum! 
Everte moles criminum! 


O tu, sole serenwor, 

Et balsamo suavior, 
Vem, vent. rex optime, 
Pater immensae gloriae!* 


Olaf. [Raises the banner and plants it firmly in the soil.|** 
And thus I plant the Christian banner, deep 


The following is a translation of the Danish of these stanzas: 


The dark of night shall disappear, 

, O Lord of Heaven, when thou art near. 
The inky clouds shall pass away 
All hail, Redeemer, hail thy day. 


The icy North shall soon be stirred 
By loving shafts from thine own word. 
Thy servant, strong in heaven’s might, 
Shall put the heathen gods to flight. 


87 


50 James Christian Lindberg 


In Norway’s soil. Through every rift among 
Her rocks, e’en as the native fir, its roots 
Shall creep; and it shall blossom forth and bear 
Its fruit, yea, sevenfold refreshing fruit. 
With tears of yearning and repentence shall 
Its roots be watered; peaceful sighs shall come 
Like gentle breaths of wind, to mellow, sweeten 
The juice that overfills the cup. As birds 
Send up to heaven their song, the church’s voice 
Shall fill the air with praise, and as an oak, 
A hundred winters old, this tree shall spread 
Abroad its branches over all the land. 
Within its shelter, friendship, gentleness - 
_ And love shall dwell, and from its shielding trunk, 
Shall gaze devoutly toward the setting sun. 
And in its pure and holy bark the Kings 
Of Norway’s realm shall proudly carve their names. 
And round about, the flowers of innocence 
Shall stand on guard, sweet angels sent from heaven, 
And keep away the spectres of the night. 
Then one-eyed Odin, driven from place to place, 
Shall seek the deserts, and the naked rocks 
And there shall vainly strive to repossess 
His former power. There he will howl as doth 
A wounded wolf; the tree shall gently stir 
Its leaves like angel wings and wait away 
Those piercing sounds, lest they should terrify 
The tender babes, so newly born to Christ. 

The Chorus. Amen! 


Olaf. Thanks brothers, thanks. for strengthening thus my 


words. 
Do ve recall the island Stord which late 
We passed? There Hakon Athelstein, the Good,*? 
My great forerunner, dwelt, when he was called 
To leave the banquet for the hattle field, 
And there to die the hero’s death. O Hakon! 
My noble, gentle Hakon, best of kin! 


88 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 51 


A flower too early blown, thou wilted, chilled 
By treacherous frosts; thy root was much too frail 
To penetrate this icy northern soil; ‘ 
But thou didst leave a tender seedling here, 
For which may heaven become thy blessed home. 
There thou art safe against the heathen might 
Which thou couldst not subdue; which made thee eat 
The horse’s flesh, and forced thy lips,—that loved 
Alone the church’s holy cup,—to touch 
The heathen sacrificial howl. The times 
Were yet unripe, but now thy smile from heaven 
Shall light the way to follow in thy steps. 

The Chorus. Amen! 

Olaf. Thanks, brothers, thanks! And now retrace your steps 
To rest your weary bodies from the voyage. 
The men have pitched the tents, while ye with song 
Have consecrated, blest the land. Now go, 
My gentle brothers, go, in heaven's name. 

[Exit Cuorus; OLAF remains with his warriors. 


CARLSHOVED aid JOSTEIN enter. 


Olaf. My noblest kin, my honest friends, in this 
My duty, newly found, can I depend 


On you? 
Jostcin. My king! 
Carlshoved. King Olaf! 
Olaf. What! How now! 
Jostein. [Kneels.] Strike off our heads ! 
Carlshoved. [Kneels.| Yea, take them; they are thine. 
Olaf. What means this strange behavior ? 
Jostein. Treachery ! 
We have deceived thee. 
Carlshoved. Basely, yea, deceived thee. 


Olaf. Impossible. You say, deceived me? How? 
Is all this mere invention ? mere device 
To lead me into Hakon’s snare ? 
Carlshoved. Spare all 
Thy fears, my lord. 
89 


52 James Christian Lindberg 


Olaf. I fear not hell itself, 
Far less the Jarl. Stand up! Wherefore this kneeling ? 
If ye have sinned, then kneel before high God, 
And tremble, quake, at heaven’s avenging hand. 
Carlshoved. My noble Olaf! Thorer Klake lied; 
Yet every word ‘he uttered was the truth. . 
Jostein. What first was mere invention, Hakon’s acts 
Of tyranny have changed to truth. 
Olaf. Ts *t true 
The land revolts against him ? 
Carlshowved. Aye, my lord. 
Olaf. And Hakon ? 
Jostein. He-is tere. 
Olaf. Here? 
Carlshoved. With a force 
Not half as strong as thine, my lord. 
Olaf. Dost know 
His plans ? 
Jostein. To play his tricks beneath the board 
Where openly he failed. Our Thorer proves 
Himself a traitor; secret plans are laid 
To lure thee ’twixt those shady firs, and there 
Administer thy mortal wound. _ 
Olaf. Is Hakon 
I’ the woods? Doth Thorer come alone? How large 
A force is Hakon’s ? 
Jostein. Not so large as thine. 
The utmost silence hovers round the scheme, 
For Hakon fears his own sworn watriors, more 
Than any foreign foe. The people must 
Not know thy presence here, for that might cause 
A festering sore to break. Earl Hakon hides 
Within a peasant’s hut; thou ‘It meet with Thorer 
In yonder woods. To make the seizure sure 
Let all thy warriors follow thee, for then 
Thou ’rt strong enough to cope with Hakon’s force. 
Olaf. What credence should be giv’n such doubtful words ? 
How know, that here ye speak the truth, since ye 
go 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 53 


But now confessed your treachery ? 

Jostein. That we 
Confessed, should prove our innocence. The Jarl 
Expressed the wish to meet thee openly 
And bade us follow Thorer Klake, help 
Detain thee here till he himself should come. 

To seek adventure on the battle field 

Is northern morals. Hakon was our lord. 

His shrewdness his deception did not fail 
Cunningly to ensnare our youth. Thou art 

Our kin, but once we saw in thee a mere 
Enthusiast, disturber of the peace. 

We came. But since. the tide of things has changed, 
And with it Hakon’s plan. When this we learned 
We quickly bore the intelligence to thee, 

For silence meant betrayal. Former acts, 
Adherence to a villain, these deserve 

Just punishment; I offered thee my head,— 
Take it, but ne’er mistrust me. 

Olaf. Valiant lad, 

Retain thy head ; thou needst it more than I. 

Carlshoved. Our king! 

Jostein. Then trust my word and follow me; 
Or quickly leave with all thy ships. But see, 

Is not that Thorer slinking through the trees 
With Grib ? 

Olaf. My men, in part have reached the land; 
I ‘]l go instruct them, safely to invest 
The isle, and then ’t will be a simple task 
To capture Hakon and his brood. [To his men] Attend 
Me through the forest: draw your swords, and keep 
Yourselves in readiness to strike a blow. [ E-veunt. 


[THorer Kriake and Grip enter hastily from the other side, 
the first with a basket and a dagger in his hand.) 


Thorer. See, there he went, accompanied by his troops. 
They go to rest in Norway's summer grass. 
Stop, Olaf! hurry not so fast! It comes, 


gt 


54 James Christian Lindberg 


The long last rest, before thou dreamest of it. 
Now, Grib, dost understand what I have said ? 
Grib. Yea, every word, my noble lord, full well. 
Thorer. Thou lt run and plunge the dagger in his breast 
The while we sit and talk. 
Grib. Aye, valiant lord ! 
Thorer. And when he falls, cut off his head, and place 
It in this basket ; follow me in haste. 
To where the Jarl awaits us, at the hut, 
And he will grant thee freedom, Grib, and bind 
A glaive about thy loins. 
Grib. My honest lord ! 
Thorer. Conceive the honor thou ‘It enjoy, my Grib! 
Think on it, Olaf’s executioner ; 
Aye, he who wished to hurl the gods from Valhal, 
Him, thou didst slay ; and after many years, 
Tn olden legend, one will find thy name, 
And read, “This gallant deed hath Grib attained.” 
Grib. 1 feel an ardent longing, noble lord ! 
Full many a day [’ve dreamed of such a stroke, 
That might extract me from my slavish state. 
Thorer. 1 know it, Grib; ’t will soon be realized. 
Come, look, dost see this dagger, keenly ground f 
It shines as bright as do the stars from out 
A quiet sea; look, feel the point! Is ’t sharp ? 
Grib. A most surpassing knife. 
Thorer. And yet there’s more; 
Thou seest but half of its peculiar charm; 
For—notice here upon the blade this groove 
Which reaches toward the point ? 
Grib. Aye, aye, my lord! 
Thorer. [Smiles cunningly. ] 
It may be small, and vet it-points the way 
To Helheim,*® Grib! [Looks about.| There’s no one here? 
Grib, No, none; 
*T was but a hungry raven, calling, perched 
On yonder lofty rock. 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Thorer. In search for prey. 

Well, then, this groove, which reaches from the hilt,— 

Thou seest the hilt is hollow, and this spring— 

Dost understand me ? 
Grib. No, my lord! 
Thorer. Ah, true! 

Our clumsy north is stranger still, to things 

So subtile, overnice. I bought this knife 

In Italy; I thought, as now proves true, 

Who knows whereto it may be used ? 

Grib. Just so. 

Thorer. And now my Grib, hast thou not often known 
A wounded warrior, who has seen death’s door, 

And still returned to life, full strong and hale ? 

Grib. Yea, often lord. 

Thorer. Therefore, a dagger thrust 
That must be sure,—thou seest thyself, one can’t 
Depend alone upon the strength the arm 
A ffords. 

Grib. I see not yet,—an arm of power— 

Thorer. What power? Alas, how frail is human power ! 
But notice now; this groove contains a fluid, 

Which mingles with the blood and curdles it. 
Grib. Ha, now I comprehend thy words, it’s poison ! 


Thorer. Scream not so loud. Here, take the dagger, Grib. 


And handle it with care, judiciously ; 
Thou ’rt not accustomed, Grib, to such a tool. 

Grib. [Cradles the weapon in his hand.] 

My lord! I feel a strange desire. Dost know 

Whereto ? 

Thorer. No, Grib. Thine eye is all aflame. 
What is ’t ? 

Grib. To plunge this knife into thy breast. 

Thorer.. Thy wits, thy sense— 


55 


Grib. Be calm, my lord, conceive 


I’m only joking. 
Thorer. Ah, but such a joke! 


93 


56 James Christian Lindberg 


Grib. Dost mean my joke is quite too coarse? — Z 
Thorer. Too coarse, 
My Grib; and there’s no time for joking now. 
Grib. L.et’s then be serious. Hark, the raven screams 
Anew. Come! take thy booty... [Strikes the dagger into 
Tuorer’s breast. | 


Thorer. [Falling.] Curse thee slave; 
Thou ’st pierced my heart ! 
Grib. Ah no! What is it thou 


Dost call thy heart? That icy lump of flesh | 

That lies within thy breast deserves not such 

An honored name. It never felt for others, 

How feels it then this thrust ? Impossible ! 
Thorer. Thou traitor ! 


Grib. Thou hast named thine own foul name. 
Thorer. Thou savest the truth! [ Dies. 
Grib. Thou shouldst have recognized 


Thy weakness sooner; now it’s quite too late. [Looks at him.] 
Now there he lies bespattered with his blood. 

Where now are all thy shrewdness, plots, intrigues ? 

Why not invent some clever means by which 

To still the blood? How stupid, silent, now, 

He lies, his face turned heavenward, and all 

Tlis life long subtle craft doth not suffice 

To save his spirit from a writhing hell. 


[Enter Ovrar, CARLSHOVED, JOSTEIN and followers.] 


Olaf. [His sword drawn; to Grie.] 
Where is thy master, slave ? 
Grib. [Pointing to the corpse.| Sir, there he lies. 
Olaf. What? Thorer bleeding, Thorer Klake dead ? 
Grib. The waves of dark Elivagar*® now bear 
Him down toward Niflheim. 


Olaf. Who hath slain him ? 

Grib. eae JV oites 
His.villainy,—he slew himself. | ; 

Olaf. Explain ! 


94° 


i fame 
SS seatbelt 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Grib. His great persuasive powers were spent to have 
Me plunge this dagger in thy breast. Thor knows - 
Wherefore; he must have loathed to do the deed 
Himself. 

Olaf. What more? Say on. 

Grib. He handed me 
This dagger well supplied with poison, which 
I should have buried deep in Olaf’s heart— 

I erred and plunged it into Thorer’s breast. 

Now stubbornly he lies upon the ground 

Without one word. Before, his oily tongue 

Ran wild, his fawning looks were everywhere, 
Unsteady, bold. The sense of his eye hath flown; 
How stupid, drowsy, filled with emptiness ! 

My lord, thou ’It scarce believe how quickly, how 
Completely he has changed his wonted nature. 

Olaf. Thou noble thrall ! 

Grib. If Thorer lived, he’d say 
I speak the truth. He promised’ he would make 
Me free, that I might bear a sword and shield, 

And follow Hakon in his wars, and drink 

The wine at table, in the king’s own hall, 
Perchance I did my duty well; but sir, 

It seemed too dear to purchase Hakon’s wine 
With Olaf’s blood. 

Olaf. High-minded swain!. Perhaps 
Thou ’st rather follow Olaf, fight for him, 

Make him thy king, and sit as mark of friendship, 
Among his greatest men? 

Grib. [Deeply touched.| My king, now melts 
My pride through love. And dost thou grant me this ? 
The hour has come at last when I may rend 
My thralldom chains? O, sir, forgive, forgive 
My childish tears. 


Olaf . The Jarl had promised thee 
Thy freedom. 
Grib. Ah, but such a freedom, such 


A freedom, sir. Wherein’s the gain, to buy 


95 


57 


58 James Christian Lindberg 


The body’s freedom for the soul’s; to lose 
The name of slave, and truly be a slave. 
Olaf. Thou Christian heathen, come; give me thy hand; 
Now what’s thy name? 
Grib. Grib was my thralldom name. 
Olaf. Henceforth let Griffin be thy name, and let 
A powerful griffin, striking to the earth 
A venomous snake, be drawn in deepest hues 
Upon thy shield. 
Griffin. Ha, sir: I see, I see! 
The snake is ‘Thorer Klake. Excellent, 
By Odin! Olaf, thy reward is kingly. 
Olaf. Cail not Odin! His power is impotent; 
Behold his spirit in his worshippers ! 
Where now is Hakon ? 
Griffin. Yonder in the woods, 
In hiding with his thrall, sir. There he waits 
For Thorer and thy head. But let me take 
My master’s head and place it in the basket 
Then thou shalt bring the Jarl false Thorer’s head, 
Instead of Thorer thine. 
Olaf. No, Griffin! Death 
Is death. [To his men.| Go now and bury Thorer’s corpse. 
Grifim. Behind the nettles in the ditch! 
Olaf. Lay him 
Beneath von elder bush that it may shower 
Its white funereal petals on his grave.— 
Be not so cruel, Griffin: hate should cease 
At death, 
Griffin. My lord, be pleased to tell me what 
Is right, and thou shalt see me grow in grace. 
Olaf. Then follow me in silence to the Jarl. 
Grifin, This way, my noble king. 


96° 


. 
5 
{ 
; 
: 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 59 


ScENE II 
‘A Byplace in the Woods, at a Peasant’s Hut 
Haxon Jart and KARKER 


Hakon. Hast done thine errand as I bade thee ? 

Karker. Aye, my lord. I told them on board the ships that 
thou wert gone to the woods to seek a cool breath among the 
trees, because at noon it is so hot on the salt sea; the reason be- 
ing that the sun shines with so much glimmer on the water, and 
then from the water up again. This is hard to endure, for on 
the sea there are always two suns, that is to say, one in the sky 
and one on the sea. Qn the land one is plagued by one sun alone 
and hence thou hadst gone up on the land. 

Hakon. And that I would dine here, this thou hast also told 
them ? 

Karker. My lord, of course I did. When do I forget a meal 
and what goes with the meal? That is the best of all in this 
world; though I fancy that in the other world drinking has its 
place. Of course I told them: the Jarl will breakfast yonder. 
On the water the boat jostles up and down and the food is liable 
to take the wrong channel. What’s the use of that ? 

Hakon. Right, my lad, right. Thou art a famous fellow. 
Go now and help the cook. Leave me alone, Karker. When 
Thorer comes, or Thorer’s slave, bid him enter immediately. 

Karker. Good, my lord! It shall all be done. [ Exit. 

Hakon. 1 would I had a host of men like this, 

I’d then be safe no matter where I went. 
A dog is not as true, as faithful; then 
Besides, a man can talk. A weapon, tool, 
Quite indispensable! I’d not exchange 
Him for the strongest sword. [Sits down.] The other men, 
With keener eve, and wiser speech, one can't 
Confide in them. Though Thorer—Thorer! Ha! 
Hast greeted Olaf yet? Hast sent him forth 
To meet his gods up yonder in the sky ? 
[Rests his head in his hands and muses. 


97 


e 


60 James Christian Lindberg 


Uhat scheme was never mine; it came from Thorer. 
*T is he must answer Valhal; he, not I. 

But Odin bears no wrath. Shall not this craze 

Be checked, whose direst threats would hurl the gods 
Down from their olden seats? ’T is not alone 

My kingly power that Olaf craves, but more: 
Valfaudur’s.** So, let Olaf fall! The storm 

Must cease. The time has come, the time has come. 
It whitens fast, my hair! But, faded locks, 

Have patience, patience; soon ve’ll turn to gold. 
The roguish maidens mocked me formerly 

Because my hair was black instead of gold. 

Have patience, children! Gold? A golden gold 
My hair shali be when gilded by the crown. 

Who comes, who comes? Ha, surely, Thorer Klake. 
He promised me to bring me Olaf’s head ! 

Mine eyes refuse to look upon the sight. 


[Remains seated in the former position. OLaFr TryGVESON 
enters, wrapped in his cloak, and wearing a broad hat.] 


Hakon. [Without turning toward him.] 
My honest, valiant Thorer, hast come at last? 
Have all things prospered, even as thou planned, 
And bringest thou what was promised,—answer, Thorer ! 
Olaf. It all has happened as it should, my lord. 
But pardon Thorer, sir, that he himself 
Does not bring. Olaf’s head. He found it hard 
To do. Thor knows, he felt a sort of loathing 
To bear the head himself, and hence sent me. 
Hakon. ’Tis well! Then go and hide it deeply, deep, 
Dost hear me? in the bosom of the earth. 
I’ll not behold it. It comes to me in dreams. 
Go bury it and tell thy master, slave, 
To hasten hither. 


Olaf. Thorer Klake sleeps. 
Hakon. What, sleeps ? 
Olaf. A noon-day sleep; he stiffly stretched 


Himself beneath a shady elder-tree. 
98 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 61 


Hakon. Then wake him, quick! [Aside] Asleep? And 
after such 
A deed? Ah, Thorer, I admire thee! Ha! 
The strangest courage, thine! [Aloud] Go, wake him, slave ! 
Olaf. But first will thou not gaze on Olaf’s head ? 
Hakon. No, no, I’ve told thee! No! 
Olaf. My lord, dost think 
Perhaps it hath an ugly, hideous look ? 
Not so, Jarl Hakon. Olaf’s head is sound 
As any head in Norway. 
Hakon. Slave, begone! 
Olaf. I never heard the like! I thought the Jarl 
A peerless man, surpassing other men; 
A dead, a pale, a coid dissevered head ? 
How thou hadst trembled, hadst thou found it live 
Upon its body. 
Hakon. Slave, thou darest to speak— 
Where is it then? 
Olaf. [Takes off his hat and throws the cloak aside.] 
Upon my shoulders, sir! ; 
Forgive me that I bring it thus; it seemed 
The most convenient way. 
Hakon. [Drawing his sword.| Ua, traitor! Olaf? 
Ha, treason, treason ! 
Olaf. Spare thy courage, sir. 
Risk not a tilt with Olaf, while he keeps 
His head in place unharmed. Remember this: 
Thy old and feeble brain alone is matched 
Against a headless spectre. 
Hakon. Death and hell! | [Rushes upon Olaf. 
Olaf. [Strikes the sword from Haxon’s hand, and speaks’ 
with thunderous tones.| 
Peace, peace, I say! Put up thy sword. My men 
Surround the hut; my ships outbalance thine. 
I come to claim this land by honest strife. 
Thyself hast lured me here by false intrigues. 
Thou standest there, a thrall, contemptuous, 


: 99 


62 James Christian Lindberg 


Entangled in thy self-laid snare. Ill not 

Employ such paltry means as merest chance 

Hath offered me. Not so, my Hakon Jarl! 

Upon the battle field I’ll boldly meet thee. 

Thou seest thy schemes have fayled. Thy Thorer stands 

Before high heaven’s Judge. ’T were easy now 

To seize thee; easier still to end thy life. 

But I defend the Christian faith, and. scorn 

The like inglorious display. So choose 

3etwixt a twofold choice; remain as Jarl 

At Hlade, as thou art, and give thy oath 

Of loyalty—well then begone! And bear 

In mind that wheresoe’er we meet again, 

It’s blood, my Jarl! Blood! Thou or I must die! 
Hakon. [Proudly and calmly.) 

I choose the latter, Olaf, aye, the latter. 

Thou callest me villain——slave? ‘This makes me smile. 

One reads in this thine utter vouth, Sir Olaf. 

Thy years betray themselves in flippancy, 

In arrogance. Look deep into mine eyes, 

Yea, scan my forehead, Olaf; tell me: sawest 

Thou ever such~in slaves? Think you, perchance, 

That cowardice, deceitfulness have carved 

‘This wrinkled brow? I lured thee on? And why? 

I knew thou needest but a sign to tempt 

Thee toward the prize. Deep in thy haughtly soul 

Thou lovest more the ties of blood, that bound 

Thee to a royal race extinct, than all 

The scores of far-famed deeds of Hakon Jarl. 

Thou ’st waited long to bring confusion and 

Disturb an old man’s peace. That I desired 

To end the feud, as soon as possible, 

Does this astonish thee? That I heguiled 

A frenzied visionary, one who scorns 

The highest gods, does this astonish thee ? 

Does it astonish thee, that I approved 

My Thorer’s scheme, when hostile fate made threats 


- 


“100 


es 


Ochlenschlaeger’'s Hakon Sarl 3 


To overthrow—not Hakon Jarl alone— 
But Vaihal’s gods ? 
Olaf. But sir! Flast thou forgot— 
Ah Hakon, Hakon,—quite forgot, that thou 
Thyself was once a Christian, once baptized 
By Bishop Popo?*?—that thou brokest thy vow? 
How many oaths since then hast thou infringed ? 
Hakon. Cursed be the moments, sir, of which thou speakst, 
When blinded by a coaxing monk, I let 
Myself be fooled by paltry tricks; he wore 
A red-hot iron glove, when first his hand 
Was daubed with witches’ salve.** 
Olaf. Poor, blinded, wretch ! 
I pity, sir, those locks of silver gray. 
Hakon. Ha, spare thy pity, Olaf! Look, behold! 
Thou seest in me the last gleam,-the last spark, 
Of olden Northern strength, heroic life; 
But this, proud youth, but this thou ‘It never quench 
With those thy sickly fever-dreams. I know 
Too well, it is the Christian’s wont to mend 
Our morals, sympathize, forsooth convert us; 
*T is ours to deeply hate, despise you, aye, 
To ponder on your ruin and your death, 
As those who mock our gods, our northern ways. 
This Hakon does and therein lies his sin, 
His villainy. I swear by Thor, by Odin, 
Thou ‘It never quench proud Norway’s heroism, 
With pious, dreamy, mistiness.”* 
Olaf. Enough ! 
We part, and woe to thee when next we meet. 
Hakon, Aye, woe to me, unless I crush thee then. ” 
Olaf. Our God shall smite thee with His deadly flame. 
Hakon. Thor’s hammer®® first shall fall and split the cross. 


TOI 


64 James Christian Lindberg 


ACT AE. 


SCENE I 
Hlade 
Haxon Jari. A Messenger. 


Hakon. Now tell me all, and speak without reserve 
Or fear. How goes it? Are the peasants gathering ? 
Messenger. My lord! Exasperation drives them on: 
In four directions from his farmstead, Orm 
Hath sent his messengers of war and prayed 
That each should arm himself against thy life. 
_ At Skaerdingstad** the tidings came to Haldor, 
And he in turn has further spread the call. 
To him has Sigurd strongly joined himself, 
Thy former mistress’s beauteous Bryniolf’s husband, 
As also Alf and Skialm from Rimol, who 
Have come to avenge their sister Thora’s wrongs. 
These two with Orm and Haldor lead the army. 
They gather in the vale of Ork. 
Hakon. I trust 
Completely in my sturdy warrior lads. 
With few well-armed, and brave war-hardened men, 
A horde of untrained farmer folk can soon 
Be put to flight. 


Messenger. But, sir, their force is large, 
Increases day by day; they ’re strongly armed, 
Exasperate— 

Hakon. With momentary rage, 


Which vanishes at sight of Hakon’s sword. 

Aught more? Has Olaf’s fleet approached the shore? 
Messenger. It has, my lord; he’s entered Throndhiem’s fiord. 
Hakon. In Throndhiem’s fiord? Was not the entrance barred 

By Erland ?°* Did my son not meet him there ? — 

Messenger. Ah, yes, my lord! 
Hakon. And why that sighing? Speak! 


rO02 


Ochienschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Messenger. At daybreak, sir, King Olaf hove in sight, 
With five long warships hung with shields; thy son 
Was there with only three; the others lay 
Deep in the cove. A fog lay on the sea 
And Erland’s signal failed to reach them. First 
He thought, by happy chance, he’d met his own; 
Discovering soon the truth, he turned to flee, 

But all too late. The King bore down upon him. 
He took thy son for thee, for Hakon, bade 

The oarsmen pull their ablest stroke. At length, 
His ships being driven upon the rocks, thy Erland, 
With all his men, leaped boldly overboard. 

With only three small ships, each poorly manned, 
Opposed by five, all filled with steei-clad men, 
The fight was too uneven, sir. He swam 

3eneath the waves, and thuswise sought to reach 
The shore. But Olaf watched him close. He saw 
The shining coat of mail, the copper shield 
Whose beauty far outgleamed the rest. And all 


The while he thought ’t was thou and cried: “Ah Hakon! 


This time thou ‘It not escape thy doom! Recall 
When last we spoke! We swore that blood should flow !” 
With this, King Olaf seized an oar, and hurled,— 
Oh Sir, Sir Hakon, spare me further words 
And spare thyself— 

Hakon. Nay speak, he seized an oar 
And hurled— 

Messenger. And smote thy son upon the brow 
With such a force the skull did burst and poured 
Its contents in the sea. 

Hakon. [Concealing his pain.| Hast more to tell ? 


65 


Messenger. The King was vexed when told he’d struck thy . 


son, 
Not thee. His warriors butchered many men, 
And yet he pardoned some. From these he learned 
About the peasant forces, how they stand, 
Their hate toward thee. 


103 


66 James Christian Lindberg 
: “5 ) 
Hakon. Aught more? 
Messenger. No more, my liege. 


Hakon. Then go. [Exit Messenger.| So, Olaf, thou wert 
vexed when told 
*T was not the Jarl thou ’dst killed. Thou never hitst 
A better mark. Yet him thou didst not touch. 
Ah, no! My son, my Erland was not slain; 
Him Aegir®® took within his loving arms, 
And bore aloft the spotless lad to Valhal. 
But me, his aged father, him thou ’st touched, 
A poisonous arrow burns within his heart. 
Oh, Erland, Erland, Oh my son, my son !— 
“Thus moved; thou Hakon? Tears upon thy cheeks ? 
Long, long since last thou wept. Ah Hakon Jarl, 
Thou ’rt getting old, thou weepest like a woman — 
But he was dear to me; the light, the hope 
Of my declining years; I saw in him 
The heir of all my faith, and Norway’s throne. 
My dreams, my fondest dreains, where flit ye now ? 
[/Te broods a moment, then terrified says: 
They gain upon us, drive us back! How now! 
Do misty fogs envelop Valhal so ? 
Did Odin’s golden throne e’er rust or lose 
{ts beams? Luxuriant frigga, sleeps she now, 
As does the birch in harvest time? Again - 
tas Loke stolen thy fruit, O Ydun?7*? Where, 
Aye, where's thy hammer, Thor? Where Asatyr, 
Thy powerful, death-dooming left hand? Pray tell, 
Thou airy host, hast wrapped thyself in gloom 
And followed Baldur down to deepest hell ?°t— 
Up, Hakon Jarl! Thou art still the North’s’ defense ! 
They call thee heathen, thee, for thou dost fight 
Tor olden times. To arms, to victory ! 
Forgive your Hakon, ever holy gods, 
That he has thought of self, forgetting you. 
But hear me, hear me now; from this hour on 
To you, eternally, belongs my life. 


104 


re Se 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 67 


Thou fondest dream that hoped calm evening’s sun 
Might crown the evening of my day, before 

It sank, is gone, aye, gone; a storm has broken 
With rain and sleet; it wraps the sun in mists, 

And ere the sky again is blue, the stars 

Will shine on Hakon’s grave. Ran‘? took my son, 
My Erland; Erling still is left. But how 

Can I believe this tender shoot will e’er 

Defy these vicious times ?—Then, Odin, hear 

My oath, I swear by all those precious stones, 

The stars that gild thy crown, by Auk-thor’s wain,”* 
From this hour on I live for Valhal’s gods. 

If pride ensnared my thoughts, forgive, forgive, 
Thou beauteous Saga,** it was thou who charmed me; 
And Odin, if displeasure at my deeds 

Hath vexed thy brow, require thy offering, ask 
Whate’er thou wilt and thou shalt have thy wish. 


STEIN enters bearing a golden horn. 


Hakon. What hast thou there ? 

Stein. Booty, sir, taken from the enemy. Thou knowest that 
Olaf sent a group of workmen to erect in the woods near the 
strand, a house, a church they call it, for their new gods. Thou 
didst command, as just, to go and hinder them in this work. 
We did as thou didst bid. But before we came, Olaf’s men, by 
digging deep into the earth, had found this horn. We seized it. 
sir, and bring it hither. | 

Hakon. ’Tis well, Stein! Are there others than thyself who 
brought it ? 

Stein. A crowd of us. 

Hakon. For this deed a feast shall be provided at the ser- 
vant’s quarters. Each one shall have for himself a horn of wine 
as large as this. 

Stein. And all, sir, shall be drunk to thy health. [ Exit. 

Hakon. An ancient sacrificial drinking horn, 

Of gold, enchased gold; a rare, old horn. 
Upon this spot has doubtless stood, long since, 


105 


68 James Christian Lindberg 


A shrine te Valhal’s gods. And there they thought 

To rear a church, and build their monkish cells. 

"T was right, my men, that ye expelled them; right 

That ye should win for me this golden treasure, ; 

As rare as brilliant. J.ook, how runics chase 

The golden rim. Let’s see, what ’s written here. [ Reads. 


“Tf for thy guilt 
Fortune forsakes thee; . 
Go to the gods, and 
Give them thy best!” 


[Haxow stands for a long time deeply touched and amazed, then 
he rereads ihe stanza slowly and meaningly. | 


“Give them thy best!’ 
Ye crave the best ere ye are reconciled ? 
I understand thy sign, thou highest Skuld.%* 
I see thee wrapped within thy whitish cow], 
Thou sittest there beneath the Ygdrasil®* 
And starest into Urdur’s fount." Pray tell 
Me, is the water red, is blood required ? 
“The best”! And what perchance may be the best ? 
My Erland fell; in him thou hast the best ! 
But Hakon hath not freely offered him; 
The will, the heart must be in every gift 
Yo regain the favor of an angered god. 
Give them the best! There still remains to me 
My little son, with golden hair, with eyes 
As blue as heaven, as pure, as innocent 
As fairest morning star, yet quick, and full 
OF life as is the mountain buck; withal, 
Of Hakon’s blood, the latest drop :;—not him, 
No, no, not him, thou blessed Freia! Pray, 
Thou crav’st not him, whom thou thyself hast given ? 
: [Deep in thought. 
Two kinds of offerings do the gods demand. 
The one attests their splendor and their power ; 
For such are cattle, fallen foes required. 


L06 


—s i ae phe i 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 


Then flames of joy ascend from earth to heaven, 

And Odin smiles down from his royal stool. 

The other offering burns to expiate ; 

Its blaze but smothers Valhal’s wrath; and then 

The heart must bleed, because the offering bleeds. 

The scene is still, there’s neither song nor dance; 

It is a punishment that turns the gods 

From wrath to mercy. [Looks at the horn.| 
Carved in plainest words 

It reads: Give them the best! And wherefore brought 

Me even now, this moment when I swore 

The gods to work for them alone, just when 

1 promised — Hakon, fie; no weakness now ! 

Thorgierdur Horgabrud!** Thou amazon, 

Who ridest to battle on a snow-white steed, 

Thy broadened shoulders covered with a cloak 

Once dipped in steaming blood, the glaive of death 

Within thy monstrous hand; thy bloody eye 

Is all aglow for prey, thou reachest out 

Thy hand—thy dagger shines—enough! enough! 

See, Hakon Jarl obeys! He trembles not. 


69 


[Goes out trying to grasp the imaginary dagger. 


ScENE II 


A Wood 
TANGBRAND and GRIFFIN. 


Tangbrand. ‘Tis well I found thee, Griffin. Where’s the 


King ? 
I’m much in doubt about this matter. Where’s 
The aged man ? 
Grifin. They walk together, up 
And down the forest, talking now of this 
And now of that. The old man often speaks, 
In terms ambiguous, of Olaf’s deeds. 


Tangbrand, Tell all; from whence he came, and what he said. 


107 


7O James Christian Lindberg 


Grifin. We'd gathered at the feast of Whitsuntide. 

King Olaf seemed as gay as anyone 

Around the festive board, when in there stepped 

This aged one-eyed man. He placed himself 

Beside the door. But Olat, who is kind 

To all, invited him to feast with us; 

They talked of many things. The old man knew 

Of all the wondrous happenings. In ways 

Peculiar to himself, he joked and railed 

At things wherein they differed. Thus he Said: 

“T see you celebrate Confusion’s feast ! 

You call to mind that night when pious men 

Received strange tongues and prated each to suit 
_ Himself, nor since have understood each other.” 

At length the sultry chamber stifled him; 

The summer night was-clear and cool, and so 

He begged the King to take a friendly stroll 

Through forest paths. At length the King complied. 

I followed close upon them, and alas, 

They wandered far and wide. And once he led 

The King to the mountain top and while he spoke 

His finger moved through all the land. The moon 
Shone clear. °T was passing strange! When one beheld 
Flim in the distance, wrapped in bushy furs, 

The stranger looked as if a ghost. I wished 

The King would seek his couch; the night is damp. 

Tangbrand. Where is he? Bring me to the king, my Grif. 

Long since, the sun went down behind the sea; 
Yomorrow when it rises it will greet 

The holy day of Pentecost, and still 

Our evening’s mass has not been sung. I fear 

For Olaf; never vet has he postponed 

His pious dues. Come, haste; let’s seek the King.  [E-veunt. 


[Olaf enters from the other side with Aupen.®® ~The latter 
wears a black cloak and a hood covers his head.) 


Auden. I understand thee well, my tender lad. 
Inspiring songs within the vaulted church— 


108 


r= 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl rh 
S 


These touched thy heart; the splendid paintings stole 
Thine eye. So thou didst think the impulse must 
Be true. What thou didst feel, the North must feel, 
Or else, —thy sword is drawn. Is not this so ? 

Olaf. Thy hair is silvered o’er with age, thy mind 
Is set upon the olden faith. I blame 
Thee not that thou dost call my faith a fond 
Delusion. 

Auden. Set upon the olden faith? 
*T is well; a fortunate expression this. 
But tell me, Olaf, how else should one be ? 
Can not we say of Al] that it is set ? 
For faith is surely nothing more than strange 
Propensity, an instinct, say, which draws 
The infinite spark within the soul toward that 
Which gave it birth, the invisible; a bent 
Which varies as the thing it works upon, 
Or varies as the seasons, or as Nature. 
This striving toward the infinite is seen 
In every fir, in every cloud-kissed hill. 
The bold instinct to rear their heads toward heaven, 
This is, we say, their faith. Thou seest they show 
A common faith; thou must admit ’t is not 


~In vain that everywhere, as far as eye 


Doth reach, throughout the North, it bears the stamp, 
Bespeaks the genius of a single mind. 

In southern climes ’tis otherwise. These leaves, 

So stiff and slender, there are changed to soft 

And tender blades; the trees no longer rear 

Their fronded heads aloft, but bend themselves 
Beneath the arch of heaven in pious curves — 
Resembling much thy monks when at their mass. 

Olaf. Strange man! 

Auden. Where now the sky is ever blue, 
Where sunsets paint themselves in red, and where ‘ 
The woods voluptuous in repose, invite 
To love and song, there wakes sweet music’s art. 


109 


72 James Christian Lindberg | \ 


One sighs for tints with which to imitate 
The radiance of the flowers. And love, dear love 
Which flits through all, on all has left its stamp. 
But now where Nature, more severe, brings forth 
More stones than flowers; where heavy sheets of snow 
Envelop half the year; where muscles grow ; 
And harden more and more; where Nature says 
“To lack, becomes a virtue, or to guard 
With jealous eye our frugal share,’—-ah, there 
No pictured scene, no song enwraps us there. 
But during endless winter nights the soul 
Awakes with: lofty manhood thoughts; there opens 
The inner flower, then fondly shuts again 
_ About a maiden’s heart, both stainless, pure. 
Not from those misty ever-changing tints, 
But from these cliffs, imperishable rocks, 
The gods arise and calmly, proudly view 
Their handiwork. Thus inborn strength is driven 
By inborn wants, to manly exercise. 
Thus strength opposes strength; and bravery 
And manhood are impressed upon the North, 
Ac feminine tenderness upon the South. 
Olaf. How strange ! 
Auden. When now a youthful lad, at first 
By chance was driven toward the South, returns 
And brings a basket filled with tenderest flowers 
Of Italy, and longs to plant them here 
On Norway’s cliffs; when now the birch, the fir, 
Are in his way and he uproots these grand, 
These ancient forests, sparing not a tree 
Of all those olden giants, since his weeds, 
His roses needs must have a place to grow, — 
Pray then if thou didst see him_at his work, 
What wouldst thou call him, sir? 
Olaf. Away, away ! 
Auden. Perchance a hero? Aye, a warrior, one 
Who fights for noble ends. | And he who said, 


ji he) 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 73 


“Boy spare my trees! Thy southern sensual weeds 
Can never thrive on mountain air.” —_‘ Pray, sir; 
What callest thou him ? 

Olaf. As thou art called! 

Auden. [Looking him straight in the eye.| And who 
Am I? . 

Olaf. Thou’st said that Auden is thy name. 
But who art thou ? 
_ Auden. Aye, who am I? Wise lad! 
Who knoweth all things, surely knoweth me! 

Olaf. A single eye is thine! 

Auden. What need of more ? 
The night is clear, and with a single eye; 
Tomorrow shines the sun; it hath no more. 
Remember well what thou hast heard! Forget 
Not soon the thoughts this moonlit night has sown 
Within thy soul! 

Olaf. Ah, Jesus, grant me strength! 
Strange doubts and fears are tightening round my heart. 


[As OvAF turns away from AUDEN the latter quickly leaves and 
disappears among the trees. TANGBRAND and GRIFFIN enter. | 


Tangbrand. At length I find thee, Olaf! I have sought 
Thee everywhere. How comes it, gentle sir, 
Thou hast forgot the evening prayer? This was 
Not so before; then too at such a time 
As this. 

Olaf. [Turns about.] 

My Tangbrand! Where’s that strange old man? 

Tangbrand. I know not where. Forget the stranger, who 

Hath filled thy mind with heathen thoughts. 


Olaf. My friend, 
Hath evening mass been sung ? 
Tangbrand. Long since the sun 


Did seek his rest; ’t was then the time, but thou 
Didst not attend my call. The stranger’s words: 
Held fast thine ear, as if the Siren’s.song.”° ° 


II! 


74 James Christian Lindberg 


Olaf. Who is that man? 

Griffin. None seem to know him, none 
Of all thy men. To me he’s very strange. 

He looks like Odin sir, in Hakon’s grove. 

Olaf. He said his name was Auden, 

Griffin. Auden! Odin! 
They mean the same. 

Tangbrand. My Olaf, surely one 
Of Odin’s priests hath been with thee today 
And sought with wild, ambiguous words, perhaps 
At Hakon’s hint, to turn thy heart. It may 
Have been the fawning Jarl himself. 

Olaf. Whoever 
_ He is, he seemed a shadow sent from hell. 

He wished to show how great, how base a sin 
To tear the people from their olden faith. 

Tangbrand. And gave in proof how well the old belief 
Becomes their chilly North? That once this. faith 
Was introduced by strangers to the North 
From far off eastern lands, — of this no word 
Was whispered, I assume. 

Olaf. Ah, ‘Tangbrand; yes, 

Thou ’rt right! The old belief was also once 

A stranger here. What then avails his praise, 

His madness for the warrior faith which he 
Believes the North hath grown, and given its stamp ? 

Tangbrand. Of no avail, my Olaf. Northern climes 
No more than southern, may usurp the rights 
To offer brother’s blood or violate 
Sweet heaven’s law. 

Olaf. How true! 

Tangbrand. I’ll not condemn 
Entire the ancient heathen faith. _ For God 
Hath not vouchsafed it life these many years 
For naught; ’tis but a ruin now. The laws 
Of Christ were then unknown. Where there’s a choice 
Then man should choose the best. 


It2 


pci seikcaiei lala gsc an aa 


Oehlenschlae ger’s Hakon Jarl 75 


Olaf. Now speaks the truth. 
Tomorrow morn, the day of Pentecost, 
I hope to take both Hakon and his host. 

Tangbrand. His slaves did steal the sacrificial horn 
Which we unearthed, of which we thought to make 
An altar-cup. An ancient rune which pleased 
Me much was graved upon the horn. — It ran: 


“Tf fortune forsakes thee because of thy guilt 
Then go to the gods and give them thy best.” 


This verse I wished to leave upon the cup; 
What better gifts than hearts of innocence 
And thankfulness? They tore it from my hand; 
But let them have it; God will punish man 
For theft as well as other sins. 
Olaf. ° Behold 
The sun ascends from out the watery depths ! 
He soon will add his blessing and his peace 
On this the first of Norway’s Whitsuntide. 
We have no church; but out of solid rock 
Hath nature worked for us a chapel. There 
Well sing Ambrosian chants of praise. All doubts 
Will disappear as now the gloom of night. 
Tangbrand. Such words are worthy thee, my noble King. 
| Zaeunt OLAF and TANGBRAND. 
Grifin. [Who has stood deep im thought. | 
A priest of Odin? Ave; perchance the Jarl 
Himself ? But Hakon favors much the statue 
I’the grove. For me, I know what / believe. PB ast. 


113 


76 James Christian Lindberg te 


Scene III / 
The Sacrificial Grove. 
Enter Haxon leading his little son ERtine by the hand. 


Erling. It’s cold, my father, very cold.” 

Hakon. My son, 
‘Tis early morning yet; the air is chilled; 

Art shivering ? . 

Erling. No matter, father mine. 

I’m glad, for thou didst promise me that I 
Might see the rising of the sun. How grand! 
I never saw it rise. 

Hakon: Along the east 
Dost see those ruddy beams ? 

Erling. [Clapping his hands.| What roses! Look: 
See there! What pretty roses! Father mine, 
Come, tell me, whence come those pretty pearls ? 
Look, how they strew the valley here and yon, 

And flash against the roses. 

Hakon. Child, my son, 

Those are not pearls, but morning dews; and that’s 
The sun, which thou callest roses. Look! Behold, 
It rises. 

Erling. What a ball! How fiery red! 

My father, can we ever go to see 
The morning sun? 

Hakon. All life is thither bound, 

My child. For look, that beauteous flaming light | 
Which beams out yonder, that is Odin’s eye. 

The other, which thou seest at night, my son, 

With paler beams and whitish blaze, that eye 

Hath Odin pawned in Mimer’s .well,* to gain 

A drink which makes more keen, more sharp his sight. 

Erling. And where is Mimer’s well? 

akon. Out yonder, son, 
The mighty ocean, tumbling ’gainst the cliffs; 


114 


Ochlenschlacger’s Hakon Jarl 77 


The sea is Mimer’s deep-dug well, that gives 
To Odin’s eye its strength. Aye, doubly bright 
The sun comes up deliciously refreshed 
By cooling morning waves. 
Erling. But father, oh! 
It rises much too high; I can’t endure 
To look at it; it burns my eyes. 
Hakon.. My son, 
Th’ All-father now ascends his fiery stool, 
And soon his gaze will fill the world below. 
His golden throne completely dazzles man. 
For who presumes to look upon the King 
Of day, of life, in all his noon-day splendor ? 
Erling. [Looks about full of fear. 
Oh father, father, look! What horrid men 
Are those, so old and grim, behind the trees? 
Hakon. Be not so bold, my son! The gods, in stone, 
The statues of the blessed gods thus hewn 
By pious men. They dazzle not the eye. 
Before them Askur’s’? sons may calmly kneel 
And look upon their countenance undazed. 
Come, view them closer, child. 
Erling. No father, no! 
Iam afraid. See there; the one that wears 
That long white beard, how ugly, grim, he looks; 
He makes me shake with fear. 
Hakon. Ah, Erling! Erling! 
God Odin, he. Art thou afraid of Odin ? 
Erling. No, no; I fear not Odin, him who lives 
In heaven yonder; he is great and good, 
And never frightens me; he causes flowers 
To spring from out the earth; just now he shone 
Himself as if he were a flower. But that, 
That pale-faced ghost, — he stares and stares, as if 
He wished to take my life. 
Hakon. My son, my Erling! 


115 


“I 
ioe) 


James Christian Lindberg 


Erling. |My father, let me bring the wreath of flowers 
I hung on yonder bush, there where we paused, 
And thou didst show me where the-sun arose. 
Then let ’s go home again, mv father, far 
Away from all these pale and ugly statues. 
For thou canst well believe that grim old god 
Has nothing good in store for thee. 
Hakon. Go fetch 
The wreath, my child, and quickly come again. [Exit ERLING. 
The sacrificial lamb should festively 
Be decorated. Holy gods, look down 
I'rom heaven and see Jarl Hakon’s faith and trust. 
Erling. [Coming back with a wreath of white flowers in 
his hair. | 
I’m here, my dearest father! Here’s the wreath. 
Hakon. Now kneel, my son, to Odin, ere we go. 
Stretch forth thine hands aloft toward heaven and pray: 
All-father Odin, hear thy little Erling, 
And take him, keep him in thy “loved embrace. 
Erling. [Falls on his knees towards the sun, stretches his 
arms towards heaven, and says childishly:] 
“All-father, hear thy little Erling’s prayer, 
And take him, keep him in thy ‘loved embrace.” 


|Haxon, who stands behind him lifts his dagger and ts about 
to thrust it into the boy, but it fails from his hand. ER Linc 
turns around without noticing the danger, picks up the dagger, 
and as he arises, says innocently to his father:] 


Didst drop thy dagger, father? Oh! How bright 
And sharp! When I grow up, I too will have 
A weapon just like this and [/n lower tone.] father mine, 
Ill help thee kill thine enemies. 

Hakon. . How now! 
My child! What monster fills thy mouth with words 
Like these to move my heart ? 

Erling. My father, art 
Thou angry? What’s the matter? Pray, what have 
I done ? 

116 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 79 


Hakon. Come, follow me behind the statue ! 
Erling. 3ehind that wicked man ? 
Hakon. Come, come, my boy! 
There roses bloom behind the statue yonder. 
No white ones though, the roses there are red, 
Blood-red and purple roses! It’s a great 
Delight, to see how thriftily they grow. 
Come, come, I say; obey me! 
Erling. (Crying. | Father mine, 
I have a fear for roses that are red! 
Hakon. Away! Hark! Heimdal’s™ cock is crowing loud. 
The hour has come, my son, the hour has come! 


[They disappear behind the statue. E1NAR TAMBESKIELVER 
enters hastily, armed with spear and bow. | 


Einar. Where is he then? They told me he was here 
In Odin’s grove; and yet I find him not. 
Where can he be? What does he here? No time 
For prayer when battle calls. 


[He listens. The child’s screams are heard from behind 
the statues. | 


Ye gods! How now? [Calls.] 

Jarl Hakon! Hakon! 

Hakon, [Enters with bloody hands. | 

; Here, who calls for Hakon? 

Einar. [Amased.| What means all this? 

Hakon. Thine errand sir? 

Einar. I came 
To summon thee to battle. Olaf quickly 
Has joined his army with the peasants’ force. 
They hasten toward the court. Thy men are all 
In readiness to strike. I joined them. Come! 
We sought thee everywhere. Again an offering? 

Hakon. Aye! 

Einar. This time what? 


117 


80 James Christian Lindberg 


Hakon. Behind god Odin lies 
The offering. 
Einar. ‘This will doubtless aid us greatly! 
. [Goes to see the offering. 
Flakon. ’Tis done; now courage, strong determination ! 
Einar. [Returns amazed and full of wrath.| Thou wrinkled 
sorcerer! What hast thou done? 
Hakon. Sought Odin’s favor; offered him my joy, 
My own last hope and Norway’s only fortune. 
Einar. In hell may Nither™* grind me ’twixt his stones, 
Or crush me with his hammer, should I stretch 
The bow to save thee from thy fate, although 
I dearly love sweet Berglioth. 
. [Tears a gold chain from his neck.] 
See! There’s . 
Thy chain! And thus I sunder every link 
That hitherto has bound me to thy cause, 
Thou pale, thou bloody man! From this time forth 
I serve King Olaf! Ha, thine hour has come! 
Thou ’st taught me, sir, to shudder ‘fore thy gods, 
King Olaf’s God shall win. What hinders me 
From straightway, by my sword, to thrust thee down 
To hell? But no! More public, more debased 
Shall be thy fall; Ill seize thee, seize thee, aye, 
And help King Olaf hang thee, like a thief, 
Upon the topmost gallows. [ Exit. 
Hakon. This must J, 
I, Hakon hear! [At a distance horns are heard; also cries of 
“Hakon!” “Haken!’”’] 
Hakon. [Drawing his sword. 
Ah, now. the hour has come, 
The hour that must decide for Christ or Odin. 
Hark! How the cries resound! -Mere Amazons," 
Mere Valkyrs, Odin’s battle nymphs, who fill 
The air with frightful cries and call to battle. 
How swollen the veins of Heimdal’s*® temples, whilst 
With all his strength he blows the battle horn! 


118 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 81 


Thorgierdur Horgabrud!** Give time! I come. 
I offered thee my Erling, yea, my son; 
A countless host of foes shall follow him. [Ext 


ACT V 
ScENnE I 
Rimol 
A Hail 


Night. THoRA and INGER are discovered, sewing, sitting by a table. 
A candle almost burnt to the socket lights the scene. 

Thora. Thou’rt sleepy, Inger. 

Inger. Midnight comes apace. 
But lady, there ’s a knocking at the portal. 

Perhaps ’tis they. 

Thora. *T is but the clamoring storm. 
The house doth shake as if a fever held it. 

A gruesome night! A constant flood of rain 
And hail! A winter darkness cloaks the earth! 
Hark, how it beats upon the gate! 

Inger. Dost think 
Thy brothers come to-night in such a storm? 

They ‘ll sure await the morning. Have no fear. 

Thora. lf thou art sleepy, Inger, go, retire. 

No sleep for me! I know the battle raged 

At early morn. My brothers promised me 

In sooth, they ’d come as soon as they were free, 
To tell me how the battle stood. Go-thou 

To bed. 

Inger. Well, then Ill rest awhile since thou 
Dost urge. But hark! I hear that knocking still 
Upon the gate. ’Tis not the storm. 

Thora. Thou ’rt right! 
Let Hadding open it. I hear the tramp 
Of footsteps on the stones. 


II9Q 


82 James Christian Lindberg 


Inger. ?Tis they! Ah yes, 
‘Tis they! Ill bring the lights; ‘tis surely they! 
Rejoice my Thora! 

Thora. Ah my heart doth beat 


As if *t would burst its bounds! My Alf, my Skialm 


Opposed to Hakon Jarl! Whichever side 
May win, the wretched Thora still hath lost. 
Eimar Tambeskielver. [Entering. | 
Good morrow, Thora, for, uniess I err 
"Tis past the midnight watch. The early cock 
Proclaimed the hour before I reached the cliffs. 
I come to tell thee how the battle stood. 
My name is Einar Tambeskielver. Fear 
_ Not thou to meet a friend of Hakon Jarl, 
For since, in utter frenzy he hath slain 
His son, an offering to the gods, to gain 
Their favor on today’s dark battle field, 
I’ve been to him a relentless foe. 
Thora. ' Ye gods! 


[ Exit. 


Finar. Thou’rt right! The grim assassin quite does 


Aversion. All his deeds excite a loathing. 
Thou hast reasons for thy hate, as I, * 

For deeply hath he harmed, insulted, thee. 
Today I first espoused King Olaf’s cause 

So my acquaintance with thy brothers was 

But brief, but still we learned to love each other. 
In battle one may see within an hour 

What oft in peace would take a life-time. Ah 
They fought like men, and so in truth did all. 
As lightning, Olaf scattered Hakon’s force. 


bf 


*T was warm beneath the blood-bespattered shields, 
And swords grew hot when bathed in reeking wounds. 


The Valkyrs fought at every warrior’s side; 
They cried for blood and lastly had their fill, 
For Odin never poured more bounteous wine 
In Valhal’s halls. The greater part were slain. 
But Hakon and his slave escaped, and them 
We hotly seek. 

120 


it ee aD eS Peete eee 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


Thora. But sir, my brothers? Aye, 
My brothers? Thou hast’come, most noble sir, 
A stranger; hither, and at night—I fear— 
My brothers? 

Emar. They were hindered,—could not come 
Themselves. Rejoice my noble Thora! Skialm 
And Alf rode out beneath the rising sun 
And entered Valhal; long ago they sat 
At Odin’s side. 

Thora. Oh Freia, gods! 

Einar. Rejoice, 
Most noble Thora! Aye, be glad. The gods 
Do not decree to every man at birth, 
So grand a death.- They ever took their stand 
Where thickest raged the battle. Side by side 
We fought. Jarl Hakon chafed and foamed as doth 
A maddened bear, The fight was fierce; for hosts 
Of men, embittered, met like angry waves. 
The half of Norway fought for Hakon Jarl, 
The other half for Norway’s king; his fame 
Had spread abroad from town to town, like flames 
In sun-burnt grass. Thy brothers, by their choice, 
Were constantly opposed to Hakon Jarl. 
They swore his death: they swore to avenge thy wrong,— 
Then sank they each before his deadly sword; 
He strikes a heavy blow and doubly hard 
When energized by wrath. Aught more? The Jarl’s 
A worthy executioner; say what 
They will, one finds not Hakon’s equal here 
In the North. He proved a hero in the fight. 

Thora. My Alf! My Skialm! My dearest brothers! 
My brothers! 

Einar. I am jealous of their lot! 
I envy them, for now they ’re Odin’s priests ; 
They shine in burnished coats of mail and round 
Their loins hath Vauland forged the fiery sword.— 
Tomorrow we shall lay them ’neath a. mound 


\ 


I2I 


Oh 


84 James Christian Lindberg 


Which must defy eternity; and round 

About the grave King Olaf soon will place 

Memorial stones—‘‘Greet Thora! Greet our sister!” 

They cried,—the final words thy brothers spoke. 

I promised this, and ] have kept my word. 

I have a crowd of Olaf’s men, with whom 

I seek the Jarl, as Olaf with the rest. 

We meet again at Gaulaa. Meanwhile he 

Hath summoned all the council, where I know not. 

I came this way, so roundabout, to bring 

These tidings for thy brothers’ sake. I think - 

It rains, my plume is dripping. Soon I hope 

We'll catch the Jarl and bring thee thy revenge. 

May Frigga gladden thee! Farewell! I haste. [Eard. 
Thora. Most holy gods! What awful fate have ye - 

Decreed for Thora?) Oh, what awful crime 

Hath this poor bosom wrought, since it must needs 

Be crushed? 


[4 man enters, wrapped in a cloak, his face covered.| 


Thora. What unknown guest? A stranger! Speak! 
Thine errand, sir? 

The Stranger. Are we alone? In safety? 

Thora. Dost speak of safety, thou, a man unknown, 
Who enters, unannounced, a woman’s room 
And frightens me? Speak sir; thine errand here? 

The Stranger. [Throws aside his cloak.] 

Thou knowest me, Thora. 


Thora. Gods! ’T is Hakon Jarl! 
Hakon. Aye. he! The same; the same! 
Thora. _ Thou comest to me? 


Hakon. By Valhal’s gods, thou hast the right to feel 
Surprise; but I have yet to see-the stag 
That doth not seek for shelter, even the most 
Incongruous place, when followed close by hounds. 
Thora. Thou’rt pale my Hakon, ah, thine eye is dim. 
Hakon. But Odin knows I fought; aye; like a wolf 


122 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 


When she protects her young. With this strong sword 

I sent to Valhal countless hosts of men. 

But now my strength is spent, my troops are lost, 

My fate deceived me, Norway’s ancient sword 

Is dulled by Olaf’s southern witchery, 

One army faithlessly deserted me. 

Not one is left in whom [ dare confide. 

Too heavily and cold as ice, the hand 

Of Rota weighs upon my temples now. 

This night I’ve come, accompanied by my slave, 

Aweary from the day’s hard fight, alone, 

Forlorn. A fiery thirst has plagued me long. 

This cup looks fresh,—nav, let me drink, I pray! 
Thora. O Hakon, wait! And let me bring thee— 
Hakon. [Drinking.| Wait! 

No never! Ha! Already I’m relieved. 

At Gaulaa,’® there my charger fell at last; 

I killed it, then tore off my cloak and dipped 

It in the blood to lead mine enemies, 

Who hotly follow me, astray. 

Thora. O Hakon ! 
Hakon. By chance I passed thy place, and like a flash 

It came to mind how oft, how strongly thou 

Hast vowed that none have loved me such as thou. 

IT am aware that love is often changed 

To hate. °*T is well, a chance to prove it now. 

Ah, Thora, here I stand! From Olaf’s hounds, 

From Olaf’s ruthless grasp wilt thou protect me ? 

Then thanks for such a love which hitherto 

I could not understand. Shouldst thou refuse — 

Ah, Thora, how it costs, yea, dearly costs 

For Hakon thus to beg !—Well then I go, 

A wanderer through the night. Ill seek the first, 

The highest mountain top, and there Ill view 

The fatherland and bid farewell to Norway. 

Then calmly,—calm through stern resolve, Ill fall 

Upon my sword. The spirits of the wind 


123 


86 James Christian Lindberg | 


Shall seize Jarl Hakon’s soul and on their wings 
Shall carry it aloft to Odin’s hall. 
Th’ all-seeing sun shall find my lifeless frame 
Upon the mount, and say: “He lived and died 
Exalted high above the multitude.” 
Thora. O Hakon, Hakon! Speak not so. Nay, Hakon! 
I hate thee not, no, no, I hate thee not ; 
And I will house thee, keep thee, yea, protect. thee 
Against a thousand enemies. [She seizes his hand.| 
Hakon. But Thora! 
Dost know that I have slain with this same hand— 
The little Erling whom thou lovedst so well? 
Thora. I know it, aye, an offering to the gods, 
Which shows, O Hakon, but the far extreme 
To which ill-fated destiny hath brought 
Thy rarest of all souls of men. 
Hakon. But Thora; 
Dost know this hand which thou dost take so fondly 
Has—ah, it pains me much to— 
Thora. Yes, | know, 
This hand has killed my brothers in the war. 
Hakon.. And still? 
Thora. Thou ‘It find that Thora loves thee still. 
Yes, Hakon! Harshly hast thou treated me; 
Thou ’st pushed aside my love with bitter scorn ; 
Thou ’st killed my brothers, dearly loved! But then 
In war ’tis life for life; and Einar says : 
That Odin took them to his blessed hall. 


| She hides her face in her hands and weeps; soon she raises 
her head and stares upon the Jarl. | 


Ha, tell me, Hakon! is it thou who standest 

In Thora’s room, in this dark forest home, 

So far removed from Hlade’s brilliant throne, 

With shuddering darkness creeping round about thee, 
Where storms are beating ’gainst the castle walls, 

As in my bosom? Tell me, sir, T pray, 


"124 


: 3 WS eas OF 
=. ee ee ,. 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 87 


That pale-faced, silent man, here in the room, 
Without a shield, without a purple robe, 
Who weary leans upon his sword, can this 
In truth be Hakon Jarl? 

Hakon. That shadow, aye, 
Was once stout Norway’s mighty lord; the North’s 
Great men obeyed his slightest glance. He fell 
In battle, in a battle which was fought 
At Hlade. Ha, ’t was long, long years ago, 
*T is quite forgot! His ghost is restless, stalks 
About at night; Earl Hakon was his name. 

Thora. I am revenged, yea, terribly revenged! 
Avaunt, thou fiendish spite! Return, oh love! 
A wolf o’ the forest, ha! No woman I, 
If hate and rancour fled not from my breast 
At such a sight. O rest thee at my heart! 
Come Hakon, let me cool thy feverish brow, 
Restore the hero’s look within thine eye. 

[Embraces him.] 
Hakon. [Wildly.] 
Fond Norway's gentle maid, pray what’s thy name? 

Thora. Sweet violet, is what the maidens call me. 
A tiny flower I was of daintiest blue 
That throve among thy garden oaks; ’t was there 
I drew my life; a flower that faded, drooped, 
When thus uprooted from its sheltering nook 
And nursing shade. 


Hakon. Sweet violet!—By Thor, 
A charming name! 
Thora. O Freia! How is this ?— 


A fever-chill hath made thee tremble. What! 
Dost weep?. By Valhal’s everlasting gods! 
Ha, strange indeed! Amazing spectacle! 
Saw ever Thora tears on Hakon’s cheeks? 
Hakon. [With wild friendliness. | 
_ Sweet violet! Pale, wilted, dying flower 
Upon a hero’s grave, do Hakon’s tears 


125 


88 James Christian Lindberg 


Astonish thee? Hast ne’er before beheld 

A stone that wept when from the winter’s cold 

*T was warmed beside the flame? A death-sweat this,— 

Pale death’s own flower! Let it not frighten thee. 
Thora. Ha, blessed Freia! 

Hakon. Mountain -snows are melting, 

*T will soon be over; sturdy winter yields 

And flows away in tears, it flees apace 

Before the sensual spring, for Olaf’s flowers. 

The Jarl has gone; his pallid ghost alone 

Returns. Approach the corpse without a fear. 

Hurl through this shadowy mass a spear and bury 

It deep within the earth,—and then, he walks 

No more, but finds repose. 

Thora. Control thyself. 

My Hakon! Calmly weigh thy words, nor speak 

So wildly. The greatest soul though strong and proud 

Must yield at last to nature’s higher law. 

Thy noble heart for years hath never been 

Unstrung; but choked by spiteful foes, aye crushed; 

Unloosed, it now relents and tears must flow. 

Come, follow me! Beneath my castle lies 

A secret cave whose walls are solid rock. 

None know the cave but I, nor saw it: there 

Will I conceal thee till the clouds have passed, 

Until thy better fortune smiles. 

Hakon. My Thora, 

Dost think clear daylight smiles beyond this vault? 

Ah, tell me true? ; 
Thora. I have no doubt, my lord! 
Hakon. And down this cellar, vault, this cave, this deep 

And dark unknown beneath the earth, where even 

The enemy must pause, where danger halts, 

Far down this gloomy fortress, next to hell,— 

There, Thora, thou dost lead me? 

Thora. Aye, my lord! 


7 
4 


: 
4 
: 
| 
| 


Oehlenschiaeger's Hakon Jarl 89 


Hakon. [Gladly gives her his hand.| 
My Valkyrs, come! My glorious Hella! Come; 

Dauntless I go. 

Thora. O gods! Ye gentle powers! 

Hakon. Dost think I tremble at thy countenance, 
O incensed woman? Thou art pale, thy lips 
Are blue; thou dost not kill as do thy sisters, 
The battle-nymphs, with but a passing stroke. 
Thy sword is slow to kill; with ice-cold fear 
Thou strikest first his courage, then the man. 
’*T is all the same. Come hasten onward! Still 
There smolders in my breast a spark of pride. 
With hasty steps I follow toward the grave. 

Thora. Ye gentle gods, grant Hakon strength to live! 

[Exeunt. 


ScENE II. 
Woods near Gaulaa. 


OLAF TRYGVESON, CARLSHOVED, JOSTEIN, GRIFFIN and a host 
of warriors. 


Griffin. Gray dawn now steals upon us, sir. It seems 
The day will be as fair as night was foul. 
Art thou not weary, sir? Perhaps thou ‘It rest 
Beneath the trees, the while thy horses feed? 
Olaf. No rest for me,—I swore a solemn oath, 
_No rest for me before the Jarl is found. 
That shameful crime he wrought upon his son,— 
That must be punished, it shall cost his life. 
Where find example for ’t, for such a deed? 
A holy myth, from far off days relates 
How once a partiarch, his father-heart 
All crushed with grief, went out to do God’s bidding ; 
*T was only done to try his faith. The bright 
Sharp steel had surely fallen from his grasp, 
If Heaven had not restrained his hand.” But Hakon!— 
Jostein. My lord, thou ’rt right, the deed was bloody, awful! 


127 


go James Christian Lindberg 


Olaf. His force is scattered but not beaten yet; 
Young Einar braver now than wise, speaks much 
Of victory. Not so! Give Hakon time 
And he. will rally all his men and fight 
With sharpened wrath. J ’ve no desire to waste 
The land through ceaseless war; nay, rather, heal 
Its wounds with Heaven’s sweet peace. His sin, the Jarl 
Must expiate with his own blood! The while 
He lives, no hope for peace; no Christian rose 
Can thrive so long as Hakon draws his breath. 


[Ernar TAMBESKIELVER enters with Haxon’s bloody clothes.] 


Einar. No longer need we search the Jarl, my king. 
By yonder brook we found Jarl Hakon’s steed 
~€ut down and at its side this cloak, besmeared 
With blood. Thy men have doubtless found him there 
And there he met his death. 


Olaf. Ha,:tell-me friends, 
Is ’t true? Is this his cloak? 
Griffin, Aye, aye, his cloak! 


But where’s the Jarl himself? Was also he 
Beside the brook ? 
Einar. No, not the Jarl! Alone 
His steed, his mantle, both besmeared with blood. 
Grifin. . Bring forth the Jarl himself! Aye, then we'll rest, 
But not before. Not thus we know the Jarl. 
Unless I err, he found another cloak. 
My King, be not misled; this trick is like 
The Jarl, and done to lead astray the blind. 
IT know him! 
Olaf. Then, to horse! We’re close to Rimol. 
I there convened the council, and shall hear 
If aught is known about the Jarl. 


Griffin. ~ There lives 
His mistress, Thora. 
Einar. Former mistress, Griff ! 


The fickle Jarl deserted her; and both 


128 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl gl 


The brothers were his deadliest foes. 
Griffin. — A search 
Can do no harm. They say, “Old love rusts not.’ “ 
Olaf. look, yonder comes the sun. To horse! Away! 
[Exeunt. 


Scene III. 
A Rocky Cavern. 


Enter Haxon and Karker; the latter bearing a lamp and a 
basin of food. 


Karker. So this is the cave where we must hide? There is 
none too much room. Where shall I set the lamp? 

Hakon. Hang it in the corner on the wall. 

Karker. Aye, that Ican. And here are seats hewn out of the 
rock, so that one can rest. My lord, wilt have some breakfast 
now? All the blessed day no food has passed thy lips. 

Hakon. No! No food for me! But, Karker, thou mayst 
eat. 

Karker. Then I will with thy permission. [Seats himself 
and begins to eat. Haxon walks back and forth taking long 
strides.| My lord! I say, this is a gloomy hole. Didst see 
that coffin, that black coffin, inside the door where we entered? 

Hakon. Hush, I tell thee, and eat! [Aside] In this dark 
cave hath Thora walked, spent many a sleepless night, alone. 
It was made to be her grave. That sombre coffin she ordered 
made secretly. It was here she planned her lovely body should 
waste away and decay. [Looks at KarKer.] Slave, why dost 
thou not eat? At other times thou hast a greedy appetite. What 
ails thee now? 

Karker. Ah, my lord; I have no least desire for food. 

Hakon. No desire? Why so? Eat, my lad! Be glad, re- 
joice, trust in me, thy master. 

Karker. Ah, but sir! Thou thyself art downcast, sick at 
heart. 

Hakon. Sick at heart? Slave! How darest thou? I say, 
be merry! If there is no desire to eat, just now, then sing! 
Sing me a ballad! 


129 
9 


92 James Christian Lindberg 


Karker. What shall I sing? 


Hakon. Sing what thou wilt, but rather one wherein the 


words are wild and boisterous, as rain and hail in winter-storms. 
A lullaby, slave! A lullaby! 

Karker. A lullaby? 

Hakon. Aye, that this grown-up child may slumber, lose him- 
self in dreamland without a fear. 

Karker. I know a famous warrior-song, my lord. 

Hakon. Hath it a mournful ending? Doth it seem at first 
‘t would all be well, and ends at last in infamy and crime? 

Karker. No, my lord. . It is sad at first. 

Hakon. I like it then. This turn that all-must open quietly 
and joyfully, that sadder may seem the ending, is a loathsome 
trick in all our poets. Let the early dawn be gray and dismal, 
the worst does not surprise us then. Begin thy song. 

Karker. [Sings.] 


King Harald and Erling went sailing one night 
By light of the moon and the wind’s refrain. 
But when they came to Oglogaard, 

The doughty Jarl was slain.” 


akon. How now, slave! Is all thy reason gone? Dost 
sing to me my father’s death-song? 

Karker. Why? Was Sigurd Jarl thy father? That I never 
knew before. Aye, thou ’rt right, he had a gloomy ending. 

Haakon. Hush! 

Karker. ‘There is not even a piece of matting here upon which 
one can sleep, not to speak of straw. 

Hakon. If thou art sleepy stretch thyself upon the ground; 
so have I done many a time. 

Karker. That I will with thy permission. 

Hakon. Sleep, sleep! [KarKer throws limself upon the 
ground and falls asleep; HAKon looks at him.| Torpid nature! 
Asleep so soon? That tiny spark which proved thee to be a liv- 
ing being and not a lump of inanimate clay, now smolders feebly 
beneath a pile of ashes. Well for thee! Ah well for thee! 
Here it is all aflame! Here it rages with a force that is uncon- 
_ trollable. Didst thou sing my father’s death song, at this very 


130 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 93 


hour, as a-wink from the Norne? Shall Hakon’s death resemble 
Sigurd’s? Sigurd was, as I, a bloody man, a zealous worshiper 
of the olden gods; under guise of friendship he slew King 
Athelstein,*’ the pious, and checked his work. [Uneasily.] God 
Odin, hath indeed the spotless Christ overturned thy power? 
Must he fall, who checks the southern faith?—Ha! This cave 
is chilly! It is cold and damp.—|[For a time he walks back and 
forth, then remains standing looking at KArKeER.| He dreams! 
Dangerous frowns contort his face and wrinkle his forehead. 
Fie! There he lies and grins, beneath the lamp as if he were a 
ghost. [Shakes him.] Slave, wake up! Karker, awake, I say! 
What means this disgusting smile? 

Karker. Ah, sir; I dreamed. 

Hakon. And what didst thou dream? 

Karker. I dreamed— 

Hakon. Hush! Be quiet! What ‘noise is that above us? 

Karker. An army of men, sir. Dost thou not hear the rat- 
tling of weapons and the coats of mail? Ha; these are King 
Olaf’s men, my lord; they search for thee. 

Hakon. ‘This ancient vault is all unknown, and Thora gave 
to me its key. With iron and powerful locks the doors are 
closed; we are safe; none enter here. 

Karker. [Listening.| Listen, sir! Dost hear what the her- 
ald cries, loud-voiced, above my head? 

Hakon. What is it, slave? 

Karker. That King Olaf rewards with honor and with gold 
whoever brings Jarl Hakon’s head. 

Hakon. [Looking straight at him.| That thou wilt never 
do? Wherefore tremblest thou? Why art thou so pale? What 
makes thy lips so blue? 

Karker. Ah, sir; I have not yet recovered from my dream. 
Tell me, Hakon, what it means. Thou knowest how it is done; 
thou dost interpret dreams. . 

Hakon. ‘What was thy dream? 

Karker. At first I dreamed that we two were out on the sea 
in a small boat; I sat at the helm— 


131 


94 James Christian Lindberg 


Hakon. Which means,—on thee depends my life, the num- 
ber of my days. Karker be true; stand by me in this hour of 
need and I will reward thee better far than Olaf. 

Karker. I had another dream. 

Hakon. What was it, Karker? Speak! 

