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A 3 > oe Seg Meet ae ) % _ w cole % 9 an nal 7 = i del i a ae i f el wa Ti ee * P " ry * My A 7. Pf e » _ UNIVERSITY OF NEBRASKA JO oe BENCOBING ord PUBLISHED BY THE UNIVERSITY L908 a" bos JANUARY 1908 No. 1 Te i : — a 3 AC INST7g ye 4 \ j Published by the University of a bfask a (x JUN 29 183 ; a AZ) TON ar Muse COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION . SAMUEL AVERY W. K. JEWETT Cc. E. BESSEY A. S. JOHNSON F. M. FLING L. A. SHERMAN H. ALICE HOWELL Ww. G. L. TAYLOR T. L. BOLTON, Epiror “CONTENTS I On THE MAGNETIC SEPARATION OF THE LINES OF BARIUM, YTTRIUM, ZIRCONIUM, AND OSMIUM B.£E. Moore. : ; § 1 II SprEcrric CHARACTERS IN THE BEE GENUS COLLETES Myron Harmon Swenk — d : 43 LINCOLN NEBRASKA zie Entered at the post-office in I,incoln, Nebraska, as second-class matter, a as University~~’ : Bulletin, Series XIII, No. 16 UNIVERSITY STUDIES Vou. VIII «JANUARY, 1908 No. 1 I.—On the Magnetic Separation of the Lines of Barium, Yttrium, Zirconium, and Osmium BY B. E. MOORE I. INTRODUCTION The investigations of Balmer,’ followed by Rydberg*® and by Kaiser and Runge, showed that many of the spectral lines ot different substances formed series which could be expressed in a simple empirical equation. Preston,* in the study of the Zeemann effect, observed that similar series in different substances had identical magnetic separation of the lines, when these separations "were measured in wave-frequencies instead of wave-lengths. Pres- ton’s data were very meager, and his law was first thoroughly established by Runge and Paschen.* Inversely, then, lines of like magnetic separation are members of a series, according to Pres- 1Wied. Ann. 25, p. 80, 1885. *Phil. Mag. (5), 29, p. 331, 1890. Zett. Ph. Chem. 5, p. 227, 1890. C. R. Chem. 110, p. 394, 1890. Kgl. Svenska Vet Akad. Handl. 32, Nr. 11, 1890. Astrophys. Jour. 6, pp. 239, 338, 1897. ‘ “Runge. Report Brit. Assoc. 1888, pp. 576-77. Kaiser and Runge. Wied. Ann. 41, p. 302, 1890; 43, p. 384, 1891; 48, p. 126, 1893; 52, p. 93, 1894. Berl. Ber., pp. 639, 759, 1895. Astrophys. Jour. 3, p. 4, 1896. Wied. Ann. 61, p. 641, 1897. Astrophys. Jour. 8, p. 70, 1898. “Phil, Mag. (5), 46, p. 325, 1898. Proc. Royal Dub. Soc. VI, p. 385, 1898. Proc. Royal Dub. Soc. VU, part II, 5. 2. ° Sitsungsber. de Berl. Akad. am. 6 Feb. 1902. Sitsungsber. de Berl. Akad. am. XIX, pp. 389, 720, 1902. Siteungsber. de Berl. Akad. am. X, p. 417, 1904. Astrophys. Jour. XV, pp. 235, 333; XVI, p. 123. UNIVERSITY StTub1Es, Vol. VIII, No.1, January 1908. 2 B. E. Moore e ton’s law, and therefore the magnetic separation may be used to establish series. In fact, Runge suggested this possibility, and applied it in barium where no series had been discovered. He found that barium gave representatives of series, but not in suff- cient number to establish series. The following experiments propose to use this inverse method, — firstly in a more complete study of barium, and then in other substances wherein no series have been found, to see if a series relationship can be established in any of the different types of magnetic separation. Il. EXPERIMENTAL METHOD The spectral lines were photographed by means of a 21-foot concave grating with fixed circular camera. The light consisted of a spark of the substance which had been dried upon thin car- bon plates and so placed in a strong magnetic field that the spark was parallel to the lines of force.t Owing to the varying intensity ‘of the different lines, photographs were taken with different times of exposure, varying from fifteen minutes to two hours in the violet and up to six hours in the red. The photographs were all taken with the pole pieces at the same distance apart, so that by varying the current on the electromagnetic circuit one could ob- tain ad libitum any field strength up to the maximum of 24,400 lines per sq. cm. The field strength was determined from re- peated measurements of the separation of calcium line 396836, - which occurs as an impurity in the carbon electrode, and from a few special photographs of zinc line 4680, assuming Runge’s measurements for these lines at 21,000 C. G. S. units to be cor- rect. All calculations are given at the above maximum field strength. Other field strengths were used to determine the true components of lines very close together or to obtain readings for overlapping components. Frequently such lines are determined from the distance of the one free component from the undisturbed *Many substances adhere so well to carbon that the writer thinks this. plan, together with the circular camera, will make it possible to photo- graph some of the promising costly substances: 24 The Magnetic Separation of Lines 2 position. Photographs of vibrations parallel to the lines of forces were taken upon one set of plates, and perpendicular to the lines of force upon another set of plates. This was effected in the usual way by means of a calcite prism. Photographs taken with- out the calcite, i. e. with both the parallel and perpendicular com- ponents on one set of plates, were used only to obtain the relative intensity of the parallel and perpendicular components. In these photographs the parallei and perpendicular components are often so close to each other as to prohibit their separation and hence a knowledge of their respective intensities. In triplets of large sep- aration, however, it was a matter of no difficulty. By a double comparison of such lines with corresponding components on parallel and perpendicular plates the ratio of the intensities of the parallel and perpendicular plates is established. The lines may then be compared on perpendicular and parallel plates, although the conditions of exposure and development may have been quite different. But withal there is a chance for a very large error in intensities, since there is a wide range in width and depth of the shadows, and no experimental method employed to compare the intensity of the shadow, as may be done in photometry or spectro- photometry. The variation in actinic sensibility of the plates throughout the spectrum is enormous, so that one must resort to differently pre- pared plates. Furthermore, the red sensitive plates, self-prepared with diacyamin, were far from uniform. Hence, a comparison of intensities of different lines, which is very important in investiga- tion for series, can be only roughly accurate within a short spec- tral range. This is generally sufficient to show that two or more near lines of like magnetic separation, but of great inequality in intensity, do not belong to the same series. This is all that can be expected from the intensities given in the following experiments. How great the variations in intensities may be under the different conditions of experiment may be seen by comparing the intensities here recorded with those given in Exner’s and Hascek’s tables which have been freely used. There is enough similarity in in- tensities to make their table serviceable for the identification of lines. 4 B, E. Moore Intensities are recorded for the components of the first order lines, whether the lines were measured in first or second order. The lowest intensity I is just observable. It is measurable only when very favorably located in a group of components, and then with no special accuracy. A line of intensity 2 is capable of fair measurement in groups of several components, but is not satis- factory in a doublet of broad separation. Intensity 3 is the lowest that is satisfactory under the latter conditions. Diffuse lines of higher intensities may also be unsatisfactory. A pair of com- ponents which are diffuse outward or inward indicates the pres- ence of outer or inner weak components, which may be brought out when self-induction, capacity, slit-width, and exposure of plates have been properly balanced. Broad single lines suggest a similar possible resolution. Hence a record of these facts may be helpful even if the resolution has not been effected. The ac- curacy of the readings also depends upon the sharpness of the lines. Where weakness, diffusion, or presence of overlapping “components has made a reading less accurate, the result is tabu- “lated in brackets. The bracketed values are still close enough to give a reasonable idea of the magnitude of the separation. Over- lapping components can usually be circumvented by varying the field strength. However, this did not always suffice, and it was necessary to omit an occasional component in a line, e. g. the outer violet component of zircon 3573.3. There is large variation in definition among the lines of a substance. This is particularly noticeable in barium. The lines of osmium are uniformly excep- tionally sharp, so that the readings in the latter possess nearly three times the accuracy of the former. Yttrium and zirconium occupy an intermediate position. The separations are deterinined from five readings for each component. These were all repeated, and in most cases the repeated readings were taken upon other sets of plates. If these readings showed an unwarranted deviation from the old result, the line was subjected to further analysis upon both plates. In zircon there is certainly an error of .oo5 mm. possible. Cases of double the magnitude may have escaped my attention, but such cases are few. This value gives a minimum error in AA/A? in the second order at 4500 of .o25, and a maximum The Magnetic Separation of Lines 5 error in the first order at 3250 of .og. Hence it was desirable as far as possible to limit the readings in the shorter wave-lengths to the second order photographs. The identification of the lines in the violet and ultra violet spectra was made by Exner-Hascek’s spark spectrum tables, which generally proved very satisfactory. An occasional difficulty was met; for example, in zirconium a very well-defined line of eight components was found at about 4214 which failed to identify with impurities or with Zr. 4214.58. It does, however, identify with the arc light table line 4214.05. Such a difference in arc line wave- length and spark line wave-length is very exceptional, but in the absence of line 4214.58, it indicates that line in question is the same. Rough measurements frequently gave readings closer to the arc light lines than the spark lines, and many such might have occurred had very careful comparator measurements of distances from line to line been made. Sometimes such comparator meas-_ urements are necessary in identifications, as it may be ‘either a required line or an impurity. Difficulty was met with in three lines toward the red of 3392.20. These eight lines measured from 3392.20 gave 3393.30 instead of 3393.30; 3394.96 instead of 3394.79, or possibly this is another line; and 3396.87 instead of 3390.71. A fourth line 3396.49 is certain!y in close enough agree- ment with 3396.51. Several other lines appeared which have nct been identified. lil. EXPLANATION oF TABLES The abbreviations in the tables have the following significance, viz.: A, wave-length; AA/A?, the change in vibration per cm.; s, vibrations perpendicular to the lines of force, and /, parallel to the same; H, principal series; G, greater wave-length: K, smaller wave-length; NV, subordinate series; S, satellite; h, principal line; R, observations according to Runge; M, observations according to Moore; i, intensity. Column A gives the approximate value of the components represented in terms of a small separation, called the “interval,” multiplied by small numbers called ‘“‘factors.” The factors represent the ratio of the distances of the sticcessive ul 6 B. E. Moore components from the position of the undisturbed line. Column B gives “remarks.” Inasmuch as duplicate “remarks” frequently cccur, they have been designated by the following abbreviations, viz.: D, diffuse; D,, diffuse toward the red; Dz, diffuse toward the blue; D; and ZY, diffuse inward and outward respectively, which generally suggests the presence of interior and exterior weak components respectively; w, slightly broadened; b, much broadened; 4, and ~, blue and red components respectively over- lapped by component of an adjacent or foreign line; mi, not identified, i. e. the line does not compare with any line in Exner’s and Hascek’s tables. Special remarks are indicated by numbers which are explained at the foot of their respective tables. In the quadruplet tables, the s- and p-components are each designated by a double sign + to avoid repetition. The s-component is recorded first. The double sign, therefore, means two readings. The triplet s-components are similarly designated and the p-zero component is omitted. Two intensities are frequently given in the triplets. The first recorded value, then, represents the s-component and the second the p-component. When there are three intensi- ties for triplets, the outer s-components are unequally intense. The first reading is, then, the red and the third the blue compo- nent. When only one intensity under triplets is given it refers to the s-component, and the f-component has twice the intensity. IV. Barium The barium lines for wave-lengths shorter than 5854. were meas- ured from plates exposed by Professor Runge. Much time was spent in trying to obtain stronger photographs of barium to bring out the weaker lines. These lines were either not upon the new plates or too diffuse for satisfactory measurements. A few of the sharpest lines of the new plates were measured and found in agreement with measurements made from Professor Runge’s other line. These observations and those by Professor Runge upon barium I have reduced to the field strength, 24400 C. G. S., used in all subsequent measurements. The photograph of the red spec- trum yielded all lines but two in Kayser and Runge’s arc spectrum 6 Pal The Magnetic Separation of Lines 7 and several new lines, most of which are weak. The wave-lengths of these lines are determined by their distances from lines already known, and the Angstrom scale values determined from known second order iron lines. Constant use of this iron calibration with zircon and Yttrium lines, along with Exner’s and Hascek’s tables, leads me to think that the new wave-lengths may be reiied upon to within 0.1 Angstrom unit. The intensities for the red spectrum are given, and show the comparative intensities for that part of the spectrum. When one value only for intensity is given it refers to the perpendicular component, and the omitted parallel com- ' ponent has about double the intensity. Exceptions to this are noted under some. lines. In Table Ba, are given the values of AA/A* for lines observed by Runge and Paschen and remeasured by the author for com- parison of accuracy obtainable. Barium has been found the poorest substance of the four studied for such a comparison. In Table Ba,, the line 6675.3 has its components in the ratio of +.635 (0, I, 3); the line 5997.4 may be represented by +.55 (1, 2, 3); the line 5971.9 by +.30 (2, 5); and the line 4580 pos- Sibly by ==.10°(4, 8, 15). ‘Table Ba, contains a list of triplets arranged in groups with like separation. The omitted parallel component is in the posi- tion of the line without field, i. e. with zero separation. Groups I, III, and IV stand in the simple ratio of 3-2-1. The separation in group II differs from group III by 1/11. The separation in group III Professor Runge has designated the normal triplet (see later in VIII, Comparison of Substances) “a”; or these groups are 30/2, a,a/2, and 12a/11. Groups I, Ili, [V.are represented in one single line 5997.4 excepting the zero component. Group I is also represented in 4166, group II in 5854, and group III also in 4554. | | In Table Ba, are the remaining lines of barium, and under “remarks” are indicated lines of several components which have the value of the triplet. It will be seen from these tables that the triplets look like lines of several components with some compo- nents suppressed. Or, what is more significant, the magnitude of the separations reduees to a few in number and recurs in different = / 8 B. E. Moore types of separation. Runge has noted a vibration difference per cm. of 1691 in two pairs of lines. 3891.97; and 6497.07 and 5853.9. The longer wave-length of the first pair corresponds to the satellites of the first adjacent series, and the remaining line to the same series’ shorter wave-length. In the second pair of lines the shorter wave-length is the satellite. The longer wave was not measured. The measurements here gave a value of +.93 for AA/A?, which is closer to the triplet value -++.915 of the first adjacent series’ shorter wave-iength than the value +.87 for 3892. Line 6487.7 possesses the same separation as the line 6497.1, but is characterized by the perpendicular com- ponents being much stronger than the parallel. The separation of the triplet lines in group II have the same separation as the middle line of the first subordinate series. TABLE Bay H. G. PUN PAKS IN airs H. K. INKS 1N.S 4934 X 45252 4900 A 4554 2 5854 Xv 41662 R. M. TR M. Rk. M. R. M. R. M. Re M. —1.44|—1.45)—1.42)—1.44|—1.75|—1.83]—1.75|—1.83|/—1.76|—1.76|—1.63] ..... — .jA|— .72|— .76|— .72|/—1.09/—1.11|/—1.08/—1.11/—1.19|—-1.19|—-1.16} ..... + .73/+ .71)/+ .75\-+- .74\— .86\— .85|— .86/— .385|— .92)..... — .88\— .87 +1.45)-+-1.46)4-1.45/+1.44,4+ .85/+ .87/4 .85/+ .87)4+ .58|\— .58!— .62]..... a tet MER en Rei le +1.07)+-1.11/+1.06)41.10/4+ .58/+ .57)/4+ .55)..... eee ea aero eee actcre 3404 tel curs +1.75)+1.80)+1.79)+-1.82)/4 .91).....|4+ .90/4 .87 RSET A “oie. o.a\w [Lie icietaier| deters ali oreas susuh de aee-O0e | ac yee gh see etcmeye: el t= ea |= tT hh rote ais, | eee heme PPE | RACSPR PSE ART a eee Pree empty SS +1.76)+-1.74)/+1.70] ..... These pairs are 4166.24 and — The Magnetic Separation of Lines 9 TABLE Bag 6675.3 Al 5997.42 5971.9 A? 4580 X et) ANA? | | osbaafa? | 2] aA/a® |e) ANA? 5 — 1.90' s 3 —1.64 s 8 AOS) Nee —i1.54 5 oe 64) Po 6 10D 10 Ag pa Pee — 812 a Wo, 14 Bors be s 10 UE aaa 885 al +( .63) p 3 + 545 8 i es Oak 9 eet + ..39 s Pama Te decd) oO: elo t TAO. NIL dee Skkcek 4 “ae bse We ee) + 81p Beatin seve ee telat ste s | 3 +1.66 s BE EP ore TIE el ROR ne dic oe Beek ny Ay TABLE Bas GROUP I GROUP II GROUP III GROUP IV xr i |AX/A r z| AA/A? r i |AX/A* r Z AA/? 6694.42! 5|+1.66 | 6527.64 /12'+1.24 6483.1 8} 1.14 | 6653.7 4| .55 6341.9 | 8} 1.59] 6148.6 | 3) 1.17 6182.6 2) 1.08 | 6611.8 8} .56 4692 ..| 1.65] 6141.9 |30} 1.20 6165.44| 2) 1.06 | 6433.5 6| .57 4574 1.64 | 5778 Pah 22 6063.3 | 12} 1.10 | 6019.7 | 10) .555 4506 1.67 | 4416 Aye ||) Seniteilie) §988.1 |...| 1.09 | 4182.6 |...| .56 4432 1.64 4131 es 5826 7s Oo Nawal eat yf PR Ae Pes Nl | AN Sn 4414 1.62 : 1.18M)| 53836 Lise tees alaa|eeycts catch ne Weve. eee 3889.4 |:.| 1.68] 39934 |..; 1.24 4727 rb Fes [Moidec Udine | vrais tere ell epee [beta keene 2, Sa, Sal eal pea 31 OW UP es ae Ue 4283 cpap malta hie sen eee sare Raat. PETS Biwi, Nae ntess ce llc they ouatte te | |Paeaeer m Meballiats to) meg nl PMU, TO arene ie etm eee I | 3808 23 aries ieee eae Fe Rete des SOUL eo) 1 I lat pee Peele cite ite *s-components of 6451 agree with this and possibly the p-components, as the latter appears a broad weak band rather than a single line. *s-components are broad and may resolve into two lines each. They are strongest at center. This is not usually the case with lines which re- solve with better definition. *s-components are each nearly twice as strong as the p-components. In the other lines, the p-components are the stronger lines. *May possibly not belong in this group. 2 "eet i a PERE Ly yin Ae i 10 B. E. Moore TABLE Bag r t|An/r? REMARKS nN t)AA/? REMARKS SOStOw fol ie. Triplet, too weak |) 6409.3 | 6)....-. Broad, *not appa- 005 i a Triplet, too weak rehtly separated 6595.55! 10) .635) Compare 5854 6403.1 | 4)+ .84) ........ Ties aun Steel 6548.3 | 2) .68 | Compare 5854 6398.84)..]...... Broad. In appear- Not Cu 3274.1 ’ ance like lines with whose separation several compon’ts =1/50 GOO MIER leo kree Triplet, too weak “SRISH BO St | Meas Gs a Ane a eo ola 6192.1 | 3 .89) Compare 5854 BA iGls IAD! 4200. ca wicagaetss «cht mwuheys 6182.2 | 3} 1.88] Compare 5854 6495.3 2 .68 | Not Cu 8247.66 6111.0 |1 1.28] 8a/7? whose separation || 5519. “) 2.) duOBL ae ie 8. 04 3.598 8 | —1.69s | 3.553 Los 1.105! 2 Gis) = > 22 2 12); —1A1 fp) 2 1 | — 545 1 12 — .46 1 8}, — .d0 5 1 1 pelea et WGC a ar 1904. eel en 8.) 66 5 ese DL LOD) cocc es ve 6 RO ela eS 0A Wes ed el iy 2a Py ee Pee LGD S| Foie ee si 6 sr lees Aces he Boy) 69H: | ake ete Here the two lines 4358.91 and 3195.80 are accurate duplicates of each other, which is just the kind of agreement one should anticipate in the terms of a series. Unfortunately no other terms are present within the limits of observations. The s-components are of equal intensity and equidistant. They are removed from the zero position one and three times the value +.55. The p-com- ponents are double the same value. In 3747.70, the s-components are one and two times the value .52. Direct comparison of the p- and s-plates shows that the meas- ured difference of the p-components and the inner s-components is actually present and not an error of cbservation. The law of b iN) The Magnetic Separation of Lines 13 multiple relationship mentioned on pages 7 and 33 still holds for all components, if one goes so far as to take the small difference between these f- and inner s-components as a unit. The terms are then 7, 8, and 16 times the value +.065. The two following quintets could not be measured accurately : 4477.12 : 3951.76 X sd BW WD A t| AA/d? B 2|—1.89s | 5x.88 6 |—1.47s| 4.38 Sl Say are 1) + 3839). 1 7rd Rin creme 2 0 pl 0 Ges ott PE ecco fee ee Op tes. aes 2 1 Lot Sk yispl | fop enee oe pe 6 EATS (iene ecciaes These p-components are not separated in the first order spec- trum. As near as could be seen in the second order spectrum, they are the same for both lines, and may be represented by o and I times the value +.38. The p-components of 4477.10 are five times this value, and in 3951.76, they are four times it. The s-components of 3951.76 are diffuse inward, and suggest a pair of lines of value AA/A? = +1.30 which corresponds to a seven- fold multiple of .19. This only means a doubling of all the previous multiple factors. 14 | B. E. Moore The following fourteen iines are quadruplets: 4477.59 is an apparent quadruplet also, but too weak and diffuse to measure. r i AA/d?2 A B 5510.1 2+ Sis se SC (ASB) So ate eas eee 3 A8 p Aon Cone ot Ne eae ee 4682.5 12 1.40 s UO ec ake eee 10 1.19 p Be ao 4475.90 2 _ (1.44) ~ ON Ole 4. Wl ceste cite 3 52 Lh yh te Gat A ee peel eae 4375.11 100 1.07 OX 200 oY yt eestor Se ears 100 20 ROTA emi re a She 4177.68 100 * 1.00 a, er Dy b 100 44 2 Dy b 4167.65 20 1.20 6x .20 2 20 9 Ae Ce ORO aa Ror oe Sei 4128.49 30 1.265 4x .80 D> w 30 29 p 13% D; w 4106.60 By, pala, Revere SOS ee deal Betaeue Mae eee ee bo 3 AQ! 8 TST SS SEE Te SEN she easel \eterche enter eet 3982.75 60 ey, 11 .105 Dy, * 60 53 sa en ISTE, Se tH 3930.84 5 1.21 ASK 230 9 FA Seas eee 6-4 4 De oy ATA ete 3833.10 30 1.34 BGT SOFT reel seeieeetess 25 70 Lage op ot Sak aie ane eee 31513) e 1 Senet EEE ETO See hee et ines PIR Pe he cue ee a (oe ier Yo 5) BOD Tet aM | ony ai eee Gaatade a, aul crete oe tatan amet 3448.98 6 1.42 3x .50 u 8 5 Y9) aL coh Pca secre eae 3200.44 20 1.58 ASK Bibs i’ lini nlskeletadelaterene ete 20 .69 ANGIE ARAB ah EME tte a 5/5 Lines 4475.90 and 3448.98 are very similar but do not belong to the same series inasmuch as the blue line is much stronger instead of the reverse. The character of separation is reasonably similar in 4128.49 and 3930.84. The intensities, however, are out of all proportion to the expectations of the series’ law; they are what one could expect in two parallel series. It is especially noteworthy *The width of the s-components suggests two or more components. “When the p- and s-components of this strong line are brought into juxtaposition under the microscope, the components are clearly not related in the 1-to-2 ratio. The 12-to-5 ratio, times a/11, (see later) seems more probable, but the 11-to-5 ratio here given agrees better with both the old and the new readings. T4 The Magnetic Separation of Lines 15 that the distance of the components of four lines are multiples of the value of +.20, and the components of two lines multiples of the value +.30. Hence the components of the six lines are mul- tiples of +.10. Although such a division is striking, it may be remarked that if one chooses the multiple value small enough all lines would naturally fall under the multiple proportions within the limits of error. Allowing an error of only .05, and all lines are at once multiples of .1. The same may be said of the before-mentioned multiple value .065, and no importance, within the limits of the present readings, can be attached to such small factors.. The value .065, or more accurately .06, appeared as a difference of two components, which difference was actually present when one directly compared the two plates, and the striking feature was that all components of this line were a multiple of this difference. So that, although errors of larger magnitude may arise, the differ- ence is still significant of the fact that the components of lines may stand in the very simple relation of multiples of small sep- arations. In the remaining quadruplets there can be no question of the presence of multiples of .20 and .30. There are no dupli- cates of the series character present. The following seventy-four lines are triplets. The intensities of the undisturbed p-components are not given. The ratio of the intensity of the s- to the p-components is usually one to two, though propably in many cases the ratio is nearer two to five. 5 16 B. E. Moore N i oes B r tS ANAM B 5663.1 19 Flip 910. 1) Seca 3967.74 6) 2 Tose 30.3 2 (hd) ecto were 44.90: 7 1.34 | 22 5582.1 4 Ua Cee ete 06.57 5 LABS eee 27.8 | 46 iV ys eben 8878.80 | 15 2.34 | 27} 5497.6 6 jig fan Nea ee 42.00 5 1.22 | 22 66.7 8 AOE occa 3788.88 | 50 1.02 | D, w 03.0 0 As Hira alata ak 82.50 , 15 1.889), aes 5205.9 10 ioe | el eer, ae 76.73 | 15 TAGr oe eee 00.6 6 EE a ER Tike "4.51 | 100 115 | Dr w 5087.6 10 1eBA oh aeew 10.41 | 60 ee ae 4956.7 Dee AB AGO 3696.90 4 85 | D 4900.3 20 Wits de nite 68.67 6 136105 hee 4883.9 20 rip ee ek ae 3664.76 | 20 1.74 | Dy w 4855.1 15 I ie ey 45.67 8 1.50 | ni 4840.1 Bo 4c* Ae |. eam, 35.60 5 CHG Fors ae 4675.01 | 20 Hse cee 33.28 | 50 108641207 43.88 | 25 EOGe tt. < wieae 21.12 | 15 Las) 4527.98 6 SO I: sais 14.81 Pes td), oe 217.43 8 1S tf Bet 11.19 | 60 rE (Tg Bone 06.12 | 15 i eee fe 02.12 | 40 162 ohne 4465.50 | 85 T:O6 lcci sen ae 00.90 | 75 1:48.) eee 46.85 3 Aide Wile cas eee 3593.11 x 91,2 |, eee 43.83 (ee eae ig ope 87.86 5 LARA eee 22.80 | 25 a Oe ete 85.90 Bree oy alae 4348.91 8 died cee 49.21 | 60 TRG Ree Paine ‘ 4330.85 2 Bub itn tos 31.85 5 aed pe 09.81 | 50 eR Bae sa 3496.25 | 12 62\ bec tee 02.45 8 ihe ee epee 68.05 3 62; 10; eam 4251.39 6 50003) 2 ake 3372.98 6 1:35 lee anes 11.85 | 10 Lohan ees 62.20 | 10 1,28 och ae 04.84 | 20 1G), Sk sae 8110” 580 108) nee 4174.27 | 30 OG ees 20.10 eB gee le) fe, 43.01 | 30 91) | Dy w 3242.49 | 30 1.38 | D 25.10 | 20 TRE Sta la eds 16.87 | 15 Te ea pe 02.60 | 50 TEE Kec bie) 03.51 | 12 a oe are) 4077.54 | 50 HOB vali getontes 3173.40 5 go Ree ge ie 47.81 | 20 96 O12 ae 30.20 | 32 1.25. Sle 40.00 15 1.57 Di *Y. 3878.47 is not present unless it should be this line, which is scarcely credible. 3878.80 is certainly in satisfactory agreement with the iron line 3878.78. But much stronger iron lines come out as impurities on the plates with much smaller intensities. The separation is unlike any other line of the triplet class in yttrium. The separation of Fe 3878.78 is unknown to the author, but should the separaticn of the Fe line prove to be some other magnitude, then the present line might safely be regarded an yttrium line, i. e. the magnetic separation may be used to determine the substance of doubtful lines. See also remarks upon Ba 6548.3, 6495.3, and 6484.7, table Baa. e 1H Bea et rea , m SIN P = « “ : a a PI / % The Magnetic Separation of Lines 17 Every line in the triplet class is some small multiple of the simple values given with the lines having several components. Many of the lines, however, could safely be different multiples of more than one of these values. It is therefore of no significance to so classify the iines, e. g. a great many triplets have values approximately 1.25. If we assume .c5 as a possible error, then any value between 1.20 and 1.30 must be considered. We then may have in these limits multiples of the intervals .18, .20, .30, .43, and .63. Further, if multiple relations hold and one attempts to find series in the triplet class, one is confronted by the fact that triplets of a certain magnitude may belong to quite different groups. As per above illustration, five triplets of separation 1.25 could belong to as many different groups. When we consider farther the small differences in the triplets here noted, it is seen that types exist whose ditference in separation is so small that a very small error in observation would place a line in a wrong type. These two considerations indicate that series can be only found, if present at all, in triplets, with great labor. Whereas in other types of separation they are, by Preston’s law, at once ap- parent, if present at all. VI. ZIRCONIUM The two following lines have eleven components each: ‘Nesssiieeai0) A=8272.39 a1 An/d2 A CB hae Wa, A 5 | —2.24 s 6.37 5 | —2.26 5 6X<.37 3 | —1.50 s 4 2 | —1.54 s 4 3) —111p| 3 3|—111p/] 3 1|— 745 2 1 —- 5 2 6| — 84f)| 1 5 | — 8387p) 1 1 —-§ 0 1 —s 0 6 | + .34f)..... il rene Th 722k ans lee i ie eae een Beas cta le SAape tals 1 len ae cerca (SEITE 3 the el (U3 2] ae 3 ee 2S Sed DONS) ie. saad bie ul atl OPS tI eine eas ?| +—s]} bo De Wt a eA Oe SE scl eter wake 17 18 B. E. Moore These two lines are certainly duplicates. The s-components are even multiples of .37 and the p-components odd multiples of the same value. A common difference of .74 occurs six times in each of these lines. The following two lines have nine components each: A=3780.78 A=3921.99 Oh ANS A 2} Ad/d? A Bi ods) eb Gs 4 |—214s| 5X48 Ben 1.69 a od ds. A cokes eee a ae Beh 86g) 2 2 |— 92p| 2 Bl Ae 3.1 = 44 p) 1 3 Op) 0 3 OUI Br Ae AS Belt yk a ees 250) A EAG a eke EE AON agg cers eee yee ae eae lar er Ses IE ig es oO Mean VE, sesame Mees ask 6 aS Net oh lens 4 OAS A sone These lines are duplicates and the separations are multiples of ‘the value .43. The six following lines have eight components each: \=4410.80 N==4268.22 \=4214.05 ! PUSAN NE t | Ad/A? A t | AX/A2 A Say Re eee 10 —2165| 4.54 6 —1.76 s| 3.60 2 es gra pei 8 —1.09p \e 6 41.91 p) 58 eee iy Oe gee 6 =10T 5 Q —1,17' 5}, 2 a Or ae a 35 10 p fee ane lean ce } yet Rees Le hats 1 2 /+ 98 5110 8 LOTR cas 6 LACOTG| oar 4 |11.57 s |16 6 TADS). Onl ae Q “C18. Sook omen 2 |12.18 s |22 - 140 OW GiGh chee 6 +1.95 s| Pie h. = Bey aie « ’ we ) D Ba ane ty A PRA ero baa? A yea, eee . - The Magnetic Separation of Lines 19 \=4027.4 \=3764.6 N=3459.1 21 And/d? A t! Ad/M A t| AA/d? A eee et 8 188 sil IGT. 8" | 2.905: |: 88500 a) 1.36 s*| Sb -le Bisse | ob 4 | —1.51 5 | 15 8|—1.09p| 4 8 Pe b08p" | 4 ng see Wyse 2)— .75s 3 2 86 s 3 2 | — .W3s 7 UES a ees Lelie Spe lize Mat c By Vek 6G k Laer Se TOLD Weak ac 2 ey EE So ia ee eee ae Sv ie et ee EW nce c- 2 a eh 4°| 41.54s5°| 15 2] BPS ey ee ie |e ao! caer ae ae 1-+-| 4£2.28.s | 28 4027.4 and 3764.6 are probably duplicates. The following seven lines have seven components each: A=4457.71 A=4258.31 - A=4171.65 t| Anr/dr? A t}) ANS? A i | AA/NM A 2 | SEMIN | 2a 2s ta! 4 |—1.538 s| 6.26 8) —1.48s5) 6X.25 [2 NICD CE a ae 6\— 1.87 A) Be) 8 | —1.26p) 5 MOUSE Dit. vn 2 |— [.82] 2) 38 6) — 265) 1 2 say le 10 Oras if 0 ° OZ, La Or MOOT ICMG 8 |i se eos 2 |+ [.82] p| 8.10 6 | + 265 ]..... 200. 10 | 2150 |... 2... 6 |+ 1.37 p| 14 4 | +1.24p]......... NCEE) he een are 4 |+ 1.48 s| 15 3 | +1.50 5} 12(?) (a) DIP OD gh tna ae A=4093.32 A=4068.9 #1 ‘ 2) Ad/M A t| AdA/A? A 14+] —1.77 5 |6<.305(?) a ht ber giles tees ba 2. | — .90p/8 By: a ley ed a 2 | — .67 5 |2(?) 2h | kD Salant ee Shae 3 00 2 0 6 0 p| 8 Se We 66 51 ><.10 ge ae ib ao 2 | + .93p| 9 sbi |e Ne ee oe 1+} +1.78's |18 Be le SE Tepeneg Megs nas ae *The weak middle p-component is unsymmetrical. *The line is unsymmetrical in intensity and has a possible extra com- ponent (a) upon the violet side. This line may be also a foreign line, as it does not appear upon the plates with weaker fields. *The outer weak pair of p-components is not symmetrical. 19 20 The following sixteen lines have six components each: A=4055.2 —l1.lls 56 p .538 5 0 p + .49p + .53 5 +1.11 5 DDS WOM Dw | AA/d? Cr A=4590.81 ta NK / A 2) —1.74s5] 8X .55 6. =1.11-A) 2 2)— dds} 1 Pe AEN S | sia verciePetele:s fis OB EY ee RES i ie a, \=4403.67 BPAY Ae A 5| —2.115| 8x.2 15s) = 3216p); 3 Dar Aas Ee ee oe ee “CE DS (0 (a ae DA Neck 14S olive tees & B. E. Moore A=3368.01 i \ ut X? A 1 | —1.715| 4.43 8 | —1:252], 8 2 — .88s 2 3 0 0 2 ae BBs |. se ees 8B.) [2138 Sate, eee 1+] +1.68 5 }..... ... om N=41438.23 \=4431.70 Ad/d? A a|. AA/r A —1.575| 3.52 6 | —2.735| 5X.565 eNOS 1 22 6) 1-87 5 i038 — 57s} 1 13° 1B) 8 1. 55 Ss | GCS10y, eal el 48 Beane +1.07 p 11’ Gal Sta6T gall eee ee +1.60 5 }16 GEO S |e helen wee \=4110.29 \=4040.49 Ad/X? A i| AA/A? A —1.545| 4.39 2 | —2.08's | 8.26 —117p| 3 10:5 tap a ELT SA 8|— is} 2 SE BONE Sead Any BA eR LG h. age eee Pape Aas KT eral re he gage ata ay 51 ee oe ee 22, 219 silo. Baeae The Magnetic Separation of Lines 2 )==3554.31 \=3507.80 =3498.00 i} AA/M A i| AA/M A i) AAS A 2 | —2.675 | 6(?)X.48 6 |—2.78 s|...; 1+| —2.515 | 5xX<.50 6 | —1.72s5 | 4 1+|—[1.05] 5 |......... 6 | —1.48s5 | 10 | — 42/1 ate a Va a 3 |— 446] 1(?) 10 | + .424! 4x.10 Dat We BO Dk oils seine 2 be ARID Niles ors atthe 6 | +1.72s5 |17 1+/+[1.08]5]......... OW Pic al We: Ce eee Pape 2 | +2.675 |27 Gist BGS Syl ariel ek oP he ees Su sraavel vets ¢ =3483.70 \=3482.96 )=3396.51 Ph NNN? A i| Ad/d? A t| Ad/d? A 4-| —1.82s5 | 5.36 4) —1.10s5 |] 3.36 2|—1.06f| 3X.34 16 | —1.08s5| 3 ee pl 3 6|— .67s| 2 Bn 882 |, > 4 Aes 05.)> 2 6|— 33p| 1 2d UW ies oy 22) a On eae 7 al ie ee (UR ae aioe he 6. |= 88 Dis eas MON Hd OR S41. acces 2 a Pan a a Re yates ee Bite 4 | Sees \els 2s ciate sn AP Nr tae MOPS it Mela tetany, & Q| =) OD: Dil aweie airepers N=3323.21 N==3318.70 : Z|} AN/dM t | AAS A 8 |—1.91 s}| 5.88 es Lal betes ak mlerseeee 2 |—[1.15]s|. 3 PPO | we, ie ae i eam By |=. 690 2 Pee Sai pli es: Biol OO. plu Baan. DeLeon |i, tee 2 atts ahs = P| tel [TAS |e aay eeorecies Sheed OD sey aee OS 1S 145 ash rare ctele =3313.89 \=3155.90 i) AA/X i | AX/d? A 1+]—[2.39] s|' 6><.40 2| —2.105| 8X.26 8 1— 1.69 s|) 4 6) — 27 p) 3 6 |— .40 1 8; — .db1s} 2 6 |+ .40 p| 4X.10 Steer Od SoA eid sie 8 |-+ 1.68s| 17 Brie ate Bie eet 1+|-++[2.39] s} 24 BO AOS | oh et ave. 22 B. E. Moore The eleven following lines have five components each: =5350.5 A=1236.23 N=4187.30 zt} Ad/d A zt) Dd/M A b | SNPAG A 8} —1.425| 3x.48 8 |— 1.47 S)......... 5 | —2.925 | 9.82 tae ee 2 OGLE wedloeetezets 4|—1.26p| 4 9 0 is} 0 4 OSE Rai rete 8 0 | 0 Dy Cle Ean eee - x es Sia Ao eagles acne Beal eA 67 a das cee: AT Slice sees Bi] S09 es) 2 oiecee yee gle fomenpeliee: tact Rage \=4061.70 A=41046.30 =3501.50 i | Ad/dz an za} Ad/M A i| Ad/A? A 102) 1.795 | 7.26 ~ 2 |'<—41.65s | 8X.88 ~~ 6 |= 2:00.15] B67 NP ee el BA id 4 | — PROTA 6 0 ~| 0 8 DRSHi7ieaeee 2 0-. s|,0 Bae pl pile. svcsc. dell ea pet eeu 2\+ [.20]p| 7.10 DO ghet1.70 i.e cc oh « 2.) eetsOus eee cee 4 |+ 9.00 s| 20 \=3471.31 \=3432.59 A=3276.42 i | And/d? A z| Ad/d? A i | Ad/dM A 8) B75 1. 9X10 ie Meee ey Cay Neate eee 2 | —1.10%| 8X.87 12 | — .20f| 8 Bes Oa pl steer 2 |= 88 p) 1 6] +°.30~| 3 15 Riise Peters 10 Oys4/ 0 4} + 495] 5 Se ae Ree aR 2 BS Puls, <2. Tose B44 1.20's"| 12 Ae ese By De pein LA] tA pikes A 22 “\ The Magnetic Separation of Lines 23 =3271.30 A=3099.42 i| Ad/dM A ePID A = EA Be |S} hase ce fe ee oy SEN AG We GR Plies os 5 dedindh ee ui oct 12 RE SSIS she tess 3 ae bereher-vaib. ca Saar yes] 4 yay 5 SLA crs Sie BALETUBBasl so). sd. Bolle eat Line 5350.5 is unsymmetrical in intensity. The line 3471.31 is unsymmetrical in intensity as well as in separation. Duplicates are not present. The following eighty-nine lines have four components each: d i | AAP | A d i | Ad/ae | A 4582.50 3 | +1.025 | 2.51 4199.30 15 | +1475 | 3X.48 2 wep) 1 12 46p) 1 4456.50 30 .83 3X .28 BAVC ba abe tere eas Bria Popael aati dehy 30 06 2 5 as Eby Beene 4455.64 2 1.20 3.42 4071.30 8 TAGS. th GN eee 2 .84 2 10 DONS Wadieptentta 4455.08 | 12 1.21 3X .42 4043.77 15 1.48 3.50 15 .46 1 15 4 1 4429.28 3 1.58 3.51 4036.10 20 1 30 4.38 5, 3 49 1 20 67 2 a De a 4034.0 | 6| 1.88 | 4X.33 igh ee tad Ge coe gern sa ioe 4414 80 20 1.58 5X 382 4031.57 2 1.66 4X .42 20 63 2 3 Al 1 PRO | MDA 18 fs uy sie 4025.16 | 25 | [1.89] dati SBR oe A 25) | RIB | Ne BMA RAY Pee ee scat pe Get 4024.20 | 25] 1.54 | 8X.61 7,5 MoU or reer 20 55 1 4349.10 2] (1.23) 3.40 4017.16 6 1.13 3X .42 Begs 1B Sef) ae et 4312.47 | 41 1.97 | 8Xx.42 || 400451] 2} 1.00 | 5X.20 4 41 1 5 79 4 4309.20 8 1.25 3.42 4003.28 | 8,10 2.05 TX.29 ee oe ie A obey oe ae 4256.66 6 1.50 6X.25 3999.18 100 11% 3X<.42(?) 6,4 27 t 100 .85 2 OE COS a nd Satsang el Cea 3973.68 | 20] 114 | 2x57 5 SOB ea |e este t ole 15 57 1 24 r 3934.99 3916.16 3894.00 3891.61 3890.58 3817.80 3782.45 3674.98 3663.81 3650 90 3634.33 3629.29 3624.10 3613.30 3612.61 » 8088.15 3578.40 9090.17 3014.79 3005.67 3485.48 3480.59 3478.98 20, 15 2 B. E. Moore A vA 2x.57 || 3470.10 4X22 3460.10 1.29 3454.71 13><.10 3440.54 4X.80(?) 3437.30 Ree tT: 3434.08 vesecesee tl 8424.97 ""3<.21 |] 3418.55 348 3394.96 aX.15 3378.47 1.84 3377.61 Beh ae 3369.42 vite seee ell 8864.00 Ls Siawes |) BBBTA2 da lczce c[k BB8Q07 “2<.29 || 3310.10 7X29 | 3296.59 Bevin 3287.46 4X30 || 8284.89 3x42 3274.14 2 (?) 3.42 || 3264.96 ae 3229.00 4.42 || 3213.01 pay aoe 3182.15 3x.51(?) 3181.79 Hep i ian 3178.30 go =. wrw e i= DOE ELT LEE LW OK OOOO A oP Oo tow PD > wo Su [a] or Uy ww WW EOL LW OO +[1.59] s 41 [1.55] 1.43 eee eee A 6X .27 a ed 4x.39 2><.42(?’ 1 13X.12 12 see ewww ee elie se biel elias see ec ceee see ewww ee eee cece ns se een twee 3x .45 re Ce ee ed eee eww wne The Magnetic Separation of Lines 25 r i RASA? A 0% i Bir? A 3166.48 |...... BOO ES Ente teas! chal sete 3111.09 Ags | IAG SY. Venheus ss dates 6 GET ALL 6 Ege |e MOS ee 3165.68 4 GU OF DSS i 3095.29 8 1.25 5X.25 4 SAO eliaceas buete secs 8 76 3164.54 12 1.09 11.10 3031.04 Beil tykerweco ne a srt ce 6 40 4 2 {068i 02.10 8, 16 .88 38.02 6, 10 33 4297.00 12, 25 1.50 35.85 10, 20 1.50 95.08 25, 50 1.69 34,46 4,8 [1.66] 93.41 15, 30 15 21.68 12, 20 1.70 91.54 5, 10 1.63 08.60 10, 20 1.67 91.38 4,8 1.62 07.75 6, 10 99 86.78 Ges 76 4099.50 4, 6 [1.89] 82.53 8, 15 1.82 96.80 15, 30 90 77.60 6, 12 1.42 94.42 6, 10 1.46 76.91 6, 12 1.67 91.00 6, 10 .66 74.95 6, 12 1.20 90.70 30, 50 91 65,17 4,8 1.52 89.98 8, 15 1.00 61.65 6, 12 1.11 87.88 5, 10 1.74 61.42 2,5 [.90] 84.50 8, 15 1.18 53.76 8, 15 2.14 83.29 6, 12 1.58 43.74 2, 4 (1.44] 81 48 30, 50 1.33 41.98 20, 40 eat 78.49 Ol oes 1.66 41.50 15, 30 ipa lal 76.70 8, 15 1.26 39.58 30, 20 1.49 75.09 12, 20 1.67 37.57 4,8 2.18 72.90 40, 75 1.27 36.81 6, 12 [.85] > 64.38 25, 50 1.05 34.89 8, 16 1.25 60.78 6, 10 1.03 31.88 10, 20 1.54 58.78 4,8 88 27.98 40, 60 1.51 55.90 15, 25 1.32 22.67 4,8 70 54.60 2, 4 56 18.60 4,8 1.86 50.52 30, 50 1.37 15.95 4,8 .84 48 90 30, 50 1.34 15.50 6, 12 1.42 45.90 25, 40 61 12.17 25, 50 .62 42.49 8, 15 [1.38] 11.50 4,8 1.57 41.90 10, 20 [1.64] 10.87 10, 20 1.57 30.87 2, 4 96 09.21 50, 100 97 29.88 30, 50 1.77 01.69 20, 50 1.69 29.17 6, 12 1.74 4196.32 8, 15 1.35 24.70 20, 40 1.39] 95.00 10, 20 1.84 18 60 15, 30 1.02 94.66 2, 4 1.20 12.48 8, 15 94 92.08 4,8 [1.14] 07.80 10, 20 1.08 91.75 3, 5 abd! 05.02 6, 12 [1.57] 87.80 20, 80 1.60 3991.31 100, 150 1.08 86.89 20, 80 1.63 89.65 10, 15 1.33 83.51 10, 20 lea 84.90 10, 20 1.57 80.08 25, 40 1.40 81.79 20, 40 1.35 68.90 6, 10 1.28 78.86 6, 12 1.47 66.60 15, 80 1.50 78.35 2, 4 [1.04] 61.48 30, 50 etfs 77.60 10, 20 1 06 53.96 8, 15 2.38 T5.AT 12, 30 1.22 28 x 1 3968.39 10, 20 — 66.80 10, 20 61.71 12, 25 58.39 75, 125 56.90 3, 6 41.75 10, 15, 8 86.28 12, 25 81.55 2,4 29.71 30, 50 26.96 3,50 20.85 2,4 18.25 1+, 3 16.80 aye Ps 14.59 10, 20 00.08 2, 4 3897.82 5, 10 96.73 10, 20 92.19 6, 12 85.61 12> 25 79.21 10, 20 [7.78 12, 25 64.57 25, 50 64.12 30, 50 49.48 La ep 47.22 12, 20 43.30 25, 50 36.98 75, 150 36.18 25, 50 22.60 15, 30 00.91 5, 10 3796.71 30, 50 92.55 10, 20 91.60 15, 25 86.80 4,8 82.99 3, 6 82.45 3, 6 72.29 10, 20 66.99 50, 100 59.30 3, 6 57.99 12, 25 51.85 75, 150 50.84 10, 20 46,18 50, 100 38.32 6, 10 37.54 4,8 35.15 12) 20 31.50 30, 50 29.98 8, 15 27.90 15, 20 19.02 8, 12 14.99 30, 50 to ” oy we B. E. Moore Ad/r2 A i Ad/r? +1.16 3714.30 6, 10 +2.05 1.69 09.51 40, 75 1.20 1.29 3698.41 75, 125 1.26 .98 97.70 20, 40 1.28 .62 79.80 1+, 3 [1.37] 1.01 79.10 155-25 1.24 1.88 72.81 3, 5 2.85 1.66 71.49 25, 40 99 1.14 68.69 15, 25 ie 1.19 67.28 6, 12 1.382 [1.67] 62.32 10, 20 95 [.50] 61.10 3, 5 57 1.42 55.72 85 15 1.74 94 53.61 2,4 alba 7 [1.65] 51.65 2, 4 [1.44] 1.43 36.69 15, 25 1.69 1.18 33.70 12, 20 1.29 1.21 . 80.80 20, 40 1.89 Pal: 19.22 6, 12 83 iat 123 30, 50 1.44 1.10 07.60 15, 38 1.48 1.82 01.40 40, 75 1.24 1.20 00.11 10; 15 AAI 1.35 3588.96 3, 6 nla 1.28 88.51 12, 20 1.66 1.05 86.42 15, 30 vie 1.24 (7.74 5, 8 PSL Bie 76 vuenul) 50; 2b 1.89 85 75.89 15, 25 1.85 1.44 72.70 75, 125 1.04 1.80 70.25 612 iNyalal 1.88 66.30 LH; 325 1.23 1.52 65.61 10, 20 938 1.34 59.23 6, 10 80 [.92] 56.89 16, 125 94 [.72] 50.67 8, 20 1.40 SAL e 49.73 20, 30 1.60 1.15 47.90 20, 30 1.39 12% 42.87 40, 60 1.23 131 39.17 5, 8 eras 1.02 Swe kt E 10, 15 1.24 1.30 35.380 6, 10 1.28 1.19 33.35 12,20 1.838 1.47 31.00 10, 20 Es le 1.08 27.58 15, 25: 1.19 162 26.00 25, 40 1.70 97 21.01 12, 20 1.93 1.87 19.72 25, 40 1.19 1.60 10.61 812 12, 1.59 09.48 20, 30 1.23 1.46 06.28 10, 15 1.89 r 3705.88 00.83 3499.78 96.40 83.17 81.36 79.58 78.68 78.45 63.23 61.22 57.75 57.80 56.02 47.50 46.71 43.69 40.70 38.39 30.738 27.23 24.00 19.76 19.22 14.87 10.44 08.28 05.08 03.89 03.10 3399.95 99.51 96.81 94.96 93.36 92.28 88.49 88.07 83.90 74.84 73.61 73.05 70.73 61.35 60.61 60.18 56.28 54.59 49.59 49.23 45.00 The Magnetic Separation of Lines | z 1.04 Saeed aed ound cond coll cord ll cel eed oe - Or ® IO Ore OS He 0D DO GC CO CH © OL dd Ot r 2 AA/d? 3344.00 1-28 +1.18 42.10 | ae 1.09 27.05 15, 12 1.26 19.19 8, 6 1.63 11.53 3, 8 1.73 06.48 30, 20 1.11 05.33 25, 25 1.39 02.89 8, 6 1.43 3288.99 12, 10 1.92 86.01 8, 1.79 85.89 2, 2 1.78 83.09 10, 8 1.32 80.92 2, 2 69 75.28 2, 2 1.24 74.14 4, 3 1.46 73.22 40, 50 1.45 69.81 4, 4 1.38 60.24 4, 4 1.42 50.62 10, 4 1.98 7.72 6, 6 1.14 42.32 3, 3 1.38 41.26 20, 20 a 36.75 3, 4 1.68 34.24 10, 12 1.19 31.89 40, 50 1.71 29.00 15, 20 1.37 22.61 8, 10 1.28 14.35 40, 50 1.70 12.17 8, 12 1.12 3192.11 8, 12 1.27 9131 4, 6 98 83.08 30, 40 1.14 61.12- 2, 4 94 57.94 4, 8 96 38.88 20, 80 1.14 37.08 2, 4 [1.43] 33.70 15, 20 1.4% 32.22 2,4 [1.09] 29.96 20, 30 1.01 29.38 20, 30 95 26.10 15, 20 DS 25.33 18 [1.03] 20.90 4, 8 1.32 11.09 6, 10 1.46 06.79 25, 40 1.32 8055.00 15, 25 1.20 36.57 8, 12 1.55 29.63 6, 10 1.23 28.18 10, 15 1.00 20.53 5, 8 1.29 19.96 10°5 1.19 30 B. E.: Moore IN i Ae r z | AA/d? 3011 88 4, 6 SAH 2978.21 4, 6 | +1.55 03.88 6, 10 1.87 69.77 6, 10 56 2985.58 4, 6 15 69.10 6, 10 1.58 81.18 3, 5 [1.60] 62.81 5, 10 1.05 79.35 2, 4 1.29 55.92 8, 12 1.11 The zirconium triplets have not been thoroughly investigated Such an investigation of so many lines would require For reasons given in the discussion of yttrium for series. a long time. triplets, and here even more pronounced, the application of Pres- ton’s law is neither :mmediate nor direct, and the necessary work would be enormous. However, I have investigated the separations BO a=tO75 ee ZO=-07, 2.34. 8452708; 42.252% 07k OG==.072 1.82-+.09, and The following twenty-nine lines are not apparently sz2parated: rv 5508.5 5485.4 5136.0 4851.8 15.4 4400.58 4273.80 66.96 50.89 40.59 13.45 4181.18 40.18 28.08 4044.80 12 20 cle ue es «alam us © 30,0, © Ve © © = ©) s Sp Clete © 616.515 eke rd Dxomewtan a“ A rv 4030.26 3989.27 00.71 3781.80 24.94 06.79 3657.01 3049.90 3481.71 3362.87 3354.08 3014.70 3131.23 3013.44 z B 8 3 2 nL 15 4 8 5~— D 54). ay eee 5 D wide 9 Britnsl5% 3 ach ene ee eeer create 8 z 8 4 3 ni? 15 2 1+| D wide 1+] 5 *Possibly there is a weak pair of external components. *s-component is a strong center with a broad background of diffusion on both sides. p- *p-component broadened. *Broad line for the s-component, sharp and strong on the edges and weak in the center; component wide. p-component sharp. ° The real components are probably overlapped by a carbon band line. *Possibly separated but too weak. 7Not identified. ®*Too weak and diffuse. for analysis. It can scarcely be Exner and Hascek’s line 3353.80. "> 5 ~) O It is possibly a doublet, but too far in violet The Magnetic Separation of Lines 31 The most of these lines are, as the footnotes indicate, prcebably of some other types, whose components have too small a separa- tion and are too diffuse to permit of an analvsis. The lines designated A are certainly not separated, and those undesignated in column B are probably not separated. The lines designated * in remarks are very curious and probably identical. The lines 5730.0, 4240.39, 390c.71 would form a series, but the next term, about 3750, and the following terms are not present. VII. Osmium x i AX/X2 d Gawd ONY Se 4420.63 25 +1.20 5 3882.03 7 +£1.65 _ RS 25 10 p 3794.05 4 1.29 4395.05 4 1.49 90.28 6° 1.83 28.84 4 1.19 82.37 12 1.82 11.15 6 ‘94 52.71 20) 1.63 s 118 3598.26 4 [1.55] 4294.17 8 AT 3561.04 8 1.35 61.01 20) 1.95 59.96 4 1.58 12.02 12 172 28.76 5 1.61 4175.74 5 1.49 04.83 4 1.55 73.42 10 144 3402.03 3 1.50 35.95 15 1.97 3301.75 12 1.68 12.17 10 1.65 3268.09 6 161 4091.99 3 181 3962.44 4 1.37 66.90 8 1.54 3156.38 4 1.62 3977.38 6 154 3058.77 8 1.55 63.79 8 1.59 2909.19 10 140 Osmium was selected as a substance which, it was hoped, would give, with some types, repetitions througnout the spectrum, with- out having the confusion which arises from many lines of nearly the same separation. In this respect the substance was a disap- pointment. All the lines except one weak quadruplet are triplets, and the separation of these varies from .70 to 1.97. There are a number of pairs of similar separation, but not enough representa- tives for a series. The spectral lines were never strong. There- fore, a long exposure in the magnetic field was required. A char- acteristic of the components is their great sharpness. The un- aI 32 B. E. Moore recorded p-components have very uniformly double, the intensity of the s-components. VIII. Comparison OF SUBSTANCES It is desirable to compare the substances discussed above with lines whose separation gives series. The two yttrium lines, 4395.91 and 3195.80, which are accurate duplicates such as one expects in series, are like six of the nine components of mercury, 5461 of the second adjacent series. The quadruplet 4167.65 is like four components of the barium sextet 5854. The quadruplet 3982.75 is like four components of the thirteen-component mercury tine 3063.5. The remaining components in these three lines are not absent because of weakness, since these lines are not weak lines. The two eleven-component zircon lines have two pairs of com- ponents similar to two pairs of components in the nine-component mercury line 5461. They have two other pairs of components represented in the barium principal series greater wave-length line 4934. Their one remaining pair of components is found in harium principal series smaller wave-length 4554. That is, the components of these two lines are represented in three series types. There are other lines both in yttrium and in zircon whose components can be selected by using more than one line of barium and mercury. Such a comparison points to a difference in the character of the lines rather than to an identity. From a glance at the tables it is seen that the components of lines are multiples of intervals. Further, that the lines under comparison are like- wise multiples of the same intervals, but that the multiples are only partially identical when they have the same interval and the components have the same multiple proportions. One may further add, the components should have the same relative intensity. This is the condition fulfilled in the principal and subordinate series. The quadruplets of the principal series are four- and two-fold the interval +-.37 (==Ad/X*), for field strength 24400, and the sex- tuplets five-, three-, and one-fold the same values. While I was engaged in making these comparisons an inyesti- gation bearing directly upon this point was published by Professor us) ; fe a ee, el ee a oe a 7 CSP) eae 4 6 iy 4 i { ; ‘ The Magnetic Separation of Lines ee: Runge.’ I have accordingly tabulated the intervals from Professor Runge’s contribution, intervals from his previous contributions, and the intervals in the present substances, all in one table, which presents the matter more clearly than any verbal description. An interval multiplied by multiple “factors” (small whole numbers ) constitutes a type by Preston’s law. I have tried only to find rep- resentatives of Professor Runge’s types, rather than all the lines and all the substances of these types. By way of explanation, the value “a” in the following table corresponds to the separation of 1.11 for present field strength, and is the separation designated, “normal triplet” by Professor Runge. This triplet gave him the value of 1.75>10'° for e/m (charge/mass) in the equation, a=Ad\/\M=(e/m) (H/47); ¢ is the velocity of light and H the field strength. With regard to these separations Professor Runge observes, _ “Die bisher beobachteten Komplizierten Zerlegungen von Spectrallinien im magnetischen Felde zeigen die folgende Eigentumlichkeit: Die Abstande der Komponenten von der Mitte sind Vielfache eines aliquoten Teil des normalen Abstandes “a@’’=A})/)\2=(e/m) (H/4mc). Sicher beobactet sind bisher die Teile a/2, a/3, a/4, a/5, a/6, a/7, a/11, a/12.” ‘Physikalische Zeitschrifte 8, April 15, 1907. 33 34 B. E. Moore ; TABLE OF INTERVALS Ue ee ee eee <: ee no 2¢ og as oe eae ‘i —-s vor so =~ oo as aks eee poe iia) Saree e A goo 2s Fale ee 5 2g a5 ae = Dison ~ | 22, 15,-12, 7 : ZES SLA i aaenes aaa 3459.1 22, 16, 10, 9 1 y Ragin Wh ec AT ate wee se) 4440.8 10 18, 7 : Ze SAN ieee 3891.61 (a/11) 15, 18, 11, 2, 0 1 Nie ance hice Seznstespicbeketeners [ees e se eeeeee 20,16,14,12,8,8,4| 1 Hg. TL Ne at 3655 12.7 1 CS dare 7) Seine eet 4420.63 12 (2/9)? | 7,4 1 AE Pe Settee eae nee AL et cle 5510. 1 ania ws Oey ene 1 Vs ba ey anos ee 4235.89 16) ‘ta5 (10,9,8,7,6,2,1,0] 1 NY Na POR aA Re Roy rs: Bey 0. 140,67 ee | Neos etic sty rete cot edaraaa 19 | 9 7,5, 2,0 1 5 Coa Pha ae cote er 4398.21 20 9, 6, 4, 3 1 AC caren lO Steele ney Bart 4083.89 Hal’ 1 IVS wont Allee ok BEN OAR MEN 4682.5 (2a/11) | 5,1— 1 RE Bi Ne Sah gh 8 4375.11 5, 2 t fbi, atin BA kk «ae ha We 4177.68 5, 4 1 Pees etd enlarge eae ve 4004.51 10: 89,674, 2p 4 gs io4 |. Seni tse aa ee een 1 3,2 1 Za PIS cae UN ee ee 3674.98 22 Perf see | ih Mado BY acer Ore teased ata 4236.10 4,3 1 A Abia lt lng Rema ds ALY We 3894.00 4,1 1 LEE ct Il gee a ee Se ae es 3916.16 (a/5 Bet 6, sbees e il INGoS5 Sal yess horatieneaites oles eae 8,5, 4,3 S| Cu Ap ATT TaN Soe se cae 8, 5, 4,3 1 Ba. [EN 2 S2o son, ee eee 8,4 .-», |Cu.RavAgeTL) TNoS.20 0c .e eet 25 6, 5, 1, 0 1 iF eprte ener gs Doser) 4171.65 Od: at The 8a/11(5, 1) 4256.66 .26(2a/9) | 6, 5, 3, 0 1 Zr. a/11(15, 14, 8, 0) 4258.31 (8@/18)* | 8, 3,2 3 Tbe a/11(21, 8, 5 See Zr. 6 Com. Tite) 1 Zr. @/11(18, 5, 0) 4061.70 *When p- and s-components are duplicates in position, they are desig- nated by repeating a number. *Series types, shown by Na, Cu, Ag, Al, Pt, Mg, Ca, Sr, Ba. ee 4166 is just as accurately represented by a/4(6, 4,°3, 36 by a/4(6, 3). 2)t anduiva Neither of the two systems represents iit accurately. Multiples of (a/11) represent these lines even better, except for one com- ponent. “The triplets of this first subordinate series are 3 and 34 5 times a/5. ee an iz yes The Magnetic Separation of Lines 35 TABLE OF INTERVALS— Continued & moe | Oo = n od SEs sites opal Rae a ¥ ion LLs =| § = oo = > oo eons) Sele e Xr oat Sos calor Sana & ERE a5 | eRE ee cea s Eo Sie Z A pe (.265 | 8, 5, 3, 2, 0 fi eA NR ele ea npn ht 3584.71 ee! Pas Pieva a/10(16, 13) 3470.10 | 6, 5, 4,.1, 0 1 Be Fe cn ates ent eel L 7,6, 4,3 2 Zi SRE EO COMMA et, ote pols ee aor: ued ZG. oe em aces 4456.50 29 et 2 ir A=4003.28 and 3578.40 2,1 1 Vi are D tke stn Nikon 3588.15 (.B0 |°5; 2 (?) 1 ae) Pio Sone 5971.9 4,1 1 Vi seer ees 3833.10 8a/114 4,1 1 Diets erates rene 3890.58 | 4,3 Ameen ge oper aang st 3568.32 |.805] 6, 3, 2, 0 _i| Zr. | a/118,9, 70) | 4093.32 (.82 | 9, 4,0 1 7 PU ean oe te eae a 4187.30 | 5, 2 1 Litentnenal bocce tpn s: 4418.80 33 | 4,2 1 iran Wate et cs TAs 4034.30 7 aa aged be Wa 1 rer Sg ah CPS 4031.57 | 2,1 OREO ES Call a VSR 3284.89 (e380 1 LARUE A AN eet aie TE 3396.51 4,1 ah Br. 3634.33 fide | 6:31 1 net ee aE 3483.70 g Hi 2 1 Zr. : 3482.96 Divo) 1 2 Ba. (CH andaqetinantaaeeeion 4,2 23 Ba. 12 bana eee eine a/?5 37 | 4,2 1 Valo OAR age pee 3200.44 3, 1,0 1 y SF eceUNEe TS Ui senees teeet tt 3376.42 6, 4, 3, 2, 1, 0 2 BY: mee Zt. Ub Corp. Wheater sce [.88 "| 5,8 1 il eh Re a ee 3323.21 5, 1,.0 1 Wma tee Reap es 4477.1 £10 1 OR Hy ena emeerats ee 3951.76 39 4, 8, 2 1 DP Werk eee 4110.29 4,3 pa Ta Gn reh ae 3434.08 Aajtt | 4,8; 2, (02) -|on Hg. IN. TE h. 3125.8 *When p- and s-components are duplicates in position, they are desig- nated by repeating a number. *Series types shown by Na, Cu, Ag, Al, Pt, Mg, Ca, Sr, Ba. 35 36 a , . B..E. Moore / TABLE OF INTERVALS—Continued 2. uae “ae ane Ses nee eel of - as + O a n io ra Xr es es 62 aah © 265 325 68) 426 = prAginy SB, 2 8 Ze, 1 Gee A Pee ae 3hil 6 (hye Seen c Ns hell ee eee ae | 4,1 3 Dike ZATCON - here ae aenemetenns | 4,2 2 Die Quagripletnr \\.,, stmenedteeeen 8a/8 4 2,1 1 DG: Table. 3 sewlgeeamew Heats Ady.) by 45/2;,1, 0 2 Zr. See Zr.9 Compa on ieee 4, 8, 2, 0 1 7 pete SANG apm C7 ep. 3368.01 ( 6, 4, 1 1 Zr. \a/10(27, 17, 4) 3554.31 438, B84) ted Y, 4 3818.49 48 3, 1,0 1 Be, dR iy ee he 5350.5 (.50 | 5, 6 (1?) 1 lak PR ea eae 3498.00 | 3,1 3 Zt: See Zi. 4. Com pil i «ities ate eee Raitt 3, 2, 1,1, 0 1 Y, : 3950.51 a/i14 3.1 pe Y. See Y Quadrup.|............ | 51 | 21 1 ees) ah Bl ges at 4582.50 3,1 2 cae A=4429.28 and 4024.20 3,2 (?) 1 Zr. sei Oy ain Nae 3480.59 (53 | 2,1, 1,0 i ZY, [eset senses 4055.2 5415, By 2, 150 1 MeN Nols! 4199.46 4, 2, 2, 0, 0 i Zi. 15) ttl Suc Be ian Aes Nes een |55 | 3,2,1 1 Bae? Pelee atl eee eh Lee See 83, 2, 1 2 Y. \=4358.91 and 3195.81 | 5, 1 1 ye ONE Oe Ol ee eee 3, 2,1 it yA OME Ab wet op aoe cane A 4590.81 a/24 5, 8, 2 1 Fihoy fe eo aoe 4431.70 4, 8, 2, 1,0 1 Nei Se ee ee ee 5, 3, 2, 1,0 ee Hg. ENid Sic 82a tee ee 5, 2, 1,0 Hg. LENG AR Soa oly See 4. 83a Hg. ES ee RISE cael Meret ata © 4, 8, 1 Hg ONLI Sve jl ee ci ea eee 4 Hg ON LIN Ola oars eee 87° (2,1 en. ii ‘=8934.99 and | _ 3973.68 60 3, 2, 2, 0 1 Ame Peres ets ae f 4214.05 6a/11 | 1,2 sale Zr. : 3454.71 63 Bot 120 1 AT). CNA ST Cy Serer ~ 3628.89 (80/6) 67 | 8, 1,0 1 Zt. _ af11(20, 7, 0) |_ 3501.50 _ (8a/4) 88 | 2, 1,0 1 Zr: [rteteetereeeees 4046.30 *When p- and s-components are duplicates in position, they are desig- nated by repeating a number. ; *The p-component lies outside of the s-component. 26 The Magnetic Separation of Lines 37 In determining the intervals of the substances, I have used the components only of the line in question, and recorded the largest aliquot part of these components as the interval. This process yielded intervals which in themselves are multiples of a small value, e. g. there are intervals @/11, 2a/11, 3a/11, 4a@/11, 5@/II, 6a/11, 2a/12, 3a/12, 4a/12, 6a/12, 3a/16, 6a/16, 9a/16, 124/16, and possibly others. These intervals may be expressed in a/T11, a/12, a/16, and the multiple factors correspondingly increased. Professor Runge prefers this method. So far as the comparison of lines is concerned, it is entirely immaterial. The actual number of intervals is many less than recorded in the tables. A bracket indicates that the intervals .53, .54, .55, and .57 may all in reality be the interval a/2 (=.554). The greatest deviation, .og, is in a four-fold of .53. It is advantageous, how- ever, to preserve the factor .53 in the tables just as it is. For, if a six-fold or greater factor of .53 should be found in any sub- stance, the interval would probably not belong in a@/2. -When the multiple factors are small, wider ranges in the intervals can ‘be regarded as coming under one interval. The inverse is true for large multiple proportions. ‘Therefore one could more readily classify .33 (with largest factor equal to 4) under .32 (with largest factor g) than in the inverse manner. However, ee an aliquot (3@/10) of a. Taking 3a/10 as an interval, the .34 (with factor 4) interval is reasonably near it, but the .32 interval is near the limit of allowable error. The interval .29 is midway between a4(=.28) and 3a/11 (=.30). Without material error, it could be classified a/4 or 3a/11. Its factors are not present in either a14 or 3a/11, and for the present may remain unclassed. The same difficulty arose with .21 until further classifving showed the presence of 2, 3, and 4 times .21, and that these could be rep- resented by 3a/16, 6a/16, 9a@/16, and 12a/16. It may be contended that the magnitude of the intervals indi- cates an irrational part of the normal “a” rather than aliquot parts of such a normal value, or in other words that the ‘‘normal” is fictitious. Such a conclusion is possible, and if an examination of other substances gives other apparent irrational intervals with numerous and large factors, it will be the more logical conclusion. oF 38 B, E. Moore As soon, however, as one omits the quadruplets, there remain but ~ few lines which suggest this difficulty.. With respect to the quad- ruplets one can very frequently change the interval and at the same time change the factors so that the line is practically just as well represented. Also, with two values, i. e. four components, distinction is difficult, whereas with six and more components the intervals can be determined with considerable sharpness. Lines with many components have frequently a larger interval which occurs as a common difference in passing from component to component instead of measuring from the position of the un- disturbed component. In Neon one finds the s-components of the line 6217.5 represented by + (14, 9, 5) a/6, or a common differ- ence of 5a/6 repeated four times. The p-components of the same line are represented by -+ (5.0) a/6, or 54/6 repeated twice more. In zircon, 3459.1, the s-components are + (23, 15, 7)a/11, or the distance 8a/11 occurs four times. [or the p-components of this line one finds 12a/11 two times repeated. In yttrium, 4235.80, the perpendicular components are represented by +(7, 5, 3) a/6 and the parallel components by (4, a)a/6, or the distance a/3 is measured eight times in this line. Numerous other cases can be found in the table. From the examples given one sees that the distance between the adjacent p- and s-components is much smaller than the dis- tance becween the single f- or single s-components. This smaller distance is naturally more accurately determinable as the number of components increases. Then it is evident that the greater sep- arations are always whole multiples of small distances, and also that the distances from the position of the undisturbed component are whole multiples of such a small distance of “interval.” In the quadruplets the small interval is more difficult to deter- mine, and they therefore have less weight in determining this fun- damental question, of the rationality or irrationality of the “inter- val” space. In these quadruplets, however, one sees that the com- ponents stand in a simple numerical relation to each other. The multiples and their intervals remind one of the law of mul- tiple proportions in chemistry. 38 The Magnetic Separation of Lines 39 By means of intervals, their multiples, and multiple factors, one obtains a most convenient method of comparing lines and sub- stances. The quadruplet principal series tvpes which Professor Runge found in Na, Cu, Ag, Al, Tl, Mg, Ca, Sr, are represented by a/3(4, 2). In yttrium there is one line, 3200.44, which may pessess these values, but the companion sextuplet is absent. It may be of type (15,7)a/11. The sextuplet principal series, a/3(5, 3, 1), found in the same substances, has a solitary representative in zirconium in the line 3483.70, but the companion quadruplet is absent. Hg., first subordinate series satellite, 3663.05, is probably represented in yttrium by 4199.46. The separations of the components of the yttrium line are a trifle smaller. One line, 3624.10, in zirconium is like two lines, 4128.49 and 3930.84, in yttrium. These lines are 4 and 1 times 3a/11. Similarly there are five lines in zirconium whose separation is like two yttrium lines and the separations 5a/11(3, 1). Among these there is considerable variation from the desirable accuracy. These lines are zirconium 4429.3, 4199.2, 4043.8, 4024.2, 3296.6, and yttrium 4475.9 and 3449. Zirconium 4590.8, barium 5997.4, and yttrium 3195.8, 4358.9, are types of a/2(3, 2, 1). These yttrium lines are the best duplications ob- served. The most prominent feature of the interval tables is the types (interval times factors) which are only once represented. As before mentioned, it requires four lines to make sure of a series. Hence the table excludes series except in zirconium under the interval .42. These lines are unequaily distributed in distances (in terms of vibrations per cm.). The intensities are also irreg- ular. The factors, by which the intervals must be multiplied to give the required separation, are very numerous, as well as pos- sessing a variety of combinations. The principal series and second subordinate series of the previousiy mentioned substances have the interval a@/3. This interval is represented by eleven lines in yttrium and zirconium, but only in two cases are the factors of proper magnitude and number to produce the series type. This leaves nine new types under this interval. Under a/11, an interval of the Hg first subordinate series and multiples of a/11, there are six yttrium, fifteen zircon, one neon, oo 40 B. E. Moore and one osmium line, or total of twenty-three lines. There are some duplicates, which leaves eighteen types, including neon, and these are all different from the type of Hg line 2655. ‘The inter- val a/5 is well represented in the first subordinate series satellite of Cu, Ag, Al, and TI, but the interval does not enter in right. pro- portions in yttrium or zircon to form the same types. Some types have the same factors as others with one or more factors sup- pressed. The question naturally arises, whether these lines may not be duplicates and whether the omission might not have arisen from weakness of the component or inadequate exposure. This may be true in a few cases, but generally it is not for the follow- ing reason. The ratio of the intensity of components is known both in the line having all the components and in the line having some components hypothetically missing. A simple mental calcu- lation will then tell whether the missing component, if existing at all, may have been too weak to leave a photographic impression on the plate. IX. CONCLUSIONS 1. The lines of the triplet class in barium mostly fall into groups with a separation similar to the separation of some components of lines other than triplets. 2. A great majority of all lines, having more than three com- ponents, possess underlying simplicity and likeness in the great variety of their separations. This simplicity or similarity 1s mani- fested in small magnitudes which are designated by the term “‘in- tervals.” The components of these lines are obtained by multi- plying the intervals by ‘‘factors.” The intervals themselves may have multiples. The smallest intervals are aliquot parts of a, (where a is the separation of the “normal triplet’ as given hy Professor Runge). The latter recently found in neon, the aliquot intervals a/2, a/3, a/4, a/5, a/6, a/7,a/11,a/12. Allexcept a/12 are observed in the present experiment. 3. The great variety in the magnetic separations arises prin- cipally from the variation both in number and in magnitude of the interval factors. The product of interval and factor or combina- tion of factors gives the tvpes of separation. AO The Magnetic Separation of Lines 4I 4. The interval .37 (=a/3) times (4, 2) and (5, 3, I) gives respectively the quadruplet and sextuplet principal series and sec- ond subordinate series found by Professor Runge in Na, Cu, Ag, Al, Tl, Mg, Ca, Sr, Ba, Ra. The quadruplet has one doubtful representative in yttrium, and the sextet one line in zircon. How- ever, the same interval, combined with factors in other propor- tions, gives nine new types. One of the Hg first subordinate series types has a solitary representative in these substances, but the in- tervals yield at least eighteen new types. 5. The substances yttrium and zircon yield a great number of new types. 6. The most prominent characteristic of the numerous new types is the number which are unrepeated in the spectral range of these experiments. It would be interesting to extend the meas- urements far into the ultra violet with a much stronger field, to see if there are not more repetitions and even series. 7. The interval (.42(=6a/16) ) in zircon'is the only one which would promise series types. There are eight quadruplets of one type and six of another, but no series found. 8. There are six lines in yttrium like seven iines in zircon, and these are represented by three types. These are scarcely enough terms to suggest similarity of the substances. Chemically, how- ever, there is a similarity. The substances are parallel terms in two adjacent (third and fourth) Mendelejeff’s groups. g. The one quadruplet of osmium has an interval of the first subordinate series, but it is not of the latter type. Io. An investigation of triplets for series is always tedious. Di- viding them into groups, as in barium ahove, is advantageous fre- quently. They then look like other types with suppressed com- ponents. But in yttrium and zirconium one would be at a loss to know which type had the component suppressed. This would sug- gest that a given separation in such triplets may represent more than one type. The investigation of yttrium triplets for series has been reasonably complete and negative. In zircon, time has per- mitted the study of only a few triplet magnitudes. The results have been likewise negative. The triplet values are extended over AI 42 B. E. Moore a large range. They do not collect around a “normal separation” or multiples of aliquot parts of a normal separation. tr. Lines with no components (unseparated) in zirconium show no series. Most of these lines are probably unanalyzed types. 12. There are a great many lines which may be associated in pairs. Such lines are comparatively near each cther on the scale of vibrations. The pairs may have the same separation or not, and have the same or different number of components. In sub- stances which have yielded series, such pairs are frequently con- spicuous. These pairs repeat themselves in other parts of the spec- trum with considerable uniformity of separation. In osmium ren- etitions are not present, and in vttrium and zircon only apparently so since the separations of the prospective pairs are very irregular. X. GENERAL CONCLUSION There is a general dissimilarity between the lines of yttrium and zircon, and between these lines and the lines of all substances which have yielded series. But all substances have common fun- damental intervals of small magnitude, and few in number, inti- mately connected with a “normal separation.”’ In conclusion I wish to thank Professor Voigt of the University of Gottingen, Germany, who suggested this investigation and kindly placed the resources of the Institute at my disposal, for his friendly assistance and enthusiastic encouragement. Likewise, I acknowledge my obligations to Professor Runge of the same Uni- versity, whose invaluable experience in spectral work was cour- teously given me. 42 Il.—Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes BY MYRON HARMON SWENK Five years ago the writer began the accumulation of material in this genus with the intention of ultimately monographing the North American species. The choice was determined partly for the reason that the collection of the University of Nebraska con- tained an excellent nucleus of material for such a study, and partly because almost nothing had been done either in Europe or America to enable the determination of the species, which, except for a few tables accompanying local lists, were known chiefly from isolated and mostly unsatisfactory descriptions. In fact, the genus had been practically ignored by systematic hymenop- terists. Work had not proceeded far, however, before it became apparent that the task was beset with unusual difficulties. The lack of well-marked structural characters throughout the genus had led authors to emphasize the coloration and arrangement of the pubescence and other equally variable features as criteria of specific distinctness, while the more stable differences in sculpture and proportion of parts were largely passed over. This made the recognition of species from their original descriptions a matter of considerable uncertainty and always of great difficulty, and, combined with the paucity of reliably named material in collec- tions, caused the work of revision to progress very slowly. But through the generosity of Messrs. Cockerell, Robertson, Viereck, and several other of our hymenopterists in sending certain au- thentically named specimens from their collections, and in kindly comparing with the types in their care material tentatively deter- mined by the writer, a collection of reliably named specimens has been gradually built up which can form the basis of a preliminary revision. In the present paper all the species, twenty-six in num- ber, possessing black thoracic hairs, at least in the female, are 43 2. Myron Harmon Swenk included. These form a compact group of allied species, includ- ing about one-third of the North American forms. It is the in- tention of the writer to subsequently treat the remaining species in a similar manner. The chief difficulty in depending on the color of the pilosity for specific characters lies in the tendency of the original color to undergo a rapid fading, so that a specimen in which the hair of the thorax and face was of a bright yellowish color when fresh will, in a short time, fade to a pale gray without a tinge of yellow; hence such dichotomy as “hair of face yellowish” against “hair of face white’ becomes utterly valueless as a distinction between species. And added to this is the general faded appearance of a species in the more arid portions of its range, even in perfectly fresh specimens. Thus C. armatus in Nebraska has the thoracic pubescence of the male always dull gray, while fresh eastern spec- imens have it deep ochreous gray mixed with black; the two are beyond all doubt conspecific, yet in the majority of tables would run far apart. Nor is such fading confined to the pubescence, for a similar variation in color is found in the nervures, which vary in the above mentioned species from brownish black to pale tes- taceous. The amount of brownish suffusion of the apical tarsal joints, the amount of red on the mandibles, the intensity of shade on the lower surface of the flagellum, the shade of color of the tegulae, and other characters based on the color of the integu- ment, all-vary so greatly in. different specimens, which have ex- perienced a greater or less amount of weathering, as to render them quite useless. The size and arrangement of the abdominal fasciae is another character largely used by workers in this group. That these possess some value when unmutilated is not ques- tioned, but so easily do they rub off that one must go over a large series of specimens before finding a perfect one, and discrimina- tions based on the characters of the fasciae alone would prove of no value in determining the great majority of specimens. The presence or absence of black thoracic hairs is really about the only character in the color of the pilosity which is of constant value and phyletic significance. The sculpture of the labrum is usually so difficult to see properly, and so variable in a series that its 44 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes — 3 value as a character is greatly impaired; so much so that it is scarcely worth the trouble to describe it. The color of the wings and the amount of their clouding, except in a few cases, is usu- ally a character so variable as to be of comparatively little use in separating species. For instance, to use C. armatus again as an example, some specimens have the wings deeply clouded while others have them subhyaline, and between the two there is every gradation. . , | Accordingly, if we are to make our specific diagnosis of any general value in classification, the accurate description of the body puncturation must be emphasized, along with such few structural characters as do occur. In the females the presence or absence of spines on the anterior coxae, the simple or pectinate structure of the outer spur of the hind tibiae, the equally cleft or medially toothed claws, and the presence or absence of prothoracic spines are all characters of value. In both sexes the relative length and breadth of the malar space, the general shape of the face judged by the parallel or convergent orbits, the relative proportions of the antennal joints both individually and between each other, the stoutness or slenderness of the hind metatarsi, the depressions or reflexions of the margins of the abdominal segments, the pres- ence or absence of carinae or foveae on the last exposed ventral plate, and any other similar. characters are constant, and can be depended upon to serve, no matter what the condition of the pilosity of specimen may be. In the sculpture characters the general shape and puncturation of the clypeus, the presence or absence of a superior metathoracic face and the number and shape of the pits upon it if present, the sculpture of the enclosure on the base of metathorax (propodeum) and the degree of punc- turation of the basal abdominal segments and the disk of meso- thorax are the ones which show the best differences. By careful measurements and descriptions these differences can be intel- ligibly expressed, and in the majority of cases the species can be differentiated with reasonable ease and certainty. In the case of the males, however, we have an additional set of structures which abounds in characters of the greatest specific value, namely, the armatures and concealed seventh ventral plate. 45 4 Myron Harmon Swenk The importance of these has been admirably brought out by Rev. F. D. Morice in his study of thirty-four palaearctic species (Transactions of the Entomological Society of London, 1904, pp. 25-03), especially in the case of the seventh ventral plate. Concerning this structure he says: ‘The seventh ventral plate is a most interesting and surprising object. Its base is a ribbon- like strip or arch of chitin, joined at each end to the correspond- ing dorsal plate. Springing from the apex of this arch appear nearly always two large symmetrical lobes or ‘wings.’ They are perfectly colourless and membranous at the extreme apex, still membranous, but more or less infuscated, punctured, and pilose on the disc, evidently chitinized at the base and along the inner margin, and at least somewhat thickened and darkened on the exterior margin. . . The form, colour arid pilosity of these lobes differ specifically to such an extent, that many species can be distinguished at a glance by these characters alone. Not only the actual outlines, but even the minute veinings, cloudings, ete. of the membrane seem to be extremely constant. . . I have frequently dissected many specimens of one species from widely- different localities, and have nearly always found their seventh segments exactly similar, and quite unlike that of any other spe- cies. The cases in which two different species have this plate deceptively similar, are extremely rare; and curiously enough, where this does happen, the insects themselves are very unlike each other in external characters. . . It is perfectly easy, with a little practice,'so to prepare either fresh or relaxed specimens as to display this segment sufficiently for all practical purposes ; or it can be actually removed and mounted separately without any noticeable disfiguring of the specimen, but in that case the liga- ments connecting it with the dorsal plate must be severed cau- tiously first.” In order to thoroughly test the constancy of the form and pilosity cf this plate the writer dissected forty odd spec- imens of C. inaequalis, and found the plate exactly the same in all. Along with the seventh ventral plate the armatures themselves present specific characters of great value, but because of their more complex structure are of less practical use in this connec- 46 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 5 tion. Following the nomenclature adopted by Rev. Morice, the general construction of the armature is as follows: There is a basal portion, the cardo, upon which articulate two pairs of for- ceps-like structures, the stipites and sagittae. Each stipes or outer pair generally appears three-jointed when viewed from the dorsal side, there being a small, pilose apex, a larger central joint, and a large basal joint which bulges in to meet its fellow below the sagittae; between the basal and central joint is usually a transverse suture, the notch. The sagittae or inner pair are two rods of chitin of very variable form, much dilated basally, and apically expanded into a membranous wing. Protruding from the inner base of each stipes and partially covered by the dilation of the sagitta in the dorsal aspect, is a bifid structure the inner surfaces or jaws of which are tuberculated, the volsella. These structures, as Rev. Morice points out, are all of more or less value in distinguishing the species, but are not nearly so convenient as the seventh ventral plate. The help of these concealed structures to the systematist can scarcely be overestimated. Not only do they furnish most excellent criteria for deciding upon the specific identity or distinctness of two forms in hand, but a species can usually be told at a glance, thus doing away with the necessity of toiling through tables of slight external characters—every spe- cies, one may almost say, bears its own label. In this paper illus- trations of the seventh ventral plate and outline drawings of the armatures of each of the eighteen species known to the writer are given; of the eight remaining species five are unknown in the male and the other three are known only by the types, which are not available for dissection. The pronounced sexual dissimilarity in this genus renders the proper matching of the sexes often a matter of unusual difficulty. The males are almost always smaller than the females (larger, however, in the aestivalis group), more slender, and more densely pubescent, usually with a dense clypeal beard. The antennae are usually much longer and the joints differently proportioned, the scape being short and cylindrical instead of long and clavate. The malar space is almost invariably longer, legs more slender, fasciae narrower, spurs not pectinate and coxal spines obsolete. 47 6 Myron Harmon Swenk Even the puncturation varies considerably in degree though rarely in pattern, being usually coarser in the male. There is, however, beneath all their superficial differences, almost always some clue to clearly show the consanguinity of the specimens. As to the history of the genus a word might be said. Among the numerous species included under the genus Apis by Linnaeus in the tenth edition of his Systema Naturae, the first mentioned species referable to the genus Colletes as now restricted is Apis succincta. This species was retained by Linnaeus in the genus Apis in the twelfth edition of his monumental work and also in his Fauna Suecica, second edition. In 1781, however, Fabricius in his Species Insectorum referred Apis succincta to his genus Andrena, which he had erected six years previously, continuing this generic disposition of the species in his later works, and be- ing followed by Petagna, Olivier, Cederhjelm, and Lamarck, while other authors continued to refer to the species as Apis succincta. In 1802 appeared Latreiile’s Histoire Naturelle des Fourmis, and the first four parts of his Histoire Naturelle des Crustacés et des Insectes, while in the same year Kirby’s Monographia Apum Angliae was published. In Latreille’s papers a bee con- sidered by him to be the Apis succincta of Linnaeus is referred to a new genus, Colletes, while in Kirby’s monograph the same spe- cies is placed, along with other bees, in the genus A/elitta, which he established for their reception, it being furthermore the first mentioned species in the genus. These three publications ap- pearing in the same year and bearing no date-marks further than 1802 make the ascertainment of priority of publication an ex- ceedingly difficult, if not impossible, matter. Granting Kirby’s paper priority and adhering strictly to the first species rule would necessitate the supplanting of Colletes by the name Melitta, a view favored by Mr. Charles Robertson, who informs me that Monographia Apum Angliae, i, page 32, has priority over His- toire Naturelle des Crustacés et des Insectes, part 3, page 372, and that he thinks the first mentioned species of the original au- thor has priority as a representative of the genus, and that no subsequent author has any right to change the type. But, as 48 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 7 Mr. Robertson remarks, Histoire Naturelle des Fourmis, page 423, may have priority over both the papers just mentioned; in fact there are indications which to my mind favor that view. Moreover, the name Melitta is now applied to another genus of bees the type of which may be selected from one of the original species. On the whole, then, it seems best to give the old and familiar name the benefit of the doubt, and thus avoid a radical overturning of long-established names. As to the identity of Latreille’s Colletes succinctus, asserted by Nylander in his Revisio Synoptica Apum Borealium not to be the Apis succincta of Linnaeus, and to which he applied the name Colletes balteatus, there seems to be some doubt, but there seems also to be no good reason why Latreille’s species should be re- ferred to balteatus rather than succinctus. As Rey. Morice says, “Nylander first proposed balteatus as a name for Latreille’s suc- cinctus, which he considered not to be the succinctus of Linné. But I can find nothing either in Latreille or Nylander to show what the insect really was which Latreille called succinctus. Sev- eral species seem to me to suit all that is said by either author quite as well as the present [balteatus|.” Colletes succinctus as identified by modern authors, and in all probability correctly, is a very common palaearctic species ranging from England and Scandinavia over the whole of Europe to Egypt, and could as easily have been the form Latreille had when he identified suc- cincta as any other species; moreover, his genus was based as much upon Apis succincta Linnaeus as upon the specimens at hand. These considerations have induced me to consider Colletes succinctus as the type species of the genus. Genus COLLETES Latreille, 1802. 1802. Histoire Naturelle des Fourmis, etc., p. 423. 1802. Histoire Naturelle générale et particuliére des Crustacés et des In- SOGtss. 111,, Ps. 32: Type.—Colletes succinctus (Linnaeus) Latreille. GENERIC CHARACTERS.—Tongue short, broad, deeply triangularly emar- ginate at apex; labial palpi short, 4-jointed, the joints similar; maxillary palpi 6-jointed, joint 1 hardly longer than 2 and 38, joints 2-5 scarcely longer than thick, 6 a little shorter than 1; stigma well-developed but not 49 8 Myron Harmon Swenk ‘ large; front wings with three cubital cells, the first along the cubitus fully or nearly as long as the second and third which are subequal, together; first recurrent nervure received by second cubital cell at its middle, second recurrent nervure sinuate or somewhat S-shaped, received by third cubital cell beyond its middle; hind femora of 2 with a pollen brush, the hind tibiae without a knee plate; head and thorax usually densely pubescent and abdomen usually fasciate; base of metathorax (propodeum) usually with a superior face defined by a ridge and divided into pits by longitud- inal carinae. KEY. TO. SP Beles FEMALES Thorax above, or at least fringe on scutellum, with black hairs. 1. Anterior coxae without spines, or, 1f present, short and rudimentary. 2 1; Anterior coxae with long, distinct, hairy sspimes. ose. oe euler 19 2. Basal abdominal segment strongly and distinctly punctured.. 3 2. Basal abdominal segment weakly and indistinctly punctured, oF ,SsubimpiumGtate = pnde4 ee eat ee nee es eee eae is lies 3. Clypeus strongly convex, closely, evenly, and strongly but not , striately punctured; antennae verv short, joint 3 nearly = 4+5; malar space linear; no prothoracic spine; 9-10 mm....... brevicornis 3. Clypeus weakly, non-striately punctured on an opaque, minutely lined surface; malar space one-sixth as long as broad; prothorax Bpinteds (B10 Amis ..: 5 sine ile see OST er a See eae ot qwillistont B IGiv pets punctured) othrerwisesr.nes cite uttee Cinnmemtere ester ie ieee 4 4.Prothorax with prominent lateral spines? 25. 5+ stan Geen 5 4-Prothorax -/ without spines... 42s cen ee TR Sei rary! 5. Bowl of enclosure smooth and shining, not transversely rugose.... 6 5. Bowl of enclosure coarsely transversely rugose, the rugae inter- fupted /in: a smMediary “line sictecien Wea ores ea ee ae 2 ee eee oa eee 10 6. Postscutellum with a series of pits along anterior border; malar space linear; wings basally subhyaline, apically darkened: almost Nbanes sO-22) tonnes ens itso tence eal pers nudus 6. Postscutellum without a series of pits on anterior border; malar; spacey welledetinedt. cance ocean leo ee area 7 7. Basal joint of hind tarsi very short and broad, its length - not over two and one-half times its width, generally less; clypeus coarsely striate-punctate and broadly sulcate; spurs short and dark; malar space one-sixth as long as broad; 11-12 mm... .latitarsis 7. Basal joint of hind tarsi more slender, three times as long as broad or more; clypeus with its punctures coarse but well-sep- ATATEA Ae thn arse pee PS 0 ince a mlath ips d ¥ials vcehe loot Ria Mia mba Rola Seen 8 8. Malar space one-half as long as broad; outer hind tibial spur ‘not /péctinate;/ Lt) mim, |.) a cess eee epee ee ete ee 50 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 9 8. Malar space one-sixth as long as broad; outer ‘hind tibial SE ME OMe Beyer PECLIAGEC oi sais cha’ ae s\n Bree salad wa vile Sale od eh care 9 9. Disk of mesothorax and anterior half of scutellum eek) and rather closely punctured; more robust; superior face of meta- thetax, broader *head longery:.8-9 mimics l ese. bes ce) crawfords 9. Disk of mesothorax and anterior half of scutellum smooth and shiny, subimpunctate; more slender; superior face of metathorax Staailersa nead eslonter, 271 Ohk Mitts. ote a oie S crgindre faa aretiaye os chamaesarachae 10. Malar space about three-fifths as long as broad; clypeus en- tire; no fascia on base of segment 2; 10-11.5 mm..... skinner 10. Malar space about one-sixth as long as broad; clypeus slightly emarginate; segment 2 fasciate at base; 13-15 EIINT EROS HRN ee TSE tha eo Ne Oh oS Sees re cle, Gata Seale ee Aes ots gilensis 11. Ventral valve of apex bicarinate; metathorax with a rugose trian- gular enclosure and no pitted superior face; segment 2 fasciate AP HAS AAO LACT IIER el. PRS te bnels a rercas crosses vote, eal w wile rae eS compactus 11. Ventral valve of apex simple; metathorax with a distinct superior face crossed by a transverse series of subquadrate pits; segment IMIG MASGIATCRALUDASE gore Canale aictoni act seater aheha in © eyelet ace elctewe alee eae 12 12. Malar space about three-tenths as long as wide; clypeus con- vex, coarsely striate-punctate; 12-13 mm............ inaequalis 12. Malar space very elongate, one and one-half times as long as broad; clypeus long, non-striately punctured, broadly me- ciel varsinl Catie sur lee tranmies ct seat as techs yaa ies hata eer aa eee validus Matin spacelabout, one-half as long tas widest). .0....i Jats heee 14 . Malar space short, less than one-half as long as wide............ 16 14. Flagellar joints about as long as wide; mesothorax coarsely punctured; joint 3=4; two basal abdominal segments im- punctate, segment 2 fasciate at base; 11 mm........ distinctus 14. Flagellar joints distinctly shorter than wide; abdomen thinly Pas Clagel OMe: OMe DASE) Of ooo issveie shel ais hve eal eshereleveude me yatal& 15 15. Mesothorax with large and close punctures; clypeus flat, not sul- 15. cate; joint 3=4; two basal abdominal segments impunctate; wines cloutled, their, nervures: black ;°9° mimi.'.s 525 40 lee lacustris Mesothorax very finely and sparsely punctured; clypeus convex, broadly sulcate; joint 3 exceeding 4; segment 2 finely punc- tured; wings clear, their nervures brown; 9 mm.......... productus 16. Mesothorax rather sparsely punctured; scutellum and meso- notum with a few black hairs intermixed; wings hyaline, MELVILES ATI NStio may DlAGKs |. O15 emtMint Ve iyse hie bere ate algarobiae 16. Mesothorax coarsely punctured, the punctures crowded an- REL O Ti Veet eo OM SHR RN stant hea ens earoacs feanae lc aae ha, ahaa es 17 17. Hair on anterior border of posterior and intermediate tarsi within, black ; venter without long, dense scopal fringes; 9.5 mm.intermixtus isyll IO Myron Harmon Swenk 17. Hair on anterior border of tarsi white; venter with long, dense scopal fringes on the apical margins of the segments........... 18 18. Outer spur of hind tibiae with about a dozen long, coarse teeth?® Smaller; ene thes> mins cis. lon aces ctae eee texanus 18. Outer spur of hind tibiae simple or microscopically ciliate; larger; length 9:5: minmasic aeistcl seests antec etetenes serene scopiventer 19. Abdomen very polished, its first segment subimpunctate; meso- thorax smoother with a large, polished disk, scutellum polished anteriorly, posteriorly densely, non-striately punctured; 10 0) 4 ey a Peeters EMR Fis ert a Pi on nea ke Rai fulgidus 19. Abdomen shiny, its first segment distinctly and closely punctured; mesothorax coarsely, shallowly, subcancellately punctured and with only a small disk, scutellum coarsely striate punctate, me- dially longitudinally depressed and finely substriate............ 20 20. Vertex and anterior border of thorax with black hair, the interocellular tuft largely black; 10-11 mm........... armatus 20. Vertex and anterior border of thorax with very few or no black hairs’ the sinterocellularrttttapaleoenmo. see oneraeee Pal 21. Pubescence of face, thoracic dorsum, tubercles and base of abdo- men pale ochreous, the fasciae tinged with that color; 10 1371 04 aan ge NT aie ee RAINE” RRS SN SEY ORY LUE yh wt ed 8 angelicus 21. Pubescence of face whitish, that on thoracic dorsum and tubercles tinged with pale ochreous, the fasciae white; 10-11 mm... .tegularis (The females of fraserae, hydrophilus and nevadensis are not known.) MALES 1. Middle joints of antennae about as long as wide................. 2 1. Middle joints of antennae distinctly longer than wide............ 4 2. Joint 3 exceeding 4 or 5; malar space linear; clypeus con- vex, densely punctured and heavily bearded; abdominal apices much depressed; 8-9 mm...-.....20.....00% brevicornis 2. Joint 3=5; malar space one-third to one-half as long as wider: cl ypetscleith yy simetente oe eect exces eaten oie RE tore cee 3 3. Basal joint of hind tarsi about three times as long as broad; clypeus opaque, shallowly and weakly punctured; front femora not . bearded :+ 9-1 Ovemimiir.. aoser ee ee eee eee willistont 3. Basal joint of hind tarsi about twice as long as broad and with a posterior lobe; clypeus shining, strongly punctured and broadly suleate; front femora with a long white beard; 10-11 mm. .latitarsis 4. Malar space distinctly over one-third as long as wide....... 5 4. Malar space sublinear, not over one-third as long as wide... 15 5. Basal abdominal segment distinctly and closely punctured........ 6 5. Basal abdominal segment sparsely and feebly punctured, or sub- Imipunictate 255% kee .clh eis see aetna ete Pee Ie Renta cI ere eee 10 Gs Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes II 6..Prothorax with prominent lateral spines.................-- % GeeLOMOGAX. WAtNOIIL SPINES Go. fates. yo akieae 6 to.c-sih s)erelere ean 8 7. Malar space about as long as broad; smaller, about 9.5 mm. ..skinneri 7. Malar space scarcely one-half as long as broad; larger, about 15 VAL en oS ee cS a to OIE OR Rr i a aa AE ee gilensis 8. Metathorax with a rugose triangular enclosure and no pitted superior face; malar space about as long as broad; 9-11 AUDIT any Maver iy Meietarac ciiotabe a ais} a0Sva\regevehctas tasvaia tie, sees eas eran Searels compactus 8. Metathorax with a distinct superior face crossed by a trans- Versemsentes? Of sSUbGUAdGAter pitSeark ss oacmias vlade setenlepeeee 9 9. Malar space a little shorter than broad; clypeus flat, not sulcate; hain ote legs entirely spales 10-12 -mimit. 35.2% os. 6. sb es vee inaequalis 9. Malar space exceedingly long, twice as long as broad; clypeus long, broadly sulcate; posterior tibiae with dark hair; 10 mm.validus PROS OMIA ey ee LOTS Hr ha By Gis endear Se spade ah ciclo Relea e ao oe an! HOS OInin4 eS Omir esse till wr teaincls corte alata eestor @icathi oe ete sraetortien 12 11. Mesothorax coarsely and closely punctured; hair of thorax and PAGE PEISILs VOMOW Isis LO) AIM I) ey de Baas pole, w ies are « distinctus 11. Mesothorax finely and sparsely punctured; hair of thorax and PAC ACU ew kite Sistine hee se Sah A ctah mM. Sete productus 12. Tarsi clear bright ferruginous; malar space nearly as long ABM DGOAGs WS mia <1. BAMA cee ove cee Severo oot cat. e bros algarobiae emmelb erred ymin kas fet teen hererra ar tl ea ete ieras nce et oretemaiee te iene 13 13. Basal joint of hind tarsi stout, about three times as long as broad; tibial spurs long and hooked; posterior tibiae medially SWOMen* VELLEX IP lINGtatern Ostet cs 02 as 2 Pe's | aye ones intermixtus 13. Basal joint of hind tarsi slender, four to six times as long as acdc titel. Spins Stearn 2 i; 5 8.0.3 awa oa hola a candice Neier o's den tak 14 14. Malar space about five-sixths as long as broad; 8 mm. ./acustris 14. Malar space about three-fifths as long as broad; 7 mm. .fraserae ioe omt 4long\——--|-3-Or exceeding fieml!. Texas: Fedor, 1; Utah: Lehi, 3; Washington: Grand Coulee, 2; Pull- iiaisis Yakima, ; Coiletes nevadensis n. sp. 3S. Practically similar externally to males of C. fulgidus, but differing in the characters of the seventh ventral plate, which is glabrous on the striated disk from the lateral bristle tufts to two-thirds the length of the lobe; differing widely from that of armatus also by the roughly trapezoidal instead of columnar outline. (Plate 3, figures 16 and 16a.) 2. Unknown or indistinguishable from C. fulgidus &. Type Locarity.—Reno, Nevada; type in. collection of the author. The type was collected September 3, 1889, by Mr. F. H. Hill- man. No doubt we have here a case parallel to that exhibited between the palaearctic species balteatus Nyl. and eous Morice, which agree so closely externally that Rev. Morice is unable to separate them except on the characters of the seventh ventral plate. In nevadensis the plate is so distinct from that of either ~ fulgidus or armatus that I am compelled, for the present at least, to consider it a distinct species. SPECIMENS EXAMINED—Nevada: Reno, I. 94 1891. 1898. 1899. 1899. 1901. Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 53 Colletes armatus Patton. . Colletcs inaequalis Cresson (not of Say), Proceedings of the Bos- ton Society of Natural History, xii, p. 166, 2 (December, 1868) ; original description. 2. Colletes inaequalis Cresson, Transactions of the American Entom- ological Society, iv, p. 248, 2 (November, 1872) ; recorded from Bosque and Dallas counties, Texas. 9. Colletes armata Patton, Proceedings of the Boston Society of Nat- ural History, xx, pp. 143-44, 2 ¢ (April, 1879); new name for Cresson’s inaequalis and description of supposed male. 79. Colletes scitula Patton, [bid., p. 144, 0; original description. . Colletcs armata Patton, Bulletin of the United States Geological Survey, v, p. 365, 6 (November, 1879) ; specimen from western Kansas described and compared with Connecticut specimens. Colletes spinosa Robertson, Transactions of the American Entom- ological Socicty, xviii, p. 60, 2 ¢ (April, 1891); original de- scription. . Colletes armata Robertson, Ibid., xxii, p. 116 (May, 1895); syn- onymy—scitula and spinosa—=armata. . Colletes armatus Dalla Torre, Catalogus Hymenopterorum, x, p. 37 (1896). . Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, series 6, xix, p. 40, 2 (January, 1897); original de- scription. . Colletcs armata Cockerell, Ibid., p. 41, 2; recorded from Las Cru- ces, New Mexico, and compared with bigeloviae, . Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, Bulletin of the New Mexico Ex- periment Station, no. 24, p. 21 (August, 1897); recorded from Tularosa creek on basis of preceding record of bigeloviae. . Colletes armata Cockerell, [bid., p. 24; recorded from Mesilla val- ley on basis of preceding record of armata. . Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, Bulletin of the Scientific Laboratories of Denison ‘University, xi, p. 42, 2 (November, 1898) ; in table of New Mexico species. Colletes armata Cockerell, Ibid., p. 42, 2; in table of New Mexico species, Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, The Entomologist, p. 154, 2 (July, 1899) ; recorded from Prude’s Summit, White Mountains, New Mexico. Colletes armata Bridwell, Transactions of the Kansas Academy, of Science, p. 209; recorded on strength of Patton’s record from Kansas. Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, Annals and Magazine of Natural History, series 7, vii, p. 125 (January, 1901); recorded from Beulah, New Mexico. 95 54 Myron Harmon Swenk 1903. Colletes bigeloviae Viereck, Transactions of the American Entom- ological Society, xxix, p. 62 (January, 1903); recorded from Beulah on strength of preceding record. 1903. Colletes brevispinosus Viereck, Ibid., pp. 62-63, 2; original de- scription. 1904. Colletes armatus Pierce, University of Nebraska Studies, iv, p. 24 (April, 1904) ; recorded from Lincoln, Nebraska. 1904. Colletes sp? Morice, Transactions of the Entomological Society of London, 1904, part 1, p. 27, pl. ix, figs. 57 and 58, ¢ (April, 1904) ; illustration of armature and seventh ventral plate of Massachusetts specimen. 1904. Colletes armatus Robertson, Canadian Entomologist, xxxvi, p: 275, 2, p. 277, d (September, 1904) ; in table of Illinois species. 1906. Colletes armatus Robertson, Science, xxiii, p. 309 (February, 1906) ; season, food plants, 1906. Colletes bigeloviae Cockerell, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, xxxil, p. 291 (October, 1906); summary of above records. 1906. Colletes brevispinosus Cockerell, [bid., p. 291; recorded from Beu- lah on basis of type series. 1906. Colletes armata Cockerell, Ibid., p. 292; recorded from Beulah, Sapello canyon and San Ignacio, New Mexico. 1907. Colletes armatus Lovell, Canadian Entomologist, xxix, no. 11, p. 364 (November, 1907); recorded from Waldoboro, Maine. ?. Length 10-11 mm. Head short and broad, orbits moderately con- verging. Clypeus moderately convex, uniformly coarsely striate-punctate and with a very few, scattered pale hairs marginally. Supraclypeal area dullish and with a few deep, round punctures. Face dull, crowded with shallow punctures, the foveae short and impunctate, its pubescence short, dense, grayish white. Vertex with irregularly scattered, large punctures and smaller ones between, on a dullish surface, fringed with long, stiff, black hairs and a few similar ochraceous ones posteriorly. Cheeks finely roughened, dullish, the pubescence long, very thin and white. Malar space very short, about one-eighth as long as wide. Antennae black, joint 3=4, which are longer than 5 and following joints, the proportion being 4:4 :3.5, the middle flagellar joints distinctly shorter than wide and lighter beneath. Prothoracic spine long, slender apically, very conspicuous. Pubescence of thorax mainly black, shortest and sparsest on the almost bare disk, longest and densest in a fringe on scutellum, and on the margins of the thorax, especially anteriorly, these margins also with pale ochraceous hair inter- mixed. Tubercles with a mat of appressed ochraceous pubescence chang- ing abruptly to gray on pleura, under parts, and a long, dense fringe down the sides of the metathorax. Mesothorax with very coarse, crowded, rather shallow and sometimes cancellate punctures laterally, these becoming much sparser and widely separated on a small disk, all on a finely striately rough- 96 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 55 ened, dullish surface. Scutellum with similar though more elongate punc- tures on a distinctly subparallel striate surface, the basal impunctation very narrow. Postscutellum roughened; and with long, erect, gray pubescence. Superior face of metathorax defined by a sharp angulation and divided. into about a dozen shining pits, square medially but irregular and longer than wide laterally. Enclosure funnel-shaped, very polished and shiny, ridged laterally at base and with the neck short and wide, remainder of posterior plate shiny, coarsely reticulated, the lateral faces of metathorax -dullish, minutely tasselate, and with numerous irregularly curved ridges. Mesopleura crowded with coarse punctures. Tegulae rufo-piceous to black. Wings hyaline to well darkened, nervures brownish to deep black, stigma very dark brown to black. Legs black with grayish white pubescence, dense on posterior femora and tibiae, the inner tarsal apices with orange tufts. Posterior metatarsi three and two-thirds times as long as broad, middle joints two and one-half times as long as broad. Anterior coxae with long, blunt, hairy spines. Hind tibial spur pectinate with about twenty-five teeth, the inner one very minutely pectinate. Claws unusually long, deeply medi- ally cleft. Abdomen suboval, shining, the first segment with fine but well- separated punctures, more indistinct and widely separated basally, and sometimes forming a median impunctate line, apically very fine and dense; . the enclosed basal portion polished and subimpunctate, and defined by an angulation and a ruff of long, erect, whitish hairs which extend part way down the sides. Segment 2 and following ones more finely and closely punctured, practically bare. Apical margins of segments 1 and 2 depressed, the first one with traces of a fascia laterally, which joins with a complete fascia on base of 2, which with 3-5 has an unbroken fascia on its apical margin. These fasciae are narrow and loose but pure white and strongly contrasting, and are narrowly continued on venter. 