a \ a « # » re Archaeologica y Magazine : = : =A = ~ | SS : : i <— “Cae aes See = X Sees Cross Roads WI Mc MoM Site locatio Cerney Wiad mlioet Farm 1:25000 SS North Meadow 198000 | ae rthmorks U oO Clayhill Ra é l ee fi Pit d ) Lf s3, Site location *” Odwn Anipnes, peo” / t A a NC Lattor, 3 Sheeppen ~? = aan Br ff © oh J-ICleveland < : We: North ’ Fm te ~~ : it ) es * Gravel Pits | 406000 Scale 1:50,000 “\s;. Meadow a Weir ae Hill . | NS eS 208000 2S WER EC" 410000 Reproduced from the Landranger 1:50,000 scale by permission of the Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office © Crown Copyright 1996. All rights reserved. Licence No. AL 100005569 Fig. 1 Site location Excavation methodology The site was excavated in four stages of work between 2001 and 2004. Each area was stripped of soil cover to the level of the archaeological horizon or the gravel geology using a mechanical excavator, and the exposed surface hand-cleaned. All visible features were planned and recorded and a sample of features hand-excavated. The aim of the excavation was to establish relationships between intercutting features and to investigate structures. Controlled mechanical excavation of larger features such as waterholes and THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Dal pawavmxy TJ su] OOE80r JUSWUNUO/\ JUSIOUY PEINPEYDS - 668 WIVS ooze0r ope f tj LcONYd ‘~.y: CR | 000807 UOITEACOXE JO WIT ainyee jeaiHojoseyoiy ~—— dew oseg K 2 OOL96L 002961 OO€961 00961 A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 25 ditches was undertaken where fills were relatively sterile. Soil cover was removed over half of a late Neolithic/early Bronze Age oval enclosure in order to examine surviving features, which were recorded prior to excavation of the remaining part. The excavated area and major features are shown in Figure 2. Archaeological background Archaeological evidence from the wider landscape indicates human occupation from the Palaeolithic to the present day. Pre-Neolithic evidence includes an Acheulian handaxe found in the Latton area (Mudd et al. 1999, 15) and Mesolithic flints discovered close to Cerney Wick (CAT 1991a, 69). Evidence for the early Neolithic is sparse, with activity apparently concentrated in the uplands of the Cotswolds, Corallian Ridge and Berkshire Downs (Darvill 1987, 46; Holgate 1988, 150). Evidence of middle Neolithic activity has been found on several lower gravel terrace sites, including Cotswold Community (OA 2003) and Horcott Pit (Lamdin-Whymark et al forthcoming). Dispersed flint scatters from Norcote Farm and St Augustine’s Farm South (Mudd et al. 1999, 23-25) and from earlier fieldwork at Latton (Stansbie and Laws 2004) also attest to activity during this period. Evidence for the late Neolithic and early Bronze Age is more widespread and includes an oval enclosure south-west of Westfield Farm (CAT 1991b, 44-5) and a similar enclosure south-east of Latton within Scheduled Ancient Monument 900 (Mudd et al. 1999, 7). The oval ditched enclosure (PRN 621) within the current site was discovered by cropmark survey. Late Neolithic settlement activity has been investigated at several Second Gravel Terrace sites in the Lechlade area, some 10km to the east (Darvill et al. 1986; Allen et al. 1993, 9-15). Evidence of late Neolithic and early Bronze Age activity discovered on the First Gravel Terrace at Horcott Pit and Cotswold Community and a widespread distribution of round barrows and ring ditches in the Thames Valley generally indicate extensive Bronze Age occupation in the area (Barclay and Glass 1995; Darvill 1987, 95-114). A group of ring ditches east of Preston and an adjoining pair at Augustine’s Farm South were investigated by Oxford Archaeology (Mudd et al. 1999). Recent excavations at Cotswold Community west of Latton Lands produced evidence of Bronze Age settlement (OA 2004). In the immediate vicinity of the site Bronze Age monuments and features include a ring ditch (PRN 624) and the middle Bronze Age settlement enclosure adjacent to the present site (Stansbie and Laws 2004). There is extensive evidence for Iron Age activity in the Upper Thames Valley. An early Iron Age settlement at Cotswold Community included post- built structures, waterholes and pits (OA 2003) and late Bronze Age/early Iron Age settlement sites have been investigated in and around Lechlade (OAU 2001). Middle Iron Age sites, concentrated on the Upper Thames river gravels include Shorncote Quarry, Cotswold Community, Cleveland Farm (Coe et al. 1991), Horcott (Pine and Preston 2004) and Thornhill Farm. The late Iron Age complex at Bagendon, widely regarded as the centre of Dobunnic tribal polity (Mudd et al. 1999, 7), lies to the north-west of the site. Settlements have been investigated at Claydon Pike, Fairford, Neigh Bridge, Ashton Keynes and Cotswold Community west of Latton, as well as within the immediate vicinity of the present site. A sub-rectangular enclosure (Wilts. SMR SU09NE201) lies within SAM 899 and Iron Age pottery was recovered nearby (CAT1991b, 74-5). The Iron Age settlements at Claydon Pike and Ashton Keynes demonstrate continuity of activity from the late Iron Age to the Roman period. Cirencester functioned as a military fort and civitas capital (Muddet al. 1999, 7) and Ermin Street was constructed shortly after the conquest. The site lies within this centre of activity adjacent to the Romano-British settlement site (SAM 899). Aerial photographic survey shows an Iron Age and Romano-British field system occupying a large area to the south and west of the site, elements of which were exposed at Latton ‘Roman Pond’ and Westfield Farm (Mudd et al. 1999; Figure 3). An area adjacent to the site encompasses quarry pits, ditches and trackways related to the construction of Ermin Street. One large ditch may represent the southern fossatum (Wessex Archaeology 1998). A topographical survey identified a possible camber of the road at the north-west limit of the site (Barber 1993). Roman- British settlement activity has been identified at Field Barn, Neigh Bridge, Weaver’s Bridge near Cricklade, Witpit Copse, Preston and Worm’s Farm, Siddington to the north of the site. Evidence of Saxon activity includes a small quantity of Saxon pottery and a headland at the Latton ‘Roman Pond’ site (Mudd et al. 1999, 9) and at Ashton Keynes (Coe et al. 1991). The medieval settlement pattern resembles that of the present day. A possible deserted settlement lies between Preston 26 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 196400 196300 196200 196100) 196000 Westfield Farm Area 2 195900 195800 Cropmarks Archaeological feature from previous excavations Archaelogical limit of excavation from previous excavations 200 m ——E—Z EE 1:5000 408100 408200 408300 408400 408500 408600 408700 Fig. 3 The site in its archaeological context 27 A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS oy oN o/ : LOoS¢ 2 | ANIONS JuaMUsyD Isod pun adnsojIua asp azuorg Miva/nyIyoaN awyT fp suf L6EC speoids —<» jeooueyuy . \ ee : LZ9 NHd/SSzz We TM 8S¢ec 60S¢ OOLOGL 28 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE * Charcoal SE 82.18 mOD = 82.72 mOD YX 2561 E 82.61 mOD Ss 1:25 Fig. 5 Oval enclosure ditches 2560 and 2561 and feature 2398 and Witpit Copse (Mudd et al. 1991) and there is cartographic evidence that houses at Latton lay to the west of Ermin Street, with plots running back to the River Churn (ibid). Medieval and post-medieval ridge and furrow and field boundary ditches cover extensive parts of the site and 12th-15th century AD pottery has been recovered from the area. Archaeological description Little stratigraphic evidence survived the extreme plough damage at Latton and there was differential preservation of features beneath the headlands and furrows of the extensive ridge and furrow crossing the site. This was particularly obvious in relation to the late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age enclosure (below). Phasing has therefore relied largely on pottery and other datable artefacts. Nonetheless, where possible, the chronological sequence has been based on stratigraphic and spatial relationships. Phases are approximate and it is likely that the Iron Age settlements would have evolved gradually (Lambrick and Allen 2004). Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age (Figures 4 - 7) The only structural evidence for early prehistoric activity was an oval ditched enclosure (2255, PRN 621) situated in the south-western part of the site, isolated from the foci of later prehistoric occupation (Figure 4). All that survived medieval and later plough damage were the truncated remains of ditches 2560 and 2561 and two discrete features (2259 and 2398) on the same alignment. Together these formed a discontinuous oval. No trace of a bank was visible either side of the enclosure or within the ditch fills (Figure 5). The enclosed area measured 12m x 9m and two opposing causewayed entrances were identified. Terminals 2258 and 2509 defined a northern entrance and discontinuity on the southern side may signify a multiple, modified or blocked entrance represented by features 2259 and 2398. The depths and fills of these features were similar to the main ditches and feature 2259 produced early Bronze Age pottery contemporary with that from elsewhere in the enclosure. A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 29 236/P19 0 50 mm Co iOS 121 Fig. 6 Pygmy pot from oval enclosure 2255 Ditches 2560 and 2561 were 2.5m wide and 0.5m deep with a flat base. A primary fill of eroded and trampled natural gravel was sealed by a series of clayey silts, alluvial deposits resulting from seasonal flooding. The terminals had a more complex fill sequence including deliberately placed burnt material and artefacts. The main ditches produced only small quantities of abraded pottery, worked flint and fragments of cattle and sheep/goat bone but more distinctive artefacts were found close to the terminals. Close to terminal 2258 a complete miniature vessel (‘pygmy cup’, Figure 6) and a Beaker period worked flint (Figure 7) lay upon a deposit of soil containing considerable quantities of oak and ash charcoal (2547) and were covered by another burnt deposit (2544) (Figure 5). ‘Pygmy cups’ are generally found as accessory vessels accompanying cremation burials of the early second millennium cal BC, but no cremated bone was identified in this case. Oak charcoal was also present in the fill of the opposing terminal (2509) above natural silts and below an upper alluvial fill. The eastern terminal of the southern entrance produced decorated pottery sherds belonging to an Aldbourne cup (Figure 4; Figure 24, no. 2), and a cattle skull was found in the opposing terminal. A shallow scoop (2443) within the enclosure contained abundant oak charcoal fragments. Spreads of charcoal elsewhere within the enclosure were probably the truncated remains of even shallower features. Their function was unclear and they produced no artefacts, but they were probably associated with the enclosure. Two small postholes (2393 and 2397) within the enclosed area may also have represented contemporary activity. Although the original construction date of the enclosure is uncertain the miniature vessel, Aldbourne cup and worked flint indicate an early Bronze Age date for the filling of the ditches. Five radiocarbon dates obtained on elder, hazelnut shell and Maloideae charcoal, which lay below and above the ‘pygmy cup’, and blackthorn charcoal from terminal 2258 confirmed that the backfilling of the ditch started in 2020-1690 cal BC (95% probability; boundary start infilling ditch: Figure 35) and probably 1900-1720 cal BC (68% probability) (Griffiths and Marshall below; Table 14). Other evidence of late Neolithic and early Bronze Age activity at the site was limited to a scatter of residual worked flints from later features. Structure 2501 A north-south aligned double posthole alignment 2501 lay c 35m east of enclosure 2255. It was 10m long and 2.5m wide and represented by 10 postholes, none of which produced finds. These were of similar size, c 0.35m in diameter and 0.15-0.20m deep, with the exception of 2458, which was 0.62m in diameter and 2452, more accurately described as a stakehole. The alignment was not demonstrably related to other activity but its proximity to enclosure 2255 in an area otherwise devoid of archaeological features suggests contemporaneity. Early Iron Age settlements (Figures 8 - 14) The Iron Age occupation sequence could not be precisely defined due to high levels of truncation, limited stratigraphy and, in some cases, paucity of dating material. Much of the pottery was fragmentary and other dateable artefacts rare. Nonetheless, morphological and spatial evidence provided a basic chronological framework. Early Iron Age settlement activity was represented by at least 12 post-built roundhouses with associated pits, waterholes and four-post structures. A multitude of other postholes could not be assigned to structures or phases. Settlement activity was concentrated in three areas, one forming an east- west linear arrangement in the north-western corner of the site, one within the central part of the site, 30 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 0 50 mm neal Fig. 7 Flint scraper from oval enclosure 2255 and the other to the east of the central area. Three apparently isolated roundhouses, 4020, 3008 and 2554 and a few pits and posthole groups located close to the north, west and south limits of excavation may have belonged to settlement foc: lying beyond the excavated area. It was not clear whether the early Iron Age settlement groups were contemporary or represented several phases of occupation. The best-preserved roundhouses were 7m-10m in diameter with south-east facing entrances, some with porches and central hearths. The structural postholes were 0.25m-0.50m in diameter and up to 0.30m deep. Porch postholes were generally at the larger end of the range and those defining roundhouse 2760 were exceptionally large. Pits and animal burials located close to some of the roundhouses were probably contemporary. The early Iron Age settlement groups are described by area below. Northern settlement area (Figure 8) Roundhouses 3349, 2842 and 4007 lay in an arc arrangement in the north-western part of the site. Roundhouse 3349 was 8.9 m in diameter, represented by 17 postholes and the remnant of a scooped hearth containing ashy fill. Five main ring posts were 0.30m in diameter and 0.5m deep, interspersed with double settings of smaller posts c.0.20m in diameter, two of which produced Iron Age pottery. The south-east facing entrance lay outside the excavated area. The partial skeleton of a calf was buried in pit 3907 just to the north of the structure. Roundhouse 4007 was represented by seven postholes, one of which produced later prehistoric sherds, animal bone, burnt stone and an iron nail and a second contained 21 early Iron Age sherds. The | skeleton of a calf (3461) was found in rectangular pit 3460, immediately to the north-west of the structure. Roundhouse 2842 was 8m in diameter and comprised 19 postholes, four belonging to a 2m wide south-east facing porch. Post-pipes were visible in all of the postholes and the porch features were slightly wider and deeper than the rest. The post-pipe of one produced early Iron Age pottery and another contained residual Neolithic sherds. Four-post structures are common on sites in the Upper Thames Valley and are generally thought to have been grain stores or drying platforms associated with agricultural activity (Lambrick and Allen 2004). Several were identified at Latton Lands, the most convincing examples within the northern area. They ranged from 2.2m to 4m square, most at the larger end of the range, with postholes generally c 0.25m to 0.5m in diameter. In several cases, postholes had been recut, suggesting maintenance of structures, possibly over several decades. At least six four-post structures were arranged in an arc, which may have included waterhole 3165 (below), running between roundhouses 2842 and 3349. Structure 2845 lay immediately to the north of roundhouse 2842. It was c 3m? and the postholes were 0.22m deep. The eastern postholes, 2856 and 2864, had either been recut or were strengthened by ancillary posts. Three of these produced early Iron Age pottery. Structure 2844, just to the east, was also 3m2. Posthole 2852 of this structure had been recut and its fill included charcoal and a few fragments of animal bone but no dateable finds. A posthole cluster (2841) lay to the east of 2844. At least two four-post structures, 3410 and 4006, were identified within this group. Structure 4006 was c 3.5m? and 3410 slightly smaller. Neither produced finds. The function of other postholes in this group was unclear but some may have been associated with waterhole 3165. Posthole 3040 produced a single early Iron Age sherd. A row of three unexcavated four-post structures (3195, 2843 and 3196) completed the arc, running southwards from the waterhole. Four-post structures 3107, 4023, 3197, 3485, 4024, 3486 and 4005 also occupied an extensive area to the north and west of roundhouses 2842 and 3349. They formed a roughly double alignment running east-west, possibly incorporating waterhole 3878 (below) at the eastern end. They may not have all been contemporary but the fills of most containined 31 JuawMazias UlayqOU asp UOLT KO Q ‘Su POO. 00c¢80Pr | W OS SUqep BuIyJoMm |e1aI\\ ©) sainyesa} a6y UOdd| a|pp!|\ seinyes} aby uouy Ajeg L88€/8Z8e ye wooo] i A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE “NI tt) By dO W €9'¢c8 6L8E 9cLe IN SOTEIZOTE PUP T88E/8LEE $219442IP- 6 ea | EL8E 8Z8e Go-} guols JuINgU, <) euojs ung CJ Key MS A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 33 small quantities of charcoal. The postholes of 3107 were larger than the others at 0.5m-0.8m in diameter. Posthole 3103 of this structure was probably recut and postholes 3101, 3103 and 3105 contained large packing stones, some burnt. Another four-poster may have lain within an unexcavated cluster of postholes (3201). Structure 3485 was relatively large at 4m2, and two of the postholes had been recut or offset by ancillary posts. Postholes 3358 and 3364 produced Iron Age pottery. The recut (3360) of the south- western posthole contained the articulated partial skeleton of a dog with a fractured foot. A group of features (4024) probably belonged to a six-post structure of which the southern postholes were recut. No finds were recovered from this feature. Structure 4005 lay immediately to the south of waterhole 3878/3881. It was 4m? and three of the four postholes preserved post-pipes 0.20m-0.30m across. Structure 3486 was a small four-poster just over 2m2. Several of the postholes had been recut and an Iron Age sherd was recovered from one. Two animal burials (3441 and 3367) lay within 1m of each other in this area in steep-cut pits c 0.85m x 0.5m. Both were articulated remains of juvenile ungulates, probably cattle, with limbs tightly flexed. The similarity and location of these burials suggests they were contemporary. Two waterholes (3881 and 3165) were dug and filled during the early Iron Age (Figure 8). Waterhole 3881 was 4m x 2.2m and 0.9m deep, filled with a series of clay and gravel tips, some representing collapse, others deliberate dumps incorporating early Iron Age pottery and animal bone. A quartzite saddle quern (SF303, Figure 34) was placed within the levelling fill when the waterhole went out of use. It was recut later in the early Iron Age by waterhole 3878, 4.7m x 3.5m and 1.15m deep with an access slope on the northern side, possibly designed for watering livestock. The lower fills produced 43 sherds of early Iron Age pottery but later pottery from the upper fills suggest that the waterhole continued to fill during the middle Iron Age pottery. Waterhole 3165 was filled with a series of clayey silts, some slumped from the sides. Deliberate backfill deposits contained small quantities of early Iron Age pottery, animal bone and burnt limestone. It was recut during the middle Iron Age by pit / waterhole 3192. Central settlement area (Figure 10) Roundhouse 2760 was a focus of early Iron Age activity in this part of the site. It had a substantially built east-facing porch and, at 9.5 m diameter, was one of the largest houses (Figure 12). The post- ring was made up of 14 postholes, some double or recut. Eight postholes of the main circuit produced early Iron Age pottery and the assemblages from postholes 2771 (43 sherds) and 2782 (24 sherds) were particularly large. Early Iron Age sherds were also recovered from the surface of unexcavated features in the porch area. The northern porch posthole, 2814, was 1.76m x 1.5m across and 0.65m deep and produced a large quantity of early Iron Age pottery. A shallow intercutting posthole, 2817, probably held an ancillary post. The post-ring enclosed several features that probably held internal supports, including posthole 2765 which produced 26 early Iron Age sherds. A complete juvenile horse was buried in a small pit (2785) immediately behind the roundhouse. Occurrences of juvenile horses are uncommon on early Iron Age sites, suggesting this may have been an important structure. A possible roundhouse (3200) was identified to the south of 2760. The post-ring enclosed several internal features, including a relatively deep posthole (2983). The lower fill of the post-pipe contained two early Iron Age sherds and another posthole produced burnt animal bone. The remains of a central hearth (3017) included ashy material containing early Iron Age pottery. Two truncated curvilinear ditch segments (2800 and 2947) may be truncated remains of a small ditched enclosure (3203) with a 13m gap at the north-eastern corner. Ditch 2800 was 1.2m wide and 0.5m deep and had filled by natural silting. It was cut at right angles by a small ditch (2810) possibly an internal division boundary, which contained fragments of animal bone. Ditch 2947 was 0.48m wide and contained a dark fill with charcoal, burnt limestone and sherds of early Iron Age pottery. The western terminal was cut by a small oval pit (2932), which contained Iron Age pottery and an iron spiked-loop of possible Roman date. A number of unexcavated postholes and a small pit (2929) lay within the enclosure. The pit was 0.95m in diameter and 0.62m deep and a dump of clay with charcoal and burnt limestone, probably the remains of a hearth or oven, lay on the base, sealed by deposits of clayey silt with charcoal, interspersed with eroded silts and gravels. Early Iron Age pottery was recovered from the lower fills and middle Iron Age sherds from the upper deposits suggesting that the pit may have been open from the early Iron Age into the early middle Iron Age. Four-post structures 3193, 3194, 3198 and 2895 196200 2785 Animabe = burial . THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 8a 9 a Q . © ao QF0 0 ° a 2713/2719 196100 2512 am x 2484 Fig. 10 Early Iron Age central settlement A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 3 1737 p 1575 "se ° 7878 \ SOR, 7 2 1825 a9 ° cbs 1912 1822 sn hi Key oo ee Early Iron Age © Middle Iron Age 1:1000 Fig. 11 Early Iron Age eastern settlement (Figure 10) identified within the central site may have been contemporary with roundhouses 2760 and 3200 and/or ‘enclosure’ 3203. Only structure 2895 was excavated. It was 2m x 2.5m in size and represented by five postholes, one recut. Four postholes produced early Iron Age pottery, but a small sherd of middle Iron Age pottery from recut 2891, which also produced a clay loomweight fragment, suggest maintenance over a long period or a middle rather than early Iron Age date. A group of small pits (2724, 2727, 2730 and 2733) on an east-west alignment to the north of ‘enclosure’ 3203, were 0.50m to 0.90m in diameter and 0.3m deep, with flat bases. They contained similar fills of naturally eroded gravel and clayey silts. Pit 2733 produced a single early Iron Age sherd, but the proximity and alignment suggests the pits were contemporary. Intercutting pits 2713 and 2719 lay c 15m to the east of the pit alignment in an area of intensive Roman quarrying. Pit 2713 was exceptionally large for this phase at 3.1m in diameter and 0.82m deep. It may have been a Roman quarry backfilled with Iron Age settlement debris obtained from middens in the vicinity as Iron Age sherds were scattered throughout the fill. Eastern settlement area (Figure 11) Plough damage in the eastern part of the site was particularly severe and preservation of structural evidence poor. However, early Iron Age occupation was evident in a concentration of features, including two roundhouses (1829 and 1878) and two possible ancillary structures (1912 and 1914). Roundhouse 1829 was, at 10m in diameter, the largest on the site (Figures 11 and 12). It was 36 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Structure 1829 Structure 3008 N O ) t © = 4 O O O © ©) O 1825 6 O : 0) O re) 1822 O65 —— O g O O co) Sms © O Structure 2760 Structure 2554 O Oo eG} (@) ——_ : O O : O Ke 2814 O° 2817 ° ° 2765 0 © fe) © c 2771 [) © o 2782 Olt 0 0) 10m 1:250 Fig. 12 Early Iron Age house plans represented by an outer ring of 21 postholes, a central support posthole (1825), and a 2.5m wide south-east facing porch with double posts, an unusual arrangement for the region. The inner porch postholes (1810 and 1817) were substantial features, 0.60m and 0.72m in diameter. Unusually, post-pipes survived in most of the postholes (Figure 13). A group of 31 early Iron Age sherds and burnt animal bone was found in the post-pipe (1702) of entrance post 1762. This may have been a deliberate deposit marking the construction or decommissioning of the building. A shallow pit (1822) abutting the central post had probably been dug while the post was in place, cutting only the packing. It contained redeposited charcoal fragments and ash, probably the sweepings of a hearth. A wide shallow pit (1575) immediately outside of the back wall contained early Iron Age pottery and was probably associated with the roundhouse. A semi-circular arrangement of nine postholes and a central feature (1737) was all that survived of structure 1878. Feature 1737 was 0.75m in diameter and 0.17m deep and contained a gravelly fill with refitting sherds of a shell-tempered early Iron Age carinated jar (Figure 24, no.5). The jar may have been set into a recess in the floor as a storage container or the large sherds may have been used as a hearth base. Structure 1912, represented by an arc of eight postholes, may have been a small roundhouse, the southern half removed by ploughing, or an ancillary oval or boat-shaped building such a workshop as that hypothesised from Farmoor (Lambrick and Robinson 1979). One of its postholes produced early Iron Age sherds. Structure 1914 was represented only by an arc of five postholes enclosing a possible hearth (1885) containing burnt stone, flint, fired clay and charcoal. Charcoal was also noted in wall postholes 1896 and 1889. Although no dating evidence was recovered from this structure, its proximity suggests that it was broadly contemporary. A group of three postholes to the south of A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 37 Roundhouse 1829 NW SE 82.60 m OD ~ Sze yy ESE g9.51mOD US 1763 1765 1762 1767 WNW 82.50 m OD NW SE 82.50 m OD N S30 35 m OD US ZS ZS aS HHS TEX 1771 = 1776 1770 1773 N S 82.40 m OD N S 82.38 m OD N S ae Bee Bee se : 83.45 m OD 1778 1783 ssw NINE opie ares ENE WEW see Op {ay ra) az 1786 1792 1786 ig 1791 1785 82.62 m OD = Te 1799 NE E sa : 82.61 m OD WNW SE TN 8268mO0D ~~ 82.61 m OD WN = TN oan LABIA ° 4 1813 WNW ESE 1817 82.64 m OD O SoneEe 2 1816° Kiaie 4 inh SS 1:25 Fig. 13 Postholes of roundhouse 1829 38 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE roundhouse 1912 may be the remains of a four- post structure (2143) with the north-east posthole missing. A small posthole (1923) at the north-west corner may have supported a ladder. Pottery of broadly Iron Age date was recovered from one of the postholes. A cluster of 39 postholes lay to the south of structure 1914. Similarities in shape and fills suggested contemporaneity and a possible structure and fenceline were identified. Seven large, relatively deep postholes arranged in two parallel lines (2062) probably represented elements of four-posters, as rectangular structures are unusual for the period and region. The post-pipes contained sufficient charcoal to suggest that the posts had been burnt, and early Iron Age pottery was recovered from three of them. The fence (2063) was a north-south alignment of at least eight postholes. It may have respected 2062, although three postholes crossed 2062 and may have been a northern extension of the fence. Small sherds of broadly Iron Age date were recovered from two of the postholes. Another posthole alignment (1845) was 40 m long, the southern end possibly removed by late Iron Age activity. The 15 surviving postholes contained similar fills but only a single Iron Age sherd was found in posthole 1393 at the southern end of the alignment. The diameter range of the postholes was 0.4m-0.76m, and the depth up to 0.40m, with notable consistency of size in the least truncated area. A north-south alignment of seven postholes (1911, Figure 24), which lay within the Roman settlement area, may represent an eastern boundary for the early Iron Age settlement as one of the postholes produced pottery of that date. It was traced for 12m, but continued northwards beyond the site limit. Isolated roundhouses Northern roundhouse (Figure 18) Roundhouse 4020, located close to the north-west limit of excavation, was 8m in diameter with a south-east facing porch. The post ring comprised 13 postholes, and a further two held porch posts. Posthole 3326 contained an early Iron Age sherd and sherds of broadly Iron Age date were found in postholes 3850 and 3324. Conjoining fragments in shell-tempered ware from posthole 3848 appear to belong to a straight-walled vessel of middle Iron Age type, but classification was uncertain and the balance of evidence suggests the structure was early Iron Age. An alignment of three postholes (4021) running southwards from the porch may have belonged to a fence of the type common at the nearby site of Cotswold Community (OA 2006). The postholes produced Iron Age pottery and fired clay fragments. A small outdoor oven (3567) just to the south of the roundhouse contained 22 fragments (874 g) of an oven plate. Western roundhouse (Figures 8 & 12) Roundhouse 3008 was 8.5m in diameter with a 2.5m wide south-east facing porch. Plough damage was severe but at least 13 postholes were identified. The porch postholes appeared to accommodate both a large and a smaller, ancillary post. Four early Iron Age sherds and fragments of fired clay were found in porch posthole 3119, which also contained significant amounts of charcoal, suggesting the structure had been burnt. Southern roundhouse (Figures 10 & 12) Roundhouse 2554, which lay at the southern edge of the site, was relatively small at 7.35m diameter. Eleven postholes of the main circuit survived and a larger posthole (2515) represented one side of a south-east facing porch. Several postholes produced pottery of broadly Iron Age date. Posthole 2484 immediately to the west of the structure may have held a supporting post. An internal feature (2512) may have held a support post or could have been the remnant of a hearth. Pit Group A cluster of pits occupying the south-west corner of the site (Figure 14) produced an unusually large collection of early Iron Age pottery. Three small pits of similar size (2585, 2582 and 2579) were aligned approximately northeast-southwest. Pit 2582 and pit 2585 were 0.48m in diameter and pit 2579 was 066 m across. Pit 2589 was larger at 0.8m diameter and located to the south-east of this group. All had vertical sides and flat bases and were c. 0.35m deep. Pits 2582 and 2585 had filled naturally and produced no finds. The larger pits had a more complex fill sequence, including charcoal tips and early Iron Age pottery. Another small pit (2565) 0.50 m in diameter and 0.34m deep was located 25m to the south of this group. Part of a decorated late Bronze Age/early Iron Age jar (SF238, Figure 26 no. 6) lay on its side within the main, secondary fill. Given the position of these pits close to oval enclosure 2255 and the unusually large amount of pottery recovered from some, it seems that this location retained an enduring significance in the prehistoric landscape. A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 39 196100 t, Zz % “y x, iC 1:1000 408100 PRN621 i Js08200 Fig. 14 Isolated features at the western side of the excavations; early Iron Age pit group 2579/2582/2585 and Romano-Bnitish ditch 1025 Middle Iron Age Activity (Figures 15 - 20) Two phases of middle Iron Age activity were identified, but it was not possible to phase all features due to limited stratigraphy and sparse dating evidence. The period has, therefore, been considered as a totality, and the chronological sequence indicated where possible. During the first phase the early Iron Age roundhouses were abandoned and a series of penannular enclosures dug in the central area of the site. A subsequent change in land use was reflected by the construction of a major north-south aligned boundary ditch complex that bisected the central area of the site, cutting some of the penannular enclosures. An east-west aligned boundary complex running across the northern part of the site was almost certainly a return of the north-south boundary, but the corner lay outside the excavated area (see Figure 2). A number of smaller enclosures and other features were associated with these boundaries. Central area - penannular gully enclosures (Figure 15) Penannular gully enclosures in their subsoil manifestation are best seen as drainage gullies which may have represented roundhouses or enclosures with an alternative function, such as agricultural pens (Lambrick and Allen 2004, 128). The Latton examples may have been either (or both) as no clear 40 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 196100 —— -= [50 U Fig. 15 Middle Iron Age central settlement A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS A] evidence of standing structures survived within them. Some enclosed postholes showed no obvious structural arrangement, with the exception of those within gully 2309, while others were devoid of internal features, possibly as a result of truncation. The penannular enclosures occupying the central part of the site were aligned roughly north-south. This orientation was clearly reflected in the subsequent alignment of the major linear boundary ditch complex (2353/2945/3202 below). They varied in plan from ring-shaped to oval and the gullies had filled through natural erosion and alluviation and contained little occupation material. They generally survived to a depth of no more than 0.4m. Dating evidence was limited to a few sherds of pottery from some of the gullies, sufficient to indicate that they were filling during the middle rather than the early Iron Age. Some of the enclosures were superseded by later versions, which did not generally respect the position and orientation of the originals. Intercutting enclosures 2949 and 2950 predated the main north-south boundary ditch (2945). Gully 2949 produced a few sherds of middle Iron Age date and, although it was stratigraphically earlier than 2950, it is likely that they were constructed in fairly rapid succession. Enclosure 2949 was 9.5m in diameter with an east-facing entrance gap. Enclosure 2950 was oval, 7.5m across and also open to the east. The stratigraphic relationship between enclosures 2896 and 2897 was unclear but they were also probably dug within a short time of each other. Enclosure 2897 was 12m in diameter with a south or south-east facing entrance. Enclosure 2896 was 13m across and, unusually, opened to the north-west. Pottery of broadly Iron Age date and a few fragments of animal bone were recovered from the fill. Enclosure 1280 produced no dating evidence but was cut by boundary ditch 2945, placing it within the earlier middle Iron Age phase. It was 11m across with an east-facing entrance. The south terminal was cut by or contemporary with a small pit (1182), which contained a complete horse skull, possibly a votive deposit. Two penannular enclosures lay to the north of this group, both cut by boundary ditch 2945. Enclosure 2916 was 8m across with a 7m wide east- facing entrance gap. The secondary fill of the gully incorporated charcoal, burnt limestone, animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. It enclosed a number of small, unexcavated features, probably postholes. Enclosure 2946 survived as a discontinuous curvilinear gully open to the west, also cut by ditch 2945. The upper fill incorporated charcoal and animal bone fragments. A surface scatter of 25 early and middle Iron Age sherds was recovered from the vicinity, brought up by ploughing across the gully. The dating evidence for enclosure 3205 was ambiguous due to high levels of disturbance by ploughing and a medieval ditch. It was represented by the northern span of a curvilinear gully and an opposing gully, which may have been the southern arc. The northern gully produced no finds and apparent east- and west- facing gaps were probably the result of differential survival. The southern gully was 0.47-0.8m wide and the upper fill produced occupation material, including 22 late Iron Age sherds, animal bone, fired clay and burnt stone. Despite the presence of late Iron Age pottery, which may have been introduced through later levelling or ploughing, the position of the two gullies and their similarity to others in the vicinity suggest that they were broadly contemporary with the middle Iron Age enclosures. Gully 2309, to the south of the group, was cut by the later boundary ditch 2553. It was 12.5m across with a south-east facing entrance gap. The gully enclosed a cluster of seven postholes of similar dimensions, which probably supported a structure. One of the postholes produced animal bone and a single late Iron Age sherd. Field Boundaries | Trackways (Figures 15 and 16) A major north-south boundary ditch complex (2353/2945/3202) superseded the penannular enclosures. The northern end was cut as a dogleg to accommodate the former site of roundhouse 2760, by this time the site of oval enclosure 2951 (below). There was an entrance through the main ditch, south of which the boundary is referred to as 2353. It continued northwards as 2945, and beyond the dogleg was numbered 3202. The northernmost stretch became a double parallel ditch, possibly a trackway of the type found at Slade Farm, Bicester (Ellis et al. 2000, 261). Ditch 3202 probably linked to an east-west aligned ditch complex (4001/4002) that transected the north-western part of the site. Ditch 2353 was a more substantial feature than the other elements of the boundary complex, up to 1.6m wide and 0.60m deep. Ditch 2945 (Figure 16) survived to 1.1m wide and 0.3m deep, whilst ditch 3202 was only 0.3m wide and 0.11m deep. The profiles were mostly U-shaped, with V-profile variants notable particularly where the boundary alignment changed. 