Karker. This time I dreamed, a dark and stoutish man de- 
scended from the cliffs and said that now all fiords were closed 
against us. 

Hakon. (WKarker! There thou didst not dream so well; this 
signifies a brief life for us both. Be true Karker, be true! As 
thou hast often told, we two were born the. selfsanie night; so 
too the hours between my death and thine are few. 

Karker. And then it seemed to me I stood at Hlade, where 
‘King Olaf had a golden ring placed about my neck. 

Hakon. Which means he will place a halter of twisted hemp 
about thy neck, if thou art faithless to thy master. Seat thyself 
in the corner yonder! Here in this corner I will rest. Then we 
both will sleep. 

Karker. As thou wilt my lord. 

Hakon. Where goest thou now? 

Karker. I first would trim the lamp. 


Hakon. Go, sit down, I tell thee! Let the lamp burn! Per-. 


adventure thou mightst put it out, then we should sit in gloom 
and darkness. I never could comprehend how people. at the 
evening hour can calmly put out the light before they go to bed; 
it is a gruesome picture of death, blacker and more awful than 
death itself. What burns as strong as vividly as a light? What 
becomes of a light when it goes out? Leave the lamp untouched ; 
the flame is feeble, true, but still it burns. As long as there is 
life there stil! is hope. Go, seat thyself, my son! [For some 
itme they sit quietly. | 

Hakon. Well Karker, art thou asleep? 

Karker. Aye, my lord! 

Hakon. Ha, dull, half-witted slave! [Rises and walks back 
and forth.| Wakon! Hakon! Is this stupid beast the last rem- 
nant of thy fleeting power? I trust him not; for what image 
of duty and faithfulness can such a clouded brain conceive? 


132 


Oehlenschlaegers Hakon J arl 95 


Like a chained dog he fawns upon the one who holds the choicest 
piece of meat. [Aloud.| Give me thy dagger, Karker! A 
slave should never bear a weapon. 

Karker. Master! Thou hast given it me thyself. Here it 
is. [Reaches it to him.] 

Hakon. Now sleep! 

Karker. Immediately! [Lies down again.| 

Hakon. <A fever shakes me, fires my blood and brain! [ am 
weary and worn from fighting all the day and retreating all the 
night. But still I dare not sleep! This sordid slave—yet I will 
rest awhile, but guardedly refrain from sleep. [Sits down and 
straightway sleeps. | 

Karker. [Rises quictly.| Now he sleeps! He bears me no 
confidence! He fears that I will betray him. King Olaf offers 
money for his life; what more can I expect from him? He stirs. 
Help, Thor! He walks in his sleep. 

Hakon. [Rises, still asleep. Walks with stiff heavy steps to 
the center of the cave.1| Guldharald! Graafeld! Ha, what do 
ye here? Leave me, I say; ve both deserved your death. A 
traitor? I deceived you not through friendly guise—What, all 
ye women here? Go home; begone! I have no more time to 
waste. And then your bridegrooms—and Odin’s statue—it lay 
in' the dust—thou didst bite upon the hook, Olaf! And now 
thou dost wish Hakon to bite on death’s sharp hook.—Who cries 
behind yonder bush? Ah, that is the worst of all. Erling, 
Erling, weepest thou? Did I plunge the knife too deep? Oh, 
blood, blood is flowing from thy breast, out amongst the roses. 
[Cries aloud.| Ha, Karker! Karker! 

Karker. My lord.—Still he sleeps. 

Hakon. ’Tis done, tis done! Here is thy dagger! Plunge 
it into my breast! 

Kerker. This thou wilt repent, my lord, when thou art awake. 

Hakon. I deserve it, Karker, yes by Odin! Bury it quick! 

Karker. [Takes the dagger.| He is my master; I must obey 
him. 

Hakon. Ha, haste thee! Haste thee, Karker! before I awake. 
Thou or I must die. 


133 


96 James Christian Lindberg 


Karker. [Buries the dagger in Hakon’s breast.| Then it 
must be thou !§? | =a 
- Hakon. Then heaven struck me with its avenging flame, 
Olaf, Olaf! Thy curse is realized. [Dies.] oa 

Karker. It is done; now there is no time for regrets. Tf ee 
should scream and fet his life would never return. Ill take 
the key from his pocket, carry him up the passage to the door — 
and there reveal to Olaf all that is done; then he will honor me a 
with silver and gold. What is done is done! He begged me 
to kill him; I have only done my master’s bidding. [He lifts 
the body to his shoulders and bears it away.] 


SceNnE [V 
A Roomy Square Outside Thora’s Castle 


OLAF TRYGVESON stands armed with shield and spear on a large 
Stone, surrounded by the people of his couneil. 


Griffin. Here come the peasant folk from Throndhiem, sir. 
The council is complete, not one of all 
The summoned spokesmen fails. There Bergthor comes, . > 
The smith, the sage of Throndhiem’s folk. He fought © ae 
With thee ’gainst Hakon, yesterday, but saw 
Thee not, as darkness fell before the fight 
Was done. He’s every inch a man! 


[Enter Bercruor, followed by a crowd of peasants. ] 


Bergthor. ee fete 
He stands; look brothers, there he stands, a King 
Upon the council’s royal stone, as if i 
He were a Goldenhair, an Athelstein! [Takes off his cap.] a 
Art thou King Trvygve’s son? 

Olaf. Aye, that I am, 
King Trygve’s lawful son. j 

Bergthor. A fair complexion! . . 
One sees in him at once the ancient stock. 5 
Sir, thou hast summoned here the council; I 4 


av » 
— > 


134 


“! 
7h 


* me 


SOO ar Pe eee 


Shona 
SRY 


Ret 


. bere i 
oa WaT 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 97 


Am spokesman for the farmer-folk of Throndhiem, 
Because the eldest. Welcome to our land! 

With thee we fought ’gainst Hakon yesterday, 
But see thee first today. No time to look 

About in battle. [Each of Norway’s sons 

Hath longed for thee. With joy we choose thee now 
To be our King, whereto with honor thou 

Art born. See here, my King, I bring this crown; 
Jarl Hakon bade me forge it for himself. 

I fitted it about an iron ring, 

A measure used for Halfdan Svarte’s crown. 

For Hakon’s head it proved a sheer misfit,— 

It blinded both his eyes. Now let us see — 

If thy head fits the crown. 


[Oxar places the crown on his head. | 


Ha, look! It sits 
As were it forged about his brow. Now strike 
Upon your shields, my men, and choose him King. 
[Clashing of arms. 
The Peasantry. Hail Olaf Trygveson! Hail, hail, our King! 
We swear allegiance, vouchsafe loyalty 
To thee our King. We swear aloud by Odin, 
By all the gods! 
Olaf. One God is quite enough, 
My gallant Norway’s men; yea, swear by One 
Alone, the liying God, who sees, who hears, 
Vho knows us all, from yonder heights in Heaven. 
The Peasantry. By Olaf’s God, by Olaf’s God! We swear! 


. : . ? ° . 
[Clashing of arms, and cries of joy. A notse 1s heard outside 
the place. | 


Olaf. What tumult yonder? ‘ 
Einar. Sir, the sun has pierced 

The lowering thunder clouds; the storm is passed, 

Upon his shield they bring thee Hakon’s corpse. 

His former love, the Lady Thora, hath, 


135 


98 James Christian Lindberg 


As Grif assured us, kept her strong devotion 
And in an unknown cave hath hid him. There 
His slave has murdered him. 

Olaf. Hast thou beheld 
His corpse, and art thou sure it is himself? 

Griffin. Aye, sir! Himself this time and not his cloak; 
He lies death-pale, his blood still oozing forth 
From out his wound. 
— Olaf. Peace keep his soul in death! 
Now taixe the corpse where first it lay, where thou 
Didst find it, Grif. His death atones for all. 
My wrath is quenched. Poor woman, loving, true! 
Give back to her his honored dust. The slave 
Who thus betrayed his master, his reward 


Is death. 3 
Griffin. My lord, it shall be done. 
Olaf. [Descending. | And now 


Away to Hlade, come! Who follows me? 
Bergthor. The whole of Norway, sir! 
Olaf. "Tis well; you all 
Shall be my guests. The day doth promise us 
A friendly night. The horns shall pass from bench 
To bench in Throndhiem’s merry grove; the wine 
Shall flow to Olaf’s welcome. 
The Mass of People. Hail the King! 


[Clashing of arms. OLAF goes, all following.] 


SCENE V 
The Underground Cave 


The lamp still burns. Two men enter with a black cofin. They 
place it in the center of the vault and then pass out again. THora enters 
slowly with a drawn sword and a large wreath of evergreens. She stands 
for some time looking at the coffin and at length says: 

Thora. At last, my Hakon Jarl, thou art enshrined! 

And here at Thora’s shrine—that I had not 
Foreseen. May peace be with thy weary bones 


Within the grave. If thou hast sinned, thou’st paid 


136 


Oehlenschlaeger's Hakon Jarl 


The price therefor, and none hath need to speak 
Contemptuous thoughts or slurring words to cloud 
Thy memory with infamy. I love 

Thee here in death as I have loved in life. 

But yesterday throughout the North, thy sun 

Did shine, as heaven’s sun, whose glory all 

The world reflects. Now all the hosts of men * 
Have quite forgotten thee, and turn their eyes, 
Their thoughts, toward stranger suns. One lonely heart, 
A woman’s, beats in quiet sorrow still 

Beside thy dear remains. Pray then let her 
Bestow the honor due thee, which thy men 

Forgot through joy’s debauch. 


[She places the sword and the wreath upon the coftin.} 


From Thora’s hand 
Receive this forest wreath, a wreath late plucked 
From Norway’s haughty fir, which twines itself 
About thy warrior-sword; ’t will signify: 
.A northern hero this of rarest mould,— 
A flower choked by winter’s biting frost. 
Some day the Saga of the North will tell,— 
When time’s rough hand hath soiled the written page, 
When great achievements pass from mouth to mouth, 
‘The colors blurred: “An evil man was Hakon, 
A cruel worshipper of heathen gods.” 
With terrors they will name thy name. - But I, 
I shudder not; nay, Hakon! for I knew 
Thee best. A mighty power, a mighty soul 
Was sacrificed because of wild delusions. 
Then calmly sleep, thou noblest of the North. 
A thousand fond good-nights! Aloft in heaven 
God Odin satisfy thy soul! I leave 
Thee now in solitude. When next the door 
Shall open, Thora’s slaves will bring her corpse 
And place it where it lived, at Hakon’s side. 


137 


99 


100 


PAGE NOTE 


alt 


4 


4 


lor mornor) 


~2 


a - 


alt: 
St 


abi 


11 


11 
12 


2. 


see 


10. 


ule 


16. 
ule 


James Christian Lindberg 


NOTES 


years of his rule the political center of Norway. 


Harald Graafeld. King of Norway 950-963. Through the schem- . 


ing of Hakon he was lured down to Denmatic where ‘he was killed 
by Guldiarald who aspired to the kingship of Norway. . His 
nickname Graafeld means Gray-skin. The circumstance of his 


getting the name is as follows: A trader had brought a ship- 


load of furs. One day he complained to the king that he was 
unable to sell his merchandise. The King asked the trader to 
present him with a fur. When the request was granted, the king 
put on the fur, and all his men to imitate their king bought furs 
until the whole cargo was sold. 

There are sixteen others. “Was there ever a land and sixteen 
earls so under one ruler?”—Einar’s Vellekla, v. 29. 

Olaf Trygveson. See Introductory Note. 

Hakon Jarl. See Introductory Note. 

Thor. Next to Odin, his father, Thor was the principal god of 
Norse mythology. The Roman Mars. The hammer was his 
destructive weapon. 

There were twelve chief gods, or Aesir (dwelling in Asgard), 
besides Odin (the ‘All- Father’), viz.: Thor, Baldur, Niord, Frey, 
Ty-or Tyr, Bragi, Heimdal, Hod, Vidar, Uli, Forsetti, and Loki 
or Lopt. 
Frigga. "The goddess of love and wife of Odin. 

Freia or Freya. As Frigga also the goddess of love. She was 
the daughter of Niord, and to her belonged one-half of all who 
were slain in battle. 

As late thou didst thy wit. The reference is to the successful 
trading expedition from which Thorer has just returned. 

Eivind Skaldaspilder. Hakon’s court-poet. Spilder (Spillir) 
means ‘robber’ or ‘spoiler. Some authorities think that he re- 
ceived this nickname because he eclipsed all other poets, hence 
‘spoiled’ them; others contend that he was a great plagiarist, that 
he ‘robbed’ other poets and hence was called the ‘poet-spoiler.’ 
“The line here quoted from Eivind is not found in what is left 
of this poet's works.”—Liebenberg. 

King of Dublin. Oechlenschlaeger is- not always true to actual 
history. Olaf was not king of Dublin, but that king’s son-in-law. 
Harald Fairhair (Haarfager). King of Norway 860-930; son of 
Halfdan the Black. Harald was Olaf’s great-grandfather. 
Danevirke, ‘Danes’ work. This was an ancient entrenchment 
erected by King Gottrik in the 9th century as a protection to 
Denmark against invasion from the South. It is often referred 
to as the ‘Wall, or the ‘Bulwark,’ of the North. 

To Harald’s aid. Harald Blaatand, the son of Gorm, king of 
Denmark 935-985. After the death of Harald Haarfager, he was 
also ruler in Norway. He was forced by the German Iemperor, 
Otho I, to accept Christianity. 

The lineage of Harald. his refers to Harald Fairhair, 

A ransomed thrall. See note 27. below. 


138 


Hlade. The location of Haken’s palace, and during the eighteen ‘ : 


Oehlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl IOI 


7 
PAG = NOTE 


12 18. 
12 19. 
12 20. 
14 21. 
15 22. 
15 23. 
16 24. 
16 25. 
16. 26. 
16 27 
19 28. 
20 29. 
22 30. 
23 31. 
23 39. 
27 33. 
o7 34. 
27 35. 
30 36. 
30 37. 


Valhal or Valhalla. The abode of Odin in Asgard, the realm 
of the gods. It was originally the abode of the dead, but became 
in the Viking age the warrior’s paradise to which only those go 


who are slain in battle. 
Aesir, Aesir is the collective term used for all the gods in 


Scandinavian mythology. 


_Aukathor or Age-Thor. Another name for Thor. 


Berglioth. Probably Hakon’s deceased wife, whose real name 

was Thora; not his daughter Berglioth mentioned later. 

This merthant prince. The merchant prince is Guldharald. 

See Introductory Note on Hakon Jarl. 

Limfiord. A sea passage cutting off the northern portion of Jut- 

land, Denmark, from the main division. Halse, a small town on 

this fiord. “He (Harald Graafeld) was doomed to lie on the 

broad bank of Lim-firth, at Halse on the sand he fell. It was. 
. . (Hakon) that planned the slaughter.”—Glum Gcirason, 

in the “Greyfeld-Drapa,”’ Lives of Kings. 

My last exploit at Hjéringsvaag. This refers to the battle of the 

Ioms-wickings, for which see /nfroductory Note on Hakon Jarl. 

eee For the Bue incident see Introductory Note on Hakon 

ari 

The Russian Valdemar. Later on he is spoken of as Olaf’s 

foster-father. Olaf when a boy was scold into slavery. His unciey 

who served the Russian Valdemar, came across him by chance, 

ransomed him, and took him to the Russian court, where he be- 

came a great favorite of the king and queen. 

Dovre or Dovrefield. A spur on the Scandinavian mountains in 

Norway famous for its quarries. 

See note 47, below. 

Vauland. The Norse for Wayland, the invisible smith of Berk- 

shire, England. It is natural that Bergthor should swear by him. 

Melhus. An oid ruin in Guldalen, Norway. 

Halfdan Svarte (The Black). The father of Harald Fairhair, 

noted chiefly for being the ancestor of a long line of illustrious 

kings. 

Konunga-tal says that Hakon Jarl ruled “one-score and thirteen 

years.” This would make thirty-three years, but in fact he ruled 

Norway for about nineteen years, 976-995. 

Gundhild. Sister to Harald Blaatand and mother of “the 

Ynglings,’ who were the cause of much trouble before Hakon 

Jarl assumed control. Her name has become tarnished because 

of the wickedness of her sons; Graafeld -is the most famous of 

these. 

Jomsborg’s fight. See Introductory Note on Hakon Jarl. 

The lWendish sceptre. The Wends are a tribe of the Slavic race 

living in Saxony and Prussia. Jn his youth Olaf visited these 

parts and married a daughter of the. Wendish king. After three 

years his wife died and Olaf went _away in sorrow. Later, he 

was married to a daughter of the king of Dublin. 

Throndhiem. A town and district on the west coast of Norway. 

At the time of the play this seems to have been the. principal 

district, politically. 

Historically this is not correct; Olaf did not set out with the 

intention of aiding Russia. It is the poet’s reason for getting 

Olaf to Norway. 


139 


102 


James Christian Lindberg 


PAGE NOTE 


66 


66 


67 
67 
67 


60. 


61. 


62. 
63. 
64, 


Garderike. A Russian city, seemingly where the royal family 
dwelt at that time. 

The silent, awe-inspiring feast. The Holy Communion. 

Syn. Doorkeeper in Freia’s hall, and guardian of the truth. 
Loke. God of destruction and evil. 

Thrudvang. The abode of Thor. 

Rogaland. The ancient name of the presént district of Stavanger. 
Baldur. God of sunshine. and happiness. 

The following paragraph should be compared with the myth of 
Yedrasil, the “Tree of the Universe.” (See note 66, below.) 
Hakon Athelstein, ‘The Good’ ‘The illegitimate son of Harald 
Fairhair and foster-son of King Athelstan of England. He at- 
tempted to christianize Norway but failed; he was forced to par- 
take of the heathen rites as is stated below. At last he was 
killed on the island Stord by the sens of Erik Bloodax or “Gund- 
hild’s sons.’ 

Helheim. The abode of Hel, the goddess of death. 

Dark Elivagar. The Elivagar were the icy and poisonous streams 
that flowed out of Niflheim, the world of fog and mists. 

Grifin. A fanciful creature, half lion and ‘half eagle, found in 
Persian sculpture and on Greek coins and ornaments and in 
heraldry. It is an emblem of vigilance. 

Valfaudur. The same as All- father. 

Bishop Popo. He was sent by Otho II of Germany to Dene 
to baptize King Blaatand and others. Hakon was one of these, 
and at the baptism was made to promise that he would introduce 
Christianity into Norway; but he broke his oath as soon as was 
possible and worshiped the ancient gods. 

The red-hot iron glove. This was one of the tricks, or presumed 
miracles, that the early missionaries performed in order to -per- 
suade the people. 

Mistiness. The ‘southern’ religion is often spoken of in such 
terms as ‘dampness’ and ‘mistiness.’ 

Thor’s hammer. See note 6, above. 

Skaerdingstad.  Vhis and the other names in this paragraph, poe 
persons and places. are mere local names and of no historical 
value. 

Erland. No historical mention of Erland and the incident here 
related seems extant. It is, perhaps, the poet’s invention. 
Aegir. God of the sea, especially of the stormy sea. 

Ydun. (Keeper of the ‘apples which the gods ate when they grew 
old, and which renewed their youth. Once Loke stole from her 
these apples. 

Asa-Tyr. The god of war, who lost his right hand by putting it 
into the mouth of the Fenris-wolf, when the gods attempted to 
chain the latter. 

Followed Baldur down to decpest hell? This refers to Odin’s 
visit to Helheim, where he went to see what had become of’ Bal- 
dur, after the latter had been killed by the tricks of Loke. 

Ran. Goddess of the sea, wife of Aegir. 

Auk-Thor’s wain. The constellation, the Great Bear. 

Saga. Goddess of history. The meaning’ here is not clear. 
There seems no reason why Hakon should invoke the forgiveness 
of this goddess. 


140 


, Ce wes ee 


Ochlenschlaeger’s Hakon Jarl 103 


PAGE NOTE 


68 


68 


_ 68 
69 


70 


73 


76 


rare 


80 


80 


65. 


66. 


67. 
6S. 


69. 


a. 


72. 


Skuld. One of the three Nornes or Fates, Urd, Verdanda, and 
Skuld (the Present, Past, and Future). They control the lives 
of men, and their decrees are irrevocable. They are seated under 
Yedrasil, the “Tree of the Universe.” 
Yegdrasil. The great ash tree that binds together heaven, earth, 
and hell. It stands upon the earth, but its branches reach into 
heaven and its roots penetrate hell. 
Urdur or Urd. (See note 65 above.) 
Thorgierdur Horgabrud, A local war-goddess, a special pat- 
roness of Hakon’s. He calls upon her again at the end of this 
act. 
Auden. This one-eyed man Auden can hardly be explained as a 
real personality. He must be considered as the Mephistopheles 
of Gothe or the ‘other-world’ beings of Shakespeare. Here he 
represents the conscience of Olaf.in its last struggle to find out 
whether or not he is right in destroying the old religion of the 
North and planting in its place the Christian faith of the South. 
The Siren’s song. Tangbrand is of course acquainted with the 
South and its literature, and here refers to the sirens of Greek 
mythology. 
Mimer. The keeper of the waters in the well of wisdom, where 
Odin had pawned one of his eyes for a drink. The Elder Edda 
Says: 

“Full well I know 

Great Odin, where 

Thine eye thou lost; 

In Mimer’s well, 

The fountain pure, 

Mead Mimer drinks 

Each morning new, 

With Odin’s pledge.” 


Askur. Askur and Embla were the first man and woman that 
the gods created. 

Heimdal. Keeper of the rain-how bridge, Bifrost. He has a 
trumpet called Gjallarhorn which he blows in summoning the 
gods at Ragnardék, the doomsday. Here Hakon interprets the 
crowing of the cock as a signal from Heimdal for action. 
Nither. -Nither is not mentioned in the Eddas, but is a giant 
spoken of by Saxo Grammaticus, a Danish historian and author 
of the thirteenth century. 

Mere Amazons, mere Valkyrs. The Amazons and Valkyrs were 
battle-nymphs who were present in battle at every warrior’s side. 
They designated those who were to fall in battle, and later con- 
ducted them to Valhal. They are often called Odin’s hand- 
maids. 

Heimdal’s temples. See note 73 above. 

Thorgierdur Horgabrud. See note 68 above. 

Gaulaa. According to history, Gaulaa is where Hakon was killed. 
Restrained his hand. The Bible reference here is plain. 

The doughty Jarl was slain. This is historically true. Harald 
Graafeld ‘and Erling, sons of the famous Gundhild, burned Sigurd 
Jarl, Hakon’s father, in his own house. 

Hakon. WHakon Athelstein. See note 47 above. 

Then it must be thou. See Introductory Note on Hakon Jarl. 


14] 


‘ naibete 
Index and title-page for each volume are published spark a 
A list vt the papers printed i in the first two volumes may be had on applic 


vee $i. 00 each. 
Sees few copies of voiumes I, Il, III, and IV complete i in numbers are s 
oar had. : , 3 wn 
sae ~All ‘communications regarding purchase or exchange should be addressed 


THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA LIBRARY 
LINCOLN, Ne fete 


JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS LINCOLN 


| Vou. V Aprit, 1905 No. 2 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Published by the University of Neb 


= Gulag aSTy Pre 
; AAs lity at 
\ | Vi # ay. 
PI 4 4m \ 
(ee SUN 29 1934 ie} 
COMMITTEE OF PUBLIDATIAN— wth 
FON AL musey 
C. KE. BESSEY TH BOLLS 
D. B. BRACE H. S. EVANS F. M. FLING 
W. G. L. TAYLOR J. I. WYER 


L. A. SHERMAN Eprror 


CONTENTS 


I. On THE CrisKs or 1837, 1847, anp 1857, In ENc- 
LAND, FRANCE, AND THE UNITED STATES. 
Tra Ryner : ; : ‘ ; 143 


LINCOLN NEBRASKA 


Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-ciass matter, as para 
Bulletin, Series 10, No. 12 =f y 


LI NIVERSITY STUDIES 


VoL. V APRIL 1905 No. 2 


I—On the Crises of 1837, 1847, ond 1857, in England, France, 
and the United States: An Analysis and Comparison 


BY IRA RYNER 


Attractive as is the theory that commercial crises are abnor- 
malities interrupting and retarding normal progress, the uni- 
versality and regularity in occurrence of these phenomena haye 
led us to adopt the contrary view as a working hypothesis. 
While the scope of our imagination permits the conception of an 
ideal society with organizations so nicely adjusted as to eliminate 
every possibility of irregularity, this ideal, though highly desir- 
able, falls so far short of actual realization as to be impracticable 
as a standard. The question which concerns us is not the pos- 
sibilities ir an ideal society, but whether or not, given a certain 
degree of social progress, these periodical commercial disturb- 
ances are inevitable. If it is impossible to avoid them, the pre- 
sumption at least is established that they are supplemental to 
progress. That for the past century and more these economic 
disturbances have occurred with persistent regularity and un- 
changing severity in all parts of the commercial world, we regard 
as evidence of their functional nature. 

_ Further evidence of this functional nature appears upon learn- 
ing that the crisis is not a cause or positive force, but a result. 
To illustrate, take the English crisis of 1847. Unquestionably 
the original cause of this crisis was an over-investment in rail- 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 2, April 1905. 


143 


2 Ira Ryner 


way enterprises. To put it in the concrete, the amount of capital 
invested in railways was out of proportion to the amounts de- 
voted to other industrial enterprises. Now what part did the 
crisis play? It must have come in simply as a reaction from an 
over-stimulation in a certain branch of industry. Capitalists and 
investors, overestimating the future demand for transportation 
facilities, continued to launch railway enterprises until the supply 
exceeded the demand. A readjustment or crisis was the inevi- 
table result. 

The statement that the crisis is the result of erratic business 
tending to establish its normality may be objected to, since the 
very opposite inference may be drawn. But the reply can be 
made that history affords abundance of evidence that human na- 
ture is such as to be subject to extremes, and that there are bound 
to be periodical outbursts of speculative fervor. It is an estab- 
lished fact that capitalists and investors do speculate to extremes 
and that they do invest until the supply exceeds the demand. 
But this evil seems to be one against which human ingenuity is 
powerless. In fact, it seems to be a part of human nature to go 
to such extremes. The only practical solution which offers itself 


is to evolve a new man with foresight sufficiently keen to see the - 


approaching calamity in time to steer clear of it. But it is very 
evident that that man is not the normal business man of the pres- 
ent nor of the past, but of a future ideal society with which at 
present we have nothing to do. : 

In fact, the crisis is much more complicated than would appear 
from the illustration given. Instead of confining itself to one 
branch of industry, speculation may spread from industry to i.- 
dustry until it has practically involved the whole industrial field. 
A disproportion of investment in one field of industry or in sev- 
eral, or a disproportion between the total of circulating and the 
total of fixed capital may result. 

With this as a working hypothesis, then, that the crisis is sup- 
plemental to the normal social movement, we take up the study 
of the three crises periods: 1836-39, 1847-48, and 1857. 

In this study of crises, we shall treat the movements chrono- 
logically, taking up each cause for consideration in the order in 


144 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 3 


which it comes into operation as we proceed from a period of 
prosperity to one of depression.! For this purpose the following 
headings will be found convenient : 


1. Changes in the permanent environment, or long-time causes. 
2. Occasions, or short-time causes. 

3. Trade movements. 

4. Financial operations. 


By changes in the permanent environment, or long-time causes, 
we mean those alterations in the environment that are of a lasting 
nature, i. e., those which survive the crisis. Railways constructed 
previous to the crisis and remaining in use for years afterwards 
come under this heading. Permanent extension of crop areas 
also comes under this class. -Occasions or short-time causes are 
those forces which apparently cause the crisis. They are of short 
duration. In fact, they spring into existence during the period 
of speculation and perish with the crisis. Excess of railways and 
crop areas beyond the needs of the times, wars, crop failures, 
etc., fall under this heading. Strictly speaking, however, wars 
and crop failures should not be contrasted with long-time causes, 
as they are not characteristic of crises and are not so fundamental 
as the other kinds of occasions. The trade movements are in- 
ternational movements of merchandise, gold, and securities. Here 
it is the purpose to study not so much the general as the particular 
movements, or rather changes in the normal movements resulting 
from and indicative of the operation of either long-time causes or 
occasions or both. In considering financial operations, we pass 
from the materialistic environment to the highest psychic realm 
in economic activity—that of banking, private and government 
financiering, etc. The forces here in action are given a stimulus 
by the movements in the material environment, and in turn they 
react upon it, so that the actions and reactions form a complete 
circuit. We shall treat first the permanent environmental 
changes of each crisis. 


_ 1 We have taken the ideal way. A crisis movement may actually start 
within a financial operation, or a trade movement, the permanent environ- 
ment being acted upon later. 


145 


4 Ira Ryner 


I 


CRISIS OF 1837 


Preliminary to the discussion of permanent environmental 
changes, it may be well to point out the difficulty encountered in 
determining exactly, in a particular change of environment, for 
example railway extension, how much is permanent and how 
much occasional. The course we shall pursue is that of treating 
the whole change as permanent, where classification is difficult, 
in the treatment of the first heading. In the discussion of the 
second heading, however, we shall attempt to meastire approxi- 
mately at least how much of the change is occasional. 


A few years previous to the crisis of 1836-39 the first railroads. 


"were constructed. This revolution, resulting in the annihilation 
of space and time, naturally caused an overestimation of the im- 
mediate needs for railway facilities, and the speculation beginning 
here soon spread to other industries. In England, railway con- 
struction began about 1830. By 1838, there had been constructed 
490 miles at a cost of £13,300,000.1 The speculation spread to 
joint-stock banking, and it is estimated that between 1834 and 
1836 about seventy banks were established.2, Thus the mania 
spread from business to business until, during the two years just 
preceding the crisis, 300 companies with a capitalization of £135,- 
248,700 were formed. Of this whole amount £69,000,000 were 
for railway enterprises and £23,000,000 for joint-stock banks.* 
As an indication of the variety of purposes for which com- 
panies were formed we quote a list from Juglar, the titles of 
which are significant: “The British-Agricultural Loan company, 
another for supplying pure spring water, the Patent Steam Pad- 
dle company, the Safety: Cabriolet company, the British and 
American Intercourse company, the London Whale Fishery com- 
pany, the Liverpool British and Foreign Trading company.’* In 


1 Levi, History of British Commerce, 302. 

2Crump, Zhe Key to the London Money Market, 29. 
3 Levi, History of British Commerce, 220. 

4Juglar, Les crises commerciales, 345. 


146 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 5 


addition to these, there were mining companies, insurance com- 
panies, investment companies, newspaper companies, canal com- 
panies, gas companies, etc.1 The heaviest investment, however, 
as shown by the figures above, was in railways and joint-stock 
banks. 

Finally we can sum up the period just preceding and a few 
years succeeding the crisis as forming an important part of an 
era of great industrial change. England was changing from an 
agricultural to a commercial nation. At the beginning of the 
century, the iron mines were turning out. annually about 200,000 
or 300,000 tons of pig iron. In 1835, the output was a million; 
- in 1844 it had jumped to a million and a half. “The quantity of 
coal shipped had risen from four millions and a quarter in 1819 
to over nine million tons in 1844.” Changes in the processes of 
manufacture of cotton and woolen goods had drawn labor from 
other pursuits. “In 1831, out of a population of 16,500,000, 
1,243,000 adults were employed in agriculture. In 1841, out of 
a population of 18,750,000, 1,200,000 only were so employed.’’” 
The first half of the century was a period of industrial transfor- 
mation for England, and the period under consideration was per- 
haps the most critical point. 

That this was a critical point is shown by the intense conflict 
which arose over the corn laws, finally resulting in their abolition 
in the decade 1840-50. England, in spite of her artificial bar- 
riers against foreign grain, was losing her unique position as a 
self-sufficing nation, as shown by the increased wheat importa- 
tions. From 1819 to 1836 wheat imports were relatively small, 
the largest annual importation being that of the year 1830 of 
1,700,000 quarters. But from 1839 to 1842 imports averaged 
2% million quarters; in 1843 and 1844 nearly a million; in 1845 
they fell to 315,000 but rose again in 1846 to 3,000,000, and in 
1847 to over 4,500,000 quarters.* 


1Levi, History of British Commerce, 220. 
2Sydney Buxton, Finance and Politics, 1, 72, 73. 
®Porter, Progress of the Nation, 137-38. 


147 


6 Ira Ryner 


IMPORTS OF WHEAT 


Years Quarters Years Quarters 
ES OL rast ene Socloge a terstsfoveiens. seat e 525,231 POS Ona clots» ahora Ne cee eae 28,483 
Hs Se ee eee ER 315,892 1836,'ce ech cee 24,826 
50 PRO SOE atta aera 572,733 TREE AL oe! aCe ae . 244,087 
if SSR eee alriot seal oan 842,050 1G88 tS sty ens ee 1,834,452 
TEGO eo eR te 1,364,220 TCE ee en tee a” 2,590,734 
15s) See Serene te anh oh 1,701,885 TSAO Kah ese eee 2,389,732 
ARG hereto Tet 1,499,631 14h 2,619,702 
eae meme Doss as ae 325,435 1648 i 28e Lee 2,977,301 
USD, hoivienona ootehe Recace Oa eM 82,346 LB ASN hopeless slestes sree arate 982,286 


Thy ERD ogee Op MARC A aa 64,653 1842 Say ee eee 1,026,690 


With the exception of the few years of extraordinarily abun- 
dant harvests from 1832 to 1836, the distress arising from the 
operation of the corn laws was growing. England was clearly 
destined to become a commercial nation. The conflict over and 
final abolition of these laws afforded evidence that an industrial 
change was taking place. 

In France the movement for permanent investment was less 
pronounced. This was due, perhaps, as Juglar contends, to the 
lack of surplus capital resulting from the internal disorders in 
which France found herself at this time. Nevertheless, accord- 
ing to good authority, rapid changes were taking place here as 
well as in England. Lavisse and Rambaud say: “C’est pendant 
la période qui s’étend de 1815 a 1848 que s’accomplit en France 
la substitution du régime de la grande industrie au régime de 
l'industrie domestique qui avait dominé jusqu alors. L’applica- 
tion, pendant les dernieres années de i’empire des nouvelles in- 
ventions mécaniques, importées de l’Angleterre, a2 la filature et 
au tissage du coton, a marqué les débuts de cette transforma- 
tion.’ 

That cotton and woolen manufactures were booming is seen 
by a glance at export statistics. From 1833 to 1840 the total 
value of French exports increased by £10,000,000., During the 
same period the value of cotton exports increased by over £2,000,- 
ooo and that of woolen exports by almost £1,000,000. Thus, 


'Lavisse et Rambaud, Aizstotre générale, X, 440. 
2Porter, Progress of the Nation, 411. 


148 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 7 


manufactured cotton and woolen goods constituted aimost one- 
third of the gain in the value of exports for this period. 

In agriculture, France seems to have been gaining rather than 
losing, although the introduction of improved farm machinery 
appears to have been very slow. In 1812 Chaptal valued the 
total agricultural product at three milliards of francs. In 1850 
L. de Lavergne valued the product at five milliards, a gain of 60 
per cent. For the same period the population increased from 
29,000,000 to 35,000,000, an increase of about 20 per cent.’ 
While this computation is not accurate nor confined to the par- 
ticular period under consideration, it nevertheless gives a clue 
to the general trend of affairs. 

As to the nature of French permanent investments for this 
period, we find them confined principally to enterprises connected 
with literature. From 1826 to 1838, of the 1,106 companies 
formed, 401 related to journals, periodicals, and books, 95 to 
manufactures, 93 to coaches and modes of conveyance, and 40 to 
banks.* The conclusion, however, that there was a preponder- 
ance of investment in literary enterprises must be modified be- 
cause of the fact that each literature company requires a rela- 
tively smail amount of capital. 

Turning now to the United States, we find a state of affairs 
similar to that in England. The country was passing through a 
stage of invention and permanent improvement. This movement 
of advance was greatly aided by enormous investments of foreign 
capital. ‘The fact that from 1832 to 1835 our public debt had 
been reduced from 24.3 millions to .037 millions had rendered 
Europeans overconfident as to the soundness of American finance 
and the stability of American industry.* From 1832 to 1839 
the railway mileage increased from 229 to 2,302.5 That there 
was a large demand for rails is suggested by the rise of iron 
prices in England. The opening up of western territory and 


1Lavisse et Rambaud, A/istotre générale, X, 450. 
* International Encyclopedia, V1, 204. 

3 Journal of the Statistical Society of London, I, 85. 
4Sumner, Aizstory of American Currency, 128. 

5 United States Statistical Abstract, year 1902. 


149 


8 Ira Ryner 


extension cf the cotton area, necessitating increased transporta- 
tion facilities, gave a special impulse to the railway movement. 

Furthermore, there was an unusual growth of banks during 
this period. The opening up of new lands, construction of rail- 
ways and canals, etc., necessitated an increase of banking facil- 
ities. On the other hand, increased facilities for borrowing no 
doubt gave an impulse to investment so that in reality there was 
an interaction taking place between the lenders and the borrow- 
ers. From 1829 to 1839 the number of banks increased from 
329 to 840, more than doubling. Their capital during the same 
period grew from I10 millions to 327 millions, almost trebling; 
their loans from 137 to 492 millions, more than trebling.t 

This was also an age of canal building. By means of the Erie 
canal, constructed 1817-25 at a cost of $7,000,000, the cost of 
transporting a barrel of flour from Buffalo to New York was 
reduced from $10 to thirty cents. Other states, realizing 
the vast advantage of cheap transportation, imitated New York 
and constructed canals also. As a result of these and other in- 
ternal improvements, the population of the West began to grow 
by both foreign and domestic immigration, principally by domes- 
tic. From 1820 to 1840 Ohio’s population increased from 581,- 
295 to 1,519,467; Indiana’s from 147,148 to 685,866; and TIlli- 
“nois’ from 55,162 to 476,183.” 

In one particular, investment in the United States took a dif- — 
ferent direction from that in England. In addition to construc- 
tion of railways and canals, and the formation of banks, we were 
rapidly extending our agricultural area. The West was being 
settled up rapidly. ‘This is evidenced by a glance at the statistics 
of revenue arising from the sale of public lands. In 1833 this 
revenue amounted to 4.9 millions; in 1834 to 6 millions; in 1835 
to 15.9 millions; and in 1836 to 25.1 millions.* There was also a 
considerable extension of the cotton area as indicated by the 
statistics. They show that from 1833 to 1838 the crop of cotton 


1Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 225. 

2Tbid., 224. 

*Sumner, A History of Banking in all the Leading Nations; vol. 1, A 
History of Banking in the United States, 26. 


150 


Ou the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 9 


increased from 445 to 720 bales, the price rising at the same time 
from II cents to 14 cents.4 

To sum up with regard to permanent environmental changes, 
the crisis of 1837 was characterized in England by construction 
of railways and formation of joint-stock banks; in France by the 
formation of literary companies, there being no striking changes ; 
and in the United States by the construction of railways, the for- 
mation of banks, and the extension of crop areas on the frontier. 


CRISIS OF 1847 


The crisis of 1847 was in England and France distinctly a 
railway crisis. In England, according to Levi, enormous sums 
of capital had accumulated in the country, the necessity for the 
investment of which started off railway speculation.2 As an 
indication of the extent to which investment went it is estimated 
that from 1833 to 1844 £60,000,000 of savings by the people had 
been invested in railway enterprises.* From 1838 to 1851 the 
mileage increased from 490 to 6,890. From 1836 to 1846, 1,577 
railway acts were passed authorizing the expenditure of the enor- 
mous sum of £694,406,000, of which £560,000,000 was author- 
ized for the single year 1846.4. The rage for railway speculation 
pervaded all classes. “So extensively had the railway mania 
penetrated into the crevices of all classes in the community,” 
says Crump, “that old and young, men and. women, pensioners, 
public functionaries, in every street and in every town in the 
kingdom were to be found proprietors. of shares.’’® 

Railways, however, did not enjoy a complete monopoly of in- 
vestment. Numerous joint-stock companies were formed which 
varied in degrees of importance from companies for the manu- 
facture of concentrated tea to companies for financiering great 
railway enterprises. | 


1Sumner, A History of Banking in all the Leading Nations; vol. 1, A 
History of Banking in the United States, 259. 


2Levi, History of British Commerce, 302. 

®°Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 32. : 
4Levi, History of British Commerce, 303. 

6Crump, Zhe Key to the London Money Market, 33. 


I5t 


10 Ira Ryner 


Furthermore, England was at this time greatly extending her 
trade. A new and valuable market had been opened up in China. 
There was a renewal of commercial intercourse with the United 
States and also operations with the Continent were multiplied.t 
Of course these may be classed under either permanent or short- 
time causes according to the permanency of the influence. 

The excessive optimism of the times characterized the govern- 
ment as well as private investors. As evidence of this we have 
parliament making provision that after a certain time the maxi- 
mum railway dividends should be to per cent; in case of excess 
it was to be lowered by the government reducing the fares, tolls, 
Si ee 

Cheap iron and abundance of surplus capital had in France as 
in England resulted in extensive railway investment. To this 
may be added the fact that in 1842 the construction and manage- 
ment of railways were turned over to private corporations, al- 
though railways might still and in fact did receive assistance from 
the government. Finally we note that this period was a contin‘1- 
ation of the era in which introduction of improved farm ma- 
chinery and improved processes of manufacture took place.* 
According to Juglar, there is a very close resemblance between 
the crises of 1847 in England and France. 

In the United States, however, we have an entirely different - 
state of affairs. Here several forces were in operation to ward 
off the crisis which convulsed Europe. There was not the abun- 
dance of capital that was to be found in Europe. Juglar con- 
tends, and the point seems to be well taken, that the crisis 1836— 
39 extended over too far to permit the accumulation of much 
capital by 1847.4 Furthermore, from 1846 to 1848 we were 
engaged in war with Mexico, costing us something like $64,000,- 
ooo. As evidence of the absence of a railway mania in the 


1Crump, 7he Key to the London Money Market, 31, 
2Levi, Wistory of British Commerce, 303. 

5 Lavisse et Rambaud, Histoire générale, X, 440-42. 
4Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 468. 

5 Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 225, 


152 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 II 


United States we observe that the number of miles of railway in 
operation increased only from 4,185 in 1843 to 5,996 in 1848.1 


ee a es ad ert ol SA at ot ot td 
Se a a a a 
Gi eS DL 
E25 CB A AN (Pe 
7a ee eS ST a 
rate ?Rileage CCE 
ncreaseé o ileage — 
teh b A se Se 
CT]. of RAILAOADS Fs 
Said] in the U.S. annals same 
re 7 es 


Chart J. ; From Statistical Abstract of theUS_/He2, 


In this crisis Europe experienced a marked advance in railway 
construction. There was also a noticeable increase in joint-stock 
banks and an extension of the market area in England. In the 
United States the partial dearth of capital, resulting from an 
undue prolongation of the period of depression following the 
preceding crisis, and a costly war robbed the crisis of its material. 


CRISIS OF 1857 


The crisis of 1857 in England, unlike that of 1847, seems not 
to have been characterized by excessive investment in any par- 
ticular branch of industry. True, the railway mileage increased 
from about 7,000 in 1851 to 11,000 in 1861,2 but this increase 
can hardly be regarded as representing an outlay of capital out 


1 Statistical Abstract United States, 1902. 
* Levi, History of British Commerce, 307. 


[53 


12 Ira Ryner 


of proportion to the amounts devoted to other enterprises. In 
spite of an expenditure of £70,000,000, £36,000,000 of which was 
raised by immediate taxation, for the Crimean war of 1855-56, 
the country had an abundance of capital and was in a state of 
rapid general advancement.* 

Production of all kinds was increasing rapidly. From 1852 to 
1858 the production of coal increased from 34,000,000 to 65,- 
c00,000 tons as shown by the following table :° 


cot i ae eee Aas ont g Or 34,000,000 1856 .e ie eee 66,645,450 
LBSR: ho. Meme seme 54,000,000 ABBR Gi. rat eee 66,394,707 
HOS Ri ern es eet 64,661,401 {88S 6.0002 eee 65,008,649 
DAD. ee coeeeea es eee 64,453,070 


The production of pig-iron increased from 2,000,000 tons in 
1847 to 3,586,377 in 1857 as shown by the table :* 


sc 7 eae ABR g Mire Ae 1,999,508 1957 0 ens oe 3,659,447 
BSR e er hac Ree te eee ee 2,701,000 1866 .% acter 3,456,064 
HES 4 iawn cutien cee 3,069,838 185600 0 3,712,904 
MBBS 2 eke Mathes ate ee 3,218,154 A1QEO 38 aA Soe sl Ae 3,826,752 
MBSE, eso Bg ae oe 3,586,377 


The production of wheat was a trifle above the average on 
account of exceptionally good harvests, but of course since the 
abolition of the corn laws in 1846-49 we naturally expect Eng- 
land’s wheat production to decline in amount and importance. 

That England, as in the period preceding the crisis of 1836-39, 
was still further losing her position among the agricultural na- 
tions is shown by the following table of percentages of popula- 
tion engaged in the different occupations :* 


Occupation I85I 861 
IN SRICUIEUIT ES He ster epelciacte as cheboneton Bie trot siverans sielemoh tee 20.9 18.0 
GIS Yok tere ast Ccnere uses oro ett sie oiisyass ne one Icon 0.2 0.2 
INT hee ncierere mae evedie Siero manta eas, cle lorcet oie aeorstats eter 4.0 4.5 
BS collide Psy Ayers ake Salven vers es tie eo te eee ee erie 5.5 5.8 
IM EATtAGHIReS eae cites sire cree hee tee octets biota teens 32 ti oo 
ARR yalyopacnilon tees arte Gere AO ROA One ep aso Oc 4.1 4.6 


1 Buxton, Finance and Politics, 155. 

2 Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, April, 1900. 
8Swank, lvon in All Ages, 520. 

4 Royal Statistical Society of London, XLIX, 324. 


154 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 3 


It will be noticed that all occupations given in the table except 
fishing and agriculture gained. Agriculture is the only occupa- 
tion suffering an actual loss. 

A general expansion is clearly indicated by the large trade 
movements. From 1848 to 1856 the value of English exports 
increased from £58,850,000 to £115,890,000, although the perma- 
nent surplus of imports begins at about the latter date.t That 
cotton figured largely in the trade expansion is shown by the 
accompanying statistics on cotton imports and exports :* 


Value cf cotion yarn and manufac- 


Raw cotton imported tures of all descriptions exported 
Ree ne 27, 2h 592,000,009 Ibs. TCSOS >See ths eka £19,428,000 
1850 ........... 685,000,000 Ibs. jC aia Oh tags an Pa £28,257,401 
DOOM Pant sieve tice leh 1,390,938,752 lbs. US GOR ee ee ect cns eres £52,912,380 
TIS OL ai eee mea 1,338,365,584 lbs. ASO Sates tes oe Se £71,410,131 
LSSO)* ec. 2)es . « --1,628,664,576: lbs. SSOM Aye ee en suche EO OAS 
BI oe eos a 1,425,816,336 lbs. pC he etna Bites £70,796,885 


It will readily be observed that the decade 1850-60 is the period 
of most marked advance in the cotton trade. Incidentally it may 
be of interest to note that in 1860, of the 1,390,938,752 pounds 
imported into England, the United States supplied no less than 
1,115,890,608 pounds.® 

The English crisis has been characterized by some writers as a 
monetary panic, but, whatever be the technical term applicable, 
it is quite obvious that this crisis differs radically from that of 
1847. This time a disproportion of investment in one ‘or a few 
branches of industry seems not to have been the trouble. The 
permanent cause of disturbance seems rather to have been a-dis- 
proportion between the total amounts of fixed and circulating 
capital. There was too much capital tied up in permanent invest- 
ments. 

It was now the turn of the United States to have a railway 
crisis. As a result of the escape from a crisis in 1847, a great 
accumulation of capital had been taking place. Added to this, 


1 Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, February, 1903. 
?Ward, Zhe Reign of Queen Victoria, Il, 158, 
3 Jbid., 193. 


155 


14 Ira Ryner 


foreigners were again investing in American enterprises, it being 
estimated that England alone had something like $400,000,000 
so invested.t. From 1848 to 1859, the number of miles of rail- 
way in operation increased from 5,996 to 28,789.? That this 
increase was excessive may be demonstrated by the fact that sta- 
tistics fail to show anything like a corresponding rate of increase 
either immediately before or after this period. 

Several factors contributed to the impulse given to railway 
construction. Our production of coal was increasing rapidly. 
According to Mulhall, the state of Pennsylvania alone from 1830 
to 1850 constructed seven canals and twenty-seven railroads for 
the express purpose of transporting coal. The following table 
shows the increase in coal production :3 


Year Tons Year Tons 
pS gabe Rin MeN RSI 0) dk 4,448,916 1855. soe ee Soe 6,608,567 
ROB ce a eee Ne te ane 4,993,471 18563) nic eco 6,927,580 
TAS SEG Ole Sao 5,195,151 1057 ee oe 6,644,941 
aS O2E 1 oe NE ee rh hed cae me 6,002,234 


The production of pig iron increased from 563,775 tons in 1850 
to 712,640 in 1857.4 There was also an increased demand for 
transportation facilities to move agricultural products. Cotton 
production especially demanded more ample means of conveyance 
as shown by the table :° 


Year Bales 
TBLON haa eh et he Ge 2,177,835 
TSAO Mee Gree A, eka 2.337,718 
SGOT tte Nhe oe ase eee oe 4,861,292 


That of 1860 was the highest production previous to 1879, and 
it is to be noticed that the rate of increase for this decade was 
decidedly higher than in the preceding decade. There was also 
an enormous increase in wheat production, as the following table 
shows :° 


1Sumner, History of American Currency, 170. 

* Statistical Abstract of the United States, year 1902. 

5 Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, April, 1900. 
4Jbid., August, 1900. 

5 Burton, Crises and Depressions, 294. 

6 Statistical Abstract of the United States, year 1902. 


156 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 15 


PRODUCTION 
Year Bushels 
ANGE rare cre career iyatate es eet es 84,823,272 
aS 77 LU) Sag eps Fe ee es 100,485,944 
PAG oo, Wah ned ee sate 173,104,924 
Vear EXPORTS 
Wheat, bu. Flour, bbl. 
CSUN ROR ea eae Oe SRC Oa 608,661 1,385,448 
FU SMA aA TSS Cape ane, Ca a tier ct aie, <> Seasick el oD Sens 1,026,725 2,202,335 
IES eb SR ee cen RSI Eee Ao 2,694,540 2,799,339 
ep eertamae hea Sahn pres Gok yn daasel os 3,890,141 2,920,918 
Peer A rots Reem L 8,036,665 4,022,386 
MRE orate at auee cer wer eiceet oe cer ca coshe, cia vancun taba moleie 798,884 1,204,540 
EU SIOTEY eS Aas ot oie ee IRI a SE Ron 8,154,877 3,510,626 
pL ghee OT bare eid Oren is 14,570,331 3,712,053 


In connection with a study of the decline of agriculture in 
England, it may be of interest to observe the tendency in the 
United States. For this purpose the following table will be 
useful : 


CEREAL PRODUCTION MANUFACTURES 
* |Incre % OV! : P 
wear Bushels per quantity for Wear epee Net products 
capita ae de- during decade increase % 

1839 See a ota oar nea 1850-60 89.38 84.11 
1849 37.40 40.93 1860-70 67.80 63.31 
1859 39.41 42.84 1870-80 64.10 40.01 
1869 35.98 TES, 1880-90 120.78 106.59 
1879 53.78 94.45 

1889 56.19 — 30.44 


The table shows that for this particular decade manufactures 
with regard to-product had the better of the situation. In the 
decade 1870-80, however, the situation is just the reverse, while 
in the decade 1880-90 manufactures again had the upper hand. 

Summarizing: The crisis of 1857 in Europe was ‘character- 
ized by speculation and over-investment in general. In the . 
United States, while there was a general change in the perma- 
nent environment, decidedly the most marked advance was in 
railway construction. 


157 


16 Ira Ryner 
II 
CRISIS OF 1836-39 


Turning now from long-time to short-time causes, we encoun- 
ter such a complication of actions and reactions between these 
two kinds of forces as to render it frequently quite difficult to 
determine the category to which a certain force belongs or even 
to confine it to a single category. To illustrate: A portion of 
increased railway mileage may be permanent and another portion 
temporary or occasional. Again, railway extension may increase 
loans; and loans upon favorable terms, on the other hand, may 
encourage railway extension. Whenever possible, however, we 
shall adhere to the classification given in the introduction. 

_In England the cause of the crisis of 1836-39 is attributed to 
deficient harvests at home and to certain financial measures taken 
by the United States. The crop of 1838 is:reported as the worst 
since 1816 and that of 1839 was but little better. The “corn” 
crop was deficient, and there was as a result an import of £10,- 
000,000 worth of wheat for the year 1838 alone.? The issue of the 
specie circular as part of an attempt to place the American cur- 
rency upon a metallic basis drew gold from Europe. Some Ameri- 
can students of crises say, however, that the trouble started in 
England; that England had over-expanded, a reaction followed 
which cut off the demand for American cotton, thus resulting in 
ruin to that and to other industries in the United States.* 

The weight of the argument, however, seems to be in favor of 
the former view. For six or eight years the imports by the 
United States from England had greatly exceeded her exports, 
which shows that we were getting credit abroad in the shape of 
security sales, time operations, etc.‘ Now this would certainly 
render England decidedly sensitive to every change in the course 
of events in the United States. The operation of the specie cir- 


'Macleod, A Aistory of Banking in all the Leading Nations; vol. Il, 
A History of Banking in Great Britain, 134. 


*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 347. 
3Sumner, H/story of Banking in the United States, X, 268. 
4 Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, year 1903. 


158. 


v 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 17 


cular immediately caused suffering in the United States and drew 
gold from Europe. Here it would seem we have located a most 
natural starting point. There were evidences of an impending 
crisis immediately upon the issuance of the specie circular. Fur- 
thermore, there were no short-time causes sufficient to bring on 
a crisis in operation in England at that time; the crop failures 
did not come until two or three years later. 


Commodity Prices 


_Engla nd, 
eer eer ere ee 


"Chart. te. From, Aewons, Reais Corrency and Finance’ p45 

In France the movement was simultaneous with that in Eng- 
land, and it is probable that both countries alike were affected 
considerably by the drain of gold from Europe to the United 
States. The crisis in France, however, as mentioned before, was 
much less severe than in England. The most significant occasion, 
perhaps, was the superfluity of. literary companies. 

In the United States poor crops prevailed in 1834-35, while 
for these same years there were good harvests in Europe.t_ But 
besides bad crops there were other conditions favorable to a crisis. 
In addition to the great increase in the number of banks, which 
we observed in our study of the permanent environmental 
changes, there was the further fact that they were doing business 
on a decidedly unsound basis. In the United States Bank, sup- 


‘Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 239, 


159 


18 _ Ira Ryner 


posedly the strongest of all, for the year preceding March, 1837, 
the loans on stocks and other than personal security had increased 
$7,821,541, while bills discounted on personal security and do- 
mestic exchange had actually decreased $9,516,463. The Girard 
Bank of Pennsylvania had a discount line of six or seven mil- 
lions, with scarcely two hundred thousand dollars in active busi- 
ness paper. Banks in general were in a very unsound condition. 

It is here in connection with banking that we have a typical 
case of complicated action and reaction between causes and occa- 
sions. The rapid launching of new railway enterprises, the ex- 
tension of the cotton area, and the sale and improvement of west- 
ern lands created a demand for increased banking facilities; 
while, looking at the phenomenon from the other side, we see 
that increased banking facilities would have a very strong ten- 
dency to encourage ‘new business undertakings. There was un- 
doubtedly such a series of reciprocal influences that neither of 
the phenomena could be termed pure cause or pure result. 

That a part of the banks founded constituted an occasion is 
evidenced by ‘the fact that there was a maximum number of 
banks during the crisis period as shown by the following table :? 


ISR) coasativés cacao cocdas vee 329 USS) Sd aodanacddos eleisjeve wleislerels 840 
USBEY Toro Su gogo OUC DOGOOAdUaDo 506 USAOD we clene oteveyetersieialetoneteceteiereneeae 901 
USES. BH ode dd GN O20 one AOo GOs s 704 UGA Ber eweielosaieietel <)ctete lala st leiee terete 784 
Is. dot boca VAD BO OHO GO Galas 713 Aree ol eteuatetaVeuehelehatetdietereita eleteaate 692 
ISEY io. GoGuy MONO SOMOMOO Gade 788 OAS a rove \atenesafonevoloicietny clerel ane Reteenate 691 
USBI, = Gantossondoddccpeecne sae 829 SHE ab Sc Joo odadsaGooos. 696 


In other words, a considerable surplus of banks was formed, 
which were beyond the normal need of the times and destined 
not to become a part of the permanent environment. 

July 11, 1836, the specie circular was issued. It abolished the 
system of credit land sales and provided that all payments for 
land be made in specie. For the moment it checked the impulse 
for speculation and aggravated the money stringency which had 
already begun to be felt. As early as April, 1836, best New 
York commercial paper was quoted at 30 and 4o per cent per 


1Sumner, History of Banking in the United States, 226. 
2 Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 225. 


160 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 19 


annum. The alarm spread to England and, coupled with an 
increasing export of gold, produced a rise in the English .bank 
rate. A reaction naturally followed, with a suspension of a con- 
siderable number of banks in the United States; bank-notes lost 
from Io to 20 per cent, and exchange on France and England 
Eose LO 22-per cent.” : 

The distress arising from this money stringency was greatly 
‘aggravated by frauds: practiced upon the public by promoters 
and schemers. In several cases the promoters were men holding 
offices of public trust. [n this category Biddle, president of the 
United States Bank, is placed by some authorities. But whether 
or not his intent was to defraud the public, his operations were 
at least speculative and as such are of interest as indicative of the 
speculative spirit of the period, even if we can not class them 
under frauds. 

Biddle attempted, and for a limited time succeeded in corner- 
ing cotton. Formerly it had been the custom for the bank to 
assist the planters by exchanging bank-notes for bills of ex- 
change. By this means the merchants could pay the planters 
and the planters in turn could pay the country merchants. Bid- 
dle contended that because private credit was at this time prac- 
tically worthless it would not be safe to pursue the customary 
plan, and proceeded to buy up directly the whole visible supply 
of cotton. For this purpose he secured the services of special 
agents, one of whom he sent to England to represent him in the 
English markets. He also entered into-negotiations with several 
strong European houses to assist him in establishing the monop- 
oly. When the banks in the South began to run short of funds 
and to lose their hold on the confidence of the people, he came 
to their rescue by exchanging United States bank-notes for their 
bonds. By this means the entire supply of cotton was bought up 
and the price kept at a high level. 

The modus operandi of Biddle’s scheme was simple. He 
bought cotton in the United States with depreciated paper and 


Sumner, History of Banking in the United States, 264 
*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 462. 


161 


20 Ira Ryner 


sold it in Europe for gold. While the operation lasted it pro- 
vided a stimulus to the cotton industry and produced an over- 
extension of credits. According to Juglar, in 1838 there had 
been $20,000,000 loaned to southern planters. 

Finally, however, when the monopoly had been carried to its 
utmost limit, when cotton factories began to close down, and 
when the European houses, realizing the impracticability of a 
complete monopoly, refused to invest any more capital in cotton, 
the crash came. Immediately the price of cotton fell and a panic 
was precipitated.? 

Commodity Prices 
i United States. 


[s [se 223 a0 el 44 00 44 00) 14‘ 59809 040 54 67 


Fa art. er To aan Pabaee eer CF oristaren Pra 
for (88/1 , pages, 3/4¢-3/7. 
~ 


Whether or not Biddle’s operations in cotton brought on the 
panic of i839 unaided by other causes is a question not easily 
answered. It is more probable that the liquidation after the 
panic in 1837 had not been complete and that a second was sched- 
uled by the natural order of things. It is certain, however, that 
the cotton monopoly aggravated an already bad condition and 
was the direct cause of the reaction which spread from the United 
States to England and from there to the Continent. 


‘Sumner, History of Banking in the United States, 294-301. 


162 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 21 


The loss entailed by the two panics of 1837 and 1839 in the 
United States was enormous, considering the rather primitive 
stage of our economic development. Juglar estimates that there 
were ‘no less than 33,000 failures involving a loss of something 
like $440,000,000." 

CRISIS OF 1847 


In 1847 in England we havea great railway crisis. The fun- 
damental change in permanent environment was the rapid ex- 
tension of the railway mileage. The principal occasion, in addi- 
tion to excess of railway construction, was the deficient harvest 
preceding the crisis. In 1846 the Irish potato crop was almost 
a complete failure. So great was the calamity that England was 
forced to grant relief to the extent of several million dollars. 
The total loss occasioned by the famine has been estimated at 
£1 3,000,000.” 

In addition to the potato famine there was alsova deficiency in 
the supply of grain. The supplies on hand in England were 
small and the harvests on the Continent did not give their usual 
yield. As a result we find England in the year 1846 importing 
3,814,666 quarters of grain and 4,356,812 cwts. of flour and 
meal. The wheat crop of 1846 is estimated as the worst since 
1841. We also get an indication of the increased demand for 
grain and flour in Europe from a study of United States export 
statistics. In 1845 we exported only 1,195,230 barrels ‘of flour. 
In 1846 the export of flour had risen to 2,289,476 barrels, while 
in 1847 it jumped up to 4,382,496, which mark it did not again 
reach for a good many years. In 1848 it fell back to 2,119,393 
barrels.* The reduction of import duties which began in 1842 
may also have had some influence indirectly through trade bal- 
ances upon the crisis. 

France suffered the same crop failures, with the exception of 
potatoes, as Great Britain. According to Juglar, France had 


*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 467. 

*Evans, The Commercial Crisis of 1847-48, 55. 

5Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 32. 
‘Juglar, Brief History of Panics in the United States, 14 


163 


22 Ira Ryner 


fully as severe a crisis as was experienced in England; and we 
find the Bank of France getting assistance from the Bank of 
England. The distress resulting from the crisis was continued 
through the revolution in 1848. 

In the United States, as previously shown, the crisis was very 
slight and did not come until as late as 1848.- The prolongation 
of the crisis of 1839 and the consumption of surplus capital in 
the Mexican war were strong forces working to avert the crisis. 
Furthermore, we were having fairly good crops, while in Europe 
they were deficient. One writer attributes what little distress 
we experienced to the cutting off of the demand for cotton as a 
result of the revolution in France.* 


CRISIS OF 1857 


_The crisis of 1857 is distinguished from the two preceding 
crises by the absence of any premonition of an approaching ca- 
lamity. In England up to the very outbreak of the crisis business 
was apparently in a healthy condition. There were several :po- 
litical disturbances on the Continent—the intervention of Russia 
in Hungary, the French expedition to Rome, and the disturbances 
throughout Germany, not to speak of the war in the Punjaub,— 
but these could not be regarded as causes nor even signs of a 
panic.” The first crisis impulse came from the United States, and 
that not until six weeks after the movement had started there. 

In the United States as in England the crisis was not preceded 
by any warning. The first alarm sounded was the actual failure 
on the 25th of August of the Ohio Life and Trust company, sup- 
posedly one of the soundest institutions in the country. By the 
17th of October, 150 American banks had failed. The crisis 
came suddenly, was very severe, and was ‘notorious for bank 
failures. 

If, however, we turn to trade and banking statistics we find 
conditions conducive to a crisis. Comparing the years 1857 and 


*Balfour, Merchants Magazine, vol. XVIII, 477. 
Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 33. 
*Macleod, History of Banking in England, 159. 


164 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 23 


1849, the imports had increased 133 per cent, the bank capital 
160 per cent, the bank loans 140 per cent, and the bank deposits 
200 per cent. Thus we observe that trade was expanding and 
that the banks were greatly: extending their credit operations. 

The principal loans had been made to railway companies. 
From January 5, 1856, to August 8, 1857, the banks expanded 
their loans from $95,000,000 to $122,000,000, most of which rep- 
resented new railway projects. Soon, however, the banks pur- 
sued a policy of contraction, and from August 8, 1857, to October 
10, 1857, the loans fell from'$122,000,000 to $100,000,000. 

The situation was rendered doubly bad because railway loans 
are necessarily long-time loans. As a result, when pressure be- 
gan to be felt, the banks, knowing that their long-time debtors 
could not aid them on so short notice, began to call in short-time 
loans made to merchants. But the merchants, being in hard 
straits also, ‘retaliated by organizing a run on deposits. The 
merchants were successful, and the bankers were forced to un- 
dergo the penalty for making excessive long period loans.? 

Of the three crises embraced in this study, that of 1857 was 
undoubtedly the most severe. Its leading features, according to 
Sumner, were, “that it was world-wide, very sharp and sudden, 
and quickly over.” Unlike the other two, there were no two or 
three distinct occasions in evidence to which the crisis could be 
attributed. Perhaps, however, in the case of Europe, the actual 
breaking out of the crisis in the United States may be regarded 
as an occasion. But the real source of the panic seems to have 
been a general expansion of business. Technically speaking, we 
might term it a case of disproportion between fixed and circulat- 
ing capital. There was probably sufficient excess of investment 
simultanecusly in many branches of industry to constitute an 
occasion. The crisis was the culmination of the operation of 
many occasions. 


Sumner, History of Banking in the United States, 425. 
?Tbid., 426-27. 


165 


24 Ira Ryner 
Ill 
TrapeE MoveMENTS 
CRISIS OF 1836-39 


Having made a study of the permanent environment and occa- 
sions, it is logicaily in order for us to treat next of trade move- 
ments. This appears to be the natural order since, as a rule, out- 
side of tariff changes, changes in trade movements result from 
the operation of causes and occasions, as we have defined them. 

To establish the truth of this assertion, let us take the case of 
England where, preceding the crisis, extensive improvements in 
manufacturing machinery made it possible to ‘turn out cotton 
goods at greatly reduced prices. This of course stimulated the 
demand for raw cotton, resulting in an increased export of that 
article from the United States. To trace the effect farther, the 
increased trade extended the cotton area, boomed southern cities, 
encouraged the extension of the railway system, and so on. 

Other industries, however, were undoubtedly affected unfa- 
vorably by these changes, since increased activity in cotton must 
have necessitated a withdrawal of capital from other industries, 
or increased loans, or both. Thus we see a change in one branch 
of industry may pass an impulse to another ‘branch, the disturb- 
ance in this branch affecting another, and so on until the current 
of impulse has pervaded the whole industrial system. Neverthe- 
less, although the increased export of cotton resulted in an ex- 
tension of the cotton area, the real cause was the improvement 
of manufacturing machinery in England. Or we may go even 
farther back and say that high wages or some other causes ren- 
dered indispensable the improvement of machinery. So in gen- 
eral we may say that, although trade movements are indicative 
of the operation of causes and occasions, yet they are themselves 
not causes but results. 

In England during the period from 1830 to 1837 the principal 
merchandise movement was in exports. The imports continued 
to increase at a constant rate, rising from $225,000,000 to $266,- 
000,000. The exports on the other hand almost: doubled in 


166. 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 25 


amount, increasing from $23g,000,000 to $417,000,000 for the 
same period. Previous to this period imports had been increas- 
ing at a more rapid rate than exports. This increased export 
trade we would naturally expect of a manufacturing country 
experiencing extensive improvements in machinery during an 
era of general prosperity. It would also be natural to expect 
that increased imports of raw materials such as iron, wool, cot- 
ton, etc., would be accompanied by a more than corresponding 
increase in exports, manufactured goods being of less bulk and 
higher value. 

In the United States, exactly the opposite process from that in 
England was taking place. Imports were increasing faster 
than exports. From 1830 to 1837 the excess of imports 
amounted to over $130,000,000, while at the same time there was 
a net import of specie of $34,000,000.2, We were buying much 
more than we were selling, and also much more than we were 
paying for. 

The phenomenon in the United States also is not difficult to 
explain. We experienced a slight increase in exports consisting 
principally of raw materials such as wool and cotton. We were 
not a manufacturing nation and, furthermore, were devoting all 
our energies to the internal development of the country. This 
situation was certain to result in an unfavorable trade balance, 
‘and that for two reasons: In the ‘irst place, if we were devoting 
our energies to internal improvements and speculative enter- 
prises, we could not give the proper amount of attention to ordi- 
nary trade, especially manufacturing; hence no large increase in 
exports; in the second place, these home-investments greatly in- 
creased the demand for all kinds of goods, consequently increased 
imports. From 1830 to 1837 imports increased from $62,000,000 
to $176,000,000, almost trebling, while for the same period ex- 
ports rose from $71,c00,000 to $124,000,000, not quite doubling. 
Previous to this time exports and imports had increased at prac- 
tically the same rate.* 


*Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, February, 1903. 
*Tbid. 
* Ibid. 


167 


26 Ira Ryner 


As illustrative of the statement that investment in speculative 
enterprises has a‘tendency to curtail exports we have a case cited 
by Professor Dewey. According to him, “the value of flour and 
grain imported into the United States as a rule was insignificant, 
while that exported after 1830 was on the average about six mil- 
lion dollars annually. [n 1837, however, the exports of grain 
fell off nearly a million dollars, while the imports of grain were 
iucreased more than four and a half million dollars.”1 Thus, 
while previously to 1837 we have an insignificant import and 
large export trade in grain, in 1837 we have a falling off of ex- 
ports and an enormous increase of imports. 

Turning now to the gold movement, we find an efflux of the 
precious metals from England in 1833 and 1834 due, though not 
exclusively, according to Crump,:to the loans made to Spain and 
Portugal.? During the slight panic of 1835, however, England 
recovered her gold. Just after the issuance of the specie circular 
in the United States gold began to leave for that country, and 
‘this outward movement continued until the early part of 1837, 
in spite of a rise of I per cent in the rate of discount. This 
movement of the precicus metals is generally attributed to the 
_ money stringency in the United States occasioned by the attempt 
to place the currency on a specie basis. 

During the whole of the year 1837 gold was continually pour- 
ing into England.* The crisis had broken out in 1836, and the 
country was now going through a process of liquidation pre- 
paratory, apparently, to a resumption of prosperity. The bank 
rate was lowered 1 per cent in February, 1838, and the reserve 
remained’ ata high level until the last month in the year. In 
December an export of gold began, and heavy outward shipments 
continued until the Jatter part of the next year, when the rate of 
discount was raised from 4 per cent to 6 per cent.t As a result 
of extensive cotton speculation on the part of the management 
of the United States Bank, a second crisis had broken out in the 


*Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 226. 
*Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 29. 
*Crump, Ibid. 

*Seyd, The Bank of England, Its Note Issue, and Its Error. 


168 : 


On the Crises of 1837, 2847, and 1857 29 


United States which, with the low rate of discount in England, 
made it profitable to ship gold to America. With the raising of 
the bank rate and the passing of the crisis, gold began to return. 

According to Juglar, England would not have suffered such 
severe losses of gold had she manipulated her bank rate properly. 
He contends that the crisis of 1839 was due entirely to the cotton 
speculation in the United States, and that the drain of gold could 
have been prevented by raising the rate of discount to the point 
where it would have rendered the shipping of gold to America 
unprofitable.t This point seems to be well taken, since our un- 
favorable trade balance would naturally be a good basis for a 
contrary movement of the precious metals. 

Combining ‘the movements of merchandise and gold, we find 
in the United States an excess of imports of both kinds of com- 
modities, which is conclusive evidence either that Europe was 
investing in American securities or that she was granting credit 
on goods purchased, or both. According to all authorities vast 
amounts of American securities were being sold in foreign mar- 
kets, and the low bank rate in England greatly facilitated the 
sales.” 

In addition to this international extension of the credit system, 
there was also an increase of credit transactions within the dif- 
ferent countries. In the United States for the year 1838 the 
North loaned the planters of the South $20,000,000. The mer- 
chants in the North loaned or sold on time to the planters of the 
South, and the exporters of Europe loaned or gave credit to 
American merchants. Hence, when England refused to grant 
credit any longer to the United States, the North was forced to 
pursue the same policy with regard to the South, so that a gen- 
eral collapse of credit followed. 


*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 459-67. 
?Sumner, Crump, Dewey, etc. 
*Juglar, Brief History of Panic in United States, 70. 


169 


28 Ira Ryner 


CRISIS OF 1847 


In England previous to the crisis of 1847, on account of un- 
favorable exchanges, gold began to be exported June, 1845, and 
up to November of the same year the Bank had lost two and a 
half millions of bullion. But from the latter date until March 
of the following year, 1846, the movement’ was reversed, and 
during the whole year gold returned to England. 

At the beginning of the year 1847, however, gold began to 
flow out again, and this movement continued throughout the 
whole year. By the 24th of April the reserve had fallen to a 
trifle over nine millions. The complete failure of the potato 
crop in Ireland and the deficient harvests had necessitated an 
increase in imports which were being paid for in gold. Again 
in 1847 the cotton crop was poor and the grain supply deficient. 
Coupled with this demand for gold was the additional demand 
for assistance granted the Bank of France. To check this efflux 
of gold the bank rate was constantly raised until in October, 
1847, 1t stood at 8 per cent. From this time on, the panic be- 
ing over, gold rapidly returned. 