3o. Length 8-10 mm. Differs from the 2? as follows: More slender, and with the whole pubescence longer and denser, that on thorax above pale ochraceous to dull gray, usually with some shorter very dark brown to black hairs intermixed, mostly on disk and scutellum; face with dense hair, concealing the clypeus, yell6wish white, pale on vertex where a very few scattered dark hairs are usually present laterally; malar space distinct, about one-fourth as long as broad; antennae long, joint 3 shorter than 4, which is shorter than 5 or following, the proportion being 4:5:6; middle flagellar joints one and one-half times as long as broad; prothoracic spine variable, generally short and inconspicuous; punctures of mesothorax coarse, round and deep, separated though close laterally, and becoming scattered on the disk; mesopleura with close but quite separate punctures; scutellum very coarsely and closely punctured posteriorly, median meta- thoracic pits more regular; wings clear, nervures and stigma black to pale reddish brown; claws deeply apically cleft, the tibial spurs but indistinctly pectinate; abdomen slender and elongate, closely and coarsely punctured 97 50 Myron Harmon Swenk with round, deep punctures, coarsest on the first segment, which is scat- teringly clothed with long, gray hair which forms a fringe down the sides; segment 2 depressed at base as well as. apex; fasciae narrow and grayer; basal joint of hind tarsi four times as long as wide, middle joints twice as long as wide. Genttalia.—Stipes notched, its apex long, falciform, its upper margin recurved, making its inner surface concave, the inner surface of the apex of second and base of apical section with several conspicuous, long vi- brissae; sagittal rods parallel throughout, gradually expanded basally; volsella moderate, less than one-half of sagitta; seventh ventral plate un- | usually large, its lobes long, columnar, apically expanded into suboval sheets, basally with a small, laterally projecting external costa, wholly moderately pilose. (Plate 3, figures 17 and 17a.) Type Locatity.—New York; types in collection of American Entomological Society. This is the species wrongly determined by Mr. Cresson as inaequalis Say, and renamed by Patton who recognized the true maequalis, Cresson had material from New York, New Jersey, ' Pennsylvania, Illinois, and Colorado, and I have selected the first mentioned locality as typical, though all the other localities come within the range of the typical form except the last. Mr. Robertson suggests (i litteris) that Cresson probably based his description on the Colorado specimens which represent another species (fulgidus), to which his name should be applied, leaving the eastern form distinct under the name spimosus Rob. But there is nothing in the description to warrant this inference, and the precedence of enumeration and numerical majority of the eastern specimens seems to leave no doubt as to where the name armatus should properly be applied. Patton described as a new species a “form having inconspicu- ous prothoracic spines and fuscous hairs on the vertex and thorax above, naming it C. scitula, but Robertson, after .exam- ining a cotype of scitula, expressed the opinion that scitula was the male of armatus, in which opinion he is undoubtedly correct. Whether the male referred to armatus by Patton really belongs there I have had no opportunity of definitely discovering. Rob- ertson, not knowing of Patton’s paper, redescribed armatus as C. spinosa, Dalla Torre is in error in citing Kansas as the type locality of armatus, since the application of the name to Cresson’s 98 fe Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 57 cotypes antedates thé description of the Kansas specimen eight months, at Specimens from the Transition and Canadian life zones of New Mexico, Arizona, and Colorado differ from eastern speci- mens in a’ usually stouter and shorter prothoracic spine in the female, and such specimens form the basis of C. bigeloviae Ckll. and C. brevispinosus Viereck, typical specimens of which I have had the opportunity of studying. The difference is so slight and nureliable, however, that it seems to me unwise to consider them as distinct in any way. Certain it is that the characters ascribed to bigeloviae in the original description, viz., dark flagellum, dark tegulae, smoky wings, etc., have no value whatever in the separation of species in this genus. The Mesilla valley specimen with which bigeloviae was compared represents the other ex- treme of variation in this species, as does also the male described from western Kansas by Patton, and indeed as is shown in most of the specimens from the Upper Sonoran hfe zone. A large series of armatus from Nebraska, in which both sexes are well represented, shows variations from the usual eastern form which seem clearly attributable to the dryer climatic conditions. The pubescence is much paler, there being fewer black hairs on the thoracic margins of the female, especially anteriorly, and less of an ochraceous tinge on the face and mat on tubercles, while the pubescence of the male is all dull grayish white, not at all tinged with ochreous and entirely without black hairs on either the thorax or vertex; the wings of both sexes perfectly clear with testaceous nervures and the tegulae usually testaceous also. Again, three females from Atlanta, Georgia, have the wings heavily darkened and their nervures deep black, while the ab- domen is more shining and finely punctured, differing entirely from any specimen of armatus from the northern states, although Mr. Robertson, who examined a specimen, remarked that he had specimens just like it from southern Illinois. This variation will probably be found characteristic of the Lower Austral zone. A careful study of armatus convinces me that we have here to deal with a wide-ranging, quite variable species in the act of splitting up into several different forms, which are as yet so feebly and eat gata oO 58 Myron Harmon Swenk unreliably differentiated as.to make unadvisable the recognition of such variants by name, even though correlated with recog- nized life zones. In all these forms the male genitalia are essen- tially identical. Colletes armatus is an autumnal species, flying in New Eng- land and the North Atlantic states from August 20 to October 9. It seems to visit chiefly the flowers of Solidago, according to my abundant records, although Mr. Robertson considers it oligo- tropic upon Compositac, and probably has taken it upon other flowers. He gives its season in southern Illinois from August 17 to October 7. In Nebraska it flies from August 5 to Septem- ber 22, chiefly on the goldenrods (Solidago rigida and S. mus- souriensis) and rosin-weed (Grindelia squarrosa). In New Mexico it flies from July 29 to October 2, and the types of big- eloviae were taken on Chrysothamnus graveolens glabrata. The range of the species includes practically the eastern half of the United States, from Maine (Waldoboro, Indiantown Island) to Georgia (Atlanta), west to Arizona, New Mexico, Colorado, and the Black Hills (Custer, Hot Springs). SPECIMENS EXAMINED—Arizona: Base of Humphrey’s Peak, 1; southern Arizona, 1; Colorado: 1; Connecticut: Rockville, 1; Stafford, 3; Georgia: Atlanta, 3; Illinois: Carlinville, 1; Indiana: Elkhart, 4; Maine: Indiantown Island, 5; Waldoboro, 6; Mas- sachusetts: Cohasset, 1; Riverside, 1; Nebraska: Lincoln, 45; West Point, 12; Nebraska City, 1; Glen, 5; Broken Bow, 1; New Hampshire: Durham, 4; Hampton, 18; Pelham, 25; New Jersey: Anglesea, 1; Great Notch, 1; Lucaston, 2; New Mexico: Beulah, 5; Pecos, 2; Sapello canyon, 1; San Ignacio, 1; Ohio: Columbus, 1; Pennsylvania: Germantown, 1; Darby, 1; Lawn- dale, 2; Ogontz, 1; South Dakota: Custer, 6; Hot Springs, 1; Virginia: Falls Church, 4. Colletes tegularis Swenk. 1905. Colletes tegularis Swenk, Canadian Entomologist, xxxvii, no. 8, p. 304, 2 (August, 1905); original description. 1906. Colletes tegularis Cockerell, Transactions of the American Entom- ological Society, xxxii, p. 292, 2 (October, 1906) ; recorded from Albuquerque, New Mexico. - 100 Specific Characters in the Bee Genus Colletes 59 9. Length 11 mm. Allied to C. armatus but with the black hairs on tho- racic dorsum few and scattered, confined to the disk and a fringe of longer ones placed in a spaced row around posterior border of scutellum, the pu- bescence of the vertex and broad anterior border of mesothorax pale gray- ish tinged with ochreous, the vertex sometimes with a very few, short, dark hairs laterally; pubescence of face whitish, mat on tubercles tinged with ochreous; tegulae pale testaceous; wings clear, their nervures and stigma dusky ferruginous; abdominal fasciae snowy white. 36. Unknown. Type Locarity.—Gering, Scott’s Bluff county, Nebraska; co- types in collection of the author. This species is exceedingly similar to C. angelicus, of which it may prove only a pale variety, but pending the certain identifi- cation of the male it seems best to leave its status as above. All of the five specimens so far examined have been taken in August (14-20) and in Upper Sonoran territory. SPECIMENS ExAMINED—Nebraska: Gering, 2; Agate, 1; New Mexico: Albuquerque, 1; Washington: North Yakima, I. Colletes angelicus Cockerell. 1905. Colletes angelicus Cockerell, Bulletin of the Southern California Academy of Sciences, iv, no, 2, pp. 32-33, d (February, 1905) ; original description. g. Length 10 mm. Very similar to C. tegularis but differing in the much deeper ochreous tinge to the pubescence of the face, thoracic dorsum and mat on tubercles, and the creamy fasciae. 3. Length 10 mm. Resembles very closely the males of fulgidus, nevad- ensis and armatus externally, but has broader, shaggier fasciae of a more ochreous tinge. The species can be reliably differentiated only by the char- acters of the seventh ventral plate, which has the lobes pilose from the lateral bristle tufts to the apex and with a distinct central area of long recurved hairs. (Plate 3, figures 18 and 18a.) Type Locatiry.—Los Angeles, California; types in collection of Professor T. D. A. Cockerell. The type was collected by Dr. A. Davidson, and the pair ex- amined by me were taken in the type locality by the same col- lector. Professor Cockerell has compared the male with his type and finds them similar in every way. SPECIMENS EXAMINED—California: Los Angeles, 2. Io! 60 Myron Harmon Swenk EXPLANATION OF PLATES (Plates made from camera lucida outlines; the seventh ventral plates are all about 16 X natural size, the armatures all 8% X natural size.) 23 qa or Fig. 10. Bigs tae PLATE I . Seventh ventral plate of C. brevicornis; 1a, armature of (Warbonnet canyon, Sioux county, Nebraska.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. willistom; 2a, armature of (Warbonnet canyon, Sioux county, Nebraska.) 3. Seventh ventral plate of C. Jatitarsis; 3a, armature of (Lincoln, Nebraska.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. gilensis; 4a, armature of same. . creek canyon, Arizona.) 5. Seventh ventral plate of C. compactus; 5a, armature of (Clementon, New Jersey.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. inaequalis; 6a, armature of (Roca, Nebraska.) ; ' PLATE II ham, New Hampshire.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. distinctus; 8a, armature of same. verness, Florida.) . Seventh ventral plate .of C. productus; 9a, armature of - (Hyannis Point, Massachusetts.) Seventh ventral plate of C. Jacustris, 10a, armature of (Point Abbaye, Michigan.) Seventh ventral plate of C. fraserae, 11a, armature of same. lah, New Mexico.) ° . Seventh ventral plate of C. intermixtus, 12a, armature of (Cotulla, Texas.’) Prate III 3. Seventh ventral plate of C. scopiventer; 13a, armature of (Fedor, Texas.) dor, Texas.) 5. Seventh ventral plate of ‘C. fulgidus; 15a, armature of (Big Horn mountains, Wyoming.) . Seventh ventral, plate of C. nevadensis; 16a, armature of (Reno, Nevada.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. armatus; 17a, armature of same. diantown Island, Maine.) . Seventh ventral plate of C. angelicus; 18a, armature of (Los Angeles, California.) - 102 same. same. same. (Oak saat same. . Seventh ventral plate of C. validus; 7a, armature of same. (Dur- (In-: same. same. ( Beu-= same. same. _ Seventh ventral plate of C. nudus; 14a, armature of samé. (Fe- same. same. (In- Same. 2a la PLATE I 4tE Sth f 7 Ggltt ttF, AN % 6a Sa PLATE. Il 8a 10a I2a PLATE LU. vel vor vy I Ls § wl Bel ; picientes EEE, TIE; * Iv, V, VI, and VII of Untvarsrry stupas are : peng aes in four. numbers, ao soy index:and title-page for each volume are published eepatately: seSgehe nee ay. list of the papers printed in the first two volumes may be had on app : nelnete cc aa eee vol. II, no. ae may be a“ for $1. 00 ea JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS, LINCOLN VIII AprRIL-JuLy 1908 Nos. 2, 3 UNIVERSITY STUDIES Published by the University of Nebraska || COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION || SAMUEL AVERY W. K. JEWETT | Cc. E. BESSEY A. S. JOHNSON | F. M. FLING L. A. SHERMAN H. ALICE HOWELL Ww. G. L. TAYLOR T. L. BOLTON, Eprror Bee Es EEA as eae CONTENTS THE CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACK- FRIARS 1597-1603 Charles William Wallace . : ‘ 103 LINCOLN NEBRASKA — a . The Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars, 1597-1603 ae Be” BY CHARLES WILLIAM WALLACE oe ; CONTENTS é PREFACE . ; g ” F : : : ‘ > . INTRODUCTION.—A GENERAL VIEW OF THE FIELD . 2, I Tue BLackrriars THEATRE BUILDING See II Tue Biacxrriars Stace. ITs STRUCTURE, ARRANGE- MENT, AND FURNISHINGS . : ; - JIT EsrapLIsHMENT OF THE BLACKFRIARS UNDER OFFI- CIAL GRANTS ; : ; : ; 4 f IV Actors anp SINGERS.—THE Two FUNCTIONAL D1I- VISIONS OF THE CHILDREN ‘ ~ V Star CHAMBER PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE USE OF THE CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AS ACTORS _ VI Datinc Events, AND ESTABLISHMENT OF NEw MAn- AGEMENT : : : ; VII Queen ELIZABETH AT THE BLACKFRIARS : : _ VIII THe Queen’s MAINTENANCE OF THE CHILDREN AT BLACKFRIARS : ; : : : ‘ : 7 r rs De UNIVERSITY StupiEs, Vol. VIII, Nos. 2, 3, April-July 1908. E 103 Nos. 2, 3 iil Bed STATUS OF THE ey acevo CHILDREN. wa | “QUEENS pane crate Pal jy te are OF Ry aeieaee ns 2 5 pA Ro 2a XI THE CUSTOM OF SITTING ON THE STAGE OniciNatiNG fe AT BLACKFRIARS Bare ei rence it aa’ So — Pare > F AND OFFICIAL Cane 1597-1603 ea! ; XIII ReLations oF BLACKFRIARS TO OTHER THEATRES, pee POETS, AND: PLAVERS 9.2 522? ses oo ake oe S ° . At}, M, “ " fy Vhs Sus , e r head ES Le Ge +, * 1 u S ‘\ “ ¥ Ne ah ee - chat oh ao wee eet IS ter See War kale 4 fy : P Tee + } ges ore ae wy an Ay ‘es aa ’ a! t ~ ing * \ 1 ¥ a rh pe iy ; 5 Ue enaea hy ead — < EA Fy A eee Pa x Ss ty N a sf > ep > Q ies] S Z toe fq ies] es) s OQ ag 3 Ga fy F 4 fot) y fetes VS ts WW a Se rates S504 ape ‘ So aye ‘ apa oe 7 ea 104 . : PREFACE s _SomE years ago I undertook to edit an old play of one of the a -children-companies, prefaced by a historical introduction. I found 4 I could not do it conscientiously without finding out the truth about the company that played the piece. An examination of _ the published works of Europe and America touching the chil- _ dren-actors showed a woeful jumble of variegated error as a re- sult of the romantic or unfaithful treatment of the meager facts. _ Manifestly the truth was not known, and the facts were in chaos. _ So the two or three paragraphs into which I had intended to con- _ dense the matter for my introduction, I saw vanish into vapor. This condition of affairs threw me back on the unpromising data, and I began searching archives for new data and investi- gating the sources and relations of both old and new. The ad- vance has been steady since the first day. I soon found the - children’s company in question was related to other children-com- 4 _ panies, and these in turn to the men-companies, and all of them _ to the nature and place of acting, and especially to the spirit and =~ form of the drama. My contemplated two or three paragraphs now expanded into a chapter, then a section, then a volume, and finally I am trying, by excluding the bulkiest and least related documents, to confine results within the limits of three volumes. _ Meanwhile the contemplated edition of the old play is biding its time. So are certain other editions, all of which can consci- -entiously and scientifically be undertaken only when this work as a proper historical basis is complete. b: ~The following introductory chapters constitute the first section of volume I. Many of the documents for volume III were as- sembled and the MS. for volume I and partly for volume II was prepared for the press in 1904-6, during my two-years absence _ from the University of Nebraska, with residence and research in _ Europe, particularly in Germany, France, and England. This _ first section was accepted for the doctorate by the Philosophical dE gs sity ss desis 3 ali bee To re bs ure 105 iv PREFACE Faculty of Albert-Ludwig University, Freiburg i/Br., where 1 acquired the degree of Ph.D. in the summer semester of 1906. With a larger courtesy than I could have hoped,—a courtesy characteristic of the true lover of learning in the German uni- versities,—that Faculty voted to grant me the privilege of adding results of contemplated further research at a future time. By virtue of this grace, the present publication is delayed two years. I have accordingly reworked and expanded most of the chapters, incorporating such results of my more recent researches as prop- erly fall within the scope of this section. Fortunately my latest finds have, with but rare and minor exceptions, been mainly in the nature of documentary and final substantiation of conclusions reached from the more slender evidences first used. In coming to the study of the children-companies, their widely — ramifying influences on stage and drama, and the characteristics of their repertoire in its entirety, every one finds himself, I sup- pose, pretty much in the condition I was in when I set about the work. We are hindered by lack of knowledge, and conditioned | 4] = _ ~— S — by our preconceptions derived from the mass of past error and from false perspectives of sectional studies, as the treatment of isolated dramas, or isolating topics running through a series of dramas, and by special treatises that strain-facts to maintain a theme. As for myself, I have been forced to give up one con- ception and one supposed fact after another, until now I find nearly every essential detail in this history is different from what I had supposed from these books and special studies to be the truth. In the preparation of this work, I have had no theme to main- tain, no theory to defend, and none to propose. My sole guide has been the simple desire to find the truth. I have told it as I found it, in plain and simple fashion, so that others may read it. In order that they may judge for themselves, I have given also the evidences, usually in foot-notes. These are therefore the most - ~ valuable part of the work. The foot-notes, constituting more than half of the whole work, may seem sometimes burdensome. But, intended for the scholar, they are in fact the only part in which I take special pride, for it has been my desire to assemble materials and references that may hereafter be cited as reliable. 106 PREFACE v I recognize also that this repository, as all such, must be referred to again and again in working out themes but lightly or not at all touched upon here. Some may find uses for the materials not now anticipated. My narrative, which I hope may never be read separately from the notes, is not intended to be simply a pleasing tale, but is mainly a series of inevitable conclusions thrust up into clear view by the records, data, and events in their own self-es- tablished relations. No page in this work has any other cause or excuse for exist- ence than the presentation of some new fact or conclusion. Among the items of new knowledge some rise into prominence above the others. The clear differences between the private and the public the- atres are sharpened in many details. The influence of the chil- dren-theatres, the boy-actors, and their poets on the form and spirit of the drama is presented only in part, the fuller view neces- sarily awaiting the assembled materials of the complete work. Blackfriars, the model of the modern theatre, is for the first time presented unromantically, on the basis of fresh historical data, with exact dimensions and other details of construction. The location and general structure of the stage is also shown. A comparative view of all the theatres furnishes new items of fact. The accompanying suggestive plats of the Blackfriars and the _ Fortune, the first attempts of the kind yet made, are in a measure contributive to the same end. While in large part they are merely “suggestive” rather than final, they are at the same time corrective of certain popular impressions, especially as regards the relative positions of stage and audience in-theatres of the Elizabethan-Jacobean period. Certain new data are given from documents concerning Shake- speare, the Globe, and Blackfriars. These documents are there- fore now for the first time publicly announced, although they came into my hands long ago. They are vastly more valuable than the three newly discovered Shakespeare documents which I made public in 1905. On the personal side of Shakespeare, they are the most important records brought to light since the dis- covery of the poet’s will a century and a half ago (1747). Onthe side of the Globe and Blackfriars, the origin of London theatre 107 vi PREFACE “shares” there, and the ownership of them from the first, par- ticularly in reference to Shakespeare’s relations to these two the- atres, they are more important than the famous Globe-Black- friars share-papers of 1635, announced by J. O. Halliwell in The Athenaeum, August 13, 1870, p. 212, and published by him four years later in A Fragment of Mr. J. O. Halliwell’s “Illustrations of the Life of Shakespeare.” Concerning the counter-petition of the Burbages in the Halliwell discoveries, the reviewer of the above publication, in The Athenaeum, February 21, 1874, in the course of a two-page article, gives the judgment (p. 250), which has ever since rightly prevailed, that “It is not too much to say that this is one of the most important passages regarding Shake- speare that has yet been discovered. As to his connexion with the stage it is the most important.” But the discoveries now an- nounced very greatly surpass the former ones in these regards. They also give, besides many other items, for the first time the exact location of the Globe, with complete boundaries, as de- scribed in several legal indentures. The length and nature of these documents require that I give them out later in a separate publication, with adequate accompanying treatment of the mat- ter involved. They constitute also an essential part of the present work in its complete form. The commissions to Edwards, Hunnis, and Gyles are new, and the use of Gyles’s commission as authority in establishing the Blackfriars in accord with the Queen’s will is peculiarly note- worthy. Queen Elizabeth’s connection with the establishment of Blackfriars, the maintenance of the Children of the Chapel there at royal expense, and her own attendance at that theatre are not only new, but of special value in understanding much of the theatrical history of the times. The whole course of stage- history from 1597 to 1603, involving Theatre, City, and Crown, made particularly alluring by several drastic orders, notably of 1600-1, and hitherto baffling to scholars, has been cleared up by. evidence that seems final. The stage-quarrel between Jonson on the one side and Marston and Dekker on the other, debated vari- ously by scholars for two centuries, likewise finds for the first time its proper place and perspective in history as merely a minor | *Privately printed. Fifty copies only. Feb. 1874. 108 : a x oS : Be 4 re PREFACE vii affair subordinate to conditions arising out of the establishment and maintenance of Blackfriars. The long-mooted custom of sitting on the stage has been traced from its origin in the Black- friars to its termination in France and Germany,—reported last - by Goethe,—in 1759. The Queen’s requirements for the training of the Blackfriars Boys in not only grammar-school subjects but in all arts, par- _ ticularly singing, instrumental music, dancing, and play-acting, gave rise to the masque within the play, exerting wide influence ‘on Shakespeare as well as his contemporaries and successors. The right chronology of the plays, in some cases differing widely _ from the varied guesses and ratiocinative datings of the past, is established, the date of each play being fixed either exactly or within the narrow limits of one to two months. Unfortunately the full evidences must await a later volume. Incidentally the date of composition of Hamlet as in the latter half of 1601 and of its first acting as late 1601 to early 1602, probably at the Christ- - mas season of 1601-2, also establishes itself by final evidences,— _which has hitherto been impossible. The significance of certain known documents is made clear by assembling all evidences. Among these the Hamlet passage on the Children perhaps will claim chief interest. Every slightest detail of that much-debated passage now becomes clear and historically contributive, as pre- sented in a special chapter. Certain long-mooted Hamlet prob- lems not dealt with here must ultimately take account of data presented before they can be finally put beyond speculative de- ductions in the field of debate and established on the simple and final basis of pure history. In no instance is the reader asked to take my conclusion as his own, but in every case he is given the evidence from which the inevitable conclusion forces itself upon the judicial mind. If my own interpretations, therefore, agree with the reader’s, I shall merely have anticipated him by having had the first chance at the evidences offered. The materials for this work, as already indicated, were gath- ered with the primary desire to find the truth in the history of the children-companies. But they have led me far beyond. When I got my materials together and found the relations of facts to 109 Vili PREFACE each other, I was surprised to discover that they explained finally matters outside the direct line of the history of the children. For example, the chronology of plays having been established, chiefly on external evidences, I found the surprising feature, already mentioned, of the masque within the play originating in and run- ning through the Elizabethan régime at Blackfriars, stopping short with the Queen’s death in 1603. Not more than two Black- friars plays prior to her death lack this feature, while under James all lack it but two. Similarly, historical evidence served to fix the succession of incidents in the quarrel between Jonson and the so-called poetasters. The Queen’s relations to Blackfriars led to an examination of all official orders and other external his- torical data, clearing up finally, as just said, the unique muddle of opposing royal, municipal, and theatrical conditions of 1597— 1603. The same relations led to the collection of all evidences: touching the custom of sitting on the stage, with surprising re- sults. Indeed, the whole course of theatrical and dramatic his- tory of the Elizabethan-Jacobean period turns out to be related as either cause or effect, and no feature consequently can be treated as quite isolated. I have found it necessary to take into account every theatre, company, and drama of the period, for the children-theatres are related to all. As the present work is based wholly upon original sources, the chief weight of reference is given to archives and documents, rather than to interpretative and critical publications. In the course of investigation it has been within my purpose to consult the contributive publications of Europe and America touching upon the field of Elizabethan-Jacobean dramatic literature, crit- icism, and history,—a library of considerable proportions in itself. Yet I have doubtless overlooked some. Few have yielded mate- rials for this work. Books and articles merely reworking old knowledge or old conclusions,—the main bulk, unfortunately, in this field_—have not been taken account of. Such works as I have had occasion to refer to are sufficiently indicated in the foot- notes. They are mainly publications containing original docu- ments. To collect these into a list would in this modern day of special bibliographies be a gratuity by no means complimentary to that select circle for which the work is prepared, and would IIo PREFACE ix at the same time be but a fractional representation, chiefly a mis- representation, of my labors in research. a I had at first intended to cite some of the most important errors _ passed down to us and repeated steadily in current publications as true. But except in probably a half dozen cases this has not _ been done. A complete collection would be voluminous, and a mere citation, while calling attention to curious antiquities or their followers, would have been long and of no other than crit- -ical-historical service. When the reader comes upon different conclusions in my predecessors, he will find, I am sure, as I have, that the most important differences arise from the fact that the latest materials were not then available and could not then, as _ now, be assembled and put into order. Indeed, it may be edifying _ to lay these earlier works by the side of the present matter in _ judging this history. Malone, Chalmers, Collier,t Halliwell- _ Phillips, Greenstreet, and an occasional other devotee of the true as opposed to romance in stage-history, collected some materials _ that fancy and time will not change. Their conclusions are often . wide of the mark. Aside from these, the scholarship of the past herein has been mainly the scholarship of opinion, or of hypoth- esis, or of unsupported oracular declaration. But opinions or hypotheses or conclusions without basis of fact are worthless. So new are the views given by the present materials that not a _ single opinion or conclusion of my predecessors has served as a basis for restatement. I have gone to contemporary sources and questioned them in every instance where such sources were avail- able. This work must stand, consequently, not upon the author- ity of predecessors, but upon the merits of its materials and the _ justness of the conclusions they have called forth. Most of all therefore I commend the judicial perusal of every document, fact, and occurrence offered, in judging the truth of what this history represents. The examination of printed books, mainly for the contempo- rary documents they might hold, has been the smallest part of my labors. Most of all have I searched the original records in *Had he been but content with the truth! His work is marred by colossal forgeries. Yet no one can disregard the vast service of Collier in furnishing us with document after document of genuine worth. III x : PREFACE European archives. Considerably more than half a million orig- — inal MS. records of the period of Elizabeth and James, most of © them not yet catalogued; have been examined, and the indexes © to some million more have been sifted. The resulting discov- — eries, some of which appear in these introductory chapters, may seem disproportionately few. On the contrary, I am surprised — and gratified to find so old a field even thus rich, and am encour- aged to complete the work I have been gradually drawn into. It is hoped that the following introductory account may be in some measure gratifying also to those readers who hail every item of new knowledge with an open mind. The question they will — weigh is not so much whether the discoveries are greater or less than former ones, but first of all whether they add to the store — of information, then how much. Looking at results with the © grudging eye of a third person,—for they belong not to me but — to historical truth,—I recognize that they are at least sufficient to advance knowledge in this field beyond previous bounds, and ~ clear away some difficulties that have troubled scholars more than _ a single century. Yet this history is by no means final. I regard it as little more than pioneer work in the field. No more can be claimed for my 4 part in it than fidelity and loving-care in stating and interpreting the facts in the light of the evidences collected For the docu- ments themselves, no more can be claimed than partial assem- blage, and authoritativeness only so far as they speak. The vast body of documents lie yet undiscovered. -From definite evidences gathered in the course of research, I know where many of these are to be found. But it requires time, money, and organization, all of which I shall secure, to complete the work. Not only cer- tain discoveries of especial worth, but the numerous minor ones as a result of definite, persistent tracing give confidence of large — results in future research. No one can be more keenly conscious of the lacks of the present work than I am. Great gaps in the materials have been tempo- rarily bridged as well as possible, but the gaps remain. There are consequently more statements unimpregnably fortified than is pleasing to one who loves research for the sake of truth. The excuse if not palliation for their being, is that they seem to be in © II2 Sam PREFACE xi accord with the known facts. They may not be. Future re ail ian that. I have at least afin: here as well as iiroemboue the work, to follow whither the evidences lead. In doing this I 4 have spent a due portion of some years in the study of the docu- ments and plays. Every document has been searched many times. The weightier ones have been studied line by line, and every fact or statement compared through a system of copious index notes with other items of possible bearing. That there are errors is to be expected. Many items have doubtless escaped me. Many more, I know, lie yet buried in unrevealed records. Some : of these I shall secure before final publication, while some, be- ~cause of their bulk, I reserve for later presentation,—such as cer- tain signed depositions by George Chapman, Thomas Dekker, : Edward Pierce, Thomas Woodford, Gervase Markham, and others, and the voluminous sources of hitherto unknown plays by _ Chapman, Dekker, Webster, Ford, Rowley, and others. The “ fragments of the new dramas of course shal! be published, with a proper account of them. __I purpose that this work when completed shall, by virtue of the materials presented, be authoritative and permanently useful _in its own field. I shall therefore be first to hail the comer with new light from any source. _ It remains to acknowledge my obligations for privileges of _ research. The institutions to which I am peculiarly indebted for use of books, manuscripts, or documents are the K6nigliche Bibliothek, Berlin; Hof- und Stadts-Bibliothek, Miinchen; Universitats-Bib- liothek, Heidelberg; Land- und Stadts-Bibliothek, Strassburg; _Universitats-Bibliothek, Freiburg i/Br.; Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris; Bodleian Library, Oxford ; University Library, Cambridge: British Museum, Public Record Office, Library of the House of Lords, Privy Council Office, and the Guildhall Record Office, London. I am particularly grateful to Dean L. A. Sherman, Chancellor E. B, Andrews, and the Board of Regents of the University of Nebraska for allowing me the extended leave of absence of 1904-6. This gave me time to cross to Europe and find means vr : 113 yo te eS a ee < a xii PREFACE to reach original records. Of persons there, 1 am indebted first — of all to former Ambassador Joseph Choate for official courtesies, and to our present Ambassador at the Court of St. James, Mr. : Whitelaw Reid, for additional aid in securing me privileges of research. Superintendent G. F. Warner of the MS. department and Superintendent Barrett of the Reading Room of the British ~ Museum and their staffs have, in the course of years, afforded me larger opportunities, I think, than they themselves are aware of. Dr. Sharp, Superintendent of the Guildhall Record Office, — has given me unreservedly the benefit of his accurate knowledge a as well as his personal help in researches that I could not other- — wise have carried out. Superintendent E. Salisbury, of the ht- — erary search department of the Public Record Office, to whose unfailing courtesy and generous consideration and help I am ~ most deeply indebted, has placed at my disposal every facility — for searching the national records. The officials of the Legal ~ Room and of the Round Room have also been generous with as- sistance at all times. The Chief Clerk of the Privy Council Office has likewise been most courteous in producing the ancient records of the King’s Council for my use. To Professors Dr. Wilhelm Wetz, Dr. Roman Woerner, and Dr. Friedrich Kluge, of Albert-Ludwig University, Freiburg i/Br., I owe special thanks for privileges of study with them dur- ing the years of 1904-6. Of all persons concerned, the one to whom I owe most is she to whom alone this work can properly be inscribed, my wife, who since 1906 has been my constant companion and equal fellow in research, and whose vision and judgment have ever been my help. LINCOLN, APRIL, 1908. 114 a. INTRODUCTION ) A GENERAL VIEW OF THE FIELD THERE were two regularly constituted companies of children- actors under Elizabeth and four under James I. Those whose history this work aims chiefly’ to present were, The Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars, 1597-1603 ;? The Children of the Revels to the Queen at Biackiriars, 1604-8; The Children of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars, ca. 1603-9; The Children of the _ Revels to the Queen at Whitefriars, 1610-1613-[15].* The last _ three may be spoken of in a general way under the common title, Children of the Revels. _ These three royaliy patronized Jacobean children-companies and their various imitations and ramifying influences ranging down to the period of the Restoration are traceable directly to their source in Queen Elizabeth’s establishment of the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars, 1597-1603. The source of that establishment was the Queen’s will. But the precedent enabling her by a wide stretch to use the Children of the Chapel in carry- ing out her final theatrical purposes is to be found in the long- standing custom of using them for the divertisement of Royalty and the Court. Practically throughout Elizabeth's reign they had been incidentally employed now and then for this purpose in presenting stage-plays and interludes. Their secular use in’ acting, singing on festival occasions, and at royal entertainments, ‘precedes the reign of Elizabeth and doubtless antedates our first records of such. The primary function of the Children of the Chapel Royal was to minister to his or her ‘Majesty’s spiritual well-being by trained choral singing at times of devotional service. They formed a *The Paul’s Boys of late Eliza- companies. betii and up to their termination *I. e., to the death of Elizabeth, _ early in the reign, of James are the March 24, 1603. subject of treatment only in their *Practically, 1613; nominally, contributive relations to the history 1615. of these royally patronized children- PIS 2 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS part of the choral body which takes its name from the piser of worship, namely, the Chapel Royal. As Rimbault points out in his Jntroduction to The Old C nae Book, the Chapel Royal is the most ancient choral body of which there is any authentic record. The first account of it I have found is in the Liber Niger Domus Regis* of Edward the Fourth’s reign, near the middle of the fifteenth century.* It was then constituted of one “Deane,” twenty-four “Chaplenes and clerkes,” two “yeomen” or ‘“Pisteleres,’ eight “children,” one “Master of songe” to teach the Chapel Boys music, and one “Mas- ter of y° Gramere” to provide for these children and others con- nected with the Court somewhat of a. liberal education. At the period with which the present work deals, the last six years of Elizabeth and the first half of the reign of James I, the official constitution was,t Dean, Sub-Dean, Confessor of his Majesty’s household, six chaplains, a Master of the Children, Clerk of the Cheque, first and second Organist, twenty-four Choristers, called Gentlemen in ordinary® (and the same or greater number of substitutes called Gentlemen extraordinary, who served without pay but were in line of succession to a va- cancy in the ranks of the ordinary), twelve Children, two Epis- tlers, two Gospelers, besides the officers of the vestry and common servants. The Chapel Royal, thus constituted. attended the sovereign wherever resident, according to ancient custom, and as a whole or in part accompanied him during progresses through the coun- 1The Old Cheque-Book, or Book of Remembrance, of the Chapel Royal from 1561 to 1744 (ed. E. F. Rimbault for The Camden Society, 1872.) *Liber Niger Domus Regis (Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. No. 293, fol. 11-12; No. 610, fol. 24-275 No. 642, fol. 71-74, and fol. 132b—New pagina- tion of 1893). ®Tts exact date is not more nearly known than that it was written sometime within the limits of Ed- ward IV’s reign,—4 March, 1461, to 9 April, 1483. *Cf. Rimbault, op. cit., 60-62, 127- 28; but see also 156. *Dec. 15, 1604, as appears from a warrant, there were thirty-eight Gentlemen. of the Chapel. But this seems to count not only the choris- ters but also the chief officers. See State Papers, Domestic, James I, xxxvi, No. 69, Public Record Of- fice. Also noted in the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, Addenda 1580-1625, 450. John Stowe (ed. E. Howes), Annals, or a general Chronicle of England... to end of 1631 (1631), 1037, says there were thirty-three Gentlemen of the Chapel in the first year of James I. See also the King’s grant of aug- mentation, u. 7., 37. 116 INTRODUCTION 3 try. For example, James I took his English choristers, men and children, with him on his journey to Scotland in 1617,—greatly offending his countrymen thereby.* A place of service was provided at the royal expense ; likewise residence for members of the chapter, their keep, and also to all but the children? a yearly salary. Since the Restoration, the King’s Chapel occupied by the chap- ‘ter has been the little oratory of St. James’s Palace. But in James I’s time it was the splendidly appointed chapel at White- hall, London.’ This was used, not only for the religious services of the royal household, but for the solemnization of treaties be- tween Spain and England, and France and England; royal and noble baptisms, churchings, and confirmations; marriages of nu- merous of the nobility in presence of the King; the marriage of Princess Elizabeth and Frederick Prince Elector Count Palatine of the Rhine in 1613; the funeral of James I in 1625; the corona- tion of Charles I, &c.* On all these and such occasions the Gentlemen of the Chapel partook in the services and shared in the fees,—often 5 /. each.® *A humorous bit of satire on Scottish manners and customs, evi- dently written by an Englishman in James I’s retinue on this journey, describes how the Scotch received and entertained the King, how they felt about his religious forms, and especially about the “singing men” and the Children of the Chapel. The document was printed in a pamphlet of twenty-one pages at London, 1659, under title, 4 Perfect Description of the People and Coun- try of Scotland, which is reprinted in Francis Osborne, Secret History of the Court of James the First (1811), II, 75-89. See appositely iin 69,- 80: The original MS. is preserved in the British Museum. For the most pertinent part see Harvl. MS. No. 444, fol. 276a. J. P. Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry and Annals of the Stage (1879"), I, 391, printed the paragraph on the chil- dren only. *The warrant in State Papers, Dec. 15, 1604 (u. s., 2°) shows the children were on this date al- lowed an additional 4d. daily,—not as salary, but “as an augmentation of their board wages.” This war- rant was drawn in accordance with the general grant of augmentation of salaries in the Chapel Royal se- cured through the influence of sev- eral persons, among whom was Nathaniel Gyles, Master of the chil- dren. The grant was dated Dec. 5, 1604. It is printed in The Old Cheque-Book, op. cit., 60, and in John Nichols, The Progresses, Pro- cessions and Magiifhicent Festivities of King Jaries the First (1828). I, 466, from Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music (1776), IV, 11- 12. [Nichols errs in saying he takes it from p. 15.] *See Rev. John Jebb, The Choral Service of the United Church of England and Ireland (1843), 148. “See notices of these various uses of the Chapel Royal in The Old Cheque-Book (u. s.), passim. *Tdem. 1i7 4 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS | The Children never on any occasion received fees. Consequently — the Clerk of the Cheque has left no record of any sort concerning — them, since his official duty seems to have been largely to record rc Despite this omission, © the Children certainly sang with the men-choristers at all solem- — nities and festivals held in the Chapel, as they constituted an- such receipts by members of the chapter. essential part of the chorus. During a part of the reign of Elizabeth the children occasion- . ally presented plays in the Chapel,—even on Sundays,—before the Queen and her Court. As early as 1569 the first published record of feeling that has reached us concerning the Children as actors shows a bitter Puritanic opposition to this practice.t Children of the Chapel to gratify her pleasure. In her closing years she extended their function of acting beyond occasional performances in the Chapel, and established them as a permanent company at the Blackfriars with requirements to act a play every week, With the increase of time, the spirit of Puritanism grew an important factor to be reckoned with in the government, and Elizabeth’s theatrical predilections diminished none. In her Ma- jesty’s fondness for the drama, however, and in her purpose to carry out certain theatrical plans rather than in Puritanic oppo- sition is to be sought the cause of her removing the performances of the Children permanently from the Chapel Royal and estab- lishing with them in 1597 the Blackfriars theatre. see later, she in effect divided the Children on the basis of func- tions, and maintained one body of them at the Chapel Royal as choristers, the other at Blackfriars to be taught in music. the The — Queen, however, was passionately fond of the drama, and be- ~ sides patronizing the men’s companies and Paul’s boys at Court, — she continued throughout her reign occasionally to use her own — As we shall *“Plaies will neuer be supprest, while her maiesties unfledged min- ions flaunt it in silkes and sattens. They had as well be at their Popish service, in the deuils garments.”— The Children of the Chapel stript and whipt (1569), quoted in Thomas Warton, History of Eng- lish Poetry (ed. Hazlitt, 1871), IV, 217. The attack is continued in a later page of the same pamphlet thus :— “Even in her maiesties chappel do these pretty vpstart youthes profane the Lordes Day by the lascivious writhing of their tender limbs, and gorgeous decking of their apparell, in feigning bawdie fables gathered as idolatrous heathen poets.” —lbid. 118 INTRODUCTION 5 : lrama, and other arts. These actor-children were kept at her ex- pense, and furnished with rich and abundant stage-apparel. _ Out of the original Court-service of the Children of the Chapel _ evolved the sort of performance they later presented as actors. _ It was not a long step from religious worship, solemnizations, i and festivities, for the Court to employ their excellent singing ¥ at other times simply as a rich musical entertainment. _ At what time plays were introduced along with the singing, or in addition to it, or in place of it, there are no known records . by which we can determine. But as far back as the development _ can be traced, dialogue and acting seem to have dominated the ' singing. Near the close of Elizabeth’s reign, the entertainment _ at Blackfriars takes the form of a delightful musicale followed _ by an acted play containing song and masque. The plays themselves in both earlier and later periods were in- _ terspersed with songs as specialties. During the Blackfriars period under Elizabeth, the Boys exhibited their training and _ skill in instrumental music, singing, and dancing, at intervals _ through the play. In most of their plays after 1600, and possibly in their lost repertoire of the three years before, they combined _ these arts into a single exhibition, by putting on the form and variegated dress of fairies, nymphs, or other creatures of fancy and mingling color, music, and dance into the pleasing harmony of the masque. During James I the elements of dainty device in music and pleasing show are less prominent. We have at any rate no record of the combined musical and dramatic entertainment such as the Duke of Stettin in 1602 reported was the custom at Blackfriars. _ Music between the acts, however, and songs throughout the play remained though a diminished yet a prominent feature. But the feet of the fairies and nymphs grew clogged with a varied clay, and except twice neither their poets found invention nor the grown-up boys practice in the care-free, lissome masque. In these heavier years, too, the tripping step of comedy gave way to the serious tread of tragedy. Chiefly out of the Court-performances of the Children in the Queen’s Chapel and other royal hallst evolved the private thea- *The other influence was the nobility is reflex rather than direct. church. The influence of school and A. Albrecht, Das Englische Kin- II9Q a ie. oy "e =, eo a 2 2 i iid = 7 {as al Pr > reat i +e oe o— ors 8 Va eo. ee 6 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS trum, Farther contributive also was the practice of public re- hearsals by the Master of the Revels, leading even to such exhi- bitions by the Children as seen at Whitefriars in 1580 and at Blackfriars 1581-84. Nobility imitating royalty provided private plays at weddings, at the Christmas or ‘“‘Revels’’ festival, at the entertainment of the Queen upon progresses through the country, and on other fes- tival occasions. Their theatrum likewise was a private apart- ment or hall of the house or castle; and the hearers, invited guests. When finally the private theatre found a permanent home the structure naturally tock as its distinguishing feature the privacy of the noble and royal hall. The hearers could not be enter- tained as invited guests; but the price of admission was placed so high,—from three to twelve times that of the public theatres — that the audience was aristocratically select. The private theatre of first importance in origin and influence was the Blackfriars, established 1597 under patronage of the Queen. It was in fact what may be called an aristocratic public playhouse, with galleries, private boxes or “lords’ rooms,” arti- ficial lighting, select audiences, seats in the pit as well as in all dertheater (Diss. Halle, 1883), 1, traces the origin of the private the- atre to the Catholic church, and specifically to a cathedral school for training boys to sing in the church service, established at Rome, 590. But we should find ourselves on safer ground if we should trace it back to man’s creation,—to the Gar- den of Eden. Or, seriously, the source is not an institution, but man as the maker of institutions. Man’s nature is dramatic and craves rep- resentation, as exhibited from the child, the ignorant, and the sage of today, back to the acts of primitive man. Church and sovereign became first sources of influence because of their larger power to institution- alize man’s innate desire. But the uninstitutionalized drama and stage is the home, the field, the street, wherever two or more people meet. The reflex influences of school and nobility are seen in such as Merchant Taylor’s (Mulcaster’s) school, Westminster, Eton, Oxford, &c., and in such ephemeral, often elaborate, representations in noble houses as historical records report on special occasions. All these minor influences have practically nothing to do with the development in question, although some have thought so. I am pre- senting of course the private the- atre as a factor in the drama, and the immediate conditions that led to it, not the remote or the unre- lated. The only period when the private theatre was such a factor is the period treated in the present work, 1597-1613. The preceding years of Elizabeth were but pre- paratory to it, and the succeeding years of James and the two Charleses but echoes of it. 120 Se ee eS INTRODUCTION 7 ~ other parts of the house, and special privileges of sitting on the stage. The only other private playhouse at the close of Elizabeth’s _ reign was Paul’s, where a theatre was maintained by the church under favor of the Queen. The Blackfriars, Paul’s, and Whitefriars constitute the early Jacobean list of private theatres. All were occupied, as we shall see, by children-companies,—a fact of large significance in the- atrical and dramatic history. Blackfriars and Whitefriars were the “Great Halls” of the old monasteries of these names, refitted to new uses. That is, they were simply large monastic houses rearranged. Paul’s was, as it seems, the church Singing School “back of the convocation house.” There is no record of any galleries in either Paul’s or Whitefriars. They seem to have had no larger seating capacity than that afforded by one flocr. It appears that Whitefriars room, however, was larger than Blackfriars, while Paul’s was smaller. The public theatre, of more plebeian origin and patronage, evolved out of the four-walled coach-court of the public inn. Like man’s first temples, it was open to the sky and lighted by the heavens. The great yard where the groundlings made merry was not seated. But rows of galleries, after the manner of the inn-balconies, ran around three sides and were provided with seats. A thatched shed-like roof overhung the balconies and the tiring-house. A part or all of the stage was protected by a long sloping roof called “the heavens.”’? *Richard Flecknoe, 4 Short Dis- course of the English Stage (ca. 1660), in English Drama and Stage under the Tudor and = Stuart Princes, 7543-1664 (ed. W. C. Haz- litt, Roxburghe Library, 1869), 276. *In 1888 Dr. K. Th. Gaedertz discovered in the library at Utrecht the only known view of the interior of an Elizabethan theatre. It is a rough, inexact sketch of the inte- rior of the Swan, of probably 1596, by Arend van Buchell after the de- scription of his friend Johannes de Witt, Priest of St. Marvy’s, Utrecht. The sketch was published by Dr. Gaedertz in Zur Kenntnis der Ali- englischen Biihne (1888), and since then has been generously repro- duced in most of the publications on the period The next oldest picture of an in- terior is on the title-page of a Latin play, Roxana, 1622. The Roxana and the Messalina (1640) picture, both with full title-page from the British Museum, are well repro- duced by G. F. Reynolds, Some Principles of Elizabethan Staging (Modern Philology, 1904-5, IT, 582- 83). The Roxana picture is badly reproduced by W. Keller in Shake- I21I 8 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The advantages of the private theatre buildings of the chil- dren-companies recommended themselves to the theatrical public at once as an advance in playhouse evolution. The patronage of the Blackfriars is sufficient index in itself. Paul’s reopened soon after, and Whitefriars began early in the reign of James. Even in the first half of the reign of James I, one more was added to the list of private theatres. This was the Cockpit,’ built on the model of Blackfriars. The new Globe, built in 1613-14, can hardly have failed to adopt some of the improved features of the Blackfriars, which was then occupied by the same company. At least its modern, up-to-date accommodations were such that it was reported at the time to be of all theatres “the fairest that ever was in England.’ speare-Jahrbuch (1898), xxxiv, 324, and both are presented in miniature by G. P. Baker, The Development of Shakespeare as a. Dramatist (1907), 270. The Roxana and the Messalina are pictures of university stages. The Red Bull picture from Kirk- man’s Drolls (1672), certainly many years older however than the date indicates, has been often printed. A contract by Henslowe and Al- leyn with Peter Street, carpenter, Jan. 8, 1599-[1600], for building the Fortune on the style of the Globe gives detailed specifications. (In J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare, 9th ed., 1890, I, 304; E. Malone, Shakespeare Variorum, ed. Boswell, 1821, III, 338-43.) Another contract by Henslowe and Meade with Gilbert Katherens, carpenter, Aug. 29, 1613, for the building of the Hope (Bear Gar- den) on the plan of the Swan is also helpful. (Malone, op. cit., ITI, 848-47; Baker, op. cit., 320-25). The Diary of Thomas Platter in the university library at Basel gives much information on the public the- atres of 1599,—Curtain, Bear Gar- den, and Globe. (Extracts by Prof. Gustav Binz, Londoner Theater und Schauspiele im Jahre 1599, in An- glia (1899), xxii, 456-64. These sources agree in the most general features and furnish most of the knowledge we ‘Possess of such interiors. Some additional sources are pre- sented in the present work. Many references in the plays themselves and in other contempo- rary literature here and there give us the feel of what it would be to see a play there. Stage-directions and other evi- dences of acting furnish a source for scientific investigation that has never yet been satisfactorily worked out. The latest attempts are by | Cecil Brodmeier, Die Shakespeare- Biihne nach den alten Bihnenan- weisungen (Diss. Jena, 1904), and G. F. Reynolds, op. cit., who makes a tentative study with a promise of a complete treatise on the right line of considering the theatres individ- ually. *The date of building is not sure. J. P. Collier, op. cit., III, 136, takes it to be about 1616-17. F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage (1890), 299, 368, dates it 1617. There is some evi- dence of an earlier dating. But upon reconsideration it seems not sufficient for a final statement, though it may prove correct. * Infra, 35°. I22 a: INTRODUCTION 9 Z _ Even as the Blackfriars and the other private theatres were | beginning to make their influence felt, the old public theatre- 4 3 structures were beginning to pass out of existence into history.” _ On the other hand, “public” performances soon took possession of the private theatres. Consequently, the invidious distinction of “public” and “private” theatres set up by Elizabeth in 1597 - was lost sight of within the next generation. Salisbury Court theatre, built in 1629, was the last of the “private” sort. All the- atres of later date* were “public” but with the chief features of the original “private”? house of the Blackfriars, while “private” _ theatres reverted to what they had previously been and what they still are today,—merely a temporary room or hall for occasional _ or amateur acting... The new Globe was built 1614, and the new Fortune, 1622. These were the last “public” theatres of the old architecture. All theatres from that time to the present have been modeled on the general plan of the private theatres as first established at Blackfriars.‘ Likewise our modern orchestral praeludium, corresponding to the Chapel Children’s introductory “musica instrumentalis” at Blackfriars, as also our present orchestral interludia between acts and scenes, corresponding to the intermezzos of various sorts of musical instruments by the same Boys, can be traced directly to them and not to the public theatres. The latter had at the close of Elizabeth and beginning of James almost no music. In the plays of all the children-companies music is a prominent part of the performance,—more at Blackfriars and Paul’s under Eliza- beth, as noted before, than at the same or other theatres under James. : Music was always one of the distinguishing features of the private houses of the children-companies. Their plays even as ‘ *Blackfriars (1597—Aug. 6, beth—after 1663); Globe (1599— - 1655); Paul’s (1598— ?); White- April 15, 1644); Fortune, (1600- friars (ca. 1603 — ca. 1621); Cock- 49); Bear Garden ( ?— 1613); a MT i at a oo “ ae, _ pit ( ?—March 24, 1649); Salis- Hope (1613—25 March, 1656). _ bury Court (1629—-—; after the For certain terminal dates in this : Restoration). and the preceding note, see docu- *The Theatre (1576-98); Cur- ment communicated in a letter by tain (1577 — early James I); New- F. J. Furnivall, The End of Shake- ington Butts ( ?—early James I); speare’s Theatres, in The Academy Rose (1592—not used as playhouse (1882), xxii, 214-15. after 1603) ; Swan (ca. 1596 — early 57.e., after the Restoration. : James I); Red Bull (ca. late Eliza- “Cf. infra, 18°, 37-54. 123 } (“aa 10 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS they have reached us brim with it. The songs are generally in- dicated and given in full. So prominent is this feature that a play of undeclared authorship containing many songs,—as His- triomastix,—can with practical certainty be assigned to a chil- dren’s company. The instrumental music naturally could not so well be recorded. Yet numerous plays of the children give stage-directions for it. From the testimony of Gerschow, secretary to the Duke of Stet- tin, in 1602 the music program introductory to the play at Black- friars was an hour long. But this custom is recorded in no pub- lished drama; nor is the modern custom today that has grown out of it. The public theatres had not yet in'1604 adopted the music in- troductions and interspersions of the private house.t’ But soon after the Burbage company took over the Blackfriars (1608),? they began to develop this side of their performance on the lines followed by the former Boys there.* The Blackfriars orchestra under their management became famous.* I have read that mu- sicians even paid for the privilege of playing in it, but know no- proof of the statement. 1The Induction to The Malcon- tent as played by the King’s Men at the Globe in 1604 has the fol- lowing :— : “Sly. What are your additions? Burbage. Sooth, not greatly needful; only as your salad to your feast, to entertain a little more time, and to abridge the not-received cus- tom of music in our theatre. I must leave you, sir.” Yet, Malone, of: cit, Ul, “1195 _judges from a cited isolated exam- ple from Gammer Gurton’s Needle (acted ca. 1566; printed 1575) that music between acts characterized the theatre from its infancy. He adds, “In a copy of Romeo and Juliet. 1599. now before me, which certainly belonged to the playhouse, the endings of the acts are marked in the margin; and directions are given for musick to be played be- tween each act.” He believes these directions are of “very old date” because one of them is in ancient style and hand. But the handwrit- ing did not differ widely enough between 1599 and ten years later, when music became more general, for this evidence to amount to any- thing. And if only one direction is even probably that old the evi- dence is valueless. J. BP. Gollier; op: ct 2 Mil 2525 while not declaring himself square- ly, seems to hold with Malone. * Infra, 44°. *Certain of the Boys were taken into the Burbage company at this time. Shakespeare’s The Tempest is probably his first play written for the Blackfriars. See infra, 167. “The fame of the Blackfriars or- chestra long endured as the fore- most music organization of Lon- don. Lord Commissioner Bulstrode Whitelocke (1605-75), writing an elaborate and clear account of the masque, with antimasques, of The Triumph of Peace by James Shirley (played at Whitehall, 7 Charles I 124 times in those dayes), ‘twice or thrice after. INTRODUCTION 11 At what time the other public companies fell in line with this _ progress of the stage is not known. It may not have been long Certain it is that by the time of the Restoration music was regarded by the stage monopoly of D’Avenant and Killigrew as an elaborate essential—But that has a history of its own. ‘Both public and private theatres opened with three bugle-blasts, blown some minutes apart.* This was not, as sometimes under- stood,” any part of the music, but an announcement of “ready,’— like the modern signal bell of the German theatre calling the audience in from the refreshment rooms when an act is ready to begin ;—a signal reduced in American theatres to the winking of the lights. So much in a general and introductory way on the historical (1633) by the members of the four Inns of Court, with the elaborate music in charge of Whitelocke) gives incidentally a word on the fame of Blackfriars music thus :— “IT was so conversant with the musitians, and so willing to gaine their favour, especially at this time, that I composed an Aier myselfe, with the assistance of Mr. Ives, and called it Whitelocke’s Coranto: which being cried up, was first played publiquely, by the Blacke- fryar’s Musicke, who were then es- teemed the best of common mu- sitians in London. Whenever I came to that house (as I did some- though not often, to see a play, the musitians would presently play Whitelocke’s Coranio, and it was so often called for, that they would have it played in an aiternoon. .. It grew to that request, that all the common musitians in this towne ard all over the kingdome, gott the composition of it, and played it publiquely in all places, for above thirtie years after.”—Dr. Charles Burney, A General History of Music (1789), III, 377, from Whitelocke’s MS. then owned by Dr. C. Morton of the British Mu- relation and function of the Children of the Chapel Roval as _choristers, their occasional function of play-acting at Court, the seum. The last part of this docu- ment containing the payment to the musicians, preparation of the mu- sic, and the above passage, is omitted from Whitelocke’s Memo- rials of English Affairs &c. (1709'; 1853"), J,- 62, which modernizes spellings, and gives the general air of unfaithful editing. The excellence of the music at the private theatres of Blackfriars, Cockpit, and Salisbury Court is spe- cially mentioned in the well-known little tract of which the only extant copy of the original edition is in the British Museum, entitled, The Actors’ Remonstrance (1643), 6-7. Reprinted in The British Stage (1822), VI; The English Drama and Stage (ed. W. C. Hazlitt, The Roxburghe Library, 1869); and Hindley’s Miscellanea Antiqua An- glicana (1871), III. *A large number of instances might be cited. But for examples, see Inductions to Cynthia’s Revels and Poetaster at Blackfriars; and Dekker’s Address to the Reader in Satiromastix,—first played at the Globe, later at Paul’s. *See for example Nathan Drake, Shakespeare and his Times (1817), 58 aes by 125 12 CHILDREN 'OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS consequent rise of the private theatre of 1597-1613 through them, the differentiation of the private and the public theatres, the na- ture of the entertainments in each, and some of the general re- — sults and influences. Yet a farther introductory word. The chief influences of the chi!ldren-companies are less tangible and concern the drama proper. Here it is not possible to state facts with that gross objectiveness, ease, and precision with which boys plump marbles. Nor have I in the following pages attempted to study this field exhaustively by citations and inter- pretations,—a separate work in itself. The period of supreme dramatic achievement of the world’s history is practically the same as the period of growth, develop- ment, and end of the children-companies in the field of competi- tion,—1597-1613. Is this merely a coincidence, or is there some relation existing between the two? It would be a view too in- judicial to require evidence in disproof to say the children “car- ried it away” in this development. They were simply one of the factors. The passionless glass and forthright scalpel, however, show them as a large factor. It strikes us as somewhat astounding when we look over the list of extant plays written and acted within this period of dra- matic splendor and see that fully one-half were produced for and enacted by these children-companies. In the reign of James I up to 1613, the ratio is greater than one-half. If we take the period from 1604 to 1608, we find the balance even more con- siderable on the side of the children. This is significant. It is further significant that every great dramatist of the period except Shakespeare wrote for the children. Jonson, who by common agreement stands next to Shakespeare as contemporary poet and dramatist, did much more than apprentice work for them. He began his career with the children in 1597, and thir- teen years later made his highest achievement before their public in Epicoene. Chapman ranks at farthest close after Jonson. After his apprenticeship for the public theatres under Henslowe. ending in 1599, he wrote for no other players than the children, so long as their companies existed. Beaumont and Fletcher, who 126 : t : . INTRODUCTION 13 vie with Jonson and Chapman for place, demonstrated their dra- _ matic power through the same means of appeal to the public until ~- -) - - . aiid King James terminated the Blackfriars Children in 1608. Still five more of their chief plays were presented by the Boys at Whitefriars from 1610 to 1612. Only with the beginning of the period of dissolution of the children did these poets give their plays to the King’s men at Blackfriars and the Globe. _ All these are great names. Between these and the numerous minor playwrights stand Marston, Middleton, Webster, Dekker, and Day, all connected, in their best work, with the private- playhouse children. ; It would not be true to say that the children’s theatre, with Blackfriars as chief representative, was a sort of primary school for bringing up play-wrights and developing actors, as the “Nurs- _ ery” of 1664 aimed chiefly to be. Nevertheless, it gave to genius _ an opportunity to express itself in both fields. No men’s com- pany except Shakespeare’s invited or afforded such freedom. The men’s plays, with that illustrious exception, were: mainly hack-work, many of them collaborations. As a result, they have little originality, inspiration, or individuality. Their jeiuneness, staleness of invention and expression, and general paucity was the butt of Jonson’s ridicule——and justly. Such conditions could not inspire great acting. Consequently, not one of these unex- cepted men’s companies produced a single renowned actor. Quite different were the conditions in. the Burbage-Shake- speare company and the children-companies, particularly the one at Blackfriars. In both instances the plays were written, not for the common pot of a Henslowean dramatic pawn-shop or literary bureau, but directly for the actors.1 As a result they were gen- erally not collaborations, but the work of individual authors. They showed that the way to develop genius is not to yoke it to. its fellows, but to free it from the furrow, and let both feet and wings aid in the running. Great genius never did nor can col- laborate great art. The single Praxitiles, or Giotto, or Raphael, . *The proposition that the chil- intended to be serious. See A. Al- dren acted such plays, mostly sple- brecht, Das Englische Kinderthea- netic, as were rejected by the men- fer (Diss. Halle, 1883), 39. companies would be funny if not 127 14 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS or Shakespeare, or Wagner is greater than the collaborating world. The actors too enjoyed a similar freedom, and were not im- pecunious dependents. The conditions under which both author and actor worked were conducive to excellence of art in its kind. — It is noteworthy of the authors who wrote for both the chil- dren and the men’s companies, aside from Burbage’s,—namely Middleton, Webster, Dekker, Day,—that their plays for the chil- dren are better than those for the men. Of those who wrote exclusively for the unexcepted men’s companies,—as Wilkins, Smith, Rowley, Heywood, Chettle, Monday, Houghton, Wilson, and a few more,!—none rank with the chief authors of the chil- dren-actors, and most of them are little if any superior to the poorest,—those who wrote for the Children of the King’s Revels exclusively or mainly—Sharpham, Armin, Mason, Barry, and Markham. Besides several other excellent actors, two of the three Roscii of the time were fledged in this “aery” of “little eyases,’ and several others became famous. As will fully appear later, the boys of the children-companies, grown men, ultimately dominated the stage. Their members, after their own organizations closed, are found as leaders thereafter in every company but one, and for more than fifty years their influence was a factor in the theatre and drama. But the children-theatre was in no respect a primary school to the “common players.” . It was a lively competitor, both dra- matically and commercially. Shakespeare felt that the competi- tion was more on the latter than on the former side. It was, so far as immediate effects were concerned. But the perspective of history shows the same result that sharp competition, com- mercial or other, always has,—the putting forth of effort to su- perior excellence. It stimulated genius in the dramatist and in the actor, gave wider range of opportunity to each, and added vastly to the number as well as quality of plays produced. It is not possible to estimate exactly the tremendous stimulus to dramatic effort by this new elemert of competition in the field. We know from Henslowe’s Diary, which has to do only with Cf. infra, 1637. 128 ; : Me INTRODUCTION 15 _ men-companies, that from one-half to two-thirds of the plays named therein have never reached us. How many were played by companies of which no diary record was kept we can only conjecture. And how many were written and never accepted it would be futile to attempt to investigate. We can only get from contemporary records that the number of unknown plays was very considerable. Of the children-companies, we can identify only half of the court plays. It is quite probable that more than half of their publicly acted plays have reached us, but there is ample evidence that we do not have them all. In the case of the Children of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars, as we shall see, there were condi- tions that practically prevented publishing any of their plays while the company existed. It is remarkable that we have any of their plays. at all. It is impossible to characterize the children’s plays in the gross except very generally. Some have literary merit, many fall short. With the exception of those by Jonson and Chapman, their com- edies and comic situations. of tragedies have generally a low moral tone; not differing in that respect, however, very greatly from the rest of the plays of the age. On the whole they are fuller of personal, political, and local allusions than those of the men-companies. Their tragedies contain much rant, bombast, and turgidity. Their plays seem to take color not a little from the courtly, fashionable, or smart audiences and from the irre- sponsible nature of the actors. The irresponsibleness of the youthful actors can not but account at least in part for the po- litical indiscretions of Eastward Ho, The Isle of Gulls, and the, two Biron tragedies. By Elizaheth’s favor and patronage of the Blackfriars Boys, children-companies, and particularly this company, became the fad. It took the genius of Shakespeare to counterbalance their influence. From his testimony of how he felt about them, it is probable that their competition was one of the factors that en- _ tered into the best efforts of his genius. Good plays and geod acting by his company were the necessary countervail. Thus much for a background. A knowledge of the proper place and relation of these chil- 129 / ,. 16 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS dren-companies in the development of both theatre and drama — gives just recognition to the value of every slightest detail of © their history. Hitherto nothing very definite has been known about the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars and their off- springs, the Children of the Revels under James, their careers and influences. It is hoped that the following pages, based upon original records, documents, and the plays, may contribute to definiteness and add to the sum of knowledge. The history developing out of preceding conditions and evolv- ing into the influences noted concerns itself specifically with the companies of children, their piayhouses, management, member- ship, and performances. The boys do not emerge into individual prominence until they approach the end of their career. They are from the first little more than puppets in the hands of their superiors. Hence their history is very much the history of their managers. : The point of main divergence in the evolution of the Chapel Children, swinging them into the active current of dramatic com-_ petition, dates from the first royal commission to Nathaniel Gyles for taking up children, and the opening of the Blackfriars by Henry Evans, 1597. The termination of the theatrical activity of the resulting Children of the Revels companies is 1613-[15]. Imitations and echoes of this activity continue to the Restoration. 130 CHAPTER I THE BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING THE remodeling of one of the Priory buildings of the dissolved monastery of the Blackfriars at JLondon into a theatre, the leas- ing of it by Richard Burbage to Henry Evans for a playhouse, and the taking up of children therefor under the first royal com- mission to Nathaniel Gyles, Master of the Children of the Chapel Royal, date the beginning of this history. These three events took place in 1596-97. February 4, 1596, James Burbage, “the first builder of play- houses,”? purchased through Sir Thomas Cawarden’s executor, Sir William More of Losely, for £600? certain “romes” of the dissolved monastery “of the late Blackfryers Preachers.’? In November he was engaged in remodeling the structure for a the- atre,? in which month the inhabitants of the precinct petitioned® *The Globde-Blackfriars Share Papers of 1635, in J. O. Halliwell- Phillips, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (9th ed. 1890), I, 317. James Burbage built “The Theatre” in 1576, which was in fact the first modern theatre in England. But the commonly accepted view that this is the earliest theatre-building in England is not quite correct. Upon the contemporary evidence of Bishop Grandisson there was a the- atre in existence in which “ludi” were presented at Exeter in 1348. See two Latin mandates of the Bishop directed against the doings at this theatre, printed in Register of Bishop Grandisson (ed. F. C. Hingeston-Randolph), II, 1055, 1120; reprinted in part, with com- ments, in E. K. Chambers, The Mediaeval Stage (1903), I, 383, II, 190. *“Our father purchased it at ex- treame rates,” say Cuthbert, Wini- fred and William Burbage in the 1635 Share Papers (u. s.). *Deed of Sir William More to James Burbage, 4 February, 1595- [6]. Original indenture at Loseley House. Abstracts in Appendix to Seventh Report of the Royal Com- mission on Historical Manuscripts under “The Manuscripts of William More Molyneux, Esq., of Loseley Park, Guildford, co. Surrey” (1879), 653b. In extenso in Halli- well-Phillips, op. cit., I, 299-304. *Petition of the Inhabitants of Blackfriars, u. i. “Petition of the Inhabitants of Blackfriars Precinct to the Queen’s Privy Council, [Nov., 1596]. The original document has not come to light. But an undated copy of it made ca. 1631 is preserved in the English national archives, the Pub- lic Record Office, State Papers, Do- mestic, Eliz., cclx, 116. Printed frequently; e. g., Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 304. The petition does not give the 131 18 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS against his procedure.t The opposition however went for noth-. ing. The work of reconstruction was completed and the ancient — Priory received, under permission of Elizabeth, the new baptism of the drama by which it became in its time the most famous, and historically as the model of the modern theatre-building, the most important structure in English stage-history.® The long prevalent erroneous belief that Shakespeare was con- nected with the Blackfriars from the time of this new birth roused a century of antiquarian interest in the ancient monastery to which it once belonged. As a result, its monastic history has been stated again and again, while the erroneous notions con- cerning it as a theatre permeate the thousands of critical and commentarial writings of the past hundred years touching the | d ] Elizabethan-Jacobean drama and stage. Blackfriars for the first twelve years after Burbage’s purchase ~ date of the original document. But the date is referred to as Novem- ber, 1596, in An Order for the sup- pression of Blackfriars theatre by the Corporation of the City of Lon- don, the original entry of which I have examined in the City archives of London at the Guild-hall, Rep- ertory 34, fol. 38b, under date “xxi° die Januarij 1618” [—1619]. Fre- quently printed; e. g., in Halliwell- Phillips, op. cit., I, 311. *For Mr. J. P. Collier’s misdat- ing of this petition as 1576 (History of English Dramatic Poetry and Annals of the Stage, 1831°; 1879’, I, 218sgq.), to support a certain . theory, his assuming another peti- tion in 1596 (I, 287 sqq.) and his forging of a counter-petition thereto concerning Shakespeare and his fel- low-actors (I, 288) in further sup- port of his theory, his consequent placing of Shakespeare’s company and the children-actors in competi- tion in the Blackfriars theatre where they “shared a divided kingdom,’— the children acting there in summer and the Shakespeare company in winter (I, 360)—, as scholars are still repeating even in this present year; and for the long train of con- nected and consequent errors that The truth concerning permeate the many works of refer- ence, both cyclopaedic and special, in this field, occurring in even some of the most important of recent lit- erary-historical dissertations done for the doctorate, see Historical Preface, vol. I, of my complete work. >See infra, 53, 152, 153-547, 1617. *The lItalian-French influences manifested under the D’Avenant- Killigrew theatrical monopoly of London at the beginning of the Res- toration period were mainly scenic, operatic, and otherwise spectacular rather than structural. Agreeable with this conclusion, reached inde- pendently, see the latest scientific research in the field of French in- fluences in England :—L. Charlanne, L’Influence Francaise en Angleterre au xvu° Siecle, Le Théétre et la Critique (Thése de l’Université de Paris, 1906), chap. III, “L’influence francaise au théatre,”’ 58-85. The new theatre-buildings of D’Avenant and Killigrew do not seem to have differed widely in form and main features from the Salis- bury Court, the Cockpit (Phoenix), and their model, the Blackfriars. The architecture of the original “public” theatre, of course,—repre- 132 -—.? rs BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 19 of the building is interwoven with the history of the company of boy-actors who held its boards. Its earlier history is con- nected with monastic annals and the office of the Master of the Revels, and may here be stated briefly as a necessary preliminary.* The Dominican or Black Friars in 1221 made Holborn, Lon- don, their first’ point of settlement in England.? In 1276 they begged a new and larger site. Here they built and for nearly three centuries maintained the famous monastery that has left to commercialized London no other heritage or relic than such com- memorative names as “Blackfriars road,’ “Blackfriars bridge,” “Blackfriars pier,” “Blackfriars school.” The property lay at the extreme southwest corner of the an- cient City of London, partly within the old Roman wall, but mainly without.2 The wall then ran straight on from Ludgate down to the Thames. It crossed the grounds soon to be used by the Friars for their fine old conventual church and cloisters, and passed just a few yards east of the site of the later Blackfriars theatre, grounds now occupied mainly by The Times buildings. Very soon after acquiring the tract, the Black Friars through their powerful fellow, Archbishop Kilwardby of Canterbury, were influential enough to secure an order to tear down the old city wall that crossed their acquisition. In compensation they sented by “The Theatre,” Curtain, Rose, Swan, Globe, Fortune, Bear Garden, and Hope,—perished in its own generation and left little in- fluence upon the style of the mod- ern theatre-building. For certain data, cf. infra, passim. For data, see John Stowe, Sur- vey of London (1603), 341sqq.; 1d. (ed. 1633), 373 sqq.; id. (ed. Strype, 1744), I, 667-80; id. (continued by Edmond Howes), Annales, or A General Chronicle of England (1631); A. J. Kemp, Loseley MSS. (1835), 16, 73, 175, 186; Appendix to Seventh Report of the Royal Commission on Historical Manu- scripts (1879) under “The Manu- scripts of William More Molyneux, Esq., of Loseley Park, Guildford, co. Surrey,” 596b-681a; Sir William Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum (ed. Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel, 1846), VIII, 1847; William Bray, in Archaeologia, XVIII, 317f.; T. F. Ordish, in The Antiquary, XIV (1886), 23; and item-references, infra. "John Stowe, 487b, 373). °In the yeere 1276. Gregory Rokefley, Maior, and the Barons of London, granted and gave to Rob- ert Kilwarby, Archbifhop of Can- terburie, two lanes or wayes next the {treet of Baynards Ca/ftell, and the Tower of Mountfichit, to be de- stroyed. On the which place the faid Robert builded the late new Church, with the reft of the Stones that were left of the faid Tower. And thus the Black-Fryers left their Church and houfe by Oldboorne, and departed to their new.”—Idem, 487; also 373, with slight change in wording. op: ett. “ (1633); 133 20 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS built a new wall which served on the one side as a continuation of the city wall shutting them in from outside danger, and on the other side as a means of isolation from the City proper. This new wall ran westward from the old Ludgate down the slope, approximately along what is now Pilgrim street, to a point a few yards south of Fleet bridge,—now the site of Ludgate cir- cus;—thence southward along the Fleet ditch,—present New Bridge street,—to the Thames; thence along the Thames to the east side of the old Baynard castle site ;? thence with broken saw- teeth irregularity northeastward, enclosing Mountfitchett’s Tower and angling up the Ward Row,—later Wardrop, Wardrobe, now St. Andrews Hill,—to Carter lane; thence in an irregular diag- onal northwestward past the end of Creed lane to the original starting corner adjoining Ludgate.’ This walled precinct of the Blackfriars was a sanctuary in- violate, within which the will of the Friars was supreme over laws of city and state.* It was a liberty independent of City and society in matters of control, yet claiming protection from both, just as in the case of all similar religious orders of the time. No one, even though an official from the City, might enter within the four constantly guarded gates of its walls without permission. The monastery with all its rights and possessions was, upon the dissolution of the Catholic religious orders by Henry VIII, surrendered to the Crown November 12, 1538.° yearly income was then 104/. 15 s. 4. d.° Upon the dissolution of the order, the liberties and privileges of the Friars were granted by Henry VIII also to the Friars’ Its value in *“Now here is to bee noted, that the VVall of London, at that time, went ftraight South from Ludgate, downe to the river of Thames: But for building of the Blacke Friers Church, the faid VVall in that place was by commandement taken downe, and a new VVall made, {traight VVelt from Ludgate to Fleet bridge, and then by the water of Fleet, to the River of Thames, &c.”—Idem, 405. *This is the original castle of Baynard and Fitzwalter, which was given to the Friars. It must not be confounded with the later, larger castle built a little to the east in 1428 by Humphry, Duke of Glou- cester, and shown prominently as “Baynards castle’ in all ancient maps. after that date. See also W. J. Loftie (wu. 4.), 80. °On preceding data as to site, walls, &c., cf. the various ancient maps of London. Also, cf. W. J. Loftie, London (Historic Towns, ed. E. A. Freeman & Wm. Hunt, 1887), 76-80. 4Cf. infra, 21°. >John Stowe, op. cit. (1633), 374. STdem, op. cit. (1603), 342; (1633), 374; (ed. Strype, 1744), I, 668a. ‘ 134 re, = - * BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 21 worldly successors,’ and became from that time forth matter for constant contention between the inhabitants of the precinct and ‘the Crown on the one side and the persistent City administration assertive of authority on the other until late James I. This chronic condition shows itself acutely in the opposing attitudes of Queen Elizabeth and the City authorities toward the establish- ment and maintenance of Blackfriars theatre as discussed in suc- ceeding chapters.” The buildings of the Blackfriars precinct were situated on the high embankment north of the Thames and east of the old Fleet ditch,— now _ New Bridge street. They included® besides the little church at St. Anne’s and numerous shops and dwellings, the im- posing conventual church 220 feet long from east to west by 66 feet wide; a churchyard on the north 200 feet by go feet; the cloisters on the south, comprised in a square of 110 feet; and to the west of these, the little chapter-house and the large Priory buildings, one of which standing on the site of the present “Pub- lishing Office” of The Times, and opening on a short, narrow, irregular passage-way, still called “Playhouse Yard,” became the Blackfriars theatre in 1597. Edward VI, who succeeded to the throne January 28, 1547, put this particular building to a new use, which probably deter- mined its ultimate service to the drama. Soon after his accession he had all the apparel and furniture for the revels and masks at Court removed to it from Warwick inn.* Here also Sir Thomas Cawarden, one of the first Masters of the Revels,’ had his office and rehearsed, doubtless in the great *The nature and extent of these liberties and privileges with argu- ments in their defense are set forth in a lengthy brief and the testimony of witnesses, published under the heading, “Notes and Articles for maintenance of the ancient Liberties and Privileges of the late diffolved Black Friers, neere Ludgate in Lon- don,’ in John Stowe, op. cit. (1633), 375-80. These documents give the inhabitants’ side of the long controversy. For the City’s side, see infra, 154", 1547. See also, at Loseley House, documents (temp. Eliz., undated) on the first founda- tion of the Blackfriars and the lib- erties granted the same. Noted in Hist. MSS. Com., op. cit., 6630. *See infra, 54°-54°, 148-62. *For items, see .survey, taken by Hugh Losse, the King’s surveyor, 4 January, 3 Edward VI, preserved among the Loseley MSS. Noted in A. J. Kemp, op: cit., 175; Hast. MSS. Com., op. cit., 606a. “See expense account for this re- moval in Kemp, op. cit., 73. °Sir Thomas Cawarden is gen- erally believed to have been the first incumbent of the office of the Mas- ter of the Revels. Letters patent 135 22 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS hall, companies of actors in masques and interludes or plays chiefly for performances at Court,’ and occasionally also for sim- ilar diversions at the houses of noblemen.? After thus using the building for three years, Edward VI made Sir Thomas Cawarden a present of the entire Blackfriars pre- cinct not already donated to other favorites—the two churches, the cloisters, the priory houses, shops, residences, and lands,— by letters patent dated at Westminster March 12, 1549-[50].3 Not long afterwards, the office of the Revels and all the King’s theatrical properties were removed to St. John’s, Jerusalem, where they remained until ca. 1607.* of his appointment, dated March 11, 1545-[6], are printed in extenso in Thomas Rymer, Foedera, XV, 62; original at Loseley House, and noted in Hist. MSS. Com., op. cit., 602b-603a. Recently Dr. Rudolf Brotanek, Die Englischen Maskenspiele (Wie- ner Beitrage zur Englischen Phi- lologie, ed. Dr. J. Schipper, XV), 99, 110-11, has shown that two men were Cawarden’s predecessors, —Harry Wentworth, 1510, and Sir Henry Guildford, 1514. Dr. Bro- tanek’s source of information is, Letters and Papers, foreign and do- mestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, arranged and catalogued by J. S. B[rewer] (4 vols. 1862), II, 1492, I, 958, I, 7187. *See documents at Loseley House; referred to in Hist. MSS. Com., op. cit., 602-15, passim. *Idem, 597a; 608b. Here for ex- ample, 20 May, 1553, the Earl of Northumberland, presuming upon the custom, begs Sir Thomas Ca- warden to prepare or “apoynt out a couple of fayre maskes, oon of men and another of women” for presentation the following Thurs- day at a triple wedding,—a daugh- ter of the house of Northumberland with the Lord of Suffolk’s son, an- other daughter with Lord Hastings, and one of the Lord of Suffolk’s daughters with the Earl of Pem- broke’s son. Also idem, 614a. 18 July, 1558. Thomas Coppley' entreats Sir Thomas Cawarden of his courtesy to “lend the vse of one of” his “maskes” for the domestic celebra- tion of the writer’s marriage. °See Deed to James Burbage, in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 301c; also Repert. Orig. MS. (Brit. Mus.), III, 127b. See farther Let- ter-Book Z, fol. 23b (Guildhall Rec- ord Office, City archives of Lon- don). This date, in the document . on the “Liberties”’ of Blackfriars published in Stowe, op. cit. (1633), 376b, is stated thus: “in his Letters Patents dated the 12. day of May” &c.- “May” is certainly error for “March,” which is given in all the other records. The present docu- ment, for example, (in Letter Book Z, fol. 23b) gives it, “by his lettres patentes dated at westminster the xij" of Marche, in the fourth yeare of his Reigne.” This valuable his- torical document, dated January 27, 1579, has never been printed. See further, infra, 154’. *See Privy Seal from James I to Edmund Tilney, Master of the Revels, for allowance of 201. yearly for rent of “a house convenient for the Execution of the Office of o* Revelles” dated “at o” Pallace of Westm’ the eight and Twentith daie of December in the ffifte yeere of o” Raigne” &c. [=28 Dec. 1607]. The document is preserved in the Public Record Office and has not, I believe, been printed. I have 136 salt changes in the precinct. BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 23 Sir Thomas Cawarden, the new possessor, made material One of his first acts was to demolish the noble old conventual church as well as the little church of St. Anne’s.? He seems to have planned to make his acquisition the residence-quarter for nobles and lords. The splendid man- sions and noble society that we find there a little later show how well he succeeded.? No material changes were made in the Priory House, for be- tween 1580 and 1584 we hear of plays being acted there. evidences establish the fact. made a transcript of it and am pub- lishing it in extenso, u.t. The orig- inal may be consulted in the bundle of Privy Seals for “December, 1607.” The new office-rooms, rented thus on account of granting St. John’s to Lord Aubigny, were in the old Whitefriars monastery, sep- arated by only a wall from the Whitefriars theatre there, in which the Children of the King’s Revels held forth. The removal from St. John’s and relocation of the Revels office occurred, as this document shows, at least four years earlier than hitherto supposed. See, for example, Peter Cunningham, FE-+- tracts from the Accounts. of the Revels at Court, &c. (Shakespeare Society Publications, 1842), xlviii, where is made the statement, hith- erto universally accepted by schol- ars, that St. John’s was granted to Aubigny and the office of the Rev- els removed to St. Peter’s Hill in 1611. On the contrary, the office was removed first to Whitefriars, as above, in or before 1607, and to St. Peter’s Hill later. See further under The Children of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars in my forth- coming work on the drama and stage of Shakespeare’s time, vol. I; also, the above document in extenso, vol. III. *In May, 1900, while tearing down an old building on the north side of Ireland Yard,—No. 7, be- tween Friar street and St. Anne's Churchyard,—and excavating for a new structure, workmen brought to Three light a. fine old specimen of Nor- man architecture in the form of walls and arches, 16 feet high, ca. 27 feet wide, and 40 feet long. See description and colored plate from a painting of the ruins by Philip Norman, London Vanished and Vanishing (1905), 115-18, with fur- ther reference to an earlier article by the same author in the London Topographical Society's Annual Record (1901). It has been thought that these ruins, now demolished, were a part of the old Blackfriars conventual church. But taking the known di- mensions of the cemetery 90 x 200 feet, the church 66 x 220 feet, and the cloisters 110 x 110 feet, a total of 266 feet north and south by 220 feet east and west, and measuring down from Carter Lane on any scale map, it seems almost beyond doubt that the ruins occupied the site of one side of the ancient clois- ters. The nature of the architecture and the width of the ruin, 27 feet, divided into two equal aisles by a row of four marble pillars support- ing the stone vaulting of the roof, suggests farther that this is a ruin of the ancient Blackfriars cloister, just south of which stood the theatre. *See further John Stowe, op. cit. (1603), 341-43; id. (ed. 1633), 3746-3754. Of course there were others also interested to the same end. See, for example, documents in Stowe, op. cit. (ed. 1633), 3770. 137 24 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS About 1581 Stephen Gossen gives us to understand that a great many comedies were being acted at Blackfriars.1 In 1584 Lyly’s Campaspe and his Sapho and Phao were published. Each con- tains two prologues,—“The prologue at Blackfriars,” and “The prologue at Court.’”’ There is no known documentary declaration as to what company or companies played at Blackfriars then. But the two plays named were, as their title-pages show,” pre- sented conjointly by the Paul’s Boys and the Children of the Chapel. It is then likely that under their respective Masters the same joint presentation of at least these two plays and possibly others was made at Blackfriars. There are no further evidences that the house in question was used as a theatre prior to its purchase and remodeling by James Burbage, 1596-97.° At some undetermined time between the above use-and the purchase by James Burbage Feb. 4, 1595-[6], the large hall of the second floor was divided into rooms,* and the entire building was converted into apartments for residence and lodging.® The site of Blackfriars theatre is well known mainly to the- atrical histories. In busy modern London, it is in fact quietly secluded in a tract that corresponds roughly to the ancient pos- sessions of the monastery and that is bounded by two of the busiest streets of London on the north and west, near the lines of the ancient wall. If vou are at St. Paul’s, and wish to reach the site of the Blackfriars theatre, go southwestward five minutes *“But in Playes either those “Sapho and Phao, played beefore thinges are found that never were, as Cupid and Psyche plaid at Paules; and a great many Céedies more at y° Blacke friers, and in euery Playe house in London.”"— Stephen Gosson, Plays Confuted in Five Actions (ca. 1581), reprinted in The English Drama and Stage (ed. Hazlitt, Roxburghe Library, 1869), 188. *“A most excellent Comedie of Alexander, Campaspe, and Diog- enes, played beefore the Queene’s Maiestie on twelfe day at night by her Maiesties Children, and the Children of Paules. Imprinted at London, for Thomas Cadman, 1584.” [First edition.] the Queene’s Maiestie on Shrove- tewsday by her Maiesties Children, and the Boyes of Paules. Im- printed at London by Thomas Cad- man, 1584.” *For notice of the Collier for- geries and the consequent errors still followed by literary historians, see Historical Preface in forthcom- ing complete work. “«.. all those seaven greate upper romes as they are now de- vided, beinge all uppon one flower and sometyme beinge one greate and entire rome.”’—Deed to James Burbage, Feb. 4, 1595-[96], in Hal- liwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 299. *See deed, uw. s. 138 * “y a : BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING ; 26 through narrow, crooked lanes or little streets or foot-ways down the hill to the elevated railway, thence alongside of it down Water Lane southward to Playhouse Yard. Or if you are at Ludgate circus at the foot of Fleet street, cross New Bridge street diag- onally to the right. Then at the right of the railway station go _up Union street, one street south of the line of the old north wall of the Friars, up to Water Lane, thence southward as before. But unless your admiration for things ancient in city construc- tion and for unfrequented aimless little crevasselike streets is strong, you may hesitate to venture alone the whole of either of these shorter general routes. You may, however, take a more frequented way. Suppose you come down Fleet street. When at the bottom you reach Ludgate circus, turn to the right down New Bridge street. Then just be- fore reaching Blackfriars Bridge on the Thames, turn left into Queen Victoria street. A few steps take you to Water Lane, along which runs the elevated Southeastern and Chatham Rail- way. Go north on Water Lane up the hill seventy-five paces, and you reach at your right “Playhouse Yard,’—the name given to the little passage in memory of Blackfriars theatre. This is not a “yard” or a court, but a narrow, irregular way used by foot-passengers. With a width varying to 30 feet, it runs east go feet butt against a building which occupies probably the site of the old Pipe Office, adjoining the entrance to the “Publishing Office” of The Times,—approximately the place of the north entrance to the Blackfriars theatre. Here the passage jogs left into a wide unsanitary corner pocket, then narrows off in its original direction to about 12 feet for a distance of go feet far- ther, where it again jogs off left and becomes Glasshouse Yard,— so named from the glass-factory that used to stand here near the theatre.t It is an observation made by foreign visitors to Lon- don and confirmed by maps since the beginning of its history, that a given street undergoes a change of name for every im- *“Like the Glass-house Furnace in Blacke-friers, the bonefires that are kept there [in Hell], neuer goe out.”—Thos. Dekker, Newes from Hell (1606), Non-dramatic Works (ed. Grosart, Huth Library), II, 97. In the deed of a messuage or dwelling adjoining Blackfriars the- atre, given by Sir George Moore to Cuthbert and Richard Burbage 26 June, 1601, a passage or way from it is mentioned, “which lead- eth towards the glassehouse nowe in the tenure of Sir Jerom Bowes, 139 26 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS portant place it passes. turn, a few steps farther on, is continued as Ireland Yard, which probably was the north boundary of the residence property Shake- speare purchased here in 1613,1 and takes its name apparently from William Ireland who then occupied the house.