42 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The fill sequences of the ditches varied, partly relative to surviving depth. Ditch 3202 contained a single silty fill whereas 2945 contained a gravelly primary fill produced by slumping of the sides, sealed by a secondary erosion fill of clayey silt. An exception to this was seen in one excavated section (2364) which contained eight distinct fills, evidence for recutting and maintenance along some stretches of the boundary. The upper fills throughout the length of the boundary produced middle Iron Age pottery. The southern part of ditch 2353 was recut later in the middle Iron Age, in some places as a diverging feature (Figure 16). The recuts were shallower than the original features but produced larger quantities of middle Iron Age pottery. A few late Iron Age sherds indicate that the ditches survived as hollows, perhaps even continuing as boundaries during this period. Evidence of recutting ceased at the point where 2353 intersected east-west ditch 2306 (below). An elaborate gateway across boundary ditch 2353/2945 was marked by three recut or double postholes (1107/1110, 1160/1162 and 1150/1152) and antenna gullies 1310 and 2136. The entrance was 8m across and the gullies formed a 5m wide funnel-shaped passage. The postholes survived to a depth of only 0.2m and 0.36m deep and their indistinguishable dark clayey silt fills suggested a double post arrangement. The southern sets of postholes contained middle Iron Age pottery and posthole 1110 also produced animal bone, fired clay and burnt flint. A cluster of small intercutting postholes (1150) on the north side of the entrance produced no finds but may have supported an associated structure or marker. Gully 1310 was 9.5m long and produced middle Iron Age pottery. Gully 2136 extended 9m from posthole 1107/1110 and contained burnt stone and animal bone. A shallow pit/posthole (1444) that also contained burnt stone, lay midway between the eastern gully terminals and was probably part of the entrance structure. The entrance was flanked to the north and south with corresponding curvilinear ditches, 1309 and 2139, which extended eastwards from the main boundary ditch. A shorter ditch, 2306, on the same alignment and to the south of 1309 was no doubt related and the three together may have formed a stock control structure associated with the entrance complex. Similar structures have been recorded at Penycoed, Dyfed (Murphy 1985) and Spratsgate Lane, Somerford Keynes, Gloucestershire (Vallender 2005). Ditch 1309 lay 25m to the south of the entrance. It was 1m wide and 0.32m deep. The main fill contained charcoal and burnt limestone, and middle Iron Age pottery was collected from the top fill. Site truncation obscured the relationship between the terminal of the ditch and late Iron Age enclosure 1285. Ditch 2306 was 0.4m deep and the main fill produced middle Iron Age pottery, animal bone, burnt limestone and comminuted charcoal. A shallow pit (1132) containing similar material lay adjacent to the ditch and may have been a related feature. Ditch 2139, 30m to the north of the entrance, was c 21m long but disturbed by a medieval plough furrow, beyond which point it continued south as a double ditch. These were 0.45m wide and c 0.35m deep with V-shaped profiles. They produced animal bone fragments but no pottery. Their southern terminals were cut by or contiguous with enclosure 1442 (below), their fills indistinguishable. North of the entrance complex, where the major boundary ditch changed alignment to become 2945, a series of short parallel ditches running 1m alongside the western edge may be remnants of a parallel trackway ditch. Further along its length ditch 2945 became a double and triple ditched feature (3202). One of these short ditches contained middle Iron Age pottery and cut penannular gully 2916, providing evidence for the sequence. These counter-ditches may have been recuts of 2945 or may have been designed to enhance the boundary in the vicinity of enclosure 2951. The ditch complex ran northwards beyond the limits of excavation but may have continued as gully/ditch 3792 which skirted a series of middle Iron Age penannular enclosures in the northern part of the site (Figure 18). Enclosure 3991 lay 15 m to the east of the major middle Iron Age boundary complex (Figures 2 and 11). It was represented by a north-south ditch traced for 150 m within the excavated area, with a poorly preserved eastward return at the southern end. A 14 m gap in the southern return continued eastward as three parallel ditches. Although the gap may have been a product of plough damage, the profile of the ditches changed beyond this point. Ditch 3991 was V-shaped, 0.2 m to - 0.4 m wide and up to 0.23 m deep. The parallel ditches were wider, shallower and flat-based and may have been an addition or modification to the enclosure. No dating evidence was recovered from any of these features and the spatial relationship with the concentration of early Iron Age settlement features is probably coincidental. Whilst it is possible that the enclosure A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 43 E UNS 82.80 m OD UN 4002 W 82.83 m OD SS 82.82 m OD 1:25 Fig. 16 Middle Iron Age boundary ditches 2353, 2945 and 4002 was constructed concurrently with the early Iron Age settlement it may have been part of the major middle Iron Age realignment (above). Central area - enclosures (Figures 15-17) The common occurrence of middle and late Iron Age enclosures on sites in the Upper Thames Valley Iron Age (Lambrick and Allen 2004) is reflected at Latton Lands. A number of ditched enclosures of various sizes and shapes were constructed here during the middle Iron Age, most of them associated with major boundaries. Four such enclosures were exposed immediately to the east of the entrance through boundary 2353/2945 (Figures 15 and 16). Enclosures 1258, 1442 and 3204 may have been contemporary elements of a single complex. Ring-gully 1277 was completely different morphologically and was probably slightly later. The largest (1258) was horseshoe-shaped and open to the north. It enclosed an area 34m x 25m and a 2m gap in the western ditch corresponded with the position of the entrance through boundary 2353/2945. The ditch was c 1m wide and 0.4m deep, the profile V-shaped and the entrance terminals expanded (Figure 17). The fill produced animal bone, burnt stone and residual worked flint flakes but no dateable artefacts. However, it was was cut by late Iron Age enclosure 1285 (Figures 2 and 19) and appears, on spatial evidence, to have been broadly contemporary with enclosure 1442 to the north. Enclosure 1442 resembled 1258 in shape and alignment and was set within its northern opening. It enclosed an area c 20m x 24m. A possible western entrance was disturbed by Roman quarrying. The ditch was 1m wide, 0.32m deep, with a V-shaped profile. The naturally eroded fill produced a few animal bone fragments and sherds of middle and late Iron Age pottery. 4 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE A small penannular enclosure (3204) with a south-east entrance lay to the north of enclosure 1442. It was cl4m in diameter and the ditch was 0.8m wide and 0.43m deep, recut on the south-west side. The upper fill contained animal bone fragments and middle Iron Age pottery, suggesting that this enclosure was broadly contemporary with enclosure complex 1258/1442. Ring-gully 1277, which cut the western arm of enclosure 1258, produced middle Iron Age pottery and was cut by two late Iron Age pits (1270 and 1127). It enclosed an area 10.1m in diameter, with no evidence of an entrance, and may have been the site of aroundhouse. The V-shaped gully was 0.34m wide, 0.2m. deep and the single fill contained scraps of animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. The eastern side of the gully was recut as 1279 and also contained middle Iron Age pottery. A number of features enclosed by the ring-gully may have been contemporary, including shallow oval pit 1131, which contained burnt and unburnt animal bone, charcoal and middle Iron Age pottery. Analysis of the charred plant remains suggested that material including the by-products of cereal processing, possible animal fodder and hawthorn charcoal from a hearth had been disposed of in this pit. Other internal features may have formed a structure within the gully. These included two recut postholes at the western side of the enclosure which produced middle Iron Age sherds. A large subrectangular ditched enclosure (2951) lay within a dogleg formed by boundary ditches 2945/3202 occupied the former position of early Iron Age roundhouse 2760. The siting was probably not coincidental and suggests that the location had retained a significance over a prolonged period. The enclosed area was 33m x 26.5m and an entrance may have been located in the unexcavated north-east corner. The ditch was 0.42m-1m wide and 0.19m- 0.3m deep with a U-shaped profile (Figure 17). The fills contained burnt limestone, animal bone and a substantial quantity of early and middle Iron Age pottery, probably a dump of domestic waste. Central area - pits and posthole groups (Figures 15 and 20) A number of other features were associated with boundary complex 2353/2945/3202. A group of pits and slots located adjacent to 2353 represented outdoor domestic or light industrial activity, perhaps ovens or small corndriers constructed away from the main area of occupation. Two small oval pits (2338 and 2334) flanked the western side of ditch 2352 where it intersected 2306. Both contained charcoal, burnt limestone and animal bone and 2338 also produced middle Iron | Age pottery. A group of features lay immediately adjacent on the east side of the boundary. These included small pits 2287 and 2347, which produced a similar range of finds. Two small intersecting linear features (2307 and 2308) which cut boundary ditch 2306 contained a dark silty fill with charcoal, burnt limestone and middle Iron Age pottery. A similar feature (2352), 2m long and 0.4m deep, contained burnt material and 54 sherds of early and middle Iron Age pottery. An isolated oval pit (1289) (Figures 15 and 20), located north-east of enclosures 1258 and 1442, was 1.6m x 1.1m and 0.35m deep with steep sides and a flat base. It contained a thin layer of dense black charcoal (1700) and small-scale burnt oven/hearth material incorporating a few middle Iron Age sherds. An upper fill of charcoal rich soil (1290) produced animal bone. A substantial amount of charred emmer and smaller amounts of spelt/emmer, barley and an oat grain and hazelnut shell were also recovered. Radiocarbon measurements obtained on two samples of emmer wheat produced statistically consistent results (T’=0.2; =1; T’(5%)=3.8; Ward and Wilson 1978) of 340-40 cal (SUERC-12226) and 200 cal BC- cal AD20 (GrA-33708). This feature was probably a small corn drying oven, probably contemporary with late Iron Age enclosure 1285 (below) rather than the middle Iron Age activity. Pit 2918, which lay within the most southern dogleg corner of ditch 2945, was 1.8m in diameter and 0.92m deep with vertical sides and a flat base. A charcoal rich fill (2921) contained middle Iron Age pottery. The charcoal was alder, which does not burn well, but produces good charcoal for activities such as metalworking (Challinor this report). A clay-lined pit (3009), to the south of enclosure 2951, was 0.9m in diameter and 0.2m deep with a flat base. It contained a silty fill with charcoal fragments, burnt stone and a few Iron Age sherds and a vertical stakehole 0.05m in diameter penetrated both fills. Its function was unclear but it may also have been associated with metalworking. Waterhole 3192, located towards the northern end of the site, recut early Iron Age feature 3165 (Figures 7 and 9), was 3.7m across and 1.35m deep and the lower fills contained charcoal, burnt stone, animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. Fill 3181 also produced fired clay, and a Kimmeridge shale armlet roughout (SF268, Figure 19) was recovered from fill 3170. The roughout probably A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS W 1252 45 E 82.75mOD TX N S TES 0 2769 167 82.23 m OD 2951 TES im ——— aE 1:25 Fig. 17 Middle Iron Age enclosure ditches 1258 and 2951 originated in Dorset as a knife-trimmed blank for lathe-finishing on site. The presence of a complete roughout is significant and could indicate trade links with Dorset during the late middle Iron Age (Laws 1991, 368-9). The waterhole was recut again later in the middle Iron Age by waterhole 3126 to a depth of 0.75m. The fill produced burnt stone, charcoal, animal bone, middle Iron Age pottery and fired clay. Fill 3128 produced a nail (SF266) and a crucible fragment (SF265). It was clearly used at the end of its life as a receptacle for structural debris and domestic and industrial waste. Northern area (Figure 18) Northern field system A major focus of middle Iron Age activity was exposed north of double ditch 4001/4002, the east- west extension of boundary ditch 2353/2945/3002. It was represented by a group of enclosures and other features which produced evidence of metalworking. The level of truncation in this area was such that stratigraphic relationships were heavily obscured. Ditches 4001 and 4002 were traced for 130m and 160m respectively within the excavated area. They overlapped for a distance of 23m and it is likely that one ditch replaced the other, but the relationship was unclear and both produced middle Iron Age pottery. Beyond the point of overlap they were therefore separately numbered 3384 and 3387. By extension of the alignment, ditch 3387 probably corresponds to 4002 and 3384 to 4001. The dating evidence indicates the entire complex was middle Iron Age. The western ends of 4001 and 4002 were severely disturbed by medieval and post-medieval ploughing, and their profiles indistinct. Ditch 4001 changed alignment within this disturbed area from northwest - southeast to east-west, beyond which point it straightened at 1.4m wide and up to 0.4m deep. The main fill was a clayey silt containing small quantities of burnt limestone and pottery. Several groups of shallow intercutting gullies (3432/3434/3832, 3093/3208 and 3207/3161) at the western end of ditch 4001 may be earlier boundary ditches, as 4001 cut them on the same alignment. Gullies 3093 and THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 46 JUAUMAIINAS ULBYIOU ATP UOL] APPI S] ‘Bu EE S02 we EPRI GAN UES AI oe 902E OOOl:| W OG suqep Bulyiom jee © aby uol| sIPPI) Ss 00r961 aby uol) Ayeg oe REx]. uole007 — /2, A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 47 3208 produced middle Iron Age pottery (a deposit of 48 sherds in the case of 3208) and burnt limestone fragments. Ditch 4002 was a more uniform feature than 4001, 0.7m to 1.5m wide and up to 0.4m deep, narrowing slightly to the east (Figure 16). The upper clayey silt fills also contained burnt limestone and pottery. A shattered early 2nd century Roman jar recovered from upper fill 3898, at the eastern end of the ditch, probably came from an unrecognised feature cut into the ditch, perhaps a truncated urned cremation burial, but no bone was recovered. Evidence of Romano-British activity was sparse in this part of the site, but Ermin Street lay only some 150m to the north and the practice of burying the dead close to roadsides is well documented. Ditches 3387 and 3384 werec 0.8m to 1.3m wide and up to 0.4m deep with steeply sloping sides and a flat base. The fill of both produced relatively large quantities of finds, including animal bone, burnt limestone and early and middle Iron Age pottery. L-shaped ditch 3206 formed a rectilinear enclosure south of ditch 4002 at the western end of the site. It was 1.3m wide and 0.2m deep and the naturally eroded fill produced no finds, but a shallow pit (3014) which cut it produced a middle Iron Age sherd. On the eastern side of the site two small parallel ditches (3448 and 4013) divided the area north of boundary 3384/3387. They produced similar pottery to the large ditch complex, and were probably contemporary field divisions aligned upon it. Ditch 3448 was 1.1m wide and 0.44m deep witha V-shaped profile. It contained animal bone and early and middle Iron Age pottery. Ditch 4013 lay 55m north of 3448 and some 65m to the north of major boundary 4001/4002. It was 2.12 m wide and 0.6m deep with a flat base. The main fill was an alluvial clayey silt containing charcoal and burnt stone, animal bone, fired clay and pottery. The eastern end of the ditch transected an oval enclosure (3955, below) but the relationship was unclear. This part of the ditch was recut and the primary fill of the recut produced 19 sherds of middle Iron Age pottery. A dump of burnt material in the upper fill included charcoal, burnt stone, fired clay and early Iron Age pottery, probably the residue of minor industrial processes such as metalworking. Northern enclosures A series of small round or oval enclosures surviving only as truncated curvilinear ditches lay within with the north-eastern field system. Not all produced dating evidence but, due to their spatial arrangement 0 100 mm eZ Fig. 19 Shale armlet roughout SF 268 from waterhole 3192 within a middle Iron Age field system and the occurrence of middle Iron Age pottery in some, they were collectively assigned to that period. The southernmost enclosure comprised two opposing lengths of curvilinear gully (3588 / 3591), the former incorporating several small structural features. The two gullies may represent a large roundhouse c 16.5m in diameter. Gully 3591 was 0.3m wide, 0.09m deep and contained naturally accumulated silts incorporating a few Iron Age sherds. Gully 3558 was 1.2m across, 0.2m deep and produced charcoal, burnt stone, slag and middle Iron Age pottery. Two shallow postholes (3542 and 3545), pit/posthole 3548 and pit 3491 were contiguous with the gully. Pit 3491 was 1.2m across 0.67m deep and its fills included two deliberate dumps of gravel. The upper fill (3492) produced pottery and a fragment of a triangular clay loomweight or oven brick. Enclosure 3965 took the form of two opposing north-south aligned 0.4m wide curvilinear gullies, 0.12m deep with V-shaped profiles. They produced no dateable material but mollusc evidence suggested the proximity of a herbaceous hedge. The eastern gully cut a 7m long gully (4010), also undated. Pit/ posthole 3623, which lay adjacent to the southern terminal of the enclosure, was 0.75m in diameter, 0.43m deep and produced pottery of broadly Iron Age date. Enclosure 3960 to the north was open to the west and enclosed a presumably contemporary four-post structure (3628). The enclosure gully was 0.43m wide and 0.12m deep with a U-profile and the single fill contained animal bone and ironworking slag. The gully was recut along its southern and eastern sides, indicating some degree of maintenance and longevity. The northern terminal, 3616, was filled with a dark silt containing burnt animal bone, and 48 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE stone, ironworking slag, an iron nail, copper alloy sheet fragments and 199 sherds of middle Iron Age pottery. Terminal 3616 cut a small pit (3619) which also produced burnt limestone, animal bone and Iron Age pottery. The largest enclosure (3955) was oval in plan with possible entrances to the east and west. It enclosed an area 14m wide and 17m long and the gully was 0.9m wide and 0.44m deep. The fill of the southern gully was largely the product of collapse and alluviation, with evidence of recutting and the upper fill. It produced only a few middle Iron Age sherds. The fill of the northern segment, by contrast, produced dumps of burnt material, including charcoal, slag, burnt stone, fired clay, animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. Fill 3705 also produced worked antler, possibly an unfinished toggle (Figure 35, no.1). The gully cut two parallel east-west aligned ditches (4011 and 4012) which also contained middle Iron Age pottery. These may have been field boundaries pre-dating the construction of the enclosure. A large oval pit (3869) lay within enclosure 3955 (Figure 18). It was 1.42 m across and 1.04 m deep with sloping sides and a flat base. Deliberate dumps of sand and gravel lay on the base, below interspersed fills of naturally eroded silts and a large dump containing Iron Age pottery and animal bone. Two of the few bones of wild animal species from the site, a weasel and red deer, came from this pit. The charcoal rich upper fill (3870/3872) incorporated ironworking slag, a small iron rod (SF302, Figure 33, no.1) and a triangular cast copper alloy object (SF304), as well as animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. Carbonised blackthorn from this deposit was radiocarbon dated to the middle Iron Age, 400-210 cal BC (SUERC-12227) (Table 14). The skeleton of a crouched human neonate (3871) lay within or on top of this deposit, covered with a cleaner silty soil. The grave included no dateable artefacts but it was probably early Roman, placed within the subsidence hollow of a then still visible Iron Age pit. It was common practice during the Roman period to bury infants in shallow graves within non-mortuary settings, and its proximity of Ermin Street is notable. A series of undated short linear gullies (3792) surrounding enclosure 3955 may have originally formed a continuous rectangular ditch, reduced by ploughing. Alternatively, the north-south stretch of this group may have been a northern extension of boundary complex 2945/3002. Two shallow recut postholes (3800/3824 and 3796/3822) probably mark a west-facing entrance into the enclosure/ditch system. The original postholes (3822 and 3824) were 0.36m in diameter and contained single fills of silty loam. The recuts (3800 and 3796) were 0.45m and © 0.67m in diameter. Post pipes filled with dark silty loam and burnt stone packing survived in these features, indicating a timber diameter c 0.3-0.4m. A group of gullies south of the small enclosures may have been part of rectangular enclosure 3792. Gully 3701 was 7.5m, long and produced animal bone and burnt stone. Gully 4009 was 0.6m deep and contained no finds. Short lengths of gully were common in this area and the ceramic, stratigraphic and spatial evidence suggests they were dug during the middle Iron Age. Curvilinear gully 4004 lay to the north of ditch 4001 and a group of short gullies (3844) ran north-south from ditch 4002. These produced burnt stone, animal bone and sherds of broadly Iron Age date. The presence of burnt stone may indicate they were middle Iron Age, as other well-dated features containing such material were of that date. Pits and waterholes Several middle Iron Age pits and waterholes were encountered in the northern settlement area. Waterhole 3574 was 4m in diameter and 0.9m deep, with an access ramp on the south-east side. Its six fills represented a sequence of collapse, natural silting and deliberate dumps,which incorporated a few sherds of pottery, animal bone and burnt limestone. Although the pottery was early Iron Age, the location and the phasing of surrounding features suggests it was in use during the middle Iron Age. Feature 3713, to the west, may also have been a waterhole. It was 2.75m across and 0.5m deep with sloping sides nd a ramp on the southern edge. It produced burnt stone, animal bone, worked flint and early and middle Iron Age pottery. Possible waterhole 3786 (Figure 20) lay within a part of the northern site somewhat devoid of activity, south of ditch 4013. It was 1.8m in diameter and 1.1m deep and contained dark, organic waterlogged fills, which produced burnt limestone and animal bone. The waterlogged plants assemblage included aquatic and damp ground species. Pit 3728 to the west was 2.6m across and 0.54m deep with near vertical sides and a flat base. It produced pottery of broadly Iron Age date. Two smaller, shallow pits in the vicinity (3763 and 3761) contained single silty fills devoid of finds. Three pits were excavated within the area of the oval enclosures. Subrectangular pit 3674 lay just north of enclosure 3960. It was 1.3m x 0.75m A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 49 W 82.87 mOD UO Key * Charcoal 1700 Charcoal rich 1290 82.93 m OD Be. 82.76 m OD SW) WN 0 im —E Ee e245) Fig. 20 Middle Iron Age waterhole 3786 and pits 3869 and 1289 and 0.73m deep and contained a dark, charcoal rich fill (3672) incorporating slag (SF295), fragments of copper alloy (SF291, SF292, SF294) and burnt limestone, along with animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. Radiocarbon dating of blackthorn charcoal from this deposit produced a date of 390-170 cal BC (GrA-33510). It was cut by a small, shallow hollow (3637) which produced more slag, animal bone and a few Iron Age sherds. A large well-defined pit (3745) was located north of enclosure 3955. It was 1.64m in diameter at the top, narrowing to 1.08m, at which point the Sides were vertical to a depth of 1.4m, with a flat base. The upper fills contained Roman pottery, two hammerstones (SF300 and SF301) and animal bone, the mix of finds indicating a high level of disturbance. A charcoal rich fill containing burnt stone lay on the base, and upper silts produced charcoal and burnt stone, animal bone and middle Iron age pottery. Pit 3774 was located immediately to the north of ditch 4001 at the western end of the trench. It was 1.22m in diameter, 0.97m deep and produced a few pieces of burnt stone and Iron Age pottery. Metalworking activity in the northern settlement (Figure 18) Evidence of middle Iron Age metalworking was 50 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE recovered from features in the northern settlement described above. The fills of the main boundary ditches (4001 and 4002) produced discarded burnt stone, hearth slag and fuel ash slag, and a crucible fragment. The hearths may have been used for both ironworking and copper alloy casting. Middle Iron Age waterhole 3192/3126 (above and Figure 9) also contained hearth slag, hearth lining and a crucible fragment. Ditch 4002 cut an earlier pit (3915) 2.2m in diameter and 0.95m deep. The primary fill (3914) produced middle Iron Age pottery, fragments of horse or cattle skull and other animal bones. It also contained iron slag and burnt limestone associated with metalworking. The ditch was cut by another large pit (3091), 1.55m in diameter and 1.07m deep with vertical sides and a flat base. The primary eroded fills were overlain by a deliberate dump of clayey silt (3087) incorporating middle Iron Age pottery. A subsequent episode of erosion was followed by the dumping of charcoal and burnt limestone (3085), which contained a few pieces of slag, middle Iron Age pottery and a few fragments of animal bone. Enclosure gullies 3960 and 3955 also produced metalworking residues, as did pit 3869 within enclosure 3955. The assemblage from 3955 was particularly prolific, incorporating fuel ash, sintered sand, hearth slag and crucibles with copper corrosion - evidence of copper alloy casting (Morgan below). Pit 3674, to the south of enclosure 3955, produced clear evidence of bronzeworking, including copper oxide and dross (Howarth and Powell, below). It seems that oak was used as fuel in addition to other species in the metalworking processes, as oak charcoal was found amongst the burnt debris in pits 3869 and 3674 (Challinor, below). Late Iron Age/Early Roman Activity (Figure 21) During the late Iron Age a large enclosure (1285) was constructed in the central area of the site, previously the focus of intense agricultural and domestic activity. At a later stage in the late Iron Age the entrance through middle Iron Age boundary ditch 2353/2945 was enhanced and a number of pits dug. Even later, sometime before the Roman conquest, several burials were inserted into the fill of the ditches of the by then abandoned enclosure. Enclosures Enclosure 1285 was represented by a large ditch with a 3.5 m wide entrance gap to the north. It cut the southern side of middle Iron Age enclosure 1258 (see Figure 2). The enclosed area was c 35m x 35m in size, slightly wider at the north. The ditch, which was partly machine excavated, had a V-shaped profile, generally 1m wide but expanding to 1.7m in the south-western corner. Due to differential truncation, the depth varied from 0.07m to 0.57m. Most of the fills derived from gradual erosion. Posthole 1283 was cut adjacent to the western terminal at the enclosure entrance. It was 0.29m in diameter and 0.17m deep with steep sides and may have supported a gatepost. A secondary fill of the north-west corner of the ditch produced a large assemblage of late Iron Age/ early Roman pottery and the ditch fills generally contained small quantities of animal bone and burnt stone. A piece of metalworking slag (SF155) came from fill 1301 and fragments of copper alloy binding (SF153) from fill 1240. Overall, 51 sherds of late Iron Age/early Roman pottery and some residual pieces were recovered from the ditch. Following a period of gradual silting the entire feature was recut to the same profile and generally on the same alignment, indicating a prolonged period of use and maintenance. The south-west and north-west corners were recut on aslightly different alignment, reducing the north-west part of the enclosure by up to 4m. In most areas of the recut only a single naturally eroded silty fill was observed, but primary collapse material along some stretches produced animal bone, pottery and burnt stone. Fill 1196 produced fired clay and fill 1362 a lump of slag (SF165). Most of the pottery from the recut ditch was late Iron Age/early Roman, indicating the modification was not much later than the original construction. Only two features were identified within the enclosed area, which may have been a livestock pen. But for the levels of plough damage, this could be taken to indicate a total absence of structures. An oval pit (1345) in the north-east corner was 1.36m long, 0.7m wide and 0.57m deep and its eroded fill produced no finds. A small posthole (1446) in the south-west corner was equally unproductive. Ditch 2132 During the late Iron Age the entrance through the middle Iron Age major boundary complex was modified by the construction of ditch 2132, dug on A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 51 1:500 Fig. 21 Late Iron Age enclosure 1285 and burials an east-west alignment from the northern terminus of ditch 2353, at the southern side of the entranceway. The ditch was 17.5m long, on a slight southwards curve, and terminated 2.5m from enclosure 1285. It was generally c 1.5m wide and 0.4m-0.6m deep and contained fills of silty clay incorporating animal bone and pottery. Where the ditch adjoined 2353 the pottery was of varied date, indicating disturbance, but most was late Iron Age-early Roman. The position and alignment of 2132 suggests that the middle Iron Age boundary entrance was modified to provide access to enclosure 1285, and therefore that the boundary persisted as a landscape feature into the late Iron Age. Pits Three late Iron Age or early Roman pits, possibly contemporary with enclosure 1285, were cut through middle Iron Age features. Pits 1270 and 1127 cut ring gully 1277 (Figures 15 and 21). Pit 1270, 0.6m in diameter and 0.45m deep, had filled naturally and produced no finds. Pit 1127 was 0.7m in diameter and 0.7m deep with vertical sides. It had a single fill of burnt material, including limestone, animal bone and pottery. The pottery assemblage (Figure 31, nos 22-27), dated to 75BC - early lst century AD, included a pre-conquest Dressel 1 amphora, sherds representing two barrel-shaped jars and two high shouldered jars in grog tempered ware. The large animal bone assemblage included horse, cattle and articulating elements of sheep/goat. The finds probably represented accumulated waste material rather than a votive deposit. Oval pit 1282 (Figure 21) cut gully 2136, which formed part of the entrance through middle Iron Age boundary ditch 2353/2945. It was 1.9m x 1m and 0.62m deep with steep sides and a flat base. In common with pit 1127, it produced a large quantity of late Iron Age-early Roman pottery, including four high shouldered jars in grog tempered ware, and 52 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Burial 1695 Burial 1691 ———|- —_ fz Burial 1095 Burial 1312 1:50 Fig. 22 Burials 1695, 1691, 1095 and 1312 animal bone, charcoal, fuel ash slag from domestic burning, burnt limestone and a worn limestone floor slab. Burials (Figures 21-23) Several burials were interred within the fills of enclosure ditch 1285 (Figure 21). Those excavated included two inhumation burials 1690 and 1668 (grave 1691) and 1694 (grave 1695), cremated bone deposits 1157 (grave 1158) and a partially cremated inhumation burial, 1100 (grave 1095). Grave 1691 cut the south-east corner of the enclosure ditch. It was aligned approximately east- west 1.9m long and 0.6m wide, surviving to a depth of 0.25m with steep sides. It contained the poorly preserved skeleton of an adult male (1690) aged 24 to 30. The skeleton was crouched, head to the east, lying on its left side with the left hand under the head. The fill of the grave produced a further deposit of burnt human bone (1668) also adult, and an Aucissa type brooch dated AD 43-70. The brooch was probably associated with 1690 but this is uncertain. Grave 1695 cut the south-west corner of the enclosure ditch. The irregular cut was aligned approximately north-south, 1.6m long, 0.6m wide and 0.78m deep, with steep sides and a flat base. Skeleton 1694, an adult male over 40 years old, lay with its head to the north on its right side, the right arm extended and the left arm bent upwards and resting on the right arm, with the hand just under the chin and the legs bent, possibly upwards. No grave goods or other finds were present. Cremation 1157 was contained within pit 1156/1158, which cut the western terminal (1389/1391) of the enclosure ditch. The pit was oval, aligned approximately east-west and measured 0.76m by 0.49m, with steep sides and a fiat base, surviving to a depth of 0.32m. The fill contained the partially burnt remains of an adult human and an unidentified animal. The human bone did not constitute an entire individual. The same fill contained a significant quantity of charcoal derived from Maloideae (hawthorn/apple/pear), possibly pyre debris. No finds were present but it is likely to be broadly contemporary with the other funerary deposits in the enclosure ditch. Burial 1095 (Figures 22 and 23) contained the remains of a partially cremated individual (1100) indicated by radiocarbon analysis to be of pre- conquest date (93.2% probability). The grave was cut into the western side of enclosure ditch 1285 at the point where it intersected middle Iron Age ditch A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 53 Fig. 23 Burial 1095 1309. The grave was subrectangular, 0.94m x 0.58m, and aligned approximately north-south with steep sides that preserved evidence of burning. An iron knife fragment (SF168, Figure 33, no.7), an Iron Age type which continued in use into the Roman period, lay on top of the primary fill (1554). Burnt timbers and charcoal (1104) perhaps the remains of a pyre, lay above this and the prone skeleton (1100) lay on top of this construction beneath two more burnt timbers. The timbers were rough-hewn, slightly chamfered planks of varying length, c 0.1m wide and 0.02-0.04m thick. The bottom half of a shell-tempered jar (SF166; Figure 31, no. 28) rested on the charcoal layer beneath the pelvis. The pot, sooted but unburnt, was incomplete at the time of deposition, forming an open vessel from which a burnt timber (1572) protruded. Articulated foot bones and a tibia lay on top of this timber. The skeleton was an adult male over 40 years old. Two fills overlay the burial, the lower of which (1097) contained a significant amount of cremation debris and pottery dating from the mid Ist century to early 2nd century AD. The upper fill (1096) was redeposited natural soil containing bones from skeleton 1100 in addition to animal bone and late lst century-early 2nd century AD pottery. The disposition of the body parts and timbers and the presence of post-conquest pottery in the upper fill suggest that the grave was disturbed, probably by Roman quarrying or medieval ploughing. The Romano-British Settlement (Figure 24) With the exception of a few isolated features, Roman period activity was concentrated in the eastern end of the site, directly to the north of the Romano-British settlement site (SAM 899) and south of Ermin Street. A network of trackways, enclosures, pits and quarries was dated on ceramic evidence to the 2nd century AD date, with a small number of later features. This indicates a chronological gap in activity between the late Iron Age / early Roman burials to the west and the eastern settlement, although Ermin Street was built in the lst century AD and some evidence of Ist century AD activity was identified. The survival of stratigraphy in the Romano- British settlement area was far superior to that observed in the Iron Age settlements but the pottery indicates that most features were dug over a short period. Consequently, whilst the order of construction was often clear, detailed phasing was not always possible. Ditches and Trackways Roman activity was represented by two alignments of features belonging to different phases. A long northwest-southeast aligned boundary complex (2146/2154) divided an area of dense activity to the south (which included enclosures, pits and two cremation burials) from a more open area to the north, crossed by trackways and boundary ditches. An inhumation burial was found in the northern area, c 80 m to the south of Ermin Street. Early Ditches Ditch 1000 extended from the southern edge of the site northwestwards for 40m. It was 0.85m wide and 0.3m deep and the upper fill produced early 2nd century pottery. A long ditch (2146/2154) transected the eastern part of the site, running northwest- southeast for at least 200m. It was 0.6m wide and 0.25m deep and the fill of eroded silts produced small quantities of animal bone and 2nd century pottery. The southern end diverged into a series E WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE TH 00656} \ x uoleo07 ~ 002807 668WVS lWawapias ysilig-ouvwmoy YINM palnidossp Sainway $7 ‘sy Ni \ \ ov6g Aemyorsy N \ SSl¢e 009807 OOSI:1 uewoy xy | aby uol| Ayeg Kay OLOL ~~~. 