In France, for several years preceding the crisis,.exports were 
declining while imports were increasing; and at the same time 
there was a slight excess of imports of the precious metals. The 
trade balance phenomenon was much the same for France in 
1847 as for the United States in 1837.? 

In the United States a contrary movement from that taking 
place in France was to be observed. We were supplying the 
deficiency in the European grain crop, which caused our total 
exports to jump suddenly from $109,000,000 in 1846 to $156,- 
000,000 in 1847. At the same time our imports of gold were 
increasing rapidly. From 1845 to 1847 while our exports of 
precious metals declined from $8,000,000 to $1,000,000, our im- 
ports increased from $4,000,000 to $24,000,000. For the next 
year, however, the situation was exactly reversed.’ 


*Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 31. 
*Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, February, 1903, 
* Ibid. 


170 


29 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 


Excess of Exports and Imports of 
Merchandise and Precious Metals inEngland. 


: 38 
a8 
\ eas 
E Sy, 
£89 
skD 
v 
De 
SV 384 
= wy 
eps 
29 
E ES 
E« 
yes 


” ” ” 


” 


4 


= ” ” 


Chart. 5. 


t Valves= iaetae of Exportsin Millions Sony mene 
” m ports 


171 


30 Ira Ryner 
CRISIS OF 1857 


For the five years from 1849 to 1853 inclusive England had 
an exceptionally heavy export trade in merchandise. This was 
due perhaps largely to the stimulus given to trade by the gold 
discoveries in California and Australia. For the first time the 
exports reached the billion. dollar mark, falling back again in 
1854 and not reaching that point again until 1864. Imports, on 
the other hand, increased at a constant and relatively slow rate, 
not reaching the billion dollar mark until 1860. Exports of the 
precious metals were also increasing at rather a rapid rate.t 

In France the trade balance changed from an excess of ex- 
ports of $28,000,000 in 1854 to an excess of imports of $15,- 
000,000 in 1856 and of-$9,000,000 in 1857. For several years 
preceding and following these two years there was an average 
of an annual excess of exports of half a million. There was also 
an excess of imports of the precious metals, increasing from 
$4,000,000 in 1855 to $91,000,000 in 1858.2 It might also be 
added that for the same period, from 1849 to 1853, as in England, 
France had an extra large excess of exports, showing that her 
trade was also receiving a stimulus, and probably also from the 
gold discoveries in California and Australia. 

In the United States from 1850 to 1857 there was an unusual 
excess of imports. This could be attributed to two causes, the 
increased trade activity in the West duc to the discovery of gold, 
and the rapid internal development of the country. Too much 
emphasis, however, must not be laid upon these relatively slight 
excesses on either side as indicative of the operation of some 
particular force, for they may simply be the result of a general 
expansion of trade which would naturally exaggerate the usual 
differences between total exports and total imports of a country. 

There was also a considerable securities movement, as in the 
period preceding the crisis of 1836-39. Foreigners were again 
investing heavily in American securities. It is estimated that. 


*Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance, February, 1903. 
* Tbid. 
* Ibid, 


172°. 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 


retina 


Excess of Cxports and Imports of 


Ptlerchandise and Precious Hetalsin 


® 
~ 


1857 


— ————=—= Goldand Silver 


= General Trade. 
t Polees = = Excess of Exports in Millions wGollars, 


From Monthly ea 


of Commerce and finance 


af the U.S., Febr, 1903. 


” 


ee Mpor Ts 


pro ae 


173 


32 Tra Ryner 
England alone had $400,000,000 of capital invested in the United 
States at this time.* 


Excess of Exports and Imports of 
Herchandiseand Precious Metals inthe United § utes. 


=Generdl Trade. 22 —--=Goldand Silver. 
+ Volves = Excess of Exports. from Monthly Summary 
Sh Aor < ” ” Imports. of Commerce and Finance 
Chare.9. of the US., Febr, 1903. 
IV 


CRISIS OF 1836-39 


We now come to a consideration of the strictly financial oper- 
ations. Under this category we treat of the psychic factors, such 
as loans, foreign exchanges, clearances, bank rates, etc. These 
psychical elements, although they. must necessarily affect and 
control more or less the material elements, are nevertheless dis- 
tinct from them. 


*Sumner, History of American Currency, 170. 


174 - 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 33 


In England in 1834-35, loans to Spain and Portugal started 
an outward movement of gold which, however, as pointed out 
before, was reversed as a result of the slight panic in 1835. The 
only other financial operations on a large scale previous to the 
crisis were those in the United States. 

During the crisis, however, England resorted to some large 
credit operations in order to tide over temporary monetary diffi- 
culties. Hard pressed on account of the drain of gold to the 
United States, Belgium, and other countries, she attempted to 
dispose of a considerable quantity of public securities. In the 
latter part of 1838 she succeeded in selling £760,000 of these 
securities and at the same time drew upon Paris for £600,000 in 
bills of exchange. Again, from July, 1839, to April, 1840, Bar- 
ing Brothers entered upon negotiations with several Parisian 
bankers to draw bills of exchange to the extent of £2,000,000. 
By the same operation £900,000 more were procured at Ham- 
burg.t. Immediately following these credit operations the crisis 
passed over and gold began to return. 

The question now naturally arises as to whether or not it was 
necessary for England to allow all her gold to escape until she 
was forced to ask for assistance abroad. An explanation may be 
found, perhaps, in a study of bank rates. In both years 1836 
and 1839, when gold was being exported, she did not raise the 
rate of discount until the reserves had suffered severe losses, and 
then only gradually, and not sufficiently to operate quickly. 
Now the balance of trade was favorable to England, and the only 
cause for exports of gold, unless securities more than offset the 
excess of exports, must have been the difference in rates of in- 
terest. Hence the only logical course for England to pursue was 
to raise her bank rate sufficiently to offset this difference. This 
she did not do, and many authorities, especially Juglar, criticise 
this course of action severely. Nevertheless, it might be 
well to consider here the plight of the United States had England 
been able to retain her gold. Still, from the national rather than 
the international point of view, it would no doubt have been 
policy for England to have raised her rate sooner than she did. 


*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 348. 


175 


34. Ira Ryner 


As an indication of the speculative character of the times, a 
glance at the securities market may be of interest. The Spanish 
loans of 1834-35, according to Crump, “engendered such a 
spirit of speculation in kindred securities which had been 
neglected that in some cases there was a rise of 100 per cent.” 
This advance in securities received a temporary check by the 
panic of 1835. Immediately after this slight panic prices revived 
and there was increased speculation, especially in American se- 
curities, which continued until the breaking out of ‘the crisis. 
Finally, in June, 1839, upon the announcement of the directors 
of the Bank that the bank rate was to be 5% per cent and ad- 
vances were to be made upon bills of exchange only, there was 
a general fall in the prices of securities.” 

The United States, on account of increased confidence abroad, 
due largely to the reduction of our public debt, had been enabled 
to do an extensive credit business with Europe. Furthermore, 
the extension of credit and the creation of credit institutions were 
going on at home at a very rapid rate. State bonds were sold to 
form banks and construct canals. Vast tracts of western land 
were purchased on time, and part payments were made with an 
inflated paper currency. 

In addition to this over-extension of credit, the situation was 
rendered worse by certain financial measures taken by the ad- 
ministration. July 11, 1836, was issued the specie circular, 
requiring specie payment for land ‘sales in the future. Further- 
more, about the same time occurred the distribution of the surplus 
revenue. In accordance with this measure about $37,000,000 
were to be distributed among the states according to pop- 
ulation. About $28,000,000 were actually turned over, half of 
which amount was transferred during the early part of the year 
1837.2. This resulted in disturbance due to the transfer of cap- 
ital rendered necessary because of the fact that a large part of 
the deposits were in the less populous states. 


*Crump, The Key to the London Money Market, 29. 
*Ibid., 30. 
®*Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 220, 


176 


Ox the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 35 


The different states devoted their quota of this distribution to 
various uses. In some states there was a per capita distribution ; 
in others the whole fund was invested in internal improvements, 
and so on. In practically all cases, however, it gave an addi- 
tional impulse to the speculative movement. 

As in England, and perhaps to an even greater extent, the 
prices of stocks were booming. Not only were there plenty of 
home investors, but foreigners also were investing in railways 
and in state and municipal bonds.t Foreign capital was being 
used to develop American resources. 


CRISIS OF 1847 


In England there seem to have been no important financial 
operations, preliminary to the crisis, except that of launching 
great railway enterprises. Still it is estimated that something 
like £70,000,000 to £100,000,000 was asked for in contribution 
to foreign projects after the speculative movement had begun. 
This amount is small, however, in comparison with the £600,- 
000,000 which it is estimated would have been required to com- 
plete all the lines projected in Great Britain? The speculation 
was confined chiefly to English railways. 

In addition to this demand for money for railways other de- 
mands arose during 1846 and 1847. Owing to the fact that 
France had an inadequate supply of silver to:meet current needs, 
Baring Brothers agreed to assist the Bank of France to the 
extent of £1,000,000, early in 1846. Again, in March, 1847, 
owing to the suffering in Ireland due to the potato famine, Roths- 
child and Baring Brothers negotiated a loan of £8,000,000.° 
Some relief came to France and indirectly to England when 
Russia purchased 50,000,000 fr. 3 per cent rentes belonging to 
the Bank of France. 

Finally, the general crop failtires necessitated unprecedented 
importations of various kinds of food in 1847. The cotton crop 


*Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 226, 
?Evans, The Commercial Crisis of 1847-48, 10-11, 
3Ibid., 55-56. 


177 


Ira Ryner 


36 


“9IuUD 


“o a 


uly Pun hovasin7 Ul $Uorqvb7 2S aAMs:SUoAOp WIOL J ‘g'4949 


‘SISI49 
“SISIAD 


as 

2 

° 

” 

~. 
. a 


SS 0S BU ERD SORES D5 3 2020 RR RDRUS OPEL RES IAR eee eskaARe 


‘punjbugQ wr serjdnsyuvge yo .aqunye 


oor 


os/ 


00% 


0s2 


o00E 


ee 


178 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 37 


was also deficient. These excessive imports were paid for in 
gold, and again the Bank was tardy in raising the rate. This was 
a financial result from the trade situation, since payment for 
goods constitutes a little different case from shipments of gold 
simply for the purpose of realizing a profit from the differences 
in rates of interest. From May 4 to October 19, 1847, £593,933 
were exported to America.t. That raising the bank rate consti- 
tutes an effective check on gold exports is illustrated by a reland- 
ing of 100,000 sovereigns destined for America in the latter part 
of 1847 as a result of the sudden rise in the bank rate.* 


Bank Rate of Interest of the 
Bank of England. 


1848 
COTTE Tr TT TTT TTT TT a 
ae Pe eee Re ee] Ee ee PE eS 


From Seyd, Bart of England Notelssve and Its Errer,’p. 94. Chart.F. 


The movement of securities was similar to that in any specu- 
lative period. From January to May, 1845, there was a rapid 
advance. Great Western and London & N. Western stocks rose 
from 178 and 236 to 200 and 253% respectively. From May to 
July there was a slight advance. From August to October about 
as marked a decline as there was advance in the early part of 
the year. From November to December there was a slight -rise 
of not more than three or four points. From January to March, 
1846, Great Western fell from 170 to 150 and London & N. 
Western fell from 230 to 224. April to December, 1846, a fall 


*Evans, The Commercial Crisis of 1847-48, 65. 
*Juglar, Les Crises Commerciales, 362. 


179 


of the 


Gold Coin aad Bullion 


OLE 


Ira Ryner 
ag 


FTL 
i te 
Peal 
ast eee 
gaas-= 
aa 
IAIABBSE a 
HTT || 
! a RE CU ree ot ls MH aU 
Tae TM 
| 4 
ad 
aT EST 
ie 
Hine: 
Litt TT 
é £ 
ill ll 
nell | I lt 


4 
, 


oflendon 


ely 


Vel’s. 8 to Zand 10 tend, (inclusive) 


7e7 [7656 [7859 


Ffrem JSeournal of the Statistical Societ 


eS LL 


7048 


ere 7645 | 1646 | 1047 | 


RAR (EB a 


Chart 6, 


12. 
SERA 
“| CRESS 
ST 
4 Geet, 
| SE OG 
— 
laa cyeaaal 
ji DE 
fe, aE Sa 
y¢ eae ee 
Sl PES emt 
PLACE! 


Ba 


‘ 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 39 


averaging about ten points. In 1847, from January to Septem- 
ber, Great Western fell from 139 to t10 and London & N. West- 
ern from 202 to 167, In October they dropped to 102 and 161 
respectively, near which points they remained for the rest of the 
year. In all, from May, 1845, to the end of 1847, the fall in the 
two securities amounted to over 50 per cent.* 

So far we have confined our attention to railway securities. 
Turning to government securities, consols, we find an almost 
identical movement. An exception is to be found, however, when 
from January to May, 1845, railway securities experienced an 
excessive rise, government securities declined slightly. But dur- 
ing all of 1846 and 1847 both declined, although private securi- 
ties declined the more rapidly.2~ The phenomenon observed in 
the early part of 1845 may perhaps be explained by the sudden- 
ness of the boom in railways, which promised enormous profits, 
and this would turn aside capital temporarily from investment 
in public securities. This alternation of demand between public 
funds and speculative securities has been often noticed. 

In France the situation was practically the same as in England, 
with the exception that the government was taking a more lead- 
ing part in the speculative movement. Within a year or two the 
government had borrowed from the Bank of France £2,000,000 
sterling for the construction and improvement of public works. 
When this was added to the enormous sums expended for rail- 
way construction and for grain obtained from the Baltic- and 
Black seas, it constituted a severe strain upon the Bank. Finally 
recourse was had to a loan, and the bank rate was raised. Eight 
hundred thousand pounds was obtained from Baring Brothers of 
London, and the rate of discount was raised from 4 to 5 per 
cent,* 

For reasons already presented, the European crisis of 1847 
affected the United States only slightly and even then not until 
one year later. That the effect of a foreign crisis can not be 
entirely avoided is shown by this fact, that in spite of our ex- 
cessive exportation of grain, giving us a favorable trade balance, 


*See’ chart on the next page. 
*Evans, The Commercial Crisis of 1847-48. 
*International Cyclopaedia, vol. VI. 


181 


40 Ira Ryner 


our store of bullion fell from $49,000,000 to $35,000,000.1 The 
effect of the French revolution of 1848, however, must also be 
given some weight as a condition affecting commerce in general, 
especially for that year. 


Annu al Sipeh peeve 
rote 
iiss Has 


ibe| TTT Ts 
nL a 


london *#W, 
Railway, Shores 


french 
[percent 


Chart /3. From Stock ExchangeSecuri tres, 
by R. rn. 


CRISIS OF 1857 


The panic of 1857 is characterized by Evans as a banking 
panic which broke out first in the United States and from there 
spread to Europe. This, however, does not necessarily place the 
entire responsibility for the crisis upon America. There is no 
question but that England and other European countries were do- 
ing business upon an unsound basis. Particularly to blame was 
the system of “open credits” practiced in England. By this plan 
“certain English houses allowed persons abroad to draw upon 
them to an extent previously agreed upon.” As an illustration 
of how this led to abuse of credit, a particular firm suspended 
which had been doing business upon a capital of £10,000, with a 
liability of £900,000; it had permitted “itself to be drawn upon 


*Dewey, Financial History of the United States, 260. 


TS2> < 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 41 


by foreign houses, without any remittance previously or contem- 
poraneously made, but with an engagement that it should be 
made before the acceptance arrived at maturity.”? 


Bank Ra inof Saterest of the 
Bank of England. 


[7] vaso | 1656 | Jas7 | 7658 | 7859 | 
(eee STS 


es = 


From Seyd, “Bank of England Wole/ssve and /ts Error, p95. lfhart.6. 


The permanent cause at the bottom of this extension of credit 
was a force-already alluded to in the discussion of changes in the 
permanent environment, namely, the enormously increased out- 
put of gold. Statistics show that for England there had been 
excessive imports of the precious metals. This was accompanied 
or perhaps followed by a correspondingly increased foreign trade. 
These factors demanded increased facilities for distribution of 
capital. The usual results followed. A movement of specula- 
tion was started within the financial circle itself. 

In France the period 1840 to 1857 is characterized as an era 
of invention and improvement. To further the onward move- 
ment, checked by the panic of 1847 and the revolution of 1848, 
the government came to the aid of the railway and telegraph 
companies. To accomplish this some large financial operations 
were necessary. Large loans were obtained from the Bank of 


*Evans, The Commercial Crisis of 1857-58, 33-34. 


183 


42 | ; Ira Ryner 


France and from private capitalists. This undoubtedly accounts 
for a great part of the enormous deficiency in the French budget 


during this period. 


Bank Rate of Interest of the 
Bank of France. 


Jo| 1855 
LULL TT TT TP ETT TTT ETT TTT TTT TTT 
Ee we (ee EO BP i eee EN (Eee SS} 


From Seyd, “Bank of England Note lssve ond ITs Error’’p. 95. Charf8B. 


Agricultural interests were also booming. But here, too, there 
was a dearth of capital. Complaints were made that farmers 
were not able to make improvements at a rate in keeping with 
the general advance of the times. Finally credit was resorted to. 
In 1848 was created the Comptoir d’Escompte de Paris, a large 
credit institution. In 1852 the great Crédit Mobilier was 
founded. These credit institutions made loans to farmers on 
land security. At first these institutions promised to become a 
permanent feature, but just previous to 1857 they also became 
infected with the speculative mania. 

In the United States, where the crisis is said to have originated, 
we may expect to observe marked evidences of an approaching 
storm for some time before the actual outbreak of the crisis. 
But such seems not to be the case. Indeed, our foreign trade 
was climbing up to an unprecedented height; but that was not 
the occasion of much alarm, for our purchasing power also was 
making rapid gains. Since the discoveries of gold in the West, 
that article had become almost an ordinary article of merchandise, 
so that there was nothing alarming, in the increased exports of 


! 


184 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 43 


gold. Our population was making rapid strides, and in addition 
the United States within a few years had greatly enlarged their 
share of ocean shipping.t These things partly, if not fully, 
offset an apparently unfavorable trade balance. 

Now what were the financial forces, if any, set in motion to 
accelerate or retard the crisis? According to Gibbons, the whole 
cause of the crisis was the near-sighted policy pursued by the 
banks in suddenly contracting their loans upon the first suspicion 
of approaching financial distress. The crisis once under headway, 
he attributes its further course to the depositors who withdrew 
their deposits as suddenly and with almost as disastrous results 
as accompanied the contraction of loans. “In twenty-one days, 
the deposits feli 25 per cent, while the loans were reduced but 11 
per cent—a complete transposition of the movement following 
the 22d of August when they fell but 11, while the loans de- 
creased 29 per cent.’”? 

Bank Rate inthe United States. ‘ 
Rotel 1855 | 1856 | 857 | 656. | 4859 |. 
PPA 0 RR Ee Ee Dea | 


from Fisher, Appreciation and Interest, p.94, Chart. 10. 


But this explanation of the crisis is superficial. At least it 
appears much sounder to say that the causes were deeper seated 
than this; that in fact the cause or causes were closely connected 
with the general methods of doing -business at this time. Per- 


*Dunbar, Economic Essays, 268. 
*Gibbons, Banks of New York and the Panic of 1857, 370. 


185 


44 Ira Ryner 


haps the bankers might have mitigated the effects of the crisis 
by refraining from a policy of contraction, but that is about all 
that can be said for Gibbons’ theory. 

What was the real cause which prompted the bankers in the 
interests of self-protection to contract their loans? If there was 
a sole cause it was the excessive construction of railways. As 
pointed out before, the number of miles constructed was beyond 
the needs of the times. An action of the government greatly 
aggravated this evil. ‘From 1850 to 1856 the government granted 
20,000,000 acres of land as subsidies to aid the construction of 
railways in the West and South.’ The result was that railways 
were constructed where they were not needed, for the purpose 
of getting the subsidies. All the circulating capital was absorbed 
where there already existed but an insufficient supply, and an 
excessive abuse of the credit system sprang up, particularly in 
the West and South. 

To supply the increased demand for capital for railway con- 
struction, new banks were created and old banks increased their 
loans. According to Gibbons, in New York alone there were 
twelve banks formed in 1851, six in 1852, and nine in 1853.? 
Extension of railways called for more banks, and more banks 
permitted further railway extension. Thus an endless chain was 
formed. And so it was with other enterprises, private and public. 


Vv 


In conclusion, a thorough and comprehensive treatment of the 
subject of crises has not been attempted. We have simply out- 
lined very briefly what seems to be a logical method of studying 
them with the view of ascertaining the causes. To apply 
this method we have taken three crisis periods and have gathered 
from them such facts as are accessible to the ordinary reader and 
fitted them into the framework of our method. How far these 
facts have been assimilated into the method without violation of 
accepted economic law the reader may judge. 


*Dunbar, Economic Essays, 272. 
*Gibbons, Banks of New York and the Panic of 1857, 370. 


186 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 45 


We have pointed out the probable causes. Generally, if not 
always, the origin of the crisis can be traced to some excessive 
change or changes in the permanent environment. The excess 
_itself, that is, the surplusage beyond the needs of the times, is 
the real cause of the crisis. Change in the permanent environ- 
ment alone involves no danger whatever so long as that change 
is really permanent, 1. e., not in excess. But as we can conceive 
that if all the capital of a country were suddenly diverted to rail- 
way construction, sudden bankruptcy and paralysis of business 
would inevitably result, so also can we conceive that excesses in 
a much less degree may involve a country in serious financial 
trouble. Certainly is that possible when the surplusage, though 
seemingly slight, is found not only in one but in several enter- 
prises. : 

In 1837 England constructed too many railways and formed 
too many joint-stock banks; France formed too many literary 
companies; and the United States constructed too many rail- 
ways, formed too many banks, and extended the crop areas too 
rapidly. The situation in the United States was rendered worse 
by Biddle’s speculation in cotton, which was a short-time influence 
also. In 1847 England’s speculation was confined to railways 
with the result that railway building was disastrously overdone. 
Coupled to this were general crop failures and a potato famine 
in Ireland. In the United States there was almost an entire lack 
of speculation. Close proximity to a depression following the 
crisis of 1836-39 and a costly war, robbed us of crisis material, 
i. e., capital. In 1857 the crisis in Europe was characterized by 
speculation and over-investment in general. In the United States 
the speculative spirit was concentrated upon railways. 

Now the origin of this impetus to build railways, to form 
banks, to extend crop areas, etc., is frequently difficult to locate. 
It may arise from a discovery or invention, from a labor dispute, 
from some financial policy pursued by the banks, from govern- 
mental subsidies, from increase of population, etc. But we can 
locate it in its effect upon the permanent environment, and that 
affords us a working basis. There we have the force in tangible 
form and can observe its workings prior to the actual occurrence 
of the panic, and that is, after all, the most that we care for. 

187 


46 Ira Ryner 


So far in our study we have observed that whatever be the 
original impulse, capitalists do go to extremes, and furthermore 
that no way has yet been discovered of measuring how far a cer- 
tain environmental change should be allowed to go, or, if that 
could be determined, how to check it. Experience seems to prove 
that we advance by leaps followed by rests. We allow our rail- 
way mileage to fall below the actual needs of the times and then 
advance it far beyond. We seem to experiment upon the amount 
of change needed,—overestimate it perhaps, when a readjustment 
follows in which the excess is rejected. Then we resume a nor- 
mal state to begin another series of experiments ending in a new 
readjustment. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Buxton, Sydney. Finance and Politics. 1783-1885. 2 vols. 
London, 1888. 

Burton, Theodore E. Financial Crises and Periods of Indus- 
trial and Commercial Depression. New York, 1902. ; 

Crump, Arthur. The Key to the London Money Market. 6th 
ed. London, 1877. 

Dewey, Davis Rich. Financial History of the Umted States. 
New York, 1903. | 

Dunbar, Charles Franklin. Economic Essays. Edited by O. 
M. W. Sprague with an introduction by F. W. Taussig. 1904. © 

Evans, D. Morier. The Commercial Crisis, 1847-48. London, 
1849. 

Evans, D. Morier. The History of the Commercial Crisis 
1857-58, and the Stock Exchange Panic of 1859. London, 
MDCCCLIX. | 

Fisher, Irving. Appreciation and Interest. New York, 1896. 

Gibbons, J. S. Banks of New York and the Panic of 1857. 
1859. : 

History of Banking in all the Leading Nations. 4 vols. New 
York, 1896. vol. I, A History of Banking in the United States, 
by William Graham Sumner. vol. II, A History of Banking in 
Great Britain, by Henry Dunning Macleod. 


188: 


—S ee 


On the Crises of 1837, 1847, and 1857 47 


International Cyclopaedia. New York, 1808. 

Jevons, W. Stanley. Investigations in Currency and Finance. 
London, 1884. 

Journal of the Statistical Society of London. 1839. 

Juglar, Clement. Des Crises Commerciales. 2d ed. Paris, 
T8809. 

Brief History of Panics and their Periodical Occurrence. En- 
glished and edited with introduction by D. W. Thom. (Ques- 
tions of the Day Series.) 1893. 

Lavisse, Ernest, (et) Rambaud, Alfred. Histoire générale du 
IV Siécle & nos Jours. Tome X, Les Monarchies Constitution- 
elles 815-47. Paris, 1898. 

Levi, Leone. The History of British Commerce, 1763-1878. 
London, 1880. 

Merchants Magazine and Commercial Review, Conducted by 
Freeman Hunt. vol. 18, January—June, 1848. New York, 1848. 

Monthly Summary of Commerce and Finance. Washington. 

Porter, G. R. The Progress of the Nation. London, 1847. 

Reports of the Secretary of the Treasury. Washington. 

Seyd, Ernest. The Bank of England Note Issue and Its Error. 
London, 1874. é 3 

Statistical Abstract of the United States. Washington. 

Sumner, William G. A History of American Currency. New 
York, 1875. 

Swank, James M. History of the Manufacture of Iron in all 
Ages. Philadelphia, 1802. 

Ward, Thomas Humphry. The Reign of Queen Victoria. 2 
vols. Philadelphia, 1887. 


189 


Ley cat, Pr 
ivy eer Eek 


numbers. 
Index and title-page for each volume are published cartes : 
A list of the papers printed in the first two volumes may be had on applic: 
Single numbers (excepting nol L= no. 1, sia vol. i, = may be 
ae i each. 


"| JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS LINCOLN 


Vor. V Juty 1905 No. 3 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Sa 


—-aaili INP 
Published by the University of Neby a\\Wsoniah IWS] ty iss 
a 
iu 29 walk oN 
He ; Nj Yd < 
| } 
H 


COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATI 


C. E. BESSEY T.-1,;, BOLTS 
D. B. BRACE H. S. EVANS F, M. FLING 
W. G. L. TAYLOR J. I. WYER 
lL. A. SHERMAN Epiror 


CONTENTS 


I ON THE MOVEMENTS OF PETALS 
Esther Pearl Hensel : ; : é 191 


II ON THE CONFLICT OF PARTIES IN THE JACOBIN 
Crus (NovEMBER, 1789-July 17, ee 


Charles Kuhlmann . : > 229 
III ON THE SUBSTANTIVATION OF Pears IN 
CHAUCER 


Arthur Garfield Kennedy : 4 : 251 


LINCOLN NEBRASKA 


Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, as University 
Bulletin, Series 10, No. 14 TS ope 


. 


LE “OF CONGe 
MY ~4 J . merit 
[Sees 


MNIVERSITY STUDIES 


VoL. V VOL Y T905 No. 3 


I—On the Movements of Petals 


BY ESTHER PEARL HENSEL 


INTRODUCTION 


The following paper has to do with an investigation of the 
physical causes which bring about opening and closing move- 
ments, periodic or otherwise, of certain flowers. With that end 
in view, seven different species of flowering plants have been ex- 
perimented upon directly, a much larger number being simply 
observed with respect to the nature, time, etc., of their antho- 
tropic moveinents. 

Movement consists in the corolla taking upon itself either the 
open or closed position for certain periods of the day or night; 
for example, the morning glory (Jpomoea purpurea) opens early 
in the morning (from 4:00 to 5:00 A.M., in the greenhouse) and 
closes from 11:00 A.M. to 2:00 P.M., or even 5:00 P.M. on cool 
days, while the common dandelion (Taraxacum taraxacum) 
opens from 7:00 to 8:00 A.M. and closes from 5:00 to 6:00 P.M. 

In the closed position, the petals or florets may assume prac- 
tically the same position as that of the bud, as in the gentians, 
asters, dandelions, etc.; often, however, the edges of the petals 
only touch, forming a dome inside of which the stamens ‘and 
pistil are well protected, as in the wild rose and in the tulip. In 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 3, July 1905. 


IQI 


2 Esther Pearl Hensel 


some genera, as in Mentzelia, the sepals may stay reflexed after 
the first opening. 


For convenience, flowers which are influenced in their open- 


ing and closing by the amount of heat present may be grouped 
into four classes as follows: 


I. Day-bloomers. 

1. Those that open only during the day, but for two or 
more (sometimes several) days in succession (hemer- 
anthous). 

2. Those that open only during one day or part of a 


day, then the corolla withering, deliquescing, or drop- — 


ping at once (ephemeral-hemeranthous). 


Il. Night-bloomers. 
3. Those that open only during the night, but for suc- 
cessive nights (nyctanthous). 
4. Those that open for only one night or part of one niche 
(ephemeral-nyctanthous). 


All flowers not included in these types open at any time of the 


day or night and stay in this condition through day and night 
until the end of their existence, irrespective of the amount of 
heat present. Whether a flower is a day-bloomer or a night- 
bloomer seems to depend upon nothing so much as habit, the 
conditions surrounding the plant, its environment, in no way in- 
fluencing this aspect. The purpose of this paper is to explain 
the causes of opening and closing in any type by means of 
experiments. 

The form of the corolla and its physical condition when ma- 
ture, i. e., dry shriveling, deliquescing, deciduous when yet fresh, 
etc., do nee seem to influence the kind of movement; any type, 
for instance day-bloomers, may have the extreme variety of 
forms of corolla, from undivided, as in the morning glory, to 
divided, as in the tulip; the corolla itself may vary in its phys- 
ical characteristics, e. g., in ephemeral day-bloomers from dry 
shriveling in the spring lily (Erythronium albidum) to deliques- 
cing in the spiderwort (Tradescantia bracteata) and deciduous 


"192 


poh 


nn 


eS oe ee 


is! 


On the Movements of Petals 3 


in flax (Linum usitatissimum). The corolla may also change 


-in-color upon withering, as in the evening primrose (Pachylophus 


caespitosus), the waxy white petals turning a dull pink upon 
withering. 

The life of an individual flower varies from a few hours, as 
in the ephemeral species, to many days. According to Kerner 
and Oliver, the range is from 3 hours (in Hibiscus trionwm) to 
80 days (in Odontoglossum rossi). Whether the length of life 
of an individual flower and the closing at certain hours have 
anything to do with the pollination of the flowers by certain 
insects is not a question to be discussed here, however interesting 
it may be. The two are closely connected but are not cause and 
effect. 

Following is a list of plants which show these movements, 
those preceded by a * having been experimented upon directly ; 
the others were simply observed. The list is very small when 
compared with the cases actually known, since it simply includes 
those coming under personal observation within the last two or 


three years: 


» I. Day bloomers. DAYS OPEN A.M. CLOSED P.M. 
1. Opening and closing repeatedly. 
Agoseris greenei, (Gray) Rydb. 1-2 = 7:00- 8:45 = 2:00-3:00 
Claytonia virginica L. 2 8:00- 9:00 6:30-7:30 
Crocus vernus All. Ber aly 9:00-10:00 ‘4:00-5:00 
Erigeron flagellaris Gray 2 9:30-10:30 5:00-7:30 
Gentiana acuta Michx. 4 8:00-10:00 5:00-6:00 
Gentiana frigida Haenke 4  8:00-10:00 5:00-6:00 
Gentiana parryt Engelm. 4 8:00-10:00 5:00-6:00 
Lactuca scartola L. 2+4- 8:00- 9:00 3:00-4:00 
Machaeranthera aspera Greene 44 7:00-10:00 4:00-6:00 
Rosa w-odsti Lindl. 4 6:00-10:00 7:00 
*7Ta axacum taraxacum 2-5 6:00- 8:00 5:00-7:00 
Tulipa gesneriana L. 5-7 9:00-10:00 5:00-6:00 
2. Opening and closing but once, 1 day or less. 
Epilobium adenocaulon Haussk. 9:00 3:00-5:00 
Erythronium albidum Nutt. 8:00- 9:00 6:00-7:00 
Specularia perfoliata (L.) A.DC. 7:00-— 8:00 3:00-7:00 
*Linum usitatissimum L. 5:00- 8:00 10 A.M.-2 
*Oxalis stricta L. 8:00- 9:00 3:00-4:00 
Portulaca oleracea L. 10:00-11:00 3:00-4:00 


4 Esther Pearl Hensel 


OPEN A.M. CLOSED P.M. 
Sisyrinchium angustifolium Miller 9:30-11:00 5:00-6:45 
Tradescantia bracteata \.. 5:00- 6:00 4:00-5:00 
II. Night bloomers. OPEN P.M. CLOSED A.M. 
3. Opening and closing repeatedly. 
* Wentzelia nuda (Pursh.) T. & G. 4-5 days 3:00-5:00 5:00- 6:00 
4. Opening and closing but once. 1day or less. 
Allionia linearis Pursh. 5:00-6:00 8:00- 9:00 
Allionia nyctaginea Michx. 4:00-5:00 9:00-10:00 
Cereus grandiflorus Mill. 8:00-9:00 2:00- 3:00 
Datura stramonium L. 5:00 6:00 8:00-11.00 
*Tpomoea purpurea (L.) Roth. 45 a.M. 10:30a.m.—3 p.m 
* Mirabilis jalapa L. 6:00-9:00 10A.M.—4P.M. 
Onagra biennts (L.) Scop. 5:00-6:00 9:00-10:00 
*Pachylophus caespito.us (Nutt.) Raimann 5:00-8:00 9:00-11:00 
Silene hallii Wats. . 5:00-7:3 900-12 .00 


All flowers not included in the previously stated types stay 
open through the day and night during their period of existence. 
Such flowers do not open because of temperature changes but 
because they have reached a certain period of growth; the largest 
number of flowers belong here. Of the other classes, a very large 
number are day bloomers, a.smaller number night bloomers. 

Ephemeral flowers behave much as those flowers which open 
and close for several days, that is, they are influenced by temper- 
ature variations; in their opening, however, they show a close 
relation to the large number of flowers which open only once 
and stay open until they die (generally after several days) ; the 
chief difference is that the ephemeral species are more regular 
in the time at which this process occurs. 


HISTORICAL REVIEW (FROM 1686 TO 1905) 


So much has been written on the subject of flower movement, 
and, with such different views as to its cause, that it seems ad- 
visable to give a rather detailed account of the work of the dif- 
ferent investigators. 

Pfeffer reports Cornutus as having said as early as 1686 that 
heat caused, or at least hastened, the opening of the anemone. 


194 


On the Movements of Petals 5 


Whether this was a theory or had really been found out from 
experimentation, I am not able to ascertain, as I do not have 
access to the original paper. 

Linné in 1751 gave many instances of flower movement. He 
made a list of forty-six species with the time of opening and 
closing of each. These he called “sun flowers” (“solares flores” ) 
and divided them into (a) those which the conditions of shade, 
humidity of the air, and atmospheric pressure affect directly 
(“meteorici”) ; these do not open during cloudy or rainy weather ; 
(6) those that open in the morning but close before evening, at 
different times according to the light (“tropici”) ; (c) those that 
open and close at a certain hour of the day (“aequinoctiales’’). 
These last he grouped into his “Floral Clock” according to’ the 
hours of the day at which they open and close their flowers, 
every hour being represented by two or three opening or closing 
flowers ; composites were also included here since the ray florets 
act much as the petals of simple flowers. It is quite significant 
of the importance of the subject that it should have been known 
even thus well over two hundred years ago. 

According to Royer, Duhamel (a contemporary of Linné’s) 
attributed opening to heat and turgescence, but said that heat 
rarified the cell sap, quite contrary to the later view that tur- 
gescence is due to an excessive flow of liquids to certain regions. 

Dutrochet in 1836 gave as the cause of the opening and closing 
of four-o-clocks (Mirabilis jalapa and Mirabilis longiflora), the 
morning glory (Ipomoea purpurea), and the dandelion (Taraxa- 
cum taraxacum) turgescence and the filling of the fibrous tissue 
with oxygen. He attempted to explain the process in this way: 
on the external side of the corolla nerves, parenchymatous tissue 
is arranged in Jongitudinal rows, while on the internal side there 
is fibrous tissue, the two tissues tending to curve in opposite di- 
rections and thus draw along the other tissues surrounding them. 
Opening and closing result from the alternately predominant 
action of one or the other tissue. The parenchymatous tissue 
tends to curve outward by filling with water, thus causing open- 
ing in flowers of Mirabilis; the fibrous tissue curves outward by 
the chemical action of the oxygen in the water, causing closing 


195 


6 Esther Pearl Hensel 


of the flower. The reason that Mirabilis closes earlier than Con- 
volvulus is because it is easier for Mirabilis to fill its fibrous tis- 
sue with oxygen under the influence of light and heat. In the 
case of flowers opened and closed for several days, as the dande- 
lion, etc., the fibrous tissue becomes gradually filled with oxygen 
during the day when the flower is open. At the same time, the 
Sap current is diminished because of the decreasing light, thus 
decreasing turgescence ; in consequence, the cellular tissue curves 
inward and the flower closes. 

Hermann Hoffmann (1850) brought together results showing 
that temperature was the all-important factor in opening and 
closing, light influencing the processes only as it contained heat 
rays. His experiments were conducted upon foliage leaves of 
~ Oxalis tetraphylla and Mimosa pudica, and the flowers of Tolpis 
barbata, Oenothera lindleyana, Onagra biennis, Lotus peregrinus, 
Ipomoea purpurea, and Eschscholtzia. These were the principal 
species experimented upon; several others, however, were used 
to help disprove that sleep movements are caused by moisture in 
the air, electricity, or the expansion of gas within the plant— 
causes to which opening had been ascribed. He further proved 
that opening can be caused artificially at the hour of most pro- 
found sleep by simple increase of heat without the aid of light, 
but that the proiongation or excess of heat caused sleep. He 
stated also that the dilatation of the sap by the action of -heat 
could not cause the daily expansion of a flower, since water ex- 
pands only 1/22 of its volume between 0° and 100° C. 

Royer (1868) affirmed that variations of heat. and turgescence 
—complements of each other—were the cause of all flower move- 
ments. Taraxacum taraxacum, Crocus, Tulipa gesneriana, Fi- 
caria ranunculoides, and Bellis perennis were experimented upon 
by him as examples of sleeping flowers, i. e., those that open and 
close several times. He made a close distinction, however, be- 
tween sleeping flowers and ephemeral ones, such as Convolvulus 
arvensis, C. sepium, Glaucium flavum, Stellaria media, and sev- 
eral Veronicas, which sleep only in appearance and close only 
when their existence is ended. These latter, he said, could be 
transformed into sleeping flowers by humid earth, shade, late 


196 


On the Movements of Petals 7 


flowering, etc.; and, vice versa, sleeping flowers could be made 
ephemeral by increased heat and dryness, or when the whole 
flow of sap toward the flower was hindered. In his opinion, 
turgescence and heat caused opening and closing by the unequal 
dilatation of the faces; without heat there was no dilatation, 
without turgescence no elasticity. The internal face, on account 
of its position, was less exposed to the action of the air and di- 
lated more than the outer, causing opening. Prolonged and 
abundant transpiration diminished turgescence, and sleep oc- 
curred; then the internal face was shortened and the outside 
became plane and convex. 

De Candolle, a contemporary of Royer, has been stated by the 
latter as having emphasized light as the factor causing opening 
and closing movements. 

Light and moisture, and a certain law of periodicity, were 
stated by Balfour (1875) to be the cause of sleep movements of 
flowers, periodicity (or habit) being given almost first place. 

Darwin (1881), as we should expect, held to the latter view, 
saying that movement was a quality inherited by both plants and 
animals. He agreed with Pfeffer that nyctitropic movements of 
flowers are caused by unequal growth of the two sides of the 
petals due to temperature changes. 

Gustav Zacher (1881) ascribed floral movement of Lotus or- 
nithopodiodes to light, but more especially to the variability of 
the amount of water in the water vessels. 

Pfeffer reports Hofmeister to have said that temperature 
changes caused movements in garden tulips. 

According to Sachs (1882 and 1887) light was the all-impor- 
tant factor; temperature and humidity were given a secondary 
place, it being only occasionally, as in Tulipa and Crocus, that 
they were the important factors. However, Pfeffer’s experi- 
mrents (1876) were mentioned by him, and he certainly consid- 
ered them valuable. Pfeffer’s experiments on Tulipa, Crocus, 
Adonis vernatus, Ornithogalum wmbellatum, and Cochicum au- 
tumnale make heat the most important element. He considers 
opening and closing mere growth movements; heat and light, as 
they diminish at night, cause the outer surface to grow faster 


197 


8 Esther Pearl Hensel 


than the inner, and the flower closes, or, in the case of flowers 
remaining open at night, meteoric influences affect the internal 
and external surfaces in the opposite way. 

It is due to Anton Hansgirg, first in 1890, and then later, that 
we have such exhaustive lists of plants possessing what he calls 
“eamotropic” and “carpotropic’” movements, principally the lat- 
ter. Under the former term he includes movements that serve 
to protect the ovary and stamens and to make cross-fertilization 
easy; under the latter, those growth movements of flower stems 
by which the flower is placed in a certain position at one period 
of its growth, and in a different one at a later period; for ex- 
ample, the morning glory bud and flower are erect, while the 
fruit is pendulous. Movements of the calyx, involucre, etc., to 
- protect the fruit, are also included under “‘carpotropic’’ move- 
ments. The real cause of what he terms “gamotropic’’ move- 
ments, those serving to protect the ovary, stamens, etc., he does 
not state directly, but in a later paper he remarks that carpotropic 
nutation movements are not so dependent upon the daily change 
of light as the nyctitropic and gamotropic appearances. He also 
makes the statement that carpotropic movements must be distin- 
guished from those similar to nyctitropic and gamotropic ones 
which occur through epinasty and hyponasty—the merely passive 
movements without growth. Ina still more recent article (1892) 
he adds a few facts on the subject, but offers no explanation, 
saying that it is yet to be proven whether periodic opening and 
closing are caused by changing epinastic and hyponastic growth 
of flowers. He states that such movements are inconstant in 
different genera of the same family. The same lists of species 
were continued in 1896 when he assigned to gamotropic and to 
nyctitropic movements light and heat as causes. He divides 
gamotropic flowers into: (a) those periodically opened and 
closed, (b) ephemeral, day or night, (c) those that open only 
once and stay thus until withering (agamotropic), and (d) those 
that are pseudocleistogamous and hemicleistogamous. Light is 
given importance, for ephemeral flowers can be made to become 
two-day flowers if deprived of light. In 1902 still further addi- 
tions were made to these lists of species possessing types of car- 


198 


On the Movements of Petals 9 


potropic and gamotropic movements. Here, as in earlier publi- 
cations, he concludes by saying that the exact causes are unknown. 

In a paper published in 1890, Hermann Vochting treats of the 
influence of temperature upon the flower movements of Anemone 
steliata—those of the flower pedicel especially—but he also men- 
tions that the opening and closing are connected with the unequal 
growth of the upper and under sides of the basal portion of the 
floral leaves. 

Friedrich Oltmanns (1895) gives to light the most important 
place in causing nyctitropic movements of flowers, the more in- 
tense the light, the earlier the closing or opening, a certain quan- 
tity of light being necessary for the withering of ephemeral flow- 
ers or the closing of periodically moving ones. He makes the 
statement that Royer, De Candolle, Dutrochet, and Meyen have 
all thought light an important factor, while Pfeffer considers 
that heat works with light in causing flowers to open in the 
morning. 

Kerner and Oliver (1895) say that the opening of flowers is 
promoted by sunshine, but whether it is light or heat is to them 
a question. Kerner says that the amount of pollen produced and 
the number of flowers on a plant directly affect the length of 
time a flower stays open. As to the physical cause, the sun’s 
rays affect the tension of the tissues, but just how is not known. 
The movement of flowers—the change in the position of the 
petals—is only another expression of heat energy. The author 
suggests that, since anthocyanin converts light into heat, if the 
petals or sepals are white on the inside, the under surface must 
be tinged red, violet, or blue in order to cause opening. 

From Strasburger and Schimper (1898) it is to be inferred 
that light and temperature variations are the cause of opening 
and closing. The same two factors are said by Ludwig Jost 
(1898) to cause nyctitropic movements. They work together, 
the two sides of a petal reacting in an opposite manner due to 
internal causes. His experiments were made principally upon 
tulip and dandelion flowers. He gives three possibilities as to 
the growth of the two sides. The first is Pfeffer’s: the growth 
of the concave side is hindered by the growth of the convex side, 


199 


10 Esther Pearl Hensel 


i. e., the concave side is passive. It is affected, later, as much by 
temperature changes as the convex side. The second (the most 
probable according to the author) is that the opposite sides react 
in an opposite manner to temperature changes, the restraint of 
the concave side being recognized as an active retardation in 
growth. The third possibility is that the concave side is not 
usually influenced by temperature changes. 

Reynolds Greene’s view (1900) as to the nervous mechanism 
of a plant is especially-interesting, although flower movement is 
not discussed by him in his Vegetable Physiology, in which the 
former discussion is given. He says that a plant has a nerv- 
ous mechanism, and that stimuli are conducted from cell to cell 
through the connecting strands of protoplasm which pass through 
the cell walls, and contrasts this with the nervous system of ani- 
mals. The root tip, at a short distance from the apex, the three 
hairs on the leaf of “Venus’ Fly Trap,” etc., are special sense 
organs or regions, which, however, are not anatomically dif- 
ferentiated.. The protoplasm in those parts receives the stimulus 
due to the physiological differentiation of the protoplasm; hence 
plants can respond to a more delicate stimulus than animals. The 
lack of coordination, however, may cause the stimulus to produce 
a harmful effect on the plant. 

J. Bretland Farmer, in an article which appeared in the New 
Phytologist for March 19, 1902, refuses to accept the theory that 
epinasty and hyponasty cause opening and closing of the tulip 
flower. He attributes movement to a localized irritable tissue 
(as in Dionaea) on the outer surface of the petals. This area 
consists of active cells capable of altering their state of tur- 
gescence, or, at any rate, their size, more readily and effectively 
than the cells which form the more internal tissue layers. The 
intercellular spaces are large in these perianth leaves, and the 
cells so arranged that they give a certain amount of shearing 
action without damaging the cells themselves. One experiment, 
nade by Farmer, is to put a median longitudinal section in dilute 
KNO, solution, which causes the petals to straighten out (open). 
To prove that there is an irritable tissue, he puts the petal in 
water, when it closes, or, rather, curves in, then in alcohol to kill 


2cO 


On the Movements of Petals II 


it, and finally in water or salt solution, when it straightens out 
again. He considers that this shows that movement is due to 
the life and activity of the protoplasm. 

Detmar, in his recent Plant Physiology (1903), devotes some 
space to nyctitropic movements of flowers, citing a few experi- 
ments with Leontodon hastilis, Tulipa gesneriana, Crocus vernus, 
Adonis vernalis, and Taraxacum taraxacum. Those with Leon- 
todon heads show, as he thinks, that light variations are very 
important in the opening and closing, while in the experiments 
with all the others, temperature variations alone cause the move- 
ments. His experiment, cited for Leontodon hastilis, was about 
as follows: he cut off during the day several stalks possessing 
open flowers and put them in water in the dark. They closed 
as usual in the evening and opened again the next morning (in 
the dark). The following night they closed, but would not open 
the next morning until placed in the light. In the evening they 
closed again, thus proving to his satisfaction that light in no way 
affects opening. | 

The view held by Ludwig Jost in his recent Plant Physiology 
(1904) is that not all flowers act nyctitropically to temperature 
variations ; some react to light variations. I infer from his state- 
ments that it is variations in light that cause opening and closing 
in composite heads, while in Crocus it is temperature. He states 
that darkness has the same effect on composites as coolness has 
on Crocus, and that light has the same effect as heat. He adds 
that, generally in nature, it is the receiving of light accompanied 
by a rise in temperature, or the taking away of light with lower- 
ing of temperature, that causes these movements. 

In the Prantl-Pax Lehrbuch der Botanik (1904), rising tem- 
perature and light are said to cause the inner side of floral leaves 
(such as Tulipa, Crocus, Adonis) to grow more than the outer; 
hence the flower opens. Lower temperature and light cause the 
outer to grow more, and the flower closes. There is a caution 
not to confuse these movements with those of ephemeral flowers. 
The author seems to make two divisions of floral movement: 
those caused by outside forces (autonomous), and those caused 
by internal forces, turgor changes, brought about by stimuli act- 
ing on the protoplasm and influencing growth (paratonic). 

201 


12 Esther Pearl Hensel 


It is to Pfeffer more than to any one else that we owe the most 
of our knowledge on the subject of plant movement, more in 
respect to leaves than to flowers, however. Temperature, accord- 
ing to his view, causes the flowers of Crocus and Tulipa to open 
and close by certain variations. A sudden rise opens them. 
They then turn gradually back to a lesser opening, which. posi- 
tion is kept constantly while the temperature remains stationary. 
When the temperature is lowered a similar reaction occurs. The 
flowers of Crocus luteus, C. vernus, and Tulipa gesneriana react 
in a few minutes, he says, to a rise of %° C. The flowers of 
Adonis vernalis, Ornithogalum umbellatum, and Colchicum au- 
tumnale react less strongly, while those of Ranunculus ficaria, 
Anemone nemorosa, and Malope trifida respond to changes of 
~5°-10° C. Flowers of Ovxalis rosea, Nymphaea alba, and Leon- 
todon show only a common thermonastic movement with this 
change (5°—10° C.). 

In volume I of his Plant Physiology, Pfeffer states that os- 
motic pressure varies with temperature according to the same 
laws that influence gaseous pressure, and hence, by a rise in tem- 
perature of 15° C. the pressure is only raised from 100 to 105.5. 
Thus temperature can never exercise any marked direct effect 
upon turgor in plants. 

The most recent publication on this subject is by Walther 
Wiederscheim (1904). Movements of petals are said by him 
to be caused by variations in temperature. The flowers experi- 
mented with were Tulipa and Crocus. Burgerstein and Farmer 
say that the movement in these flowers is a variation movement 
that occurs, not on account of growth, but by the changing, 
lengthening, and shortening of certain tissue complexes. Jost, 
Schwendener, the author, and Pfeffer consider them to be growth 

novements, the latter saying that growth produces movement by 
a change in the force of expansion occurring “simultaneously 
and equivalently” in the two halves, but unequally fast. The 
other three agree in saying that growth, one phase of it, either 
opening or closing, occurs as a result of light or temperature 
stimulus but unequally, the second movement, the counter-reac- 
tion, occurring from interior causes, due to the stimulating ac- 
tion set up by increase in growth of the first side. 

202 


wht Ses idee 


On the Movements of Petals 13 


The foregoing summary of the work done on this problem 
since 1686 shows how very varied have been the theories as to 
the cause of the movement of floral leaves, and the great need 
for further investigation. Many of ’the articles which support 
good theories show evidence of a small or inexact amount of 
experimentation. This, I have tried to avoid by endeavoring to 
prove all statements by actual experiment, so that the final result 
should be conclusive. As to the exact processes which are car- 
ried on within the flower, or plant, to bring about movement, 
there is yet much to be done. 


EXPERIMENTAL METHODS. 


Information as to the cause of floral movements was sought 
in two ways: first by means of field observations, and second by 
means of experiments performed either in the field or greenhouse, 
mostly the latter because of the greater ease with which the sur- 
rounding conditions could be controlled. The aim was to elim- 
inate the possible physical factors, such as light, humidity, etc., 
one after the other. For example, in order to prove that humid- 
ity could not cause the opening of the flowers of the morning 
glory, light, heat, and the water-content of the soil were made 
the same in’ three instances: in one of these the air was made 
very dry, in another very moist, and in the third it was kept nor- 
nal. The procedure was the same for the elimination of the other 
factors. The apparatus used for these experiments was very 
simple. For example, in-the humidity experiment cited above, 
two large bell jars, thermometers, a psychrometer, calcium chlo- 
ride for absorbing moisture, and a piece of sheet rubber to tie 
around one flower pot were used. Water-content and light re- 
quire tin cans for soil samples, thermometers, photometers, and 
a shade tent. To ascertain whether heat influences opening and 
closing of flowers, several simple pieces of apparatus were neces- 
sary. A tin box, 2 x 2 x 2 ft., collapsible like the small tin 
dinner boxes, was constructed to be used in field work, but was 
also found useful in indoor experiments. The top and one side 
were made of glass; a hole 34 of an inch in diameter was cut in 


203 


14 Esther Pearl Hensel 


another side to admit a cork for holding the thermometer in 
place. Two alcohol lamps were also found necessary, one to 
heat the box in which the plants were placed, the other to heat 
water in a retort, and thus pass water vapor into the box and 
produce a moist atmosphere. Self-registering thermometers and 
psychrometers were of great aid in taking readings of control 
conditions. Besides taking advantage of low temperatures in 
the open, or in cold rooms, double-walled bell jars packed with 
snow or ice were used to obtain low temperatures. 

In all the experiments, strong, healthy plants were used, and 
no experiments were performed with flowers cut off from the 
plant. Wiederscheim, in his researches of 1904 on the crocus 
and tulip, and also Pfeffer and Jost, have affirmed that they have 
obtained the same results with flowers cut off from the plant as 
with those on the plant. Wiederscheim has even performed ex- 
periments successfully with all but one perianth leaf removed. 
However, unless this fact is thoroughly proved as in the instance 
just mentioned, it is much safer to ‘work with the plant intact. 

Unless otherwise stated, all observations apply to flowers in 
the greenhouse. 

EXPERIMENTS 


The plants directly experimented with were the common dan- 
delion (Taraxacum taraxacum), the cultivated four o’clock 
(Mirabilis jalapa), the cultivated morning glory (Ipomoea pur- 
purea), the evening star (Mentzelia nuda), the large evening 
primrose (Pachylophus caespitosus), and the common flax 
(Linum usitatissimum). Four of these are ephemeral types, one 
hemeranthous (the dandelion), and one nyctanthous (the eve- 
ning star). 

Hemeranthous and nyctanthous flowers open and close be- 
cause of temperature variations, and temperature variations 
alone. They undergo a resting period, they sleep, while ephem- 
eral flowers in closing end their existence, and therefore tem- 
perature variations only prolong or hasten this process with 
them. Hemeranthous and nyctanthous types can be made ephem- 
eral, or at least shorter lived, by the addition of more heat than 


204° 


On the Movements of Petals 15 


is normal. This is shown by the difference in the actual life of 
a flower blooming in the spring or in midsummer: the common 
dandelion lasts three to five days in the spring, while in mid- 
summer two days is normal, on account of the more intense life 
of the Hower at that time. On the other hand, ephemeral flow- 
ers can be inade longer lived by the opposite process, the life 
processes going on less intensely than normal, as numerous ex- 
periments with the morning glory have shown. 

The dandelion, four o’clock, morning glory, and flax were ex- 
perimented with in the greenhouse, the plants being grown from 
sced, and the evening star and evening primrose in the open, 
since it.-was impossible to grow them in the greenhouse either 
from seeds or by transplanting the young seedlings. The diff- 
culty probably lay in the fact that the change of climate, altitude, 
etc., was too great, from 9,000 ft. above the sea at Halfway, 
Colorado, to 1,200 ft. at Lincoln. At any rate, it was impossible 
to grow them at all from seeds, even when these were seasoned. 
The young seedlings of Mentzelia, transplanted in the fall from 
the mountains in Colorado to the university greenhouse at Lin- 
coln, grew for a short time, but soon died, while those of the 
evening primrose grew fairly well during the whole year but 
showed no tendency to flower. 

The experiments which follow seem to me to prove quite con- 
clusively that variations in the amount of heat present are the 
causes of opening and closing movements among hemeranthous 
and nyctanthous types which are not ephemeral, and also second- 
arily in the latter. It is the sudden variations within a few 
hours which cause flower movement. Seasonal variation in tem- 
perature effects opening and closing scarcely at all, even in types 
of flowers (ainthous) which bloom throughout an entire season 
or more as the dandelion. In May it opens between 7:00 and 
8:00 o’clock in the morning, in July between 5:00 and 7:00, in 
August between 7:00 and 8:00, and in September between 7 :00 
and 9:00. The plant accommodates itself gradually to these 
changes, and opening and closing occur regularly with, perhaps, 
only a few hours difference in time. 


205 


16 Esther Pearl Hensel 


The reason why cloudiness has been considered by some in- 
vestigators as an important factor in movement is probably be- 
cause a reduction in the amount of light (cloudiness) is nearly 
always accompanied by a lower temperature. The factors have 
not been carefully separated. 

Movement can not be brought about by an increase of turgor 
within the cells, for with a rise of 15° C. the pressure is only 
raised from 100 to 105.5, and this, according to Pfeffer, could 
not cause a movement. Fifteen degrees of temperature, Centi- 
grade, are, in no case that I know of, necessary to effect open- 
ing, and hence sufficient power could not be obtained in this way. 
Experiments were made with flowers cut off from the plant to 
determine whether turgescence was efficient in closing them. 
Some were immersed in water, others in different per cents of 
sugar solutions—all with the same results—opening and closing 
at the usual times. 


It seems not at all probable that the expansion of the gases in © 


the plant could increase turgidity by the rise of temperature, and 
hence cause opening, since, as far as temperature is concerned, 
gaseous pressure and osmotic pressure are governed by the same 
laws. Moreover, how can night blooming flowers be explained 
by this theory? Lack of time prevented experimentation on such 
an improbable cause. 

That the protoplasm of the cells within the plant could be 
stimulated by temperature is the last and only plausible explana- 
tion. Just how this is done can not be understood, but that flow- 
ers are positively or negatively thermotropic to certain tempera- 
ture extremes seems evident. Why a certain flower is ephemeral 
while others are hemeranthous or nyctanthous seems to me to 
be only partially answerable. It is doubtless true that the char- 
acter is inherent, but the original causes must have been climatic, 
a flower closing for biological reasons, such as protection of pol- 
len against unfavorable weather conditions, etc., and loss of 
water ‘by excessive heat. An attempt was made by Dutrochet 
in 1836, and Farmer in 1902, to explain movement by means of 
the corolla (of Taraxacum and Mirabilis in the case of the for- 
mer, and of Tulipa in that of the latter). ‘ Dutrochet gives tur- 


206 - 


— 


On the Movements of Petals 17 


gescence as the cause. Farmer gives to a localized tissue on the 
outer face of Tulipa petals the power of causing the perianth 
to open as a result of irritation. He says the opening is, how- 
ever, due to the stimulus (he does not state what, but denies 
epinastic and hyponastic growth here) affecting the protoplasm 
and producing movement. Sections that I have made through 
the nerves of the corolla of Mirabilis do not show the differences 
in structure, indicated by Dutrochet, sufficient to cause opening 
and closing. He states that the cellular tissue on the outside 
would tend to curve out by filling with water in excess—opening, 
the fibrous tissue on the inner side tending to curve in by oxida- 
tion—closing. Cross-sections through the nerves of the corolla 
of Mirabilis show about this proportion of the different tissues: 
145 » of parenchyma on the outside of the nerve, exclusive of 
epidermis, 72 of fibrous tissue, and on the inner side, 102 » of 
parenchyma, exclusive of the epidermis. We could scarcely ex- 
pect movements such as Dutrochet speaks of to occur as results 
of turgescence of the parenchymatous tissue when it is present 
on both sides of the fibrous tissue and in such proportions. He 
states also that the morning out-curving of parenchymatous tis- 
sue (opening) of the dandelion is brought about by a strong 
rise of sap under the influence of light, causing turgescence. 
The closing, he says, is due to the diminution of this force, and 
to the gradual filling of the fibrous tissue with oxygen during 
the day. This could not occur, since the osmotic pressure of the 
cell sap is increased only 5 per cent with a rise in temperature 
of 15° C., and the temperature never need change this much to 
induce closing; hence, some other cause must be sought. 


HEMERANTHOUS TYPE 


Experiments with Taraxacum taraxacum. The flowers of the 
dandelion open from 7:00 to 8:00 A.M. in the greenhouse or in 
the open in May, and close from 5:00 to 6:00 p.m. On cool, 
cloudy days they may not open at all, and in a sudden lowering 
of the temperature, usually accompanied by cloudiness, as upon 
the approach of a storm, they may close at once. Temperature 


207 


18 Esther Pearl Hensel 


is in all cases, however, the cause of movement, light and the 
humidity of the air in no way influencing it except in so far as 
they are necessary to the continued growth of the plant. The 
composite head acts as the simple flower. 

Experiments showing that light does not imfluence opening 
and closing. Plants with buds that were ready to open, or that 
were open for the first time, were at 6:00 P.M. put into shade 
tents made of black cambric and of sufficient darkness so that 
there was not the slightest coloration of solio paper at 3:00 P.M. 
after 5 minutes exposure, when the sun was shining brightly 
upon the tent. The next morning, the flowers in the shade tents . 
were open as wide as those in normal sunlight. In other experi- 
ments, the same results were obtained; in nearly every case, the 
temperature in the shade tent was the same as in the sunlight, 
or a little higher. . 

Experiments showing that humidity has no direct effect upon 
flower movement. Plants with flowers open one day only were 
used. At 5:00 P.M. after the flowers had closed, one plant, well 
watered, was placed in a bell jar with the sides of the bell jar 
wet with water and the pot standing in water. A thermometer 
was suspended in the jar. Another plant was placed in a bell 
jar, which had been dried by lying on its side in a very dry room 
with an air temperature of 23° C. and a relative humidity of 25 
per cent. The pot was wrapped in rubber cloth so that there 
could be no evaporation from the pot or soil, and a flat dish filled 
with calcium chloride placed beside it to absorb any moisture 
given off. A thermometer was suspended in this jar also. The 
following morning, both flowers were open at 8:00 A.M., as were 
those left in normal conditions. The temperature in the dry jar 
was 27.6° C., in the moist one 25.6° C., and in the normal one 
21° C. with a relative humidity of 54 per cent. The same results 
were obtained several times, so that this experiment also seems 
to prove conclusively that opening ig not dependent directly upon 
the humidity of the air. 

Experiments showing that variations in temperature produce 
opening and closing. I have been able to open and close dande- 
lion flowers before the usual time by varying the amount of heat 


208 


On the Movements of Petals 19 


present, but never to make the flowers stay open lonzer than 
usual by increasing the amount of heat to a little more than nor- 
mal. he point at which opening occurs seems to be from 15° 
to 18° C., in the greenhouse, generally nearer the higher limit. 

In the experiments which follow, relative humidities will usu- 
ally accompany the temperatures, simply as additional proof that 
they are not influential in causing movement. For convenience, 
different parts of the greenhouse in which experiments were 
periormed will be indicated, especially in those cases where the 
plants are transferred from one part to another to obtain the 
different conditions present there, thus: south house, north house, 
east house, middle house. The situation of plants placed out of 
doors will be indicated as open, that of those placed in the tin box 
with increased temperature as warm chamber, those placed in 
double walled bell jars packed with snow or ice, cold chamber, 
those in bell jars with saturated air, moist chamber, those in dry 
bell jars, dry chambcr, while that of those in the compartment 
made of black cambric will be indicated as shade tent. 

lowers which do not open at the usual time in the morning 
because of low temperature, can be opened in from fifteen min- 
utes to an hour by placing the plant in the warm chamber de- 
scribed on page 13. 


SOUTH HOUSE WARM CHAMBER 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum | Condition. | Temp | Rel. Hum. 


Mar. 25, 1904 | 1(:45 a.m. | 24 open ...| 15.5°C. 67.4% PGi ODE Cw |e tenes owe See esas 
Pare AO ED WAU. | AGO PEIN eoltiam cee cac |icscctes ben Wide open) 36.5°C. 39 4% 
Mar. 25, 1904 | 12:00 m. Wide open| 2J.8°C. CEE) Tae Ree Sade call erste is | oreeee cesses 


On March 30, 1904, a cloudy day, dandelion flowers remained 
closed all the morning in the greenhouse. When the temperature 
was artificially increased in the warm chamber, in dry air.or with 
vapor, opening occurred as in the several cases cited below. 


209 


20 Esther Pearl Hensel 
SOUTH HOUSE W+RM CHAMBER 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. |} Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
Mar 30, 1994 | 11:00 a.m. | Closed... 16° 83% Closed 43° Dry 
Mar. 30, 1604 | 11:30 a.m. | Closed... 16° 83% Openictace 43° Dry 
Mar. 30, 1901 | 12:00 m Closed.. 16° 83% Opetic sea. 4300" | sae aeraaigane 
April 7,1904] 8:00 a.m. | Closed.. 13° 81% Closed 29° Dry 
April 7,1904| 8:15 a.m. | Closed.. be a 4 Open 299° Dry 
AprtleaT; MOQE 840 As eClosed s: Sasi cen louse ae Open..... 29° Dry 
April 7,1904| 11:00 a.m. | Opening .| 14.8° 262.5%. (10 01] skews sieetccre's | eat roe eee eee 
April 15, 1904 | 10:00 a.m. | Close1....} 17° 51% Ciosed 20° £9% 
April 5,1904 | 10:20 a.m. | Closed at Asan Opentteoe: 224%4° 31% 
April 15,1904 | 11:00 a.m. | Open..... Te De SURE rere Inesorseee ltt ci Gace 
sOUrH HOUSE WARM CHAMBER 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp | Rel. Hum. 
Jan. 20, 1905.) 10:30 a.m. | Bud%open!} 19.82 63% Bud %open} 23° Moist 
» Jan. 30, 1905.) 10:55 a.m. |Bud44open| 19 8° 62% %+ open..| 25.9° Moist 
Jan. 30, 1905.| 11:12 a.m. |Bud4open}| 20° 60% Opeupresh. 28° Mcist 


Open dandelions when put into the cold chamber do not ordi- 
narily close at night in the manner of those under normal condi- 
tions. They look perfectly natural and do not wither on removal, 
but seem to be in a rigid condition. The change from normal 
temperature to that of the cold chamber (19° or 21° to 2° or 
5° C.) is probably so extreme that the flower is unable to react 
to the stimulus of the variation in temperature, for, when a plant 
with open flowers is put out of doors or in another room where 
the temperature difference is not so great, closing occurs very 
readily at any time of day. When the temperature in the cold 
chamber was not too low, closing occurred in certain instances 
at about the normal time. 

Following are two instances of this sort with figures showing 
normal closing: 


SOUTH HOUSE COLD CHAMBER 

Date Hour Condition | Temp, | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
Feb. 22,1905 | 9:00 a.m. | Open. 19.4° 57.5% Open.... Stine 
Feb. 22, 1905 | 10:30 a.m. | Open..... 25.6° 56% Open. 10° sare 
Feb. 22, 1995 | 11:3) a.m. | Open..... aioe 51% Open 10° Selereteants 
Feb. 22,1905 | 2:30p.m. | Open..... 31 79 44 5% 2¢ closed . 10C5 seer Sites 
Feb. 22,1905 | 5:00p.m | %closed..| 23° 51% $4 closed || ies ln sceareemete 


210 


On the Movements of Petals 21 
SOUTH HOUSE COLD CHAMBER 

Date Hour Condition | Temp. |Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 10:c0 a.m. | Open..... 24.8° AGM | acis eh reese isel’s, A tioial| hale cis'etee oo as 

Feb. 27, 1905 | 10:45 a.m. | Open A. Specs Open ae 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 12:.0 mM. Oper ss... 23° 41% Openr2. cs 1 TS al bP ar ee 
Feb. 27, 1905 195 CPM. |, Open...sc.. 26° $8.5% 4) Open ..... Pa OS iW iaese cae ee 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 3:00 p.m. | Open. ...} 23° 35% @penisa. = D4? Soe dawn nes 
Feb. 27,19.5 | 5:00 p.m. | 4 closed..} 19° 43% SA ClOSEC eH e BOY eee Mvcre 


The following data show the effect of a lowering of tempera- 
ture such that closing occurs from 2 to 6 hours earlier than nor- 
mal. In certain cases the lower temperature of a different part 
of the greenhouse was made use of, in others, the open: 


SOUTH HOUSE EAST HOUSE 


Condition | Temp. | Rel. ; um. 


Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum 
Jan. 21, 1905 | 10:00 a.m | Open..... 18.69 52% Opens: 125 
ates ete tO mba OUAlDLs [0% antes. sieisceie’s [bie salaceel|few ete 2 Monrsa.be 44 closed .| 14° 
Jane 2! 1005: | N14 AM. |e. watts tei ¥ closed .| 17° 
Jan. 24,195 | 10:30 a.m. | 144 open 13° 43% 4% open Tats 
Ap etves easaD Noa (as ONG We Mok Dore le isietdoymie, | ets.aisiene «ificeielatecvastern we 4 open 5° 
Jan. 24,1905 | 1:3) p.m. ose Shere rae Closed 6 5° 
Jan. 24, 19J5 5:40 P.M. Stas Sere wears Closed 1242 
Feb. 2, 1905 | 10:30 a.m. | 14 open 18° 55% 4% open ao : 
Feb. 2, 1905 | 12:00 m. Seige Sates Saas 144 open WPI Ailarccocrar ee we 
Feb. 2,1905 | 3:00 P.M. FS Closed BIOS) G oe Pelee s 
Feb. 2, 1905 ERT SOREN aie, Ml Nexcta 7, ators ati Mra ste Sub lis ote's vba saayer axe Closed Do Net eae eee 
Feb. 4, 1905 | 10:00 a.m. | Open. 16.8° 58% Notopena|Pisnes Icscacteacese 
Feb. 4,1905 | 5:00 P.M. | Open..... 18.6° 63% Closed? meal 16:20 ie Patan ee 
Feb. 9, 1905 | 9:30 a.m. | Open..... 12 8° 58% Open..... 1G527 ale oes oa 
Feb. 9, 1905 | 11:0) Am. | Open..... BoD? 20% Closing...} 18° 7 >. 
Feb. 9, 1905'| 2:40 p.m. | Open. ...| 20° 41% Closed....| 14.8° Age rs 
Feb. 9,1905 | 5:00 p.m. | 44 closed .| 18.2° Gaels ClLOSeUa ales FOr pe ulleneeina sore eee 

SOUTH HOUSE NORTH HOUSE 

Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
Feb. 25, 1905.| 9:50 a.m. | Open 23.42 Digvie a Eskeses, ois visey | ea sete ltnee ae wae 
Feb. 25, 1905.| 10:30 aM. | Open..... £6.49 49% Opett.s:25. 19.4° 82.6% 
Feb. 25, 1905.| 1:10 p.m. | Open..... 29.9° 52.5% Gpeue. 16.8° 73.4% 
Feb. 25, 1905.| 5:00 p.m. | Open..... 16.4° 54% 3 closed..| 23° 68.3% 


211 


22 Esther Pearl H ensel 


SOUTH HOUSE OPEN 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | temp. | Rel. Hum.. 
Feb. 25, 1903 | 9:3) a.m. 
Feb. 25, 1903 | 10:3) a.m. 
Feb. 25, 1903 | 11:30 a.m. 
Feb. 25, 1993 | 1:15 PM. 
Feb. 2}, 1903 | 1:45 P.M. 
Feb. 25, 1$03.| 2:00 p.m. 
Feb 25 1903 | 2:15 P.M. 
Feb. 2), 1903 4:00 P.M. 
Feb. 25, 1903 | 5:00 p.m. 
Feb. 25, 1903 | 6:00 p.m. 
Feb. 25, 1903 7:30 P.M. 
Feb. 21, 1905 | 10:00 a.m. 


Feb. 21, 1905 | 11:10 a.m. 
Feb. 21, 1905 | 12:00 m. 

Feb 21, 1905 3:0) P.M. 
Feb. 21, 1905 5:00 P.M. 