* Within the fifty years next succeeding Sir Thomas Cawarden’s acquisition of the precinct, the immediate environs of the Black- friars theatre site had hecome one of the most aristocratic resi- dence districts of London. Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, Queen Elizabeth’s Chamberlain of the Household, had his mansion here. His son, Sir George Carey, who upon the death of Sir Henry succeeded to the title of Lord Hunsdon and in the following year, 1597, became also Lord Chamberlain,? had his residence adjoin- ing the south wall of the theatre. The gate to his mansion ad- joined the south entrance to the theatre, and both opened out of the same passage-way.* Sir William More of Loseley owned a house on Playhouse Yard (then called Pipe-Office Yard), almost opposite the north entrance to the theatre. It was occupied by Lord Cobham,® who during a part of the first year of the the- atre’s history was Lord Chamberlain. Elizabeth Dowager Lady Russell resided near. Queen Elizabeth was frequently enter- tained in the neighborhoed at noble marriages, great dinners, elaborate masques, &c., particularly at Lord Cobham’s and Lord Hunsdon’s; and at least once, possibly oftener, at a play in Black- friars theatre.°® So in the present case, this passage in ~ knight, on the north parte.”—His- torical MSS. Com., op. cit. (1879), 659. *See article in connection with the three newly discovered Chan- cery documents involving Shake- speare as plaintiff in 1615 concern- ing his Blackfriars house, published in extenso by me in The Standard (daily), London, Wed., Oct. 18, 1905;) ps5; cols =s: *Cf. also J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (9th ed. 1890), II, 246. *Henry Carey, Lord Hunsdon, died July 22, 1596. His son George was appointed to the office of Lord Chamberlain Sunday, April 17, 1597. William Brooke, Lord Cobham, was Lord Chamberlain in the interval until his death, 7. e., from Sunday, August 8, 1596, to March 5, 1597.— See original entries of the Clerk in Registers of the Privy Council, pre- served at Whitehall, London, ad loc., or the same in Acts of the Privy Council (ed. J. R. Dasent), XXV,. 45 MXVII, 505 KV Eee Cf. also Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 366c, and F. G. Fleay, A Chron- icle History of the London Stage (1890), 134. ‘Deed to James Burbage, 1596, in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 300a. *Tbid., I, 301a. °Cf. infra, 95-97. 140 © BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 27 According to the Petition of the inhabitants of Blackfriars _ precincts in 1596, there were others of the nobility and gentry _ in the neighborhood. The deed of a dwelling-house and grounds by Henry Walker to William Shakespeare in 1613? shows that _ formerly John Fortescue® had lived in that house, and at present Henry, Earl of Northumberland, occupied adjoining property. The prominent families of the Blackwells and the Bacons also _ resided near. The Chancery documents concerning Shakespeare and others in 1615, which I recently discovered in the Public Record Office,t give the names of others,—particularly Sir Thomas Bendish, Robert Dormer, Edward Newport, and addi- tional members of the Blackwell and Bacon families. In various other unpublished documents in the Public Record Office I have met with the names of additional more or less prominent mem- bers of the nobility and gentry of the time in connection with property transactions in the Blackfriars. Documents published by Stowe® give some of the earliest names, in Henry VIII, as Sir John Portenary, Lord Cobham, Lord Zanche, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir William Kingston, Sir Francis Brian. But certain unpub- lished documents which I have come upon in the Guildhall ar- chives® indicate that the most of the Blackfriars inhabitants were not of the wealthy class. The same impression is given by sev- eral allusions to working people in documents published by Stowe,’ as also by the mention of the feather-makers, Puritans, &c., of Blackfriars in contemporary dramas. From all evidences I conclude that the aristocratic part was on the higher slope of the hill, limited practically to the district occupied formerly by *Cf. supra, 17°. *See deed and mortgage in Hal- liwell-Phillips, op. cit., II, 31-36. °Sir John? “See the three documents in ex- tenso with introductory article pub- lished by me in The Standard (daily), London, Oct. 18, 1905, p. 5; type-facsimiles of them with sep- arate article in University of Ne- braska Studies, October, 1905, 347- 56; type-facsimiles with brief article in Englische Studien (ed. Johannes oops, Heidelberg) 1905-6, XXXVI, 56-63; photo-engraved re- duced facsimiles of two of the doc- uments (Bill and Answer) in New Shakespeariana, April, 1906, front- ispieces; originals in Public Record Office, London, under Chancery Proceedings, Bills and Answers, James I, Bundle B11, No. 9; and Court of Chancery, Decrees and Or- ders, vol. 1614“A,” p.- 1074. *John Stowe, op. cit. (ed. 1633), 3770. °E. g., Letter Book Z, fol. 23-28. 7John Stowe, op. cit. (ed. 1633), 3757. I4I 28 CHILDREN OF. THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS. the cloisters, the pretentious Priory buildings, and the spacious | old conventual church. In the midst of this aristocratic district stood the Blackfriars theatre. It was a much more prétentious structure than usually supposed. The fact that James Burbage in 1596 paid 600/. for the house,—about 4800/. in present values on a conservative basis,!—indicates it was of considerable size. Compare this price with the value of the best known property in the district, Shake- speare’s house. This was a dwelling of at least two stories, with several rooms, and cost only 140/. at the time of its purchase by the poet in 1613. The natural inference follows that the Priory Ilouse purchased by Burbage and converted by him into the Blackfriars theatre must have been four to five times as large. This inference is borne out by the available data of certain pub- lished and unpublished? documents. At the time of purchase by Burbage the building contained several flats and lodgings. When remodeled into the theatre, it contained one great hall with gal- leries and a stage, and several smaller rooms adjacent and above for specific uses. A further notion of the pretentiousness of the Blackfriars structure is given by a comparison of total costs of contemporary theatres. “The Theatre,” built by James Burbage in 1576, approximated 600 /.; and when in 1598-99° it was torn down, Gyles Allen, lessor *It is impossible to state relative values exactly. A comparison of prices then and now shows building materials about one-tenth to one- fifteenth as dear as today, with labor and most necessities of life approx- imately of the same relative cheap- ness. As to real estate, values of not only this same property (now owned by The Times) but of prop- erty throughout London have so in- creased that a comparison on that basis would make the price paid by Burbage seem fabulous. The esti- mate I have here allowed of one- eighth is probably too conservative, but even on that basis shows the property highly valuable. On comparative values, see fur- ther Sidney Lee, Life of Shake- sSpeare (4th ed. 1899) 187’, where also one-eighth is taken as the basis. But J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 21, says, “In balancing Shake- spearean and present currencies, the former may be roughly estimated from a twelfth to a twentieth of the latter in money, and from a twen- tieth to a thirtieth in landed or house property.” *See infra, 36*, 39°. ®°The process of demolition began Dec. 28, 1598, and seems to have been completed in January, 1599. See extracts from suits at law in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 360-61. 142 ————_—" BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 29 of the land on which it had stood, wishing in a suit at law to ‘secure damages, placed upon it the nigh value of 700 /.1 The cost of the Globe, constructed in 1599 partly from the old materials of the torn-down “Theatre,” 600 /.? cannot have reached near The Fortune, erected the next year (1600) on the general plan of the Globe, was contracted for, to be built wholly out of new materials, at 440 /.° But the building when completed exceeded the contract-price, amounting to 520/.*| The lease of the grounds cost 240 1, grounds was 760 !.° *See data from suits in Halli- well-Phillips, op. cit., I, 371c. *Cf. infra, 29%. ®See contract of Henslowe and Alleyn, owners, with Peter Street, carpenter. Original in Dulwich College Library, in the suburbs of London. Printed in E. Malone, Shakespeare Variorum (ed. Bos- well, 1821), III, 338-43; J. O. Hal- liwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 304-6; G. P. Baker, The Development of Shakespeare as a Dramatist (1907), 315-20 (from Malone, w. s.). “Peter Street was the builder of both the Globe (wu. s.) and the For- tune. His contract of 440/. to build the Fortune after the general plan of the Globe is based upon his ex- perience in erecting the Globe. That amount rather than the 520/., then, gives his approximate estimate of the cost of the Globe if it had been built not of old, but wholly of new material. Upon this basis the Globe, built partly of materials from “The Theatre,” cannot have cost so much as 440/. in actual cash outlay in 1599. ‘Data from Edward Alleyn’s memorandum of “What the Fortune cost me Novemb., 1599,” printed from the original MS. at Dulwich College in The Alleyn Papers (ed. J. P. Collier, Shakes. Soc. Pub. 1843), xiv. Also in J. P. Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry (18797), III, 119. [But there is an error by some one. The contract Hence the totai cost of the Fortune theatre and tor the Fortune (wu. s., 29°) is dated “the eighte daie of Januarye, 1599- [1600], and in the twoe and fortyth yeare of the reigne of our sov- ereigne ladie Elizabeth.” At this period the calendar year ended March 24. Has Alleyn in his Pock- et-book note above, ‘“Novemb., 1599,” forgot to change the year after passing March 24? It should of course be “1600.” For similar errors, see Henslowe’s Diary (ed. Collier, S. S. Pub., 1845), 29, 47, 99, 102, et passim]. ; Sometimes the cost of the For- tune is stated as 880/. But that includes private buildings that Al- leyn placed on the same grounds. Sometimes the amount is given as 1320/. But that includes not only these private buildings, but addi- tional houses and leases in Golding Lane purchased by Alleyn, the ex- pense of all being itemized and summed up in the same account (uw. s.). Collier (Memoirs of Ed- ward Alleyn, S. S. Pub. 1841, 59), upon reconsideration after the first edition of his History (1831), de- cides that the 520/. was only Al- leyn’s half of the expense. But his assumption that Henslowe paid an equal amount is gratuitous and is supported by no document. On the contrary all the known data accord with 760/. as the total cost of the Fortune theatre and lease of grounds. 143 30 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The cost of the Curtain and “the little Rose’? is unknown, but cannot have equaled that of the Fortune or the Globe. The outlay for the Bear Garden and especially for the Swan can be approximated through our knowledge of the Hope. In 1613, the Bear Garden was torn down and the Hope built in its place on the model of the Swan in every detail.? The old mate- rials of the Bear Garden and of another old house were to be used in building the Hope,? and an adjoining two-story “bull house or stable” large enough to accommodate six bulis and three horses. Besides this old lumber, the cost in cash for labor and new materials was agreed upon as 360/. It is liberal in any case to estimate the materials. at half the total cost of the finished structure. But in this case the 360/. includes part of the mate- rials,—all the new. It includes also the labor on the “bull house or stable.” It would on this basis seem generous to estimate the cost of the Hope theatre exclusive of grounds at 500/. In no respect does it seem to have equaled the Fortune building, which cost 5201. The Bear Garden, then, at the time of pulling down, and most likely at first cost, was worth less than the new building of the Hope that displaced it. As to the Swan, it is fair to conclude that that theatre was not more pretentious in form nor worth than the Hope, for which it served as model. But according to a contemporary Dutch priest of St. Mary’s, Utrecht, Johannes De Witt, who stands absolutely alone in his testimony, the Swan was a magnificent theatre, ‘“‘con- structum ex coaceruato lapide pyrritide,”* and large enough to ing the Hope. Printed in E. Ma- lone, Shakespeare Variorum (ed. Boswell, 1821), III, 343-47; re- printed therefrom in G. P. Baker, *The Rose may have been worth more than half as much as the Blackfriars. The rental value placed upon the Rose in 1603 by a 3 prospective tenant was 20/., just half the yearly rent of the Black- friars. But Henslowe thought his “little Rose” worth more than 201., and declared he would pull it down rather than accept that amount.— Cf. Henslowe’s Diary (ed. Collier, S. S. Pub., 1845), 235-36. *See contract by Henslowe and Meade with Gilbert Katherens, car- penter, 29 August, 1613, for build- The Development of Shakespeare as a Dramatist (1907), 320-25. *The Hope was used for bull- baiting and bear-baiting two days in the week, and for plays four days. Cf. contract u. s.; also cf. infra, 33°. “Translated as “flint,” “flint stone,” “concrete of flint stone,” &c. But the translation or the meaning makes little difference, since the 144 = accommodate three thousand spectators. BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 31 Also the painted pil- ‘lars were to him so good an imitation of marble as to deceive the sharpest eye.” All this would argue great cost in building. But De Witt’s statements are unfortunate in not being wholly true. The Swan was built of wood,* and was later (1613) duplicated in every particular by the Hope, the contract for which has come down to us.* The inner walls were plastered. The outer walls too were plastered or roughly stuccoed or “cemented” but not in such man- ner as to leave the heavy cross-timbers of the framework artis- tically exposed,® as has been surmised.® statement is not true. The Swan was built of wood. See infra, 31°- 4 ie 1Cf. infra, 50°. *For De Witt’s full description and a very free-hand sketch of the Swan therefrom by Van Buchell, generously reproduced in most of the later works on the English drama and stage, see Dr. K. Th. Gaedertz, Zur Kenntnis der Alit- englischen Biihne (1888), where De Witt’s Latin document and the Swan sketch, both done from pleas- ing recollection, were first pub- lished. Original MS. and drawing in the Utrecht library, where Dr. Gaedertz discovered them. *Paul Hentzner, a German so- journer in England in 1598, not more than two years after De Witt’s visit, declares in his ex- haustively minute and _ generally veritable observations on London that the [public] theatres of that period were “all built of wood.” The contract for the Hope, modeled on the Swan, specified wood for the entire frame-work, and _ indicates plaster for finishing. Cf. infra, 32°. “See contract, u. s., 30°. So nearly is the Hope to be like the Swan that Henslowe and Meade have not felt it necessary to make specifications in detail, even of the size. Gilbert Katherens, the carpenter, is to find out all such details from the Swan, —“And to builde the same of suche large compasse, forme, wideness, The plaster or cement and height, as the plaie house called the Swan in the libertie of Paris Garden in the saide parishe of St. Saviours now is.” Furthermore, “And the saide playe house or game place to be made in all thinges and in suche forme and fashion as the said playhouse called the Swan.” °A style of construction still pre- served in occasional old buildings of London, as inns,—e. g., in Hol- born street,—in Stratford-on-Avon, Shrewsbury, Chester, and most other old towns of England. Also seen in especially good examples in ancient bauer or peasant houses and inns of southern Germany. A style imitated on more conventional lines quite widely this present year in American residence buildings in outward effect, but not in real con- struction. Although numerous buildings contemporary with the early theatre show in the engrav- ings this style of architecture, none of the many pictures of early the- atres do. For a convenient collec-’ tion showing both, see Sir Walter Besant, London in the Time of the Tudors (1904), passim, or Halli- well-Phillips, op. cit., passim. For later views, cf. Philip Norman, London Vanished and Vanishing (1905. Illus. with 75 colored plates from paintings by the author). *So at least I understand Prof. G. P.. Baker, op. cit., 73, in the ex- pression “a cross-timbered con- struction.” 145 32 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS covered the entire exterior,’ and was probably marked off so as to give the appearance of stone blocks,’ or otherwise ornamented. Also the pillars “uppon and over the stage” of the Hope, like those of the Swan, were simply “turned cullumes [columns],’’ a very plain adornment at best, while the posts supporting the balconies were made of square dimension stuff measuring from ten by ten in the lower story to six by six in the upper. And The Fortune was plastered thus outside, as shown by the contract for its construction (wu. s., 29°) thus: “And alsoe all the saide frame and the [outside] stearcases thereof to be sufficyently enclosed without with lathe, lyme, and haire.” The Globe as the specified model of the For- tune must then have been built in the same manner. The general specifications in the Hope contract (u. s., 31*) calling for the use of “lyme lears [=hears], sand, brickes, tyles, laths, nayles,” &c., the whole building “to be made in suche forme and fashion as the said playhouse called the Swan,” indicate the same style of plaster exterior for both as for the Fortune and Globe. Cor- roborative of this evidence is the engraving of the Hope (“Bear Gar- den”) in R. Wilkinson, Londina II- lustrata (1819), I, pt. ii (no pag.), which shows a plaster exterior marked off into large stone-shaped blocks. Although Visscher’s view of 1616 was used as a basis for this engraving, it is fair to presume the engraver had more tangible evidence than mere imagination upon which to represent such an exterior. Par- ticularly so since it is not contra- dictory but corroborative of the other evidences, and is itself cor- roborated by common custom of the times represented. From the amount of lime, sand, lath, lath-nails, &c. used by Hens- lowe “a bowte my play howsse” (probably the Rose) in 1592, this theatre also had a similar exterior. (See items in Henslowe’s Diary, ed. Collier, S. S. Pub., 1845, 10-15.) In all these known cases of the Fortune (and Globe), the Hope (and Swan), as also in case of the addition to the Bear Garden in 1606 (cf. contract in Memoirs of Edward Alleyn, ed. Collier, S. S. Pub., 1841, 78-81), the heavy-timbered “frame” is mentioned and emphasized as the main thing in the structure. The plastering over heavy laths or “slates” was of course regarded as part of the “finishing.” There seems little room for doubt that the same sort of heavy- timbered “frame” and plaster ex- terior characterized the Globe, the Fortune, the Bear Garden, the Swan, the Hope, and the Rose, and probably all other public theatres prior to the building of the new Giobe and Fortune. (Cf. infra, 34°. There was good reason why all the Elizabethan and early Jacobean public theatres should avail them- selves of this same general plan of unpretentious and comparatively in- expensive efficiency. In this they were using the mode of building that was most in vogue for common houses, inns, and other structures not intended for the centuries,—a mode, so far as the plaster exterior is concerned, still used widely in southern Europe and parts of Amer- ica, though not always for cheap- The theatre was more or less ness. an uncertain business enterprise, usually located on _ temporarily leased grounds, and did not war- rant the anticipations of the future in either the expense or permanence that the use of brick or stone,— much less of flint stone,—would carry with it. ?See the Wilkinson engraving of the Hope (Bear Garden), w. s., 32%. 5Cf. contract for Hope, u. s., 30°. vd 146 BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 33 neither the Swan nor the Hope could on an architect’s estimate - accommodate more than one-third the number De Witt guessed. The removable stage of each rested on “‘tressels’’® and could be taken up for bull-baiting or bear-baiting, and put down again for play-acting,’°—an impermanency and practice that further sug- gests less of fixed excellence in structure and adornment than De Witt gave compliment to.* There is no evidence of a pretentiousness of either the Swan or the Hope, built and used thus alike, that warrants a more gen- erous valuation than the liberal 500/. as already calculated, or a larger estimate of their capacity than that of the Fortune or the Globe. Rather do these estimates of value and size seem too large than too small. In the same year the Hope was built, the original Globe was "s i. bane Det See oy, *On comparative capacities, see infra, 50°. =07. tlope contract, \#.. s., 30°. The De Witt-Van Buchell sketch of the Swan, which is merely suggest- ive——in the main rightly but some- times wrongly suggestive,—and in no detail exact nor intended to be exact, shows a temporary prosce- nium ;—which however most prob- ably extended much farther back than there shown, with the posts also moved far rearwards, leaving the “heavens” unsupported and pro- jecting forward over the temporary stage, as specified in the Hope con- tract. *“The Hope on the Banks side in Southwarke, commonly called the Beare Garden, A Play house for Stage Playes on Mundayes, Wed- ensdayes, Fridayes and Saterdayes, And for the Baiting of the Beares On Tuesdayes and Thursdayes, the Stage being made to take vp and downe when they please.’—MS. notes in a copy of Stowe’s Annales or Chronicle (continued by E. Howes), 1631, in the Phillips col- lection, Thirlestone House, Chelten- ham; reported by Dr. F. J. Furni- vall, “The End of Shakspere’s Playhouses,”. in The Academy ) (1882), XXII, 314-15. *When one considers De Witt’s description and sketch of the Swan, one is divided between gratitude for certain data and the suggestive il- lumination of our knowledge on the one hand, and admiration on the other for the exhilarating quality of, dramatic ale that made the dis- tinguished Dutch scholar and priest see the rather plain, moderate-sized plastered wooden bear-baiting and bull-baiting playhouse with gener- ous vision, even in pleasing retro- spect. Ben Jonson in closing The In- duction to his Bartholomew Fair, under date 30 Oct., 1614, the first play ever presented at the Hope, damned that bull-baiting theatre as not merely unaesthetic, but as “be- ing as durty as Smithfield, and as {tinking euery whit.” [The slush and filth of the cattle-market of the Bartholomew fair, held every Au- gust at Smithfield, was proverbial.] With the breath of this judgment blown suggestively across from the Hope to its model in structure and use, the Swan, it would seem that De Witt at a distance with his Latin prose was more poet than Jonson present with his English verse. 147 . 34 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS burned down? and the new Globe erected? by the shareholders? in its place at a cost of 1400/.4 Although begun in 1613 it was not completed until the spring of 1614,° nearly a year after the fire.® The reason for the extraordinary expense and the longer time required for construction was that the building was erected much more substantially’ and fitted out in a manner superior to all *Burned 29 June, 1613. For de- tails, see a letter from John Cham- berlain, 8 July, 1613, in Malone, op. cit., 69; Sir Henry Wotton, Rel- iquae Wottoniae (1685), 425; John Stowe (continued by E. Howes), Annales or a General Chronicle (1631), 1004; “A Sonnet on the pit- iful Burning of the Globe Playhouse in London,” in J. P. Collier, His- tory of English Dramatic Poetry and the Stage (1831), I, 387; printed also from another MS. in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 310-11. The least known but one of the most nearly contemporary of these accounts is a letter from Rev. Thomas Lorkin to Sir Thomas Puckering the next day after the fire, 30 June, 1613, in [Thomas Birch], The Court and Times of James I (1848), I, 253. *For the statement in an early record, but on an unknown basis, that the Globe was “now built vp again in the yeare 1613 at the great charge of King Iames, and many Noble men and others,’ see The Academy, loc. cit. *For a list of the shareholders and their shares at this time,—and from the beginning of the Globe,— see the long and valuable documents on Shakespeare, and the Globe and Blackfriars theatres, which I dis- covered some time ago and shall as soon as possible make known in a separate publication. 4See Answer of John Shanks in the Globe-Blackfriars Share-papers of 1635, in Halliwell-Phillips, op. ctt., I, 316a. be... And. the. next ‘spring 11614] it was builded in farre fairer maner then before.’—John Stowe (continued by E. Howes), Annales or a General Chronicle (1631), 1004. . The MS. notes in the copy of this edition at Thirlestone House (u. s., 33°) declare that the Globe was burnt down in 1612 and rebuilt in 1613. But those notes are inaccu-. rate in dates and data, and can be accepted only when confirmatory of other evidence. “It had but recently been opened when Chamberlain wrote Mrs. Carleton (u. 4, 35"), just a year and a day after the fire. ‘The new Globe required nearly two to four times as long in con- struction as any former public the- atre,—the Fortune contract (u. s., 29°) calling for six and one-half months and the Hope three months. It cost nearly three times as much as any of them. These items indi- cate a better sort of material or bet- ter workmanship or both. The Fortune theatre, the sharp rival of the Globe, was, after the 1621 fire, rebuilt with a brick veneer (cf. The Academy, u. s., “And built againe with brick worke on the out- side in y° yeare 1622”), possibly in continuation of the long emulation. An official return, 1634 (W. Rendle, New Shak. Soc. Pub., 1878, App. I, xvii), declares “The Globe playhouse nere Maide lane built by the Company of Players with tim- ber about 20 yeares past uppon an old foundacion.” This seems to preclude any notion of brick-work — in the Globe above the foundation. But Wilkinson, who published, 1819 (op. cit.), the famous view of the plastered brick-veneered facade of the second Fortune (Shepherd del., 1811, Wise sculp.), then still stand- ing, engraved also in the same work, from Visscher, a view of the new Globe, showing brick-work in the key-stone arches over the win- 148 BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 35 former public theatres.t ‘The managers seem to have taken some- what into account the demands of the better class of society that in late Elizabeth had abandoned the public theatres and followed after royalty in the enjoyment of superior accommodations and aristocratic exclusiveness at the Blackfriars.” The Blackfriars Priory House cost Burbage at purchase 6001. The extensive remodeling® necessary to convert the building into _ a theatre cannot, upon conservative estimates, have cost less than 200 /., and most likely exceeded that amount. The completed Blackfriars, then, had in 1597 a cash value of at least 800 J. Upon all known evidences, some of which have been adduced in this comparative view of the theatres, the Blackfriars, then, at a value of 800/., was the most expensive theatre building ever established in London prior to the new Globe in 1614. Still a further comparison is serviceable. Since the publication of Wright’s Historia Histrionica,* all pri- vate theatres have been generaily classed together under the word “small,” giving rise to absurdly talse notions. The Blackfriars was large enough for the Burbage-Shakespeare company to take it for their own use after the termination of the Children of the Queen’s Revels there in 1608.° Here they were able to assemble such audiences as to enable the company to get more by tIooo/. for their Blackfriars performances in a single winter than they were used to get at the Globe.® dows, like those of the upper win- dows of the Fortune facade. An original drawing of the Globe in the Crace collection (Brit. Mus., Pennant’s London) the antiquity of which is forged, likewise shows the arches of brick. On the whole it seems questionable but not unlikely that the timber framework was brick-veneered and plastered over, after the old and still present cus- tom, as in the case of the Fortune. *“T have not seen your sister Williams since I came to town, though I have been there twice. The first time she was at a neigh- bor’s house at cards, and the next she was gone to the New Globe, to a play. Indeed, I hear much This was due mainly of course speech of this new playhouse, which is said to be the fairest that ever was in England.”—John Chamber- lain, Esq., to Mrs. Alice Carleton, 30 June, 1614, in [Thomas Birch], The Court and Times of James I (1848), I, 329. Cf. also supra, 34°. °Cf. infra, 51, 95-97, 105ff., 126- 29, 148-62, 173ff. °Cf. infra, 39-43. ‘James Wright, infra, 367, 48°. *See under “Children of the Queen’s Revels at Blackfriars” in forthcoming work, vol. I. °“This replyant [Kirkham] sayth, and the same will averr and proue to this honorable Courte, that dur- inge such time as the said defend- ants Hemings and Burbidge and 149 36 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS not to greater size of auditorium, but to superior accommodations _ and higher prices in entertaining a more select and exclusive set of patrons. The Blackfriars as we shall see was not so large as the Globe, though of greater size than seems generally believed. It was the standard for Whitefriars (ca. 1604), and the model in form and size for the Cockpit (ca. —?; rebuilt as Phoenix, 1617), and for Salisbury Court theatre (1629).”. The above comparisons give us general conceptions. Materials at hand enable us to determine with some definiteness the size of the Blackfriars building and essential features of its exterior at the date of purchase, as also the interior arrangement of rooms, the extent of alterations made by the Burbages, the exact square dimensions of the ‘Great Hall’ used as the theatrical auditorium, the location of the stage, and the general features of arrangement of both auditorium and stage. The evidences are in the Deed to Burbage,®? the numerous suits at law by Henry Evans, Edward Kirkham, and their associates against each other,* Clifton’s com-- plaint in the Court of Star Chamber against Evans et al.,> docu- ments concerning Salisbury Court theatre,° and contemporary 5 plays. theire Companye contynewed playes _* Printed in Halliwell-Phillips, op. , and Interludes in the said great cit., I, 299-301. a Hall in the ffryers, that they gott “These suits take rank among the ; & as yet dothe, more in one Winter chief records of the Elizabethan- in the said great Hall by a thou- Jacobean stage. Two of them, con- sand powndes then they were vsed taining eleven documents, were dis- ; to gett in the Banckside.”—Kirk- covered by the late Mr. James ham’s Replication in Kirkham vs. Greenstreet, and printed in extenso 4 Evans et al., Court of Chancery, in F. G. Fleay, op. cit., 210-51. 1612, Public Record Office. Printed [Later references, “G-F.”] from the transcript of James Green- Twelve additional suits—contain- street, the discoverer, in F.G. Fleay, ing bills, pleas, answers, replica- A Chronicle History of the London _ tions, depositions, bonds, and articles Stage (1890), 248. of agreement—belong among the 1See “Children of the King’s treasures of my own researches, and Revels at Whitefriars,’ in forth- will appear in extenso in my forth- coming work, vol. I. coming work, vol. III. Occasional 2“They [Blackfriars, Cockpit, quotations are made from them in and Salisbury Court] were all three the present work. built almost exactly alike for form °Greenstreet’s transcript in Fleay, and bigness.”—James Wright, His- op. cit., 127-32. [Referred to here- toria Histrionica (1699), in Haz- after as “G-F.”] litt’s Dodsley, Old Plays (1876), *Published by Peter Cunningham XV, 408. [But Wright is not quite in The Shakespeare Society's Papers exact here. See infra, 39°]. (1849), IV, 91-108. 150 CS Ng A BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 37 The Blackfriars building was a stone’ structure erected in two sections. The north section adjoining the Pipe Office,—a gov- ernment repository where great drainpipe-like rolls of state parch- ments were kept,—was three stories high, with garret above these and cellars or vaults beneath.? The tiled roof was steep,® with gable-end facing north on Pipe-Office Yard* (now Playhouse Yard), and dormer windows in the third story.®> In the west half of this section there were two rooms on the second floor® and two on the first immediately below.?’ These four rooms were balanced on the east by an entry hall and a great winding stone stair-way.® The main entrance of the building was out of Pipe-Office Yard and led by the great winding stair and hall to all the rooms of this north section, as also on the second floor by a passage through the dividing stone wall to that part of the south section described as the “seaven greate upper romes . . . sometyme beinge one. greate and entire rome.’”® The south section is of chief literary-historical interest because of its having been made into the “Great Hall” of Blackfriars the- atre. At the date of purchase this section was two stories high?® with “cellar” or basement rooms besides.*1_ The flat roof was cov- - well-Phillips, op. ered with lead,!? up to which _romes” ran a stone stair-way.7* *Cf. Deed to Burbage in Halli- cit., I, 299-300, passim. *Ibid. The parts describing the north section are 299, 21-35; 300, 17-36, 38-53. ®See Deed, u. s., description of the two rooms in third story occu- ' pied by Edward Merry (300, 21-31) a of the garret above (300, 31- 36). ‘Idem, 299, 23, 32; 300, 41-46. *The location of the rooms occu- pied by Edward Merry (id., 300, 21-28) would seem to require this sort of structure so common to the times. *These were occupied by Charles Bradshaw. They had an entrance from the main stairway, and also an outside stairway.—_lIdem, 300, 17- 21, 50-53. ™These were occupied by Peter from the “seaven greate upper The lower floor of this section, Johnson. They had a separate en- trance.—/dem, 300, 38-43. ®Tdem, 299, 21-23, 31-32; 300, 20- 21, 24-25. *Tdem, 299, 21-23; 300, 20-21, 26- 28, 28-31, 34-36. Tdem, 299, 14-21; 299, 35—300, a7, 3300; 536538: “Idem, 300, 11-17. 2Tdem, 299, 16-19. Steep roofs were covered with tile, and flat roofs with lead. During a recent delight- ful itinerary of Hampton Court Pal- ace by members and friends of the London Shakespeare League con- ducted by Mr. Ernest Law, I was impressed with the appearance of a similar flat lead-covered roof of a contemporary part of the structure that we crossed in passing from “the Great Hall” to another portion of that Shakespeare-haunted palace. BT dem, 299, 17-18. I51 38 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS immediately under the “‘seaven greate upper romes,” was divided into lodgings and apartments. The rooms occupied by Thomas Bruskett, called ‘‘Midle Romes or Midle Stories,’? comprised an area 52 feet by 37 feet and extended southward to the mansion of Sir George Carey.* Two other rooms in the north end of this sec- tion were occupied by Peter Johnson, and were connected with the two rooms he had on the same floor in the north section.* The Deed to Burbage locates Bruskett’s apartments as being under the west part of the ‘“‘seaven greate upper romes,”°® but omits to mention what was under the east part. But from the size of the auditorium made by Burbage,’ it is likely there was at date of purchase a passageway 9 feet wide in the undescribed location. The entrance to the lower floor of this section was on the south and adjoined the gate to Sir George Carey’s mansion, both open- ing out of the same passageway or lane.’ As this south section alone was converted into the theatre-audi- torium, its size is of interest. .The supposition is general that both auditorium and stage were small. The comparative view already given and the definite data now at hand show this is not quite a correct view. The dimensions of 52 x 37 feet, specifically stated in the deed as the measure of only those apartments of the lower floor occu- pied by Thomas Bruskett,? have been assumed to be the size of the entire theatre. But in fact the auditorium alone was more than one and one-half and the entire building possibly more than two and one-half times that size. *Part of these were occupied by Thomas Bruskett (idem, 299, 35— 300, 11), and the others by Peter Johnson (idem, 300, 36-38). *The designation “middle rooms” or “middle story” was regularly used to mean the second one of three stories. [For convenient ex- ample, see contract for Hope the- atre, u. s., 30°, where the second of the three galleries is called “the midall storie.”] In the present case these rooms are called “middle” be- cause the basement rooms, on ac- count of the rapid southward slope of the grounds, constitute the first story. Hence they are described in the deed as “adjoining” the gardens. The two rooms at the north end occupied by Johnson on the same floor with Bruskett are called “lower rooms,’ doubtless because there the basement rooms are not mainly above ground. *Deed, u. S., 299, 38—300, 11. ‘Idem, 300, 36-41. °“Iveing and beinge directlye un- der parte of those of the sayd seaven upper romes which lye westwardes.” —Idem, 300, 1-3. °Cf. infra, 39°. "Deed, u. s., 300, 6-11. SCf. supra, 38°. *See for example, C. I. Elton, Shakespeare’s Family and Friends (1904), 458. 152 ae r. 5. BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 39 In certain documents which I have recently found, the exact size of the “Great Hall” or auditorium is stated as 66 x 46 feet, with the length running north and south.’ It is made ciear that this is the full size of the south section. The dimensions of the north section can only be approximated from this, in connection with items already referred to in the deed, and others yet to be mentioned from other documents. The width was certainly 46 feet, while no possible conception of the arrangement of rooms from first floor to garret would seem to allow an approximation of less than 4o feet north and south. This would make the entire building 46 feet wide and something over 100 feet long. The auditorium section of Blackfriars theatre, therefore, was about half the size of the Globe or the Fortune.?. The entire build- ing was also at least four feet wider than Salisbury Court theatre, but may or may not have exceeded it in length.® The alterations by the Burbages in converting the Blackfriars building into a theatre were extensive and cost much time and money.* The north section alone required but little change to *The “Great Hall” of the Black- friars is described as “existens pars et parcella illorwm domorum et aedificacionum ibidem quae fuerunt tune nuper perquisitae et emptae de Willelmo Moore Milite per Jaco- bum Burbidge defunctum patrem praedicti Ricardi et per dictum Ri- cardum Burbidge continens per es- timacionem in longitudine ab aus- trale ad borealem partem eiusdem sexaginta ef sex pedes assissae sit plus siue minus ef in latitudine ab occidentale ad orientalem partem eiusdem quadraginta et sex pedes assissae sit plus siue minus.” [Ital- ics supplied by me in place of the original characters of abbreviation]. —See documents in extenso in vol. III of forthcoming work. *The Fortune, 80 x 80=6400 sqft. (See Contract for Fortune, in Hal- liwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 305a.) The Blackfriars “Great Hall,” 66x 46 = 3036 sqft. The Globe, though the model for the Fortune in struc- tural details, was not square but octagonal. *The grounds purchased for the erection of Salisbury Court theatre (1629) were 42x 140 feet. It is not likely that the theatre occupied the full length of the grounds, but its ‘width was certainly narrow enough at 42 feet—See Indenture, 15 July, 1629, Brit. Mus., Add. ch. 9290. See this and other documents on Salis- bury Court theatre published by Pe- ter Cunningham in The Shakespeare Society's Papers (1849), IV, 91-92, 102. From the preceding data, the statement of James Wright, His- toria Histrionica (1699), in Haz- litt’s Dodsley, Old Plays (1876), XV, 408 (uw. s., 36°) that Black- friars, the Cockpit, and Salisbury Court “were all three built almost alike for form and bigness,” is not quite exact—nor is it intended to be. No farther data are known as to dimensions of the Cockpit. *“Now for the Blackfriars, that is our inheritance; our father pur- chased it at extreame rates, and made it into a playhouse with great charge and troble,” say Cuthbert, Winifred, and young William Bur- 153 40 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS make it adaptable to the new uses. The lower room just west of the main entrance and the room just above it were still kept for residence purposes, and were reserved by Richard Burbage in making the later lease of the premises to Evans.1_ The other west lower room was converted into “the Scholehouse”? where the Children of the Chapel maintained at Blackfriars as actors were taught various subjects, including those of the Grammar school.® The room immediately above was later made into a dining-room or commons for the boy-actors by Henry Evans, the lessee, at his own expense.* The south section underwent a thorough transformation. The two stories were converted into the auditorium called “the great Hall or Room,’® which was separated from “the Scholehouse” and dining-room above® by the stone wall’ between the two sec- tions of the building. The roof was changed, and rooms, prob- ably of the usual dormer sort, were built above the Great Hall.® bage in the Globe-Blackfriars Share- Papers of 1635. In Halliwell-Phil- lips, op: ctt« 1, 317. *See supra, 36%. *“A certen roome, called the Scholehouse, and a certen chamber over the same.”—Evans’s Bill of Complaint in Evans vs. Kirkham, G.-F., 213c. These same two rooms are mentioned over and over in the documents discovered by both Mr. Greenstreet and myself. In one of the latter, for example, “the schoole- howse”’ is definitely located as “schola anglice schoolehowse ad borealem finem Aulae praedictae.” °See Diary of the Duke of Stet- tin, infra, 106-7, 113-25. ‘Evans speaks of the chamber over “the Scholehouse” as “made fitt by your oratour, at his owne proper costs and chardges, to dyne and supp in.”—Evans’s Bill of Com- plaint in Evans vs. Kirkham, G.-F., 214b. *See documents in G.-F., 211a, 215c, 223c, 227b, 228c, 230a, 2330, 239c, &c. The same appears with equal frequency in my more recent discoveries referred to supra, 36%. we" said scholehouse and cham- ber over the same were seuered from the said great hall.”—Evans vs: Kirkham, G.-F., 214). "See Deed (op. cit., scribing the vault under the north entrance-hall with a great stone wall on the south side of it. The different height and method of roofing of each section indicates this wall extended from the vaults to the roof. Also, if it had not been for this stone wall in the way, the auditorium would doubtless have been made larger. *The deed to Burbage (u. S., 17°) minutely describes and lo- cates every part of the building, except the space to the east of the rooms occupied on the first floor by. Thomas Bruskett (cf. supra, 38', 38°). The stairs in the north section led up into the gabled garret. The stone stairway out of “the seaven greate upper romes” ran di- rectly up to the leads of the flat roof of the south section. There were no \rooms above the second story of this auditorium section then. But when the building was finally remodeled into a theatre and Evans leased it, there were. They are mentioned in the lawsuits nu- merous times in connection with the 154 299c) de- ee eo BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 41 eihese by their adaptation for the purpose must have served for a the lodgings of the Children of the Chapel who, as shown later, were boarded, lodged, and instructed at the theatre under the su- pervision of Henry Evans.* Evans and his wife had residence in “one or two rooms”® in the building,—doubtless the two on the third floor fronting Pipe Office Yard. In the Great Hall, galleries* and lords’ rooms® or private boxes heel SP ee, Aa ma with lock and key® were built around the sides. lease; e. g., “All that great Hall or Rome w"™ the roomes over the _same.’—Evans vs. Kirkham, G.-F., 211. “Whereas Richard Burbage . hath leased and to farme letten vnto henrye Evans all that greate _ hall or Roome with the roomes ouer the same in the said indenture men- cioned.”—The 2007. bond of Evans to Kirkham ef al. in one of the doc- uments which I recently discovered. Cf. infra, 927. That the “roomes ouer the same” were of little use except in connec- tion with the theatre is shown by the Plea of Burbage and Hemings in the suit of Kirkham vs. Painton, G.-F., 2284. *Infra, 71, 73ff, 98ff, 105ff. *If the new roof was given a pitch similar to that of the north section, there would have been a space at least 66 feet long and about 32 feet wide to divide into rooms. Allowing a hall of 6 feet, the re- maining space would have made twelve rooms, each 11x13 feet. With two in each room, this would have accommodated twenty-four boys,—approximately the number required in most of the plays pre- sented by the Children of the Chapel maintained at the Blackfriars. (Cf. imfra, 75). “|. . one or two roomes where- in your subiect then inhabited.”— Evans vs. Kirkham, G.-F., 211c. “Galleries are’ mentioned in dif- ferent documents that I have re- cently brought to light; e. g., tocius illius magnae Aulae vel. loci anglice Roome cum locis -forde’s No published anglice roomes supra eadem... cum Theatro anglice a Stage por- ticibus anglice Galleryes et sedilibus de quantitate specificata in scedula ad inde annexata” &c—Cf. supra, 36°. As Ben Jonson was writing for no other company than the Children of the Chapel during 1600-1601, the following can but refer to incidents at Blackfriars. Also every identi- fiable reference in Satiromastix to Jonson as a playwright is to his Poetaster, played first at Blackfriars ca. April, 1601. Horace [Jonson] is made to swear, “You shall not sit in a gal- lery when your comedies and inter- ludes have entered their actions and there make vile and bad faces at every line,’ &c.—Thomas Dekker, Satiromastix (ed. T. Hawkins, Ori- gin of the English Drama, 1773), TU, 193. See further infra, 42. *Horace [Jonson] is _ further sworn, “You must forswear to ven- ture on the stage when your play i 1s ended, and to exchange court’sies and complements with gallants in the lord’s rooms, to make all the house rise up in.arms and to cry,— That’s Horace, that’s he, that’s he.” —Ibid. °“A little Pique happened be- twixt the Duke of Lenox and the Lord Chamberlain about a Box -at a new Play in the Black Fryars, of which the Duke had got the Key.”— Letter from Rev. G. Garrard dated Jan. 25, 1635, in The Earl of Straf- Letters and Dispatches (1739), I, 511. Quoted also, but inexactly, in E. Malone, op. cit., III, 155 42 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS document declares how many galleries there were. But one of the recent discoveries from which quotation has just been made uses the plural “‘porticibws anglice Galleryes,’* by which it is sure there were two or more, while The Dutch Courtesan by reference to “the middle region” makes it clear there were three.? Also the available space of two full stories? would have allowed an upper gallery, a middle gallery, and the usual lower gallery on the level with the stage.* In that part of the lower gallery that adjoined the stage must have been the chief loges or boxes or rooms for gentlemen and lords,’—to which reference is made when Horace [Jonson] in Satiromastix is accused of coming on the stage at the close of his play and exchanging courtesies and compliments with Wa) and. J. 2. Collier op. .est., 11, 145. Although the date of this notice is 1635, there are reasons to believe that the structure and arrangement of the “rooms” was the same from the first. Cf. supra, 41%. a... And now, my very fine Heliconian gallants, and you, my worshipful friends in the middle region.”—Cockledemov’s Epilogue to Marston’s The Dutch Courtesan, V, iii, 162-64. Played at Black- friars ca. autumn, 1602. also “middle rooms” “middle stories,” supra, 38°. *The Fortune contract (“. S., 29°) calls for three stories, the first 12 feet, the second 11 feet, and the third 9 feet, a total of 32 feet. Blackfriars auditorium must have been of nearly or quite an equal height. This might well have been. Any one familiar with the nobler mediaeval monastic or conventual buildings is aware that their ceil- ings are generally very high. The upper story of Blackfriars seems to have been built and roofed by the friars as a single room for audi- torial purposes, and certainly dur- ing Sir Thomas Cawarden’s time was used as such, even for presen- tation of plays, and for rehearsals of interludes, masques, &c., in prep- aration for Court entertainment. A room 66 x 46 feet built and used for and such purposes could hardly be less than 16 to 18 feet in height,—pos- sibly rather more than less. If then the lower floor was but 12 to 14 feet high, the reconstructed “Great Hall” had a height of 28 to 32 feet. With 4 feet as the height of the stage-level gallery, this 28 to 32 feet ° of space allowed an average height of 8 to 9 feet for each gallery-story. *This low gallery was charac- teristic of. contemporary public the- atres. (See for example the De Witt—Van Buchell sketch of the Swan.) It is still found in Euro- pean theatres, especially in those of a date not quite modern. No better example could be cited than the old Stadttheater of Freiburg in Baden, not only in this particular of the lower gallery but in most other par- ticulars; for it was remodeled as Blackfriars was from part of a me- diaeval monastery. (Cf. infra, com- plete work, vol. I.) This feature of a stage-level gal- lery around the whole room appears in the American theatre in only the most rudimentary form, extending no farther back from the stage than the two or three private boxes and the one or two open loges at their rear. 5Cf. supra, 41°, 41°, 427. In the public theatres these “gen- tlemen’s rooms” were at right and left of the stage with a passage be- tween. In the Swan sketch they 156 gallants in the lords’ rooms.* BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 43 Dekker evidently thinking in an- _ other instance of the gallantly dressed audience on the Blackfriars stage as constituting the chief part of the “city” of elegance calls these lords’ rooms “now but the Stages Suburbs.” The stage was in the south end of the “Great Hall.’* It has been assumed since the days of Wright’s Historia H1s- _trionica (1699), and widely disseminated on the authority of “ Malone’ that the Blackfriars stage was small. But “small” and “large” are such merely relative terms that upon the basis of mod- ern notions no private or pubiic stage of Shakespeare’s time could be regarded as “large.” The best we can do is to take a com- parative view of the stages of the time on their own basis. The assumption that Blackfriars stage was small is based upon _ the primary assumption that all the private theatres—Blackfriars, Whitefriars, Paul’s, Cockpit, Salisbury Court—were built alike and had stages alike. But in fact the only reference cited by Malone, Collier, and the rest on the size of Blackfriars stage is taken from a Paul’s play.® Quite the reverse of the usual opinion, the truth seems to be that the stages of the public theatres had are labeled “orchestra” (1%. e., in the Latin sense), and are mentioned in _ the Fortune contract, the Hope con- tract, and numerous plays as “gen- tlemen’s rooms.” 44-45, 136-41. But the physical nature of Black- friars building and stage required a different arrangement. Our pri- vate boxes are the outgrowth. *Cf. supra, 41°. *Infra, 140°, 141-42. *The stage could not have been placed in the way of the main en- trance, which was at the north when the purchase was made by Burbage. No other entrance after the remod- eling could have led to all the de- mised premises. The stage is fur- ther excluded from the north end as also from the sides of the hall by one of the recently discovered documents (wu. s., 364) which men- tions minor repairs in the en- trance leading to all the premises, and in the east and west walls and the floor along the east side of the See also infra,-... hall and under the east end of the stage. It speaks of the need of re- pair “in exteriori ostio ducente ad praedicta dimissa praemissa et in paviamento per orientalem partem praedictae Aulae et in paviamento subter orientalem finem Cuiusdam Theatri anglice the Stage in Aula praedicta” &c. *Infra, 43°. 5Infra, 43°. *See infra, 130-31". Malone (op. ctt., III, 61°), how- ever, seems to base his conclusion on James Wright’s statement in Historia Histrionica (u. s., 36°, 39°) concerning the similar size and form of Blackfriars, Cockpit, and Salisbury Court, coupled with two lines of the epilogue to Thomas Nabbes’s Tottenham Court, acted at Salisbury Court 1638 (cf. title- page), which read as follows: “When others’ fill’d rooms neglect disdain ye, My little house with thanks shall entertain ye.” with 157 44 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS only general features alike, with important particular differences ; while the stages of the three earliest contemporary private. the- _ atres, Blackfriars, Whitefriars, and Paul’s, differed widely not only from these but also from each other.* Again, it is assumed that in all three of these private theatres — gallants sat on the stage, for which practice stools were provided. — This assumption likewise is based upon the same primary assump- ~ tion that the stages of all the private theatres were alike, and that the custom practiced on one was the custom also on the others. — On the contrary, every reference to this practice quoted by Ma- — lone, Collier, and others, and every one that my own research re- veals, in the.period of late Elizabeth and early James I prior to — the establishment of the Cockpit, is either from Blackfriars plays or in reference to that stage. The custom, as pointed out else- where, spread to later theatres.2, But there is no evidence of it at either Paul’s or Whitefriars. On the contrary, we are distinctly informed that the stage at Paul’s was “so very little,” that auditors were not allowed to sit there. As to Whitefriars there is no evi- dence on either side. The fact that gallants sat on the Blackfriars stage without “wronging the general eye’’® or hindering the players,* while at Paul’s they could not? and at the Globe were not allowed to® and at other public theatres were not provided for® indicates that Blackfriars stage was, if not large, at least not small; and also that it was of a different construction from its earliest contem- poraries.’ were lacking is the presentation of elaborate dance and masque,® —that attractive spectacular feature of nearly every Blackfriars play from 1600 to the death of Elizabeth,°—further indicative of an adequate stage. After August 9, 1608,*° even with gallants *Infra, 137-41. "Cf. infra, 46-49, and plats, 50-51. ®Infra, 118-19. °Infra, 119-22. The Blackfriars was taken over by the Burbage company by six sep- arate indentures of lease from Rich- *The stages of Cockpit and Salisbary Court, built later on the model of Blackfriars, are not here in question. *For the full discussion on the origin and influence of the custom of sitting on the stage, see infra, 130-47. °Infra, 131*. holders,—Shakespeare among the Even more under these circumstances than if they — ‘Infra, 142. 'Infra, 134*, 136. number,—August 9, 1608, just fol- lowing the termination of* the Chil- 158 ard Burbage to his fellow share- © BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 45 ‘still frequenting their accustomed places, the Blackfriars stage was of sufficient proportions and equipment for the Burbage ‘company,’ the largest in London, to present on its boards the great Shakespearean plays with an excellence that is doubtless _ hot disproportionately measured by the satisfaction of the audi- ‘ence and the consequent financial returns exceeding by a thou- ‘sand pounds in a single winter the amount usually received at Whe Globe. The preceding comparative view gives a general notion of Blackfriars stage more nearly true than the “little’ conception current in stage annals. While no published document declares ‘ the exact dimensions, it is possible from data now at hand to translate this general notion into nearer mathematical! definiteness. - It was the physical limitations at Blackfriars that determined the width of the stage and made it in its relation to galleries and audience different from all public theatre stages. In the case of the Fortune, modeled after the Globe, the stage was 43 feet wide, with a pzssage of 6 feet on each side between the stage and that part of the lower gallery where the gentle- men’s rooms were,*—the place labeled “orchestra” (in the classical sense) in the sketch of the Swan showing a similar arrangement. As pointed out later® this condition made it im- possible for the custom of sitting on the stage to receive encour- agement at the Globe, the Fortune, the Swan, and other public theatres, for such spectators would have cut off the view of the patrons in the gentlemen’s rooms. dren of the Queen’s Revels there through the drastic action of James See documents from English and French archives in my forth- coming three-volume work on the drama and stage of Shakespeare’s time. Also see other extensive doc- uments which I have recently dis- covered on Shakespeare, Globe, and Blackfriars, in forthcoming separate publication. *Any possible notion that the stage or theatre was changed in ar- rangement or equipment to accom- modate the needs of the Burbage company is precluded by documen- tary evidence. The former lessee, Henry Evans, surrendered his lease to Burbage (cf. infra, I, part ii), which is later regarded by the Bur- bages as a “purchase” of the lease (cf. infra, I, part ii). According to the newly .discovered documents concerning Shakespeare and the the- atres just referred to (supra, 44"°), the Blackfriars was then leased to Shakespeare and fellows for the same amount as Evans had been paying. They took it over at once just as it was when Evans was forced by the King to give it up. *Cf. supra, 35°. °Cf. Fortune contract, u. s., 29°. “See the Van Buchell—De Witt sketch, u. s., 317. 5Infra, 136-38. 159 46 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS But if at Blackfriars the stage had been modeled after those of the public theatres with an aisle of six feet or even of three — feet between stage and galleries, the stage would have been but about 13 to 19 feet wide,—too narrow for acting, even with no spectators sharing it. So the Blackfriars stage was through necessity built on a plan of its own. The aisle-space as well as the gallery-space at right and left had to be utilized as the wings of the new-style stage. — The width of the hall allowed the limit of 46 feet as the width of this extended stage. It was this construction that gave Black- friars a stage roomy enough for unhampered acting and at the same time allowed gallants to occupy coveted places “on the stage’ at right and left cf the actors, in the full admiration of the house; but without “wronging the general eye’' or obstruct- ing the view of any one. When the Blackfriars custom of sitting on the stage was im- ported into France,? it carried with it also the form of stage- — structure on which it originated. The arrangement of seats at the sides of the stage in French theatres as shown by the testi- mony of Tallemant des Réaux,’? Moliere,* Voltaire,® and Goethe,® is therefore reflexively contributive to a correct conception of the stage-structure at Blackfriars. In the evidences from per- formances at Blackfriars,? Dekker’s The Guls’ Horn-Booke,? and other sources,® the stage-patrons occupied the same level as the actors. This fact is likewise shown by the testimony of the above chief French contemporaries of the custom on the Paris stage. Goethe, however, who saw the last of this practice in a French theatre at Frankfurt in 1759, reports that the seats at the sides of the stage there were ranged on a slope slightly above the stage level, but with special reservations still on the stage for officers and other people of importance. The galleries of Blackfriars as of its foreign followers ended at the line of the stage-front,—just where our evolved first pri- vate boxes now are.’ But there was no wall, nothing more than *Infra, 131". "Infra, 132-134. 2 Infra, 143-47. STHFrG: ASB V 1407, ADs oe 143°, ‘Infra, 132". 132°. 342° 443% Infra, 143%. Infra, 146°. ® Infra, 145%, 1457. 1 Supra, 42-43, and plat, 50-51. °Infra, 146°. 160 lal ts Bsa Dae | te Beatle Maile BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING eee {is a railing, between the termination of the lower gallery and the wings of the stage where the gallants were wont to sit in full view. Allowing 10% feet for the width of each gallery,t with a cor- responding but more elastic space on the stage at right and left for gallants, there was still a minimum width of 25 feet for the actors,—as great a space as sometimes used on the modern stage.? The full 46 feet might have been used on occasion.* But such practice could have been but rarely necessary or expedient. Hence the use of these wings rather as a source of revenue from social fops whose prime object was not to see the acting but to display their fine dress, especially to those in the high-priced seats of the first gallery, or to patronize the house with their grand presence. From the available evidences there is no reason to suppose a stage at Blackfriars much smaller than the public theatres had, as has hitherto been done.* The Fortune stage, certainly one of the largest in London, extended to the middle of the yard,—a distance of 4o feet. But a tiring-house at the rear took off 12% feet, leaving a depth of 2714 feet for the acters. The construction of Blackfriars necessitated a different ar- rangement for tiring-house and stage. The accompanying sug- gestive plat of the seating capacity of Blackfriars,> drawn to scale and with reference to known details, shows the possibility of an ample stage of 25 feet in depth, with a passage of four feet at the rear connecting the two lower rooms of the tiring-house. With an expandable stage approximately 25 feet deep and *The galleries in the Globe and Fortune were 12% feet wide from the outside of the building, or about 12 feet inside, with a 10-inch “juttey forwards” in the two upper galler- ies—See Fortune contract, u. s., 29°. See further, infra, plats, 50-51. *The modern proscenium opening ranges from about 20 to 40 feet,— the latter serving for the most elab- orate grand opera, and the former in plays and “shows” in the smaller theatres. In the chief American cit- ies the average is about 30 to 35 feet, ranging down to 20 and up to 40 or more.—See Julius Cohn’s Off- cial Theatrical Guide (1907), XII, passim. *An actor at the extreme limits of the stage would have been cut off from the view of only those on the same side in the two upper gal- leries. Sometimes in a modern the- atre he is cut off from all specta- tors on that side of the house. “Cf. supra, 43. 5Infra, 50-51. 161 , “a i) a” © "\en8 a te Pea.) be) Ye ress 4] Cie oy vaiete. : > ae 4 eT Hho aap tt \ cI yr. ’ Pres, “es 48 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS from 25 to 46 feet wide as occasion might require, the genera] — notion of the size and structure of Blackfriars stage derived — from known conditions as presented on preceding pages, is merely translated into nearer definiteness.* At the rear of the stage and over the passage was a permanent balcony extending doubtless the full width between the two lower rooms of the tiring-house. The balcony did occasional service for certain situations in the plays, but seems to have been used mainly as the station for the musicians. The Blackfriars stage was elastic in depth as well as in width, and could according to the demands of the given play be varied by curtains or traverses of any required number placed at any required distance between the balcony and the front of the stage.® This flexibility was further increased by the use of a canopy* as occasion required, which could be set anywhere on the stage to be removed at will. But the evidences of structure, arrangement, furnishing, and equipment of Blackfriars stage must be deferred to a later work.® *While I have little doubt that the dimensions and other items here presented will ultimately prove to be substantially correct, I shall not be satisfied until I turn up certain documents I am now on trace of, which I am confident from the na- ture of them will settle details with finality. *It is this close juxtaposition of the music to the tiring-house that gives point to the remark, in one of the Chapel Children’s plays, about the author’s swearing in the tiring- house, and thereby railing the music out of tune, as follows: “T assure you sir we are not so officiously befriended by him [the author, Ben Jonson], as to have his presence in the tiring-house, to prompt us aloud, stamp at the book- holder, swear for our properties, curse the poor tire-man, rayle the musick out of tune,” &c—Ilnduction to Cynthia’s Revels. At Blackfriars ca. April, 1600. ®The gallants on the stage, whose chief end at the theatre was not to see but to be seen,—are some- times made the butt of pleasantry for ostentatiously “standing at the helme to steere the passage of scaenes” (u. 1, 140°), solely for the opportunity ef displaying themselves and their fine dresses the better to the audience. The crossing of traverses opposite their seats therefore could not have been an annoyance to them but may the rather have contributed to their notion of pleasure by the opportu- nity afforded for officious service. *The canopy was a cloth or can- vas affair in the shape of a covered room, a shop, a high wall, or other necessary enclosing apparatus. It is still an accessory more common on the European than the American stage. One of the most effective uses comes to mind in connection with a recent masterly presentation of Wagner’s Die Meistersinger von Niirnberg on a German stage with acting and staging as perfect as the singing. *There is some hope that the chapter on this head may be ready for the completed work. But there 162 | ‘the Gl statement of the facts. BLACKFRIARS .THEATRE BUILDING 49 It may be said here simply that an examination of even such ma- terials as now are known shows a stage plastic to the play in hand in all particulars, a stage of real and individual existence, different in certain essentials from the ratiocinative results of _ studies hitherto made, in which plays of private and public the- atres have been injudicially thrown together to make a sort of universalized or theoretical stage that has no historical basis.+ It seems hardly necessary to add that the rooms, galleries, and pit of Blackfriars were all provided with seats.” As already pointed out, the Great Hall of Blackfriars was about half the size of the Globe or Fortune. Its capacity for accommodating spectators was also not far from half. is nothing sure about it. Not all evidences are available which are necessary in putting out a final I have con- fidence from the definite clues un- earthed that ultimately I shall reach documents giving schedules of the furnishing and equipment of Black- friars stage and theatre, as also of obe. It is merely a question of time and means. *For a late example, based upon and supporting Professor Brandl’s alternation theory, see Cecil Brod- meier, Die Shakespeare-Biihne nach den alten Biihnenanweisungen (Diss. Jena, 1904). This work takes the plays of Shakespeare per- formed at “The Theatre,” the Cur- tain, Globe, and Blackfriars, and constructs of those four dissimilar stages a single composite. More commendable in theory and generally combative of Brodmeier’s position is the recent work of G. F. Reynolds, Some Principles of Eliz- abethan Staging, in Modern Philol- ogy, April and June, 1905, later reprinted in separate form (Diss. University of Chicago). It is unfor- -tunate that the author did not from the first follow the plan he leaned toward, and use his masses of ma- terial in studying the individual the- atres to which the respective plays belonged,—as he must ultimately do. Instead he has followed up one sin- gle Stage-feature after another in plays ranging through Elizabeth’s reign and into the period of James I, which were presented at various theatres or not presented anywhere (e. g., the Percy plays), and tried to establish or disestablish there- from certain principles of staging or facts of stage structure and equipment for the dissimilar thea- tres throughout that long time, In both these works there is the impairing spirit of “proving” some- thing and of establishing history by deductive argtment. With the great industry displayed and the splendid collection of materials in each study, it would be high satis- faction to find one new fact of dra- matic or stage history brought to light or one point of debate placed beyond controversy. It must not be expected however that any study of stage-directions or other internal evidence can ever be final in mat- ters of stage-history. Such a study at best can be but corroborative, never determinative of data, and may thus rightly serve to illuminate and enliven placid realities. 7A schedule of seats was at- tached to the lease of Burbage to Evans. See supra, 36%. °Cf. supra, 39. The outside dimensions of the Fortune were 80x80=6400 saft. The inside dimensions-of Blackfri- ars auditorium were 66 x 46 = 3036 sqft. 163 50 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS To exhibit at once the size, capacity, and general features in a single view, I have inserted a suggestive plat of the seating capacity of the Blackfriars, and another of the Fortune, side by side,—the only two theatres whose dimensions are exactly known. Both are drawn to a scale of */,,”=1’. . In the absence of exact data as to size, number, and arrange- ment of seats, I first experimented with several conceivable modes of seating before allowing these plats to stand. If, for example, De Witt was correct in saying the Swan held 3000 people, then the Fortune, certainly considerably more capacious, must have accommodated more than 3000. But no method of arrangement, without reducing the seats to an impossible size, filling up the aisles, and standing the audience of the yard like corpses packed on end would make even the Fortine accommodate 3000. Since this larger theatre could not contain 3000, Priest De Witt’s dec- laration that the smaller Swan could may be laid to rest for all. time as an over-enthusiastic and very inaccurate guess.? From the many thousands of contemporary documents I have examined, directly bearing upon the life of the times, I am more and more convinced that the people of the time of Elizabeth and James were as solicitous for means of comfort as we are today. Quite contrary to the ill-founded notion commonly circulated by *Some farther conception of the Boston. monstrousness of De Witt’s estimate Hollis Street Theatre . . 1640 may be gained by a comparison of Park - cK pe 1277 the size of modern theatres. As Tremont!) 3. ine ate ae America boasts some of the largest Colonial 2 : : . 1653 of the world, I quote certain sta- Chicago. tistics on seating capacity as pre- Thlinois +5358 4) yi a Ae sented in Julius Cohn’s Official The- Powers OE ae gh Seta te lease 1113 atrical Guide (1907), XII, passim. (Garrick ie wie ot aoe But it will be noticed that the best Grand Opera House ce 1700 .of these theatres are not the largest. The Studebaker . . . . 1549 Great music halls, auditoriums, col- Chicago Opera House . 1700 iseums, gardens, &c., are left out Auditorium (largest in the of the lists. world) Oey te 4079 New York. These are representative exam- Belasco’s theatre Upeet 3 950 ples. An examination of official Gritenion rut cae ee 1100 statistics shows the seating capacity Daly’s «ites oe. wu ae 1150) of the, majority of oAmercanethess Empire 1100 tres ranges from less than 1000 to Garrick (Ch. Frohman) . 910 about 1500,—approximately a third New Amsterdam . 1675 to a half De Witt’s reported size of Lyceum (Dan Frohman) . 909 the Swan. Wallackts. < 1274 164 See eee (A S56) fEs5e olage 27 bx, “3s idol i cual aa 3 EES CE EEE Ie Seer eas eile lal Ht A CERUUEGER REE RERRR BER DRCRE REL REE “+4 SECC CO EC) Ee coor EET PUT tog TET) CELT TTT Cae as Same THE FORTUNE THEATRE, 1600 SUGGESTIVE PLAT Size, 80 x 80 feet Approximate capacity: Yard (standing-room only) — - : - 264 Side galleries, 3 stories - - : - 576 End galleries, 3 stories - : - - 480 ° Total - - - : : - 1820 A =o guineas Sh x rer . , eS CaN rt AVA Oa ge LEX YC THE BLACKFRIARS THEATRE, 1597 SUGGESTIVE PLAT Size, 66 x 46 feet Approximate seating capacity: Bitte - - Side galleries, 3 stories End galleries, 3 stories - Stage - Total - 80 to 80 96 - 216 216 558 to 608 L % r 4 ' ; ‘ es ee See Say ey ow S ee + BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 51 ‘ ~ “writers on stage-history that audiences put up with woeful dis- comforts simply to sce a great play well enacted, it would seem 3 that reasonable consideration was given the tastes of different classes of patrons, and that those in the choicer parts of the house were charged the higher prices on account of the better accom- -modations as well as the better view. The theatre was then a larger centre of social contact than now,—a spirit still somewhat preserved in parts of Europe, but wholly lost to the amusement- loving theatre-goer of America. The best boxes or rooms were patronized by lords, nobles, and other gentlemen used to the best _ at home and in society, and it is unlikely that they should have gone in such numbers if discomforts had been so great as to cause them to do penance while watching the play. The Black- friars especially was frequented by the London élite, both gentle- - to accommodate farthingale and puffed trunk-hose. men and ladies, in the wake of Queen and Court, who must have found ample provision for comfort there, in seats not too crowded Thomas Platter of Basel, who visited London in 1599, in speaking of cer- tain unnamed theatres, mentions the fact that the higher priced seats there—costing but 3 d. however—were provided with cush- ions.t_ All this is suggestive that if the common art of upholster- ing of the time may not have contributed even more to the com- fort of seats ranging up to a shilling in price, at least the general comfort was satisfactory. In finally drawing these plats of Blackfriars and the Fortune, such width and arrangement of seats has been indicated as would reasonably provide for the comfortable and safe care of the audi- ence. In both plats all rows of seats in all galleries are 30 inches apart from heel to heel, and each seat in the side galleries is 22% _ inches wide, while in the rear galleries of the Fortune they are 19 and of the Blackfriars 18 inches wide. The width of aisles and all other dimensions are sufficiently indicated in the plats. ec . . begeret er aber am lustig- esten ort auf kissen ze_ sitzen, da er nicht allein alles woll sihet, sondern auch gesehen kan werden, so gibt er bey einer anderen thiiren noch 1 Englischen pfennig.”— Thomas Platter’s Reisebericht, ex- tracts of which are published by Prof. Gustav Binz, “Londoner The- ater und Schauspiele im Jahre 1599,” in Angha (1899), XXII, 459. *In modern theatres the seats are generally 30 inches apart from heel to heel and from 18 to 20 inches wide. Theatre managers tell me they provide the wider seats in 165 ; a ad Ge aK Anata i Maa aI Oa 62 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS a Blackfriars pit is seated with an allowance of 18 x 30 inches for each person. Ample aisle space is allowed for handling the — The Fortune yard was used only as standing room, It is possible for average men to stand on a space 18 x 20 inches © or, by closer crowding, t8 x 18 inches. for two or three hours’ endurance requires as much as 24 x 24 audience. inches, as allowed. It is generally supposed that the audience stood on all three sides of the public theatre stage. of 1672 seems to indicate this. leries at the Fortune,* piaces and the stage. Contrary to the common impression that the. stage was in the , middle of the yard, with the audience fairly distributed on three 4 sides of it, any sort of plat is serviceable in showing that very — little of the audience could have been at right and left of the stage, ~ even with the aisles packed, and that the maior portion of it was — in front in similar relation to the stage as in the present day. Qn a conservative and reasonable basis therefore the Fortune, q probably a little larger than the Globe, could accommodate 1320 — gestive plat of Blackfriars shows besides — the habitués of the stage a capacity of 528, or a total of ca. 558 q spectators, while the sug to 608. There is no known picture of Blackfriars theatre.? the more expensive sections of the house. But the majority of seats are about 18 inches. *The entrance to the two upper galleries is indicated in the Fortune contract as from the outside. It is probably on account of the need of wider rear passageways to and from these outside entrances that the two upper galleries were con- structed ten inches wider than the lower gallery. 166 Such may have been the condi- — tion earlier at the Globe, Fortune, and others, but it is doubtful. The entrance to the first gallery, the narrowest of the three gal- — seems to have been from the inside. In- fact the Van Buchell—De Witt sketch of the Swan shows this en- — - trance in the passage at right and left of the stage. that the yard-crowd was allowed to block the passage to the gen- — tlemen’s rooms, or to bob and sweat between these privileged But comfortable space — Indeed the Red Bull picture It is unlikely — ¥ % *Professor G. P. Baker has re- cently published a picture, which he ~ believes to be authentic, in Beau- — mont and Fletcher’s The Maid’s Tragedy and Philaster (ed. A. H. — Thorndike, 1906, Belles-Lettres Se- ries, ed. GP: Baker) frontispiece; and again in his The Development of Shakespeare as a ,Dramatist (1907), 78. In the latter work (p. 44) he says in a note, “The print seems to have been lost sight of, BLACKFRIARS THEATRE BUILDING 53 y The extensive alterations necessary to convert the Blackfriars building into a theatre such as the preceding pages show, re- _ quired time. The property was purchased February 4, 1596. In _ November following, the work of reconstruction was under way. _ The petition to the Privy Council in that month declares the - owner meant “very shortly” to convert the building into a play- house. It is not likely that James Burbage finished the work, ; for he died the following February, and the property came into a the hands of his son Richard, the famous Shakespearean man- __ ager-actor. There is slight probability and no evidence that the new theatre was occupied prior to about September, 1597. \ _ The cause of this delay was doubtless, first, the expiration of _ leases to tenants before work could begin; second, the death of _ James Burbage; third, the extent of the remodeling required; _ fourth, time necessary for Gyles and Evans to assemble and train ' the Children after the enabling royal commission to Gyles in July, 1597. _ It has generally been supposed that work was delayed by act _ of the Privy Council. This supposition is based upon the state- - ment twenty-one years later in the presumptuous and futile order of the Corporation of the City of London to stppress the Black- friars. It is there stated that the Privy Council in response to _ the petition of November, 1596, “then forhad the use of the said house for playes.’”® But I find upon personal examination that the original Privy Council Registers, preserved at the Privy Council Office, Whitehall Palace, giving all the official acts of that body, record no such order. It is certain therefore that the _ statement of the City Council in 1618-[19] is in error. The City but Mr. Gardiner [the owner] and antiquarians to whom I have sub- mitted it believe it genuine.” I have not seen the original, nor do I know the basis of this con- clusion. The documentary evi- dences, which this chapter attempts to assemble, disprove the relative proportions, shape, height, roof, &c., as shown in the picture. I fear therefore that the print may not be ~ so authentic as I especially should be most glad to believe. The doc- uments show it differs in all essen- tials from the Blackfriars theatre. * Supra, 17°. - "Order for Suppressing the Blackfriars Theatre by the City Council “xxi° die Januarij 1618- [19].”—Original in the Guildhall Archives, Repertory 34, fol. 38). Printed in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cits, Ey 30 Ch, supra, 17. 167 54 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS. was simply trying to substantiate its long-contended claim,* and in doing it, assumed evidence that did not exist.? It may be noted in this connection that, beginning with 1597 — and extending to the close of Elizabeth’s reign, the Privy Coun- cil directed numerous severe orders agaiist the public theatres, but not one against Blackfriars. These cases will be considered — in a subsequent chapter.* The reasons for this attitude become clear when we know the Queen’s relations to Blackfriars, and the City’s contention.* Whether James Burbage intended the Blackfriars building thus altered to replace “The Theatre,” the lease to the grounds of which was just expiring in 1596, or whether a “theatrum anglice Stage” was set up in it for the Children of the Chapel on the Queen’s initiative, as the Diary of the Duke of Stettin might seem to indicate,° will be taken up in later paragraphs.® 1See supra, 21, 161°, and infra, ‘Infra, 126-29, 148-62. 153-54. 5Infra, 106-7. *See infra, 154°, 161’. *Infra, 112, 128°-29, 151, 152. °Infra, 148-62. 168 | 7 /— CHAPTER II LACKFRIARS STAGE.- _ITs STRUCTURE, ARRANGE- “MENT, AND FURNISHINGS* Treatment of materials in this chapter meneed for the complete work, ‘S74 Dinh, ey te red, CHAPTER III ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS THEATRE UNDER OFFICIAL GRANTS THE first and only lessee of the Blackfriars thus fitted up for a private theatre was one Henry Evans.! He took it for the pur- pose of exercising one branch of the Queen’s Children of the — Chapel in the acting of plays under certain official documentary assurances® that allowed him the privilege of private profit from rehearsing them publicly. The date of Evans’s first contract with Burbage is difficult if not impossible at present to determine. Certain considerations indicate a very early date. The statement in the Diary of the Duke of Stettin? concerning the Queen’s establishing this theatre for the special training of the Children, taken in connection with the fact that Evans had certain official assurances concerning the exercise and employment of these Boys theatrically, suggests a possible date prior to the purchase and refitting. On the other hand, the statement of the Burbages in the Globe-Blackfriars 1 RDP NRA Ne IN ee Ne a inh OE Ne a Leh DR eed wh + a 5 ar te *“The pleas in the lawsuit of 1635 show that the Burbages, the owners, leased the Blackfriars The- atre after its establishment in 1597 for a long term of years to the master of the Children of the Chap- el.”—Sidney Lee, A Life of Wil- liam Shakespeare (5th ed. 1905), 209. The above sentence contains cer- tain errors of fact overlooked by Mr. Lee:— (1) The pleas in the 1635 suit show none of the items mentioned, and (2) they do not name or otherwise mention the master of the Children of the Chap- el (Nathaniel Gyles) but do name Henry Evans as lessee. (3) The Blackfriars was owned, at the time of the lease, by Richard Burbage alone who (4) was the lessor to Evans (5) before, not after, the theatre was established in 1597. (6) These last three items, as also that of the “long term of years” are shown not by the 1635 suit (cf. pertinent part in full, infra, 57°), but in two suits of 1612,—Evans ws. Kirkham (G.-F. 210-22) and Kirk- ham vs. Painton (G.-F. 223-51). [Since making this note on the pub- lished documents containing the above items, I have discovered sey- eral others containing the same items,—but not yet published — those on the Blackfriars (wu. s., 36*), and those which give the origin of “shares” in London theatres and Shakespeare’s financial interest from the first in the Globe and Blackfriars: -(1.ws.,- ix=x, > 342) 4an. 45°) ]. * Infra, 81-82. SInfra, 106-7. 170 PO ee ee Se ee ‘was conducting the theatre long before this date. ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 57 | Share-papers of 16351 points to a date “after” the refitting was completed. This no doubt refers to the long-term lease of 1600, but it seems also inclusive of the first lease or tenancy prior to 1600. From the documents in the case of Evans vs. Kirkham,? as also from various documents in the suit of Kirkham vs. Painton,’ and likewise from numerous recently discovered documents not yet published,* it is learned that Evans on Sept. 2, 1600, leased the Blackfriars for a period of twenty-one years, term to begin Michaelmas,—i. e., Friday, September 29,—at 40 /. per year, giv- ing bond of 4o0/., with Alexander Hawkins, his son-in-law, as security, for payment of the rentals. But he had possession and In his Bill of Complaint against Kirkham, May 5, 1612, Evans in connection with the twenty-one-year lease of 1600, Speaks of the Blackfriars ‘as ““Then or late in the tenure or occupation of your said orator.’’® Richard Burbage in his own behalf replying to Kirkham in the suit of Kirkham vs. Painton® substantiates this fact. In explain- ing why he as owner arid lessor exacted a bond of 4oo/. as se- curity for payment of the lease, he says he considered that “ex- cept the said Evans could erect & keepe a companye of Playinge boyes or others to playe playes & interludes in the said Playhouse im such sort as before tyme had bene there vsed, that he was lyke- lye to be beh[ind with] the said rent of fortie pounds.”7 The words I have italicized indicate the theatre had been in operation for some time. Also, Evans was making a financial success and had previously met his payments of rent. Since *Cf. supra, 36%. >See document, G.-F., 211a. °In G-F., 223-51. "In G-F., 234a. The statement in the document just preceding this that “Henrye Evans ... in- *“Now for the Blackfriars, that is our inheritance; our father pur- chased it at extreame rates, and made it into a playhouse with great charge and troble; which after was leased out to one Evans that first sett up the boyes commonly called the Queenes Majesties Children of the Chappell.”—In Halliwell-Phil- lips, Outlines of the Life of Shake- speare (9th ed. 1890), I, 317. , *See documents in G.-F., espe- cially 211a. *See documents in G.-F., espe- cially 223c-224a, 230b, 239c-240a. tended then [7. e., when lease was made] presentlye to erect or sett vpp a Companye of boyes, . in the same” is of course made with strict legal reference to the opera- tions of the twenty-one-year lease. The lease is not retroactive and takes no account of what preceded it. 171 58 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Evans and no one else was in possession both immediately and for some time prior to the lease of 1600, there seems no uncer- tainty that he was in possession when Ben Jonson’s The Case is Altered was first presented there by the Children in 1597, ca. Sept.—Oct.? We have no record of any earlier play at the new theatre. Also, there are no other known documentary statements as to the date of its first occupancy. It is quite possible that the long-term lease, dated Sept. 2, 1600, with term to begin at Michaelmas, was taken by Evans at or near the expiration of his rental year. If so, the date of his first occu- pancy would be about Sept. 1597,—approximately two to three months after Nathaniel Gyles was granted the royal commission that enabled these two men to unite in carrying out the Queen’s purposes.? Nathaniel Gyles,* a musician graduated from Magdalen Col- lege, Oxford, was sworn Gentleman of the Chapel Royal and Master of the Children June 9, 1597,* three days after the death of his predecessor, made by the Queen through *See “Plays,” plete work. “It is hardly probable that boys could be taken up and put into condition for singing and acting in less time. It is noteworthy here that the Canons of Windsor al- lewed to this same Nathaniel Gyles in their Commission of Oct. 1, 1595, “the space of three months” for col- lecting a similar company of boys for singing and acting. See infra, 68°. * Nathaniel Gyles (1559-1634, Jan. 24): Mus. Bac. June 26, 1585; Mus. Doc. 1622; Master of the Chil- dren of St. George’s Chapel, Wind- sor, Oct. 1, 1595, to Jan. 24, 1634, and Master of the Children of the Chapel Royal June 9, 1597, to Jan. 24, 1634. The inscription over his grave in the aisle adjoining. St. George’s Chapel gives 49 years as Master of St. George’s, and 38 years as Master of the Children of his Majesty's Chapel Royal. But the in vol. II, of com- William Hunnis. The appointment was the Lord Chamberlain,> Lord 49 years is an error for 39, as above dates show. The same inscription allots him 75 years. Between 1597 and 1626, Gyles was the recipient of at least nine royal grants. The chief ones are con- nected with the present history and are printed or sufficiently noticed in the pages of this and succeeding volumes. ; 41597. William Hunnis died the 6th of June, Master of the Children, and Na- thaniell Giles sworne gent and Master of the Chil- dren in his place the 9th of the same, from Win- sore.’—The Old Cheque- Book or Book of Remembrance of the Chapel Royal (ed. E. F. Rim- bault, for The Camden Society, 1872), 5 . “1597 June. The Right Honorable the Lord Chamberlaine, upon the 9th day of June, commanded me, Bartholomew 172 < silane ee 7 — es ST ee ee Sth ile le inn ie taal ES1ABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 59 Hunsdon.* the Chapel.” This is Gyles’s first connection with the Children of July 2, 1597, the Queen issued her Privy ‘Sea for a Patent to Nathaniel Gyles as Master of the Children and Gentleman of. her Chapel. Mason, Substitute at Greenwich, to sweare Nathaniell Gyles Gentleman of her Majestes Chappell (being be- fore extraordinary), whoe accord- ingly receaved his oth as other gen- tlemen before him hath done, in the presence of us whose names are subscribed.”—/dem, 37. [fol. 24]. *See supra, 26°. *“The Children of the Chapel, who disappeared when their play- place was shut up early in 1583, are met with again in 1581, as acting at Croydon, under N. Giles, their master, before the Queen.” —F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage (1890), 81. Fleay is mistaken here concern- ing Gyles. Hermann Maas, Die Kindertrup- pen (Diss. Gottingen, 1901), 8, ac- cepts Fleay’s error seriously and adds a worse one. He refers to John Nichols, Progresses, &c., of Queen Elizabeth, III, 124, 227, as proof that the Children of the Chap- el under Gyles acted before Eliza- beth at Croydon in 1591. takes these references from Fleay, op. cit., 78 (to which also he refers for his proof), but gives them as his own, although he had certainly not seen Nichols’s work. On the pages referred to, Nichols deals with a different matter,—the pres- ence of the Queen in Windsor in 1593, to which indeed Fleay prop- erly refers. But Maas in appropri- ating Fleay’s references mistook them as referring to the first point rather than the last in the sentence in which Fleay has given them. *Both these documents I have found in the Public Record Office. Neither seems ever to have been published. The Privy Seal can be reached by consulting Privy Signet Index, under July, 1597. The Pat- Maas’ The Patent was issued accordingly July 14.* ent is obtainable under the index “Duodecima Pars Patentium de Anno XXXIX. Elizabeth Regina.” As in all such cases, the Patent is engrossed from the Privy Seal, and is identical with it in wording of the grant, except where the en- -grosser has erred or has spelled differently. I quote therefore here and in all similar cases from the Privy Seal as of prior authority. The pertinent part of this docu- ment provides for the instruction and care of only twelve children,— a point of significant interest in the succeeding history. The Privy Seal (the many signs of abbreviation ex- panded into italics however) with the customary memorandum (in a separate hand) of the date of the Great Seal to the Letters Patent follows :— Memorandum quod xiiij die Julij Anno infra scripto istud breve deliberatum fuit domino Custodi magni Sigilli Angliae apud Westmonasterium exe- quendum. Elizabeth dei gracia Angliae Fran- ciae et Hiberniae Regina fidei de- fensor &c Prodilecto et fideli Con- siliario nostro Thomae Egerton militi magni Sigilli nosfri Angliae Custodi salutem Vobis mandamus quod sub dicto Sigillo nostro vestra existente custodia litteras nostras fieri faciat patentes in forma se- quente Recina &c Omnibus ad quos &c Salutem ScrtaTis quod nos de gracia nostra speciali ac ex certa sciencia et mero motu nostris dedimus et concessimus ac per praesentes pro nobis heredibus et successoribus nos- iris damus et concedimus dilecto Servienti nostro Nathanieli Giles officium Magistri puerorum Capellae 173 60 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS July 3, 1597, the next day after the issue of the Privy Seal for his appointment as Master of the Children of the Chapel, the Queen granted under her signet a warrant for a Commission to Gyles for taking up children for her service. lowed July 15.7 nosirae Regiae heredum et succes- sorum nostrorum Quodquidem offi- cium Willelmus Hunnis iam de- functus nuper habuit et exercuit ac ratione mortis eiusdem Willelmi Hunnis in manibus ac disposicione nostris existit HABENDwm occupan- dum et gaudendum officium praedic- tum eidem Nathanieli Giles per seipsum a tempore mortis praedicti Willelmi Hunnis durante vita sua naturali DAmus etiam et per prae- sentes pro nobis heredibus et suc- cessoribus nostris concedimus prae- fato Nathanieli Giles vada _ siue feoda quadraginta librarum sterling Percipienda anmuatim a tempore mortis praefati Willelmi Hunnis pro eruditione duodecem puerorum eius- dem Capellae nostrae ac pro eorum conveniente exhibicione vestiturae et lectuarii de thesauro nostro he- redum et successorum nostrorum ad Receptum Scaccarij nostri West- monasterii per manus Thesaurarii et Camerari eiusdem pro tempore existente ad quattuor Anni terminos videlicet ad festum Natalis domint Annunciacionis beatae Mariae vir- ginis Sancti Johannis Baptistae et sancti Michaelis Archangeli equali- bus porcionibus, solvenda vnacum omnibus et omnimodis altjs vadis feodis proficubus Jurisdiccionibus aucthoritate priuilegijs commodita- tibus regardis et advantagiis quibus- cunque eidem officio quoquo modo debitis pertinentibus siue incumben- tibus aut impostum debendis siue spectandis in tam amplis et con- similibus modo et forma prout Ri- cardus Edwards vel dictus Willel- mus nuper defunctus aut aliquis alius officium praedictum habuit ex- ercuit vel gauisws fuit habere exer- cere vel gaudere debuit Ac INSUPER de ampliori gracia nostra ac ex cer- ta sciencia et mero motu nodsStris pro The patent fol- nobis heredibus et successoribus nostris per praesentes damus et con- cedimus praedicto Nathanieli Giles locum siue officium illud vnius ge- nerosorum nostrorum dictae Capel- lae nostrae Regiae quod praedictus ~Willelmus Hunnis nuper habuit vna- cum feodo seu annuali redditw tri- ginta librarum bonae et legalis monetae Angliae per Annum Ha- BENDUm tenendum gaudendum et exercendum locum siue_ officium illud praedictum durante vita sua naturali Necnon percipiendum dic- tum vadum siue annualem redditum sibi vel assignatis suis consimili modo et forma et ad tales terminos in quibus ceteri generosi dictae Cap- ellae nostrae Regiae solui consueue- runt vnacum omnibus alijs commo- ditatibus priuilegits praeeminencibus ac emolumentis quibuscunque eidem loco siue officio quoquo modo spec- tantibus siue imposterum spectandis | Eo quod &c., In cutus rei &c Datum nostro sub priuato Sigillo apud Manerzwm nostrum de Green- wich secundo die Julij Anno Regni nostri tricesimo nono Will Parker [engrosser] The Patent begins with “Regina &c,” and continues from there on as a copy of the above Privy Seal, with varied orthography and abbre- viations however, ending with the “In cuius rei &c.” Instead of the closing “Datum nostro,” &c., of the Privy Seal, the Patent closes with ~ the attestation and date of final is- sue thus :— Teste Regina apud Westmonas- terium xiiij°® die Julij per breve de priuato Sigillo. *Hitherto the only generally ac- cessible source of information as to the date, contents, and powers of this Commission has been Henry Clifton’s Complaint to the Queen 174 a a a ~ : : in the Star Chamber Proceedings preserved at the Public Record Of- fice. (Discovered by Mr. James Greenstreet, and published by him in The Athenaeum, Aug. 10, 1889, 203-4. Reprinted in F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage, 1890, 127-32.) The Commission has never been printed. But more than a hundred years ago its existence was merely indicated in Daniel Lysons, Envi- rons of London (1796), I, 92. Both Privy Seal and Patent I have found in the Public Record Office. The former is enrolled in Privy Signet Index and is preserved in a bundle of parchments labeled “Privy Seals 1597 July.” A further enrolment is in State Papers, Do- mestic, Elizabeth, Docquets, 1597-8, made “quarto die Julij 1597,”—the day following the issue. My transcript of the Privy Seal, dated at the close 3 July, 1597, with head memorandum of Patent date, is as follows (most signs of con- traction and abbreviation, however, expanded into ftalics) :— Memorandum quod xv‘? die Julij Anno infra scripto istud breve deliberatum fuit domino Custodi magni Sigilli Angliae apud Westmonasterium exe- quendum. Elizabeth by the grace of god quene of England ffrance & Irland De- fendo’ of the faithe &c. To o* right trusty and welbeloved Councello’ sr Thomas Egerton knight keeper of our greate Seale of England for the tyme being greeting. We will and commaunde you that vnder our said great Seale ye cause o” lettres pat- ents to be made forth in forme fol- owing Elizabeth by the grace of god &c To all Maio™ shirifs bail- ifs Constables, & all other o* Offi- cers greeting. ffor that it is meete that o* Chappell Royall should be furnished with well singing Chil- ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 61 So far as we know, this Commission to Gyles is the earliest recorded document in the long history of the Children and their influences begun at Blackfriars. It is possibly the foundation dren from tyme to tyme: We haue and by these presents doo authorise o” welbeloved servant Nathaniell Giles m* of o* Children of our said Chappell, or his Deputie being by his bill subscribed and sealed, so authorised, and having this o7 pres- ent Comission w™ him, To take suche and so many children as he, or his sufficient Deputie shall thinke meete, in all cathedrall collegiat, parishe Churches Chappells or any other place or places aswell w'in libertie as without w'in this our Realme of England whatsoeuer they be, And also at all tymes neces- sary horses, boates, Barges, Cartes, Carres, and waggens for the con- veyance of the said Children from any place, w' all manner of neces- saryes apperteyning to the said Chil- dren by lande or water at suche reasonable prises, as by the discre- tion of him, or his said Deputie shalbe thought sufficient And also to take vpp sufficient lodging for him and the sayd Children, when they for our service shall remove to any place or places. Provided also, y* if our said servant, or his Deputie, or Deputies bearers hereof in his name cannot forthwt remove the Childe or Children when he by vertue of this our Commission hath taken him or them That then the said Childe or- Children shall re- mayne there yntill suche tyme as our said Servant Nathaniell Giles shall send for him or them. Wher- fore we will and commaunde you and eu"y of you to whom this our Commission shall come, to be help- ing ayding and assisting to the vt- termost of your powers, as you will answer at your vttermost perills. In witnes wherof &c Gevin vnder our Privy Seale at o* Manno’ of Grenewich the thirde day of July in the nyne and thirtieth yeere of our Reigne. Will Parker [engrosser] 175 ‘\ 62 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS upon which this brilliant career was begun and is, not only for a that reason but mainly tor other reasons that appear in the se- quence, of supreme value in understanding the significance of events. , Upon first reading and upon comparison with earlier similar documents, the Commission seems an ordinary provision for the Queen’s Chapel according to ample precedent. Since the days of Richard III and perhaps even earlier, it had been the custom to impress men and boys by royal authority into service as Chapel choristers. Although research will probably yet reveal similar commissions to Henry Abingdon,’ Gilbert Ban- ester,” or still earlier Masters of the Children, at present the first known authorization for such impressments is the commission from Richard III to John Melyonek, 16 September, 1484.8 The Patent is under the index, “Nona Pars Patentium de Anno XXXIX. Elizabeth,’ and is found in that roll on membrane No. 7, dorso. It was engrossed from the above Privy Seal, and begins ac- cordingly after the words “in forme folowing” with “Elizabeth,” &c. The engrosser repeated the words “ffor that” after “greeting.” Ab- breviations and especially orthogra- phy in the two documents differ widely,—a condition universally prevalent in the thousands of such records. Otherwise the wording of the grant is the same. The closing sentence of the Privy Seal begin- ning with “Gevin” is replaced in the patent by “witnes our self at Westminster the xv" day of Julie per breve de priuato sigillo etc.” *Patent, May, 5 Edw. IV. (1465), “for the fynding, instruction,” &c. of the children. Protected by Act of Resumption in his stipend of 401. per year, 13 Edw. IV (1473-74). *Protected by Act of Resump- tion, 22 Edw. IV. (1482-83) in his salary of 40/., for “the exhibition, instruction, and governaunce of the children of the chapelle.” *Placed in wrong historical per- spective and printed with expanded and sometimes modernized spell- ings, inserted punctuations, and a Melle-Ric &c few omissions and other changes in J. P. Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry and Annals of the Stage (1831), I, 34-35; second ed. (1879), I, 40. Reprinted with fewer variations in The Old Cheque-Book or Book of Remembrance of the- Chapel Royal, from 1561 to 1744 (ed. E. F. Rimbault for The Cam- den Society, 1872), vii. Both pub- lications omit the last line (the date) of the document, and Rim- bault misdates it as 1485 instead of 1484. The original document is pre- served in Brit. Mus., Harl. MSS. 433, fol. 189, from which the fol- lowing transcript is made (with the more difficult abbreviations, how- ever, expanded into italics) :— To all & euery o*. sub- me®oiett®® aswele spirituell as tem- porell thise o” lettres hering or seeing greeting We let you wite that for the confidence & trust y* we haue in o* trusty and welbe- loued seruant John Melyonek oon of ye gentilmen of 0” Chapell and knowing also his expert habilitie and connyng in ye science of Mu- sique haue licenced him and by thise pvesent®® licence and geue him auctorite y* win all plac** in this 0° reame aswele Cathedral 176 a tat i in a Se iq ' ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 63 It is not vet known whether or not Wiiliam Cornyshe* and William Crane* were likewise empowered by their respective sov- ereigns Henry VII and Henry VIII. But sixty-six years aiter the grant to Melyonek by Richard III, Edward VI employed the Same means to the same ends in a commission to Philip Van Wilder.* Two years later, Jue, 1552, Edward VI gave another authorization of similar nature to Richard Bower, Master of the Children of the Chapel.* Previous commissions had provided for the taking up of both children and men as choristers. But in the present case and in all succeeding cases, to the termination of the churges coliges chappells houses of relegion and al oy*™ [other] franchised & exempt plac*®* as elliswhere o* colege roial at Wyndesor reserued & except may take and sease for vs and in o* name al suche singing men & childre being expart i° the said science of Musique as he can finde and think sufficient and able to do vs seruice Wherfor &c yeuen &c at Nottingham the xvj™ day of Septemb°” A° secundo A®° domini 1484 A® 2° [Richard III’s reign began June 26, 1483. His second year therefore is June 26, 1484—June 25, 1485. Hence Sept. 16, 2 Ric. III, is Sept. 16, 1484, not 1485 as Rimbault.- (u. s.) has it. Richard III died 22 Au- gust, 1485.]_ . *William Cornyshe (Cornish) is first heard of as Master of the Chil- dren in 1493, in Henry VII’s Privy Purse Expenses. *The date of William Crane’s succession is not known. He is first heard of as Master of the Children _ of the Chapel in 1526, in the House- hold Book of Henry VIII. °*The patent is to Philip Van Wilder, Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, Feb., 1550, and empowers him “in anie churches or chappells within England to take to the King’s use, such and as many sing- ing children and choristers, as he or his deputy should think good.”— The Old Cheque-Book (u. s.), viii. J.P. Collier,, op: ctt.,,(1831"), I, 142; (1879°), I, 140°, notes the is- suance of this warrant of authority, with acknowledgements to Strype, Eccl. Mem., II, 839, which I cannot verify. But John Strype, Ecclesias- tical Memorials (1822), II, ii, 285, quotes under erroneous date of June, 1551, from King Edward VI’s Book of Warrants. I have not yet found either Privy Seal or Patent. But I quote the following from the original MS. record :— “June vj°E vj. A commission to Rich- [1552] ard Gowre MT” of the Comision Children of the K. Chap- ple to take vp from tyme to tyme as many chil- dren to serve in his sayde chapple as he shall thinke mete.— _ Brit. Mus., MS. Reg. (18. c. 24.), fol. 232, entitled “The Note to all the Bills signed by the King and Councel from Oct. 19, 4 Edw. VI. to the 7 Edw. VI.” The name here is distinctly writ- ten “Gowre.” But in the Latin pat- ent to him by Elizabeth, 13 April, 1559, as printed in Thomas Rymer, Foedera (1713), XV, 517, it is “Bower.” | It is likewise “Richard Bowre” in the Latin Patent to Bower as Master of the Children of the Chapel, 28 April, 1547, in the Public Record Office, Patent Rolls, 1 Edw. VI, Part 9. Never yet printed. His salary is fixed at 401. per year. See also infra, 64". 177 64 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS» practice, except the one of 1559-[60] next noticed, only children were to be impressed. in Elizabeth’s second regnal year, she issued a Privy Seal prohibiting the taking of singing men and boys from Windsor, Paul’s, or the Chapel Royal, but empowering — the bearer, not named, to take such from any other chapel.? It is not known what this special provision was made for, but it seems quite certainly a commission to the master of the children at Windsor for supplying vacancies, and not for the Chapel Royal. In 1562 the 1552 commission to Bower ts reported to have been renewed by Elizabeth, authorizing him “to take up well singing boys, for furnishing the Queen’s Chapel.”* I have not been able to find this commission, and I suspect the report is not true; for — Bower died 26 July, 1561,* and Richard Edwards was appointed to the office the same year.®> Chalmers in reporting this has either confused it with the commission te Richard Edwards of Dec. 4, 1561,° or overlooked the natural chronology of a document that fell between the date of Elizabeth’s reappointment of Bower, 30 April, 1559, five months after the beginning of her reign,’ and the date of his death, 26 July, 1561. In either case there is a mis- dating. *There was little further need for impressment of men-choristers ; for so many wanted the position of Gentleman of the Chapel that there seem sometimes, during the reign of Elizabeth and of James I., to have been more gentlemen extraor- dinary,—that is, applicants in line for promotion to active service as choristers,—than gentlemen ordi- nary. See The Old Cheque-Book (wu. s.) 62ff., passim, particularly the strict regulations of the chapter against using influence on the Lord: Chamberlain in securing such ap- pointments, idem., 64, under date Dec. 2, 1592. *The Privy Seal dates 8 March, 1559-[60]. It closes thus: “and we give power to the bearer of this to take any singing men and boys from any chapel, our own house- hold and St. Paul’s only excepted.” —Printed in full in John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Proces- sions of Queen Elizabeth (second ed. 1823), I, 81, from Ashmolean MSS. 1113 (Bodl. Lib.) 3yalsoeam J. P. Collier, op. cit. (1879), I, 170. SCF: George Chalmers, An Apol- ogy for the Believers in the Shake- speare Papers (1797), 359. “Cf. The Old Cheque-Book (u. s.), Notes. *Infra, 65°. ° Infra, ibid. "Officers of Edward VI or of Queen Mary holding over under Elizabeth had their authority val- idated by reappointment. Accord- ingly a new patent was granted to Richard Bower as Master of the Children of the Chapel, dated “xxx Aprilis” in 1 Eliz. (1559). ‘This document provides for instruction and keep of twelve boys, for which Bower is allowed 40/. per year,— just the same as earlier given to him, Abingdon, Banester, and other masters of the children, and later to his successors, Edwards, Hunnis, and Gyles. The latter part of the 178 S Ae Shs 5 _ three are almost identical. ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 65 \ Very soon after the death of Richard Bower, Elizabeth empow- _ ered his successor, Richard Edwards, with a commission for tak- ing up children under date of 4 Dec., 1561. This document served as a model for the later commissions to Hunnis and Gyles. As the commission to Edwards throws All much light upon the present history by its identity in purport and near likeness in wording, and has never before been published, it is here subjoined.* patent specifies that these condi- tions and the powers granted are all as formerly enjoyed by the same Bower under Henry VIII, Edward VI, and Mary.—Public Record Of- fice, Patent Rolls, 1 Elizabeth, Part 9, membrane 5. See also supra, 63%. *IT have found both the Privy Seal and the Patent of this com- mission in the Public Record Office, and publish, as usual in such cases, from my transcript of the Privy Seal as of prior authority over the engrossed Patent. The Privy Seal bears date 4 Dec., 1561, and the ' execution 10 Jan. next succeeding. Memorandum quod x°® die Jan- uarii Anno infra scripto istud breve deliberatum fuit domino Custodi magni Sigilli apud Westmonasterium exequendum Elizabeth by the grace of god Quene of England fraunce & Ire- land defend*™ of the faythe &c. To o* right welbeloued & faythfull Counsaylo™ S* nicholas Bacon knight keper of o* great Seale of Englande, commaundinge yo" that vnder o* great Seale aforsayd ye _ cause to be made o* lettres patent** in forme followinge. To all Mayo™ sherifs baylief** constables & all other o” officers gretinge. For that it is mete that o* chappell Royall should be furnysshed w‘™ well sing- ing children from tyme to tyme we have & by these present®* do au- thorise 0° welbeloued servaunt Rich- ard Edward®* m* of o” children of o* sayd chappell or his deputie be- inge by his bill subscribed & sealed so authorised, & havinge this o* presente comyssion w‘" hym to take as manye well singinge Children as he or his sufficient deputie shall thinke mete in all Chathedrall & Collegiate Churches aswell w'*in libertie as w‘out win this o* Realme of England whatsoever they be And also at tymes neces- sarie, horses, boat®*, barg®*, Cart®* & carres, as he for the conveyaunce of the sayd Children from any place to o* sayd chappell Royall. w* all maner of necessaries apperteynyng to the sayd Children aswell by lande as water at o* prices ordynarye to be redely payed when they for o* service shall remove to any place or plac** provided also that if o* sayd Servaunt or his deputie or deputies bearers hereof in his name cannot forthwt" Remove the chyld or children when he by vertue of this o™ Commyssyon hathe taken hym or them that then the sayd child or children shall remayne there vntill suche tyme as o* sayd S*vaunt Rychard Edward** shall send for him or them Wherfore we will & commaunde yo" & everie of you to whom this o* Comyssion shall come to be helpinge aydinge & assistinge to the vttermost of yo" powers as ye will answer at yo"vttermoste peryll**. In Wytnes wherof &c. Geven vnder o' privie Seale at o” Mano” of St James the fourthe daye of Decembre in the fourthe yere of o* Raigne. R. Jones [engrosser of Patent. Name written in same ink as the memorandum at top], The Patent is found in the Pub- lic Record Office, Patent Rolls, 4 Eliz., Part 6, Membrane 14, dorso. 179 66 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Immediately after the death of Edwards the last of October, 1566, William Hunnis was appointed in his place as Master of the Children of the Chapel. Within six months thereafter, namely in April, 1567, Hunnis was in like manner commissioned to take up children. This commission is modeled upon the preceding one to Edwards, with additions of a few words and one new provision as to lodging the children. Thirty years later the Hunnis com- mission became in turn itself the model from which the commis- sion to Gyles, already quoted,? was copied word for word. The use later made of the commission to Gyles, as dealt with in succeeding pages of the present history, raises into peculiar im- > portance the precedent commission to Edwards and especially this commission to William Hunnis.? The wording of the grant part of the Privy Seal is copied in the pat- ent as is usual, with varied orthog- raphy, however, and the direction to the Keeper of the Great Seal is of course omitted in the Patent. The last sentence beginning “In witnes” is replaced in the Patent by the date of its issue, “In wittnese &c yeoven the tenth daye of Janu- 18 April, 1567. Memorandum quod xviij° die Aprilis Anno Regni Reginge E: nono ista billa dliberata fuit Domino Custodi magni Sigilli apud Westmonastertum exe- quenda. Clizabeth & [signature] Elizabeth by the grace of god &c ary To all maiors Sheriffes Bayliffes per breve de priuato Sigillo &c.” Constables and all other o* officers * Supra, 60°. greatinge For that it iss mete that *I have found both Privy Seal and Patent of Hunnis’s commission in the Public Record Office, and publish, as in all similar cases, from the Privy Seal, as of prior author- ity over the Patent engrossed from it. The Privy Seal and patent were executed by the Queen in person. Hence the omission of the usual introductory paragraph of the Privy Seal to the Keeper of the Great Seal, and the substitution at close of the Patent of “per ipsam Regi- oure Chappell Royall shulde be fur- nysshed with well singynge Chyl- derne from tyme to tyme, We Have and by these presence do auc- thorice o* welbeloued servaunte William Hunnys master of o* Chil- derne of o* saide Chappell or His deputie beinge by His bill sub- scribed and sealed so aucthorised, and Havinge this 0° presente com- myssion w‘* Hym, To take suche & asmany Childrne as He or His suf- ficiente deputie shall thinke mete in all Cathedrall Collegiate parishe nam” in place of the customary Churches Chappells or any other } authority “per breve de priuato place or places aswell win Libertie Sigillo.” The Privy Seal bears as wout w-"in this 0° Realme of — Elizabeth’s signature near the top of the parchment in her usual tall, Englande whatsoever they be and also at all tymes necessary Horses strong, individualized separate Boeates barges Cartes Carres and . characters. waggens for “the conveyaunce of the The customary date-line at saide Childerne from any place, w™ | close of the Privy Seal is omitted. But the execution is recorded as all maner of Necessaries appertayn- ynge to the saide Childerne, by 180 “ae aT as Chapel Royal. ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 67 The practice of impressment was not confined to supplying the April 26, 1585, Queen Elizabeth granted to one Thomas Gyles,? Master of the Children of Paul’s, a warrant under her signet, for the taking up of children to be used in her service Lande or water at such Reasonable prises as by thé discretion of hym or his saide deputie shalbe thought sufficiente and also to take vpp suf- ficient Lodgynge for hym & the saide Childerne when they for o* service shall Remove to any place or places Prouided also that if o* saide Servaunte or his deputie or deputies bearers Hereof in His name cannot forthw‘ Remove the Childe or Childerne when He by vertu of this o* comyssion Hath taken hym or them, That then the saide childe or Childerne shall re- mayne there vntill suche tyme as o* saide servaunte william Hunnys shall sende for Hym or them Wherefore we will and commaunde yo" and every of yo" to whome this 0” commyssion shall come to be Helpinge aydinge and assistinge to the vttermoste of yo™ powers as yo" will answere at yo" vttermoste per- ills In witnesse whereof &c The Patent may be found in the Public Record Office in Patent Rolls, 9 Eliz., Part 10, Mem. 19 (16), dorso. With the exception of orthography, it is an exact copy of the Privy Seal. At the close after “In witnesse whereof &c’” is added simply, ‘““Witnes our self at Westminster the xviij™ daye of Aprill per ipsam Reginam &c.” *In no way connected with Na- thaniel Gyles of the Chapel Royal and Blackfriars theatre. *This document is printed in full + in J. P. Collier, op. cit., (1831"), I, 265; (1879°), I, 258-59, but mis- dated by him as 1586. It is also misdated as 1584 by A. Albrecht, Das Englische Kindertheater (Diss. Halle, 1883), 31, with reference to John Nichols, The Progresses, &c., of Oueen Elizabeth (1823), II, 432, _whenever she might call for them.? where Nichols. erroneously prints “26th” for “27th” in the last line of the document, giving the year. Reprinted, with correct date, in The English Drama and Stage (ed. Haz- litt, Roxburghe Library, 1869), 33- 34. Hazlitt was unable to find the original document in the Public Record Office. The reason is, it is in the British Museum, Sloane MS. 2035b, fol. 73 (Album of George Willingham, 1585-1650), from which I offer the following transcript as an accurate copy. At the top, below the words “By the Queene,” Elizabeth has placed her signature with her usual tall, clear, sharply individualized sepa- rate letters. By the Queene. clizabethy} Greet / signature Whereas we haue authorysed our servaunte Thomas Gyles M’ of the children of the Cathedrall Churche of St Pauls within our Cittie of London to take vpp suche apte and meete Children as are most fitt to be instructed and framed in the arte and science of musicke and singinge as may be had and founde out within anie place of this our Realme of England or Wales, to be by his education and bringinge vp made meete and hable to serve vs in that behalf when our pleasure is to call for them. Wee therefore by the teno” of these present®* will and require you that ye permitt and suffer from henceforthe our saide servaunte Thomas Gyles and his deputie or deputies and every of them to take vp in anye Cathedral or Collegiate Churche or Churches and in everye other place or places of this our Realme of England and Wales, suche Childe and Children as he or they or anye of them shall 181 68 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS In 1595 she issued a similar commission it seems to Nathaniel os ‘ Gyles, then Master of the Children of St. Georges Chapel at Windsor.? These precedents all provided for the taking up of children for singing. But the Chapel Children had been employed in dramatic representations apparently as early as Edward IV,” and possibly finde and like of and the same Childe and Children by vertue here- of for the vse and service afoure- saide, with them or anye of them to bringe awaye, withoute anye yo" lett®* contradiccions staye or inter- ruptions to the contrarie Charginge and commaundinge you and everie of you to be aydinge helpinge and assisting vnto the aboue named Thomas Gyles and his deputie and deputies in and aboute the due ex- ecucion of the premisses for the more spedie effectuall & bettar ac- complisshing thereof from tyme to tyme as you and everie of you doe tendar our will and pleasure and will aunswere for doinge the con- trarye at yo" perill°* Youen vnder our Signet at our Mano” of Grene- wich the 26th Day of Aprill in the 27th yere of our reign. To all and singules Deanes, Provostes, Maisters and War- dens of Collegies and all Ec- clesiasticall persons and myn- isters and to all other o* officers mynisters and sub- iect®* to whome in this case it shall apperteyne and to everye of them greetinge *This document has not yet been discovered. But from the reference to it in the Appointment of Na- thaniel Gyles by the Dean and Can- ons of St. George, coupled with the fact that Gyles served at Windsor accordingly for thirty-nine years (cf. supra, 58°), it was doubtless granted. The Appointment of the Dean and Canons of St. George is a rare document in that it recognizes the acting-function of the choir-chil- dren. It also throws a side-light on the present history. “The Dean and Canons of St. George’s Chapel, Windsor, by deed dated 1 Oct. 1595, nominate Na- thaniel Gyles, B. M. to be Clerk in the Chapel, and one of the players on the organs there, and also to be master, instructor, tutor, and crean- sor, or governor, of the ten chor- isters, agreeing to give him an an- nuity of »8il. 6s, 84, "andi dwelling-house within the Castle, called the Old Commons, wherein John Mundie did lately inhabit, with all appertenances, as one Rich- ard Farrante enjoyed the same. The stipend to be paid monthly by the treasurer, over and besides all other gifts, rewards, or benevo- lence that may be given to the chor- isters for singing of ballads, plays, or the like: leave of absence as the statutes al- low, except when Her Majesty shall be resident, or an installation or funeral of any noble person shall be solemnized: on condition that the said Nathaniel Gyles shall pro- cure meet and apt choristers within the space of three months after avoidance (Her Majesty’s Commis- sion for the taking of. children be- ing allowed unto him), and that he shall find them sufficient meat and drink, apparel, bedding and lodging at his own costes within the New Commons lately appointed for them; and that he shall find a sufficient deputy during the time of sickness and absence.”—Bodl. Lib., Ashmolean MSS., No. 1125-33; printed in The Old Cheque-Book (u. s., 62°), 198. *This statement has no. surer foundation than the known dra- matic activity of the Master of the Children, Gilbert Banester, author of The Miracle of St. Thomas, and the possible use of the Boys by him 182 also such reasonable » even earlier. ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 69 Certainly they were used as actors within seven ears of our first known notice concerning Banester’s connection y S with them.* Henry VII employed them at the Christmas festiv- ities of 1490 in a pageant of pantomime and song,” and apparently at other times during his reign in pageant presentations.’ Henry VIII frequently employed them in the presentation of plays,* as did also Edward VI. mm acting. See J. P. Collier, op. cit., *I, 33; *I, 40; Thomas Warton, Op.) ctt.; III, 132. Supra, 62°; infra, 69°. *See Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. No. 69, under “The tenth Chapter of the disportes,’ &c., fol. 34b. It is there declared that the boys, dressed as mermaids in this song and pan- tomime, were the Children of the Chapel. All eight were used,—the full number at that time kept. On use of the Men of the Chapel as actors at this period, see extracts from the Household Book of Henry Pim | J.P. Collier, op. cit., “1, 44ff; *I, 50ff. ®This conclusion is based solely on the preceding evidence and the fact that the Household Book of Henry VII (u. s., 69°), shows pay- ments for these pageants to Wil- liam Cornish, then Master of the Children, successor to Banester. “See extracts from The Kynges Boke of payments during the first twelve years of Henry VIII, in Col- lier, op. cit. (1879), I, 76-79, from which are taken the first four no- tices here quoted :— 8 H. VIII.—Jan. 4. To Mr. Cor- nisshe and the children of the chap- ell that played affore the king, 6/. 13s. 4d. 10 H:. VIII.—Jan. 2. To Mr. Cornishe, for playing affore the king opon newyeres day at nyght with the children of the kings chap- ell, 6/. 135. 4d. 11 H. VIII—Jan. 6. To Mr. Cornisshe, for playing afore the king this Cristemas with his chil- dren, 61. 13s. 4d. 12 H. VIII.—Jan. 6. To master Cornisshe for his play, 6/. 13 5. 4d. The boys taken up for Paul’s, Windsor, _ The following additional notices indicate Henry VIII employed the Children extensively as _ actors throughout his reign :— The Interlud was callyd the tryumpe of Love and Bewte, and yt was wryten and presentyd by Mayster Cornyshe and oothers of the Chappell of our soverayne lord the Kyng, and the chyldern of the sayd Chapell, &c.—From a roll of the items of the Revels, Christmas, 1514+[15], in Collier, op. cit., I, 69. Item, to Maister Crane, for play- ing before the King with the Chil- dren of the Chapell, in rewarde SOY, Pea AER ae xij’ vj* viij* —From the Household Book of Henry VIII, in the Trevelyan Pa- pers (ed. Collier, for The Camden Society, 1857), 146. Under date of New Year’s day, 1529. Item, to Mr. Crane for playing be- fore the King with the Children of the Chappell, in reward vj" xiij* iiij4 —Idem, 161. Under date of New Year’s day, 1530. Item to M* Crane, for playing before the Kinges grace, with the childerne of the Kinges chapell... EWialn aut asta Mateos ie Vie enya —Idem, 174. Under date of New Year’s day, 1531. 30 Henry VIII.—Dec. 30. Itm to the children of the chapell by way of the King’s rewarde, 6/. 13s. 4d.—J. P. Collier, op. cit., I, 116, from the King’s Books of Payments. 31 Henry VIII.—Jan. 1. Itm to Mr. Crane, for playing before the King with the children, 6/. 13 s. 4d. —Idem, 117. *TItem, to Richard Bowre, for playing before the King’s majestie 183 70 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS and the Chapel Royal had under Elizabeth likewise often been used in play-acting, although this function was not specified in the commissions.’ It accorded however with the Queen’s pleasure. The above comparative view of the commission to Gyles and its precedents shows that the commission to Gyles, out of which arises much of.the history of the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars, instead of being peculiar in its provisions differs in no essential features from its immediate precedents, and is even word for word identical with the commission to Hunnis. Whether the commission to Hunnis or the modei of it to Edwards was read two ways or not, each at least couid have been if occasion had arisen. The only difference between these precedents and the commission to Gyles seems to be that under Gyles’s régime occa- sion did arise, and his commission consequently was given in practice a double interpretation. The commission to Gyles can be read and was read two ways, each with perfect consistency. Henry Clifton in his complaint to the Queen, as we shall see, read it in the strictest sense as a direct provision for supplying the Chapel with choristers. Gyles tead it thus, and also very differently. "We are forced to con- clude from events that the Queen and her Court of Star Chamber with the Children of the Chappell, ity rewarde.. ch cadens Vir sociedad —From the Household Book of Ed- ward VI, 1547-[48], in The Tre- velyan Papers (ed. Collier, for The Camden Society, 1857), 201. Item to Richard Bower, M* of the Children of the Kinges Chap- pell, for playinge before the Kinges Majestie with the saied Children Fee wae eat eae re ab vj! xiij® iiij? —From The Kinges Booke of Re- ceyptes and Paymentes, in The Trevelyan Papers (ed. Collier, for The Camden Society, 1863), II, 20. Under. date of New Year’s day, 1547-[48]. *Examples of this practice under Elizabeth prior to her action in es- tablishing the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars in 1597 are too voluminous to quote in the present small work. J. P. Collier, op. cit. (1831, 1879"), I, passem, assembled some materials. A. Al- brecht, Das Englische Kinderthea- ter (Diss. Halle, 1883), makes a very brief presentation. F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage, &c. (1890), gives a superficial general view, and is followed by Hermann Maas, Die Kindertruppen (Diss. Gdttingen, 1901), in a few sketchy paragraphs. The field widens with investigation and includes, besides the Children of the Chapel, Windsor choir, and - Paul’s boys, also several schools for boys,—as Westminster, Merchant Taylors, Oxford, Eton, &c. Not all of these of course provided Court-entertainments, but they were used at least in private theatricals. No thorough treatment has ever yet been made. The field, though not richly promising, awaits an investi- gator. Certain pertinent materials, old and new, will be included in my succeeding complete work. 184 : ‘ 4 ; % “9 7 ESTABLISHMENT OF BLACKFRIARS 71 agreed with Gyles’s interpretation, and that he read it thus in carrying out the Queen’s wish. In this sense the commission required Gyles to provide children for the Chapel, but allowed him wide liberty. He could take up as many children as he pleased, although the Latin patent issued just the day before specifically provided that he should be re- quired to instruct but twelve for the Chapel Royal. He could remove them whither he wouid, if he could not at once make use of them at the Chapel, and could board them and lodge them at the royal expense. He might remove them to the Chapel when he thought them suitable for use there. There was no compul- sion for his ever taking them thither. The disposition of the children was left wholly within the discretion of Gyles. This wide liberty was used as follows: Gyles or his deputy took up numerous children, and delivered them to Henry Evans at the Blackfriars theatre. Here they were boarded and lodged by Evans at the roval charge. They were taught singing, play- acting, dancing, and other arts, besides grammar-school subjects. For this purpose, ‘“‘the Scholehouse” at the theatre was used and certain musict and praeceptores employed. The children acted plays publicly at least once a week. Their performances were attended by nobles, members of the Court, and the Queen herself. The following pages furnish the evidence of these conditions, and show that this liberal interpretation of the commission was not only in accordance with the Queen’s knowledge, but was the carrying out of her will. These powers to Gyles were supplemented by official conces- sions to Henry Evans that enabled him to rent the Blackfriars theatre and train the Queen’s Children of the Chapel there, with remunerative privileges. The documentary proof of this is con- nected with events occurring four years later, and is therefore taken up in subsequent pages.* Whether the concessions to Evans bore earlier or later date than the Commission to Gyles cannot yet be determined. The testimony of Clifton’s Complaint to the Queen? indicates the the- atre was established solely on the basis of the latter. But Clifton is making out a case against this commission, and, whether he * Infra, 81-82. *Infra, 73ff., 7'7fE. 185 72 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS knew of them or not, does not mention any documents to Evans. We are compelled to be satisfied for the present with knowing that it was under these unusual powers to Gyles and special grants to Evans that the two men united in 1597,—Evans providing the theatre, and Gyles supplying it with children-actors. Although Gyles is not known in the management, it is possible that at least for a time he had some share in the profits; for on May 31, 1601, he was paid 15/. for the two Court-pertormanees of January and February of that year.’ See Plays at Court, complete work, vol. II. ! 186 , CHAPTER IV ACTORS AND SINGERS.—THE TWO FUNCTIONAL DIVISIONS OF THE CHILDREN THERE were two sets of the Children of the Chapel from 1597 to the death of Elizabeth in 1603, all maintained at the royal charge, and all intended primarily or ultimately for the Queen’s service. Of this condition there is ample evidence. From the earliest history of the Chapel Royal, the children had been lodged and boarded in or near the palace, in close con- nection with the Chapel.t. There can be no doubt that the twelve boys provided for in the Latin Patent to Gyles? were still thus maintained. The allowance of 4o/. to Gyles is a provision for this maintenance and is based specifically upon the same provi- sion to his predecessors, William Hunnis and Richard Edwards.® With this set of children we have here nothing further to do. The boys who acted were maintained at Blackfriars under Evans. The liberal interpretation which the Queen allowed to be put upon the English Commission, as already noticed, shows this condition fully provided for. Clifton in his Complaint to the Queen says it was at Blackfriars that his son was ‘‘delivered & committed” by Gyles and his deputy James Robinson “vnto the custody of the sayd Henry Evans,”’* and that he was “as a pris- oner committed to the said playe howse amongste a companie of lewde & dissolute mercenary players.”® The Complaint was *See The Old Cheque-Book (ed. E. F. Rimbault, for The Camden Society, 1872), iii; also for various accounts of expense for their keep, J. P. Collier, History of English Dramatic Poetry and Annals of the Siage (1831"), I, 20ff; (18797), I, 37ff. Also see Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music (new ed., 1853), I, 272, 358. * Supra, 59°. *This amount, 40/., as shown by the various documents quoted or referred to in chapter III, was the sum allowed to each of the known Masters of the Children of the Chapel from Edward IV to James I,—namely, Henry Abingdon, Gil- bert Banester, William Cornish, William Crane, Richard Bower, Richard Edwards, William Hunnis, Nathaniel Gyles. * Athenaeum (10 Aug., 1889), 204; G.-F., 131. ° Athenaeum, ibid.; G.-F., 130a. 187 74 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS made primarily to stop this use and maintenance of the Queen’s Children, and is therefore full of information to the same effect. Specific quotations may be seen under later headings.t The dec- laration of Evans’s Answer in the suit of Kirkham vs. Painton concerning “‘the dietting and ordering of the Boyes vsed about the plaies there’? is further evidence of the fact. The Diary of the Duke of Stettin? accords with these established data, and adds definite statements as to maintenance of the Children at Blackfriars by the Queen, provisions for instruction, &c. “The Scholehouse” at the theatre, the room above it fitted up for the boys “to dine & sup in,” and the newly built apartments above the Great Hall, where the boys probably lodged, show the mate- rial provisions for these conditions. Whether Gyles ultimately took to the Chapel Royal any of these lads who proved good singers, or whether he may occa- sionally have used some of the twelve Chapel singers in the special music programmes at Blackfriars, there is no present evi- dence to show. Although he had ample power, there was prob- ably no occasion for doing the latter. He may have done the former in carrying out the provisions for supplving the Chapel; for the Blackfriars was, at least ostensibly by the commission, a sort of preparatory school to the Chapel Royal. From the names of the Boys known to us, and from Clifton’s Complaint, it seems the provision may have been “more honour’d in the breach, then the obseruance.’’* It is with the Blackfriars division of the Chapel Children that this history is concerned. They are important in themselves, and also as the source from which the several later Children of the Revels companies spring. : The division of the Children dates from the Latin Patent and English Commission to Gyles, and is based upon the double func- tion of singing and acting previously performed by one body of Chapel Boys. In this functiona! division of the Children lies the source of the ultimate segregation of the two bodies under James I.° - The number of Boys at Blackfriars under Elizabeth cannot Infra, 78", 79-82, 101°, 113%, 126, Infra, 106-7. ” 159. *Hamlet (1623 folio), I, iii, 257a. *Infra, 98. * Infra, vol. I, part ii. 188 baad , ‘ ee ee se Le ee ie x ACTORS AND SINGERS 75 j have been less than twenty-five, and most probably reached thirty. Some of their plays show twenty characters on the stage at once, while other requirements in certain cases increase this number. All their plays have from twenty to thirty roles. It seems rea- sonable of course that certain minor parts in all these were doubled, or given to substitutes. But even then it is impossible to get below twenty, with the probabilities as more nearly twenty- five as a minimum. ‘ I subjoin a list of the undoubted plays of the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars showing these and othert data in a general way.” From Clifton’s Complaint and from Ben Jonson’s 1616 folio we know the names of fourteen of the boys taken up from 1597 and their consequent chronological *The dates of the various plays order are here given for the first time. The evidences are solid and in most cases final. under “Plays.” See vol. II Compare this list with the list under James I, infra, vol. I, part ii. NO. ACTORS NO, CHARAC- REQUIRED TERS IN PLAY] ON STAGE AT ONE TIME The Case is Altered (ca. Sept.—Oct., 1597) .. 25 + servants 15 + servants (V, iv.) Cynthia’s Revels (ca. Apl., 1600)..... .....- 23 20 (V, ii.) Sir Giles Goosecap (ca. fall, 1600)...........|19-+-musicians| 15 (V, ii.) Remerarster. (ca: Ap): 1601)) ee aah sade oe 25 + “lictors,) 18 + lictors equites, etc.,”} (IV, iil.) and “maids.” The Gentleman Usher (ca. sum., 1601) ...... 31 + | 22 or more (counting two each for “Pages,” “At- tendants,” and ‘“‘others.”) | (V, iii.) Monsieur D’ Olive (ca. Oct.—Dec., 1601) ....| 24 11 (V, ii.) Rey (ca, May 1602). chee ee 8 Be ac 21 + 16+ (V.) The Widdowes Teares (Sept. 18, 1602) ...... 23 18 + (V, v.) The Dutch Courtezan (fall—wint.,.1602)..... 18+ pages(8),| 11 + “hal- gentlemen,| berds” and servants, “officers” (V, maskers, con-| ili.) stables (8), officers. The Malcontent (spring, 1603) .............. 21 20 (V, iii.) 76 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS to 1601. As young Thomas Clifton did not act, we can count but — thirteen known members. But Clifton does not pretend to name ali, and Jonson names only the principal actors in Cynthia’s Revels? and Poetaster.® All the boys here named, as well as those not named, were at the time of their impressment probably from nine to thirteen years of age.* *The list given by Clifton (cf. infra, 80°): John Chappell, John Motteram, Nathan ffield, Alvery Trussell, Phillipp Pykman, Thomas Grymes, Salmon Pavey, Thomas Clifton. “The principall Comoedians were, Nat. Field. Ioh. Vnderwood. Sal. Pavy. | Bob Baxter. Tho. Day. Toh. Frost.” —The Works of Beniamin Jonson (1616). "In the Poetaster list (idem), Baxter and Frost are replaced re- spectively by “Wil. Ostler” and “Tho. Marton.” The rest are the same. *This is the usual age of boy- choristers. Clifton gives the age of his son as about thirteen at the time of impressment in 1600. Field (1587-1633) was then thirteen. Underwood, Ostler, and the boys mentioned by Clifton as taken up — ‘from the various Grammar-schools and apprenticeships were also prob- — ably ten or over at taking up. Jon- © son’s tender epigram on Sal. Pavy, © who died apparently soon after act- ing in Poetaster, indicates he must — have been near the age of his fel- — lows. 190 :. - CHAPTER V ~ STAR CHAMBER PROCEEDINGS AGAINST THE USE OF THE f a CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AS ACTORS For about three years (1597-1600) the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars, with Henry Evans as theatrical proprietor and _ master in play-acting and Nathaniel Gyles as master in music, _ presented plays and music entertainments without hindrance. But - possibly the need for boys of particular excellence as actors and certainly the confidence of unquestioned security of privileges led to an overreaching of authority in impressing lads against pa- rental wishes. Had Evans, who seems mainly at fault, conducted himself more circumspectly in this matter, it is likely we should lack one of our valuable sources of information as to this chil- dren’s company, their theatre the Blackfriars, and how it was established and managed. In 1600 this indiscretion of impressment on the part of the management led to a complaint to the Queen,’ which was later acted upon by her Court of Star Chamber. On December 13, 1600, James Robinson, acting as deputy under the Commission *Preserved in the Public Record Office, Star Chamber Proceedings, Elizabeth, Bundle C46, No. 39, Clifton vs. Robinson and others. Discovered by James Greenstreet, and published by him in The Ath- enaeum (10 Aug., 1889), 203-4. Re- ‘printed from Greenstreet’s History tran- script in F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle of the London Stage (1890), 127-32. *Three times in his petition to the Queen Clifton says in connec- tion with this date “since your Ma- jesty’s last free and general par- don.” Fleay (op. cit., 124c) found material in this to explain why the Children of the Chapel did not play at court till 1601,—that is, he says, Gyles had offended the Queen “and although pardoned, had not been received into favor.” [Sic!] The statement, put always in connection with a calendar date, is merely a definite dating event in her Majesty’s reign to show the offense charged is not barred from trial, since it followed the last gen- eral pardon,—which in this case is not true. The same or similar ex- pression is used often in legal doc- uments of the time. See for ex- ample this dater in the suit con- cerning the removal of the timbers of “The Theatre” (Dec. 1598—Jan. 1599) for use in building the Globe “about the eight and twentyth daye of December in the one and fortyth yeere of your Highnes raygne, and sythence your highnes last and gen- IQI 78 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS to Gyles, impressed and carried off to the theatre young Thomas Clifton, son and sole heir of Henry Clifton, a gentleman of some importance from Norfolk, who was tempcrarily residing in Lon- don to educate his boy at a grammar-school in Christ Church. Mr. Clifton complains that on the above date Robinson waylaid his son on the way to school end carried him off by violence.* Even in the presence of the father, who had at once come to take his son away, and in defiance of him or any other nobleman whose sons they claimed a right to take at will, the boy was turned over to Evans, given a scroll of paper containing parts of a play to learn, and commanded with threats to set about his task.? Failing to secure his son, Clifton immediately appealed to Sir John Fortescue,? Chancellor of the Exchequer and member of the Privy Council,t probably a personal friend. Upon Sir John erall pardon.”—Court of Requests Proceedings, Elizabeth, Bundle 87, No. 74, Burbage vs. Alleyn, Bill of Complaint. In Public Record Of- fice. See extracts in J. O. Halli- well-Phillips, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (9th ed. 1890), I, 360. In lieu of a fixed statute of lim- itations, it was customary for the sovereign at irregular intervals fixed at will to wipe out all offenses ex- cept the graver ones of treason, murder, &c., by a general pardon. By such pardon, action against any one who had previously committed any of the offenses it covered was forever barred. But this had noth- ing to do with future offenses. Hence the declaration in actions in court that the offense charged was committed “since” the last general pardon, to show that action is not barred. In the latter half of Elizabeth’s sovereignty, not to go farther back, such pardons were issued in the following years of her reign :—23, 27, 29, 31, 35, 39, 43. James I is- sued general pardons in only three years of his reign, 3, 7, 21.—See Statutes of the Realm, “General Pardon,” under the various years indicated. The case of Burbage vs. Alleyn concerning the Theatre and Globe (u. s.) refers to the act by which all offenses before 4 Aug. 39 Eliz. (1597), except treason, murder, &c., were pardoned. Similar cases can be cited by the hundreds. But the case of Clifton is pecu- liar in its reference. The offense charged was committed 13 Dec, 1600, the year before the Queen’s act pardoning offenses committed prior to 7 Aug. 43 Eliz. (1601). This pardon by right debarred ac- tion. Yet the complaint was filed over four months after the pardon, 1. €., Dec. 15, 1601, with the declar- ation three times that the offense of Dec. 13, 1600, was committed “since” this last pardon. Just why this false statement is made is not clear. ; 1... the said James Robinson ... the sayd Thomas Clifton w™ greate force & vyolence did seise & surprise, & him w™ lyke force & vyolence did, to the greate terror & hurte of him the sayd Thomas Clifton, hall, pull, dragge & carry awaye to the said playe howse in the blacke fryeres aforesayd,’ &c.— Athenaeum (10 Aug. 1889), 204; G.-F., 129. * Athenaeum, ibid.; G.-F., 131. Thid. ‘Cf. Public Record Office, State 192 : 4 J ; ; ~~ se oe ee ee eee a. — STAR CHAMBER PROCEEDINGS 79 Fortescue’s peremptory order, the boy was released within twenty- - four hours after seizure. Nothing further seems to have been done in the case of these violent proceedings until about a year later.t Mr. Clifton, nurs- ing his hurt and collecting evidences of seven other seizures? to- gether with important information as to how the Commission to Gyles was being interpreted in practice, then laid before her Maj- esty a Bill of Complaint. He recites in detail all the circum- stances and conditions of the seizure of his son, along with facts, implications, and erroneous statements touching the history of the organization under “Gyles, Evans, Robinson and others.” It is later made even more baldly evident than here appears that he wanted not merely to punish the offenders for the injury that still rankled, but mainly to suppress the Blackfriars theatre.* The Bill shows not a little animus, and very strong puritanical opposition to plays and playhouses. Hence its statements, though touching vital facts, must be considered with caution. Some of them are substantiated by evidences in later pages, while others prove ut- terly false. Clifton aims chiefly to show in his Complaint that the Commis- sion to Gyles was procured simply as a blind to secure apparent royal endorsement of a base and wicked practice; that in fact “the said Nathaniell Gyles, confederating himself with one James Robinson, Henry Evans and others* by cullour of your mates said letters patents & the trust by your highnes thereby to him the said Nathaniell Gyles committed ... they the said confederates devysed, conspired & concluded, for theire owne corrupte gayne and lucre, to errecte, sett vpp, furnish and mayn- teyne a play house or place in the Blackfryers.”® To substantiate this charge of abuse of authority and trust, Papers of 1600-1601, passim; also, Acts of the Privy Council, 1600- I6or (ed. Dasent, 1906). *Clifton dates the impressment of his son as Dec. 13, 1600, “about one yere last past, & since your mat!** last free & generall pardon.”—G.-F., 129a. * Infra, 80°. ®Infra, 159. “This general word ic others” we find later (98-101) includes prima- rily the Yeoman of the Revels, Ed. Kirkham, who as official of the Queen furnished the stage-apparel for the Children, and made large weekly “disbursements” for their maintenance at Blackfriars. It is possibly intended to include other officials. But this remains yet to be worked out. 5G.-F.,.127; infra, 101’. 193 80 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Clifton cites other specific cases of seizure, and declares that the boys so taken could not sing and were not taught to sing. This may be true of the particular boys or not. But as applying to the whole set of boys it is, as we shall see later, false. He de- clares also that the boys mentioned as well as those not named were taken up “against the wills of the said children, their par- ents, tutours, masters & governours.2—Which seems wholly unlikely.® Other evidences to be examined later both in Clifton’s own Complaint and in other sources only add to the proof that the general conduct of the theatre was in accordance with and not contrary to authority, as Clifton would here show. It is, how- ever, true that from the time Evans enters as a factor in the career of the Children of the Chapel, a large actuating spirit is private gain-getting.* Clifton has grounds for his charge that the Boys were used “to the mercinary gayne & pryvat comoditie of them the said Nathaniell Gyles, Henry Evans, James Robinson, & other theire said confederates,’® if we temper the animus out of his *Amongste w*" nombers, soe by the persons aforesaid & theire agents soe vniustlie taken, vsed & employed, they have vnduly taken & soe employed one John Chappell, a gramer schole scholler of one M* Spykes schole neere Criplegate, London; John Motteram, a gramer scholler in the free schole at West- mister; Nathan ffield, a scholler of a gramer schole in London, kepte by one M* Monkaster; Alvery Trus- sell, an apprentice to one Thomas Gyles; one Phillip Pykman and Thomas Grymes, apprentices to Richard and Georg Chambers; Sal- mon Pavey, apprentice to one Peerce; being childeren noe way able or fitt for singing, nor by anie the sayd confederates endevoured to be taught to singe, but by them the sayd confederates abusively em- ployed, as aforesayd, only in playes & enterludes—A thenaeum (10 Aug. 1889), 203-4; G.-F., 128. * Thid. ST have recently found a contract between the Blackfriars manage- ment under James I and the mother of a certain boy for his employment there as an actor, in which it is de- clared that the employment is agreed to upon the frequent and earnest solicitation of the mother. (Published in full in vol. III of complete work.) This was for mere acting. When to that was added also the honor of chorister, at least by name if not in practice, in the Chapel Royal, it may be doubted whether all parents felt such antipathy to having their chil- dren at Blackfriars during those brilliant years at the close of the reign of Elizabeth, as Clifton here declares. *The Burbages, father and sons, Henslowe, and Alleyn were illus- trious examples of commercial suc- cesses in managing companies and theatres. Such sudden and easy wealth may easily explain in a measure the present venture and the spirit in it so far as Evans the lessee and manager of the theatre is concerned. 5 Athenaeum (10 Aug. 1889) 203; Cos a re 194 . “4 . ~~ > ee ee | entrance to the theatre,’ di the same performance. ‘QUEEN ELIZABETH AT BLACKFRIARS 97 the Queen dined, the gate to whose mansion adjoined the south himself the honor likewise to attend This is the only known record of Elizabeth’s attending a “te Supra, 26°-26*. *“Neither Elizabeth nor King James the First, nor Charles the First, I believe, ever went to the public theatre.”—E. Malone, Shake- speare Variorum (ed. Boswell, 1821), III, 166. Some one who has made pains- taking marginal notes in the copy of the above volume of Malone in the Hof- und Stadts-Bibliothek, Miinchen, says against Elizabeth’s name here, “She went, however, to _the Blackfriars in Cynth. Revels.” There are reasons to believe she did. Proof of it would be most gratifying. On the evidence of the play itself, the masque in Cynthia’s Revels if not the whole play seems written in compliance with the _ Queen’s requirements in the train- atre,? and is the first known instance of such attendance by any -sovereign.® ing and use of the Children. (Jn- fra, 122"). But this does not prove she saw the play. On page 504 of the bose volume, the sig- nature “Dibdin” to a note would seem to indicate not an author quoted, but the author of the mar- eee comments.—But which “Dib- in’ *It has hitherto been supposed, as Malone (u. s.), J. P. Collier, op. cit. (1831"), Il, 64; (1879%), I, 489; BPG: Fleay, op. cit., 313, ‘and the rest, have taken it, that Queen Henrietta, wife of Charles I, was the first person of royalty to attend a theatre. She attended the private theatres of Blackfriars, Phoenix (Cockpit), and Salisbury Court. But this record shows Elizabeth in priority. 211 CHAPTER VIII THE oe ee S MAINTENANCE OF THE CHILDREN AT BLACKFRIARS THE next record touching the Queen’s relations to Blackfriars is a single paragraph in Evans’s Answer in the suit of Kirkham vs. Painton,? seemingly unimportant at first sight. It deals with one item arising out of the 1602 Articles and touches the conduct of the theatre both before and after. It reads thus :— “And towching the Eight shillings weekely to be paid,’ . this def‘ saith that there was a bond of ffiftye powndes made by the said compl* and his said partners condicioned for paiement of the said some of eight shillings weekely vnto this deft because after the said agreements made, the compl‘ and his said Partners © would at their directions haue the dietting and ordering of the Boyes vsed about the plaies there, w“ before the said Compl‘ had, and for the w“ he had weekely before that disbursed and allowed great Somes of monie.’’® This looks like a trivial paragraph merely “towching the Eight shillings.” No one has hitherto found it significant.* But what is meant by “the said Complainant’ ? For several months, before I had thoroughly worked the field, I was puzzled to understand this paragraph. I could make noth- ing of it except that it dealt with eight shillings to be paid for some unknown reason, and that there was an apparent clerical error in “the said Complainant” for “this defendant.” It seemed * Supra, 89°. *See the 50/. bond for the pay- ment of this amount weekly, infra, 102°. See also the paragraph (infra, 104°) in Kirkham’s Bill of Com- plaint, to which Evans is here an- swering. °Public Record Office, Chancery Proceedings, James I, Bills and An- swers, K 5, No. 25 (Kirkham vs. Painton, The Aunswere of Henrie Evans, gent’, &c). My transcript of the paragraph from the original document as here printed differs only slightly (in the spelling) from the print of Mr. Greenstreet’s tran- script as it appears in F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History of the London Stage (1890), 244a. “Cf. infra, 104*. 212 MAINTENANCE OF THE CHILDREN 99 to make sense thus, for then it meant that Evans had made the outlay.— Which I erroneously then took to be the case. _ But no one has a right to declare a document incorrect upon assumption. There must first be proof of error. I examined the original document in the Public Record Office, and accepted it as it stood. Taken thus it meant that Kirkham, “the said Complainant,” had made the disbursements and allow- ances weekly. But Kirkham had nothing to do with either the taking up of the Children or the personal management of the the- atre prior to the 1602 Articles referred to. Moreover, no other document mentions him as having any connection with the Black- friars Children prior to that date. I knew he was the Queen’s Yeoman of the Revels, but I could not see how that had anything to do with the point. With the discovery of new materials and a consideration of all evidences in every aspect, the field cleared. The Decree of the Court of Star Chamber showed that Evans had official papers, and the Clifton Complaint suggested the same. The Commis- sion to Gyles and the practices under it, with the Queen’s attend- ance at the theatre, were indubitable testimony of more than mere official countenance. The Diary of the Duke of Stettin, dis- cussed in the next chapter, was clear-cut declaration. All the numerous evidences in fact, a summary of which is given later,? thrust upon me conclusions as incontrovertible as new. Thev were a harmonious unit in revealing an official conduct of the theatre hitherto unguessed. ; Among other statements in the Diary of the Duke of Stettin is the one that the Queen furnished these Children for their the- atrical performances with a “superabundance of rich apparel.”? This helped explain the paragraph in question. All the Queen’s theatrical apparel was in the care of the Yeornan of the Revels who, by virtue of the letters patent of his appointment, was in- dependent of the Master of the Revels in administering his office.® ‘Infra, 126-29. of all and singuler our Maskes *Infra, 106-7, 123*-247, 178-79". Revells and disguiseinges and alsoe *“Wee doe ordeyne constitute of the apparrell and Trappers of and make the same Edward Kirk- all and singuler our horses or- ham by theis presentes yeoman or deyned and appointed or hereafter keeper of our Vestures or apparrell to bee ordeyned and appointed for 213 100 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS It was he who had charge over expenditures in the “‘setting out” of plays at Court.t It was through him, then, that this “super- abundance of rich apparel” was furnished the Blackfriars Chil- dren. And as the Queen maintained this division of the Children of the Chapel as actors, it was through him, from some account yet to be discovered, that the weekly expenditures were made. “The said complainant,” then, meant the Yeoman of the Rev- els, Edward Kirkham, who as the Queen’s official had, prior to any personal connection with the management, “disbursed and allowed great Somes of monie” for “the dietting and ordering of the Boyes vsed about the plaies there.” Both the expenditures* and the furnishing of apparel* were official. The possibility of surreptitiousness by “confederacy” or “conspiracy” is precluded by the nature of the case. Clifton’s charges of illegitimate conduct of the theatre under color of au- thority, with his implication in the word “others” by which he our iustes and Turneys,” &c. Also he is “to have and enioye one suf- ficient house or mansion as here- after shalbe assigned vnto the said Edward Kirkham for the suer bet- ter and safe keeping of our said Vestures apparrell and Trappers,” &c.—From the Patent creating Ed- ward Kirkham Yeoman for life, dated 28 April, 28 Elizabeth (1586). Printed in A Collection of Ancient Documents Respecting the Office of Master of the Revels, &c. (ed. J. O. Halliwell, 1870. Only 11 copies printed. No. 11 in British Mu- seum. ) *The respective duties of the Master and the Yeoman of the Rev- els are not exactly known. But an examination of the Revels Accounts indicates that the Yeoman of the Revels, agreeable with the Patent, had full charge over purchase and use of apparel required in Court entertainments, while the Master’s duties related to the larger func- tions of providing appropriate en- tertainments, plays, masques, &c., and especially for the “rehersinge and choise makinge” of plays, in- terludes, and masques.—See Ev-x- tracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (ed. P. Cunning- ham, Shakesp. Soc. Pub., 1842), passim. Cunningham here gives only part of the accounts. See fur- ther the original documents, u. 1., 101°. *Expenditures for board and lodging of children-actors through- out the year are new to the close of Elizabeth’s reign. But tempo- rary board and lodging for several . days at a time were given different sets of children during their re- hearsals and on their journeyings to and from the place of acting, as shown by various items in the ac- counts relating to such. See for example under year 1573, “Ttem for the diettes & Lodging of dyvers childré at saint Jones whiles thay Learned theier partes & Jestures meete for the Mask in w% ix of them did serve at Hampton Cootie tc: ce es XK j" ye —Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (ed. P. Cun- ningham, S. S. Pub., 1842), 73. Here the amount would indicate about ten days maintenance. °Infra, 106-7, 178. 214 See en Ee oe =~" ( ; § . y ' : ' MAINTENANCE OF THE CHILDREN 101 seems to mean at least the Yeoman of the Revels, have no basis It is not certain to what account these expenditures If they went through the Office of the Revels in fact. were charged. _ they passed under the signatures of Kirkham and the Master of the Revels, Ed. Tilney, thence to the Audit Office where they were allowed. Or if they passed through any other office or set of accounts, the amounts in any case had to be allowed in like manner by some official near the Queen. Such expenditure as also the furnishing of apparel and the fact of allowing the Children to act in her name, to say nothing of the grants to Gyles and Evans and the attendance of Queen and Court at the theatre, settles the conduct of the Blackfriars as be- ing: under the knowledge and sanction of Queen Elizabeth. Additional proof of the official conduct of the theatre is con- tained in Clifton’s own statement of its surreptitiousness, which - is here added.? Standing alone this would not be valuable testimony. *The discovery of the record containing these allowances would be a valuable contribution to Elizabethan-Jacobean stage-history. Among the records of the Office of the Revels preserved at the Public Record Office, from which Mr. P. Cunningham published merely Ex- tracts (u. s., 100°) and some of them incorrectly, are Declared Ac- counts, Audit Office, Bundle 2045- 2046, years 1573-1670; and Declared Accounts of the Pipe Office, Roll 2005, years 1603-38. I have gone through these with hope of some evidence. But in both sets of ac- counts the records of Oct. 31, 1588— Oct. 31, 1603 are wanting. There are numerous other gaps in the rec- ords. IJ have likewise examined the Accounts of the Exchequer and the Queen’s Household Accounts with- out results. The working out of the vast field of the Revels I have been glad to leave to a fellow-researcher, Pro- fessor A. Feuillerat of the Univer- sity of Rennes, France, who for some years has been collecting all records and documents of the Office of the Revels in this period for But it is publication. Prof. Feuillerat tells me he has found no account among these records that might cover such expenses as were incurred in main- taining the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars. But there are other classes of accounts yet to. be searched. *““But soe yt is, moste excellent Soveraigne, that the said Nathaniell Gyles, confederating himself w one James Robinson, Henry Evans, & others yet vnto your ma''** said subiecte vnknowne howe [= whol], by cullour of your ma*'®* said let- ters patents & the trust by your highnes therby to him the said Nathaniell Gyles committed, endev- ouring, conspiring & complotting howe to oppresse diuers of your ma‘'** humble & faythfull subiects, & therby to make vnto themselves an vnlawfull gayne and _ benefitt, they the said confederates devysed, conspired & concluded, for theire Owne corrupte gayne and lucre, to errecte, sett vpp, furnish and mayn- teyne a play house or place in the Blackefryers.”—Clifton’s Complaint, G.-F., 127. 215 102 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS in harmony with all other evidences. Clifton says here that under color of the Commission to Gyles the theatre was set up, fur- nished, and maintained. With the malignity pared away, this can mean but one thing,—that the establishment and furnishing of the theatre and the maintenance ef the Children taken there was under official sanction. Other declarations in Clifton’s Complaint are cited elsewhere? as showing the unwitting admission of the same fact. Kirkham’s intimate and official connection with the Blackfriars theatre prior to 1602 explains why after the Star Chamber De- cree he and associates, having apparently secured concessions to themselves, came to Evans and “ernestly labored w* and en- treated” him “that he . . . would suffer them to have and enioye some part of the demised premises wherevppon it was agreed and concluded.” The 50/. bond referred to in Evans’s paragraph was an essen- tial part of this “agreement and conclusion” as a guarantee for the payment of the “eight shillings.” The “eight shillings” pro- vision is important here not for itself, but insofar as it shows the “ordering” of the boys after, the 1602 Articles. This comes out more clearly in Evans’s paragraph than in the bond itself, which is here inserted.? *Supra, 79-81; infra, 126. “See supra, 88°. *(The more difficult abbrevia- tions to put into type are expanded into italics.) The suit in which this document is enrolled occurred under James I. Hence the date is given as “vicesimo die Aprilis Anno regni dominae Elizabeth nuper Re- ginge Angliae quadragesimo quar- to,’—the day on which the Articles and the 200/. bond (supra, 88-92) were signed. The Condicion of this obligacion ys suche That yf the within bound- en William Rastell Edwarde Kirk- ham and Thomas Kendall or any of them theire or any of theire ex- ecutors administrators or assignes everye weeke weekly on Saturdaye duringe the space of fifteene yeres next ensuinge the date within writ- ten when & soe often as anye en- terludes plaies or showes_ shalbe playde vsed showed or published in the greate hall and. other the Roomes scituat in the Blackfriers london or any parte thereof men- cioned to be demysed by one Rich- ard Burbage gentleman to the with- in named Henry Evans in and by one Indenture of lease bearinge date the second daye of September in the twoe & fortith yere of the raigne of our Souereigne ladye Elizabeth the Queenes Maiestie that nowe ys or els where by the children or any © called by the name of the children of the queenes Maiestes Chappell or by any other children which by the consent of the sayde Willzam Edward Thomas Henrie and one Alexander Hawkins gentleman theire executors or Administrators or any three of them wherof the 216 _ the new partners. i MAINTENANCE OF THE CHILDREN 103 The bond is peculiar in that it does not state why the sum of eight shillings weekly is to be paid. The fact that the consider- ation is left out may not be highly significant. But may it be be- cause there was the sense of the need of noncommittal on a vital point in this circumvention of the Star Chamber order? So long as Evans conducted the theatre alone the problem was simple. He and his family lived in apartments or chambers there, and the Boys were boarded and lodged by him, allowances there- for being made through the Yeoman of the Revels, as above. But in the new arrangement under the 1602 Articles, Evans, al- though still retaining the lease and maintaining chief control, did not dare be known in the management. Hence special provision had to be made for this feature. The Boys were still kept at Blackfriars at the Queen’s charge, but under the “direction” of So Evans was allowed as a part of the agree- ment eight shillings a week, presumably for stewardship over the Boys, rehearsals, and other duties of theatrical management.? saide Henrie or Alexander theire Executors or Administrators to be one shalbe dyetted kepte or re- ‘tayned for the exercize of the saide enterludes or playes doe and shall well & trewlie paye or cause to be paide vnto the saide Henrie Evans his Executors or assignes att or in the saide greate hall the somme of eighte shillinges of lawfull money of England The first payment thereof to begynne and to be made on Saturdaye beinge the fower & twenteth daye next commynge of this instant Moneth of Aprill with- in written That then this present obligacion to be voide & of none effect Or els yt to stande in full force and vertue—For document in extenso from which this is taken, see complete work, vol. III. *Supra, 40-41, 71-74, 99-100. *This amounts in present money to approximately three or four pounds weekly. It is nearly twice as large a salary as Kirkham was allowed by the Queen as Yeoman of the Revels. He was to receive but “Sixpence by the Day,” besides house-rent and perquisites of his office.—See Patent to him 28 April, 28 Elizabeth, in op. cit., u. s., 99%. Also, in the same publication by Halliwell, pp. 2-3, see Patent to “Edmundo Tilney” as Master of the Revels for life from 24 July, 21° Elizabeth [1579], at a salary of 101. per annum. Of course he too, as we know-from other sources, had house-rent and the perquisites of his office. But the actual cash sal- ary to him was less than to Evans in the present case. A still more suggestive contem- porary item on salary may here be appended. In 1610 one John Fletch- er was sued by the brewery firm of Rolfe & Thurgood for breach of contract. Fletcher was hired as “clerk of the drays,” his duties be- ing that of solicitor, collector, and general overseer of their beer-prod- uct. The point of interest here is that his contract provides that he shall be paid “the some of eight shillinges of lawfull money of Eng- land every Saturday weekely dur- ing the tyme of his service for and in respect of his sallarie or wages.” —Public Record Office, Court of King’s Bench, Hilary, 8 James I, membrane mccii. 217 104 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Kirkham as Yeoman of the Revels would of course and did con- tinue? to make disbursements and allowances “weekly,” not to Evans, but to himself and partners who in turn were to pay Evans as a private not an official arrangement. For this pay- ment of eight shillings they gave Evans the 50/. bond just. quoted.* How long they kept up the payment, and what came of the bond will be noticed later.® . This brief paragraph by Evans, treated in the present chapter, insofar as it shows the official conduct of the theatre, is one of the most important parts of all the eleven documents in the two Chancery suits brought to light by Mr. Greenstreet.* Five months after the new arrangements in management the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars were still acting with re- markable popularity, and were still being abundantly provided for by the Queen. Not only this is made clear from the record: next to be examined but also how extensive the Queen’s require- ments were in the matter cf their training and how the new management was carrying out her provisions. 1Cf. infra, 106-7, 123-24, 178-79, 184. *The paragraph in Kirkham’s Bill of Complaint, to which Evans’s “eight shillings” paragraph is a re- ply, becomes clear in the present connection and may here _ be quoted :— “And for further consideracion of said agreem‘ [1602] the said Evans, his executors and assignes, was weekly to receive of your said orator, the said Rastall and Ken- dall, and the survivour of them, and of the executors of the sur- vivors of them, the somme of eight shillinges weekely duringe the saide terme, the which somme was paid to the said Evans accordingly [ef. infra, 104°] by your said orator, the said Rastall or Kendall, or one of them; and likwise for the con- siderac[ion] of 52/, X.s. paid to the said Evans by the said Haw- kins” [cf. infra, ibid].—G.-F., 225a. *See under “Children of the Queen’s Revels at Blackfriars, 1603- 1608” in complete work, vol. I. “The paragraph was omitted by the discoverer, Mr. James Green- street, from the running extracts in The Athenaeum, April 21, 1888, 509. A note by the editor says that the omissions are unimportant. But un- fortunately some of the most im- portant parts are in the omissions, this among them. F. G. Fleay, op. cit., 210-51, printed all eleven docu- ments in extenso from Mr. Green- street’s transcripts. 218 CHAPTER IX STATUS OF THE BLACKFRIARS CHILDREN.—THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS ONE of the most valuable documents yet discovered in revealing — the relations of Queen Elizabeth to the setting up and maintenance of her Chapel Children as actors at Blackfriars, as well as illu- minating their whole history, consists of two paragraphs in the Diary of Philipp Julius, Duke of Stettin-Pomerania, under date of September 18, 1602. The statements there, taken with the documents and evidences offered in other chapters, change all previous conceptions not only of this company and the Black- friars theatre, but also of the relations of the children-companies under Elizabeth and James to the dramatic and theatrical history of the times. A word therefore seems necessary on the value of the present record as evidence. Minor but essential details I subjoin in a note.1 Other considerations throwing light upon the present history follow the quoted record. *Philip Julius, Duke of Stettin- Pomerania, Prussia, in his eigh- teenth year (1602) was sent on a grand tour of the chief states of Europe for the purpose of com- pleting his education, shaping his character, and preparing him for the duties of government in his own country. One of the important ‘members of his retinue was Fred- eric Gerschow, former tutor to the Duke, and later (1605-35) Profes- sor of Law at the University of Greifswald. In accordance with the Duke’s command to write down ac- curately, day by day, everything they saw or heard on the journey, Gerschow kept a careful diary from the day of departure, Feb. 1, 1602, to the day of return, under the head- “ing :— Der Durchlauchtigsten Herrn Philippi Gulii Herzogen zu Stettin, Pommern, etc., Reise durch Deutschland, Engelland, und Italien, 1602. The MS. of this Diary is now in the library of Count von der Osten of Plathe, Pomerania, and has never yet been fully published. Only a part of it is the original MS., according to the doubtful statement of the recent publishers. In 1892, Dr. Gottfried von Biilow, Superintendent of the Royal Ar- chives in Stettin, assisted by Mr. Wilfred Powell, English Consul in Stettin, published in Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (New Series, 1892), VI, 4-67, all that part of the Diary pertaining to the journey in England. They give also an English translation page for page with the German text. 219 106 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The original record runs as follows :* “18. [Sept., Samstag, 1602 | ... Von dannen [t. @., von einer Kunstkammer] sind wir auf die Kinder-comoediam gangen, welche im Argument iudiciret eine castam viduam, war eine his- toria einer koniglichen Wittwe aus Engellandt. Es hat aber mit dieser Kinder-comoedia die Gelegenheit: die Konigin halt viel junger Knaben, die sich der Singekunst mit Ernst befleissigen miissen und auf allen Instrumenten lernen, auch dabenebenst studieren. Diese Knaben haben ihre besondere praeceptores in allen Kiinsten, insonderheit sehr gute musicos. Damit sie nun hofliche Sitten anwenden, ‘ist ihnen aufgelegt, wochentlich eine comoedia zu agiren, wozu ihnen denn die Konig- in ein sonderlich theatrum erbauet und mit kostlichen Kleidern zum Ueberfluss versorget hat. From this portion of the Diary we learn that the Duke and retinue landed at Dover Friday, Sept. 10, 1602, and reached London on the 12th’ where they remained eight days. They spent the next two weeks in the country, including ,sis- its to Cambridge and Oxford, and finally sailed from Dover for Calais Oct. 3 on a Man of War specially provided by Queen Elizabeth. During this three-weeks visit in England, they met the leading of- ficials, statesmen, and scholars, and had every facility for learning facts recorded. Friday, Sept. 17, they dined with the Lord Mayor of Lon- don. On the same day in the after- noon they were entertained at the Royal Palace, Whitehall, though the Queen was absent, and were shown into the privacies of her Majesty,— her library, bedroom, prayer-book written in her own hand, &c., &c. Those who entertained them, though not named, must have been officials close to the Queen. On the following day, Saturday, Sept. 18, they went to the Chil- dren’s theatre at Blackfriars, and Gerschow wrote down the two par- agraphs concerning it. *From Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (New Series, Wer solcher Action zusehen will, 1892), VI, 26, 28. The editors publish an English translation on parallel pages. But as they certainly missed the mean- ing in places, I offer the follow- ing :— 18 [Sept., Saturday, 1602] From there [2. e., from an Art-mu- seum] we went to the play at the Children’s Theatre, which in its plot deals with a chaste widow. It was the story of a royal widow of England. —But with reference to this Chil- dren’s Theatre this is the state of affairs: The Queen maintains a number of young boys who are re- quired to devote themselves ear- nestly to the art of singing, and to learn to perform on various sorts of musical instruments, also at the same time to carry on their studies. These boys have their special pre- ceptors in all the various arts, and in particular excellent instructors in music. Now, in order that they may practice courtly manners, it is re- quired of them to act a play every week, for which purpose indeed the Queen has established for them a special theatre and has provided them with a superabundance of rich apparel. 220 : 4 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 107 muss so gut als unserer Miinze acht sundische Schillinge geben, und findet sich doch stets viel Volks auch viele ehrbare Frauens, weil nutze argumenta und viele schone Lehren, als von andern berichtet, sollen tractiret werden; alle bey Lichte agiret, welches ein gross Ansehen macht. Eine ganze Stunde vorher horet man eine kostliche musicam instrumentalem von Orgeln, Lauten, Pan- doren, Mandoren, Geigen und Pfeiffen, wie denn damahlen ein Knabe cum voce tremula in einer Basgeigen so lieblich gesungen, dass wo es die Nonnen zu Mailand ihnen nicht vorgethan, wir seines Gleichen auf der Reise nicht gehoret hatten.” This document is here given for the first time in its relation to the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars! and is as new in its significance to dramatic and stage history as if it had never before been printed. All details so fit into the history of the Chil- dren of the Chapel at Blackfriars that any attempt at demon- strating the identity would be gratuitous.’ Whoever wishes to be a specta- tor at one of their performances must pay as much as eight shill- ings of our [Pomeranian], coinage [ca. 12d.].. And yet there is al- Ways present a large audience, in- cluding many respectable women, “because entertaining plot- develop- ments and many excellent teach- ings, as we were informed by oth- ers, are expected to be presented. All their performances are acted by candle-light, which nroduces a fine spectacular effect. For a whole hour preceding the play one listens to a delightful mu- sical entertainment on organs, lutes, pandorins, mandolins, violins and flutes, as on the present occasion, indeed, when a boy cum voce trem- ula sang so charmingly to the ac- companiment of a bass-viol that un- less possibly the nuns at Milan may have excelled him, we had not heard his. equal on our journey. *Dr. A. W. Ward, History of English Dramatic Literature (1899*), I, 453, discussing the im- -pressment of children for the choir of St. Paul’s by royal warrant of 1585 (cf. supra, 677), subjoins a translation of this document. While admitting he anticipates the date rather too much, he neverthe- less holds the “curious passage” to be illustrative of the Paul’s’ plays of 1585!! But Dr. Ward makes no special claim to a knowledge of stage-history, depending very frank- ly in such matters mainly upon the Rev. Mr. Fleay, except where, as here, Fleay has not written. Had he given the subject personal in- vestigation, he would have seen that this Diary has nothing to do with Paul’s even in 1602, much less sev- enteen years earlier. *Numerous commentators and reviewers have seen that this record meant the Queen’s Children, for the document says thus much. But no one of them has recognized that it meant the famous organization of the Children of the Chapel at Black- friars. No analysis of its historical relations has hitherto been made, and no statement of its significance exceeds a single sentence. The rec- ognition and analysis of its value is confined to the adjectives, “cu- 221 108 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Much of the document by its clear-cut authoritative declara- tion substantiates conditions already examined. A few items are found in no other record. These so harmonize with the entire history and so substantiate logical conclusions and are so sup- ported by certain conditions that the authoritativeness of. the rec- ord on the whole may be regarded as final. ~ Other considerations are significant, strongly suggesting con- ditions not declared outright in any document. The Duke and his retinue visited the Blackfriars the next day after dining with the Lord Mayor and being entertained at the Queen’s Palace at Whitehall. Gerschow wrote a brief history and description of this Children’s theatre, while in the case of two plays seen at the public theatres he passes them with bare mention,—one, no doubt at the Globe, with two lines ;+ the other, rious,” “remarkable,” “auffallend,” “merkwirdig,’ and “wertvoll.” Herman Hager in Englische Stu- dien (1893), XVIII, 315, reprints the English translation from Trans- actions of the Royal Historical So- ciety (u. s., 106°). After quoting from F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle His- tory of the London Stage (1890), 125, 133, on the place of acting by the Children of the Chapel and by Paul’s Boys, he concludes, “I can- not find any reference to a theatre specially built for such a company by the Queen.” Since its first appearance in the parallel German-English publication in Transactions of the Royal His- torical Society (u. s., 106°), the German has been printed again from the original MS. by Professor Binz, of the University of Basel, in Beilage zur Allgemeinen Zeitung (Miinchen, Aug. 23, 1902). Dr. Binz erred in giving this out “als ein ineditum.” He _ prefaces his print of it by a single generalizing sentence, but gives no hint as to the contributive value of the document. C. F. Meyer in an article Eng- lische Komédianten am Hofe Phil- ipp Julius von Pommern-Wolgast, published in Jahrbuch der Deutsch- en Shakespeare-Gesellschaft (1902), XXXVIII, 196-211, reprints the document but says nothing of its significance. Edward Engle, Shakespeare in Pommern, in WNational-Zeitung (Berlin, Sept. 27, 1902), reviewing Meyers’s article (uw S.), again prints the document. He regrets that the Duke of Stettin did not instead attend the Globe—Which however he certainly did do. Be- sides ‘recognizing it as “einen wert- vollen Beitrag,” Engle says no word on its value. Numerous’ other publications have given the matter mention. *“13 [Sept. 1602].—Den 13. ward eine comedia agirt, wie Stuhl-Weis- senburg erstlich von den Tutirken hernacher von den Christen wie- derum erobert.”—From the Diary in Transactions jof the Royal Histori- cal Society (New Series, 1892), VIG: As the visitors had all opportu- nity to inform themselves, and also saw the chief sights of London,— the Temple, Exchange, Tower, Westminster, St. Paul’s, Whitehall, &c.,—there is reason to conclude that they visited, not the minor, but the chief theatres. The Globe and the Fortune were the two public theatres of chief importance in 1602. On the 14th, the company attended a play at the Fortune (wu. 7., 109°). 222 | | ———— se ; ‘ lines. With no other evidence than the comparative length of notices given to Blackfriars on the one side and the Globe, Fortune, and Bear Garden on the other, we should be justified in concluding the relative weight of impressions the visitors carried home with _ i 109 the play of Samson at the Fortune, with a line and a half.t1 A bear- and bull-fight, of course at the Bear Garden, gets four: THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS them. But the important evidence more than bearing out this conclusion is the action taken by the Duke in establishing a the- atre at his own court shortly after returning to Germany. In 1604 Duke Philip was declared of age, and took charge of the government of the dukedom of Pommern-Wolgast. Within two years we find a theatre of “etliche und zwantzig Englander’? established and maintained at his court at heavy expense.® It seems unlikely that this company traveled, as other English actors in Germany did. There is no evidence of it. It is hardly likely that they visited the same theatre twice. They were doing the sights. There is no known case of repetition on the whole journey. So I take it as practically certain that this notice of their first visit to a theatre re- fers to the more famous Globe. If the play they saw could be identi- fied, that would probably make the conclusion final. Ah | “14 [Sept. 1602].—Auf den Nachmittag ward eine tragica co- moedia vom Samsone und dem halben Stamm Benjamin agirt.”— Idem, VI, 10. The play of Sampson was then new. It is identified by the fol- lowing :— “Tent vnto Samwell Rowley & edwarde Jewbe to paye for the Boocke of Samson the 2 of Julye 1602 the some of...vi!'” —Henslowe’s Diary (ed. W. 'W. Greg, 1904), 169. This play was never published. “Sampson. Play, by Edward Jubye, (assisted by Samuel Row- ley). Acted in 1602. N. P.”—D. E. Baker, Biographia Dramatica (1812), II, 232. Jewby belonged to the company 223 Nor do we playing at the Fortune, in which Henslowe was interested. It is therefore established that the visitors attended the Fortune Sept. 14, 1602. *See full notice in Hausbuch des Herrn Joachim von Wedel auf Krempzow Schloss und Blumberg Erbgesessen, first published by J. von Bohlen Bohlendorf in Die Bib- liothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart (1882), CLXI, 535. Quoted by C. F. Meyer in Shake- Speare-Jahrbuch (1902), XXXVIII, 199. *The establishment of the thea- tre, particularly the purpose on a festival court occasion to act in the church at Loitz, the home of the Duke’s mother, roused the Coprt Preacher, Gregorius Hagius, to strenuous opposition. Of seven let- ters written by Hagius to the Duke and his mother between the 25 and 28 of August, 1606, three are preserved. They are _ published in Shakespeare -Jahrbuch (1902), XXXVIII, 200-207, by C. F. Meyer, and make a contribution more val- uable, I think, than even Herr Meyer believed. 110 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS know how long it was maintained. But judging from the infor- mation at hand, it seems different from any other English troop in Germany, as a brief notice may suffice to show.* The first English company of actors came to Germany under Robert Brown? in 1592. This organization developed by segre- gations and accretions into other companies. In 1594 one of these player-troops received the patronage of Landgraf Moritz von Hessen-Cassel. Another, possibly about the same time, was patronized by Herzog Heinrich Julius von Braunschweig, who himself through influence of English actors was stirred to write ten dramas. In 1604 another company was patronized by Markegraf Christian von Brandenburg. These com- panies for several years and their offsprings for three-quarters of a century wandered over Germany presenting English plays or plays modeled after them, on the market square, in the town hall, or other temporary place, and laid the foundations for the modern German theatre and drama.* *Conclusions on the English act- ors in Germany in the paragraphs here, and later under the Children of the Queen's Revels at White- friars, are based upon an examina- tion of the original documents as published in the following :— -—-Albert Cohn, Shakespeare in Germany (1865).—Karl Goedeke, Grundriss sur Geschichte der Deutschen Dichtung (2 Auflage, i886), II, 524-42 (Materials assem- bled in chronological order ).—Archiv fiir Litteraturgeschichte, XIII-XV (Trautmann; Criiger).—Jahrbuch der Deutschen Shakespeare Gesell- schaft, XVIII (Menzel); XIX (Meissner); XXI (Cohn); XXIII (Bolte); XXXVIII (Meyer).—E. Menzel, Geschichte der Schauspiel- kunst in Frankfurt (1882).—Jo- hannes Meissner, Die Englischen Komédianten sur Zeit Shakespeares in Oesterreich (Diss. Wien, 1884). —W. Creizenach, Die Schauspiele der Englischen Komédianten. FEin- leitung. (J. Kiirschner’s Deutsche National-Litteratur, XXIII, 1889). —Zeitschrift fir Vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte und Renats- _Litzmann’s sance Litteratur (Neue Folge. Ber- lin.), I, (K6nneke); VII, (Traut- mann).—Emil Herz, Englische Schauspiele und Englisches Schau- Spiel sur Zeit Shakespeares in Deutschland (Teil I, Diss. Bonn, 1901. Vollstangige Arbeit in Theatergeschichtliche Forschungen, Heft XVIII, 1903). *As Brown, Kingman, Jones, and Reeve, who have much to do with these beginnings of the modern German theatre, were later active in London in establishing the Chil- dren of the Queen’s Revels at Whitefriars (1610), they are no- ticed sufficiently in that connection. —See complete work, vols. I, II. *See further in complete work, vol. I, on German imitations of “English comedians” after ca. 1660, when the Davenant-Killigrew the- atrical monopoly of London throt- tled competition and aspiration in the art of acting in England, and so made the organization of addi- tional English companies at home or abroad from that time on im- possible. 224 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 111 The patronage of the companies named was modeled after the patronage extended to companies in England by the nobility un- der Elizabeth. Indeed, the patents by Landgraf Moritz to Brown and Kingman! read like English commissions adapted to German conditions. In a word, then, these traveling troops of English ‘actors in Germany were established on the general plan of the patronage extended to the companies playing in the London pub- lic theatres. These public-theatre companies of this period were composed of actors. There was among them only an occasional dancer, and a rarer musician. On the other hand, the company set up at the court of the Duke of Stettin, composed of actors, musicians, and dancers, and apparently not traveling about like the other English-German troops, but remaining at the court, not patronized moreover merely by a protecting commission but maintained at court as a charge on the ducal exchequer, seems modeled more after the private establishment of Blackfriars. Whether the Duke brought the troop directly from London, as seems not unlikely from Ha- gius’s calling them “die von E. F. G. bestellte Comedianten,”? or whether he took up with actors, musicians, and dancers already on the continent, a point of difference from the other instances is that he intended them for and, as Hagius’s letters show, used them for the pleasure and entertainment of his court and friends. It looks like the case of a small prince overdoing great royalty,— such as those numerous, almost universal, European exaggerated imitations in dress, language, and customs inspired half a century ‘later by the dazzling court of Louis XIV. I think Herr Meyer quite right, so far as he goes, in saying that the Duke acquired while in London a special fondness for the English theatre? But from the chief theatrical interest of the Duke as shown by the Diary and from the kind of company *Published by Konnecke in Zeit- schrift fiir Vergleichende Littera- turgeschichte und Renaissance Lit- teratur (Neue Folge. Berlin.), I. *See letter published by C. F. Meyer in Shakespeare-Jahrbuch (1902), XXXVIII, 200, with Mey- ers’s view, 201. Zur Zeit dieses Londoner Auf- enthalts geschah es denn wohl auch, dass der Herzog eine lebhafte Vor- liebe fiir das englische Theatre fasste, die ihn dann spaterhin ver- anlasste, englische Komddianten und Musiker an seinen eignen Hof zu ziehen und mit grossem Kosten- aufwand lange daselbst zu unter- halten—C. F. Meyer, Englische Komédianten am Hofe des Herzogs Philipp Julius von Pommern-W ol- 225 112 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS he established as a result, it is clear that this fondness turns not upon the public theatres, but upon the Queen’s establishment of the Children at Blackfriars. There are good grounds for concluding that Elizabeth intended the establishment of the Children of her Chapel as actors at Black- friars not merely to give the Boys polish of manners, but also to pleasure herself and entertain the Court. Her own presence there in company with her court-ladies, the testimony from other sources that lords attended, and that my fine gentleman took up the fashion while the better paying part of the audiences at the public theatres correspondingly dwindled, all indicate that this was at any rate the result, if not the original intention. I have already pointed out that this probably accounts for the Children’s not being oftener at Court from 1597 to 1603.* The high price of admission also indicates the aristocratic na- ture of the audience. If a shilling was, as it seems from the Diary, the lowest admission, the prices of the choicer seats, par- ticularly in the lords’ rooms, must have been considerable. In general, the admission fee so far as known seems to have been from two to twelve times as great as at any other theatre of the period.’ fered also in part among themselves. gast, in Jahrbuch der Deutschen : It is not a fruitful field, but such Shakespeare Gesellschaft (1902), XOXOOV ITA 198: Supra, 96°. *It seems remarkable that con- temporary literature offers no state- ment of the price of admission at Blackfriars for the period in hand. No proper study of entrance fees to London theatres, however, has ever been made. Malone, op. cit., III, 73ff., assembled numerous ex- amples ranging over about three- quarters of a century. Collier, op. cit., III, 146ff., reworked these, with a few additions and omissions. The conclusions of both Malone and Collier melt time and individual theatres into a single composite. But clearly the prices and condi- tions of, say, 1640, are not those of 1600, much less of 1576. Private theatres are all classed together as having simply higher prices than the public theatres. But they dif- as it is it should be reworked for what it may yield, with regard to ° definite periods and conditions of each theatre considered. Known examples allow the fol- lowing tentative conclusions for - 1597 to 1608. Admission to the yard and upper gallery of the pub- lic theatres was one penny. There were also two-penny galleries, or two-penny rooms, in the Globe, For- tune and others. So far as known, the best rooms there were a shill- ing. .The price at Paul’s was six- pence. There are no known rec- ords as to Whitefriars fees for the period. At Blackfriars the lowest price in 1602 was a shilling. But in 1607 under very different conditions during the reign of James I, it seems sixpence. The boxes and rooms were doubtless dear. Gal- lants who sat on the Blackfriars 226 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 113 ___ The provision, noted by Gerschow, for the training of the Boys in singing, instrumental music, play-acting, and other arts, as well as in general culture, accords not merely with the material condi- tions and provisions of an ample instructorate, school-house, the- atre, apparel, and financial expenditures. It accords most par- - ticularly with Elizabeth’s passion for the drama and her special loves and liberal-mindedness toward all means. that make for broader living,—characteristics which make her age the era of unprecedented progress, and for which the world of letters and _ arts has long done her honor. The entertainment attended by the Duke of Stettin was, as the _ Diary lets us know, of the usual sort. From this it is made clear _ that the new management under Kirkham and associates was _ carrying out requirements to the Queen’s wish. The chief train- ing of the lads that could be practiced or exhibited on the stage is shown,—their skill in singing, instrumental music, acting, and dancing. It may be concluded that the other requirements were being complied with equally. The stage directions of the Blackfriars plays during Elizabeth, _ though admittedly meager, are nevertheless corroborative of the _ Diary’s statements on these heads. Still more, they show that these requirements were complied with from first to last, under Evans alone as well as under the Evans-Kirkham company, and that the plays were specially written to fit the company and meet these conditions. The evidence becomes more emphatic by com- paring with the same company’s plays under James. There we find comparatively little singing, dancing, and instrumental mu- sic.t It is of importance also that the combined evidence wholly disproves Clifton’s charge before the Star Chamber to the effect that the boys taken up under the commission to Gyles could not sing and were not taught to sing,? but were abusively used solely stage paid besides the admission fee an additional sixpence to a shilling for a stool there. *See The Children of the Queen’s Revels at Blackfriars in complete work, vol. I. * Having named seven of the boys besides his own (u. s., 80°), Clif- ton continues, “being childeren noe way able or fitt for singing, nor by anie the sayd confederates endev- oured to be taught to singe, but by them the sayd confederates abus- ively employed, as aforesayd, only in playes & enterludes.”—Supra, 80°. This is the spirit of the Com- plaint and its basis throughout. The virulent animus is too apparent. 227 eres te Oe gan oe EET + em , A) ‘ ey " 7 114 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIAR ‘ as “a companie of lewde & dissolute mercenary players.’”* The proof is vital, and is given below.? It empties Clifton’s complaint of all but the one minor item that his son was taken up against parental will. At the same time it corroborates other evidences on, the conduct of Blackfriars. I give in foot-notes the evidences of singing, instrumental mu- sic, and dancing, in the known plays of 1597-1603. Plays pos- sibly belonging to Blackfriars in this period but not unequivocally so known or demonstrable, as Contention between Liberality and Prodigality, are omitted from these lists.* The Children were especially taught singing.* Their training, as even the meager examples in the plays show, covered choral, quartette, duet, and solo practice. Their singing always aimed at entertainment, and is generally artistic. It ranges from light touches of a line or two to “silver song’”’ in a masque, and spirit voices of an enchanted chorus. * Supra, 73°. * Infra, 114*-16. *For all evidences on which are based the dates of plays in the suc- ceeding lists see complete work, vol. II, under Plays. “The Case is Altered (ca. Sept.— Oct., 1597).—I, i opens with Juni- per singing. III, i, Angelo sings. IV, iii opens with Juniper singing. Cynthia’s Revels (ca. April, 1600).—(ed. Gifford-Cunningham), Tap: bla Echorsings)eliy at. p- 154, Prosaites sings. III, iii, p. 170, Asotus sings and dances. IV, i, p. 7, Hledon sings: TlVe at pantie, Amorphus sings to the lyre. V, iii opens with “music accompanied. Hesperus sings.” V (end), Pali- node, sung in pairs, then chorus after each pair. V (end), Mercury and Crites sing. Sir Giles Goosecap (ca. fall, 1600).—I, iv, a song to the Violls. II, i, Enter Winnifred and Anabell “with their sowing workes and sing.” ITI, ii, “Sing good Horatio, while I sigh,” &c. Canto; “Sing one stave more, my good Horatio.” Canto; “Your third staunce sweet Horatio, and no more.” Canto. V, [ii], “In form whereof first daunce, faire Lords and Ladies, and after sing, so we will sing and daunce. THE MEASURE Now to the song and do this gar- land grace.” Canto. Poetaster (ca. April, 1601).— (ed. Gifford-Cunningham), II, i, p. 221b, Crispinus sings. Jbid., Her- mogenes sings, accompanied. IV, i, p. 238b, Crispinus plays and sings. IV, iii, p. 243a, Albius sings. IV, ili, p. 243a, Hermes sings. The Gentleman Usher (ca. Sum. !601).—(ed. Shepherd, 1873), I, i, p. 82a, Lasso, hearing “Re, mi, fa, sol, la,’ says, “Oh they are prac- ticing; good boys, well done.” I, i, p. 82b, Enter Enchanter, with spir- its singing. II, i, p. 87a, Bassiolo gives the boys directions concern- ing their singing. II, i, p. 87), Broom-man, Rush-man, Broom- maid, Rush-maid, “with silver song” in a masque. II, i, p. 88b, Male Bug and Female Bug sing, in a masque. III, i opens with “the song.” V, i, p. 105a, song. Monsieur D’Olive (ca. Oct.— Dec., 1601).—No singing indicated. May Day (ca. May, 1602).—(Ed. idem), I, i, preceded by “Chorus 228 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 115 But the songs in the plays are not the only nor the chief evi- dence that the requirements for the vocal training of the boys was specially emphasized and fully carried out. Under the mas- tership of Gyles the Children presented before her Majesty at Court “a showe w™ musycke and speciall songes prepared for y® purpose on Twelfth day at night,’*—Monday, Feb. 6, 1600-[1]. This was the same year in which the Queen attended Blackfriars, and within two months after Clifton’s son had been taken up,—the very time when Clifton declares to the Queen that the Children did not and could not sing and were not taught to sing.2, Hamlet in the same year testifies to their singing, and suggests that they are maintained as actors only so long as they can sing, as if their singing were the basic consideration of their employment and their acting but consequential.* Within a year after these two testimonies and within six months after the Evans-Kirkham re- organization of the management consequent upon the Star Cham- ber Decree against Evans, the present Diary of the Duke of Stet- tin, September, 1602, says this provision is carried out and shows by an example how extensive the training must have been. So _ charmingly sang one of the Boys cum voce tremula that unless II, iii, 85, “Cantat” [Mulligrub, all lathered with shaving-suds, here juvenum cantantes et saltantes. [Exeunt saltan.” III, i, p. 290a, The “Chimney-sweep” song by Lo- renzo. IV, i, p. 296a, Quintiliano sings. The Widow's Tears (Sept. 1602).—I, i, “He dances and sings.” [This is the only direction for sing- ing in the play. Yet it was this play that was preceded by a musi- cale of an hour’s duration, with the charming singing, as reported by the Diary of the Duke of Stettin— cj. infra, 115-18°.] The Dutch Courtezan (fall— wint., 1602).—(ed. 1633, and Bul- fae PEBY Tt, 1. 218, Enter Franceschina with her lute; 219, she sings to her lute; 220-27, the song. IJ, i, Enter Freevill, pages with torches, and gentlemen with music. Then at |. 8, a serenade of music and song under Beatrice’s window. II, i, 68, The nightingales sing. II, ii, 55, “[Franc.] Cantat Gallicé.” II, ii, 61-65, Franceschina sings, with al- ternating comments on the lines. seems the singer]. III, i, 3, Bea- trice sings. Three lines of song given, then “&c.” IV, v, 70-83, Cockledemoy disguised as the Bell- man sings rather than speaks a rhymed , ribald cry; V; 1, 19, “[Franc.] _Cantat saltatque cum cithera.” V, ii, 35, Freevill sings; 36-43, the song. The Malcontent (spring, 1603).— I,.i, A song. II, iii, A song within. While the song is singing, enter Mendoza, &c. III, ii, Song by sec- ond and third pages. V, ii,- Enter from opposite sides Malevole and Maquerelle singing. [On the omis- sion of the music elements of this play as originally presented at Blackfriars, see infra, 116°-17.] *See complete work, vol. II, Plays at Court. Also cf. 112", 121°- oo Sie: * Supra, 80°, 1137-14. °Infra, 180. 229 116 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS the nuns at Milan might be compared with him, the travelers felt they had not heard his equal in Germany, Italy, or France. Training in instrumental music! was also extensive, requiring an acquaintance with the principal instruments of the time,—or- gan, lute, bandora, manolin, violin, bass-viol, cornet. ’cello, flute, and But the plays give necessarily slight indications of the music. The Malcontent, for example, as it has reached us, is pretty well shorn of this attraction, as the Induction declares. The delight- *The Case is Altered (ca. Sept.— Oct., 1597).—I, i, “A flourish” pre- cedes the opening. I, ii ends with “a tucket.” Cynthia’s Revels (ca. April, ot —(ed. Gifford - Cunningham) IV, i, p. 178, Amorphus sings to the lyre. Vv, ii, p. 186b, Music. Idem, 187a, charge; flourish. Idem, 189, | charge (twice) ; flourish (twice). Idem, 193b, charge; flour- ish. Idem, 194b, charge ; flourish. V, ili opens with “Music accompa- nied. Hesperus sings.” V, iii, p. 200a, Music. A dance by the two masques, &c. Idem, 200b, Music. Second dance. Jdem, 201b, Music. Third dance. Sir Giles Goosecap (ca. fall, 1600).—(ed. Bullen) I, iv, p. 21, Enter Clarence, Musicians. Jdem, 22, A song to the Violls. Idem, 23, Exeunt Musicians. Poetaster (ca. April, 1601).— (ed. Gifford-Cunningham), II, i, p. 221b, Hermogines sings accompa- nied. IV, i, p. 238b, Crispinus plays and sings. IV, iii, p. 243a, Music. Albius sings. IV, iii, p. 243a, Mu- sic. Hermes sings. The Gentleman Usher (ca. sum. 1601).—(ed. Shepherd, 1873), II, i, p. 8%a, Music. Monsieur D’Olive (ca. Oct— Dec., 1601.)—No music indicated. May Day (ca. May, 1602).—(ed. Shepherd, 1873), III, iv, p. 295b, “Tapster, call us in some music.” IV, i, p. 295b, Enter... &c., with music. Quintiliano—‘Strike up, scrapers.” Idem, 2964, Qu— “(strike up fiddlers)”; and: farther n, “Farewell, scrapers,” &c. The Widow's Tears (Sept., ne —(ed. Shepherd, 1873), Ill, ii, 325b, Music. Two lines farther on “Music. Hymen descends” &e. [See comment supra, 115, col. 1.] The Dutch Courtesan (fall-wint., 1602).—(ed. 1633 and Bullen, 1887), I, ii, 1.213, Enter Franceschina with her lute; 219, she sings to her lute. II, i, Enter Freeviil, pages with torches, and gentlemen with music. Then at 1.8, a serenade of music and song under Beatrice’s window. V, i, 1.18 “[Franc.] Cantat saltatque cum cithera.” The Malcontent (spring, 1603). —I, i, The vilest of out-of-tune mu- sic being heard, &c. II, iii, Music within. III, ii, Cornets like horns within. IV, i, Cornets sound with- in.—A melia—“We will dance:— music!—we will dance.” Amelia calls for “music” five times in this scene, for the dance of the inter- rupted masque. IV, i, Cornets flourish. V, li, . Peace! .cornets !” Vv, ili, “The. music !’ irae ae for the masque. Ibid., “cornets, cornets!” V,_ iii, Enter Mercury with loud music. Jbid., “Cornets: the song to the cornets, which play- ing, the mask enters.” Jbid., “the cornets sound the measure” (first dance). Repeated, in second dance. Ibid., “Cornets, a flourish.” Re- peated at close of play. *The Malcontent was first played at Blackfriars in the spring of 1603. During the unsettled state of affairs of that year (cf. Children of the Queen’s Revels at Blackfriars, 1603- 1608, in complete work, vol. I) it fell into the hands of the Burbage 230 eee THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 117 ful concert of instruments and voices? preceding the play and lasting an hour was, as the Diary informs us, the customary pre- lude. company, who cut out the music elements, in the main, because that company could not present them, as the following from the Induction spoken in 1604 from the Globe stage indicates :— “Sly. .What are your additions? Burbage. Sooth, not greatly needful; only as your salad to your great feast, to entertain a little more time, and to abridge the not- received custom of music in our theatre.” *It is likely and seems as early certain as circumstantial evidence can render it that Blackfriars pop- ularized the vocal-instrumental con- cert. A few years later (1609), special provision is made for con- certs as well as for plays in the articles of agreement by the com- pany at Whitefriars called Children of the King’s Revels,—a company modeled after Blackfriars. (cf. in- fra, 121°.) If the activity of Blackfriars in producing such concerts while car- rying out the Queen’s requirements and wishes did not cause a corre- sponding (and the first known) ac- tivity of musicians in collecting and publishing suitable songs and scores for such vocal and instrumental concerts, then it must be considered as at least remarkable that the two activities, each closely related to the other, sprang up independently and simultaneously. The earliest known English books of songs with accompani- ments on the chief musical instru- ments used at Blackfriars were published about 1600. Thomas Morley, one of the gentlemen of the Chapel Royal, published “The first book of Aires or little short Songes to sing and play to the lute with the bass viol, London, 1600.” About the same time, John Dow- land published “The first booke of . Songes or Ayers of foure Parts with Tablature for the Lute.” In It was no part of the play, and is not mentioned, therefore, 1600 he published a second book of “Songes and Aires” for “the lute or Orpherian, with the viol de gam- ba” (entered on Stationers’ Regis- ter 15 July, 1600), in which he styles himself lutenist to the King of Den- mark. His third work appeared in 1603 with the title, “Songs or Aires to sing to the lute, Orpharion, or Violls.” Philip Rosseter, lutenist, whom we later (1610 ff., complete work, vol. I). find an important figure in the history of the Children of the Queen’s Revels at Whitefriars, pub- lished in 1601 “A Booke of Ayres set foorth to be song to the Lute, Orpherian, and base Violl” (en- tered on Stationers’ Register 8 May, 1601). Another work by Ros- seter was entered on the Stationers’ Register 14 April, 1609, under title “A booke of Consortes to the treble lute, bandora, treble viall, base viall, the Citterne and the flute.” The poet Samuel Daniel’s broth- John Daniel—whom we meet Bie (1615ff., complete work, vol. I) as the leader of that old-men’s company practicing on the reputa- tion of the children-companies as an asset under the name of The Children of her Majesty’s Royal Chamber of Bristol,—published in 1606 a volume of “Songs for the Lute, Vial, and Voice, in folio.” —For data above, see Sir John Hawkins, A General History of the Science and Practice of Music, ete. (1776'; 18537), I, 482b; IT, 489a, 570a, 571b. Also, E. Arber, A Tran- script of the Registers of the Com- pany of Stationers of London, 1554- 1640 (1875-94), IIT. These books of concert music for voice and instrument are not only the earliest of their kind, but also form a collection more numerous than the product in this branch at any later period of similar brevity. If they did not arise out of the na- ture and popularity of the Black- 231 118 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS in either Chapman’s The Widow's Tears,—the “chaste widow” which the Duke of Stettin saw,— nor in any other play. It is quite clear that the musical training of the Children amply balanced the dramatic. The notable thing about the dancing? is that it differs from the public theatre jig and Morris. It is treated more as an art and seems modeled on the masques long practiced at Court. This is true especially of Jonson’s Cynthia’s Revels and four of Chap- man’s plays, Sir Giles Goosecap, The Gentleman Usher, May Day, The Widow’s Tears; also Marston’s The Dutch Courtezan and The Malcontent. The ancient custom of masques at Court* was carried out by Elizabeth and her predecessors with elaborate detail and at great friars entertainments which had be- come the great new fad of London, the suggestion of it at least is diffi- cult to repress, and no other ex- planation of the simultaneity pre- sents itself. *See further, infra, “Plays,” vol. *The Case is Altered (ca. Sept— Oct., 1597).—No dancing indicated. Cynthia’s Revels (ca. Apl. 1600). —(ed. Gifford- Cunningham), III, iii, p. 170, Asotus sings and dances. Vv, ili, p. 200a-202a, three several dances, each composed of eight maskers in .rich attire, — four nymphs of Cynthia’s court and four sylvan brethren. Str Giles. Goosecap (ca. fall, 1600).—(ed. Bullen), II, i, p. 31, “He daunceth speaking.” pees Your Lord is very dancitive me- thinkes.” V, ii, p. 92, A masque closes the play, “In form whereof first daunce, sing and daunce THE MEASURE. Now to the song and do this gar- land grace.” Canto. Poetaster (ca. Apl. 1601).—No dancing indicated. See further, in- fra, 119. The Gentleman Usher (ca. sum., 1601).—(ed. Shepherd, 1873), II, i, p. 88a, Dance of Broom-man, Rush- man, Broom-maid, Rush-maid in a masque. Monsieur D’Olive (ca. Oct— Dec., 1601).—No dancing indicated. May Day (ca. May, 1602).—(ed. Shepherd, 1873), I, i, preceded by “Chorus juvenum cantantes et sal- tantes. [Exeunt saltan.” IV, i, p. 296, Quintiliano skips about while singing to music of fiddles. V, i, p. 303b, Enter Aurelia, &c., ‘ masked, dancing. The masque is danced in three rounds. The play ends with all joining hands and dancing. Exeunt.. The Widow's Tears (Sept. 1602).—(ed. idem), III, ii, p. 326a, A masque. Six sylvans with torches. dance. They take out the bride and the rest. All dance. V, i, p. 382a, “He dances and sings.” The Dutch Courtezan (fall— wint., 1602).—IV, i, Enter the Masquers; they dance. The Malcontent (spring, 1603). —In IV, i, the masque begun on elaborate scale of the “brawl” is in- terrupted and not taken up again. The movements to be executed in the court dance described. V, iii, A masque, in which additional coup- les join at intervals. *See especially A. Soergel, Die Englischen Maskenspiele (Diss., Halle, 1882) ; and Rudolf Brotanek, Die Englischen Maskenspiele (1902). - 232 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 119 expense during the annual period of relaxation of the Christmas Revels. But these masques within thé play at Blackfriars were a wholly new feature in the evolution of the drama,’ and cannot have been but strikingly attractive and popular with the aristo- cratic patrons. The dance was made up of nymphs, or sylphs, or other airy, mythological, or fanciful shapes. The effect was heightened by special costumes calculated to lead the eye through the maze of masque into pleasing bewilderment. In Cynthia’s Revels the masque is danced by four nymphs and four fairy brethren. All are dressed to the taste of the Royal ~Court of Fancy. The nymphs in citron, green, vari-colored, and white, match their sylvan partners in green and blue, purple em- paled with gold, blush-color, and watchet-tinsel. The whole sit- uation is phantastic. The evolutions are executed under the magic of Cupid and Mercury in the presence of the throned Cynthia. Doubtless the masque was danced to the level of Jonson’s con- ception of the mingling of colors, movement, and music into har- monious charm. Sir Giles Goosecap closes with a dance of lords and ladies, fol- lowed by a song. This is on the order of a Court-masque, and is danced in honor of Hymen. Doubtless it was executed with elaboration, giving the light play its chief attraction. Merely its place of occurrence, at the end of the play, is mentioned in the printed drama as it has reached us. Poetaster may be mentioned in this connection, although it con- tains no stage directions for dancing. But it has in act IV “a pretty fiction” of “a heavenly banquet” represented as played at the Court. It is “a pageant” or masque of the Bacchanalian revels of the gods in the full habit of deities, with the effects of - too much nectar riotously dominant in the ichor of their deity- ships. The revel closes with irregular singing and loud music, and might appropriately have had the reeling accompaniment of the Bacchanalian dance ending with the usual joyous whoop in swinging the fair goddess clean from the floor at the great final leap of “the swaggering upspring.’”? The “pretty show” in The Gentleman Usher is a masque pre- * See infra, 119-21, 122-23. in Europe. But to see this manner *This is a custom still familiar and finish of a dance in its native 233 120 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS sented in the presence of Duchess Margaret as she sits on her throne surrounded by the splendor of lords and ladies of the Court. ‘The dancers and singers are sylvans and nymphs under the names of Man-bug, Woman-bug, Broom-man, Rush-man, Broom-maid, Rush-maid. The entertainment was voted as “‘pleas- ingly performed.” | May Day opens with a chorus of youths dancing and closes with ‘“‘the May-night show at Signor Honorio’s.” The whole play is preparation for this masque, and the most of the conver- sation of act V is simply lively setting for it. It is the life and entertainment at the home of a lord transferred with heightened coloring to the stage. In The Widow’s Tears, seen by the Duke of Stettin, “the revels and nuptial sports” at the palace of the “chaste widow,’ the Countess Eudora, make up much of act III. It is a royal bridal scene, containing a masque of “rare device.” With Tharsalio in the chair of honor, the bride Eudora, surrounded by her court- ladies, takes her placé at his side. The show and masque are the spiritualization of the ceremony of marriage. At the sound of music, Hymen, represented by one of the players who “hangs in the clouds deified,’ descends toward the bridal pair, while a chorus of “fresh and flowry sylvans” bearing torches enter be- neath, “curveting and tripping ath’ toe, as the ground they trod on were too hot for their feet.” With such courtship as they make to the Dryads, they lead the bride and her court-ladies into the sylvan nuptial dance. The Dutch Courtezan presents a masque at the opening of act IV. From previous mention in the play concerning the proposed masque, we rightly expect large entertainment from the perform- ance of it. Possibly it may have fulfilled expectations, but neither the dialogue nor the stage directions let us know. The masquers. at Sir Hubert Subboy’s house are about to enter as the act opens.. Servants are standing with lights to lend brilliance to the per- formance. More lights are called for. As the masquers arrive, Sir Lionel Freevill calls out “Call down our daughter. Hark! woodland and mountain perfection and atmosphere, visit sometime a of thrilling wildness as inspired dance in any valley of the Alps of originally into the reveling Pan and’ the German Tyrol. Bacchus by similar surroundings 234 bration of the pending nuptials of the son of Sir Lionel with the daughter Beatrice of Sir Hubert, doubtless some magnificence was given the setting. But the masque is quickly broken up by a challenge to a duel;—feigned and prearranged. Altogether the reader is given to know very little of how the masque went. Cer- tainly the action does not seem to allow great elaboration of the dance, but that could have been shaped to the will of the actors. Twice in The Malcontent are we presented with a masque. The first, in which the elaborate evolutions of ‘““The Brawl” were about to be danced, was interrupted and not carried out. The second closes the play. Mercury is the master of the revels. In the midst of a song to the accompaniment of cornets, the masque of four crowned Dukes, dressed in white robes, enters. They choose their ladies, and dance and chat to the accompaniment of cornets. It is not a highly successful show, and fully justifies Jonson in not including Marston with himself, Chapman, and Fletcher as the only ones who could write a masque. . - The indications in the plays for singing, music, and dancing as cited above, though amply substantiating Gerschow’s state- ment of the Queen’s requirements, cover only the incidental prac- ticing of these arts. The chief exhibitions in music and singing had nothing to do with the plays, as already noted in the evidence from the Diary. It is probable also that musical entertainments were given exclusive of dramatic performances. For later, in certain articles of agreement concerning the conduct of the Chil- dren of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars,? a company modeled after the Blackfriars organization, there is special provision made concerning the receipts from musicales as well as plays. . Also, the special “show’’® presented at Court Feb. 6, 1601, is for only one separate masque by 121 . *“Next himself, only Fletcher and Chapman could make a Mask.” —Notes of Ben Jonson’s Conversa- tions with William Drummond of Hawthornden, January, 1619 (ed. David Laing, Shakesp. Soc. Pub., 1842), 4. It is doubtless upon the eminent success of Chapman’s masques in the plays of the Blackfriars Boys that Jonson gave him this praise, Chapman is now known. Certainly either Jonson or Chapman prepared the special “show” presented before the Queen by the Children Feb. 6, 1601, for no other poets were then employed to prepare their plays, and no others were turning out that sort of work. *See complete work, vols. I, III. 8 Supra, 115'. 235 122 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS further suggestive. Although nothing further is known of it, there is little likelihood that Gyles and Evans took the trouble of preparing such an entertainment without reaping the benefits of its re-presentation at the theatre. Moreover, the Queen wouid hardly have called for such a specialty if the Children had not been previously trained in similar performances. Documentary proof of such “shows” would explain the gap in the period of 1597 to 1600. But at present it seems only highly probable that an important part of their lost repertoire consisted of these mu- sical and dramatic ephemera. The requirements for the training of the Children at Black- friars gave rise to new features in the drama. Music of minor sort as also singing are known earlier, particularly in plays of the Children of the Chapel and Paul’s from their beginnings on. The public theatres had less of either. But the origin of musical praeludia, interludia, and intermezzos, cannot be traced farther than this period at Blackfriars. The masque as an integral part of the play is unknown in dra- matic history prior to the establishment of Blackfriars theatre.? “It is probable that the Queen not infrequently called for such ephemeral “shows.” Jonson, may well have got that training here in masques which made him under James the foremost man of all time in that special form of entertain- ment. In his Conversations with Drummond (ed. Laing. S. S. Pub., 1842), 27, he says, “that the half of his Comedies were not in print.” Why? Jonson was generally care- ful to preserve his work. Were a good part of his inventions among these evanescences, which the Queen may have commanded? His Cyn- thia’s Revels is a tribute to her as such a patroness. In that play she is Cynthia and he is Crites. It is so suggestive of the mode of ful- filling the Queen’s requirements at Blackfriars as to seem to be drawn from life when in that play, near the close of V, ii, just preceding the masque of iii, Arete says to Crites, “Crites you must provide straight for a masque, ’T is Cynthia’s pleasure.” *Dr. A. Soergel, Die Englischen Maskenspiele (Diss. Halle, 1882), 88, dates the beginning of the masque within the play as ca. 1600, but without knowing the influences here mentioned. It is probable that this new species of drama that had such wide following in the next half century began three years ear- lier than Soergel puts it, with the opening of Blackfriars. This part of his thesis Dr. Soergel has only touched upon, leaving a thorough working to the future.. But it has not yet been made public, if ever undertaken. Dr. Rudolf Brotanek, Die Eng- lischen Maskenspiele (Wien, 1902), 99, has assembled the known evi- dences to show that the masque within the play is of earlier ori- gin :— Das fritheste Zeugnis ftir die in der Bliitezeit der Maske sehr be- liebte Einschiebung in andere Stiicke stammt aus dem Jahre 1514 und bezieht sich auf ein Interlu- 236 - THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS 123 The example there was followed almost immediately by others.* In general the Chapel Children’s plays did much to set the dra- matic tone of the time. Novelty indeed carried it away, for the Children were “now the fashion.’* The influence especially on - Shakespeare as well as other contemporaries, likewise also on _ the character of the Court entertainments under James I, particu- _ larly the masques,’ requires extensive investigation in detail, and is reserved of necessity for a later publication. The furnishing of apparel at the Queen’s cost has already been presented.* The prodigal lavishness of the rich costuming is mentioned in the Diary and abundantly supported by the plays. The sense of unlimited resources gave the Blackfriars dramatists, Jonson, Chapman, and Marston, a free hand and enabled them to undertake plots and present characters and situations requiring the most elaborate courtly elegance. Theatrical conditions in this phase as in all others had much to do with shaping the nature of the drama,—more than is commonly supposed. By virtue of the conditions of management and distributed shareship originally peculiar to the Globe,® Shakespeare alone of all the numerous other dramatists of this period® enjoyed a similar sense of unre- strained freedom in choice and artistic treatment of dramatic material. | The masques already mentioned, with fairies, nymphs, gods, dium “devysed by Sir Harry Gyll- furth, Master of the Revells ... in the whiche conteyned a moresk of VI. persons and II. ladys.” [Foot-note reference, Collier, I, . dialogue are of course of even very much earlier date than these cases cited by Brotanek. But all these cases fall into a class wholly out- side the masque as an integral part 68ff; Letters and Papers of the Reign of Henry VIII, I, 718f.] Diese Auffiihrung ist sicher ident- isch mit dem von William Cornish fiir dieselbe Weihnachtsfeier ge- schrieben Tryumpe of Love and Bewte. Sir Henry Guildford er- sann offenbar die Handlung, und Cornish fiihrte die Reden aus.” Brotanek points out further that in Interlude of the Four Elements at close is a Mumming indicated, “also, if ye list, ye may bring in a Disguising.” Then the maskers ap- pear. He mentions finally a similar superaddition in a Morality of 1527. Court masques accompanied by of the theatrical drama as known for the first time in the history of the English drama on Blackfriars stage. *See further complete work, vol. ? Infra, 166-67, 174, Fy, 177. *For a _ chronological list of known masques, see Soergel, op. cit., 72-75 (1604-37) ; and Brotanek, op. ctt. * Supra, 98-101. *See newly discovered documents on Shakespeare, Globe, and Black- friafs,.u. S.) 1x-x, 84°) .44. 56% *See list of dramatists, 1603, infra, 163°. 1597- 237 ‘ 124 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS goddesses, kings, queens, dukes, countesses, noble bridal festivi- : ties, courtly entertainments, &c., show some of the accessory re- quirements for an elaborate theatrical wardrobe. Most of the plays represented some court, and all are comedies in high life. — Presented before courtiers, lords, and ladies, and the fastidious fashionables of London, the dresses of necessity must meet the demands of the time. A representative example may stand for all. Since the Duke of Stettin was struck by the costuming in The Widow’s Tears, I select from it. In I, ii, there is the follow- ing entrance of a courtly train in state:—Two gentlemen ushers in court-livery, heads bared, march in dignified pomp across the stage, followed by two Spartan lords. These in their turn serve but as ushers to their more splendid viceregal master, who walks after in single state. The Countess Eudora follows in flowing silks, with her daughter at her side. A waiting-gentlewoman bears the Countess’s train. Another waiting-woman closes the procession in single dignity. So rich and abundant is the apparel in this representative play that the German visitors remark upon it as excessive. Spectacu- lar effect, however, was one of the novelties of the Beerbohm Tree sort that drew large audiences,—even more perhaps than the plots and sayings of the plays. In contrast to the public theatres where plays were presented by daylight, the enclosed privacy and spectacular elegance at Blackfriars must have been altogether as attractive as the testi- mony of the time declares it. With an aristocratic audience filling the house from the seats in pit and galleries to the lords’ rooms, the fashionable “‘smart set” sitting at right and left on the stage, and the shimmer of candlelight over the royal costumes of the boy-actors in the midst of music, dramatic movement, and phan- tastic masque, it is little wonder that the spectacular effect was enough “to ravish a man”! with delight, and to attract from the public theatres the most desirable part of their audience.? Whether the requirement to present one play a week as men- tioned by Gerschow in the Diary was elastic enough to allow that as the minimum, not the maximum, is not certain. Suggestive *See infra, Children of the *Supra, 96, 112; infra, 128, 164- Queen’s Revels at Blackfriars. 66, 174, 176-77. 238 1 THE QUEEN’S REQUIREMENTS - 125 circumstances indicate a possibility of twice a week. But they are insufficient for a final conclusion. The Queen attended the _ theatre on a Tuesday,—29 Dec., 1601,\—the Duke-of Stettin on a Saturday,—Sept. 18, 1602.2. The fact that Kirkham and part- ners in the 50/. bond of April 20, 1602, agreed to pay Evans eight shillings “everye weeke weekly on Saturdaye . . . when & soe often as anye enterludes plaies or showes shalbe playde vsed _ showed or published in the greate hall’’* &c., indicates Saturday _as a day for acting. The same document from which the above is quoted declares that a play or interlude was presented there Saturday, 16 June, 1605,* and indicates Saturday as the regular time for both acting and payment, from date of the contract. This fixes Saturday as one regular day of the week for acting, but does not settle it as the only day. The purpose in the 1600 and 1601 orders emanating from Elizabeth to suppress all public the- atres but the Globe and Fortune, and to restrict these to playing _ but twice a week looks like the attempt at a leveling process in number of representations as well as in other features, in con- formity with the Queen’s fixed purposes as carried out in the pri- vate establishment of Blackfriars.® Supra, 95. gliae secundo quoddam ludicrum *Supra, 106. anglice an interlude lusum fuit in 5 Supra, 102°. praedicta magna Aula.”—Cf. docu- “Super, diem sabbati existentem ment im extenso, in complete work, sextumdecimum diem Junij Anno vol. IIL. regni domini Jacobi nunc Regis An- °See infra, chapter XII, entire. 239 CHAPTER X SUMMARY OF EVIDENCES ON THE OFFICIAL SANCTION OF BLACKFRIARS THERE is abundant evidence of the official conduct of the Black- friars. The Diary of the Duke of Stettin declares it.1 The par- agraph in Evans’s Answer concerning the weekly disbursements and allowances by the Queen’s official shows it.? The Decree cf the Court of Star Chamber is based upon it. The provision for only the minor expense of rent and repairs, and the omission to mention the heavier charges of maintenance, apparel, and furni- ture in the 1602 agreement indicates it.* Even in Clifton’s Complaint, bitter with animus and Puritan- ism, the same comes out unintentionally. His statement that the Blackfriars was set up, furnished, and maintained ‘“‘under color” of authority is an admission of the fact, since the “color” proved 4 : true.° Other charges of his not yet quoted are equally clear as — showing the truth when the beclouding animus is blown away. For example, when Clifton threatened to report the managers to the Privy Council, they told him “to complayne to whome he would, & they would aunswer yt’; and also “that yf the Queene (meaning your highnes) would not beare them furth in that ac- cion [t. e., taking up and using the Boys in plays at Blackfriars], she (meaning lykwyse your highnes) should gett another to exe- cute her comission, for them.”® Furthermore, they declared “that they had aucthoritie sufficient soe to take any noble mans sonne in this land,”? and “that were it not for the benefitt they made by the sayd play howse, hee would should serve the Chap- pell w™ childeren, for them.” All these replies show a confident security in the Oise grants and permissions. * Supra, 106-7. Also, cf. chapter Supra, 79ff., 1017-2. TX, entire. : °Clifton’s Complaint in Star * Supra, 98-101. Chamber, G.-F., 130c. 8 Supra, 81°-82'. "Idem, 131a. ‘Supra, 91-92”. °Tbid; also, supra, 81°. 240 SUMMARY OF EVIDENCES 127 We have seen Gyles’s authority——the Commission for taking up children,—and we know how he was allowed to interpret and exercise the powers granted.” He was not only unhampered by the Court of Star Chamber,’ but during a period of nearly six years he carried out the Queen’s will and had her favor. The Decree of the Court, cited by Kirkham, has furnished evidence that Evans too had official papers. Their nature and purport we know pretty certainly by the theatrical practices under them. His leasing the theatre for twenty-one years,® which meant the rest of his life, also shows he felt his concessions extended prac- tically in perpetuum. Evidence has shown that about twenty-five to thirty boys were boarded and lodged at Blackfriars,® while the chorus of twelve Children’ for the Chapel service were kept at or near the Palace.® At the theatre were provided school-room,® praeceptores, and musici’© for the education and special training of the Children there.** As an essential adjunct to theatrical requirements, an extensive wardrobe was supplied,’? as also probably stage-furni- ture.1* The total expense of these elaborate provisions was borne by the royal exchequer.** We have seen that the declarations of documents on certain of these heads are supported also by the evidence of plays. I may here add also conclusions that lie patent to the observer. No one could fail to recognize the impossibility of the Children of the Chapel being used as actors without the Queen’s knowl- edge. Students have hitherto recognized that such knowledge implied consent and some sort of favor. All the printed plays of the Boys announce them as Children of her Majesty’s Chapel, or Children of Blackfriars, or both. The official record concerning their performances at Court speaks of them as Children of the Chapel.*® It was universally known that they were the Children of the Chapel taken up for the Queen’s service and maintained * Supra, 60°. *Supra, 40°, 40°, 71. > Supra, 70-71. Supra, 106-7. ® Supra, 83. 4 Supra, 106-7, 113. 4 Supra, 81-82". ” Supra, ibid; 98-101, 123-24, 178. “Supra, 57. ® Supra, 1012. ° Supra, 75, 73-76. “Supra, 70-71, 98-101", 106-7, 178. *Supra, 59°. *See Court Plays, complete * Supra, 73. work, vol. II. 241 128 Queen’s officials. CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS by her at Blackfriars. The public talked about it as did also the © Clifton based his suit on it, and the Duke of Stettin gained such official or semi-official information about it as enabled him to leave a record of the conditions that later moved him, as it seems, to action in establishing a troop of English actors at his court at heavy expense. The aristocratic folk of London, including members of the Court, knew these conditions under which Blackfriars was established and maintained, and were at- tracted to the plays there.*| The Queen herself, accompanied by her court-ladies, granted the grace of her presence there.? In the light of the evidence, The simple explanation is that her “erbauet’’® is not remarkable. the declaration of Gerschow’s Majesty provided for the establishment or setting up* and main- tenance of the theatre at Blackfriars under royal favor and at ‘Infra, 164-66, 174, 176-77. * Supra, 95-97. *It would be a matter of great interest if it could be shown that James Burbage in 1596 purchased and set about remodeling the Black- friars in accordance with the Queen’s desire to set up these boys as actors, and that Gyles, then Mas- ter at Windsor, or Hunnis, whom Gyles in 1597 succeeded as Master of the Children of the Chapel Royal, had at the same time joined with Evans, the lessee of the theatre, to carry out these plans. But there is no evidence of it, I think, even in “erbauet” that has set some on a false scent. On the contrary, Clifton’s charges (though not much reliance is to be placed upon them for reasons al- ready shown, unless they are cor- roborative) indicate a date after the purchase, while the Globe- Blackfriars Share-Papers of 1635 declare in reference to the purchase of Blackfriars that it “after was leased out to one Evans” (supra, 57*). Also the fact that Evans did not take the twenty-one-year lease until he had proved the ven- ture a success points to the same. But I must admit the force of opposing considerations. In _ re- sponse to the petition of 1596 2 against Blackfriars, the Queen’s Council did nothing (supra, 18°, 53). The size of Blackfriars is against supposing Burbage intended it to supplant “The Theatre.” The new rooms built above the theatre were also peculiarly adaptable. But there is nothing more than unexplained suggestiveness in these points. It is to be hoped that other documents, ~ traces of which are known to me, may yet be brought to light and contribute something conclusive. *“Set up” and “erect” were used in a double sense in and long after Elizabeth’s time. Applied to the theatre as a physical structure, the sense was “build’; as a company, “establish.” The following, out of a large number of examples, suffice to illustrate :— “for erectinge, buildinge, and settinge upp of a newe howse and stadge for a_ plaie-howse.”’—Con- tract for the Fortune (1600), in J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (9th ed., 1890), I, 305a. “nowe erectinge a Newe Play- house in that place.”—Privy Coun- cil Register, 26 Sept., 1615, on sup- pression of Rosseter’s Blackfriars theatre. See complete work, vols. 77 ... to sett vp a Playhowse in 42 ST Ee ge FT ee Te ee Se Ee I) 4 : > a ae ee a ou a SUMMARY OF EVIDENCES 129 royal expense as the combined evidences abundantly show. Even _ the expense for the rental of the building was provided for, not $ specifically, but generally, by the granted privilege of private gain to the management. _ The maintenance of a player company and the furnishing of apparel was the chief expense in theatrical business. With these _ provided, not only expense free but under royal patronage, and _ with no charges to be met by the management except the minor sum of rental and repairs, there is little wonder that the Queen is regarded as “establishing” this theatre. Her part in it amounts to nothing less. The results that arose immediately out of this theatrical estab- lishment,—the Queen’s official acts in carrying out her purposes, the City’s opposition, the unfriendly attitude of the public the- atres, the championship of their cause in Hamlet, as also the ori- gin of certain theatrical modes and customs,—are reflexively con- tributive to a knowledge of the Queen’s relations to Blackfriars, and are discussed in succeeding chapters. “which after was leased out to the Blackfrya™*.”—/Jdem, 27 Jan., 1617, on suppression of the same theatre. Cf. ut praeantea cit. “A common playhowse then [1596, Nov.] preparing to be erected there.”—City’s order to sup- press Blackfriars (1618-[19]), 1 Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 311. “to errecte, sett vpp, furnish and maynteyne a play house or place in the Blacke-fryers.”—Clifton’s Com- plaint in Court of Star Chamber (1601), supra, 101°. “lett the said Playhowse vnto Henrye Evans, ... whoe intended then [1. ¢., when lease was made] presentlye to erect or sett _vpp a - Companye of boyes ... in the same.”’—Burbage’s Answer (1612), supra, 57". “except the said Evans could erect & keepe a companye of Play- inge boyes.”—I dem, supra, ibid. one Evans that first sett up the boyes commonly called the Queenes Majesties Children of the Chap- pell.”—Globe-Blackfriars Share-pa- pers of 1635 in Halliwell-Phillips, op. ,cit., I, 317. “to erect a company for refpre- sentation of tragedies.”—Patent to George Jolly (Dec. 24, 1660) in E. Malone, op. cit., III, 252. Gerschow’s “erbauet” is a cor- rect translation of “set up” or “erect” in either the literal sense, or with the meaning of “cause to be erected or set up,” “found,” “es- tablish.” His use of the word doubtless arises from _ translating “erect” or “set up” in the English source of his information (2. e., talk with officials or others) used in the sense of “establish.” 243 CHAPTER XI THE CUSTOM OF SITTING ON THE STAGE ORIGINATING AT BLACKFRIARS BeEroreE dealing with larger matters affecting the stage and drama, and connected with the official conduct of Blackfriars in a Series of causes and effects, I choose here to intercalate a chap- ter on the fashionable custom of sitting on the stage. The cus- tom shows the tendency of influences started at Blackfriars. The origin of it is two-fold—the physical structure of the stage and the fashionable character of the audience. An investigation of known evidences on the subject changes previous views and establishes in their stead certain facts. The fad of sitting on the stage came into vogue with the Black- friars in 1597.1. The earliest known allusion to it dates 1598.?_ It was a custom in no other theatre in Elizabeth’s reign.*® The supposition of Malone* that this fashionable fad was the practice in all the private® theatres has been so widely accepted as a settled fact that it may be regarded as almost a universal error among students of the drama and stage.* The error arises out of the imitation of the custom at two of the later private the- atres, the Cockpit and Salisbury Court. There is no evidence for or against the custom at Whitefriars. I must conclude that it was unknown there. Paul’s never admitted the practice under either Elizabeth or James. The stage was too small. The evidence of this is in the Induction to John Marston’s What You Will, and is too clear-cut ‘Infra, 131-34. oning. * Infra, 132°. *Specific references even to re- °Infra, 130-34, 136-38. cent publications containing this er- *E. Malone, Shakespeare Varior- ror would make an unwieldy and um (ed. Boswell, 1821), III, 78. in no way helpful list. Almost any °The private theatres were Black- modern essay, doctor’s dissertation, friars, Paul’s, Whitefriars, Cockpit book, or edition of a play published (Phoenix), and Salisbury Court. in England, Germany, America, or Writers have generally left Paul’s France, and touching this custom, and Whitefriars out of this reck- will furnish exemplification. 244 ee ee Eee ere — oe a declaration to be impeached.’ SITTING ON THE STAGE 131 The only other known mention in a play acted at Paul’s is sufficiently definite to tell us that Paul’s is not meant.? Else we should have the anomaly of the players uttering gratuitous self-detraction. This exhausts both the Paul’s list of references,*? and the evi- dences on that side of the question that assumes the existence of the custom in any other theatre than the Blackfriars up to 1604. Between 1597 and 1604, every identifying evidence of sitting on the stage is associated with Blackfriars. low, no public theatre of this period had the custom.* Also, as shown be- The logi- cal conclusion is that every allusion to the practice within these limits refers to Blackfriars, whether specifically so declared or not. + Atticus says to Philomuse (sup- posed gallants on the stage), “Let’s place ourselves within the curtains, for good faith the stage is so very little, we shall wrong the general eye else very much.”—John Mars- ton, Induction to What You Will, in Marston’s Works (ed. Bullen, 1887), II, 325. Acted at Paul’s ca. April, 1601. (Cf. Plays, complete work, vol. II.) *“Courtesan.— . . . I know some i th’ town that have done as much, and there took such a good conceit of their parts into the two- penny room, that the actors have been found 1’ th’ morning in a less compass than their stage, though twere ne’er so full of gentlemen.”— Thomas Middleton, 4 Mad World My Masters, in Middleton’s Works (ed. Bullen, 1886), III, 347. Acted at Paul’s ca. 1606(?). SA stage-direction in W. Percy’s The Faery Pastorall (published from MS. by Joseph Haslewood for The Roxburghe Club, 1824) re- quires a word here. After mention- ing stage-properties to be used, the author says, “Now if so be that the Properties of any of These, that be outward, will not serue the turne by reason of concurse of the People on the Stage, Then you may omitt the sayd Properties” &c. What stage does Percy mean? It is not infrequently supposed that this play was acted at Paul’s. The author in writing had in mind all possible companies that might ac- cept his plays, and would have been glad to appear at Paul’s. This is shown by “A note to the Master of the Children of Powles” (printed in Collier, op. cit.,? III, 181) at the close of Necromantes; also in the directions concerning the double closing of The Faery Pastorall (in op. cit. supra) and in the direction for the Prologue in The Cuck- queanes and Cuckolds Errants (idem). But there is no evidence that The Faery Pastorall or any other play in the MS. volume by Percy was ever acted by any company. His works doubtless belong to that nu- merous host (cf. Collier, op. cit.,? III, 231-32) that, for unsuitable- ness or other reasons, never trod the boards. Hence I set no special value upon the elaborate and im- possible stage-directions or other items taken seriously by many as touching vital points in stage-his- tory. But see on the contrary Carl Grabau, Zur Englischen Biihne um I600 in Shakespeare-Jahrbuch (1902), XXXVIII, 285; G. F. Rey- nolds, Some Principles of Eliza- bethan Staging, in Modern Phi- lology (1904-5), II, 607 (later published separately) ; G. P. Baker, The Development of Shakespeare as a Dramatist (1907), 76-77. *Infra, 136-38. , 245 132 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS About 1598, Sir John Davies in a satirizing sonnet-epigram gives the first evidence. Here the gallant is conceived as at the Blackfriars, on the stage (1. 3) ; or at the public theatre, over the stage (1.4). Ben Jonson twice in Every Man out of is Humour (ca. Aug., 1599,” at the Globe) satirizing the fashionable courtier, gallant, and would-be gentleman, gives this practice a caustic touch? In the Induction to Cynthia’s Revels at Blackfriars the following year (ca. April, 1600*) Jonson uses “one of your genteel audi- tors” of the unfriendly sort (not on the stage) to break a jest over, and follows it up with a dialogue flattering to the well- wishing stage-patron of the house.° - In RuFUM. Rufus the Courtier at the theatre Leauing the best and most conspic- uous place, Doth either to the stage himselfe transfer, Or through a grate doth show his doubtful face. For that the clamorous frie of Innes of court, Filles vp the priuate roomes of greater prise: And such a place where all may haue resort, He in his singularitie doth despise. Yet doth not his particular humour shunne, The common stews and brothels of the towne, Though all the world in troupes do thither runne Cleane and vncleane, the gentle and the clowne: Then why should Rufus in his pride abhorre A common seate that loues a com- mon whore. —Sir John Davies, Epigram 3 (be- fore 1599), in Isham Reprints (ed. Charles Edmonds, 1870), sig. 3. This careful reprint differs from the partial quotation of the same offered in Malone, op. cit., III, 81. \ *See infra, Plays, complete work, vol. II. *Boorish Sogliardo, characterized by Jonson as being “so enamored of the name of gentleman that he will have it though he buys it,” finds himself in tow of Carlo Buffone :— Carlo. . when you come to plays, be humorous, look with a. good starched face, and ruffle your brow like a new boot, laugh at nothing but your own jests, or else as the noblemen laugh. That’s a special grace you must observe. Sogliardo.—I warrant you, sir. Car.—Ay, and sit on the stage and flout, provided you have a good suit. Sog.—O, I’ll have a suit only for that, sir. —Every Man out of his Humour, in Jonson’s Works (ed. Gifford- Cunningham), I, i, p. 72. Fastidious Brisk—Why, assure you, signior, rich apparel has strange virtues: it makes him that hath it without means, esteemed:for an ex- cellent wit: . takes possession of your stage at your new play.— Idem, II, ii, p. 940. * Supra, 75. °3 Child [Sal Pavy].—Stay; you shall see me do another now, but a more sober, or better-gathered gallant; that is, as it may be 246 133 SITTING ON THE STAGE Thomas Dekker later, remembering Jonson’s satire upon him? ' in Poetaster (ca, April, 1601) and the punishment he himself administered through Satiromastix* (summer, 1601) by having Horace [Jonson] tossed in a blanket, unequivocally in this in- stance has in mind the custom of sitting on the stage as being at Blackfriars.* In 1601, Hamlet, in the excitement of bitter joy at the close of the play before the King, finds in the custom a means of satiric exultation.> Indeed the whole play within the play,—not as a new form, for it was old, but in manner,—seems intended for Blackfriars done in miniature, with grandees, even of the Ham- let sort, in patronizing display, familiar ease, and chorus-com- ment on the mimic stage. George Chapman’s All Fools, at Blackfriars after close of the 1603 plague, twice shows us the audience on the stage. The Pro- logue defers humbly to their judgments and craves their special thought, some friend, or well- toral or Comedy, Morall or Trag- wisher to the house: and here I edie) you rise with a screwd and enter. discontented face from your stoole 1 Child [Nat Field].—What, to be gone: no matter whether the upon the stage too? 2 Child [Jack Underwood].— Yes; and I step forth like one of the children, and ask you, Would you have a stool, sir? —In this quotation I have used the Gifford-Cunningham edition, and inserted the names of the Boy- actors who played these parts in the first representation at Black- friars. They are easily determin- able from the Jnduction itself. *Infra, 171. * Supra, 75°. "Infra, 171. ““Now sir, if the writer be a fellow that hath either epigrammed you, or hath had a flirt at your mistris, or hath brought either your feather, or your red beard, or your little legs &c. on the stage, you shall disgrace him worse then by tossing him in a blancket, or giving him the bastinado in a Tauerne, if, in the middle of his play (bee it Pas- scenes be good or no; the better they are the worse do you distaste them: and, beeing on your feet, sneake not away like a coward, but salute all your gentle acquaintance, that are spread either on the rushes, or on stooles about you, and draw what troope you can from the stage after you.’—Thomas Dekker, How a Gallant should behaue himself in a Play-house, chapter VI of The Guls Horn-Booke (1609), in The Non-Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker (ed. Grosart, The Huth Li- brary, 1885),, II, 243. “Would not this Sir, and a For- rest of Feathers, if the rest of my Fortunes turne Turke with me; with two Prouinciall Roses on my rac’d Shooes, get me a Fellowship in a crie of Players sir.”—Mr. Wil- liam Shakespeares Comedies, His- tories & Tragedies (folio 1623), The Tragedie of Hamlet, [III, ii] p. 268D. 247 134 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS favor... The Epilogue shows them sitting less wise than they were flatteringly invited to be.? In the spring of 1603, Marston’s The Malcontent apparently touched the matter, though the present form of the play doubt- fully shows the manner of it.2 The Globe having annexed The Malcontent played it in 1604 with a special Induction, wherein the fixed privilege of sitting on the Blackfriars stage is specific- ally declared, and the similar privilege at the Globe explicitly denied.* These are the known references to the custom of sitting on the stage up to 1604. They establish its origin in the Blackfriars. This fashion is not to be confused with a certain practice orig- inating in the public theatres. We know there was in more than one of them the custom of sitting “above” or “over” the stage at the rear.© This is shown in the De Witt—Van Buchell sketch of 1Great are the gifts given to united heads, — : e To gifts, attire, to fair attire, the stage Helps much; for if our other au- dience see You on the stage depart before we end; Our wits go with you all, and we are fools. —Shepherd’s edition (1874), p. 7%. *We can but bring you meat and set you stools And to our best cheer say you all are ( ) welcome. —Idem, p. 77. ®Compare the Induction, “Black- friars has almost spoiled Black- friars for feathers” and the follow- ing in II, ii:—“no fool but hath his feather.” The allusion is to the prevalent custom, as shown by other examples, of gallants wear- ing on the stage ornamental feath- ers, costing sometimes several pounds. “The Induction opens with these data, thus :— Tire-man.—Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here. Sly.—Why, we may sit upon the stage at the private house. Thou dost not take me for a country- gentleman, dost? dost think I fear hissing? [See further infra, 138.] *These were the choice places. It is most probable that the actors of England of that day acted for art’s sake, as their heirs the mod- ern German actors do, and conse- quently faced the rear or sides as often as the front, if the faithful representation of the situation re- quired it. To Americans and to many Englishmen, accustomed to spectacular display and studied ar- tificiality in acting, with the funda- mental rule “face the audience,” it is as preposterous to think of these rear seats “over” the stage as the best as it is astounding and con- vincing in its artistry to see the modern German actor face any di- rection the case requires, in utter disregard of the audience but with all faithfulness to the life he is por- traying, so that you forget you are in the theatre, and feel that you are living through real experiences. But these rear seats “over” the stage were choice, not merely for hearing (for which we should be glad to believe they were mainly used), but most especially for be- ing seen and making a display of 248 _ picture (1672). clares it.? SITTING ON THE STAGE | the Swan (ca. 1596), the Roxana print (1632), and the Red Bulli Skialetheia or a Shadow of Truth (1598) de- The epigram already quoted from Sir John Davies 135 (ca. 1598) refers to the same,? and another epigram by him uses the same or same sort of person for ridicule* as is satirized in epigram 53 of Skialetheia, Jests to Make you Merry, by Thomas Dekker and George Wil- theatre in 1607.* fine dress, as numerous contempo- rary witnesses testify. c Or CorNELIUS See you him yonder who sits o’re the stage, With the Tobacco-pipe now at his mouth ? It is Cornelius that braue gallant youth, Who is new printed to this fangled age; He wears lIerkin cudgeled with gold lace, A profound slop, a hat scarce pipkin high, For boots, a paire of dagge . cafes; his face, Furr’d with Cads-beard: his poynard on his thigh. He wallows in his walk his slop to grace, Swears by the Lord, daines no sal- utation But to some iade that’s sick of his own fashion, As farewell sweet Captaine, or (boy) come apace: Yet this Sir Bewis, or fayery Knight Put vp the lie because he durst not fight. —[Edward Guilpin], Skialetheia or A Shadowe of Truth, in certaine Epigrams and Satyres (1598), epi- gram 53. * Supra, 132", 1. 4. : In SILLAM Who dares affirm that Silla dares not fight? the When I dare sware he dares ad- uenture more _ kins, testifies to the practice of this custom in some unidentifiable then the most braue, and most al- daring wight, that euer armes whith resolution bore, He that dare touch the most vn- wholsome whore, that euer was retirde spittle, And dares court wenches stand- ° ing at a dore, The portion of his wit being pass- ing little. ‘ He that dares giue his dearest friend offences, Which other valiant fooles feare to do, And when a feuer doth confound his senses, Dare eate raw biefe and drinke strong wine thereto. He that dares take Tobaco on the stage, Dares man a whore at noon-day through the street Dares daunce in Poules, and in this formall age, Dares say and doe what euer is vnmeete, Whom feare or shame could neuer yet affright, Who dares affirme that Silla dares not fight? —Sir John Davies, op. cit., epigram 28. *“A wench hauing a good face, a good body, and good clothes on, but of bad conditions, sitting one day in the two-penny roome of a play-house, & a number of yong Gentlemen about her, against all whom she maintained talke, One that sat ouer the stage sayd to his into the doe . 249 136 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS From the stage-requirements of the Globe and Fortune, we are warranted in concluding, at least tentatively, that such references as these last three do not relate to those theatres. Nearer ap- proach to identification seems not now possible. How late this practice of sitting above the stage at the public theatres or at any one of them was still maintained I do not know. Just when, if ever, the Blackfriars fashion was taken up ia — emulation by any one of the public theatres cannot be said. Their stages were not all alike, nor all adaptable to similar conditions. There is doubt whether the custom spread widely amongst them. The evidence of its existence there at all is most slender. It was not allowed at the Globe in 1604, when The Malcontent was played.t I question whether it was ever tolerated there. The introductory address To the great Variety of Readers, signed by John Heminge and Henrie Condell, prefixed to the 1623 folio edition of Shakespeare’s plays, singles out the Blackfriars and the Cockpit, the two private theatres then in existence, the first of which their company owned, and does not name the company’s other house, the Globe, as the place of this practice.2 Moreover, the physical conditions of the Globe building and stage, with the choicest seats in the gentlemen’s rooms at right and left, could not have allowed the presence of an intervening audience of gal- lants any better at a later date than in 1604. There is, however, one direct evidence apparently on the other side, which may here be subjoined.* But as it is merely a hypothetical case, in a satire friend: doe you not thinke that yon- Black-Friers, or the Palace-garden der flesh will stincke anon, hauing Beare, so many flyes blowing vpon it?’— Are subiects fittest to content your Thomas Dekker, op. cit., II, 292. care. Supra, 134°. *“Censure will not driue a Trade, or make the Iacke go. And though you be a Magistrate of wit, and sit on the Stage at Black-Friers, or the Cock-pit, to arraigne Playes dailie, know, these Playes haue had their triall alreadie, and stood out all Ap- peales.” ®Yong Gallants glories soone will Ladies charm S’foot walke the streets, in cringing vse your wits, Suruey your Loue, which in her window sits. An amorous discourse, a Poets wit, Doth humor best your melancholy fit. The Globe to morrow acts a pleas- ant play, In pears it consume the irkesome ay. Goe take a pipe of To. the crowded stage Must needs be graced with you and your page. Sweare for a place with each con- trolling foole, And send your hackney seruant for a stoole. —Henry Hutton, Follie’s Anatomie, 250 —— es ee SITTING ON THE STAGE 1387 at that, I doubt its value. It is even questionable whether this, upon close examination, can be taken to mean the Globe more _ than the Blackfriars. Besides, the advice is the same as given a little while before in the same work concerning Blackfriars.* Middleton’s The Roaring Girl, acted at the Fortune ca. 1610,? _ satirizes the practice throughout the greater part of the first scene of act II, and specifically ridicules* it as belonging to the private stage.* No further evidence comes from or relates to the Fortune. From the evidence given and in the absence of contradictory testimony, I conclude that neither the Globe nor the Fortune made provision to entertain visitors on the stage. To have done so would have required a probable rebuilding of the stage, or of the best paying part df the theatre, the gentlemen’s rooms at the sides. The structure of certain stages furnishes further negative evi- dence. The Fortune,® eighty feet square outside and fifty-five within, built in other respects on the model of the Globe, had a stage forty-three feet wide which extended in depth to the middle of the yard, 7. e., excluding the tiring-house, twenty-seven and one-half feet. At left and right of the stage was the “orchestra’’® ‘This meant, of course, the Blackfriars. It is not certain whether the Cockpit was yet built, or S atyres and Satyrical Epigrams (1619), sign. B2. *Dancing attendance on _ the Blackfriers stage, Call for a stoole with a command- ing rage. —Idem, sign. A. See infra, 139-40. *Published 1611 with the state- ment on the title-page, “As it hath lately beene Acted on the Fortune- stage by the Prince his Players.” i [At the feather-shop. Jack Dapper.—Pooh, I like it not. Mistress Tiltyard—What feather ist you’d have, sir? These are most worn and most in fashion: Amongst the beaver-gallants, the stone riders, The private stage’s audience, the twelvepenny-stool gentlemen, I can inform you ’tis the general feather. —Thomas Middleton, The Roaring Girl, II, i, 151-56, in Middleton’s Works (ed. Bullen, 1885) IV, 37. which was the next theatre to take up the fashion. °For details see Contract for the Fortune in Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 304-306. See also plat of the Fortune, supra, 50-51. °*Dr. Cecil Brodmeier, Die Shakespeare Biihne nach den alten Bithnenanweisungen (Diss. Halle, 1904), 102, following Professor Brandl, evidently misunderstand- ing the designation “orchestra” in the Swan sketch as having not the Latin sense but the modern mean- ing, places the music here!! To be sure, Brodmeier does not deal with the Fortune. But as he melts the stages of “The Theatre,” Cur- tain, Globe, and Blackfriars into one, the addition of the Fortune cannot disturb his resulting com- posite. Cf. supra, 42°, 44-45. 251 138 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS (in the Latin sense), or place of the four rooms for gentlemen.* There was an aisle six feet wide between these chief auditors and — the stage.2 The sketch of the Swan shows a similar arrangement, and the Hope was modeled after the Swan.* Physical conditions thus indicate the stages of at least four* public theatres were open to the chief auditors at right and leit. An audience of gallants on the stage at either side, then, would have cut off the view from the gentlemen’s rooms. This is the condition the Tire-man refers to in the Induction to The Malcon- tent when he tells Sly, “Sir, the gentlemen will be angry if you sit here.’’> | These negative conditions and the absence of unquestionable affirmative testimony seem sufficient to conclude with some certi- tude that the Globe, Fortune, Swan, and Hope, at least, did not foster the Blackfriars custom. The Rose, a small theatre, went out of the reckoning about 1603-4,° and the conditions at the Red Bull are uncertain. There remains the Curtain alone as an un- known quantity. Against these considerations of physical conditions, there are two bits of evidence so stated as to imply that the practice may have been general in public theatres. Both are in satires ;—not reliable repositories of fact. The one from Middleton,’ in its drive at the would-be gallant posing before the public, seems the more convincing of the two. The notorious gull or fine fop, lover /of display and perennial subject of the laugher’s scorn,® is like- John Taylor, the Water-poet, Works (1630), 172, The Water- * See Contract, u. s., 29°. * Supra, 45, and plat, 50-51. eS upra, 3H, 42%. *The Red Bull picture seems to indicate a fifth. But as it does not show the gentlemen’s rooms, but does show people in the aisles at right and left, I omit it. If the Red Bull had gentlemen’s rooms, then it should be included in the list. °Supra, 134°. *No plays are heard of here at a later date. See also Henslowe’s talk with Thomas Pope, June 25, 1603, on pulling down “the littell Roosse” in Henslowe’s Diary (ed. W. W. Greg, 1904), I, 178. But it was not pulled down., men’s Suit, indicates it existed in 1613, though closed. And _ Sir Henry Herbert’s Office-book shows that after 1620 it was occasionally used for prize-fighters. See Ma- lone, op. cit., III, 56. *“But turning my legacy to you- ward, Barnaby Burning-glass, arch tobacco-taker of England, in ordi- naries, upon stages both public and private,’ &c—The Devil’s Last Will and Testament, in The Black Book (1604), Middleton’s Works (ed. Bullen, 1885-86), VIII, 43. *Out of the scores of satires and jests on this sort of person, partly real and partly imaginary but gen- 252 i elie ete tn A lta i Ai tii a tl a ee i i i ! = erally exaggerated, the following three as the best (or the worst) "may here be quoted. 4 MEDITATIONS OF A GULL. See yonder melancholy gentleman, phic hoodwinck’d with his hat, alone doth sit, p Thinke what he thinkes, and tel me , if you can, ? EWhat' great affaires trouble his lit- 4 tle wit: _ He thinkes not of the warre twixt P France & Spain, _ Whether it be for Europes good or ill, Nor whether the empire can it selfe maintaine Against the Turkish powre en- croching still, Nor what great towne in all the By nether lands, The States determine to besiege this spring, Nor how the Scottish pollicie now standes, Nor what becomes of th’ Irish mu- tining: But he doth seriouslie bethinke him whether Of the guld people he be more esteemde, For his_long cloake, or for his great blacke feather, By which each gull is now a gal- lant deemde. Or of a Iourney he deliberates, To Paris garden cock-pit, or the play, Or how to steale a dogge he medi- tates, Or what he shall vnto his mistris say: Yet with these thoughts he thinks himself most fit To be of counsell with a King for wit. —Sir John Davies, Epigram 47 (be- fore 1599), in Isham Reprints (ed. Charles Edmonds, 1870). Epigram 20. To Candidus. Friend Candidus, thou often doost SITTING ON THE STAGE 139 wise satirized in the example from Dekker, which is a part of the advice to such pretended gallants how to make themselves, if pos- demaund, What humours men by gulling vn- derstand: Our English Martiall hath full pleasantly, [7. e., Sir John Davies in Epigram 47, supra] In his close nips described a gull to thee. Tle follow him, and set downe my conceit What a Gull is: oh word of much receit ! He is a gull, whose indiscretion Cracks his purse strings to be in fashion; He is a gull, who is long in taking roote In barraine soyle, where can be but small fruite: He is a gull, who runnes himselfe in debt, For twelve dayes wonder, hoping so to get; He is a gull, whose conscience is a block, Not to take interest, but wastes his stock: He is a gull, who cannot haue a whore, But brags how much he _ spends upon-her score; He is a gull, that for commodite Payes tenne times ten, and sells the same for three: He is a gull, who passing finicall, Perseth each word to be rhetoricall : And to conclude, who selfe con- ceitedly Thinkes al men guls, ther’s none more gull then he. —[Edward Guilpin], Skialetheta. Or, A shadowe of Truth, im cer- taine Epigrams and Satyres (Lond. 1598), sign. A3. Epigram 1. What have we here? a mirror of this age, Acting a Comicks part vpon the stage. What Silents this? His nature doth vnfold 253 —e ~ 140 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS sible, more ridiculous and absurd than they already are.t The author mentions both public and private stages as places on which such gallant may display himself.? Dekker’s satire was apparently written while the Boys held the Blackfriars boards, for the author has constantly them and their performances in mind, and once shows how the quarrel with Jon- son in 1601 still rankles.* Yet he confuses throughout the chap- ter both private and public theatres.* Him, to be framed in Phantastes mold. Lo how he iets; how sterne he shewes his. face, Whiles from the wall he passen- gers doth chase. Muse touch not this man, nor his life display, ; .Ne with sharpe censure gainst his vice inuey: For, sith his humor can no iesting brooke, He will much lesse endure a Sa- tyre’s book. Beschrew me, sirs, I durst not stretch the streete, Gaze thus on conduits scrowls, base vintners beat Salute a Mad-dame with a french cringe grace, with God-dam-me, a con- fronting face, Court a rich widow, or my bonnet Greete vaile, Conuerse with Bankrupt Mercers in the Gaile, Nor i a Metro shew my Cupid’s re, Being a french-poxt Ladies apple- squire ; Least taxing times (such folly be- ing spide) With austere Satyres should my vice deride. Nere breath, I durst not vse my Mistrisse Fan, Or walke attended with a Hackney- man, Dine with Duke Humfrey in de- cayed Paules, Confound the streetes with Chaos of old brawles, Dancing attendance on the Black- friers stage, Call for a stoole with a command- 254 ing rage, Nor in the night time ope my Ladies latch, Lest I were snared by th’ all-seeing Watch: Which Critick knaves, with Lynxes pearcing eye, Into mens acts obseruently do prye. —Henry Hutton, Follie’s Anatomie, or Satyres and Satyrical Epigrams (1619), sign. A. *See How a Gallant should be- haue himself in a Play-house, chap- ter VI of The Guls Horne-book (1609), in The Non-Dramatic Works of Thomas Dekker (ed. Grosart, Huth Library, 1885), I, 246-55. *“Whether therefore the gather-— ers of the publique or priuate Play- house stand to _ receiue afternoones rent, let our Gallant (hauing paid it) presently aduance himselfe vp to the Throne of the Stage. I meane.not into the Lords roome (which is now but the Stages Suburbs) : No, those boxes, by the iniquity of custome, conspiracy of waiting-women and Gentlemen-Ush- ers, that there sweat together, and the couetousnes of Sharers, are con- temptibly thrust into the reare, and much new Satten is there dambd, by being smothered to death in darknesse. where the Comedy is to daunce, yea, and vnder the state of Cambises himselfe must our feathered Es- the But on the very Rushes | tridge, like a piece of Ordnance, be — planted valiantly (because impu- dently) beating downe the mewes and hisses of the opposed rascal- ity.’—Idem, 247-48. 8 Supra, 133°. ‘““By sitting on the stage, you — SITTING ON THE STAGE 141 It looks very much as if Dekker, having in mind the perform- ‘ances and customs of Blackfriars, were mentally transferring these to the public theatres for the purpose of heightening the absurdities of the gallants under imagined ridiculous conditions and circumstances, or such as existed but rarely. Nothing in the way of very conclusive evidence can be made out of these satiric references in Middleton and Dekker. It may be that occasionally a gallant intruded his presence on the public stage. But on the whole it seems unlikely that the public theatres accommodated their conditions to the Blackfriars fad. It would be gratifying to find proof that they did. It would show even more powerful influences of the Queen’s Children than I have been able to trace. But the evidence at hand is not highly convincing. One can only admit the possibility, and hope for determinative declaration from contemporaries. Nevertheless the Blackfriars fashion spread widely. Not only were the two private theatres, the Cockpit* and Salisbury Court,? built on the general model of the Blackfriars,* but the practice of sitting on the stage was also imitated. There are numerous allu- sions to the custom as practiced in both.* In all three the gentle- men’s rooms were not at right and left of the stage as in the pub- lic theatres, but in the region where our modern private boxes are,°—‘‘which,” to quote Dekker, “is now but the Stages Sub- may (with small cost) purchase the (253) gulling the “Ragga-muffins” deere acquaintance of the boyes: at the public theatre, then without haue a good stoole for sixpence: at any time know what particular part any of the infants present.”—IJdem, 249. This of course is on the Black- friars Boys. Yet eight lines beyond, in the same paragraph, without break of thought, the mind of the author is on the situation as if it were in the public theatre, thus :— “Neither are you to be hunted from thence, though the Scarcrows in the yard hoot at you, hisse at you, spit at you, yea, throw durt euen in your teeth” &c. Again (252) he has the gallant take a pair of oars for the play- house (1. e., to the Bankside), has him on the stage playing cards and break of thought recalls in the next paragraph the quarrel with Jonson in 1601 (4. s., 133°), and in the, following paragraph (254) goes on with this advice concerning the Blackfriars Boys:—“mewe at pas- sionate speeches, blare at merrie, finde fault with the musicke, whew at the childrens Action, whistle at the songs” &c. ‘Supra, 8. *Built 1629. See documents, u. 85307: ° Supra, 36°, 39°. ‘It is without the scope of the present work to assemble all these. But see for example supra, 43°, 1367 and imfra, 143’. ° Supra, 36°, 46, 50-51, plats. 255 142 urbs.” * turbed the play.’ taken. * Supra, 43, 140°. * Supra, 46, 50-51 (plat), 147. *Works of Ben Jonson (ed. Gif- ford-Cunningham, 1816), I, 146’. Gifford seems to have taken Dek- ker’s satire on conditions in any theatre of a later time (or of no time) as applicable at any time or all times to this particular theatre. ej.Ab. Collier, op. act” LIT,’ 144: Collier seems to be transferring to English territory conditions exist- ing half a century to a century and a half later on the French stage, or basing: conclusions upon conditions of 1616 and later, w. 1., 142°-437, : Prologue. Tue Devin 1s AN Ass: that is to- day, The name of what you are met for, a new play. Yet grandees, would you were not come to grace Our matter, with allowing us no place. Though you presume Satan, a sub- tle thing, And may have heard he’s worn in a thumb-ring ; Do not on these presumptions force us act In compass of a _ cheese-trencher. This tract Will ne’er admit our Vice, because of yours. CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The gallants occupied the right and left wings of the stage itself, built and reserved especially for such use.? | There is no reason to suppose with Gifford that the audience on the Blackfriars stage of the Chapel Boys was indecent ;* nor with Collier that their presence there annoyed the actors and dis- On the contrary they seem to have been gen- teel and ultra-fashionable, and the stage was specially adapted, fitted, and reserved for their presence. the custom was, presumably, abused and undue liberties were Even in 1616 Jonson in the Prologue to The Devil is an Ass* indicates the fad was pushed to such popularity among the © grandees that at a new play at Blackfriars the actors were left barely elbow-room for their performance. Py But in the course of years Sometime prior to Anon, who worse than you, the fault endures F That yourselves make? when you — will thrust and spurn And knock us on the elbows; and bid, turn; As if, when we had spoke, we must _ be gone, Or, till we speak, must all run in, — to one, " Like the young adders, at the old ones mouth! d Would we could stand due north, or had no south, If that offend; or were Muscovy ~ glass, ; That you might look our scenes — through as they pass. We know not how to affect you. If you'll come To see new plays, pray you afford — us room, And shew this but the same face you have done Your dear delight, The Devil of Edmonston. Or, if for want of room it must miscarry, *Twill be but justice that your cen- sure tarry, Till you give some: and when six times you have seen’t If this play do not like, the Devil is in’t.” —The Works of Ben Jonson (with a Memoir by Gifford, 1838), 343. Se ee 256 _ portation dates from the period of high favor in London. SITTING ON THE STAGE 143 - Sept. 14, 1639, Charles I had put an end to the custom of sitting on the stage.* The influence did not end here. It spread even to France and Germany. Once imported to spectacular Paris, the custom was _ more tenacious than in London. For nearly a century.and a half it shaped the structure of the stage and influenced the form of | both drama and acting. There can be no great doubt that its im- Yet D’Aubignac? in 1657 fails to mention it. However in the same year or the year after, Tallemant des Réaux speaks of its abuse as an intolerable nuisance, with no suggestion that it is a novelty.’ And only three or four years later, Moliére satirizes it in the open- ing speech of Les Facheux (1661) as a mature practice having features of refinement for the refined, but abused by the parasitic bore and the creature of pretentious worth and ostentatious gen- tility, to the annoyance of the actors and the displeasure of the better sort of spectators.* *See “Instructions touching Sales- bery Co't Playhouse, 14 Septem., 1639,’ in The Shakespeare Society's Papers (1849), IV, 99-100, ‘commu- nicated by Peter Cunningham from the papers of Mr. Richard Heaton, manager of the Salisbury Court theatre, in which Heaton makes memorandum. in certain articles with the players :— “And one dayes p’ffitt wholly to themselves every yeare in consid- eration of their want of stooles on the stage, w°" were taken away by his M‘* comand.” *Francois Hédelin (Abbé d’Au- bignac), La Practique du Thééatre (1657). 5“T] y a, a cette heure, une in- commodité épouvantable a la Co- médie, c’est que les deux cotés du théatre sont tout pleins de jeunes gens assis sur des chaises de paille; cela vient de ce quils ne veulent pas aller au parterre, quoiqu’il y ait souvent des soldats a la porte, et que les pages ni les laquais ne por- tent plus d’épées. Les loges sont fort chéres, et il y faut songer de bonne heure: pour un écu, ou pour un During the next hundred years it is demi-louis, on est sur le théatre; mais cela gate tout, et il ne faut quelquefois qu’un insolent pour tout troubler.”—Tallemant des Réaux, Mondory, ou Vhistoire des prin- cipaux comédiens francois: Les Historiettes, VII, 178. *Eraste-—Sous quel astre, bon Dieu, faut-il que je sois né, Pour étre de Facheux toujours as- sassiné ! Il semble que partout le sort me les adresse, Et j’en vois chaque jour quelque nouvelle espéce ; Mais il n’est rien d’égal au Facheux d’ aujourd'hui; i Jai oF. n’étre jamais débarassé de ui, Et cent fois j'ai maudit cette inno- cente envie Qui m’a pris a diné de voir la co- médie, Ou pensant m/’égayer, rablement Trouvé de mes péchés le rude cha- timent. I] faut que je te fasse un récit de l’affaire, j'ai misé- 257 144 again and again Car je m’en sens encor tout ému de colére. Jétois sur le théatre, en humeur d’ écouter La piece, qu’a plusieurs j’avois oui vanter ; Les acteurs commencoient, chacun prétoit silence, Lorsque -d’un air bruyant et plein d’extravaganice, Un homme a grands canons est en- tré brusquement, En criant: “Hola-ho! un promptement !” Et de son grand fracas surprenant V’assemblée, Dans le plus bel endroit a la piéce troublée. Hé! mon Dieu! nos Francois, si souvent redressés, Ne prendront-ils jamais un air de gens sensés, Ai-je dit, et faut-il sur nos défauts : extremes Qu’en théatre public nous jouions nous-mémes, Et confirmions ainsi par des éclats de fous Ce que chez nos voisins on dit par- tout de nous? Tandis que la-dessus je haussois les épaules, Les acteurs ont voulu continuer leurs roles; Mais ’homme pour s’asseoir a fait nouveau fracas, Et traversant encor le théatre a grands pas, Bien que dans les cétés il pit étre a son aise, Au milieu du devant il a planté sa chaise, Et de son large dos morguant les spectateurs, Aux trois quarts du parterre a caché les acteurs. Un bruit s’est élevé, dont un autre eat eu honte; Mais lui, ferme et constant, n’en a fait aucun compte, Et se seroit tenu comme il s’étoit pose, Si, pour mon infortune, il ne m’eit siége nous CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS subject of adverse comment. In Voltaire condemns it as a cause of dramatic and histrionic de- 17a avisé. “Ha! Marquis, m’a-t-il dit, prenant prés de mois place, Comment te portes- -tu? Souffre que | je t’embrasse.” Au visage sur l’heure un rouge m’est monté Que l’on me vit connu d’un pareil evente. Je l'étois peu pourtant; mais on en voit paroitre, De ces gens qui de rien veulent fort vous connoitre, Dont il faut au salut les baisers essuyer, t Et qui sont familiers jusqu’a vous tutoy er. Il m’a eae a l’abord cent questions frivoles, Plus haut que les acteurs Joa ses paroles. Chacun le maudissoit; et moi, pour Varréter : “Te serois, ai-je_ dit, d’écouter. —Tu n’as point vu ceci, Marquis? Ah! Dieu me damne, Je le trouve assez drodles, et je n’y suis pas ane; Je sais par quelles lois un ouvrage est parfait, Et Corneille me vient lire tout ce qu'il fait.” La-dessus de la piéce il m’a fait un sommaire, Scéne a scéne averti de ce qui s’al- loit faire; Et jusques a des vers qu’il en savoit par cceur, bien aise Il me les récitoit tout haut avant - Vacteur. Javois beau m’en défendre, il a poussé sa chance, Et s’est devers la fin levé longtemps d’avance; Car les gens du bel air, pour agir galamment, Se gardent bien surtout d’ouir le dénouement. Je rendois grace au Ciel, et croyois de justice Qu’avec la comédie ett fini mon supplice; . 258 ee a ee ee ee 3 : © (ae te oT Bay: Mais, comme si c’en ett été trop bon marché, Sur nouveaux frais mon homme a moi ‘s'est attaché, M’a conté ses exploits, ses vertus non communes, Parlé de ses chevaux, de ses bonnes fortunes, Et de ce qu’ a la cour il avoit de faveur, Disant qu’a m’y servir il s’offroit de grand cceur. Je le remerciois doucement de la téte, Minutant a tous coups quelque re- traite honnéte ; Mais lui, pour le quitter me voyant ébranlé: “Sortons, ce m’a-t-il dit, le monde est écoulé;” Et sortis de ce lieu, me la donnant plus séche: “Marquis, allons au Cours faire voir ma galéche. . .” —Les Facheux, Comédie (1661), I, i, 1-76. Cuvres de Moliére (nou- velle édition, par M. Eugéne Des- pois, 1876), III, 35-39. For a convenient prose transla- tion see Henri van Laun, The Dra- matic Works of Moliére rendered into English (The Bores), I, 309- fe *“The place in which plays are acted, and the abuses which are crept into it, are also a cause of that dryness which may be objected to some of our dramatic pieces. The benches set on the stage for the spectators, contract the space of it, and make it almost impos- sible to represent the whole action. To this defect ’tis owing, that the scenes and decorations which are so strongly recommended by the antients, so seldom suit with the play. Above all, it hinders the act- ors from passing out of one room into another before the spectators, as was the judicious practice of the Greeks and Romans, in order SITTING ON THE STAGE 145 Later, in the introduction to Sémiramis (1748), he com- plains more sharply of the abuses of the custom as noxious and pestilential in both dramatic composition and stage representation.” to preserve at’ one and the same time the unity of place and proba- bility. How could we attempt, for in- stance, to bring Pompey’s ghost, or the genius of Brutus, on our stage, among sO many young people, who view the most serious inci- dents purely that it may give them an opportunity of saying some smart thing.”—Voltaire, A Discourse on Tragedy, with Reflections on the English and French Drama. Pub- lished with An Essay upon the Civil Wars of France (London, 1731), 7-8. Written by Voltaire in both English and French as an introduc- tion to his Henriade and Brutus, and addressed to Mylord Boling- broke. *Un de plus grands obstacles qui s ‘opposent, sur notre théatre, a toute action grande et pathétique, est la foule des spectateurs confondus sur la scéne avec les acteurs: cette in- décence se fit sentir particuliére- ment a la premiere representation de Sémiramis. La principale ac- trice de Londres, qui était présente a ce spectacle, ne revenait point de son étonnement; elle ne pouvait concevoir comment il y avait des hommes assez ennemis de leurs plai- sirs pour gater ainsi le spectacle sans en jouir. Cet abus a été cor- rigé dans la suite aux représenta- tions de Sémiramis, et il pourrait aisément étre supprimé pour jamais. Il ne faut pas s’y méprendre: un inconvénient tel que celui-la seul a suff pour priver la France de beau- coup de chefs-d’ceuvre, qu’on aurait sans doute hasardés si on avait eu un théatre libre, propre pour l’ac- tion, et tel qu’il est chez toutes les autres nations de l’Europe. Mais-ce grand défaut n’est pas assurément le seul qui doive étre corrigé. Je ne puis assez m’étonner ni me plaindre du peu de soin qu’on a en France de rendre les théatres 259 146 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Through Voltaire’s efforts it was suppressed in the acting of sk ; miramis after the first night. The custom was eleven years later (1759) abolished from the — French stage through the payment of a considerable sum of money by the Count de Lauraguais to the actors on the condition of not allowing thereafter any spectators on the stage.* The custom was never adopted on the stage of the serious Ger- man. Its only known appearance in Germany is on a French stage in French plays by a French company at Frankfurt, the home of Goethe, while the French troops of the Seven Years War were quartered there. abolished from the Parisian stage, 1759, the youthful and pre- cocious Goethe, then ten years old, saw and even shared in its In the same year in which the custom was _ practices in this French theatre at Frankfurt.? dignes des_ excellents ouvrages qu’on y représente et de la nation qui en fait ses délices. Cinna, Atha- lie, méritaient d’étre représentés ail- leurs que dans un jeu de paume, au bout duquel on a élevé quelques décorations du plus mauvais gott, et dans lequel les spectateurs sont placés, contre tout ordre et contre toute raison, les uns debout sur le théatre méme, les autres debout dans ce qu’on apelle parterre, ou ils sont genés et pressés indécem- ment, et ou ils se précipitent quelquefois en tumulte les uns sur les autres, comme dans une sédition populaire. On représente au fond du Nord nos ouvrages dramatiques dans des salles mille fois plus mag- nifiques, mieux entendues, et avec beaucoup plus de décence. —Voltaire, Dissertation sur la Tragédie An- cienne et Moderne (seconde partie). Published as an introduction to Sémiramis, tragédie (1748). 1“Enfin, en 1759, M. le comte de Lauraguais, aujourd’hui duc de Brancas, l’a fait cesser en donnant aux comédiens une somme consi- dérable pour les indemniser de la perte que devait leur faire éprouver la suppression des banquettes de Yavant-scéne”’ (Auger, 1819)— Quoted in Les Facheux, Oeuvres de Moliére (nouvelle edition, par _scenium. M. Eugéne Despois, 1876), II1, 36. *Was mir meine Besuche auf dem Theater sehr erleichterte, war, dasz mir mein Freibillett, als aus den Handen des Schultheiszen, den Weg zu allen Platzen erdffnete, und also auch zu den Sitzen im Pro- Dieses war nach fran- zosischer Art sehr tief und an bei- den Seiten mit Sitzen eingefaszt, die, durch eine niedrige Barriére be- schrankt, sich in mehrern Reihen hinter einande aufbauten und zwar dergestalt, dasz die ersten Sitze nur wenig tiber die Biithne erhoben war- en. Das Ganze galt fiir einen be- sondern Ehrenplatz; nur Offiziere bedienten sich gewohnlich desselben, obgleich die Nahe der Schauspieler, ich will nicht sagen jede Illusion, sondern gewissermaszen jedes Ge- fallen aufhob. Sogar jenen Ge- brauch oder Miszbrauch, tiber den sich Voltaire so sehr beschwert, habe ich noch erlebt und mit augen gesehen. Wenn bei sehr vollem Hause und etwa zur Zeit von Durch- marschen angesehene Offiziere nach jenem Ehrenplatz strebten, der aber gewOhnlich schon besetzt war, so stellte man noch einige Reihen Banke und Stiihle ins Proscenium auf die Bithne selbst, und es blieb den Helden und Heldinnen nichts iibrig als in einem sehr miaszigen 260 eT Se ne ee ee ee te —_— wes Se ee a. “ow AA = SITTING ON THE STAGE 147 _ This is the last coritemporary testimony. _ The adaptation of the foreign stage to the Blackfriars custom, _ as shown in the testimony of Tallemant des Réaux, Moliére, Vol- _ taire, and Goethe, is corroborative evidence of the stage-structure at Blackfriars where it originated. In all cases the seats were at - right and left of the actors. In the earliest form, as we know _ from the evidence at Blackfriars and from Dekker’s The Guls _ Horne-Book, the wings and the seats there were on a level with _ the stage of action. But in a century and a half the structural _ form had evolved from that unvarying level into the latest phase as reported by Goethe, with the elevated seats at the sides placed _ within the narrowed borders of the actors themselves. is I have given thus much space to this custom of sitting on the Stage because it shows the tendency and potency of influences q § definite notion of what the theatre should be. ness nor the incompleteness with which her notion was executed by officials, but her purpose therein is the point of main concern in this consideration. Upon the numerous public theatres, particularly those of sec- ond-rate sort, the Queen looked with no more favor than did the City.® In E. Malone, An Inquiry &c. (1797), 215; J. O. Halliwell-Phil- lips, op. cit., I, 310. Original MS. in Dulwich College. See also G. F. Warner, Catalogue of the Manu- scripts and Muniments of Alleyn’s College of God’s Gift at Dulwich (1881), 26-27, showing J. P. Col- lier’s forgeries in this document as printed in his New Facts Regard- ing Shakespeare (1835). In this act of 1604 the Privy Council specifically commands the Lord Mayor and the Magistrates to allow the Globe, Fortune, and Cur- tain unrestrained liberty, expressly mentioning and revoking the re- strictive and suppressive orders of 1600-1601 thus :—‘‘without any lett or interruption in respect of any former Letters or Prohibition here- tofore written by us to your Lord- ship,” &c. Blackfriars is here not men- tioned, because it was not included in the famous orders of 1600-1601. The Lord Mayor and aldermen attempted reformation by See further complete work, vol. Et infra, 152-53, 156, 160-61*. *Some of the complaints against the theatres originated with the church. Which however was a long ways from Puritanism. But the church of St. Saviors in Southwark, the district in which most of the public theatres then were, in 1600 accepted them as fixed institutions, and sought to use them as means of church support through tithes. —See extracts from Parish-regis- ters, in Chalmers, Farther Account, &c., in op. cit., III, 452. Cf. sup., 4. * Supra, 0-71. ° Supra, 81-83; infra, 159. ‘Even in her school- days she translated a part of one of Seneca’s dramas into blank-verse,—the first example of blank-verse in the eae ee Mt forasmuch as it is man- ifestly ‘knowen and graunted that the multitude of the saide houses and the mys-government of - 264, Not the complete-_ —~ se ee driving the theatres out. model of the time. _ tempted to suppress the less worthy of the public theatres, and inte eee ee 48 ee << = Bs a y { / : THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES 151 The Queen attempted reformation by fostering meritorious exclusiveness.1 Her declared purpose was ¥ to reform abuses and increase the usefulness of the stage.” In carrying out her notion the Queen established a restrictive law on strolling players. She established the Blackfriars, which, whether so intended or not, became at once the envy and the She fostered the privacy of Paul’s. She at- to put the Globe and Fortune on the basis of exclusiveness their - companies merited. Had Elizabeth’s notions met with full support from even those who most pretended to want reform, the inferior theatres would have been suppressed, and the necessarily high prices would have shut out the troublesome rabble from the Globe and Fortune as completely as from the Blackfriars. This would at once have corrected the evils complained of by the City, and at the same time thereby have disarmed the City of the pretentions it was using merely as a cover for a very different contention.® How the City authorities and the public theatres felt about it we shall see. them hath bin and is dayly occa- sion of the ydle, ryotous and dis- solute living of great nombers of people, that, leavinge all such hon- est and painefull course of life as they should followe, doe meete and assemble there, and of many par- ticular abuses and disorders that doe thereupon ensue; *[This is shown by her acts next noticed, and by her declaration in the words next following the quo- tation supracit.:| “and yet, never- theless, it is considered that the use and exercise of such playes, not be- inge evill in ytself, may with a good order and moderacion be suffered in a well-governed state, and that her Majestie, beinge pleased at som- tymes to take delight and recrea- tion in the sight and hearinge of them, some order is fitt to be taken for the allowance and mayntenaunce of such persons as are thought meet- est in that kinde to yealde her Maj- estie recreation and delighte, and consequently of the houses that must serve for publike playinge to keepe them in exercise. *[This is best shown by her acts. But the declaration is in the con- cluding next words of the preamble quoted above in notes 1 et supra:] “To the ende, therefore, that both the greate abuses of playes and playinge-houses may be redressed, and yet the aforesaide use and mod- eration of them retayned, the Lordes and the reste of her Majesties Priv- ie Counsell, with one and full con- sent, have ordered” &c—Preamble to the order of the Lords of the Privy Council for the restrainte of the imoderate use and Companye of Playehowses and Players, in Reg- isters of the Privy Council, White- hall, 22 June, 1600. .In J. O. Halli- well-Phillips, op. cit., I, 307-8, and George Chalmers, Farther Account &c., in op. cit., III, 453. 5Infra, 161°. 265 152 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The beginning of the Queen’s reformatory purpose shows itself during Burbage’s remodeling of the Blackfriars Priory-house into a theatre, in the latter part of 1596. Whether she intended then to have the Children of the Chapel established there, or whether Burbage purposed to use it in place of the Theatre, the lease of which was just expiring, does not affect the present con- — sideration. The new establishment was at least to be in a most aristocratic neighborhood, and its exclusiveness and privacy were assured. Hence, when certain petitioners in November, 1596,* appealed to her through the Privy Council to suppress Burbage’s project, the request was ignored.’ ‘The next appearance of definite plans was in the wholesome lopping off of the nuisance of unlicensed strolling players by the sharply restrictive law of 1597 reducing and confining the num- ber of companies to those under noble patronage.* Act now succeeds act along the line of one clear purpose. Whatever may have been the original plan or expectation in build- ing the Blackfriars theatre, the Commission for taking up children issued to Nathaniel Gyles,* the operations of which we have seen,® settles the question as to what determination the Queen had reached by July 3, 1597, the date of the Privy Seal.* It is not likely that Gyles lost any time in collecting a company of chil- dren, nor that the City authorities and the public theatres were unaware of the new state of affairs. July 28, 1597, within a month after the Privy Seal, and two weeks after the Patent,’ doubtless while Gyles and Evans were collecting and organizing the new children-actors, the Lord Mayor asked the Privy Council for orders to suppress plays “‘as well at the Theatre, Curten, and Bankside, as in all other places in and about the Citie.’® 1 Supra, 17°. hand and seale of arms of such * Supra, 18°, 53, 153-547, 1617. baron or personage, shall be ad- ®The statute of 39 Elizabeth judged and deemed rogues and vag- (1597) declares that “all common abonds.” players of interludes wandering * Supra, 60°. abroad, other than players of inter- °Supra, 70-72, et sqq. ludes belonging to anie baron of * Supra, 60°. this realme, or anie other honour- 7 Supra, ibid. able personage of greater degree, *See letter in J. O. Halliwell- to be authorized to play under the Phillips, op. cit., I, 356-57. 266 ; . i “=F 153 THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES i The designation “Theatre, Curten, and Bankside” included all the public theatres then in existence. The only “other” known theatre “in or about the Citie” in 1597 was the private establish- ment of Blackfriars.» The Privy Council so understood it, and - immediately, on the same day, sent a reply “in her Majesty’s mame” expressing “her Majesties pleasure and commandment” _ for drastic measures against the “common playhouses,” thereby ~ excluding the private theatre of Blackfriars, the suppression of which seems to have been the desired object of the request. The Theatre and Curtain are specifically named. They shall be dis- mantled and made unfit for further use as places for acting. All other “common playhouses’”’® are to be restrained until Allhallow- iide,* In response to this order the Lord Mayor and City Council did nothing, although their cae had exhibited great anxiety for _ power to act. This is the beginning of what seems to be a political game of . chess, with the theatres as pieces. The City had long before driven the theatres out of its pre- _cincts. Still the City authorities, always jealous of power and _ craving more, wished to control them. Still more, they wished to establish their long-contested claim to civic control of the pre- cincts of Blackfriars. The establishment of a theatre within the _ liberties of Blackfriars gave them renewed eagerness. Permis- sion granted to control all theatres, and therefore this theatre, *The Theatre and Curtain were plete work, vol. II., under Plays.) soon ~ the City “in the fields.” on the north (Middlesex county) I+ is side of the Thames, and north of The Swan, Rose, Bear Garden, and Newington Butts were on the Bankside (south or Surry county side). The other Bankside theatres were built at later dates, the first Globe, 1599; Hope, 1613; new Globe (after the fire) 1613-14. Of the later public thea- tres only the Fortune (1600), in _ Golding-lane, and the Red Bull, St. John’s street, were in Middlesex co. *It is not known whether Paul’s was reopened by 1597 or not. The date of reopening is usually taken probable that Paul’s opened as a result of the establish- ment of Blackfriars. These and all other later private theatres were on the north (Mid- dlesex county) side—Whitefriars (ca. —?); Cockpit (ca. —?), re- built as Phoenix (1617) and known oftener as Drury Lane theatre; Sal- isbury Court (1629). °T. e., Swan, Rose, Bear Garden, and Newington Butts, on the Bank- side. *See the order of the Privy Coun- cil, July 28, 1597, published in Acts of the Privy Council, 1597 (ed. J. R. to be 1600. But I find evidence of Dasent, 1903), 313-14. Also in J. playing there in 1598. (See com- O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 356. 267 154 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS would be a tacit admission of the City’s right to full control in ‘ Blackfriars in other matters hitherto denied by the Crown. They — had long claimed that precinct for their own.t Although they failed to establish their claim they kept tenaciously insisting upon — it: The attitude of the City authorities during these five and a half following years seems to be this. They insist upon their claim of © control of precinct and theatre. If the Queen denies it, and even ~ establishes and maintains a theatre there contrary to their wishes, — they will not in turn aid her to regulate the abuses in the public — theatres, even after they have asked and received authority to act, — and even though to act accordingly would be to their own civic — advantage and welfare. They will use the one as a lever against — the other.’ 2 The Queen on the other hand goes ahead with her purposes. — She would gladly control the abuses in the public theatres, cut off the unworthy, and raise the rest in moral tone to at least the rank of select exclusiveness. So she issues orders accordingly. — If however the community most immediately concerned does not ~ execute the orders even after asking for them, she can hardly — *See in Guildhall Record Office Letter-Book Z, fol. 23-28. This lengthy historical document, dated 27 January, 1579, has never been printed. It is a vigorous brief with long arguments and citations on the part of the City to prove both Blackfriars and Whitefriars parts of the City of London, and not inde- pendent liberties responsible only to the Crown. It gives much of the history of both precincts, and is also an admirable document in the his- tory of the development of munic- ipal powers. The attempt at pos- session however failed. See further infra, 154”. For claims on the side of the Blackfriars inhabitants in the long controversy, see documents cited su- pra, 21". *Failing of success with Eliza- beth, they persisted in their efforts under James I. In 1608 they made a particularly vigorous effort, with failure as the result—See J. P. Col- _ Collier’s 4 folio, 1632; and of certain Shake- ~ lier, op. Cit., cited a document found at Bridge- water House on this effort in which the case of 1579 (u. s., used as a basis. genuine document in the folio of six in which it is found. See ex- posure in N. E. S. A. Hamilton, An Inquiry into the Genuineness of the MS. Corrections in Mr. J. P Annotated Shakespeare, Spearian documents likewise pub- lished by Mr. Collier (1860), 109. In 1615-17 the City had gained — sufficient ground to suppress Rossi- ter’s attempt to build another the- atre in Blackfriars precincts complete work, vol. I), and, em- boldened thereby, tried in 1618-19 to suppress the Blackfriars theatre of present interest (u. 7., 161°). See Order of Suppression, 1618-[19], u. $., 17°=18. °Infra, 161’. 268 I, 398-99, where is Ga Se CL SA 154) is This is the only — THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES 155 undertake forcible measures. But she can do much by carrying _ out her own royal purpose in giving countenance and support to a theatre for the better sort of patrons and recognizing only such _ of the public theatre companies at Court as have chief merit. And her high example and exclusive recognition work results despite the City’s attitude. - Within ten days after the above request and order of July 28, 1597, Nash’s satirical Isle of Dogs was acted at the Rose. Tem- porary restraint of that theatre, not by the City officials to whom the power was just granted but by the Queen’s Court, immediately followed. The restraining order was recalled psec 27, and the - Rose was allowed to go on. Within the next six months we find that definite shape to the Queen’s plans, as outlined above, which she pursued to the last. February 19,1597—[8], Queen Elizabeth caused her Privy Coun- cil to send letters to the Master of the Revels and Justices of Mid- dlesex and Surrey, in which we learn the Chamberlain’s company, to which Shakespeare belonged, and the Admiral’s players under the Henslowe-Alleyn régime, have been specially licensed and retained for her service.” All others are to be suppressed. So far as she was concerned, no other public companies should have recognition of her patronage or license. None did. These are the only men’s companies that appear thereafter for five years at - Court,? with the exception of one single play by Derby’s men, _ Shrove Tuesday, February 14, 1600.4 | Between 28 December, 1598,° and about August, 1599, the Bur- bages, having torn down the Theatre, used its materials in build- 7 ll a le aN Pa ey XxXxii- Pub., XXXIV. *See records in Henslowe’s Diary 1842), Introduction, (ed. Collier, Shakesp. Soc. Pub., 1845), 94, 98, 99, 258. Also in J. P. “For record of payment see Acts — Collier, op. cit., I, 295-97. of the Privy Council, 1599-1600 *See letter from original docu- (ed. J. R. Dasent, New Series), ment in Acts of the Privy Council, XXX, 89. Also in George Chal- 1597-98 (ed. J. R. Dasent, New Se-_ mers, op. cit., III, 450. ries, 1904), XXVIII, 327. Also in F. G. Fleay, A Chronicle History J. P. Collier, op. cit., I, 298. of the London Stage (1890), 122, *For official records of the Court- payments to these two companies, 1598-1603, see Extracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (ed. P. Cunningham, Shakesp. Soc. says the date of playing was Febr. Sip. 133; . hebr.., 7. But by the Baroni Easter-table it is Feb. 14, 1600. 5 Supra, 28°. 269 rer ph i eho te a a a oa ‘ ee ‘ * 156 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS ing the Globe on the Bankside. January 8, 1599-[1600]* the — Fortune was begun in Golding-lane on the opposite side of the City to the north. During the course of its construction, com-_ plaints against the theatres were renewed. We are not told by — contemporary records whether the complainants were City offi-_ cials or not. The common modern assumption that they were Puritans is gratuitous.” June 22, 1600, the Privy Council in response to these complaints issued orders for carrying out her Majesty’s plans* as outlined in the order of 19 Feb., 1597-[8]. specified and their respective new houses, the Globe and Fortune, are to be permitted. But the idea of exclusiveness was extended in a way that displeased even these two favored companies. They were to be permitted to act but twice a week instead of daily as hitherto. The Lord Mayor and other authorities made no more effort to 4 enforce this order than the one of July 28, 1597. I must here call attention to an important item. Of all the orders of the Privy Council from 1576 to 1597,* not one uses the word “common” or “public” in application to the theatres. The apparently hasty and choleric order of July 28, 1597,° is the first to employ either word thus. Within a space of eighteen lines, “common playhouse” is used twice, “publique place” twice, and general descriptions of public theatres coupled with the names “Curtain” and “Theatre” twice. In the order of 1600 and the two letters accompanying it,® “common stage-plaies” is used three times, and “publique” is ap- — plied twice. The first official use, antedating the Privy Council’s use, of “common” thus, so far as I have found, is in the law of 1597 against strolling players.’ This distinction of “common” or “public” as a manifest differ- Only the two companies there * Supra, 29°. *See supra, 148°-50. *See quotations supra, 150°-51° and the document in extenso in Acts of the Privy Council, 1599- 600 (ed. J. R. Dasent, New Series), XXX, 395-98, 411. Also in J: O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 307-8. “For the whole series covering these dates see the government pub- lications, Acts of the Privy Coun- cil, Those touching the Theatre and Curtain are collected in J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 346-75, passim. ° Supra, 152-53. ® Supra, 156°. ™ Supra, 152. 270 157 THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES entiation from the Blackfriars was quickly picked up by poets and patrons and was felt by the public theatres to have a touch of stigma in it. Shakespeare but represents the feeling of his fellows when he expresses his disrelish of the new distinction of _ “common stages,’”’ both officially and popularly applied.* : The attitude of the Queen towards public theatres and her pat- _ ronage of Blackfriars cannot but have had large influence in ac- ~ complishing what her orders in the hands of the City authorities failed to accomplish. It at least was the means of depriving the public theatres of their best patronage and materially reducing their income, as their representatives charge. They could not as a result be a very friendly element. It was with a full knowledge of these conditions that the Essex conspirators sought to enlist Shakespeare’s company in their _ cause* early in 1601. And doubtless these conditions, more than _ the bribe of 40s., wrought persuasively with those actors of the Globe who were besought to present “the deposyng and kyllyng _ of Kyng Rychard the Second” on the following day, Saturday, _ February 7, 1601. Although wholly unaware of the Essex con- _ Spiracy, they were fully aware of Elizabeth’s special antipathy to _ the theme involved,* and no amount of palliation can cover their culpability to that extent. Although no legal proceedings were instituted against the Globe players, and within three weeks, on Shrove Tuesday, Feb. 24, _ they played, by previous arrangement, before the Queen, yet never after did good feeling exist on either side. The items of the two following paragraphs in the chronology of events are of only incidental concern. The Queen had the Paul’s Boys at Court January 1, 1601, and the Children of the Chapel on February 6, and again on Shrove Sunday, February 22. Her orders of March 11 following, for added documents on the famous fa- wee further, infra, 176", 165°. *For documents in this affair see, at the Public Record Office, State Papers, Domestic Series, Elizabeth, CCLXXVIII, Nos. 78, 85; Calendar of the same (1598-1601) 575-78; J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., II, 359-62. Mr. Halliwell-Phillip’s dis- cussion of the case (I, 191-99) with tal insurrection of the following car Sunday, Feb. 8, 1601, is very u aes J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. T9359! Ee complete work, vol. II, Plays at Court. Also cf. supra, as Ose 8 hace 271 158 closing all theatres during Lent, with Blackfriars and Paul’s specifically named,’ has but one special significance. of Essex was to be executed,—his execution occurred March 25,—and the political state was unquiet. Hence it was well to close all places of public gathering, particularly those where in- fluential sympathizers of the popular Essex might assemble. This — unimportant temporary order of mere expediency,—whether — merely for Lent or on account of Essex,—has nothing to do with the Queen’s attitude and purposes toward the favored or the less favored theatres.’ May 13 (signed May 1Io),° 1601, the Privy Council issued a restraining order against the company playing at the Curtain on account of satirizing persons of prominence, but without attempt- ing to enforce against it the order of 1600, by which the Curtain should nearly a year ago have been permanently suppressed. The present order does not touch the theatre, but merely deals with the company in this single offense. It is of present interest mainly because in the summer of the same year Jonson at the Blackfriars and Dekker at the Globe were waging their con- troversy of bitter personal satire without interference by the The Earl — government.