4 Cee 0 Z Ai G6 I Ad eer vost 0€6 werd. 6bLz BQ cece Sis ae L6VL/88VL \X/ 96rl 000961 A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS Sp) of overlapping segments, collectively numbered 2154. Trackways 3940 and 986 At some point after these ditches had silted up, trackway 986 was constructed across them on a northeast-southwest alignment. It was represented by parallel ditches 2167 to the west and 2160 to the east. Ditch 2167 was 1m wide and 0.5m deep and the upper fill produced 22 sherds of 2nd century pottery and a few pieces of animal bone. Parallel ditch 2160 extended beyond the limits of excavation. It was 4.7m wide, narrowing to the north to 1.3m, and 0.12m-0.62m, deep. The naturally eroded fill produced animal bone, ceramic building material and early-mid 2nd century sherds. This trackway intersected another (3945) but the relationship was unclear. An L-shaped ditch (1496) also cut ditch 2146/2154. It was 1m wide and 0.5m deep and contained a single silty fill, which produced early 2nd century - late 3rd century pottery. Trackway complex 3940 lay on the same alignment as 986 c 65m to the east. It comprised four ditches arranged in two parallel groups 5m apart, the ditches within each group 2m to 3m apart. The eastern element included ditches 2155 and 2156, c 0.3m deep. Outer ditch 2155 was 1m wide and inner ditch 2156 was 2m wide. Both contained a gravelly silt fill incorporating animal bone, 2nd-late 3rd century pottery, and burnt limestone. Ditch 2155 cut two east-west aligned ditches (923 and 927). The western trackway was represented by outer ditch 2158 and inner ditch 2157. Ditch 2157 was 1m wide, 0.3m deep and produced mid 2nd century pottery. Ditch 2158 was a maximum of 1.76m wide and 0.56m deep and produced animal bone and pottery of broadly Roman date. Trackway ditch 2158 was cut by gullies 879 and 2159, which belonged to complex 3950, four roughly parallel gullies in the southern part of the site. The southernmost gully (2159) was 21m long and contained a single fill which produced animal bone, early 2nd to late 4th century pottery and a coin (SF202) of the house of Constantine (AD 330- 341). This material may have been intrusive or the gully complex a late addition. Gully 879 was 0.9m wide and 0.4m deep and the lower fill produced 2nd century pottery. The other two gullies belonging to this group (2149 and 2166) did not impinge on trackway 3940, but they cut small quarry pits 902 and 898, demonstrating that the complex post-dated a period of quarrying. Trackways 2150, 3945 and ditch 1667 An undated north-south aligned ditch (1667) ran between trackway complexes 3940 and 986. It was 1.4m wide and 0.52m deep and the eroded silty fill produced a sherd of middle Iron Age pottery. It reflected the alignment of the Iron Age posthole row (1911) and may have been contemporary with it. The southern end of this ditch was cut by east-west trackway 2150. The northern ditch of the trackway was visible for 49m and the southern ditch for 73m. The southern ditch was 1.78m wide and the northern ditch was 1m wide and produced Ist-2nd century pottery and animal bone. The relationship between the southern ditch and trackways 986 and 3940 was not established, but 960, which cut trackway 986, continued the alignment of 2150 and may have been an extension of it. Two parallel ditches (923 and 927), cut by trackway 3940, also followed the east-west alignment. Trackway 3945 consisted of three parallel ditches aligned northwest-southeast, double ditches 2161 and 2162 to the west and single ditch 2163 to the east. All had filled naturally and none contained finds. Ditch 810/969 A large north-south Roman ditch complex (810 / 969) traversed the eastern end of the excavated area. The northern part of ditch 810 was cut by a parallel ditch (812). Ditch 810 was 0.73m wide and 0.13m deep and its silty fill produced only worked flint. Ditch 812 was 2m wide and 0.34m deep and contained animal bone and pottery of broadly Roman date. Ditch 968 probably represented a part of 812. It was 1.12m wide and 0.24m deep and an upper fill (973) produced a very large assemblage (2338 sherds/20716g) of middle-late 2nd century pottery, probably a clearance dump. Additionally, 153 sherds of late 2nd century pottery were recovered from the lower fill (972). Ditch 968 was cut at either side by shallow gullies 977 and 969, which produced no finds. Enclosures A dense complex of features lay to the south of ditches 2146/2154, between trackways 986 and 3940. Enclosure 1458/1485 lay to the east of trackway 986 and comprised a curvilinear ditch (1458) and a straight ditch (1485) which enclosed an area 8m across. Ditch 1458, which contained a large dump of 2nd century pottery, cut pit 1459, a large feature 4m in diameter and 0.8m deep with sloping sides and a rounded base. It contained three fills of natural silts and produced early 2nd century - late 3rd 56 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE century pottery and ironworking slag. Ditch 1485 was 0.8m wide and 0.2m deep and its single clayey silt fill produced 2nd century pottery and a Ist-3rd century coin. A larger enclosure to the east was also represented by curvilinear ditch 3930, which cut north-south aligned linear ditch 3935, suggesting that a D-shaped enclosure was constructed against an existing ditch. The enclosed area measured 16.5m north-south and 13.5m east-west. Ditch 3930 was 1m-1.35m wide and 0.34m deep and produced animal bone and mid 2nd century - early 3rd century pottery and a few later sherds of late 3rd century, suggesting that it had remained open for a long period. Ditch 3935 was 1.3m wide, 0.6m deep and its upper fill produced 2nd century pottery and a coin of Hadrian (119- 121 AD). Ditch 3935 cut a row of pits, perhaps an earlier boundary following the alignment of Iron Age posthole row 1911 to the north. The pits produced some Roman pottery, probably introduced by the cutting of ditch 3935, but Iron Age sherds were also found in some, indicating activity of that date in the area. Pit 1502 was 1.26m in diameter and 0.24m deep and contained a single clayey fill which produced middle 2nd century- early 3rd century pottery. Pit 935 was 0.8m in diameter and 0.14m deep with steep sides and a flat base and contained a loamy fill incorporating late 2nd century and Iron Age sherds. Pit 1614 was 1.6m x 0.65m, 0.3m deep and the upper fill produced 2nd century pottery, animal bone and burnt stone. Pit 1585 measured 1.8m x 1.2m and 0.76m deep with near vertical sides and a flat base and contained 2nd century pottery. Pit 1010 lay within the enclosure. It was 1.6m in diameter and 0.24m deep and contained a gravelly primary fill and a dark clay silt fill (1011) which produced 77 sherds of mid to late 2nd century pottery, and burnt material and a nail. This may have been a dump of hearth debris. The environmental evidence indicated that the pit lay within an area where the water table was high and retained stagnant water (Robinson, below). A possible drainage feature or sump (1913) was located at the northern end of the enclosure where ditches 3930 and 3935 joined. It was represented by a series of ditches 1m wide and 0.3m deep which fed into a steep sided pit 1m across and 0.8m deep. The clayey fill of this pit contained animal bone and late 2nd century pottery. Ditches 3930 and 1496 cut an irregular linear feature (1494) 5m long and 0.42m deep and two gullies (1583 and1654). These features may all represent part of the drainage system from ditch 3930. Gully 936, an extension of the drainage system, produced an interesting finds assemblage comprising 145 sherds of 2nd century pottery, residual middle Iron Age pottery, animal bone and a selection of small finds. These included iron nail fragments and fittings, a copper alloy toiletry scoop and a worked bone counter or spacer (Figure 35, no. 2). Ditch 3930 was cut by pits 1488 and 1491, which contained cremated human bone (below). Pits, postholes and linear features A dense cluster of intersecting pits and gullies lying to the south of enclosure 3930/3935 were broadly contemporary features. These were of uncertain function but their proximity to-gully complex 3950 and the ceramic evidence suggests they were associated with it. Several of the features contained large dumps of mid 2nd century - early 3rd century pottery. A complex of shallow, intercutting pits located to the south of enclosure 3930 may have been small quarry hollows on the edge of the Romano-British settlement, gradually filled and levelled with domestic waste. Pits 1637, 1635, 993, 1645, 1647, 1650, 1556 and 1558 contained similar silty fills with deposits of charcoal and ash, and produced animal bone in significant quantities, along with 2nd- 4th century pottery. A group of heavily disturbed features located between gullies 2159 and 2166 included hollow 889, which contained 2nd century pottery, tile and nail fragments, and a small pebble- lined pit (892). The upper fill of this feature produced animal bone, charcoal, brick and early 3rd-late 4th century pottery. Burials A coffined inhumation burial (1312/1314) lay to the west of ditch 2160 of trackway 986 on the north- western edge of the Romano-British settlement, south of Ermin Street (Figures 22 and 24. It was aligned northeast-southwest and measured 1.81 m x 0.53 m and 0.14 m deep. The skeleton (1314) was a young adult male aged 18-25. No wood survived but coffin fittings, iron nails and a rivetted iron strip (SF 156) were recovered from the fill (1313). The skeleton was extended and prone with the hands over the back of the pelvis, suggesting they had been tied. The burial may belong to the ‘deviant’ category, bearing in mind also the absence of grave goods. However, isolated burials along track- and roadways are common for the Roman period. Pit 1488 was dug into the northern part of enclosure ditch 3930 (Figures 24 and 25). The pit A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 57 * Charcoal Charcoal rich W y WAX if 3930 0 1m —— Ee 125 Fig. 25 Romano-Bnitish cremation burials 1488 and 1492 in ditch 3930 was 0.8m x 0.75m, 0.26m deep and filled with a dark charcoal-rich deposit (1489) incorporating cremated adult human bone and unburnt animal bone. This feature was cut by a larger oval pit (1491), 1.7m x 0.7m (Figure 25). The pit base was covered by a charcoal rich layer (1493) containing cremated human bone and mid-late 2nd century sherds. This was sealed by 1492, a deliberate dump of silty clay. Isolated ditches Ditch 1025 extended north-south for a distance of 218 m at the western edge of the excavation (Figure 2). It was cl.5m wide and 0.35m deep and transected early Iron Age features at the back of roundhouse 3008, cutting middle Iron Age ditch 3206 before continuing north beyond the excavated area, possibly to Ermin Street. Surface finds collected from the ditch included late Iron Age and Saxon pottery and Roman tile. Ditch 3322 was located in the north-west corner of the site, aligned approximately north-south and extending beyond the northern limit of the site. It was 0.73m wide and 0.11m deep and contained a single eroded fill which produced fired clay and a sherd of Roman pottery. These ditches were isolated from concentrations of Roman activity but may indicate further Roman activity to the west, beyond the excavated area. Quarrying activity Much of the excavated area was pitted with small gravel extraction quarries, irregular pits and hollows of varying size. Most were concentrated in the central area occupied by the Iron Age settlement, but similar features were encountered in the north-western Iron Age and eastern Romano-British settlements. The quarrying may have been associated with the construction and maintenance of Ermin Street. A number of the quarries were investigated. Most survived to a depth of only 0.2-0.3m and the fills varied across the site. The northern and central area quarries, dug through Iron Age features, had silted naturally and their fills produced a mix of Iron Age and Roman pottery, animal bone, residual flints and slag. Roundhouse 1829, in the central early Iron Age settlement and oval enclosure 3955, in the middle Iron Age settlement, were particularly badly affected by quarrying. The quarry pits in the Romano-British settlement area were generally smaller and had largely been deliberately filled with gravel, clay and domestic debris. Medieval and post-medieval activity Three sherds of 5th-8th century AD handmade Anglo-Saxon pottery were recovered from the top of enclosure ditch 1285 and Roman ditch 1025. No later medieval pottery was recovered despite the extensive ridge and furrow crossing the site. The furrows measured up toc 160 m long and 10 m wide and the medieval field system had been completely realigned at least once. ; Five post-medieval boundary ditches lay on a similar alignment to the ridge and furrow. Those examined were cl m wide and 0.2 m deep and produced no finds. Features associated with the nearby creamery were identified in the eastern part of the site. Most of the post-medieval pottery recovered was 17th and 18th century glazed earthenware. A fragment of a German Westerwald stoneware tankard of c1650-1750 and one from a German Frechen stoneware drinking jug of cl1550- 1650 were also identified. Four of the sherds were from plough furrows, the remainder from pit 2064. Post-medieval artefacts included two loop fasteners (SF183), a tongue shaped strap-end (SF307), a fragment of a highly decorated strap-end (SF191), a token of Hans 58 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Krauwinkel (SF305), a quarter of a clipped silver coin (SF185) and an iron spade (SF299). All were probably casual losses. Finds Prehistoric Pottery, by Emily Edwards Introduction A total of 2373 sherds (16577) of prehistoric pottery was recovered, dating from the Neolithic to the middle Iron Age (Table 1). Previous excavations at Latton Lands produced a predominantly middle Bronze Age assemblage (Timby 2004 c, 119-125). Sherds representing at least 88 vessels were identified, the majority middle Iron Age jars. The earliest material was a group of body sherds belonging to plain Neolithic wares. Late Neolithic/ early Bronze Age pottery included an Aldbourne Cup, a complete miniature accessory vessel (‘pygmy cup’) and a middle Bronze Age Deverel-Rimbury Bucket Urn. The condition of the assemblage is variable and the mean sherd weight only 6.9g, due in part to the fragility of the shelly fabrics. Several refitting sherds were noted but no complete profiles apart from the miniature vessel, and only one vessel was represented by more than 15% of the rim. Fabrics Summary fabric descriptions are presented in Table 2 and quantified by group in Table 3. Table 4 presents a breakdown of fabric occurrence by date, based on dateable sherds. The fabrics generally reflect the local geology, and 56% of the pottery was manufactured using clays containing fossil shell, whilst minor fabric groups include oolitic limestone, flint and sand. Table 4 demonstrates that use of fabrics during the Iron Age followed a distinctive pattern common in the area, and possibly culturally determined rather than function driven. All fabric groups correlated to at least some classifiable forms, allowing some level of attribution of fabrics to periods. In most cases where correlation was possible, sherds were from secure deposits, for example pits 3126 and 3878, facilitating a level of refinement for the dating of otherwise undiagnostic sherds. Nonetheless, in some cases it was not possible to date sherds precisely; hence the broad date ranges presented in Table 1. For the late Bronze Age-earliest Iron Age, fabric Table 1: Prehistoric pottery quantification by period Neolithic (Neo Age (LBAEIA to MIA Indeterminate (IND S1 comprised 81% of the assemblage, the remainder consisting of $2 (15%) and $3 (2%). During the early Iron Age recipes using either sand (51%) or less densely shell-tempered S2 (41%) were used in equal measure (2% of sherds were manufactured from both). By the middle Iron Age 41% of sherds were made from fabrics containing both sand and shell, with fabric S2 representing only 20% of the group. Limestone tempered (L1, L2), very coarse shell (S4, S5) and very fine, sparse shelly fabrics (S6) were noted only in combination with middle Iron Age forms, the former indicating non-local sources. Procurement of Resources The fabric proportions reflect the variation in the local geology. At least four different sources of clay were utilised: shelly Jurassic clay, clean Jurassic or gravel clay (to which the flint, grog and quartzite may have been added), Palaeozoic fabric and oolitic fabrics. Jurassic clays can be highly fossiliferous (as was the case at Latton) yet are often free from visible inclusions. This may explain not only the fossil shell fabrics but also that the earlier fabrics contained no added temper. It is not certain that the sand was naturally occurring within the potting clay utilised for the manufacture of these vessels. The Kellaways Clay is the most likely local source for a sandy clay. It is sandy and iron-rich, which matches the characteristics of the sandy clays of the early Iron Age assemblage. Clays containing discreet ooliths may have derived from the Forest Marble clays to the north-west. The terrace gravel clays at Latton may also have been utilised as a potting clay, and may have provided flint used in the manufacture of some wares, although it is more likely that these were imported from the downland areas to the south. Given Arnold’s model of raw materials procurement ' | | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS Sy) _ Table 2: Prehistoric pottery fabric descriptions 10 % very fine sand (not visible) and 5 % fine glauconitic sand. Rare shell detritus. Rare charred organic remains a mixed slightly coarse sand containing rare calcareous inclusions and ironstone, 5 - 15 %. eye eliaten | 20 % flint up to 3 mm, moderately well sorted in an oxidised matrix containing very well sorted, coarse quartzitic sand. Ja L S 3 Sand and Ooliths |20 % sand and 2% Oolites 1 A A A pellets A Sand and P ferruginous 10 % sand and 5 - 10 % ferruginous pellets, all fine. Sand and shell detritus Sand and fossil ASPfel pee 20 % very fine shell under 1 mm, 10 % sand and 10 % rounded ferruginous pellets pellets 30 % fine well sorted and well distributed flint, under 1 mm. F : 10 % very well sorted, angular calcined flint in a fine, black finish. Looks like L2 which appears to be used to the same effect. (Grozmne | | Grog Iron stained fabric containing no sand and what appears to be rare grog 20 % fine qt sand and 5 % very fine shell detritus. 20 % sand and 10 % finely crushed shell, below 1 mm, 1 % larger shell up to 5 mm. FPR 90 Fabric containing 10 -20 % linear voids which could be air pockets and 2 Grog leeched shell, contains small rounded pellets - lighter colour than the matrix | and irregular shapes | 40 % discrete ooliths. Rare thin walled shell, Could be Athelstan Oolite Malvernian Limestone |L2 Shelly limestone [well sorted angular chunks of shelly limestone 20 -30 % Group Bl | 40 % moderately sorted fossil shell. Distinguished by the non-uniform _ {Fossil Shell |S1 Fossil Shell alignment of the shell. From 1 to 4 mm, including Bryzoan. Most of it is | finely crushed, between 1-1.5 mm. : 20 % poorly sorted fossil shell (1-2 mm) with 5 -10 % larger shell (4-5 mm), | {Fossil Shell Fossil Shell densely tempered, Bryzoan and discrete oolites. 40 % extremely finely crushed and well sorted fabric containing fossil shell, | |Fossil Shell |S3 Fossil Shell bryzoan and others. 95 % under 1 mm. Needed to examine under x30 to see shell. . 50 % grey thin plated shell with rare very finely crushed fossils, ranges from | {Fossil Shell Fossil Shell very well sorted (all 2 mm) to mod (1-5 mm, most 1mm _ |Fossil Shell Fossil Shell 30-50 % coarse fossil shell Fossil Shell Fossil Shell 20 % fine fossil shell | |Fossil Shell Fossil Shell and |30 % poorly sorted fossil ranging from fine -1 mm - to coarse - 5 mm, sand 10 and Sand sand % fine quartzite. nN é 1 ; 30-50 % crushed fossil shell ranging from well sorted fine (95 % fine) to Hosatelsl SA2 Fossil Shell and poorly sorted fine to coarse and rare Jurassic limestone, 10 % fine sand. Rare and Sand sand 3 N Mica. Fossil Shell Fossil Shell and {30-50 % coarsely crushed mod well sorted fossil shell and limestone, 10 % and Sand sand sand and rare mica poreded NAT ne A closed, fine clay containing no added temper. Some lamination. for pottery production (Arnold 1985), the majority Comparanda _ of the Latton fabrics were procured from local The flint fabrics were difficult to characterise and _ sources. Groups 1, 3 and 4, 6-8 are likely to have date, as the sherds were small and worn. Flint is as _ been manufactured using locally procured materials. ubiquitous in more southerly areas of Wiltshire as the _ The flint and Palaeozoic fabrics (groups 2 and S) shell fabrics are at Latton. Flint-tempered Globular are probably indicative of vessels imported from Urn sherds were noted within the assemblage from _ the Wiltshire Downs and from the Malvern Hills the earlier excavations at Latton (Timby 2004c, | or from east Herefordshire respectively (Peacock 123) and coarser flint fabrics are typical of Bucket _ 1968; Morris 1983). Urn, Post Deverel-Rimbury and earlier Neolithic 60 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 3: Quantification of prehistoric pottery fabrics by group oe Fowl Shelland |,3 35 2788 Sand Fossil Shell 10410 No added temper FP a oc | ie Se ee One 2373 _|16577 pottery. The use of grog, sand and untempered clay is typical of the early Bronze Age. The middle Bronze Age fabric was associated with one vessel decorated with a fingertipped cordon and is consistent with fabrics described by Timby (Timby 2004c, 121). Coarse shelly ware is ubiquitous in this region (Timby 2004b, 94). The Palaeozoic fabric appears in some quantity across the region from the end of the middle Iron Age (Timby 2004b, 107). It equates with Peacock’s fabric B1 (Peacock 1968; Morris 1983) and, for these vessels, a source in the Malvern area or east Herefordshire is likely. Forms Vessel forms were classified according to general types (PCRG 1997, 34) for which Table 5 provides basic descriptions and quantifications. This demonstrates the presence of a common range of early and middle Iron Age forms, carinated jars and bowls predating globular, ovoid and straight vessels. A total of 47 vessels were assigned a form type but only 26 had measurable rims, all except one represented by under 15% of the complete rim. Table 4: Prehistoric pottery fabrics (sherd count) by period for diagnostic sherds The assemblage by phase Late Neolithic / Early Bronze Age The late Neolithic/early Bronze Age assemblage: comprises four sherds (13g) recovered from the terminals (2381 and 2553) of oval enclosure ditch 2255 and pit 2259, which formed part of the southern entrance. These included two refitting sherds of a sand tempered Aldbourne Cup (2382, terminal 2381, Figure 26, no. 2), a small, plain grog-tempered body sherd (2366, pit 2259) and an undecorated miniature vessel (‘pygmy cup’, 2546, terminal 2553, SF 236) 50 mm high and 35 mm in diameter. A small, simple rim (2382, Figure 26, no.1) and a tiny plain body sherd (2g), manufactured from a fine, sandy fabric may also be early Bronze Age. The Aldbourne cup sherds are black, smoothed, and manufactured from a closed, inclusion-free fabric. They were decorated on one side with incised triangles and on the other with incised chevrons (P2). Both internal and external patterns are filled with deep holes, which in places almost pierce the sherds. This pattern is typical of Aldbourne Cups. Aldbourne Cups are a rare type of accessory cup typically found in Wiltshire, almost exclusively accompanying early Bronze Age cremation burials, particularly disc barrows (Ford 1991, 180). The function of the enclosure is not clear but no human bone was found in association with any of the sherds. The site from which Aldbourne Cups take their name is the Aldbourne Barrow, one of four excavated by Canon William Greenwell at the end of the 19th century at Sugar Hill, Aldbourne, near Hungerford in Berkshire. This was recovered from a cremation within a bowl barrow and is at the British Museum. Other examples came from the primary cremation burial from a twin disc barrow at Wimbourne St Giles, Dorset, a bowl barrow at Durrington, Wiltshire and a bowl barrow at Winterbourne Stoke, Wiltshire (Annable and Simpson, 1964, 433, 473-4). Fragments of Aldbourne Cups Key: Neo, Neolithic; EBA, early Bronze Age; MBA, middle Bronze Age, LBA, late Bronze Age; LBA- EIA, latest Bronze Age- earliest Iron Age; EIA, early Iron Age. 5 Ng ISN Ve Nast AT. were recovered from a pit at Charnham 179, figure 1; Ford 2002, 78). The ae ee ee a Tie dfs sell 7B cela lem eg (| (a decoration on these sherds resemb es FE FEY Pa DT EN Fe a ee the Latton example. Open, straight- Neailea 184 ile Ss vel aaa | Lata 273 walled miniature vessels of a similar Be a LD ek ari) os oc a, 25 102529 |S Oil 237 ee a 0 recovered from a bowl barrow at | FTowal P]7nizbo7 ts bie hiss tiselist s bets Lo Lea Winterbourne Stoke, Wiltshire and | from the primary cremation of a bowl barrow at Avebury, Wiltshire(Annable | and Simpson, 1964, 451 and 454). | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 61 - Table 5: Prehistoric pottery forms EIA _|EIA? MIA Total RRM rinse iil eo nie es le Fen void (or Barrel/formiay C0 a de PS Faun | Carinated!(short necked, tripartite). = )58 3 eto iene Slack’shouldered! (long necked, tripartite) | 2 eee Atv _fI-ong necked carinated siriparre) 7} Pam Globulin Win Rate od ities dee leh ae ll coats [Sexton val ei Steaiehitawalledivessel ie | 4 [S ____]] coe sa naa ae ie (al (De [nae clobularand!shbrt necked bowl Ee ee eee [Bemeee Blarediimmicdiround bodied bowl) || 4 eea Biconical bowl tte 1 Key: Neo, Neolithic; EBA, early Bronze Age; MBA, middle Bronze Age, LBA, late Bronze Age; LBAEIA, latest Bronze Age-earliest Iron Age; EIA, early Iron Age _ Middle Bronze Age (1500-1150 cal BC) The middle Bronze Age assemblage (7, 58g) _ comprised a thick-walled body sherd from a jar decorated with a fingertipped cordon (Figure 26, no. 3), a squared rim and a few small broken sherds. These were recovered from the secondary fill (3602) . of ditch 3599 and were manufactured from coarse - shell-tempered fabric S2. The fingertipped cordon | (P3) is a feature characteristic of middle Bronze Age _ Bucket Urns and common on vessels from earlier excavations at Latton Lands (Timby 2004, figures | 17 and 18). The diagnostic sherds were relatively . well preserved although little of the vessel was . represented. Other sherds recovered from this fill _ were probably of later date and the cordoned jar, therefore, residual or curated. Middle Bronze Age pottery is scarce in the _ region. The assemblage recovered from the earlier excavations at Latton included cordoned Buckets, Urns and coarse shell fabrics (Timby 2004c, 119-122). Recent excavations at Shorncote and Roughground Farm recovered Deverel-Rimbury produced assemblages from funerary and non- funerary sites. Sherds of possible middle Bronze Age date were recovered from features associated with segmented ditches at St Augustine’s Farm South and St Augustine’s Lane (Barclay 1999, 319). Late Bronze Age (1150 - 950 cal BC) Seven late Bronze Age sherds were recovered from sole or primary fills of pits 1586 and 1649 and the upper fill of ditch 2976. These were relatively thick- walled (c 10mm) and manufactured from fabrics containing variable quantities of fine to coarse flint _ and sand. Other than fabric, only one diagnostic - characteristic, a gritted base, was noted. These are a feature characteristic of late Bronze Age plain ware pottery. Earliest Iron Age (950-500 cal BC) A total of 283 (1734g) sherds (a minimum of seven vessels) of earliest Iron Age pottery was recovered from 16 contexts within ditches, ditch terminals, postholes and pits. The majority of forms (five) were carinated jars but a decorated bipartite bowl was also identified. The fine S1 fabric was used to manufacture the carinated jars whilst the biconical bowl was in a fine Al fabric. An isolated pit (2566), which lay some 30m to the north-west of oval enclosure 2255, produced refitting fragments of a carinated jar (Figure 26, no.6). The neck and shoulder sherds (Figure 26, no.5) came from a possible hearth (1737) within roundhouse 1878. The decorated bowl was a surface find from the proximity of roundhouse 2842 (Figure 26, no.4). The predominant fabrics used in the manufacture of earliest Iron Age pottery were S1 and S2, surface treatment was restricted to smoothing and little preference for smoothing vessels of either fabric type was noted. Decoration was rare but included fingertipping on rims and shoulders of carinated jars and incised and hanging triangles with white infill on the bipartite bowl. Six body sherds had burnt residue adhering. The general condition of this group was fair, with an average weight of 7g. Four rims from two vessels were identified; one was large enough to allow measurement of estimated vessel equivalents. Despite the paucity of rims, 53% of the sherds were attributable to forms and 56% were diagnostic sherds. These forms and types of decoration are a feature of the early All Cannnings Cross style 62 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE (Brown 2004, 172; Gingell and Morris 2000, 165), the bipartite bowl resembling Morris’ type 1 and the jars Morris’ type 51. All Cannings Cross type pottery is often associated with special deposits, and carinated jar (no. 5) was recovered from a central feature within a roundhouse. At Horcott Pit, where settlement radically changed after the early Iron Age, pits containing earliest Iron Age pottery were sited inside and opposite the doorways of roundhouses. Similar deposits have been found at Dunston Park in the Thames Valley (Morris 1995, 77-89), Knight’s Farm in the Kennet Valley (Bradley et al. 1980), Uffington White Horse in Oxfordshire (Brown 2003, 174), Potterne (Gingell and Morris 2000, 136-178) and Longbridge Deverill in Wiltshire (Hawkes 1994), where refired pottery was found within a roundhouse. Early Iron Age (600-300 cal BC) A total of 169 (1404g) early Iron Age sherds (minimum 24 vessels) was recovered from 18 features, including pits, postholes, waterholes and ditches. The range of fabrics was wider than for previous phases, but two sand fabrics and S2 predominated. Eleven forms were identified. Jars (6 vessels) were carinated or slack shouldered, with simple T-shaped and externally flared rims; bowls (6 vessels) had either flared rims or were biconical and closed. Shell-tempered sherds (five refitting) from pit 1970 are from two lids (not illustrated), both thin- walled and flat with slightly raised centres. Apart from one small red finished body sherd, surface treatment was restricted to smoothing and no sherds of this date were decorated. Abraded fragments of a small flared bowl from posthole 2814 may also have been red finished. The external rim, neck or upper body of three carinated jars (Aii) had burnt residue adhering. The condition of the early Iron Age material was variable. The average weight was 8.3g but many of the heavier rim sherds belonged to a single large vessel and no vessel was represented by more than 10% of the rim. Feature assemblages were very small, only nine contexts producing over 20 sherds. A total of 22 rims from 22 vessels was recovered, including simple rounded, simple squared and externally expanded forms. A high number of sherds (41%) were attributable to form. One of the largest groups was recovered from waterhole 3878. The lower fills produced early Iron Age slack shouldered and carinated jars and the biconical bowl. Fabrics from this context were predominantly S2. The upper fills of this feature produced middle Iron Age pottery. Early Iron Age pottery in the Thames Valley and — Cotswold region is characterised by carinated jars with upright necks and flared rim bowls, expanded and T-shaped rims, pie crust decoration on the rims and fingertipping on rims and shoulders. Parallels are found at Gravelly Guy (Duncan et al. 2004), Wittenham Clumps (Edwards forthcoming; Hingley 1979; Rhodes 1948), Allen’s Pit (Bradford 1942), Mount Farm (Myres 1937), Wigbald’s Farm, Long Wittenham (Savory 1937), Ashville (DeRoche 1978) and