SOUTH HOUSE OPEN NORTH HOUSE 
Rel Rel Rel 
Date Hour Cond. | Temp. enteral Cond. | Temp eiteen Cond. |! Temp eee 
1 
Feb. 27, 1905 |10:00 A.m.|Open ..| 24.89 | 45% | ....... Sciseeie’ || Mis ows [ae eeieeal Ree eee eee z 
Feb 27, 1995 |10:30 a.m |Open ..|........]....6- Open..| 11° 82%...0\] bs seen eae eee eee _ 
Heb 27; 190d) | 10:45 Ae (Open Jol! ssan sees | eee Open: esck ase Ne eee Open’ oo) eee alleen 
Feb. 27, 1905 |12:00 mM. |Open..| 25° 41% |Open..| 13° 74% |Open..| 21.8° | 56.24 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 1:25 p.m.;Open ..| 26° 38.5% |Open ..| 12.5° | 58.4% |Open..| 21.29 | 71.8% 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 3:00 p.m. /Open..| 23° 30% |34 clo’d}] 13.5° | 68.4% /Open..| 20 8° | 64.6% 
Feb. 27, 1905 | 5:00 p.m |34 clo’ 19.49 |4.% |Closed.] 13.59 | 53 8% |34 clo’d| 17.4° | 68.9% 


SOUTH HOUSE | OPEN 

Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum.]} Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
March 1, 1905} 8:30 a.m. | Open..... 25° i), ne PREPS rere erste eke = 
March; 11905|' 9:30 vAenn | Opern. see llsiase cee leew os ce cette Open..... 5° 78.4% 
March 1, 1995} 10:30 a.m. | Open. Fociereaall woe sine = eaeelPysiclased 12° 63.5% 
March 1, 1995} 11:30 a.m. | Open.....}| 27.89 54.5% 44+-closed| 14° 13.3% 
March 1, 1905) 2:30 p.m. | Open.....} 27° 47.5% 23 closed..| 16° A2¢ 
March 1, 1905} 4:35 p.m. | Open..... TAS) 54 5% Closed 5 8/155? 52% 
March 2, 19)5} 8:35 a.m. | Open..... 17.22 60% Open 2.4% 11° Re Ae SLs 
March 2, 1905} 9:45 a.m. | Open..,... 23 4° 61% Open’..<.. iby ag eaaaeeeeet 
March 2, 1905} 5:00 p.m. | Open..... 240 40% 16 closed 209." eee te 
March 6, 1905} 9:00 A.M. | Open..... 21 2° 65.5% Open)...-% 1 8° ee, SI 
March 6, 1995] 11:00 a.m. | Open..... 24 5° 66% Open..... 3° 17.5% 
March 6, 1905] 1:30 p.m..]| Open..... 27.49 64% 8g-++closed| 5.4° 79.7% » 
March 6, 1905) 3:45 p.m. | Open..... 20° 62% 3%+closed| 6° 81.2% s 
March 6, 1905} 5:00 p.m. | Closing...| 22° ~ 68.5% 3{-+closed| 6.89 jh 4@ 


abe 


On the Movements of Pctals 23 


SOU tH HOUSE OPEN NORTH HOU-E 
Date Hour | Cond | Temp. aah Cond. | Temp. ee Cond. | Temp. Hes, 
Ma ch 9, 1905} 8:45 a.m |Open..} 19.29 | 59% |Closed. TU See ¥% open| 18.4° |...... 
March 9, 1905/11:00 a.m |Open..| 23.6° |.58¢ |Open . 1 Oe eee 4% open 194° |...... 
March 9, 1905} 1:30 p.m |Upen..| 24° 384%4%|Open .. Lo aaa) Kae a 44 open| 21.6° |...... 
~ March 9,'1905| ::30 p.m jOpen..| 22.89 | 414 |Open..| 10° |..... Oe eel a.O oan hh caineiee 
March 9, 1905) 5:00 p M.|3% clo’d] 16° 4744%|Open .. Bee ee Ses Open TB ianaant 


Light readings also were taken by exposing solio paper to the 
light to show that the intensity did not influence opening or clos- 
ing. Following are some data regarding the amount of light 
present at the times of opening and closing. If we take the tables 
just preceding, giving temperature and humidity values, and 
observe the time at which closing occurs in the different situa- 
tions, and note at the same time the relative light values, light 
can be seen at once to be of no value in effecting closing, since it 
is strongest where flowers close earliest. The relative values are 
obtained by comparing the exposures on solio paper in a photo=>- 
eter, for the different situations, with a sun standard taken at 
noon on a certain clear day, e. g., March 21, 1905. 

On February 27, 1905, dandelions were not closed in the green- 
house at 3:00 p.M. when the relative light value was .0o5, while 
out of doors they were two-thirds closed and the light value was 
I. At 5:00 P.M., dandelions in the greenhouse were one-third 
closed with a light value of .02, while out of doors they were 
entirely closed, and the light was .o5. In the stronger light they 
closed earlier. 

On March 1, 1905, open dandelions put out of doors at 9:30 
A.M. were one-third closed at 10:30 A.M. with a light value of .5, 
while indoors they were open, and the light was .1. At 4:35 
p.M., those in the greenhouse were still open, with light at .03, 
while out of doors they were closed with light at .06. 

On March 6, 1905, at 1:30 p.m., the open dandelions put out 
of doors at 9:00 A.M. were two-thirds or more closed, the light 
being .15, while indoors at the same time, where the light was .o3, 
they were open as usual. 


213 


24 Esther Pearl Hensel 


OTHER HEMERANTHOUS TYPES 


The flowers of Gentiana parryi, the large blue gentian, open 
for two or more days only during the day from 8:00 to 10:00 
A.M. and close from 5:00 to 6:00 P.M. It is very noticeable that 
they do not open on cloudy, cold, or rainy days and that they 
close on the approach of rain. Detached flowers will stay open 
in the house at night but will close out of doors; if brought in- 
doors they will open in the dark. Gentiana acuta behaves in 
much the same way, and opens at about the same time. It also 
stays open for almost the same number of days, possibly a little 
longer. 

I carried on a few experiments with tulip flowers, but was 
unable to do much with them as they did not seem-to close at 
“night. They were forced bulbs potted for me by a local 
greenhouse. I did succeed in opening a few with increased tem- 
perature but not with %4° C. difference, such as Pfeffer says is 
possible; nor was it possible to close the flowers with either a 
moderate or extreme degree of cold. 


NYCTANTHOUS TYPES 


Experiments with Mentzclia nuda. The flowers of this plant 
open from 3:00 to 5:00 p.m. and are closed again the following 
morning between 5:00 and 6:00 A.M. This is repeated for 3 to 5 
days. The sepals do not close around the corolla after once 
opening, but stay reflexed. When first opened, the flower emits 
a fragrance which is lacking after a few hours, a fact probably 
in some way connected with pollination. On rainy days, when 
it is cool and cloudy, the opening is two hours or more earlier 
than on bright sunshiny days. The experiments which I was 
able to carry on were all performed in the fields, in the moun- 
tains at Halfway, Colorado. The gravel slides on which Ment- 
zelia grows experience very great extremes of temperature on 
their surface: during a single day, from 10° C. between 6:00 and 
7:00 A.M. to as high as 46° C. at 11:00 a.m. or 25° to 35° C, 
between 2:00 and 3:00 P.M. On account of this fact, I took soil 
samples of the gravel at the time the flowers opened or a little 


214 


On the Movements of Petals 25 


before, and also a little before their closing, in order to determine 
whether the water-content of the soil had anything to do with 
the phenomenon. No differences in per cents were obtained that 
could be construed as influencing movement by increasing the 
turgescence of the cells. The per cents varied very little, from 
4-5 per cent being the normal in July and August for root depth. 

Rather crude experiments were also carried on to measure the 
amount of transpiration in shoots bearing flowers about to open, 
and also those about to close. Vigorous blooming shoots were 
cut off and placed in large test tubes well stoppered, the shoot 
fitting into the stopper through a split in the latter, the end rest- 
ing for an inch or more in the water. The amount of water 
transpired was practically the same during the day and night, 
showing that turgescence is not the efficient stimulus. 

I also tried shading the plants continuously to induce an earlier 
opening, but it was not possible to get a sufficient change in tem- 
perature by this means. 

Relative humidities taken just at the top of ike plant at the 
time of opening vary extremely, as also those taken at the time 
ef closing. When the flowers were opening, relative humidity 
values from 17.1 per cent to 95.6 per cent were obtained between 
2:45 and 6:45 p.M.; when the flowers were closing in the morn- 
ing, between 6:00 Naar :00 A.M., values from 54.2 per cent to 
63.8 per cent were Mie’. It is evident, then, that the water- 
content of the air does not influence opening, as neither do water- 
content of the soil nor light. That temperature is the controlling 
factor can only be deduced from temperature readings taken at 
the times of opening and closing, for, as mentioned earlier in 
the paper, it was impossible to grow Mentzelia in the greenhouse, 
and in the field conditions were extremely hard to control. As 
to figures showing temperatures at which the flowers open in the 
afternoon from 2:45 to 7:45 P.M., the range is from 144° to 23° 
C., while the corresponding range of temperatures when they 
close in the morning is from 8° to 16.8° C. 


215 


26 Esther Pearl Hensel 


EPHEMERAL TYPES 


Only three ephemeral, day blooming flowers were experi- 
mented with: the morning glory (Jpomoea purpurea), the com- 
mon flax (Linwm usitatissimum), and the yellow wood sorrel 
(O-valis stricta) ; the other two were night bloomers, the evening 
primrose (Pachylophus caespitosus) and the four o'clock (Mira- 
bilis jalapa). 

Experiments with Ipomoca purpurea. Tpomoea opens from 
5:00 to 6:00 A.M. and closes as early as 10:00 or 11:00 A.M. 
when it is quite warm. (AIl experiments were performed in the 
greenhouse.) Generally, however, closing occurs between I :00 
and 3:00 P.M. Contrary to the results with the dandelion, it was 
always possible to keep the flowers open for a considerable time 
(24 hours at least) beyond the normal, by placing the plant in 
a temperature as low as 3 to 4° C.; also to close the flowers 
earlier than their time by increased temperature (28 to 32° C.) 
with dry air or with water vapor introduced. On the other hand, 
heat does not work here as a direct stimulus, but rather only 
to hasten the growth processes. The following tables show how 
closing is hindered in temperatures lower than the normal: 


SOUTH HOUSE EASt HOUSE NORTH HOUSE 
1 

Date Hour | Cond. | Temp. Be Cond. | Temp. Bcc Cond. | Temp. ad 
Dec. 16, 1904 |10:30 a.m |Open..| 28° 54.5% JO pen).is| scam sculls aseo| ODED scl seen eles 
Dec. 16, 1904 |11:00 a.m.J]Open..| 20.79 | 53% |Open..} 17.29 |...... Opens ere ene 
Dec. 16, 1994 |12:00 Mm. |Open..| 23.2° | 50.5% |Closing{ 17.29 |...... Open elie aie 
Dec. 16, 1994 | 1:39 p.m.JOpen..| 20° 49.5% |Closing| 17.2° |...... Open :2|=192 te tases 
Dec. 16, 19)4 | 3:00 p.m.J/Open..| 17.4° | 49.5% |Closing} 16.2° |...... Open..| 18.9° on 
Dec. 16, 19)4 | 5:00 p.m.|24 clo’d] 15.4° | 50.5% |Closing| 13.89 |...... Open..| 17.89 ax 
Dec. 16, 1904 | 6:00 P.m.}24 clo’d| 16.2° | 51.5% |Closing] 13.8° |...... Opern:2 | laos | poeees 
Dec. 16, 194 | 9:00 p.m.| -losed.| 15° 41g, ;|Closed 42d, 82 alanience Closed.| 16.2° 


216 


On the Movements of Petals 27 
SOUTH HOUSE EAST HOUSE 
Date Hour Condition | temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. |} Rel. Hum. 
Dec. 19, 1904 | 10:30 a.m: | Open..... 22° 50% Open... .: 15° 55.5% 
Dec. 19, 1904 | 12:00 mM. Openys:<.. 16° 50% Open snot. 10 4° 82.8% 
Dec. 19, 1904 | 2:30 P.m. | Open..... 20° 63% Open 5: 22 68.5% 
Dec. 19,1904 | 4:00 p.m | Open..... 21° 59% Openers: 11.6° 13% 
Dec. 19,1904 | 6:00 p.m. | 2 of fls cl.} 22.6° 51% Open... 16.4° 63% 
Dec. 19, 1904 | 7:00 P.M. | 36 of fls.cl.| 23° 56.5% Open a2. 16.4° 63 2% 
Dec. 19, 1904 9:00 p.m. | Allclosed.| 247° 55.5% Open 72. ile eaye) 60.8% 
Dec. 20,1904 | 3:30 P.m. | Bud op’ng| 18° 58% Bud op’ng} 10.6° 83.24 
rte) TIO4S | S!OOUR Me fihcac ak'aat| Lise ces |lnne eee aelenete Open .. 16.5° 81.1% 
Sse LOA 10: OO MA IMEE | cecteveeiwie'loae [es swiss + s)| ede eerwcnelete = Beg to cl.| 12.2° 88.2% 
ae VE y Veh) MT me sear he cok | Seer wwicisl|' ers ete naam ait ee 4% closed..} 13.4° 83.8% 
Pesorere PL OOL ll Fe aeP Le | otc scrlats Saves t ceisis ore ww | Mictewunis ie eles 3{-++closed| 15.4° 85.7% 
SOUTH HOUSE NORTH HOUSE COLD CHAMBER 
4 Rel 1 x Rel 
Date Hour Cond. | Temp ne Cond. | Temp. | Rel. Cond. | Temp. Fe a 
eer a SOR 9:30 Avi O PEN SarOor tlh. | tbo tee h vecia mctarictegieell wid ae eictaleill se sere erie Weaitte Stns 
Feb. 25, 1905 |10:30 a.m. |14 PEUGEOT Ue eal Wan ai CA) ee 
Feb. 25, 1905 |10:35 a.m. iu clo’d} 27° 50% Open E See Opens. 9° |Moist 
Feb. 25. 1905 | 1:10 p.m.j/34-+cld| 29.9° ed M4 clo’d| 16.8° | 73 4% |Open.. 7° |Moist 
Feb. 25, 1905 | 5:00 p.m.|Closed.| 26.49 | 54% |3 + cl.| 23° 68.5% |Open .. 11° |Moist 
SOUTH HOUSE NORTH HOUSE OPEN 
Rel. Rel. Rel 
Date Hour Cond | Temp. ive Cond. | Temp. Eta: Cond. | Temp. FT 
March 6, 1905} 9:00 a.m.;|Open..}| 21.2° | 65.5% |Open ..| 19.4° | 40.1% |Open .. 1.8° |:92.2% 
March 6, 1905}11:00 a.m.;Open ..} 215° !66% |Open..} 19.69 ! 73.5%4|Open..| 3° 11.5% 
March 6, 1905) 1:30 p.m./14 clo’d| 27.4° | 64% (14 clo’d] 20.8° | 82.4% /Open .. HAS 79.9% 
March 6, 1905} 3:45 P.m.|Closed | 20° 62% 136 clo’d| 17.42 | 81% |*Chil’d|. 6° 87.2% 
March 6, 1905} 5:00 p.m./Closed.} 22° 68.5% |Closed.| 17.6° | 68% Geese, lhe Sotce 4 


* Taken into the south house, where it opened in perfect condition ata temperature of 
22° and a relative humidity of 68.5%. 


* 


a a ee ei a ee ee ee ee eee 


Date 


March 8, 1995 
March 8, 1905 
March 8, 1905 
March 8, 1905 
March 8, 1995 


March 8, 1905 
March 8, 1905 


Hour 


=e 
Brees ne on 
a RR wow 
stot [SiS] Kas) sae 
NY UPD Dp 
RE RREEE 


SOUTH HOUSE 


Rel. 


Cond. | Temp. Hum. 
Open..| 18.6° 57% 
Opens, | 19:5° 56% 
Openi.|e22° 54% 
Open ..| 27.2° 45% 

.| Nearly 
allcl’d] 26.8° 50% 
.|Closed.| 25.8° 46%, 
Closed.} 19.1° 43% 


NORTH HOUSE 


SHADE TENT 


Rel Rel 
Cond. | Temp. Pine Cond. | Temp. seek 
Open aloes ABIL vtutece inastas tial toes ats Ine cks 
Open | e192 oral Moe Open PRIS Sp || Oe Ae 
Open 192s se. Se Open PSU Ng lee ie 
Open. |) 1988 ~ exec. Open 5 eat ee ee ae 
Slosinig| 92042325... Closing} 31.8° |...... 
Closing] 20.8° | 63 24|Closed.| 31.2° | 57.9% 
Closed.| 18.5° | 69.3% |Closed.| 23° |...... 


217 


28 Esther Pearl Hensel 


The third column of the last series, March 8, 1905, shows very 
well the negative effect of light. The tent was made of black 
cambric, which produced so diffuse a light that an exposure of 
solio paper for five minutes at 3:00 P.M. on a bright day, Decem- 
ber I, 1904, resulted in no coloration whatever of the sensitive 
paper. I[Here, the flowers close as early as those situated where 
the light is more intense. 

Following are three instances out of a dozen or more showing 
the effect of increased temperature: 


SOUTH HOUSE WARM CHAMBER 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum | Condition. | Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
Dec. 31,1904) 9:45 a.m. | Open..... te Se fh een) Ge PG MEMES AEA ores So 
Dec. 31, 1904) 10:00 A.m. | Open..... 19° Opemetic- 30° Moist 
Dec. 31, 1904) 12:15 p.m. | Open..... Die ¥% closed..| 37.2° Moist 
Dec. 31, 1904) 2:00 p.m. | Open.....| 23° Closed '.; .. |) 37.2° Moist 
Jan. 11,1905) 9:00 a.m, | Open..... 22°, 25 Sha beefed alors) | Siete east scene aerate 
Jae es E905) L045 Alan | Opens. sea Open ois) |e nese omens 
Jan. 11,1905! 11:00 a.m. | Open..... a arebere ae LO) Y=) OR Boe Bm a Alsat rsasicone O05 
Jan. 11,\1905} 12:00 m. Openincel) elt4s 14 closed Site Moist 
Jan. 11,)1905):1:45:e.m. | Open...... hes Closed BI1c Moist 
Jan. yA A905 || 4:20 Past. Closings %:)|) 20/821] elem ale eae ate siete ee een | eee 
March 6, 1905} 9:00 a.m. | Open..... Zle22 BOG) x's | aigv¥ie Syacsaa'e ech | giiarel cell Pee Ree Eee 
March 6, 1905} 9:30 a.m. | Cpen..... Mae] eamstten ests ae) 2 petal eee He Hote] Weeaeeeee staat 
ae T 3s) O05 (ie 02d DARING. | Opell eee 2 so eeowss allan enn Opentess Zoe Moist 
March 6, 1905} 10:00 a.m. | Open..... COE toni Open e- 28° Moist 
March 6, 1905} 11:00 a.m. | Open..... 24.5° 66% 4 closed.. alos Mcist 
March 6, 1905} 1:30 p.m. | 4 closed..| 27.4° 64% Closedxg.4) 525 Moist 
March 6, 1905} 3:45 p.m. | Closed....| 26° ayy, SA ae ars Pa pee Meee Petes eye tary a2 OP oo 
March 6, 1905} 5:00 p.m. | Closed....| 17° 68% Sy afhe 04 [ese 07 (aia SSR ea eee esos 


The relative light values may be considered here also. On 
February 25, 1905, at 10:30 A.M., light was o in the north 
house, and .33 in the south house; in the former the flowers 
were still open, while in the latter they were beginning to wither. 
At 1:10 p.m. in the north house, the lowers were beginning to 
close in darkness (0), while in the south house they were nearly 
closed in a light value of .33. At 5:00 p.m. in the north house, 
with light 0, flowers were nearly closed, while in the south house, 
light .o1, they were entirely closed. 

On March 6, 1905, at 9:00 A.M., morning glories were open 
in the north house with light 0, in the south house with light 
.o12, and in the open with light .06. At 1:30 p.m., they were— 


218 


On the Movements of Petals 29 


beginning to close in the north house’ with light .003, and in the 
south house with light .o4, while in the open, with light .15 they 
were still open. 

These figures all go to show that light is not effective in open- 
ing and closing flowers, for closing takes place latest in nearly 
every instance where there is the most light, this being where it 
is also coldest. The experiment of March 8, 1905, in the shade 
tent, given on page 27, shows that closing occurs as soon in the 
darkness as in the light. Morning glories, ready to open, when 
put in a dark tent at night and kept there all of the following 
day, behave exactly in opening and closing as they do in normal 
light with the same temperature. 

It was quite noticeable that when buds ready to open were put 
in too low a temperature (13° or less) they did not cpen at all 
but assumed the closed position as normally after opening; the 
’ temperature was too low for the ordinary processes of life to be 
carried on. 

Experiments to show that humidity of the air is not the cause 
of opening and ciosing. On November 10, 1904, at 5:00 P.M., 
three plants, each with buds almost open, were put into different 
bell jars with light and heat practically the same in all three 
cases. One was a moist bell jar and one a dry bell jar, with the 
pot wrapped in a rubber cloth, etc. Still others were left out 
from under the bell jars. At 8:00 A.M. on November I1, 1904, 
all the buds were open with a temperature of 21° C. On No- 
vember 14, 1904, at 5:00 P.M., a similar experiment was per- 
formed with the same results. 

Experiments with Linum usitatissimum. The flowers of this 
plant open from 5:00 to 8:00 A.M. and close from 10:00 A.M. 
to 2:00 P.M., or, rather, they drop their petals at that time if there 
is sufficient movement of the air to bring about the process. 
Otherwise, the petals wither and dry in place. Flax flowers 
can be caused to drop their petals sooner than normal by in- 
creasing the temperature. Following are tables showing the 
results of such experiments: 


219 


Esther Pearl Hensel 


30 

Date , Hour 
April 6, 1905! 9:45 a.m. 
April 6, 1905} 9:50 a.m. 
April 6, 1905) 10:15 a.m. 
April 6, 1905) 10:45 a.m. 
April 6, 1905} 11:25 a.m. 
April 6, 1905} 2:30 p.m. 
April 29, 1905) 8:35 a.m. 
April 29, 1905} 9:00 a.m. 
April 29, 1905] 9:25 a.m. 
April 29, 1905) 11:00 a.m. 
April 29, 1905} 12:00 m. 


SOUTH HOUSE 


W*RM CHAMBER 


Condition | Temp | Rel. Hum | Condition 
Opens sc. 26° SSE. Wha oe aeaccisicc 
Opens, sadn sees Sell me emnenoen Open 
OPeiicy, sa Paes a sole econ eee Open. ..- 
Opens). 28° 36% Openicran. 
Oper ees || s2sra° 33% pet. fal’ng 
Pet. fal’ng! 28° OSM el locas cient 
Open=...: 21.29 BIG, Aes Se a ene 
Qpen=.... ieee 36% Opens... 
Openers. 215° 35.5% Pet. fal’ng 
Open . 22° 5) ee aL Ball me aocerae cone 
Pet.fal’ng} 23.5° By Atal FASE cet eer tac 


Temperature, when lower than the normal, prolongs the ex- 
istence of the flower, as is readily seen on mornings when it is 
cooler than usual because of cloudiness, etc. 


-flower lives on into the afternoon. 


‘Lemp. | Rel. Hum. 


In this event, the 


SOUTH HOUSE 
Date Hour Condition | Temp.| Rel Hum. 
Feb. 1, 1905| 8:40 a:m. | % open...| 10° 62.5% 
Feb. 1, 1905 | 12:00 m. 3g open...| 19° 51% 
Feb. 1, 1905| 3:00 p.m. | 29g +open.| 16.4° ACS 
Feb. 1, 1905] 5:0) p.m. | Closing...| 13° 53% 
Mar 28, 1905] 8:30 a.m. | Open LTEGS 71% 
Mar, 28, 1905} 9:30 Am. | Open..... 19:19 59% 
Mar. 28, 1905 | 10:20 a.m. | Open 17.4° 61% 
SOUTH HOUSE OPEN 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. |} Rel. Hum 
Mar. 28, 1905 | 11:20 a.m. | Open..... 18.4° BOS AT Siaat out hell Oho ees eee ieee 
Mar. 28, 1905 1:45 P.M. | Open... 18° BID be = SE SRE helen vee aoe Ol ee ee 
Mar. 28, 1905 | 5:00 P.M. | Pet. fal’ng} 15.6° (Sey Maen APES Saee  Srll PHeL arnt [Oreo Gann Sook 
Mar. 24, 1905 | 10:00 a.m. | Open..... 278° 53% Open’ 2 pas) : 
Mar. 24, 1905 | 12:00 m. Pet. fal’ng} 26° 51% Open ..... 222 ips eoea 
Mar. 24, 1905 | 2:30 p.m. | Pet fal’ng] 26.8° 41% Closed. Pel eae RI ae hesmic 
May 4,1905 | 9:55 a.m. | Open..... 24.5° BES. 22 Fran newts tA inn ah ae x oerells aieeeeeee 
May, % 41905071 10: COANE. | Open Penaniyeek Saleen oekeren cre Open... I PAS at RR tos 
May 4, 1905 | 11:00 a.m. |} Open..... 25° Ba% Open..... 15 ie oe eee 
May 4, 1905 | 12:(O m 1 fir. with 
fall’e pets.| 24.5° 36% Open IY Pilcae trator se sb 5 
May 4, 1905 1:30 p.m. | All petals = 
PAULI SA Wh osm rte tee aeaseiee Opens... 160 5 a epstnc arene 
May 4,1905 | 2: 0p.m. | All retals 
falling...| 23.4° 31.5% Closings <<), 2U1P 74 eee 


220 


7 
x 


On the Movements of Petals 31 


In the following instance opening was not complete at any 
time during the day: 


SOUTH HOUSE 


Date Hour Condition | Temp | Rel. Hum, 


April 10, 1905) 10:00 a.m. | Opening a 


enh tata enael (as (PAY SSL 60% 
April 10, 1905} 1:30 p.m. | Opening a 

trifle 2...| 12.8° 68% 
April 10, 1905) 4:30 p.m. | Opening a 

tithe: sep (he 2Osae 70% 


This late closing is always associated with a late opening in 
the morning accompanied by a low temperature. 

Experiments with Oxalis stricta. The flowers of Oxvalis stricta 
open from 9:30 A.M. to I1:00 A.M., and close for the first and 
only time between 1:30 and 3:00 p.m. The same phenomena 
are to be observed as in the other ephemeral day blooming spe- 
cies studied, i. ¢., a low temperature hinders opening and also 
prolongs it when there has been a temperature high enough to 
induce opening. Opening can be made to occur earlier than nor- 
mal also, as in the case of the other flowers studied, by increasing 
the amount of heat to a few degrees above the normal. As evi- 
dences of the effect of low temperatures on the time of opening, 
the following figures are conclusive. Table I shows the normal 
condition of the flowers under normal temperatures; table II, 
the effect of a lower temperature continuing more or less through- 
out the day: 


ily 
Date Hour Condition Temp. |Rel. Hum. 
Mame 21 1905 Worn i 2c ae ee me BS0tAri. IY Not opent:ciqs.2)-tsctess> ss 22.4° 5% 
Marah roster cise ance sell: SOU [PSESODED C0 cishersiae ejenttonbes +4 24.6° BY 
EOE Pode Ocoee ee see eee |e Lit SOLA aia Ie OPETIN 1 mie. ayletaciere aie oie shoei + ate. 54% 
Marek P1I M5. saczttles 2 1:30 p.m. | Only 2 flowers still open.| 284° | 50% 


42 Esther Pearl Hensel 
Il. 
Date Hour Condition Temp Rel. Hum. 

Martens, Lo0s cece. csiate sh iO UAC Mal NOE ODCHT tan enue ee L752 71% 
March 28; POOR oc cee oe enter 9:30 a.M. | % to wide open .......... 19.1° 59% 
Piarchels 19a) cee uekueete aes 10:20 A.M. | % open 7) 61%" 
Marchy 28. 1905.0 ose on hees 20 AGN 84 Openleeees meeween ae eee 18.4° 60% 
Wiared. Zon Ga ncaa see os eo) Rao ee, OD EIL,< sere eer ape sn tetas 18° 61% 
March 2G 1905 sae. ones A OO SE MMES | MCLOSECL ameerneunn fest nt are ae 1569 62.5% 


The effect of a temperature slightly higher than normal in 
inducing a more rapid opening is shown by the following table: 


SOUTH HOUSE WARM CHAMBER 
Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rei. Hum. | Condition | Temp | Rel. Hum. 
April 26, 1905] 9:30 a.m. | Not open.} 25.3° 57.5% seals act Peal ebse eee See 
April 26, 1905} 10:15 a.m. | Not open.! 23° 60% Not open.| 22° Moist 
April 26, 1905} 19:40 a.m. | 4% open...| 16 2° 63% % open...| 22° Moist 
April 26, 1905] 10:45 a.m. | 44-++ open.} 14.5° 74% 1 fir. wide 
Opel a 27.5° Moist 
April 26, 1905} 11:00 a.m. | 29g-+ open.} 14.8° 63% All flow’rs 
| wideopen! 27.5° Moist 
April 26, 1905} 11:15 a.m. | Open..... 14.5° BAB! ye] eie secie eS tals std = epetehate ee Sasa Ree ete 
April 29, 1905} 8:35 a.m. | Not open.| 21.2° BOS? Ae): scpsie a aoe aete) Meee etal Pee ee 
April 29, 1905} 9:00 am. | Not open.| 22° 34% Not open.}| 21° Moist 
April 29, 1905} 9:25 a.m. | 1 flower 24 
Open. ce, zoe 31% Allopen,.| 24.5° Moist 
May 3, 1995} 8:40 am. | Not open | 22° 82% Not open.| 22° Moist 
May 3, 1905! 9:20 a.m. | %open...| 226° 789% Wide open! 26.8° Moist 
May 3,1905| 9:40 a.m.'| % open...| 23.2° 11% Wide open| 26.8° Moist 


That Oxalis flowers should not yet be open at 8:35 a.m., April 
29, 1905, and at 8:40 A.m., May 3, with the same temperature or 
practically so, 21.2° and 22°, and the light practically the same, 
shows that the widely different relative humidities do not count 
for much, 36 per cent in the first instance, and 82 per cent in the 
other. Opening occurs at practically the same time, 9:30 A.M., 
with temperature and light the same, but the relative humidities 
still widely different, 31 per cent and 78 per cent. 

Several experiments, a half dozen at least, relative to the effect 
of light in opening flowers, show, as for the other flowers ex- 
perimented upon, that opening occurs as well when plants were 
put into the shade tent as when in the open with full light. 


22.2 


On the Movements of Petals 33 


EPHEMERAL TYPES 
Night bloomers 


Experiments with Pachylophus caespitosus. Field conditions, 
rather than controlled experiments, were made use of here to 
obtain information as to sleep movements, since it was impossible 
to grow the plants in the greenhouse. The plant as observed 
grew on the gravel slides of the mountains around Halfway, 
Colorado. Its delicate fragrant white flowers open from 4:50 
P.M. to 8:00 P.M., and close from 10:00 to 11:00 the next morn- 
ing, when they become a dull pink color. It often happens that 
the flower stays open the entire day when it is cool and cloudy, 
and, rarely, on to the next day. The early or late opening in the 
evening is not due so much to the immediate temperatures as to 
those that have prevailed during the day, thus enabling growth 
to go on faster and opening to occur sooner. This is shown by 
the varied temperatures at which opening and closing occur. On 
certain days, the flowers are still open in the morning when the 
temperature rises as high as 31°, while in other cases they are 
closed when the temperature is as low as 13.5° C. or as high as 
23.5° C. Opening in the evening occurs when the temperature 
is as high as 19.5° C. while, when it remains as low as 16.5° C., 
they may still remain Gropencd: 

Plants copiously watered showed no earlier opening than those 
normally treated. 

Experiments with Mirabilis jalapa. In the greenhouse, in 
March and April, these flowers stay open until noon or after, 
sometimes 2:00 or 3:00 o'clock, but occasionally are closed or 
almost closed by 10:30 A.M. when the day has been warm and 
bright. The opening almost never occurs at 4:00 o'clock, as 
tradition goes, but at 6:00 or 9:00 o’clock or later. It is possible 
to prolong the period of opening by lowering the temperature 
below the normal. This is illustrated by the following tables: 


293 


34 Esther Pearl Hensel 
SOUTH HOUSE NORTH HOUSE 

Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum. | Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum 
April 15, 1903! 10:00 am ! Open..... 12.8° 5) Ee (Pome anerd inersetstts: |Kas Sac rs ccisc 
April 15, 1903} 10:15 a.m. | Open..... 13° 50% Open is USS 51% 
April 15, 1903} 10:30 a.m. | Open..... 17.4° 41.5% Opener 12352 61% 
April 15, 1903] 11:05 a.m. | Open..... ie 16%, Openenes 13° 33% . 
April 15, 1903) 12:00 m. 44 closed 21° 28% Gpeni nee 14.5° 49% 
April 15, 1903} 2:30 p.m. | Closed Zoe 26% 4% closed..| 13° 35% 
April 15, 1903} 3:00 em. | Closed....| 26° 26% 4g closed..| 13° 62% 

SOUTH HOUSE EAST HOUSE 

Date Hour Condition | Temp. | Rel. Hum.} Condition | lemp.| Rel. Hum. 
Jan. 24, 1905 | 10:30 a.m. | Open..... 13° 43.5% | Open..... 7.8° Suse 
ieee bay’: a £10 5 Fi let PA ea Ol Pe ar ner tree ioe touts |tecasee eo cane @oen 22 bo 93.3% 
Wane 2d ol O57) Mek aU ee IM Aes eerie eee etl aio ere eee teem Open <2. =. 6.5° 88.4% 
[bole ROVE Ose BN oie ay eR GN IRE So Aobeinalloonc- coon conote mabe Opens... 160124. wottet peers 
(att. 241905" OOO ree MS fe Ae) ee le eicerce vilhaswerecenele en Open 1.4 | eee 
Jan. 25, 1905 | 11:30 A.M. | Open..... 21,42 CV) Ree RRM heerariga| sch) ooo 
*Jan. 25, 1905 2:20 p.m. | Closed 25.8° 30% eA \s.e's -sjer'e Saat] acetdleie, creseil ete erin te eats 
Feb. 2, 1905 | 10:30 a.m. | Open..... 18° 5D% Operine: 80) aeeeckeneee 
Heb Fe L905 | SUZ OO MME eal sta een teres ell iscetercratetsl |ltaicretoney eet ene teve Open teee- LOS! 357 eae 
HED Vise IOniel) BOsOORPANL, oilceaee ahold | eeeeemite eet ioeteeae Open)..;,.3.:|'~ 18:62 leek eee 
Reb 201905) || a wO we eee aise teins eto ate eens line eaten ets 14 Closed s.)| 7-590]; ane eee 


* The flower which was open on the morning of January 24, 1905, was still open the 
next morning at 11:30 A.M., but closed at 2:20 p.m. 


When the temperature is raised above the normal, closing 
can be brought about earlier than usual, a fact shown by the 
following table: 


SOUTH HOUSE 


Date 


15, 1904 
15, 1904 
15, 1904 
15, 1904 
15, 1904 
15, 1904 
29, 1905 
29, 1905 
29, 1905 
29. 1905 
29; 1905 


April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 
April 


Hour 


10:00 a.m. 
10:20 A.M. 
10:30 A.M. 
11:05 a.m. 


12:00 mM. 
2:30 P.M 
8:35 A.M 


9:00 A.M. 
9:25 A.M. 
10:30 A.M, 


12:00 M. 


Condition 


Beas 
Closing... 


Temp. | Rel. Hum. 
ae | a 
51% 

ne | ie 

qe ce eee 
oO i% 
gee pee 
23.5° 34 
24.2° 34% 
25° 32% 


WARM CHAMBER 


Condition 


Open re-re 


Opener 
Closing... 
Closed... 


Temp. | Rel. Hum. 


17° 51% 
22.0e 34% - 
“ona eee oa 
24,5° Moist 
24.5° Moist 


Humidity in no way influences closing as evidenced by the 


following: 


224 


On the Movements of Petals 35 


MIDDLE HOUSE MOIST CHAMBER DRY CHAMBER 
Rel Rel Rel. 
Date Hour | Cond. | Temp. iia Cond. | Temp. Erna! Cond. | Temp. Eat 
April 15, 1904/10:00 a.m./Open. | 12.8° | 55% |Open..| 16.8° GOS feedwater |bneve ot eekr> |lnretetoss's 
Beton) S04/10:30) A. wr. (Open sa /17.4° | 41:5¢ lO pent o.|oa-qdte. lice: eelicecs vec |lsccaoee slice sae 
April 15, 1904/11:05 a.m.|Open ..| 17° AGB 2 |O PEM aA rete e oN ie as asic lllcRine 's ceeyfte oa: erate Porcle’e wf 
ipa to, 1904/12:00 mr. |24 clo’d|/«21.4° | 284. 124 ‘clo’ vice. cc |e. cece | oe de vase | cee ceee| oe cies 
+ April 15, 1904) -:30 p.m.|/Closed,| .......]...... SLO SECM | Pare teverepa esos stet yltiaserdnsrcume)|leloselete otecl lata die sie 
April 20, 1905/10:00 a m.|Open ..| 15.49 | 57.54 |Open..| 14.5° |...... Opens |i lds Ul eeee 
April 20, 1905}11:30 a.m.|Open ..} 16.8° |55.8% |Open..] 15° |...... Operiss |) Tepe ees. 
April 20, 1905) 3:00 p.w.|Open ..} 16.2° |51% |Open..| 16.8° |...... Open ay |e la:4l’s eevee ne 


Variations in the amount of light present do not seem to affect 
closing, for, when a plant with open flowers is put into the tin 
box with increased temperature, and practically no light, except 
the small amount from the non-luminous alcohol flame, closing 
occurs as readily as in the open, if not more so. Opening and 
closing also occur as in the open when the plants are put in the 
black shade tents. Closing may take place at as low a degree 
of temperature as 7.5° C., when the flower has been kept open 
beyond its usual time by several hours, as in the case cited on 
page 34, for February 2, 1905. This is to be explained on the 
basis that, since the flower’s existence is normally only one day 
or a part of it, the flower has remained open its usual time ac- 
cording to its hereditary habits, its activities were completed, and 
hence closing occurred. Whenever closing occurs in the morn- 
ing between 11:00 and 12:00, the temperature is nearly always 
19° to 26° C., while, when it is delayed until 2:00 to 4:00 P.M., 
it is as low as 13° or 17° C. with high humidities, showing that 
it is not the extremely low temperature, but the constantly low 
temperature, continued for a considerable time, which is the 
cause of the late opening. 


SUMMARY 


I have been able to control the opening and closing of dande- 
lion flowers in so far that I can close them permanently with 
lower temperature than normal, and open them when tempera- 
ture has continued too :ow, by the application of either dry or 
moist heat. It is also possible to close any ephemeral flower be- 


225 


36 Esther Pearl Hensel 


fore its time by an extra amount of heat, with either dry or moist 
air. It is impossible, however, to open an ephemeral flower by 
placing the plant in a lower temperature, since this checks growth, 
and opening is here rather a growth movement than a stimu- 
latory one as in the other types. 

In the careful study by experiment of Taraxacum taraxacum, 
Mentzelia nuda, Ipomoea purpurea, Linum usitatissimum, Oxalis 
stricta, Mirabilis jalapa, and Pachylophus caespitosus, light, hu- 
midity of the air, and water-content of the soil have been success- 
fully eliminated as possible physical factors likely to cause the 
opening and closing of flowers by the movement of the petals 
(or florets). Heat, on the other hand, by its variations during 
twenty-four hours, is the direct cause of movement in hemer- 
anthous and nyctanthous types that bloom for more than one day. 
In the case of those ephemeral flowers which open very early in 
the morning before the temperature has risen to any extent, as 
the morning glory, in contrast to those like purslane which open 
as the temperature rises, or those like the evening primrose which 
open a short time after the higher temperatures of the day have 
given place to the lower ones of night, the phenomenon is not to 
be explained so easily; it is possible that they react to a smaller 
variation in temperature than do the others mentioned. 

The closing of ephemeral flowers is, however, a different proc- 
ess from that of periodic flowers, since it signifies the end of the 
existence of the flower. This closing, as has been shown, can be 
delayed for several hours by a temperature constantly iower than 
normal, showing that the two are closely connected. It would 
seem to be a tenable theory that ephemeral types of flowers have 
arisen by an extra need for protection of the flower against ex- 
cessive heat and evaporation, e. g., in a dry or warm climate, for 
it is true in nearly every instance that the ephemeral type of 
flower either blooms at night or for only a few hours during the 
day. The differentiation into these types in the past generations 
must have come about in some such way, and they have persisted 
because of this favorable adaptation. 

The cause of the periodic movements of hemeranthous and 
nyctanthous types is, however, explainable through the influence 


‘226 


oe 


On the Movements of Petals a7 


of variations in temperature, acting, not through turgescence, 
but by stimulation of the protoplasm. 


To Professor Doctor C. E. Bessey and Professor Doctor F. E. 
Clements, under whose guidance the work embodied in this thesis 
has been carried on, I owe my most sincere thanks for encour- 
agement and for suggestions and advice concerning instruments 
and methods of experimentation. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Balfour, John. Manual of Botany. 263. 1875. 

Burgerstein, A. Ueber die nyctitropischen Bewegungen der 
Perianthien. Osterreich, Bot. Zeits. 6. Igot. 

Darwin, Charles. The Power of Movement in Plants. 1885. 

Detmar, W. Das Kleine Pflanzenphysiologische Praktikum. 
254. 1903. 

Dutrochet, M. Reveil et Sommeil des Plantes. . Ann. Sci. Nat. 
iaat,, 2:0:177. . 1836. 

Farmer, J. Bretland. On the Mechanism which is Concerned 
in Effecting the Opening and Closing of Tulip Flowers. The 
New Phytologist, March I9, 1902. 56. 

Green, J. Reynolds.. An Introduction to Vegetable Physiology. 
chap. 25. 1900. 

Hansgirg, Anton. Verbreitung der karpotropischen Nuta- 
tions-kriimmungungen. Berichte Deut. Bot. Ges. 8:345. 1890. 

Ibid. New Biological Researches. Bot. Cent. 51. 1892. 

Ibid. Neue Untersuchungen tiber den Gamo- und Karpotrop- 
ismus sowie tiber die Reiz- und Schlafbewegungen der Bliithen 
und Laubblatter. Sitzungsb. der Konig. bohmischen Ges. der 
Wissenschaften. 1806. 

Ibid. Neue Beitrige sur Pflanzenbiologie nebst Nachtrigen 
zu meinen “Phytodyndimischen Natursuchungen.” . Abdruck aus 
Beih. zum Bot. Cent. 1902. 

Hoffman, Herman. Le Sommeil des Plantes. Ann. Sci. Nat. 
Bot., 3:14:310. 1850: 

Hofmeister, W. Flora. 45:516. 1862. 


237 


38 Esther Pearl Hensel 


Jost, Ludwig. Beitrage sur Kenntniss der nyctitropischen 
Bewegungen. Jahr. Wis. Bot.-31:345. 1898. 

Ibid. Vorlesungen iiber Pilanzenphysiologie. 1904. 

Kerner, Anton, and Oliver, F. W. The Natural History of 
Plants. 1:500, 1895; 2:210, 1895. 

Linné, C. von. Philosophia Botanica, 272. 1751. 

Oltmanns, Friedrich. Ueber das Oeffnen und Schliessen der 
Bliithen. Bot. Ztg. 2:53. 1895. 

Pfeffer, W. Physiology of Plants. 2. 1904. 

Prantl-Pax. Lehrbuch der Botamik. 158. 1904. 

Ray, J. Historia Plantarum, 1:2. 1686. 

_ Royer, Ch. Essai sur le Sommeil des Plantes. Ann. Sci. Nat. 
Bot., 5:9:345. 1868. 
Sachs, J. Text-book of Botany. 872. 1882. — 
Strasburger-Schimper. Test-book of Botany. 246. 1806. 

Vochting, Hermann. Ueber den Einfluss der Warme auf die 
Bliithenbewegungen der Anemone Stellata. Jahr. Wis. Bot. 
21:285. 1890. 

Wiederscheim, Walther. Studien tiber photonastische und 
thermonastische Bewegungen. Jahr. Wis. Bot. 40:2:230. 1904. 


228 


rH, Sa the Contlict of Parties in the Jacodin Club (November, 
1789-July 17, 1791) 


BY CHARLES KUHLMANN 


The Breton Club having ceased its activity after the discussion 
of the veto in August, 1789, the popular party in the assembly 
found itself without a rallying point. Although differences of 
opinion had shattered the loosely organized club at Versailles, 
the memory of its usefulness soon induced the same members to 
attempt the formation of a new and more regularly organized 
association in the capital. | The exact date of the formation of 
the Jacobin Club it is impossible to determine from the evidence 
so far discovered, but everything points to the close of November 
or the first days of December, 1789, as the period during which 
the first meetings were held. From a letter of Boullé, deputy of 
Pontivy, dated December 18,7 we learn that the society had re- 
cently been formed but had existed long enough to have received 
numerous requests for correspondence from provincial societies.* 


1¥For the fate of the Breton Club, see my article in the University Studies 
for October, 1902, pp. 77-87. For the condition of the popular party at the 
time when the Jacobin Club was formed, see the letter of Boullé cited be- 
low. This letter also practically disposes of the controversy as to the origin 
of the newclub. Some of the members lat denied that the Breton depu- 
ties were the founders, and while Boullé’s letter does not prove that his col- 
leagues from Bretagne were alone concerned, it shows that the Jacobin Club 
was looked upon at the time of its formation as a continuation of the Breton 
Club. For the controversy see Aulard, Za@ société des Jacobins, 1, xvii-xxi, 
cited as “Aulard”’ in the following pages. 


*Kerviler, Recherches et notices, art. Boullé. The letters of Boullé are 
now in the archives of Morbihan. 


* That the club had not yet been formed on November 18, we may con- 
clude as practically certain, for in the Odservateur of that date a certain 
Imbert, who had been asked by the editor, Feydel, to urge the formation of 
a Society of the Revolution, expresses surprise that no one had as yet 
thought of such a thing. Imbert sent three louis to Desenne as a subscrip- 
tion for the formation of such a society and invited others to do the same. 
As Imbert seemed well informed and as Desenne’s was a place where the 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 3, July 1905. 


229 


2 Charles Kuhlmann 


This new organization adopted the name of “Society of the 
Revolution” which it soon changed to “The Society of the 
Friends of the Constitution.” The name “Jacobin” was unoffi- 
cial before September 21, 1792, and was given it by the public 
who knew it as the society which met in the Jacobin convent.? 
A formal constitution or réglement was voted on February 8, 
1790, ‘entrance cards and initiation fees required, and persons not 
members of the National Assembly freely admitted. Prepara- 
tion for the debates in the National Assembly, which had been 
practically the sole object of the Breton Club, was only one of 
the objects of the new society. Its aim was nothing less than the 
conversion of the whole of France to the support of the revolu- 
tion. It was the center of an enormous propaganda, with sec- 
-ondary centers in all the principal cities of the kingdom, and soon 
spreading .into the villages and even the country districts.* 
Three large standing committees were appointed, meeting on 
fixed dates as deliberating’ bodies. These were the committees 
on membership, correspondence, and administration.® 

The Jacobin Club is not to be regarded as a party in the usual 
sense of the term, for it was not composed of men holding the 
same views upon the questions of the hour. Its members were 
not required to subscribe to any specific political faith. They 
promised merely to uphold the revolution as it had been or was 


deputies frequently gathered for consultation, it is not likely that this move- 
ment would have been undertaken had the Society of the Revolution already 
existed. On the other hand, for the Jacobin Club to have become known 
in the provinces and have received requests for correspondence from there 
by the 18th of December argues that it had already existed for several 
weeks. Barnave, author of the Jacobin constitution, in a letter of June 25, 
1790, gives the close of November as the time when the society was founded. 

1This name is given in the constitution of February 8, 1790, Aulard, I, 
XXVili-xxxill. 

2 Aulard, I, xxii. 

3 See constitution of the club, and Aulard, I, note 1, p. xxx. 

4See preamble to the constitution and Aulard, I, ]xxxii-lxxxix, where a 
list of the affiliated societies down to June 19, 1791, is given, a list which is 
probably very incomplete. 

® For the membership of these committees on May 1, 1791, see Aulard, I, 
Ixxvii-Ixxix. How extensive the work of administration became in 1791, 
and the formal manner in which these committees proceeded may be 
learned from the Procés-verbaux des séances du comité d administration de la 
société des amis de la constitution, etc., Archives Nationales, F.7,419 M.SS. 


230 


On the Conflict of Partics in the Jacobin Club a 


still to be expressed in the work of the National Assembly. 
This by no means implied that all its members were necessarily 
satisfied with the solution of every question so far treated by the 
assembly, but that as a matter of policy they acquiesced. Dif- 
ference of opinion was often as violently expressed in the club 
as in the assembly.. It is equally misleading to use the terms 
“Jacobin” and “revolutionary” as synonymous, as Ferriéres so 
frequently does,? for the society never contained all the deputies 
in sympathy with the revolution and it certainly was not respon- 
sibie for the whole revolution. It was by such loose terminology 
that the enemies of the club attempted to render it responsible 
for every radical! measure or popular disturbance.* 

At the close of November, 1789, when the society was organ- 
ized, the grouping into parties in the assembly had hardly passed 
beyond a loose division into left and right. As the work pro- 
ceeded, the men of various temperaments were attracted about 
their respective centers of affinity, a process which very soon 
made itself apparent among the Jacobins. That discontent ex- 
isted in the right wing of the club as early as January, 1790, is 
to be inferred from the negotiations of Malouet with Liancourt- 
Larochfoucauld, Lafayette, and others for the formation of a 
more moderate society, the “Impartials.”* Malouet did not suc- 
ceed, but some of the men he sought to detach from the Jacobins 
soon discovered their tendency in entering the “Club of ’89.” 
Throughout the whole duration of the assembly there was a .con- 
stant loss of members from the right of the club and a corre- 
sponding gain on the left, a tendency which largely explains its 
passage from a moderate to a radical organization. 

This process was, from its positive side, largely the result of 
necessity. Calumniated by its enemies, the society was forced to 
take the public to some extent into its confidence. As it was the 


1See the constitution of the club, Aulard, IJ, xxviii-xxxiii. 
* Mémoires, passim. 


’ This was the usual practice of the pamphleteers. See pamphlets pub- 
lished by Aulard in volumes one and two. 


‘For these negotiations see Révolutions de France et de Brabant, No. 8, 
1790, Journal des impartiaux, No. 1, and Mémoires of Malouet, 1, 374-81. 


231 


4 Charles Kuhlmann 


intention of the deputies to prepare themselves for the discussions 
in the National Assembly they could not well admit friends and 
enemies alike, even as mere spectators. So, to allay the suspi- 
cions of the people of Paris, they received into membership an 
ever-increasing number of citizens who by their character and 
reputation would discredit all evil reports.t. But this policy, very 
fatal to the society in the end, contributed in March, 1790, to 
bring about the revolt of some one hundred and twenty deputies 
who were offended at the influence non-deputies were thus en- 
abled to exercise upon the decisions of the National Assembly. 
These secessionists established themselves in a rival club at the 
house of the Comte de Crillon, holding its meetings upon the 
same days and hours as those of the Jacobins, and admitting all 
-members of the latter society who were at the same time deputies 
to the National Assembly. This greatly alarmed the Jacobins, 
who began at once to make overtures of peace. On March 15, 
1790, Charles Lameth, then president of the society, followed by 
a large number of members, appeared at the Crillon assembly 
and besought its members earnestly to return in the interest of 
unity among the patriots. They promised that thereafter two or 
three sessions a week should be held from which non-deputies 
would be excluded. What agreement was finally reached—cer- 
tainly not the one here proposed—we do not know, but the efforts 
of the Jacobins were successful in bringing the schism to an end.” 

But the presence of non-deputies was not the only cause that 
had driven some of the members of the National Assembly from 
the society. The Lameths and their friends had already begun 
to exercise more influence than some were able to endure. So 
severe was the personal strife, that Charles Lameth declared the 
Comte de Crillon and Larochfoucauld to be “vile courtisans.’’’ 
It was supposed, too, by some that the society was directed by a 
secret committee composed of Barnave, the Lameths, D’Aiguil- 
lon, Duport, Labord, and Baron Menou, who assembled at a 
place in the Rue Saint-Nicaise or Basse-du-Rempart. This con- 


1Dubois-Crancé, Analyse de la révolution francaise, p. 51, cited by 
Aulard, I, xix. 

*Duquesnoy, Journal, I, bulletin of March 16, 1790, 

3 Jbid. 


232 


— 


On the Contlict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 5 


jecture, entered by Duquesnoy under date of March 16, 1790, is 
frequently repeated by the enemies of the Jacobins as a fact, but 
our trustworthy sources give no evidence of the existence of a 
formally organized committee of this nature.? 

Hardly had the Crillon difficulty been disposed of before the 
long debate in the National Assembly upon the judicial system 
began, creating a new division in the popular party. Adrien 
Duport, rejecting the report of the committee on the constitu- 
tion, toward the close of March, read a plan of his own which 
the society officially approved by printing it. On March 30, it 
was attacked in the society itself, after Loyseau had on the 24th 
read a long and favorable commentary on it.2 The point of 
greatest difficulty was whether or not juries shouldbe introduced 
in civil cases as Duport had proposed. Barnave, the Lameths, 
and Robespierre warinly seconded Duport against the advocates 
and procurers who almost to a unit opposed it. In spite of the 
violence of Charles Lameth, who declared that he would oppose 
the aristocracy of the advocates as he had opposed the other aris- 
tocrats, and the talk of despotism and counter-revolution, the 
party of Duport was defeated. But the debate had beyond 
question driven a number of deputies from the club. 

It was at this time that the “Triumvirate,’ composed of Bar- 
nave, Alexander Lameth, and Adrien Duport, established their 
supremacy in the society. The formation of the “Club of ’89” 
about this time contributed to this result by removing a large 
number of deputies who would have opposed them had they re- 
mained. Their power in the club and in the assembly was at- 
tested by the fury with which their enemies attacked them. 
From May or June, 1790, to March, 1791, innumerable pam- 
phlets and articles in the newspapers were directed against them 


1Duquesnoy, Journal, I, bulletin for March 16, 1790, 

* Aulard, I, 42-58, speech of Loyseau. 

8’ The discussion on the jury system is somewhat fully reported in the 
Correspondance de MM. les députés des communes de la province d’ Anjou, 
IV, Nos. 22 and 23. Ferriéres says that the avocats were a disturbing ele- 
ment among the “revolutionists” at thistime. Robespierre claims that the 
avocats acted as a unit against the jury in criminal cases. Mémoires au- 
thentiques de M. de Robespierre, Paris, 1830, II, 66. See also Chronique de 
Faris, No. 98, 1790. 


233 


6 Charles Kuhlmann 


with no apparent effect other than to increase their popularity.) 
Duport, former member ot the Chambre des Enqiietes of the 
Parliament of Paris, came to the National Assembly with his 
reputation as an opponent of the government already made.? 
Possessed of considerable organizing talent, he supplemented the 
work of the intriguer Lameth and the oratorical powers of the 
proud but incisive advocate of Grenoble, Barnave, who, although 
very soon remarked, made his reputation upon the committee on 
colonies and in his famous debate with Mirabeau. 

As another group in the society, the friends of the Duc d’ Or- 
leans are sometimes cited. Not infrequently the enemies of the 
club charged it with being in the pay of this notorious character 
or with working in his interests.* As the duke was a popular 
‘character, it is certain that many members of the club were fa- 
vorably disposed toward him, but nothing worthy the name of 
evidence has been found showing that the club, during this early 
period of its existence, ever contemplated putting him forward as 
against the ruling branch of the family. His son was a popular 
member of the society, and Desmoulins early in 1790, speaking 
of the imminent return of the Duc d’ Orleans from England, ad- 
dressed him in one of the numbers of his “Révolutions de France 
et de Brabant,” in his half-bantering tone, urging him to go to 
the Jacobins where he would be gladly received.® Laclos, the 
editor of the Jacobin journal of correspondence, was held to be 
an agent of the duke secretly working for his interests at the 


s 

1 Chronique de Paris, No.174. Pamphlets published by Aulard, in vol- 
umes one and two. Pie 

2He was one of the principal opponents of the government during the 
parliamentary revolution of 1787-1789, and gave his name toa revolutionary 
club of this period, the Comté Duport. 

3Pamphlet, Ze carnaval Jacobite, Aulard, II, 154-65; Les chefs des Jacob- 
ates, I, 1-9. 

4Aulard, I, 325. 

+No. 8. “Dans un moment ot Malouet et les ministres veulent mener 
le roi aux Augustins, c’est pour nous une affaire capitale d’entrainer son 
frére aux Jacobins. En conséquence, le procureur général de la lanterne 
ne se souvient plus que de ces paroles du prophete: Quand vous seriez rouge 
comme Ul écarlate, t us vos péchés seront lavés, et vous serez blanc comme neige 
si vous venez aux Jacobins. Mais il faut renvoyer madame Balbi d’ot elle 
est venue. Alors woster eris, et nous vous ferons président des Jacobins 
honneur qui vaut bien celui d’étre frére du roi.” 


234 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 7 


club.t_ On the other hand, Mirabeau, who was probably in posi- 
tion to know, declared in his seventh note to the king that the 
Duc d’ Orleans had never been anything to the Jacobins.? 

Although the society was, almost from the moment of its birth, 
accused of violence and agitation for selfish motives,* it was not 
until November, 1790, that such charges could be made with en- 
tire justice. Until that time the reports of the meetings of the 
society indicate that the discussions were orderly in outward 
form and sane in content. Formal papers, dissertations by schol- 
ars or educated men, predominated during the first period of its 
existence. Questions confronting the National Assembly were 
discussed in an exhaustive way, by considering them in their fun- 
damental elements. This mode of debate, which, it must be un- 
derstood, was never the exclusive practice, gave place gradually 
to more impromptu efforts by less intelligent disputants.* The 
society naturally became more irresponsible as the more moderate 
deputies and scholars withdrew, a process which has been de- 
scribed above. 

Alexander Lameth, no doubt with a desire of shielding him- 
self and his friends, ascribes the violence of the Jacobins to the 
policy of “pessimism”? adopted by the court in filling the society 


with hotheads for the purpose of discrediting it.2 How much 


truth there is in this, it is difficult to determine, but it seems that 
the plan was at least seriously considered. It is only a part of 
Mirabeau’s greater scheme for destroying the National Assem- 
bly by driving it to extremes.®° It is certain that the Jacobins at 
the beginning of 1791 believed that traitors had been introduced 
among them so that for a long time they considered the advisa- 


1 Michelet claims that Laclos as editor of the Journal des amis de la con- 
stitution used this newspaper in the interest of the duke. I confess I can 
not see the slightest evidence of this, especially since Laclos did little be- 
yond publishing extracts from the correspondence of the affiliated societies. 

* Bacourt, Correspondance entre le Comte de Mirabeau et le Comte de la 
Marck, 11,70. Cited in the following pages as “ Bacourt.” 

8 Aulard, I, 1-9. 

4This tendency is very noticeable in the sources published by Aulard, 
volumes one and two. 

5 Histoire de lassemblée constituante, 1, 424-25, 

® Bacourt, II, note 43, 


235 


8 Charles Kuhlmann 


bility of taking a vote of purification (scrutin épuratoire)* and 
that Desmoulins defended the moderation of Barnave in the ad- 
dress he had drawn up for the affiliated societies in March, 1791, 
on the grounds that its enemies were trying to destroy the society 
by means of its own excesses.? 

But aside from these causes at work in destroying the modera- 
tion of the Jacobins, there were others more positive in their 
character and better established by evidence than is the assertion 
of Lameth. In the first place, toward the close of 1790 the at- 
mosphere became overcharged with rumors of counter revolution 
which poured into the club from the affiliated societies and were 
spread in endless profusion by the papers of Desmoulins, Fréron, 
Carra, Prud’homme, and others. What more natural than that 
the Jacobins also should take fire? In the second place, Barnave 
has made an extremely important and instructive confession, one 
fatal to Lameth’s statement, so far as its defensive character is 
concerned. He and his friends having for some time been occu- 
pied with committee work, Barnave found, upon his return to 
the general discussions, that the confidence the National Assem-. 
bly had had in him and his popularity at large had been greatly 
weakened. To regain his lost ground he began his career of de- 
nunciation, so evident in December, 1790, and January, 1791, 
and which drew upon him and his friends the most venomous 
attacks of the pamphleteers and the opposing press.® 

Until about April, 1791, Barnave and his friends succeeded in 
maintaining their ascendency over the Jacobins, carrying the 
mass of the members with them in their fury of denunciation. 
Whether any members actually abandoned the society because 
of these excesses, as was claimed at the time, is difficult to deter- 
mine, but it can not be doubted that many of its friends were 
disappointed and that it was ultimately injurious to the reputa- 
tion of the society. Before the leaders became convinced of the 
pernicious influence they exercised, their enemies fell upon them 
with a fury even greater than their own. While some attacked 


1Journal des amis de la constitution, I11, No. 35, note p. 380, 
* Révolutions de France et de Brabant, V1, No. 68, 166. 
*See pamphlets published by Aulard in volume two. 


2364 


Es 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 9 


the society as a whole, others absolved the majority of its mem- 
bers, while fixing the blame upon the “Triumvirate.” These 
latter, like Mirabeau and Montmorin, set themselves the task of 
destroying the power of the leaders in the club, after which the 
other members might perhaps be directed to better objects.2 As 
long as this attempt was evident as the work of the reactionary 
party, it could not fail to have an effect exactly the contrary to 
the one intended, for to be the object of attack from this quarter 
was to be designated as a good patriot. Much more dangerous 
were the maneuvers led by Mirabeau, aided by Montmorin and 
La Marck. Duport and Alexander Lameth, in their violent at- 
tack upon Mirabeau on February 28, 1791, had intended to drive 
him from the club, but failed completely, A burst of applause 
greeted Mirabeau’s reply to his opponents, and his correspond- 
ence shows that he did not consider himself defeated.* He knew 
that the position of the Lameths and their friends was not at all 
secure and that their very violence evidenced their embarrass- 
ment.* But on March 2, an extremely clumsy act of Duquesnoy 
spoiled everything. Like Mirabeau and many others, Duquesnoy 
had been denounced by Lameth on the 28th of February and 
now had the evil inspiration of replying in a letter to the Jacobins, 
which seemed to them to divulge the plan they had so long sus- 
pected, namely, that an attempt was being made to divide the 
society. Duquesnoy openly praised the majority of the members 
but severely took to task the Lameths and their friends. “TI will 
tell you, then,” he wrote, “with the frankness appropriate for all, 
that the most dangerous enemies of liberty are those who, like 
M. Lameth, concealing a profound ambition under the mask of 
patriotism, regard the people only as a ladder upon which to 
mount to power. . . . The insupportable despotism of the 
MM. Lameths and of several of their friends has driven from 


1See pamphlets published by Aulard in volume two. 

2Bacourt, I], 384, note 45, December 4, 1790, and III, Mirabeau to La 
Marck, March 4, 1791, 78. 

3See the debate on the 28th of February, 1791, in Aulard, II, 95-113. 

4Bacourt, III, note 49, January 17,1791. La Marck thought the Jacobin 
leaders on the verge of overthrow even in December, 1790. Letter to 
Mercy-Argenteau, December 30, 1790, Bacourt, II, 530, 


237 


we) Charles Kuhlmann 


your society some very ardent friends of liberty; the more one 
loves it [liberty], gentlemen, the more one hates every kind of 
domination; I call your own proud souls to witness. 

Public opinion seems to-day to judge the men of whom I speak; 
when it shall be more strongly expressed, when those who dis- 
honor your society shali be more universally judged, you will see 
all the friends of liberty reunite themselves to you, and the party 
spirit which now divides us and causes the misfortune of France 
will cede to the irresistible force of public spirit. . . . Ihave 
not in my whole life advanced a single principle, a single fact, 
which I ought to disavow. I place before you the most formal 
defiance for M. Lameth to cite a single one. I shall reply cate- 
gorically to each one of them. I know my crime towards him: 
I have disdained to incline my head before his pride; I have 
loved for itself a revolution which gives me my rights and my 
happiness; I have refused to believe that it was the work of M. 
Lameth, and I have dared to say so. I know at what price I 
might have pleased him: I might have consented that the general 
system of liberty should receive a few exceptions in his favor.”* 

When Mirabeau learned of this he was in despair. “What I 
foresaw,’ he wrote to La Marck, “has happened; the letter of 
Duquesnoy received at the Jacobins, I absent, raised them to the 
diapason of fury, and furnished M. Barnave the occasion for mak- 
ing a long enumeration of the services the MM. Lameth have 
rendered to the revolution, and to declare that they will perish 
together. Hence an ecstatic choir of applause, hence an insolent 
reply, hence especially the detestable consequence of uniting the 
Jacobins to their leaders instead of separating the leaders from 
the Jacobins as my measures were doing. I am indeed very dis- 
couraged, very embarrassed, very disappointed to have put my- 
self forward so entirely alone.’’? 

The reply of the Jacobins to the letter of Duquesnoy, to whee 
Mirabeau referred, was a resolution of confidence in the Lameths 
and their friends in which they showed at the same time that 
they were aware of the attempts made to disunite them. “The 


1 Aulard, II, 152-54. 
2Bacourt, III, letter of March 4. 


238. 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club II 


Society of the Friends of the Constitution,” they declared, 
“Iknows all the measures which are being employed to mislead 
public opinion and divide good citizens. It knows the libels with 
which the capital and the departments are inundated, and it was 
not surprised to rediscover the language of them in the letter 
signed *‘Duquesnoy.’ As the only answer it declares that the 
declamations of the intriguers are in its eves honorable titles for 
the friends of liberty; that the letter it has just heard read adds 
to its esteem and attachment for M. Alexander Lameth and for 
those who, like him, have begun the revolution and have sus- 
tained it without vacillating. It declares that all attacks upon 
individuals will serve only to bind closer the ties by which they 
are united in all parts of the kingdom.”? 

This was the last triumph of the “Triumvirate.” 

It seems that Mirabeau and Montmorin intended to ask depu- 
ties of the center, such as D’André and Beaumetz, to return to 
the Jacobins, presumably to aid in overturning the leaders, but 
the Duquesnoy incident caused them to abandon this design.? 
Yet neither La Marck nor Montmorin shared Mirabeau’s ex- 
treme discouragement, being convinced that the rule of the 
Jacobin leaders was near its end.* “Moreover,” wrote La Marck, 
“these [the Jacobin leaders] no longer sustain themselves except 
by the use of cordials, and such remedies have never cured those 
in their death agonies.”* 

Events soon justified this belief. Barnave and the Lameths 
with their friends had begun to fear the results of their own 
excesses and the “cordials” they had used were to prove a factor 
in their undoing, for the suspicions and passions they had helped 
to arouse overpowered them when they wished to allay them. 
Below them a group of radicals had formed in the society, ready 
to attack them at the first sign of weakness or the first opportu- 
nity that offered success. The character of the men in the so- 
ciety in the spring of 1791 was not that of the spring of 1790. 


1Aulard, II, 153-54. 

2Bacourt, III, Montmorin to Mirabeau, March 3, 1791. 
3 Tbhid. 

4Bacourt, III 79, La Marck to Mirabeau. 


239 


12 Charles Kuhlmann 


The deputies were now greatly in the minority and ignorance 
had taken the place of enlightenment. The group of men who 
were to attack and displace the Jacobin leaders was largely com- 
posed of republicans, Brissot, Pétion, Robespierre, Robert, and a 
number of others who adhered to them. Camille Desmoulins, 
who was a special friend of Robespierre, belonged to the same 
group, but for a long time defended the Lameths because of their 
services to the revolution.t Of these, Brissot was the most dan- 
gerous opponent. He was the founder of the Société des amis 
des noirs,* and as editor of the Patriote frangaise represented it 
in the press. To this society belonged such men as Mirabeau, 
Pétion, Condorcet, Sieyés, Lafayette, Abbé Grégoire, and La- 
rochefoucauld. It was a combination of the Amis des noirs 
with the radicals and the right of the assembly which struck the 
‘decisive blow against the Jacobin leaders, enabled to do so 
through the long campaign of enlightenment waged by Brissot 
and the 4mis des nowrs. Brissot, whose enmity dated from the 
decree of March 8, 1790, relative to the colonies, allowed no op- 
portunity of annoying them to pass.* 

Through the agitation of the abolitionists and the principles 
announced in the declaration of the rights of man, grave troubles 
had arisen in the colonies between the planters, their slaves, and 
the free mulattos not possessed of political rights. It was a sub- 
ject which called for delicate treatment by the National Assem- 
bly and which furnished its enemies a good occasion for embar- 
rassing it. A great deal of hidden maneuvering seems to have 
been indulged in by both parties, the Amis des noirs and their 
supporters and the colonial deputies, the deputies of commerce, 
aided by a strong group in the Jacobin Club.* Mosneron de 
l’Aunay read a paper at the society on February 26, 1790, in 
which he strove to answer the Amis des noirs upon the question 
of the abolition of the slave trade by admitting that it was wrong 


1 Patriote francaise, No. 656, May 26, 1791. 
2 Founded in 1787, a kind of French abolition society. 


3 Patriote francaise, Nos. 515, 543, 545, 546, 553, 566, 582, 598, 609, and 
many others in 1790 and 1791. All those cited are in the first three months 
of 1791. 


4The leaders of the Jacobins, especially Barnave and the Lameths. 


240 


On the Contlict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 13 


from the standpoint of principle, but argued that expediency was 
the guide for statesmen, and that expediency in this instance 
called loudly for a continuation of the trade; for, were it to be 
abolished, France, through the intrigues of England, favored by 
the resulting disorders, would lose her colonies. He therefore 
asked the society to declare, among other things, that it did not 
intend to extend its decrees to the colonies, in order to reassure 
the colonists by allowing them the initiative in legislation. 
Mirabeau answered De lAunay the same evening, opposing the 
slave trade, but with what success is not known, nor do we know 
what action, if any, was taken by the society. 

That slavery and the slave trade were inconsistent with the 
principles of the National Assembly announced in the declaration 
of the rights of man was immediately apparent to everyone, and 
was freely admitted by De i’Aunay, and it was the constant fear 
of the colonists and of those in France directly interested in the 
colonies that the assembly would prove consistent. But many 
deputies preferred being inconsistent to being the cause of imme- 
diate disaster to France. Tallyrand, as president of the assem- 
bly, replied to a deputation which had asked for a continuation of 
the slave trade, slavery, and the prohibitive régime in force with 
regard to the colonies, that the assembly would know how to 
“conciliate the rules of prudence and justice with the principles 
of liberty.”* The subject came up in the assembly on March 2 
when Grégoire, one of the most ardent Ams des noirs, read some 
papers from Martinique in his capacity as member of the com- 


1 Aulard, I, 9-17. 

°This subject had long been agitated in the press, and many pamphlets 
and letters had been published upon it. De l’Aunay was a “ député extra- 
ordinaire du commerce de Nantes,” to the National Assembly, and he and 
his five colleagues applied to Le Roulx, deputy of Lorient, to present them 
to the Jacobins in order to read their address. Lorient being greatly inter- 
ested commercially, Le Roulx readily gave hisaid. This attempt was made 
toward the close of January, but for some unexplained reason, the reading 
of the address was postponed after permission had been received from the 
club. Even here “philanthropic ideas” w-re advanced against the grant- 
ing of permission to read the address. Letter of Le Roulx January 23, 1790. 
MS. Archives de Lorient. 

8 Correspondance de Bretagne (of the deputies of Rennes), No. 1, Febru- 
ary 25, 1790. 


241 


14 Charles Kuhlmann 


mittee on reports... It was imperative for the opponents of the 
Amis des notrs that the subject of slavery and the slave trade 
should never be discussed in the assembly as an independent 
question, for in that case there could be but one issue, the Amis 
des noirs would have had the best of the argument, and all France 
would soon have learned that the assembly had either sacrificed 
the colonies and many home interests connected with them or 
that it had formally contradicted one of its own most funda- 
mental principles. The right foresaw this dilemma and was 
eager to drive the assembly upon one or the other of its horns. 
Maury said triumphantly, “I shall force you to decree the free- 
dom of the negroes; it is a necessary consequence of your prin- 
ciples. Commerce will be ruined, bankruptcy will follow, and - 
you will all be lost.”* The right of the assembly and the Amis 
des nowrs thus found themselves fighting for the same object, 
namely, to bring about a thorough discussion of these questions. 
But they were in the minority and outmaneuvered at the same 
time. Alexander Lameth interrupted Grégoire in his reading 
and moved that the matter be referred to a special committee on 
colonies. In the debate which followed upon this motion his 
party was victorious. Lameth, Barnave, and a number of the 
colonial deputies, who of course favored the plan, were appointed 
on the committee. On March 8, Barnave, as chairman of the 
committee, reported a plan which left the colonies under the 
existing régime until they themselves should undertake to change 
it, thus adopting the essential point in the proposition De I’Aunay 
had made at the Jacobins.* No sooner had he concluded than 
came reiterated calls of “question! question!’ Mirabeau, Pétion, 
Grégoire, who rushed to the tribune, failed to obtain the floor; 
the discussion was “closed” before it had been opened, and Bar- 
nave’s decree passed.® It was a typical Jacobin maneuver, later 


1 Correspondance des députés du département ad Angers, 1V, 225-28, also 
Correspondance de Bretagne, supplement to no. III, 1790. 


2 Duquesnoy, Journal, II, bulletin of March 8, 1790. 


3See Correspondance des députés du départment ad’ Angers, 1V, 225-28. 
Also Correspondance de Bretagne, supplement to no. III, 1790. 