* *A part of this order was printed by George Chalmers, op. cit., III, 435. I give here my transcript of it from the original records in the Privy Council Office :— Wednesdaye the xi™ of March 1600-[1] A lettre to the L. Mayo® requir- ing him not to faile to take order playes w‘"in the Cyttie and the lib- erties, especyally at Powles and in the Blackfriers, may be suppressed during this time of Lent.—Registers of the Privy Council, Elizabeth (Dec. 7, 1600—Jan. 2, 1602), XVII, 119. *One might be led to suppose so from the bare statement in F. G. Fleay, op. cit., 160, and Hermann Maas, Die Kindertruppen (Diss. Gottingen, 1901), 12. *In quoting this document, J. P. Collier, op. cit., I, 305, and J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 368, give the date as May 10. I find May 13 in the original Registers of the Privy Council, Elizabeth (Dec. 7, 1600—Jan. 2, 1602), XVII, 193, at Whitehall. May 13 is also given in the recent official publication of the document in Acts of the Privy Council 1600-1601 (ed. J. R. Das- ent, New Series, 1906), XXXI, 341, 346. But see item (idem, 340) from the original records that it was signed the 10th and bore date the 13th. Is this significant? “In this quarrel Blackfriars is regarded as being, through Jonson, the aggressor. Shakespeare later in the same year, in Hamlet, not only administers censure for an unwise partisanship in allowing the Chil- dren to be made instruments of quarrel, but charges more sharply that “the nation holds it no sin to tarre them to controversy.” See further, infra, 171, 174 F;, 180*-81. 272 , Z ts THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES 159 One of the important events showing Elizabeth’s attitude is _ the Clifton case of Dec. 15, 1601. As already pointed out,’ this looks like a shrewd political move tinged with Puritanism. Clif- _ ton’s personal grievance,—a most minor affair at best, which was 4 within the space of a day fully redressed,2—is a mere excuse for q action. Personal grievances do not wait a year and two days for justice, and in this case waited no more than a day. These were 4 troublous times politically. Besides, both City and public theatre _ were opposed to Blackfriars; and whether Clifton was or was 4 not a willing instrument in furthering plans of others, the sus- picion of it is not wanting. r Clifton’s whole complaint is a covert attack upon the Queen’s ~ Commission to Gyles in its present permitted use for establishing -and maintaining the Blackfriars. His waiting a year gives em- phasis to this clear fact. Clifton knew, as everybody else in Lon- don knew, that this theatre was conducted under the Queen’s _ patronage. It was upon that knowledge that action was taken. His complaint has no point or purpose but the suppression of the _ theatre, or the embarrassment of the Queen in her plans. ¢ Elizabeth’s course in the case was as judicial as just and con- _ sistent. She took ample notice of the minor matter of personal _ injury by causing Evans in the Court of Star Chamber to be de- prived of the official position she had given him. It could never have been within her thought to do violence to gentlemen of the realm by forcible impressment of their children, nor to have the children abused or misused who were to serve her. She had not wished it, nor could she or her Court countenance it. Thus she redressed the grievance upon the exact basis of its pretenses, and at the same time consistently with a just sovereignty. The chief - burden of complaint however, made as if subsidiary to the per- sonal injury, was treated on the lines of that pretense, and con- sequently disregarded.® As a result, the Blackfriars went on, as we have seen, without interruption, and on the same basis as hitherto.* During the Christmas season of 1601-[2] the customary Court- entertainments were for the first time in many years omitted. No ae Se * Supra, 79. ; 5 Supra, 81-83. * Supra, 78-79. “Supra, 87-88, et passim. 273 160 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS plays were presented there.1 If the cause of this did not lie in f the Queen’s displeasure with the public theatres, the- suggestion of it is at least difficult to repress. half of the Essex conspirators was less than a year in the past,” and the Clifton attempt was but recently made. The Queen however found other amusement, and amply showed by her presence at Blackfriars December 29, as already noticed,* her clear purpose. This particular event, coming just a fortnight after the Clifton complaint, and publicly marking its failure to suppress Blackfriars, seems to have had some signifi- cance in official London. in Clifton’s attempt to suppress Blackfriars. But if he had suc- ceeded, the City as represented by the Lord Mayor would at least have been spared the Janian deification of features induced by the strain of moral solicitude in its next acts. | On the next day after the above event of the Queen’s attend- ance at Blackfriars, or at latest on the day after the next, the Lord Mayor renewed the City’s complaint, indicating that the number of playhouses and plays had greatly increased, and ask- ing for power to regulate them!* This looks like a most strange request in the light of the fact that this very power had been specifically granted, with the command also to exercise it, in the order of June 22, 1600. It seemed thus also to the Privy Coun- cil, who in their reply of the same or following day, December 31, 1601, very courteously called attention to the inconsistency, and issued a sharp command to the City and justices to enforce, not some new order, but the former order of a year and a half ago.° The Richard II affair in be- — The City may not have had an interest © *T do not know the authority of Mr. J. O. Halliwell-Phillips, op. cit., I, 201, for saying that Shakespeare’s company at this season presented four plays before her Majesty at Whitehall, one of which was prob- ably Twelfth Night. He does not get this from the Registers of the Privy Council, for the officials at the Office of the Privy Council in- form me that all records from Jan- uary 2, 1602, to 1613 were burned in the fire of Jan. 12, 1618. Also, the Office Book of the Treasurer of the Chamber shows no plays for this season, according to the Ex- tracts from the Accounts of the Revels at Court (ed. P. Cunning- ham, S. S. Pub. 1842), Introduction, XXVII-XXXiVv. F. G. Fleay, op. cit., 123, likewise was unable to find any Court-plays for 1601-[2]. "Supra, 157. ° Supra, 95-97. *The only knowledge of the date and contents of this request is con- tained in the Privy Council’s an- swer (wu. 7., 160°). *See the two documents, one to 274 oa“ eee ae ae ee eT ea 161 THE QUEEN’S PURPOSES The City’s solicitation for power when they already had it is clearly a pretense inspired by some new hope of success in its old contention. The Privy Council’s surprise that during the past - order is simply a counter pretense; for the theatres were a large element in the social life of London, and their doings were Both known to no one better than to the Queen and her Court. actions are simply secure moves on the chess-board. _ The City authorities finding no change of front and getting not the concession they craved concerning Blackfriars but a rep- - etition of the definite and specific order of 1600 for restrictions _ of only the public theatres, quietly let the order die, just as in the former cases.1 There is no evidence that they made the slightest peor at restraint.? Dthe City and one to the county mag- irate, both dated Dec. 31, 1601, in ig O. Halliwell- Phillips, op. cit.; I, 308-309. .: *That it was the Queen’s private establishment in liberties within the City yet outside its control that irked the municipal authorities is proved over and over by circum- stances, as presented in the preced- ee pages. A clinching proof is their attitude in 1618-[19]. _Em- poldened by their success in secur- ing the suppression of Rossiter’s s theatre in the Blackfriars precincts, 1615-17, they set about to find a < way to carry out their long-cher- _ ished desire to suppress the present _ Blackfriars theatre, and thereby gain a conceded right of control looking _ toward the full establishment of their long contention. The City now (1618-[19]) de- _ cided that the Blackfriars was a “public” theatre and therefore fell under the late Queen’s orders of ~ 1600-1601! So they issued a com- mand suppressing it in accordance with those long-dead orders! !— Eighteen years after!! Nothing could have been more absurd, for in the first place the Queen’s orders in question had never been. enforced against any theatre even at the time . CO ON nage Co has Ss of issue, and in the second place the Privy Council under James in 1604, April 9 (wu. s., 149*-50), had revoked those dead orders. More- over, the Queen had in the 1600- 1601 orders exempted the Black- friars by astutely specifying “public” or “common” theatres, thus pre- venting the City’s desired operation against her private theatre. The dog-in-the-manger figure of the City Council from 1597 to 1603, and their sudden awakening eigh- teen years after to enforce those old orders,—even after long revoked,— against the very theatre they shielded, but against no other, is as comical as it is convincing and final proof of the conditions as I have analyzed them. See further on earlier phases of the City’s contention and the order of 1618-[19], supra, 21", 53, 153-54". ?With the assistance of Dr. Sharp, Superintendent, I have searched the City archives at the Guildhall in vain for evidence of action in any one of the several foregoing orders. If the City had acted in any single instance, there . would certainly be some sort of trace left, as in the suppression of Rossiter’s theatre in the same pre- cints in 1615-17; in the effort to ‘ 275 162 This was the last move on either side.* . Nevertheless, I am willing to take the evidence of Shakespeare and Jonson that the public theatres were steadily losing ground, The cause is rightly ascribed in Hamlet, as discussed in a later chapter.” During this period of five and a half years, the public theatres enjoyed the anomalous distinction of the City’s tacit favor and the Sovereign’s explicit disfavor. in their history. It amounts to an alliance of municipal and the- atrical enemies in a common cause against nationally enforced progress in theatrical conditions. suppress the Blackfriars in 1618- [19]; and in other cases touching on theatres, games, &c. This is negative but not less sure proof of the City’s inaction in ex- ecuting the orders they themselves asked for. Positive proof is the well-known fact that various com- panies were acting unrestrained by the City in the various public the- atres not only in 1602, but through- out this whole period. of 1597-1603. *The Privy Council’s order of March 19, 1602-[3], which I have not hitherto seen in print, might in disconnected relation be taken to be another move along similar lines. But it has reference to another mat- ter -— “T1602-[3], March] 19. Letters to the Lord Mayor and Justices of Middlesex and Surrey, for the re- straint of Stage plaies till other di- CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS There is no other such period rections be given.”—From MS. Camden Society Transcript of Privy Council Records, now preserved at Privy Council Office. This tran- script of extracts or abstracts of the Registers of the Privv Council de- stroyed by fire (wu. s., 160") is taken from Brit. Mus. Add. MS., 11402. next day to “Sondrie Earles and © Barons” to “take all possible care wee can for the preventing of dis- orders and for the continuance and — preservation of tranquilitie peace in all parts of the Realme,” the fear of an uprising in case of the Queen’s expected death. Five days after the order, 24 March, 1602-[3], the Queen passed away. * Infra, 173-82. CHAPTER XIll RELATIONS OF BLACKFRIARS TO OTHER THEATRES, POETS, AND PLAYERS Tue Blackfriars Boys, led by the young Roscii Pavy, Field, Underwood, and Ostler, with their novel entertainments of mu- sic, Singing, masque, and drama under special favoring influences and select auditorial privileges, found that following that made theirs recognized as the foremost theatre of London. They be- came as a result the objects of imitation and envy. This much we have evidence of. But the detailed relations cannot now be fully worked out, even so far as the scattered re- mains of evidence are available. It will never be possible to get at the full particulars, for the probable evidences have perished. I mean contemporary plays containing satires and local hits. Some of this sort we know to have been suppressed. We know also that it was then as now the custom to introduce local drives not connected with the play. The new evidence offered later in connection with the Byron tragedies by Chapman would be suffi- cient in itself to prove this.1_ But the field cannot here be entered upon. Henslowe’s Diary shows that approximately two-thirds of the plays written by the numerous poets employed by him, for prac- tically every public theatre but the Globe, have perished. Nearly three times as many dramatists wrote for Henslowe as for Black- friars, Globe, and Paul’s combined.2, The number of dramas is *See complete work, vol. I. Percy’s plays were acted here. *The known dramatists for 1597- (d) Fortune, Curtain, Rose, and 1603, in chronology of their first possibly Swan, Bear Garden, appearance at their respective the- and Newington Butts, for atres, are :— Henslowe. In chronology of (a) Blackfriars——Jonson, Chapman, first mention in MHenslowe’s arston. Diary.—Dekker, Chettle, Juby, (b) Globe——Shakespeare, Jonson, Day, Haughton, Drayton, Hath- Dekker, W. S. away, Rankins, Porter, Nash, ({c) Paul’s—Marston, Middleton. Jonson, Munday, Lee, Wilson, It is not known that any of Chapman, Slater, Heywood, 277 164 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS in similar proportion. Those extant of the Henslowian class oc- cupy generally the lower ranks of dramatic merit. If the fittest work of all dramatists survived, the lost plays perhaps could have been of mere historical value to us. . That this great category of lost plays most likely was rich in topical allusions has been quite generally recognized and in par- — tial details worked out. But the field yet awaits scientific re- — search, with promise of large literary-historical rewards.2, Among — such allusions there could hardly have failed mention of a state — of affairs closely affecting both poets and theatres. This and the rigid laws against presenting on the stage matters touching the 7 official state suggest that the sharp attack in Hamlet, spoken on the stage with impunity, may not have been the most severe of 4 its kind. I hesitate to go farther into the alluring field of specu-_ = lation, preferring to await results of research. The losses through Henslowe, as above noticed, sufficient : account for the fact that the evidences of theatrical relations by — way of local allusions in dramas that have reached us belong © mainly to the non-Henslowian plays,—those of the Globe, Paul’s, — and Blackfriars. The foremost of all these is the famous chil- — 4 dren-passage in Hamlet, reserved for a special chapter.’ Besides this there are numerous evidences, direct and indirect, only a part © of which are taken up in the following paragraphs, The passage in Hamlet (late 1601) showing the drawing away ~ of the genteel part of the audience to the more select Blackfriars, — represents the condition not only in the Globe but in all the other — public theatres. It is well supported by passages in other plays. Pitt, Wadeson, Smyth, S. Row- May, 1906) 763-78. This latter ar- ley, Bird (Borne), Middleton, Webster, Singer. Removing from this last list the names of Jonson, Chapman, Mars- ton, and Middleton, who did their chief work for Blackfriars, Globe, and Paul’s, it will be seen that the Henslowian writers are on the whole of a very inferior rank. *See Sidney Lee, The Topical Side of the Elizabethan Drama (New Shakesp. Soc. Trans., Series I, 1887), 11sqq. Also cf. eundem, The Future of Shakespearean Re- search (The Nineteenth Century, ticle gives practically the substance of the former. *Since writing these paragraphs my own researches have brought to light great bulks of material in this field—too extensive to find itself in print yet,—but of a value quite disproportionate to the bulk. These documents include the sources of hitherto unknown dramas by Chap- man, Dekker, Webster, Ford, and others, dramas,—all purely local. °Infra, 173-85. 278 with certain fragments of — “RELATIONS OF BLACKFRIARS 165 : In Poetaster (ca, April, 1601) Histrio, a player standing for the spirit of the public theatres in general and of the Globe in ‘particular, is made to declare this condition of leanness as a re- - sult of the lack of gentleman patronage. In Cynthia’s Revels _ (ca, April, 1600) the better classes are represented as avoiding _ the public theatres because of the immodesty and obscenity in _ the plays there, and attending Blackfriars where there was a more ' wholesome vogue.” _By a comparison it will be seen that the Blackfriars plays of 1597-1603 are freer from such offensive qualities than the plays Again, in Poetaster the public theatre audiences on the Bank- :. yt ; of any other theatre except Shakespeare’s at the Globe. Pe) ont; made us all poorer than so many _ stafved snakes: nobody comes at us, side are ridiculed as composed of “all the sinners of the suburbs.’ *Histrio is speaking of the play Horace [Jonson] supposed was in progress against him under the hand of Demetrius [Dekker] thus :— “O, it will get us a huge deal of money, captain, and we have need for this winter [1600-1] has not a gentleman nor a ——. 2 —Poetaster, III, i., Jonson’s Works (ed. Gifford-Cunningham), I, 234b- 235a. *In the Induction to Cynthia’s Revels a genteel auditor who has come to Blackfriars because dis- pleased with the plays offered by the public theatres is giving advice to the Children and their poets as to what to avoid. His part is spo- ken thus :— “3 Child [Sal Pavy]— : It is in the general behalf ‘of this fair society here that I am to speak, at least the more judicious part of it, which seems much distasted with the immodest and obscene writing of many in their plays.” Then he goes on to advise their poets what to avoid. . This part is not aimed as satire at the Boys, nor at their poets (Jonson himself and Chapman), but is a shaft shot over their shoulders at the public the- _ atres, thus :— “Besides, they could wish your poets would leave to be promoters of other men’s jests, and to waylay all the stale apothegms, or old books, they can hear of, in print or otherwise, to farce their scenes with- al. That they would not so penu- riously glean wit from every laun- dress or hackney-man, or derive their best grace, with servile imi- tation, from common stages, or ob- servation of the company they con- verse with; as if their invention lived wholly upon another man’s trencher. Again, that feeding their friends with nothing of their own, but what they have twice or thrice cooked, they should not wantonly give out, how soon they had drest it; nor how many coaches came to carry away the broken meat, besides hobby-horses and foot-cloth nags. 2 Child [Jack Underwood].—So, sir, this is all the reformation you seek? 3 Child.—It is; do not you think it necessary to be practiced, my lit- tle wag? 2 Child—yYes, where any such ill-habited custom is received.” This last statement, as the spirit throughout, shows the “custom” was not “received” at Blackfriars, but on the “common stages,” whose practice is to be avoided. *Histrio, speaking of “Humours, Revels, and Satire,” is made to say, “They are on the other side of Ty- ber [7. e., at Blackfriars] : we [pub- 279 166 Jonson’s Prologue to Cynthia’s Revels is one of the best ex-— amples showing the select character of the Blackfriars audience, — before whose learned judgments Jonson is especially proud to ~ have his plays appear. Dekker in Satiromastix (summer, 1601) — enviously replies to this with the flirt of a sneer in which never- theless there lies the tacit admission of the difference in question.? — The declaration in the Prologue to Eastward Ho (spring, — 1605) that the Blackfriars has ever been imitated® refers mainly ~ to the Elizabethan period. We know further from Hamlet that — the Boys were “now the fashion,” and it is not likely that other theatres and poets failed to get as nearly into fashion as possible. © The general evidence is sufficient to establish the fact of imi- tation, but details do not lie so patent. of the thesis involved must be reserved for later research. I think the evidence will show that the new sort of plays introduced at CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The final investigation — lic theatres] have as much ribaldry in our plays as can be, as you would wish, captain: all the sinners in the suburbs come and applaud our ac- tion daily.”—Poetaster, III, i, op. cit., 232a. 7 PROLOGUE If gracious silence, sweet attention, Quick sight and quicker apprehen- sion, The lights of judgment’s throne, shine any where, Our doubtful author hopes this is their sphere; And therefore opens he himself to those, To other weaker brains his labours close, As loth to prostitute their virgin- strain, To every vulgar brain. In this alone, his Muse her sweet- ness hath, She shuns the print of any beaten path ; And proves new ways to come to learned ears: Pied ignorance she neither loves nor fears. Nor hunts she after popular ap- plause, Or foamy praise, that drops from common jaws: and adulterate The garland that she wears, their hands must twine, Who can both censure, understand, — define What merit is: then cast those pierc- ing rays, Round as a crown, instead of hon- ored bays, About his poesy; which, he knows, affords Words, above action; matter, above words. —Ben Jonson, Cynthia’s Revels, Prologue. *Jonson is satirized under the name of Horace speaking thus in parody on the Prologue to Cynthia’s Revels :— “Horace.—The muses’ birds the bees were hiv’d and fled, Us in our cradle thereby prophesy- ing That we to learned ears should sweetly sing. But to the vulgar and adulterate brain Should loath to prostitute our vir- gin-strain,” [Italics in original] —Thomas Dek- ker, Satiromastix, in Origin of the English Drama (ed. Hawkins, 1773), III, 132. Ss“... we have evermore been imitated.” 280 RELATIONS OF BLACKFRIARS 167 Paul’s by Marston and Middleton, displacing the “musty fop- peries” the boys there had been presenting, owes somewhat to the influence of Jonson’s and Chapman’s plays at Blackfriars. ae introduction of the masque within the play? and the general - trend of realism in other theatres are also involved. The in- ~ fluences on Shakespeare,” as for example in Hamlet, The Tem- : pest,* and certain other plays after the period of the histories, as _ also on Beaumont and Fletcher, promise peculiar interest. But parts of the field, affording only internal evidence and circum- _ stantial suggestion, are too shadowy to be alluring. It may seem a more tenable thesis that most of the Blackfriars _ plays are chargeable with imitation. Chapman, the chief poet _ there, took from Shakespeare materials or suggestions in every _ play he wrote for the Chapel Children.® But he did not do this _ in the plays he wrote before associating himself with Blackfriars. _ The extent of his indebtedness seems to be as follows.® Chapman seems in each instance to have used Shakespeare’s latest play. In Sir Giles Goosecap (ca. fall, 1600) the title char- acter in his ninniness and misuse of words looks like the notable character of Much Ado about Nothing (ca. 1599) Constable Dogberry in excessive leanness of absurdity made lanker by the extremities of idiocy protruding from the-dress of knighthood. In The Gentleman Usher (ca. summer, 1601) Bassiolo seems Niet abe “Cf. supra, 118-22, 122°-23. *The long dominant supposition that Shakespeare by virtue of tran- scendent genius was only the giver, not likewise the receiver, of dram- ~atic influences is fortunately pass- ing. Among the serious attempts to reach the truth in one part of the field may be mentioned, despite its defects, the work of A. H. Thorn- dike, The Influence of Beaumont and Fletcher on Shakespeare (1901). All evidences tend to show that no dramatist of his time influenced his fellows more than Shakespeare did, and none was influenced by them more than he. Professor Dr. Emil Koppel, of the University at Strassburg, who has made extensive researches in the Elizabethan-Jaco- bean drama, says, with refer- ence to the influence of Shake- speare, “Der weg des sammlers, der den spuren der wirkung Shake- speares nachgeht, wird so oft ge- kreuzt von lockenden pfaden, die zu Jonson laufen, dass ihm manchmal zweifel aufsteigen konnen, welchem der beiden manner die fiihrerrolle zuzutheilen sei.”—Vorwort zu Stu- dien tiber Shakespeare’s Wirkung auf Zeitgendssische Dramatiker (1905). Cf. supra, 123. *Cf. supra, 15, 133; infra, 173-85. “Chr supra, 10°. °On the plays in question, except Sir Giles Goosecap, see also E. Kop- pel, Quellenstudien zu den Dramen George Chapmans, &c. (Quellen und Forschungen, Heft 82., Strassb. 1897). *For evidences fixing the dates and further discussion see Plays in complete work, vol. II. 281 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS re modeled after Malvolio of Twelfth Night (ca. 1600), while the title character of M. D’Olive (ca. Oct—Dec. 1601) is Bassiolo developed. May Day (ca. May, 1602) contains an answer to the attack on Blackfriars in Hamlet (late 1601—early 1602)? in the’ form of satirizing parodies on the “To be” soliloquy and other — parts. These read as if Chapman had heard Hamlet once or twice while May Day was in progress, and had caught the general trend. Acts III and IV contain bits of satire certainly made thus. The Widow’s Tears (Sept., 1602) in overcoming of feminine scruples is mindatory of The Taming of the Shrew (early 1602?). Did Chapman intend these character-extensions as ridicule of — Shakespeare? Or did he simply find good comedial material — here ready for further development? At any rate, even if it is © proved that Chapman here imitated, that fact would not disprove ~ that his and Jonson’s plays at Blackfriars in turn were imitated. — Both seem true. Opposition to a rival institution upon principle — and imitation of its successes at the same time are not incom- ~ patible. Ne a The opposition of the Globe to the Blackfriars is only typical — of conditions in all the other public theatres. Hamlet tells us ~ thus much. Dekker’s “the puppet-teacher’’? in Satiromastix (at — the Globe, summer, 1601) is a thrust at the Boys as well as at © Jonson. The minor reference in the Prologue to Troilus and — Cressida (ca. 1602, late) can hardly be called friendly. Paul’s — Boys and the Chapel Children in 1580-84 and at other periods — had performed together. But under the new conditions Paul’s = and the public theatres made common cause against Blackfriars, — and found a convenient means of expressing their attitude through _ furthering on their stages the personal quarrels of certain dram- atists opposed to Jonson of the Chapel Boys’ theatre. I must here notice this incident, since it is connected with the E theatrical conditions in hand. : 168 *Written late 1601. First acted late 1601—early 1602, doubtless at the Christmas season. See also su- pra, 86, and infra, 174-75, 182-84". “Hold, silence, the puppet- teacher speaks.”—Satiromastix, op.” TT; A 7A; cit., ' ’ ... “And hither am I come fidence Of Authors pen, or Actors voyce.” This is in reference and reply to Jonson’s armed Prologue to Poet- 4 A Prologue arm’d, but not in con- 4 = aster, in which the public theatres, and particularly the Globe in the “9g a anticipated Satiromastix there, are 282 ay - RELATIONS OF BLACKFRIARS 169 The personal quarrel between Jonson on the one side and Mars- ton and Dekker on the other, conducted on the battle-field of the _. stage, was merely incidental to the general state, arising partly out of theatrical, partly out of personal relations. But had it not _ been fostered by the theatres it could never have been tolerated, could not even have come into existence before an audience. An institution does not easily lend itself as an organ of mere per- sonal animus. It served the theatres as a temporary vent.* _ The personal phases of the quarrel can be briefly stated, so far as they appear in literary form. They have been elaborately dis- cussed by Fleay, Penniman, and Small, and treated somewhat by practically every literary historian or critic that has touched upon the period. But as the main events have been given incorrect historical perspective by the confusion of chronology, I sum- marize certain conclusions here in accordance with the dates es- tablished upon final evidence under the list of plays, following.* _ The first traces are not vicious, and consist of literary jibes. In The Scourge of Villainy (Stationers’ Register, Sept. 8, 1598) Marston glanced at Jonson through the character of “judicial Torquatus” in the address “To those that seem judicial Perusers,” and expected that Torquatus would vouchsafe the new volume “some of his new-minted epithets (as real, intrinsecate, Del- / Le eT ee eee TT ee ete Sra eee Eee eS ' , j : oom - phic),” without understanding a word of it. Late in the same ; year, Marston in his revision of Histriomastix (1598) reshaped s 5 represented as so hostile as to re- volume to disproving the positions quire such armed protection of both of his predecessors, and on the author and actors at Blackfriars. whole is sound in his own identifi- j *See further, infra, 180%. cations but wide of the mark in his ’ *The Rev. F. G. Fleay, A Chron-_ datings. cle History of the London Stage By all these scholars the quarrel (1890), passim, and A Biographical is given wrong aspects through non- Chronicle of the English Drama _ sequential relation of plays and 1559-1642 (1891), I-II, ad loc., fol- events. The personal side is incor- } lows the ministerial method of find- rectly. regarded as having consid- ing allegory in the plays concerned, erable independent importance in- 2 and consequently arrives at roman-_ stead of being subordinate to the tic identifications of characters. J. larger conditions that made it pos- _ .H.-Penniman, The War of the The- _ sible. atres (1897), likewise finds unten- *See the respective titles under able identifications. R. A. Small, Plays, complete work, vol. II, for 3 The Stage-Quarrel between. Ben all evidences and full treatment in Jonson and the so-called Poetasters elaborate detail, with extensive ref- (1899), devotes a large part of his erences. diy’, 283 Sree ; < 4 4 . 7] ~*~ | 170 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS the features of Chrysogonus and gave them a few touches that — must undoubtedly have reminded the audience of Jonson. Jonson’s Every Man in his Humour (ca. Aug.—Sept. : 98am had appeared before either of the above, and consequently con- tains no trace of the quarrel in even its mildest form. But his next play, Every Man out of his Humour (ca. Aug., 1599) re- plied to both of Marston’s jibes by making a character, Clove, evidently introduced for no other purpose, talk fustian words — culled out of The Scourge of Villainy and Histriomastix, Mean- while, Marston had given Antonio and Mellida (ca. first half of 1599) to the stage at Paul’s without a word of bickering against — Jonson. Jonson and Dekker during August and September, 1599, worked in collaboration for Henslowe on Page of Plymouth and Robert II King of Scots. Probably also Marston worked with them in September on this latter play. Up to this time (Sept., 1599) there seems to be no serious per- — “ sonal feeling between Jonson and Marston. Dekker had not yet been in the least concerned. It is most probable that the inti- macy of collaboration sowed the seeds of discord. Jonson’s per- sonality could brook little opposition. He had no patience with such as we know Dekker and his work to have been. But om © Marston’s side there appears as yet no rankling, for about Nov., 1599, appeared at Paul’s his Antonio’s Revenge, with no word ~ directed at Jonson. In September, 1599, Chettle, Dekker, and Haughton completed Patient Grisell, probably first acted ca. January, 1599-1600. The Emulo-Owen duel of this play is a clear imitation of Jonson’s Brisk-Lentulo duel in Every Man out of his Humour that had appeared at least four months before. From Jonson’s later at- tack (i. e., in Poetaster) he apparently charged this imitation up as one of Dekker’s plagiarisms. Cynthia's Revels (ca. April-May, 1600) gives us the first real personal bitterness of the quarrel and its first importance on the stage. There Jonson caricatured some of the features of Mars- ton in Hedon, and of Dekker in Anaides, while assuming to him- self some of the general excellences of Crites. This was played by the Blackfriars Boys. Almost simultaneously Marston pre- 284 Fr A ae yea RELATIONS OF BLACKFRIARS itt ~ sented Jack Drum’s Entertainment (ca. May, 1600) on the stage by the Paul’s Boys, unfavorably representing Jonson as Brabant Senior and mentioning himself as “the new poet Mellidus.” There is no known cause in any existing drama or other writ- ing by either Marston or Jonson for the sharp personal attacks of these two plays. As both appeared at practically the same time, neither is the cause of the other, and neither play refers to - the other. The only explanation of the personalities seems to be that the close literary relations of August-September, 1599, had bred enmity between Marston and Dekker on the one side and Jonson on the other. The only explanation of the stage-publicity of these personal relations is the theatrical status that fostered it, as already discussed and as indicated further in Hamlet.’ A year later, Marston replied in his behalf to Cynthia's Revels by What You Will (ca. April, 1601) at Paul’s, making some of _ Jonson’s features unpleasantly prominent in Lampatho and him- Al STS ~~ * self assuming the better traits of “squareness” in Quadratus. Simultaneously appeared at Blackfriars Jonson’s Poetaster (ca. April, 1601), violently attacking Marston and Dekker as Cris- pinus and Demetrius respectively, while Jonson martyred him- self as Horace. This attack is not in reply to anything in any of the former plays, but in anticipation of a lampoon that Jonson believed Marston and Dekker were preparing against him in a play to be presented at the Globe. There seems no explanation of this rabidness except that personal relations had become se- verely acute, and that theatrical conditions made such public ex- hibition possible. _ Hitherto Dekker had made no reply to Jonson. But after Poetaster he flamed out with Satiromastix (ca. June-July, 1601). Marston seems to have furnished some of the fuel. Jonson’s final reply was his Apologetical Dialogue, “spoken only once upon the stage” and then by himself as “The Author,” apparently in the spring of 1602. This was the end of the personal quarrel on the stage. Jonson no more refers to it. Marston thereafter took Jonson’s place as poet for the Blackfriars Boys, and in his Dutch Courtezan (fall— wint., 1602) and The Malcontent (spring, 1603) no reference is *Supra, 158*; infra, 174, Fi, 180*. 285 172 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS made to the recent unpleasantness. Absence of reference ins§ these two plays is negative proof that the personal war-cloud had ~ passed, by 1602. Positive proof is in the year 1604, when Mars- — ton dedicated The Malcontent to Jonson, and also wrote com- ~ mendatory verses for Sejanus, Dekker, however, cherished ill- — feeling as late as 1609, in The Guls Horne-Book.* The quarrel in its personal aspects was of much less impor- — tance than usually supposed. So far as we can now identify them, it includes only these three men. But from Jonson’s Apol- ogetical Dialogue and from Dekker’s address To the World in Satiromastix, we are led to believe that other poets and their theatres were involved. Doubtless they were. But as the plays have not come to light and are probably irretrievably lost, we can now say no more about them. The attempt to identify Shakespeare on this personal side in Troilus and Cressida hardly needs refutation. Beyond the minor ~ reference in the Prologue,? I find nothing in the play touching — either the personal or the impersonal side.* I have given this incident of the personal quarrel more space ~ than its relative importance demands, but not more than seems _ required to put it into its proper perspective as a minor matter in — the history of stage-relations.* *See supra, 133*, 140°. of William Shakespeare (5th ed., * Supra, 168°. 1905) 237°; -—R.- Boyle, Troilus and ®Scholars differ widely on the Cressida, in Englische Studien play. See for example, R. A. Small, (1902), XXX, 21-59. op. cit., 139-71; Sidney Lee, A Life *See further, infra,-180*. 286 aE Ty oe ee Cea ery re ee eee re CHAPTER XIV ' THE HAMLET PASSAGE ON THE BLACKFRIARS CHILDREN TuHeE Shakespeare student has already anticipated conclusions made possible by the documents treated in the foregoing pages. I have little more left to do than to transcribe those conclusions in the briefest possible manner. Shakespeare’s reference to the Children-players is at once the _ best known and yet the newest record touching contemporary - stage conditions. Explanations have been attempted by every student of Hamlet. These range from the guess of dilettanteism to the plausible hypothesis and occasional statement of fact. Not only does the evidence now at hand explain practically every item in this passage, but in turn Shakespeare’s record be- comes available thereby as one of the most important contribu- tions made to the history of this royally favored company of Children-actors at Blackfriars. For purposes of comparison, I here subjoin the passage? as it appears in Q,, Q.,, and F,. *For a convenient collection of ness, Variorum Shakespeare, Hamlet representative é¢xamples from fore- (1877), I, 162-168. No collection most scholars to the date of that of the recent and better interpreta- publication, see Dr. H. H. Fur- tions has been made. *The passages are quoted as they appear in H. H. Furness, Variorum Shakespeare, Hamlet (1877), II, 59, and I, 162-68. Q: (1603) 968. Ham. Players, what Players be they? Ross. My Lord, the Tragedians of the Citty, Those that you took delight to see so often. Ham. How comes it that they trauell? Do they grow restie? Gil. No my Lord, their reputation holds as it was wont. Ham. How then? Gil. Yfaith my Lord, noueltie carries it away, For the principall publike audience that Came to them, are turned to priuate playes, And to the humour of children. 287 f pe Le ee te ees mind e 174 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS I accept it as a conclusion now beyond debate that the whole passage in F, was written in 1601 and first acted by the closing — months of that year or the opening of 1602, the only period in — Q. (1604), II, ii, 315-24 315 Ham. What players are they? Ros. Even those you were wont to take such delight in, the tragedians of the city. Ham. How chances it they trauaile? their residence, both in reputation and profit, was better both ways. 320 kos. I think their inhibition comes by the means of the late innovation. Ham. Do they hold the same estimation they did when I was:in the city? are they so followed? Ros. No, indeed, are they not. Lines 325-45 (“Ham. How comes it? ... Hercules and his load too”) are omitted from Q:, Qs, Qs, Qs. In all the Qgq, the next speech begins, “Ham. It is not very strange; for my uncle,’ &c.,.as in F,, infra, 1. 346. F, (1623), II, ii, 315-50 F, gives 315-24 exactly as Q:, with the exception of transposing “they” and “are” in 324, and continues with 325-45, omitted from the Qe, Qs, Qu Q;, thus :— 325 Ham. How comes it? Do they grow rusty? Ros. Nay, their endeavour keeps in the wonted pace; but there is, sir, an aerie of children, little eyases, that cry out on the top of question and are most tyrannically clapped fort; these are now the fashion, and so berattle the com- 330 mon stages—so they call them—that many wearing rapiers are afraid of goose-quills, and dare scarce come thither. Ham. What, are they children? who maintains ’em? how are they escoted? Will they pursue the quality no longer than they can sing? will they not say afterwards, if 335 they should grow themselves to common players,—as it is most like, if their means are no better,—their writers do them wrong, to make them exclaim against their own succession? Ros. ’Faith, there has been much to-do on both sides, and the nation holds it no sin to tarre them to controversy; 340 there was for a while no monev bid for argument, unless the. poet and the player went to cuffs in the question. Ham. Is’t possible? Guil. Oh, there has been much throwing about of brains. Ham. Do the boys carry it away? 345 Ros. Ay. that they do, my lord; Hercules and his load too. Ham. It is not very strange; for my uncle is king of Denmark, and those, that would make mows at him while my father lived give twenty, forty, fifty, a hundred ducats a-piece, for his picture in little. “Sblood, there is something in this more than natural, if philosophy could find it out. 288 wy i i 7 ee ee, e ames ee 4 (wen ee theatre at all was an innovation in itself, + ees THE HAMLET PASSAGE 175 : ; the history of the drama and stage at which the allusions could have point or fit the facts. The strolling players are those of the public theatres,—men. In giving the reason for their traveling, Shakespeare glances at the theatrical conditions of the times, as already examined. The Queen in carrying out her notions of what she wished in the way of a theatre, established the Blackfriars with the Children of the Chapel. With this grew up the notion of restrictions and pro- hibitions of the public theatres. For the Queen to maintain a But to maintain a pri- vate theatre and at the same time to attempt to shut up all but ' two of the public playhouses, with severe restrictions on even those two, was both an innovation and an inhibition at once, that seemed related to each other as cause and effect.1_ This not only diminished the reputation and profit of the unfavored players and drove them into the country,? but also justly called for so much ; [1602] xxvj*° Julij _ James RobertsEntred for his Copie vnder the handes of master PASFEILD and master waterson warden A_ booke called ‘the Revenge of HAMLETT Prince [of] Denmarke’ as yt was late- lie Acted by the Lord Chamber- leyne his servantes......... vj* —E. Arber, A Transcript of the Registers of the Company of Sta- toners 1554-1640 (1875-94) , III, 212. The play in final form, from which the above publication was garbled, was on the stage long enough before this entry to inspire the surreptitious issue. See also on the dating, supra, May Day (86, 168), Widow’s Tcars (ibid.), Clifton’s Complaint (86), the stage-quarrel (158*, 171, 181), the strained official and theatrical relations (157). Also see infra, 183-84". All evidences combine to show Hamlet was written late 1601, and first acted late 1601—early 1602, doubtless the chief attraction of the Christmas season. *“T think their inhibition comes by the means of the late innova- tion.” *I do not know the detailed basis for Shakespeare’s claim as to the players having to travel. This might be ascertained by long re- search in the archives of munici- palities. But the preceding pages have shown sufficiently that the statement is based upon actual con- ditions of hardship resulting from the Queen’s attitude. The few known details of the traveling com- panies at this period are these: In 1599, a company of English actors under Laurence Fletcher (sometimes, but erroneously, sup- posed to have been Shakespeare’s company) visited Scotland, and were patronized by James VI. (See State Papers, Elizabeth, Scotland, LXV, Nos. 64 and 641, dated Nov., 1599, Public Record Office). Again, in Oct., 1601, Fletcher led a com- pany thither. Shakespeare’s own company was at Oxford and Cambridge some- time prior to the publication of Hamlet. (See title-page of Qu, in- fra, 182°). Whether these visits antedated the Stationers’ Register entry, 26 July, 1602, is undeter- mined. Henslowe’s Diary (ed. W. W. Greg, 1904), 177-78, shows Lord Worcester’s men, of the Rose, went 289 176 at least as the mild righteousness of this passage, despite Eliza- : 5 beth’s absolute law against criticism of the state in public plays, _ CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Under these conditions of course the public theatres were not and could not be “followed” as formerly. of grief to the “common stages,’’* as people now, since the new fashion, were calling the public theatres, whose cause Shakespeare champions, lay in this “aerie” of “little eyases’”* that the Queen- care was fledging. The rivalry is not with inferior children-actors, but with a company of boys whose unquestioned excellence receives the gen- into the country March 12,160[1]-2. They returned to London and re- newed acting Aug. 17, 1602 (idem, 179). Strolling players; of course, had been in earlier stage-history per- mitted to wander at will. But Shakespeare cannot have these in mind, for the law of 1597 (supra, 152°) put a stop to this by the regulating control of noble patron- age. Besides, the satire on the Children and. theatrical conditions could not have had point in refer- ence to this earlier period. The company to which Shakespeare be- longed traveled in 1593, 1594, 1597, but not again, it seems, prior to the Hamlet presentations at the univer- sities. (See Sidney Lee, A Life of William Shakespeare, 5th edition, 1905, 40, for list, from which, how- ever, this last item is omitted). No -company traveled except when its profits in London were un- satisfactory. For this condition at the present period, the Blackfriars stands as the cause. In only two plays does Shake- speare mention strolling players,— in Hamlet (1601-2) and The Tam- ing of the Shrew (1602?), just at the time when the Queen’s pur- poses were bearing bitter fruit for the public theatres. *The practice of so calling them originated in the Queen’s orders through the Privy Council in dif- ferentiation from Blackfriars. (See supra, 156-57.) Jonson in The Case is Altered, II, iv, (at Blackfriars ca. Sept.— Oct., 1597) uses “common theatres” and “public theatre” in a long and sharp satire on the sort of audi- ences frequenting them. In Cyn- thia’s Revels, Induction (ca. April, 1600), he uses “common stages” and “public theatre” opprobriously. Doubtless the frequenters of the- atres made the same distinction ;— conveying thereby the stigma of din- feriority that Shakespeare here dis- relishes. But “common” in reference to plays in the sense of “ordinary” or “usual” is found very early. £. g., in 1552, Bishop of London Bonner issued to the clergy an order pro- hibiting in churches “all manner of common plays, games, or inter- ludes” &c. (See E. Malone, Shake- speare Variorum, ed. Boswell, 1821, III, 45). But no opprobrium seems to attach to the word then as is laid upon it later in distinguishing Blackfriars and _ public theatres. Examples of this earlier inoffensive use in application to plays, games, etc., are numerous even in official papers prior to 1597. But the op- probrious sense of both “common” and “public” applied to theatres dates from that year. f *The terms “aerie”’ (eagles- nest) and “eyases” (eaglets) ap- plied to the Queen’s establishment present in a single view actors and supporter. There is conveyed also the sense of security of position against all interference. See fur- ther on this meaning under “aerie,” The New English Dictionary (ed. Murray). Compare also “her mai- 290 The immediate source =~ ion. m4 Al ‘* 5 “4 ¥ . ; - THE HAMLET PASSAGE erous applause of the most select and judicial audiences of -London.* 177 The men-players are doing their best to maintain their pres- tige; but they are unable to stem the tide of popularity and fash- The followers after illustrious example have taken up the theatre with its privileges of privacy, high prices, novelties, and spectacular effect as the fad of the day. The Boy-actors and their poets have rather got the best of it in the wit-combat be- tween them and the “common stages” and have given the latter such a shaking up with their rattling fire as to diminish their pop- ularity still farther in comparison. The local and personal drives have caused my rapier-girdled courtier and fine gentleman to avoid the public theatres rather than make himself for coming thither the subject of later stage-jest before his fashionable set at Blackfriars.? esties unfledged minions” in The Children of the Chapel Stript and Whipt (1569), supra, 4’, and “neast of boys able to ravish a man” in Father Hubbard’s T. M. (1604), infra, chap. XVI. ~ *€Cry out on the top of ques- tion” is usually explained as a de- traction of the Boys; as, “at the top of their voices,” “with bad elo- cution,’ &c. I cannot find any de- traction of the Boys in the whole passage. It is not they, but the manner of their establishment and support that is objectionable. Moreover, I find no untruth in the passage. It would be not only false, but would kill Shakespeare’s own point, for him to say the act- ing was bad. The whole history of the Boys shows it was good. At the time Hamlet was written, young Pavy, Field, Underwood, and Ostler were among the chief Chil- dren-actors. Pavy was famous then as a boy who acted old men’s parts superbly, and at his death (1601 or 1602?) was made the subject of Jonson’s noble tribute to him as an actor,—one of the most delicate and appreciative recognitions of excel- lence ever written. (See further, Careers of Actors, infra, vol. II.) "The latter three Boys were also Tales, by. superior actors, and were all, a few years later, taken into Shakespeare’s own company, where they were among the leaders. Field was sec- ond only to Burbage. (See their careers, u. S.) Also, at the time Hamlet was written, the Boys were pleasing to Queen, Court, and critical London. (See audiences, supra, 112, 164-66". ) Historically, the notion of bad acting has no basis. That “cry out on the top of question” means “excel,” “do with unquestioned excellence,’ “exhibit superiority” is clear from the Ham- let text in the light of the facts, as above. It is substantiated by the only two known similar uses of Shakespeare’s time. In this same scene (II, ii, 417) Hamlet speaks of “others whose judgments cried in the top of mine” (=excelled, were superior to]. In Robert Ar- min’s Nest of Ninnies (1608, ed. Collier, S. S. Pub., 1842, X), 55, the author speaks of “making them [fencers or players at single-stick] expert till they cry it up in the top of question.” This seems final as a commentary. *It was the custom at Black- friars (and probably at other the- atres) to break jests upon the 291 178 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS The question of maintaining a company and appareling them, A or dressing them out, was, as already noted,’ of first importance )) in enabling theatrical and financial success. The expense of maintenance was first. But as Elizabethan theatres had little scenery, they made up for the lack in appropriate apparel. As practically every play of the time represents people of station,— kings, queens, courtiers, lords, &c.,—the expense of apparel prob- — ably equaled or exceeded the keep of the company. A glance through Henslowe’s Diary shows the cost of a pair of silk stock- ings from 15 to 20 shillings; a doublet and hose, 3/. to 71.; a black satin suit, 5/. A single rich cloak cost 19/.,—almost half as much for only part of one costume as Evans was paying for- the annual rental of Blackfriars. The total value of a theatrical wardrobe probably exceeded the value of the given theatre itself.? It is quite certain from all ‘testimony that the Children’s ap- parel furnished by the Queen was of superior elegance. Since it was generally known who “maintained” the Boys aie thus “‘escoted” them, Shakespeare desiring merely to raise the notion suggestively above the mental horizon, accomplishes his object fully by simply asking the question and not allowing an answer other than that which comes at once to the mind of the audience. To this he adds the touch of deft diminution by the coinage of a word for the occasion which no one of the audience could fail to catch by the intonation, a slight gesture, or even the very punning nature of the word, indicating these lads were audience or some prominent person- age. Such local hits did not then and do not now appear in the printed play. See such a jest in the Induction to Cynthia's Revels; also the statement of its prevalence at Blackfriars made by Sly in the Induction to The Malcontent. To the same effect see The Guls Horne- Book (u. s., 133*). This practice grew worse under James I. Again and again the King was made the target. This was one of the chief causes for his putting a summary end to the Blackfriars Boys in 1608. (See doc- uments in later chapters.) 1 Supra, 128-29. *There are no known exact val- uations of the wardrobes of public theatres. Henslowe’s Diary gives by inventories and purchases a gen- eral notion. The Diary of Thomas Platter (1599) says, “Die Comedien- spieler sindt beim allerkdstlich- sten vnndt zierlichsten bekleidet.”— (See extracts by Prof. Binz in An- glia (1899), XXII, 459.) Even in 1590 a player is represented by Rob- | ert Green as saying “his very share in playing apparel would not be sold for 2007.” (Quoted in Sidney Lee, op. cit., 1899, 198.) In 1608 the wardrobe of the Children of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars was valued at 400/.—apparently in that special case, however, too high. (See following chapters.) 292 lie ee 7 ' :. “ hardly old enough to wear players’ wear the “cotes” of children. . THE HAMLET PASSAGE 179 “apparel,” but must needs Then with the skill of the master wit innocently foreswearing *The meaning of “escoted’’ lies thus near home. It has hitherto been explained as derived from the rare OF. escotter,—dead even to the French more than a hundred years when Shakespeare wrote, and long supplanted by ecoter!! The etymological treatment of “cote,” “coat,” “escoted’; and “es- cotter,” “ecoter,” ‘“escot,’ “scot,” “shot,” “shoot,” is too long for in- sertion here. note simply that “escotter” seems to have died in French about the middle of the 15th century. (See Godefroy, Dictionnaire L’An- cienne Langue Francais, du IX*° au XV* Siecle, 1898. The one late ex- ample there given is clearly an ob- solete use.) Cotgrave’s frequently quoted re- port of the word in 1611 is the result of mere compilation of older dictionaries, not the report of cur- rent usage. The form “escotter” is not found in current French liter- ature of Shakespeare’s time, nor in the hundred years preceding. The title-page of Cotgrave’s work claims only compilation—‘“A Dic- tionarie of the French and English Tongues. Compiled by Randle Cot- grave. London. 1611.” But it is not only a compilation, and there- fore of no value as an authority on the current French, but it is also merely a French-English not an English-French dictionary, and hence of no value on the English. Coterave defines, “Escotter. Euery one to pay his shot, or to contribute somewhat towards it, &c.” The meaning is correct. But such a meaning and such an ety- mology from such or any reference, applied to the ephemeral word-play “escoted,” is but fair game for laughter as the lean and wrinkled nonsense of despairing pedantry. No contemporary English dic- tionary gives “escote.” I have ex- amined every English and every ples of English-foreign dictionary (and every extant edition of each) pub- lished from the beginning of the language up to Samuel Johnson’s English Dictionary (1755). (For list, but giving first editions only, see H. B. Wheatley, Chronological Notices of Dictionaries of the Eng- lish Language, in Transactions of the Philological Society, London, 1865.) The word is in none of them till Johnson, where the mean- ing was assumed that has been fol- lowed to the present. An indefinite number of exam- “cote,” “coat,” meaning dress, apparel, or to dress, &c., can easily be collected by any one from Chaucer’s “medlee cote’ (see also picture in Egerton MS.) to a period much later than Shakespeare. Two from contemporary authors suffice here. “Scarce will their Studies stipend them, their wiues, and Children cote.”—William Warner, Albion’s England (revised ed. 1602), 238. Not in the earlier (1589) edition. This example is interesting not only as contemporary to the year, but also as juxtaposing the common no- tions of maintenance and apparel- ing as in Hamlet. “After they [our first parents] got coates to their backes, they were turned out of doores. Put on therefore either no apparel at all, or put it on carelessly.”—Tho. Dek- ker, The Guls Horne-Book (1609), ile OP. Cle jbl 220) Shakespeare seemis the only one who ever_used the word. “escote” prior to Johnson’s learned blunder of 1755 ;—sufficient index of its spe- cial coinage. It originated and died with the occasion. Its components are “cote” (coat) with a sliding prefix ex- (es-). Puns however do not come into existence through lawful etymologic unions but de- spite them. They are the begotten ~ waifs of occasion. 293 \ UM Ge 180 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS himself by leaving with the audience the satisfied sense of dis- covering the meaning themselves, he turns aside and proceeds to blame the poets who write for the Children for making them utter jibes against the public theatres, to which they must ulti- mately succeed. For upon the general knowledge that the primary function of singing is the basic consideration of their im- pressment and maintenance while their acting is simply a conse- quence that must be conterminal with the cause, it is warrantably assumed that these Chapel Boys will be continued at the theatre as actors only so long as they can sing.* If then they keep on act- ing until their voices at puberty begin to break and unfit them for choir-singing and taking part in the varied sort of .entertain- ment they now furnish at Blackfriars, they will at the time of voice-change be deprived of their present superior position; and not being gentlemen’s sons but lads who have no better means than their own resources for support,” it is like-most that they themselves, despite their present raillery, will then have to seek employment as a means of livelihood among these same “com- mon players” their poets now make them cry down.’ But the contest has not been one-sided. With a glance at the more general conditions in which there has been “much to-do on both sides,” Shakespeare having made Hamlet apparently talk — away from the question raised as to maintenance and appareling of the lads, now purposely causes Rosencranz to avoid directly answering it, but nevertheless reenforces the answer in the minds of the audience by shifting, after all, the blame from the poets to the “nation” for allowing and encouraging the present state of affairs. For a while the controversy was so hot that plays were purchased by neither side unless* the poet took the part of the *See supra, 115. *Shakespeare by his “as is like most if their meanes are no better” (1623 folio) understands that these are not gentlemen’s children. Clif- ton’s boy, who never acted, was probably the only one of rank taken up. See also supra, 80°, 82*. *’Shakespeare prophesied soundly here. This is exactly what did hap- pen later, as the history from 1610 to the Restoration, taken up in suc- ceeding chapters, shows. The grown-up children of Blackfriars and Whitefriars are found among the leaders in every men’s company but one, and practically dominate the stage during that later period. ‘“There was for a while no money bid for argument unless” &c. This is as clear a declaration as one need make that the personal was subordinate to the theatrical quarrel and came before the public solely through demands of the lat- ter. Cf. supra, 158*, 169-72. 294 THE HAMLET PASSAGE 181 players he wrote for and jibed at their opposition poets and play- ers,’ as notably in Jonson’s Poetaster (ca. April, 1601) at Black- friars and Dekker’s Satiromastix (summer, 1601) at the Globe and Paul’s. Although there is a law (Elizabeth 1559)? which absolutely forbids any allusion or criticism by the stage with reference to affairs of state and religion, “the nation holds it no sin” even thus to countenance and set on such a controversy as the present one.* It is a condition of affairs much to be deplored, and “in a well- governed state’’* seems hardly “‘possible.”® Where the blame rests for this “throwing about of brains” and for the whole unsatisfactory theatrical status is thus shadowed forth with such consummate skill that the audience, familiar with the circumstances, could not miss the chief cause of grievance, though no breach of open declaration is made. The conclusion as to whether the boys win or not is a pregnant summary of conditions in a single line. Rosencranz puns on “carry it away,” and says that they not only have won but they have carried off the chief audience and income of the Globe,— *“Unless the poet and the player Also in New Shakespeare Society went to cuffs [F;, “Cuffs’] in the Transactions (1880-85), Appendix . question.” “Cuffs” was a common to Part II, 19f. nickname for a schoolmaster be- For punishments inflicted on the cause of his bad habit. “To go to Rose in 1597 and the Curtain early cuffs’ about anything therefore 1601, doubtless under the interpre- came to have a quadruple signifi- tation of this law, see supra, 155,158. cation,—primarily “to cuff or fight,’ It seems remarkable that Shake- then “to go to a master who cuffs,” speare was permitted so much as “to go to school,” and “to study, the present deft passage in Hamlet study up, study how, find ways and against the same law. See supra,’ means.” 164. Shakespeare plays with the pun- ®Tschischwitz (quoted in Fur- ning nature of the expression, with ness, Variorum Shakespeare, Ham- the final sense of course resting Jet, I, 167) could not see the “logic” upon the last of the quartet. of 332-37, as they stand,—for a very Compare the following from good reason! But really was ever Satiromastix (summer, 1601, ed. a cause that required the most del- Hawkins, op. cit., III, 135):—“He icate handling presented to the [Horace-Jonson] has as desperate minds of the audience with more a wit as any scholar ever went to consummate “logic”? cuffs for’ [=went to school for, “Order of the Privy Council, 22 acquired by study]. June, 1600, uw. s., 151°. *Printed in J. P. Collier, op. cit., 5 Hamlet, u. s., 174, F:, 1. 342. C1831"); .168-69:;- .(1879°), 166%. 295 bea Pee Fy 182 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS for which “Hercules and his load,” the sign of the theatre, stands.’ That is, of course, they have attracted away the better paying and more genteel class. | a In the next speech, the fickle fawning of a public after the fashion of royalty without regard to the justness of the cause it represents is made the common basis upon which Shakespeare rises from the consideration of local theatrical conditions to the fuller swing of physical and psychic difficulties that beset Hamlet in the tragic execution of the high purpose laid upon him. Thus ends this valuable record touching the Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars. Seen in its proper relation to their history it becomes also contributive to certain Hamlet problems, which cannot be taken up here. I am however compelled to take notice of one item which further connects with this history. . The 1603 quarto,? admitted on both sides of a long contro- versy* to be at least maimed and mutilated, contains no reference to the innovation and inhibition, but does give in four lines a gen- eral summarized sense of the twenty lines (325-345) found first in the 1623 folio. On the other hand, the second quarto (1604)* omits these twenty lines, but gives the rest of the passage as a practical iden- tity with the same in the 1623 folio.» This omission in Q, is *Malone, op. cit., III, 67, thinks the sign of the Globe was painted on the river-side wall,—‘“a figure of Hercules supporting the Globe, under which was written Totus mundus agit listrionem.” I do not know his authority. *The | Tragicall Historie of | Hamlet | Prince of Denmarke | By William Shake-speare.| As it hath beene diuerse times acted by his Highnesse ser-|uants in the Cittie of London: as also in the two V-|niuersities of Cambridge and Oxford, and else-where| [vignette] At London printed for N. L. and John Trundell.| 1603 :|—Title-page, 1603 quarto. *See discussions by Caldecott, Knight, Delius, Staunton, Elze, Dyce, and others on the one side (that Q, is a first conception, later reworked), and Collier, Tycho Mommsen, Grant White, and oth- ers on the other side (that the play was completed before printed or played), quoted in H. H. Furness, Shakespeare Variorum, Hamlet (1877), II, 14-33. The controversy still continues in recent books- and periodicals. See infra, 184". *The | Tragicall Historie of | Hamlet, | Prince of Denmarke.| By William Shakespeare. | Newly im- printed and enlarged to almost as much | againe as it was, accordin to the true and perfect | Gopnies'| [vignette] At London,| Printed by I. R. for N. L. and are to be sold at his | shoppe vnder Saint Dun- stons Church in | Fleetstreet. 1604.| —Title-page, 1604 quarto. ~* 5The only difference is in the transposition of “they” and “are” in line 324. See note on F:, supra, 174. 296 ) j ¢ : } THE HAMLET PASSAGE 183 made in the face of the statement on the title-page that the edi- tion is “enlarged to almost as much againe as it was, according to the true and perfect Coppie.” Without entering into argument, I must, though anticipating a date by two years, simply state the significance of these facts.* When James I came to the throne, the royal maintenance and appareling of the Blackfriars Boys ceased. In January, 1604, they were put on an exact level with the public theatres. The cause of grievance to the public theatres being thus removed, the continuance of Shakespeare’s attack thereafter would have been pointless and absurd,—an attack upon a mere historical foe. Hence it was omitted from the 1604 edition—Which incidentally _ indicates that that edition was, as it claimed to be, printed from “the true and perfect copy” as Shakespeare and his company then wished it. It was likewise omitted from Q, (1605), Q, (1611), QO, (undated, but after 1611), and was never printed until the 1623 folio, which aims to preserve to literature and history the plays of Shakespeare from their most authentic source. I have no doubt that the 1623 folio text was from the original manu- script containing minor changes made from time to time for the stage. This passage containing the attack, crossed out and not acted after the death of Elizabeth, was restored in the folios as a part of the original play. In the 1604 and later quartos, just enough of the original mat- ter is retained to make the transition from the necessary talk about the players to the matters of dramatic concern expressed in Hamlet’s, “It is not very strange” &c. It is clear that the part retained was kept solely for this transitional step.” We no longer need to rely upon the four-line summary in the 1603 quarto as sole proof that the complete passage (315-345) was in the play as originally acted; for, as seen, the passage in its . 2 — ra ‘ c : | rr < i eae, p. 129, Dr. Tanger has as clear a statement as can well be made on the awkward gap caused by the omission (325-45). His conclu- *The matter is taken up fully in proper chronological order, com- plete work, vol. I, chap. XVI. *See Dr. Gustav Tanger, The First and Second Quartos and the First Folio of Hamlet (New Shake- speare Society Publications, Series I, Nos. 8 and 9, 1880), 109-97. On sion, however, that this part was left out by accident is an unfor- tunate guess. 207 184 entirety fits the facts of no other period than at the close of 1601 and opening of 1602.* CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS No farther documents touching the status or popularity of the | Children of the Chapel at Blackfriars are known. The evidences adduced give us the “gelegenheit” or state of affairs through a brilliant career from 1597 to September 18, 1602. We know from — subsequent events that the same condition continued to the close of Elizabeth’s reign—March 24, 1603. *The facts on the above Hamlet passage are established on a purely historical basis with reference to the Children of the Chapel as act- ors at Blackfriars——Which has hith- erto not been possible. The larger significance to certain Hamlet prob- lems must be taken up elsewhere. I add here only a word. The certainty that this impor- tant passage was written and acted ‘in its entirety in late 1601 to early 1602 is established. (See supra, 174-75'). The logical acceptance of it aS a representative example of “the true and perfect copy” as orig- inally written and acted is unavoid- able;—just as in similar cases in certain other Shakespearean and contemporary plays. It stands thus for the first time as an incon- trovertible fact among the proofs that Shakespeare wrote Hamlet in 1601 just as he wrote his other great dramas.before and after,— once and for all. The later stage- changes are unimportant. It is cor- respondingly disproof of the theory, comfortable to some, that between the quartos of 1603 and 1604 Shake- speare’s mind and art underwent a century-long Homeric development. (See commentators cited supra, 182°. Also, among later theorists, see J. Schick, Die Entstehung des Hamlet. Festvortrag, gehalten auf der General-Versammlung der Deutschen Shakespeare-Gesellschaft am 23. April 1902; in Shakespeare- Jahrbuch, 1902, XXXVIII, xiii- xl viii.) With the play in final form in 1601, there is no longer need of supposing, with some, an earlier ‘of theories. What occurred there- — form, or with others an intermedi- ate form, from which the pirated 1603 quarto and Der Bestrafte Bru- _dermord were derived, nor with others that the latter is derived from the former. (See W. Crei- zenach, Der Bestrafte Brudermord and its Relations to Shakespeare’s Hamlet, in Modern Philology (1904- 5), II, 249-60. This is in the main a defense of the author’s views on the same subject in Berichte der philol.-histor." Classe der Kénigl. Sachs. Gesellschaft der Wéissen- schaften, 1887, 1ff., and in Schau- Spiele der Englischen Komédianten in Ktrschner’s Deutsche National- Litteratur, 1889, XXIII. At the same time it is an answer to the review of Creizenach’s views by Dr. Gustav Tanger, Der Bestrafte Bru- dermord oder Prinz Hamlet aus Déannemark und sein Verhaltniss zu Shakespeare’s Hamlet, in Shake- speare-Jahrbuch, 1888, XXIII, 224ff. To Creizenach’s article in Modern Philology, u. s., M. B. Evans, “Der Bestrafte Brudermord” and Shake- Speare’s “Hamlet,” in eod., 433-49, makes reply. This is mainly a de- fense of Evans’s Der Bestrafte Bru- dermord sein Verhdltniss zu Shake- speare’s Hamlet. Diss. Bonn, 1902.) Both versions were written from the original play as presented on the Globe stage from ca. late 1601 to early 1602 on. Who wrote them and why they have certain simi- larities and differences requires in- vestigation on wholly new lines that are not bounded by the defense Known facts concern- ing certain actors long in Germany. 298 ’ ently sta pithaee | on a matter of mere history can be — company may be of established, conclusions based on rst research for external theory were better unexpressed. oe es historical facts I ERRATUM Index references to pp. v-xvi should be icxii. any given reference to these twelve prefatory pages. Hence, ; deduc fi A. ie) ye Cee - rs Pa ~ Pe AS aS TN ee CN ae oe Re eS ae ee ad 7 - i. > “Accommodations for comfort of au- ~ diences, 8, 34-35, 35°, 50-51, 51°, 52. _ Actors, Children ‘of the Chapel as, 1, 4, 5, 11, 138, 16, 18, 40, 41, 53, 54, 56°, 58, 59°-62, 65, 66, 68-70", Om 72, 73-76, 77-83, 92, 105, 106-7, 113, 115, 127, 141, 150, 151, 163, 165°, 166, 174, 176-82, 183; devel- oped by children-companies, 13- 14, 180°; irresponsibleness of chil- dren, 15; hindered by stage-pa- trons, 44, 46, 142, 143-46; view of, on Blackfriars and modern stage, 47°; number of, at Blackfriars, 74-76, 127; names of, at Black- friars, 76, 80°, 132°, 163, 165°, 177’; impressment of boys as, 17, 53, 57, 60-68", 70, 71, 73-74, 77-83, 99, 101, 102, 114, 127, 152; contract for employment of boys as, at Blackfriars, 80°; not “gentlemen’s children” at Blackfriars, 82, 180°; English, in Germany, 110'-12, 128; art of Elizabethan-Jacobean and modern, 134°; law against stroll- ing, 150, 152°, 13: ‘relations of, at Blackfriars and other theatres, 163-72; strolling or traveling of, caused by Blackfriars, 175*-76; Fletcher’s, patronized by James VI of Scotland, 175°-76; superi- ority of, at Blackfriars, 176-77". See Blackfriars, Children, Eliza- beth, Theatre. Admission price, at Blackfriars, 36, 112, 177; comparative view of, 6, ies Alleyn, Edward, Fortune contract by, 7°-8; on cost of Fortune, 29°. All Fools. See Chapman. Allusions, local. See Plays. Antimasque. See Masque. Antonio and Mellida. See Marston. Antonio’s Revenge. See Marston. SUBJECT INDEX - [This analytical index of chief subjects, supplemented by cross-refer- - ences in the foot-notes, may serve for most purposes in lieu of the more severely scientific index rerum et nominum et titulorum, which is too ex- _ tensive to be practicable in this introductory volume.] Apologetical Dialogue. See Jonson. Apparel. See Stage-apparel. Archives and original documents, Xil, XIV-XV. Art of Elizabethan-Jacobean and modern acting, 134°. Articles of agreement, by Black- friars managers, 85, 87-91, 102; date of, 85, 87°, 88-91; 200/. bond as security in, 88, 92°; lawsuits concerning, 89-91; terms of, in 200 /. bond, 91-92°. See Bond. Artificial. lighting of Blackfriars, 106-7, 124. Assignment of Blackfriars lease by Evans to Hawkins, purpose of, 85-86, 93; date of, 89-91; not in trust, 89°, Attitude of Elizabeth toward thea- tres, results of, 155, 156-57, 158, 159, 163-72, 175-82. Audiences, relative position of, to stage, 1x, 50-plat-51, 52; select, at Blackfriars, 6, 7, 8, 35-36, 43, 45, 48°, 51, 52, 71, 82-83, 95, 96, 97, 106-7, 112, 119, 124, 128, 142, 155, 157, 164-66, 175-77, 181-82; pro- visions for comfort of, 8, 34-35, 35°, 50-plat-51, 51°, 52; Hamlet on losses of genteel, to Blackfriars, 164, 175-77, 181-82; Poetaster on, 165-66; Cynthia's Revels on, 166; Satiromastix on, 166; Case ts Altered on, 176°. Balcony of Blackfriars, 48, 50-plat- 51; use of, for musicians, 48°, 50- plat-51. Bear Garden, Thomas Platter on, 7-8; date of, 9°; architecture of, 18°; cost of, 30; structure and fin- ishing of, 32*; location of, 153’. Eestrafte Brudermord, Der, rela- tions of, to Hamlet, 184’. 301 1) \ 188 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS’ Biron. See Byron. Blackfriars monastery, history of, 18-20; dissolution and value of, 20. Blackfriars precinct, petition of in- habitants of, 17°, 27, 53°, 128°, 152, 154°; boundaries of, 19-20; a sanctuary inviolate, 20; liberties and privileges of, City and Crown’s contention over, 20-21’, 58, 54, 152-54, 156, 159, 160, 161'— 62; buildings of, 21; granted to Cawarden, 22; changes in, by Cawarden, 23; aristocracy of, 23, 26-28, 38, 96, 152; property of Shakespeare in, 26, 27, 28; poorer inhabitants of, 27; on history of, 154°; suppression of Rossiter’s theatre in, 154°, 161°, 161°-62. See Blackfriars, theatre, City, Eliza- beth. Blackfriars theatre, historical im- portance of, 1x, 6, 18, 151, 163; as a model, ix, 8-9, 18°, 35, 36°, 36’, 39°, 43°, 141, 151, 163; size of, ix, 7) 28, 35, 36, (38-39) 43°, 46.49%, 50-plat-51, 128°; structural details Ot; (ic 37545 plat iot,nix DOA new documents concerning, ix-x, 10°, 36*, 39°, 40°, 41*, 42, 44%, 457, 481, 48°, 49°, 561, 57, 60-62, 80%, 841, 844, 87° 875 897 95, 106-72, 123", 125%) 1287, \ 158s Elizabeth s relations to, x, xii, 54, 94, 99, 101, 105, 126-29, 148-62; maintenance of Children of the Chapel at, x, 4, 40, 71, 73-76, 91-92, 95, 98-104, 105, 106-7, 126, 127, 128-29, 178- 82; the Queen attends, x, 1, 26, 51, 71, 87, 95-97, 99, 112, 115, 125, 128, 160; relations of, to other the- atres, poets, and players, x-xi, xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-667, 167, 168, 169-72, 178-81; and the “stage- quarrel,” x-xi, xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-667, 168, 169-72, 178-81; sit- ting on the stage, as a custom at, xi, 7, 42"-48). 44, 45, 46, 47, 48%, 50-plat-51,52, 124, 130-47 ; Queen’s requirements for training Children in various arts at, xi, 4-5, 9-11, 40, 56, 59°-60, 71, 74, 80', 105-25, 127, 163, 180; singing at, xi, 4, 5, ‘ 9, 71, 80°, 106-7, 113-144, 115, 117, 121-22, 163, 180; instrumental mu- sic at, xi, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 71, 106-7, 302 113, 114, 115, 116-18, 121, 122, 163; dancing at, xi, 5, 44, 71, 118, 163 masque at, xi, xii, 5, 10°, 44, 113 114, 119-21, 122-24, 163, 167; Children of the Chapel as act- ors at, 1, .4,.15,./13, 16,[°18)) 40% 41, 53, 54, 56°, 58, 59°-62, 65, 66, 70-72, 73-76, 80°, 82, 83, 85, 86,5 87-94, 95, 96, 103, 106-7, 112, 113, 115, 117, 121, 123, 126-29, 132%, 141, 150, 151, 163, 165°, 166, 174, 176-82, 183; Children of the Rev- els to the Queen at, 1, 13, 15, 44 74, 80°, 163, 177°, 183; audiences of, select,’ 6,7, 8, 35736, 43,°4a9 106-7, 112, 119, 124, 128, 142, 155, 157, 164-66, 175-77, 181-82; boxes” or lords’ rooms at, 6, 41°-43, 49, 50-plat-51, 124; 140°, 141; earliest companies at, 6, 21-22, 23-24, 42°; seats at, 6, 49°, 50-plat-51, 52; gal-— leries at, 6, 41*-43, 46, 50-plat-51, 124; as foremost theatre, 6, 18, 163; remodeled from Priory house,” 7, vl?s) 85) 86,0 seenee naam 152; “Great Hall’ or auditorium of, 7, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 49, ™ 74; a social centre for the élite, 7, 35-36, 43, 45, 48°, 51, 95-97, 161; influence of, on theatre-structures, 8-9, 18°, 35, 36, 39%, 43°, 141; ac- commodations for comfort of au- diences in, 8, 34-35, 50-51, 52m influence of, on accommodations — of the new Globe, 8, 35; as model © for Cockpit and Salisbury Court, 8, 18°, 36, 39°, 43°, 141; date of, Sym 53, 56°, 57, 128°; leased to Shake- speare and fellows, 10, 34’, 35, 44”, 45°, 56’; orchestra of, 10 11; practice of jests at, 15, 48°)~ 182°, 183°, 163, 1657, 177". note “nursery,” 13; opening of, by Ev-. ans, 16, 53, 56°; leased to Evans, 17, 40, 56', 57-58, 84, 88, 127, 128°; | purchased by Burbage, 17, 35, 36, — 53, 128°; cost of, 17, 35; deed for, 17°; petition to Privy Council against, 17°, 27, 53', 128%, 152, 1547; City’s order to suppress, 17°, 537, 154°, 161’; errors in history of, 18- — 18', 24° 107", 1077-8, 130*30°; | present site of, 21, 24-28; early use of, for Revels Office and plays, 21- — 22, 23-24, 42°; part of royal grant — "26-28, 38, 96, 152; pretentiousness ot, compared with other theatres, 28-35; annual rental of, 30°, 45’, a7, 178; superior accommodations 2 of, 35 “36, 51; Clifton’s Complaint against, 36, 70, 71, 73-74, 77-83, 84-87", 100, 101, 102,.13— 144, 115; 126, 128°, 159, 160, 180; stage at, pao, 42°, 43-47, ot8: 49*, 50-plat-51, Bipe DD, "124, 137° 141-42; materials of, 37, 40°: “the Scholehouse” of, 40, 71, 74, 127; rooms above the “Great Hall” of, 40-41, and their use, 41, 74, 128°; resemblance of, to Freiburg Stadttheater, 42*; tir- ing-house of, 47, 48°, 50-plat- OL: _ plat of, 47, 50- 51; "capacity of, a 47, 49, 50-plat-51, 52; balcony of, % 48, 50-plat-51 ; place for musi- cians in, 48°, 50-plat-51, 137°: 3 un- historical stage Or, AGe ae: a0 3 picture of, 52; owned by Richard Burbage, 53, 56; whether built to a supplant “The Theatre,” 54, 128°, 152; provisions for rent, repairs, 4 and expenses of, 57, 89°, 89°, 91- 92, 100, 101-2, 103, 104, 106-7, 113, 126, 127, 128-29, 173°-74, 175, 178-79; number of plays per week at, 71, 106-7, 124-25; plays at, 75, % 113-25, 165-72: number of actors at, 74-76, 127; names of actors at, 76, 80°, 132°, 163, 1657, 177"; con-~ 2 _ tract for employment of children = at, 80°; conduct of, official, 81, 83, ~ 99, 101- 2, 126-29, 130; not gentle- men’s children at, 82, 180°, 180°; Star Chamber decree’ concerning, 81-83, 87, 88, 93-94, 115, 126, 159; assignment of lease of, by Evans, 85-86; new management of, 85, 86, 87- O27 10259 1038 =4,. W132 1015's and Hamlet, 86, Lahey 129, 133, 158, 164, 167, 168, 173-85 5 Queen Hen- ‘tietta’ attends, 97°; status of Chil- ‘dren at, 105-25 ; Duke of Stettin’s Diary on, 106-7, 108-25, 128; ar- tificial lighting of, 106- 1 124; popularization and musical in- _ fluence of concerts at, 117', 121; _ days of week for acting at, 125); imitation of customs of, 130, 136, 141-47, 163; imitation of plays and playwrights of, 166-68; no 189 suppressive order against, 149'-50, 153; alliance of City and theatre against, 151, 153-55, 156-57, 158- 62, 168; protected by Queen’ s the- atrical ‘orders, 153; 16%"; 175-76; results of Queen’s attitude toward, 155, 157, 158, 159, 162, 164-66, 175-76; temporary restraint of, 158°; as a “public” theatre, 161°; relations of, to theatres, poets, and players, 1633712; 178— ‘81; list of dramatists for, 163°; ; plays of, with local allusions, 164-72; pat- ronage drawn to, from public the- atres, 164-66, 176, 181-82; as cause of public theatre companies having to travel, 175°; reduced by James I to public- theatre level, 183. See Children, Clifton, Duke, Elizabeth, Evans, Gyles, "James, Plays, Shakespeare, Sitting on the stage, Stage, Stage-quarrel, The- atre, &c. Bond, for 400/., as security to Bur- bage for rent of Blackfriars, 57, 85°; for 200/., as security in new management ‘of Blackfriars, 88, 92°; contains terms of agreement, g9"— —90, 91-92; for 50/., for sal- ary, 88, 102%, 125. See Articles, “Eight 'Shillings.” Boxes, private, at Blackfriars, 6, 41-43, 49, 124, 140°, 141; of French theatres, 46, 147; j of pri- vate theatres, 141; origin of mod- ern, 42°, 46, 50-plat-s1. Bugle- blast at opening of a play, 11°. Burbage, James, purchase of Black- friars by, 17, 35, 36, 53, 128°; con- verts Priory into theatre, 17-18, 152; alterations in Blackfriars building by, 7, 17, 35, 36, 38 (See Burbage, Richard) ; death Of pas purpose of, concerning Blackfriars and “The Theatre,” 54, 128°, 152. Burbage, Richard, leases Blackfriars to Shakespeare and fellows, 10, 34°, 35, 44°", 45°, 56'; leases Black- friars to Evans, 17, 40, 56°, 57-58, 84, 88; alterations in Blackfriars by (See Burbage, James), 39-54; owner of Blackfriars, 53, 56°; dis- proves assignment of Blackfriars lease in trust, 89°. Burbage-Shakespeare company, lease of Blackfriars by, 10, 34°, 35, 44°, 303 190 45', 56°; The Tempest, first piay at. Blackfriars by, 10°; dramatic freedom conduced to by, 18, 123; profits of, at Blackfriars, 35, 45; retained but restricted by Eliza- beth, 155, 156; connection of, with Essex conspiracy, 157; strolling or traveling of, 175°; not the com- pany patronized by James VI of Scotland, 175°. Byron tragedies. Campaspe. See Lyly. Candle-light, at Blackfriars, 106-7, 124. Canopy, 48*. Capacity, of the Swan and Hope, 30-31, 33, 50°; of the Fortune and Globe, 49, 50- plat-51;"52 3 of Blackfriars, 47, 49, 50-plat-51, 52; comparison of, in Elizabethan- Jacobean and modern theatres, 50°. Case is Altered, The. See Jonson. Cawarden, Sir Thomas, owner of Blackfriars, 17; royal grant of Blackfriars to, 22; not first Mas- ter of the Revels, 21°-22; uses hall at Blackfriars for play-act- ing, 22'-22°, 42°; makes changes in Blackfriars precinct, 23. Chapel Royal, place of, 2-3; uses of, 2, 3; constitution of, 2; duties of, 2-3; James I and choristers of, in Scotland, 3; salaries and fees of, 3, 3°; -4; Nathaniel Gyles’s connection with, 3°, 58, 59°-62;.as a theatre, 4°; as source of private theatre, 5-6; children not to be taken from, 64. See Children, Commission, Elizabeth, Gyles. Chapman, George, source of an un- known play by, xv, 164°; rank of, 12 e eidsr dramatist, ror ’ children- companies, 12; Biron tragedies, indiscretions of, 15, 163*, 177-78; See Chapman. as writer of masques, 121; recip- rocal influences of, on Shake- speare, 167-68. All Fools, on sitting on the stage, 133-347. Gentleman Usher, The, act- ors required in, 5s evidences in, of singing, 114*; music, 116°; dancing, 118°; masque, 119; obli- gations of, to Twelfth Night, 167- 68. 304 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS May Day, actors required. in, 75°; as laughing answer to Hai let, 86, 168; evidences in, of sing- ing, . 114'; instrumental mu ic 116°; ; dancing, lin tee im: Zo. " evidences in, of singing 114'; music, 116°; dancing, 118°; character-extension of Malvolio in, 168. Sir Giles Goosecap, actors, required in, 75°; evidences in, of singing, 114°; music, 116'; dane ing, 118; masque, 119; character- extension of Dogberry in, 167. Widdowes Teares, The, act- ors required in, 75°; satire of, on Star Chamber decree; 82-83, 86— 87; date of, 82, 86, 114*-15, 118°, 120; evidences. in, of singing, 114*; music, 116°; dancing, 118; musical prelude to, 106-7, 115-163 117-18; masque in, 120; elaborate ; costuming of, 106-7, 124; obliga-— tions of, to The Taming of the Shrew, 168. ; Characteristics of children-plays, g- 10; 14-15, 118, 114S19, Loser, 122, : 123- 24. Characteristics of theatres, private, — 5-7, 18°, 35, 43-49, 50-plat-5iym 141-42; public, re 18°, 42°, 44-49, ~ 50-plat-51, 52, 137-38. a Charles I, suppresses custom of sit-— ting on stage, 143°. ~ a Charles II, grant of theatrical mo- nopoly by, 110°, 148. Children-companies, on_ history of, vii, vill, xil; publications” on, Vii, xii; on editing plays of, vii; re- lations of, to dramatic and his-_ trionic art, vii, vili, ix, xii, 1, 9, 3 12, 13, 14-15; 16, 105, 122, 141, 147, 180°; under Elizabeth, 1, 9, 12,9 105; under James I, 1, # 9, 12, {3,)15,. 16,044 545% 74, 105, ‘110%, 4 113, 1177, 121, 163, 177, 183; "early, | at Blackfriars, 6, 24, 42°; period of, 1, 12, 16; imitations and echoes — of, 1, 16, 117", 121, 163; at White- — friars, 1, 6, 13, 14, 15; in private theatres, 7; characteristics of plays by, 9-10, 14-15, 113, 114-19, 119-21, 122, 123-24; period of, 1, 12, 16; proportion of plays by, 12, © 163-64; chief dramatists as poets © Bsc, 12-14, 163°; not a “nursery,” 3; and dramatic freedom, 13, 123; developed great actors, 13- 14, 163, 177", 180°; quality of dramas of, Children ‘of the Chapel, as choris- ters, 1-6, 11, 60-68, 73; Court- i _ service of and its evolution, 1, 4-5, fm fi, 68-70, 71, 73, 74; secular uses of, il and origin, 5; salary and ” fees of, 3%, 4; maintenance of, 3, mee. %3,-127 ; with James I in Scot- ‘land, 3'; pay of, 3°, 4; double functions or4; 19, 68- 1 WEN RE 74. aSeactOLrs, 1,4) Dy) LL, 13.) 16, 18, 40,:41, 53, 54, 56%, 58, 597-62, 65, 66, 68-70", 70-72, 73-76, 77-83, 92, 105, 106-7, 113, 115, 127, 141, 150, 151, 163, 165°, 166, 174, 176-82, 183; Puritanic opposition to, 4, 79, 126, 149, 150, 159; evolution of court-service of, 5, thy, GS-10; 71, 73, 74; court- performances of, as source of private theatre, 5; with Paul’s Boys at Blackfriars, 24, See Chapel, Children at Black- friars, Commission, Elizabeth, Evans, Gyles. Children of the Chapel at Black- friars, maintenance of, x, 4, 40, 71, 73-76, 91-92, 95, 98-104, 105, 106— menlage ela, «128-29, AV8=82); Queen’s requirements "for train- ing of, in various arts, xi, 4-5, 9-11, 40, 56, 59°-60, 71, 74, 80%, 105-25, 127, 163, 180; singing of, xi, 5, 9, 71, 80°, 106-7, 113-144, 115, 121, 163, 180; music of, xi, 4, . ~ V a aad atte SS ee - aan ar PS ra Se Ne ae 115, 116-18, 121, 122, 163; danc- ing of, xi, 5, 44, 71, 118, 163; masque in plays of, xi, xii, 5, 10%, 44, 113, 114, 119-21, 122-24, 163, 167; period of, 1, 184-85; Queen’s establishment of, as actors, 1, 4, "5, 13, 16, 18, 40, 41, 53, 54, 56', 58, m. 59-62, 65, 66, 70-72, 73-76, -80', "82, 83, 85, 86, 87-94, 95, 96, 103, - 106-7, 112, 113, 115, 117°, 121, 123, —- 126-29, 132°, 141, 150, 151, 163, 165", 166, 174, 176-82, 183; prec- v edents for establishment of, 1, 62- ‘ ‘66, 68-70; source of, the Queen’s will, 1, 70, 71, 112, 150; as source of Revels children, 1, 74; imita- Pra PA 5, 9, 10, 11, 71, 106-7, 113, 114,: SUBJECT INDEX 191 tions and echoes of, 1, 16, 117’, 121, 163; evolved performances of, 4-5; the lost repertoire of, 5, 122; stage-apparel for, furnished by the Queen, 5, 83, 91-92, 99-100, 101, 106-7, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 178, 183; comedy-period of, fol- lowed by tragedy, 5, 183; wide influences of, 12, 13, 14-15, 16, 95, 105,° 141; 163, 1777, °-180°;. “chief dramatists as poets for, 12-14, 163°; conduced to dramatic free- dom, 13, 113, 123; in competition with Shakespeare, 14, 15, 174, 175- 82; and offsprings of, 14, 16; errors in history of, 18’, 59°, 77, 177°; boarding and lodging of, 41, Mile 73- 76, 103; Court- perform- ances of, 72, 96, 112, 115, 121-22%, 157; number of, as actors, 74-76, 127; plays of, 75, 113-25, 165-72; names of, 76, 80°, 132°, 163, 165’, 177°; age of, 76; popularity of, 80°, 85', 94, 104, 117°-18, 123, 124, 166; * 173-74, 176-775, use of, as actors, officially sanctioned, 81, 83, 99, 101-2, 126-29, 130; not gentle- men’s children, 82, 180°, 180°; un- der new management, 85, 86, 87- 94, 102, 103-4, 113, 115; and Ham- let, 86, 115, 129, 133, 158‘, 164, 167, 168, 173-85; status of, 105-25; Duke of Stettin on, 106-7, 108-25; model for Duke of Stettin’s es- tablishment, 109-12; concert-mu- sic popularized by, 117°, 121; as “the fashion,’ 123, 166, 173-74, 176-77; reduced to public-theatre level, 183. See Blackfriars, Clif- ton, Commission, Duke, Elizabeth, Evans, Gyles, Hamlet, Music, Plays, Singing. Children of her Majesty’s Royal Chamber of Bristol, old men as, ia i Children of the King’s Revels at Whitefriars, period of, 1; dram- atists and dramas of, 14, 15; con- certs by, 117’, 121; value of ward- robe of, 178°. Children of the Revels, three com- panies of, 1; source of, 1, 74. Children of the Revels to the Queen at Blackfriars, period of, 1; sup- pressed by James I, 13, 44'-45* iv”: satirize the sKing, 15, 163%, 305 1922 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS i77*; placed on_ public-theatre level, 74, 183; contract for em- ployment of, 80°. Children of the Revels to the Queen at Whitefriars, period of, 1, 13, 16; managers of, as founders of German theatre, 110°; and Philip Rossiter, 117°; musical entertain- ments by, 117’, 121. Children of St. Paul’s. See Paul’s Boys. Choristers. See Chapel, Children, Commission, Elizabeth. Chronology, of Blackfriars plays, xi, xii, 75, 114°-18; of events and plays, in stage-quarrel, xi, xii, .169°-72. See play-titles under Chapman, Dekker, Jonson, Mars- ton, Shakespeare. Church, in evolution of private the- atre, 5°. See Paul’s. City of London, contention of, with . Crown, over Blackfriars, x, xi, 20-211, 53, 54, 152-54, 156, 159, 160, 161°-62; order of, to sup- press. Blackfriars, 17°, 53°, 154°, 161°; false statement of, concern- ing Privy Council order against Blackfriars, 53-54; opposition of, to Elizabeth’s theatrical purposes, 129, 149-62; requests by, for priv- ilege to suppress theatres, 149, 152, 154, 155, 156, 160; neglects execution of Queen’s orders, 149, 153, 154, 155, 156, 161‘; 161'-62; methods of theatrical reformation by, 150-51, 153; insincerity of, 151, 153, 159, 160, 161-62; alli- ance of, with theatres, against Blackiriars) §154, 0153-55) 15675%6 158-62; political chess-game of, 153-54, 160, 161°-62; suppresses Rossiter’s Blackfriars theatre, 154°, 161°; connection of, with Clifton’s Complaint, 159,.160. See Elizabeth, Reformation. Clifton’s Complaint in Star Cham- ber, against Blackfriars, 36, 70, Wil, t3a-74, (77-83) 84-7 1004 109, 102;°.113-14* 115). 126. A28°% 159, 160, 180; purpose of, 73-74, 79, 82, 126, 159; date of, 777-78, 79, 84; historical unreliability of, 79, 80, 100-1, 1017-2, 113-144, 115, 126, 128°, 180; Puritanism in, 79, 126, 150, 159; disproof of charges by, 306 in favor of, 81- “83, 159; "ane “ea decree for, 84-87°, 159; furthers — City’s opposition to Elizabeth, 4 159, 160; false pretenses of, 159. See Decree, Elizabeth, Evans, : Star Chamber. Cockpit, the, modeled after Blackail friars, 8, 18°, 36, 39°, 43°, 141; date 7 ofS 9; as private theatre, 8,)4 130°; music at, 10*; size of, 36, a 39%, 43°, 141; stage of, 43; sitting — on stage of, 44, 130, 136, 141; Queen Henrietta attends, on; loci cation of, 153°. ‘ Comfort in theatres, required ‘andl ; provided, 8, 34-35, 35*, 50-51, 51, 52. , Commission to take up Children, to — Edwards, x, 65°; to Hunnis, x, | 65, 66°, 70; to Nathaniel Gyles, > Se le 53, 57, 60'-62, 65, 66, 68, ie 71, 73-74, 77-83, 84, 99, 101, 102, 113, 114, 126, 127, 152; precedents _ for, to Gyles, 62-70; interpreta-_ tion of Gyles’s, in practice, 70-72, 73-76, 77-83, 95-97, 106-7, 127, 152, 155-62, 175; to Abingdon, — 62'; to Banester, 62°; to Melyonek, 4 62°; to Cofnysh, 63; to Crane, — 63; to Van Wilder, 63°; to ve 63°, 64; to [unnamed], 64°; to- Thomas Gyles, 677; to Nathaniel Gyles, at Windsor, 68°... Seem Blackfriars, Children, Elizabeth, — Gyles. “Common.” See “Public.” q Companies, theatres, and poets, re- lated to Blackfriars, x-xi, xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-66", 167, 168, 169-72, 178-81. Comparative view of theatre arama tures, ix, 28-54. See Stage, The- — atre. Concert, as musicale or “showe,” exclusive of drama, by Bical friars Boys, 5, 9, 10, 106-7, 113, 115, 117-18, 121: Blackfriars as — source of popularity of, °117'; in- fluence of, 117', 121; first collec- — tions. of music. for, 117) = Seem Music. M Concert-music, first collections of, and Blackfriars, 117°. Construction. See view. > Comparative — ; c tention, “of City and Crown, over Blackfriars, x, xii, 20-21’, , 04, 152-54, 156, 159, 160, Gio 62; of Fa and Theatre against Children of the Chapel at, 4, Sestmasques at, 22, 118-19, 122°, 123; Children of Blackfriars at, 72, 96, s Mite £5,121—22'; 157; “showe” at, a t15, 121; records of Children of ~ Chapel at, 127; late Elizabethan E _ public- -theatre companies at, 155; - no plays at, Christmas, 1601-[2], 159-60. ‘ Court, the, attends Blackfriars, 95- & 9%, 101, 112, TOS Aa77 >: Court-entertainments, rehearsals for, - 22; of Children at Blackfriars, 72, 96, 112, 115, 121-22", 157; in- ~ fluenced by Blackfriars drama, 123; omitted, Christmas, 1601- [2], 159-60. Oe taeda of Children in _ the Chapel, as source of private theatre, 5-6. Bisetice of Children of the Chapel, primary, 1, 4; evolution mevor, 4-5, 11, 68-70, 71, 73, 74. ¥ Crown. See Blackfriars, City, Con- tention, Elizabeth, James, Theatre. ‘Cuckqueanes and Cuckolds Er rants, the. See Percy. “Cuffs, ” meaning of, 181’. Curtain theatre, the, Thomas Plat- fer- on, 77-8; date of, 9°; archi- » tecture of, 18°; cost of, 30; unhistorical stage of, 49’, 137°; sit- ting on the stage of, 138; orders regulating, 148*; opposition to, 149’; orders against, revoked, 149*-50; City’s request to sup- press, 152-53; orders to suppress, 153, 156, 156°; location of 153’; restrained by Privy Council, 158, ¥ 181°. Customs. See Theatrical. eathia's Revels. See Jonson. Wa er ee Oe Pe pee Oe ee Biancine. taught and practiced at _ Blackfriars, xi, 4-5, 71, 118; 193 within the play, 5, 44, 118, 163; in early German theatre, 111; evi- dences of, in Blackfriars plays, Tees “the swaggering upspring,” 119°. See Masque. Daniel, Samuel, and John, 117’. ‘Dates of plays. See Chapman, Chronology, Dekker, Jonson, Marston, Shakespeare. D’Avenant- Killigrew theatrical mo- nopoly, 11, 110°, 148. Davies, Sir John, on sitting on the Stage, 132°; on sitting “over” the stage, 135; on. the “gull,” 138°-39., Day, John, The Isle of Guis, indis- cretions of, 15. Decree of Star Chamber, shows grants to Evans, 56, 71-72, 81-83, $9; effect of, on Gyles, 70-71, 83; 127; nature of, 81-83; satirized by Chapman, 82-83, 86-87 ; effect of, on Blackfriars, 83, 87, 88, 93- 94, 115, 159; prohibitive effect of, on Evans only, 83, 87-91, 93-94, 103, 115, 159; date of, 84-87" al Ore basis of, 126, 159. Dekker, Thomas, new play by, xv, 164°, —— Guls Horne-Book, The, on lords’ rooms, 43, 141; on sitting on the stage, 46, 133%, 140°, 140°; on the “gull,” 140°; on stage- quarrel, 133, 140, 172. Patient Grisell, with Chettle and Haughton, plagiarianism of, 170. Satiromastix, on bugle- Diastshi at Globe and Paul’ S3 1¥, 158, 181; on Jonson at Black- friars, 41*, 133; thrusts Jonson and Blackfriars Boys, 168; satir- izes Poetaster, 171. See Stage- quarrel. - and Wilkins, George, Jesis to Make you Merr , on sitting “over” the stage, 135%. Devil is an Ass, The. See Jonson. De Witt, Johannes. See Swan. Diary. See Duke, Henslowe, Plat- ret. Differentiation of “public” and “pri- vate” theatres, 9, 12, 156-57, 161%. Documents, new. See Blackfriars, Children, Globe, Shakespeare. Documents, original, and archives, Xil, Xiv-XV. 3097 194 | CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS | Drama, Elizabeth’s fondness for, 4, 70, 113, 150; private theatre as factor in, 5’, 12; characteristics of, 9-10, 14-15, 113, 114-19, 119-21, 122, 123-24; period of splendor in, 12; shaped by conditions, 13- 14, 113, 123; losses in, 14-15, 122, 163-64, 172; quality of, 14-15, 165- 66; origin of new features in, at Blackfriars, 122; influences of, at Blackfriars, 167. See Blackfriars, Children, Plays, Theatre. Drama and stage, relations of chil- dren-companies to, vil, viii, ix, xii, 1:95 12, 213 14-1oe 16; 105, 122, 141, 147, 180°. Dramatic freedom, allowed at Blackfriars and Globe, 13-14, 123; influences of, on dramatic form, aie a A Dramatists, effect of theatrical con- ditions upon, ix, 12-14, 113, 123; relations of, at Blackfriars. and other theatres, 163-72; names of, 12-14, 163°. Drolls. See Kirkman. Duke of Stettin, and retinue, at Blackfriars, 106-7, 124; at Globe, 108°; at Fortune, 109’; at Bear Garden, 109; chief interest of, in Blackfriars, and establishment of company after, 109-12, 128. Diary, on maintenance, in- struction and performances of Children at Blackfriars, 5, 10, 40°, 74, 99, 106-7,- 113-25, 126; on es- tablishment of Blackfriars, 54, 56, $9, 105, 106-7, 126; on apparel, 99, 124; value and significance of, 105, 107-8; original and transla- tion of, 106-7; disproves Clifton’s charges, 115. Dutch Courtezan. See Marston. Eastward Ho. man, Jonson. Edward IV, Liber Niger Domus Regis of, 2; commissions of, to Abingdon and Banester, 62; uses Children of Chapel as actors, 68. Edward VI, uses Blackfriars for Revels Office, 21; grants Black- friars to favorites, 22; commission by, to Van Wilder, 63; and to Bower, 63; reappointment of of- ficers of, 64; uses Children of See Marston, Chap- 308 Edwards, Richard, commission “Eight shillings” ‘item, the, as m Elizabeth, Queen, relations of, a Chapel as actors, 69. to take up children, x, 64, 65°, aie allowances to, for children, 6 64', 7 ager’s salary to Evans, 88, 12 50/1. bond as security | for, 88, 10 125; quoted, 98; significance « 8-100, 102, 104; determines day of week for acting at Blackfriars Be 125; on official conduct of Black friars, 126. Blackfriars, X, xii, 54, 94, 99, 101, 105, 126-29, 148-62 : maintains Children at Blackfriars, x, ie 40, b 11; 43>¢6; (91-929, 98-104, 105, 106-7, 126, 127, 128-29, 178-82; commission by, to take. up _chil- dren,—to Nathaniel Gyles, x, My 53, 57, 60°-62, 65, 66, 68, 70, (3—-(4,_ 10-83; 84, 99, 101, 102, 113 J 114, 126, 127, 152; “to Edwards; é x 64, 65%, 70; Hate Hunnis, x, 6 667, 70; attends Blackfriars, x, 26, 51; "A, 87, 95-97, 99, ‘Tileien ae 125,. 128, 160; expenditures by, at Blackfriars, x, 5, 91-92, 100, 101°, 103, 104, 126, 127, 128- 29, 1785 contention of, against City, over — Blackfriars; =x, san j20—208 53, | 152-54, 156, 159, 160, 161-62; BS quirements of, for training Ch [- dren at Blackfriars, Xi, 4-5, oii 40, 56, 59°-60, 71, 74, 80, 105-25, 127, 163, 180; masque within pl originating under, Xi, Xian 44, 114, 119-21, 122-24, 167; chil- dren- -companies under, 1, 9, 13,3 105; will of, as source of Black-_ > friars, 1) 20s 71s Ae et Oe estab- 4 lishes Children of. Chapel at Blackfriars, 1, 4, 5, 13, 16, 18, 40, 41, 53, 54, "564, 58, 59°-62, 65, 66, 70-72, 73-76, 80, 82, 83, 85, 86, 87-94, 95, 96, 103, 106-7, "112, BY 115, 1177, 121, 123, 126-29, 132, 141, 150, aa 163, 165%, 166, 174, 4, 176-82, 183; ‘theatrical ‘plans and — purposes of, 1, 4,. 71,87, -9Gseaee i HLS leon lets 128°, 129, 148-62, 150°, 151", 152, 154, 157, 159, 1755 patronizes Paul’s, las 67, 15 157; fondness of, for drama, 4, 4, 70, 113, 150; early used Children of Chapel as actors, 4, 70; Puri- > tanic opposition to, 4, 79, 126, 149, - 150, 159; functional divisions of Children of the Chapel by, 4, 71, _ %3-76;°stage-apparel provided by, 5, 83, 91-92, 99-100, 101, 106-7, 123, 124, 126, 127, 129, 178, 183; differentiation of “public” and “private” theatres by, 9, 12, 156- 57, 161°, 176°; entertained at Blackfriars, 26; death of, 44, 162’, 183; orders of, against theatres, 54, 148, 149, 150-517, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157-58, 160; grants by, to Evans, for using Children as Actos, 00,¢ (1-712, 81-82, 99; 101, 126, 127%;, Latin patent by, .to Gyles, as Master of Children, 59*- 60, 71, 73-74; commission by, to take up children,—to [unnamed], 64°; —to Bower, 64°; —to Thomas Gyles, 67°; interpretation of Na- thaniel Gyles’s commission al- lowed by, in practice, 70-72, 73- 76, 77-83, 95-97, 106-7, 127, 152, 155-62, 175; theatrical plans and orders of, revoked by James I, 74, 149-50, 161’, 183; general pardon by, meaning of, 77°; and Clifton’s Complaint, 81-83, 159; attends Blackfriars after Clifton’s Com- plaint, 84*, 87, 96", 160, and before decree, 87°; first sovereign at a theatre, 97°; “showe” at Court of, 115, 121-22; masques at Court of, 118-19, 122°, 123; theatrical pur- poses of, official acts by, and op- position to, 129, 148-62, 175; state control of theatres begun by, 148, 148-62; methods of theatrical ‘reformation by, 150°-51’, 152-53, 154-55; law of, against strolling players, 150, 152°, 175°; purposes of, for Globe and Fortune, 151, 155; protects Blackfriars, 153, 154, 155, 156-57, 160-61", 176°; results of theatrical attitude of, 155, 156- 57, 158, 159, 163-72, 175-82; dis- pleasure of, with Globe company, 157, 160; partisanship of, for Blackfriars, censured by Shake- speare, 158*, 178-81; law of, against criticism in stage-plays, 164, 176, 181°. See Blackfriars, Chapel, Children, Commission, Gyles, Evans, Orders, Privy. English actors, art of Elizabethan- SUBJECT INDEX 195 Jacobean and modern, 134’. English actors in Germany, docu- ments on, 110°; first companies of, 110-12; imitations of, 110°; throt- tled by monopoly, 110°; patronage of, modeled after London public theatres, 111; Duke of Stettin’s, and Blackfriars, 111, 128; music and dancing of, 111. “Erect” or “set up,’ meaning of, 128%, “Escoted,” meaning of, 178-79. Essex conspiracy, Globe company’s connection with, 157, 160; cause of closing theatres, 158. Establishment of Blackfriars. See Actors, Blackfriars, Children, Elizabeth. Evans, Henry, opens Blackfriars, 16, 53, 56°; leases Blackfriars, 17, 40, 56', 57-58, 84, 88, 127, 128°; rent by, for Blackfriars, 30', 45°, 57, 178; suits at law by, 36*; expen- ditures by, at Blackfriars, 40, 89%, 91, 92*, 126, 129; boards and lodges Children, 41, 71, 73-76, 103; re-° sides at Blackfriars, 41, 103; sur- renders lease of Blackfriars, 45°; grants to, for using Children as actors, 56, 71-72, 81-82, 99, 101, 126, 127; unites with Gyles, 71- 72, 73-76, 81, 128°, 152; as theat- rical proprietor, 77, 87-88; im- pressment of Children for, 77-80, 81-82, 114, 126; Clifton’s charges against, 79-83, 85-86, 1137-144, 126; Star Chamber decree against, 81-83, 85-87°; effect of decree against, 83, 87-91, 93-94, 103, 115, 159; assignment by, to Hawkins, 85-86, 89-91, 93; circumvents de- cree, 85, 87-91, 103; articles of agreement by, with Kirkham et al., 85, 87-91, 10%; compelled to leave London, 87, 93°; “eight shillings” salary of, 88, 102°, 1037, 125; agreement with Kirkham et al, to share profits and expenses at Blackfriars, 89°-90, 91, 927, 126, 129. Every Man in his Humour. See Jonson. Every Man out of his Humour. See Jonson. Evidences, summary of, on Black- friars, 126-29. 