Appleford (De Roche and Lambrick 1980, 45-59). Middle Iron Age (400 - 50 cal BC) A total of 763 (6711) sherds of middle Iron Age pottery were recovered from 32 contexts within pits, postholes and water holes. Forty-three vessels were identified, 27 attributable to forms. The majority were ovoid vessels (15 vessels), and five globular; four straight walled, a single long necked, carinated jar and two bowls were noted. The range of fabrics increased during this period. It is generally accepted that calcareous fabrics gave way to finer sandier and mixed fabrics from the early to the middle Iron Age (Duncan et al. 2004). Recent work has shown this to be a very broad trend dependent on factors such as local geology, geographical location of the site and the date range of the pottery (E. Edwards and A. Barclay pers comm.). The pattern was not entirely clear at Latton. During this period, the shell fabrics generally gave way to the sand and shell fabric (group 6). Group 6 accounts for 3.5% of the early Iron Age diagnostic sherds and 41% of the middle Iron Age diagnostic group. The use of the fine sandy fabric, however, dropped from 51% of the early Iron Age groups to 8.5% of the middle Iron Age groups. The middle Iron Age at Latton also saw the ascendancy of limestone fabrics, not usually exclusively linked to this period, and of very small amounts of other generally more coarse shelly fabrics (group 4-6). The presence of earliest Iron Age vessels and possible late Bronze Age sherds obscured identification of both the straight walled jars (surface find 2727, postholes 3848, 3745, and pit 3126) and the ovoid jars (pits 1163, 3126, 2338, 2918, 3407, 3878, enclosure ditch 3955 and roundhouse 2916). Most ovoid jar sherds were recovered from discrete middle Iron Age features or undisturbed contexts within clearly stratified features (context 3874 within pit 3878) but most straight walled jar sherds _ A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 63 - came from from features such as postholes in which -redeposition could have been a factor and those from features 3745 and 3126 were not associated with any other diagnostic material. The dating of this form, therefore, relies partly on parallels with other local sites and partly on occurrence in pit 3126 in association with ovoid jars and middle Iron Age limestone fabrics. Pit 3126 was a recut of pit 3192, which contained both a middle Iron Age globular jar and limestone fabrics. Surface treatment was restricted to smoothing and no decoration was noted. Charred residues adhered to external surfaces of rims, necks and shoulders of eight vessels, perhaps a result of boiling over contents during cooking. Every middle Iron Age jar form is represented by at least one example with surface residue. The condition of the pottery was generally good, with an average weight of 8.7g but only eight _ contexts produced over 20 sherds. The 44 rims _ recovered included pointed, simple squared, simple rounded and internally bevelled forms. No complete profiles were noted. A small percentage of sherds (12 %) were attributable to form. Middle Iron Age pottery in the Upper Thames Valley is characterised by ovoid, slack shouldered and globular jars and globular bowls. This assemblage includes calcareous wares, which appear to be ubiquitous on sites of this date throughout the | Cotswolds and the Upper Thames Valley (Timby | 2004a, 107). Similar assemblages were recovered _ locally from Totterdown Lane (Timby and Harrison 2004), Thornhill Farm (Timby 2004a), Claydon Pike (Miles et al. 2007), Ashton Keynes (Jones 2007), Horcott Pit (Edwards forthcoming), Watkins Farm (Allen 1990), Gravelly Guy (Duncan et al. 2004) and Farmoor (Lambrick 1979). Discussion The prehistoric pottery represents activity dating from the Neolithic through to the middle Iron Age. The late Neolithic /early Bronze Age vessels from the oval enclosure are rare examples of miniature vessels and Aldbourne Cups. The significance is greater _ as these were not from barrows, the most common | provenance. The nearest assemblage of similar date | came from Roughground Farm (Hingley 1993, 21) The middle Bronze Age Bucket Urn is contemporary with the assemblage from previous excavations at Latton (Stansbie and Laws 2004). Earliest Iron Age pottery of the All Cannings | Cross tradition is not commonly found outside hillforts in the Upper Thames Valley. Only one comparative site exists within the immediate locality, at Horcott Pit in Gloucestershire (Edwards forthcoming). Regionally, non-defended settlement sites include Knight’s Farm and Dunston’s Park in the Kennet Valley (Bradley at al. 1980; Morris 1995), Roughground Farm in Gloucestershire and Yarnton-Cassington (Bell and Stansbie forthcoming) in Oxfordshire. Hillforts include those along the Ridgeway such as White Horse Hill and Liddington (Brown 2004, 174). Early Iron Age assemblages are uncommon in the immediate locality, but the Latton assemblage has many wider parallels within the Upper Thames Valley, the nearest being Roughground Farm (Hingley 1993, 40-44). The middle Iron Age pottery fits into a wider landscape of communities within the immediate area. Pottery of this type can be found extending from the Upper Thames Valley, across the Cotswolds and into the Severn Valley (Timby 2004a, 107). The fossiliferous shelly wares appear to be ubiquitous within these assemblages and the Palaeozoic limestone is common from the middle Iron Age through to the Ist century AD. The increase in numbers of sherds with charred residue by the middle Iron Age indicates changes in food preparation and eating, perhaps an increase in the use of pottery to cook foods containing starch, sugar and carbohydrate. The range and date of pottery from Latton indicates continuity, significant in the regional context of shifting settlements. Latton Lands lies between two areas of shifting occupation. To the west are larger and later assemblages from Ashton Keynes (Jones 2007) and Somerford Keynes (Miles et al. 2007). There are important later Iron Age and Roman assemblages from Thornhill Farm (Timby 2004b), Whelford Bowmoor, Kempsford (Miles et al. 2007) and an early to late prehistoric assemblage at Horcott Pit (Edwards forthcoming). The Roughground Farm assemblage included late Neolithic, early and late Bronze Age and early Iron Age pottery. The Latton assemblage also provides a link with the Cotswold Water Park sequence. ea wenve of illustrated sherds (Figures 26 -29) Ditch terminus 2381, context 2382. Early Bronze Age. Fabric Al 2 Ditch terminus 2381, context 2382. LNEO/EBA Aldbourne Cup decorated with framed punches. Fabric Al 3. Ditch 3599, context 3602. MBA jar with squared rim and applied finger tip decorated cordon. Fabric S1 4 Context 2850 (u/s). LBA/EIA, bowl decorated with hanging triangles. Fabric Al 64 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 1:3 Fig. 26 Prehistoric pottery (nos 1-8) | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 65 ; Fig. 27 Prehistoric pottery (nos 9-16) 66 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 0 100 mm 12 Fig. 28 Prehistoric pottery (nos 18-25 and 27) 16 9 N \ 0 100 mm eS _ AENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 67 Tr EGE RE oe eee Beige, bhai eae” Ny 26 Fig. 29 Prehistoric pottery (nos 26, 28-30) Feature 1737, context 1738. LBA/EIA carinated jar. Fabric S1 Pit 2566, context 2565. LBA/EIA jar with fingernail decorated rim and shoulder. Fabric $2 Ditch 1223, context 1221. EIA jar. Fabric $2 Ditch 1426, context 1424. EIA jar. Fabric S6 Pit 2713, context 2714. EIA carinated jar. Fabric Al Pit 2713, context 2717. EIA bowl. Fabric Al Posthole 2980, context 2979. EIA jar. Fabric S2 Posthole 3053, context 3052 (post pipe fill).EIA bowl. Fabric S2 Waterhole 3878, context 3875. EIA flat-rimmed jar. Fabric A2 Waterhole 3878, context 3875. EIA bowl/jar. Fabric SA2 Waterhole, 3881, context 3880. EIA flat-rimmed jar. Fabric S2 Posthole 2745, context 2746. LBA/EIA jar with fingernail decorated shoulder. Fabric S5 Waterhole recut 3126, context 3130. MIA jar. Fabric S2 18 19 20 ZA 22 23 24 7) 26 27 28 29 30 Pit 3878, context 3873. MIA perforated base. Fabric S2 Pit 2338, context 2335. MIA jar. Fabric Ll Pit 2918, context 2921. MIA sherd decorated with grooved panels. Fabric L1 Gully 3070, context 3068. MIA ovoid jar. Fabric $2 Waterhole recut 3126, context 3167. MIA jar. Fabric S5 Waterhole recut 3126, context 3167. MIA jar. Fabric S5 Ditch terminus 3616, context 3615. MIA straight-sided jar. Fabric SA2 Ditch 3704, context 3705. MIA jar. Fabric SA2 Ditch 3704, context 3705. MIA ovoid jar. Fabric SA2 Ditch terminus 3729, context 3730. MIA vessel. Fabric S3 Ditch terminus 3729, context 3730. MIA jar. Fabric S2 Waterhole 3878, context 3874. MIA straight-sided Jar. Fabric $2 Waterhole 3878, context 3874. MIA jar. Fabric $2 68 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fired Clay, by Emily Edwards Introduction A total of 221 (2793g) fragments of fired clay was recovered from 32 features, including ditches and gullies, pit and postholes, a waterhole and a quarry. Fired clay is an indicator of domestic and industrial activities, including cooking, textile production and pottery manufacture (Cynthia Poole pers comm. ). The material came from variety of features but the number of identifiable objects was low for a site of this size. Most pieces were oxidised and undiagnostic, probably from hearths, ovens and accidental firings, but a triangular loomweight fragment, parts of a weight or oven furniture and a thick, rim shaped fragment were noted. A previously unpublished early or middle Bronze Age comb- impressed cylindrical loomweight base (Figure 30) was recovered from pit 1750 during a watching brief (Stansbie and Laws, 2004, 115). Two fabrics were identified: A Fine sandy clay with fine shell inclusions (structural clay fabric). B Fine silty clay, rare inclusions (loomweight fabric, miscellaneous). Most pieces were in Fabric A, an apparently unprepared clay with naturally occurring inclusions of shell. The only identifiable object in this fabric was a large squared block, possibly part of a kiln or oven. The loomweights were in Fabric B. Loomweights Fragments representing three Iron Age triangular ‘loomweights’ were recovered. One piece came from pit 3491, which also produced burnt stone 0 100 mm 1:2 Fig. 30 SF177. Pit 1750. Fragment of loomweight decorated with impressed round-toothed comb. Piercing c.15mm wide and animal bone. Another came from posthole 2891 and a fragment of a smaller triangular, pierced weight was recovered from posthole 3905. Refitting — fragments of the top corner of a crudely made triangular ‘loomweight recovered from the terminus of curvilinear ditch 2800 (context 2801) may have been a special deposit. A common interpretation is that the triangular objects are loomweights, but this has been challenged and they may have been multi-functional. Wild asserts that inclusion in a recognisable set distinguishes loomweights from other weights (Wild 2003, 32). Poole has demonstrated reasonable doubt as to the function of triangular, pierced clay objects (Poole 1995, 285-6) and produced results of research based on several large assemblages that suggest that they were associated with oven structures, daub and clay rather than weaving. These objects are typically early to middle Iron Age in date. Oven Material A total of 28 (933g) fragments of oven material was recovered from Iron Age outdoor oven 3567 and gully 1084. Some of the fragments from 3567 refitted to form a very thick block with a sharply formed edge and basal surface covered with organic impressions but its size could not be estimated. It was probably part of an oven plate. A shaped fragment with a triangular section expanded rim recovered from Romano-British ditch 968 may be the lip of a small oven (Cynthia Poole pers comm.). Its surface was fired to reddish-brown and the fabric resembled the unwedged fabric of the fired clay fragments and bore traces of finger wiping across the internal face. Cylindrical loomweight Fragments of a decorated loomweight were recovered from pit 1750 during the 2002 watching brief at Latton Lands (Figure 30). The pit also contained organic remains and human bone. The base was decorated with four impressed lines of round- toothed comb impressions and the fabric was a poorly wedged, laminated clay with no visible inclusions. Objects of this type date from the early or middle Bronze Age, contemporary with the Deverel-Rimbury pottery from the site, and similar comb impressions are found on pottery of this date. A more complete (unpublished) cylindrical loom weight from Blackbird Leys, Oxford was decorated with lattice patterns created using an impressed round toothed comb but otherwise this object may be unique. | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 69 _ The Late Iron Age and Roman pottery, by Dan Stansbie Introduction The excavation yielded 3716 sherds of pottery (45kg) spanning the late Iron Age period to the 4th century AD. Pottery was recovered from 144 deposits and the number of well-dated contexts is relatively high. With an average sherd weight of 13g the condition of the pottery is generally good. Many identifiable rim sherds were present and decoration survived well. Legible potter’s stamps survived on five basal sherds from central Gaulish samian vessels. Most of the assemblage dates to the 2nd to early 3rd centuries AD. Early Roman pottery dating to the 2nd century dominates the assemblage, representing Table 6: Late Iron Age and Roman pottery 86% by weight. Late Iron Age/early Roman pottery constitutes 4% by weight and pottery of broadly Roman date 3.5%. It was difficult to determine unambiguously late Iron Age groups because the date of transition to ‘Belgic’ style pottery in the Upper Thames Valley is uncertain. Nonetheless, 3% of the assemblage by weight is classified late Iron Age and late Roman pottery also accounts for a mere 3% of the total. Due to the limited stratigrahic sequence it was difficult to ascribe individual contexts to specific phases of activity. The pottery was therefore divided into broad period-based phases: late Iron Age (LIA), late Iron Age to early Roman (LIA-ER), early Roman (ER) and late Roman (LR). Late Iron Age groups include pottery of definite pre-conquest date and late Iron Age to early Roman groups span the late Iron PMOMMlbuitamphoratabrcss ease | BAT AM1/2 IPMOME handmade black-burnished ware’ | ged 45 fen B20Maliwheelmade black-burnished wares) |) so ed 79 [<1 IElOMmlloreanictempereditabrics Se ee el ENemellorsanicand grog-tempered ware | Oe 85 et [E30MMlmediumito\coarse sand'tempered fabric’) [> jig Ss ((OXFF RS) (3 [<1 (8 [) oO S — Ww i) ie OIA So Uo NO — WW NID] W SImNI~N ~~ | |0co oS 1 8.05 2.06 4 otal {1338 26 'T] = feb) gg lS) 2 Total La} om 99 Lee) n |Cup peices Mo =) rc) o = —) — — _ ~~ oS i=) i) on ON 10.51 {0.31 10.16 0.04 this fabric. Residual grog-tempered vessels include a high-shouldered jar and a necked jar with everted rim. Amongst the locally produced wares are sandy oxidised wares, a flagon, a jar, a tankard, a dish and two bowls in North Wiltshire oxidised ware, several tankards in Severn Valley ware, southwestern white slipped wares, a flagon and a girth-beaker in fine grey ware, unsourced white ware mortaria and unsourced oxidised mortaria. Regional and continental imports include a hook-rimmed and beaded mortarium in Verulamium region white ware, a body sherd from -a Mancetter-Hartshill mortarium, a type 33 cup in central Gaulish samian ware and three type 18/31 ‘dishes also in central Gaulish samian ware. All the dishes are stamped and two dish bases also have stamps. This group is clearly dominated by locally produced fabrics with a few imports of black- ‘burnished and Severn Valley ware from the south- west, and little from the south-east. It is also a -group dominated by jars and in these respects it is typical both for its location on a rural low status site and for its chronological range. In terms of supply the majority of the material originates from the north Wiltshire area, presumably from kilns local to Latton. The south-west import supply ‘indicates reliance on markets just up Ermin Street at Cirencester, as opposed to ‘down-the-line’ trade using the Thames. This suggests that local cultural connections and long term traditions were more _important in determining the source of imports than were geographical conditions. However, relatively high proportions of black-burnished ware from sites along the route of the A5 in the West Midlands have been attributed to proximity to Watling street (Booth forthcoming) and it may be that Ermin Street _ played a similar role in relation to Latton Lands. Although the group is jar dominated, the presence of table wares and imports from the Verulamium region, mortaria and samian ware dishes suggest an aspiration to higher status through Romanising _ practices or, more prosaically, that the inhabitants of Latton Lands combined Roman-style cooking and _ dining with traditional styles. The pottery in tts regional context _ Grog-tempered wares were ubiquitous in the late _ Iron Age of southern Britain, particularly in south- eastern Britain, along with a variety of sand-, shell- _ and limestone-tempered fabrics and Malvernian rock-tempered wares. Grog-tempered wares are present in ceramic group 3 (early Ist century AD onwards) at Thornhill Farm (Timby 2004a, 90), A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 73 Coln Gravels (Stansbie, forthcoming) and in the late Iron Age at Gravelly Guy (Green et al. 2004, 305). Malvernian rock-tempered wares are also present at Thornhill Farm in ceramic group 2 (1st century BC-AD) (Timby 2004a, 90) and at Coln Gravels. Late Iron Age to early Roman pottery is defined by the presence of high-shouldered necked jars in grog-tempered wares and necked jars in fine sandy wares, with small amounts of Malvernian rock- tempered wares. These fabrics are also present at Thornhill Farm and Gravelly Guy, although high- shouldered necked jars are absent from Thornhill farm (Timby 2004a). This pattern is typical of the region, where an absence of the ‘Belgic’ repertoire of forms characterised by high-shouldered jars, butt-beakers and imitation ‘Gallo-Belgic’ platters in the Late Iron Age is typical. Early Roman pottery is characterised by a preponderance of North Wiltshire sandy grey wares and Black-burnished wares, with some Savernake wares and Severn Valley wares and is heavily jar based. These characteristics are typical of early rural assemblages in the region and the assemblage generally compares well with that from Thornhill Farm, Gravelly Guy (Green et al. 2004) and Coln Gravels (Stansbie, forthcoming). The exception is the relatively high proportion of black-burnished ware from Latton, which contrasts with the small amounts from Gravelly Guy, Thornhill Farm and Coln Gravels. The small numbers of regional and continental imports present are also mirrored at similar sites in the region such as Gravelly Guy, Thornhill Farm, and Coln Gravels. Socio-economic status In the late Iron Age the dominance of the jar and the absence of forms more clearly associated with consumption, such as butt-beakers and platters, may be taken as an indication of low status, but chronological and regional factors must account for this absence to some degree. In his study of ceramic approaches to differentiation between Roman site types Jerry Evans (2001) argues that pottery assemblages from low status rural sites are typically jar dominated, although he acknowledges that there is also chronological factor in the presence of large numbers of jars. As the Latton assemblage is both early and jar dominated the large number of jars along with a lack of other ‘status indicators’, such as large amounts of decorated samian or amphorae, may be taken to indicate a comparatively low status for the site. This is reinforced by the comparative absence of finewares and regional imports (Booth 2004, 45). ~ aS THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE aieresion © 1 7 = maths Mid, pe Fig. 31 Late Iron Age and Roman pottery ee ~A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 75 COND MN BW YN Ne) Ne ee ee ee Oona nBb wh kK © a: AVITOLOF ATERCLUS FE LOB( (FRTIM 2 3 SV ROUND PRIMES. 4 5 0 50 mm Fig. 32 Samian stamps Catalogue of illustrated late Iron Age and ‘Roman pottery (Figure 31) Key group 2 (Context 973, ditch 968) Fabric R95; medium mouthed jar (CD 740) Fabric R20; bead rim jar (CH 210) Fabric R20; medium mouthed jar (CD 730) Fabric R20; bead rim dish (JA 410) Fabric R30; narrow mouthed jar (CC 770) Fabric R30; medium mouthed jar (CD 740) Fabric R35; bead rim jar (CH 710) Fabric R35; medium mouthed jar (CD 730) Fabric R35; bead rim dish (JA 410) Fabric R35; curving sided bowl (HA 770) Fabric B11; cooking jar (CK 730) Fabric B11; cooking jar (CK 730) Fabric B11; bead rim dish (JB 410) Fabric M21; flanged mortarium; (KA 520) Fabric E80; high-shouldered jar (CE 740) Fabric 040; tankard (G 120) Fabric 040; body sherd with graffito Fabric 030; curving sided bowl (HC 150) Fabric 030; cup-mouthed flagon (BA 240) Fabric 030; medium-mouthed jar (CD 750) N S | 21 Fabric $30; form 18/31dish Key group 1 (Pit 1127) _ 22 Fabric Al0; amphora handle; ctx 1126 23 Fabric E80; high-shouldered jar (CE 740); ctx 1126 24 Fabric E40; bead rim jar (CH 210); ctx 1126 _ 25 Fabric E72; barrel-shaped jar (CB 110); ctx 1126 26 Fabric E50; barrel-shaped jar (CB210); ctx 1126 _ 27 Fabric O40; curving sided bowl (HB 220), ctx 1449 Funerary pottery 28 Fabric E40; bottom half of large jar, ctx 1104, grave 1095 Samian stamps (Figure 32) Five samian vessels with stamps came from a single deposit in ditch 968, where they appear to have been _ deposited as part of a large dump of material. The Stamps were all internal on central Gaulish form 18/31 dishes, probably made at Lezoux. Letters whose reading is slightly uncertain are underlined in the catalogue below. It was not possible to ascertain any information on dies and so no additional information on the date of the vessels is available. 1 AVITOSOF (S is retrograde) 2 PJATERCLVSFE 3 COBNERTI-M 4 SVRDILLVS 5 PRIMI[GENI or [GENIVS etc Ceramic Building Material, by Martin Greaney Little diagnostic CBM was recovered and most was heavily abraded. Most fragments (55% by weight) were unidentifiable flat tiles with no distinguishing marks. Roof tile was the most common material, and a few fragments of cavity walling, but no bricks, were identified. Tegulae and a box tile fragment came from the fills of trackway ditches, drainage ditches, quarries and enclosures associated with the Romano-British settlement. The building material would have originated from structures within the settlement to the south. Six fabrics were identified, all but one predominantly sandy, the others calcareous. Fabric 1 Fine sandy matrix, c 10% quartz inclusions, occasional other rock. Pale orange surfaces, grey interior Fabric 2 Fine fabric, inclusions of quartz and iron grains. Dark orange or brown Fabric 3 Coarse fabric with large quartz grains (>0.25 mm). Moulding sand contains calcareous flecks and grey/black argillaceous Fabric 4 Poorly mixed fabric, pale yellow and white laminations. Rare calcareous pieces in matrix and moulding sand Fabric 5 Extremely coarse, friable fabric, frequent quartz inclusions and sparse additional rock. Dark brown surfaces, dark grey interior Fabric 6 Predominantly calcareous inclusions, occasional quartz. Pale pink to grey surfaces, grey interior 76 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Roofing tegula fragments were 15-20mm thick. Flanges were of uniform shape, with curved inner top edge and straight sides, c 50mm in height. Flat roof tile fragments without identifying marks 17-30 mm thickness were probably also tegulae. A single imbrex fragment 19mm thick was recorded. Four abraded box flue cavity wall fragments with traces of combing were recovered, none with more than five teeth evident, in single stretches, or two, crossing over at a midpoint. Two signature marks were identfied, one with two faint finger impressions tracing a curvilinear path, the other a similar, three- fingered pattern. Metalwork, (Figure 33) by Kelly Powell and Ian Scott The metalwork assemblage comprised 80 objects - 39 (49%) copper alloy, 33 (41%) iron and seven (10%) lead. A single silver coin fragment was also recovered. The finds date from the Bronze Age through to the post-medieval period but the majority of identifiable objects are Roman. Thirty objects were unstratified, metal detector or surface finds, including some of the best dated pieces. Prehistoric metalwork Two copper alloy objects of probable Iron Age date were surface finds from the north-west part of the site. SF 311 (Figure 33, no.1) is a length of copper alloy bar 82 mm long. The uneven surface with characteristic indentations and thinning at one end indicate the piece was hammered. It may have been discarded unfinished, possibly intended as an awl. SF 338 (Figure 33, no.2), a fragment of a leaded copper alloy tapered blade with diamond cross- section and flattened midrib showing hammer dints is possibly a dagger fragment. Late Iron Age and Roman metalwork Copper alloy personal accessories A complete Aucissa type brooch (SF170, Figure 33, no.3) came from the fill of grave 1691, presumably a grave good. This type, found widely within the Roman provinces, was probably introduced to Britain by the Roman army in AD 43 but was in use only until the end of the first phase of conquest c AD 70 (Bayley and Butcher 2004, 151). The central ridge is flanked by longitudinal grooves along most of its length and resembles an example from Dragonby (Olivier 1996, 246 no. 68). Three unstratified brooches came from the south-east part of the site. A near complete Hod Hill type brooch (SF190) of Bayley and Butcher ' (2004) group (f) (Figure 33, no. 4) resembles brooches illustrated by Hattatt (1989, 321, no. 865) and Bayley and Butcher (2004, 79, no. 143), apart from the plain upper bow. This type was current in Britain between AD 43-70. A rosette brooch (SF184) missing the upper plate (Figure 33, no. 6) resembling that illustrated by Crummy (1984, 8, no.17), is an uncommon type in the Thames Valley area and probably dates to the early-mid Ist century AD (Olivier 1996, 246, no. 61 and Hattatt 1989, 309 no. 284). SF182 (not illustrated) is a fragment of a late Iron Age - early Roman one-piece brooch which survives as a robust squashed coil with a curved shank of circular section. SF 272 (not illustrated) is a fragment of the bow and catchplate of a Hod Hill type brooch. It has longitudinal ribs on the lower bow, ring and dot decoration in the central groove, and two transverse ridges at the top of the lower bow and possibly within the recess between upper and lower bow. It resembles Bayley and Butcher (2004, figure 55, no.119) but lacks knurled decoration. It was recovered from posthole 3324 of Iron Age roundhouse 4020. A copper alloy button and loop or ‘dress’ fastener (SF310, Fig. 33, no.5) was unstratified from the north-west area of the site. These objects were probably designed to fasten fabric or leather. SF310 is a Wild (1970) type 1 with a double-boss head. It has a raised central design of two concentric circles and resembles a Dorset example (Hattatt 1989, 417, no. 21). Wild suggests this type is British and pre- dates the Roman conquest (1970, 138), probably made c AD 20-150 (Hattatt 1989, 414). Button and loop fasteners may have been exclusively used by the native population. They are found mainly in the north of Britain and are rare in the Wiltshire region, although two were found at Somerford Keynes Neigh Bridge in Gloucestershire (Cool 2007, 257-8, fig. 9.16, nos 56 & 58). A copper alloy finger ring fragment (SF188 not illustrated) c 23mm diameter was unstratified. An oval setting with traces of adhesive would have held an intaglio or glass ornament 12mm by 9mm. The ring has parallels at Lowbury Hill (Atkinson 1916, pl. xi, no.12) and Wanborough (Hooley 2001, 90-1, no. 88). Stylistically, it probably dates to the 2nd or early 3rd century AD (Henig 2006). A copper alloy Roman toilet implement or ‘ear scoop’ came from long ditch 936 (Figure 33, no. 7). The scoop was broken and the head was A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 77 _unusual, formed as a flattened loop measuring _ 12mm in diameter. A similar example is known from Dragonby (Knowles and May 1996, no.63). | Weaponry Two iron knives were recovered from archaeological _ features. SF168 (Figure 30, no. 8), a Manning type 23 (1985, 456, nos. 66-71), distinguishd by an upturned tip and curved edge came from burial 1095. The type dates to the Iron Age but was current until the end of the Ist or early 2nd century AD. This example is unusually large. A similar knife was found at Dragonby (Manning and McDonald 1996, - 304, no. 85). An iron spearhead (SF264, Figure 33, no. 9) from the upper fill of middle Iron Age enclosure ditch 2945 is a late Iron Age 1A Hod Hill leaf- shaped type (Manning 1985, PI. 76-78, nos. 38-81). ‘It was heavily corroded and the section and socket forms are unclear. Similar examples were found at ' Dragonby (Manning and McDonald 1996, 291, no. } _ 3) and South Shields (Allason-Jones and Miket 1984, _ 297, no. 92). They were throwing spears or cavalry _ lances and suggest a military presence. | Coffin fittings : Corroded iron coffin fittings and nails (not illustrated) _ were present in the fill of Roman inhumation burial | 1312/1314. These comprise a rectangular strip with _a triangular end and fastenings (SF156) and nails _ (SF157-164) including a Manning (1984) type 1b _(SF162). The head of SF158 may be a hammered _ type 2, a type 8 or a coffin stud. SF163 was possibly | | 1 a type la nail or stud with a large head. | Miscellaneous fittings Iron fittings and fastenings of probable Roman date include a double spiked loop, a large ring (SF177), nail fragments or iron strips / rods. The spiked ' loop (cf. Manning 1984, 161, nos. 34-47) came from pit 2932, which cut the terminal of early Iron Age enclosure 3203. The ring, a surface find from the vicinity of trackway 986, was 46 mm in diameter and 5 mm thick with a rectangular section. It could be a harness fitting or a handle of some type (cf. Manning 1984, pl. 65, nos. 26-35). Similar objects have been | found at Dragonby (Manning and McDonald 1996, _ 307-308, nos. 126 and 129) and Verulamium (Frere 1972, 187, nol27; 1984, 104, nos. 157 and 158). | In total ten of the nails or fittings were recovered from within or around the Roman features, five of the nails and rods came from early or middle Iron _ Age features in the north-west of the site. Thin rod / strip SF302, came from pit 3869, associated with metalworking debris. Medieval and post medieval All metal objects dating to the medieval and post- medieval periods were unstratified. They include a 14th century tongue-shaped strap end (SF307), a post-medieval flat-sectioned strap end (SF191) with elaborate raised decoration, a penannular buckle frame (SF309) and a loop fastener (SF183). A quarter of a clipped medieval silver coin (SF185) bears the letters HEN, indicating the reign of Henry and a 16th-century copper alloy jetton of HANS KRAUWINKEL (SF305) were also found. Discussion The metalwork assemblage was relatively small but indicates a long period of occupation or activity. Although much of the collection was unstratified some interesting issues are raised. The only prehistoric objects were the Bronze Age awl (SF311) and dagger fragment (SF338), both unstratified. These probably orignated from the Bronze Age settlement to the west of the site (Stansbie and Laws 2004). The Roman assemblage is notable for the generally narrow date range. Three of the five brooches (SFs170, 1901, 272) dated to the period AD 43-70. Brooch (SF184) and spearhead (SF264) may date to the mid Ist century AD, button and loop fastener (SF310) to c AD20-150, and knife (SF168) was late Iron Age - Early Roman. This dating corresponds to the period of discrete burials and pits within the Iron Age settlement (from which brooch SF170 and knife SF168 came) and pre-date the Roman settlement to the east of the site, although many of these finds were collected from this area. The only exception is ring (SF188), which may be 2nd or 3rd century, corresponding to the majority of the Roman features. The presence of the spearhead indicates military activity in the area, perhaps related to the construction of Ermin Street. The rosette brooch (SF184) and button and loop fastener (SF310) are more commonly found in the north of Britain, indicating outside, possibly military, connections. Metal finds from the late Iron Age-Early Roman graves provide evidence for burial custom at this time. Brooch (SF170) and knife (SF168) were presumably interred with the individual as grave goods. The fittings from grave 1312/1314 illustrate the custom of coffined inhumation, though this grave is undated. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 33 Metalwork A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 79 Catalogue of illustrated objects (Figure 33) 1 SF 311. Copper alloy hammered bar fragment. Unstratified 2 SF 338. Fragment of hammered leaded copper alloy ?dagger blade. Unstratified 3 SF 170. Copper alloy Aucissa type brooch. Context 1668, grave 1691 4 SF 190. Copper alloy Hod Hill type brooch. Unstratified 5 SF 310. Copper alloy button and loop fastener. Unstratified 6 SF 184. Copper alloy rosette type brooch. Unstratified 7 -. Copper alloy Roman toilet implement or ‘ear scoop’. Ditch 936 8 SF168. Iron knife fragment. Context 1574, ditch 1506 9 SF264. Iron leaf-shaped spearhead. Context 2942, enclosure 2945 Roman coins, by Paul Booth _ Eighteen Roman coins were examined. These ranged _in date from an issue of Hadrian (AD 119-121) and a possible l1st-mid 3rd century piece - not certainly a Roman coin - to a probable issue of the House of Theodosius (AD 388-402), but all the remaining _ coins were of late 3rd to mid 4th century date. The coins were in variable condition, ranging from (occasionally) good to poor and in some cases very corroded. A majority were quite poor and even after cleaning several were effectively illegible. Some of _ the identifications are tentative as a result. The assemblage is too small for detailed analysis, but the coins are fairly typical of lower status rural settlement of the Upper Thames Valley. There is only one certain early Roman coin (SF201) while a _ further piece (SF200) may be of this period. Six coins _ belonged to the second half of the 3rd century AD, of _ which at least four were probable or certain radiate _ copies, characteristic of the period from c AD 260/70- 296. One of these (SF204) was extremely debased. _ This, plus two of the other radiate copies and a coin of Postumus, came from the same (unstratified) location. The second quarter of the 4th century, always a period of high coin loss in this region, is well represented. Of the eight coins assigned to the House of Constantine all can probably be dated to the period AD 320-341, except SF312 dated AD 330 and later. Only SF174 might have been later, but this is quite uncertain. The module of the corroded and unidentifiable coin SF189 is also consistent with a date in the second quarter of the 4th century, though earlier or later dates are possible. There were coins of the House of Valentinian - which is unusual for the region - and only one coin (SF335) which was probably later. Although its condition precluded certain identification, the reverse type of the latter was almost certainly a figure of Victory, of a type particularly characteristic of the Victoria Auggg issues of the late 4th century (388-402). The presence of such a coin would be a little unusual given the absence of issues of the 360s and 370s, but the overall size of the assemblage is such that arguments from negative evidence cannot be conclusive. Five of the 4th century coins can be assigned to mints: two are from Trier, two from Lyons and one from Arles - a typical pattern. The size and chronological profile of the coin assemblage are broadly consistent with their derivation from a lower status rural settlement. In such assemblages, earlier Roman coins are scarce and often absent altogether. It is notable that the dupondius of Hadrian, although technically ‘worn’ (cf Brickstock 2004, 7), was in reasonable condition when lost and had clearly not been in circulation over an extended period, as is often the case with early Roman coins on sites of this type. The proportion of later 3rd century coins in relation to 4th century issues may also seem quite high for a low status group, but the overall numbers are too small for this to be a reliable assessment, and the fact that four of these coins were found together may have skewed the list. Copper Alloy metalworking Debris, by Luke Howarth and Kelly Powell Copper alloy metalworking debris was recovered from middle Iron Age pits 3674 and 3869. Fill 3672 of pit 3674 produced one fragment of dross covered with copper oxide (SF292), three pieces of primarily copper oxide, possibly with metal beneath (SF291, SF293) and a piece of copper alloy dross (SF290). The latter is lathe shaped, slightly undulous and, given its density, probably represents metalworking dross. A triangular cast fragment of copper alloy with an uneven raised circular boss (SF304) came from fill 3870 of pit 3869 and may have been part of a cast object. A piece of copper oxide was also found unstratified in the area. Most of this material is undiagnostic oxide, some with metal content, judging by the weight. The assemblage suggests that copper alloying and possibly casting was taking place on the site. 0 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE io 2) Slag, by Graham Morgan of wood ash with minerals such as sand. It is not necessarily of industrial origin. Hearth slag is here A total weight of 2902g of fuel ash slag, hearth slag, vesicular fayalite, iron silicate, with traces of fuel, tap slag and fired clay with slagged coating was such as charcoal, and iron residues in the form of examined. In the descriptions (Table 9) fuel ash rust. It is commonly found in hearths where iron slag is a lightweight, and usually light coloured, has been worked. Tap slag is the residue from iron vesicular slag-like material formed by the reaction extraction, smelting. It is usually very dense grey Table 9: Slag descriptions Pit. 1282 Favcy Elvresth says yeti a] see) spe cae Pirreteel 2 ence ile A seesnead crete "tos 1288... |Fuel'ash slag © a a |e Dien 0) ei iit. ey | Party vesicular tap slag 1362s.) evan j[Mearthslag-saw al mer tamsiseeeeih | IS eee OG ne en ee es ee (1687_.