*Barnave’s report with his introductory speech is given in the Corve- 
spondance des députés . . . a Anjou, IV, 263-64, 


5 Bulletin de Brest, volume for 1790, no. 29. 


“242 . 


On the Contlict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 15 


credited to Barnave alone, and one which his enemies never 
pardoned. 

Barnave says in his Mémoires that his decrees upon the col- 
onies gave him his popularity as well as robbed him of it. With 
the more sane men, still dominant in the Jacobin Club, and at 
large his practical measures may well have won him support. 
Certain it is that he and the Lameths from this time on gained — 
greatly in popularity and prominence and ‘became the recognized 
leaders of the Jacobins from whom the formerly influential mem- 
bers were beginning to withdraw. A fresh discussion of the 
colonial difficulties found the Jacobin “Triumvirate” approach- 
ing the crisis of their career. If at the close of 1790 they had 
found it necessary to inaugurate a campaign of denunciation in 
order to sustain themselves, how much more was this necessary 
now when all appeals to moderation and prudence were regarded 
as evidence of perfidy or reaction. It was therefore extremely 
unfortunate for them that, at the very moment when they were 
attempting to retrace their steps, they should have been con- 
fronted with the necessity of defending a colonial policy which 
had now become unpopular. Thanks to Brissot, to Mirabeau, 
to the Amis des noirs, the affiliated societies and France gener- 


ally had been enlightened upon the maneuvers that had resulted 


in the decree of March 8, and upon the inconsistencies of which 
the assembly had been guilty in passing it.2 Some of the affili- 
ated societies protested in addresses which Brissot printed with 
the intention of destroying his enemies.* Then the society on 
March 11 adopted an address to the affiliated societies urging 
moderation, Brissot attacked Barnave, who had drawn up the 
address, ridiculing his language and condemning the advice it 


1 Oeuvres de Barnave, mises en ordre et précédées dune notice historique 
sur Barnave par M. Berenger de la Drome (Paris, 1843), II, 366. 

2 After the decree of March 8, a part of no. CCXLVII of the Courrier de 
Provence was devoted to enlightening its readers upon this subject and the 
manner in which it had been disposed of. The Amis des noirs even _ad- 
dressed some of their literature to the societies affiliated to the Jacobins 
(Patriote francaise, nos. 607, 617). 

3See Patriote francaise, nos. 598, 602, 604. 


243 


16 Charles Kuhlmann 


contained as dangerous to the revolution. Gorsas seconded 
Brissot and asked, “When will M. Barnave have done with these 
attempts to carry measures by storm?” referring to the manner 
in which the address was carried in the society and the decree 
of March 8 in the assembly.’ 

Despite the reassuring character of the decrees of the assem- 
bly the colonists had remained discontented, and Barnave and 
his supporters now urged that the declaration of non-interfer- 
ence be incorporated in the constitution in order that the status 
of the individual, the all-important question, might no longer be 
subject to regulation by mere legislative decree.* The debate, 
extremely violent, was carried on simultaneously in the National 
Assembly and the Jacobin Club. Brissot, aided by Pétion, on 
.May 11 found the courage to attack Barnave in the club but 
sustained a defeat.t| Two days later Robespierre and a certain 
mulatto continued the attack, this time with success.®° Charles 
Lameth, who tried to defend his party, was driven from the trib- 
une with shouts of hostility. The next day they were defeated 
in the National Assembly also... On May 20, the conservative 
committee on correspondence, of which Barnave and the two 
Lameths were the most prominent members, was changed.® 

With the fall of the “Triumvirate,” the Jacobin Club lost the 
only element which could still have directed it along moderate 
lines and preserved it from the excesses which were later to give 


1 Aulard, II, 189-92. Address given on pp. 185-89. Aulard does not 
assign any definite date to the address, but the Feuz/le du jour, no. 76, states 
that it was adopted on March 11. 

2 Courrier de Paris, XXII, no. 13. 

8 Voniteur, VII, no. 128. 

4This fact is given in the Lendemain, May 13, 1791, and Feuzlle du jour, 
May 14, 1791, both opposition papers, but there seems no good reason for re- 
jecting the evidence in this case, especially since both journals seem never 
to have invented the bare facts although they frequently distorted them. 
It should be added that from the similarity of their accounts it is clear that 
these two journals used a common source in nearly everything they pub- 
lished relative to the Jacobin meetings? 

5 Aulard, II, 412-15. Accounts taken from Journal de la révolution, 
May 15, 1791, and Le Lendemain of the same date. 

6 Le Lendemain, May 15, 1791. 

7 Point du jour, XXII, no. 673. 

8 Courrier de Paris, by Gorsas, XXIV, no. 31. 


244 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 17 


it such an odious reputation. Although no deputies at this time 
formally severed their connection with the society, few continued 
to attend its meetings. This was the moment of the real seces- 
sion of the deputies, although the formal declaration of separa- 
tion was not made until the 17th of July following.t| There was 
no change of constitution, but the society from now on no longer 
remained true to its original aims, namely, to sustain and pop- 
ularize the work of the National Assembly. 

Of the character of the debates and the composition of the 
society about this time several witnesses have left us contem- 
porary or almost contemporary accounts. The deputies of Maine 
et Loire, writing to the Friends of the Constitution of Angers, 
July 20, 1791, give such a vivid picture of conditions in the so- 
ciety that I quote them at length. “The undersigned, deputies 
of Maine et Loire,” they wrote, “all founders or members of the 
Club of the Friends of the Constitution at the Jacobins of Paris, 
believed that it was their duty to separate themselves from it 
last Saturday with almost all their colleagues; [of the National 
Assembly] only four or five remained. They thought that it 
was no longer appropriate for them to remain in an association 
of which they were believed to have the direction and the ma- 
jority, when that same association, formerly so useful for the 
destruction of tyranny and the reedification of a regular govern- 
ment based upon reason, has come to be guided by a crowd of 
foreigners who have obtained admittance, who have nothing to 
lose, and of whom the major portion is paid by these same for- 
eigners who desire absolutely to cause our revolution to fail like 
that of Brabant. From that time, this assembly presented only 
the image of an assembly of furies who believed they could be 
useful to the country only in preaching disorder and anarchy 
and in degrading all authority by causing the people to destroy 
them and who not only for six weeks or two months suffered the 
- expression of but one opinion, reasonable or not unless it were 
incendiary, but even drove out with violence members who ex- 
pressed an opinion contrary to the one our most cruel enemies 
could most desire because it evidently led us to civil war. Never- 


1Aulard, III, 30. 
| 245 


18 Charles Kuhlmann 


theless, we do not pretend that the club is composed entirely of 
men such as we have described; indeed, a very large portion of 
the members not deputies to the National Assembly have with- 
drawn from the club, and among those who show themselves the 
most fanatic there are unquestionably many honest and estimable 
citizens who, not having studied mankind sufficiently and esti- 
mated the elements which ought to compose a government, al- 
though these elements are everywhere the same, because reason 
is indivisible, ought nevertheless to be differently combined ac- 
cording to the country, the population, the customs, language, 
civilization, wealth, commerce, etc., and, allowing themselves to 
be drawn on by a just indignation, think only of a vengeance 
which is without doubt very legitimate, but not thinking that 
‘long years of frightful misfortunes and the loss of liberty will 
be the necessary consequences of their action. These persons, 
misled by detestable men who profit by the inconsiderate ardor 
of noble and generous souls, make of them the instruments of 
their ambitious projects and seek by their aid to open the door 
to the most unbridled factions.”? 

One might suspect from the tone of this letter that the writers 
exaggerated the faults of the society in order to better justify 
their own action in withdrawing from it, but, unfortunately, their 
testimony is only too well borne out by that of the intelligent 
Prussian, Conrad Oelsner, who was a member of the club and 
reasonably free from partisanship.2 Most convincing, however, 
is the official record of the club itself giving the outline of the 
debates beginning with June 1, 1791. In reading this, one is 
tempted to believe the accounts of their meetings given in the 


‘Journal du département de Maine et Lotre, published by the Amzs de la 
constitution of Angers. Bib. Nat. Le. :°/s90. 

*Luzifer oder Gereinigte Beitrage zur Geschichte der franz6sischen Re- 
volution. Erster Theil (1797), 160. Among other things he wrote in the 
spring of 1791: Es hat sich eine Menge rollelustiger Glucksritter und 
Ehrgeiziger angedrangt, die, um zu Kredit zu gelangen, einen schreienden 
Patriotismus affichirt und zu jedem ausschweifenden Projeckte die Hand 
bietet. Tumult und Bitterkeiten ersticken die Stimme der aufgeklarten 
Massigung, und haben viele scharfsehende, aber furchtsame oder zu un- 
rechten Zeit empfindliche Leute verscheucht, etc. 

8Journal des débats de la société des amis de la constitution, séant aux 
Jacobins, &@ Paris. Republished by Aulard, II. 


246 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 19 


hostile journals, Le Lendemain and Le Feuille du jour, often the 
only record we possess before the official journal just mentioned 
was published. 

The Jacobin leaders were driven from the club because they 
were no longer in sympathy with it. They had been true, in out- 
ward form at least, to the published principles of the society, 
whereas the radicals who had succeeded them in the favor of its 
members had come to regard the assembly as reactionary and 
not to be trusted. But it was not until the flight of the king that 
the society assumed an attitude that forced the deputies to with- 
draw from it in order not to appear in a false light. The con- 
stitution was monarchical and almost all the deputies were 
monarchists. The Jacobins also were avowed monarchists, al- 
though they had long ceased to show monarchical sentiments in 
their discussions. Many had expressed their bitterness against 
the ministers and all the other servants of the. king, but either 
through policy or an irrational sentiment excused the king him- 
self. ‘The king was eternally the dupe of his counsellors. The 
flight of the king to Varennes was more, however, than most of 
the Jacobins were able to excuse upon this theory, and the ques- 
tion as to what should be done with the king was openly brought 
to discussion. 

‘But the deputies who had informally withdrawn made one 
more effort to regain control of the society, making the flight of 
the king the occasion for the attempt. This attempt was fore- 
seen by the man, perhaps, most interested, Robespierre, who suc- 
cessfully defeated it. The Jacobins had met at noon on the 21st 
of June, 1791, in extraordinary session, with all excitement stu- 
diously suppressed,-as it was in the whole of Paris. For once the 
agitators now in possession intended to aid in preventing dis- 
turbances, and sent out some of its members to preach peace and 
calm in the public places.t The entrance of Robespierre, fresh 
from the National Assembly, changed the entire tone of the 
meeting, which now became intensely dramatic. Robespierre 
represented France as in the greatest danger, not because the 
king had fled to return at the head of a foreign army, but be- 


1 Aulard, II, 532. 
247 


20 Charles Kuhlmann 


cause of the friends he had left behind, many of whom it was 
impossible to distinguish from the patriots. “What frightens 
me most,” he exclaimed, “is that which seems to reassure every- 
one else. . . . It is that this morning all our enemies speak 
the same language as ourselves. All are reunited, all wear the 
same countenance.” The minority long since and the entire Na- 
tional Assembly with its committees had shown by its action that 
morning that it was in the plot with the king for the destruction 
of liberty. “And as if this coalition were not enough, I know 
that presently it will be proposed that you unite with all your 
most notorious enemies; in a moment, all of ’89, the mayor, the 
general, the ministers, it is said, will arrive! How can we es- 
cape?” He concluded by saying that he knew that in the denun- 
ciations he had just made he had drawn a thousand assassins 
upon himself, but he would receive death almost as a blessing 
because it would spare him the sight of the evils he saw were 
inevitable. Upon this, the eight hundred or more members pres- 
ent arose and swore that they would sacrifice their lives in pro- 
tecting him.* 

As Robespierre concluded, the arrival of the deputies was an- 
nounced, whereupon Danton sprang to his feet and exclaimed: 
“Gentlemen, if the traitors present themselves here I take the 
formal engagement with vou to leave my head upon the scaffold 
or prove that theirs ought to fall at the feet of the nation they 
have betrayed.” Seeing Lafayette among those who had en- 
tered, he violently apostrophised him, going over the entire list 
of grievances the radical members of the club had long held 
against him. “And you, M. Lafayette, who only recently re- 
sponded for the person of the king with your head, do you pay 
your debt in appearing in this assembly? You have sworn that 
the king would not depart. Either you have betrayed your coun- 
try or you are stupid in having answered for a person for whom 
you could not answer. In the more favorable case, you are de- 
clared incapable of commanding us. . . . France can be 
free without you. Your power weighs upon the eighty-four de- 
partments. Your reputation has passed from pole to pole. Do 


1 Révolutions de France et de Brabant, no. 82. Aulard, II, 553. 


248 


On the Conflict of Parties in the Jacobin Club 21 


you wish to be really great? Become a simple citizen again, and 
no longer nourish the just distrust of a large portion of the 
people.’ 

A strange spectacle followed this attack of Danton. Alex- 

ander Lameth, whose thundering anathema had on the 28th of 
February preceding fallen on Mirabeau and Lafayette alike, now 
stepped forward in the latter’s defense. “I have always re- 
garded M. Lafayette as one of the firmest supports of the con- 
stitution,” he said, “and although I have often blamed his con- 
duct and under some circumstances spoken of him perhaps with 
bitterness, | have told M. Danton himself that if the constitution 
were in danger Lafayette would die for it sword in hand. 
It is necessary to abjure all hate, cause every division to cease, 
in order to disconcert all the maneuvers of the enemies of liberty 
and march with a sure and firm step to the completion of the 
constitution.””* ; 

After Lameth, the proud Lafayette, whom neither prayers nor 
denunciations had moved to return to the Jacobins, humiliated 
himself in attempting a defense before those whom he despised. 
He spoke but a few very unsatisfactory words. Sieyés was more 
successful in explaining away a certain address of his, very 
obnoxious to the Jacobins, and Barnave succeeded in another 
“Triomphe d’assaut” in causing an address to the affiliated so- 
cieties, drawn up by himself, to be adopted, in which it was said 
that “All divisions are forgotten, all patriots are reunited. The 
National Assembly is our guide, the constitution our rallying 
cry" 

This address, the official attitude of the club only in form, 
must not be allowed to mislead us. The debates in the club 
show us that this attempted reunion was a complete failure. The 
deputies, if they ever returned in any considerable number, re- 
mained silent and without influence. Lafayette, whose answer 


1 Révolutions de France et de Brabant, no. 82. Aulard, II, 553. 
2 Tbid., 11, 536. 
8 Aulard, II, 538. 


4See the debates during the latter part of June and the beginning of July 
as given in the official journal republished by Aulard, II. A few of the 


249 


22 Charles Kuhlmann 


to Danton was considered very unsatisfactory, refused the in- 
vitation to come to the club and make another.1 The society 
continued its tumultuous sessions as before, inclining more and 
more to the view that the king had forfeited his right to the 
throne—that is, taking a position more and more in opposition 
to the National Assembly—until, on the 17th of July, 1791, the 
deputies who were still nominally members of it formally with- 
drew and formed the new society of the Feuillants. 


more radical deputies had always remained with the club, and on June 29 
Charles Lameth is mentioned in the debates as objecting to some remarks 
of Anthoine against certain persons whom he did not name, but received 
little applause and a great many ‘‘surmures’’ (“murmures excessifs’’). 


1 Aulard, II, 547. 


250 


ae 


Il].—On the Substantivation of Adjectives in Chaucer 


BY ARTFILUR GARFIELD KENNEDY 


INTRODUCTION 


The substantivation of adjectives in English has, like most 
other processes of our language, been so gradual that it is diff- 
cult to fix the beginning of it in the case of any particular word 
or group of words, or at any one time to measure accurately its 
progress. Perhaps the most satisfactory results are obtained by 
comparing the data made up from the writings of authors of 
different periods. This investigation is offered as.a study of the 
process of substantivation of adjectives in the fourteenth century, 
as shown in the writings of Chaucer. 

Kellner names three ways in which adjectives become sub- 
stantivized: first, the quality of a thing is so striking that the 
name of the adjective is adopted for the substantive itself. So 
gold was originally ‘the yellow metal,’ wheat, the ‘white grain,’ 
etc. Secondly, ellipsis may bring about this process of substan- 
tivation. Since the adjective conveys the idea of the noun to 
which it is attached, the noun is dropped. So we have the AI- 
mighty, a saint, a sage, the good, etc. Finally, adjectives are 
used as substantives when they denote abstract ideas, as good, 
evil, ill, etc. 

Adjectives may be used in different degrees of substantivation. 
One usage which was quite common a few centuries ago was 
that in which the adjective modifies a preceding noun. When 
Chaucer says, “A true swynk and a good was he,” we feel that 
good is, at least partially, a substantive. Again, the use of the 


*Outlines of English Syntax, pp. 144-50. 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 3, July 1905. 


251 


2 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


adjective with one has gradually become more common. To 
say “the bravest one I ever knew” is quite in keeping with mod- 
ern usage. The most complete substantivation, however, re- 
quires no other word for the adjective to lean upon. Thus we 
say, the good, the true, the beautiful, the unknown dead, for 
‘goodness,’ ‘truth, ‘principle of beauty,’ etc. 

It is not the purpose of this paper to enter into a disc of 
the causes and beginnings of this process of substantivation. 
The most probable cause seems to be that of the force which Pro- 
fessor Paul calls “economy of expression.” Jt would seem the 
most natural thing to abbreviate the noble people to the noble, or 
the Old English se betsta guma to se betsta, especially if the ex- 
pression is so common that no one would misunderstand it. 
This seems especially probable when we note that most of the 
substantivized adjectives in the Beowulf and the earlier English 
literature are personal substantives. 


SUBSTANTIVATION OF ADJECTIVES IN OLD ENGLISH 


Many words which are nouns, pure and simple, in Chaucer’s 
day, have been developed from earlier adjectives or participles. 
As examples we have streie, from Latin strata via; mile, from 
Latin milia passuum; frend, for Gothic frijonds; side, for Old 
English sid; wheat and gold have been mentioned; and many 
others might be cited. 

In the Beowulf we find the prevailing usage,—the adjective 
for the person described: 


Hafde se goda . . . cempan gecorone, 1. 205. Cf. also 355, 
676, 1191, Eee wat him pa se earda, |. 1964. hares hyrste 
Higelace bar, |. 2988.—on pam se rica bad, |. 310.—Nafre ic maran 
geseah eorla ofer eordan, ll. 247-48.—cwiied pat se almightiga 
eordan worhte, |. 92.—pat he on eorda geseah pone /eofestan lifes 
at ende, |. 2834. 


Gradually, after the Anglo-Saxon period, we find a broaden- 
ing in the use of substantivized adjectives. Many examples ap- 


*Principien der Sprachgeschichte, p. 263. 


252 


Substantivation im Chaucer a 


pear in Chaucer of words of French origin which seem to have 
been used substantively for a long time. As examples Einenkel* 
- gives the following: 


laxatyf, equnoxial, digestives, necessaries, mocubles, 
contraries, the suffrant, his pacient, this imnocent, pen- 
etentys, nobles, etc. 


II. SUBSTANTIVATION OF ADJECTIVES IN CHAUCER 


For a proper appreciation of the substantivation of adjectives 
in Chaucer we must consider examples of all three usages, 
namely, qualifying a preceding noun, with one, and without one, 
as a pure substantive. Then a comparison can be made with 
reference to the relative importance of the three in Chaucer’s 
time. Also it might be of interest and profitable to compare the 
use of positives, comparatives, and superlatives in this respect. 
The syntactical relations of substantivized adjectives seem to 
demand consideration. In what constructions do we find them 
prevailing? Do they appear in any special constructions in 
Chaucer? Finally, and of some importance it seems to me, are 
the questions and theories relating to the beginnings of this 
process of substantivation. Is it a native tendency or does it 
come into the language through some foreign influence? Are 
the adjectives so substantivized largely native words or foreign? 
Perhaps a careful comparison of the two elements will throw a 
little light on the subject of the origin of adjective substantiv- 
ation. 

Einenkel makes a distinction, which might well be kept in 
mind all through the consideration of this subject, between ad- 
jectives previously, and hence thoroughly, substantivized, and 
those which are substantivized merely for the occasion. For 
instance, we think of nodles as a pure noun but the wise as a 
temporary substantive only. This distinction will be touched 
upon again, however. 


*Streifziige durch die Mittelenglische Syntax. 


250 


4 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 
A. Semi-substantivized adjectives referring to preceding nouns. 


This use of the adjective is quite common in Chaucer. No 
attempt will be made to cover the field entirely, but simply to 
give illustrations which seem most characteristic. 


A theef he was, forsoth, of corn and mele, And that a sleigh. 
Reeves Tale, 20.—A true swynk and a good was he. Cant. 
Tales: Prologue, 531.—of Gamelyn the bolde. Tale of Gamelyn, 
290.—of Gamelyn the yonge. ibid., 342.—At the root of Vesulus 
the colde. Clerkes Tale, 2.—this January the olde. Marchaundes 
Tale, 798.—For sche was on the fairest under sonne. Frankel- 
eynes Tale, 6--Ther was a monk, a fair man and a bold. 
Schipmannes Tale, 25.—but a governour, a wily and a wyse. 
Prologue of Monkes Tale, 52.—this Seneca the wyse. Monkes 
Tale, 525.—To Cupido the recheles. Hous of Fame, Bk. II. 160.— 
Gaweyn the worthy. Romaunt of the Rose, 2209. 


B. Substantivized adjectives used with one. 


This use of the adjective is very limited in Chaucer. And not 
only are there few examples of it, but there is not much variety 
in the adjectives so used. Varying forms of our modern such 
appear most common. 


That han swich oon icaught withouten net. Trovlus and Cry- 
seyde, Bk. II. 583—To slane swice oon. ibid. Bk. II. 265.—I 
am oon the fayreste. ibid. Bk. II. 746.—with swich oon as he 
is. ibid, Bk. V, 740—For I have falsed oon the gentileste and 
oon the worthyeste. ibid, Bk. V. 1050—that betrisshed many 
oon. Romaunt of the Rose, 1648.—Thou herdest never sich oon, 
I trow. ibid. 5409—Ymaginynge that travaille nor game Ne 
myghte for so goodely one be lorne. T'roylus and Cryseyde, Bk. 


ano 


. 372.—As help me God I was a lusty one. Prologue of Wyf 
of Bathe. 605. 


Einenkel’ gives the last two examples and adds, “Dies sind 
die beiden einzigen Falle wo ich das Zahlwort beim positiven 
Adjectiv entdecken konnte. Sein eigentlicher Platz ist beim 
Superlativ.” Illustrative of the-latter statement he gives the 
following : 


*Streifziige durch die Mittelenglische Syntax, p. 27. 


254 


Substantivation in Chaucer 5 


A maide oon of this worlde the best preysed. Troylus and Cry- 
seyde, Bk. V. 1474——Of hire delite or joies oon the leste. ibid. 
Bk. III. 1261.—For sche was on the fairest under sonne. Frank- 
eleynes Tale, 6. 


Examples might also be given of the use of adjectives with 
other weakened substantives such as man, woman, thing, etc. 
Often with these words, just as with one, the adjective becomes 
slightly substantivized. In the case of most of these, however, 
the substantivation is not far enough advanced to make. them 
worthy of special comment. 


_C. Substantivized adjectives used without one. 


Adjectives substantivized without the aid of one are very 
common in Chaucer. Of course there are varying degrees of 
substantivation. Sometimes we feel that the adjective force of 
the word has largely been lost sight of, as in nobles, gentils, or 
goode (meaning property), at last (used adverbially), elders, 
etc. At other times the word is little more than an adjective, 
even though it stands in the place of a noun. 


1. As personal substantives in singular and plural (without 
-s). This use of the adjective is very common. In a compara- 
tively thorough examination of Chaucer I have noted 137 ex- 
amples, including 66 different forms. 


Of the plural personal substantives the following are good 
examples: 


to visit the ferrest in his parrische. Cant. Tales Prologue, 493.— 
We will slee the gultyf. Cokes Tale of Gamelyn, 822.—Herkneth 
what is the sentens of the wyse. Man of Lawes Tale, 15.—Faire 
they were welcomed, bothe leste and mesle. Cokes Tale of Gam- 
elyn, 460.—That at the fest leet slee bothe more and lesse. Man 
of Lawes Tale, 861—And further goeth all the contre bothe 
moste and leste. Court of Love, 1431.—Sche was not with the 
leste of hire stature. Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. I. 281.—he com- 
mendeth with the beste. Man of Lawes Tale, 76.—and bothe of 
yonge and olde Ful wel beloved. Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. I. 
129.—“Trentals” sayd he, “delyvereth from penance Her frendes 
soules as wel eld as yonge.’ Sompnoures Tale, 16—Therfore 


255 


or 


6 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


she stood in love and grace Of riche and poore in every place. 
Romaunt of the Rose, 1169-70.—Born of the gentilest and the 
heighest of this land. Clerkes Tale, 75.—he wil not visite the 
sike, Persones Tale—And ponysche . . . the false untrew 
Court of Love, 582.—she pleyeth with fre and bonde. Troylus 
and Cryseyde, Bk. I. 840.—Lered or lewde lord or lady. Ro- 
maunt of the Rose, 6620.—Whereso thou comest, amonges 
heth or lowe. Maunciples Tale, 257.—alle the grettest that were 
of that land. Tale of the Pardoner, 145.—Men seyn the suffrant 
overcomth, parde. Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. ‘IV. 1556.—For 
he nought helpeth the needful in his need. Man of Lawes Tale, 
14. 


So also we find gulteles, all wofulle, the meekest, the unworth- 
teste, etc. 

Of the use of the adjective as a singular personal substantive 
we find many examples. 


I not which was the fairer of hem two. Cant. Tales: Prologue, 
190.—Feirest of alle that ever were or be! Court of Love, 631.— 
Best unto best. ibid. 594.—So stant this innocent before the 
king. Man of Lawes Tale, 520.—I have a wyf, the worste that 
may be. Prologe of Marchaundes Tale, 6.—The foul royal above 
yow in degree The wyse and worthy. . . . Assembly of 
Foules, 395.—This yongest which that went to the toun. Tale . 
of the Pardoner, 375— . . . the Romayn, Galien Ne dorste 
never been so corageous, Ne noon Ermyn, ne noon Arabien, 
Ne Surrien, ne noon Egipcien. Monkes Tale, 348—But if for 
love of som Tyroyan it were. Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. V. 
877.— though that be true, my dere. Court of Love, 173.—That 
every yere wolde have a newe. Hous of Fame, 302.—and she 
was holden there A seint. Legende of Lucrecie, 192.—the worth- 
teste of knyghthode . . . of blode the gentyleste. Assembly 
of Foules, 548.—ye lovers, for the konnyngeste of yow. : 
Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. V. 331.—a coveytous and a wriche. 
ibid. Bk. II. 1324.—Tellynge his tale alway, this olde greye. 
ibid. Bk. IV. 99.—Now writeth, swete. ibid. Bk. V. 1399.—The 
formest was alway behynde. Boke of the Duchesse, 889—Hum- 
blest of herte, higheste of reyerence. Compleynte Unto Pite, 
57.—Now faire blisfulle, O Cipris. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. 
II. 10.—But nothing thinketh the fals as doth the trewe. An- 
elyda and Arcite, 168—In love a falser herde I never none. 
Legende of Phillis, 5—The stronge the feble overgoth. Romaunt 
of the Rose, 6823.—He kepte his pacient wondurly wel. Cant. 


256 


Substantivation in Chaucer 4 


Tales: Prologue, 415.—The neye slye maketh the ferre leef to 
be loth. Milleres Tale, 206——Ne never saugh I a more bounte- 
vous . . . ne a more graciouse. Troylus and Cryseyde, Bk. 
I. 883.—And therto I saugh never a less Harmful than she was 
in doinge. Boke of the Duchesse, 993.——Emelye, the rewfullest 
of al the companye. Knyghtes Tale, 2028. 


2. As personal substantives in plural (with -s). As we would 
naturally expect, the use of adjectives in this way is very much 
limited. For an adjective must be pretty thoroughly substan- 
tivized before we can feel free to decline it in the plural, as we 
do other nouns. The best examples, and in fact almost the only 
ones, are the following: 


As custom is unto these nobles alle. Marchaundes Tale, 645.— 
And he forth the seyntes ladde. Secounde Nonnes Tale, 369.— 
There saintes have here comyng. Court of Love, 120—right 
anoon the gentils gan to crie. Prologue of the Pardoner, 37.— 
Of honoures that oure eldres with us lefte. Monkes Tale, 208.— 
By God and by his halwes twelve. Boke of the Duchesse, 830.— 
To innocents doth such grevance. Romaunt of the Rose, 4273.— 
And the seculars comprehende. ibid., 7175.—Brynge us to that 
paleyce that ys bilte To penytentys. Chauceres ABC:Z.—And 
after hem of comunes after here degre. Knyghtes Tale, 1715. 


3. As abstract nouns in singular. The class of adjectives 
used by Chaucer as abstract nouns is by far the largest 
of all. While it is, perhaps, hardly necessary to give examples 
of all, out of the sixty different adjectives which I have noted 
under this head, we may consider a few of the most typical. 
One very important division of this class is made up of color 
adjectives. Of these green is used most frequently. 


And Emelye, clothed al in grene. Knightes Tale, 827.—Twenty 
bokes clad in blak and reed. Cant. Tales: Prologue, 294.—of fyn 
scarlett reed. ibid. 457-——A long surcote of blue. ibid. 611.—A 
marchant was ther . . . in motteleye. tbid. 271.—They 
gloweden betwixe yolw and reed. ibid. 1274—With face deed, 
betwyxe pale and grene. Anelyda and Arcite, 356. 


Of all the abstract adjective substantives good is used most 
commonly: ; 


257 


8 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


and doon us som good. Cokes Tale of Gamelyn, 664.—And ches 
the best and lef the worst for me. Knyghtes Tale, 756—And 
bad him doon his best. Cokes Tale of Gamelyn, 238.—That yev- 
eth hem ful ofte in many a gyse Wel bettre than they can hem- 
self devyse. Knyghtes Tale, 1253.—I recche naught what wrong 
that thou me profre. Secounde Nonnes Tale, 489.—He thar nat 
weene that evyl doth. Reeves Tale, 400.—Who hath the worse 
eed ? Cant. Tales: Prologue, 490.—By alle right it may do 
me no shame! Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. II. 763—And al his 
ernest turneth to a jape. Milleres Tale, 204. 


This last is one of Chaucer’s favorite expressions. The com- 
binations, ernest and jape, or ernest and game occur very often. 


Nature, the vyker of thalmyghty Lorde, That hoot, colde, hevy, 
lyght, moist and drye Hath knyt. Assembly of Foules, 397.— 
but of myn oughne sore . . . I telle may no more. Prologue 
of Marchaundes Tale, 31—for foule ne faire. Man of Lawes 
Tale, 426—-Leving the streight, holding the /arge.—Other com- 
binations are: good or ille; softe ne sore; schort and plain; 
heigh or lowe; colde or hote. 
He had a jape of malice in the derk. Cokes Prologue, 14.—For 
unto him it is a bitter swete. Prologue of the Charfonnes Yeman, 
325.—Your bitier tornen into swettenesse. Troylus and Cryseyde 
Bk. III. 130.—Or Cecile is to saye, the waye of blynde. Secounde 
Nonnes Tale, 92.—As shulde a maister of dyvyne. Romaunt of 
the Rose, 6490.—Her heed for hore was whyte as floure. ibid. 
356. 


Other examples of this usage are: the contrary, a litel, grete 
(for greatness), mene, newe, the revers, faire, untrewe, quiete, 
veyne, unright, remenaunt, wery (for weariness), large, harde 
(for hardship). 

We find quite frequently the proper adjective used as the name 
of a language. 

Naught wist he what his Latyn was to saye, Prioresses Tale, 
71.—And for ther is so grete dyversite In Englissche, and in 
writynge of our tonge. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. V. 1807. 

A large number of adjectives are found as objects of prepo- 
sitional phrases and are so plainly adverbial as to require special 
treatment. No doubt they were at first abstract nouns, but the 
adjective force seems very largely to have disappeared even in 
Chaucer’s time. For examples of such usage see II. E. 5. 


258 


Substantivation in Chaucer 9 


4. As abstract nouns, in plural (with -s). As in the case of 
personal substantives with -s, we find that examples are not so 
common. Only a limited number of abstract adjective substan- 
tives seem to have arrived at that stage where they could be 
pluralized as nouns. 


By certeyn means. Man of Lawes Tale, 382.—or ye have your 
rightes. Marchaundes Tale, 418.—But thilke wronges may I not 
endure. Secounde Nonnes Tale, 491.—schewynge me the perils 
and the evils. Tale of Melibeus.—the grete goodes that comen 
of pees. ibid. 


5. As neuter concrete nouns. Adjective substantives used as 
neuter concrete nouns are found very frequently in Chaucer. 
Of these only ten, however, are used in the plural. 


Whanne wille and goodes ben in comune. Romaunt of the Rose, 
5209.—And deyntes mo than I can of devyse. Man of Lawes 
Tale, 321—The somme of fourty pound anoon of nobles fette. 
Chanounnes Yemannes Tale, 353.—Sith thus of two contraries 
is a lore. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 645.—the rentes and 
rightes. Persones Tale—feldes and fplaynes. Hous of Fame, 
389.—-Such maner necessaries as ben plesynges. Man of Lawes 
Tale, 613.—A day or tue ye schul have digestives Of wormes, 
er ye take your laxatives. Nonne Prestes Tale, 141—And him 
she yaf her moeubles and her thing. Tale of Melibeus. 


Of examples in the singular we may easily make two classes, 
namely, those which are so thoroughly substantivized as to have 
a nominal function without the context, and those which depend 
upon the context for their substantive value. It is, of course, 
only from nouns of the former class that plurals are made. 
Most common of this class is the word good (meaning 


‘property’ ). 


to yive a penny of hir good. Freres Tale, 277—Than in the Tour 
the noble iforged newe. Milleres Tale, 10—That day that I shall 
drenchen in the deepe. Man of Lawes Tale, 357—Thay doon a 
grete contrarte. Romaunt of the Rose, 4478—Thou darst nat 
standen by thy wyves right! Monkes Prologue, 24.—the dyche 
over the pleyne. Romaunt of the Rose, 4202—And woneden so 
neigh upon a grene.. Legende of Thisbe, 7.—For Goddes sake 
as take som laxatuf. Nonne Prestes Tale, 123—By nature knew 
he each ascensioun of equinoxial. in thilke toun. tbid. 35. 


259 


IO Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


Of the following the substantivation depends upon the 
context ; 


Which that hath the schortest schal begynne. Cant. Tales: Pro- 
logue, 836.—And cowde a certeyn of conclusiouns. Milleres 
Tale, 7—of stedes in my stalle Go chese thee the best. Cokes 
Tale of Gamelyn, 180.—For trusteth wel it is an impossible 
That any clerk schal speke. Prologue of the Wyf of Bathe, 
688.—al the revers seyn of his sentence. Nonne Prestes Tale, 
157.—Of alle happes the alderbest, The gladdest and the moste 
at reste. Boke of the Duchesse, 1278.—And if the next thou 
wolt forsake. Romaunt of the Rose, 2822.—Peyne the not eche 
crooked to redresse. Good Counseil of Chaucer, 8. 


In addition to the above examples, the following also occur: 
worst, lesse, many smale maketh a gret, with the first and with 
the best, the remenant. 


6. Numeral adjectives as substantives. The use of the nu- 
meral as a substantive is very common in Chaucer. 


(a) Numerals used as personal substantives. 


to that on as well as to that other. Cokes Tale of Gamelyn, 39.— 
(Chaucer’s use of these two words would indicate that even in 
the XIV century very little of their numerical value remained.) 
Adam felde tzveyne and Gamelyn felde thre. ibid. 593.—a thou- 
sand mullion rejoising love. Court of Love, 589.—on of the 
tweye. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 493. 


(b) Numerals used adverbially. 


they dalten it in two. Cokes Tale of Gamelyn, 45—and then at 
erste. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. TV. 1293.—and parted hem in 
foure anoon. Romaunt ot the Rose, 7749.—-As though your herte 
anoon in two wolde‘breste. Praise of Women, 58. 


(c) Numerals referring to time. 
Er it be fully prime of day. Tale of Sir Thopas, 114. 
7. Pronominal adjectives as substantives. 


Mystruste alle or elles alle leve. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. III. 
688.—And he that mover is of alle. Hous of Fame. Bk. I. 81.— 
Fewe was ther that night that slept. Swich an other for to 
make. Hous of Fame. Bk. III. 81. 


260 


Substantivation in Chaucer II 


Many illustrations of the use of oon and other as pronouns 
can be found. 


D. Substantivation of superlatives and comparatives. 


In addition to the use of adjectives in the positive degree 
many comparatives and superlatives are found to be substantiv- 
ized by Chaucer. : 


1. Comparatives. 


Ne never saugh I a more bountevous Of hyre estate ne gladder 
nor of speche A frendlyer. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 883.— 
Of harmes the lesse is for to chese. ibid. Bk. II. 470.—In love a 
falser herde I never none. Phillis, 5--Of honours that oure 
eldres with us lefte. Monkes Tale, 208—vThat at the fest leet 
slee both more and lesse. Man of Lawes Tale, 861. 


i) 


. Superlatives. 


to the Jest and to the meste. Squyeres Tale, 292.—best unto best. 
Court of Love, 594.—Emelye, the rewfullest of alle the com- 
panye. Knyghtes Tale, 2026—He that semeth the wisest, by 
Jesus, Is most fool. Born of the gentilest and the heighest Of 
al this land. Clerkes Tale, 75.—I am oon the faireste. Troylus 
and Cryseyde. Bk. II. 746. 


It is to be noted that the use of comparatives and superlatives 
with one, a very common usage in modern English, is seldom 
seen in Chaucer. Probably not more than a half dozen exam- 
ples are to be found. Of special interest in this connection isthe 
following statement by Dr. Louise Pound,’ “Examples of the 
substantivation of comparatives and superlatives as personal sub- 
stantives through one are not frequent even in the last half of 
the sixteenth century, when it was very common with the pos- 
itive. Dr. Gerber, investigating fifteenth and sixteenth century 
English, finds but one example.” 


1 Comparison of Adjectives in English in the XV. and the XVI. Century, 
p. 64. 


261 


12 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 
E. The Syntax of substantivized adjectives. 


Chaucer uses his adjective substantives, as a general rule, just 
about as he uses other nouns. Certain peculiarities of usage we 
may note specially. 


1. General uses: 
(a) As subject of a verb. 


Now foule falle hire for thi wo and care. Troylus and Cry- 
seyde. Bk. IV. 434.—good and wikkednesse ben two contraries. 
Tale of Melibeus——The stronge the feble overgoth. Romaunt 
of the Rose, 6823. 


Adjectives thus substantivized are used very often in appo- 
sition to the subject. 


Faire they were welcomed, bothe leste and meste. Cokes Tale 
of Gamelyn, 460.—IFul besily they wayten, yonge and olde. 
Squyeres Tale, 80. 


(b) As the object of a verb. 


A! wolde ye nowe repent and love some newe? Court of Love, 
462.—and sauf your feithful trewe. ibid. 993—That any clerk 
schal speke good of wyves. Prologue of Wyf of Bathe, 689.— 
So that ye offren nobles or starlings. Prologue of Pardoner, 
445. 


(c) As the predicate noun. 


he is the worthyeste. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. II. 739.—For 
trusteth wel, it is an impossible. Prologue of Wyf of Bathe, 688. 


(d) Traces of the old partitive genitive are shown still in a 
few expressions: 


I am a sede foule, oon the unzworthieste. Assembly of Foules, 
512.—And yet was he, wher-so men went or riden Found oon 
the fairest under sonne. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 493.—For 
sche was oon the fairest under sonne. Frankeleynes Tale, 6.—I 
have the most stedefast wyf And eek the meckest oon that ber- 
eth lyf. Marchaundes Tale, 307—I am oon the faireste out of 
drede. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. II. 746. 


262 


"i 


Substantivation in Chaucer 13 
(e) As the object of a preposition: 


To make him lyve by his propre good. Cant. Tales: Prologue, 
581.—As custom is unto these nobles alle. Marchaundes Tale, 
645.—Uproos the oon of these olde wise. Tale of Melibeus. 
Born of the gentilest and the heighest of this land. Clerkes 
Tale, 75.—By certeyn menes. Man of Lawes Tale, 382.—That 
day that I shall drenchen in the deepe. Prologue of Wyf of 
Bathe, 314. 


2. Use in the vocative and in exclamations. 


Have mercy on me, szwete, or ye wolen do me deye. Frankel- 
eynes Tale, 250.—Com doun my leef, and if I have myssayde. 
Marchandes Tale, 1145.—Farwel, my swete! farwel my Emelye. 
Knyghtes Tale, 1922.—Now -faire blisfulle, O Cipris. Hous of 
Fame. Bk. II. 10—myn owne deere. Romaunt of the Rose, 
4377.—Humblest of herte, igheste of reverence. Compleynte of 
Dethe of Pite, 57-—O seely prest O sely innocent. Court of 
Love, 631.—Feirest of alle that ever were or do! Court of Love, 
631. 


3. Use with adjective and adverb modifiers. The general 
statement made at the beginning of this discussion of syntax 
applies here. Adjectives substantivized may be modified by 
other adjectives just as nouns are. So we find in Chaucer: 


the neve slye Maketh the ferre leef to be loth. Milleres Tale, 
206.—That goode lecf my wyf. Prologue of Monkes Tale, 6.— . 
And I to ben youre veray humble trewe. Troylus and Cryseyde. 
Bk. III. 92—the proverbe saith that many smale maketh a 
grete. Persones Tale—And chyde her the holy innocent your . 
wyfe. Sompnoures Tale, 275.—And to the doctrine of these olde 
wyse. Prologue of Legende of Goode Women, 19—For unto 
hem it is a bitter swete. Prologue of Chanounnes Yeman, 325.— 
And saugh the soruful ernest of the knyght. Troylus and Cry- 
seyde Bk. II. 453. 


4. Those adjectives which are not so completely substantivized 
as to have lost altogether their adjective nature may be modified 
by adverbs: 


263 


14 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


(a) In the positive degree: 


The sonne saugh nevere yet . . . so inly faire, so goodly 
as is she. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. III. 1555.—That yeveth 
him fui ofte wel better than thei can hemself devyse. Knyghtes 
Tale, 395.—And seyst thou hast to /ttel and he hath al. Man of 
Lawes Tale, II. 


In the case of verray right (Romaunt of the Rose, 1627) 
verray seems to be in that transitional state where it is either 
adjective or adverb. 


(b) In the comparative degree: 


Ne never saugh I a more Dountevous ne a more graciouse. 
Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 883.—And therto I saugh never 
- yet a less Harmful than she was in doynge. Boke of the Du- 
‘chesse, 993. 


5. Use with the article. 


(a) The indefinite article. 


Of the use of the indefinite article with substantivized adjec- 
tives, Maetzner’ says: “The transmutation of an adjective into 
an uninflective substantive, as a name of a person, is not favored 
in Modern English, in connection with the indefinite articles. Ad- 
jectives and participles, otherwise capable of being used sub- 
stantively with the definite article, support themselves when re- 
ferred to an indeterminate individual by the pronominal one, 
which is to be regarded as the substantive bearer of the adjective. 
‘There cometh one mightier than I after me’ (Mark I, 7).” 
This shows us modern conditions as Maetzner found them and 
also gives us his opinion concerning the degree of substantiva- 
tion of adjectives when so used with one. 

In Chaucer we find, however, a slight variation from present 
usage in this respect. For examples we have: 


a true swynk and a good was he. Cant. Tales: Prologue, 531.— 
A theef he was, forsoth, of corn and mele And that a sleigh. 
Reeves Tale, 20. 


‘Englische Grammatik, vol. III, p. 182. 


264 


Substantivation im Chaucer 15 


It is to be noted that whereas we now use the expression, such 
a one, Chaucer omits the article, thus: 


With swich oon as he is. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. V. 740.— 

' To have a newe. Anelyda and Arcite, 277—In love a falser 
herde I never none. Phillis, 5—And cowde a certeyn of conclu- 
siouns. Milleres Tale, 7—For trusteth wel, it is an impossible. 
Prologue of Wyf of Bathe, 688.—The proverbe saith that many 
smale maketh a gret. Persones Tale—To lene a man a noble 
or two or thre. Chanounnes Yemannes Tale, 26. 


The use of a in the last example is somewhat different, how- 
ever, because noble is so thoroughly substantivized. So also 
with an evyle, a grene, etc. 


(b) The definite article. By Chaucer the definite article is 
often omitted where in modern usage it seems necessary. With 
plural personal substantives (without -s) we do not omit except 
in such couplets as geod and bad, old and young, wise and fool- 
ish, etc. But Chaucer is much more free to omit the article. 


O trouble wit, O ire recheles That unavised smytest gulteles. 
Maunciples Tale, 175—The way of blynde. Secounde Nonnes 
Tale, 92-—Victorious tre, proteccioun of trewe. Man of Lawes 
Tale, 358.—Now, lady bright, to whom alle wofulle cryen. ibid. 
752. 


Of course the personal substantives (with -s) are so far sub- 
stantivized that the article may be used or omitted, just as with 
any other noun. This is true also of the plural abstracts. 

With the singular abstract substantives the article may be 
used or omitted. With substantivized adjectives of color it is 
generally omitted as in Modern English. “a lady thus al in: blak.” 
Knyghtes Tale, 600. Likewise with proper adjectives it is gen- 
erally omitted. “Who couthe ryme in Englissh propurly.” 
Knyghtes Tale, 600. 

Neuter concrete nouns, made from adjectives, are used with 
the or without. “the goodes of nature.” “Persones Tale—‘For 
lak of goode.” Court of Love, 1142. 


6. Use as adverbial substantives. Many adjectives substan- 
tives, which were undoubtedly abstract nouns at first, seem 


265 


16 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


gradually to have assumed the function of adverbs when used 
with prepositions. Of course it is difficult to draw any line be- 
tween those which are still abstract nouns and those that are 
adverbial, but a number have been listed here quite confidently 
because they seem so very plainly adverbial. 

The expression atte last or at the laste seems to mean little 
more than our adverb finally. 


And atte last this hende Nicholas Gan for to syke. Milleres 
Tale, 301—-Tho was I war, lo! at the laste. Hous of Fame. 
Bk. I. 495.—The expression atte lest or at the leste is also very 
common. Two days, atte lest, or thre. Romaunt of the Rose, 
1684.—Loke at the leest thou have a pair. ibid. 2265.—To helpe 
delen his londes and dressen hem to rightes. Cokes Tale of Gam- 
elyn, 18.—Amonges alle these othere in generale; And forthy 
see that thou, im speciale. Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. I. 901.— 
God saith thou schalt not take the name of thy Lord God m 
vayne or in ydil. Persones Tale—governeth alle in comune. 
Nonne Prestes Tale, 180.—sith this thing of newe is yeve me. 
Court of Love, 643.—To telle in shorte, withoute wordes mo. 
Troylus and Cryseyde. Bk. IJI. 185. So also the expressions, 
for the beste, atte full, by right (rightfully), in ydel (idly), 
with wrong (wrongfully), in ernest, at large, atte meste, for 
fynal (finally), in certeyn, in hye (on high), for as much (in- 
asmuch), from eterne (eternally), for soth, of old. 


F. Relative substantivation of native and Romance words. 


With the question of the beginning of this process of sub- 
stantivation, comes the suggestion that the French were respon- 
sible for it. It is not the purpose of this investigation to discuss 
that question, but at the samé time a thorough study of the proc- 
ess in Chaucer requires at least a comparison of the words as we 
find them. 


1. Of the personal substantives (without -s), the sources are 
as follows: ; 


(a) Old English words. lesse, leste, more, meste, goode, 

beste, yonge, yongest, heigh, heighest, olde, fairer, feir- 

est, worthy, worthieste, trewe, untrewe, ferrest, gultyf, 
. 


265 


Substantivation in Chaucer 17 


gulteles, wyse, wisest, riche, sike, fre, bonde, grettest, 
lowe, worst, dere, ncwe, konnyngeste, greye, swete, 
formest, blisfulle, stronge, wofulle, needful, harmful, 
rewfullest, leef, slye. 


(b) French words. poore, gentilest, feble, humblest, in- 
nocent, coveytous, seimt, suffrant, pacient, graciouse, 
bountevous. 


2. Personal substantives (with -s). 
- (a) Old English words. eldres, halwes. 


(6) French words. nobles, seyntes, gentils, innocents, 
penytentys, communes. 


It is to be noted that in the case of these words which have 
been substantivized thoroughly enough to take on inflectional 
forms, the majority are of French origin. This might argue 
that the process of substantivation started with the French. 


The figures for the different classes are as follows: 


1. Personal (without -s)....Old English—33 Romance—11 
pes Personals. Cwith i=s ie conor as ti 2 ? 6 
3. Abstract (without -s).... i # 3t 2 ila 
4, Abstract (with -s)...... ¥ a 5 a 1 
Dee NCHILGES Mattenakiewee caret 72, % 14 a 10 

BNO tall svinc yan. totes s aicvanins ik -oes Old English 85 Romance 39 


This summary does not include the few Latin words which 
appear for Chaucer. While these lists do not pretend to record 
every example of the substantivation of adjectives in Chaucer, 
yet they are so nearly complete as to give a fair presentation of 
conditions. 


III. GENERAL CONCLUSIONS 
For the most part, in Old English, the adjective was used only 
as a personal substantive. This substantivation, moreover, seems 


to have been due almost altogether to the second cause given by 
Kellner, namely, the dropping of an unnecessary noun. This is 


267 


18 Arthur Garfield Kennedy 


done very frequently even in the Beowulf. On the contrary 
very few examples are found of the other uses of adjective sub- 
stantives, so common in later English. 

Judging from conditions as we find them in Chaucer, we can 
not say that the process of substantivation in the fourteenth cen- 
tury was much different from that of the twentieth century. A 
large per cent of the examples which have ‘been given can be 
paralleled in modern English. We substantivize as many of our 
adjectives as Chaucer did. In fact almost every adjective can 
be so used. 

The narrowing in is in the manner of substantivation. We 
can not substantivize in as many ways as did earlier speakers of 
English. This is doubtless what Franz means when he says,’ 
“Die .Grenze, innerhalb deren die Substantivirung des Adjectivs 
moglich ist, sind in Shakespeare’s Zeit noch wesentlich weitere 
als in der modernen Sprache.” This is true especially with re- 
gard to the definite article. As a general rule we never think of 
omitting the article when we make personal substantives of ad- 
jectives. Where Chaucer said, “The way of blynde” we must 
write, “The way of the blind.” 

One exception to this rule is found in such couplets as young 
and old, good and bad, wise and foolish, living and dead. This 
is apparently an isolated survival of a use common in the time 
of Chaucer. 

We find the personal adjective substantives in the plural, 
(with -s), at about the same stage of substantivation in Chaucer 
as in modern English. This seems also true of the adverbial 
expressions. At last appears, with Chaucer, to mean finally, just 
as it does to-day. 

In the case of partially substantivized adjectives we find a 
complete change since the fourteenth century. Chaucer used 
the adjective with one very seldom; to-day it is our most com- 
mon method of substantivizing. _On the other hand, the ad- 
jective referring to a preceding noun as a good man and a true, 
was quite common in Chaucer’s day and became even more so in 
Shakespeare’s time; to-day we find few instances of such usage. 


* Shakespeare Grammatik, p. 60. 
268 


‘ 


Substantivation in Chaucer 19 
TEXT 


The Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer, ed. by Rev. W. W. 
Skeat. Oxford, 1894. 


LITERATURE CONSULTED 


Baldwin, C. S? Inflection and Syntax of the Morte D’Arthur 
of Sir Thomas Malory. 1894. 

Einenkel, E. Streifziige durch die Mittelenglische Syntax. 
1887. 

Emerson, O. F. History of the English Language. 1902. 

Franz, W. Shakespeare Grammatik. 1900. 

Gerber, H. Die Substantivirung des Adjectivs im XV und 
XVI Jahrhundert. 1895. | 

Kaluza, M. Historische Grammatik der Englische Sprache. 
1900. 

Kellner, L. Historical Outlines of English Syntax.. 1892. 

Maetzner, E. Englische Grammatik. 1874. 

Morsbach, L. Mittelenglische Grammatik. 1896. 

Pound, L. Comparison of Adjectives in English in the XV 
and XVI Century. 1901. 

Sweet, H. A New English Grammar. 1892. 


Bets as 
Sells Si. 
; mi 


Volumes I, II, III, and LV of UNIvERsITy STUDI#s are each complete in four 
numbers. ‘ 

Index and title-page for each volume are published separately. 

A list of the papers printed in the first two volumes may be had on application. 

Single numbers (excepting vol. I, no. 1, end vol. II, no. 3) may be had for 
$1.00 each. 

A few copies of volumes I, IT, III, and IV,completein numbers,are still to be 
had. YG 

All communications regarding purchase or exchange should be addressed to 


THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA LIBRARY 
LINCOLN, NEB., U. S. A. 


JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS LINCOLN 


OcToBER 1905 No. 4 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


Published by the University of Nebraska 


COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION 


ae C. E. BESSEY F. M. FLING 
= - W. G. L. TAYLOR J. I. WYER 
=. T. L. BOLTON 


a = EDITORS 
fee L. A. SHERMAN 


CONTENTS 


I StupiIz&s oN HUMAN PARASITES IN NorTH 
AmERICA—1!. Filaria loa 


Henry B. Ward. erie: ‘ 271 
E II THE NEWLY-DISCOVERED SHAKESPEARE | : 
3 DOCUMENTS 


3 | Charles William Wallace : , : 347 


III State CONTROL AND SUPERVISION OF CHARI- 
TIES AND CORRECTIONS 
Anderson William Clark t ; : 357 


LINCOLN NEBRASKA 


Entered at the post-office in Lincoln, Nebraska, as second-class men as University 
; Bulletin, Series 10, No. Warm 2 cf: 
eo a5 Rug Fhe ; Se a Te © eo ee a 
oo tah te v FR; 3: ~ 


— 


j a x 
‘i & i} if te £: 1937. w a 


mu 


~* A 

oS pret 
ay rs. Re 
a Fbie<* Kae 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES 


VoL. V 


IL—Studies on Human Parasites in North America 


I. Filaria loa 


BY HENRY B. WARD 


CONTENTS 
. Introduction 
Origin and scope of paper . 


Data on new cases in North edie, 


. Cases of F2/aria loa on record 
List of genuine cases 


Cases wrongly assigned to Fulani foe 


Morphology of Filaria loa 
Structure of the parasite 
Life history . 

Taxonomy ; : 
Geographical dictation 

. Pathology of Flavia loa 

Seat of the parasite 

Effects on the host 

Calabar swellings 

. Clinical data 

Case of Milroy 

Case of Lota 5 

. Critical bibliography of Fiatia vie 

Annotated list of references 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 4, October 1905. 


271 


OCTOBER 1905 


.4 


2 Henry B. Ward 


“In February, 1902, Dr. W. F. Milroy, of Omaha, brought me 
a specimen in alcohol which he had just removed from the eye 
of a patient and which he believed to belong to the rare and in- 
teresting African species, Filaria loa. He expressed a desire that 
I make a more precise examination of the specimen and that our 
results be included in a joint communication. The study of this 
specimen demonstrated that it was in fact Filaria loa and dis- 
closed some interesting features in the anatomy which, together 
with Dr. Milroy’s clinical observations, were presented before 
the American Association for the Advancement of Science in 
1902. Circumstances have delayed the appearance of the final © 
paper beyond all expectation, and meantime a contribution by 
Looss (1904) has dealt with the anatomy of this species so fully 
_as to cover all the points I had worked out. Indeed the admir- 
able work of this author sets the umits for anatomical studies 
for many years to come. Accordingly, the part of this contri- 
bution dealing with the anatomy has been reduced to a brief 
summary. 

Since this preliminary contribution, I have been fortunate 
enough to secure the data on several other cases in the United 
States which have not yet been published, and have had an op- 
portunity to study six other specimens which have been sent me 
for that purpose. To all the gentlemen who have contributed so 
generously of their material and have cooperated so unselfishly 
in securing data on this interesting parasite, I desire to return” 
here my sincere thanks. For these cases I have given the de- 
scription largely in the precise words of the observer to whom 
I am indebted for the record. The more extended notes of Dr. 
Milroy are included in a separate section of this paper. 

Through the courtesy of Dr. B. C. Loveland, formerly of 
Clifton Springs, but now of Syracuse, New York, I am able to 
give the following account of several interesting cases. In two 
he removed the parasites himself and one of these, that taken 
from the eye of Mrs. J., I have been privileged to study this. 
summer. Of the identity of this specimen there can be no doubt, 
and in the other case the evidence is strongly in favor of its in- 
terpretation also as F. Joa. The location and date lead me to 


272 


Filaria loa 3 


identify the case of Mrs. R. with the one reported by Wilson in 


1890 and enrolled as case 31 in my list below. If so, three 


_ other specimens were removed from the same host and all these 


three from the eyelids: additional evidence in favor of assigning 
this form to F. Joa. Regarding these cases Dr. Loveland writes 


as follows: 


“About 1890 Mrs. R. was under my care and told me that she 
was the possessor of one of those worms which would make its 
appearance at times in the eye and at times come up close under 
the skin in some other region, where it would produce a sensa- 
tion of stinging or irritation. I told her to call me at once when 


‘it should appear, as she said that it would disappear very quickly 
into the deeper tissues. She came to my office one evening and 


told me her worm had come to the surface on her back. And on 
inspection it appeared not far from the lower angle of her left 
shoulder blade, where it gave the appearance of a thread drawn 
in rather crookedly just as close as possible to the cuticle, where 
it could be felt as well as seen. 

“T made a quick incision paraliel to 1t in the middle, and grasp- 
ing it with a pair of small forceps slowly withdrew it as it ‘let 
go, so to speak. It was of the type of nematode or round worm, 
about one and one-half or possibly two inches in length when 
stretched out, but contracted to much shorter. I had the mis- 


fortune to lose it while I was away on a vacation some months 


later—I think it was a Loa. 
“In 1898, while still at Clifton, Dr. Spaulding called me into 
his office to see something in the eye of Mrs. J., an African mis- 


‘sionary patient of his, the like of which he had never seen. I 


recognized what I thought to be the same worm and secured it 
at once. This worm I have to-day mailed you; it was, so far as 
I could tell, the same as the one I removed from the back of Mrs. 
R. in 1890. 

“She [Mrs. J.] says they are quite common in that part of 
Africa, Batanga, West Africa, where she was stationed. 

“She says that her husband and children have all had them. 
She also says that the worms make sores on the hands or feet 
and are sometimes captured at those times and places. It is only 


273 


4 Henry B. Ward 


occasionally that they produce a sore or abscess, and I think that 
is when, like the Guinea worm, they lay their eggs [embryos] or 
multiply in a given locality. This last is only hearsay. 

“These cases came under my care incidentally and have never 
been reported.” 


From Dr. C. F. Friend, of Chicago, formerly a medical mis-— 


sionary of the Presbyterian Church in West Africa, I have been 
the recipient of most courteous information regarding a case 
hitherto unreported. Dr. Friend very kindly sent me the speci- 
men in alcohol together with photomicrographs he made from 
the living worm, and also drawings of the specimen. There is 
no doubt as to the species, which is unquestionably F. loa. Re- 
garding this case Dr. Friend says: 


“This is the only specimen that I have ever removed, and it is 
that from Mrs. X.’s eye about four years after her return to 
America. I am sorry to say that I have lost or misplaced the 
notes made at that time or I would send them with this letter. 

“While I have not removed a Loa from any part of the body 
other than the eye, yet I have thought that it did travel to other 
parts, for at different times both Mrs. X. and myself have seen 
what appeared to be the movement of the worm in different 
regions of her body. And I have thought that swellings which 
appear at times on her hands or arm and a time or two on her 
thigh were caused by the Loa, as she would have the sensation 
as of the movement of the worm prior to the swelling, but not 
always so. In fact, at times when we thought we saw the worm 
in the parts referred to there would be no swelling, and again 
when I have cut down upon the part when we thought we saw 
it, we did not find the Loa. On the other hand, I think Dr. Love- 
land did remove a Loa from under the skin of the back of Mrs. 


R. about 1890. The specimen I am sending you was removed 


early one morning from under the conjunctiva of the left eye 
near the outer canthus. 

“The night before Mrs. X. had sareonita of a sharp, piercing, 
pricking sensation, or pain in the eye, which from previous ex- 


perience she knew to be the movement of the worm, but I could 


\ 


274 


Filaria loa 5 


see nothing of it. Upon arising, she could see the worm moving 


across the eye downward and inward. Mrs. X. thinks that the 
worm when it appeared in the eye would nearly always, if not 
always, go out by way of the inner canthus. 

“As quickly as possible I prepared the instruments, cocained 
the eye, and with a small pair of locked forceps grasped the worm 
and the tissues around it. This pair of forceps was then held by 
an assistant. I then took a lancet and cut down upon the worm, 
and with another pair of forceps grasped it, and after unlocking 
the other forceps pulled it out, when it wiggled much the same 
as an earthworm would do under similar circumstances. 

“One peculiarity that I may mention regarding the action of 
the worm in this case is that at no time during pregnancy did 
Mrs. X. feel any movements of the worm. This was noted in 
two pregnancies prior to the removal of the worm I am sending 
you and in two pregnancies in regard to the worm yet in her 
system. | 

“When cut from the eye the Loa measured 32 mm. in length.” 


Through the brief mention of these cases made by Primrose 
(1903 :1264) I became aware of two observations in Toronto 
that probably concerned F. loa. As no account of these cases 
has been published as yet I am glad to be able, through the cour- 
tesy of the two gentlemen, to present here the record of the 
same. It was more than ten years ago that Dr. F. N. G. Starr 
showed at a meeting of the Toronto Pathological Society a spec- 
imen of a filaria he had removed from a patient. The worm was 
not placed at the time, but subsequent publications on F. loa 
showed its close resemblance to that species, if, indeed, it is not 
identical with it, as I believe. Since the specimen was lost, final 
evidence can not be secured. Concerning the case Dr. Starr 
writes as follows: 


“The patient, a female, and about thirty-five years of age, had 
been for some years a missionary on the West Coast of Africa, 
and because of broken-down health, caused by a series of attacks 
of fever, she returned. On her way here she had a worm 


2795 


6 Henry B. Ward 


removed.’ She presented herself to me with the following story: 
That at times she would begin to feel an uncomfortable suspicion 
of burning and fulness in some part of the body, and that after 
a time she could see something crawling under the skin. This 
would last a few minutes, and then the part where it approached 
the surface would swell up, be sore for a day or two, and dis- 
appear, the amount of swelling depending a good deal upon the 
location. For example, if near the eyelids there would be very 
marked swelling. Several times she came to my office, but by 
the time she reached there the worm had disappeared, and I 
began to think the life on the West Coast had affected her brain. 
However, at last she came and I saw the movement under the 
skin for myself. 

“The appearance was of a thin, white line, drawing itself up, 
and then projecting one end forward like the movement of a 
‘caterpillar’; presently the forward end would begin to disap- 
pear, and finally the whole ‘streak’ would disappear from view. 
The next time I cut for it, but did so about its middle, and before 
I could pick up a pair of forceps to grasp it, the worm was out 
of sight. I then prepared a very sharp scalpel anda pair of fine 
pointed tissue forceps, and kept them in readiness, and after 
repeated attempts the patient came in. This time the filaria 
was crawling under the skin of the chest over the manubrium 
sterni. I cut the skin just behind the forward extremity and 
made a ‘grasp’ into the incision, when the patient assured me I 
had hold of it for she could feel it squirm. I pulled very cau- 
tiously, and a thread-like structure came out nearly two inches 
long, and about the size, I should say, of a No. (0 catgut suture 
material. There was never any recurrence of the trouble.” 


The second case in Canada occurred in the practice of Dr. | 
Frederick Fenton of Toronto. He removed two specimens at 
different times from the eyelids of a patient. The specimens . 
were identified as F. Joa, and although the extended mss. record 
of the microscopical examination made at the time, which Dr. 


1 This specimen, of which I have been unable to get further information, 
was also removed in Canada. 


276 


Filaria loa ‘ 


Fenton was good enough to send for my use, gives nothing 
which absolutely confirms the diagnosis so far as the species is 
concerned, yet the details conform fully with F. Joa, and the 
mention of such items as the well-known cuticular bosses makes 
the case reasonably certain. Both specimens were lost. The 
first and larger specimen, of which accurate measurements were 
made, was 55 mm. long and 0.5 mm. in diameter; the other was 
only 45 mm. long. The following data regarding the case are 
taken directly from correspondence from Dr. Fenton: 


“Mrs. M., aet. 48, was an educated and refined woman, the 
wife of a missionary. Prior to 1897 she had resided for several 
years at Batanga, seventy miles inland on the Gaboon river. 
She first noticed trouble after returning to England in March, 
1897. One arm and wrist became greatly swollen and remained 
so for several months, causing considerable inconvenience owing 
to degree of swelling, but little if any pain. On subsidence of 
the swelling, the part remained ‘black and blue’ for a long time. 
At times she suffers from fever, pains in back, and general 
malaise; there were occasional lancinating pains, as if the worm 
were cutting its way through the tissues. 

“T saw her in September, 1898, with Dr. J. L. Davison, who 
had tried to remove. one and failed from want of assistance. 
The outline of the worm could be plainly seen, lying beneath the 
skin of the upper eyelid. If touched, and at times when not irri- 
tated, it would wiggle through the tissues like a snake. The skin 
of the lid including the worm was grasped firmly with a pair of 
dissecting forceps and an incision made transversely, when the 
worm was seen lying at the bottom of the wound, looking like a 
fiddle string or a piece of silkworm gut, and was easily picked 
up and pulled out with a pair of forceps. It rapidly became stiff 
and hard after removal and was found to be 55 mm. long and 
0.5 mm. in diameter, one extremity ending in a hook-like process, 
while the other is simply rounded off without any apparent thick- 
ening. In December of the same year I removed another, 45 
mm. in length, from the lower lid, and in the spring of 1899 
failed in an attempt to secure another. 


277 


8 Henry B,. Ward 


“On one occasion the worm lay across the center of the field 
of vision of her left eye for some time, though a careful exam- 
ination failed to discover it on the anterior surface of the eye; 
at that time the worm moved with the movements of the eye, 
being apparently within the eyeball itself. No ophthalmoscopic 
examination was made, so there was only the patient’s history of 
the occurrence to suggest the penetration of the eyeball. 

“These specimens were shown before the Toronto Patholog- 
ical Society, and a brief history given, but no paper has been 
published concerning them. I saw this patient again in May, 
1899, and up to that time she had had no further trouble.” 


The largest group of specimens I was privileged to examine 
came to me through the courtesy of Dr. J. H. Murphy and Dr. 
D. T. Vail of Cincinnati, Ohio. In addition to several fragments 
belonging probably to two worms, there were two perfect speci- 
mens of a female F. Joa in alcohol and one specimen in balsam, 
probably entire, although both ends of the latter worm were 
badly mutilated or shrunken in mounting and so imperfectly 
cleared that it was impossible to determine the sex or the char- 
acter of these parts of the body. The cuticular bosses, which 
were so well described and figured by Blanchard (1899) for 
F. loa, are distinctly visible, and the general appearance of the 
body, in comparison with other unmistakable specimens of F. loa, 
leaves little doubt that this worm belongs to the species under 
consideration. The precise determination of this specimen is 
all the more important since it is the one removed by Dr. L. 
from his wife’s breast. He extracted one of these worms from 
the skin overlying the sterno-cleido-mastoid muscle and another 
from her left breast. One entire specimen in alcohol bears his 
name also on the label and is no doubt the other worm noted. 
It is a perfect specimen of a female F. Joa. I think this is the 
first instance in which a supposed F. Joa removed in life from 
any other part of the body than the vicinity of the eye has fallen 
into the hands of a helminthologist for careful examination and 
determination. In view of the very large number of Filariae 
already reported from Africa, even though the fauna is neces- 
sarily most imperfectly known, the reports of the extraction of 


278 


Filaria loa 9 


a Loa from other parts of the body than the eye have been re- 
ceived with some caution by helminthologists. This is clearly 
shown by the silence of Manson, Blanchard, and other authori- 
ties on this point, even though they cite in connection with some 
cases in the eye the popular opinion that such worms occur else- 
where in the body. In the present case we have the best of evi- 
dence, since the specimens in question were removed by a medical 
man, and on account of the importance of the matter I have 
subjected them to most careful scrutiny. While one is not in 
sufficiently good condition to render an absolute decision possible, 
there can be no doubt as to the systematic position of the other 
specimen. Accordingly, it may now be affirmed that the F. loa 
does make its appearance near the surface in other parts of the 
body than the eye. Since Dr. Vail has in preparation a paper 
to be read before the American Academy of Ophthalmology and 
Oto-laryngology at Buffalo in September, 1905, I forbear to 
trench further upon his field and refer to his paper for further 
details regarding these cases and for a discussion of the clinical 
factors. 


2. CASES OF FILARIA LOA ON RECORD 


Many authors have assembled the earlier records of this par- 
asite, but in general the lists given have been inaccurate and 
imperfect. The series given by Blanchard (1899) is admirable 
in manner of treatment and is the most complete. It includes 
twenty-five previous cases and one new one. The method em- 
ployed of listing all records quoted from a given paper as one 
case under the name of the author seems to me undesirable since 
it does not distinguish between the account of a single chance 
specimen and more extended observation. Here each case in- 
cludes the history of only a single host, so far as this could be 
fixed, even though two or more parasites were removed from 
the one individual. If this method be criticised as incomplete, 
one can only reply that it is impossible to determine whether the 
multiple infection took place at a single time or through repeated 
introduction of the parasite. Only the positive demonstration of 

_the latter condition would justify the interpretation of the nu- 


279 


IO Henry B. Ward 


merous parasites as separate cases of the disease. I have departed 
from this rule twice where the time interval was such as to jus- 
tify the acceptance of the later record as a new case. So far as 
possible each case record includes the name, date, and place of 
observation, the sex, age, and nationality of the person infected, 
the number and sex of the worms, a statement regarding their 
removal, if accomplished, and the probable place and time of 
infection, and finally the place and date of publication. In some 
cases only a limited amount of data are given by the original 
recorder, and in many instances certain of these desiderata are 
lacking. 

By no means all of the cases of which we have reasonably 
good information are included in the list, since some of the 
records, though distinct, are not definite enough to enumerate 
exactly in such a series. Thus Guyot (1805) speaks of several 
other individuals, on the coast of Angola; Wilson’s patient says 
(Wilson, 1890) the disease is common among natives, and all 
the missionaries of that station, Benita near Gaboon, have them; 
Robertson’s patient had seen such cases in the eyes of natives; 
Roth (1896) says his patient informed him that a number of 
people in her village complained of the same disease; while Miss 
Kingsley, the well-known African traveler, speaks of these filariae 
as abundant and fairly common in different regions on the West 
Coast of Africa. Such evidence might be multiplied concerning 
this part of the world. 

Not all cases are equally clearly established. I have followed 
the general custom of previous authors in including cases in 
which the identity of the parasite has not been finally demon- 
strated. Indeed, were one to demand precise identification all 
the earlier cases and many of the later ones must be thrown 
out. Again, other species have been reported from the eye of 
man and some of those doubtfully attributed to F. Joa in this list 
may belong to such species. In such cases the geographical lo- 
cation of the case or the past record of the infected person are 
of importance in determining the probable species of Filaria rep- 
resented. Even thus no case has been included in this list except 
the weight of evidence was strongly in favor of the interpreta- 


280. 


Filaria loa Il 


tion given. Under this treatment the total number listed becomes 
ninety-four, from the record of Mongin published in 1770 to 
those of the current year (1905), a time interval of 135 years. 
About two-thirds fall within the last twenty years, and half the 
total number have been published within the ten years from 1896 
to date. 

The matter of the earliest record calls for a word of comment. 
Pigafetta (1525) has been cited by Guyon (1864), Manson, 
Moniez (1896), and Blanchard (1886, 1899) as evidence of the 
occurrence of Filaria loa in Africa in the sixteenth century. 
This claim is based upon a plate, one figure of which is inter- 
preted by these authors as illustrating the removal of an eye 
worm. It appears that this plate does not belong to Pigafetta’s 
works, but to Lindschoten’s; and even here it is not found in the 
original edition (1596), but occurs first in the De Bry reprint 
where it was probably inserted by the publisher. I have dis- 
cussed the matter in detail elsewhere (Ward, 1905). The region 
described by Lindschoten lies in the Persian Gulf, and not in 
the Congo territory, where Guyon et alii located the account. 
It is thus well within the range of Dracunculus medinensis, but 
far removed from the habitat of Filaria loa. Furthermore the 
text makes no mention of infected eyes, but speaks of “worms 
in the legs’ of the natives, which again accords with the Guinea 
worm. Hence the interpretation placed upon the plate must be 
rejected, and if, indeed, the plate itself has any standing as evi- 
dence, it concerns the Guinea worm rather than Filaria loa. 
This reference must accordingly be eliminated from discussions 
of the latter species. It is not listed here among the cases of 
F. loa which T have collected, verified, and arranged as follows: 


t. Mongin at St. Domingo in 1770 records the extraction of 
one worm from between the conjunctiva and albuginea of a 
negress. 