309 196 | CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Evolution of Court-services of Chil- dren of Chapel, 5, 11, 68-70, 71, "3, 74. Evolved performances of Children at Blackfriars, 4-5. Expenditures at Blackfriars, agree- ment to share, 89'-90, 91, 92’; royal provisions for, 91- 92, 100, 101-2, 103, 104, 106-7, 113, 126, 127, 128-29, 173°-74, 175, 178-79'. Faery Pastorall, The. See Percy. Favor of Elizabeth to Blackfriars, 94, 95, 96, 99, 126-29, &c. See Actors, Blackfriars, Children, Elizabeth, &c. Fletcher, John. See Beaumont. Ford, John, new-found play by, xv, 164’. Fortune theatre, plat of, ix, 50-51; contract for, 7°-8, 29°, 42°, 42°, 45°, 47°, 52", 137°; Thomas Platter on, 7-8; Globe as model for, 7*-8, 29*, 321, 39°, 47, 137; date of, 9%, 29, 156; architecture of, 18°; cost of, 29; structure and finishing of, 32', 42°; burned, and rebuilt with brick veneer, 34°; engraving of, 347; size of, 39, 49°, 50-plat-51, 52, 137; gentlemen’s rooms of, 42°, 50-plat-51, 137-38; size of stage of, 45, 47, 50-plat-51, 137; sitting on the stage at, 45, 137-41; gal- leries in, 47°, 50-plat-51, 52; seats and capacity of, 49, 50-plat-52; audiences of, relative to stage, 50- plat-51, 52; gentlemen and yard- crowd of, 52; Duke of Stettin at, 109°; Samson at, 109°; sitting “over” stage of, 136; orders against, revoked, 149-50, 161’; location of, 153*, 156; complaints against, 156; company of, re- tained but restricted by Elizabeth, 155, 156; list of dramatists for, 163°. See Blackfriars, Elizabeth, Globe, Theatre. Freiburg Stadttheater, stage-level gallery in, 42*; resemblance of, to Blackfriars, 42%. French theatre. See Theatre, in France. French Stage. See Stage, in France. Furniture, at Blackfriars, 91-92, 101, 126, 127. G.-F. =Greenstreet’s transcripts, in 310 Fleay’s Stage, 36*, 36°, et pene Galleries, at Blackfriars, 6, 41-43, 46, 50- ‘plat-51, 124; not at Paul’s” and Whitefriars, 7; at public the= 44 atres, 7, 42°, 52; on stage-level, in- early and ‘modern theatres, 40%, 52; in French theatres, 46-47; at Globe and sonne, 47’, 50-plat= D1 525 “General pardon,” meaning of, 77% Gentleman Usher. See Chapman, Gentlemen, attendance of, at Black- friars and public. theatres. See Audiences. Gentlemen’s rooms, in public thes 4 atres, 42°-43, 45, 49°, 50-plat-51, — 134*, 136, 137"-38, 141; and ne yard- crowd, 52; in relation to gal- lants on the Stage, 44, 45, 134%, x 1365° 137-41 aan private . theatres, — o 141. See Blackfriars, Boxes, 2 Lords’ rooms, “Orchestra.” = German actors, art of, 48*, 134°, _ q German theatre, sitting on the stage — of, xi, 46, 146-47; acting and stag- ‘ing in, 48%, 134°; Duke of Stet- — tin’s, modeled after Blackfriars, — 109- 12, 128; foundation for mod- ern, 110; English actors as founders of, 110°, 184'-85 ; patron- age of early English companies in, after English noble patronage, 111. See Stage, Theatre. Globe theatre, new documents one ce ix-x, 10°, 34%, 44 451 56, 1932 a8 as model for Fortune, 7-8, 208g 32), 39), 24s AST = influence of Blackfriars on accommodations of, 8, 35; date of, 8, 9°, 29, 34, 77%, a 155; ’ Satiromastix at, ‘11, 158, 181; architecture of, 18°; cost of, 295 erection. 01,5 29, <5" 135-56; structure and finishing of, 3255 burned, 33-34; date, materials, and cost of the new, 34; size of, ; 4 36, 39, 52; sitting on the ‘stage of, 45, 1344, 136-41; galleries in, 47°; capacity of, 49, 52; unhistorical stage of, 49", 137°: gentlemen and — the yard-crowd at, 52; gentlemen — 4 and stage-gallants at, 45, 134%, 136, 138; strictures in Hamlet at, an- E swered by May Day at Black- friars, 86, 168; Duke of Stettin ~ at, 108"; unknown play at, 108°; annexes’ Malcontent, 134; sitting “i = ‘over’ stage of, 136; orders against, revoked, 149'-50, 161°; location of, 153'; company of, .re- tained but restricted by Elizabeth, 155, 156; connected with Essex conspiracy, 157, 160; Richard II at, 157, 160; list of dramatists for, 163°; plays of, with local allu- sions, 164, 166; decency of plays at, 165. See Blackfriars, Eliza- beth, Fortune, Shakespeare, The- Peeatre: ; “Great Hall” or auditorium, of Blackfriars, 7, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 43, 49, 74; of Whitefriars, 7; ' earliest use of, for play-acting, 21-22, 23-24, 42°; rooms above, at Blackfriars, 40-41, and their 4 uses, 41, 74, 128°. - Gull, the, subject of satire, 138°; - Davies on, 138°-39; Skialetheia 2 on, 138°-39; Follie’s Anatomie on, 138°-40; as pretended gallant, 139; The Guls Horne-Book on, 140°. _ Gyles, Nathaniel, commission to, to Seer take tp children, x, 17, 53, 57, 60°62, 65, 66, 68, 70, 71, 73-74, 77=83, 84, 99, 101, 102, 113, 114, 126, 127, 152; and augmentation of Chapel salaries, 3°; not lessee of Blackfriars, 56°; biography of, 58°; succeeds Hunnis, 58; privy seal and patent to, as Master of Chapel Children, 59°-60, 71, 74, 77; allowances to, for keep of Children, 59°-60, 64", 73; commis- sion to, as Master at Windsor, 68'; interpretation of commission ¥ to take up children, in practice, : 70-72, 73-76, 77-83, 95-97, 106-7, "127, 152, 155-62, 175; effect of J Star Chamber decree on, 70-71, = 83, 127; unites with Evans, 71-72, mo 73-76, 81, 128", 152; Clifton’s : charge against, 77-83, 113°-14*, Be.) 126. $ Hamlet. See Shakespeare. Hawkins, Alexander, surety for ‘rent of Blackfriars, 57, 90; as- signment of lease to, 85-86, 89-91; partner in Blackfriars manage- _ -ment, 88. See Evans, Kirkham. _. Heminges and Condell, on sitting § on the stage, 136. Henrietta, Queen, attends theatre, 97°. SUBJECT INDEX 197 Henry VII, and Master of the Chil- dren, 63; uses Children of Chapel as actors, 69. Henry VIII, dissolves monasteries, and grants Blackfriars to favor- ites, 20-21; residents of Black- friars under, 27; and Master of Children, 63; uses Children of Chapel as actors, 69. Henslowe, Philip, contract by, for Fortune, 7-8, 29; contract by, for Hope, 7°-8, 30; list of dramatists employed by, 163°; lost dramas of, with local allusions, 164; on Rose players in the country, 175°. History of children-companies, un- known, vii, viii. Histriomastix. See Marston. Hope theatre, contract for, 7°-8, 30°, $1; date of, 9°; cost of, 30, 33; size and capacity of, 30-31, 33, 50': modeled on Swan, 30, 31*; engraving of, 32°; stage of, 33, 45, 134, 138; document on uses of, 33°; location of, 33°, 153°; gen- tlemen’s rooms of, 42°; “orches- tra” of, 42°, 138. Hunnis, William, commission to, to take up children, x,.65, 66°, 70; death of, 58*; succeeded by Gyles as Master of Children of Chapel, 58*, 128°. Imitations, of Blackfriars Children and offsprings, 1, 16, 117’, 121, 163; of Blackfriars in Germany, 109, 111; of English actors in Germany, 110°; of Court of Louis XIV, 111; of Blackfriars customs, 130, 136, 141-47, 163; of Black- friars plays, 166-68; evidences of, incomplete, 166; by Blackfriars dramatists, 167-68. _ Impressment of children, under Elizabeth, x, 60'-62, 64°, 65°, 66’, 67°; before Elizabeth, 62-64. See Commission. Interludia, at Blackfriars, and of modern drama, 9, 122. See Mu- sic, Singing. Intermezzos,. at» Blackfriars, and in modern drama, 9, 122. See Mu- sic, Singing. Internal evidences of plays, historic- al unsubstantiativeness of, 77-8, 49") 1315 137% 167, 167% See Stage-directions. 311 198 Isle of Dogs. See Nash. Isle of Guls. See Day. Jack Drum’s Entertainment. See Marston. James I, masque within the play under, xii, 5, 113; children-com- panies under, 1, 5, 9, 12, 13, 15, 16, 44-451, 74, 105, 110°, 113, 117, 121, 163, 177%, 183; offends Scotland with choristers, 3; fu- neral of, 3; music and dancing in plays under, 5, 113; private the- atres under, 7, 8, 9°; suppresses Blackfriars children, 13, 44°°-45', 177°; satirized by Blackfriars, iby 163°, 177°-78; and building of new Globe, 34’; reduces Blackfriars to public-theatre level, 74, 183; state control of theatres under, 74, 148, 183; Court-entertainments of, and Blackfriars influences, 123; re- vokes Elizabeth’s theatrical or- ders, 149*-50, 161°; contention of, with City over Blackfriars, 154°; as James VI of Scotland, patron- izes Fletcher’s actors, 175°. Jests at Blackfriars, in Byron trag- edies, 15, 44° 163; in Cynthia’s Revels, 132°, 165°; on my fine gentleman, 48°, 132°3> 933" 165 = INTs Jests to Make you Merry. See Dekker. ioral tS Jonson, Ben, in stage-quarrel, x-xi, xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-667, 168, 1695%2, 178 -8is ranks or, Aeros dramatist for children- -companies, 12 AT ATS in a e@allety’. vat Blackfriars, ait: jand “sallants in the lords’ rooms,” 41*; and Chap- man as writers of masques, 121’; Malcontent dedicated to, 172. Apologetical Dialogue, reply to Satiromastix, 171. Case is Altered, The, ear- liest play at Blackfriars, 58; act- ors required in, 75°; evidences in, of singing, 114*; music, 116'; dancing, 118; satirizes “public” theatres and their audiences, 176°. Cynthia’s Revels, on bugle- blast at opening of play, 11°; on music and tiring-house at Black- ifiats,* 48"; “actors ‘in, 75°76" CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS 2 132°; masque in, and Queen’s re- quirements at Blackfriars, 97, — 122'; evidences in, of singing, | 1144: music, 116’; dancing, 118% masque within, 119; on sitting on i Stage, 132°; on atidiences, 165; satirizes Marston and Dekker, 170; satirized in What you Will, 171; satirizes “public” theatres, 176°. ee Devil is an Ass, The, on | sitting on the stage, 142°, x and children-act=§ ‘ Epicoene, ors, 12: Every Man in his Humour, and stage-quarrel, 170. Every Man out of his Hu- mour, on sitting on the stage, “i 132°; on Marston, .170; plagiarized x by Dekker et al., 170 Page of ‘Plymouth, Dekker, 170. Poetaster, on bugle- blast at. with opening of play, 11’; satirized in Satiromastix, 41*, 133, 171; actors in, 75°)-76°; ‘evidences in, of sing- — ing, 114!; music, 116'; dancing, i masque within, 119; satir- izes ’ Dekker, 133 ; Dekker's late reference t0;31337-" on audiences, 165-66. 3 Robert II King of Scots, with Dekker, 170. See Blackfriars, quarrel. Jonson- Marston-Dekker, quarrel of, X-xi, ‘xii, 133; 140, 158, 165-667, 168, 169- 72, 178-81. Plays, Killigrew. See grew. Kirkham, Edward, suits at law by, 367, 89— 91; provides apparel for Children, 83, 98-100, 103-4, 126; articles by, with Evans et al., 85, 87-91, 102; as Yeoman of the Revels, S74, 89", 99, 101, 103-4; as important factor at Blackfriars, Sie’ unreliability of testimony of, 89'; “the said complainant,” 98- 100. Kirkham, Rastell, and Kendall, ar- ticles of agreement by, with Ey- ans, 85, 87°-91; new partners with Evans at Blackfriars, 87, 102, 103- 4; agreement of, to share. profits 312 Siege ce. D’ Avenant-Killi- =a oo oy -. Light. Local allusions. and expenses at Blackfriars, 89°- 90, 91, 92°, 126, 129; carry out Bncen's will, 113, Tale _ Kirkman’s Drolls, picture of Red Bull from, 7-8. “Law, against strolling players, 150, 152°, 175°; against criticism in stage-plays, 164, 176, 181”. 2 Lease of Blackfriars, to Shakespeare and fellows, 10, 34°, 35, 44°°, 45°, 56°; to Evans, 17, 40, 56}, 57-58, 84, 88, 127, 128°; ‘date ‘oh eal oeea Ug 35, 44°, 57, 84; amount ‘for, 45, BT: surety ‘and bond for, 157, 8st, 90; term of, 57, 84; assignment of, to Hawkins, 85-86, 89°. See Candle. See Plays. London. See City. London social centre, at Blackfriars, 7, 35-36, 43, 45, 48°, 51, 95-97; and otheretheatres, 51, 161. Lord Mayor. See City. Lords’ rooms, at Blackfriars, 6, 41°- 43, 49, 50-plat-51, 124, 140, 141. _ Lyly, John, Campaspe and Sapho and Phao, at Blackfriars, 24. BeMiaintenarice of Children at Black- friars, by the Queen, x, 3, 4, 40, 71, 73-76, 91-92, 95, 98-104, 105, 106—1,. 126, 127, 128529; 178-82); expenditures for, x, 5, 91-92, 100, 101', 103, 104, 126, 127, 128-29, 178. Malcontent, The. See Marston. Marston, John, in stage-quarrel, x- xi, xii, 169-72, 178-81; as writer of masques, 121; as Blackfriars ‘poet, 171. Antonio and Mellida, stage-quarrel, 170. Antonio’s Revenge, - stage-quarrel, 170. Dutch Courtezan, The, on galleries at Blackfriars, 42; actors required in, 75°; evidences in, of singing, 114*; music, 116’; danc- ing, 118°; masque within, 120; and stage-quarrel, 171. Histriomastix, songs in, 10; touches Jonson, 169; jibed at by Jonson, 170. Jack Drum’s Entertainment, and stage-quarrel, 171. and and SUBJECT INDEX 199 on music Malcontent, The, in theatres, 10', 116°; actors re- quired in, 75°; evidences in, of singing, 114*; music, 116'; danc- ing, 118°; masque within, 121; an- nexed by Globe, 134; on sitting on the stage, 134%, 138; at Black- friars and Globe, 134; and stage- quarrel, 171; dedicated to Jonson, 172. Scourge of Villainy, The, glances at Jonson, 169; jibed at by Jonson, 170. What You Will, on size of Paul’s stage, 43, 130; evidences in, of singing, 114*; music, 116°; dancing, 118°; on sitting on the stage, 130-31; satirizes Cynthia’s Revels, 171. | Marston, Chapman, Jonson, East- ward Ho, indiscretions of, 15. Masque, within the play, at Black- friars. 2 xs, Kat, 5, AOS, 44.8 97a 1935 114, 119-21, 122-24, 163, 167; in- fluences of, xi, 123, 167; under Elizabeth, xi, xii, 5, 10*, 44, 114, 119-21, 122-24, 163, 167; under James I, xii, 5, 113; character of, 119; Bacchanalian features in, 119°; as new dramatic feature, 119, 122-23; list of, at Blackfriars, 119-21; origin of, 122°; elaborate requirements of, 123-24. with antimasque, 10*. at Court, 22; ° 118-19; 1227, 123: Master of the Revels, and origin of private theatre, 6; Cawarden as, 21; the first, 21°; Blackfriars as office of, 21-22; Whitefriars as office: .of,;' 22"; Tilney ~as;> 224 87*, 101; Buck as, 87*; duties of, 100'; accounts of, 101; Queen’s order to, 155. May Day. See Chapman. Messalina picture of theatre-inte- Hore ia Middleton, Thomas, Roaring Girl, The, on sitting on the stage, 137. Model of theatre, Blackfriars as, ix, 8-9, 18°, 35, 36%, 36°, 39%, 43°, 141, 151, 163; Globe ase 8, 294, 32, 39°, 477, 137: Swan as, 30, 314 Monopoly. See Theatrical. Monsieur D’Olive. See Chapman. Morris dance, 118. 313 200 Much Ado about Nothing. See. Shakespeare. Music, taught and practiced at Blackfriars, xi, 4, 5, 9, 10, 11, 71, 106-7, 113, 114, 115, 116-18, 121, 122, 163; Duke of Stettin’s Diary on, 5, 10, 106-7, 113, 117; within the “play; 5; “9-10,- 114-4165 4121. 122; preceding the play, 5, 9, 10, 106-7, 113, 115, 117-18, 122; char- acteristic of children-plays, 9-10, 113; 116-18) 121, 1222 character- istic of private theatre, 9-10', 122; in public theatres, 9, 10'-11, 116’, 122; at Paul’s, 9, 122; source of praeludia, interludia, and inter- meszos in modern drama, 9, 122; stage-directions for, 10, 113, 116*- 18, 121; Malcontent on, 10°, 116’; in The Tempest, 10°; of Black- friars orchestra, 10*, 48°; The Actors Remonstrance on, 10%; Cynthia’s Revels on, 48°; in early German theatre, 111; “shows” containing, 115, 121°-22; concerts, popularized by Blackfriars, 117’, 121; publications of, for concerts, iahees: Musical entertainments. See Con- CELL, Musical instruments, at Blackfriars, 106-7, 116, 117°. Musicale. See Concert. Musicians, in balcony, at Blackfri- ars, 48°, 50-plat-51; not in “or- chestra” of public theatres, 42°, 45, 137°. Nash, Thomas, Isle of Dogs, re- strained at Rose, ate: De Necromantes. See Percy. Newington Butts theatre, date of, 9°; location of, 153'; dramatists for, 1637. Nobility, in evolution of private theatre, 5'-6, 22°; patronage of public theatres by, as model for German patronage, 111; Eliza- beth’s law for patronage of the- atres by, 152, 152°, 175°. Official conduct of Blackfriars, x, 1, 4, 26, 40, 51, 71, 73-76, 87, 91-92, 95-97, 98-104, 105, 106-7, 112, 115, 125, 126, 127, 128-29, 160, 173-74, 175-82 ; summary of evidences on, 126-29. CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS — See Orders. _ “3 : Official orders. of, 10; Whitelocke on, 10°. “Orchestra” See Gentlemen’s rooms. s Orchestral praeludia, } See Music, Singing. Orders, official, ing, against Blackfriars, 53-54; Elizabeth’s purposes in, 125, 129, 150, 153, 152, 154-55, 157, 7g limiting number 125, 156; ber of, 148; early, a Elizabeth, — “Thea- , Puritanism not cause — regulating Curtain and tres = 148": in London ee meaning of, 42°-43, 45, 137"-38, interludia, — and intermezzos, origin of, 9, 122. 7 against theatres, 3 significance of, cleared up, x, Xli; — false statement of City concern- — of, 148-50; request of City for, to suppress theatres, 149, 152, 155, 156, 160; City neglects exe- cution of, 149, 158, 155, 156, 161°; ‘161°-62 ; I, 149*-50, 161’; protective tom Blackfriars, 153, 1615, 15-16% against Rose, 155, 181°; differentiating “public” vate” theatre, 156-57; restraining Curtain, 158, 181°; touching Black- friars and Paul’s, 158’; against “public” 149, 153; (1597-[8]), 155; (June, — 1600), 125, 149, 156, 161’; ‘(March 11, 1601), 157-58; (Dec. 31, 1601), 125, 149, 160, 161°; (March 19, 1602-[3]), 162°. by City of London, press Blackfriars, 17°, 53°, 161’. general, — 154", Fage of Plymouth. See Jonson. “Pardon, general,’ meaning of, 77°. Patient Grisell. See Dekker. Paul’s, the church Singing-school, 7, 107°; as private theatre, 7, 130°, 153°; size and capacity of, 7; no galleries i in, 7; date of, 8, 9°, 153°; music at, 9, 122; Satiromastix at, Tt Sar size of stage at, 43, 44, 130-31°; sitting on stage of, 44, 46°, 130-31'; location of, 153°; strained, 158’; list of dramatists for, 163°; plays of, with local al- 314 revocation of, by James “ favorable / to Globe and Fortune, bee 156; “4 and ‘ ‘pri- “a theatres (1597), a to sup : Tess a a nrg e lusions, 164; plays of, influenced by Blackfriars poets, 166-67. Paul's Boys, relations of, to pres- o-ent history, i: patronized by P= Elizabeth, 1 4, 67, 154,157; “Grst =< at Blackfriars, 24; commission to Thos. Gyles to take up children : for, 67°, 107°; used as actors, 24, __ 69-70; music and singing in plays _ of, 9, 122; list of dramatists for, 163°; plays of, with local allusions, : 164; plays of, influenced by Black- x friars poets, 166-67. & Percy. W., The Faery Pastorall, BS Necromantes, and The Cuck- queanes and Cuckolds Errants, never acted, 49", 131°; impossible _. stage-directions of, 131°. Phoenix theatre. See Cockpit. _ Plat, suggestive, of Blackfriars, ix, Be 47, 50-51, 52; of the Fortune, ix, a 50-51, 52. ‘i. Platter, Thomas, Diary (1599), on ' Curtain, Bear-Garden, and Globe, 7-8; on comfort in London the- atres, 51*; on stage-apparel, 178”. Play-acting, taught at Blackfriars, Betepsecls 06-7, 113, eek 124- 25, 180. - Players. - Playhouse. : Plays, recent discoveries of, xv, mes .164°; losses in, 14-15, 122, 163- 64, 172; law restricting criticism Sin, 164, 176, 181”. * Cy See Actors. See Theatre. at Blackfriars, chronology Oty ee Rice 55 14°18 ef, on Shakespeare and contem- poraries, xi, 12-15, 123, 166-68, 174-82; masques within, xi, xii, 5, 10‘, 44, 113, 114, 119-21, 122- — Bs 24, 163, 167; singing within, 5, + 9-10, 113-15, 121, 163, 180; sing- ' ing preceding, 5, 9, 106-7, 115, ~ 163, 180; music within, 5, 9-10, 114, 116, 121, 122, 163; music pre- ceding, 5, 9, 10, 106-7, 113, 115, 117-18, 163; dancing within, 5, 44, 118, 119, 163; shaped by condi- tions cf dramatic freedom, 13-14, ~ 413, 123; with local allusions, 15, 164-72; quality of, 15, 165; num- ber of, acted per week, 71, 106-7, 124-25; number of actors in, 74- 76, 127; list of, 75, 114-18; names of actors in, 76, 80’, 132°, 163, 1657, Bre pa SUBJECT INDEX influences - 201 177°; Puritanic opposition to, 79, 126, "159; stage-directions corrob- orative. of Duke of Stettin’s Diary concerning, 113, 121; masque as new feature in, 119, 122-23; as comedies in high life, 124; imi- tated, 166-68; imitative, 167-68. by children-companies, sci- entific editing of, vii; character- istics of, 9-10, 14-15, 113, 114-19, 119-21, 122, 123-24; proportion of, 12, 163-64. -——— Heminge and Condell’s ad- dress in 1623 folio of Shake- speare’s, on sitting on stage, 136. with local allusions, 14-15, 82-83, 86-87, 163-72, 177°-78; the Byron tragedies as, 15, 163; evi- dences of losses of, in Henslowe’s Diary, 14-15, 163-64; Hamlet among, 164, 173-82. Poets. See Dramatists. Popularity of Children at Black- friars, 80°, 85', 94, 104, 117-18, 123, 124, 166, 173-74, 176-77. Fraeludia, of early and modern drama, 9, 122. See Music, Sing- ing. Precedents for Children of Chapel at Blackfriars as actors, 1, 62-66, 68-70. “Private” and “public” theatres dif- ferentiated, 9, 12, 156-57, 161’, 165°, 176). Privy Council, petition to, against Blackfriars, 1'7°,.27, 53°, 54, 128°, 152, 154°; takes no action against Blackfriars, 53, 54, 128°, 152; or- ders of, against public theatres, 54, 148, 149, 150°-517, 152, 153, 155, 156, 157-58, 160; City’s re- quests to, to suppress theatres, 149, 152, 154, 155, 156, 160; orders of, not executed by City, 149, 153, 154, 155, 156, 161', 1617-62; under James I, revokes Elizabethan or- ders, 149*-50, 161*; restrains Rose, 155, 181°; restrains Curtain, 158, 181°. See City, Elizabeth, Orders. Profits at Blackfriars, by Burbage- Shakespeare company, 35, 45; agreement by Evans, Kirkham et al. to share, 89-90, 91-92°; failure of, in public theatres, through Blackfriars, catises companies to travel, 1737-74, 175°. 315 202 “Public” and “private” theatres dif- ferentiated, 9, 12, 156-57, 161’, 65 ZGs. Publications on children-companies, Vil, Xil. Puritanism, opposition of, to Eliza- beth’s theatrical purposes, 4, 79, j26, 149, 150, 159; in Clifton’s attack, 126, 150, 159; not cause of orders against theatres, 148- 50, 156. Purposes, theatrical, of Elizabeth, 1, 4, 71, 87, 96, 112, 113, 125, 127, 128°, 129, 148-62, 150°, 151°, 152, 154, 157, 159, 175. Queen. See Elizabeth, Henrietta. Realism, influence of Blackfriars plays on, 167. Red Bull theatre, picture of, 7°-8, 52, 135, 138; date of, 9°; audience of, in relation to stage, 52; sitting “over” stage at, 135; sitting on the stage at, 138. Reformation of theatres, Elizabeth’s plans and purposes in, 1, 4, 71, 87, 96, 112, 113, 125, 127, 128°, 129, 148-62, 150°, 151°, 152, 154, 157, 159, 175; methods of, by City, 150-51, 153; methods of, by Eiiz- abeth, 150°-51°, 152-58; 154-55; duplicity of City In; 2515 25a, 159, 160, 161-62. Relations, of children-companies to dramatic and histrionic art, vii, Vill, ~ix, Xii,-15-9, 12, 13,°14-15, 16; 105, 122, 141, 147, 180°; of audi- ences to stage, 1x, 50-plat-51, 52; of Blackfriars to other theatres, poets, and players, x-xi, xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-66", 167, 168, 169-72, 178-81; of gentlemen to yard- crowd, 52; of Der Beslrafte Bru- dermord to Hamlet, 184". Rent, repairs, and _expenses at Blackfriars, provisions for, 57, 89°, 89", 91-92, 100, 101'-2, 103, 104, 106-7, 113, 126, 127, 128-29, 173°-74, 175. Rental of Blackfriars, amount of, by” Evans;:.230*)- 45°. = 57 17a ,amount of, by Shakespeare and associates, 45°; agreement by Ev- ans, Kirkham et al. to share, 89"- 90, 91, 92°, 126, 129. 316 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS Kepertoire. of Children at Blac friars, viii, 5, 75, 122. "as Revels. See Children of, Master of. » “Revels” festival, meaning of, 6. Richard II, at Globe, in Essex con- — spiracy, 157, 160. Richard III, commission by, to take up children, 62°; reign and death - of, 627-63. , Roaring Girl, The. See Middleton. — Robert II King of Scots. See Jon- son. Rose theatre, date of, 9°, 138; archi- — tecture of, 18°; cost of, 30; rental value of, 30’; sitting on stage of sm 138 ; location of, 153°3 restrained, 155, 181°; Worcester’s men at, go into country, 175": Wy Rossiter, Philip, lutenist, and man- — ager of the Children of the Rev- a els to the Queen at Whitefriars, — 117°; theatre of, in Blackfriars 3 precinct, suppressed, 154°, 161°, — 1617-62. - Rowley, William, new-found play — by, xv, 164’. a Roxana picture of theatre-interior, — 7°; on sitting “over” stage, 135. Salisbury Court theatre, as private theatre, 9, 130°; date of, 9°; music atoalOne modeled after Blackfriars, 18°, 36, 39%, 43°, 141; size of, 36, © 39°, 43°, 141; documents concern-_ : ing, 36°, 39°: stage of, 43-43°; Queen Henrietta at; 97°: sitting a on stage of, 130, 141; location ofan 153°. Sapho and Phao. See Lyly. Satiromastix. See Dekker. 4 School, the, in evolution of private theatre, 5°. ; “ Scourge of Villainy, The. See — Marston. Seating capacity. See Capacity. 2 Seats, at Blackfriars, 6, 49°, 50- plat-51, 52; general comfort of, in theatres, 8, 34-35, 35’, 50-51, 51°, 52; at public theatres, 7, 136; prices of, at Blackfriars and vari- ous theatres, 1127-13. Secular uses of Children of Chapel, 1; origin of, 5. See Blackfriars, Children, Elizabeth. Shakespeare, William, new docu- ments concerning, ix-x, 26°, 27%, 84°, 44" 451, 561, 123°; ‘and asso- e. -Ciates lease Blackfriars theatre, 10, e 34°, 35, 44°, 45°, 56°; only great dren, 12; effect of theatrical con- _ ditions on dramatic freedom of, 13-14, 123; as individual genius, 13-14, 167°; in competition with ' Blackfriars Boys, 13, 14, 15, 167- 68, 173-74, 175-82; errors con- cerning connection with Black- friars, 18; Blackfriars property of, 26°, 27, 28; Heminge and Con- , “dell’s address in 1623 edition of _ plays by, on sitting on stage, 136; on stage- -quarrel, 158*, 168, 172, ; 173°-74, 180*-81, 183; influence of Blackfriars dramas on, 167; in- g fluences of, on Blackfriars dramas 7 Eand Chapman, 167-68; as giver g and receiver of influences, 167°. * 4 ¥) ot Hamlet, date of, established, .: ma s00,. 168. 174-75, 182°, 183- a 84" > historical problems of, xi, - 182-84"; historical value of ‘chil- dren-passage in, aS an original - document, xi, 164, 173, 182; ante- dates Star Chamber ‘decree, 86; satirized in May Day, 86, 168; on singing of Blackfriars Children, 115, 180; champions cause of pub- clic theatres against Blackfriars, 129, 168, 176; influence of Black- friars vogue on, 133, 167; minia- tures Blackfriars fad of sitting , on stage, 133; local allusions of, ~ 1833, 164, 173°-74; censures Eliza- -- beth’s. theatrical partisanship, 158*, 178-81; on _ stage-quarrel, 158*, 178-82; escapes penalty of _ law against criticism, 164, 176, | 181°; on losses of genteel audi- tors to Blackfriars, 164, 175-77, 181-82; children-passage of, in Q:, Q2, Fi, quoted, 1737-74; and interpreted on historical basis, | 173-85; holds Queen’s patronage of Blackfriars as cause of com- panies traveling into country, 175°-76; “logic” of art in chil- _ dren-passage of, 178-81°; cause of partial omissions in 1604 quarto of, 182-83; new significance to quarto and folio differences in children-passage of, 183-84'; re- SUBJECT _ dramatist not writing for Chil-— INDEX 203 lations of, to Der Bestrafte Bru- dermord, 184". Much Ado about Nothing, character-extensions of, in Suir Giles Goosecap, 167; date of, 167. The Taming of the Shrew, traces of influences of, in The Widow's Tears, 168; why men- tions strolling players, 175°-76; probable date of, 168, 175° The Tempest, as first play by Burbage-Shakespeare company at Blackfriars, 10°; influences on, by Blackfriars vogue, 10, 167; date of, 10. . Trotlus and Cressida, theat- rical partisanship of, 168, 172; date of, 168. Twelfth Night, character- extensions of, in The Gentleman © Usher, 167-68 ; and in M. D’Olive, 168; date of, 168. Shirley, James, The Triumph of Peace, masque with . antimasque at Court, by Black- 121; probable See Concert, “Showe, a,” friars Boys, 115, authors of, 121’. Music. Singing, taught and practiced at Blackfriars, xi, 4, 5, 9, 10, 71, 80°, 106-7, 113-144, 115, 117, 121-22, 163, 180; Duke of Stettin’s Diary on, 5, 10, 106-7, 113, 115, 117-18, 121; within the play, 5, 9-10, 113- 14*, 115, 163, 180; preceding play, 5, 9, 10, 106-7, 113, 115-16, 117, 163, 180; in concert, musicale, “showe,’ or praeludia, 5, 9, 10, 106-7, 113, 115, 117-18, 121, 122; characteristic of private theatre and children-plays, 10, 122; Clif- ton’s charges concerning, 80-80%, 114, 115; Clifton’s charges dis- psoved.- 80... -113*-14*%) 115.0, 750% stage-directions for, 113, 1144, 121; Hamlet on, at Blackfriars, 115, 180; chief exhibitions of, by Blackfriars Boys, not in plays, aU ea yu Faliraki Sir Giles Goosecap. See Chapman. Sitting on the stage, a custom at Blackfriars, xi, 7, 42°, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48', 50-plat-51, 52, 124, 130-47; at other private theatres, 44, 130, 136, 137*; not at Paul’s 317 ny vient 2 a awe 204 nor Whitefriars, 44, 130-31; as hindrance to players, 44, 142, 143- 46; at public theatres, 44, 45, 131%, 136-41; at Globe, 44, 1344, 136-41; in France, 46, 143-47 ; Guls Horne- Booke on, 46, 133%, ‘140°, 140*; in Germany, 46, 146-47; origin of custom of, at Blackfriars, 130-34; a Blackfriars fad, 130, 141; at Cockpit, 130, 136, 137°, 141; at Salisbury Court, 130, 141, 143°; history of custom of, 130-47; Paul’s plays on, 131’, 131°; evi- dences of, 131-34, 136-41; Sir John Davies on, 132’; Every Man out of his Humour on, 132°; Cynthia’s Revels on, 132°; Hamlet’s utter- ance on, 133°; Blackfriars fad, miniatured in Hamlet, 133; All Fools on, 133-34; Malcontent on, 134*, 1836; Heminges and Condell on, in address to 1623 edition of Shakespeare's plays, 136°; Foliie’s Anatomie on, 136°; Roaring Gil on, 137°; Devil’s Last Will and Testament on, 138‘; spread of the fashion, 141-47; Devil is.an Ass on, 142; suppressed by Charles I, 143*; influences of, on French drama and acting, 143; D’Au- bignac on, 143; Tallemant des Réaux on, 143°; Les Facheux on, 143-45; Voltaire’s Discourse on Tragedy on, 145°; Sémiraniis on, 145°-46; suppressed in France, 146; Goethe’s Wahrheit u. Dicht- ung on, 146-47. See Stage. Sitting “over” the stage, origin of, 134; as choice position, 134°; at public theatres, 134-36; evidences of, 134-35. See Davies, Dekker, Fortune, Globe, Red Bull, Rox- ana, Skialetheta. Size, of Blackfriars, ix, 7, 28, 35, 36, 38-39, 43°, 46, 49°, 50-plat—51, 428°; of Paul’s, 7; of Whitefriars, 7, 36; of Cockpit, 8, 36, 39%, 141; of Fortune and Globe, 39, 49°, 50- 51, 52, 1837. See Capacity, Stage. Skialetheia, on sitting “over” stage, 135°; on the “gull,” 138°39. =» Sccial centre, at Blackfriars, 7, 35- 36, 43, 45, 48°, 51, 95-97; at other theatres, 51, 161. Songs. See Singing. . Source, of Children of the Chapel 5 : ‘ 5 ine eae a Bes oie : CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS — ae Sources, for knowledge of publi ica Spectacular effect, Stage, at Blackfriars, 1, 70, 71, 112, 1503 of Children of Revels, i, 745° omm music in modern drama, 9, 122; of private theatre, 5-6, 12. theatre, 7°-8. ate Blackfriars, 4 106-7, 124, 177. at Blackfriars, location of, ix, 36, 43°, 141-42; position of, relative to audience, ix, 50-plaies 61, 52; gallants on, xi, 7, 42°, 4355 44, 45, 46, 47, 48’, 50-plat-51, 5 124, 130-47; size of, 38, 43-47, 50- plat-51; position of, ‘relative to” lords’ rooms, 42°, 46-49, 50-plat- 51; structure of, 42°, ‘5 46, 47, 141-42; equipment of, at acquisi- tion of Blackfriars by ‘Shakespeare and fellows, 45'; influences of, on — French stage, 46, 143-47; plastic, 47,°48-49 ; plat of, 47, 50-51; and modern, 47°, 47°; balcony of, 48, 50-plat-51 ; ‘curtains or traverses” i 48°, 50-plat-51 ; canopy on, | : furnishing and equipment of, ase “49, 555 individuality of, i unhistorical, 49° 137" at Cockpit, size of, ‘43; sit- ting on, 44, 130, 136, 141. a" at Curtain, unhistorical, 49%, : 137°; sitting on, 138. q at Fortune, size of, 45, AT, 3 50-plat-51 ; sitting on, 45, 137-38; position of audience relative to, y 52; position of gentlemen’s rooms and yard- crowd relative to, 52; i sitting “over,” 136. at Globe, size of, 45; sitting on, 45, 134*, 136-41; relation of gentlemen’s rooms to stage-gal- lants on, 45, 134*, 136, 138; un- — historical, 49°, 137°; position of audience relative £0;,152'¢ position — of gentlemen’s rooms and yard- — crowd relative to, 52; sitting over, my 136. at Hope, removable, 33; po- sition of, 45, 138 ; , sitting on, 45, 138; sitting “over,” 134. at Paul’s, size of, 43, 44, 130 31’; sitting on, 44, 46, 130-31, ————_ ‘at Red Bull, relation of au- 318 dience to, 52; sitting ‘ ‘over,’ "135 7a sitting on, 138. . — at Pe eaiiconry Court, size of, A 435 sitting on, 44, 130, 141. ——— at Swan, removable, 33; po- sition of, 45, 138; sitting on, 45, 138; sitting “over,” 135. - at “The Theatre,” unhistori- cal, 49°, 137°, — at Whitefriars, size of, 43; sitting on, 44, 130. in France, sitting on, ix, 46, 43-47; modeled aiter Blackfriars, 46, 147. ; in Germany, sitting on, at = ~ Frankfurt, reported by Goethe, P46; modern, 48%. modern, size of, 47°; view of actors on, 47°; acting on, 134°, See Theatre. Stage and audience, relative posi- tions of, ix, 50-plat-51, 52; and gallants, in relation to gentlemen’ s > rooms, 44, 45, 134*, 136, 137-41. Stage and drama, relations of chil- _dren- -companies to, vii, vili, ix, xii, ipo) ale,. 13,” 14-15, 16, 105, 122, a 141, 147, 180°. ~ Stage-apparel, of Blackfriars chil- dren, furnished by Elizabeth, 5, * 83, 91-92, 99, 100, 106-7, 123, 124, oe 126, 127,- 129, 178, 183 ; furnished through Kirkham, 83, 99-100, 103- 4, 126; furnishing of, official, 100, 101, 103-4; superabundance and ~ elegance of, 106725124. 12%. 173; _expensiveness of, 126, 129, 178. of Children of King’s Rey- els, value of, 178”. of public theatre companies, 178; Thomas Platter on excel- lence of, 1787; value of, 178’; _ Robert Green’s report on value of, 178°. _ Stage-directions, as corroborative but unsubstantiative evidence, 7°- Speier tts, 1ot.-131". 137%)" 167; 167°: as sources on public theatre, 7-8; for music, 10, 113, 116-18, » 121; for singing, 113, 1144, 121 “in Percy’s plays, impossible and ~ valueless, 131°. _ Stage-history, of 1597-1603, x, 148- _ 72; new perspective of, x, 54, 99, ‘= 105, 126-29, 148-62. 2 - Stage-quarrel, impersonal side of, - as incidental to relations of Black- friars to theatres, poets and play- SUBJECT INDEX — 205 ers, Xi, Xli, 165-66", 168, 169-72, 180°; at Globe and Blackfriars, 158, 168-72, 181; Shakespeare cen- sures Elizabeth's partisanship in, 158*, 178-81; Shakespeare’s atti- tude toward, in Hamlet, 158*, 173- 82; and in Troilus and Cressida, 168, alyg3s given wrong historical aspects, 169°. personal side of, Jonson- Marston-Dekker in, x-xi, Xii, 133, 140, 158, 165-66", 168, 169-72, 178- 81. Star Chamber, Court of, Clifton’s Complaint in, against Blackfriars, 365.705) FA; 73- 74, 77-83, 84-87%, 100, 101, 102, 113-144, 115, 126, 128%, 159, 160, 180;. interpretation of Gyles’ s commission by, in prac- es, W0-nik sae <1 275 decree of, against Evans, 81-83, 84-87", 87- ce BY es We a 126, 159: de- cree of, satirized by Chapman, 82, 86-87. See Clifton, Decree, Eliz- abeth, Evans, Gyles. State control of theatres, Elizabeth to Victoria, 148. Status of Blackfriars Children, 105- 25. Street, Peter, contractor for For- tune, 7-8, 29*; builder of Globe, - 29°. Strolling players, law against, 150, 152°,-175*; —history of, 175-76; Shakespeare’s company as, 175°; other companies of, with dates, and Blackfriars as a cause, 175°. Structural details of Blackfriars, ix, 37-54; of other theatres, see Com- parative view. Summary of evidences on official conduct of Blackfriars, 126-29. Swan theatre, De Witt—Van Buchell sketch of, 77, 317, 33°, 33%, 42%, 42°, 45.52, 434, 187° 5° date of; ‘9 3 ars chitecture of, 18°; De Witt’s view and estimate of, 30-33; model for Hope, 30, 31*; size and capacity o£/30-31, 33; 50°; ‘cost of, 34; 7335 structure and finishing of, 32; stage of, 33, 45, 135, 138; gentle- men’s rooms in, 42°, 45; “orches- tra” of, 42°, 45, 137°;. sitting on stage of, 45, 138; sitting “over” stage of, 135; location of, 153’. 319 ° 206 CHILDREN OF THE CHAPEL AT BLACKFRIARS LYaming of the Shrew. See Shake- speare. Theatre, the, as a native instinct in- stitutionalized, 5'-6; as centre of social contact, 51, 95, 161; Puri- tan opposition to, 79, 149. Theatre, Chapel Royal as, 4’. Theatre, to “erect” or “set up” a, meaning of, 128%. “Theatre, The,” date of, 9°, 17'; not first English theatre, 17°; archi- tecture of, 18°; cost of, 28-29; demolition of, 28°-29, 77°, 155; un- historical stage of, 49, 137°; whether to be supplanted by Blackfriars, 54, 128°, 152; orders regulating, 148°; opposition to, 149°; City’s request to suppress, 152-53 ; location. of, 153°: Theatre, private, sources of, 5-6, 125 characteristics Of, 5x1, 185-35, 43-49, 50-plat-51, 141-42; as fac- tor in the drama, 5*, 12; admis- sion price of, 6, 36, 112, 112°, 177; Blackfriars as, of first impor- tance, 6, 18, 163; Master of Rev- els in relation to origin of, 6; galleries in, 6, 7, 41*-43, 46, 50- plat-51; gentlemen’s or lords’ rooms Of, 6, 41°) 41°42, 42°, .50— plat-51, 124, 140’, 141; only chil- dren-companies occupy, 7; list of, 7, 130°, 136; accommodations for comfort of audiences in, 8, 34-35, 35°, 50-51, 51°, 52; influences of, on theatre-structures, 8-9, 18°, 35, 36, 39°, 43°, 141; differentiated from “public” theatre, 9, 12, 156- 57, 161°; music and singing as fea- tures of, 9-10, 122; becomes “public? in performances, 9; whether “small,” 35, 38-39, 50- plat-51; stage-structure of, 42, 43, 45, 46, 47, 141; stages of, 43-47, 50-plat-51, 141; sitting on the stage of, 43, 44, 46, 47, 48", 50- Plats5i,* 527 194° 7130; “86. iam 140, 141; 142; capacity of, 47, 49, 50-plat-51, 52; unhistorical stage of, 49", 137°; location of, 1537. See Blackfriars, Cockpit, Paul’s, , Salisbury, Whitefriars. public, relations of audience of, to stage, ix, 50-plat-51, 52; admission price at, comparative view of, ix, 6, 1127; plebeian ori- 320 gin of, 7; chatacresenes of, ae, Gig 42°, 44-49, 50-plat-51, 52, 137 38; galleries In, T;.42'5 B25 stages. Of, <7, 33,"4B. 4dy* 4c "46, 47, 49°, 50-plat-51, 52, 1344, 1365, 136-41; seats in, 7, 136; structural fea-— tures of, 7, 18°; sources of infor-_ mation on, 7-8; provisions for comfort in, 8, 34— 35, 35, 50-51, J 517,525 influences of Blackfriars” on, 8, 9, 18°, 35, 141; becomes “private” in form, 8, 9, 18°; dif-— ferentiated from ‘ ‘private,” 9, 12, . 156-57, ~ 161°, 1657, 2176": lack ot music in, 9, 10-11, 116°, 1225 compared with Blackfriars in pre- tentiousness, 28-35; capacity of, 30-31", 33, 49; 50-plat-31, 51°, beg materials of, 31255825 ae 347s stage-level gallery in, 42%, 42°, 52; gentlemen’s rooms in, 42% 63, 45, 49", 50-plat-51, 1344, 136, 137°-88, 141; “orchestra” of, "42°-43, 45, 50- plat-51, 137°-38; sitting on stage of, 44, 45, 139°) 136-4 gentle- men’s rooms of, in relation to stage-gallants, 44, 45, 134%, 136, 137=413 unhistorical stages of, 4959 ABs relative positions of gentle- men to yard-crowd of, 50-plat- — 51, 52; capacity of, compared with modern, 50°; noble patronage of, — as model for German patronag 111; unfriendliness of, to Eliza- beth, 129, 157, 148-62, 16S; silting — “over” stage of, 134-36; Eliza-— beth’s plans and purposes for, 129, 148-62, 175; state control of, Eliz- abeth to Victoria, 148; City’s re- quests to suppress, 149, 152, 154, © 155, 156, 160; official orders — against, 149, 153, 156, 157-58, 160, A 161 1627: City neglects Queen's — orders against, 149, 153, 154, 155, — 156, 161, 1612-62; City's method — of reformation of, 150-51, 153; — Elizabeth’s. method of reforma- tion of, 150°-51°, 152-58; 154-55 a alliance of, against Blackfriars, 151, 153-55, 156-57, 158-62, 168; Elizabeth’s law on noble patron- — age of, 152, 152°, 175°; location of, — 1537; results of Queen’s attitude toward, 155, 156-57, 158, 159, 163-9 72, 175-82; Globe and Fortune — companies retained but restricted a by leabeth, U5by 0 156i a friars attacked by City as, 161°; losses of patronage by, to Black- ee 164-66, 176, 181-82; ob- -scenity of. plays apie lG-GOm ee _ Audiences, City, Elizabeth, Or- ” ders, Stage, Stage-quarrel, and individual theatres. in France, sitting on stage of, and stage-structure, imported, ix, 46, 143-47; galleries in, 46-47, 52. q in Germany. See German. _—-— modern, stage-level gaileries of European and American, 42*; of Freiburg, 42°; size of stage in, _ 477; view of actors in, 47°; ca- pacities of American, compared with Elizabethan- Jacobean, San; Seats: in, 51°; ‘art of acting in, compared, 1345, Theatre and City vs. Crown, in re- lation to Blackfriars, x, 129, 149- 62, 168. See Blackfriars, City, Elizabeth, James, Shakespeare, Theatre, public. ' Theatres, companies, poets, and players, in relation to Blackfriars, X-Xi, Xli, 133, 140, 158, 165-66’, 167, 168, 169-72, 178- 81. Theatrical modes and customis, ori- gin of certain, 129. See Imita- tion, Masque, Music, Singing, Sit- ting on, Sitting “over.’ Theatrical monopoly, of D’Avenant and Killigrew, music regarded as an essential by, 11; throttles art of acting in England and Ger- many, 110°; granted by Charles II, 148. Theatrical reformation. mation. Theatrical relations. See Relations. Tilney, Edmund, - Master of the See Refor- 207 Revels, Whitefriars as office for, Zag ; accounts of, 101; salary of, 203 Training of Children of Chapel at Blackfriars by Queen’s require- ment, xi, 4-5, 9-11, 40, 56, 59*-60, 71, 74, 80', 105-25, 127, 163, 180. Traveling of companies into the country. See Strolling. Triumph of Peace, The. ley. Troilus and Cressida. speare. Twelfth Night. Van Buchell. Wardrobe. See Stage-apparel. Webster, John, new-found play by, xv, 164°. What You Will. See Marston. Whitefriars, Children of King’s Revels at, 1, 14, 15, 117’, 121, 1787; Children of Revels to Queen at, See Shir- See Shake- See Shakespeare. See Swan. Te ise iby) TIO 4 tay. 9 10S early: children-companies at, 6; as “Great Hall” of monastery, ' 73 as private theatre, 7, 9°, 180°; size and structural features of, 7, 36; capacity of, 7; no galleries in, ks date of, 8, 9°; dramatists for, 13- 14; on dramas of, 15; stage of, 43, 44, 130; sitting on stage of, 44, 130; location of, 153°. Whitelocke, Bulstrode. See Or- chestra. : Widdowes Teares, The. See Chap- man. Yeoman of the Revels, provides ap- parel for Children at Blackfriars, 83, 99-100, 103-4, 126; Kirkham as, 87%, 897, 98-100, 101, 103-4; duties of, 99°-100'; expenditures by, official, 100, 101, 103-4. 321 Volumes 410 ee ay, Vand WIDE Unrversrry Srupmes: a complete in four numbers. Index and title-page for each volume are published ee are still to be had. pte. . All communications regarding purchase or r exchange should b JACOB NORTH & CO., PRINTERS, LINCOLN te ae le ) a ae de a a ps mY, hae ee Se ee ee Te So > Seat Fa ee a a 3 SS Paw phate Nenad ene et ra —o —~- =o . = Se — Es at ee — eS OcrosBEeR 1908 \ (fe MARS 1933 UNIVERSITY STUDIES Published by the University of Nebraska COMMITTEE OF PUBLICATION H. ALICE HOWELL W. K. JEWETT J. E. LEROSSIGNOL L. A. SHERMAN W. G. L. TAYLOR SAMUEL AVERY C. E. BESSEY F. M. FLING DANIEL FORD CONTENTS I THE SPHEGOIDEA OF NEBRASKA Harry S. Smith : é II HiIsroLoGical STUDIES IN THE ARTEMISIA FORMATION: Raymond John Pool LINCOLN NEBRASKA e= Vor. VIII OCTOBER 1908 No. 4 I.—The Sphegoidea of Nebraska BY HARRY SCOTT SMITH _ The following paper is the result of a study pursued by the _ writer at odd intervals during the past two years, and is based _ on the material contained in the collection of the University of _ Nebraska. Although the list is a fairly large one for a single state, nothing like systematic collecting has been done on the group, and it is expected that a great many additional species will be found in the near future. The only portion of the state that has been at all closely collected is Sioux county, where, during the past ten years, several zoological expeditions in charge of Professor Lawrence Bruner have been sent. This region is fast - becoming famous from the standpoint of the zoologist as well as the paleontologist, and from this locality many interesting records are obtained. Of the 200 species treated in this paper, - 118 have been taken in Sioux county, and 60 of these have not _ been taken elsewhere within the state. With a single exception these trips were. made during the month of August, so that in all likelihood, if the region were worked at some other time of the year, many other species would found. In order to avoid _repetition in the following pages it may be stated here that Indian creek, Jim creek, Monroe canyon, Warbonnet canyon, Agate, and _ Glen are found in the above mentioned county. UNIVERSITY StrupbIEs, Vol. VIII, No. 4, October 1908. 323 2 Harry Scott Smith But little of originality can be claimed for the synoptic tables, — most of which are essentially copies of those used by former writ- ers, modified and rearranged for the present need; this is espe- cially true of the family, subfamily, and generic keys, some of which are almost exact copies. These are given principally be- cause of a demand for something of the kind for use in the en- tomological laboratory of the University of Nebraska. The synonymy given is as brief as possible, in most cases only the original description and the latest monographic reference or the best characterization of the species being cited. Where the insect has received more than one specific name or when the sexes have been separately described these also are usually referred to. The writer wishes to express his deepest gratitude to Professor Lawrence Bruner, under whose direction the work was under- taken, for valuable advice and encouragement. Thanks are also due to Mr. H. L. Viereck for many timely services rendered in the comparison of specimens and copying of descriptions which were inaccessible, and to Professor H. T. Fernald for like assist- ance, while acknowledgments should also be made to Ashmead’s Classification of the Entomophilous Wasps of the Superfamily Sphegoidea, Fernald’s Chlorioninae of North America, and to the many valuable writings of Mr. William J. Fox, all of which figured ‘largely in the preparation of the synoptic keys found in the following pages. Superfamily SPHEGOIDEA KEY TO THE FAMILIES A. Middle tibiae always with two apical spurs. B. Abdomen connected with the thorax by a slender, almost cylin- drical petiole; first cubital cell not receiving a recurrent nervure; cubital vein in hind wings generally originating beyond the transverse median nervure, sometimes inter- SHitial oot cb ust wie eur eg a ote tie Soke he Cetera ae SPHECIDAE BB. Abdomen not connected with the thorax by a slender, almost cylindrical petiole, usually sessile or subsessile; if the first segment is petioliform it is not cylindrical, but considerably larger in circumference toward apex than at base, rather clavate. 324 Pe ee es ee ee Cee ee The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 3 C. Abdomen without a constriction between the first and sec- ond segments; second cubital cell receiving one or two recurrent nervures, or one or both recurrent nervures are interstitial with the transverse cubital nervures. D. Labrum free, well developed, subtriangular or semi- circular, wider than long; transverse median nerv- ire sitartely (sinuste. (22s cate yt. coe STIZIDAE DD. Labrum not free, entirely covered by the clypeus, or at most with only its apex visible; transverse me- dian nervure either straight or sinuate, NYSSONIDAE CC. Abdomen with a more or less distinct constriction between the first and second segments, the first segment coarc- tate; intermediate coxae contiguous; second cubital cell never receiving a recurrent nervure.... MELLINIDAE AA. Middle tibiae with only one apical spur (sometimes entirely absent). B. Front wings with two or three cubital cells; if with only one the head is transverse, not quadrate, and the eyes are deeply emarginate within; median cell in hind wings not twice as long as the submedian, the latter often longer. C. Abdomen with a strong constriction between the first and second segments; eyes often emarginate within. D. Front wings with two cubital cells, the second usually more or less indistinctly defined, sometimes en- tirely obliterated; abdomen elongate, clavate, the first segment petioliform and coarctate; eyes al- ways deeply emarginate within; head not wider than thorax, the temples flattened, TRY POXYLIDAE DD. Front wings always with three cubital cells, the second often petiolate, the second and third each receiv- ing a recurrent nervure; abdomen sessile or sub- sessile, sutures between segments usually deeply constricted; head wider than thorax, the temples rather broad; eyes generally normal, sometimes - } emarginate within ............ PHILANTHIDAE CC. Abdomen without a strong constriction between the first and second segments; eyes most frequently normal, rarely emarginate within. D. Abdomen sessile, never petiolate. E. Marginal cell usually appendiculate; transverse median nervure straight, not sinuate; mandi- bles more or less emarginate on their exterior margin; labrum small, usually completely hid- 325 4 Harry Scott Smith den under the clypeus; anterior ocellus nor- — mal, lateral ocelli sometimes more or less dis- tofted’ $.a..smerekaone yas te dm LARRIDAE ~ EE. Marginal cell not appendiculate; transverse median. — nervure sometimes sinuate; mandibles entire on their exterior margin; labrum large, well developed and triangularly elongated, much ~ longer than wide; ocelli more or less imper- FECES co cktaa pues tunics aed BEMBICIDAE DD. Abdomen petiolate, or subpetiolate; transverse median — nervure not sinuate; ocelli distinct; labrum gen- erally > hidden .277 5 ats idne e PEMPHREDONIDAE BB. Front wings with only one cubital cell; median cell in hind wings fully twice as long as submedian. C. Front wings with the first cubital cell distinct, not confluent with the first discoidal cell; scutellum and postscutellum normal, without squamae or spines; eyes diverging to- ward vertex; temples very broad....CRABRONIDAE CC. Front wings with the first cubital cell confluent with the first discoidal cell; scutellum margined or with — squamae; postscutellum with a stout spine or forked process; eyes converging toward vertex; temples com- patatively narrow. os es oes sake sees OXYBELIDAE Family SPHECIDAE KEY TO THE SUBFAMILIES Second cubital cell receiving both recurrent nervures, or the second re- current nervure is interstitial with the second transverse cubitus, al- though sometimes the first recurrent is interstitial with the first trans- verse cubitus, or then received by the first cubital cell. Claws with a single tooth beneath, although sometimes very minute; more rarely without a tooth, the claws simple; tarsal comb in the female absent; abdomen always with a one-segmented petiole; cubital nervure of hind wings interstitial or nearly so; metathorax with a large U-shaped area above.............2-000.- SCELIPHRONINAE Claws simple, without a tooth beneath; tibiae more or less spinous; tar- sal comb in female present; abdomen most frequently very elongate, the petiole composed of two segments, rarely of only one segment; cubital nervure of hind wings usually originating beyond the trans- Verse. median. nNervaire-se saiiuass.. terete eee ee SPHECINAE Second cubital cell receiving only the first recurrent nervure; the second — recurrent nervure received by the third cubital cell, or at least beyond the second transverse cubital; claws with one to six teeth beneath; 326 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 5 tibiae usually strongly spinous; tarsal comb in female present (except Rane SMIAIEIED tee Se seth rot F. cause sik ew ale and Tele oe CHLORIONINAE Subfamily SCELIPHRONINAE KEY TO THE GENERA _ Transverse median nervure in front wings interstitial with the basal nervure; species metallic blue or violaceous; clypeus anteriorly three-dentate; petiole of abdomen not or scarcely longer than the PATE UUL ITP IT caese er sins s ceceeaee here hraisee Pale nes eee sie De eb he Chalybion Transverse median nervure in front wings not interstitial with the basal nervure, but uniting with the median nervure a little before the origin of the basal nervure; species black and yellow, not me- tallic; clypeus flat, at apex bidentate; petiole of abdomen about PB eres AAS PAS OANCTALHOLAR oo ecie esos <0 2 ciel aia, aievcye ie a\tiee’s Sceliphron Genus Chalybion Dahlbom . Chalybion coeruleum (Linnaeus). = 1758. Sphex coerulea Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 10th edition, p. 571. Found in the greatest abundance over the entire state. Genus Sceliphron Klug ’ cr ;- Sceliphron coementarium (Drury). E- 1770. Sphex coementaria Drury, Illustrations of Natural History, i, 4 p. 105. ; ; Taken commonly throughout the eastern half of the state. a Subfamily SPHECINAE KEY TO THE GENERA ta) T9.7 ae, Front wings with two cubital cells; petiole long, two-jointed, as in a Sphex; submedian cell as long as median................. Coloptera : Front wings with three cubital cells; submedian cell a little shorter than the median. Petiole of the abdomen very long, two-jointed, the second segment being elongate and slender, forming with the first a long petiole, Sphex Petiole of the abdomen not especially long, one-jointed, the second : . segment bell-shaped; clypeus in the female with a more or less . Gishmete Mctlal -emarrinatiOn=:.)..2....0c.one cus dene es Psammophila 327 - 6 Harry Scott Smith Genus Coloptera Lepeletier _ Coloptera wrightii Cresson. 1868. Coloptera wrightii Cresson, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, i, p. 378. 1903. Coloptera wrightii Melander, Psyche, x, p. 162. 3 A single specimen of this odd wasp was taken at Pine Bluffs on August 27, 1893. Genus Sphex Linnaeus SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Pronotum or mesonotum or both, more or less transversely striated or PIOSO ME oe oP cua «a's eis Settee oo acb eae ele gitic x hel eleeers otk eee ee 1 Disk of thorax either smooth or Siacanck but not with complete CLANSVerse! SPIO... cy we cc River ocr. coe wee wag ane tome ee De eee 3 1 Thorax ‘and “legs, ta part red 2, 2.0... sees la ches ee nas Sere ne 2 1. Thorax and legs black; size large, 22-30 mm. long; pleura with silvery pubescence; prothorax comparatively long....procerus 2. Head black; striae of metanotum becoming rugose laterally, cressoni 2. Head ferruginous; striae of metanotum more complete lat- rallye iti NAG Ok oO een ie eras ae Oe ferruginosus 3. Legs in part red, especially the anterior ones; head and thorax “ with. silvery pulseScences 2... \\s oO, taaces esses ates breviceps Gites” Black! = Henig aad cea nee ete as at ache hte SoD Sate ae 4 4. Abdomen entirely black, or with a very little red; pleura with beautiful silvery spots; clypeus of male produced; metapleura finely rugulose.................. ee See abbreviatus 4, Abdomen in} part iredss ois Gk iss aes os Mages ale ee 5 5. Pleura uniform dull black in color, without silvery pubescent MATKINGS” hee al oie bere oreo eo oboe cSicip ne shotteteneiete eT lay eee ae 6 5. Pleura with markings of silvery pubescence; wings hyaline or F Hearly SO <<. Fee 5S eis pred «sai aalt nas pt wig ts olan Anoop eee 6. Wings black, violaceous; second segment of petiole usually $ black above (a5 ck cook Ave shes Obs neti ee ee nigricans 6. Wings yellowish, usually darker apically; second segment | ar petiole sssualiyi ned “above li5 ikea see ae extremitatus q Sphex procerus (Dahlbom). 1843. Ammophila procera Dahlbom, Hymenoptera Europaea, i, p. 15. 1856. Ammophila gryphus F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in 02 | British Museum, iv, p. 222. 1903. Ammophila procera Melander, Psyche, x, p. 159. This large wasp is found quite plentifully throughout the en- ; 328 3 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 7 tire state, specimens having been taken at Glen, West Point, Ash- land, Lincoln, and Weeping Water, from June to October. It is the largest species of the genus found in the United States, and may be distinguished from the other members found in Nebraska by the transversely striate pro- and mesonotum in conjunction with the black legs and thorax. 'Sphex cressoni, new name. 1865. Ammophila collaris Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 456. 1903. Ammophila collaris Melander, Psyche, x, p. 159. 1908. Sphex cressoni H. S. Smith, new name for Sphewx collaris (Cresson) (not of Linnaeus). A single male specimen of this rare species was captured at Glen, expedition of 1906, during the month of August. Sphex ferruginosus (Cresson). 1865. Ammophila ferruginosa Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomo- logical Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 455. 1903. Ammophila ferruginosa Melander, Psyche, x, p. 159. This rare and beautiful species is also represented in the col- lection of the University of Nebraska by a single specimen, a female, taken at the same time and place as the above. Both are readily recognized by the ferruginous legs and thorax. Sphex breviceps (F. Smith). 1856. Ammophila breviceps F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera tn the British Museum, iv, p. 221. 1865. Ammophila varipes Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 457. 1903. Ammophila breviceps Melander, Psyche, x, p. 160. Fairly abundant in the western portion of the state, having been found in both Sioux and Dundy counties. Rarely east as far as Ashland. Sphex abbreviatus (Fabricius). 1804. Pelopoeus abbreviatus Fabricius, Systema Piezatorum, p. 204. 1856. Ammophila moneta F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in British Museum, iv, p. 219. 1903. Ammophila abbreviata Melander, Psyche, x, p. 160. Two specimens of this beautiful wasp, a male and a female, were taken at Lincoln, during July. The black body with the 329 8 Harry ae) cott Smith this species. Sphex vulgaris (Cresson), 1865. Ammophila vulgaris Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomolozicall ; Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 458. 1903. Ammophila vulgaris Melander, Psyche, x, p. 160. Our most common species, having been taken in great numbers at Glen and Warbonnet canyon in Sioux county, Holt county, ; Cedar Bluffs, South Bend, and Lincoln, from May to August. Sphex nigricans (Dahlbom). 1843. Ammophila nigricans Dahlbom, Hymenoptera Europaea, i, p. 14. 1903. Ammophila nigricans Melander, Psyche, x, p. 161. Plentiful in the east portion of the state, but not taken west of Lincoln. Lincoln, Cedar Bluffs, West Point, Ashland, and Weeping Water, June to September. Distinguished by the black 3 wings. Sphex extremitatus (Cresson). 1865. Ammophila extremitata Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomo- logical Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 457. 1903. Ammophila extremitata Melander, Psyche, x, p. 161. Next to vulgaris the most abundant species, but its distribu- tion is more restricted than the above mentioned, having been taken only from Lincoln and Cedar Bluffs east. Flies from May to September. The yellow wings are very characteristic and . readily separate this species from the rest. Genus Psammophila Dahlbom SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Body wholly black; pubescence in part white, face silvery (male) or pubescence black: (female): 2 savs Go. 2: coe da. ce tems mee eee luctuosa Abdomen with basal segments ferruginous...............ceeeceevees 1 1. Larger species and very robust; petiole of abdomen short, not ex- tending beyond hind trochanters; wings darker........ grossa 1. Smaller and more slender; petiole much longer, extending beyond hind trochanters; wings paler.................. violaceipennis Psammophila luctuosa (F. Smith). 1856. Ammophila luctuosa F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the British Museum, iv, p. 224. 1903. Psammophila luctuosa Melander, Psyche, x, p. 158. 330 ve ae bre } DS dl he ee ee tp eh het e — ’ . wg 4 A € . mee eee ae See =" The Sphegoidea of Nebraska Se 9 Found most frequently in the northwestern corner of the state, - in Sioux county, during July, but has been taken as far east as Brady Island. Easily recognized on account of its being entirely black. _ Psammophila grossa (Cresson). 1872. Ammophila grossa Cresson, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, iv, p. 209. 1903. Psammophila grossa Melander, Psyche, x, p. 158. This species inhabits the entire state, specimens having been taken at Lincoln, West Point, Holt county, and Glen. Flies from _June to September. The robust form and the short petiole serve to readily distinguish this species from the other members of the genus. Psammophila violaceipennis (Lepeletier). 1845. Ammophila violaceipennis Lepeletier, Histoire Naturelle des In- sectes, Hymenoptera, iii, p. 370. 1903. Psammophila violaceipennis Melander, Psyche, x, p. 159. Found abundantly throughout the entire state. Sioux county, West Point, and Lincoln, July and August. Easity separated from the above by the more slender form and long petiole. Subfamily CHLORIONINAE Genus Chlorion Lepeletier SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Second cubital cell of fore wings higher than broad................. aL Second cubital cell of fore wings as broad or broader than high...... 7 1. Claws with one tooth; body bright green or blue............ cyaneum 1. Claws with two or more teeth....... Re eee 2 2. Claws with two teeth; clypeus with a median truncated lobe and a sinus on each side; abdomen black or at most only faintly brownish or ferruginous.................. laeviventris 2. Claws with three to six teeth; clypeus without a median truncated lobe but often with-a median emargination or RRL cat Th ee A died wis jae tok wre tle oilieis! vinieW vores ates sb, wee ee 3 3. Abdomen entirely black-or dark brown... ........cececss ceeds atratum 3. Abdomen with some ferruginous or yellow color, at least ventrally 4 | RSIS ES rat pth ROA ae es ee Ad we Sng ata es all cooap Ree 5 MORIA OS elaeiel ae Tatas cele cls o.eeiela's ah elms do hOK Gy wes el ewiea okies eifect pe 331 fe) Harry Scott Smith 5. Size smaller, abdomen usually more black; thorax with pubescence longer and more sparse; tubercles usually not pubescent, bifoveolatum — 5. Size larger, abdomen more red; thorax with short dense pu- ~ bescence; tubercles pubescent ............00eeeceeees thomae — 6. Sixth abdominal segment with its ventral plate broadly excavated on its posterior margin............... bifoveolatum 6. Sixth abdominal segment with its ventral plate not broadly EXCAVALERU fake SSH Gis Lace oa She goto belie Sale inlet ttol ee ee eae thomae v7. Stigmatal groove: rudimentary or absent... 0... 00.20 0.0 ome nee oes 8 7)’ Stigmatal-’ groove’? PEESGne: .)/s.2 sue ole tienen) > ore Sinta le eader one ree 10 8. Third cubital cell not broader on the radial nervure than the distance between the second transverse cubital and second recurrent nervures on the cubital nervures.......... :...lucae 8. Third cubital cell broader on the radial nervure....:...... 9 9. Legs black, abdomen black; pubescence of thorax griseous..... harrist 9. Legs ferruginous, abdomen more or less so; pubescence of thorax golden ..... yaa Re BAS Sages NGS a cea eaten elegans 10. Entirely black, with black pubescence; wings black, vio- MCE ONS ysl. BAT aid ee cere b Bain Oa ROS Op id eee EE pennsylvanicum 10. Abdomen and legs more or less ferruginous; pubescence of thorax. bricht colden. a1. ee ichneumoneum Chlorion cyaneum Dahlbom. 1843. Chlorion cyaneum Dahlbom, Hymenoptera Europaea, i, p. 24. 1906. Chlorion (Chlorion) cyaneum H. Fernald, Proceedings of U.S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 313. Lincoln, August 26, 1905; Haigler, August 11, IgoI. Chlorion laeviventris (Cresson). 1865. Sphex laeviventris Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 463. 1906. Chlorion (Palmodes) laeviventris H. Fernald, Proceedings of U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 318. : This species is recorded from Nebraska by H. T. Fernald in his monograph of the Chlorioninae, but I have no specimens of it. Chlorion atratum (Lepeletier). 1845. Sphex atrata Lepeletier, Histoire Naturelle des Insectes, Hy- menoptera, ili, p. 335. 1906. Chlorion (Priononyx) atratum H. Fernald, Proceedings of U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 338. : Very abundant throughout the entire state. The collection contains specimens from Sioux county, Dundy county, Holt 332 PE eee eee! ne The Sphegoidea of Nebraska TI ~ county, McCook, Neligh, Haigler, Broken Bow, West Point, _ Ashland, and Lincoln. Flies from June to October. Chlorion bifoveolatum (Taschenberg). 1869. Priononyx bifoveolata Taschenberg, Zeitschrift fiir ges. Natur- wissenschaft, xxxiv, p. 408. 1906. Chlorion (Priononyx) bifoveolatum H. Fernald, Proceedings of ‘the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 346. One very small specimen of this species from Sioux county, determined for me by H. T. Fernald. Chlorion thomae (Fabricius). 1775. Sphex thomae Fabricius, Entomologiae Systematicae, p. 346. 1906. Chlorion (Priononyx) thomae H. Fernald, Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 342. Agate, Gering, Lincoln; July and August. The latter speci- men, determined by Professor Fernald, seems to approach the above species. The two are very closely allied, and the charac- ters given in the foregoing table are not always constant, so that it is often difficult to distinguish between the two. Chlorion harrisi H. Fernald. 1856. Sphex apicalis F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the Brit- ish Museum, iv, p. 262. 1906. Chlorion (Isodontia) harrisi H. Fernald, Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 359. Quite common throughout the entire state. Glen, Broken Bow, West Point, Cedar Bluffs, Lincoln, Weeping Water. Flies from June to August. Chlorion elegans (F. Smith). 1856. Sphex elegans F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the Brit- ish Museum, iv, p. 262. 1906. Chlorion (Isodontia) elegans H. Fernald, Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 361. Five specimens of this pretty species from Glen, during Au- gust, taken for the most part flying along the high adobe buttes. This is the most eastern record, excepting a doubtful one from Florida. | Chlorion lucae (Saussure). 1867. Sphex lucae Saussure, Reise d. Novara, Hymenoptera, p. 41. 1906. Chlorion (Proterosphex) lucae H. Fernald, Proceedings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 365. 333 ee Harry Scott Smith A single specimen of this species was taken at Glen, during 1 th :. expedition of August, 1905. Chlorion pennsylvanicum (Linnaeus). 1763. Sphex pennsylvanica Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 12th edition, 1, 941, 1906. ape (Proterosphex) pennsylvanicum H. Fernald, Proceed ings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 405. Ranges across the entire state, but is uncommon in the western portion. Specimens have been taken at Glen, West Point, Lin- coln, and Union. Flies from June to September. This wasp is easily recognized by its large size and matte black color. Chlorion ichneumoneum (Linnaeus). oe 1758. Apis ichneumonea Linnaeus, Systema Naturae, 10th edition, i, p. 578. 1906. Chlorion (Proterosphex) ichneumoneum H. Fernald, Proceed- # ings of the U. S. National Museum, xxxi, p. 399. This beautiful and widely distributed species is found through- — out the entire state, the collection containing specimens from — Glen, Warbonnet canyon, Carns, West Point, Lincoln, and Union, — Flies from June to August. Visits flowers of Petalostemon, — Melilotus, and Euphorbia. Family STIZIDAE KEY TO THE GENERA Marginal cell much shorter than the first cubital; spurs of hind tibiae short in both sexes, not enlarged; no pygidium, at the most with ‘two short ridges on each side of apical portion of last dorsal ab- dominal segment; abdomen of the male with three spines at DOR fo vac uciekc 2 bin ns i eR Det Se ae a eee ee Stizus Marginal cell about twice as long as first cubital; spurs of hind tibiae enlarged in the female, and the pygidium well developed; abdo- : f : . a7 men of the male with a single spine at apex.............+.. Sphecius a Genus Stizus Latreille ‘ J Stizus unicinctus Say. a 1823. Stizus unicinctus Say, Western Quarterly Reporter, ii, p. 77. 4 1895. Stizus unicinctus Fox, Proceedings of Academy of Nan =4 Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 268. x Rather common throughout the entire state. Sioux county, — . Pine Bluffs, Carns, Trenton, and Lincoln, during July and Au- | my 334 bait The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 13 gust, on Melilotus alba and Asclepias sp. Readily recognized ag the single red band on the abdomen. Genus Sphecius Dahlbom _ Sphecius speciosus (Drury). 1773. Sphex speciosus Drury, Illustrations of Natural History, ii, p. 71. 1895. Sphecius speciosus Fox, Proceedings of Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 265. This magnificent insect is occasionally met with in Nebraska, 4 the collection containing specimens from Carns and Lincoln, ' taken in July (W. D. Pierce, F. C. Kenyon). Family NYSSONIDAE KEY TO THE SUBFAMILIES A. Marginal cell always broadly truncate at apex, with an appendage; antennae inserted close to clypeus, or very close to the clypeal SSEIEED NOM Data's haitvns areca ok tes weds ys AERA Oe Une oC awe ASTATINAE AA. Marginal cell always pointed at apex, never truncate, and without 4 an appendage; antennae inserted far above the elypeils, always away from the clypeal suture. B. Front wings with the second cubital cell petiolate, rarely trian- gular, sessile; mesopleural furrow wanting or subobsolete, ; incomplete posteriorly. C. Metathorax with the superior hind angles always acute or q produced into stout teeth or spines; pronotum dorsally short, narrowly transverse; forms broad, robust, NYSSONINAE CC. Metathorax with superior hind angles unarmed, rounded or obtuse; pronotum dorsally not short, subquadrate; HOLIMS 7) ClOM PALER te 4 adios eeucrotad woniee ee ALYSONINAE BB. Front wings with the second cubital cell broadly sessile, never triangular or petiolate, and receiving both recurrent nerv- “ures; mesopleural furrow usually deeply and sharply defined, ST Csi] hd os OPERONS. ERC MR st RE a GORYTINAE Subfamily ASTATINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Marginal cell along the costal margin much longer than the stigma; rein eet Ale SHOIO PIC Sie. x osu kos wid a ee ooh vale es oS Astatus Marginal -cell along the costal margin not longer than the stigma, most frequently shorter; eyes in the male normal, not holoptic; tarsal comb long, distinct; tibiae spinous............... Diploplectron a 335 1. Pata Sis | 14 Harry Scott Smith Genus Astatus Latreille SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Insect without ered smiarkinigs 6), pps nit teeters tel a ereietnte ae ae ne Insect with at least the base.of abdomen red..............0eceeeceee 1) Pubescence of thorax whitish oc? bunc. ot nee ss to eee wis '‘Pubescende: ‘oF thorax » blacks: % nes eke eee eee nubeculus 2. Marginal cell distinctly shorter than the first submarginal ; metanotum-finely” granulate: 350 o¥< ccs Joe a cates asper 2. Marginal cell generally as long as or longer than the first submarginal; metanotum rather coarsely reticulate....... 3 3. Metanotum coarsely reticulated, with a central longitudinal ridge, bicolor 3. Metanotum more finely reticulate, without a longitudinal ridge downi.- the “Center 21.2.2 heehee Aes aoe eee nevadicus Astatus unicolor Say. 1824. Astata unicolor Say, Long’s Es peniion: ii, Appendix, p. 337. 1859. Astata unicolor Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 228. 1893. Astatus unicolor Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 539. : Eight male specimens taken at Weeping Water and Lincoln, from June to September (H. S. Smith), _ Astatus nubeculus Cresson. 1865. Astata nubecula Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological So- ciety of Philadelphia, iv, p. 466. 1893. Astatus nubeculus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 543. A Three males from Sioux county. Easily recognizable from the above species by the black pubescence. Astatus bicolor Say : 1823. Astata bicolor Say, Western Quarterly Reporter, ii, p. 78. 4 1859. Astata bicolor Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 166. 1893. Astatus bicolor Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 540. This insect ranges across the entire state, having been taken at Lincoln, Weeping Water, and Glen, June to August (P. R. Jones, W. D. Pierce, H. S. Smith). This and the following spe- cies have red abdomens generally tipped with black in the males. Astatus asper Fox. 1893. Astatus asper Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 546. 336 ees | The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 15 A single female from Glen, August 13, 1906 (H. S. Smith). In this specimen the apical half of the wings is very dark, the ~ basal half hyaline. Astatus nevadicus Cresson. 1881. Astata nevadica Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, ix, p. v. 1893. Astatus nevadicus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 540. Two females from Glen, August 20, 1906 (P. R. Jones, H. S. Smith). & = é # 2 ‘ Genus Diploplectron Fox Diploplectron ferrugineus Ashmead. 1899. Diploplectron ferrugineus Ashmead, Entomological News, aoe 99. Two specimens of this interesting and rare little insect were taken at Glen, on August 14 and 28, 1906 (L. Bruner, P. R. Jones). Neither of the specimens has the wings clouded or the apical segments black, as described by Dr. Ashmead, and one specimen has no black coloring whatever. It may prove to be a distinct species, but these characters are quite variable in this subfamily. = Subfamily NYSSONINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Cubitus in hind wings originating beyond the transverse median nervure. Hind tibiae strongly serrated on the hind margin, and also more or less spinous; lateral margins of scutellum more or less strongly ‘reflexed, the postscutellum bilobed; apex of male abdomen termi- TAPIA Camt ee POLE CECT carn -b.c cl aciefe ace ick e%a tess stele cfve tans scree cielo s Paranysson Hind tibiae with feeble spines, never serrate; lateral margins of scutellum more or less margined, the postscutellum normal; apex of abdomen of male terminating in two teeth............ Brachystegus Cubitus in hind wings originating before the transverse median nerv- ure or interstitial with it: hind tibiae usually spinous, but not ser- rate on hind margin; scutellum normal; apex of abdomen of male: termine an, two. teeth.c. . ....4 Mees vs ocagudlewae bacco Nysson S57 16 Harry Scott Smith — Genus Paranysson Guerin Paranysson texanus (Cresson). 1872. Nysson texanus Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, iv, p. 223. a 1896. Nysson texanus Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 12. Five specimens from Glen, August 20, 1906 (H. S. aS Genus Brachystegus Costa SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Abdomen entirely black; legs reddish........... ai oan Se oie one mellipes E Abdomen? moresor Tess ‘redis-c..~wssios pa hae Coe ee wee onal e aiere a tovetotenets -1 1. Only basal segment of abdomen red; broader, more robust..... bellus 1. Abdomen entirely red, with yellow markings; more slender, metathoracicus Brachystegus mellipes (Cresson). 1882. Nysson mellipes Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, ix, p. 279. 1896. Nysson mellipes Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 15. I have in the collection two specimens of this species taken at Glen. Brachystegus bellus (Cresson). 1882. Nysson bellus Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, ix, p. 280. 1896. Nysson bellus Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological So- ciety, iy, p. 16. A unique female from the same locality as the above. Brachystegus metathoracicus, n. sp. ?. Length 4-5 mm. Front with large, scattered punctures, the inter- vening spaces filled with minute ones; face silvery below antennae; man- dibles and antennae dark rufous. Prothorax black with a white line above which extends to and includes the tubercles; mesonotum coarsely punc- tured, almost rugose, pleura more finely punctured; scutellum margined laterally and with a whitish transverse spot above. Metanotum and meta- pleura rufous; posterior face of metathorax with about five distinct carinae, 5 converging below. Abdomen entirely rufous, segments 1-5 each with a “ lateral whitish spot, and with fairly coarse well-separated punctures; py- gidial area twice as long as broad, and slightly margined laterally. Legs entirely reddish, as are also the Poste oG coxae. Wings somewhat clouded. 6. Unknown. 338 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 17 Type, a female taken at Glen, Sioux county, Nebraska, altitude 4,000 ft., August 21, 1906 (H. S. Smith). One paratype, same locality and date as type (P. R. Jones). Related to bellus, yet very distinct from. that species. Genus Nysson Latreille SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES MER ie ce Fee Neha aioe ayesig cha he yal Mie wcbeth «din Paid big Siw @aye aieees 1 re EO Pet eer att SN nd wicuaiah citi alas OO alah wae Sa) okie wees 4 1. Basal segment of abdomen red; size small, 5-6 mm. long...rufiventris MOMENTO abeallused's ccc. c cts Site aes asibsaeraiaiy iets sie sitys dade le ee)sieteicnen 2 2. Scutellum faintly margined laterally, covered with large sparse, shallow punctures; spots on the first abdominal Beeiient Pie latGest. fe oclacktii,e abc» leet widne tt oe eue'e de wie s 3 2. Scutellum not margined laterally, but strongly and closely punctured; puncturation of head and mesonotum very close; spots on first abdominal segment same size as those GUS LE MAIS! SESTMIETILS + 5 y- ya ehatelc\sietels) sbellelate) s?atsicgels'c ateiebelellp sie fidelis 3. Pygidial area broad, subtruncate at tip, with large somewhat con- ‘fluent punctures; spots on first abdominal segment almost covering the entire segment; size large, 11-13 mm... .plagiatus 3. Pygidial area narrower, rounded at tip, longitudinally rugoso- punctate; spots on first abdominal segment transverse, con- fined eto apicale portion! «Of «SESIMell te... sas. ¢ yess cles = aequalis 4. Last dorsal segment ciliated between the teeth............. 5 4. Last dorsal segment not ciliated between the teeth, length SNe OM LUA EIT werent cre ta abartevoe shel svametavatat ela toleqstal/aa\atetoucts, oabelatens cteel erelicuie.es t 5. Last dorsal segment not prominent between the teeth, subtruncate; lateral spots on the first dorsal segment large, covering al- MOSEMtIEW elAtITE, SEAMEN ts as/cle ste ceveye a bie¥e es wiviere sonic reals plagtatus 5. Last dorsal segment prominently angulate between the teeth; spots on the first segment transverse, confined to apical portion OSE SUN) Ct Beers sate ta niadanstevetts ails) ore ehalete iscsi ie het aelenateiay eeaale 6 6. Size large, 10-11 mm.; tubercles, collar and scutellum yellow, scape and femora entirely ferruginous; ventral punctures CEES) S ps RR SRY Opens Sie ain PA Pree ot aa aD Re ett aequalis 6. Size smaller, 7-8 mm.; tubercles, collar and scutellum with- out yellow markings; scape and anterior and intermediate femora piceous; ventral punctures shallow.......... angularts Wee puomen: readish: vat. leasts basally: val «te ajclss cbs eecteis aaclecuen rufiventris Toe wromen, Tat satall reddish a. .cccdecswieta secoe.s9 gana ur simplicicornis Nysson rufiventris Cresson. 1882. Nysson rufiventris Cresson, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, ix, p. 283. HEP) 18 Harry Scott Smith : 1896. Nysson rufiventris Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 15. I have eleven specimens of this species from Glen, August 13 to 21, 1906, taken on flowers of Cleome serrulata and Helianthus sp. Nysson simplicicornis Fox. 1896. Nysson simplicicornis Fox, Journal of the New York Ento- mological Society, iv, p. 15. Two males from same locality and date as above, and which seem to be identical to rufiventris, excluding the color of the abdomen. Nysson plagiatus Cresson. 1882. Nysson plagiatus Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, ix, p. 276. 1896. Nysson plagiatus Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 13. The largest Nyssonid; four specimens, both sexes, from West Point and Glen, June to August. Nysson aequalis Patton. 1879. Nysson aequalis Patton, Canadian Entomologist, xi, p. 212. 1896. Nysson aequalis Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 18. A pair of this species was taken at West Point, June, 1887 (L. Bruner). Nysson angularis, n. sp. 6. Length 7-8 mm. Black with yellow markings. Head with large well-separated punctures, clypeus sparsely punctured; front and clypeus clothed with a dense covering of yellowish white pubescence; mandibles dark rufous; antennae black, next to the last joint considerably larger than the last, and slightly produced beneath at apex. Prothorax with a few large shallow punctures, and covered with a dense coat of short, almost golden pubescence. Mesonotum, scutellum, and pleura coarsely punctured, the punctures on the pleura often confluent. Metathorax coarsely reticu- late, metathoracic spines with bright yellow tips; a-pubescent area just above each spine. Abdomen both dorsally and ventrally with strong, well- defined, well-separated punctures, those on the venter more sparse, and clothed with a silky pubescence; a transverse yellow spot on each side of segments 1-3, sometimes on 4; apices of both dorsal and ventral seg- ments with white fasciae; apical segment with a strong tooth on each side, between which is a well-defined prominence, also a few cilia. Legs entirely 340 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 19 red, excepting the anterior and intermediate femora, which are piceous with the apices reddish. Wings hyaline, faintly clouded. 9. Unknown. Type, a male taken at West Point, Nebraska (L. Bruner). One paratype, same locality. Besides differing from aequalis as indicated in the key, the mesopleura are much less convex, not nearly so much bulged outwardly. Nysson fidelis Cresson. 1882. Nysson fidelis Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, ix, p. 282. 1896. Nysson fidelis Fox, Journal of the New York Entomological Society, iv, p. 15. A single female, taken in Warbonnet canyon, Sioux county. Subfamily ALYSONINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Submedian cell of anterior wings a little shorter than the median on the median nervure; abdomen with a pale spot on each side of the Grete GES aly (SEMUMEUIE $ .j2lerd< oun oid srnlanetasletewisi nes Cielelait ices 63% Alyson Submedian cell of anterior wings much longer than the median on the median nervure; abdomen without a pale spot on each side of the SECONCM COSA SEOIIEIIED Paiocieciscatiere UE INES, Ree Pe Am Oars Pee aie eae pee lev as so AAR A ne RAEI sie 8 5 Aree CHIN UGS imate is ctvsig ste ete eas uiom Peroieierotaiisteraiciere wai cic) ote eltos gona ye eta 6 Dwele tagsy Cite: Stronsly- SpMOSE.!. soc ca saint nus vise wie te Hee eats harpax bee blatrcle tarsi emOty SPillOS@res ¢cfacia ceies ie s.cloleeteltsaie e.caie deceit mandibularis 6. Metanotum without a strong sulcus medially; pygidium with silvery ptbescence; size smaller................. harpax 6. Metanotum with a strong sulcus medially; pygidium with COpperye piubescemces Size areer scm onyeups sce sess orm cinuene eae 7 7. Anterior margin of clypeus medially produced into a quadrate tooth, with several small teeth on each side.....mandibularis 7. Anterior margin of clypeus not produced into a quadrate tooth, atwinost «thickened isizes9. min. 5. sees oa eee acutus 14. Metanotum finely granulated; size 12-13 mm.......punctifrons Tachysphex punctifrons (Fox). 1891. Larra punctifrons Fox, Entomological News, ii, p. 194. 1893. Tachysphex punctifrons Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 531. West Point, and Jim creek in Sioux county, June and July, both sexes. Tachysphex mundus Fox. 1893. Tachysphex mundus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 531. West Point and Carns, June and July on Cassia and Euphorbia. Two of the specimens from the latter locality have the basal seg- ments of the abdomen reddish. Tachysphex acutus (Patton). 1880. Larra acuta Patton, Proceedings of the Boston Society of Nat- ural History, xx, p. 390. 380 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 59 1893. Tachysphex acutus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 521. A single specimen from Lincoln is labeled with the above name, but the abdomen is missing, so that I am unable to verify the de- termination. It should not be considered as absolutely authentic, as it has never been recorded from the west to my knowledge. Tachysphex minimus (Fox). 1892. Tachytes minimus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xix, p. 248. 1893. Tachysphex minimus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 532. Thus far taken only at West Point, during June (L. Bruner). Some of the specimens have the abdomen entirely black, and others have the basal segment red as in mundus. Tachysphex tarsatus (Say). 1823. Larra tarsata Say, Western Quarterly Reporter, ii, p. 78. 1859. Larra tarsata Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 166. 1893. Tachysphex tarsatus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 512. West Point, Glen, and Warbonnet canyon, June to August. Tachysphex semirufus (Cresson). 1865. Larrada semirufa Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 464. 1893. Tachysphex semirufus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 515. Northwest corner of the state only. Bad Lands, at mouth of Monroe canyon in Sioux county, May, on Astragalus sp. (L. Bruner). Tachysphex puncticeps, new name. Z 1906. Tachysphex punctulatus H. S. Smith, Entomological News, xvii, p. 246 (not of Kohl). The type specimen, taken in Sioux county, in May. Tachysphex belfragei (Cresson). 1872. Larrada Belfragei Cresson, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, iv, p. 215. 1893. Tachysphex Belfragei Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 509. Two females, Lincoln, during July and August, on Euphorbia. 381 60 Harry Scott Smith These two specimens differ somewhat in the sculpture of the metanotum, but otherwise they are identical. Tachysphex terminatus (F. Smith). 1856. Larrada terminata F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the British Museum, iv, p. 291. 1893. Tachysphex terminatus Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 520. Both sexes from West Point, Bridgeport, Indian Creek, and Glen during the month of August. Tachysphex consimilis Fox. 1893. Tachysphex consimilis Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 526. A single male from Glen seems to belong here. I have also a related species which I am unable to identify on account of the fact that the abdomen is mutilated. Family BEMBICIDAE KEY TO THE GENERA Anterior ocellus round or reniform; maxillary palpi six-jointed, labial Pal piesfOUr-jOIMNLE" cin. cde cies hee Seek Oe seek acietios Breer Monedula Anterior ocellus linear, transversely arcuate. Metathorax flat or convex posteriorly, not compressed laterally; last ventral segment of male ending in a single spine. Mandibles not dentate; maxillary palpi three-jointed, labial palpi One=jomitedigns Joey. Bis oso wa clahore Serie ean ache eee vente Microbembex Mandibles dentate; maxillary palpi four-jointed, labial palpi two- HOME s eke cokes Oc bales aioe oe Sent O Ceca Orne aoa Bembex Metathorax excavated posteriorly, compressed laterally; last ventral segment of male ending in three spines; mandibles dentate; max- illary palpi six-jointed, labial palpi four-jointed.......... Bembidula Genus Monedula Latreille SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Freial OS thc <5 ic stesso oc w aaolcteneeioiose etree, STAD aden mein eee oe eee iL Mialles: ls osvenca stl aritare naeolony fates ein fora ick TSS TRIG SIA Oran ete eC Eee 5 1. Mesonotum with a U-shaped yellow mark; eyes convergent above; S176) AG-2S WEE aos saen A chang eee aimee Ne eterna speciosa 1. Mesonotum at most with two longitudinal lines...............0.- 2 2, Pulvilli datee and distiniet®.c.1. 5s sex be sch cates ties wee ee 3 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 61 2. Pulvilli small and indistinct; meso- and metanotum spotted; all dorsal abdominal segments with continuous fasciae; Clypensnentirelyn yellows ea. cecil ccvleled saree cles» pulchella 3. Head small, narrower than the thorax; head and thorax hairy; mersenotum. entitely “black *..3, sacs. Foes ede dc we ela emarginata SeLeadeaSmiSitalssas! wAGe, aSn blot x snctas fete sie versieislarcialei cvelaleria st eioia totals. 6 4 4. Size small, 9 mm.; mesonotum in greater part yellow; front and vertex with short, sparse hair; abdominal fasciae, ex- cepting the first, continuous anteriorly................. exigua 4, Size larger, 12-15 mm.; mesonotum in greater part black; front and vertex clothed with long dense pubescence; ab- dominal fasciae deeply emarginate anteriorly........ pectifrons 5. Median femora smooth beneath; second ventral segment flat, not tuberctiates: size: L213) “mimi, ic 4. ioe s wis ieee eee wate oe pectifrons 5. Median femora serrate or carinate beneath, or broadly emarginate. 6 6. Meso- and metapleura almost entirely yellow, truncation of metathorax with a yellow semicircular mark......... speciosa 6. Meso- and metapleura with little if any yellow; truncation of metathorax without yellow markings.................. 7 7. Second ventral segment flat, not tuberculate; pleura with short pubescence; a yellow crescent-shaped mark before anterior EUG Ree ere ins oe ale ere ek eer MARE BELO plana 7. Second ventral segment bituberculate; pleura with long pubescence; front without a yellow mark before ocelli.......... emarginata Monedula speciosa Cresson. 1865. Monedula speciosa Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 470. 1895. Monedula speciosa Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 366. ; Four females, Sidney, August, 1893 (L. Bruner) ; five males, McCook, July, 1906 (M. H. Swenk). I have two male specimens which have the second ventral segment bituberculate, and meta- notum without yellow marks. Monedula emarginata Cresson. 1865. Monedula emarginata Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 468. 1895. Monedula emarginata Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 368. Numerous specimens, from the northwestern corner of the state only. This species is easily recognized by the small head, which is much narrower than the thorax. 383 62 Harry Scott Smith Monedula pulchella Cresson. 1865. Monedula pulchella Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 471. 1895. Monedula pulchella Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 366. A single female specimen taken at McCook, July (M. H. Swenk). Monedula plana Fox. 1895. Monedula plana Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 367. Represented in the University collection by a single male, taken at Glen, August 15 (P. R. Jones). Monedula exigua Fox. 1895. Monedula exigua Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 370. One male, seven females, all from Glen, during July and August. Monedula pictifrons F. Smith. 1856. Monedula pictifrons F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the British Museum, iv, p. 355. 1895. Monedula pictifrons Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 368. One female of this pretty little species taken at Weeping Wa- ter, July 20-( Hi: S. Snaith). Genus Microbembex Patton Microbembex monodonta (Say). 1824. Bembex monodonta Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 355. 1859. Bembex monodonta Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 226. 1895. Microbembex monodonta Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 363. Numerous specimens of this variable species from the eastern third of the state, June, July, and August. Genus Bembex Fabricius SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Females ee hohe. ws eee, Bins aiebaok oA OTS oie oP ae Teo epee ee eae eee ia oer ene ch cna en 1 MWeales. os vis te ato Naa Sere ee ecc ecee cree) fis sc VAN See ree ae ee a 5 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 63 1. Sixth dorsal segment coarsely wrinkled longitudinally; thorax en- Ie Lyn bilaClete racic e wake sistas Welebrs Ade Miss svs atayseeiete deal she siOes belfraget i sixth dorsal sesment mioré, or less punctured... 2... 0.6 cc. cecin nse ts 2 2. Wings distinctly banded medially with brown, apex of wings clear hyaline, abdomen yellow above with black markings, nubilipennis 2 Wines uniformly hyaline throughout. ......0<... 0 sncsnene 3 3. Metanotum entirely black (rarely with a single semicircular yellow line) ; meso- and metapleura usually without spots. ..spinolae 3. Metanotum with two semicircular yellow lines; metapleura usually Pike PME thE MELO. J, )a01 5 Chas ities ea de's © ome dated when oho ie wee 4 4, First abdominal segment usually with a continuous band; disk of mesothorax without yellow lines; fore coxae and ereater part of sides of thorax black.............. troglodytes 4. First abdominal segment with band usually interrupted; disk of mesothorax with two faint yellow lines; fore coxae and greater part of sides of thorax yellow............... sayi 5. Last dorsal segment of abdomen longitudinally ridged; thorax en- tirely black; clypeus usually entirely black........... belfragei 5-Last dorsal segment “more or less punctured... .........5. 000002. 6 6. Antennal joints not dentate or spinose; intermediate femora unarmed beneath; abdomen very hairy............ troglodytes 6. Antennal joints more or less dentate or spinose............ ii 7. Mesonotum spotted medially; second and seventh ventral segments with a large prominence; first joint of medial tarsi normal, sayi fee Viesonotum: not spotted medially. 6. 2.020. ~:~ occcsccseeccsonecee 8 8. Femora entirely yellow (rarely black at extreme base); markings bright yellow; thorax not densely pubescent, nubilipennis 8. Femora about equally black and yellow; markings of abdo- men more greenish; thorax rather densely covered with Pie ERU SA PLIDESCENCE: 12. et ater de Succe eaves bx mek ae spinolae Bembex belfragei Cresson. 1873. Bembex Belfrageit Cresson, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, iv, p. 220. 1893. Bembex Cressonii Handlirsch, Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, cii, p. 792. 1895. Bembex Belfragei Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 357. Two females, McCook, July, 1905 (M. H. Swenk); one male, West Point, June, 1887 (L. Bruner). These specimens lack the basal transverse impression of the labrtim which Fox mentions in his synopsis, but the peculiar sculpture of the last dorsal seg- 385 64 Harry Scott Snuth ment, together with the fact that the specimens coincide with the original description, leads me to believe that they are correctly placed here. Bembex spinolae Lepeletier. . 1845. Bembex Spinolae Lepeletier, Histoire Naturelle des Insectes, Hymenoptera, iii, p. 277. 1845. Bembewx fasciata Dahlbom, Hymenoptera Europaea, i, p. 487. 1895. Bembex Spinolae Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 357. Inhabits the entire state. Numerous specimens from Lincoln, Neligh, McCook, Niobrara, Warbonnet canyon, and Glen taken from June to September. The specimens taken in the northwest portion have a tendency toward a heavier marking of the pleura with yellow. Bembex sayi Cresson. 1865. Bembex Sayi Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 467. 1895. Bembex Sayi Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 359. ‘Three typical specimens all taken at Lincoln during the month of July. Bembex troglodytes Handlirsch. 1893. Bembex troglodytes Handlirsch, Sitzungsberichte der Akademic der Wissenschaften, Wien, cii, p. 829. 1895. Bembex troglodytes Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 360. Seven females, Ashland and Neligh, July (M. Cary). Bembex nubilipennis Cresson. 1872. Bembex nubilipennis Cresson, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, iv, p. 218. 1895. Bembex nubilipennis Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ‘i ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. 361. So far taken only at Lincoln and Holdrege, from July to Sep- tember. One specimen is a great deal smaller than the others, and has less yellow on the abdomen and thorax. 386 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 65 Genus Bembidula Burmeister Bembidula ventralis (Say). 1824. Monedula ventralis Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 336. 1859. Monedula ventralis Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 227. 1895. Bembidula ventralis Fox, Proceedings of the Academy of Nat- ural Sciences of Philadelphia, p. .353. Taken only in the northern and northwestern portions of the state. I have before me specimens from Carns, Glen, and War- bonnet canyon, taken during July and August on Melilotus, So- lidago, and Helianthus spp. Family PEMPHREDONIDAE KEY TO THE SUBFAMILIES Front wings with three cubital cells; antennae inserted far above the clypeus on or near the middle of the-face.............. PSENINAE Front wings with two cubital cells; antennae inserted close to the base of EL pay DEUS haae sta ac taltciots fess inid Vasa raid Slavevsts goatee PEMPHREDONINAE Subfamily PSENINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Cubital vein in hind wings originating beyond the transverse median nervure, the latter short and straight, perpendicular; submedian cell in front wings a little shorter than the median, the transverse median vein being not quite interstitial with the basal vein; sec- ond cubital cell usually much narrower above.............. Neofoxia Cubital vein in hind wings originating before the transverse median vein, the latter long and oblique or slightly bent, but not perpen- dicular. Second and third cubital cells each receiving a recurrent nervure, or the first recurrent nervure is interstitial with the first trans- verse cubital vein; head with a spine between the antennae; cly- peus anteriorly rimmed, and with a median sinus............... Psen ~ Second cubital cell receiving both recurrent nervures, rarely with the first recurrent nervure interstitial with the first transverse cubital vein, or the second recurrent interstitial with the second transverse cubital vein; inner spur of hind tibiae dilated; metathorax with a median sulcus, the area at base striate or alveolate; petiole of ab- domen long, usually furrowed laterally; clypeus convex or sub- convex, separated, anteriorly more or less rounded and with a slight vein, but without a median sinus; labrum hidden..... Mimesa 387 66 Harry Scott Smith Genus Neofoxia ‘Viereck Neofoxia suffusa (Fox). 1898. Psen suffusus, Fox, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xxv, p. 18. 1901. Neofoxia suffusus Viereck, Ibid., xxvii, p. 342. Represented by a single female from Lincoln, taken during August on Physalis (M. A. Carriker). Genus Psen Latreille Psen monticolus (Packard). 1867. Mimesa monticola Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 407. 1898. Psen monticola Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxv, p. 11. A single female specimen from Glen. Easily recognized by means of the wing venation and general habitus. Genus Mimesa Schuckard SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES PreMIaeS Ph. o.. 2 3k day sie alte a wena Le ae Une mince eine eee eee 1 Males’ (copied “irom Fox iol. Ralielok ENS esac De eaten ee ee ff 1. Apex of abdomen cone-shaped, flattened pygidial area wanting.... 2 1. Apex of abdomen with a distinct flattened pygidial area.......... 3 2. Abdomen with segments 1 to 3 red; joints 2 to 6 of the fla- gellum strongly produced beneath; petiole almost as long as hind femur, trochanter and coxa combined........... conica 2. Abdomen with segments black, sometimes margined with testaceous; joints of flagellum not strongly produced be- neath; petiole not longer than hind femur......... granulosa | 3. Insect entirely black; mandibles strongly bidentate apically (a sin- gle tooth practically equaling the tip) ; pygidium with large StEOME PURCHILES: Sct aie 308 as oink eee eerie mandibularis 3. Insect with at least one segment of the abdomen reddish; antennae and tarsi more or less testaceous; pygidium with small juehileathy oh Oevaesia RGA ror ob die yCormointomod coe a Sd 1. 4 4. Petiole fully as long as, or longer than, the hind femur; ab- domen with segments 1 to 3 and sometimes 4 reddish. .cressontt 4. Petiole equal to or shorter than, the hind femur............ 5 5. Size larger, 9.5 mm.; sculpture of metathorax coarsely reticulate; mandibles bluntly rounded; abdominal segments 1-3 and base of 4 reddish; pubescence of face yellowish white, nebrascencis 388 “ The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 67 5. Size smaller, 6-7 mm.; sculpture of metathorax much finer, striato- PEELC TULA Nant) ais setters cee haere tartan etd FiOS Aaa aie eae cei ok sees ee 6 6. Mandibles with a quite strong tooth just back of apex; first segment of abdomen black except apex; second segment and sometimes base of third reddish; abdomen more ovate than the following, segments scarcely constricted; pygidial AN Samu InAL LONG eycals's Orslagc toast tecterh ai oreio eickae tans lalatiare ea ole unicincta 6. Mandibles without a tooth or with only a very faint indica- tion of one; segments 2 and 3 of abdomen reddish; abdo- men with sides more nearly parallel, slightly constricted Et WCemaSCOTMEMESS i= settee tharcle sic mae toisersmrin erers7e aneties. atte proxima 7. Petiole of abdomen distinctly longer than hind femur; flagellum strongly clavate, the basal joint rather distinctly dentate ere athuesstieh omer aieskh elm aul ote abe tiake Nek tists aia cla be varkis cressonu 7. Petiole of abdomen not longer than hind femur.................. 3 8. Abdomen elongate, clavate, Trypowxylon-like; enclosure of Inetanotuni, closely Srantilate bo. cis ve deh wales cine o's ote granulosa ar Abdomen otherwise shaped: otis. esgic cde eie sca ccisiae bale oe 9 Ghalkeccy nore. Of, Ess teStaCeOUStwiei. vetacins sarees ec eer aes wleles wa eh unicincta abe MeriEA Rely, «Rett psc ce SEs hela at alate’ b a adic meer oreo wes wot te proxima Mimesa granulosa ( Fox). 1898. Psen granulosus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxv, p. 15. The female of this species, which I believe is heretofore un- known, does not differ essentially from the male, excepting in the sexual characters. This species and the following one ‘are peculiar in that they have no flattened pygidial area, the apical segment being cone-shaped. They form a distinct group. Eleven specimens of this species have been taken at Glen, August 12 to 19 (P. R. Jones, H. S. Smith). Very distinct in the shape and coloration of the abdomen and the lack of a pygidial area. Mimesa conica, n. sp. 9. Length 5-7 mm. Face and clypeus densely clothed with silvery pubescence, that on the vertex sometimes with a yellowish tinge. Clypeus, front, vertex, and occiput all with medium-sized close punctures, those on the vertex being somewhat the closest; punctures of the cheeks apparently arranged in striae; front distinctly tuberculate between the antennae; pos- terior ocelli about as far apart as the distance from them to the nearest eye-margin, each with a distinct cicatrix just behind and lateral to it; scape short, black, and closely punctured, flagellum pale testaceous be- neath, darker above, joints 2-6 strongly produced beneath, almost ser- rate; clypeus strongly produced and rounded out anteriorly; mandibles 389 68 Harry Scott Smith black, blood-red at tip, which is acute and with a notch just before the apex. Pronotum with white pubescence above. Mesonotum sparsely punc- tured in front, closely so posteriorly, scutellum practically impunctate on disk, postscutellum clothed with long gray pubescence; mesopleura closely and distinctly punctured all over and with a coat of silvery pubescence. Metathorax rounded, uniformly rugose, the sculpture not very coarse, and with a strong median furrow, sparsely clothed with white pubescence, metapleura smooth basally. Petiole long, slender, almost twice as long as first segment, and almost as long as hind femur, trochanter and coxa com- bined,. width about one-eighth of length, with a sulcus above on each side, convex in the middle and with a strong sulcus laterally. Abdomen with first three segments red, remaining ones black, dorsally impunctate, ven- trally with a few distinct punctures; pygidial area lacking, apical segment conical, clothed with a few light hairs. Legs black, all tarsi, tips of femora more or less, anterior and intermediate tibiae, and base of hind tibiae fer- ruginous. Wings clear hyaline, iridescent, second cubital cell narrowed one-half above. 