« —..-__|Granular haematite - iron ores. 22 Se ae |e 2974" = _'|Ferruginus clay-stone, possiblyiron ore.) | ee ee (Enelosnre1458°-[= 20 OS DATS IETS ORR a ee ee ee a activit [Enclosure 3930 | | ee hearth lining or residue 1560ii24s «alas |pantiallyvitrifiedsendstomelasmaewem 5). There was good agreement between the stratigraphy and the radiocarbon measurements (A overall= 160.8%). The model provides an estimate for the start of infilling of 1890-1690 cal BC (95% probability; Boundary Start infilling causewayed enclosure) and probably 1780-1700 cal BC (68% probability). This provides a terminus ante quem for the digging of the causewayed enclosure ditch. Infilling of the ditch probably occurred very rapidly as shown by the fact that all six measurements are statistically consistent (T’=0.8; v=5; T’?(5%)=11.1). The Iron Age metalworking pits (Figure 37) Two single samples from two metalworking pits produced statistically consistent results (T’=1.7; v=1; T’(5%)=3.8) and therefore could be of the same age. The results indicate a middle Iron Age date for the metalworking. The Iron Age cultivation of emmer wheat The two determinations made on samples of emmer wheat (SUERC-12226 and GrA-33708) from pit 1289 are statistically consistent (T’=0.2; v=1; i | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 85 Latton Lands Sequence oval enclosure {A=160.8%(A'c= 60.0%)} Boundary End infilling oval enclosure ditch a ee) Oe ery ia Sequence Causewayed enclosure ditch Phase Secondary fills Phase <190> (2365) SUERC-12229 133.4% GrA-33710 99.4% Phase <196> (2545) GrA-33508 136.5% SUERC-12230 133.6% GrA-33509 126.4% SUERC-12231 104.8% Boundary start infilling causewayed enclosure ditc 2400 cal BC 2100 cal BC 1800 cal BC 1500 cal BC Posterior Density Estimate Fig. 36 Probability distributions of dates from the oval enclosure ditch. Each distribution represents the relative probability that an event occurs at a particular time. For each of the dates two distributions have been plotted; one in outline, which is the result of simple radiocarbon calibration and a solid one, based on the chronological model. The large square brackets down the left-hand side along with the OxCal key words define the overall model exactly. Latton Lands Phase Later Prehistoric Phase Metal working pits SUERC-12227 2280:+35BP GrA-33510 2215+35BP Phase Emmer cultivation SUERC-12226 2100+35BP GrA-33708 2075+40BP Phase Roman IA burials - GrA33707 2020+35BP GrA-33713 2230+35BP SUERC-12228 2105+35BP 1000 cal BC 500 cal BC CalBC/CalAD Calibrated date Fig. 37 Probability distributions of radiocarbon dates for the later prehistoric features. Each distribution represents the relative | probability that an event occured at a particular time. The distributions are the result of simple radiocarbon calibration (Stuiver and Reimer 1993). 86 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE T’(5%)=3.8). This confirms a middle to late Iron Age date for the presence of emmer wheat at the site. Emmer wheat in an Iron Age context from North Wiltshire is unusual though not unprecedented. The subspecies is generally regarded as a contaminant rather than a cultivar at this time. (see Griffiths this report). Burial 1095 Three determinations were made on samples from the partially burnt burial, 1095. Two were made on samples of charcoal and one from the cremated human bone. All samples originated from the same context and represent the same archaeological event. The three measurements are not statistically consistent (T’=18.0; v=1; T’(5%)=3.8; Ward and Wilson 1978) and therefore represent material of different ages. The two charcoal samples are statistically consistent (T’=2.9; v=1; T’(5%)=3.8). The measurement on the cremated bone may simply represent one of the one in twenty cases where a radiocarbon result lies outside the ‘true age’ of the sample (Bowman 1990). GrA-33707 (160 cal BC-cal AD 70) provides the best estimate for the date for the anomalous burial and analysis shows there is a 93.2% probability that the burial occurred before the Roman invasion of AD 43. Environmental evidence Charred and waterlogged plant remains, by Seren Griffiths Sixty-nine soil samples were selected for processing by water flotation to 250um after the exclusion of mixed deposits. The flots were assessed by Sikking (2005) and four were selected for analysis, since the majority contained few identifiable seeds. Charred and waterlogged plant remains are presented in Tables 12 and 13; nomenclature follows Stace (1997). Tron Age Waterhole 3786 Sample 227 originated from fill 3919 of waterhole 3786. The flot contained a range of waterlogged weed seeds and other macroscopic plant tissues. Nettles, fat-hen, fig-leaved goosefoot and black nightshade are all indicative of the high nutrient levels of the ground surrounding the pit. There is also evidence of disturbed or trampled ground from silverweed, greater plantain and chickweed. This evidence of trampled ground and nitrogen rich soils is consistent with the identification of enclosures and field systems at the site, as well as with the faunal remains. Meadow/grassland seeds in the flot included the meadow buttercups (Ranunculus cf. acris and R. repens), grasses and oxeye daisy; these probably represent the area immediately surrounding the pit. Damp ground species, presumably from the edge of the pit, include spike rush, true rushes and sedges. The true aquatic water crowfoot buttercup, must originate from the fill of the pit itself. Thorns and seeds from a number of scrubby thorn bushes, probably including blackthorn, hawthorn, dogwood and brambles, were present in the pit. The presence of shade loving plants three-nerved sandwort, ground ivy and dog’s mercury is interesting. Dog’s mercury seeds are quite large and unlikely to have been transported over significant distances, so there were probably substantial shady areas in the immediate vicinity of the waterhole. The shade- loving plants and thorny shrubs probably related to managed hedging, recently cleared woodland or the woodland surviving in the vicinity of the waterhole. Similar evidence for hedges probably associated with stock control was found at Mingies Ditch (Robinson 1993) although in this case the hedging related to the enclosure ditch. The presence of aquatic species in the waterhole also suggests poor maintenance and overgrowth. Tron Age Pit 1289 Samples 158 and 159 were taken from fills 1290 and 1700 respectively, both deliberate dumps of domestic waste within pit 1289. Sample 159 (lower fill) contained cereal grain and chaff dominated by spelt/emmer wheat. Slightly more emmer than spelt grains were present, and these included shorter grains than often observed. Hulled barley and a grain of probable oat were also present. Sample 158 (upper fill) contained six row hulled barley, spelt/emmer wheat, an oat grain and a hazelnut shell fragment. Weeds were limited to docks and grass. Given the limited volumes of cereal chaff, both deposits probably reflect accidental burning of cereal, either as part of the parching or another aspect of the crop processing (Nesbitt and Samuel 1996). The short emmer grains were perhaps a distinct variety of the crop. While these deposits were relatively rich in cereal remains, the evidence overall for cereal crop exploitation is scant. The presence of middle Iron Age cereal crops in these quantities contrasts with A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 87 - Table 12: Waterlogged plant remains Context Feature type Floated volume (litres R. cf. repens L. C. album L. triplex spp. L. SISSIES aay olp (@) | oe pet) pew) eet alr i) 5 5 o> @ > o oOo a 12 a/,, |% a |o |o 5B © n ”n n eee eee Ranunculus cf. acris L. 2. Ch ors ae a R. subgen. Batrachium sp Rinicadoicamlnl Way oo ee | Gas pp ae Caine Ler Stellaria med la gp. oS Vill. Cerastium cf. Fontanum Baumg. Ro 50, leebusmincosusLiage | Rohs re Ineoespiprickles: IRoenlamanmennal eenanibemn | Bi Bapmoai A WPrimus\Crataegusthorns |Crataegus cf.monogynaJacg. iGomuspanpuinea Ly Wicremausperns Le Since §)__ Te \GlechomathederaceaL. Wemmelauicans Weopusewmopacus Le immaromaiom [Sascabonovs Giri CMa ee Garam (Cirsium Mi |Leucanthemumvulgari Mill. i Menemsibufonusep Piemenlanmsep. 8 | i otis 7 ae fimos op i a ae Eleocharis S. palustres sp. (L.) Roem. & Schult. | Cons. a al Weamabscissionpads.. 0 a | 1 . graminea L. Rumex sp. Rubus fruticosus L.agg. Rubus sp. Rubus sp prickles Potentilla anserina L. P cf.. reptans L. Prunus spinosa L. Prunus/Crataegus thorns Crataegus cf. monogyna Jacq. Cornus sanguinea L. Mercurialis perenis L. olanum cf. nigrum L. Stachys sp Glechoma hederacea L. Prunella vulgaris L. Lycopus europaeus L. Plantago major L Sambucus nigra L. Carduus L./Cirsium Mill. onchus asper (L.) Hill Leucanthemum vulgari Mill. uncus bufonius gp _ articulatus L. gp. . effusus gp UuNncUs Spp. Eleocharis S. palustres sp. (L.) Roem. & Schult. Carex spp. Leaf abscission pads Sc QO. n rot) =) Qa n (@) = oO av Total weed seeds: large complex sites such as Danebury, but might be viewed as analogous to a series of sites in the Thames Valley such as Thornhill Farm (Robinson 2004) which demonstrate ‘household’ production/ consumption sensu Stevens (2003). mon Sze) EE (72) So o lo fo = |g 2 SHO Daler Ears Oo ie 0 10 oO | a/5 a fq’) 53 | 2 ie =|4 g|8 On eadow buttercup reeping buttercup 9 | .(A. Gra Water crowfoot Common popp > argemone L. Prickly popp Urtica dioica L. Common nettle Small nettle Corylus sp Hazel nut (shell opodium ficifolium Sm. Fig-leaved goosefoot/Many-seeded goosefoot Three-nerved sandwort Common chick weed Lesser stitchwort Common mouse-ear Golden dock/Clustered dock Brambles Silverweed Creeping cinquefoil Blackthorn Hawthorn Dogwood Dog’s mercur Black nightshade Woundwort Ground iv Selfheal Greater plantain Prickly sow-thistle oad rush ointed rush oft-rush pike rush edges rasses Ql\nl~lzln S N = a are 42.25 22h, 0 mm J 10 TNO [0 J J 0 | 0 J TNO] | O TNO I DB {U0 [RO [FR Jew IN} Uo — Ww i el OAS LOOM Lee 45 Tron Age Ring Gully 1277 and pit 1131 Pit 1131 lay within ring gully 1277. Sample 151 was taken from the single fill, 1130, a dump deposit containing burnt and unburnt animal bone and middle Iron Age pottery. Wheat cereal glume bases dominated the charred assemblage, the majority of 88 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGI Tablel3 : Charred plant remains excluding charcoal Sample Context Feature type Floated volume (litres CEREAL GRAIN Triticum dicoccum(Schrank) Schulbl. dicoccum(Schran e 9 l. pelt wheat pelt wheat pelt wheat heat row barle arle Barle Oats Oats Cereal ll T. spelta L. T. cf. spelta L. Hordeum vulgare L. hulled lateral Hordeum sp.-hulled Hordeum sp. Avena sp. cf. Avena sp. Cereal indet. Total grain CEREAL CHAFF Triticum spelta L. glume base T. dicoccum(Schrank) Schulbl. Cf T; dicoccum(Schrank) Schulbl. T. dicoccum/spelta glume base Avena sp. awn fragments Total chaff fe) FAAS IARI Z\53 rg SS QIo |S Pale 5 gs Si ad ° |= z ~~ = = {8 a |= ole 3 | 3 |S = |3 3 co |S RIS N e |3 o.|7 io) => o) . S12 ad Le = a 0 lo 4 Fi 5 a z. . 25 z BIC|B) (a8 5 1n alae 16. oO me 3 on = yn |S ne Len fa) pa) =) i ” Oo = fo — lo” OTHER SEEDS (Crataegus spas La oo Ba ee |Hawthorm Vicia/Lathyrus sp. Mint Vallerianella dentate L. Bromus cf. seculinus L. cf. B. seculinus L. Chess Weed seed indet. which were spelt wheat or spelt/emmer wheat, with a single example of possible emmer wheat. Only three cereal grains were present, but a short grain of spelt wheat may indicate adverse growing conditions. The weed assemblage includes many seeds of grass, plants of damp ground and some usual weeds of cultivation. The coarse vegetation may have been cut for animal fodder or bedding. The predominance of glume bases and absence of grain suggests that the assemblage is probably the by-product of cereal processing and Emmer wheat Emmer wheat Emmer wheat mmer/spelt wheat pelt wheat mmer wheat mmer/spelt wheat | = cf. Medicago lupulina L. Black medick Eleocharis S. palustris (L.) Roem. & Schult. ussock rush cf. Bromus sp. Brome grass Q|P)S 4 9 = 4 ° = > c =. (o) a. Q ie) = =) 7) = ro) Q, CAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE a = > 9 |?rubbish pit 1131 - — DROID] Uo }Uo — — oS ESS — Mi In Mie |Uo rg [on co [=o) Ww WwIWeo _- Nn \o i) (oe) 2 the chaff may have been used as fuel. Hawthorn may represent domestic waste from a hearth or fuel from cereal processing. Discussion The evidence for cereals is limited and there is no direct evidence for large-scale cereal production or processing at the site. Nonetheless, the cereals recovered could have been grown locally. The proportions of grain and chaff in the analysed | | t | } | | | { | | | | | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 89 _samples are indicative of localised domestic dumps from ‘household’ consumption. Stevens (2003) has noted the problems inherent in the interpretation of Iron Age arable subsistence strategies. The organisation of production and consumption of cereal crops should be regarded as site specific and can be as much influenced by available workers and social organisation as soil and growing conditions. The presence of a distinct variety of cereal crop may be evidence of ‘household’ levels of production whereby a small seed stock might result in distinct varieties of grain produced within a very localised ‘crop economy. The presence of water tolerant plants such as spike rush and sedges in the charred assemblage suggests cultivation of wet or damp, seasonally ‘flooded arable farmland. The exploitation of -wet ground might indicate that marginal land -was exploited for crops, while the main focus of | subsistence was pastoral. A community specialising _in specific faunal resources, perhaps seasonally, and only ‘household’ use of cereal resources, would be | consistent with other Iron Age specialist pastoral | settlements occupying flood plains discussed by Stevens (2003). Insect and Mollusc Remains, (Tables (14-16) by Mark Robinson | Bulk samples were taken from potentially waterlogged | deposits for preserved macroscopic plant and invertebrate remains. Following assessment, one | waterlogged sample (227) had potential to provide useful palaeoenvironmental information through analysis (see above). Many of the flots contained ‘mollusc shells and three were selected for analysis | (150, 167, 220). Iron Age Waterhole 3786 (context 3919), Sample 1227, | The most numerous insects from waterhole 3786 _were small water beetles, particularly Ochthebius cf. minimus. Other aquatic invertebrates included larvae of chironomid midges and a single example of the snail Lymnaea truncatula, suggesting that the | waterhole held stagnant water. Unsurprisingly, there | were also insects of mud and wet organic debris such _as Lesteva longoelytrata and Platystethus cornutus gp. | The other insects and snails had entered the deposit from surrounding terrestrial habitats. | Wood and tree-dependent beetles comprised 5% _ of the terrestrial Coleoptera (Table 14, Species Group 4). Such a value suggests a largely open landscape but with a significant presence of trees or shrubs. One of the beetles, Pyrochroa serraticornis, tends to be associated with dead wood of woodland trees such as oak. However, others including Rhynchites cf. germanicus and Magdalis sp., also feed on scrub and hedgerow shrubs including hawthorn and sloe. The molluscs from the sample included some species of shaded habitats, such as Oxychilus cellarius, but they are as likely to have been living in tall herbaceous vegetation around the waterhole as in woodland. Insects and molluscs of open habitats were well represented. The most numerous snails were from the genus Vallonia, with both V. costata and V. excentrica represented. The phytophagous insects included taxa associated with grassland plants. The leaf beetle Hydrothassa sp. feeds on Ranunculus spp. (buttercups) and the weevil Zychius sp. on Trifolium spp. (clovers) while the ciccadelid bug Aphrodes bicinctus feeds on various species of grass. The chafer and elaterid beetles of Species Group 11, with larvae which feed on the roots of grassland plants, such as Phyllopertha horticola, comprised 4.6% of the terrestrial Coleoptera while the clover and vetch-feeding weevils of Species Group 3, which tend to be favoured by tall grassland vegetation including hay meadows, comprised 2.3% of the terrestrial Coleoptera. It is clear that the grassland was grazed by domestic animals. Scarabaeoid dung beetles which feed on the droppings of larger herbivores (Species Group 2) comprised 8.0% of the terrestrial Coleoptera. As well as species which still occur in the region, such as Aphodius rufipes and Onthophagus ovatus, there was a single example of the dark elytra form of Aphodius varians, which is now extinct in Britain (Allen 1967, 222-3). These results indicate that pastureland was a major component of the environment around the waterhole. However, grazing does not seem to have been particularly intensive; a much higher percentage of scarabaeoid dung beetles would have been expected if there had been a high concentration of domestic animals on this part of the site. Disturbed ground vegetation was also present, ranging from annual or biennial Cruciferae such as Capsella bursa-pastoris (shepherd’s purse) and Brassica spp. (wild turnip etc), the hosts of the flea beetles Phyllotreta atra and P nemorum, through to Urtica dioica (stinging nettle), the food plant of the beetle Brachypterus urticae and the bug Heterogaster urticae. Most of the ground beetles, such as Nebria brevicollis and Pterostichus melanarius and some of the rove beetles, such as Xantholinus linearis or longiventris and Staphylinus olens, occur in a range of 90 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 14: Coleoptera IA Waterhole 3786 Min. No. S Group uo) Oo Q = oO Nn 3919 ample sranulatus L. Dyschirius globosus (Hbst. Asaphidion flavipes (L. Bembidion gutiula (E me | ee bo = N =) ~“ Q. -_ < | Slane BSlO!D NISIZIO] Ino = CN 3 RIS |S [eS [2 |S 8 c Q|3 a >+/S |3 |8 = S/S 7S Q |= oO 5 |s 5 |S bas > S/S Ie = 15 = be |S. wn = 8 S/F |& ~~ aS t|o |S" lan} = ; O1S, ob IS ae) a Q = 5 = Q. : =. & ah is) = wn mara sp. Harpalus S. Ophonus sp. Fak econ ne | H. affinis (Schr. Me: Se ae Sel ee Badister bipustulatus (F. eae. aes | eee gabus bipustulatus (L. 1 Helophorus aquaticus (L.) or grandis 1 Helophorus sp. (brevipalpis size Hydrobius fuscipes (L. (Onthophilissinatis(Forst:) aan [| ae Atholus duodecimstriatus(Schr.) [Ld] Ochthebius cf. bicolon Germ. Cea a ae Se ay Pienidiamespys ess 5 ONTO LG Sa PU tee | | Se (Ckolevalom Catopsisp incu Miss aie ies eae an IMietopstabierisaa (Steps) a Asc Must too [US cl Le |Lesteva longoelytrata(Gz.) (2 dT CC lOinalinespy ena eee een, |e PDiatystciius COnnutiis ep eames | 2ek Dai ene VArsotyliistnrtiadtelsisi( (Graves iiear niki eit) sei ER 3 IS EEISES Sp ste St MOR can cena | ar Ani re al | Lathrobium spp. (not longulum IC ARR Se a Xantholinus linearis (Ol.) or ee oe longiventris Heer Key to Species Groups : ao. fe Waterhole 3786 Min. No. Indiv [Seamnp ei in 1990059 Ya Peer. | SR |] Philonthus'spp. =. ee (Staphylnus olens Mull. i eee eee ee Hachinus sp.0889 18 25 Sara | |Aleocharinae’gen..ct Sp. indet. im (Bien nen Phyllopertha horticola\(..). Se in |\Canthans sp. 20 2 2 ed ee Prinus fur (Ly. a ee a Cryptophagidae gen. et sp. indet. 1 not Atomariinae Scymnus sp. ss = |e Enicmus transversus (Ol. as ee Pyrochroa serraticornis (L. Chrysolina polita (L. (hain Hydrothassa sp. ea | /Phyllotreta-atra\(F)) 25.5200 cee ILonguarsus'spps. 0) re |Chaetocnema concinna(Marsh.) {1 ———s| Psylliodes'sp..eso0 Tt) ee |‘Barypeithes araneiformis(Schr.) [1 | PE Gip iO ttbS OD SCIUTIES\ (1 ie a seen [| [Ceuthorhynchinae gen. et sp.indet. [2 | yechius spe he ee eee ie 1) Aquatic 2) Pasture/Dung 3) ?>Meadowland 4) Wood and Trees 5) Marsh/Aquatic 6a) General Disturbed Ground/Arable 6b) Sandy/Dry Disturbed Ground/Arable 7) Dung/Foul Organic Matter 8) Lathridiidae 9a) Gen- eral Synanthropic 9b) Stored Grain Pests 10) Esp. Structural Timbers 11) On Roots in Grassland 12) Heathland and Moorland terrestrial habitats, including woodland, grassland and disturbed grassland. The ground beetles, which tend to be favoured by arable conditions, were absent. It is therefore thought likely that the weedy vegetation represented disturbed and neglected ground around the waterhole and settlement but did not necessarily include cultivated land. The insects only gave slight evidence of timber structures and the settlement. There were single examples of Anobium punctatum (woodworm beetle) (Species Group 10) and of Prinus fur (Species Group 9a) which tends to live inside buildings, sometimes being A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 91 Table 15: Other Insects IA Waterhole 3786 Min. No. Indiv Megophthalmus scanicus (Fal.) or scabripennis Ed. 'A phrodes bicinctus (Schr. Hymenoptera gen. et sp. indet. (not |Formicidae Dipteran puparia A, + present associated with food waste. Beetles of foul organic material (Species Group 7) were very well represented at 12.6% of the terrestrial Coleoptera. It is possible that some of these beetles, such as Megasternum obscurum and Anotylus sculpturatus gp., were living in settlement- related midden material but they can also be plentiful in areas remote from human activity. Middle Iron Age Gully, Sample 220 Ditch 3965 The molluscs from this gully comprised both shade-loving and open-country species. Water snails were absent. Most numerous were shade loving species, such as Carychium sp., Aegopinella nitidula ample Table 16: Molluscs er eee Ce 2?MIA : : [Context/Feature | Context/Feature Carychium sp. held stagnant water. Shells of Anisus leucostoma were very abundant in Sample 167 (context 1011) and were present in Sample 150 (context 973). Lymnaea truncatula was also present in both samples. The most abundant terrestrial snail in both samples was Trichia hispida gp. which occurs in a very wide range of habitats, but both samples contained species of Valloma which require open conditions, while the occurrence of Vallonia excentrica and Helicella itala in Sample 150 suggests a well-drained habitat. It is thought likely that the early Roman site was open and the ground surface relatively dry but that the water table was close to the surface, so stagnant water was sometimes present in the bottoms of deeper archaeological features. Discussion The results from the Iron Age waterhole again indicate a landscape which was largely open, with lightly grazed grassland but with some presence of woodland and scrub. This would be consistent with the evidence from Shorncote Quarry, Somerford Keynes (Robinson 2002) which indicated that there was some survival of woodland on the First Gravel Terrace in the middle Bronze Age above Lechlade whereas the main Thames Valley downstream had been cleared earlier. The insect results suggested that there were limited settlement structures associated with the waterhole. Minimum Number of Individuals 965 67 —" 20 ) 4 NO} NI ]\o SJ | \O and Oxychilus cellarius. However, the occurrence of a few examples of Valloma sp., including V. excentrica, showed that conditions were not entirely shaded. The most likely interpretation is that there was coarse herbaceous vegetation in the ditch or a hedgerow alongside it but that the surrounding area was open. Early Roman Pit 1010, Sample 167 and Early Roman Ditch 968, Sample 150 Both of these features seem to have Lymnaea truncatula (Mill 1 Anisus leucostoma (Mil Vallonia costata (Mill. S Pupilla muscorum (L V, pulchella (Mill. \Vexcentrica Sterki | Vallonia sp. «3 Aegopinella nitidula (Drap. Oxychilus cellarius (Mill. Helicella itala (L. Trichia plebeia (Drap.) or 3 hispida (L Helix aspersa Mull Vitrina pellucida (Mill 67 31 3 33 NI] |r} bo — - [US aes) ]U0 | [o“e) (=) 92 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The results from the middle Iron Age ditch showed conditions were relatively well drained and that coarse vegetation probably grew in the vicinity of the ditch. In contrast, the molluscs from the early Roman pit and the early Roman ditch indicated they had stagnant water at the bottom. A rising water table has been recorded for the Upper Thames Valley during this period (Robinson 1992). However, the snails also showed that conditions on the ground surface were well drained and open. Human Remains, by Ffonny Geber and Loutse Loe Full osteological analysis of all human skeletal remains was undertaken. These included a neonatal inhumation burial (3871) from the top of a middle Iron Age pit and four burials cut into the late Iron Age enclosure ditch 1285 - inhumation burial 1694 (cut 1695), 1690 (cut 1691), partially burnt burial 1100 (cut 1095) and cremation burial 1157 (cut 1156). Additionally two cremation burials were inserted into Roman enclosure ditch 3930 (1488 and 1491) and one isolated Roman inhumation burial (1312) lay to the north of the Romano-British settlement. Neonate burial 3871 The neonate burial (3871) was recovered from the upper fill (3870) of middle Iron Age pit 3869, but may have been early Roman. It lay in a crouched position on its left side with its arms and legs tightly flexed, orientated west-east with head facing north. The skeletal remains were well preserved, but most of the skull, right shoulder and both feet were missing. Based on long bone measurements, the individual was estimated to have been about 38-39 weeks (birth typically 38-42 weeks). Inhumation burials 1694/1695 1690/1691 and 1312 Inhumation burial 1694 was located in the south-west corner of enclosure 1285, orientated north-south and in a crouched position on its right side with legs and left arm flexed and right arm extended. The large size of the grave cut (1.6m by 0.6m) suggests that organic material had been present. Skeleton 1690/1691 (Figure 22) was buried in the southeast corner of the ditch, in an east-west orientated grave cut, lying on its left side. Truncation obscured the original burial posture but the records suggest a crouched position. The burial was accompanied by an Aucissa brooch fibula (SF 170) and a small quantity of cremated human bone (1668) was present in the fill. Inhumation 1312 was an isolated burial located c10m east of trackway 3945 (Figure 24). This may be a deviant burial associated with a nearby Roman cemetery. Coffin fittings and nails indicated that 1312 was a coffined burial. The skeleton lay ina prone position orientated northeast-southwest. The legs were extended and parallel, the arms slightly flexed and had been pulled round the back of the body so that the hand bones were resting on the posterior of the proximal femora, suggesting the hands had been bound. The skeletons were between 40 and 70% complete. Only 1694/1695 was in good condition, the others considerably abraded as a result of post mortem damage. Age, sex and stature All of the individuals were males. Skeleton 1312 was a young adult, the others prime adults. Skeleton 1690/1691 had a stature of 160cm (5 feet 3 inches) and burial 1694/1695 was taller, at 173cm (5 feet 8 inches). It was not possible to estimate the stature of skeleton 1312. The mean male stature during the Roman period in Britain is estimated at 169cm (5 feet 6 '4 inches) (Roberts and Cox 2003, 396). Non metric traits Three of the skeletons had non-metric traits located cranially and post-cranially. Third trochanters and os trigonum were observed on one skeleton (1690) and the other traits present are detailed in the skeletal catalogue. They are among a range of traits that are frequently observed in skeletal material of similar date and type, but the present sample is too small to explore relatedness or activity patterns between the individuals. Skeletal pathology Osteophytosis was present on the margins of the vertebral bodies and vertebral articular facets of skeletons 1690/1691 and 1694/1695, the only skeletons with preserved vertebrae. On the vertebral bodies, the changes appeared as horizontal new bone that increased in extent caudally. The appearance of all of these changes is consistent with common normal age-related degeneration of the spine. Porotic hyperostosis, in the form of increased porosity and expanded diploic space, was present on both parietal bones of skeleton 1690/1691. The changes were present along the sagittal suture and were not active at the time of death. The full extent of the changes was impossible to estimate owing A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 93 Table 17: Human bone - Distribution in weight of fragments > 10mm, 5-10mm and 2-5mm after sieving. Abbreviation: ENF = Estimated number of fragments. to fragmentation. Cribra orbitalia, in the form of _ large and small isolated foramina and consistent with Type III lesions described by Stuart-Macadam (1991), was identified on the roof of the right orbit of the same skeleton. Porotic hyperostosis and cribra orbitalia are believed to be the result of iron deficiency anaemia. It is generally believed that most examples in British _ material have been caused by the acquired form of the disease because the inherited form is rare (Livingstone 1967). Anaemia tends not to leave traces on adult bone (Stuart Macadam 1991) and so the lesions observed in skeleton 1690/1691 occurred in childhood, when skeletal lesions relating to this disease are manifest. Aetiological factors associated with this condition relate to dietary deficiency, malabsorption (due to gastro-intestinal infection or parasites), blood loss and chronic disease (Roberts and Cox 2003, 234). Because of their multi-factorial aetiology, cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis are regarded as non-specific indicators of childhood health stress. | Dental pathology Sixty- four teeth and 68 alveolar sockets were available for analysis. Four teeth (all from skeleton 1312) had caries (6.25%) and eight examples of ante mortem tooth loss were observed (two from skeleton 1312 and six from skeleton 1694), i.e. 11.76% of all surviving sockets. Skeleton 1312 had two front teeth and two first molars affected by caries, mainly at the cemento-enamel junction. The caries rate for Romano-British skeletal populations is estimated | to be 7.45% (Roberts and Cox 2003, 396). Both skeletons 314 and 1694/1695 had lost about 20% of their teeth in life, primarily the molars. Ante-mortem loss may arise from a range of factors including abscess formation, caries, periodontal | disease secondary to calculus formation, and pulp exposure and abscess formation secondary to severe attrition or trauma. In these specimens, there was ) no macroscopic indication that ante-mortem loss ' was associated with abscess formation or calculus. However, both skeletons exhibited heavy attrition on their anterior dentition. - Ec gs Us §___0 75 Cremation burials 1488, 1491 and 1157 Three unurned cremation burials were recorded. Burial 1157 (cut 1156/1158) was inserted in the fill of the ditch terminal of late Iron Age enclosure 1285. Burial 1488 was cut into Roman enclosure ditch 3930, and burial 1491 into pit 1488. Burials 1488 and 1491 were dated on stratigraphic and ceramic evidence to the second century AD or later. The date of 1157 was less clear, but was probably Late Iron Age or early Roman. Minimum number of individuals Based on the non-duplication of elements and biological age and sex, at least one skeleton was identified in each of the three contexts that contained cremated remains, therefore representing a minimum number of three individuals. Quantity and fragmentation Five hundred and ninety-five bone fragments (617g) were examined. Of these, 38.58% (43.57% of the total weight) were identified to skeletal element. The mean weight per fragment was 0.8g, and the largest bone fragment ranged from 32.64 to 58.83mm in size (Table 17). Compared to other British examples, the weights were low and the fragment size large (McKinley 2000b). Taphonomic factors aside, the low bone weights of these burials do suggest that recovery of the entire cremated remains of the dead from the burnt out pyre for burial was not significant to mourners of Latton’s cremated dead. If the amount of time expended on collecting elements is considered a useful reflection of that person’s status in life (McKinley 2000a), then this implies the relative unimportance attached to the burial of these individuals. Age and Sex Based on the relative thickness of the diploé, and the internal and external vault tables of a skull fragment, burial 1488 was estimated to have been 35 to 64 years of age. The remains of burial 1156 indicated only that the individual had attained adulthood (Table 18). Burial 1157 did not have any surviving diagnostic features by which age could be estimated. Biological 94 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 18: Human bone - Age categories 0-1 years g 2-5 years Older child [Adolescent _[13-17 years > 46 years Child =| 2-12. years sex could not be estimated for any of the remains owing to absence of sexually dimorphic features. Cremation technology The bones from all three cremations ranged from black to grey in colour, suggesting that they had all been poorly cremated. In total, 76g (19.06%) was black, indicating that these bones had been burned at a temperature that did not exceed 400°C. A complete, successful cremation displays white bones and requires prolonged exposure to temperatures exceeding 700-800°C (Herrmann 1988, 578; Wahl 1982, 27). Colour variation indicated that approximately 20% of the total bone weight of burials 1156 and 1488 comprised partially burned bones, whilst the remaining 80% comprised fully cremated bone. Assessing degrees of incineration based on colour is considered, by some to be a useful way of estimating the original position of the body on the pyre. For example, Gejvall (1947, 45) suggested that the poor degree of burning was an indication that the corpses had been laid out in an extended, supine Table 19: Common definitions of bustum used in archaeology position on the pyre. Wells (1960, 34-37) on the other — hand, interprets the same findings as evidence that the deceased were placed directly on the ground in an extended, supine, position with the pyre built over it. Different degrees of burning between skeletal elements are also explained by the fact that bones with little soft tissue coverage will cremate more fully than bones with dense tissue coverage (McKinley 2000a; During 2002, 11). Other factors that may account for colour variation include a lack of oxygen during the cremation process, perhaps because pyre construction that the cremation fire was not stoked sufficiently (Graslund 1978, 370) and/or because of rain and wind at the time of the cremation. Additional deposit of cremated human bone (1668) A total of 67 fragments (59.5g) of cremated human bone was found in the fill (1668) surrounding skeleton 1690. They were not part of the inhumation and are likely to be the re-deposited remains of a disturbed cremation burial. A skull vault and arm bone fragments were identified, representing a MNI of one adult individual (18-44 years old) of unknown sex. Partially cremated skeleton 1100 The partially burnt remains of skeleton 1100 lay within grave 1095, which had been cut into Late Iron Age enclosure ditch 1285 (Figures 21-23). They represented a prone adult skeleton lying between charred timbers. The skeleton was fitted tightly into the cut, with knees flexed and crossed. It was accompanied by an iron knife (SF 168, Figure 33, no. 8) and a largely complete pot (SF166, Figure 31, no. 8). Articulated foot bones were located beneath Pyre and bone remains after a cremation, remaining within its layer or disturbed and covered with soil. In-situ cremation pyre and burial Pyre site which also functioned as a burial. Archaeologically they may be identified by the following features: 1) Most of the cremated bone is close to the surface and above most of the fuel ash. 2) They include the remains of complete skeletons that are roughly in anatomical order, although secondary manipulation may take place. 