2. Bajon at Cayenne in 1768 removed a worm from below the 
conjunctiva of a negress eight years old; this case was first pub- 
lished in 1777 together with the following. 


281 


I2 Henry B. Ward 


3. Also at Cayenne in 1771 Bajon observed in an older negress 
such a worm moving across the eye between conjunctiva and 
cornea, but was not allowed to remove it. 

4. Mercier at St. Domingo in 1771 extracted a worm from 
beneath the cornea of a negress. 

5. The same authority in 1774 removed from a negro a worm 
which lay above the cornea. The record of cases 4 and 5 was 
published by Arrachart in 1805. 

6. Arrachart notes that in 1795 Mlle. L. Fraise, creole, born in 
St. Domingo, assured him that her brother had several times 
such worms in his eyes at the age of three to five years; they 
were successfully extracted. She also adds that young negroes 
were often attacked. This striking note seems to have been 
overlooked by students of the subject. The direct implica- 
tion that the child was born in St. Domingo would indicate the 
existence there at that time of a center of infection for F. loa, 
such as is known to have existed for the Guinea worm (Dracun- 
culus medinensis) at several points in the Western Hemisphere 
during the continuance of the slave trade. The alternative that 
some other species was involved seems less acceptable as there 
are no other records favoring this view, unless the South Ameri- 
can cases indicate the rare occurrence there of a native species 
similar in habit to F. Joa. 

7. The French naval surgeon, Guyot, made several voyages to 
the coast of Angola. On one occasion, examining closely the 
eye of a negress, he saw what seemed to be a varicose vein in 
the conjunctiva, but when he touched it with the point of a lancet 
the object disappeared. It appeared several times in the same 
patient at irregular intervals, and he thought that between times 
the worm retired to the posterior region of the orbit. He 
recorded the native name of Loa, the common occurrence of the 
malady, the irregular appearances of the worm in the eye, and 
the inefficacy of all medication. The case was first published in 
Arrachart, 1805. 

8-12. In 1777 Guyot made a new voyage to the coast of An- 
gola.. He observed again this verminous ophthalmia among the 
negroes of the Congo, and in two cases out of five succeeded in 


282- 


Filaria loa 13 


removing the worms. The account of these cases was first pub- 
lished by Arrachart (1805 :228, observations 7 ff.) and later by 
Rayer (1843). Guyot wds the first to view this species as dif- 
ferent from the Guinea worm. He says: “Je ne crois pas que 
ces vers soient de l’espece du dragoneau, car ils sort trés blancs, 
plus dur et mois longs a proportion. Je ne jamais vu ce ver se 
faire jour de luicméme. Pendant sept voyages que j’ai fait a la 
cote d’Angola, je n’ai vu aucun negre attaqué du dragoneau. 
Plusiers chirurgiens qui ont navigué sur ces cotes m’ont assuré 
n’en avoir jamais vu.” 

13. M. de Lassus, army health officer of St. Domingo, re- 
moved a worm from the eye of a negro. The case is chronicled 
by Larry, 1812. 

14. In 1828 a worm was seen in the orbit of a negress, re- 
cently arrived as a slave from Africa at Monpox, a village on 
the banks of the Magdalena river in United States of Columbia. 
This observation is attributed unmistakably by the original text 
to Clot-Bey, a French surgeon, well known for his work in Egypt 
about that date. The French authors agree in pronouncing this 
authorship an error and in substituting the name of Roulin. I 
have found neither explanation nor reference to Roulin or his 
works. 

15. Dr. Blot, a physician on Martinique, in 1837 removed two 
filariae from the eye of a young negress who had come from the 
African Coast. One was sent to Guyon and Blainville, and 
described by the former (Guyon, 1838). 

16-17. Loney, an English naval surgeon, in April and June, 
1842, extracted moving worms from beneath the conjunctiva of 
two Kroomen on the West Coast of Africa. He reported these 
cases together in 1844. 

18. Lallemant excised a worm from the eye of a negro in Rio 
de Janeiro, and in 1844 published a description of the case. 

19. In 1833 Christové José dos Santos removed a worm from 
the orbit of a Mina negress. Sigaud witnessed the operation and 
reported it in 1844. 

20. Lestrille in 1854 removed a worm from the eye of a negro 
at Gaboon; his description of the case was published by Gervais 
et Van Beneden (1859). 

283 


14 Henry B. Ward 


21. Mitchell saw such a worm in 1845 at Trinidad. The host, 
a young negress, had come from the West Coast of Africa in 
1834; the worm made its first appearance in the left eye in 1837, 
again in 1841. The specimen Mitchell saw was presumably et 
least eleven years old, although he infers wrongly that the various 
reports necessarily concern the same individuai-parasite. Accord- 
ing to tradition one had been seen in a family in’ Antigua sixty 
years before. Mitchell reported his case in 1859. 

22. In 1864 Guyon reported another specimen removed by a 
marine surgeon from a negro in Gaboon. Part of this worm 
remained entangled in the deeper tissues of the orbit. 

23. In March, 1868, Dr. Maurel at Gaboon removed a worm 
from the eye of a native. - Trucy (1873) reported the case as 
Observation III, in a paper on the Guinea worm. 

24. Rev. Dr. Nassau, a missionary in Gaboon, sent in 1876 to 
Dr. Morton, a surgeon in Philadelphia, a Loa taken from the eye 
of a native woman. The worm was examined by Leidy, whose 
brief description and the account of Dr. Nassau, which also 
includes cases 25 and 26, were published by Morton (1877). 

25. Rev. Dr. Nassau records that while he has never had the 
worm in his eye, he has yet seen it moving beneath the skin of 
his fingers. In Gaboon the worm shows itself at various points 
of the body of the host, in the fingers and eyelids as well as under 
the conjunctiva. He has seen the worms both in his own fingers 
and in those of other persons. The effort to extract one speci- 
men from his eyelid failed by virtue of the activity of the worm. 
Though evidently incomplete, this observation furnishes the first 
suggestion that the parasite is not exclusively confined to the 
region of the eyes. 

26. An English trader, Captain Stone, living on the Ogooue, 
had one removed from his eye by a native using a thorn as a 
needle. The case is quoted from a letter by Dr. Nassau in 
Morton, 1877. 

27. Dr. Bachelor of Gaboon extracted a specimen from the 
eye of a native young man. It was on the iris beneath the 
sclera. This was the first perfect specimen sent to the United 
States. The case is reported in his letter (Bachelor, 1880). 


284 


Filaria loa iS 


28. Dr. Bachelor reported a year later (1881) the case of a 
white woman, a missionary near Gaboon, from whom at different 
times three such worms were removed. He also confirms the 
record (case 25) that Dr. Nassau, who was frequently affected, 
“had one in the areolar tissue between the thumb and index 
finger.” 

2g. Dr. Falkenstein sent Leuckart from the Loango coast a 
specimen of this worm from the eye of a European, which was 
determined and reported as a species clearly distinct from the 
Guinea worm (Leuckart, 1881). 

30. Dr. Lota, a French physician in Gaboon, experienced con- 
junctivitis after his return to France, and on careful examina- 
tion saw such a worm beneath the conjunctiva. He noted its 
movements and demonstrated the case to several colleagues; but 
the worm disappeared before removal. His eyestght was not 
_ impaired. The case is chronicled by Terrin, 1884. 

34. Mrs. , missionary at Benita, near Gaboon, had at in- 
tervals felt and seen such worms. She had one removed in 
February, 1889, at Basel, Switzerland, from the left upper eye- 
lid, one in November, 1889, at Bridgeport, Conn., from the right 
upper eyelid; one in February, 1890, at Clifton Springs, N. Y.., 
from beneath the skin of the back; and in July, 1890, one broke 
in removing it from the right upper eyelid. She says the worm is 
common in Benita and all the natives have them, and the author 
adds: ‘So far as I have been able to obtain evidence from the 
missionaries themselves, the filariae are more common in the 
cellular tissue than in the eyeball. From the literature we should 
infer the opposite.’ The worm was removed and the case 
reported in 1890 by Dr. F. M. Wilson of Bridgeport, Conn. 

32. One other missionary at Benita had such worms removed. 
The fact is chronicled by Wilson (1890) on the direct testimony 
of his patient of case 31. . 

33. An infant negress from the Congo had a worm in the 
anterior chamber of the eye. It was reported by Coppez (1894), 
van Duyse (1895), Gauthier (1895), and Lacompte (1894). 
‘When extracted by the latter it was dead. 

34. An English woman who had lived eight years in Old Cal- 
abar felt the parasite a month after her return to England, but 

285 


16 Henry B. Ward 


later thought it had disappeared, as one was passed per rectum. 
Eight months after her return a male was removed from one 
eye by Dr. Robertson and reported by him (1894, 1895). From 
the same patient he removed subsequently (1895:162) a female 
worm. Further history of this patient is recorded in case 73. 

35. A woman who lived at Old Calabar from 1860 to 1863 
had suffered while there from a worm in the eye. After her 
return she had a Loa removed in 1875 and a second in 1876. 
The case is recorded by Robertson (1894, 1895). 

30-37. Dr. Thompstone, of Opobo in Nigeria, described two 
cases of Loa in natives. One was in the lower eyelid, the other 
beneath the conjunctiva. He was not able to remove either 
worm. These data were published by Robertson (1894, 1895). 

38. In a woman at the same mission with case 33, the worm 
was seen to pass from one eye to the other over the bridge of 
the nose. It was not removed. The case is recorded in Robert- 
son’ (1895). 

39. A missionary in Old Calabar had a Loa which showed 
itself at irregular intervals for about fifteen years and then disap- 
peared without having been removed. Robertson (1895) gives 
the record of the case. 

40. Dr. J. R. Logan, of Liverpool, removed a male Loa from 
the eyelid of a patient. The blood of this patient was examined 
for filariae but held none. This worm was examined and de- 
scribed by Manson (Robertson, 1895). No further data are 
given. 

41. A female F. Joa was taken by a merchant from the eye of 
a negro at Cayo (French Congo) and sent to Berlin. The case 
was recorded and discussed by Hirschberg (1895). 

42. In 1895 Dr. Saemisch extracted a Loa from the eye of a 
Russian marine officer who had been in Fernando Po from 1886 
to 1891, and in Gaboon, Kamerun, and the Gold Coast from 1882 
to 1885. The parasite was carefully described by Ludwig (Lud- 
wig und Saemisch, 1895). : 

43. In July, 1895, Roth observed an extremely active Loa in 
the eyelid and just above it in a Jackrie girl at Warri, on the 
coast of Nigeria. He failed in the effort to remove it. 


286. 


Filaria loa 17 


44-45. Later the same author (Roth, 1896) observed similar 
worms in two other natives without being able to extract them. 
He believed they passed out through the nasal duct. In spite of 
their frequence a reward failed to secure specimens. 

46. In 1893 Barrett removed a worm from the eye of a young 
white man who had lived on the Gold Coast but had left there 
four years before and since then had resided in Melbourne; it 
was the first specimen removed in Australia. The worm was 
examined by Professor Dendy and determined as Filaria ocul 
human. Barrett reported the case in 1896. 

47-49. In three natives of Kamerun Dr. Plehn observed spec- 
imens of Loa in the eye. He attributed to the worm also the 
variable cutaneous inflammations found on the West Coast of 
Africa, and discussed them at length (Plehn, 1898). 

50. In an English official Plehn also knew of a case, although 
he did not see the worm himself. According to the natives this 
worm occurs also in the eye in goats and sheep. He records 
these facts in the paper cited above (Plehn, 1898). 

51. A French missionary who spent 1894-96 on the Ogooue in 
French Congo was relieved of a male F. loa by Dr. Bernard in 
1898 at Paris. Bernard described the case (1898) and sent the 
specimen to Blanchard for study. This was in fact the second 
specimen taken from the same host; the first was described later 
(see case’ 52). 

52. Dr. Leneveu removed a female Loa from the same host in 
August, 1897. The case is recorded by Blanchard (1899), who 
also gives an extended account of the anatomy of the two 
specimens. 

53. Manson had a negro patient under his care in whose blood 
F, diurna abounded. When a lad he had a Loa in his eye. The 
case is recorded in Manson, 1893. 

54. A lady long resident in Old Calabar had a Loa extracted 
from under the skin over the right clavicle. She informed Man- 
son (cf. Manson, 1900:562) that if rubbing or scratching is not 
indulged in when a Loa approaches the surface there will be no 
‘swelling, and that Calabar swellings are produced by the rubbing 
solicited by the irritation caused by F. loa. ; 


287 


i) 


18 Henry B. Ward 


55. Annett, Dutton, and Elliott (1go1) record that at Bonney 
they were fortunate enough to obtain a single female of this 
species for their collection.. Since nothing is said regarding host 
and location, it is fair to assume ‘its removal from the usual place, 
the eye of man. 

56. The same authors received a female parasite taken from 
the eye of a Kroo boy by Dr. A. H. Hanley, medical officer at 
Opobo. In the blood of the host were embryos most similar to 
Manson’s F, diwrna. . 

57. Dr..A. H. Hanley also sent a male F. Joa from the eye of 
a Kroo boy whose biood had no embryos at all. This case is 
recorded by Annett, Dutton, and Elliott, 1gor. 

58. In 1902 Dr. Milroy removed from a man who had been a 
missionary in Batanga'a male F. loa. It was first observed in 
1899. The case was first published by Ward (1902), but the 
full account by Dr. Miiroy is found in this paper. 

59. Dr. Rennes removed two specimens of F. loa from a Eu- 
ropean in Sierra Leone, where no previous case had been noted. 
The patient had been living in the Congo and had been in Sher- 
boro only one year. One worm was removed from the eyelid 
and the other from the loose skin of the penis. The blood of 
the patient was swarming with embryos. The case is recorded 
by Prout, 1902. 

60-61. Dr. Thompstone removed two males and two females 
from natives of Opobo, Nigeria, and sent them to Dr. Manson of 
London. They were described by Ozzard, 1903. No data are 
given regarding the hosts, but they were probably natives. 

62-67. At’ the mission station of Yakusu near Stanley Falls, 
“upper Congo river, Mr. S. S. found F. Joa verv common among 
natives. He saw at least six cases. The record was published 
by Manson, 1903. / 

68. Dr. Frederick Fenton of Toronto, Canada, removed two. 
worms from the eyelid of a patient in September and December, 
1898, and failed in 1899 in the effort to secure a third. The case 
was presented to the Toronto Pathological Society, but not pub- 
lished. It was noted briefly by Primrose (1903) and is pubiished 
in full in the present paper (pp. 6-8). 


288 


Filaria loa 19 


69. Dr. F. N. G. Starr of Toronto, Canada, removed a filaria, 
probably F. loa, from a female patient who had been a mission- 
ary on the West Coast of Africa and had returned to Canada on 
account of ill health. The worm was taken from the skin above 
the manubrium sterni. The specimen was shown at a meeting 
of the Toronto Pathological Society about ten years ago. The 
case was briefly noted by Primrose (1903) and its data appear 
in full in the present paper (p. 5). Dr. Starr’s observations 
are apparently the first made by a physician on the movement of 
such a parasite in the body outside of the region of the eye. 

70. Dr. Habershon (1904) records from Yakusu, Congo river, 
that in Mr. K. S., afflicted with Calabar swellings, a Loa was 
seen to cross the conjunctiva. 

71. Dr. Habershon (1904) also adds that the same conditions 
were observed in a native. 

72. Dr. D. Argyll Robertson says that his patient suffered 
from Calabar swellings and noticed worms (F. Joa) in her side, 
left shoulder, under the skin of both hands, under the abdominal 
wall, and in her right breast. The parasites were successfully 
extracted from the last two situations. The record was pub- 
lished in Habershon, 1904. 

73. Dr. Robertson also records the case of ‘another English 
woman from Old Calabar in whom F. loa was seen under the 
conjunctiva while she herself noted them under the skin of hands, 
wrists, breast, face, and scalp. Four attempts to remove them 
from under the skin of the nose, hand, and arm failed. He says 
further that there is no doubt that in many cases several worms 
are present in the same host.. The record was published by 
Habershon, 1904. 

74. A young French girl who had stayed several years at 
Libreville (Congo) was taken in 1902 with painful localized 
edemas of both hands and wrists, occasionally of legs, associated 
with some rigidity and loss of power. A white worm about the 
size and length of an ordinary pin was seen beneath the ocular 
conjunctiva, reappearing later beneath the skin of the eyelids of 
both eyes, of both forearms, and finally under the frenum of the 
tongue. Attempts to remove the worm failed. She returned to 


289 


20 Henry B. Ward 


France in 1903, and a Loa was extracted from the eye in Janu- 
ary, 1904. An intense cosinophilia was noted in 1903, and 
though subject to fluctuations, continued after the removal of 
the worm. Probably other parasites alsc were present. The 
case is recorded by Wurtz et Clerc, 1904, 1905, and Kerr, 1904. 

75. Rev. S. O. K., from Yakusu on Upper Congo, where he 
had been for three years, returned to England in January, 1904. 
Localized swellings, chiefly on the left forearm, first appeared 
after one year in Yakusu. Blood examinations showed micro- 
filariae with diurnal periodicity well marked, hence diagnosed 
as F. dirna. The case was sent by Dr. Habershon to Sir Pat- 
rick Manson and described by Kerr (1904). 

76. In a European who suffered from these transient swell- 
ings there was also a Filaria loa present and in the blood numer- 
ous embryo filariae which could not be distinguished from 
F, diurna. The case was observed by Dr. Hanley of Old Calabar 
and published by Kerr, 1904. 

77. From a native of Old Calabar a F. loa was removed and 
found to be full of sheathed embryos indistinguishable from 
F, diurna, which were also found in the blood. No mention is 
made of swellings in this case by Dr. Hanley, whose account 
was published by Kerr, 1904. 

78. At an autopsy of a Congo negro who died in Paris of 
sleeping sickness, Penel (1904:207) found more than thirty adults 
scattered through the superficial connective tissue of the four 
appendages, and despite most careful search not a single speci- 
men could be discovered in the neck, face, or region of the eye. 

79. In 1904 Looss published an account of the structure of 
F. loa based on three specimens from the Gold Coast; their 
source is unknown. They represent at least one case of human 
infection with this parasite. 

80. At an autopsy of a native in Kassai, Brumpt found among 
other specimens encysted and so completely calcified as to be 
unrecognizable, a fragment of a Filaria encysted in the heart, 
which on return to France and comparison he identified as F. Joa. 
It was a female and contained embryos identical with those in 
the blood of the same host. The case is recorded in Brumpt, | 
1904. 

290 


-_ 
fi 


. weed > 
ths 
; * ‘Hy = 
‘ued aie 
Yo) iar ied > 
Mm ~ 
“1 


¢ 


Filaria loa 21 


81. A specimen 60 mm. long was taken from beneath the con- 
junctiva of a man who had lived in Kamerun from 1897 to 1898 
and since then in Germany. There was no intimation of the 
parasite until the day before removal. The case is recorded by 
Pick, 1905. 

82. Dr. Hans Ziemann records (1905) that he had in his 
earlier service one case of F. loa. The host was presumably a 
native and the locality probably the same as that given for the 
following record. 

83-86. The same author records the occurrence of four cases 
in his later service. Apparently he was stationed at Duala, 
Kamerun. E 


NEW CASES 


87. Mr. K. observed that on one occasion when a Calabar 
swelling upon the back of a woman’s hand was rubbed, such a 
worm was seen to emerge from the tumefaction and make its 
way across the metacarpo-phalangeal articulation, from which 
location it was extracted. These data are recorded by Milroy 
in the present paper (p. 47). 

88. In 1890 Dr. B. C. Loveland removed a Loa from the skin 
above the lower angle of the left scapula of Mrs. R., formerly a 
missionary near Batanga, West Africa. Recorded in the present 
Daper (p. 3). 

89. In 1898 Dr. Loveland extracted a Loa from the eye of 
Mrs. J., also a returned missionary from Batanga, West Africa. 
The specimen I have described in this paper (p. 26), and the 
case is recorded here also (p. 3). 

go-92. On the evidence of Mrs. J., her husband and children 
have all had the same parasite. The fact is recorded by Dr. 
Loveland in this paper (p. 3). 

93. Dr. C. F. Friend removed a Loa from the eye of Mrs. X., 
formerly a missionary in West Africa, about four years after her 
return to America. This specimen is described in this paper 
(p. 26) and the data on the case are also recorded herein (p. 4). 

94. The case of Dr. D. T. Vail of Cincinnati, O., briefly re- 
ferred to in the preceding pages (p. 8) and reported at length 


291 


22 Henry B,. Ward 


before the Buffalo meeting of the American Academy of Oph- 
thalmology and Oto-laryngology. 


CASES WRONGLY ASSIGNED TO F..LOA 


It is no matter of conjecture that other species of filaria than 
F. loa do occur in the human eye. In Italy, for example, Ad- 
dario (1885) observed in the eye of man a nematode which he 
named F. conjunctivae. Later Grassi (1887) published an ex- 
tended description of the same form to which he gave the name 
of F. inermis. He also discussed the cases of its occurrence in 
man and showed it to be a normal parasite of the horse and ass 
that, as an erratic parasite, occurs at times in the human eye. 
In spite of a certain similarity in general character its differ- 
entiation from F. Joa is not a matter of any difficulty in case a 
precise examination is made of the specimen in question. How- 
ever, when no such examination is recorded, the area of geo- 
graphical distribution becomes determinative in general, and 
cases with insufficient data occurring, within the range of this 
or a similar species will be referred to it by preference rather 
than to F. Joa.1 Thus the cases from Italy, in so far as they are 
not errors in observation, are naturally assigned to F. conjunc- 
tivae in the absence of more precise information as to the actual 
species concerned. 

In similar fashion the case of Drake (1894) from Madras, 
India, is regarded by Blanchard as belonging most probably to 
F, equina, a common parasite of the horse and ass in that region 
and known in such hosts to make occasional incursions into the 
eye. The case of Neve (1895), also from India, in which the 
parasite was designated specifically as F. Joa, appears to me to 
be undoubtedly an error in determination and to concern rather 
the species F. equina. I was unable to consult a copy of the 
paper by Macnamara (1863) which, to judge from the title, 
refers to cases also to be assigned to the species F. equina 


'Reciprocally, it is just to assign to /. /oa such cases as that of Maurel 
(Trucy, 1873). since the parasite was removed at Gaboon where the Zoa is 
common. while it is beyond the range of the Guinea worm, to which the 
case is referred by the author. 


Filaria loa 23 


(=F. papillosa) as occurring both in man and in the horse in 
India. 

It is of great interest to note that in North America is found 
a species which occurs at times in the eye of the horse. Such 
cases are recorded for Canada by Sermon (1872) and for Penn- 
sylvania by Turnbull (1878). In spite of the designation of the 
parasite in the first case as F. oculi, much used for F. loa by 
medical authorities, we are justified in attributing the case to 
some other species since the patient was a bay mare. Now the 
occurrence in this territory of a filaria in the eye of the horse 
necessarily casts a shadow of doubt upon cases in man in which 
the supposed F. loa was not carefully examined since, as has 
been noted, species of similar habit in Italy and India occur at 
times also in the human eye. It is indeed altogether likely that 
cases will occur in this country in which the horse parasite will, 
as an erratic, invade the eye of man. 

In view of these facts one would be justified in expressing 
doubt as to the correctness of certain cases generally listed with 
F. loa. In particular the cases of Lallemant (No. 18), and dos 
Santos (No. 19), from Brazil may justly be questioned. To be 
sure, both were originally regarded as cases of the Guinea worm, 
and only by later authors have they been interpreted as F. loa 
by virtue of their occurrence in the eye. While I am inclined 
to regard this habit as sufficient reason for rejecting the original 
determination, it should be confessed there is some ground for 
doubting the assignment of the worm to the species F. loa. The 
cases are unique in Brazil, and there is no evidence that the 
hosts, although of negro blood, were recent importations from 
Africa. Now while there attaches some doubt to all cases in 
which a positive determination of the specimen was not made, 
yet, when the history of the host shows recent importation from 
Africa, as in many of those reported from the West Indies, the 
uncertainty is very slight. When the case history is not so clear 
the possibility of a chance infection with some form indigenous 
to the region is not definitely excluded.- In other words, should 
future study show the presence in Brazil of some species such 
as is F. conjunctivae in Italy, the cases so definitely assigned 


293 


24 Henry B. Ward 


by previous authors to F. Joa would necessarily be withdrawn 
from the list. That such species are found in Brazil one can 
not doubt in view of the investigations of Daniels on Carib 
Indians of British Guiana and of Magalhaes on various hosts in 
Brazil itself. That any of these species occur in the eye I have 
not yet found on record. 

Other cases referred to by some authors as F. loa or listed in 
probable connection with that species should be stricken from 
the list.on other grounds. One of the most difficult to explain 
satisfactorily is the case of Barkan (1876). The patient, an 
Australian, was operated upon in San Francisco for an eye worm, 
and the specimen, which was submitted to Dr. H. Knapp?. 
‘of New York, was pronounced upon microscopical examination 
to be “Filaria medinensis.* There was no evidence that the 
patient had ever been in any region where either the species noted 
or F. loa, with which it might easily be confused, is endemic. 
Consequently I am inclined to believe that the form was an 
Australian filaria normally occurring in some other host, but 
in this case appearing in man as an erratic. | 

For various reasons noted in the bibliography one is not justi- 
fied in assigning to Filaria loa the cases of De Mets (1876), 
Kuhnt (1892), and Nordmann (1832). Although in all three 
cases nematodes were actually demonstrated, they are so unlike 
F. loa that their distinctness from this species can hardly be 
questioned. Still less connection with F. loa have the cases of 
Eversbusch, Fano, Malgat, Piccirilli, Quadri, and Scholer. The 
specimens of Piccirilli were observed in the anterior chamber 
of the eye, the worm seen by Scholer was in the lens, the other 
objects were all located in the vitreous body. All of these cases 
agree in that the supposed filaria was observed living in the eye 
by means of the ophthalmoscope. Such evidence is exceedingly 
questionable; in most instances manifests its weakness on close 
examination of the record, and in one case at least (Fano) dem- 
onstrated its insufficiency by a second examination eight years 


9 


'Dr. Knapp kindly informs me that, at my request, he has made every 
effort to trace the specimen, and that he fears it has been destroyed. 


294: 


Filaria loa 25 


later than the original, which disclosed only trivial changes in 
the position and character of the object. One may also infer 
that in one case at least (Eversbusch) the author became con- 
vinced of the insufficiency of his evidence, since only a brief 
preliminary communication has appeared and the extended 
report which was promised therein has not been published. Sub- 
sequent authors have not hesitated to pronounce these observa- 
tions erroneous and to maintain that in fact the authors men- 
tioned had to do with cases of a persistent hyaloid artery in 
which this vessel exhibited a peculiar worm-like form, while the 
supposed twistings of the filaria were only the results of vascular 
pulsations or of movements in the vitreous humor. The explana- 
tion accords fully with the original records, as I can distinctly 
affirm after a careful study of them, and indeed elucidates cer- 


_ tain points otherwise inexplicable, such as the statement of Fano 


(1868) that the head of the worm remained constantly fixed at 
a given point while the body turned and twisted about. Since I 
have been unable to trace the references to Chiralt and to Santos- 
Fernandez, it is impossible to say whether these cases of a filaria 
in:the vitreous humor are to be explained on the same basis or 
whether a filaria was actually present. 

Quite recently Nakaizumi (1903) has reported a case of a 
filaria in the vitreous humor which he regarded as an immature 
F, loa. This conclusion appears entirely inadmissible, even 
though one rejects the opposite extreme of interpreting this case 
like those just discussed as some abnormal structure belonging 
to the eye itself rather than as a filaria. The history of the case 
gives no evidence that the patient had ever been in a region 
where F. loa was endemic and consequently where an infection 
with this species could have taken place. Furthermore, no evi- 
dence is adduced to indicate the specific character of the filaria 
observed. If, then, one grants that the object actually was a 
worm belonging to the genus Filaria, it is certain that it could 
not have been F. Joa, but was some species indigenous to north- 
ern Europe, and probably F. conjunctivae or F. equina. The 
habit of the patient, who is said to have enjoyed half-roasted 
horse flesh, may indicate an infection with a young F. equina. 
It is exceedingly unfortunate that the literature of science should 


295 


26 Heury B. Ward 


be loaded down with such incomplete observations, and these are 
entirely unnecessary when the observations are made at such a 
time and place as that in question, where accurate data regarding 
these species were easily obtainable. 

For reasons given in extenso elsewhere (Ward, 1905) and 
already noted in the present paper, we must reject the classic 
reference ‘to Pigafetta, more correctly Lindschoten, as the 
earliest authority to record a case of F. loa. 


3. MorreHoLocy oF FILARIA LOA 
STRUCTURE OF THE PARASITE 


The appearance of the admirable account of Looss (1904) 
makes any extended consideration of this topic superfluous. 
Only those points are noted which are peculiar to the specimens 
of this paper. 

In all I studied carefully three males, those removed by Drs. 
Friend, Loveland, and Milroy, and have examined two others, 
probably males of F. Joa, sent me by Dr. Vail. I have had only 
one female, an alcoholic specimen removed by Dr. Lippert and 
sent me by Dr. Vail. 

One male from Dr. Vail measured about 16 mm. in length, 
though the shrunken condition of both ends makes this measure- 
ment only approximate; the other male of this collection was 
not complete. The male Loa in alcohol from Dr. Friend meas- 
ured 25 mm. in length,t and the specimen from Dr. Loveland, 
which was mounted in balsam and appeared somewhat shrunken, 
was about 22 mm. in length. 

In no one of these males was the tip of the tail as straight as 
figured by Looss, but curved distinctly though only gradually. 
From my original notes on the specimen of Dr. Milroy I excerpt 
the following: 

The specimen measured approximately 28 mm. in length and 
in alcohol was of a clear brown color, with distinctly marked 
lateral lines. The slightly reflexed posterior end and projecting 
spicules showed it to be a male. A more careful examination of 


1Dr, Friend gives the length of this specimen living as 32 mm. 


296 


ee 


Filaria loa 27 


this region disclosed the four pairs of large circumanal papillae 
characteristic of Filaria loa. One important feature was noted 
in this connection. These papillae do not constitute four bilateral 
pairs, but rather a left and a right series of four each, in which 
the individual papillae alternate with each other, those of the left 
side being the more anterior, while those on the right are more 


‘closely crowded together. The anterior papilla is also the largest 


in each series, and the size decreases regularly posteriad. 

This asymmetrical arrangement originally described by Looss 
is not an abnormality in the specimen he studied, and I can con- 
firm his view that it is a general characteristic. At least it is 
actually present in the three males I examined and will no doubt 
be found on more extended examination to be universal. 

Posterior to these large papillae lie, first, a symmetrical pair 
of small papillae and then, almost at the tip of the body accord- 
ing to Looss, a minute pair, also symmetrically placed. The 


‘latter I was unable to find. 


In the specimen received from Dr. Loveland, the spicules could 
be most clearly seen; their length was 104m and 180p, measure- 
ments which accord closely with those given by Looss. Further 
than this my observations, though in some respects less complete, 


merely confirm the anatomical description given by Looss. It is 


important to call attention to the results of a comparison of 
measurements.of F. Joa given by various authors, and since only © 
relatively few have given sufficient data for the determination of 
the sex of the parasites, the figures available are much more 
limited than the number of cases. 

According to various records the measured length of the male 
is 22 mm. (Blanchard), 23 mm. (Looss), 25 to 30 mm. (Man- 
son), 30 and 35 mm. (Ozzard), and 16, 22, and 25 mm. (Ward). 
It is noteworthy that the female varies more widely: among the 
measurements given are 20 mm. (Blanchard), 50 mm. (Annett, 
Dutton, and Elliott), 52.mm. (Looss), 27 mm. (Lueckart), 41 
mm. (Ludwig), 32.5 mm. (Manson), 50 and 55 mm. (Ozzard). 
Blanchard notes that his specimen was still young, and yet even 
that of Looss was far from having attained the size of Maurel’s 
specimen, which measured 70 mm. and which from its extreme 


: 297 


28 Henry B. Ward 


length we are justified in regarding as a female. The specimen 
reported by Brumpt (1904) measured 60 mm. and yet it was 
only a part of a female, both head and tail being lacking. The 
specimens of the female taken from the eye are thus usually if 
not always only partly grown.*’ How much they fall short of full 
size can only be determined by the records of specimens, taken 
irom post-mortem examinations, which have settled down in 
deeper tissues and are found to be producing embryos. 


LIFE HISTORY 


Concerning the life history of Filaria loa only meager facts 
are at hand, and yet they are so clearly related that one may 
_sketch the main course of development with great probability. 
Manson (1893) was the first to suggest that the blood-inhabit- 
‘ing embryo called F. diurna was the young form of this species. 
The agreement in the geographic distribution of the two forms, 
the certainty that in the infected region the embryonic stage of 
F, loa must be common, and the absence of any other micro- 
filaria made the genetic connection of the two almost an estab- 
lished fact. Yet the negative results of blood examination in 
several cases which harbored F. loa, especially that of Robert- 
son (1895) from which both male and female F. loa had been 
removed, served to cast doubt upon the view. Such doubt was 
distinctly unjustified since, as I have pointed out, the forms 
extracted from the eye have been consistently immature and 
may have been removed before the female has begun the pro- 
duction of embryos. 

These conditions of probable slow development and of imma- 
turity when in the eye agree well with known facts from related 
species of Filaria,in other animals. Thus F, equina, a common 
parasite of the horse and ass, which occurs at times in the eye 
of the host, is found there in the semi-adult form which is also an 
active migrant. F. labiato-papillosa of deer and cattle appears, 


1Tf the record of Guyon (1864) that his specimen was 15 cm. long does 
not rest on an error in transcribing or printing, it represents a much larger 
and hence more nearly full grown female than any other yet recorded. 
Ludwig has already shown that this case in all probability concerns /vdaria 
Joa (cf. Ludwig und Saemisch, 1895:737). 


298. 


Ilaria loa 29 


~ 


when immature, in the eye; and in a large number of cases, 
immature nematodes of unrecognized species, often belonging to 
the genus Filaria, have been removed from this organ. 

The embryonic form circulating in the blood vessels must 
evidently be removed from the body of the primary host by 
some species of blood-sucking insect. Manson thought that by 
virtue of the appearance of these embryos in the peripheral cir- 
culation during the daytime some day-biting insect must be 
responsible for the transfer. He suggested the Mangrove fly, 
Chrysops dimidiatus v. d. Wulp., a common form in the region 
in question. These conclusions were attacked by Annett, Dutton, 
and Elliott (1901) without their being in position to furnish any 
very decisive evidence for the view they advance of the identity 
of F. diurna and F. nocturna. More recently Brumpt has 
brought forward strong evidence in favor of Manson’s view in 
that he has discovered embryos of F. diwrna in the circulating 
blood and identical forms in an adult female F. Joa from the 
same host. He noted also that the embryos were constantly 
present in the peripheral circulation, even though more abun- 
dant by day than by night. The effort to discover the inter- 
mediate host in a species of Glossina was unsuccessful. If the 
observation of Brumpt that embryos are constantly present in 
the peripheral circulation is confirmed, then it is evident that 
the intermediate host may be a mosquito, as in the case of other 
species of Filaria. Annett, Dutton, and Elliott found that Ano- 
pheles costalis served in West Africa as intermediate host for 
F. Bancrofti but not for F. diurna. This observation will not 
exclude other mosquitos also; however, it does speak strongly 
against their view of the identity of these two microfilariae. 

_ Whatever may be the precise character of the intermediate 
host, of the changes passed through by the embryo filaria within 
it, and of the method by which it is introduced into the human 
body again, it is evident that the actively migrating F. loa, that 
form best known from cases on record, is the semi-adult worm. 
In some cases this has appeared within about one year after the 
host has entered infected territory and in other cases as much 
as five, eleven, or even thirteen years have elapsed since leaving 


299 


30 Henry B, Ward 


such infected regions before the parasite has made its final 
appearance in the eye. During this time it has undoubtedly 
made some growth, and at the end of the wandering stage it 
tends to séttle down in deeper tissue. Here the female probably 
gives birth to the characteristic muititude of embryos which in 
the circulating blood await the chance of being drawn out into a 
suitable intermediate host, to follow out again the same life cycle. 
The adult ultimately becomes encysted and calcified by the activ- 
ity of the tissue of the host, and Brumpt found four out of five 
adults in this condition in the case he observed. 

It will be noted that in reality the discovery of F. loa in the 
eye of a patient in whose blood F. diurna is present can not be 
more than an indication of the relationship of the two; for if 
the view just advanced is correct the wandering form is not 
fully mature, and consequently the embryos, if present, must 
come from F. Joa of an earlier infection, and not from the form 
observed at the same time. This would evidently serve to 
explain the absence of embryos in those cases, such as Robert- 
son’s already noted, where male and female were taken from the 
eye and yet blood smears from the host showed no microfilariae 
present. Among natives in a badly infected region successive 
infections will be the rule, and wandering semi-adult forms will 
coexist along with parturient females in deeper tissues and 
embryos in the circulating blood. In hosts infected during a 
briefer*residence in the infected region such conditions would 
be little likely to obtain, and embryos would be sought success- 
fully in the blood only after the cessation of these migrations, 
when, the worm is said by many to have disappeared from the 
body. 

What time interval is necessary for the attainment of the full 
erown form is not clear. Certainly migrations continue for 
many years after infection. In the extreme case noted, a worm 
was removed from the eye thirteen years after leaving infected 
territory (case 35), and in another, also recorded by Robertson, 
the parasite is said to have shown itself at irregular intervals 
for fifteen years before final disappearance into deeper tissues. 
In the case of natives freguent cases of infection in early life 


300 


Filaria loa 31 


have been noted; thus the few cases first recorded from the 
West Indies include two of children, while in Europe that of 
Lacompte (No. 33) concerns an infant Congo negress. One 
missionary in Africa notes that the work of the native children 
in school is interrupted by the periodical visits of the parasite 
to the eye. This early infection in the case of natives will insure 
the attainment of maturity by the parasite and the presence of 
embryos in the blood of the adult negroes even though the devel- 
opment of the parasite proceeds very slowly, while the same 
slowness in development would render it unlikely that embryos 
could be obtained from the blood of hosts who had been exposed 
to infection first in middle life. This would serve to explain the 
absence of embryos from individuals as heavily infected as Rob- 
ertson’s patient who, even ten years after the first infection, had 
no embryos? in her blood (cf. the recent account of this case in 
Habershon, 1904). 

Looss (1905:167) has already called attention to certain dif- 
ferences in appearance between the illustrations of F.. diurna 
given by different authors. This indicates either a confusion of 
what are distinct species, as he suggests, or slight differences 
in structure due to age of the embryos and accompanying growth 
or ecdysis. The descriptions of these microfilariae are so gen- 
eral as to render a precise comparison difficult. In fact Brumpt 
originally regarded the embryos which he observed. in the circu- 
lating blood as a new species which he denominated F. Bourgii 
but later acknowledged their identity with F. diurna. It 
remains uncertain even yet whether the latter name may not 
include more than a single species. 


TAXONOMY 


All the earlier observers regarded the eye worm as an erratic 
Guinea. worm. In 1805 Guyot recorded the evidence, already 
quoted in this paper, which led him to the view that it was dis- 


1Zjemann (1905:421) emphasizes the difficulty of determining the fact, 
and says that to demonstrate the embryos in the blood it is necessary often 
to try for several days and nights and to take blood from the region of the 
swellings. The distribution of the microfilariae in the body is exceedingly 
irregular. 


301 


32 Henry B. Ward 


tinct from that species. He also noted the name Loa under 
which the form was known to the natives. Later authorities 
denominate this a generic term for worm rather than a distinct 
designation for this form. The citation of the date 1778 is cer- 
tainly incorrect as his paper was first published in 1805; appar- 
ently also he does not use the binomial form filaria loa at all, so 
that, if adopted, this name must rest upon some later authority. 
I do not feel called upon to suggest any change at present. 

Despite Guyot’s view of its specific distinctness the parasite 
continued to be confused with other forms or to be denied spe- 
cific rank as late as 1851, the appearance of Diesing’s mono- 
graph. In 1881, after having had opportunity to examine a 
specimen sent from Loango, Leuckart passed definitely and 
favorably upon the question of its distinctness; and in 1886 
Blanchard’s paper settled finally the rank of the species. The 
work of many later authors has aided in strengthening the posi- 
tion then assigned to it. 

The parasite certainly belongs to the genus Filaria as now 
generally accepted, and the proposal of Diesing and Cobbold to 
transfer it from this to the related’ genus Dracunculus which 
includes the Guinea worm was so evidently an error that in a 
later edition Cobbold himself reversed his former action. 

The synonymy of the species is confused and depends in part 
on the positive determination of specimens for which no accurate 
data can ever be given. A partiai list of the names used by 
various authors is given here for reference. 


Filaria medinensis Gmelin 1788, in part. 
of Diesing 1851, in part. 
Filaria lacrymalis Dubini 1850, nec Gurlt 1831. 
Dujardin 1845 :46. 
Filaria ocult human Dujardin 1845 :46. 
Filaria oculi Gervais et van Beneden 1859:142; nec von Nord- 
mann 1832. Y 
Moquin-Tandon 1859, in part. 
De Bonis 1876 :120. 


Filaria loa 33 


Tilaria subconjunctivalis Guyon 1864 of Braun 1902. 


This term is not used by Guyon himself 
either in this paper or elsewhere so far as 
I can ascertain. 


Filaria loa Guyot of Leuckart 1876 :619. 
of Davaine 1877 :cvii, +839. 
of. Cobbold 1879 :205. 
of Blanchard 1886. 
of Stossich 1897 :21. 
Filaria loa Guyot 1778 of Ratiliet 1893. 
of Braun 1895. 
of Moniez 1896. 
of Braun 1902. 
Dracunculus oculi Diesing 1860 :697. 
loa Cobbold 1864 :388-89. 


GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION 


The first six cases of Filaria loa recorded were all from the 
West Indies and the adjacent coast of South America, while 
among the first twenty-one cases listed twelve were from that 
same region and only nine from Africa. In all of the cases from 
the West Indies and South America the hosts were negroes with 
the exception of the creole child of case 6. 

As already noted, this case would seem to indicate the exist- 
ence at that time (approximately 1795) in St. Domingo of an 
endemic center for this parasite. But this is the only evidence 
that Filaria loa has at any time gained a footing in the lands 
into which it has been introduced. It is noteworthy that since 
1845, the date of case 21 mentioned above, no one has recorded 
the occurrence of this parasite in the West Indies or in South 
America. Apparently its occurrence in that region stopped with 
the cessation of the slave trade, for all of the cases noted were 
in negroes, and in some cases it stands definitely recorded that 
they had come from Africa. Thus the worm which Mitchell 
saw in 1845 (case 21) had apparently been seen eight years 
before, and the host, a young negress, had come from Africa in 
1834. The single exception, beyond case 6 already discussed, 


393 


ce ee Henry B. Ward 


was in case 19 where the worm was removed from the orbit of 
a negress said to belong to the Mina race of Brazil. It must 
be noted that at best the determination of the species in these 
twenty cases is only probable, and confusion with Dracunculus 
medinensis is not excluded, while possibly rare cases of native 
American species showing similar habits may also be. included. 
In any event it is important to note the complete disappearance 
of these cases from the West Indies and South America just 
about three-quarters of a century after the first one was 
recorded. Thus far also the negro race might be looked upon 
as the distinctive host of this parasite, as indeed some authors — 
maintained even much later than this date. 

The first recorded specimens which had been taken from Cau- 
casians were described by Morton (1877) and Bachelor (1880), 
while the next, that sent Leuckart from Loango and described 
by him in 1881, is also the first one positively identified as a 
distinct species capable of differentiation from the Guinea worm 
with which the majority of previous observers had classed this 
parasite. Following close upon this case numerous others in 
Caucasians definitely established the fact that the parasite exhib- 
its no racial preference in its hosts. 

The first case recorded in Europe was that of the French 
physician Lota (case 30), who had previously lived in Gaboon 
and after his return to France found himself infected. In this 
case the parasite was not removed. In France there have been 
listed four other later cases (Nos. 51, 52, 74, and 78) in all of 
which the parasites were removed. All five cases probably orig- 
inated in the French Congo. A time interval of fifteen years 
separated the first from the other three. 

The French Congo was also the probable source of infection 
in the single case in which the worm was extracted in Switzer- 
land (No. 31) and in that from Belgium (No. 33). The first 
specimens extracted in Germany (No. 42) probably came from 
western Africa, even though the extensive travels of its host 
render the exact region of infection impossible to determine; 
the second (case 81) from Kamerun. In England six specimens 
have been removed. In the first five cases the source of the 


304 


Filaria loa 35 


infection was Old Calabar, in the last it was the Congo. Aus- 
tralia has had one case (No. 46) in a host who had resided 
previously on the Gold Coast. 

Regarding the presence of Filaria loa in the western hemi- 
sphere Clemow (1903 :610) writes that ‘‘formerly it was said to 
have been seen from time to time among negroes in America, 
but since the slave trade from Africa to the New World has 
ceased this parasite is no longer found on the other side of the 
Atlantic.” This statement holds good for the West Indies and 
South America, where, as already noted, no cases have been 
recorded since 1845. But as regards the northern hemisphere 
it is doubly incorrect, both as to former times and as to present 
records. On the one hand, it is noteworthy that no cases are 
listed on the North American continent from the days of the 
slave trade. One can hardly believe that such did not occur, 
but they seem to have escaped record in the literature so far as 
I have been able to follow it. On the other hand, there are not 
wanting recent cases in North America. The first case which 
actually occurred within the United States (No. 31) was 
reported in 1890. Here the host had sheltered four of these 
parasites, three of which were removed in this country. There 
are, to be sure, earlier records of Filaria loa in American litera- 
ture, for Leidy had examined and reported briefly in 1877 on a 
specimen sent Morton from Gaboon by Rev. Dr. Nassau, an 
American missionary. Also in 1880 Dr. Bachelor reported on 
a specimen he sent from Gaboon, said to be the first perfect 
specimen of Filaria joa seen in the United States. 

The second specimen reported in this country was that of 
Milroy which I recorded in 1902, and previous to the appear- 
ance of the present paper no others were found on record as 
having been removed in the United States. In the preceding 
pages (p. 3, ff.) I have discussed two specimens of Loveland, one 
of Friend, and one of Vail, which must be added to the list. Of 
these six specimens the first was probably acquired in the French 
Congo and the other five in Kamerun where the hosts had been 
resident. Two cases (Nos. 68, 69) have been recorded from 
Canada in 1903 and are fully discussed in the preceding pages. 


395 


36 . Henry B. Ward 


It is noteworthy that all of the persons affected were mission- 
aries in those regions, and all but one had suffered from the 
presence of more than a single specimen of the parasite, which 
fact points distinctly to its prevalence in the regions in which 
they had lived. In further support of this view may be cited 
also their own testimony on this point as already given. 

In the foregoing paragraphs have been analyzed all cases of 
this parasite from other regions than Africa, and it has been 
shown that they are widely scattered both in time and in space, 
and also that in all cases there is an apparent connection with a 
previous residence of the host on the African continent. It is 
accordingly fit to examine more in detail the evidence concern- 
ing the abundance and distribution of F. Joa in that continent. 

All, records indicate that the West Coast of Africa is the 
proper home of the parasite. One case which is reported from 
Sierra Leone marks its northern limit of extension. And even 
here the author (Prout, 1902) emphasizes the fact that no pre- 
vious cases had been reported in this region, and that the patient 
had been living on the Congo, so that the infection probably 
occurred in the latter.place. The specimens of Looss (1904) 
came from the Gold Coast, but no further information as to 
their source has been published, nor are other cases from this 
region on record, although the host in case 46 1s believed to 
have become. infected in this territory and said such cases were 
common in that region. 

From this point onward along the coast towards the south 
every territory has furnished many records of this disease. In 
Nigeria ten cases are on record in my list, from Old Calabar 
five cases, from Kamerun eight cases, from French Congo twenty 
cases, from Angola six cases. Eight cases are not precisely 
located, but belong to some part of this Western Coast. In addi- 
tion it has already been noted that the thirty-six cases of this 
parasite from Australia, Europe, and America owe their infec- 
tion with great probability to this same region, eight being traced 
clearly to the Congo, eight to Kamerun, and six to Old Calabar, 


while in one case the host has visited this entire region at 
intervals. 


Filaria loa ag 


Clemow is in error when he writes (1903:010) that it seems 
to be absent from Kamerun. In a monograph on the Kamerun 
coast Plehn (1898) recorded four cases in man and other facts 
regarding this parasite which demonstrate unmistakably its 
endemicity in that region. To this evidence one must add that 
given in the present paper on cases in Americans who were 
undoubtedly infected in that same state where they resided as 
missionaries for some time. 

These facts indicate that the parasite is distributed over the 
entire. coast from about 5° north of the equator to at least 10° 
south, and various observers say that in certain regions nearly 
every inhabitant suffers from it. This is recorded for the Ogowé 
river by Miss Mary Kingsley, the well-known African traveler 
(1897 :686). 

How far it may penetrate into the interior of the comtinent 
is as yet unknown. Certain it is, however, that cases occur more 
than 120 miles from the coast (Yarr, 1899), while a recent paper 
(Brumpt, 1904) records its presence in a post-mortem made in 
Kassai, approximately 600 miles from the coast on one of the 
chief tributaries of the Congo. More precise knowledge of the 
life history, especially of the intermediate host and means of 
transfer of the species, would enable one to give a better esti- 
mate of its range. Apparently the blood-inhabiting embryos 
which are now regarded as belonging to this species have a 
much wider distribution than F. Joa itself. 

Thus it is true that Filaria diurna has been recorded as far 
inland as Uganda, Central Africa, where Cook (1901) saw two 
cases. One should bear in mind that our knowledge of the 
microfilariae is not sufficiently exact to enable the positive asser- 
tion that no other form exists in Africa which might be confused 
with the embryos of Filaria loa. But granting the certainty 
of the determination, there yet remains reasonable probability 
that the men in question were infected at a distance from 
the place in which they were examined. Cook also records in 
Uganda one case of Dracunculus medinensis, showing the ten- 
dency of movements over the great trade routes of the continent 
to bring together this species and Filaria loa which in general 


397 


38 Henry B. Ward 


have each its own territory and so far as present records show 
do not occur together in any region. 
The occurrence of Filaria loa in negro slaves, in travelers, in 


government officials, and in missionaries points out distinctly - 


the certainty with which any kind of intercourse between nations 
and geographic areas tends to transfer to new races and terri- 
tories the diseases of the old. Increased means of communica- 
tion and growing freedom of movement contribute clearly to 
the spread of maladies and call for better means to check their 
advance into new regions. It is not to be doubted that some 
of the persons who brought F. Joa into the United States now 
harbor its embryos in the blood. Though we know nothing pre- 
cise of its life history, the possibility lies close at hand that some 
blood-sucking insect may furnish these embryos proper condi- 
tions for further development and may thus bring about the 
introduction of a new disease into our territory. Such cases as 
these of F. loa show clearly the eae spread of disease 
through national intercourse. 


4. PATHOLOGY , 


SEAT OF THE PARASITE 


In many cases no more definite information is given than that 
the parasite occurred in the eye. In the absence of more specific 
details this may probably be construed to mean crossing the eye- 
ball beneath the conjunctiva but above the cornea or sclerotic; 
in numerous cases, indeed, such a location is definitely assigned 
to the parasite. All in all, this is the most usual position of 
F. loa in the cases thus far on record; however, for reasons to 
be siven later it is probably only an accidental occurrence and 
not the normal seat of the parasite. While most frequently 
recorded on the surface of the eyeball yet accurate records are 
not wanting to show that the parasite does occur, if infrequently, 
within the bulbus oculi. From the anterior chamber F. Joa was 
removed in the case of Mercier (No. 4, but not in No. 5 as 
Kraemer incorrectly says), also in the case of Bachelor (No. 
27), of Lacompte (No. 33), and possibly of Barkan, if this most 
doubtful account be interpreted as concerning F. loa. 


208 


Filaria loa 39 


From the lens this species has not been extracted, and those 
cases in which such a form has been reported from the vitreous 
humor are most uncertain. They rest in the main upon deter- 
mination in life by the ophthalmoscope. But this method of pro- 
cedure has resulted, in some cases at least, in confusion with a 
persistent hyaloid artery of peculiar form, as in the descriptions 
of Eversbusch, Fano, Malgat, Quadri, and Scholer, while the 
oft cited account of Kuhnt concerns a peculiar small nematode, 
certainly not the species under consideration. 

Roth is of the opinion that these parasites leave the eye by 
way of the nasal duct. More probably this is only apparently 
true, since, as Dr. Friend suggests (p. 5), the worm nearly 
always goes out of view by way of the inner canthus. 

Outside of the eyeball F. loa has been reported at least ten 
times as occurring in the eyelid, both upper and lower lid having 
been infected. From this position it has been removed six times 
or more. 

F, loa has also been reported as wandering back into the orbit, 
as in cases 14, 19, and 22, and while no one of these cases is 
beyond doubt as to the species in question or the location of the 
parasite, there seems to be no question, on the other hand, that 
the loose connective tissues of this part afford the most ready 
resting place from which the parasite may make its excursions 
over the cornea at short intervals, as reported by several 
observers. 

When in other parts of the body than the eye the parasite 
eludes observation in general, but it is important to note that 
nevertheless it has been seen and extracted many times in other 
regions, especially in the subdermal connective tissue. Thus it 
has been observed to cross the bridge of the nose from eye to 
eye (case 38); it has been excised from below the loose skin 
of the back (cases 31, 54, 88), from the skin above the sterno- 


_cleido-mastoid muscle (case 94), the sternum (case 69), and 


the left breast (cases 72, 73, 94), from the lingual frenum (case 
74), from the loose skin of the penis (case 59); it has been seen 
beneath the skin of the fingers, both in himself and in others, 
by the Rev. Dr. Nassau, a missionary long resident in Gaboon 


329 


40 Henry B. Ward 


and well known as a student of the religious and social customs 
of the negro races; it has also been extracted from the meta- 
carpo-phalangeal articulation (case 87). Ziemann (1905) 
records that the worm is said by his patients to wander about 
under the scalp, and others maintain its presence in various other 
parts of the body. According to report of post-mortems the 
adult form occurs almost anywhere under the skin, but espe- 
cially in the appendages (cases 78, 80). 

In view of all the evidence the superficial connective tissues 
must be regarded as the true seat of the adult parasite, and its 
occurrence in the eye or indeed in other adjacent parts is more 
or less accidental and occasional. 


EFFECT ON THE HOST 


When in the eye F. Joa is the cause of temporary piercing or 
lancinating pains as it makes its way through the connective 
tissue. This pain is also accompanied by the sensation of a 
foreign body in the eye, and in case it crosses the field of vision 
there is added an uncertain image of the object. Both the pain 
and the sensation of the presence of some foreign body cease 
promptly with the withdrawal of the parasite into deeper tissues, 
while even repeated visits leave no permanent effect upon the 
organ other than to produce a very slight elevation of the con- 
junctiva, as Lota reports from observations on himself. which 
one may consult (p. 49) for further details. In fact, the annoy- 
ance is so slight and of such brief duration as hardly to call for 
medical aid at all. Removal from the eye is not difficult when 
regard is had to the activity of the parasite and its tendency to 
flee at once when touched by any instrument. Even the natives 
in Africa practice its extraction with the rudest sort of instru- 
ments, in some cases using only a hooked thorn. In the earliest 
cases observed by European physicians it is recorded that such 
removal is unaccompanied by any untoward symptoms and is 
followed by complete recovery in a very brief time. So far as 
I have found, the same results uniformly follow the removal of 
the worm, from the anterior chamber as well as from below the 
conjunctiva. 


310° 


Filaria ioa 41 


In the eyelid the Loa is apt to give rise to a slight tumefaction 
at least, and this may simulate entirely different conditions. 
Thus in the case recorded by Dr. Thompstone (No. 36) the 
parasite lay in the lower lid at the inner canthus close to the 
lachrymal sac, the swelling in that region giving the appearance 
of dachryocystitis. When an effort was made to press out the 
contents of the sac, the worm wriggled away. 

F. loa may migrate from point to point under the skin without 
producing any visible effect upon the parts invaded. Thus in 
different cases it has been watched in its migrations from the 
eye to the forehead, or over the bridge of the nose to the other 
eye or under the skin of the back or chest; and in all of these 
it is not recorded that any modification of the normal appearance 
of the part followed the movements of the worm. One of the 
most distinct and trustworthy of these observations is that quoted 
from Starr in the present paper (p. 6). 


CALABAR SWELLINGS 


The first publications I have found on the nature of Calabar 
swellings (the Kamerungeschwiilste of the German authors) are 
in the book by Plehn (1898) and a contribution exclusively on 
this topic by Thompstone (1899), a district medical officer in 
Old Calabar. To be sure they were recognized as a distinct 
disease much earlier, and are referred to under this name by 
Robertson (1895). Since then numerous references have been 
made to their occurrence, and several observers have discussed 
at length their character and cause. They are apparently spon- 
taneous and fugitive: in character, appearing suddenly and 
‘requiring two to three days to disappear. In size half that of a 
goose egg, they may occur on any portion of the body, though 
according to most they apparently favor the extremities. They 
are painless and do not pit under pressure. According to Thomp- 
stone they come one at a time and recur at irregular intervals 
of time. He also states they are somewhat hot both objectively 
and subjectively, while Joseph (1903) states distinctly that they 
are accompanied by no temperature. 


311 


he) Henry B, Ward 


Robertson (1895) was apparently the first to call attention to 
the fact that his patient, afflicted with F. loa, also suffered from 
Calabar swellings. Later observations on the same patient (Rob- 
ertson, 1897) record an immediate recurrence of the trouble on 
return to Old Calabar, where itching behind the eyes and swell- 
ings on the arms are almost universal among the natives. He 
also says that when the parasites are felt moving, headache and 
nausea as well as puffy swellings of the arms are troublesome, 
while all parts of the body may be affected, especially the scalp. 

In regard to the cause of these swellings, Manson (1903) 
sums up the case well when he says, “Their peculiar geographic 
range, which it would seem includes the Congo basin, the fact 
that they come and go, the fact that they persist in recurring 
after the subject has left the endemic districts, render it prac- 
tically certain that they are of parasitic origin.” In the same 
paper he reports a series of eight cases of the disease among 
missionaries on the Upper Congo, two of which had been under 
his personal care. He further notes the general association with 
F, loa, and conjectures they may be due to the parturition of 
this species. Their association with F. loa and possible relation 
to that parasite had already been commented on by Robertson. 
The absence of F. diwrna, the conjectured embryonic form of 
F, loa, as shown apparently by his blood tests, may easily be due 
to failure to make preparations at the proper time or place. 
Furthermore, the geographic distribution of this malady is much 
the same as,that of F. Joa, which would further strengthen the 
view that there exists a causal relation between the two. 

More recent publications have brought forward additional 
proof of this causal relation. Thus Habershon (1904) has pre- 
sented strong evidence in favor of the view, when he reports 
that almost every European at Yakusu suffers, and adds details 
of several cases which were under careful continuous observa- 
tion and showed the presence also of F. loa. In one case the 
attack commenced with the most intense neuralgic pain, followed 
by swelling of the part affected, which began a few hours later 
and was comparable to an attack of acute myositis. Kerr (1904) 
also adds evidence on the relation between F. Joa and the Calabar 


212 


Filaria loa 43 


swellings in a series of four cases. Apparently Ziemann (1905) 
has been able to demonstrate the embryos in the swellings, as he 
explains the difficulties attendant upon the demonstration. He 
seems to think, however, that these swellings are due to 
F, perstans, which in his opinion is the embryonic F. Joa, while 
F. diurna does not differ from F. Bancrofti. He is in accord 
with previous authors in holding that F. Joa remains mostly hid- 
den in its wanderings, but causes inflammation in the subdermal 
connective tissue. Wurtz et Clerc (1905) found in their case 
of infection with F. Joa that a tumefaction was produced on the 
right cheek when the parasite was wandering about in the region 
of the eye. They also added the important observation that a 
pronounced intense eosinophilia was associated with the presence 
of F. loa in the system. It shouldbe noted that the general 
symptoms of this case point unmistakably to-the presence of a 
‘number of parasites and the extreme character of the eosinophilia 
noted was perhaps due to the multiple infection. © 

The view that in some way Calabar swellings are related etio- 
logically to the parasitism of F. loa rests thus on strong pre- 
sumptive evidence, and it is timely to consider the theories which 
have been offered to explain the pathological conditions noted. 
It is clear, without further discussion, that the mere presence of 
the parasite as of a foreign body of equal size would not be 
sufficient to evoke the swellings. It is equally evident that the 
constant limitation of the worm to the connective tissue, espe- 
cially in the subdermal region, would throw out of consideration 
the introduction even occasionally of foreign matter of any sort 
and limit the problem clearly to the parasite itself and its own 
activities and products, working upon the normal tissues with 
which it comes in contact. 

The earliest suggestion made was that of Robertson that to 
the migrations of the Loa are due these swellings which are asso- 
ciates with its presence. Careful study of the data recorded in 
connection with the various cases seems to show, however, that 
mere movement can not be the exciting cause. Note first that 
the swellings are local and infrequent; now mere migrations, if 
effective, ought to produce linear tumefactions conforming to 


313 


44 Heury B. Ward 


the path the worm has followed, if not immediately coincident 
in time with its movements. There is one record of. such move- 
ment of the swelling, given by Milroy in the present paper (p. 
47), but another similar observation has not been noted, and 
there is much indirect evidence to show that it does not occur 
ordinarily at least. In fact, these swellings are usually described 
as oval, circumscribed, and of relatively small size; hence the 
stimulating factor must be a variable or occasional one. Fur- 
thermore, the swellings are single or rare, while it is indisputable 
that the migrations of the worm are constant and considerable. 
Its activity and freedom of movement have been commented 
upon by many observers, and are manifest both in the eye and 
elsewhere in the body. This striking contrast between the path- 
ological conditions and the parasite supposed on good grounds 
to produce them can only be explained by the assumption that 
the exciting factor is an intermittent element in the biology of 
the parasite, of relatively infrequent occurrence. In further 
support of the view that the pathological condition is not the 
result of the mere movements of the parasite may be urged the 
record of observations concerning its movements under the con- 
junctiva. The unanimous testimony of observers is that the 
parasite produces no change whatever in the appearance of the 
organ, as it moves across the surface of the eyeball, nor is any 
alteration visible subsequently save an insignificant elevation of 
the surface. Similarly, it has been seen moving under the skin 
in other parts of the body without pathological changes result- 
ing. Important additions to the previous records on this point 
are found in the observations of Friend, Starr, amd Loveland 
included in the preceding pages. 

Manson reports the statement of one of his patients that the 
erythema and swelling are due to mechanical excitation when 
the region of the parasite is rubbed. Indeed, this lady, long resi- 
dent in Old Calabar, informed him that if rubbing or scratching 
is not indulged in when a Loa approaches the surface there will 
be no swelling. It is difficult to see how the rubbing could pro- 
duce such definite areas or how the number and frequence of the 
swellings could be so limited. Furthermore, Milroy records the 


314 


Filaria loa 45 


evidence of his patient that such a swelling may be rubbed to 
remove it, so that the evidence is at least somewhat confused. 

It can hardly be that the parasite in its migrations stimulates 
nerve fibers or endings and thus produces as secondary results 
the conditions; for any excitation of sensory elements is inad- 
missible, as the swellings are distinctly declared by most authors 
to be painless. Hence Blanchard’s suggestion of similarity to 
the symptoms evoked by Hypoderma lineata, a fly larva that 
carries out subcutaneous migrations, hardly meets the conditions 
_of the case. Looss (1905) calls attention to a more striking 
parallel between the Calabar swellings and those seen at times 
in cases of Sparganum Mansoni, a migrating cestode larva which 
occurs in the East. 

Hardly more acceptable as an explanation of Calabar swell- 
ings is the view that the Loa in its movements stimulates unduly 
reflex or sympathetic fibers. The infrequence of the swellings 
and their distribution as compared with the nervous elements 
‘speak distinctly against the supposed relation. 

Convinced of the insufficiency of previous efforts to explain 
the tumefactions, Manson (1903) advanced the view that they 
are caused by the discharge of embryos into the tissues. This 
discharge of embryos from the parental form is intermittent, 
and would produce the swellings by acting as a mild irritant and 
causing a transient edema. In most respects this view meets the 
conditions thoroughly, and it can hardly be said that definite 
facts are recorded as yet which it fails to explain. Yet its 
acceptance involves distinctly the concession that not all cases 
of infection with F. Joa are subject to Calabar swellings; for 
when the host harbors the male parasite alone, or also only 
immature females, there can be no discharge of embryos into 
the tissues and consequently no swellings produced. The theory 
of Manson conforms to the facts in so far that. cases of F. loa 
are on record and are also distinctly noted by physicians (Zie- 
mann, 1905) in the infected region in which Calabar swellings 
do not occur. On the other hand, there are cases in which the 
swellings are found at such an early period after the coming of 
the host into infected territory that the Loa could not have 


Ww 
— 
Sr 


46 Henry B. Ward 


reached sexual maturity. As already emphasized, all the evi- 
dence points to an extremely slow growth of the parasite and 
to conformable delay in reaching sexual maturity. Unless this 
evidence has been entirely misconstrued, and a more rapid attain- 
ment of sexual maturity is possible under some undetermined 
circumstances, the view of Manson fails to account completely 
for the facts in the case. In the case of Milroy the swellings 
began within two years from the time of entrance into the infected 
region; furthermore, the parasite extracted three years later was 
a male, and so far as known only a single parasite has been pres- 
ent in the body of this patient. 

In view of these facts I venture to suggest another feature 
which may not be without its bearing on the production of these 
‘swellings. The parasite will, from time to time, discharge from 
its body waste materials which in their very nature are toxic and 
hence likely to cause such local changes as the Calabar swell- 
ings. The action in this case would be chemical rather than the 
mechanical irritation from the discharge of embryos. The ulti- 
mate decision in this matter must necessarily await the accumu- 
lation of further evidence. So far as facts at present on record 
are concerned none of the causes advanced thus far are sufficient 
to explain the rarity of the tumefactions in cases of multiple 
infection by the parasite. 


5. CLINICAL DATA 
CLINICAL NOTES ON CASES 53 AND 54 
BY W. F. MILROY, M.D., OMAHA 


Batanga is a settlement situated in German territory, on the 
western coast of Africa in about 3° north latitude. In 1897 Mr. 
K., an American of German parentage, became a resident of this 
place. About two years later he-first observed upon his body a 
tumefaction which, in that country, is known to foreigners as 
“the African swelling,’ and which is by common consent at- 
tributed to a parasite. To the natives this parasite is known as 
the eye worm because of a disposition it exhibits to frequent the 
neighborhood of that organ. 

316 


Filaria loa 47 


That the swelling is caused by this parasite seems not to be a 
fact absolutely established. However, upon one occasion within 
the knowledge of Mr. K., one of these upon the dorsal surface 
of a woman’s hand, being rubbed with a view to removing it, the 
parasite was seen to emerge from the tumefaction and make its 
way across the metacarpo-phalangeal articulation, from which 
location it was extracted. Upon another occasion the swelling 
appeared, upon his own person, over the right frontal eminence. 
Within an hour it had extended downwards across the supra- 
orbital arch, along the right side of the nose, and outward be- 
neath the eye as far as the outer limit of the orbit. During this 
process, when the swelling reached the side of the nose, the 
movements of the parasite became visible beneath the skin and 
upon the surface of the tumefaction, where it was seen to cross 
below the eye, and the sharp, stinging sensation was apparent to 
its host as it made its way downward across his cheek. From 
these and similar observations there would appear to be little 
room to question the correctness of the assumption that the oc- 
currence of this swelling is conclusive evidence of the presence 
of the parasite. 

The swelling is from three to five or eight centimeters in diam- 
eter and not greatly elevated. The appearance of its cutaneous 
covering remains normal. A sharp stinging or smarting sensa- 
tion with more or less itching attracts attention where the swell- 
ing is about to appear. The swelling .is indurated and is some- 
times accompanied by great pain, but in other cases pain is 
absent. From its first appearance until the part returns to its 
normal condition a period of two or three days elapses. It occurs 
upon the head or face, the wrists, hands or fingers, the ankles, 
feet or toes. It is seldom seen upon other parts of the body. 
This may be accounted for by the relative deficiency of subcu- 
taneous connective tissue in the parts mentioned. When the 
joints of the extremities are involved, marked stiffness and pain 
are felt on motion, and in some instances creaking of the joint 
so marked as to sometimes be audible at a distance. No distinc- 
tion of age, sex, or condition exists as to susceptibility to inva- 
sion of this parasite. The host is never aware of its presence 


317 


48 Henry B. Ward 


except when it approaches the surface of the body, and no con- 
stitutional symptom is recognized as due to its presence. So far 
as known to Mr. K. no permanent harm has ever resulted from 
its occupation of the human body. 

In February, 1902, Mr. K. came to me for the removal of his. 
“eye worm’ which had made its appearance beneath the cuta- 
neous surface of the upper lid of his right eye. Its movements 
were readily visible. A fold of the skin was firmly seized with 
a forceps so as to include the moving body, an incision was made 
near the forceps and after a search of fifteen or twenty minutes 
a portion of the parasite appeared in the wound; this was seized 
and the animal extracted. Since the first appearance of the par- 
asite in his body in 1899, it had shown itself at points as remote 
_as the sole of the foot and the face. He sometimes was unaware 
of its presence for two or three months continuously, but it was 
usually manifest at much shorter intervals. Previously unsuc- 
cessful efforts had been made to remove it from the inner side 
of his left arm, below the nipple on the left side, and near the 
lower angle of the left scapula. As a rule, having appeared at 
an accessible point it was gone before a surgeon could be reached. 
Mr. Kk. stated that he had experienced no inconvenience from the 
presence of his tenant except when it approached the surface of 
his body where it usually remained but a very short time. On 
one occasion it gave rise to violent pain as it made its way across 
the sclerotica below the iris of the right eye. 

Since the extraction of this specimen four fnoniths have 
elapsed with no recurrence of the symptoms. Whether more 
than a single specimen has ever existed in the body of this gen- 
tlemen he does not know, but during the period of about three 
years, from the first sign of its presence until the extraction of 
the parasite in February last, the characteristic manifestations 
have never appeared simultaneously at more than one point. 


OBSERVATIONS OF LOTA 


To these notes of the case of Milroy it is valuable to append 
another little-known record quoted by Terrin. It is an interest- 
ing account which gives the following clinical picture of F. loa 


318 


Filaria loa 49 


and comes from the observation of a French physician, Lota, 
who had opportunity to study the action of the worm in his own 
eye. 

After his stay in Gaboon and return to France, Lota suffered 
oft-recurring conjunctivitis with which he was not previously 
afflicted. Suddenly he felt in the right eye a sting without out- 
ward cause, and a feeling of heaviness which was unpleasant, 
while at the same time there arose an active injection of the con- 
junctiva bulbi. These symptoms disappeared on application of 
cold lotions to the eye, but recurred in a few days. Lota attached 
no importance to the matter. Five months after his return he 
was awakened from sleep one morning by a sharp pain in the 
right eye. He had the sensation of a foreign body under the 
upper lid, accompanied by frequent winking. As he drew up the 
upper lid before a mirror, he noticed the conjunctiva was red- 
dened, swollen, and slightly elevated. He recognized under it a 
yellow irregular mass without being able to determine its nature. 
The sensation of a foreign body lasted about two hours and then 
ceased suddenly. Lota investigated the eye again and could 
determine only a slight conjunctivitis ; the yellow body was gone! 

That evening the same symptoms came on again. Lota noted 
on the sclera a yellow, round body of the caliber of a knitting 
needle, about 2 to 3 cm. long, which moved itself from the ex- 
ternal angle of the eye towards the caruncle, at times straight, 
again bending itself into U and S shapes; it crept along under 
the corium above the sclera only to disappear at the inner angle 
of the eye. Next evening the worm showed itself under similar 
circumstances below the conjunctiva above the cornea; here it 
remained a long time so that several colleagues of Lota could 
observe its presence and movements. It then disappeared again 
into the depth of the eye and ‘never appeared thereafter. Its 
presence had induced no further change on the bulb than an 
insignificant elevation of the connective tissue. The visual power 
was never disturbed. 


6. CRITICAL BIBLIOGRAPHY .OF Filaria loa 


The accompanying bibliography includes all references to 
Filaria loa and also all which at any time, so far as I have been 


319 
4 


50 Henry B. Ward 


able to ascertain, have been construed as such, together with the. 
publications which have contributed to the explanation of any 
doubtful cases. No attempt has been made to include all refer- 
ences to human eye worms other than F. Joa, although the in- 
volved condition of this subject has resulted in bringing together 
here the majority of these also. The list includes only the more 
prominent text-books, or such as contain extended discussions 
or original contributions to a knowledge of this species. For 
valuable assistance and criticism in the preparation of this bib- 
liography I am indebted to Professor J. I. Wyer, librarian of the 
University of Nebraska. 