3. Unknown. Type, Glen, Sioux county, Nebraska, altitude 4,000 ft. (H. S. Smith). Described from twenty-four specimens from the above locality and from Broken Bow and Brown county, taken during July and August on flowers of Solidago and Helianthus spp. Re- lated to granulosa by the absence of a pygidial area. Mimesa proxima Cresson. 1865. Mimesa proxima Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 488. 1898. Psen proximus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxv, p. 16. Several female specimens of this species were taken at Glen during the month of August. Easily separated from the follow- ing by the differently shaped abdomen. Mimesa unicincta Cresson. 1865. Mimesa unicincta Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 488. 1898. Psen wnicinctus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomo- logical Society, xxv, p. 15. Three females, also from Sioux county. Apparently not quite so common as the above. Mimesa nebrascensis, n. sp. ¢. Length 9.5 mm. Head black, front and clypeus clothed with quite dense pubescence, the latter bare on disk; clypeus with punctures fairly 390 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 69 close, anterior margin sinuate so as to form what almost might be called two obtuse teeth; face above clypeus with punctures considerably more dense; a distinct tubercle between bases of antennae in front; punctures on vertex still more distinct, much sparser on occiput and cheeks, faintly striato-punctate just back of the eyes; posterior ocelli about as far apart as space from them to the nearest eye margin, the latter slightly depressed; scape of antennae black, finely punctured; flagellum pale beneath, darker above; mandibles black, rufous at tips which are bluntly rounded, with several longitudinal grooves outwardly. Pronotum closely punctured and strongly ridged, somewhat sinuate above and clothed with sparse golden pubescence. Mesonotum sparsely punctured, more closely so just before scutellum, with four or five longitudinally impressed lines anteriorly and a short one on each side just above the tegulae; pleura faintly striate above, finely punctured on disk; scutellum very sparsely punctured on the disk, longitudinally striate posteriorly, postscutellum with long golden pubescence. Metathorax with strong longitudinal rugae above turning obliquely at the juncture with the posterior face and then becoming irreg- ular and coarsely reticulate; median depression strong; metapleura almost smooth basally, roughened and with quite long pubescence apically. Peti- ole about equal in length to the first segment, somewhat shorter than the hind femora, broad, width about one-fifth of its length, a longitudinal sulcus on each side above and each lateral face with a broad sulcus. First three segments of abdomen and base of fourth red, remaining segments black with margins testaceous, apical segments faintly punctured. Py- gidium broad, strongly but not coarsely punctured, distinctly margined. Ventral segments with a few stiff hairs apically, the last four segments finely punctured. Legs brownish, anterior tibiae and tarsi ferruginous, clothed with golden hairs. Wings smoky hyaline, iridescent; second cu- bital cell narrowed two-thirds above. 3. Unknown. Type, Lincoln, Nebraska. This species falls in the group ar- gentifrons of Fox, and judging from the descriptions is nearest to basirufa, but differs essentially in the sulcation of the petiole and the extent of red on the abdomen. Mimesa cressonii Packard. 1867. Mimesa Cressonii Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 405. 1898. Psen Cressonii Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxv, p. 12. Ranges across the entire state, specimens from Lincoln, West Point, Glen, and Warbonnet canyon being before me. These specimens have the pubescence on the vertex more of a golden 391 70 Harry Scott Smith color, and are smaller than Fox’s description would indicate, otherwise they seem to coincide fairly well, but may possibly represent a distinct species, as I have seen no authentic specimens of cressonu, Mimesa mandibularis, n. sp. 2. Length 7 mm. Insect entirely shining black, sometimes with a faint bluish cast; pubescence golden and fulvous; occiput and cheeks with fine, fairly close punctures, those on the latter slightly the smaller; front and disk of clypeus punctured as occiput; longitudinal facial carina distinct, extending to anterior ocellus; just behind each posterior ocellus is a small depression; distance between the posterior ocelli two-thirds that from the ocelli to the nearest eye margin; clypeus strongly convex, bare on the disk, quite strongly produced anteriorly forming four indistinct obtuse teeth; mandibles black, tips slightly reddish and bidentate, broad basally, scrobe with irregular punctures; antennae black, flagellum with a brownish ap- pearance, scape strongly punctured in front. Pronotum finely and closely punctured above. Mesonotum with punctures fine, indistinct, and widely separated, just in front of scutellum deeply longitudinally striate; meso- thoracic epimeron strongly carinated anteriorly, mesopleura indistinctly striato-punctate; scutellum sparsely punctured on disk, more closely so posteriorly, similar to postscutellum; metanotum with a small semitrian- gular depression centrally which is smooth within, remaining portion with coarse longitudinal rugae; posterior face of metathorax coarsely irregu- larly reticulate, lateral faces striate rugose. Petiole about as long as hind femur, trisulcate above, bisulcate on each side, gently curved. Abdomen elongate ovate, microscopically punctured, narrow margins of apical seg- ments slightly testaceous; first ventral segment finely punctured, venter with short, sparse golden pubescence; pygidial area almost three times as long as broad at base, faintly margined and slightly depressed, with about a dozen large deep punctures or pits, and entire surface extremely mi- nutely punctured. Legs black with fulvous pubescence, tibial spurs white. Wings smoky, iridescent, nervures black; second cubital cell narrowed at least one-half above and receiving both recurrent nervures below, each at about one-fourth of the entire width of cell from the corners. 6. Unknown. Type, Glen, Sioux county, Nebraska; altitude 4,000 ft., Au- gust 21, 1906 (P. R. Jones). This species is apparently related to miger. In Fox’s synopsis (Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, xxv, p. 1) it runs to dicotomy 5, but the clypeus is bare and the front is covered with golden pubescence instead of silvery. Differs also from niger in the puncturation and shape of anterior margin of clypeus. 392 Eee game The Sphegoidea of Nebraska TE Subfamily PEMPHREDONINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Front wings with two recurrent nervures. Abdomen with the petiole never longer than the hind coxae. Hind tibiae along the outer face spinous or subserrate; head, seen from in front, wider than long, clypeus at apex emarginate; abdomen ovate, not longer than the head and thorax united, the PICTOLELE VELA SIIOR Es ictaicec erstaen tic cee ow clond nately eter’? a) Moke tena iva Diodontus Hind tibiae along the outer face smooth, unarmed; labrum trian- Pa cen ROLE ic? sc. le sd seca ela vine eed wm Sete oaths Passaloecus Abdomen with the petiole longer than the hind coxae; mandibles tridentate; first cubital cell receiving both recurrent nervures, or the second recurrent is interstitial with the first transverse cubital MPUMIECH CIRCE aaa ira nese Any Rita) a ab '> Sb hye wwe a Riou e'e's Gyeie ale aunty 300 Cemonus Front wings with only one recurrent nervure; front wings with two cubital cells; recurrent nervure received by the first cubital cell near its middle or a little beyond; second cubital cell quadrate; BICC Y PIOCH EACLE) A seme nt ominia sea eter bs cocks dre dies oie «wid praidacchs Stigmus Genus Diodontus Curtis Diodontus nigritus Fox. 1892. Diodontus nigritus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xix, p. 317. I find in the collection a single female without a locality label, but presumably from the western portion of the state, as the type was taken in Colorado. Genus Passaloecus Schuckard Passaloecus mandibularis (Cresson). 1865. Pemphredon mandibularis Cresson, Proceedings of the Ento- mological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 487. 1892. Passaloecus mandibularis Fox, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xix, p. 320. Six females were taken at Glen, during the month of August. Easily recognized by the peculiarly shaped mandibles. Genus Cemonus Jurine Cemonus inornatus (Say). 1824. Pembhredon inornatus Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 339. 1859. Pemphredon inornatus Say, Leconte edition, ii, p. 229. 393 % 72 Harry Scott Smith 1892. Pemphredon inornatus Fox, Transactions of the American En- tomological Society, xix, p. 312. Eastern portion of the state. Omaha, July 17 CW Diu Pieces Lincoln, May 20 (L. Bruner). Genus Stigmus Jurine Stigmus americanus Packard. 1867. Stigmus americanus Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 386. 1892. Siigmus americanus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xix, p. 322. Five specimens, both sexes, of this little insect were taken at Glen, during August, 1906 (L. Bruner, H. S. Smith). Easily recognized by the iarge and conspicuous stigma. Family CRABRONIDAE KEY TO THE SUBFAMILIES Abdomen beneath not flat but convex, and not carinate laterally; second discoidal cell not much longer than the first, usually shorter and not WELVENATEOW: tiroh Lees Horeca. Dee re ea ene CRABRONINAE Abdomen beneath very flat and carinate laterally, the dorsal segment with a constriction at the sutures and margined at apex; transverse median nervure in front wings uniting with the median nervure far beyond the origin of the basal nervure, the second discoidal cell in consequence being very long and narrow, much longer than the first discoidal cell; mandibles at apex acute, not dentate.......... ANACRABRONINAE ‘Subfamily CRABRONINAE KEY TO THE GENERA Abdomen petiolate, or with the first segment petioliform and nodose at apex; first recurrent nervure received at the middle of the first enbital? cell owe Pskae veg et eaes kee Bh pelea eer Cena Rhopalum Abdomen not petiolate, or witi: the first segment petioliform and no- dose at apex; first recurrent nervure received at or beyond the middle of the first cubital cell. Mandibles at apex bi- or tridentate, sometimes indistinctly so, but MEVET BCUbG CL i 6 bac dpleae > Bue Bae Ue aa ee Das ee ae Crabro Mandibles at apex simple, acute; first recurrent nervure received by the ‘first.-cubital cell vats the: middle: 5 <;. 9258 oe wae oe nccten Lindenius Ww Ne) 4= The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 73 Genus Rhopalum Kirby Rhopalum decorus (Fox). 1895. Crabro decorus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 200. A tiny black wasp, about 5 mm. in length, easily recognized by the petioliform first abdominal segment, which is nodose at apex ; intermediate and anterior legs almost entirely yellow, also scape of antennae; mandibles whitish, brown apically. Five spec- imens were taken at Glen, August 13 (H. S. Smith). These were nesting in a clay butte. Genus Crabro Fabricius SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Mesopleura without a distinct ridge, carina or crest (rarely with a small, pointed tubercle) before the middle coxae; antennae in the male thirteen-jointed; metathorax often smooth, shining......... 1 Mesopleura with a distinct ridge, carina or crest before the middle coxae; antennae in both sexes twelve-jointed; metathorax never SMICGeHe aihit HCOATSClys SCM LPLUGOG a (os « Deine aisiscareik sheets becn aad enh aes 18 1. Ocelli arranged in an equilateral triangle, or nearly, the lateral ocelli about as far apart as from the front ocellus; abdomen Vaddaresnls aicelll Conyigsinntehil .. oy awbes cane saree tee 14 396 . The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 75 13. First transverse cubital nervure received in about the middle of the marginal cell, the space between the recurrent nervure and the apex of the cubital cell not or rarely greater than toe wide onthe lattercceld at apexes’ dai eine See's cite me's 15 14. Pronotum with the lateral tooth small and weak; pronotum entirely, scutellum and metanotum in part, yellow; second and third ventral segments sometimes spotted with yellow, cingulatus 14. Pronotum with the lateral tooth strong; pronotum with two yellow spots only; no yellow on scutellum, metanotum, OTHUNICIVEC Teh s ates are cico. e)-sye ys van dle, arene: Suave. wceiay a oust elt guetta aba eratat Mavens argus 15. Sculpture of head and thorax fine, rather indistinct, punctures shallow; clypeus and scape except apex, black; markings whitish; head and thorax clothed with thin, pale, long PUL ESCEN COW Aare ake eases hens wiateot ov oi afiaie Phar aves aiken eh vernalis 15. Sculpture of head and thorax, especially of the mesonotum, dis- PRE PAIAWEL pIAT RE Fo iow otras hee eeu Ch ok tee ee cE 16 16. Metanotum very coarsely sculptured, with strong longitud- inal or oblique ridges, which extend to the base of pos- terior face; scape yellow anteriorly; bands on first three abdominal segments broadly interrupted; tips of femora AIGIaay Cll O Warne were vai nda seatere sts siete ieiciet Se et oldie woaer stants advenus 16. Metanotum not so coarsely sculptured; if it is, then the ridges become obsolete toward the posterior face; lateral markings on abdominal segments three and four broad; second and third ventral segments spotted, hind tarsi yel- {1 21a Pa OP Rae deh APES SAE a Os a Eaten Fore hears chs 17 17. Length 14 mm. or over; thorax with heavy fuscous pubescence, largior 17. Length 10 mm. or less; thorax with thin gray pubescence...... VICINUS TEIN TE SR eNO Nn LADIES et oe a YE ea aA ES 19 ERM IRI ESN Mane nee vetetet ela he etal Mes ealeiavins hokage erie. cls Steal eae a daa 25 19. Supraorbital foveae always distinct, sharply defined, elongate or linear; head quadrate coarsely punctured; abdomen with one, more rarely with three terminal bands, remaining segments with transverse yellow spots............. interruptus 19. Supraorbital foveae wanting or at most not sharply defined, indi- cated only by a slight glabrous depression or streak in the sculpture close to the eye margin...........0ccceeceeees 20 20. Front femora with a tooth or dilate angulation at base be- neath; antennal joints 3-6 emarginate beneath, the sixth very strongly so; mesopleura and metathorax coarsely BEG tat cage cit Sere te is hiv Maa eyo wae ON Rl Oe eae 21 20. Front femora without a tooth beneath: ....2..0. 00.0044 208 22 21. First dorsal segment of abdomen with punctures much more dis- « 397 76 Harry Scott Smith tinct than on the remaining segments; first dorsal seg- mente immaclates: Mico eeres seek ae ae eee een odyneroides 21. First dorsal segment of abdomen with punctures but little more distinct than on the remaining ones; first dorsal segment with a small yellow spot on each side..........% chrysargyrus 22. Front tarsi abnormal, dilated or at least flattened; antennal joints 3 and 6 emarginate, the third about as long as 4 and 5 united; middle tibial spurs distinct; abdomen mi- mitteliy: buts distinctly punctate aslec eat cine oer. oueeetneees 23 22 eh tonh tarsn moniialsenOtedilated tuts syteieeee oink meee cea eee 24 23. First joint of median tarsi strongly angular on outer margin, not longer than the two following joints united; sculpture of mesonotum not exceedingly coarse; usually a yellow spot just: back: of ttegulacitee ister crak vecta loci tie eee bigeminus 23. First joint of median tarsi but slightly angular on the outer mar- ‘gin, slightly longer than the two following joints united; sculpture of mesonotum exceedingly coarse; no yellow Spot fuSst back orsterulacs wey ome ee tcc tee cee rufifemur 24. Middle tibiae without an apical spur; abdomen smooth, im- punctate, or at most microscopically punctate; first joint of flagellum distinctly longer than the second; fore femora Peddishaantemlonhy jest cas ser shei etre hele aaeeneene sexmaculatus 24. Middle tibiae with an apical spur; abdomen sparsely but distinctly, punctate ds yan. oo eee Cerone stirpicolus 25. Mandibles at apex bidentate, rarely truncate and indistinctly bi- dentate; pygidium in female triangular, above flat, never deeply excavated and without a well-defined pygidial area, the lateral carinae never being highly elevated........... 26 25. Mandibles at apex tridentate; pygidium narrowed toward apex, deeply channeled or excavated, with a well-defined, nar- rowed pygidial area, the lateral carinae high; if triangular, which us «rare. wexcayvateds ce mere ac carte ee eee tee eee 27 26. Femora black, yellow distally; head and entire abdomen — finely: pEANCtasgen, osc cntece oet oe ee eee ee ee ee bigeminus 26. Femora reddish; head and first dorsal segment of abdomen rather) coarsely. pyinctuneds eee. .njee i eet tee toe rutifemur 27. Supraorbital foveae wanting or indicated only by a slight glabrous streak or depression near the upper border of the eyes... 28 27. Supraorbital foveae sharply defined, long, linear or oblong; clypeus with a median ridge or carina and quadrately produced medially, the apex being truncate or subemarginate; head large, quadrate, rather coarsely confluently punctate.interruptus 28. Third antennal joint about as long as 4 and 5 united, or nearly three times as long as pedicel; abdomen shining, 398 Nl vs The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 77 but microscopically punctate, the punctures of the first SERS A BEHC, ALB ER a op yet SiGe tines aan o/s ihige vie k Landed 29 28. Third antennal joint much longer than 4 and 5 united...... 30 29. First dorsal segment of abdomen with the puncturation much more distinct than on the remaining segments; greater part of femora and tibiae in part black; first abdominal segment ; Msually spotted” with yellOwiwo. v.26 seccee ens peeks: odyneroides 29. First dorsal segment with the puncturation but little more distinct than on the remaining segments; first abdominal segment usally “marked, with» yellow? i..0y00.03.255 5.0500. chrysargyrus 30. Abdomen, or at least the basal segment, highly polished, impunctate or at most sparsely microscopically punctured; ygidial area much narrowed, deeply excavated and fully twice as long as wide at base; first joint of flagellum twice as long as the pedicel; scutellum black, postscutellum Wel ONT bento cee DE ALE COS CODED Ee Ee sexmaculatus 30. Abdomen distinctly, minutely (somewhat sparsely) punc- tate; pygidial area more nearly triangular, and not twice as long as wide at base; first joint of flagellum only a lit- tle longer than the pedicel; both scutellum and postscut- ellitmanarkeds wathiyellow: Sse ..2co0.c os stad) sti, Kae ove stirpicolus Crabro cingulatus (Packard). 1867. Thyreopus cingulatus Packard, Proceedings of the Entomolog- ical Society of Philadelplia, vi, p. 366. 1895. Crabro cingulatus Fox, Transactions of the hime Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 177. Only one specimen of this species, a male, has thus far been taken within the state boundaries, this at West Point, June 7, on Rosa (J. C. Crawford). Crabro hilaris F. Smith. 1856. Crabro (Thyreopus) hilaris F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenop- tera in the British Museum, iv, p. 416. 1895. Crabro hilaris Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 179. In appearance very much like the preceding, but easily distin- guished by the relative lengths of the first posterior tarsal joint and longer tibial spur. Rather more common than the above, I have before me five female specimens from Lincoln and West Point, June to October. Crabro advenus F. Smith. 1856. Crabro advenus F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the British Museum, iv, p. 421. 399 78 Harry Scott Smith 4 1895. Crabro advenus Fox, Transactions of the American as a ical Society, xxii, p. 171. Inhabits the entire state; Glen, West Point, Lincoln, Weeping Water; flies from April to September. This is one of the first insects to appear in eastern Nebraska in the spring. Crabro vernalis (Packard). 1867. Thyreopus vernalis Packard, Proceedings of the Eneviepeen Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 369. 1895. Crabro vernalis Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 173. So far taken only in the northwestern corner of the state, in Sioux county. As its name indicates, it is a vernal species, the specimens having been taken in May. Crabro largior Fox. 1895. Crabro largior Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 161. Range extends across the entire state. The specimens studied are from Warbonnet canyon and Lincoln, taken during the month of June. One of the largest Crabronids. Crabro latipes F. Smith. 1856. Crabro latipes F. Smith, Catalogue of Hymenoptera in the Brit- ish Museum, iv, p. 396. 1895. Crabro latipes Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 169. ‘This species is represented by a single male from Lincoln, but as it is found in almost all of the western states will doubtless be taken sooner or later in the western portion of our own state. Crabro argus (Packard). 1867. Thyreopus argus Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 359. 1895. Crabro argus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xxii, p. 165. Like the above, represented by a single male specimen, but from the northwestern portion of the state, it having been taken at Glen, August 12, 1906 (P. R. Jones). Crabro vicinus Cresson. 1865. Crabro vicinus Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological So- ciety of Philadelphia, iv, p. 479. 4.00 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 79 1895. Crabro vicinus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 170. Four females, also from Glen and Warbonnet canyon, during the month of August. Crabro lentus Fox. 1895. Crabro lentus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xxii, p. 190. One female from West Point in June (P. R. Jones). Crabro incavus Fox. 1895. Crabro incavus Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog-. ical Society, xxii, p. 188. A single female of this species from the same locality (H. S. Smith). Crabro scutellifer Dalla Torre. 1824. Crabro scutellatus Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 341 (not of Scheven). 1859. Crabro scutellatus Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 230. 1895. Crabro scutellatus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 190. Two females of this species were taken at Glen, on August 13, 1906 (H. S. Smith). Crabro vierecki, n. sp. ?. Length 7.5 mm. Head black, finely punctured throughout; front with | a deep median furrow extending from base of clypeus to anterior ocellus; ocelli almost forming an equilateral triangle, space between lateral ones greater, however, than that between them and the anterior one; the space between the lateral ocelli is one-half that between them and the nearest eye margin; supraorbital foveae indicated by broad depressions; antennae dark, scape long and yellow anteriorly’; clypeus three or four times longer than broad, and clothed with a dense coat of silvery white pubescence, anterior margin with six distinct teeth; mandibles rufous, bluntly rounded at the ends; cheeks beneath with a long tooth. Prothorax long, strongly sulcate and carinate, lateral angles quite prominent, and with two yellow spots; sides and top of prothorax with longitudinal rugae. Mesothorax finely punctured, anteriorly with indications of three longitudinal ridges; scutellum finely punctured, postscutellum white, tubercles white. Meta- notum longitudinally striate, the truncation foveolated, the posterior face faintly rugose; metapleura almost smooth, mesopleura finely punctured and shining, each with a dimple-like depression just beneath the tegulae, and with scattered silvery hairs. Abdomen shining, almost impunctate, 4OI 80 Harry Scott Smith first three and part of fourth segments red; pygidium short, about one and one-fourth times long as broad, with a few scattered punctures. Legs black, anterior and intermediate tibiae with a line outside, posterior tibiae at base and base of tarsi whitish. Wings smoky hyaline. 3. Unknown. Type, Glen, Sioux county, Nebraska, altitude 4,000 ft., August 13, 1906 (H. S. Smith). This species falls in the subgenus Ho- plocrabro Thompson, and is the second one of this group for North America, Mr. Viereck, to whom this specimen was sent for study, having described the first one from California. Crabro interruptus (Lepeletier). 1834. Solenius interruptus Lepeletier, Annales de la Societe Ento- mologique de France, iii, p. 716. 1895. Crabro interruptus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento-~ mological Society, xxii, p. 136. Probably our commonest Crabronid. Thirty-six specimens of both sexes from Lincoln, Weeping Water, Holt county, West Point, Warbonnet canyon, Jim creek, and Glen, from May to October. Visits Solidago, Astragalus, and Pastinaca. Crabro chrysargyrus Lepeletier. 1834. Crabro chrysargyrus Lepeletier, Annales de la Societe Ento-~ mologique de France, iii, p. 711. 1895. Crabro chrysarginus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 155. This species evidently has quite an extensive range, but is not numerous in individuals, being represented in this collection by two males, one from Lincoln, in September, the other from the opposite end of the state, Warbonnet canyon, on Malvastrum (M. Cary). Crabro odyneroides Cresson. 1865. Crabro odyneroides Cresson, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, iv, p. 481. 1895. Crabro odyneroides Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 153. An uncommon species. Two examples from Glen, August 20, 1906, at flowers of Cleome serrulata (H. S. Smith). This species is rendered very distinct by the difference in puncturation of the first and remaining segments. 402 - The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 81 Crabro sexmaculatus Say. 1824. Crabro sexmaculatus Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 341. 1859. Crabro sexmaculatus Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 230. 1895. Crabro sexmaculatus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento~ mological Society, xxii, p. 146. Found throughout the entire state, having been taken at Lin- coln, Ashland, York, West Point, Warbonnet canyon, and Glen, during August. Easily distinguishable by the impunctate abdo- men and peculiar ornamentation of same. Crabro stirpicolus Packard. 1866. Crabro stirpicola Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 111. 1895. Crabro stirpicolus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 148. Eastern portion of the state, taken at Lincoln and West Point, from June to August. A small species said by the Peckhams to nest in the stems of raspberry. Crabro rufifemur Packard. 1866. Crabro rufifemur Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 81. 1895. Crabro rufifemur Fox, Transactions of the American Entomol- ogical Society, xxii, p. 158. Quite common throughout the entire state. I have specimens from Omaha, Lincoln, West Point, Gordon, and Glen, from June to September. Recognizable at once by the reddish femora. Crabro bigeminus Patton. 1879. Crabro bigeminus Patton, Canadian Entomologist, xi, p. 213. 1895. Crabro bigeminus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 157. Not so common as the former, having been taken only in the northwestern portion of the state, in Warbonnet canyon, during the month of July at flowers of Petalostemon and Melilotus (Cary, Carriker). Genus Lindenius Lepeletier and Brullé SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Checks) with a-strong spine beneath :: i.0.0u0cesa'tes eb edule ae cee armaticeps HIPEKE! SINOOLH 7) (iMaTIMe Gs a:b 3 aibs ep minte, cc Faia sib ae oe tals olkte Wndlvledu data aw ee 1 ‘ 82 Harry Scott Snuth 1. Clypeus yellow; truncation or convexities of the metathorax dis- tinctly. and vobliqtely* striate... en oe ae Miah flaviclypeus 1. Clypeus dark; *convexities of the enclosure of metathorax prac- tically smooth, sometimes slightly rugose anteriorly... .errans Lindenius armaticeps (Fox). 1895. Crabro armaticeps Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 185. A male specimen was taken at West Point on June 20, 1905 (H. S. Smith), and a female at Glen, August 17, 1906, on So- lidago (H. S. Smith). This species and the following are evi- dently quite rare in this state. The specimens before me differ from Fox’s description in having the scutellum black instead of yellow, but inasmuch as this is a variable character in this genus I have unhesitatingly placed them here. The female I am not so sure of, as it has a very different appearance, the head being much larger relatively and more quadrate looking from above. How- ever, as the female of this species is heretofore unknown, and on account of the spined gula I feel comparatively safe in placing it here until more specimens are taken. Lindenius flaviclypeus (Fox). 1895. Crabro flaviclypeus Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- | mological Society, xxii, p. 186. So far this species has been found only in the northwestern corner of the state and uncommonly. These were taken at Glen, on August 20 (H. S. Smith). Lindenius errans (Fox). 1895. Crabro errans Fox, Transactions of the American Entomolog- ical Society, xxii, p. 184. Apparently inhabits the entire state, as I have specimens from Lincoln, West Point, Crawford, and Glen. It flies from May to August on flowers of Solidago and Mentzelia. Some of the spec- imens have the scutellum yellow and others entirely black. Subfamily ANACRABRONINAE Genus Anacrabro Packard Anacrabro ocellatus Packard. 1866. Anacrabro ocellatus Packard, Proceedings of the Entomological Society of Philadelphia, vi, p. 68. 404 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 83 1895. Anacrabro ocellatus’ Fox, Transactions of the American Ento- mological Society, xxii, p. 133. Nine specimens of this species have been taken in Nebraska as follows: Carns, July, on Euphorbia (M. H. Swenk) ; West Point (L. Bruner) ; Neligh, August, on Carduus (M. Cary). Family OXYBELIDAE KEY TO THE GENERA Postscutellar spine long, broad, and emarginate at apex; mandibles with- out a median tooth within; clypeus in female truncate, in male four- eee aCLetibateraan mtn ith aeNeridks Mantas uae ade ser ck whereas hake Notoglossa Postscutellar spine acute or bluntly rounded at apex, never ae mandibles with a median tooth within; eae in female truncate, iy INSP VGUCE Rey S.Sic ing FIN Ma eae Deca Pn an Osneie Genus Notoglossa Dahlbom SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Scutellum with light colored membranous lateral margins; spine very short, mostly white; head, mesonotum, and scutellum sparsely punctured; abdomen, with the exception of one or two segments, Brent, Ttodse beneath, \S:5—-4 omims’ os ie bbs bak Wo oe Jae abdominalis Scutellum without membranous margins; spine longer; head, meso- notum, and scutellum more closely punctured; abdomen, except- ing sometimes two apical segments, black with whitish or yellow ChAT een sent crete OrBore te Ketsar cele winsey esta doe heck s eyaig, W eewiaue! « ieuelevene ate aremetians 1 1. Vertex with a distinct median tubercle; occiput transversely stri- ato-punctate; scutellum coarsely punctured; squamae ter- minating in a curved point; spine with a thin semitrans- parent tip; abdomen finely punctured; tubercles, tegulae, squamae, and narrow transverse spots on sides of seg- MentS 1 —Hawiitish: length eb—n Mil shy. 2.8 eee he heres cockerelli 1. Vertex without a median tubercle; occiput normally punctured; scutellim: with= smaller punctures. .22+-2.1 sos de veeee ee 2 2. Lateral points of squamae much exceeding the tips; sides of spine practically straight frem tip to base, apical third Pale “seutelband entirely sblacke. 5 Fil. css nine oe Geet ee intermedia 2. Lateral points of squamae not exceeding the tips; sides of spine strongly curved, almost unicolorous throughout; scutellum of female usually with two yellow dots. .emarginata Notoglossa abdominalis (Baker). 1896. Oxybelus abdominalis Baker, Entomological News, vii, p. 158. 405 84 Harry Scott Smith Three females, Glen, August (Swenk, Jones, Smith); one male, West Point, June, 1905. Notoglossa cockerelli (Baker). 1896. Oxybelus cockerelli Baker, Entomological News, vii, p. 61. A single male from Glen, August, 1906 (H. S. Smith). Notoglossa intermedia (Baker). 1896. Oaybelus intermedius Baker, Entomological News, vii, p. 160. One female, also from Glen, August, 1906 (H. S. Smith). Notoglossa emarginata (Say). 1837. Oxybelus emarginatus Say, Boston Journal of Natural History, i, p. 375. 1859. Oxybelus emarginatus Say, Leconte edition, ii, p. 757. 1889. Oxybelus emarginatus Robertson, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xvi, p. 84. 1901. Notoglossa emarginata Robertson, Jbid., xxvii, p. 204. Our commonest Oxybelid, as it seems to be everywhere else. Ranges across the entire state and flies from June to August. Seems to be confused with americana Robertson. Genus Oxybelus Latreille SYNOPSIS OF THE SPECIES Vertex with a distinct median tubercle; posterior ocelli each placed on tlhe upper and outer side of a tubercle, causing these ocelli to look outwards and upwards instead of in the normal direction... 1 Vertex without a distinct median tubercle; posterior ocelli normally DAAC id arate te Gre eae ovate ha ae Ae Reig ye inip wre: a aats Eanes Sek eae eee 3 1. Size small, 6.5 mm.; punctures back of ocelli in striae; wings hy- aline; abdominal segments only slightly constricted, punc- tures of medium size; ornaments whitish........ i te striatus 1. Size larger, 7.5-10 mm.; occipital punctures normal; wings slightly clouded; abdominal segments strongly constricted, punc- tures very coarse; ornaments yellowish.................. 2 2: Mesothorax, (entirely, Wl aGk gases seam state te eetensere aie ete re cornutus 2. Anterior portion of mesonotum red............ var. quadricolor 3. Squamae apparently broadly joined at base (this appearance is caused by the postscutellum being yellow)............... 4 3. Squamae not apparently joined at base... ...0....- 0200 1. ceu wea 5 4. Body covered with. an unusually dense growth of short pubescence; postscutellar spine with sides almost parallel or slightly wider at tip, which is light colored; two apical segments of abdomen bright ferruginous............ glenensis 400 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska 85 4. Body not unusually pubescent; postscutellar spine rapidly narrowed to an acute point, which is black; apical seg- ments of abdomen not ferruginous............... albosignatus 5. Abdomen of male with strongly developed lateral spines; pub- escence very sparse; postscutellar spine sharp pointed; SIZCMAO OMT, on cro kiet cL urdehia ec aiove shathoblae te dura a aiSleeaee subulatus 5. Abdomen of male without strongly developed lateral spines; post- scutellar spinerounded’ of trumicate..ci). ie. Se. Dba: 6 6. Postscutellar spine slightly narrowed apically; squamae sep- arated by about the distance across the base of one; upper portion of posterior face of metathorax coarsely reticulate, balloon-shaped area impunctate; apical segment of abdo- TERE SIMA E APE rei oc sturera di cite e ccteia es ha eared Oe wo eltais Manatee he 7 6. Postscutellar spine somewhat widened at apex; squamae practically touching; posterior face of metathorax closely punctured, including the balloon-shaped area; faint indi- cations of lateral abdominal spines; apical segment of ab- ASME GU TOMS aerate eis sates cele otvaret one titer e hints apicatus 7. Smaller specimens; abdominal bands narrow and widely separated; Will Owen VUNES AOAGKET Me torch iow a, sees wipers oes quadrinotatus 7. Larger, more pubescent; abdominal bands broader and more ap- proximate, forming continual bands on segments 4 and 5; wing nervures more yellowish................. var. montanus Oxybelus cornutus Robertson. 1889. Oxybelus cornutus Robertson, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xvi, p. 80. I have nine specimens of the typical form of this species and six specimens of what Professor Cockerell calls quadricolor, but which is only a form of cornutus. I have all intergradations be- tween the two forms. Glen, August 12 to 19; Broken Bow, Au- gust 28, 1906. Oxybelus subulatus Robertson. 1889. Oxybelus subulatus Robertson, Transactions of the American Entomological Society, xvi, p. 79. Two specimens from Jim creek in Sioux county, and from West Point, during June and July. Oxybelus albosignatus, n. sp . Length 9.5 mm. Insect black, ornaments whitish, with only a faint tinge of yellow; face clothed with rather dense silvery pubescence, that on the occiput more golden; occiput, vertex, and face with medium-sized rather close punctures, those on the clypeus and lower portion of face ieee oy: 86 Harry Scott Smith much finer than above; clypeal process quite prominent, more so than in subulatus; mandibles black, rufous medially; cheeks with punctures ar- ranged in rows or striae; ocelli normal; flagellum of antennae uniform dark brown. Prothorax carinate, rounded on the sides and sparsely punc- tured, with two yellowish white dots laterally. Mesothorax and scutellum with a weak longitudinal median carina, almost imperceptible on the lat- ter, which has a reflexed margin and is very coarsely punctured; tubercles yellowish white; propleura with extremely fine punctures, mesopleura very coarsely punctured, especially anteriorly, and with several strong ridges or elevations running downward; crest before intermediate coxae distinct; metapleura with numerous longitudinal ridges; posterior face of meta- thorax with numerous polygonal reticulations; a strong median carina starts at the juncture of the abdomen and extends upward to about one- third of the altitude of the metathorax where it becomes bifurcate, the forks forming a balloon-shaped depression which is impunctate and almost smooth within; squamae terminating in quite long curved points; the post-- scutellum yellow, almost concolorous with squamae, and making it appear as if they were broadly joined medially. Postscutellar spine black, broad at base, and rapidly narrowed to an acute point. Abdomen with quite large, medium close punctures dorsally, exceedingly coarse sparse punc- tures ventrally; abdominal bands quite broad, those on one and two nar- rowly interrupted, remaining ones entire; apical segment with golden pubescence. Legs black, anterior and intermediate femora at tip beneath, and all tibiae outwardly more or less yellowish white, tarsi brownish; posterior and intermediate tibiae quite strongly spined outwardly. Wings clear hyaline excepting distal and posterior margins, which are smoky; netvures brownish. 4 3. Unknown. Type, West Point, Nebraska, June 28, 1905 (P. R. Jones) ; paratype (?) Holt county, Nebraska. This species is related to subulatus Robertson by the acute postscutellar spine and the coarse puncturation of the abdomen. I am undecided as to whether or not the Holt county specimen belongs to this species. It differs in being rather smaller, has two white spots on the scutellum, the markings on the prothorax and tubercles are con- nected, and the sculpture not quite so strong. It may prove to be distinct. Oxybelus quadrinotatus Say. 1824. Oxybelus quadrinotatus Say, Long’s Expedition, ii, Appendix, p. 338. 1859. Oxybelus quadrinotatus Say, Leconte edition, i, p. 228; 11, p. 758. 1889. Oxybelus quadrinotatus Robertson, Transactions of the Ameri- can Entomological Society, xvi, p. 78. Ao8 The Sphegoidea of Nebraska | 87 Fairly common, ranging across the entire state. Glen, Craw- ford, West Point, and Lincoln, June, July, and August on flow- ers of Solidago, Mentzelia, and Spirea. I have also one specimen of the variety montana from Warbonnet canyon, July 21 (M. Cary). Oxybelus striatus Baker. 1896. Oxybelus striatus Baker, Entomological News, vii, p. 60. Four specimens of both sexes were taken at Glen, August 14 to 17, on Solidago*(P. R. Jones, H. S. Smith). Oxybelus robertsonii Baker. 1896. Oxybelus robertsonu Baker, Entomological News, vii, p. 156. One male specimen from Warbonnet canyon, July 25, on Er- togonum I have referred to this species. Oxybelus apicatus, n. sp. 6. Length 5.5 mm. Insect black, pubescence short and sparse, silvery; pubescence on face considerably longer than on any other portion of the body; facial and occipital punctures fine and fairly close, although not so dense as in the following species, those on the lower portion of the cheeks with fine striae; clypeal process very prominent; mandibles rufous, tips slightly darker; ocelli normal; scape of antennae dark, with a light spot beneath at the apex, flagellum light ferruginous. Prothorax rounded on the sides, with fine punctures, rather more sparse than on the mesothorax, and without white markings. Mesothorax with medium-sized close punc- tures, scutellum bicarinate; squamae practically touching each other, ter- minal points short and strong; postscutellar spine black, truncate and gradually but only slightly widened at the tip, concave above; pleura punc- tured as mesonotum, metapleura finely striato-punctate; posterior face of metathorax finely punctured, two longitudinal carinae joining to form one below, above making a triangular enclosure which is concave and impunc- tate within below, and convex and punctured above; a short carina sep- arates the posterior face from the metapleura, extending from the juncture of the abdomen one-third of the distance upwards. Abdomen finely and closely punctured dorsally, punctures sparse and irregular ventrally; seg- ments 1-4 with slight bands, these bands white apically and the remain- ing portion orange, the orange portion slightly interrupted in the middle; apical half of 5 and all of 6 and 7 bright rufous; apical plate strongly emarginate. Legs black, tibiae eee with tips lighter, tarsi light fer- ruginous, posterior and intermediate tibiae with stout light- ee spines. Wings hyaline, iridescent, nervures brownish. 9. Unknown. Type, Warbonnet canyon, Sioux county, Nebraska, July 20, 409 88 Harry Scott Smith 1901, at flowers of Eriogonum (M. Cary). Related to varicolor- atus and glenensis, but differs from both by the bicarinate scu- tellum, position of the ocelli, shape of squamae and postscutellar spine, and other minor characters. Oxybelus glenensis, n. sp ?. Length 5.5 mm. Insect black, covered with a short dense silvery pubescence; face with pubescence rather longer than that on the remain- ing portion of the body; occiput and face with very close, medium-sized punctures, those on the cheeks rather larger and more sparse; clypeal process fairly prominent; mandibles light ferruginous, tips and bases dark; ocelli large and prominent, normally situated; scape of antennae light- colored in front, flagellum pale rufous.- Prothorax not carinate, and rounded at the sides, with punctures fairly close. Mesonotum without a carina, scutellum with a very faint one, also with a narrow membranous margin, and punctured about as mesonotum; squamae apparently touching in the middle and with weak lateral curved points which very slightly surpass the tips of the squamae; postscutellar spine about one-third wider at tip than at base, truncate and light colored distally, concave above; tubercles with a light spot; pleura punctured as mesonotum, metapleura finely striate, upper portion of posterior face of metathorax striated and with pubescence longer than on any other portion of the body; depression ~ below spine punctate above, almost smooth below; ldwer portion of pos- terior face finely punctate. Abdomen with close extremely fine punctures, first and second ventral segments finely and very sparsely punctured, re- maining ones almost impunctate; abdomen with light-colored entire bands on segments 1-4, these bands slightly ferruginous basally; two apical segments bright rufous, hardly constricted between segments. Legs black, all femora white at distal end, intermediate and posterior tibiae white basally and apically, anterior tibiae yellowish white, all tarsi whitish. Wings only faintly clouded, almost hyaline, nervures Beoueh 6. Unknown. Type, Glen, Sioux county, Nebraska, altitude 4,000 ft., August 18, 1906 (P. R. Jones). This species is related to variogloratag from which it is very distinct, as set forth in the description. 410 MESOTHORAR METATHORAD WESOTHORACIC EPIMERON COXA STERNUY cou RAiSVERSE CUBITALS RADIAL VEIN CRANSVER Ey ‘EDIAN vey - 5 - ~ < CUBITAL very as DIAGRAMMATIC CHART SHOWING ANATOMICAL STRUCTURE AND WING VENATION. [Modified from Fernald. ] IIl.—Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation BY RAYMOND JOHN POOL TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction : : I The region in which ie Geld ended were made 3 Material and methods 3 Outline map 4 Soil structure, water content, dhiiante 5 Precipitation table 8 Structural studies 8 Water storage tissue. ; ; ; : : : ‘Saae Summary ; : : 3 : , : ‘ Tea Literature : “ é ; ‘ : : : 120 Explanation of sities Rigen: shoe INTRODUCTION Many investigators have written on the subject of leaf histol- ogy and morphology in general, and a few have, in addition, touched upon the physiological significance of structures found during the progress of the study. Among these writers are Ha- berlandt, Pick, Stahl, Bonnier, Wagner, Hesselmann, and Clem- ents. Most of the work, however, has been purely histological or morphological with little or no reference to environic forces. But in these later days of the development of the new ecology: those forces or factors which have been potent in the evolution of plants and which are moulding plants today have come under careful observation and study, not only from the qualitative point — of view, but also from the quantitative standpoint. Among the most important of these studies is the one by Dr. E. S. Clements on The Relation of Leaf Structure to Physical Factors, in which UNIVERSITY StupiEs, Vol. VIII, No. 4, October 1908. AII 2 Raymond John Pool the author measured very carefully the physical factors which were operative in the production of the structures which she recorded. However, most of the above studies have been more general than the one here reported. The authors have attempted to cover a greater mass of vegetation rather than to confine themselves to a single unit or a subdivision of vegetation. As indicated in the title, the study given here was made in a definite area or unit of vegetation—the Artemisia formation. This study does not in- clude all of the species of the formation, but twenty-eight of the prominent ones. The original thought was to make a careful study of the leaf histology of some of the more typical plants of this formation in relation to the physical conditions and to determine to what ex- tent the leaf structure of the plants of the formation coincided with the present conception of xerophytic anatomy. An attempt was also made to discover the range of variation in physical fac- tors, especially of water-content, of the formation and the bear- ing of this variation upon structural phenomena. Since the term formation has often been used loosely without any definite or commonly accepted application, it is well that, before going further, I should define the term as I understand it and as it has been used in this paper. The confusion caused by the various conceptions or usages of such terms as formation, association, society, etc., is well known to every ecologist, and hence it is unnecessary to enter here into a detailed historical account of the various controversies over these matters. A plant formation as here regarded is the unit of vegetation. It does not take a well-trained botanist to recognize that certain areas of vegetation are marked out by certain conditions of the habitat. Any one can tell that certain areas are very clearly delimited by great differences in physical conditions. In other words, it is a commonplace observation that the distribution of plants is con- trolled by some more or less well-defined character of the sub- stratum, and no one has the slightest difficulty in pointing out a swamp, a wet meadow, an open prairie, a coniferous forest, or a lichen covered cliff. The term plant formation is applied to 412 § ete eer 7 ., ‘ A Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 3 such an aggregation of plants as this, or, to formally define it, a plant formation is the collection of plants present in a habitat more or less clearly delimited, usually by certain physical condi- tions, in which the arrangement and the structure of the plants is the result of the adaptation of these plants to the environic forces of the habitat, and further characterized by the predom- inance of one or several species. To localize for the Artemisia formation it only remains to be briefly stated that this formation is characterized by a low water-content, high temperature, low humidity, xerophytic vegetation, and by the predominance of Artemisia tridentata, The geographical limits, the structure, and the development of the formation are not treated in this place, but are reserved for a future paper, when a more comprehensive reconnaissance of the whole formation shall have been made. THE REGION IN WHICH THE FIELD STUDIES WERE MADE The studies which constitute the field materials for the paper were made during the summer of 1907 from June 20 to August 30, in the Artemisia formation as it is found in the state of Colo- rado. The southern half of the state was covered quite thor- oughly. The studies were ended in the north central part of the state. The most extensive studies were made at Fort Garland, Durango, Hot Sulphur Springs, and in Estes Park. A person familiar with the geography and physiography of the state will know from the above statement that the work was done mostly within the Rocky mountain portion of the state. The altitude of the formation ranges from about 1,500 m. (4,875 ft.) to 2,830 m. (8,500 ft.). No plants of Artemisia tridentata were found above an altitude of 3,000 m. (9,975 ft.). About 1,500 km. (2,500 miles) were traveled during the summer. The outline map on the following page will show the route followed and the location of the principal studies. . MATERIAL AND METHODS As stated above only leaf studies were made, except in the case of Juncus in which the leaf functions are performed by the leafless 413 es ee a SHIGALS IVdIONING AHL AO NOILVOO'T AHL ONIMOHS OdGVAOTO) AHO dvVJN Wop era S004 “Ps na P W = aTaZA VS3W : obuow a 54 02q ysuogs 5 ‘shag, vs obey vee Ey eet B : eb monkey D Z2jA09 ‘op VABDYINYD O 10F Frese _ BM 84d SIS SDH & DJ SIA PUSNGO P38 pose stig poomua)xy ) Raymond John Pool re Ar NE7L +0] bfhvjano4O--~O * oO Q YAP $2959 sutyiep'3.4\O 414 Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 5 stems. Leaf material was collected and fixed in the field. A modification of Flemming’s solution was used as the fixing agent. The material was killed from twenty-four to forty-eight hours, washed in the field, and preserved in 30 per cent alcohol until the party returned to Lincoln, when all the material, consisting of 168 vials of leaf sections, was run up to 60 per cent alcohol, where it was left until it was run on up and imbedded in paraffin. The sections were cut a uniform thickness of 15 p, stained with safranin and licht griin, and mounted in balsam. Over two hun- dred permanent slides were made. These constitute the basis for the following studies and from which the figures were drawn. All the laboratory work was done in the laboratories of the de- partment of botany of the University of Nebraska. The methods of habitat study, or the study and determination of the physical factors of the formation were those laid down by Clements in Research Methods in Ecology. SOIL-STRUCTURE, WATER-CONTENT, CLIMATE In the southern portion of the state the Artemisia formation typically occupies a soil mainly of sedimentary origin, intermixed with loess and with a surface layer of small, slightly disintegrated quartzite and granite boulders. The granite of the region con- tains a rather high per cent of feldspar, so that on the whole the soil resulting from the decay of the granites is essentially a clay soil bearing rather fine sand particles. Farther from the foot- hills, however, as in the San Luis valley south of Fort Garland, the soil is a very fine homogeneous sand lacking the surface layer of small boulders. Such a soil is very deep and fine grained. It dries quickly on the surface, but contains too much sand ‘to bake hard. This fine dry surface no doubt acts as a very excellent mulch in conserving the moisture below. This fact taken to- gether with the homogeneous nature of the soil probably accounts for a certain peculiarity in the matter of water-content described below. In the north, especially in Estes Park, the formation occupies more commonly the granitic soils, since these are the most com- mon in that region. Disintegration of the exposed granite has 415 6 Raymond John Pool proceeded for a few centimeters in crevices and soft places in the rock in which soil has accumulated to a sufficient degree to fur- nish a foothold for plants. On such hillsides Artemisia tridentata was abundant up to 2,830 m. (8,500 ft.). By the exercise of its soil-forming function, by the addition of litter and humus to the originally scanty supply, considerable soil has been accumulated, and the plants now cover rather wide areas through which yellow pine (Pinus ponderosa) is also scattered. The soil here, in con- trast to that in the south, is very shallow, as well as rocky and gravelly. In it soil samples were taken with considerable difficulty. From 108 water-content determinations for the region studied it was found that the average physical water-content or holard for all depths in the formation was 13.3 per cent. The extremes were 27.9 per cent near the edge of an irrigation ditch at a depth of 8 dem., and 4.0 per cent in the open homogeneous sandy soil at a depth of 2 dem. in the absorbing area of a species of Atriplex. This minimum is very low. Probably it can be explained only by reference to the structure of the soil. As above stated, the soil here, Fort Garland, is a fine homogeneous sand with a very fine surface mulch of about a centimeter in depth. Now it must be that the echard, or the non-available water-content here is ex- tremely low, probably less than 1 per cent. It is regretted that no determinations were made on this point, for certainly such would have been enlightening. The very great development of rootlets and root hairs was, however, noted for the above plants. This fact, together with the very hairy leaves containing much storage tissue, would indicate that here is a plant which is excel- lently adapted to a very low holard and in a.way to prevent desiccation by excessive transpiration. Another point brought out in the water relations of xerophytic plants during these field observations is that there was very little variation in the vertical distribution of soil moisture, especially in the homogeneous sandy soils of the formation. This condition is accompanied by a rather superficially developed root-system. ™n fact, the absorbing area for most species of the herbaceous associates of the Artemisia was found to be at a depth of about 416 Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 7 2 dem. and even with Artemisia tridentata itself the absorbing area was reached at a depth of one meter. In determining the vertical distribution of moisture, soil sam-: ples were taken at depths of 2, 4, 8, and 10 dem. In taking the deeper samples a pickax was used with the geotome, since only a 2 dem. geotome was available. Whenever leaf material was taken soil water determinations were made from the absorbing area of the plant concerned in so far as was possible. In doing this for Artemisia tridentata the whole plant was first broken down and grubbed out. Because of the weakness of the trunk and roots this task was easily accomplished. Then the pickax and hands were used to excavate to about one meter below the surface where the geotome was driven down for the final soil sample. This was a comparatively easy task in the fine sandy soils, but in the rocky soils of the north it was more difficult to obtain a sample from the absorbing area of the larger shrubs. The vertical distribution of water-content showed a much wider range of variation in the rocky soils than in the even textured sandy soil. In a recent number of the Plant World which came to hand as this paper was being written, MacDougal states that in his studies of desert vegetation he has found the same comparative uniform- ity in the vertical distribution of soil moisture. Because of this uniformity the root systems of the plants inhabiting such places exhibit a broad lateral development with a corresponding decrease in vertical range. The stratification habit of roots such as Mac- Dougal mentions was not noted for the plants of this formation, probably because in most cases the individuals were so widely distributed that competition between the root systems of contig- uous plants was reduced to a minimum. In the matter of climatic conditions the region covered is arid. There is a great diurnal range in temperature for each locality. At Hot Sulphur Springs at an altitude of 2,600 m. (7,800 ft.) frost occurred on one or two nights during the latter part of July. But at noon or between noon and 3:00 P.M. a temperature of 40° C. was recorded in the Artemisia formation surrounding the village. The nights were not so cold in the south, but the days 417 8 Raymond John Pool were very oppressive with high temperatures and low humidities. The winters are cold and the summers hot for the region as a whole. The following table shows the mean annual precipitation for a number of stations within the range of these studies: Bott Garland: recente nace 35.70 cm. (14.00 in.) Sarit Lilie iis win tease ec abate 29.50 cm. (11.62 in.) PGA GO! di Ne mont nares os en eee ae 46.00 cm. (16.16 in.) VERTICES so Aisi ciacecnate eeahrrare Le coos 48.80 cm. (17.29 in.) Montrose (caste kis inetd aime tasers 30.80 cm. (12.30 in.) Buenas Waste Coates eee 22:20-cm\( *B75cate) CUMIN OI os tyes eee nee era 2310 em,. CG, 50 10H) Preblow acu.ueih sash tonics see 30.70 cm, (12.11 in.) Colotado -Springsys Acai. ce heck: 2 36.80 cm. (14.41 in.) Bou eR vite we aie site was eee 47.00 cm. (18.75 in.) Hot Sulphur: Springs? <5). ois: 50.80 cm. (20.00 in.) Moraine Packs sc cce ck come see 38.20 cm. (15.00 in.) STRUCTURAL STUDIES Artemisia tridentata. Since this is the plant which gives character to the formation it will be treated more thoroughly than the others, most of which are herbaceous species. This is the common plant of the West which predominates in those regions commonly called sage plains, or sage-brush regions. The species is a perennial shrub and is variously called by the names sage-brush, common sage-brush, sage-wood, mountain sage, etc. The short stem is usually much branched at or near the ground into from three to six or more slightly spreading or erect secondary stems. The main stem reaches a diameter of 15.20 cm. (6 in.) in the south. The tallest plants found were at Fort Garland, where they measured 2.50 m. (8 ft.) in height, and the smallest were in Estes Park, where the general height was about 45.60 cm. (18.0 in.). The species reaches considerably larger dimensions farther north and west where the formation is older. The main stem is often split and furrowed in nature and is covered by a thin, stringy, dark brown to ash-colored bark. The young twigs are silvery canescent. A18& =. SAY Eh Dakeeke, wae Al a atl ai Sees Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 9 The leaves are narrowly cuneate, 1-4 cm. long, varying in size and thickness somewhat for the habitat, and are typically three- toothed at the truncate apex. Heads of 5-8 yellow flowers are very numerous on the shoots of the year. The wood is of a dark olive brown color, coarse grained, with conspicuous vessels in the spring portion of the narrow annual rings. The wood is not strong, is easily split or broken by twisting. The root system is usually composed of three to six or more main branches which subdivide soon, thus forming a rather narrow root system. The rate of growth is very slow. The largest plants at Fort Garland were fifty years old. The annual diameter increment was about 2.1 mm. (0.12 in.) for this locality. In the Estes Park -region where the plants were 6.3 cm. (2.5 in.) in diameter and twenty-five years old the annual diameter increment was 2.5 mm. (0.10 in.). The plants show a slightly better development near streams and irrigation ditches, though not to the degree that might be expected, especially when compared with Chrysothamnus graveolens, a common associate which makes a much more lux- uriant growth near the ditches. The size and the rapidity of growth of Artemisia tridentata is not much accelerated even when it grows near streams where the holard is considerably higher than in the normal habitat. This species is rarely found in the saline areas which are rather common in the formation in the South. It is replaced in such areas by the spiny chenopod, Sar- cobatus vermiculatus. The leaf structure coincides well with the common conceptions of such xerophytic organs. The leaf is covered both on the upper and the lower surfaces with a dense mat of interlocking T-shaped epidermal hairs, so protection is almost perfect in this regard. The structure of an individual epidermal hair is shown in figure 9, plate I. These hairs are usually composed of three cells, two ‘of which constitute the stalk, and the third, the terminal cell, is drawn out into the long cross-bar of the T. They rise from a single epidermal cell. The stalk cells regularly show the pres- ence of well-defined and apparently functional nuclei. The nu- cleus of the end cell was also found in a number of cases. The cells of the epidermis always contain prominent nuclei with a 419 IO Raymond John Pool peripheral layer of protoplasm. This fact may be rather surpris- ing to those who have held the view that trichome cells and the cells of the epidermis are inactive and that they contain only air. The above facts indicate that such cells are not so “dead” as has been supposed. Indeed, most of the plants described in this paper showed the epidermal nuclei to be almost always present ; in many cells it was very large and conspicuous, Leaves from plants in the drier situations, for instance from a holard of 8 to 12 per cent, regularly show in addition to the lanate surface a well-defined cuticle (plate I, figs. 1 and 2). The leaf is greatly pitted so that in a transverse section the epidermis ap- pears as an undulating chain of cells. In many of these pits are found peculiar multicellular epidermal glands which will be de- scribed below. Stomata are about equally distributed over the upper and lower surfaces. The chlorenchyma_ is composed of four rows of irregular, prolate palisade cells closely packed to- gether, with very small intercellular air spaces. Two rows of these cells occur on each side of a median band of globose water storage cells. In the sections from the drier situations (plate I, fig. 1) this band is made up of two to three rows of cells with a close sheath about the vascular bundles. In these forms the cells comprising the bundle storage sheath are often filled with a mucilaginous or viscid cell sap. In no cases do the storage cells contain chloroplasts, although these cells do originate from chlorophyll-bearing cells. The relative development of this median storage tissue shows some rather slight variation in the shade forms and in those grow- ing under more moist conditions. Figure 2 was made from a plant growing in a holard of 18 per cent. Here the storage region is reduced to a single plate of cells, and the bundle sheath never contains mucilaginous material. Otherwise the leaf is the same. Figure 3, plate I, shows a leaf section from deep within the same plant from which figure 2, plate I, was made. This leaf grew under a lower light intensity than the other. The structural dif- ferences noted are that, first of all, the leaf is much broader and thinner. The epidermal hairs are more scattered, there is no cuticle at all, storage cells are not so numerous, and the two inner 420 2 5 ize k 7 ee ee SU Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation II rows of palisade show a more or less sponge-like nature, stomata are fewer in number per unit area, and the epidermal glands are almost lacking. Figure 4, plate I, shows the structure of the leaf from the same species growing in the shade of a cluster of spruce trees in Estes Park. The chlorenchyma is even looser here, and the water stor- age function has about reached the minimum for the species. Soil structure has not left any histological impress on the spe- cies. Those individuals growing in the sandy or sedimentary soils and those in the granitic soils under the same conditions of light and moisture exhibit the same leaf anatomy. The structure shown in plate I, figure 1, probably is to be taken as that of the -normal leaf of Artemisia tridentata since this is the structure found in the more typical situations. The epidermal glands are always found in the pits in the epi- dermis, and in the natural state they are surrounded and over- topped by the T-shaped epidermal hairs. Plate I, figure 8, a, b, c, d, shows the gland in position in four stages of development. The sections are transverse sections of the leaf; hence the glands which are soon cut off by a transverse septum, figure 8, a, are cut longitudinally. The gland first appears as an upward protrusion of a single epidermal cell. This protrusion extends farther into a regular globose or dome-shaped structure, which remains uni- cellular until it is about three times the thickness of an epidermal cell. About this time a second cell is formed at the tip by a pe- culiar bud-like division, figure 8, b. The end cell then continues to enlarge at the point of contact with the lower cell, which may be termed the stalk cell, until it forms a cap-like covering over the distal end of the stalk cell, figure 8, c. By this time the stalk cell has elongated considerably and has divided again, so that we now have a two-celled stalk covered by a calyptra-like distal cell, figure 8,c. Soon the distal cell is divided by radial partitions into three or four cells as shown in figure 8, d, and the outermost cells have grown down, enclosing the whole stalk except the lowermost cell, which always remains free. This is the most common form of the gland. The cells of the glands are filled with a dense gran- ular, mucilaginous, volatile substance. This doubtless is the 421 12 Raymond John Pool source of the odor so characteristic of the species. No micro- chemical tests of the contents were made, so that the chemical nature of the secretion is not known. The greatest development of glands in number and size takes place under the most arid conditions and in the highest light in- tensities. This might indicate that there is some correlation be- tween the development of epidermal glands and the factors of the habitat, although I am not yet ready to indicate the exact forma- tive causes. They may be in some measure protective. Artemisia frigida. Plate I, fig. 5. This plant shows about the same variation in leaf structure as that found for its larger sister species. The species belongs to the dissected leaf division of the genus. Figure 5, plate 1, shows the structure of the leaf of A. frigida from the same situation as A. tridentata, the leaf structure of which is shown in figure I. The epidermis is covered with a fine canescent coat of single- celled, needle-shaped hairs. In addition to this protection a thin cuticle is present. There are no epidermal glands. The chloren- chyma corresponds closely to that of A. tridentata, being of two rows of close prolate palisade cells on each side of a narrow me- dian layer of storage cells. The vascular bundles are encased in a sheath of storage cells. Plate I, figure 6, shows the structure of the same species from a shady brook bank where the holard was 19 per cent and the light intensity was considerably lower than in the open formation. The plants were taller and the leaves broader than those in stronger light. The cuticle is still present, but the epidermal hairs are much fewer in number. The palisade is not quite so closely aggregated as in figure 5. There is no true water storage tissue except as a very narrow sheath about the vascular bundles. The median zone of cells here contains chloro- plasts, the individual cells being more or less oblate, and they apparently perform the functions of ordinary sponge cells. Artemisia canadensis. Plate I, fig. 7. This material was taken from a rocky hillside where the light was unity and the holard was Io per cent. The epidermis is com- paratively free of hairs, but the species has compensated for loss 422 Rag Ss Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 13 in this direction by developing a much thicker cuticle and more water storage tissue than is to be found in its lanate relatives. The upper cuticle is 6 » thick, while that on the lower side 1s scarcely less. The chlorenchyma is composed of two rows of pal- isade on the upper and lower sides, separated by a broad band of storage tissue composed of large, clear, globose cells. Numerous resin canals are scattered through the storage layer, the signifi- cance of which can not be explained at present. This species may be classed with the smooth-leaved, more or less succulent xerophytes. Alliomia linearis. Plate II, fig. ro. Material of this species was collected in the same situation from which the Artemisia material for figures 1 and 2 was taken, where the holard was from 8.0 to 10.0 per cent in fine sandy soil.. In gen- eral the structure is about the same as E. S. Clements found in the same species from a gravel slide with a chresard of 2.5 per cent to 5.5 per cent. However, the leaf is somewhat more xerophytic in structure than the leaf found by Dr. Clements. A rather strik- ing point noted was in the cuticularization of the leaf. The lower - cuticle is thicker than the upper cuticle, an apparent anomaly which is probably explained by the fact that during the hot hours of the day,the leaf is folded closely on the midrib with the lower epidermis outermost. The shape is that of an acute dihedral angle with the midrib at the vertex. , There are five rows of prolate palisade cells with no indication of sponge cells'in the lower portion of the leaf such as Clements found in her material. We have here a typical staurophyll. The vascular bundles are small and are always encased by a sheath of storage cells. There are many crystal sacs scattered through the chlorenchyma. Odostemon aquifolium. Plate II, fig. 11. ~ This species is not a true associate of the Artemisia, but is found in the formation where it meets a forest or a thicket formation. It is to be regarded as an invader. The leaf is interesting because of its extreme xerophytic structure. The cuticle on the upper - surface is made up of a series of undulating layers or lamellae and 423 14 Raymond John Pool is 8 tog » thick. The lower cuticle is thick also (5 »), and it is thrown up into about as many papillae as there are epidermal cells. The chlorenchyma is very compact, being composed of two definite rows of closely aggregated palisade cells, with about four irregular rows of globose or spongoid cells packed closely to- gether in the lower portion of the leaf. There is no storage tissue, and, indeed, it is unnecessary that there should be with such per- fect cuticularization. The whole leaf is very smooth and firm, and the marginal indentations are tipped with strong spines. Nuclei are conspicuous in the cells of the epidermis. Lupinus pusillus. Plate II, fig. 12. The epidermis is composed of very large lens-shaped cells from which arise few epidermal hairs. The chlorenchyma is composed of four irregular rows of palisade cells, two rows on either side of a broad band of spongoid storage tissue, some cells of which contain chloroplasts. The older storage cells lack the chloroplasts. The whole leaf tissue is very close. The guard cells of the stomata are very small and well protected by the shadowing of the large adjacent cells of the epidermis. The holard was 10.8 per cent in this situation. 7 Lappula occidentalis. Plate II, fig. 13. This is one of the most common herbaceous associates of the Artemisia in the Fort Garland region. The leaf has a thick up- per and lower cuticle with many epidermal hairs. The chloren- chyma is composed of four rows of palisade, two rows on either side of a broad median band of milky or mucilaginous tissue whose cells are globose in transverse section. The vascular bun- dles are embedded in this tissue. No microchemical tests were made of the cell contents of this storage tissue. Drymocallis fissa. Plate II, fig. 14. This species is perhaps another invading form, but its leaf is a rather typical xerophyll. The epidermis is protected in a slight degree by the stiff epidermal hairs which arise from the large globose cells much like those of Lupinus above. The cells of the lower epidermis here, however, are only about one-half the size 424 Bb as 5s, Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 15 of those in the upper epidermis. There are two rows of very close palisade, and three irregular rows of palisade-like sponge scarcely less open than the palisade itself. The upper epidermis is filled with a mucilaginous or oily cell sap. Enogonum flavum. Plate II, fig. 15. A very dense coat of tangled epidermal hairs covers both the surfaces of the leaf. A thin cuticle is also present. There are two irregular rows of prolate palisade cells on each side of a very regular median belt of clear storage cells. The whole structure is very close, and the intercellular air spaces are reduced to mere lines. Numerous many-pointed crystals are found in the storage region. The cell sap is very mucilaginous, and it retains the stain very tenaciously. Scarcely any variation was found in plants of the species in a considerably higher holard. Gaura coccinea, Plate II, fig. 16. Epidermal protection in this species consists of few scattered epidermal hairs and a well-developed cuticle on the upper sur- face. The chlorenchyma is composed of five rows of close palisade cells, three rows above and two beneath an irregular zone of mucilaginous storage tissue, composed of globose to oblate cells filled with a very tenacious cell sap. The upper epidermis is filled with a like material, but the lower epidermis is clear. Prolate crystal sacs are scattered through the upper chlorenchyma. The cells beneath the storage layer are shorter by half than the cells above the layer. Linum lewis. Plate II, fig. 17. The leaves of this flax are perfectly smooth with a well-devel- oped cuticle on both surfaces. The epidermal cells are filled with a very dense, dark brown, waxy or mucilaginous substance. The chlorenchyma is composed of four irregular rows of prolate pal- isade cells with very small intercellular air spaces. There is not a sign of internal storage tissue except a sheath of a single layer of globose cells about the vascular bundles. These cells, like the epidermal cells, are filled with a mucilaginous sap. Forms under slightly moister conditions showed no variation from this structure. 425 16 Raymond John Pool Scutellaria brittom. Plate III, fig. 18. This material came from a holard of 9.4 per cent. A very thick cuticle (8 ») covers both surfaces with a smooth shiny coat. The epidermal cells are filled with a mucilaginous sap. The chlorenchyma is composed of two rows of prolate palisade cells and from three to four rows of more or less globose sponge celis.. The whole tissue is very compact, the intercellular air spaces be- ing reduced to mere lines or tiny triangular openings. No water storage cells are found except a sheath of a single row of clear cells about the vascular bundles. The shade form of the species shows a much looser leaf structure, but the above is the normal for the Artemisia formation. Thelypodium wrightu, Plate III, fig. 19. Scattered, forked epidermal hairs occur here with a well-de- veloped cuticle over both surfaces. The epidermal cells are large and lens-shaped. The chlorenchyma is much like that of Scutel- laria above except that there are a greater number of rows of cells. In this species there are four regular rows of closely ag- gregated palisade cells and four to five rows of compact globose sponge cells. The only storage tissue present is found in the vas- cular bundle sheath of a single cylinder of cells. Pentstemon trichander. Plate III, figs. 20 and 21. Figure 20 shows the structure of the stem leaf and figure 21 that of the rosette leaf from the same individual of this species. The holard at 2 dem. was 8.5 per cent; the temperature on the surface of the soil was 50° C.; the humidity was 23 per cent. At a height of % m. or that of the stem leaf the temperature was 35° C. and the humidity was 32 per cent. Both the leaves are well-cuticularized, the cuticle being from 4 to 6 » in thickness. The chlorenchyma in the stem leaf is entirely composed of pali- sade cells, seven rows in number. In the rosette leaf there are the same number of rows of cells, but the four lower rows are very sponge-like, with comparatively large intercellular air spaces. The three upper rows are like those in the stem leaf. In the rosette leaf the epidermal cells are filled with a dark mucilag- inous cell sap. The stem leaf shows less color in the epidermal cells, 426 Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 17 Atriplex cornuta, Plate III, fig. 22. This species is a common associate in the drier and slightly saline situations. The epidermis is effectively protected by large globose epidermal hairs covering the non-cuticularized epidermis. These globose hairs or scales are the chief constituent of the so- called “mealy” covering so characteristic of the chenopods. The hair is usually composed of two cells, one the stalk, or pedicel, very short and narrow, the other, the end cell, being the swollen globose head which in some may be half as thick as the leaf. The chlorenchyma is composed of four rows of prolate palisade cells rather loosely aggregated. There are large air chambers imme- diately beneath the stomata. There is no indication of mucilag- inous storage tissue. The holard here was 8.3 per cent. Atriplex canescens. Plate III, fig. 23. This is a common shrubby associate of Artemisia. The wood is very hard. It is sometimes called “greasewood.”’ The epi- dermal walls are not cuticularized, but, as in the above species, we have here a dense “meal” of the large globose epidermal hairs of the structure described above. The protection is much more perfect in this respect than in the above species because the scales are more numerous and closely aggregated. The chlorenchyma is composed of about four irregular rows of prolate palisade cells closely packed together with very narrow intercellular air spaces. The development of storage tissue is marked in this species, the vascular bundles being always enclosed wholly or in part by a sheath of mucilaginous cells. In some cases this sheath is con- tinuous around the bundle, but in others it surrounds the bundle except at the bottom. In the latter case the sheath fits about the bundle like a horseshoe with the open portion toward. the lower side of the leaf. In transverse section the cells of the sheath are globose or keystone-shaped, and they are about five times as long as broad in the direction of the vascular bundle. Lupinus ammophilus. Plate IV, fig. 24. This leaf lacks a cuticle, and possesses only a few epidermal hairs. Many of the epidermal cells are thrown up into short papillae. The chlorenchyma is composed of six rows of dense 427 18 Raymond John Pool palisade, three rows being arranged on each side of a median band of sponge-like cells which are more or less oblate in outline. The only indication of storage tissue is to be found in the vascular bundle sheath. This leaf seems to lack the customary protective devices of the xerophyte, but perhaps this is compensated for by the sensitive nature of the plant whereby it is able to fold its leaflets closely together with approaching danger of desiccation. Gutierrezia sarothrae. Plate IV, fig. 25. This species shows a well-developed, xerophyll with few epi- dermal hairs, well-developed cuticle, and a closely packed chloren- chyma. The palisade is arranged in four rows with very small © intercellular air spaces. Storage cells are confined to the vascu- lar bundle sheaths. Some of the cells of these sheaths contain gummy sap, and there are a few other such cells scattered in the region near the bundles. Aragallus sericeus. Plate IV, fig. 26. The leaf in this species is covered by a close mat of epidermal hairs. There is also a well-developed cuticle. The chlorenchyma is very loose, being composed of regular scattered prolate pali- sade cells. The bundles are surrounded by a sheath of clear storage cells. Lupus parviflorus. Plate IV, fig. 27. This species was growing in the edge of a wet meadow at Hot Sulphur Springs in a saturated soil. It is given here to contrast with figure 24, from the Artemisia formation. This species shows a single row of long palisade cells, with a very open sponge tissue. There is no storage tissue whatever. Delphinum ramosum. Plate IV, fig. 28. . This species grew in the Artemisia formation on a northeast slope where the soil moisture conditions were good. The leaf is smooth and is not covered with cuticle. The chlorenchyma is composed of regular prolate palisade cells very loosely aggre- gated. There is no sponge tissue. The vascular bundles may or may not be encased by a sheath of storage cells. 428 _ _ Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 19 Orthocarpus luteus. Plate IV, fig. 29. . Rather oddly this plant possesses a leaf composed entirely of sponge cells closely aggregated in this species. There are scattered glandular epidermal hairs which give the leaf an oily nature. There is no indication of a cuticle or of water storage tissue. Phacelia heterophylla. Plate IV, fig. 30. Epidermal hairs here are very large and stiff. The cuticle is well developed on the upper surface, but is lacking on the lower side. The upper epidermis is filled with oil drops. The chloren- chyma is composed of a single row of long prolate palisade cells, and about three rows of very irregular sponge cells, each portion occupying about one-half of the whole tissue. The only storage cells present are in the narrow sheath about the vascular bundles. Delphinium occidentale. Plate IV, fig. 31. This structure is given to show an apparent deviation of struc- ture from that which has been found rather typical for the forma- tion. _This material came from the 4rtemisia formation on a southwest slope where the holard at 3 dcm. was 9.6 per cent, and yet the structure is that of a mesophyte, a rather loose palisade and a very open sponge. A thin cuticle covers both surfaces, and the bundle sheath of storage cells is well defined, structures which were lacking in the wet meadow form above. Calochortus nuttallu. Plate V, fig. 32. This species shows the homogeneous spongy chlorenchyma. The plant is a common member of the formation southwest of Durango in a holard of 10 per cent. The leaves-are very smooth and shiny and firm, due to the very thick cuticle over both sur- faces. Storage tissue is not present in the species. The leaves are long, narrow, and grass-like in form and are often folded to- gether on the midrib. Chrysothamnus graveolens. Plate V, figs. 33 and 34. These two figures show the structure of the dry and the moist forms respectively of this species. Figure 33 is from a holard of 8 to 11 per cent, and figure 34 from a plant growing near the - | 429 20 Raymond John Pool edge of a stream where the holard was 27.5 per cent. The plants in the moister situation made a much more luxuriant growth, the leaves were broader and the stems thicker than those from the dry soil. ‘ Figure 33 represents a whole transverse section of the leaf of the dry form. The leaf is free from epidermal hairs, but is cov- ered by a fine corrugated cuticle. The chlorenchyma is entirely a palisade, the cells being very small and the intercellular air spaces being reduced to mere lines. The median storage portion is made _ up of globose cells in several layers completely surrounding the bundles, and in the region of the midrib they extend laterally to each epidermis. Opposite each bundle on the lower side and within the storage region is a large resin canal. The development of these canals will be described presently. The leaf of the moist form (fig. 34) shows some variation from the above structure. In the first place it is much broader, but not any thinner. The chlorenchyma is composed of few, more loosely aggregated palisade cells, and the storage region is con- siderably reduced. The storage cells here are oblate and they resemble sponge cells rather closely. In the young leaf they actually contain chloroplasts. The resin canals are equally typ- ical for this form and they occupy the same position. 4 THE INTERCELLULAR RESIN CANALS OF CHRYSOTHAMNUS GRAVEOLENS As stated above, these canals are found singly opposite the vascular bundles in the lower portion of the leaf. They traverse the leaf and petiole longitudinally as tiny tubes when they are mature. They usually acquire a circular transverse section. The canals were not traced farther than the petiole, but they probably continue into the cortex of the twigs and stems. The development was followed from the first appearance to the mature canal. The position in the leaf tissue is seen from either figure 33 or 34, plate V. There are about four great stages © in the development of the canals. Figure 38 shows the structure in detail through a vascular bundle and one of the canals. These structures are lysigenic in origin, i. e. they arise by the 430 Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 21 rupture (schizogenous in part) and disorganization of more or less permanent tissues. The beginning is marked by a single cell filled with a dense, yellowish-brown, mucilaginous protoplasm, figure 35. This cell stands out very plainly among the clear sur- rounding cells of the storage region, and this, the primordial cell, marks the position of the future canal. The color and mucilag- inous or. resinous appearance spreads from the first cell to those adjacent, and subsequently the walls of the primordial cell are dissolved and the several secretory cells thus opened contribute their contents to the young canal, figure 36. This disintegration and solution proceeds for some time until finally the cavity of the canal appears, figure 37. In the mature state the cavity is sur- rounded by the epithelial-like layer of secretory cells. Finally, an open longitudinal canal is formed with the structure shown in figure 38. The function of these canals or of the secretion can not be ex- plained at present. The chemical composition of the resinous secretion was not determined. _ Juncus balticus, Plate VII and plate VIII. This species furnishes the most striking differences in structure between the moist and the dry form found during this study. The material from which both the figures were made was collected at Fort Garland where the species was found widely distributed in the wet meadow north of the village and also in the adjacent Artemisia formation. In the wet meadow the species formed close, compact groups interspersed with various species of Carex, but in the Artemisia formation it occurred as rather widely scat- tered individuals. It did not occur in close groups in this habitat. Figure 41, plate VII, was made from the moist form. The soil — in the meadow was covered with an inch of water, therefore it may be considered saturated. Figure 42, plate VIII, was made from the dry form from the Artemisia, where the holard was 10 per cent. Both figures were made at the same height from the ground. These two stems show such a great difference in structure that, although from all that could be made out, they are from the © same species, there is the possibility that we may have here two 431 22 Raymond John Pool different species, and yet there is not a species of Juncus described from the region for the Artemisia formation. Surely they are two different species viewed from the histological structure, but from the taxonomic standpoint they are apparently the same, and we have here the extremes of histological differentiation within the species. The wet-meadow form (fig. 41) shows a thick epidermis with a very thin cuticle and few stomata. The chlorenchyma consists mainly of two rows of palisade cells closely aggregated, besides a single row of globose cells just beneath the epidermis. The palisade cells have a tendency to radiate from the vascular bun- dles. There is one large central vascular bundle with a peripheral chain of about 15 to 16 smaller bundles immediately beneath the palisade. On the interior and connecting all the bundles is an open reticulum of cells which forms the boundaries of the inter- nal aeration chambers. The individual vascular bundles show a fair development of transportive elements or xylem with a slight development of supportive elements or fibers. The bundles lack a well-defined sheath of wood fibers which is so characteristic for the monocotyledonous vascular bundle. In the dry form we find that the cuticle is three times as thick as in the above stem, it having filled about one-half of the cell cavity. The number of stomata is greatly increased, there being twenty on the section here to six on the other form. From actual counts for equal areas the ratio of the number of stomata in the two forms is 10 moist form to 30 dry form. In this stem the chlorenchyma is about doubled over its moister neighbor, and it is so compact that it is almost impossible to see the intercellular air spaces. The center of the stem is at first made up of a uni- form tissue of globose cells which breaks down as the stem gets older and finally leaves a central longitudinal cavity as shown in the figure. The most noticeable difference, however, is in the number and the structure of the vascular bundles. These are disposed in the form of three more or less regular peripheral rings. The outermost ring is composed of small, inconspicuous bundles much like those in the meadow form. There are about twelve of these 432 a ae Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 23 small bundles. The next or middle row occurs only a little nearer the central cavity and is composed of about eighteen bundles. Alternating with the members of the second row the innermost ring or chain possesses the same structure as the former. The individual unit of these two. conspicuous rings is composed usu- ally of two, sometimes three or four, large open vessels in the xylum or inner portion. Opposite these vessels and separated from them by a plate of fibers is a circular or globose mass of phloem, mostly sieve tubes. The whole is then surrounded by a thick sheath of highly lignified fibers with small cavities. Outside the bundle is a sheath of storage cells. In this section, then, we have a total of forty-two vascular bundles as against sixteen in the meadow form. The woody or the supportive portion of the individual bundle is greatly developed here. There is considerable doubt as to what ieecoeeeatean should be placed upon the above structural phenomena. The relative in- crease in photosynthetic tissue and in vascular bundles may be developed in response to physiological phenomena. De Bary makes the statement that, “The comparison of nearly related spe- cies inhabiting the water and the land respectively demonstrates among the former a considerable diminution in the development of bundles, which may extend to the disappearance of the xylem.” This fact has been noted already for a number of species, but in none is it so marked as in this species of Juncus. Surely the two forms possess the structures necessary to fit each to its particular habitat. Perhaps the greater accumulation of chlorenchyma in the dry form may: be accounted for by a greater light intensity. Although light determinations for the two forms were not made, it was very evident that the available insolation for the Juncus in the wet meadow was much less than that for the species in the Artemisia formation because of the crowding in the former hab- itat. It is well known that the stronger light will, to a certain degree, accelerate the development of chlorophyll resulting in an increase in the number of chloroplasts and ultimately in a greater number of cells containing chloroplasts. This condition would imply a greater photosynthetic activity which would necessitate a much increased supply of carbon dioxide, which would be avail- 433 24 | Raymond John Pool able only by the development of a greater number of stomata. The increased number of stomata would tend to bring about a greater loss of water from the plant by transpiration which could only be offset by a great increase of absorbing area at the roots together with the development of a greater number of conducting channels, both of which points are abundantly proved. The thick cuticle certainly prevents water-loss directly through the epi- dermis. The greater development, of fibrous tissue in the dry form might indicate that this was for support, but why such a need for increased support? The dry form was scarcely larger than the moist form, and, if anything, the latter was exposed to wind and other forces more directly than was-the form among the Artemisia plants. The whole process is a very slow one, and the exact sequence of events, together with the factors directly concerned, could be proved only by control cultures. “Water Storage Tissue.” In this study whenever structures were found which corre- sponded to those cells or tissues commonly called “storage” cells or tissues, I have not hesitated to so designate them. I am aware, however, of the fact that this whole question is still a more or less open one. Although the great majority of the plants in this study show more or less well-developed structures of this kind, we must still exercise considerable reserve in attempting to ex- plain the full significance of “water storage cells.” Perhaps this character is more universally present in plants of arid or desert habitats where the holard is very low; yet it is also present in a — * number of plants which inhabit swamps and indeed moist tropical jungles. It is developed in many unrelated families so that it bears no apparent connection with phylogenetic affinity. The ex- act significance, then, of these structures has not been demon- strated, and it is imperative that some one should take the prob- lem in hand and work it out so that all doubt or controversy is removed and the true nature of “storage cells” is determined. All through this investigation I have noted that these cells retain the stains very tenaciously after the contiguous cells or tissues have been perfectly cleared. This shows that their power of re-- tention of stains is marked, but whether they exercise the same 434 rR & Ate. > td Pool, Ce ee ae, ee “7 Ad), Dae ae Ae Ae A ee ee OL. arene - Si ETS vale dark pepe ea geri aN ioe dW WS Ca SR RI alae ey a ey fg ea ees I an Path ot P0\5 teh gal te at : veld . yo 7 yn ae “@ rae ' - A Wie OF oe tee a Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 25 force over their water-content and yield up water to neighboring tissues only in time of extreme need is not known. In many cases a latex-like substance is present. Parkin in his studies on Cey- lonese latex-bearing plants came to the conclusion that the chief function of latex is water-storage. We can not attempt to ex- plain the full meaning of water-storage cells until the exact physi- cal and chemical nature of the contents of such cells is deter- mined. Because of its evident relation to xerophytic vegetation the problem demands a speedy solution. SUMMARY The chief points reported in this paper may be summarized briefly as follows: 1. The Artemisia formation is an arid, xerophytic formation. 2. The average holard is 13.3 per cent. The humidity is low and the temperature is high. Humidity and temperature show great diurnal fluctuations. . Plants are found in a holard as low as 4 per cent. There is very little variation in thé vertical distribution of soil moisture in the sandy soils of the formation. 6. Root systems are superficial; and the absorbing area of the roots is greatly augmented by the increased number of rootlets and root hairs. 7. Artemisia tridentata is rather stable in the matter of leaf structure. The mean annual increment of the species .is very low. 8. The plants of the formation as a whole are stable. g. The presence of a close covering of epidermal hairs does not necessarily preclude cuticularization. When one is lack- ing the other is usually present. to. Nuclei are normally present in the esiaereesl cells of the plants found in the Artemisia formation, 11. There is a great predominance of palisade over sponge tis- sue; the chlorenchyma is very compact, the intercellular air spaces being reduced to mere lines in many species. 12. “Water storage tissue” is present in nearly all of the species investigated. ; 435 26 Raymond John Pool In conclusion I wish to express my greatest appreciation and thanks to Professor Doctor Frederic E. Clements of the Uni- versity of Minnesota who suggested this study, and who was my adviser during all the field work; also to Professor Doctor Charles E. Bessey of the University of ‘Nebraska, to whom I am indebted for much counsel and advice during the progress er this ; study. ; LITERATURE CLEMENTs, F. E. Research Methods in Ecology. 1905. CLEMENTS, E. S. Relation of Leaf Structure to Physical Factors. Trans. Am. Micros. Soc., 25. 1905. DeBary, A. Comparative Anatomy of the V egetative Organs of the Phanerogams and Ferns. 1884. HABERLANDT, G., Vergleichende Anatomie des assimilatorischen Gewebsystems der Pflanzen. Prings. Jahrb., XIII, 74. Physiologische Pflanzenanatomie, sae MacDouaat, D. T. Problems of the Desert. Plant World, vol. 11, no. 2, Feb. 1908. PARKIN, J. Ann. Bot. 14:193-214. 1900. 436 Histological Studies in the Artemisia Formation 27 EXPLANATION OF PLATES All figures were drawn with the aid of an Abbe camera lucida, using Bausch & Lomb microscope stand BB with objective 2/3 0.24 N. A. with ocular 1, except figures 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, and 40, which were drawn under a higher magnification by using ubjective 1/6 0.85 N. A. with the same ocu- All figures are drawn to the scale of 120 diameters, except figures 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, and 40, which were drawn to the scale of 720 diameters, and all reduced one-half. far: Fig. Fig. OR ASE Piate: I . Artemisia tridentata from dry rocky ridge. . Artemisia tridentata from top of plant in full illumination. . Artemisia tridentata from within the bush, diffuse light. Artemisia tridentata from shade of spruces. Artemisia tridentata from open formation. . Artemisia tridentata from the edge of a creek bank. . Artemisia canadensis from a rocky slope. . Epidermal gland of Artemisia tridentata in four stages. . Epidermal hair from Artemisia tridentata showing nuclei. Prate II . Allionia linearis from the drier portions of the formation. . Odostemon aquifolium, a transition species. Very thick cuticle. . Lupinus pusillus. Thick cuticle; sponge-like storage. . Lappula occidentalis. Mucilage cells, thick cuticle. . Drymocallis fissa. Thick epidermis filled with mucilage. . Eriogonum flavum. Dense palisade; median storage band. . Gaura coccinea. Storage tissue; mucilage in epidermis. . Linum lewisit. Mucilage in epidermis and about bundles. Piate III . Scutellaria brittoni. Heavy cuticle. . Thelypodium wrightit. Cuticle; lens-shaped epidermal cells. . Pentstemon trichander. Rosette leaf; all palisade. . Pentstemon trichander. Stem leaf; palisade and sponge. . Atriplex cornuta. Epidermal scales; storage about bundles. . Atriplex canescens. Epidermal scales; bundle sheath of mucilage cells. PLate IV . Lupinus ammophilus. Dense palisade: storage about bundles. . Gutierrezia sarothrae. Storage about bundles; cuticle. . Aragallus sericeus. Dense epidermal hairs; cuticle, storage. . Lupinus parvifolius. From wet meadow; palisade and sponge. . Delphinium ramosum. Moist soil; storage about bundles. . Orthocarpus luteus. Homogeneous spongophyll. . Phacelia heterophylla. Mucilage in epidermis; upper cuticle. . Delphinium occidentale. From a rocky slide; an apparent anomaly. PLATE V . Calochortus nutallii. Thick cuticle; homogeneous sponge. . Chrysothamnus graveolens. From dry situation, much storage; corrugated cuticle, resin canals. . Chrysothamnus graveolens. From creek bank. 437 J Jw wncus. s balticus, From wet nate ow ; formation, — ae 5 7 ; bE 1S rs rr ie aby ; She of * 4 ee we re i: PLATE. \ i ANS ae Py re: re Fin Ay sT) ae . 2. pen balticus. 1} . om. Artemisia formation. The a eee easel te chlorenehyma in thi af ae a PLATE I faints Hh se sal ers Zi ve i ‘ ay ¢ an ‘ANN ae yp Hs INS HY ry ae Hl HG Hie ne i ae Th Wa, ieee Dine yeeeasees| Zoi i oe a Or eae rte in r ’ ube 128 - - - tt 3 ' ie’ ‘. i ie ; ° % « ¥. 5 m3 ra a r PLATE II i ri i, ee ou Tel HDRES RR (aE ae — (SONSOG8= NITE ASE THATS nt Une Bie Hate eS ey, _ all sag. BoORys nine ty, iM Cea ED Oy YX sear, sen enevell ait Al sleree it ssiet SE ae a, _ A Mt ie ie Seen Mt HHS a ans patel Mot ae a es es ot NI Canettles PEARY Kare pn i Dia Ret Mica ge oe te a PAE ait ee Mt " | TA He a HE ft aes moh AT a I) dsengaitt ae ia iva fr ~/ TSUN a peses—-esee. ar if a i ‘i a tH TA a oe a] PLATE IV CRT coi inact i, rr ma sa Hy am eae CLT RU NESS ie ine Neamt iti tie ae mn ney on i oar 1e. iN UDR Le = Wi ina a a a + arm ll ay Bx ie ee | a wh ieee Sirs 3L f a AA SEV) | RA SAA | neeler eye cag Se, PLATE V 96°2ege_— AAS i ty ! SUN Ti tt LUN TNS S ~ PLATE Vi Cnees PLATE VII PLATE VIiIt da BY ast EER eX = Rata x bG: : oe Volumes I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, and VIII of UNIVERSITY STUDIES are each complete in four numbers. Index and title-page for each volume are published separately. A list of the papers printed in the first two volumes may be had on application. Single numbers (excepting vol. II, no. 3) may be had for $1.00 each. 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