3) The amount of bone retrieved is expected to weigh, for one adult individual, between 1600-2000 McKinley (2000a) g but may be as little as 1000 g. 4) In the case of Grubenbusta the depth of the fuel ash in the pyre pit varies from between 0.30m at the corners to 0.10m in the centre. The sides and the base of the pit turn salmon pink in colour, as well as a margin of approximately 0.08-0.60m that can be seen in plan around the top. 5) There is shallow penetration of burning i Topal (1981) Bechert (1980 ground to a depth of approximately 2-Scm. Marquardt (1886) A pit of about 1 m depth dug below the pyre and which contains the collapsed remains of the pyre q with the cremated human remains, covered with soil or below a mound. the pelvis but above the pot. The radiocarbon determinations suggest a 93.2% probability that the burial was of pre-conquest date (Griffith and Marshall, this report). Although the evidence for im situ burning and the partially burned skeleton initially suggested a bustum, several traits were not consistent with this definition. Busta were pyre sites that either had under-pyre pits (Grubenbusta) or flat sites covered _ by a mound (Flachenbusta) (McKinley 2000a, 38). They are thought to have been introduced into Britain from the Continent, particularly from the Rhine region, and are often associated with military contexts, and typically date to the early Roman period. They are not straightforward to identify in the archaeological record and, according to McKinley (2000a), several examples have been erroneously categorised. Five definitions of a bustum are presented in Table 19. Burial 1100 met several of these criteria. It contained a relatively complete articulated skeleton that lay above most of the charcoal. The grave cut was larger the standard cremation burial graves, but smaller than the expected length of a supine, extended in situ cremation pyre. It was not the typical 0.3m-1m depth ofa bustum, but was much shallower, with the skeleton lying close to the surface, The extent of truncation of topsoil and subsoils is not well understood, however. Field records did not include descriptions of the soil colour (to indicate the extent of penetration of the burning) nor the depth of the fuel ash, but only that in situ burning had occurred. Thus, this burial does not fulfil all the criteria of a bustum, and is best regarded as an anomalous burial of the remains of an incomplete cremation, which is rare and currently only recorded for the Roman period (McKinley pers comm.). The surviving skeleton was represented by the skull, spine, right and left scapulae, right and left distal humeri, fragments of radius and ulna, some hand bones, right and left femora, shafts of tibiae and both feet, all in varying degrees of completeness and extent of burning. The unburned bones exhibited little post-mortem abrasion. Age, sex and stature Sexually diagnostic pelvic features indicated a male, whilst degenerative changes of the auricular surface suggested a mature adult, aged 40-44 years. Stature was estimated as 170.27 cm (5 feet 7 inches). Degree of burning Most of the torso showed no evidence of thermal _ AENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 95 alteration. Only limited parts of the upper and lower limbs had been fully cremated. The posterior of the cranium, the mid- shaft of the right humerus (anterior and posterior), the iliac crest of the pelvis (anterior and posterior), both knees (anterior and posterior) and feet (plantar aspect) were burned black, but this was restricted to relatively small areas on the bones. The spine was slightly cremated on the posterior aspect, as were parts of the lower legs. The tooth roots were white, as were parts of the skull. The hand bones were black. This uneven extent of burning suggests an attempt at cremation. Burning to the back of the skull and along the extremities would be expected if the corpse had been laid supine and extended on top of the pyre. The unburnt torso would imply that the cremation was of short duration or of insufficient intensity, perhaps abandoned prior to completion due to adverse weather conditions and/or inadequate pyre construction, resulting in its premature collapse. However, incomplete combustion of the skeleton may also reflect a cultural practice in which full oxidation of the bone was not considered necessary. For example, in the Derby Racecourse Roman cemetery, a fire lit within the grave had only charred two skeletons (Philpott 1991, 48). Non-metric traits Non-metric traits are listed in the skeletal catalogue (in archive), but two are described here. A third trochanter was present on the right femur (a bony projection on the proximal end of the shaft at the superior end of the gluteal tuberosity). This trait is associated with altered Gluteal muscle function (Bolanowskiet al. 2005). The second trait, os trigonum, that was present involved the process on the postero- lateral border of the left talus bone of the ankle, which was unfused. Non-fusion of this process, has a modern prevalence of 2.5- 13% (McGlamry et al. 1992, 934). It tends to occur unilaterally and may cause generalised pain in the rear of the foot (ibid.). Pathology Spinal osteophytosis was present as massive paravertebral bone extensions between L4 and L5 on the right antero-lateral aspect. Disc space between the vertebral bodies and facet joints was retained and, although broken post mortem, the outgrowths had clearly been fused originally. Such bony changes may result from ossification of the anterior longitudinal ligament, a change typical in individuals suffering from Diffuse Idiopathic Skeletal Hyperostosis (DISH). DISH is more 96 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE common in males particularly in the older age categories, and has been associated with Late Onset (Type II) diabetes mellitus and obesity (Rogers and Waldron 1995). In skeletal material, DISH is diagnosed if at least four contiguous vertebrae are fused by large flowing osteophyte on the right hand side. However, in the present example, no other vertebrae were involved. An alternative diagnosis may be spinal degenerative joint disease, a very common condition that results from degeneration of the intervertebral discs, which lose their elasticity with age. Schmorl’s nodes, or intervertebral disc herniation, were present on the surfaces of the lower thoracic and upper lumbar vertebral bodies. Although associated with degenerative disease, Schmorl’s nodes have also been linked to activity and trauma (especially in adolescence) or metabolic disorders (Jurmain 1999). Changes consistent with osteoarthritis were present on the left articular processes of C7 and T1. It is very unlikely that occupation and activity played the only role in the manifestation of OA on this skeleton. Many factors, including age, sex, ancestry, and genetic predisposition also play a part in the manifestation and course of the disease. The distribution of the disease on the skeleton may not be directly associated with a specific activity or occupation. Trauma Healed blunt trauma was identified on the cranial vault as a sagittal line with an adjacent medial depression on the left parietal bone. The lesion was well healed, although the depression presented a rugged and pitted external surface. Discussion The burials represent a total of at least nine individuals, which date to the late Iron Age/early Roman and Roman periods, the exception being a neonate of middle or late Iron Age date. The group includes four cremation burials, one unusual partially burnt burial and three inhumations. Three cremation burials were of adults, two of whom could be more precisely aged to 35-64 years and one to 18-44 years. The partially burnt burial was of an adult male, whilst the adult inhumations were also male. The later were estimated to have been a young adult (one skeleton) and prime adults (two skeletons) when they died. Among the pathological conditions observed were degenerative changes and osteoarthritis (probably associated with advanced age) and cribra _ orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis, which indicated that at least one of the individuals had a history of prolonged childhood anaemia. Most interesting was the blunt force trauma to the skull of skeleton 1100, which may have been the result of inter-personal violence or a fall. Healing of the lesion indicates this occurred perhaps several years before death. Dental pathological conditions included caries and ante mortem tooth loss. During the Iron Age, pits and ditches were the most common contexts for the placement of the dead. Neonatal burials are not often found in the early Iron Age, but appear to become more common in the middle and later periods (Wait 1985, 88-90). Examples are 22 pit burials from Berwick St. John and Steeple Langford in Wiltshire (Whimster 1981) and at least 18 from Gravelly Guy, Oxon. (Lambrick and Allen 2004). In general, however, much of this period is characterised by the under-representation of formal burial, and it is thought by some researchers (eg Haselgrove 1999, 123; Carr and Kniisel 1997, 168-173) that most dead were excarnated and their remains scattered. Why some individuals appear to have been selected for interment within pits and ditches is not well understood. The late Iron Age/early Roman cremation and inhumation burials 1157, 1100, 1690, and 1694 were all cut into the ditch fill of late Iron Age enclosure 1285. Although the ditch had fallen out of use, it is unlikely that their placement within it was coincidental. Rather, the burials may have been situated to emphasise connections with past use of the site. Land ownership and belief in the power of the dead over the living are amongst explanations of this funerary practice (Esmonde Cleary 2000, 137-138). Late Iron Age cremation burials are very rare in the Upper Thames valley, an exception being Segsbury Camp (Boyle 2005). Although the cremation burial was not dated precisely, it is probably contemporary with the others. Burial 1100 (radiocarbon dated to the pre-Roman Iron Age) comprised the partly burned remains of a prone older adult male, tightly confined within a rectangular pit with large quantities of charcoal. This combination of burial and burning in the late Iron Age is extremely rare. What constituted a ‘normal’ Iron Age burial in this area is not well understood. Most known Iron Age burials were inhumations within ditches and pits. How far this burial deviates from the ‘normal’ means of disposure is uncertain. Whether it was an attempted cremation that failed, or a purification ritual is unknown. Late Iron Age - AENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 97 in other parts of Britain comprised both inhumation and cremation, and this burial combined elements of both. Although it does not fulfil all criteria of a bustum or in situ cremation, it contains elements of this practice. Two other Iron Age in situ cremations are known from Puddlehill, Bedfordshire (Whimster 1981, 154), whilst on the Continent, they are known throughout the entire Iron Age in Scandinavia (BC 500 - 1050 AD) (Graslund 1978). In the early Roman _ period, busta are a frequent feature of burial along the Rhine frontier (McKinley pers comm.). Burial 1100 may mark the transition from inhumation to cremation practice, although the latter never enjoyed the same popularity in this region that it achieved in the south-east of England in the early Roman period. The ditch burials may be broadly contemporary, whilst burial 1100 may be interpreted as an early attempt at cremation, which was more successfully achieved in cremation burial 1157. Both cremation and inhumation took place concurrently at the beginning of the Roman period in Britain (Philpott 1991). Cremation was the predominant burial rite during the early period until about the mid- second century AD when inhumation became the main burial tradition (2bid.; Taylor 2001, 87, 109). Ordinary domestic pots were usually used as containers for cremation burials. Unurned cremated bone deposits are generally thought to have been placed within a container made of organic material, such as wood, leather or cloth. In the inhumation tradition, the deceased were usually buried supine and extended in nailed wooden coffins or in high-status stone and/or lead coffins (Taylor 2001, 101-109). Prone burials are occasionally present in many rural late Roman sites, and until recently were interpreted as the burials of the socially deviant or spiritually dangerous. The interment of the body of skeleton 1312 within a coffin would suggest that far from being a casual burial, some care had been taken in its burial. The Wood Charcoal, by Dana Challinor A selection of charcoal samples was recorded, most relating to burial 1100 (grave 1095). Two other samples of Roman date came from pits which also produced cremated human remains. Three Iron Age contexts were examined; one from a cremation burial and the others from domestic/industrial contexts. The aims were to determine the taxonomic composition of deposits relating to the cremation process and to investigate the evidence for the selection of fuelwood during the Iron Age and Roman periods. The results from the assessment are included in the discussion where relevant, in particular from the late Neolithic/early Bronze Age enclosure 2255. The taxonomic level of identification varied according to the biogeography and anatomy of the taxa, but nine types were positively identified: Ulmus (elm), Quercus (oak), Alnus (alder), Populus/ Salix (poplar/willow), Prunus (blackthorn, cherry), Maloideae (hawthorn, apple, pear etc), Ilex (holly), Acer (field maple) and Fraxinus (ash). The preservation of the charcoal was also extremely variable. It is likely that some indeterminate fragments represent additional specimens of taxa positively identified at the site. One sample (151) produced several pieces of charred worked wood. Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age Several samples from enclosure 2255 and some small associated pits were examined as part of the assessment. Oak or ash was present in most of the deposits, and only two ditch contexts (2378 and 2370) produced mixed assemblages, including Prunus (cherry type) and Maloideae (hawthorn type). The provenance of the charcoal in these assemblages was difficult to determine, but the taxa identified are consistent with comparable sites (Smith 2002). Iron Age/Roman Pits The samples from Iron Age pits 1131 and 2918 produced markedly different assemblages. Pit 1131 was dominated by large, round worked fragments of Maloideae (hawthorn type) charcoal. The worked pieces were c 30 mm in diameter and would have been considerably larger before charring. It is likely that much of the Maloideae in the sample came from worked wood, although this was only confirmed on the larger fragments. The wood probably represents a specific artefact, since the maker had not used small diameter branchwood, which would have naturally produced the rounded edge. Instead, the wood had been carved and carefully rounded by hand from a larger piece of trunk or large branchwood. The pit also produced a large quantity of animal bone and charred cereal remains, suggesting the majority of the deposit derived from a domestic hearth, fuelled by oak and ash. The assemblage from pit 2918 may have been associated with industrial activities. Alder does not burn well as an unseasoned wood fuel, but makes a very good charcoal fuel (Edlin 1949). The use 98 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE of charcoal as fuel in some industrial activities, certainly metalworking, is necessary (Cleere and Crossley 1985). Interestingly, the assemblages from pits 3674 and 3869, which did produce evidence for metalworking, were dominated by oak, which is more commonly found in deposits of this type. Cremation deposits The cremation burials were cut into the ditches of enclosures1285 and 3930, dated to the late Iron Age/early Roman and mid-late Roman periods. The earliest burial, 1156, was dominated by a single taxon (Maloideae). This trend has been observed in Bronze Age ritual, in particular, where a single wood type seems to have been selected for cremating bodies (Thompson 1999). There is much less published data for the Iron Age, but it seems that later cremations followed a similar ritual selection of species. The wood is not always consistent; it is often oak but there are examples of Maloideae-dominated cremation assemblages (Challinor forthcoming). It is not always possible to determine from the charcoal that genus of the Maloideae family is represented, but most have reasonable burning properties, if used in sufficient quantity. The fact that the bones were poorly cremated suggests that either one of the less calorific Maloideae woods was used, or that not enough fuelwood was used. Estimates of the quantity of wood required to cremate an adult range between 300-500 kg (McKinley 1994, 80). The presence of smaller quantities of other taxa is often explained by its inclusion as kindling, but this is unlikely as the genera of the Maloideae family would provide good kindling. Some small roundwood fragments were present in the charcoal assemblage of 1156 and accidental inclusion, or the burnt remains of pyre goods, remain more likely possibilities. Partially burnt burial 1095 The samples from grave 1095 contrast sharply with burial 1156, both in the use of different species and the nature of the assemblages. The samples are not consistently dominated by a single species and have an average of 5 taxa per sample. Even samples 157 and 165, which came from the same context, 1104, have noticeably different charcoal. Context 1104 was a layer of burnt timbers beneath skeleton 1100, and directly above the primary fill (sample 166). Sample 155, context 1097, was a deliberate back fill of the grave, with mixed pyre debris. The differences between the assemblages probably relate to the pyre structure, and is of great interest since it differs from busta and typical pyre sites. For instance, the results — from the charcoal analysis of five bustum pits from the Roman cremation cemetery at Pepper Hill, Kent, revealed that the assemblages were almost exclusively dominated by oak (Challinor 2006). There was no spatial difference in the burials which might reveal pyre structure, but this often appears to be the case at pyre sites of Roman date (Challinor 2007). The use of Ulmus (elm) is particularly interesting as it is rare to find this genus in cremation charcoal in Britain. Elm does not make good firewood as it burns reluctantly and smoulders, although the heartwood emits relatively good heat when enclosed (e.g. in stoves) - perhaps the reason the body at Latton Lands was only partially burnt, but elm may not have been deliberately selected as fuel. The primary fill 1574 produced very little elm and was composed of 60% Maloideae, with some oak, blackthorn and ash. It seems likely that this deposit represents the main fuelwood or brushwood infilling of the pyre structure which would have collapsed into the pit during the cremation. The elm probably relates to the pyre structure itself and perhaps represents the remains of a platform or possibly a coffin, since there were a number of burnt timbers surrounding the body when the grave was excavated. It is significant that the other two mid-late Roman cremation burials (1488 and 1491) cut into enclosure 3930 also produced assemblages containing elm. Burial 1491 was dominated by oak but 1488 produced similar quantities of oak and elm. Similar to 1095, the bodies were poorly cremated, perhaps due to the use of elm platforms or coffins on the burial pyre. Not all of the burials were sexed, but all were adults (Geber and Loe, above) so any differences in the selection of fuelwood is unlikely to relate to age. It has been suggested that busta are associated with status and/or military position, and the potential use of coffins in cremations may be associated with this. The Animal Remains, by Kristopher Poole Over 5000 refitted fragments of animal bone (64,678g) were recovered, including several early Iron Age animal burials. Bone was recovered from contexts dating from the late Neolithic to the Roman period. Most of the material was collected through hand recovery. A full report and data is available with the site archive. The assemblage derived largely from pits (47.9%) A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 99 Table 20: Animal Bone - Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) per phase. ( ) denotes total bone from animal burials. Totals exclude animal burials. i NEO/EBA 75 (1088 M N NM oo Unidentified bird Unidentifiable and ditches (34%). A substantial proportion (40.8%) of early Iron Age bone came from waterhole 3878, whereas most middle Iron Age bone was recovered from pits. In contrast, 66.4% and 84.6% of bone came from ditches in the late Iron Age and Roman periods respectively. Bone condition ranged from very good to poor, with a majority well preserved (Table 21). Bones from late Iron Age contexts were best preserved and least fragmented. There was a considerably lower proportion of loose teeth for this period and less evidence of gnawing, suggesting scavengers were largely denied access to the bone. Species represented Only four fragments of bone from the late Neolithic/ early Bronze Age enclosure could be identified to species - a cattle skull fragment and maxillary molar, and two sheep mandibular molars (Table 20). The Iron Age and Roman assemblages consisted almost completely of domestic animals, with cattle, sheep/ goat, pig, horse and dog all present. No specimens were identified as goat and hereafter caprid species are referred to as sheep. Cattle dominated the assemblages of all phases, but in the early-middle Iron Age and Roman periods horse bones, even excluding deliberate burials, outnumber those of sheep. The representation of horses is interesting as sheep and cattle are usually the two most frequent species at Iron Age sites in Britain. Studies have shown that the composition of bone assemblages can vary considerably between different context types and locations (Maltby 1985; Wilson 1996; Driver 2004). For example, remains of larger species (cattle and horse) are often better represented in the peripheral areas of a site, with I A NO i=) MN ROMAN 239 seca 110 |77 smaller animals more frequent closer to the main focus of a settlement. Unfortunately, the numbers of bones are insufficient to allow valid comparisons of the assemblages recovered from different locations, but it is possible that the dominance of large animals is at least in part due to the types of contexts excavated. Few identifiable bones were recovered from early Iron Age contexts, apart from the waterhole and animal burials, despite this phase having the only clear evidence of domestic occupation and structures. This suggests that, apart from the animal burials, most animal remains from this phase were deposited off-site, beyond the limits of this excavation. The only wild species present were red deer, duck (comparable in size to teal, Anas crecca) and weasel. Red deer made up a small proportion of the total bone in the early/middle Iron Age and Roman periods, but were well represented in relation to pig. In the middle Iron Age, all remains of wild species, apart from one red deer fragment, came from pits. The weasel tibia was recovered from the fill of Pit 3869, which contained additionally a cattle femur, red deer metacarpal, large-sized mammal vertebra and rib, and unidentifiable bone fragments, along with burnt material from iron working and a burial of a human neonate (3871). Ageing — the disarticulated remains Dental eruption/attrition and epiphyseal fusion were used to estimate age at death. Grant’s methods (1982) were used for recording tooth wear in cattle, sheep and pig, with wear stages/ages being assigned using standards set out by Halstead (1985) for cattle, Grant (1982) for pigs, and Payne (1973; 1987) for sheep. Fusion data was used to assign ages to cattle, sheep 100 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 21: Animal Bone -Proportions of fragments identifiable to species, and loose teeth, by phase (excluding animal burials). | sd Early Iron Age [Middle Iron Age [Late Iron Age 1 BORED: Ee No identifiable 17 407 % identifiable 26.9% 2 7.0% and pigs using data given by Getty (1975). Cattle Epiphyseal fusion data for cattle were pooled by phase and, despite small sample size, some interesting patterns emerged. Unfused pelves in the early and middle Iron Age indicate the presence of juveniles in both periods, but in general older cattle appear to have been slaughtered in the early Iron Age, with 78% of animals still alive at around 3-4 years (ie adult) in contrast to 57% in the middle Iron Age, a figure which drops to under 20% using dental data. The late Iron Age group was particularly small; most bones were from animals of at least 2-3 years old but dental data suggests only around 10% of animals survived into adulthood. In the Roman assemblage there were no foetal/neonatal bones and it seems that animals may generally have been kept to older ages than before, with 88% surviving into adulthood and beyond. It is, however, likely that younger animals may be under-represented in the assemblage as a whole, since skeletal elements of immature animals are more porous than skeletally mature animals (Lyman 1994, 418). The dentition data indicates that in the Roman period around 35% of animals were killed between 8 and 18 months, so broadly supporting the view that in this case younger animals are under-represented by the proportions of unfused bones. Sheep/goat Epiphyseal fusion and dental data were insufficient for inter-period comparison. No animals from the two earliest wear stages were represented, except for a late Iron Age mandible from an animal of 2-6 months. In all phases, most sheep had been killed by 3-4 years. Far more sheep mandibles and teeth were recovered from the middle Iron Age occupation than other periods, and these indicated most animals were killed at 2-3 years, as prime meat animals. In contrast to dental data, Epiphyseal fusion, where available, indicates the presence of younger animals, which is unusual (see above). Pigs Few bones or teeth could be aged, but in general pigs appear to have been killed before they reached full size (these days at around 3 % years). In the early Iron Age, an unfused distal humerus and unfused proximal ulna came from animals less than 15 months and 42 months old, whilst a mandible came from a 21-27 month-old pig. In the middle Iron Age, one mandible indicated an animal of 2-7 months, one of 7-14 months and three of 14-21 months. Additionally, an older animal of at least 42 months was represented by a fused proximal tibia. No dental data was available for the late Iron Age; a fused scapula and distal humerus were from animals aged at least 9-12 months and 15-18 months respectively, whilst an unfused calcaneus and proximal femur were both from pigs less than 36-42 months old. Horse Apart from a juvenile horse burial in pit 2785, and one unfused distal tibia from middle Iron Age ditch 3616 (from an animal less than 24 months old) all horse bones, from all phases, had fused. Dental wear data (Levine 1982) indicated that most animals were at least 7 years old and some were considerably older. Body-part patterns — the disarticulated remains Anatomical representation data is available with the site archive, and only very general points are given here. Apart from the articulated burials, cattle are represented by most parts of the body, but it is clear that the denser skeletal elements, in particular the mandible, distal humerus, distal femur, distal tibia, proximal radius and proximal metacarpal are most frequent. Although bone condition was generally quite good, body-part patterns can apparently be explained by differential preservation. There is relatively little body-part data for sheep, but again the recovered bones tend to be those with greater density, in particular mandibles, and the same is true for pig. In the case of horse the metatarsal is the most frequent element, possibly eee - A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 101 _ Table 22: Animal Bone- Proportion of butchery, burning and gnawing per phase (excluding animal burials). Early Iron Age Middle Iron Age Gri eee Roman because metapodial fragments are relatively easy to - identify. There is generally little difference between representation of bones with greater or lesser density, suggesting that horse bones were less fragmented than those of the other domestic species, with a greater number of complete bones. This suggests differential treatment of horse carcasses compared to those of other domestic animals. Red deer remains from early Iron Age contexts consist of two pieces of antler, one mandibular molar, a pelvis and tibia, whilst in the middle Iron Age they consist of eleven antler fragments, two mandibular _ molars, a metatarsal, pelvis, third phalanx and femur (with chop mark on the medial side of the distal end of the diaphysis). In the Roman period there are only two tibia fragments. | Butchery ' Very little butchery was noted overall (Table 22). Only 28 fragments had signs of butchery, of which 19 | (68%) were cattle bones. The maj ority were cut marks _ characteristic of skinning and dismemberment. A fragment of red deer antler from an early Iron Age context had been chopped longitudinally across its width, evidence of craft working. Pathology A few pathological finds were recorded in addition to the fractured dog metacarpal from posthole 3360 (see below), all from early Iron Age contexts. A cattle metacarpal had well-healed periostitis on its shaft, whilst a large mammal rib was broken and subsequently remodelled. The most interesting pathological specimen was an unshed red deer antler from the fill of waterhole 3778. The bez tine seems _ to have been split along its length and rehealed, | leaving only about half of the cross-section intact. | The antler was fully grown and the damage was | possibly caused by rutting. Metrics | The limited measurements possible for each species _ hindered inter-period and inter-site comparison, _ but where measurements could be compared with other sites of a similar date, all appeared to be consistent with the size of domestic animals found throughout England in the Iron Age and Romano- British periods (see for example Harcourt 1979; Hambleton 1999). Articulated remains Eight sets of articulated remains were recovered in total, with cattle, horse, dog and sheep represented. Most were early Iron Age examples from pit fills, except a partial dog skeleton from posthole 3360. Early Iron Age Four cattle skeletons were recovered from pits 3441 (skeleton 3442), 3367 (skeleton 3368), 3460 (skeleton 3461) and 3907 (skeleton 3908). Pits 3367 and 3441, located 1m apart, had a cattle carcass tightly fitted into each, suggesting the pits were cut specifically for the remains. Skeleton 3442 had been truncated; only the skull, vertebrae, some ribs, a right scapula and left humerus being extant. A mandibular deciduous fourth premolar from this animal was unworn, indicating an age of 0-1 months. Skeleton 3368, less than 7 months old at death, was substantially complete and had been deposited whole. Skeleton 3461 (from c 5m north of structure 4007) was also probably substantially complete when placed, but the posterior part was missing. The animal appears to have been around 8 months old. Skeleton 3908 was complete, placed tightly into a pit close to roundhouse 3349. No epiphyses had fused, and a deciduous fourth premolar was unworn, indicating an age of 0-1 month. No butchery marks were noted on any of the calf bones. Pit 2785, to the rear of structure 2760, contained a substantially complete horse burial. The skull and teeth were highly fragmented, but unfused scapulae, distal humeri, proximal radii, and pelvis suggest this horse was less than 12 months old. Posthole 3360, from a grain store or drying platform, contained an articulating right dog pelvis, femur, tibia and fibula. A right calcaneus and four articulating metatarsals are probably from the same limb. The same context produced a left dog radius and tibia, four first phalanges, and four articulating left metacarpals. The fourth metacarpal had been fractured midshaft, with the two halves of bone subsequently displaced. Although the break has 102 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE healed, exostosis enveloped the affected area, as well as the other metacarpals. Measurements on the femur indicated a withers height of 50cm, within the range given by Harcourt (1974) and Clark (1995) for Iron Age animals. Late Iron Age Fill 1126 of pit 1127 produced elements of two sheep - an articulating sternum, twelve ribs and six thoracic vertebra, along with skull fragments, a maxilla, maxillary teeth, a complete mandible, a right mandible, left pelvis and femur, right scapula and radius. This deposit also produced a cattle humerus, mandibular molar and horse first phalanx. Roman An articulating right horse femur and tibia were recovered from ditch fill 1449, associated with remains of other horse, cattle, sheep and pig, the former two species making up the vast majority of the identified portion. Fill 1450, from the same section of ditch, also contained a significant amount of bone, but in neither feature was patterning of body parts for any species apparent. Discussion The Latton assemblage resembles those from most Iron Age and Roman sites in the Upper Thames Valley and Britain in the dominance of domestic species and paucity of wild animal remains. The relative frequencies of the main species are slightly unusual, however, with quantification data suggesting that, in all periods, cattle were the most important animals at Latton Lands. Sites in and around the Upper Thames Valley typically have a range of 30-60% cattle (Hambleton 1999) in relation to sheep and pig (based on NISP), as is the case at the nearby sites of Thornhill Farm, Fairford (Levine 2004) and Longdoles Field, Claydon Pike (Sykes 2007, 4-5). However, in all cases, the Latton Lands bone exceeds this, with 68%, 61% and 82% cattle in the early, middle and late Iron Age respectively. Site topography has been cited as a factor affecting the relative proportions of sheep and cattle (Grant 1984), with cattle best kept in lower lying areas, where they have ready access to water, and sheep better kept on well-drained downland sites, to avoid susceptibility to liver fluke (Dark and Dark 1997, 112). However, Latton Lands sits at around 82m OD, higher than other sites in the region, and it seems, instead, that spatial patterning of animal remains disposal may have unduly biased the Latton sample, with remains of larger species (cattle and horse) preferentially dumped away from the focus of settlement in the | middle/late Iron Age and Roman periods. At many sites, an increase in the proportion of cattle is noted between the Iron Age and Roman periods. This trend is not apparent at Latton. Problems of spatial distribution and small sample size mean that the patterns evident here may not directly reflect the relative importance of the different animals to the local economy through time. Interestingly, horses are significantly well represented in all phases except the late Iron Age, being