In printing these references the two numbers separated by a 
colon denote volume and page, 1. e. 28:510 means volume 28, 
_ page 510. An additional number in parentheses before the two 
just explained denotes the series and is used only when the vol- 
umes of each series are numbered separately from those of pre- 
ceding series. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 


Appario, C. 
1885. Su di un nematode dell’occhio umano. Ann. d. ottalm., 

14 :135-48, I pl. 

This much-cited paper deals with another species, F. conjunc- 
tivae, identical with the form described later by Grassi as 
F, inermis, a normal parasite of horse and ass, and an occa- 
sional one in man. It is entirely distinct from F. loa. 

Annett, H. E., Dutton, J. E., anp Exxiott, J. H. 
1901. Report of the Liverpool Expedition to Nigeria. Part 

II. Filariasis. Thompson Yates Laboratory Reports, 

4:1-93, 14 pl. 

Found F. diurna in a boy of lower’ Nigeria who was also in- 
fected with F. loa. Second case of F. loa without embryos 
in blood. Relation of F. diurna and F. Bancroftt discussed 
at length; weight of evidence favors identity. 

ARRACHART, J. N. 
1805. Mémoires, dissertations et observations de chirurgie. 


Paris, 8°, 302/pp. 


320 


Filaria loa 51 


Mémoire sur les vers des yeux. Lu a l’Academie de chirurgie 
en 1778; (p. 217) records the cases in St. Domingo known 
to him and asserts that the Loa is a valid species distinct from 
the Guinea worm. ~Reproduces Bajon, 1777, and Guyot, 1805. 

ASSENOVA, SABA, 
1899. Etude sur la provenance des entozoaires superficiels. 

These. Fac. med. univ. Nancy, No. 6. 

Cites verbatim the case of Lota as Obs. XXII, briefly that of 
Robertson as Obs. XXIII, and notes in text few other cases 
without details. 

BacHE vor, H. M. 
1880. The Eye Parasite, Dracunculus loa. (Letter to the 

editor from Gaboon, W. Coast of Africa. Dec. 15, 

1670.) > Med: Record); Nev¥., 07244; 


Specimen extracted from native young man. The first perfect 
specimen sent to U. S. A. 


1881. Filaria loa and Pulex penetrans. Med. Record, N. Y., 

19 :470-71. 

Case in white woman, missionary; three worms removed. Dr. 
Nassau (cf. Morton, 1877) “had one in the areolar tissue 
between the thumb and index finger.” 

1881a. Filaria loa and Pulex penetrans. (Trans. T1V.=) Bull. 
Nz V2 Path. Socy., (2); 1 2108-11. 
Identical reprint of Bachelor, H. M., 1881. 
Bajon, M. 
1777. Mémoire pour servir a l’histoire de Cayenne et de la 

Guyane francoise. Paris, 2 vols., 8°. Abstr. in Jour. 

de méd., (1778) 49 :386-408, 481-97. 

Two cases (1:325) in negroes at Cayenne, in 1768 and 1771. 


Quoted verbatim by Blanchard (1899) under date of 1778. 
Also in Arrachart, 1805 :217. 


1781, Abhandlungen von den Krankheiten auf der Insel Cay- 
enne und der franzdsischen Guyana. Erfurt. Bd. I, 
II. 


Not found. Cited after Kraemer (1899). Probably translation 
of Bajon, 1777. 


205 


52 Henry B. Ward 


BarKAN, A. 
1876. A case of Filaria medinensis in the Anterior Chamber. 
Arch. Ophth. and Otol., N.-Y., 5:151—-52. 
Filamentous object adherent to iris was removed from native 
Australian and found on microscopic examination to be 
“F. medinensis.” Can hardly be F. Joa, but the absence of 
data leaves it permanently uncertain. Perhaps an Australian 
flaria. 
1876a. Ein Fall von Filaria in der vorderen Augenkammer. 
Archiv. f. Augenheilk., 2:381-82. 
Literal translation of Barkan, 1876. 
BaArrReETT, J. W. 
1896. A case of Filaria oculi human. Archives of Ophthalm., 
N. Y., 25 :291-92. 

Worm removed in 1893 from eye of white male who had lived 
on Gold Coast and had come to Melbourne four years before. 
Identification probable. First case in Australia. 

1897. Ein Fall von Filaria im menschlichen Auge. Arch. 

Augenheilk., 34:255. Cf. CB. Bakt. u. Par., 22:4109. 

Literal translation of Barrett, 1896. 

BERNARD, P. 


1898. Un cas de Filaria loa male. Archives d’ophtalmologie, 
Paris, 18:604-6. Abst. in Jour. Trop. Med., I:110—11. 


Removed from white male who had lived in Congo (1894-96). 
First seen about three years before removal. Identified by 
Blanchard; second case, first male, of F. Joa seen in France. 


BLANCHARD, R. 
1885-88. Traité de zoologie médicale. Paris, 2 vols. 8°. 
Exact account with full references to cases of F. loa (2:10-12). 
1886. La Filaire sous-conjonctivale (Filaria loa Guyot). Le 
Progrés médical, Paris, (2) 4:591-93, 611-12. Also in 
Rey. clin. d’oculist., No. VII, p. 159 (after Kraemer, 
1899 :85). 


Fine record of earlier cases with discussion of structure, life 
history, and relation to eye worms of other animals. Pres- 
ence in American hemisphere attributed to slave trade. 


abe 


Filaria loa 53 


1899. Nouveau cas de Filaria loa. Arch. Parasitol., Paris, 
2 3504-34, 12 figs., Rev. in CB. Bakt. u. Par., 28:457; 
Zool. Centr., 7 :243-44. 

Complete discussion of twenty-five old and one new case with 
full illustrations of structure and data on life history and 
distribution. Good bibliography. 

Braun, M. 

1902. Die tierischen Parasiten des Menschen. Dritte Aufl. 
Wurzburg, 8°, 360 pp., 272 figs. [Title page date 1903; 
received here in Dec., 1902. ] 

F. loa (p. 271); brief, accurate. 


BRUMpPT, E. 
1904. La Filaria loa, Guyot, est la forme adulte de la Micro- 
filaire désignée sous le nom de Filaria diurna Manson. 

CR. Soc. Biol., Paris, 56 :630—32. 

In an autopsy on the Congo, F. diurna was found in the blood, 
also a fragment of an adult female filaria in the heart; the 
latter agreed in all details with F. loa, but the absence of 
head and tail made a final determination impossible. The 
author regards F. loa as an accidental parasite of the eye. 

CHIRALT, V. 
1880. Sobre un caso di filaria oculi. Att. session congress reg. 

cien. med. 1879, Cadiz. Cron. oftal., Cadiz, (1880-81) 

10 :473-80. 

Not seen; cited by Kraemer, 1899:85. Probably identical with 
following reference. 

1882. Sobra un caso filaria oculi. Cadiz, Att. session congress 
reg. cien. med. [of 1879], pp. 2-0, 7 fig. 

Not seen; cited by Coppez, 1894:567, as Filaria in vitreous 
body, p. 473. 

CLEmow, F. G. . 
1903. The Geography of Disease. Camb. Geog. Series; 624 
pp., maps. 


F. loa (p. 609) only on W. Coast Africa, endemic from a few 
degrees N. L. to about 10° S. L. Not in America since 
cessation of slave trade. 


323 


54 . Henry B. Ward 


Criot-Bey. 

1832. Dragonneau. Revue générale Académie royale des 
sciences.  Séance du 10 décembre. Archives gén- 
érales de médecine, Paris, 1o™* année, 30:573. 

Gervais et van Beneden (1859), Davaine (1877), and Rayer 
(1843) cite the reference as given. I have compared the 
original and the citation is absolutely correct; there is no hint 
in the abstract of any other author. The brief description 
records an observation by the author of a worm in the orbit 
and crossing the cornea of a slave girl in Monpox, brought 
from Africa some years before. Yet according to Guyon 
(1838) Clot-Bey says he has never been in America, and 
Leuckart (1881), together with later authors, declares the 
citation incorrect, and all attribute the case to Roulin, by what 
authority I have been unable to ascertain. It does not help 
the case to read in Guyot (1838) “Als ich mich im Jahr 1828 
zu. Monpox am Magdalenenflusse in Neugranada _ befand, 
fuhrte mich ein dort ansassiger franzosischer Apotheker zu 
einer 25 bis 30 Jahr alten Negerin der schon erwachsen aus 
Afrika herttber transportirt worden war,” etc. 

CopsoLp, T. S. 

1864. Entozoa. An Introduction to the Study of Helminthol- 
ogy. London, 8°, 480 pp., 21 pl., and 82 text figs. 
Brief account under Dracunculus loa (p. 388). Defends its 

specific distinctness. Cites Davaine (1877) for further 
details. 


1879. Parasites. London, 8°, 508 pp., 85 text figs. 


Transfers species back to genus Filaria (p. 205). Otherwise 
as before. Short bibliography. 


Coox, A. R. 
1901. Notes on the Diseases met with in Uganda, Central 
Africa. Jour. Trop. Med., 4:175-78. 
Records (p. 178) the occurrence of two cases of Filaria diurna 
in this region. 
Coppez, H. 
1894. Un cas de Filaire dans la chambre antérieure d'un oeil 
humain. Archives d’ophtalm., 14:357-62. Also in Clin- 
ique, Bruxelles, 1894, 8:481-84. 
An infant negress from the Congo, worm in anterior chamber; 
imniature. 


324 


Filaria loa 55 


1895. Progress of Ophthalmology. Arch. cf Ophthal., N. Y., 
24 :284. 

Review of Coppez, 1894. 
Cunier, FI. 

1843. As editor reprinted Nordmann, 1843, and Rayer, 1843, 
with comments, etc. Ann. doculist., Bruxelles, 
9 :136-77. 

DAVAINE, C. 

1860. Traité des Entozoaires et des maladies vermineuses de 
Vhomme et des animaux domestiques. Paris, 8°, 
xix+xcii+828 pp., 37-31 figs. 

Full data on earlier cases. 

1877. Idem, Paris, II. ed., cxxxii+1003 pp., 72+38 text figs. 
Apparently identical reprint (pp. cviit839) of earlier edition 

as regards this species. 


DE METs, —. 
1896. Une observation de filaire de la retine. Belgique Meéd., 
Gand-Haarlem, 1:737-42. Abst. in Ann. Ophth. & Otol., 
No Ss BOG. 


Nematodes in urine; not precisely described or identified. Not 
F. loa, Presence in retina inferred. ; 


DiEsinc, C. M. 
1851. Systema Helminthum. Bd. II. Vindobonae. 


Under F. medinensis (p. 270): “Habitaculum, homo. 
rarissime sub conjunctiva oculi (Bajon, Mongin, et Blott).” 


1861. Revision der Nematoden. S. B. math-natw. K1., Akad. 
Wiss., Wien, 42, Nr. 28. 
Lists F. loa as Dracunculus oculi (p. 697). 
DRAKE, BROCKMAN. 
1894. [Notes.] Ophth. Rev. (London), 13:331. Also in 
Ophth. Socy.—Brit. Med. Journ., 1894, 2:921. 


In eye of young woman in Madras, India; worm escaped from 
puncture and not studied. Blanchard (1899) thinks this is 
more probably F. equina, common in India. 


1894a. Cas de Filaria loa sous-conjonctivale. Annales d’ocu- 
list;,-112 :336. 
Translation of Drake, 1894. 


325 


56 Henry B. Ward 


DuJArDIN, F. 
1845. Histoire naturelle des helminthes ou vers intestinaux. 
Paris, 8°, avec un atlas de 12 pl. 
Notes (p. 46) the occurrence in the human eye of a Filaria 
not yet described, which is certainly different from 
F, medinensis, 
DUYSE, —, VON. 
1895. Un cas de Filaire dans la chambre antérieure d’un oeil 
humain. Archives d’ophtalm., Paris, 15 :701-6. 
Same case as Coppez (1894), Gauthier (1895), and Lacompte 
(1894) ; worm extracted by latter. Discussion of species and 
records. 
Everssuscu, [O.] 
1891. Entozoen im Glaskorper (Mittelfrankischer Aerztetag 
in Furth). Munchener med. Wochenschr., 38:532. 
Also in Jahresb. d. Leist. u. Fortschr. d. Ophth., 22 :305. 
1892. Glaskorperentozoen. Ber. tber d. xxi. Versammlung 
d. Ophth. Ges. Heidelberg, 1891:249. Ausserordent- 
liches Beilageheft zu Klin. Monatsblatter f. Augenheil- 
kunde, 29. 
Preliminary report on supposed living worm observed by eye 


mirror. Extended description not published as promised. 
Certainly not F. loa. Probably persistent hyaloid artery. 


Fano, [S.]. 
1868. Observation de filaire vivante du corps vitré. Union 
méd., Paris; (3) 5:389-91. 
Observed by eye mirror in child of twelve years; not removed. 
1868a. Filaire vivante dans le corps vitré. Annales d’oculist., 
59 :207-8. 
Literal reprint of Fano, 1868. 


1876. Filaire vivante du corps vitré. Modifications survenues 
dans l’oeil malade huit ans apres le premier examen. 
Jour. d’oculist., Paris, 42:172-74. 


Examination of case of 1868 after eight years. Original text 
reproduced. Further observations unimportant. Not F. loa. 


326 


Filaria loa 57 


GAUTHIER, C. 
1905. Microfilaires du sang coincidant avec une filaire de 

l’oeil. CR. Soc. Biol., Paris, 58 :632-34. 

In a patient who had had a filaria in the eyelid were found later 
embryos like Manson’s F. diurna but smaller than Brumpt’s 
measurements of the embryos of F. loa. 

GAUTHIER, G. 
1895. Filaria oculi human. Annal. de Inst. chir. Bruxelles. 

Chap. Ophtalm., p. 15. 

Not found; probably the same as the foliSetngs entry. 

18g95a. Filaire de l’oeil humain. (Annal. de linstitut chir. de 
Bruxelles, 1895.) Ann. d’oculist., 114 :152—-53. 

Only a short: review by Dastot. Young Congo girl; worm 
moved rapidly through anterior chamber; not extracted; 
probably F. Joa. According to Blanchard (1899) same case 
as Coppez (1894). 

GERVAIS, P., ET VAN BENEDEN, P. J. 
1859. Zoologie médicale. Paris. J. B. Bailliére et Fils. 8°, 
2 vols., 198 text figs. 
Case communicated by French marine surgeon, Lestrille, from 
Gaboon, 1854, given in full (p. 143). Older cases quoted. 
GESCHIEDT, A. 
1833. Die Entozoen des Auges, eine naturhistorische, ophthal- 
mologische Skizze. Zeit. f£. Ophthal., Dresden, 3 :405-62. 


An oft cited reference which concerns a small nematode other- . 


wise unknown (cf. Nordmann, 1832), and certainly not F. loa. 
Discussion of eye parasites in other animals. 
Grassi, B. 
1887. Filaria inermis (mihi) ein Parasit des Menschen, des 
Pferdes, und des Esels. CB. Bakt. u. Par., 1 :617-73. 


Extended description of F. conjunctivae, Addario, 1885, (q.v.) 
and of the cases of this species sometimes confused with 
F, loa. 


Guyon, {jJ., LG]. 

1838. Note sur des vers observés entre la sclérotique et la con- 
jonctive, chez une négresse de Guinie, habitant la Mar- 
tinique. CR. Acad. Sci., Paris, 7:755-56. (Cf. Guyot, 
1838. ) 


327 


58 Henry B. Ward : 


Case of Blot who extracted two F. loa from a young negress 
of Martinique that had come from the African Coast. The 
worms were sent Guyon. 

1841. Note sur un ver trouvé dans le tissu cellulaire sous- 
conjonctival. Gaz. méd. de Paris, 9:106. 

Corrects an erroneous reference to the preceding case as due to 
cysticerci, and quotes Biot as reporting the patient perfectly 
well to date. 

1864. Sur un nouveau cas de filaire sous-conjonctival, ou 
Filaria oculi des auteurs observé au Gabon (céte occi- 
dental d’Afrique). CR. Acad. Sci., Paris, 59:743-48. 
One specimen taken from a negro of Gaboon, Africa, and ex- 

tended reference to six previous cases, all from America. 
Gives as the first evidence of the occurrence of F. loa a plate 
printed in Frankfort (Germany) in 1598. This much-cited 
illustration is shown by Ward (1905) to be fanciful. 

1864a. Sur un nouveau cas de filaire sous-conjonctival ou 
Filaria oculi des auteurs, observé au Gabon (céte occi- 
dental d’Afrique). Annales d’oculist., 52:241-45. 
Reprint of Guyon, 1864. 

GUYOT, — —. 
1805. In Arrachart, 1805. Copied by Rayer (1843) as Obs. IX. 


French naval surgeon records six cases in 1777 from African 
Coast. Extraction attempted and failed. 
GUYOT, — —. 

1838. Ueber Wiurmer welche sich unter der, den vorderen 
Theil des menschlichen Auges bedeckenden, Schleimhaut 
aufhalten. Froriep’s Neue Notizen, 8:230-31. 

Cites earlier cases, notes as new that of Blot who sent one 
specimen to Blainville. This paper is that referred to under 
Clot-Bey, 1832. This apparently should be Guyon, 1838, with 
which it agrees, though the German translator has printed 


consistently Guyot. This same error has been made more 
recently by Scheube, 1900. 


HABERSHON, S. H. 
1904. Calabar Swellings on the Upper Congo. [Includes let- 
ter from D. Argyll Robertson.] Jour. Trop. Med., 


713-4. 


328- 


Filaria loa 59 


Almost every European at Yakusu suffered. Clinical data, 
Several cases of Loa briefly noted. Letter gives further his- 
tory of Robertson’s patient, including extraction of parasites 

* not in eye. 


Harrison, J. H. H. 
1904. Filaria loa (?). Selected Colon. M. Repts., 1901-2, 
London, p. 46. 
Not seen. Cited from Index Medicus. 
Henry, F. P. 
1896. Remarks on Filaria. Proc. Acad. Nat. Sci., Phila., 1896: 
271-75. Rev. in Zool. Jahresb., 1896, Vermes, p. 44. 


Cites cases and data from Manson and Robertson; rejects Man- 
son’s view that F. loa is adult of the embryonic blood worm 
known as F. diurna. 


HIRSCHBERG, J. 
1895. Ueber einen aus dem menschlichen Augapfel entfernten 
Fadenwurm. Berliner klin. Wochenschr., 32 :956—58, 971. 
Rev. in, Zool; Centr. “3 233 CB. Bakt.. a. Par. FS :755. 
Also 1896, Verh. Berlin. med. Ges., 26, pt. 2:287-94; 
Centralb. prakt. Augenheilk., 20:27—32, 4 figs. 


Female F. Joa taken from eye of negro in Cayo, French Congo. 
Review of earlier cases. 


Huser, J. Cu. 

1898. Bibliographie der klinischen Helminthologie. Supple- 
mentheft. Inhalt: Filaria (excl. F. sanguinis hominis), 
Strongylus, Gnathostoma, Strongyloides, Rhabditis, Pen- 
tastomum. Jena, 22 pp. 

F. loa (pp. 3-5); doubtful cases (p. 6). References arranged 
by countries, brief annotations. 
Joseru, E. 

1903. Medizinische Mittheilungen aus wunseren  westafrik- 
anischen Kolonieen. Dtsch. med. Woch., 29:145. 
Describes Kamerun swellings as occurring anywhere, but espe- 


cially on extremities. Not painful, no temperature, cure 
spontaneous in few days. 


Keres G8, 
1904. Calabar Swelling and its Relationship to Filaria loa and 
diurna. Jour. Trop. Med., 7:195-96. 


329 


60 Henry B. Ward 


Cites theories of Manson and Robertson regarding Calabar 
swellings. Records cases of Habershon, Wurtz, and Han- 
ley. Thinks this evidence demonstrates relation of F. loa 
and its embryonic form F. diurna to the trouble. 


1905. [Abstract.] Arch. f. Schiffs u. Tropen-Hyg., 9 :18r. 
1905a. Kalabarbeulen und ihre Beziehungen zu Filaria loa und 

diurna. Minch. med. Wochenschr., 52:474. 

Review of Kerr, T. S., 1904. 

KINGSLEY, Mary H. : 
1897. Travels in West Africa, Congo Francais, Corisco, and 

Cameroons. Macmillan & Co., London, 8°. 

Under diseases the author notes “lastly, a peculiar abomination, 
a filaria. . . . I have seen the eyes of natives simply 
swarming with these filariae. . . . A similar but not iden- 
tical worm is fairly common on the Ogowé and is liable to 
get under the epidermis of any part of the body.” 

KRAEMER, A. 
1899. Die tierischen Schmarotzer des Auges. IV. Die Faden- 
wurmer (Filariae) des Auges. Grafe-Samisch Hand- 

buch, II Theil, X Band, 10 und 11 Lief., xviii Kapitel: 

64-87, figs. 7-9, 182 pp., 17 figs. Rev. CB. Bakt. u. Par., 

28 :517-18. 

Full record of earlier cases with unfortunate misprints in 
names and dates; includes under F. loa doubtful cases and 
also Addario, determined by Grassi as F. inermis. Says 
F. loa occurs in eyelids and fingers, though Morton, the au- 
thority cited, only gives this as the opinion of Nassau; be- 


lieves F. loa and also the Guinea worm may wander back 
into tissue of orbit. 


KuHnt, H. 
1888. Extraction eines Fadenwurms (Filaria) aus der Regio 
macularis des menschlichen Glaskorpers. Corr. Bl. allg. 
arztl. Ver. Thtiringen, 17 541-55. 


Original not seen. Cited thus by Kraemer, 1899. 

1892. Extraction eines neuen Entozoon aus dem Glaskorper 
des Menschen. Archiv. f. Augenheilk., 24:205—-29. 
2 figs. 


Peculiar small nematode, not identified by Leuckart, not F. loa. 
Removed by operation from the vitreous body. 


sou.) 


Filaria loa 61 


LAcomPTE, C, 
1894. Observation d’une Filaria oculi dans la chambre anté- 
rieure de l’oeil d’une Congolaise ; extraction de l’entozo- 
aire. Annales soc. méd. de Gand, 73 :375-86. 


aE L 


Observation brief (pp. 375-77); report on same (pp. 378-86) 
identical with Van Duyse (1895) who is also named here as 
on the commission. 

LALLEMANT, |L.]. 
1844. Filaria im Auge eines Negers. Casper’s Wochenschr. 

f. d. ges. Heilkunde, 1844 :842. 

From negro in Rio Janeiro, broke in removal, case regarded as 
unique, but assigned to Guinea worm. 

Larrey, D. J. 
i812. Mémoires de chirurgie militaire et campagnes. Paris, 
4 vols. (1812, 1812, 1812, 1817). 
. Cites de Lassus (1:223) on Filaria loa. Copied verbatim by 
Blanchard, 1899. 
LASSUS, —, DE. 
Reported by Larrey (1812:223, q.v.). 


Lerpy, Jos. 
1877. See Morton, T. G., 1877. 


LESTRILLE, — —. 
Reported by Gervais et van Beneden (1859 :143, q.v.). 


Leuckarrt, R. 
1863-76. Die menschlichen Parasiten, etc. 2 v. 8°. Leipzig. 


F. loa (2:619-22). Full analysis of older cases. 


1881. Bericht tiber die wissenschaftlichen Leistungen in der 
Naturgeschichte der niederen Thiere wahrend der Jahre 


1876-79. Arch. f. Naturges., 1877, 2:397. 


Cites Morton (1877), adds case from European on Loango 
Coast, examined worm and pronounced F. loa a good species. 
Though bearing the date of 1877 and usually quoted as such, 
this article includes data up to 1879. It was received by the 
Harvard Library in Dec., 1881. I adopt this year as the date 
of the paper. 


331 


62 Henry B. Ward 


LINSCHGTEN, JAN HUYGHEN VAN. 
1596. Itinerario. Voyage ofte Schipvaert von Ta Huygen van 
Linschoten naer Oost ofte Portugaels Indien, ete. 
t’Amstelredam. Cornelis Claesz, 4°. 


This work, of which only three editions are noted here, is often 
incorrectly cited as giving evidence of the occurrence of 
F, loa in Africa in 1598. (Cf. Ward, 1905.) This, the orig- 
inal edition, has not the plate supposed to illustrate the ex- 
traction of F. loa. 


1610. Histoire de la Navigation de Jean-Hugues de Linscot 
Hollandois et de son Voyage es Indes Orientales, etc. 
Amstelredam, Theodore Pierre, 4°. 

This later reprint possesses the plate in question. 

1885. The voyage of ... tothe East Indies. From the Old 
English translation of 1598. The First Book. Edited. 
In 2 vols. Hakluyt Society, London. (Reprint of edi- 
tion of 1598.) 5 
The footnotes of this reprint (pp. 46, 52) disclose clearly the 

fictitious character of the plate in question. 
LINsTow, O. VON. 

1900. Ueber die Arten der Blutfilarien des Menschen. Zool. 
Anz., 23 :76-84. 

Discusses briefly the form Filaria diurna Manson and the view 
that this is the larva of F. loa. 
Loney, W. 

1844. Extirpation of Dracunculi from the eye. Lancet, Lon- 
don, 1 :309. 

English marine surgeon removed F, Joa from two natives of 
West Coast of Africa. Description scanty. 
Looss, A. 

1904. Zur Kenntniss des Baues der Filaria loa Guyot. Zool. 
Jahrb., Abt. Syst., 20:549-74. 1 pl. 

Extended and admirable account of the anatomy with careful 
references to earlier work .on this phase. 


1905. Von Wutrmern und Arthropoden hervorgerufene Er- 
krankungen. Handbuch der Tropenkrankheiten, heraus- 
gegeben von Dr. C. Mense. 1:77—2009, 54 text figs, pls. 
BG. 


332. 


Filaria loa 63 


u 


F. diurna, p. 167; F. loa, pp. 177-79. Brief but very complete 
and correct review of anatomy, life history, and pathology 
so far as known, including account of Calabar swellings 
which are likened to those produced by Sparganum Mansont. 

Lopez, E. 
1891. Filaria en la camaria anterior. Rev. de cien. méd. 

Habana, 6:260. 

Not found; cited after Kraemer, 1899. 


ora | P.1.] 
1884. [Filaire sous-conjonctivale.] In Terrin, L., 1884. 
Cited in full in the present paper (p. 49). 


Lupwic, H. 
1896. Filaria loa. Sitz.-ber. niederrhein. Ges. f. Nat. u. 
Heilk., Bonn, 1896, nat-w. Sect., pp. 50-2. (Sitzung 3 
Feb., 1896.) 
Report of previous papers, including Ludwig & Saemisch 
(1895). Added data from Manson’s and Robertson’s cases. 
Lupwic, H., uND SAEMISCH, TH. 
1895. Ueber Filaria loa Guyot im Auge des Menschen. Zeit. 
f. wiss. Zool., 60:726-40, 1 pl. Rev. in CB. Bakt. u. Par., 
1 Abt., 19:424-25; Lubarsch—Ost., 3 :618; Zool. Cent., 
3:209-10. Schmidt’s Jahrb., Bd. 251; Ann. Ophth. and 
Otol., N. Y., 5 :1097-08. 
Female specimen extracted from beneath conjunctiva of Rus- 
4 sian marine officer whose last trip to West Coast of Africa 
was in 1891. Careful description of anatomy of worm. 
MAcNAMARA, — —. 
1863. Filaria papillosa in the Eye of Man and the Horse. 
Indian Ann. Med. Sci., Calcutta. 
Not seen, noted by Robertson (1894) and others. Cited after 
Huber (1898). The date is given 1864 by some authors. 
Mateat, [J.]. 
1893. Filaire ou dragonneau du corps vitré. Rec. d’ophtal., 
Paris, (3) 15 :280-83. 


Case of man in French Alps; description uncertain, probably 
filament or artery, certainly not F. loa. 


333 


64 


Henry B. Ward 


MANSON, SiR PATRICK. 


1891. The Filaria sanguinis hominis major and minor, two new 

species of Haematozoa. Lancet, London, 1891, 1:4-8, 

15 figs. 

Suggests that F. loa when in the eye has “lost its way” and its 
proper habitat is some part more favorable for release of the 
embryos into the general circulation. Queries whether the 
smaller form, later called F. perstans, might not be the larva 
of F. loa. Subsequently he assigned this role to the larger 
species, now called F. diurna. 

1893. The Filariae sanguinis hominis and Filaria Disease. 

Chap. 21 in Hygiene and Diseases of Warm Climates 

by Andrew Davidson. Edinburg and London, pp. 738- 
851, figs. 51-78. 
Not on F. loa. 


1893a. Diseases of the Skin in Tropical Climates. Chap. 24 in 
Hygiene and Diseases of Warm Climates, by Andrew | 
Davidson. Edinburg and London, pp. 928-95, figs. 
80-97. 
Record of F. loa (p. 961) quoted from Morton, 1877. Also 


case of negro with F. Joa and later F. diurna in blood. Sug- 
gests relation. 


1895. See Robertson, D. A. 1895b. 
1898. Tropical Diseases. London, 8°.— 
Two new cases noted briefly; relation of F. loa and F. diurna 
discussed. 
1900. Tropical Diseases. London. Revised edition, 8°, 704 
pps. Lia illus) 2 cole pl. 
Identical in the main with earlier edition, but adds discussion 
on Calabar swellings. 
1903. Calabar Swellings on the Upper Congo. Jour. Trop. 
Med., 6:347-48. 
Records eight cases among missionaries, two coming under his 
9 wn observation. The peculiar geographic range, transient 
character, irregular recurrence of these swellings, and asso- 
ciation with F. loa, all point to a causal relation. Conjec- 


tures the cause as the parturition of F. loa; failure to find 
embryos due to time or incompleteness of observation. 


334 


Filaria loa | 65 


1904. A Note on Dr. Primrose’s Paper on Filariasis. Brit. 

Med. Jour., 1904, 2:72-73. 

Upholds specific distinctness of F. diurna from F. Bancrofti 
as against Annett, Dutton, and Elliott. Reports occurrence 
of F. diurna in case of sleeping sickness in Paris at this time. 

MAUREL, — —. 
1868. Recorded as Obs. III by Trucy, 1873 (q.v.). 


MITcHELL, H. 

1859. Report of a Case of a Guinea Worm in the Eye. Lancet, 
London, 2 :533-34. 

Young negress taken from West Coast of Africa to Trinidad 
in 1834; worm first seen in 1837, again in 1841, 1845; hence 
at least eleven years in body; had grown from 0.5 in. to 2 in. 
Felt in body later, but not seen [?same worm?]. 

MonGIN, — —. 

1770. Observation sur un Ver trouvé sous la conjonctive, a 
Maribarou, isle Saint Domingue. Jour. de méd., Paris, 
32 3338-39. 
Earliest known case, negress of St. Domingo; worm extracted. 

Montez, R. ; 

1896. Traité de Parasitologie. Paris, 8°, 680 pp. 

Short description (p. 351), annotated list sixteen cases. Refers 
in footnote to Guyon’s discovery of plate of 1598 showing 
operation for removal of eye worm. (Cf. Ward, 1905.) 

Moouin-TAnpon, A. 

1859. Eléments de zoologie médicale. Paris, J. B. Bailliére et 
Fils, 12°, 428 pp., 122 figs. [Title page date 1860. Brit- 
ish Museum stamp date 24 De. 59. Also in printed 
catalogue. | . 


Brief account, unchanged in later editions and translations. 


Morton, T. G. 

1877. Account of a worm (Dracunculus or Filaria loa) re- 
moved by a native woman from beneath the conjunctiva 
of the eyeball of a negress at Gaboon, West Africa, with 
a brief history of the parasite and Professor Leidy’s de- 
scription of the specimen. Amer. Jour. Med. Sci., (2) 
74 :113-10. 

. 335 


66 Henry B. Ward 


Specimen sent by Rev. Dr. Nassau, first brought to, WU S.gAe 
dried in transit, description scanty, clinical notes by Dr. 
Nassau valuable, as he had been infected personally. This 
and the case of an English trader also mentioned are the first 
records of infections among Caucasians. 
NAKAIZUMI, Y. 
1903. Ueber eine Filaria im Glaskorper des Mehsoien Ophth. 
Klin., Stuttgart, 7 SEI6-22. 


Brief record of meas body in vitreous humor which, on ac- 
count of continued movement, the author regarded as a filaria. 
The suggestion that it was an immature F. loa is inad- 
missible; 1f any species, it is more probably F. papillosa, or 
FP. equina. 
NEVE, ARTHUR. 
1895. Filaria loa, [Letter from mission hospital, Kashmir, 
Jan. 7, 1895.] Lancet, London, 1895, 1 :446. 
Reports horse with “fF. loa’ in anterior chamber of eye. Speci- 
men lost. More probably F. equina common in India. 
NorDMANN, ALEX. VON. 
1832. Mikrographische Beitrage zur Naturgeschichte der 
wirbellosen Thiere. Berlin, 4°, Heft. 1, Erste Abhandl., 
p., I-54. 
Gives (p. 7) the history of Filaria oculi humanit. Small nema- 
tode in lens; not F. loa. 
1843. Sur les helminthes dans l’oeil des animaux superieurs. 
(Extrait du Nordmann, 1832.) Arch. méd. comp., I :67— 
Li, “pl. 
Literal translation of Nordmann, 1832. 
1843a. Ueber die Parasiten im Auge der hoheren Tiere. 
Archiv der vergleichenden Medizin, 1 :67. 


Cited by Kraemer 1899. Not found; apparently an unwar- 
ranted translation of the periodical name as well as the title 
of Nordmann, 1843. Re 

NORDMANN ET RAYER. 
1843. Helminthes dans l’oeil de ’homme. Annales d’oculist., 
9 :130-77. 

Reprint of so much of Nordmann (1843) and Rayer (1843) 
as concerns the human eye, with introduction, footnotes, and 
summary by the editor, Cunier. 


336 


Filaria loa 67 


Ozzarp, A. T. 
1903. Filaria loa. Jour. Trop. Med., 6:139. Also correction 
by Thompstone, /bid. 6 :160. 
Two males and two females collected by Thompstone in Opobo, 
Nigeria. Description scanty; purely anatomical. 
PACE, A. 
1867. Sopra. un nuovo nematodo. Giorn. sci. nat. ed 
econom., 2. 
Worm taken from tumor of upper eyelid of boy; named F. pal- 
pebralis (nec Wilson, 1844). Not F. loa, perhaps F. con- 
junctivae Addario (1885, q.v.). 
PENEL, R. 
1904. Les filaires du sang de homme. CR. sect. med. et 
hyg. colonial., Paris, 199-217. 
The autopsy of a Congo negro in Paris showed many adult 
F. loa in the superficial connective tissue of the appendages, 
none elsewhere. F. loa appears in the eye only when young 
and active. It lives later elsewhere and causes transitory 
unexplained troubles or more often none at all. 
1905. Les filaires du sang de Vhomme. Arch. Parasitol., 
9 1187-204. 
Reprint of Penel, R., 1904. 
PICCIRILLI, — —. 
1879. Del elmintiasi oftalmica. L’Independente, 1879 :425—30. 
Not seen; cited after Parona, Elmintologia Italiana. Small 
structures in anterior chamber; probably not worms. 
PECK. ts 
1905. [Demonstration einer durch Operation gewonnenen 
Filaria loa.|_ Dtsch. med. Woch., 31 :1172. 
Specimen taken from under conjunctiva in February, 1905. 
Host lived in Kamerun 1897-98, since then in Germany. No 


intimation of its presence until day before its removal. “The 
worm is an intestinal (sic!) parasite.” 


PIGAFETTA, FILIpPpo., 
1598. Vera descriptio regni africani, quod tam ab incolis quam 


Lusitanis Congus appellatur. Francoforti VV. Richter, 
& Th. & Io. de Bry. 


68 Henry B. Ward 


Falsely cited by various authors as furnishing evidence of the 
occurrence of F. loa in Africa in the sixteenth century. (Cf. 


Ward, 1905.) 
PLEHN, FR. 

1898. Die Kamerun-Kuste. Studien zur Klimatologie, Phy- 
siologie und Pathologie in den Tropen. Berlin, 8°, 363 
pp: 1. charft;.47 textes. 

Observed three cases in Kamerun negroes, a fourth in an 
English official was not seen personally. According to na- 
tives the worm occurs in the eye of goats and sheep also. 
Attributes to F. loa “probably” also certain fugitive swellings 
and dermal inflammations about the size of a silver dollar. 
PRIMROSE, A. 

1903. Filariasis in man cured by removal of the adult worms 
in an operation for lvmph scrotum. Brit. Med. Jour., 
1903, 2:1262-65. 

Records two cases of F. loa in Canada. No examination of 
blood for embryos. 

1905. Idem. Canad. Pract. & Rev., Toronto, 30:135-46. 
Reprint of Primrose, 1903. 

Prout, W. T. 

1902. Filariasis in Sierra Leone. British Med. Jour., 2:879- 

81. Rev. CB. Bakt. u. Par., 32 R:528. 
One case F. Joa in a European, two worms removed, one from 
eyelid, other from loose skin of penis; patient had lived in 
Congo, blood swarming with embryo nematodes. First case 
in Sierra Leone, probably introduced. 
QuaonrI, A. 

1858. (Note dans procés-verbaux de la deuxiéme section, 
séance du 15 septembre, pp. 153-57, 3 figs.) Congrés 
d’Ophthal. de Bruxelles, Compte-rendus (Session de 
1857). Paris. ‘ 


Filaria in vitreous body determined by ophthalmoscope; pro- 
nounced-by later critics nothing more than persistent hyaloid 
artery, although confirmed by Della Chiaje. 


RAILLIET, A. 
1893. Traité de zoologie médicale et agricole. 2me éd. Paris. 
1re fasicule. 


Brief (p. 529); no new cases or facts. 


338 


Filaria loa 69 


RAYER, P. 

1843. Note additionelle sur les vers observés dans l'oeil ou 
dans l’orbite des animaux vertébrés. Archives meéd. 
comparée, I :113—-54. 

Cites thirteen cases in all, the last of which concerns a cysticer- 
cus, some others are uncertain also. 
ROBERTSON, D. ARGYLL. 

1894. Filaria loa. Medical Societies. (Ophthalmological So- 
ciety. Meeting Oct. 18, 1894.) Lancet, London, 1894, 
2:977-78. Also Br. Med. Jour., 2:920-21. 


Woman lived eight years in Old Calabar; worm noted in both 
eyes, removed eight months after return; cites other cases. 
Discussion by Manson notes resemblance between embryos 
oi F. loa and F. diurna. 


1894a. Case of Filaria loa in which the Parasite was Removed 
from under the Conjunctiva. Ophth. Rev., 13 :329-31. 
Rey. CB. Augenheilk., 1894 :388. 
Same case as 1894. Both preliminary to Robertson, 1895b. 
1894b. Cas de Filaria loa sous-conjonctivale. Annales d’ocu- 
lish TES3336, 
Literal translation of Robertson 1894a. 
1895. A Case of Filaria loa. Ophth. Rev., London, 14:93-94. 


Removal of second specimen from same patient as noted in 
Robertson, 1894. Preliminary to Robertson, 1895b. 


1895a. [Translation of Proc. Ophth. Soc. United Kingdom, 

March 14, 1895.] Annales d’oculist., 113 :277—78. 
* Translation of Robertson, 1895. 

1895b. Case of Filaria loa in which the Parasite was Removed 
from under the Conjunctiva. Trans. Ophth. Soc., Lon- 
Aon}. s5137-07 3-2 pk»: Rev. im, Arch, Ophth., (NovY; 
25 7421. 
Records four new cases, reviews old cases, adds note on female 


F. loa from right upper eyelid of same patient and report by 
Manson on structure of these specimens and Logan’s. 


1895c. Demonstration einer Fuilaria loa. Ber. Versammel. 
ophth. Ges., Heidelberg, 24:238. (Pub. at Stuttgart.) 


Brief description and exhibit of specimens (two females and 
one male) from England. 


- ooo 


70 Henry B. Ward 


1897. Filaria loa [Ophthalmological Society.] Lancet, Lon- 

don, 1897, 1:1744. 

Return of his patient to Old Calabar two years previous marked 
by immediate recurrence of her symptoms in aggravated 
form. Itching behind the eyes and swellings in the arms 
were most prominent and said to be almost universal in 
Gaboon. Return to England, but no relief. No embryos in 
blood, excreta, saliva, or mucus. 

1897a. [Quoted on F. loa in London letter of July 2.]. Med. 
Reo Ni Yop 2 704: 
Brief abstract of Robertson, 1897. 

1904. Letter quoted by Habershon, 1904 (q.v.). 


RotuH, FELIx. 
1896. Filaria loa. Lancet, London, 1:764. Rev. in CB. Bakt. 
u. Par., 19:790-91. 
Native girl on Niger coast, West Africa; worm not extracted. 
Other cases in same village. This specimen in eyelid, wan- 
dered across to other eyelid. 
RouLiIn, — —. 
1832. Dragonneau. Arch. gén. de méd., 30:573. 
This reference is given as above by Blanchard (1899) and 
others. Guyon (1864) says it is wrongly attributed to Clot- 
Bey (q.v.) in the review where it was published. I can find 
no trace of a similar article by Roulin in this volume or 
elsewhere. 
Roux, FERNAND. 
1888. Traité pratique des maladies des pays chauds. Paris, G. 
Steinhail, 3 vols. 


Brief (3 :552), no new cases, gives F. lachrymalis as synonym! 
SAMBON, L. W. 
1902. Remarks on the Individuality of Filaria diurna. Jour. 

Trop. Med., 5 :381-84. 

Careful critique of Annett, Dutton, and Elliott’s view of the 
identity of F. diurna and F. Bancrofti. Some difficulties due 
to mixed infections, others to incomplete evidence. No other 
embryo in West Africa which can belong to F. loa. Known 


facts accord with probable life history as taken from other 
species of filaria. 


346 


Filaria loa 71 


1903. {Continuation of 1902.] Jour. Trop. Med., 6:26. 
Annett, Dutton, and Elliott’s suggestion of a diurnal mosquito 
as host for F. diurna fatal to their theory of identity. Man- 
son’s suggestion of Mangrove flies more probable; certainly 
to be found among Tabanidae. 
Santos, CHRISTOV JOSE DOS. 
1833. Case recorded in Sigaud, 1844 (q.v.). 
SANTOS-FERNANDEZ, D. J. 

1879. Filaria en al cuerpo vitreo. Cron. méd-quir.. de la 
Habana, 5 :436—38. 

Not found; cited from Surgeon General’s Catalog. “Twice 
found nematodes in vitreous humor” (Yarr, 1899). 

1882. Cron, méd.-quir. Habana, 8:116. 

Cited thus by Kraemer, 1899. The page given is incorrect, and 
I could not find any such paper or note in volume 8. 
SCHEUBE, B. 

Igoo. Die Krankheiten der warmen Lander. Jena, G. Fischer, 
2d Aufl., 661 pp., 7 pl., 5 charts, 30 text figs. 

Says F. loa (p. 492) can be in anterior chamber, and is probable 
cause of Calabar swellings. 

1903. The Diseases of Warm Countries. Translated from the 
German by Pauline Falcke. Edited by James Cantlie. 
London, John Bale, Sons, 2d ed., 594 pp., 7 and 12 pl., 
58 text figs. 


F. loa (p. 441); says Manson has relinquished the view that 
F. diurna is the larval form corresponding to this adult. 


ScHOLER, — —. 
1875. [Demonstration.] Berlin. klin. Woch., 12:682. (13:8, 
discussion. ) 


Before Berlin Medical Society; woman with living nematode 
12-15 mm. long spirally rolled and actively moving in lens. 
Virchow examined carefully. Interpreted by later critics as 
persistent hyaloid artery. 
SERMON, G., 
1872. Case of Filaria oculi occurring in practice; operation 
and recovery. Canada Med. Rec., Montreal, 1 :173. 


The patient was a bay mare! The species certainly not F. loa. 


341 


72 Henry B. Ward 


SIEBOLD, C. I'H. Von. 
1839. Bericht tiber die Leistungen im Gebiet des Helmin- 
thologie wahrend des Jahres 1838. Archiv f. Naturg., 

1839, 2:152. 

Brief reference to case of Guyot [Guyon?]; also to Clot. 
Moniez (1896) says that both namcs are wrong in this 
review. 

SIGAUD, J.-F.-X. 
1844. Du climat et des maladies du Brésil ou statistique médi- 
cale de cet empire. Paris, 8°. 

A Filaria (p. 135) in the orbit, behind the sclerotic, in a negress 
of Rio Janeiro. May have been a Guinea worm, and not a 
Loa. 

STELLWAG VON CARION, CARL. 
1858. Die Ophthalmologie. Erlangen, 2 vols. 

Quoted by Kraemer, 1889, as a case of Guinea worm in the 
orbit; no cases or data given, account very brief; more prob- 
ably referable to F. loa. 

StossicH, M. 
1897. Filarie e Spiroptere. Lavoro monografico. Boll. Soc. 

Adriat:, 18:13-162. Rev. in Zool. Centr., 5:124; Jour. 

Roy. Mic. Soc., 1898 :63. 

Brief taxonomic description (p. 21); few citations. 


SUPINO, F. 
1900. Sopra una Filaria dell’occhio umano. Rend. Acc. Lincei, 
(5) 9 :85-01, 3 figs. 
Not #. loa. Specimen from Grassi, same as Addario’s (1885) 
F. conjunctivae. 
TeErrRInN, L. 
1884. Etude sur le cysticerque de l’oeil. Thése. Fac. de méd., 
Montpellier, no. 78. 
F. loa (pp. 46-48) as Obs. V., par M. Lota. 
TEXIER, — —. : 
1903. (Cited by Penel, 1904.) 
Found F. diurna in a subject which appeared to have been a 
host for F. loa. 


Filaria lea ‘i 


THOMPSTONE, S. W. 
1899. Calabar Swellings. [Letter with editorial additions. ] 
Jour. Trop. Med., 2 :89-90. 
Discusses fugitive swellings at Old Calabar. Editor notes sim- 
ilar trouble in Robertson’s patient with F. loa, but only 
“since her return home.” 
Trucy, Cu. 
1873. Remarques sur la Filaire de Médine et en particulier 
sur son traitment. These (Fac. de méd.) Montpellier, 
No. 22, 4°, 42 pp. 
Regards F. loa as identical (p. 8) with Guinea worm and cites 
one case by Maurel in Gaboon who extracted worm in 1868. 
Complete recovery. 
TURNBULL, C. S. 
1878. Filaria in the Eye. Med. and Surg. Reporter, Phila., 
30 1351-55. 
Only brief references to previous cases of F. loa. Case ob- 
served was in eye of horse. 


Warp, H. B. 
Igo2. A Record of the Occurrence of Filaria loa, a Human 
Parasite new to the United States. Science, n. s. 
16 :350. 


Brief announcement of the specimen of Milroy and of the 
reading of this paper. No data given. 


1903. Nematoda. Wood’s Reference Handbook of Medical 
Sciences. Rev. Ed., 6:205-25. 
Reference (p. 211) to case of Milroy and figure of posterior 
end of this specimen; spicules incorrectly reproduced. 
1905. The Earliest Record of Filaria loa. Zool. Annalen, 
I :376-84, I fig. 
Shows that the illustration cited from records of early voyages 


as evidence of the occurrence of F. Joa is a fancy picture and 
can not be interpreted in the manner suggested. 


1905a. Studies on Human Parasites in North America. T. 
Filaria loa. Studies from the Zoological Laboratory 
No. 63. University Studies Vol. V, p. 271. 


The present paper. 


74 Henry B. Ward 


Witson, F. M. 
1890. Specimens of Filarta oculi humant. Trans. Amer. Oph- 
thalm. Soc., Hartford, 5 :727—29. 


Incompletely cited by Blanchard, 1899; missionary at Benita 
(Gaboon) W. Africa says at intervals all natives feel worms 
in different parts, extract them from eye only; she had one 
removed at Basel (Switzerland), February, 1889, from left 
upper eyelid; one in Bridgeport, Conn., November, 1899, from 
right upper eyelid; one in Clifton Springs, N. Y., February, 
1890, from beneath skin of back; and broken one July, 1890, 
from right upper eyelid. “So far as I have been able to ob- 
tain the evidence from the missionaries themselves, these 
filariae are more common in the cellular tissue than in the 
eyeball. From the literature we should infer the opposite.” 


Wurviz, R. 
1904. Presentation d’une Filarit. Joa. Soc. méd. hyg. trop., 
séance, 20 jan. 

Not seen; cited after Wurtz et Clerc, 1905. 

Wurtz, R., Er Cierc, A. 
1904. Eosinophilie intense provoquée par le Filaria loa. CR. 

Soc. Biol., Paris, 55 :1704—-5. 

Young French girl in Congo with Calabar swellings and F. loa 
had no embryos in blood, but intense eosinophilia; latter 
known for genus Filaria, but not noted heretofore for F. loa. 

1905. Nouvelle observation de Filavia loa. Considerations sur 

Vhematologie des filarioses. Arch. méd. exp., Paris, 

17 :260-66. 


Same patient as above returned to France in June, 1903. In 
January, 1904, worm extracted from eye. Eosinophilia some- 
what reduced, but returned later. Extreme symptoms and 
continuance indicate that several parasites are present. Dis- 
cussion of parasite, Calabar swellings, and eosinophilia in 
helminthiasis. 


"Y ARR, Mi: T, 
1899. The Filariae of the Eye. Jour. Trop. Med., 1:176-79. 
Native name of Loa means simply “worm.” Good review of 
previous knowledge. No new cases. Records the conjecture 
of Manson that thé cases from the West Indies, also that 


of Barkan (1876) concern the adult of F. Demarquati, and not 
F. loa. 


344 


“> ans 
te 
o> 


Filaria loa 75 


ZIEMANN, Hans. 
1905. Beitrag zur Filariakrankheit der Menschen und Tiere 
in den Tropen. Dtsch. med. Woch., 31 :420-24. 

F. loa (p. 421) increasing in that region. Sees in F. perstans 
in blood the embryos of F. loa and unites F. diurna to F, Ban- 
croftt. Not every case with F. perstans in blood and Calabar 
swellings has had F. loa in eye. Distribution of microfilariae 
in body very irregular. Data on other species, therapy, etc. 


345 


Il1—The Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 
BY CHARLES WILLIAM WALLACE 


The universal interest in Shakespeare as the chief interpreter 
of life has carried with it energy and industry in revealing the 
poet as man. For a century and a half research has been eager. 
Malone, Knight, Collier, Dyce, Halliwell-Phillipps, Furnivall, 
Lee, and the army inspired by their banners have, one would 
suppose, left no ancient tome or record unexplored for even the 
slightest evidence touching the poet’s life and career. The 
results have been gratifying beyond expectation. Modern schol- 
arship, particularly the judicial work of Mr. Sidney Lee, has 
brought the materials into proper perspective and enlightened 
them. But for a full generation no record or document bearing 
the poet’s name or directly touching his life has been revealed, 
and scholars have long felt that no more were to be found. Con- 
sequently when the writer of this article announced to distin- 
guished Shakespeare scholars and friends in England, America, 
and Germany, during the autumn of the present year, and later 
published in London the discovery of three ancient documents 
touching the last year of the poet’s life, considerable interest was 
aroused. 

As previously announced, these documents were discovered in 
the Public Record Office at London while the writer was making 
a systematic research concerning the children companies at 
Blackfriars and Whitefriars theaters from 1597 to the middle 
of the reign of James I. His researches in this field in various 
libraries and public archives during his absence from the Uni- 
_ versity of Nebraska the past year have brought together docu- 
ments and other evidences hitherto undiscovered or unused or 
unrelated in stage and dramatic history, concerning which, it is 
hoped, further information can be furnished in some future num- 
ber of the Studies. 


UN:VERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No 4, October, 1905. 


347 


2 Charles William Wallace 


Certain Hamlet problems are also involved as an essential part 
of the investigation into the history of the children companies. 

In carrying out his investigations in the Public Record Office 
concerning ‘‘Blackfriars”’ and ‘““Whitefriars,”’ taking into account 
all the index subheads,—not only “theater” and “playhouse,” 
but also “lands,” “‘messuages,”’ “rooms,” etc:,—the writer came 
in natural course upon the following documents. Aside from 
being classified they had apparently not seen the light for nearly 
three hundred years until they came into the present hands. 

These records are the result of a suit in the Court of Chancery 
in which William Shakespeare was one of the plaintiffs and 
Mathew Bacon defendant. The suit relates to the titles of cer- 
tain “dwelling houses or messuages’” owned by Shakespeare and 
fellow plaintiffs a little east of the famous old Blackfriars theater. 

The three documents, Bill, Answer, and Decree, date respect- 
ively April 26, May 5, and May 22, 1615,—the closing year of 
the poet’s life. The property in question was formerly owned 
by the Blackwells and Ann Bacon, widow. According to the 
custom of placing records of property in private hands for safe 
keeping in “box, bag, or chist” in lieu of a public repository for 
such things, certain “deeds, charters, letters patent,” etc., essential 
to the titles of property possessed by Shakespeare and neighbor- 
ing owners had been “left in trust with Ann Bacon,” rightly say 
the plaintiffs, for their “use and behoof.”’ But “Ann Bacon being 
lately dead,” these papers came into the hands of her son and 
sole executor, Mathew Bacon, who as defendant denies knowl- 
edge of any trustship by either his mother or himself. He 
admits possession of the papers simply as executor and holds 
he can not make legal delivery until discharged by the court, 
even though willing. He feels, therefore, the suit is unjust. 

The Lord Chancellor’s decision establishes the justice of the 
cause by granting to Shakespeare and associates the full request 
made in their Bill. Moreover, he gratuitously suggests that they 
may take further action to secure themselves if they will. As 
the decision was of such favorable nature, the plaintiffs had no 
reason to doubt the Court’s just disposition of the papers, and 
did not avail themselves of the suggested privilege. I find no 
record of farther suit. 

348 


The Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 3 


This is the first important addition to the list of documents 
touching the life of Shakespeare since the discoveries by J. O. 
Halliwell in 1870.1. Of approximately one hundred seventy-five 
evidences* upon which rests the history of the poet’s family, 
life, and works, these take their place among that limited class 
of legal and other official records made between his birth and 
death, and containing the name of William Shakespeare. This 


list has hitherto numbered twenty. Six entries relating to births, 


marriage, and deaths; the privy seal and patent to the King’s 
company of players; a record of assessment in Bishopsgate; five 
evidences of property ownership in Stratford and county War- 
wick; two documents in a suit and one in an agreement over the 
Stratford tithes; the poet’s will; the deed and mortgage con- 
cerning Blackfriars property. Most of these have been known 
for more than one hundred twenty-five years. 

The only signatures of the poet are in this small list,—three 
times in the will, once in the deed, and once in the mortgage of 
Blackfriars property of present concern. These latter three 
documents, because of the signatures and the information fur- 
nished, are the most valuable of all. 

The newly discovered records are of less worth than the three 
signed documents, but in comparison with the other seventeen 
they furnish their fair quota of information. Of course a final 
statement can not yet be judicially made because all clues have 
not been followed out. Every new name and new fact suggests 
lines of further research. These may serve to trace ancient 


1See Halliwell’s announcement in 7he Athenaeum, August 13, 1870, con- 
cerning the Blackfriars Share-papers of 1635, etc. These and other discov- 
eries were first published in his ///ustrations of the Life of Shakespeare. 
Lond. 1874. Minor records, mainly from Stratford, were published by him 
from time to time until 1884, all of which are now collected in his Oudlines 
(wt infra). 

?¥For all known evidences see the following: 

J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps: Owtlines of the Life of Shakespeare. Eighth 
Edition. Lond. 1889. [Contains all records then known, but not chrono- 
logically arranged. ] 

D. H. Lambert: Stakespeare Documents; A Chronological Catalogue of 
Extant Evidence, etc. Lond. 1904. [Indispensable and convenient, but 
not complete. |] 

Sidney Lee: A Life of William Shakespeare. Fifth edition (Revised). 
Lond. 1905. [The last judicial weighing of evideuces.] 


349 


4 Charles Wiliam Wallace 


deeds and wills. The hope, however, of reaching the “deeds, 
charters, letters patent,” etc., that occasioned this suit seems not 
alluring. My later investigations in the Guildhall and elsewhere 
satisfy me that if they are ever found, it will be only by accident 
rather than by systematic research. After the Lord Chancellor 
called these papers into court and disposed-of them as seemed 
meet, they were again doubtless placed in private hands in trust. 
No one can say where to look for them. They may have gone 
long ago to the toy drum-head, the glue-pot, the bonfire, or the 
cook’s kindling-box. Or they may yet lie stored in some lawyer’s 
vault, or be hidden in “box, bag, or chist’” of some private family. 

Two months ago a friend of the writer rescued, in one of the 
inns of court, an armful of old parchments which the janitor 
was carrying out to be burned. They proved to be valuable 
court records of Henry VIII. Recently while visiting at an 
ancient mansion near London the writer saw a manuscript book 
of cookery and general recipes dating from Elizabeth and 
James I.,—the only ancestral MS. relic the present owner rescued 
from a box in a garret from which the maid had for some time 
drawn a supply of kindling. Not long ago an official suggested 
to me the propriety of printing the Privy Council Registers in 
thin volumes, with small type, and burning the originals because 
they took up so much room. The Library Committee of the 
Guildhall some years ago recommended in their published report 
that a lot of “unimportant” records lying loose on the floor of 
one room of the city archives should be burned to make room 
for more valuable material. 

The above are instances which every searcher for original 
records can duplicate and sometimes centriplicate. They show 
the improbability of reaching the privately kept records once 
held by Ann Bacon. Of course it is clear that these did not 
include Shakespeare’s deed or mortgage, which were taken in 
charge by their respective owners, but did include all earlier 
records and transfers pertaining not only to his property but to 
that of the others both before and after the original tract was 
split up and sold in parcels. Such documents were essential 
evidences in maintaining or transferring title, and served as orig- 


3590 


The Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 5 


inal records and abstract in one. Of course when an original 
tract was split up into perhaps a dozen parcels, it was not pos- 
sible to split the original documents also, nor divide them out 
to individual owners. Hence the custom, exhibited in the present 
documents, of several owners entrusting the original “letters 
patent, charters,” etc., to one and the same person,—probably 
the largest owner. And hence also such a community suit as 
the present one. It is likewise clear, therefore, that even if all 
these records could be found, they would yield no evidence per- 
taining to Shakespeare personally, and certainly no signature 
of his. They should simply give definite and final locations. 

Ancient wills seem to offer the only definite starting point. 
If found, they should enable us to get at the history of the per- 
sons involved in the suit and possibly thus determine what, if 
any, further relations existed between Shakespeare and the rest. 
They might also help locate the properties,—a goal hardly allur- 
ing enough in itself for long search. The identity of Sir Thomas 
Bendish is already fixed by his title of “Baronet.” He was an 
Essex man of wealth and influence, and was the twenty-second 
person raised by James I. to a baronetcy soon after the estab- 
lishment of that order in 1611. His son, also a Sir Thomas, was 
one of the chief partisans of Charles I. The other names— 
particularly Robert Dormer, the Bacons, and the Blackwells— 
are met with often in other documents, but without identifying 
or other helpful evidence. The titles “Esq.” and “gent” are too 
general to be of aid. 

Since the announcement and publication of the documents in 
The Standard, numerous reviewers in their enthusiasm have 
been over-generous in their hopes and expectations of unexplored 
Shakespeare mines in the Public Record Office and elsewhere, 
with a possible complete diary by Ben Jonson or other intimate 
friend. It seems also quite generally believed that we know very 
little about Shakespeare. The truth is, the hundred seventy-five 
or more evidences on which his biography rests give us more 
information than we possess concerning most of his contem- 
porary dramatists. Also even the information in the present 
discovery, meager as it is, exceeds the total sum of knowledge 
concerning certain of his minor fellow writers and players. 

35! 


6 Charles William Wallace 


The documents as reprinted below, with some unimportant 
typographical corrections, are believed to be accurate. The pres- 
ent writer is personally responsible for. the transcripts. There 
is no spacing, in the documents, under the marks of abbreviation 
(*,*) used. It is not always certain whether the writer of the 
Bill means an initial for capital or small letter. Often the dif- 
ference seems a matter of mere gradation. In many cases, and 
particularly with reference to the interlineations, the officials in 
charge of the Legal Room rendered expert assistance. No sig- 
nihcance, of course, attaches to the interlineations. They are 
such as are found in almost every legal document of any length. 
The original of Shakespeare’s will, for example, at Somerset 
House, shows fourteen. It suffices in the present case that the 
-interlineations were made by the original hand and were there 
when the Bill was filed in court, April 26, 1615. This is sufh- 
ciently shown by the fact that tlre defendant’s answer thereto 
contains the names in the same order but with no interlineations. 

The documents are the property of the English government, 
and are preserved at the Public Record Office. The Bill and 
Answer, like all such records, are on parchment and are fas- 
tened together at one corner. The decree is in a ponderous 
volume about fifteen inches thick. .At the head of their respective 
texts are given the index of suit and decree, by which the orig- 
inals can at any time be looked up and examined. 


Chancery Proceedings, Bills and 
Answers, James I., Bundle B 11, Nog. 
I. Bill of Complaint 
xxvj'° die Aprilis 1615 
Saunders To the Right Honorable St 
Thonrs Egertan knight Lord 
Ellesmere and Lord Chancellot® 
of England 


Humblie Complayninge sheweth Vnto yot Honorable LoP yor 
Daylie Oratotes St Thon’s Bendish Baronet Edward Newport and 
Willyam Thoresbie Esqt Robt Dormer Esquio® and Marie his wife 
Willyam Shakespere gent” and Richard Bacon Citezen of London 


1First published with a column introduction in Zhe Standard, London, 
October 18, 1905, p. 5. 

2 The words “and Marie his wife Willyam Shakespere gent” are inter- 
lined, 


352 


The Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 7 


That Whearas Yor Orato's be and are sewallye Lawlullie Seised in 
there Demesne as of ffee of and m One Capitall Messuage or 
Dwellinge howse wt" there app’ten@nces wt? two Court Yardes and 
one void plot of grownd sometymes vsed for a garden on the East 
pte of the said Dwellinge howse and so Much of one Edifice as now 
or sometymes served for two Stables and two haye Loftes over the 
said Stables and one litle Colehowse adioyninge to the said Stables 
Lyinge on the South side of the said Dwellinge howse And of an- 
other Messuage or Tenem*¢ wt® thapp’ten@nces now in the occu- 
pacon of Anthony Thompson and Thoms Perckes and of there As- 
signes & of a void peece of grownd whervppon a Stable is builded 
to the said meassuage belonginge! and of seu’all othere howses 
‘Devided into seu’all Lodginges or Dwellinge howses Toginther wt® 
all and singuler Sellots Sollers Chambers Halls plots Yardes Back- 
sides Easemtss pfites and Comodityes Hervnto seu’allie belonginge 
And of Certaine Void plots of grownd adioyninge to the said Mes- 
suages and pmisses aforesaid or vnto some of them And of a Well 
howse All wc! messuages Tenements and p’misses aforesaid be 
Lyinge win the p’cinct of Black ffriers in the Cittye of London or 
Countye of Midd late the Messuages Tenem*®s and enheritances of 
Willyam Blackwell thelder Henrie Blackwell and Willyam Black- 
well the Younger and of Ann Bacon or of some of them Vnto w 
foresaid Capitall Messuages Tenem*¢s and p’misses aforesaid seuall 
- Deedes Clrres Letters patentes Evidences Munim**s and Wrightinges 
be and are belonginge and appteyninge and do belonge vnto Yor 
Orato's and Doe serve for the pvinge of Yor Oratots Lawfull right 
title int’est and estate in to and vnto the foresaid Messuages and 
p’misses All w°* foresaid Letters patentes Deedes Evidences Ch’res 
-munimtes and Wrightinges aforesaid were left in trust w® Ann 
Bacon deceassed for and vnto the vse and behoofe of Yot Orators 
Now so Yt is May Yt please Yot Honorable LoP, that the said Ann 
Bacon b>inge latelie Dead and Mathy Bacon beinge her sole exe- 
cuto' th: foresaid Letters patentes Deedes Cl’res and Evidences 
Munim's and Wrightinges aforesaid be since her Death come vnto 
and now be in the handes and _ posson of the foresaid Mathy Bacon 
who doth not Clayme any right estate or intest at all in or vnto the 
foresaid Messuages or Tenem'es Yet neu’theles the said Mathy Bacon 
Knowinge the Messuages Tenem'®s Letters patentes Deedes Evi- 
dences Chr*es Munim**s and Wrightinges aforesaid to be belonging 
and onelie to belonge to Yot Oratots Doth neu’theles W'hould 
keepe and Deteyne awaye from yot Oratots the foresaid Letters 
patentes and other Deedes Evidences Chres Munim'*s and Wright- 


1The words “and of there Assignes & of a void peece of grownd wher- 
vppon a Stable is builded to the said meassuage belonginge” are interlined. 


353 


8 Charies William Wallace 


inges aforcsaid and will not deliu’ the same vnto Yo? Orato™’ Wherby 
Yor Orato's be in great Danger for to Loose and be Disinherited 
of the messuages Tenemt*s and p’misses aforesaid In tender Con- 
sideracon Wherof and forasmuch as Yor Oratots have no remoudye 
at and by the Course of the Comon Lawes of this Realme for to 
have the said Letters patentes Deedes Chir°es Munim'¢s Evidences 
and Wrightinges Deliuw’ed vnto Yor Orato*s for that yo™ Oratots Doo 
not knowe the Certaine Dates nor pticuler Contentes of them nor 
Whither they be in Box Bag or Chist sealed or Locked Therfore 
that the said Mathy Bacon maye make Direct Answere vnto the 
pmisses and maye set Downe expresslie what Lett's patentes Deedes 
Evidences Chi°es munimt*s or Wrightinges he hath in his handes or 
knoweth where they be wS? Conc’ne Yor Orato's or the Messuages 
and p’misses aforesaid or any of them and the same maye bringe into 
this Honorable Court to be deliu’ed vnto Yor Oratots Maye Yt 
please yo" Lo:? to grant to Yor Orato's his Mates most gracious writt 
of Subpena and also of Ducens tect vnto him the said Mathew 
Bacon to be Directed Comandinge him therby at a Certaine Daye 
and vnder a Certaine payne therin to be Lymited psonallie to be 
and appeare before Yo™ Lo:? in his Mat*s high Court of Chancerie 
then and there for to make Answere vnto the p’misses and also to 
bring wt him the said Letters patentes Deedes Evidences Chr'es 
and Wrightinges into this Honorable Court and to stand to and 
abide such further Order therin as to yot Honorable Lo:? shalbe 
thought fitt And yot LoPs Daylie Orato's shalbe in all Dewtye 
Bownd to pray for yot good Lo:? in all health and happines long 


to Contynue. 
Lock 


II. Answer of Defendant. 
Jur 5 Maij 1615 Mat:Carew 

Pennyman 
The answeare of Mathye 
Bacon gent Defendt to the 
bill of complaynte of St 
Thomas Bendish Baronett 
Edward Newport esqr william 
Thoresbye esquier Robert 
Dormer esquier and Mary 
his wife william Shakespeare 
gent and Richard Bacon 
Citizen of London Compltes. 


The said Defendt savinge to himselfe nowe and all tymes here- 
after all advantage and bencfitt of excepc6n to all and every the 
incertenties & insufficiencies of the said bill of complaynte saieth 


354 


The Newly-Discovered Shakespeare Documents 9 


that hee thinketh it to be true that the said Compltes are lawfullye 
severally seised in theire Demesne as of fee of and in one capitall 
messuage or dwellinge house w'® thappurtenances and other the 
tenementes Stables edefices and voide groundes menconed in the 
said bill of complaynte and likewise thinketh it to be true that the 
same were late the messuages tenementes and inheritances of Wil- 
liam Blackwell the elder deceased Henry Blakwell and william 
Blakwell the yonger and of Anne Bacon deceased mother of the 
said Defendt or of some of them And this Defendant further saieth 
that hee doth not nowe clayme to haue any estate right title or in- 
terest of in or to the said p’misses or any parte or parcell thereof 
And hee also saieth that one Tres patentes and certeyne deedes evi- 
dences writinges and mynumentes concernynge the said messuages 
tenementes and other the p’misses menconed in the said bill of com- 
playnte or some of them are come to the custodie & possession of 
this Defenit as executor vnto the said Anne Bacon his mother But 
this Defendt denieth that the said Tres patentes evidences writinges 
and mynumentes or any of them were left in trust with the said 
Anne Bacon for and to the vse and behoofe of the said Complayntss, 
or any of them to the knowledge of this Defend' in any such man- 
ner as in the said Compltes bill is sett forth and alledged And this 
Defendt further saieth that hee doth not certeynelie knowe whether 
the said tres Patentes evidences writinges and mynumentes doe 
onlie belonge vnto the said Complaynantes or any of- them or to any 
other pson or psons aswell as to the said Complt®s. And therefore 
hee this Defend* hath deteyned the same vntill such tyme as hee may 
be lawfully and orderlie discharged thereof vpon his deliu’ie of the 
same And soe as hee may be discharged and saved harmles from 
all further trouble charge and damage w maie hereafter happen 
vnto him for or concernynge his possession of the said tres patentes 
deedes evidences writinges and mynumentes hee this Defendt is and 
wilbe readie to deliver all such tres patentes evidences writinges 
and mynum*s concernynge the p’misses as came to the custodie and 
possession of this Defendt to his knowledge and doe of right belonge 
vnto the said Complaynantes or any of them, vnto such pson or 
psons and in such sorte as this Honorable Co™ shall order and thinke 
meete without that that anie other matter or thinge in the said bill 
of complaynte mencOoned materiall or effectuall in lawe to be an- 
sweared'vnto And herein before not sufficiently answeared vnto 
confessed and avoyded traversed or denied is true All w*® this 
Defendante is and wilbe readie to averre maynteyne and prooue 
as this most honorable Court shall awarde And Humblie prayeth 
to be dismissed forth of the same with his reasonable costes and 
charges in this behalfe most wrongfully susteyned. 
BLAKWELL 


395 


10 Charles Wiliam Wallace 


III. Decree of the Court 


Court of Chancery, Decrees and 
Orders, Vol. 1614 ‘‘A,’’ p. 1074. 
xxij Die Maij 


Thomas Bendishe Whereas this Corte was this p’nte Daie in- 
Kt & Baronet formed by mr Rchard Moore beinge of the 
Edward Newporte p's Counsell that the said p!** beinge seised 
et.al pies in ffee of one Cappitall messuage wth the 
Mathias Bacon appurtennces scituate in Black fryers and that 
gent Deft Divers the letters Patentes Deedes evidences 


Chr°es mynum*s and writinges concerninge 
the same Did heretofore come vnto the custodye of Anne Bacon, 
the Defts mother as executrix to her mother whoe latlie Dyed and 
made the Deit her executor and that by meanes hereof the said let- 
ters Patentes Deedes evidences and Chers mynum'*s & writinges 
are nowe Come vnto his handes for obteyninge whereof the said p!¢s 
have éxhted there bill into this Corte wherevnto the Deft have®g 
Aunswered doth by his said Aunswere Contesse that one letters 
Patentes and certeyne Deedes evidences & writinges & mynumtes 
concernenge the said messuages and p’misses in the bill menconed 
are come into his handes and possession the said deit not makeinge 
any Title therevnto but desiringe that he maye be orderlie dis- 
chardged thereof vpon delivery of the same as this Corte should 
thincke fitt, and therefore It was desired that the said letters Pat- 
tentes and other the deedes evidences and writinges soe Confessed 
might be brought into this Corte vppcen the defts oath It is thre- 
vppon ordered that the said delt shall bringe into this Corte all the 
said letters Patentes deedes evidences writinges & mynum*s soe by 
him Confessed to be in his custodye or possion vpon his oath here 
to remayne to be disposed of as shalbe meate and for that purpose 
the p's maye take proces against the delt if they will. 


356. 


Il].—State Control and Supervision of Charities and Corrections 


BY ANDERSON WILLIAM CLARK 


PREFACE 


The problems of charity and correction are many and complex. 
In the midst of our social development these problems have greatly 
increased in number and in importance within the last few years. 
Differentiation, which has been rapid in the past, will be acceler- 
ated in the future. Classification has gone forward until we have 
separate institutions for the insane, feeble-minded, epileptics, or- 
phan and crippled children, blind, deaf-mutes, the aged poor; also 
hospitals for the treatment of particular forms of sickness, in- 
cluding contagious and other diseases. Some of these institutions 
are managed by the state, some by the county, some by the city, 
and others by private societies. We have organized forms of re- 
lief such as associated charities, day nurseries, diet kitchens, em- 
plovment bureaus, medical dispensaries, visiting nurses’ associa- 
tions and societies to relieve distress in-the home. For dealing 
with offenders we have national prisons, state prisons, county 
jails, city jails, bridewells, lockups, state reformatories for men 
and women, state reformatories for boys and girls, juvenile courts, 
and prisoners’ aid associations. These organizations in charity 
and penal work are very numerous. In New York City alone, as 
appears from the New York Charities Directory in 1904, there 
are 3,086 institutions and societies engaged in charity work. This 
great number in a single city gives us an idea of the complexity 
of the problems and of the extreme differentiation in methods of 
handling them. New methods are constantly devised for the 
treatment of pauperism, for the prevention of crime, for the refor- 
mation of the criminal, and for correcting dangerous criminal 
tendencies. Dangers from environment in childhood and signs 


UNIVERSITY STUDIES, Vol. V, No. 4, October 1905. 


Shel 


2 Anderson William Clark 


of criminal tendencies will be carefully studied and preventive 
plans adopted which no one to-day can foresee. 

In order to learn these complex problems at first hand the 
writer visited Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, Michigan, Illinois, 
Iowa, Minnesota, and other leading states. He examined records 
and made diligent inquiries of public officials and of the officers 
of private societies. Both public and private institutions were 
inspected, their present conditions studied, and their past methods 
investigated. 


INTRODUCTION 


What should be the position of the state with reference to the 
many and complex problems of charity and correction? Where 
is the limit to state authority and the limit to state control and 
supervision? Where is the dividing line between public and pri- 
vate charities? These and similar questions have had the earnest 
attention of students of society and of social workers, and are 
pressing upon us as never before. Their solution must be found 
in part at least in the light of experience. What have the various 
states been doing with these problems? What experiments have 
been tried and what do their results teach? 

The early period in the settlement of this country was a period 
of decentralization. New towns and new communities were rap- 
idly formed. As this process went forward it became more and 
more difficult to administer the functions of government from one 
center. Distances from the center became so great and travel was 
so slow that local administration was more efficient than central 
administration, and in many cases a necessity. Thus the process 
of decentralization went on until, in the nineteenth century, new 
forces came into operation which, by changing conditions, 
changed the current of development. 

The railroads, the telegraph, cheap postage, and other improved 
means of travel and of communication produced marvelous re- 
sults. They led to the rapid growth of cities and to the cen- 
tralization of capital in large industries. 

The tide was then changed in regard to public administration, 
and centralization began. The movement in that direction has 


358. 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 3 


gone steadily forward in all departments. In the matter of public 
education in nearly all the states there is recognition of state 
control and supervision in reference to levying of taxes, erection 
and repairs of school buildings, fixing salaries, terms of school, 
courses of study, and qualifications of teachers. The “district 
system” and the prejudices of the people in favor of local self- 
government have greatly hindered progress in centralization in 
some states. Especially has this been true in Ohio. Less progress 
seems to have been made in that state towards centralization of 
the public school system than elsewhere. On the other hand, in 
Massachusetts and New York strong forces have been active for 
half a century tending toward centralization and state control. 
The same centralizing tendencies seen in the public school system 
have been manifested in reference to public highways and in 
sanitation. 

In the field of charities and corrections the tendencies toward 
centralization have been very marked. The movement towards 
state control has gone steadily forward in Massachusetts and in 
New York until in both states-there have been established lunacy 
commissions and prison commissions, which are boards of 
control. In New York the finances of all charitable and penal 
institutions have been completely centralized. Other departments 
of charity and correction have come so completely under state 
control that it may be said that these states have realized what is 
meant by a state board of control and at the same time have 
retained the advantages of the advisory state board of charities. 

Similar results have been reached in Wisconsin where an ad- 
visory board of state charities performed faithful labors for ten 
years, from 1871 to 1881, when a state board of supervisors was 
created. These two boards continued in operation until the year 
1891, when centralizing tendencies in that state became so strong 
that the legislature abolished both boards and established the 
state board of control, which has been in effective operation ever 
since. 

Minnesota tried an advisory state board of charities under the 
most favorable circumstances for nineteen years, when the cen- 
tralizing forces in that state led the legislature to abolish it in 
1902 and to establish a state board of control. 

359 


4 Anderson William Clark 


Similar tendencies toward state control have been observed in 
other states in matters of charity and correction as well as in 
other branches of administration. This subject, therefore, is one 
of special interest and importance to the students of political 
science as well'as to the practical workers who are dealing with 
the problems of, charity and correction. 


STATE BOARD OF CHARITY OF MASSACHUSETTS 


It is of peculiar interest to study the history of this state board 
of charities, first, because it was the first board of the kind organ- 
ized in this country, and, secondly, because the work of the board 
and, in fact, all the charities of Massachusetts are believed to be 
more completely organized than in any other state of the Union. 

The beginnings of this board date back to 1856, when the legis- 
lature created a Board of Commissioners on Charities. 

The supervisory authority of this board was limited to state 
almshouse visitations, but its administrative powers extended to 
the execution of all the laws relating to alien immigrants; the 
prescription of forms for statistical returns from the state alms- 
houses at Tewksbury, Bridgewater, and Monson, and the form 
of certificate permitting the introduction of inmates thereto; the 
binding out of apprentices from the State Hospital at Rainsford 
Island; the control of state pauper inmates of the state lunatic 
hospitals and their property; and the transfer of pauper inmates 
from one state charitable institution or lunatic hospital to an- 
other, and their transportation to their homes in other states and 
other countries, the last-named duty involving a rigid inspection 
of all passengers arriving from foreign ports, and the exclusion 
of those liable to become public charges. 

The legislature of 1863 abolished the Board of Alien Commis- 
sioners and established the Board of State Charities. To this 
board was entrusted all the administrative authority conferred 
upon the Board of Alien Commissioners, and it was also made 
its duty to “investigate and supervise the whole system of the 


360 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 5 


public charitable and correctional institutions of the common- 
wealth”; but its supervisory power was subsequently limited by 
the transfer, in 1875, of the oversight of the institutions for the 
instruction of the deaf, dumb, and blind to the Board of Educa- 
tion, and by the further transfer, in 1879, of the oversight of the 
correctional institutions of the state to the Board of .Commis- 
sioners of Prisons. On the other hand, the executive authority 
of the new board was considerably increased by the acts of 1865, 
1866, 1869, 1870, and 1877, charging the board with the execu- 
tion of the laws relating to the unsettled poor in the several cities 
and towns of the commonwealth and to the children of the state. 

The authority conferred upon the Board of State Charities by 
the legislation of 1869 and 1870 with reference to the minor wards 
of the state was substantially as follows: 

Whenever a complaint was made against a boy or girl under 
the age of seventeen years, the court or magistrate in the case 
was required to notify the board in writing, so that one of its 
agents might have opportunity to investigate the case, attend the 
trial, and protect the interest of, or otherwise provide for the 
child. On the agent’s request, the court or magistrate might au- 
thorize the board to take and indenture or place in charge of any 
person, or in the State Primary School, such child, till he or she 
attained the age of twenty-one years, or for any less time. No 
child could be indentured, adopted, or taken in charge of any 
person from a state institution until notice thereof had been given 
the board, and its report in writing, made after investigation into 
the propriety thereof, had been filed with such institution; and 
all the applications for the release or discharge of any children 
so indentured or placed in charge of persons were to be given to 
the board for its report in like manner. As often as once a year 
all children so maintained, indentured, or placed were to be vis- 
ited, and such other investigation made in regard to them as the 
board might prescribe. 

The legislature of 1879 abolished the Board of State Charities, 
and established the State Board of Health, Lunacy, and Charity, 
thus conferring upon the new board, in addition to the powers 
of its predecessor, all the power and authority previously pos- 


361 


6 Anderson William Clark 


sessed by the Board of Health and Vital Statistics, which was 
organized in 1869. In 1896, however, the State Board of Health 
was reestablished, and it was provided that “the board heretofore 
known as the State Board of Health, Lunacy, and Charity, shall 
be hereafter called the State Board of Lunacy and Charity.” 

The legislature of 1898 passed an act (chapter 433, acts of 
1898), establishing a State Board of Insanity, and providing that 
“all the powers possessed by and all the duties incumbent upon 
the State Board of Lunacy and Charity relative to the state hos- 
pitals and asylums for the insane and to other institutions, asy- 
lums, and receptacles for the insane or feeble-minded, public or 
private, relative to insane persons generally, and as commissioners 
in lunacy, relative to the Massachusetts Hospital for Epileptics, 
the Massachusetts Hospital for Dipsomaniacs and Inebriates, the 
‘Massachusetts School for the Feeble-minded, and the hospital 
cottages for children, are hereby taken from the said State Board 
of Lunacy and Charity and vested in the State Board of Insanity, 
and said State Board of Insanity is hereby authorized and em- 
powered to assume and exercise the same. The said State Board 
of Insanity shall also succeed to all the rights, powers, and duties 
of the said State Board of Lunacy and Charity in respect to all 
the insane poor placed in families by the latter board, and said 
insane poor so boarded out are hereby transferred to the care, 
custody, and control of the said Board of Insanity without’ fur- 
ther process of law. The State Board of Lunacy and Charity 
shall hereafter be called the State Board of Charity, and shall 
have and exercise all the powers now possessed by it, and all the 
duties now incumbent upon it, except when otherwise by law pro- 
vided, including all questions relating to the settlement or non- 
settlement of the state poor coming under the control of the state 
institutions under its supervision, and under the supervision of 
the State Board of Insanity, and shall administer the laws of set- 
tlement relating to the support of the state’s sane poor by cities 
and towns, and shall prosecute ‘all cases of bastardy of non- 
settled persons.” 3 

The institutions under the supervision of the State Board of 
Charity are the Lyman School for Boys and the State Industrial 


362 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 7 


School for Girls, the State Sanatorium for Consumptives, and 
also the State Hospital at Tewksbury and the State Farm at 
Bridgewater, so far as their sane inmates are concerned. The 
immediate management of the Lyman and Industrial schools is 
in the hands of a separate board of trustees, and the State Hos- 
pital and State Farm are also under a single board of trustees. 
The State Sanatorium also has its own board of trustees. The 
state board is required to visit the several truant schools of the 
state, and make report on their condition. It is charged with the 
care and maintenance of indigent and neglected children coming 
into its custody through commitment by the courts or otherwise ; 
and it administers the laws regarding abandoned infants and in- 
fant boarding-houses. It is required to visit, not only the children 
in its immediate care and custody, but also “all minor children 
supported at the expense of any city or town,’ and a recent law 
authorizes it to visit and inspect all places where town paupers, 
whether children or adults, are supported in families. It pre- 
scribes the form of certificates required of local overseers of the 
poor in sending paupers to the State Hospital. It may transfer 
sane pauper inmates from one state charitable institution to an- 
other, or send them to any state or place where they belong. 
When local overseers of the poor fail to comply with the law 
forbidding the retention in almshouses of pauper children over 
a certain age, the authority vested in said overseers may be exer- 
cised by the state board to the exclusion of the overseers. In 
cases of sick state poor supported by cities and towns, and state 
poor temporarily relieved, as well as in cases of burial, the state 
board has large administrative authority, including the visitation 
of the several cities and towns of the commonwealth by its agents, 
the investigation and decision of settlements of both sane and 
insane persons, and the auditing of bills of local authorities against 
the commonwealth. The board is required to prepare, from the 
returns made by overseers of the poor, tables of paupers sup- 
ported by towns, and to “print in its annual report the most im- 
portant information thus obtained.” An act of 1899 requires 


1Public Statutes, chap. 89, sec. 53. 


363 


8 Anderson William Clark 


annual returns to be made to the board by certain untaxed char- 
itable corporations. . 

The board receives from the legislature, $300,000 to $400,000 
annually, to expend in direct relief work for the adult poor of 
the state, for dependent children, and to cover expenses of the 
board. 

The legislature of 1903 added to the administrative powers of 
the State Board of Charities. Relative to the removal of state 
paupers, the language used in chapter 355 of the acts of 1903 is 
as follows: 

“Tf any such person refuses to submit to removal, the State 
Board of Charity, or any of its officers or agents may apply to 
the district, municipal, or police court of the district where such 
person resides, or to any trial justice, for an order directing that 
such removal be made. Upon such application the court or mag- 
istrate shall forthwith cause a summons to be served upon the 
person so refusing, and, if he be a minor, upon his parent or 
guardian, requiring the attendance of the person so summoned 
at a time and place appointed therein for hearing; and at such 
time and place shall hear and examine upon oath such person or 
persons, and shall hear such other evidence as may be material. 
If upon hearing it appears that the person sought to be removed 
is without a legal settlement in this commonwealth and is unable 
to support himself, and that his necessities or the public interests 
require his removal, the court or magistrate shall issue an order 
in writing, directed to a duly constituted officer or agent of the 
State Board of Charity, ‘reciting that such person appears to be 
a state pauper, and that his necessities or the public interests re- 
quire his removal, and commanding such officer or agent to re- 
move him to the State Hospital or to any other state institution 
designated by the State Board of Charity, and such officer or 
agent shall thereupon make the removal as ordered.” 

In chapter 330 of the acts of 1903, additional powers of control 
and supervision relative to truant children are given to the State 
Board of Charity. It is specified that “If the girl be under 
twelve years of age, she shall be committed to the custody of 
the State Board of Charity,” and further, “If a girl, who is com- 


364 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 9 


mitted to the custody of the State Board of Charity, proves un- 
manageable in a private family, she may be committed by the 
State Board of Charity to the State Industrial School for girls.” 

The same is true concerning dependent children. The powers 
and responsibilities of the board were increased by the legislature 
of 1903. Relative to crippled and deformed persons, it was re- 
solved in chapter 96, “That the State Board of Charity is hereby 
authorized and directed to make as practical investigation as 
possible, as to the number of crippled and deformed persons in 
the commonwealth, under twenty-one years of age, who are not 
able to attend the public schools by reason of their physical de- 
formity, and shall report to the next general court.” 

Many years ago the people of Massachusetts were led to the 
belief that the state should relieve distress wherever found in the 
commonwealth, upon the same moral grounds that individuals as- 
sist their fellows in times of destitution, distress, and necessity. 
Growing out of this judgment fifty years ago the State Alms- 
. house was established, now known as the State Hospital, located 
on a large farm called the State Farm. The people believe in 
this principle to-day more strongly than in former years. At the 
time of a recent visit to the State Farm 1,300 of the poor of that 
commonwealth were found receiving state care, and it was 
learned that at times the number reached 1,600. It is mostly a 
moving population, many of the inmates remaining but a few 
days. The daily admissions average twenty-five to thirty. An 
important feature of the work is the splendid care given to de- 
pendent old people who are given comforts and homelike sur- 
roundings, many of them having come here to spend the remain- 
der of their lives. 

The entire history of the State Board of Charities from 1856 
to the present time shows a constant tendency towards centraliza- 
tion and state control of all charities. 


STATE BOARD OF INSANITY OF MASSACHUSETTS 


Centralization is also seen in the history of the lunacy com- 
mission. The Commissioners of Lunacy of Massachusetts oc- 
cupy a unique position, in that this commission constitutes a board 


365 


10 Anderson William Clark 


of control between the local boards of trustees and the governor. 
The hospitals for the insane of the state contain, on the average, 
9,500 patients. This large population made it necessary to sep- 
arate this work from the State Board of Charities, and to create 
a special board of control, which was done in 1898. The chair- 
man of the commission, on salary, devotes his entire time to visit- 
ing, inspecting, and managing affairs relative to the insane of 
the state. All vouchers, after being endorsed by the trustees, 
must be sent to the commissioner, who forwards the same to the 
auditor. 


STATE BOARD OF PRISON COMMISSIONERS OF MASSACHUSETTS 


Massachusetts, with a population of 3,000,000, has a large for- 
eign population, and statistics show that 60 per cent of all crimes 
in that state have been committed by foreigners. The conditions 
have been such that great difficulties in prison administration pre- 
sented themselves, which led the state to create a special Prison 
Commission in 1876. These commissioners were given important 
powers to control and supervise the State Prison and the State 
Reformatory. ‘They soon found that the contract system of 
prison labor was unsatisfactory, and by act of the legislature it 
was wholly abolished. In their opinion it will never be brought 
up again for consideration or debate. The “piece price” system 
was also abolished, and the state has absolute ownership and con- 
trol of all industries connected with prisons. One section of the 
jaw provided that the prison commissioners shall, as far as pos- 
sible, cause such articles and materials as are used in the public 
institutions of the commonwealth and of the several counties 
which are established to be produced by the labor of prisoners. 
Another section of the law provides that all state institutions shall 
communicate with the Prison Commissioner and shall purchase 
through him such articles as may be needed in these various 
institutions as far as they can be supplied by prison labor. 
Machinery is used in both the State Reformatory and the 
State Prison. The results are very satisfactory, especially in 
the manufacture of blankets, boots, shoes, slippers, brooms, 
brushes, cloth, clothing, furniture, harness, mats, rugs, hosiery, 


366. 


State Control of Charities and Corrections II 


and yarns. The commissioners have made a careful study of the 
type of education and the system of physical training and dis- 
cipline best adapted to prisoners, and have power to enforce 
recommendations. This commission is, in reality, a state board 
of control in all matters relating to prison administration. 


II 
STATE BOARD OF CHARITIES OF NEW YORK 


The history of charities and correction in New York pre- 
sents many stages of centralization in control and management. 
During the colonial period, beginning with the laws passed by 
the Assembly in 1691, the entire problem of poor relief and 
care of the insane was left to the towns. For more than one 
hundred years this form of administration continued. It was 
not until 1809 that county poor relief was recognized by 
statute. In 1820 Rensselaer county erected a House of Industry, 
which was the first poorhouse constructed on the American 
continent. This new system rapidly commended itself, so that 
in 1824 poorhouses were erected in eighteen other counties. 

Provision was made by the state in 18191 for care and educa- 
tion of the deaf and dumb, which was the first relief work of 
any importance undertaken by the state. It was not long 
after this until additional work was undertaken by the state, 
and in 1843? the first state lunatic asylum was opened at Utica. 

The third important step by the state was in 1846* when the 
State Industrial School or House of Refuge for Juvenile Delin- 
quents was established at Rochester. 

Soon after this other state institutions were founded for idiots, 
for blind, etc. . 

The decade from 1860 to 1870 marks a new period in the 
movement toward centralization of control in charity adminis- 
tration. In 1867 the New York State Board of Charities was 


1 Laws of 1821, chap. 250; 1822, chap. 324; 1823, chap. 180. 
* Laws of 1836, chap. 82; 1839, chap. 310; 1840, chap. 190; 1842, chap. 135, 
8 Laws of 1846, chap. 143. 


367 


~1 


12 Anderson William Clark 


created by the appointment on the part of the governor of eight 
commissioners of public charities. These commissioners had 
very simple duties, to visit once a year the charitable and cor- 
rectional institutions, to examine the conditions, and to make a 
report to the legislature. No authority whatever was granted 
to them to suggest improvements or to control the management 
of any institution. It was not long after this board was es- 
tablished until the need of some active control was recognized. 
The information collected by this board soon proved the neces- 
sity for some central authority, with power of control over the 
various institutions. It was not, however, until 18731 that the 
definite steps towards centralization of power in control and 
management were taken. From that time to the present it has 
been easy to follow the stages in centralization. We are now able 
to point out the steps that have been taken and the most impor- 
tant points reached in this gradual process. Attention is called to 
these stages which were reached in the following order: 

t. Power to inspect all almshouses and all charitable and 
reformatory institutions. 

2. Power to inspect all private institutions of charity receiving 
public assistance. 

3. Power to inspect all children’s agencies and to supervise 
the placing out of all children. 

4. Power to inspect all medical dispensaries. 

5. Power to pass upon the question of the incorporation of all 
institutions for charity desiring to incorporate. A license must 
be secured from the State Board of Charities before incorpora- 
tion and before doing any business. 

6. Power to pass upon all estimates of expenditures for all 
the state institutions. 

7. Power to pass upon all plans for new buildings. 

8. Power to establish rules for the admission and discharge 
of all inmates of all state institutions. 

g. Power to maintain a bureau of state and alien poor, and to 
determine the actual residence of dependents and power to 


1Laws of 1870, chap. 281; 1871, chap. 699, chap. 713; 1873, chap. 571, 
chap. 661. 


368 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 13 


transfer all dependents to their proper places of residence, 
whether in the United States or in Europe. 

10. Power to control and supervise Indian dependents in New 
York. 

Ir. Power to advise changes in the management of state in- 
stitutions and to correct defects in the administration of affairs. 

12. Power, with the aid of the comptroller, to fix the salaries 
of superintendents and other officers of state institutions. 


STATE COMMISSION IN LUNACY 


In 18891 the State Commissioner in Lunacy was replaced by 
a Commission in Lunacy, consisting of three persons on salary. 
This act of the legislature provided that greater powers of in- 
spection and greater powers to control and manage the various 
institutions should be given to the commission than belonged to 
the previous commissioner. New York was now making rapid 
progress towards complete centralization of control in this great 
department of charities, and in 1893 the policy of state support 
was inaugurated. The need of central supervision and control | 
of moneys and all expenditures had become quite evident. The 
State Commission in Lunacy now has power to control not only 
current expenditures but also extensions and improvements. It 
is a board of control. 


STATE COMMISSION OF PRISONS 


The same is true concerning the Commission of Prisons. It 
constitutes in reality a board of control. These commissions 
have not only power to supervise and control financial matters, 
but all other matters relating to the various institutions under 
_ their management. 

The necessity for central control of the business and financial 
side of public institutions was early recognized in New York. 
A complete system of centralization on the business side was 
established in 1894,? when a comptroller was given power of 


‘Laws of 1889, chap. 283. 
“Laws of 1894, chap. 654. 


14 Anderson William Clark 


estimates for all state institutions. No money could be expended 
in any institution without the approval of the Bureau of Estimate 
in his office. Inspectors were sent out under. salary from his 
office to make careful investigation at every institution in the 
state and to make detailed estimates of expenditures required for 
current expenses and for improvements. 

This plan has recently been changed by another step towards 
centralization, viz., the creation of a fiscal supervisor. This 
fiscal supervisor is on salary and devotes his entire time to the 
business side of the state institutions. He is directed to do all 
the work of the inspectors formerly sent out from the comptrol- 
ler’s office; to make estimates of all expenditures for current 
expenses and for improvements; to superintend the purchasing 
of all supplies, and in many cases to do the purchasing himself, 
there being allowed to each institution about $25 a month to 
meet emergencies. It is quite generally recognized that such an 
officer is a necessity for the good business management of the 
state institutions. The only mistake made in New York is the 
failure to provide for proper supervision of this officer. It is 
expected that the next legislature will put this fiscal supervisor 
in connection with the State Board of Charities so that his reports 
shall first come to the board, and after inspection by the board be 
forwarded to the governor. They realize the danger of this 
office getting under political influence and are planning to make 
provision against that at an early date. 

The State Board of Charities of New York is composed of 
twelve members, one from each judicial district of the state, two 
from New York city, and one from Brooklyn. The board meets 
on the average eight times a year, and it is now believed that 
it this board had supervisory powers over the fiscal agent the 
system in New York would be much more satisfactory than at 
present. While it is true that centralization has gone forward 
step by step so that the State Board of Charities has great ad- 
ministrative powers, at the same time it is universally recognized 
in that state that the local boards of trustees for the various 
charitable institutions perform valuable services. These local 
boards are composed of five to seven members, are appointed 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 15 


by the governor for terms of four, six, and eight years, and are 
selected from among the best men and women of the state. In 
all institutions where women or girls are found, special emphasis 
is placed upon having a good representation of women on the 
boards. Many of the best citizens of New York have been se- 
cured for these local boards, some of whom have made special 
trips to Europe at their own expense in order to study the 
problems involved in the managament of the various institutions 
with which they were connected. It has been argued in In- 
diana and in other states that, should the business management 
of institutions be taken away from the local boards of trustees, 
there would not remain sufficient inducement to bring the trustees 
together to hold meetings and to devote time to the institutions. 
In New York as well as in Massachusetts the opposite has been 
found true. The local boards. of trustees are very glad to get 
rid of financial responsibility, and they take greater interest on 
that account in the study of problems and in giving advice relat- 
ing to the welfare of the inmates. Whether the process of cen- 
tralization which has been going on during all these years in 
New York-will ultimately lead to abolishing these local boards of 
trustees can not be determined at present. 

With complete centralization in the lunacy and prison com- 
missions, with complete centralization of the finances of other 
institutions in the fiscal supervisor, and with the large powers 
of inspection and supervision and administration in the State 
Board of Charities, it appears that New York has realized nearly 
all that is meant by a board of control in other states, and in 
addition to that is securing a great deal of voluntary service from 
prominent citizens connected with advisory boards. 


Ill 
OHIO, INDIANA, MICHIGAN, AND ILLINOIS 


These four states are grouped together because they are the 
representative states of the Union in maintaining advisory state 
boards of charity, as opposed to state boards of control. These 
advisory boards have been the models for the country and have 


371 


16 Anderson William Clark 


been copied and adopted in many other states. The functions 
of these boards are learned from the following statements which 
are common to all of them: 

“They shall investigate the whole system of public charities 
and correctional institutions of the state, examine into the con- 
dition and management thereof, especially of prisons, jails, in- 
firmaries, public hospitals, and asylums; and the officers in 
charge of all such institutions shall furnish to the board, on their 
request, such information and statistics as they may require. 
And, to secure accuracy, uniformity, and completeness in such 
statistics, the board may prescribe such forms of report and 
registration as they may deem essential; and all plans for new 
jails and infirmaries shall, before the adoption of the same by 
the county authorities, be submitted to said board for suggestion 
and criticism. The board in its discretion may at any time make 
an investigation by the whole board, or by a committee of its 
members, of the management of any penal, reformatory, or 
charitable institution of the state; and said board or committee, 
in making any such investigation, shall have power to send for 
persons or papers, and to administer oaths and affirmations. And 
the report of such investigation, with the testimony, shall be 
made to the governor, and shall be submitted by him with his 
suggestion to the legislature.’ 


ARGUMENTS IN FAVOR OF ADVISORY BOARDS 


The principal arguments urged in these four states in favor 
-of an advisory state board of charities are: 

First—It is a clearing house of public opinion and of public 
discussion. It therefore does ‘more to enlighten public senti- 
ment than is possible for a state board of control. Since progress 
in charities and correction can only be made as public opinion is 
enlightened, the matter of publicity becomes a question of great 
importance. =. 

Second—The people are kept in close sympathetic touch with 
the state institutions. These institutions belong to the people 


1 Acts of Indiana, February 28, 1899, sec. 2. 


372 


State Control of Charities and Corrections a 


and, since their friends are in them, they have a right to know 
what conditions prevail. 

Third—The members of the various local boards of trustees 
of state institutions are instructed by an advisory board of state 
charities and become familiar with the problems involved, so that 
these forty or fifty citizens are educated and become instructors 
in charity in all parts of the state. 

Fourth—The general secretary of the advisory board and his 
office force, being relieved of financial details, devote their whole 
‘time to securing and codrdinating knowledge for the benefit of 
the state institutions. In this way superintendents are greatly 
helped, and the inmates of all the institutions are benefited. 

Fifth—The advisory board corrects many abuses in state in- 
stitutions by its thorough investigations and by its incessant 
publication of information. 

Sixth—It fosters individuality in the superintendents of state 
institutions. 

Seventh—The advisory board secures economy in the expendi- 
ture of funds equal to the economy secured by a state board of 
control. This argument is insisted upon, especially in Indiana, 
where it is claimed that the showing is equal to the showing 
made by the board of control of Iowa. Mr.. Amos W. 
Butler, the general secretary of the Advisory Board of State 
Charities of Indiana, recently made the following statements: 

“Six years ago the annual cost of official outdoor relief and 
medical assistance in Indiana was $630,000. As a result of study 
of conditions the Board of State Charities recommended a change 
in the law. One law after another, bearing on the administra- 
tion of outdoor relief, was successively passed to secure by pro- 
eressive stages the desired results. After six years the amount 
given was reduced to $210,000 a year, and the testimony of all 
was that the poor were never so well cared for as they were under 
the new laws. Many were fearful that the poor asylum popula- 
tion would increase as a consequence. The. result is that each 
year the number of inmates has been continually decreasing in 
the poor asylums of the state. The proportionate reduction of 
poor asylum. inmates in ten years has been about seven hundred. 


18 Anderson William Clark 


In other words, had we as many persons in the poor asylums in 
proportion to the population as ten years ago, we should be sup- 
porting seven hundred more than we are at a cost of $70,000. 
So the net results of the study of conditions and the enactment 
of laws to meet those conditions, together with proper supervi- 
sion, have resulted in the annual reduction of about $500,000, 
just in this one phase of public charities. The reduction in 
pauperism and misery no one can measure.’’! 

No other state claims so much on the side of economy. It 
is generally conceded that a board of control which gives close 
attention to financial details and which purchases supplies in 
large quantities, for all the state institutions, in an open market, 
saves the taxpayers of the state many thousands of dollars 
annually. 


SUCCESS OF ADVISORY BOARDS 


In the four states mentioned, the advisory boards of state 
charities are among the oldest in the country, and have generally 
been recognized as the most successful. On this account they 
have served as models for other states. No one can doubt the 
good results which have followed their work. These good re- 
sults can not be measured. The nation has been lifted to a higher 
plane by them, and the whole civilized world has been instructed 
and inspired to greater efforts in relieving distress and in bet- 
tering social conditions. The question arises How can we account 
for this marvelous success? It is accounted for on two grounds: 

First—The advisory boards mark the first great step in the 
direction of centralization and supervision of state charities. 
Before they were created the many state institutions had local 
boards of trustees without supervision. Almost any kind of 
supervision would be better than none. The kind offered in these 
boards, of state charities proved so successful that many leaders 
in charity and philanthropy have concluded that they are not 
susceptible of improvement. They fail to see that these boards 
have served their purpose and that the time has come for the 


' Proceedings of Natl. Con. of Charities and Correction, 1902, p. 146. 


374. 


4 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 19 


state to assume absolute control and supervision under state 
boards of control. 

Second—Another reason for the success of these advisory 
boards has been the personal influence of the great men of these 
states, who, as secretaries and members, have devoted years of 
time to the service. Some of these men have been recognized as 
the ablest statesmen of their respective states. The success of 
any system depends very much upon the men in charge. 


CHANGE OF SENTIMENT IN THESE STATES 


There is now a growing popular demand for boards of control. 
In response to this demand Representative McDonald of Dayton, 
Ohio, introduced into the house of representatives of that state, 
in February, 1904, a bill to abolish all local boards and all finan- 
cial officers of the state institutions, and to substitute a state 
board of control. The bill was defeated by a small majority, but 
the friends of the measure believe that such a bill will be passed 
by the next legislature. 

The agitation in Illinois has been so strong in favor of a board 
of control that the legislature of 1903 was expected to pass the 
bill which was introduced to create such a board. The secretary 
of the Advisory State Board of Charities urged its passage. 
Other officials connected with the advisory board worked for it, 
but it failed to pass. The friends of this movement believe that 
a state board of contro! will be created by the next session of 
the Illinois legislature. 


IV 
STATE BOARD OF CONTROL OF WISCONSIN 


Preceding the year 1871 all the state charitable and penal in- 
stitutions of Winconsin were under separate boards of trustees 
with no supervisory authority over them. 

In 1871, the Wisconsin State Board of Charities was created, 
with the usual powers and duties given to such an advisory board. 
This board investigated charitable and correctional institutions, 
made visits to all state and county charitable and penal institu- 


is) 


* 


2) : Anderson Wuiiliam Clark 


tions, gave advice, made recommendations, and made reports to 
the governor. In these reparts were found many complaints 
concerning unauthorized appropriations, doubling of weight of 
groceries and supplies, false classification of pay-rolls, unbusiness- 
like methods practiced by the officers, extravagant and wasteful 
expenditures, and political influences which retarded the develop- 
ment of all charitable and correctional work. It was also found 
during all these years that the state institutions were constantly 
lobbying against each other in securing appropriations. At the 
same time this board was powerless to make the necessary 
corrections. 

These things led the legislature of Winconsin, after ten years 
of such experience, to create an additional board known as the 
State Board of Supervision, in the year 1881. To this board was 
given authority to control reformatory, charitable, and penal in- 
stitutions beyond the authorities possessed by the State Board of 
Charities. This was a step in the right direction. It was soon 
found, however, that the two boards clashed with each other on 
questions of administration and supervision. The two boards 
continued in existence for ten years until the year 1891 when, 
because of jealousies and conflicts between them on questions 
of jurisdiction, it was decided to abolish both of them. This 
was done by the legislature of 1891 and the State Board of 
Control was established. The Board of Control was a natural 
evolution. It consists of five members, and was the outcome of 
the centralizing tendencies which were first manifested in creat- 
ing the State Board of Supervision in 1881. During all the 
years following 1881 there was a gradual manifestation of a 
tendency towards centralization until its complete realization 
in a State Board of Control which puts Wisconsin in an ad- 
vanced position among the states in the work of administration 
of charities and correction. 

Many very satisfactory. results have followed the establish- 
ment of this board. Under the old method, it was the custom 
to disregard in great measure the fitness of superintendents and 
other officers of state institutions, and to select men through 
political influence. It is the common testimony of the people of 


376. 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 23 


Wisconsin that the Board of Control has very largely succeeded 
in eliminating all political considerations in appointments. It is 
also the common testimony that the old system of leaving busi- 
ness manageinent and the purchase of supplies to the local au- 
thorities of each institution was unsatisfactory. Each institution 
under that system became the prey of the business men and 
supply houses of the locality and of the political party in power. 
Their abuses, and unbusiness-like methods could not be 
corrected. Very little, if any, competition was admitted in the 
purchase of supplies. The Board of Control did not succeed in 
completely overcoming these conditions until 1898, when they 
assumed entire responsibility for the purchase of all staple arti- 
cles, and applied the same business principles that are followed in 
a private business. The contract system was introduced in pur- 
chasing large quantities of goods.- They found that Chicago firms 
were the lowest bidders. Their first biennial report showed a 
saving to the state in the purchase of supplies of $121,183.15. 
The common judgment in Wisconsin is that in the management 
of county and city jails, poorhouses, and in the management of 
all charitable and penal institutions of the state, the Board of 
Control has secured far better results than were possible under 
the old system. There. is no disposition in that state to go back 
to the old methods. 


Vi 
IOWA AND MINNESOTA BOARDS OF CONTROL 


These states are considered together because both of them have 
progressive state boards of control which are after the same 
model. Jowa was in advance, creating a State Board of Control, 
March, 1898. The Minnesota State Board of Control was es- 
tablished in April, 1901, with slight modifications of the Iowa 
law. In the study of these boards, which are now regarded as 
representative boards of control, it is important to have a clear 
conception of a board of control in distinction from an advisory 
board of state charities. The following brief summary of the law 
creating these boards of control shows the real functions of 
such a board. 


377 


22 Andérson William Clark 


The board consists of three members appointed by the governor 
and affirmed by a two-thirds vote of the senate, to serve for six 
years, with a salary for each of $3,000 per annum. 

Power is given to the board to investigate the management and 
financial conditions; to manage, control, and govern all state 
institutions; also to pass upon all questions relating to prison 
administration, to pass upon buildings, improvements, and upon 
all questions relating to the insane and other wards of the state. 

The board is enjoined to prepare annual statements showing 
cost of operating each institution for the preceding year; to 
make biennial reports to the governor and legislature; to 
visit all institutions at least once in six months, and to visit 
all hospitals at least once a month; to meet all superintendents of 
institutions quarterly in conference; to gather statistics; to pub- 
lish a bulletin ; to compel the providing of fire protection and fire- 
escapes; to compel all employees handling money or property 
of the state to give bonds; to require inventories of all the state’s 
_ movable property, and quarterly inventories of all supplies and 
stores; to fix annually the salaries of all officers and employees 
of institutions. 

The board is required to furnish a complete record to be kept 
at each institution, where all complaints, made by inmates, em- 
ployees, and others must be entered. 

The board is directed to devise and to apply to all institutions 
the best system of bookkeeping known, and to prepare the neces- 
sary books and blanks therefor. Monthly trial balances are 
required to be made and sent to each institution. There is 
allowed to the head of institutions a special contingency fund, 
not exceeding $250, for emergencies. 

The board has full charge of the purchasing of all supplies. 
Estimates are made by each institution superintendent in tripli- 
cate once a year for coal, flour, and canned goods, and every 
three months for supplies of all other articles. These estimates 
are sent ‘to the office of the board. They are then passed upon 
by the board, and reduced or added to as to the amount, or 
changed as to estimated prices. When approved, the estimate is 
returned to the institution and one copy filed in the office of the 


378 - 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 23 


board. When the estimates are all in the hands of the board 
quarterly, a schedule is made up for each institution of all arti- 
cles estimated for. These schedules are sent, with printed specifi- 
cations, to all bidders and wholesalers for such goods in the state, 
and to many in Chicago, St. Louis, and other cities. When the 
bids are received they are opened, and each firm’s bid upon every 
item scheduled, and the total of each bid footed. Samples are 
required for canned goods, salt, and smoked meats, groceries, 
clothing, dry goods and findings, cloth, stockings, and many other 
articles. These samples are arranged convenient for inspection. 
The quarterly meeting of the superintendents is held as soon as 
these schedules and samples are ready, and the superintendents 
inspect the samples and bids, and leave a written memorandur 
with the board indicating their choice. Awards are then made 
to the successful bidders. Should the successful bidder furnish 
an inferior article, the superintendent at the institution is di- 
rected to return the goods. 

At the end of each month the pay-roll and all vouchers are 
certified to the board, and when approved it is so indicated by 
the board, and the secretary makes triplicate certificates, one to 
the state auditor, one to the state treasurer, and one to be kept 
in the office of the board. The full amount of the pay-roll is 
certified to be paid the superintendent, who disburses it to the 
several employees. On receipt of the certificates and warrants 
from the state auditor, the state auditor mails a check to each of 
the other certified persons. 

The storekeeper is required to give bonds at each institution. 
Quarterly balances and invoices of goods on hand are taken. 
Occasional invoices of all institution stocks are also taken by an 
expert appointed by the Board of Control, without previous 
notice to the storekeeper. No goods are disbursed except upon 
requisitions signed by the chief executive officer, and these requi- 
sitions are in triplicate, one copy being retained by the store- 
keeper, one by the bookkeeper, and the other returned to the 
Board of Control. Duplicate storekeeper’s books are kept in the 
office of the Board of Control. 


WwW 
“I 
\O 


24 Anderson William Clark 
EXPERIENCES OF IOWA BOARD OF CONTROL 


Iowa was fortunate in securing excellent men on the Board 
of Control at the beginning. These men are well-known through- 
out the commonwealth, and have the confidence of the people. 
At the same time they are men of great business ability, broad- 
minded, sympathetic. The state treasurer’s report at the end 
of the first year showed that this Board of Control saved the 
taxpayers of Iowa $175,000. In addition to this, the inmates, 
as well as the officers of the various state institutions, agree in 
their testimony that since the Board of Control took charge they 
have better food, better clothing, and better care. There can be 
no doubt that this testimony is true. 

The superintendents of the institutions are pleased with the 
new system and testify that the needs of the various institutions 
are quickly met. Three men upon this lowa Board of Control 
are in session every working day of the year from 8:00 o’clock 
A.M. until 3:00 p.M., and have long distance telephone connec- 
tion with every state institution. 

Great improvement has taken place, especially in the care of 
the insane of the state. When the State Board of Control came 
into authority, one of the members of the board, after visiting. 
different parts of the state, among other things reported the 
following: “At one county house, I found a poor dement who 
was tied to a tree in summer and to a bedpost in winter because 
there was no one to take care of him. Another patient I found 
confined in a cage, and had been kept there for years because, 
when given his freedom, he persisted in running away.” Both 
of these patients are now in state hospitals receiving proper care. 

Another part of the experience in Iowa is that members of the 
board have no difficulty in securing needed appropriations for the 
various state institutions. Members of the board never lobby, 
never solicit the support of a single’ member of the legislature 
for an appropriation. They make reports after a thorough in- 
vestigation as to what is needed at the state institutions, and upon 
careful investigation the legislatures have found the reports and 
recommendations to be just and right. 


380 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 25 
EXPERIENCES OF MINNESOTA BOARD OF CONTROL 


Minnesota had the advantages of an advisory board of state 
charities for nineteen years from 1883, and during most of this 
period Dr. H. H. Hart served as the efficient secretary. Under 
his leadership thirty important recommendations were made by 
the board to the Minnesota legislature, twenty of which were 
adopted and became law. The people of that state tested the 
value of an advisory board under the most favorable circum- 
stances, having the leadership of a secretary of extraordinary 
ability. It was generally recognized that the board was a great 
advance over the old system of no state supervision, but another 
step in advance of this was required. In 1go1 popular senti- 
ment demanded a State Board of Control, which was created 
by the legislature of that year. This Board of Control took 
hold of the business problems connected with the state institutions 
_and found them in very unsatisfactory shape. 


INVENTORIES 


As directed by law, they took inventories of all the state’s prop- 
erty, and found that in the past these inventories had existed only 
in name. While attempts at inventories had in some instances 
been made, they were so incomplete and inexact and so little use 
was made of them that it can truthfully be said they were of no 
practical value to the state. At the close of their first year’s ex- 
perience, the Board of Control reported: ‘There were plenty of 
accounts showing that millions of dollars’ worth of goods had 
been received, but what had become of them was largely left to 
conjecture. The lack of inventories, the unbusiness-like manner 
in which the accounts at many of the institutions were kept and 
the business transacted, opened ways for systematic and extensive 
frauds which, had they been utilized, would have resulted in 
ereat loss to the state. On account of the manner in which the 
business was transacted and the accounts kept, it is impossible 
to determine whether this has been the case. It is but fair to 
say that the superintendents of the several institutions referred 
to were in no way responsible for the conditions mentioned. 


381 


26 Anderson William Clark 


Under the old many-board system the stewards were absolute 
monarchs in their departments. They purchased when and where 
they pleased, from whom they pleased, in what quantities they 
pleased, and paid what they pleased, and the superintendents had 
as little authority over them as the merchants from whom they 
purchased. The steward’s department was a separate and dis- 
tinct branch of the institution, from which they received their 
supplies, and of whom they were expected to ask no questions.”* 


DISCIPLINE IN STATE INSTITUTIONS 


An important result of the new system in Minnesota has been 
the securing of better discipline among employees in every state 
institution. The law provides that there shall be but one head to 
each institution, and that head is the superintendent. Under the 
Board of Control it has been found that now the superintendent 
of each institution is able to maintain discipline and secure proper 
and effective service as never before. He is in a position to ac- 
complish this because he makes all his appointments from as- 
sistant superintendent down, and may dismiss for good cause any 
employee under him, although he is required to keep a record of 
such dismissal and the cause therefor. Each superintendent is 
held responsible to the Board of Control for every act of his 
assistants and employees. Not only the superintendents, but the 
employees themselves, have borne testimony that the new plan is 
a great improvement over the old. 


FAVORITISM 


Under the Board of Control there is no favoritism for rela- 
tives or for political friends. The following regulations have 
been strictly adhered to with splendid results: a 

“t. No relative of any of its members, either by blood or by 
marriage, shall be appointed to any- position under said board, 
and no member of said board shall exert any influence by solici- 


1 First Biennial Report of Board of Control of Minnesota, July, 1903, p. 4 


382 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 9 | 


tation, or otherwise, upon the managing officer of any institution 
in the selection of an employee.’ 

“2. No person will be removed by this board except for cause.” 

Superintendents have been continued in office on the grounds 
of fitness regardless of political affiliations. When the Board of 
Control was first appointed, politicians and office seekers besieged 
the board for appointment, but to no avail. In its first annual 
report the board stated that, “a decree of absolute divorce be- 
tween politics and the state institutions has been entered by the 
people in the establishment of a Board of Control of state insti- 
tutions, and the enactment of a law forbidding the exercise of 
political influence directly or indirectly in their management.” 

No solicitation of funds for political purposes is allowed in any 
institution ; and punishment is provided for any such solicitation. 


FOOD, CLOTHING, AND CARE 


There was much anxiety at first on the part of some concern- 
ing the inmates of the state institutions under the new system. 
The state had expended millions of dollars in the creation and 
maintenance of its institutions, and was solicitous for their use- 
fulness to all the dependent wards of the state. Within less than 
one year’s time all anxiety was allayed, and the general testimony 
of the people of Minnesota is that never in the history of the state 
have the welfare and happiness of the inmates of the state insti- 
tutions been given so much attention as is given under the man- 
agement of the Board of Control. Formerly many of the insti- 
tutions were served with bread made from Red Dog flour. Now 
only the best grades of straight flour (samples being required 
and submitted to scientific tests, as well as to the practical test of 
bread-making, to determine their quality) are purchased. Every 
superintendent is now required to submit to the office of the 
Board of Control, on the first of each week, a bill of fare for 
every meal to be served the inmates of his institution during that 
week. No distinction is now made between quality or grade of 


1First Biennial Report State Board of Control of Minnesota, p. 5. 
od (i) 7 ea 


383 


28 Anderson William Clark 


supplies purchased for officers, employees, or inmates .of state 
institutions, all being fed from the same general store. . 


INDUSTRIAL WORK 


The Board of Control has inaugurated the manufacture of 
boots and shoes at the State Reformatory, which are used to sup- 
ply other state institutions. It is worthy of mention also that all 
the soap, except toilet soap, used in the state institutions of Min- 
nesota is now manufactured at the Rochester Hospital. All 
brooms used in all state institutions are made by the blind of 
Faribault. This industrial work has been introduced by the 
Board of Control because it is believed that inmates of institu- 
tions are in special need of two things: First, good food, well 
served; and second, occupation. These greatly assist in securing 
best results in their treatment. 


PURCHASE OF GOODS 


The Board of Control introduced a new system of securing 
bids in the open market, and of purchasing in large quantities 
for all the state institutions. The propositions for goods as well 
as the samples are open to inspection by the superintendents, who 
take an active part in the awarding of contracts, each selecting 
such goods as in his judgment are best constituted to the needs 
of his institution, quality and prices being taken into considera- 
tion. If lower propositions are accompanied by samples of an 
inferior quality or goods not suitable for the service intended, 
they are rejected and those of a higher price and quality taken 
instead. The judgment of the superintendents is found of great 
value in the selection of goods, especially clothing, bedding, etc. 
It has been found as a matter of experience that this course in- 
sures the purchase of goods that are not only satisfactory to the 
superintendents, but most economical in point of service, prices 
being a secondary consideration in every case. Few realize the 
amount of labor involved in receiving and tabulating these bids. 
There are upwards of five hundred of them, and it takes the 
entire office of the Board of Control about ten days to tabulate 


384 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 29 


them. The proposals are not published, and this keeps the bid- 
ders guessing how close they must figure to get the business. 
Success in purchasitig goods is largely attributable to this system, 
which has saved the state many thousands of dollars. All these 
bids are subject to inspection by the superintendents, and also 
by the governor of the state, the public examiner, and committees 
from either branch of the legislature, or by any court of record. 

The net savings for the first year under the Board of Control, 
ending July 31, 1902, over the expenditures for the previous year 
were $105,615.85, and to this should be added the amount saved 
by readjustment of insurance, making net savings $147,369.90 
for the year. 


VI 
CLASSIFICATION OF STATE BOARDS 


Massachusetts and New York belong in a class by themselves, 
having the functions and advantages of both boards. The fol- 
lowing states have central state boards of control: Wisconsin, 
Rhode Island, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas, and Washington. 

The following states have advisory state boards of charities 
and correction: Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, Illinois, Pennsylvania, 
Connecticut, Colorado, California, Arizona, District of Columbia, 
Georgia, Missouri, Nebraska, New Hampshire, New Jersey, 
North Carolina, Maryland, South Dakota, Tennessee, Wyoming, 
and Montana. 


VII 
CONSIDERATIONS WHICH FAVOR A STATE BOARD OF CONTROL 


From the preceding study of the representative states of the 
Union which have tried and tested advisory boards and boards 
of control several advantages in favor of a board of control have 
appeared : 

First—A state board of control greatly decreases the cost of 
maintenance of all the state institutions and saves the taxpayers 
from $100,000 to $150,000 annually in each state where it has 
been fairly tried. 


385 


30 Anderson William Clark 


Second—A state board of control secures greater accuracy in 
accounts and facilitates the transaction of business by furnishing 
uniform blanks and a uniform system of bookkeeping for each 
state institution, and thus secures greater efficiency of adminis- 
tration. 

Third—A state board of control eliminates local controversy 
in the communities where the state institutions are located, over 
the question of dividing the state’s bounty in purchasing supplies, 
etc., and also prevents legislative combinations for that purpose. 

Fourth—A state board of control provides better food, better 
clothing, and better care for the inmates of all state institutions, 
and thus preserves and extends the purposes for which the insti- 
tutions were established. 

_ Fifth—A state board of control secures better discipline among. 
the employees and inmates of every state institution by means of 
the special powers conferred upon each superintendent to select 
his own assistants and employees and to discharge them for cause. 
It secures in this way the merit system with employees. 

Sirth—A state board of control relieves the superintendents 
of the state institutions from the burdens of financial details, and 
enables them to study, as never before, the real problems involved 
in their work, and to preserve and extend the educational and 
reformatory purposes for which the institutions were founded. 

Seventh—A board of control, constituted upon the plan of Iowa 
and Minnesota, practically eliminates politics from the manage- 
ment of state institutions. Civil service principles are adhered to 
from the beginning. 

Eighth—A state board of control is an expression of the best 
thought of the age in centralizing large business enterprises. It 
is in harmony with the drift of events and meets the demands of 
the times. The state institutions have grown to such large pro- 
portions, involving the expenditure of such large sums of money 
and involving such intricate and complicated problems affecting 
the interests of -all citizens, that popular judgment favors a cen- 
tral state board of control. 

Ninth—A state board of control practically insures equitable 
appropriations to the different state institutions, and prevents the 


386 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 31 


constant lobbying of institutions against each other. It is well 
known. that under the old system of advisory boards superin- 
tendents of state institutions and local trustees spent many days 
lobbying with each legislature for appropriations. Those who 
are most skilful in such business secure large appropriations, 
often more than actually needed, while other institutions are left 
to suffer because of inadequate appropriations. No difficulties 
of this sort arise under a state board of control. 

Tenth—A state board of control corrects abuses, makes needed 
changes, and enforces recommendations. An advisory board is 
powerless to enforce recommendations. It can investigate, ad- 
vise, and report. The testimony in Wisconsin, Iowa, and Minne- 
sota is that since boards of control were created no complaints 
against institution management have arisen which have made 
formal investigation necessary. The moral effects of the exist- 
ence of these boards are everywhere recognized. 


VIII 
OBJECTIONS TO STATE BOARDS OF CONTROL CONSIDERED 


First—It is urged that a state board of control is in great dan- 
ger of getting into politics. This objection is based upon the fact 
‘that such large powers are placed in the hands of a few men. 
This objection has arisen because the experiences of a board of 
control in Kansas have been exceedingly unsatisfactory, and the 
board has been under the manipulation of politicians most of the 
time since it came into existence. Two explanations are found 
for this condition of things in Kansas. In the first place, the law 
creating the board was an unsatisfactory law and failed to pro- 
vide against such dangers; and in the second place, men secured 
membership on this board who were totally unfitted for the posi- 
tions. The experiences, however, in Wisconsin since 1898 and 
the experiences in Iowa and Minnesota‘have been just the oppo- 
site. Especially is this true in Iowa and Minnesota where the 
board of control law is so constructed as to divorce politics from 
the board of control, and the experiences in those states since the 
boards were created have demonstrated that this is true. What 


387 


20 Anderson William Clark 


has been accomplished in these states can be accomplished in 
other states. 

Second—It is urged that a state board of control crushes out 
the individuality of superintendents. We have already seen that 
in lowa and Minnesota superintendents exercise greater powers 
than are given under advisory state boards of charity. These 
superintendents select their own assistants and employees and 
have power to discharge them for cause.. We have also seen that 
the superintendents, being relieved of the burdens of financial 
details by the board of control, give their time to the study of 
the problems involved in their work and to preserving and ex- 
tending the humane, educational, and reformatory purposes for 
which the institutions were established. As a matter of actual 
experience it has been found that the individuality and efficiency 
of superintendents have been greatly increased under this system. 

Third—It is urged that a state board of control does not and 
can not study the problems of charity and correction as is done 
by an advisory board. Ohio, Indiana, and other state boards of 
charity are mentioned as illustrations. It is claimed that three 
men ona state board of control, burdened with financial details, 
can not become familiar with the conditions of inmates of the 
many state institutions, and that, in the very nature of the case, 
forty or fifty members of local boards of trustees, together with 
an advisory board of state charities, can give more time to the 
study of problems of education and care and treatment of the 
wards of the state. Theoretically this is true, but as a matter of 
fact it has been found that the majority of the local trustees of 
institutions devote very little time to the study of the problems 
involved in the administration of affairs connected with the in- 
stitutions. There have been some notable exceptions, especially 
in Massachusetts, New York, Ohio, and Indiana. These states 
have also furnished some of the best men of the nation for service 
on state boards of charity. It has been found impossible to secure 
the services of such men in the great majority of states where 
state boards of charities have been created. As a part of the 
actual experience of state boards of control it has appeared that 
their members devote all their time to the problems involved in 


286) - 


State Control of Charities and Corrections ete 


the management of the state institutions. Their time is not wholly 
given to financial matters, but in cooperation with the superin- 
tendents they come into close sympathetic touch with the inmates 
and reach intelligent solution of the problems relating to their 
good. ; 

Fourth—It is urged that a state board of control can not keep 
in close touch with the people and can not accomplish as much 
as an advisory board in the enlightenment of public opinion. 
This objection is perhaps as strong as any. Boards of control 
have not fully solved this problem of securing sufficient publicity 
as a means to the enlightenment of public opinion. No serious 
difficulties, however, have arisen’on this account, and we have 
reason to believe that provision will be made in the future to 
meet this objection. 

Fifth—lIt is urged that a state board of control will give little 
attention to what is being accomplished in other states and will 
take little interest in the discussions of the National Conferences 
of Charities and Correction. We do not understand on what 
grounds this objection is based. Members of state boards of con- 
trol visit other states and seem to take as much interest in public 
discussions of charities and corrections as do members on the 
advisory boards. 

Sixth—lIt is urged that a state board of control can not impar- 
tially investigate abuses at state institutions, because in doing so 
it would be investigating itself. In Wisconsin, Iowa, and Min- 
nesota, since the state boards of control were established, no 
needs have arisen to make a formal investigation of alleged 
abuses. This is accounted for from the fact that the board is 
given authority to correct all abuses. This being understood, it 
has served the purpose of preventing their occurrence. Power 
to make all needed changes and to enforce their recommendations 
has had the effect of securing better administration than was 
possible under an advisory board. 


389 


34 Anderson William Clark 
iG, 
GROUNDS UPON WHICH STATE CONTROL AND SUPERVISION REST 


It grows out of the nature of the state itself, which is a living 
organism." As a living, growing body the state has many mem- 
bers with many functions. As illustrated by M. Fouillee: “In 
the highly organized machines used in the manufacture of cctton 
or woolen stuffs, when a single thread breaks, the loom stops of 
its own motion, as if the machine were notified of the accident 
which has happened to one of its parts, and could not continue 
its work until this is repaired. This is a sample of the solidarity 
which will more and more hold sway over human society. In 
this web of social interests, wherein all individual destinies are 
interwoven, not a thread, not an individual should be injured 
without the general mechanism being warned of the accident 
affected by it, and obliged to repair the harm done as far as 
possible.’ If one member suffers all members suffer. Just as 
the brain is the supreme center for the direction of the members 
of the body, so the state constitutes the center for the control and 
supervision of charities and correction. These problems are of 
vital importance to the whole community and are so complex and 
so interwoven with the life of the people that state control is a 
necessity. 


xX 
EVOLUTION OF STATE CONTROL AND SUPERVISION 


‘Yor many years there has been a steady drift toward state 
contr-! and supervision. Not long ago most of the insane patients 
of this country were cared for in almshouses. In the process of 
evolution private charity, going in advance of the state, took 
many of the insane out of almshouses and put them into private 
hospitals which had been constructed for that purpose. These 
hospitals were built by the generous gifts of private individuals 


1La science sociale contemporaine, p. 211. 


399 


‘ 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 35 


in the East and as far West as Illinois. The time came for the 
state to take up this charity, and it may now properly be said 
that this form of private charity belongs to the past. No further 
appeals are made for private donations for the care of the insane. 
Private aid must now be given in the way of information, sug- 
gestion, and advice to the state in the care of these unfortunates. 
State hospitals possess such an equipment for their treatment and 
care as would never have been supplied by means of private char- 
ity. The burden of expense is borne proportionately by all tax- 
payers. The time has come in the process of evolution when the 
state has assumed an absolute responsibility, not shared with in- 
dividuals, in the care and management of these unfortunates. 

Private charity took the lead.in the care of the feeble-minded 
and epileptics, but the time came when the state assumed the 
care of these unfortunates the same as with the insane. 

Centralization has gone forward until the blind and deaf mutes 
are cared for under state supervision. The public, however, still 
remains in sympathetic touch with these classes, and private in- 
dividuals with charitable impulses will always have a wide field 
open before them for exploration, for experiment, and for the 
accumulation of information. They can do this by aiding the 
state to adopt the best methods in their care and treatment. ‘The 
state, however, will remain the supreme head with absolute power 
of control and supervision. 

We observe that in the process of evolution of state control 
and supervision other lines of charitable effort have come partly 
under state control. This is true in the care of homeless and dle- 
pendent children, and also in the care of cripples. It is also true 
in hospital treatment of tuberculosis and other diseases, both 
mental and physical. From the drift of events in this direction 
we are led to believe the time will come when these will be as 
perfectly under state control and supervision as is the care of the 
classes above mentioned. 


391 


36 Anderson William Clark 


XI 


RIGHT OF THE STATE TO CONTROL AND SUPERVISE CHARITIES 
AND CORRECTIONS 


New wants are springing up at every step of progress. Human 
desires and activities are ever increasing. New conditions arise 
and new forms of aid and relief and of correction are demanded. 
It is important to determine whether the state has the right to 
control and supervise them. Bluntschli says: “It is acknowl- 
edged now that law and its administrators do not merely exercise : 
rule over individuals, but render very essential and important 
services to them. A large number of useful and beneficent in- 
stitutions owe their origin to this view.”? He further explains 
that, “The end of the state is the development of the national 
capacities, the perfecting of the national life, and finally its 
compietion.”’? 

McKechnie says, “The good of humanity is the'end of the 
state.”* Concerning the sphere of the state, he says, “As every- 
thing within the territory of a state is subject to its control, it 
follows that its proper sphere is coextensive with the range of 
its dominions.’* “If it is the business of the state to preserve 
itself from dissolution, the supervision of the morals and intelli- 
gence of its people lies, undoubtedly, within its normal sphere. 
There is no part of the life of man that can claim to lie outside 
of its sphere.”? In harmony with these views Dr. C. R. Hender- 
son of Chicago is correct in saying, “The state alone is the organ 
of all members of society, and it alone has the acknowledged 
right to supervise and govern all institutions.’* This right car- 
ries with it moral obligation, : 


1The Theory of the State, pp. 307, 320-21. 
*The State and the Individual, pp. 83, 92, 96. 
’ Dependents, Defectives, and Delinquents, p. 62. 


392 


State Control of Charities and Corrections wae 
XII 


MORAL OBLIGATION OF THE STATE TO CONTROL AND SUPERVISE 
CHARITIES 


Some have argued that the only grounds upon which the state 
engages in charities and correction is self-protection. It is gen- 
erally accepted that this is true as far as the treatment of the 
criminal is concerned. Those who advocate this view affirm that 
self-protection is the only reason for state action in charities and 
correction and that no other element can possibly enter for con- 
sideration. This seems to be a narrow and selfish view. Even 
in the punishment of criminals it is now recognized that self- 
protection is not the only purpose. Modern philanthropists are 
generally agreed that the reformation of the prisoner is the chief 
object. To claim that self-protection is the only object in pun- 
ishment of crime is repellant to the better feelings and judgments 
consciously existing in our modern civilization. 

It has also been argued that the state cares for the insane, 
feebie-minded, epileptics, cases of tuberculosis and of other forms 
of sickness, wholly on the grounds of self-protection. There is 
an element of truth in this, and it may be said to be a part of the 
truth. But in relieving distress, in ministering to those who are 
sick either in body or mind, and in guiding the steps of the erring 
to good citizenship modern states are conscious of a higher mo- 
tive than mere self-protection. The state is conscious of a 
high moral obligation, of duty. It is the same kind of moral 
obligation as that which is recognized in the matter of education. 
Not many years ago the work of education was conducted by 
private enterprise; now the state manages our splendid public 
school system. 

In England many private schools were closed by the public 
authorities and the property caused to revert to the government, 
because of the inefficiency and harmful influences of such schools. 
It was right to close them. Upon the same grounds the govern- 
ment of France has for more than two years past closed on the 
average one private school per week. 


38 Anderson William Clark 


The order of studies pursued and methods of training are far 
from being perfect, but who would advocate the abolishment of 
our public schools? The state is morally bound to her citizens. 
to maintain and improve the educational system. If we recognize 
this principle in the matter of education we must recognize it 
also in dealing with law-breakers and with orphan children, and 
in all departments of charity and correction. How could prog- 
ress be made towards the high ideals of the people without the 
state’s recognition of moral obligation to each citizen? 

This moral obligation is often grounded in the claims of indi- 
vidual citizens upon the state for services rendered. For exam- 
ple, a man served his country in the Civil War. Afterwards he 
was industrious and self-supporting. He filled important offices 
in the state, and in many ways served the community in which he 
lived for many years, when misfortune overtook him. He lost 
his home and all means of support, became a cripple for life, and 
was found in absolute dependence for food and care. Who 
would say the state helps him simply on the grounds of self- 
protection? It might as well be said there is no public con- 
science, no public sense of right and wrong. 

Others have stood ready to perform such services but were 
never called upon. The state is under the same obligations to 
these as to him. Thirty years ago President M. B. Anderson of 
Rochester University stated, “A nation is a moral organism which 
owes certain duties to its members.”! Dr. C. R. Henderson wrote, 
“Much charity flows from a race instinct of sympathy.” “This 
instinctive sympathy is the natural basis of the ethical demand 
for charity—part of our moral view of the world.” “It is a so- 
cial duty to protect every citizen, without regard to character, 
from extreme misery and death.’ The state is morally bound 
to aid every citizen in times of need. It is a matter of simple 
justice. This principle is not yet generally accepted, but is gain- 
ing ground. The time will come when, in the light of this truth, 
popular notions will be dispelled and no thought or feeling 
of humiliation will come to those who receive such charity. 


UN. GC. C., 1876. 
“Dependents, Defectives, and Delinquents. 2d edition, pp. 41, 44, 45. 


394° 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 39 


XIII 


LIMITS TO STATE CONTROL AND SUPERVISION OF CHARITIES 
AND CORRECTION 


There are, however, limits to the extension of the control of 
the state over these matters. 


FINANCIAL LIMITS 


Even on the financial side the state can not make sufficient 
appropriations to meet the necessities. Taxpayers would not sub- 
mit to it. Public opinion would not favor it. Private charities 
must bear the burdens in many lines of effort. This has always 
been true in the past and will be true in all future time. It is 
just as it should be. The state is always behind. Private char- 
ities go in advance, explore new fields, make experiments, expend 
large sums of money, demonstrate and prove the value of well 
worked out systems; then the state takes control and supervision. 
Private workers have other fields to explore, and these fields 
are boundless. »° 


LIMITS ARISING FROM LACK OF SYMPATHY 


Many have believed that the state is cold and unsympathetic 
and that in the nature of the case it must forever leave certain 
kinds of relief work to private charities. Mr. Earnest P. Bick- 
nell of Chicago writes: “I believe it is the universal opinion of 
those who have given the subject thought that the administra- 
tion of official or public relief in the homes of the poor fails to 
provide those sympathetic and stimulating influences necessary to 
neutralize the disintegrating effects of the relief itself. The gift 
must have in it something of the personality and sympathy of the 
giver. It must mean something of sacrifice on the part of the 
giver. In the very nature of the situation these finer require- 
ments and accompaniments of the giving can not attach to the 
gift from public funds by a public official.”* | The conclusion is 
that all relief work for the poor in their homes must be done by 


395 


40 Anderson William Clark 


private charity. This involves the assumption that the state can 
never learn to do such work as it ought to be done. Are we war- 
ranted in drawing such a conclusion? It is true that blunderings 
and political corruption have characterized much of the public 
relief of the poor in their homes in the past, but the improved 
methods of late justify the belief in still greater improvements. 
Give the state time to be free from the “spoils system,” and time 
for civil service principles to dominate, and then, I believe, the 
state will do the relief work in families much better than the 
average official representatives of relief and aid societies. In 
spite of all the talk about “personal touch and personal sympa- 
thy,” my observations have led me to believe that in the work of 
private societies there is a good deal of officialism and lack of 
personal sympathy and self-sacrifice. Even the charity organ- 
ization societies have been driven to practice indirections. ‘There 
has been a steady tendency towards relief and aid work on their 
part. In most cities this has been a necessity, and all sorts of 
schemes of indirections have been tried. The visitor goes to the 
home of poverty and distress as a friend, speaks words of sym- 
pathy, encouragement, and advice, and then under some kind of 
a cover sends food, coal, etc., to relieve the distress. The money 
used in the case was contributed by a business man who had no 
time to visit any poor family. His money, however, had gone 
into the general relief fund of the society, and in very few cases, 
relatively, is any specific report made to the giver. He does not 
care for it. The fact is that most of relief is given officially. 
There is very little of the personal touch anywhere of the giver 
with the poor in distress, and to make up for this our charity 
organization societies are doing the best they can, and are to be 
greatly commended. No one doubts but that better methods will 
be adopted next year than were in use in the past year. Every 
society is learning by experience. The state is learning also, and 
it is expected that new systems and methods of state relief work 
will be evolved in the future which will enable the state to utilize 
the element of self-sacrifice and personal sympathy far better 
than they are utilized by private societies to-day. This will 
insure thoroughness and efficiency. 


396 | 


State Control of Charities and Corrections 41 


LIMITS ARISING FROM PREJUDICES AGAINST STATE CONTROL 
AND SUPERVISION 


Many private charities are controlled by religious societies and 
they strenuously oppose state interference. Even in cases where 
the state appropriates funds to the private charities, this opposi- 
tion to state supervision has manifested itself. In New York 
City the appropriation for the aid of the poor cared for in private 
institutions in 1900 was $3,076,259. Outside of the city, for the 
rest of New York, the appropriation of public funds to private 
charities amounted to $3,750,000, of which over $2,000,000 was 
for the support of dependent children. The legislature of Penn- 
sylvania for the same year appropriated $1,200,000 to semi-state 
institutions and about $3,500,000 to private institutions. Until 
recently these subsidized institutions have fought state supervi- 
sion at every step of progress. Now, state supervision is generally 
recognized to be right and is demanded. The leaders admit that 
the state has the right to “look after the expenditure of state 
funds according to contract,’ but affirm that “the state has no 
right to go behind the boards.” It is evident that much of this 
opposition has grown out of religious prejudices. The state has 
by this been hindered and limited in its operations, but is gradu- 
ally gaining control. 

Private societies which receive no state aid are still more pro- 
nounced in their opposition to state supervision. ‘This is espe- 
cially true of societies for homeless children. A fundamental 
principle with most of these societies is that a Christian home 
shall be found for every homeless child. They urge that the state 
can not for one moment take into account the question of a 
Christian home for a child. Is this not an a priori assumption? 
What shall be the definition of a Christian home? Membership 
in a particular church does not always insure that the home is a 
Christian home. We believe the state can and will secure the 
services of the highest types of Christian men and women to 
place and supervise homeless children. This has been done, as 
is well known, in Michigan, Minnesota, and Canada. It can be 
done in all the states. The drift of events is in the direction of 


RLV 


42 Anderson William Clark 


state control and supervision of both the. institutional care of 
children and of the placing-out system. Does anyone believe that 
political “bossism” and the “‘spoils system” in the management 
of charities will continue forever? Students of modern society 
can see the signs and promises of better things.in social and 
political evolution. The way has been prepared by private charity 
for state control. Placing-out agencies have experimented until 
well-defined principles and methods have been established. It. 
appears that the time has come when the state could assume full 
control and supervision. The best experts of the country, men 
and women with special training and adaptability, are available. 

These men and women can be depended upon, as officers of the 
state, to investigate homes thoroughly, to take into account ques- 
tions of kind treatment for the child, moral and religious envi- 
ronment, educational and social advantages, and financial condi- 
tions. They will be able, therefore, to select the very best homes 
for these wards of the state. This will give unity, harmony, 
economy; and efficiency in the work. 

At present there is much unnecessary duplication, friction, 
waste of time, waste of energy, and waste of money. In nearly 
every community a half-dozen child-saving societies are solicit- 
ing funds and operating often to the detriment of each other, 
and with great loss of efficiency. 


XIV 


IMPERATIVENESS OF STATE CONTROL AND SUPERVISION 


Immediate state control is demanded in order to save the 
lives of thousands of infants and small children who are to-day 
in the hands of ignorant and sentimental nurses and caretakers, 
where they suffer from poor ventilation, unsuitable food, and 
bad sanitary conditions. These little ones are left to languish 
and die. Some of these workers, in their enthusiasm, are over- 
religious and self-deceived believing they are working for God 
and for the good of humanity. Others see in it the opportunity 
of getting a living. The generous public is imposed upon while 
the lives of bright and promising children are blighted. 


398 


State Control of Charitics and Corrections 43 


State control is required to correct such abuses. Massachu- 
setts and New York require that every children’s agency shall be 
licensed by state authority before transacting any business. The 
Colorado legislature in 1901 established a law that all: private 
eleemosynary societies and corporations should not only secure 
licenses, but should have them renewed annually. The Iowa 
State Board of Control is instructed by law not only to inspect 
all private institutions for children, but to prescribe certain rules 
for their conduct. 

Indiana, Illinois, Ohio, and Minnesota have made provision 
for state inspection and supervision of private institutions and 
societies for children. Other states see the necessity for this and 
will soon have similar laws. These laws, enacted in the spirit of 
the centralizing movement, relate not only to the institutional 
care of dependent children, but also to the entire placing-out 
system. 

It is not expected that all institutional care and placing-out of 
children will come under absolute state control in the immediate 
future, but that is the ultimate goal, and social forces are moving 
towards that inevitable result. 

Abuses are repeatedly found in county poorhouses, in county 
jails, and in other departments of charities and corrections. 
State control and supervision are imperatively demanded to 
correct these abuses. 


ANALYSIS OF CONTENTS 


I. State Board of Charity of Massachusetts, 4; State Board 
of Insanity, 9; State Board of Prison Commissioners, 
10. 

II. State Board of Charities of New York, 11; State Com- 
mission in Lunacy, 13; State Commission of Prisons, 
he 

III. Ohio, Indiana, Michigan, and Illinois Advisory State 
Boards of Charity, 15; Arguments in Favor of Ad- 
visory Boards, 16; Success of Advisory Boards, 18; 
Change of Sentiment in these States, 19. 


399 


44 


eI 


WT: 
VIL. 


VIL. 


IX. 


De 
XI. 


XII. 


ATL, 


XIV. 


Anderson William Clark 


. State Board of Control of Wisconsin, 19. 
. lowa and Minnesota Boards of Control, 21; Experiences 


of Iowa Board of Control, 24; Experiences of Minne- 
sota Board of Control, 25; Inventories, 25; Discipline 
in State Institutions, 26; Favoritism, 26; Food, Cloth- 
ing, and Care, 27; Industrial Work, 28; Purchase of 
Goods, 28. 

Classification of State Boards, 29. 

Considerations which Favor a State Board of Control, 29. 

Objections to State Boards of Control Considered, 31. 

Grounds upon which State Control and Supervision Rest, 
34- 

Evolution of State Control and Supervision, 34. 

Right of the State to Control and Supervise Charities and 
Corrections, 36. 

Moral Obligation of the State to Control and Supervise 
Charities and Corrections, 37. 

Limits to State Control and Supervision of Charities and 
Corrections, 39; Financial Limits, 39; Limits Arising 
from Lack of Sympathy, 39; Limits Arising from 
Prejudices Against Control and Supervision, 41. 

Imperativeness of State Control and Supervision, 42. 


400 


— 


Volumes I, II, II, IV, and Vof UNIVERSITY STUDIES are each complete in 


four numbers. 
Index and title-page for each volume are published separately. 
A list of the papers printed in the first two volumes may be had on application. 
Single numbers (excepting vol. I, no. 1, and vol. Ii, no. 3) may be had for 
$1.00 each. Seats : eS Seas 
A few copies of volumes I, IT, III, IV, and V, complete in numbers, are still to 


be had. ; 
All communications regarding purchase or exchange should be addressed to 


THE UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA LIBRARY 
: LINCOLN, NEB., U. S. A. 


JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS LINCOLN 


3 9088 00876 4029