more frequent than sheep and pigs in the early Iron Age and Roman periods. No butchery marks were noted, and in general their remains seem to have been less fragmented than those of other species, suggesting that they were treated differently from the remains of the main domesticates, and were rarely, if ever, consumed by people living in the vicinity. The ageing data in particular is indicative of the different uses to which animals were put, with differences evident between the phases, particularly with regard to cattle. Although the small assemblage size needs to be considered, it seems that in general a greater proportion of animals were retained into adulthood in the early Iron Age than in the subsequent periods. This, coupled with the evidence for the culling of neonatal and young calves, indicates exploitation for a range of products, including milk, meat and possibly traction. In the middle Iron Age there appears to be a greater emphasis on the production of prime meat animals. This pattern continues into the later Iron Age, before a shift to retaining animals to an older age in the Roman period. This is a common feature of the faunal assemblages on other contemporary sites (Grant 1989). Epiphyseal fusion data, although small, indicates the presence of younger sheep at the site during the Middle and later Iron Age than in other periods. However, in all phases there is an absence of sheep mandibles and bones from the two earliest mandible wear stages. This is a pattern often noted for Iron Age sites, and it has been suggested to represent a transhumance strategy, with animals bred away from settlements (Hambleton 1999). Given that the excavations revealed areas peripheral from the main settlement focus, it may be that we have some evidence for animal breeding. However, it is unclear why younger animals at Latton are represented by bones and not teeth/mandibles, which usually preserve better. Mandibles of younger animals are more prone to destruction than their older counterparts, and their teeth, being small, are more likely to be missed than postcranial elements. It is perhaps significant that the young sheep bones recovered at Latton are those that, in the adult skeleton, have greater density than other postcrania, namely the distal humerus, proximal scapula and 2nd phalanx. Pigs provide very little in the way of secondary products, and tend to be killed at the optimal age for meat, during their second and third years of life. This trend is reflected in the Latton assemblage. For horses, the ageing data adds further support to other evidence indicating that at Latton they were generally not eaten. Charles (1999, 222) suggests that horses would have been prized animals, indicative of status, since it was expensive to keep animals that were not eaten. Most animals have been maintained into adulthood and beyond, and were probably used as riding and/or pack animals. The juvenile horse burial from Early Iron Age Pit 2785 and juvenile bone from the Middle Iron Age ditch are also of interest. Juvenile horses are infrequently recovered from Iron Age sites, leading Harcourt (1979) to suggest that horses were not bred by people, but were . captured wild and tamed, with the poorer animals released. However, juvenile and infant animals were recovered from Gravelly Guy (Mulville and Levitan 2004) and Rooksdown (Powell and Clark 1996). Indeed, Wilson and Allison (1990) suggested that the Thames Valley could have been a suitable environment for horse breeding, and the evidence ' from Latton Lands may add support to this. Wild animals are only present in small numbers at Latton Lands, a pattern consistent with that from other contemporary sites. This relatively scarcity of wild taxa may be linked to these animals being proscribed to some degree (King 1991, 18). In addition, it is often suggested that deer would have been more important as sources of antler for raw materials than for meat (Grant 1981) with people collecting shed antler rather than hunting. However, whilst the presence of worked antler at Latton suggests it was a useful material, the unshed antler and post-cranial bones, including a butchered femur, show that deer were at least on occasion hunted for meat. Animal burials Most of the articulated remains came from early Iron Age deposits and these burials represent the majority of bone for the period. So-called ‘special deposits’ have often been recovered from sites in Iron Age Britain (Grant 1984; Wilson 1992; Hill A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 103 1995). As noted above, the frequency of species found in this type of deposit does not tend to reflect their representation in the total number of animal bones recovered from the same sites (Hill 1995). At Latton, however, cattle are the most common species in the early Iron Age bone assemblage and also in the special deposits. While it is possible that these animals represent natural deaths, or disposal by burial of sick/diseased animals, none exhibited marks from the cause of death. In contrast to other sites, where animal burials were often placed in grain storage pits, most of those at Latton seem to have been cut specifically for the animals and contained few artefacts. In one case, two calves were placed in pits immediately next to each other. Two other animals were buried close to buildings - a calf associated with Structure 3340 and a horse burial with Structure 2760. Additionally, the animals from the pits were all very young, the cattle 0-8 months, and the horse under 12 months. All were animals with economic potential, although it is possible that the very young calves were considered surplus, their culling freeing milk for human consumption. The placing of complete individuals in several of the pits is unusual in an Iron Age context as partial skeletons are more common (Hill 1995, 100). Larger species including cattle and horse are more commonly found as articulated units or skulls rather than as whole animals (Wait 1985, 134-7). However, young cattle were found as separate burials in several pits at Danebury (Grant 1984). The meaning of such deposition behaviour remains unclear, but it is possible that where the pits are associated with a building, they represent some sort of foundation deposit, as suggested for cattle remains from a pit associated with a structure at Warrens Field, Claydon Pike (Sykes 2007, 54). The articulating dog elements from the posthole could represent the opposite; animal remains placed when the structure had ceased to be used. The articulating horse leg from the Roman ditch is rather more difficult to interpret. It may represent a sacrifice, but equally could have resulted from differential disposal of horses, as their remains seem to have been treated differently from other species. Whilst the weasel bone from pit 3369 may represent an accidental inclusion, either from an animal that fell into the pit or burrowed in, weasels have been found within special deposits at other sites (Hill 1995; Mulville and Levitan 2004, 473). The bone was found in association with several other animal bones, including a red deer metacarpal, and 104 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE significantly the fill also contained neonatal human remains. Given the rarity of wild animals at Latton and British Iron Age sites generally, it is probably significant that two wild species were recovered from the same context, in association with human bone. As noted above, at other Iron Age sites the frequency of species in ‘special’ deposits tends to differ from the total faunal remains of the sites where they occur (Hill 1995) and the fact that almost of all of the wild remains are from pit fills may be significant. Discussion Aconsiderable amount of archaeological investigation has been undertaken in the vicinity of Latton Lands and in the wider region in recent decades (OA 2005). A probable early Bronze Age ring ditch, middle and late Bronze Age settlement and traces of Iron Age activity were discovered to the north-west of the current site (Stansbie and Laws 2004), a scheduled Romano-British settlement site (SAM 899) lies to the east and Ermin Street Roman road to the north of the site. Much of this area is transected by medieval ridge and furrow and post-medieval ditches, a continuation of the extensive field systems that overlay the Bronze Age settlement (Stansbie and Laws 2004), and which severely truncated earlier archaeological deposits of all periods at the current site. The results of the recent investigations have added a significant element of evidence for late Neolithic / early Bronze Age activity in the region. The late second millennium cal BC oval ditched enclosure, a previously unrecognised early Iron Age settlement and an extensive middle Iron Age agricultural complex with associated enclosures and metalworking industry are now known to have occupied the area directly between the Bronze Age and Romano-British settlements at Latton Lands, only a short distance from activity of the same periods investigated as part of the Cotswold Water Park project (Miles et al 2007). Agricultural exploitation of the Latton landscape persisted, albeit in a different form during the late Iron Age, as evidenced by the large ditched enclosure, 1285. As the enclosure ditches filled they were utilised as a cremation and inhumation burial ground during the final stages of the late Iron Age. Although specific evidence for continuity of occupation represented by the burials was elusive, there would have been only a small chronological gap, if any, between any abandonment phase and the construction of Ermin Street in the early Ist century AD. The evidence of early Roman gravel extraction was probably | associated with the construction and maintenance of Ermin Street, and a complex of early Ist and 2nd century AD trackway networks linked the Romano- British settlement (SAM 899) to this main road. The late Neolithic / early Bronze Age The oval enclosure lay in apparent isolation in the south-western part of the site, close to an undated double posthole alignment, possibly an associated structure. No other structural evidence for this period was found, but a sparse scatter of contemporary worked flint was present in later features. The presence of a hengiform monument, a cursus monument and similar features in and around Lechlade, some 10 km to the north-east of Latton Lands, suggests that this general area was a focus of ritual activity during the Neolithic period (Miles et al. 2007, 6) and a later version of this ritual landscape may be reflected by the occurrence of oval enclosures similar to the Latton example, and provisionally dated to the late Neolithic / early Bronze Age, south- west of Westfield Farm, Latton and within Scheduled Ancient Monument 900 south-east of Latton (Mudd et al. 1999, 7). The function of these enclosures has not been determined, but the deposition within the terminal fills of a cattle skull, a complete late Neolithic / early Bronze Age miniature vessel and sherds of a decorated Aldbourne cup suggest it was a site of ritual rather than agricultural or domestic activity. Burnt deposits within the enclosed space may be the detritus of activities relating to such practices. It is probably not coincidental that the enclosure lay between the previously excavated Bronze Age settlement (Stansbie and Laws 2004) and the Iron Age settlements of the current site. That it was isolated from other foci of activity of similar or earlier date suggests that the site of the enclosure may have been a significant location in the landscape, a significance that apparently endured into the later prehistoric and Roman period, during which time the spot apparently lay largely undisturbed. It was only in the medieval period that wholesale agricultural appropriation of this area resulted in severe disturbance to the small monument. The early Iron Age | During the early Iron Age the focus of domestic settlement and agricultural activity shifted south- eastwards from the adjacent Bronze Age settlement of the Churn Valley floor (Stansbie and Laws 2004). Although no absolute dates were obtained for the inception of the Iron Age settlements, the ceramic evidence indicates that the earliest features dated to sometime between the 7th-6th centuries BC. Sherds - of a jar dating to this period were embedded in the hearth of roundhouse 1878. However, pottery dating - to the later part of the early Iron Age (c. 600-300 BC) was recovered from features associated with all of the settlement groups, suggesting continuity of occupation of these locations throughout the early Iron Age. At least three foci of domestic activity were identified, one in the northwestern part of the site, one in the central area and another to the west of the Romano-British settlement. Three apparently - isolated roundhouses 3008, 4020 and 2554, lying at - the northwestern, western and southern limits of - excavation, probably belonged to other settlement clusters. The settlement groups may not have been - strictly contemporary, rather a shifting settlement, but the stratigraphic and dating evidence was insufficient to demonstrate the case one way or the other. Additionally, severe truncation caused by later ploughing, along with middle Iron Age activity, may have eradicated some traces of early Iron Age activity, particularly in the central part of the site. The construction of the early Iron Age _ roundhouses was based on a post ring design with south or southeast facing porched entrances and central hearths, with no evidence of eaves drip gullies. These were generally located within groups with associated square and rectangular post-built structures, pits and waterholes. A similar early Iron | Age settlement pattern was excavated at Cotswold | Community (OA 2006). Roundhouses, 4007, 3349 and 2760 were associated with juvenile animal burials. Two were calves, but one, unusually, was a horse. It seems unlikely that these burials reflected | purely functional practice on the part of the . inhabitants. Two cattle burials were also sited within | the group of four-post structures in the northern settlement and a dog skeleton was associated with a four-post structure. The burial of complete animals, _ particularly young animals, in specially dug graves _ rather than storage pits was unusual in the Iron Age, but similar burials were found at Danebury (Grant 1984) and at Claydon Pike (Sykes, n.d.2), where they were interpreted as foundation deposits for structures. The northern and central roundhouse groups were apparently unenclosed, but the settlement represented by roundhouses 1829, 1878 and 1914 lay within an area bounded to the west and south by ditch 3991. A posthole row, 1991, on a similar north- | A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 105 south alignment, some 120 m to the east, provided additional evidence for early Iron Age land division, although the area immediately to the west of this line was notably devoid of prehistoric features. Roundhouse 2760, in the central part of the site, was superseded during the middle Iron Age by a small ditched enclosure lying within a dogleg of the major middle Iron Age field boundary. The juvenile horse burial associated with this structure and the reuse of the specific location may suggest special status or function, although the dimensions and orientation of the roundhouse were not unusual within the context of the site and the wider region. The only other roundhouse in the vicinity was the smaller and more tentatively identified 3200, which may have been an ancillary building, and it is possible that roundhouse 2760, along with enclosure 2800 and four-post structures to the southeast of the house, represented a self-contained and somehow special domestic site. This may suggest that, although apparently unenclosed in the early Iron Age, this particular location may have marked a significant place in the landscape, reflected in the later boundary construction. Alternatively, the dogleg may have been a recutting of an original early boundary ditch, incorporated in the later land division, but the surviving stratigraphic evidence did not support this possibility. Evidence of specific domestic or agricultural activity was sparse. The environmental results were poor for the period and few artefacts, apart from pottery, were recovered. Nonetheless, the presence of waterholes four-post structures (possible grain stores) indicates that both arable and pastoral agriculture were practised during this period, probably with a bias towards a pastoral economy, as seen in much of the surrounding region. The proportion of cattle within the early Iron Age animal bone assemblage was particularly high at 68%, especially for a relatively high topographical position (Dark and Dark 1997). This figure is higher than that for nearby sites at Thornhill Farm, Fairford (Levine 2004) and sites in the Upper Thames valley generally, where the proportions are lower at 30-60% (Hambleton 1999), but numbers may be biased by the cattle burials. These features apart, over 40% of the early Iron Age animal bone assemblage came from waterhole 3878, and the paucity of identifiable and butchered bone overall suggests that food refuse was disposed of away from the settlement, or that refuse middens of this period had been completely removed by ploughing. 106 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The middle Iron Age Sometime after the early Iron Age roundhouses were abandoned, the site underwent a extensive reorganisation. A major north-south boundary ditch complex with an elaborate gateway transected the central part of the site, returned on an east-west axis across the northern area and may also have extended northwards as gully 3729 and associated entrance gate 3800/3822. If the latter were the case, it would present a similar picture to the central part of the site of a boundary with an entrance, and relatively empty space to the west and settlement activity along the boundary to the east. The middle Iron Age boundary cut a number of penannular gullies in the central part of the site, possibly forming a pre-existing linear settlement constructed along a division in land use, a phenomenon typical of the Thames Valley at this time (Lambrick 2008). Notably, the area to the west of the ditch is lacking in features, with the exception of the earlier prehistoric oval enclosure, potentially indicating pasture land (Lambrick 2008), whilst contemporary and earlier features are focused east of the boundary and a possible rectilinear field system to the north. A number of enclosures appear to have been constructed around the entrance after the creation of the ditch and it is possible that the gateway gave access to these and facilitated animal management (ibid). A similar early-middle Bronze Age boundary ditch and enclosure system was found at Slade Farm, Bicester (Ellis et al. 2000), though not as complex as that at Latton Lands. Though penannular gullies are seen to represent the subsoil manifestations of drainage gullies surrounding houses in the middle Iron Age period in this region, there was no conclusive evidence of domestic structures. It is equally possible, considering the survival of the early Iron Age roundhouse features, that the enclosures had an agricultural function, perhaps as livestock pens. Ring gully 1277 (Figure 14), which dates to a later phase of the middle Iron Age, may be an exception. The northern stretch of the major boundary ditch, 2945, was deliberately adapted to accommodate enclosure 2951, which cut the southern curve of abandoned early Iron Age roundhouse 2760, suggesting that the location represented an earlier boundary or significant place. This enclosure was almost entirely devoid of features, and apart from a relatively large, mixed assemblage of early and Iron Age pottery, no evidence of unusual activity was recovered from the ditch fill. The absence of clearly identified domestic structures may suggest that the middle Iron Age settlement/s associated with the contemporary agricultural landscape lay beyond the excavated area. A mix of arable and pastoral agriculture persisted from the earlier Iron Age, again the emphasis probably on the pastoral element, as attested by the livestock pens. Specialist pastoral settlements of middle Iron Age date have been excavated at Abingdon (Allen 1991; 1997), Mingies Ditch (Allen and Robinson 1993) and Watkins Farm (Allen 1990). Cattle were again the dominant domestic species during the middle Iron Age at Latton, although with a somewhat diminished percentage over sheep and pig. Waterhole 3786 (Figure 18 and 20) produced evidence of hedging or recently cleared woodland in the northern part of the site and charred grains from pit 1289, ring gully 1277 and pit 1131, provided evidence for cultivation of emmer, spelt, six row barley and oats during the this time. Two radiocarbon determinations on samples of emmer from pit 1289 produced statistically consistent results (T’=0.2; v=1; T’(5%)=3.8; Ward and Wilson 1978) of 340-40 cal BC and 220 cal BC-cal AD 20. Overall, the reorganisation of the landscape and possible intensification of settlement may indicate concurrent intensification of land use. A cluster of small features containing burnt material, probably ovens or corn driers, was concentrated along boundary ditch 2353, close to the entrance through the boundary and the enclosure formed by ditch 2306. This area may have been designated for processing and drying grain and / or baking. Iron and bronze working, including smelting and casting, appears to have been largely restricted to the northern part of the site (Figure 18). A fragment of worked antler and a few loomweight fragments attested to weaving and craft activity during the middle Iron Age and a Kimmeridge shale armlet roughout recovered from a waterhole suggests trade or exchange networks and craft working at the site, possibly also indicating increased specialism. The late Iron Age The site produced only limited structural remains and no specific evidence of late Iron Age domestic settlement. Nonetheless, activity at some level dating to the pre-conquest period was verified by radiocarbon dating of an unusual, partly burned burial (1095) accompanied by an iron knife and a broken pottery vessel, dug into the fill of a large sub-square enclosure, 1285. Only a small pit, 1345, and undated posthole lay within the enclosed space, but pottery from the ditch demonstrated that it had filled during the 1st century cal BC. The ~ southern arm of the entrance through middle Iron Age boundary ditch 2353 was extended or recut - and maintained during this period, suggesting that the boundary system was still recognised. A subrectangular enclosure of similar size lies within _ the scheduled Romano-British settlement site (SAM 899) to the southeast of the current site (Wilts SMR ~ SU09NE201) and may have been contemporary. Enclosure 1285 is particularly notable for the series of burial features cut into it during this phase - of activity. Inhumation burials were inserted into the upper fills at two corners, the im situ cremation at the junction with ditch 1309 and a cremation inserted into a terminal. These burials appear to be positioned at critical points perhaps emphasising boundaries - (Lambrick 2008). The evidence for late Iron Age occupation at _ Latton reflects the pattern observed at other sites in the Upper Thames Valley of abandonment or the shifting of settlement location or form during the later part of the late Iron Age (c 100 BC - AD 43), suggesting some degree of settlement disruption during this period (Miles et al. 2007, 7). At Thornhill _ Farm this change took the form ofa conversion from _ dispersed deposits of the earlier Iron Age period _ to an organised complex of enclosures, seemingly - associated with specialist pastoralist activity during the early part of the lst century AD (Jennings et » al. 2004). An increase in pastoral activity appears to have been common in the region during the Late Iron Age (Allen 2001, 21) and sites including Totterdown Lane, Horcott (Pine and Preston 2004), Ashton Keynes and Shorncote Quarry seem to have been drawn into an organised agricultural landscape in which the terraces were used for cultivation of | crops and the lower lying floodplain used as pasture (Robinson 1992, 56). These changes during the later Iron Age may have been related to wider socio- political changes, including increasing control of the landscape by the native elite. The emergence of sites such as Bagendon, north of Cirencester, was probably also linked to this trend (Darvill 1987, 166-68; Clifford 1961). By the last years of the first millennium or slightly later at Latton, the ditches of enclosure 1285 were reused as a burial ground. In addition to burial 1095, a further two inhumation burials and a cremation burial were inserted into the fill of the ditch, a large feature which would have remained - visible long after it had filled. A ENCLOSURE AND SETTLEMENT AT LATTON LANDS 107 The Romano-British settlement Iron Age settlements at Claydon Pike (Miles et al. 2007), Ashton Keynes (Coe et al. 1991) and Cotswold Community (OA 2006) demonstrate continuity of activity from the late Iron Age to the Roman period in the region. Ermin Street lies immediately to the north, the military fort and civitas capital of Cirencester a few kilometres to the northwest and the settlement site (SAM 899) to the south-east of the current site. Although it is likely that continuity of occupation also was the case at Latton Lands, this was not conclusively demonstrated. Burials of pre-conquest date in an area previously occupied by a late Iron Age enclosure and an early lst century date for the extraction of gravel, probably for the construction and/or maintenance of the early post- conquest road, Ermin Street, do however, provide evidence that total abandonment in the last years of the Iron Age was unlikely. During the Ist and 2nd centuries AD trackways linking the Romano-British settlement and Ermin Street were constructed and modified. This mirrors developments at nearby sites such as Cotswold Community (OA 2006) and Claydon Pike (Miles et al. 2007), where reorganisation of the landscape specifically during the early 2nd century AD included the construction of large trackways indicating more sophisticated communication networks and definition of boundaries, and substantial settlements. It has been suggested that the impetus for this phenomenon may have been increased scope for social and financial ascendancy at this time and a desire to display this status (Miles et al. 2007, 378). In addition the growth of Cirencester (Corinium) to the north-west of Latton may have contributed towards this more widespread change, with the initial building programme of public works likely to have been completed by the early 2nd century AD (ibid, 379). At least three human burials were found within 100 m or so to the south of Ermin Street, the main route to Cirencester, indicating its importance in the landscape. One was a neonate (3871), another an adult (possibly deviant) burial (1312) on the northern edge of the Romano-British settlement. A shattered 2nd century AD pot from the top fill of middle Iron Age ditch 4002 may represent a third - an urned cremation burial. Quarry pits probably relating to Ermin Street, to the north of the settlement were backfilled during the 2nd and 3rd centuries with domestic refuse, including large quantities of pottery and animal bone. On the northern periphery of the site small enclosures were also constructed between 108 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE existing trackways, probably representing further development of the settlement. The location of the majority of the Roman features at Latton Lands, on the very periphery of Roman settlement SAM 899 means that further analysis of the settlement is limited. Acknowledgements Archaeological investigations in advance of quarrying at Latton Lands have been undertaken since 1996, monitored throughout by the Wiltshire County Council Archaeologist, Roy Canham. The fieldwork which produced the results described in this report was commissioned and funded by Cotswold Aggregates and the post-excavation analysis and publication programme funded by the Aggregates Levy Sustainability Fund (ALSF), monitored by English Heritage. Thanks are due to Helen Keeley of English Heritage for advice and assistance during the post-excavation process. The radiocarbon programme was funded by English Heritage, and Alex Bayliss and Derek Hamilton of English Heritage, and Peter Marshall are gratefully acknowledged for their contributions to this work, in which Seren Griffiths assisted. Jackie McKinley of Wessex Archaeology provided advice on the criteria for bustum burials, for which we are grateful. The excavation was managed by Gill Hey and directed in the field by Granville Laws. The post- excavation programme was managed by Lisa Brown, and the bulk of the stratigraphic analysis undertaken by Kelly Powell. 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Price, and Sylvia Warman Excavation took place on Site 10A of South Marston Park, near Swindon, in advance of an office development, to investigate the evidence for Late Iron Age/Early Roman activity previously identified in archaeological evaluation. The excavations revealed field systems and activity on the periphery of a rural settlement. Occupation started in the Later Tron Age and continued throughout the Roman period. Middle Iron Age pottery found in later ditches suggests earlier activity in the vicinity. The majority of the features relate to two phases spanning the Roman period and include the buried remains of three infants. Introduction In July 2006 Cotswold Archaeology carried out an archaeological excavation at Site 1OA, South Marston Park, South Marston, Wiltshire (NGR SU 1845 8879). This work was undertaken at the request of R. J. Leighfield and Sons Ltd and took place in advance of the construction work at the site. Previous discoveries had identified the archaeological potential of the area and so a field evaluation (MoLAS 2005b) was undertaken to accompany a planning application for the redevelopment of the site. The evaluation trenches revealed Late Iron Age/Early Roman ditches, pits and postholes. Swindon Borough Council subsequently granted planning permission with a condition requiring advance archaeological excavation. The site is located within South Marston Park industrial estate, which lies to the north-west of South Marston village (Figure 1). At the time of the excavation it consisted of overgrown scrubland bordered by artificial earthen bunds. The site lies at approximately 109.6m OD, with a slight rise to the north. The underlying geology is mapped as Upper Corallian Red Down sands and clays (GSGB 1974). The natural substrate exposed during the excavation consisted of slightly sandy orange-brown clay. Archaeological Background An archaeological evaluation in 2001 and a watching brief in 2003 at the Kingsdown Crematorium, some 1.2km to the north-west of the present site, recovered large quantities of Palaeolithic, Mesolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age worked flint artefacts (WANHM 98 (2005), 354) and numerous further prehistoric worked flints have been unearthed in the Kingsdown area (WANHM 70-1 (1978), 133; WANHM 98 (2005), 354). A series of Middle Iron Age pits and ditches were revealed during an evaluation carried out at the Honda Car Manufacturing Plant, approximately Cotswold Archaeology, Building 11, Kemble Enterprise Park, Cirencester, Glos. GL7 6BQ i A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK Site South Marston MoLAS ‘Viscount Way’ excavations South Marston 1 Reproduced from the 2004 Ordnance Survey Superplan map with the permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office © Crown copyright Cotswold Archaeological Trust 100002109 =e are LANC ASTER MEWS geological feature m= =8§=archaeological feature MoLAS evaluation trench Fig. 1 Site location plan (Scale 1:1250) as) 116 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE modern disturbance osthole P @ ditch 20 palaeochannel hollow 29 Baal ditch 24 013 & 014 |_| excavation area MH period 1 | | period 3 furrows Vv geological period 2 phase 1 es modern disturbance —— section line | period 2 phase 2 [zz] MoLAS evaluation trench. 0) 100m Fig. 2 Excavated features (Scale 1:1000) _ ALATEIRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK ty 600m to the south of the present site, (WANHM 84 (1991), 144). The site lies approximately 1km from the A419, which roughly runs on the alignment of Ermin Street, a major Roman thoroughfare. Roman pottery _ sherds have been recovered from several findspots within a lkm radius from the site (e.g. VANHM 72-3 (1980), 206; WANHM 98 (2005), 354) and _ archaeological work undertaken at the Honda Car Plant (WANHM 84 (1991), 144) recorded Roman _ drainage ditches and field boundaries, as well as a possible wall foundation. The archaeological excavation immediately to _ the south-east of the present site at Viscount Way uncovered a number of late Iron Age/early Roman features interpreted as belonging to a domestic occupation site and associated agricultural activity (Figure 1; MoLAS 2005a). Preliminary assessment of these features suggests ring ditches and other ditched enclosures indicative of roundhouses, food- processing areas and animal pens. Also recorded was a series of boundary ditches, as well as a watering hole and a well. Activity at the site continued into the _ late Roman period, when a series of interconnecting _ drainage ditches was established. A late Roman stone _ wall probably formed part of an enclosure, and large _ quantities of building material must derive from a - nearby Roman building. Fieldwork methodology The 2005 evaluation found the northern part of the site to be heavily disturbed by modern activity. Consequently, this area was excluded from the excavation. Fieldwork commenced with the mechanical removal of topsoil and subsoil under archaeological supervision. The archaeological features thus exposed were hand-excavated. A minimum sample of 5% was excavated of all linear features, and 50% of all discrete features, such _ as ditches and pits. Where human remains were _ encountered, these were fully excavated. The bases of post-medieval furrows were not excavated, and earlier features were not traced below furrows. Where numerous context numbers have been applied to a single feature (for example, as a result of several archaeological interventions along the length of a single gully), this report allocates generic context numbers for ease of description. Excavation Results Archaeological features and deposits were present throughout the excavation area (Figure 2). Truncation was not extensive, although a series of post-medieval furrows ran across the site on a north-west/south- east orientation, obscuring all of the archaeology along their route. There was also a small number of modern service trenches and geotechnical test pits. Artefactual material recovered from archaeological features enabled the recognition of two main periods of activity, dating to the Middle to Late Iron Age (c.3rd century BC to Ist century AD) and Roman periods. While evidence for Period 1 was very limited and possibly residual, two distinct sub- phases of activity could be discerned within Period 2 (Roman). Those features from which no dateable artefacts were recovered were allocated to a period/phase on the basis of their morphology, location and physical and stratigraphic relationships with other dated features. The northern end of the site was traversed by a north-west/south-east-aligned palaeochannel cut by Period 2 features. Period 1: Middle to Late Iron Age (c.3rd century BC to Ist century AD) A 12.5m length of curvilinear Ditch 1 lay towards the southernmost corner of the site (Figure 2). Orientated with its long axis on a north-east/south- west line, this gully was 0.2m deep and 0.85m wide, with a flat-bottomed U-shaped profile. It contained two clayey fills from which Late Iron Age pottery, animal bone and fragments of a probable clay weight of triangular or pyramidal form were recovered. Period 2: Roman Period 2, phase 1: (mid Ist to 2nd century AD) The site was divided by a series of shallow linear ditches (Figure 2). Typically around 0.1-0.2m deep and up to 1.25m wide, they had U-shaped profiles and were present throughout the excavated area, although they were more concentrated in the southern half of the site. Ditches 2-17 were laid out close together on a north-east/south-west alignment, with less frequent ditches laid out at right angles (Ditches 18-22). All the ditches had identical clay fills and clearly defined part of a field system. Large amounts of Ist to 2nd-century AD pottery were recovered from these ditches, along with animal bone, fired clay, mortar and a fragment of a copper-alloy brooch. Ditch 15 truncated late Iron Age Ditch 1. 118 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Nine pits and seven postholes were scattered throughout the excavation area. The pits were between 0.5m and 2.2m across, generally sub-circular in plan, typically with roughly U-shaped profiles of between 0.1m and 0.5m depth and greyish clay fills. There was no obvious pattern to the distribution of these pits within the site. Some of them contained abundant Ist to 2nd-century AD pottery and some animal bone and may therefore have had a primary or secondary use as waste disposal features. The remainder contained no artefacts or ecofacts. The postholes cannot be related to any clearly-defined structures. They were generally around 0.2m to 0.4m in diameter and 0.06m to 0.3m in depth. They are undated by artefacts, but are considered to have originated in this phase due to the similarity of their fills to those of the more securely dated features. Period 2, phase 2: (2nd to late 3rd/4th century AD) A small number of features were found to contain later Roman pottery. These were generally located towards the south-west of the site, although Ditch 28 lay towards the north-west limit of excavation. This ditch was aligned north-east/south-west and was 2m wide. After the ditch had accumulated a fill of redeposited natural it was re-cut and further in- filled with a darker clay than the fills of the Phase 1 features which yielded 2nd to 4th-century AD pottery. Ditch 28 was truncated at both ends by post-medieval furrows. Its line was continued some 6m to the south-west by Ditch 27, which was 1.5m wide and 0.45m deep. This ditch also featured a primary redeposited natural layer and a darker main fill, which contained mid 3rd to 4th-century AD pottery. It is likely that, as with Ditch 28, the darker deposit lay within a recut. While the south-western end of Ditch 28 was truncated by a furrow, the north- eastern end of Ditch 27 displayed a rounded terminal indicating that there was an intentional gap between the two lengths of ditch. An amorphous silty spread lay within Hollow 29 in the southern corner of the site; it yielded 2nd century AD and later pottery. Measuring 0.35m in depth and irregular in both plan and profile, the nature of this feature was difficult to discern, although it may have been a silted-up natural depression or a zone of erosion caused by animal trampling. Ditches 30 and 31, which also truncated some of the Phase 1 field system ditches, cut the hollow. Both of these ditches were orientated north-east/south- west and had fairly irregular profiles. Ditches 30 and 31 were 2m and 2.6m wide respectively. They each contained two clayey fills from which 2nd to 4th- century AD pottery was recovered. It is possible that the ditches were in fact waterholes for livestock. Ditch 26 ran on a north-west/south-east alignment at the south-western edge of the site. Although this was superficially similar to the Phase 1 field system ditches, its clayey infills contained 2nd to 4th-century AD pottery. To the south-east of this lay Ditch 24 up to 3m wide and 0.65m deep. It contained a primary silting of redeposited natural and a secondary clay silt infill which was significantly darker in colour than the infills of the other features at the site and probably sat within a recut of the ditch. Large quantities of 3rd to 4th- century AD sherds and a 4th-century coin were retrieved from this feature. Lying in the top of this ditch were two skeletons (013 and 014), of two neonatal human infants (Figure 4), apparently placed together on the surface of the ditch fill without an associated grave cut. Skeleton 014 lay on its left side and 013 on its right, with its back to 014; they had been deposited ‘head to tail’ in a rough foetal position. Their deposition and similar age of death might suggest that they were twins. A single bone of a third neonatal infant was found within the same section of the ditch fill. Ditches 25 and 23 projected from the northern edge of Ditch 24. Although Ditch 23 was undated and Ditch 25 yielded only non-specific Roman pottery, the fills of both of these features were impossible to distinguish from the main fill of Ditch 24 itself, suggesting that they were similar in date. Ditch 25 also cut Ditch 26. Finds The Flint, by K.M. Price Eighteen pieces of flint from eight contexts were recovered. One whole flake and two broken flakes exhibit signs of working. The broken flake and whole flake from context 015 (Ditch 24) are both heavily patinated indicating burial in a calcareous environment. It is impossible to identify hammer mode due to the poor condition of the flint. The worked pieces were all redeposited in Roman features. The remainder of the assemblage consists of heat affected unworked flint. There is nothing about this small collection that is sufficiently diagnostic to suggest a date. A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK 119 The Pottery, by E.R. McSloy Pottery amounting to 1417 sherds (12.6kg) was recovered. A total of 103 sherds date to the Middle and Late Iron Age/Early Roman period (up to the mid Ist century AD). The larger part of the assemblage dates to the Roman period. The pottery was quantified according to sherd count, weight and estimated vessel equivalent (EVEs), based on rims. Vessel form, largely on the basis of rim type was also recorded. Fabric descriptions and coding for the late Prehistoric pottery follows the scheme recommended by the Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group (PCRG 1997). Coding for the Roman component follows the National Roman Fabric Reference Collection (Tomber and Dore 1998), where applicable. The condition of the pottery is generally _ poor. Sherds are typically abraded with average _ sherd weight of 8.9g, which is low for a largely - Roman assemblage. The poor condition of the material, together with the consistently high levels of residuality is suggestive of high levels of disturbance. Iron Age _ A total of 103 sherds (747g) were attributable to the _ Iron Age/Early Roman period on the grounds of fabric and form. The larger part of this material was _ re-deposited in Roman contexts. The range of Iron Age fabrics compares to a large extent with the larger _ published groups from the Swindon area, including the enclosed Early and Middle Iron Age sites at Groundwell Farm (Gingell 1981) and Groundwell West (Timby 2001). Calcareous fabrics, comprising mainly Jurassic fossiliferous shelly limestone- tempered types, were a feature of the Groundwell Sites and are ubiquitous across sites in the Upper Thames valley to the north (Timby 2004, 107-8). Very few vessel forms were identifiable amongst _ this assemblage, making closer dating problematical. A simple rim from a vessel in a sandy fabric from Ditch 1 (fill 017) and sherds from a thick-walled vessel with crude, expanded rim are typical of Middle Iron Age vessel forms known in the region (c. 3rd to 2nd century BC). Much of the material probably dates to the Late Iron Age, and most likely to the mid lst century AD. Grog-tempered sherds in | handmade and wheelthrown forms are certainly of this period, as are bead-rim jars in fine limestone- _ tempered fabrics (Figure 3, 1). The latter compare to vessels from Thornhill Farm, Fairford associated with mid/late lst-century AD features (Timby 2004, fig. 4.11, 36). Phasing A single feature, Ditch 1, is considered to date to Period 1. Pottery from this feature included 24 sherds (217g) in handmade calcareous and sandy fabrics, together with wheelthrown grog-tempered sherds. The grogged material and bead-rimmed jars in fine limestone-tempered wares suggest mid Ist-century AD dating. Five sherds of Savernake type ware are not inconsistent with such a date; however a further nine sherds including Central Gaulish samian and Black-Burnished ware can be considered intrusive. Roman Some 1305 sherds (11732g), of Roman pottery were recovered. The composition in terms of fabric type and source is shown in Table 1. The bulk of the coarsewares are attributable with some certainty to North Wiltshire sources, principally the Purton/ Whitehall Farm complex 7km to the west (Anderson 1979) and the Savernake Forest/Oare region, 15km distant (Swan 1975, 35-61). The dominant reduced fabrics, NW G and NW BS, are typical of North Wiltshire fabrics found at Cirencester and Wanborough. Greyware fabrics similar to the principal NW G, but with red/orange or grey/orange ‘sandwich’-effect core are also from the same region and compare to North Wiltshire variant types recorded for example at Horcott, Fairford (Timby and Harrison 2004, 55-67). Forms among the greywares comprise mainly necked, medium-mouthed jars with simple curving or hooked-over rim forms (Figure 3, 5). A few non-jar forms are recorded, which include dishes or bowls with flat or bead-like rims deriving from Black- Burnished ware types, and sherds from round-based strainer bowls. Savernake wares contribute 16.7% of the total sherd count. The larger part of this group comprises a coarse, handmade fabric (Tomber and Dore 1998, 191), occurring typically as thick-walled neckless storage jars with short-everted or bead-like rims. A finer variant coded SAV GTf occurs as necked jars (Figure 3, 3). It compares to material known from Cirencester (Rigby 1982, 154) and from Wanborough, where it is considered as a possible locally-made variant (Seagar-Smith 2001, 255). With the exception of the small number of Oxfordshire colour-coated and whitewares, the oxidised wares can be ascribed to North Wiltshire 120 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 1: Pottery fabrics Date i Fabric eight Oe EVES Fa Iron age 2 - 9 LI 46 : Be 9 : 22 ae | North Wilts reduced 517. 30 Misc. reduced 70 30 285 1 6 5 29 3 33 North Wilts 130 645 oxid. — = _—_ oOo —" ~N North Wilts colour- NW CC coated dusted South-west white- aA slipped — Wa am i) N — bd NM So Sims S : ‘ =) Ww Baetican continental|amphora South Gaulish samian Central Gaulish samian Sub-total | —" WM =) aN 1 15 —) S N Ww N ewe 11722] 10.3 1305 sources. Forms consist of flagons, including a small ring-necked vessel (Figure 3, 6). White- slipped fabrics are poorly represented although it seems likely that the total figure may be an underestimate and reflects poor surface survival. The poor preservation may similarly have resulted in under-representation of colour-coated wares and mica-dusted wares. The latter is present only as a body sherd from a probable beaker with circular bosses, which is similar to a vessel from Wanborough (Seager-Smith 2001, fig. 101, 40). Regional imports comprise Black-Burnished ware which makes up 9.4% of the assemblage by sherd count and Oxfordshire wares (OXF RS and OXF WH), which combined make up c. 2%. Typically, Black-Burnished forms consist of jars, with fewer flat-rimmed or flanged bowls and plain- rimmed dishes. Identifiable Oxfordshire forms were restricted to mortaria. Gaulish samian amounts to 22 sherds (154g) or 1.7% of the assemblage by count. Two sherds derive from Southern Gaul (La Graufesenque), with the remainder from Central Gaul (Lezoux). Identifiable forms are restricted to plainwares, bowls (Drag. 31 and 3lr) and a single cup (Drag. 35). In terms of quantity and composition the group is typical of the samian components of lower status rural sites and across southern Britain. Dating The bulk of the pottery derived from linear features, which produced small and generally well broken- up groups with much evidence for residuality. Consequently this hinders the creation of a tight chronological framework. Viewed overall the assemblage is typical of the earlier Roman period, before the middle of the 3rd century AD. The relative abundance of Savernake wares, together with two sherds of South Gaulish samian, are indicators of activity of the mid/late lst century or early 2nd centuries AD. Central Gaulish samian, which makes up the bulk of the samian suggests a 2nd-century AD focus. The Drag. 31 and 3lr bowls, probably date after c. AD 160. Late forms in Black-Burnished and Oxfordshire colour-coated wares, which date to after the mid 3rd century AD, are present in small numbers. Specifically 4th-century AD types, such as certain Oxfordshire colour-coated wares or Harrold (Bedfordshire) shell-tempered wares, are not present. A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK 21 The phased groups (Table 2) On the basis of stratigraphical relationships, the (Period 2) Roman activity was divided into two phases. The larger part of the pottery assemblage related to Phase 2 and in particular the fills of Ditches 24, 30 and 31. Phase I (mid Ist to 2nd century AD) ‘Iron Age’ fabrics are notably more abundant in this phase than in Phase 2. Much of this material is certainly residual, although fabrics including fine limestone-tempered and wheelthrown grogged types were probably current into the third quarter of the lst century AD. Savernake wares, which are unlikely to be later than c. AD 130/40 are much more _abundant in this phase than Phase 2. Savernake -wares were dominant, almost to the exclusion of other types in a number of contexts, including Ditch 19 (fill 028). A single sherd of South Gaulish samian, dating before c. AD 110 was recovered from Ditch 14 (fill 026). Ditch 7 (fill 192) produced 56 sherds from two vessels: the larger part of a carinated jar in _ coarse greyware fabric (GW) with neck cordon, and | a necked jar in fabric SAV GTf. The former (Figure 3, 4) compares to vessels from Wanborough (Seagar- _ Smith 2001, 271, fig. 87, no. 206 and 274, fig 89, no. 235) and is unlikely to date after c. AD 120. | Central Gaulish samian, including a Drag. 31R | bowl from Pit 185 which dates after c. AD 160, together with small quantities of Black-Burnished _ware suggest that some Phase 1 features were _ Table 2: Period 2 pottery by phase | TAN Ge Ss | WAcalcareous | 37| 8.9] 204 | | | | Witseterey = 0 | Geass |S | South-West white- pares | slipped | | | 412 | 1| Pd. 2.1 : =) Ie 1 \o wa S S — — 1) i) = aN = No) NI} |b Ww {Wo “Ni hyn Ww — S| SIS |S maT KDo}MojS [AR 3869 open into the later 2nd century AD. Oxfordshire colour-coated wares, single sherds of which occur in the upper fills of Ditches 10, 15 and 18 should be regarded as intrusive. Phase 2 (2nd to Late 3rd/4th century AD) The bulk of material from this phase, (510 sherds), derived from the fills of Ditch 24. Somewhat smaller groups were recovered from Ditches 30 and 31 and Hollow 29. All are broadly similar in composition and suggest a date no earlier than the mid/later 2nd century AD. Samian from this phase includes Drag. 31 type bowls dateable to the second half of the 2nd century AD, present for example in Ditches 24 and 31. Late 2nd to mid 3rd-century AD dating is probable for an Oxfordshire whiteware flagon (Young type W30) with trefoil-rim from Ditch 24 (Young 1977, 105). Similar dating is provided by the quantities of Black-Burnished ware that is significantly more abundant compared to the previous phase (Table 2). Large joining sherds from bowls with flat, grooved rims (Holbrook and Bidwell 1991, type 43.1) were recovered from Ditches 24 and 30. These together with plain-rimmed dishes with intersecting arc decoration, probably date to the first half of the 3rd century AD. White-slipped fabric SOW WS, unlikely to date before the late 2nd century AD, is present in small quantities. The latest material, present in Ditches 24, 29 and 143 consists of Oxfordshire colour-coated products dateable after c. AD 240. Pd. 2.2| Pd. 2.2 Cou. | %Cou. EVEs forces re ae) meine filed fied 0.38 —" UW At Lal Nn NAN (=n) Mm TS ( gee C Ali IN S NH (WIbo loam — =| 10r aS = |1CO N & or EN \O |= |00 O |W} W | Ov te — | |00 WIN] DROIN NINO IN WIDAlIOl— IN oS SS) Ie alee ees . |— NO S S NR IN oOln (ove) (ore) Oo 864 7780 7 122 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE oe 50mm Fig. 3 (above) Roman pottery (Scale 1:4) (below) Roman brooch fragment (Scale 1:1) Discussion The assemblage compares in many respects with numerous rural assemblages from the wider region, including Horcott, and Thornhill Farm near Fairford (Timby and Harrison 2004; Timby 2004, 90-108). Quantities of Middle and Late Iron Age pottery, though mainly residual, are evidence for nearby activity during this period. In terms of dated features on this site, it would appear that the field system was in use from the mid Ist century into the second half of the 3rd century AD. The poor condition of the pottery suggests that the main settlement focus was not contiguous with the area excavated. The assemblage has a distinctly utilitarian character, indicated by a prevalence of jars (70% of total EVEs) over other forms (14% flagons; 13% bowls/dishes; 3% beakers/cups; 0.7% mortaria). This, combined with the small size and composition of the samian assemblage, suggests activity at the lower end of rural society. Illustrated Vessels (Figure 3) 1. Period 2 Ditch 12 (fill 64). Fabric IA LI. Jar with bead- rim. Handmade. 2. Period 2 Pit 152 (fill 154). Fabric SAV GT. Jar with bead-rim. Handmade. 3. Period 2 Ditch 31 (fill 192). Fabric SAV GTf. Necked jar with curved rim and wide girth-groove. Probably wheelthrown. 4. Period 2 Ditch 7 (fill 192). Fabric GW. Carinated, necked jar with bead-rim and neck cordon. Wheelthrown. 5. Period 2 Ditch 24 (fill 15). Fabric NW G. Necked jar with hooked-over rim. Wheelthrown. 6. Period 2 Ditch 24 (fill 15). Small ring-necked flagon. Fabric NW OX. Wheelthrown. A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK 123 The Building Material and Fired Clay, by E.R. McSloy Ceramic Building Material A small quantity of Roman period ceramic building material (23 fragments weighing 1767g) was recovered from eight deposits. The assemblage is heavily fragmented, and a number of smaller, unfeatured pieces could not be identified to form. Identifiable forms include brick with thicknesses in the range 30-35mm; tegulae and one flue tile with a combed keying to one face. The flue tile fragment aside, no signature marks, knife-tripping or impressions of any kind were noted. Attempts were made to match fabrics against a type series produced for a slightly larger group of material recovered from the nearby Viscount Way site (Betts 2005, 18-19). A narrower range of fabrics occur here compared with that group, although there is good correspondence between the types identified and nothing to argue against Betts’ assertion that the material derives from a single production site. The major tilery at Minety, located 15km to the northwest, which operated from the later 1st and into the mid/later 2nd century may well be the most likely source (Stone 1983, 18). The majority of pieces occur in fabrics that broadly correspond with fine sandy fabric WT1 and silty type WT6. Tegula fragments from deposits in Ditch 24 and Ditch 27 may be overfired examples of type WT1. They exhibit distinctive sandwich-effect (grey/orange/grey) firing visible in the fracture. A brick fragment from Ditch 24, which otherwise matches the description of fabric WT6 is notable for the apparent use of yellow/cream- coloured clay pellet as a moulding material in place of the more usual sand. Building stone Two fragments of flat stone, between 13mm and 17mm thick are identifiable as roofing material of probable Roman date. A fragment from Ditch 27 is of fine oolitic limestone from a local Cotswold source. The second fragment, from Ditch 31, is a micaceous sandstone almost certainly of the Pennant series and probably deriving from the Bristol area. The limestone fragment retains part of a nail hole and an original edge suggesting it may originally have been of diamond-form. Fired clay A small quantity (572g) of fired clay was recovered. Joining fragments from Period 1 Ditch 1 occur in a hard-fired fabric containing oolitic limestone and burnt-out organic inclusions and retain part of a pre-firing perforation. The fragments probably represent a clay weight of triangular or pyramidal form consistent with the Late Iron Age/Early Roman date indicated for the deposit. The remainder of the fired clay from Period 2 deposits, consists of formless fragments in a soft pale orange fabric. Metal Artefacts, by E.R. McSloy One copper alloy brooch and 36 fragments of iron items were recovered. The iron objects derive mainly (31 items) from Ditch 24. Identifiable items comprise hobnails (21) and a shoe cleat. The remainder consist of carpentry nail fragments (10) and unidentifiable fragmentary objects. 1. Copper alloy (Figure 3, 1). Fragment of bow and catchplate from a Nauheim derivative brooch. Strip- like bow with double line of knurled decoration. This is a one-piece brooch type dating to mid Ist century AD, which is common at Wanborough (Butcher 2001, 41 nos. 1-37). Length (surviving): 15mm. Period 2 (Phase 1) ditch 22, fill 198. Coin A single coin, a 4th-century AD AE3 bronze copy, was recovered from Ditch 24 (Period 2, Phase 2). The reverse design (standing emperor and kneeling woman) (after) REPERATIO REPUBLICICAEF? is crude and indistinct. Date: c. 378-87? Environmental Evidence Human Bone, by Teresa Gilmore Three neonatal inhumations were recovered. Burials 013 and 014 were interred together, within the upper fill of Ditch 24. Burial 013 was on its right hand side, facing away from 014; Burial 014 lay on its left hand side, facing the back of Burial 013 (Figure 4). Evidence of a third burial consisted of a single bone found within the same ditch fill. A bulk soil sample was taken from burials 013 and 014 to ensure complete retrieval of skeletal elements. The soil sample was sieved using a residue mesh size of Imm. Table 3 contains a summary of the skeletal material present. All bone present was in very good condition; 124 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 4 Burials 013 and 014 bones were intact with good surface detail and little fragmentation had occurred on the long bones. Burials 013 and 014 were substantially complete; in both cases the skull was fairly fragmentary but the remaining parts of the skeleton were intact and in good condition. The evidence for a third burial consisted only of the distal right tibia and may be residual. The disarticulated material, recovered from bulk recovery of the soil surrounding Burials 013 and 014 is of good condition but cannot be assigned to either individual. For foetal or neonatal individuals, age can be determined using diaphyseal length (Ubelaker 1978) and epiphyseal fusion (Schwartz 1995). Sexing is not possible. No long bones survived intact, but several long bones with a clean break were identified and could be confidently reconstructed and used to measure the diaphyseal length. Burial 013 had seven long bones that could be reconstructed for age determination (right and left femur, right tibia, right and left humerus, left radius and right ulna). In Burial 014, only the left tibia could be reconstructed. Burials 013 and 014 are similar in age, both aged about the tenth gestational month, or around the time of birth and the single bone from fill 015 is a younger individual, aged around the eighth gestational month. Foetal body length can be calculated using the long bone diaphyseal length and calculations from Ubelaker (1978). Only long bones that were intact or demonstrated one clean break and could be reconstructed were used to calculate body length. Burial 013 produced an average foetal body length of 55.0 cm, using seven reconstructed long bones; this is typical of the tenth lunar month, around the time of birth. Burial 014 produced a foetal body length of 53.4 cm, using the left tibia. Burials 013 and 014 exhibited signs of woven bone formation on the surface of the majority of bones present, including the external rib surface and exterior cranial vault surfaces. As this formation was observed on all bones present, this was interpreted as normal bone growth and not the result of infection. One lower left lateral incisor crown was present from Burial 014. Two upper central incisors and two first molar crowns were recovered from the disarticulated material in the environmental sample. All teeth present were deciduous (milk teeth) and consistent with an age of death at around birth. No signs of dental pathology were noted. Burials 013 and 014 were interred together in the A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK 125 Table 3: Skeletal inventory a Ete phalanges phalanges Disarticulated material from sample. Belongs to either Burials 013 or 014. foetal position. Considering the similar age of the two individuals, it is probable that they were interred at the same time and could be siblings, perhaps even twins. The third individual was represented by the presence ofa third distal tibia (ankle) fragment only. Disposal of infants within pits and ditches is a trend that continued from the Iron Age and indicates disposal of an individual outside a settlement with little ceremony (Philpott 1991, 98). Animal Bone, by Sylvia Warman A total of 1500 fragments from 1137 animal bones weighing 8.5kg was recovered from 45 deposits. Of these 164 were identified to species and included 16 mandibles and 28 epiphyses. Preservation was moderate to good. The methods undertaken for analysis conform to English Heritage guidance (EH 2002). The bone was rapidly scanned and recorded at context level using a Microsoft Access database. The information recorded included number of bones, number of fragments, weight of bones in grams, number of bones identifiable to species, fragmentation and preservation, numbers of mandibles, epiphyses and whole bones, species and body parts identified, age and state (including modifications such as butchery, burning, gnawing etc). Full details of this information are available in the archive. Results Most of the animal bone came from deposits dated to Period 2 (Roman). A small quantity of animal Skull, vertebrae, arms, a |less> ribs, pelvis, scapula, 2 | metacarpals, metatarsals, Skull, vertebrae, arms, legs, pelvis, scapula, clavicles, metacarpals, metatarsals, ~ 8 mths na |Di None Skull, vertebrae, 5-10 Birth n/a metacarpals, metatarsals, Dentition Rect body Present ength Diaphyseal length average None Lower left 2nd incisor |53.41 cm R. Tibia. 67mm L. Radius 55.04mm L Humerus 69.0mm L Femur 79.21mm R Femur 78.74mm R Tibia 68.54mm R Humerus 69.34mm R Se dene 63.75mm central bone was recovered from the Period 1 ditch but none was identified to species. Horse and cattle were identified amongst the bone recovered from unstratified deposits. The species identified from Period 2 deposits included horse, cattle, sheep, sheep/goat, pig and dog. No bird remains were identified to species but fragments of bird bone of goose-size and chicken- size were found. The majority of the animal bones came from adult or sub-adult individuals. The range of parts of the skeleton found for each species was quite limited in most contexts. Cattle showed the widest range of elements, particularly from Ditch 24, and Ditch 31. Horse and sheep/goat were represented by a more restricted range of body parts. The dog remains were mainly teeth and skull parts from Ditch 24 and Ditch 19, but a humerus was also found in Ditch 27. A single pig humerus from a sub-adult individual was the only evidence for this species. In terms of the size of the livestock most of the material is unremarkable; however a cattle femur from Ditch 31 was large and robust from a mature adult. Some signs of post depositional damage were observed including weathering and root etching. Butchery was noted in a third of contexts that produced animal bone, and gnawing by dogs found in four contexts. Discussion The assemblage is dominated by domestic species, in particular cattle. The second most numerous taxon is sheep/goat followed by horse, dog and pig, the latter being represented by a single bone. There is limited evidence for domestic fowl but nothing can be identified to species. The lack of any infant 126 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE or juvenile material could be taken to suggest that stock-keeping rather that stock-rearing was the main farming practice, but the lack of bones from younger individuals may result from a preservation bias towards the more robust bone that derives from older age groups. The excavated assemblage from Viscount Way includes juvenile sheep, pig and horse (MoLAS 2005a). One third of contexts that produced animal bone also displayed signs of butchery suggesting domestic waste. This interpretation is further supported by burnt bone found in four deposits. The range of colour from black through grey to white reflects a range of temperatures (Lyman 1994, Shipman et al. 1984). Dogs are attested by their bones and characteristic gnaw marks on some bones of other livestock species. Dogs obviously had access to food waste but it appears that the material was in general buried rapidly. A large cattle femur was found in Ditch 31, and we may note that where cattle remains of a noticeably large size have been found in Roman assemblages in eastern England, the import of breeds from outside Britain has been suggested (Dobney 2001, 38-9). This assemblage is largely consistent with that expected from a Roman rural settlement (Dobney 2001, 36). However the categories of material that are under-represented in this assemblage, such as domestic fowl and juvenile domestic animals, are contained in the Roman assemblages from the excavations at Viscount Way sites 10E and 10F to the south-east of the site (MoLAS 2005a), which suggests that these sites lay closer to the settlement to which this field system must have belonged. Discussion, by Alex Lang and Mary Alexander Period I Middle-Late Iron Age A single feature, Ditch 1, appears to pre-date the field system. Late Iron Age material recovered from the primary fill indicated that it was infilled in the mid Ist century AD, but Middle Iron Age ceramics also occurred residually within its fills. Little can be said of this feature, other than it appears to be a drainage ditch describing the south-east side and corner of a field, and that its full extent is obscured by later ditches, suggesting a continuity of alignment. It should also be noted that about a hundred sherds of Iron Age pottery were retrieved from residual contexts across the excavation area. Some of this was of Middle Iron Age date, and indicates activity over a longer period of time than the features suggest. This material may relate to the activity recorded at the Honda plant 600m to the south (WANHM 84 (1991), 144) where Middle Iron Age pits and ditches were excavated, or from another focus of settlement even closer to the site. Middle Iron Age sites are present within the Swindon area, such as those near Blunsdon (Gingell 1981; Walker et al. 2001) some 4km west of the site. However, Middle Iron Age material was not found at Sites 1OE and 10K Viscount Way South Marston Park (MoLAS 2005a). The provisional results from these sites would suggest that only Late Iron Age ceramics were identified there which clearly overlap with the early Roman material. Period 2: Roman The north-east/south-west alignment of Ditch 1 from the earlier period is followed by a number of other ditches attributed to the earlier Roman period. Further ditches found at the southern end of the site crossed these on a north-west/south-east alignment with considerable amounts of ceramic material retrieved from them. Taken together, the features suggest a ditched field system in use in the Ist and 2nd centuries AD; the scatter of post-holes and pits were too dispersed to suggest structures other than possible fence-posts. The retrieval of domestic refuse from the ditches and pits points to the presence of a low status farmstead in close proximity to the site. The quantities of finds are at their highest in features located in the south and south-east areas of the excavation. The field system found here can be related to the discoveries in the excavations at Viscount Way to the south-east (MoLAS 2005a, 8). The results of these excavations await full analysis, but the assessment of the data suggests the earliest activity there dates to the Ist century BC and Ist century AD, with significant signs of settlement associated with penannular gullies, possibly indicative of roundhouses. In all likelihood the field system here was associated with the settlement at Viscount Way. The excavations here and to the south-east provide good evidence of the general intensification of settlement and agricultural activity during the Late Iron Age and early Roman periods in the Upper Thames Valley and adjacent areas (Lambrick 1992; Moore 2006; Holbrook 2006, 101-2). The evidence for activity after the 2nd century AD was distinct to that of the earlier phase. This consisted primarily of a large ditch (Ditch 24) and a worn hollow in the southern part of the stripped A LATE IRON AGE AND ROMANO-BRITISH FIELD SYSTEM AT SOUTH MARSTON PARK 127 area, and a discontinuous north-east/south-west ditch to the west. Ditch 24 contained large amounts of artefactual material, including tegula and brick. This change possibly represents a break or shift in settlement activity during this period, with the large ditch representative of a new boundary established after the earlier field system had fallen into disuse. The quantity of building material in Ditch 24 would suggest this transition was accompanied by the construction nearby of one or more buildings in the Roman architectural tradition. This shift is also mirrored within the areas excavated at Viscount Way with very little mid- to late Roman activity recorded in the nearest area (zone 1). In zone 2, some distance from Site 10A, considerable quantities of roofing tile and brick also suggest the construction of new buildings in this period, although they were similarly not located within the excavated area (MoLAS 2005a, 15). The burial of infants in boundary ditches is not uncommon in the Roman period, especially at rural sites (Philpott 1991 97-98). There is only one possible comparable example from Wiltshire, at Rotherley where infant burials of suggested Roman date were recorded from pits and ditches (Foster 2001, 169). It is possible that the coin found in the same ditch fill was a grave good for one of the burials, although most infants were buried with little ceremony and no grave goods. The excavations tally well with the results of previous archaeological work in the vicinity and support the view that agricultural activity in the area spanned the Late Iron Age and Roman periods. There are strong indications that an as yet undiscovered Roman building or buildings associated with this use of the land lay in the immediate vicinity of the site, possibly to the south or south-east, and that the focus of activity moved in this direction in the later Roman period. The material culture suggests a rather poor farmstead occupied or used over a considerable period of time, perhaps as much as 300 years. Acknowledgements We are grateful to R. J. Leighfield and Sons Ltd and in particular to Simon Leighfield and Mark Stratford for funding the excavation and post- excavation work for this project. The project was supervised in the field by Derek Evans and managed by Richard Young. The fieldwork was monitored by Roy Canham, the County Archaeologist for Wiltshire County Council. The post-excavation work was managed by Annette Hancocks and Mary Alexander. Thanks to Neil Holbrook for comments on the draft text and to Malin Holst for comments on an earlier draft of the human bone report. The finds and archive will be deposited at Swindon Museum under accession number FWIMG B2006/7. References ANDERSON, A.S., 1979, The Roman pottery industry of North Wiltshire. Swindon: Swindon Archaeological Society Report 2 BETTS, I., 2005, ‘The building material’, in MoLAS 2005a GSGB (Geological Survey of Great Britain) 1974, Geological Survey of England and Wales, 1:50,000 Series;Solid and Drift. Sheet 252: Swindon. Southampton: IGS BUTCHER, S.A., 2001, ‘The Brooches’, in A.S. Anderson, J.S. Wacher and A.P. Fitzpatrick, The Romano-British ‘Small Town’ at Wanborough, Wiltshire, 41-69, Britannia Monograph Series 19. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies DOBNEY, K., 2001, ‘A place at the table: the role of vertebrate zooarchaeology within a Roman research agenda for Britain’, in S. James and M. Millett (eds), Britons and Romans advancing an archaeological agenda, 36-45. York: CBA Research Report 125 EH (English Heritage), 2002, Environmental Archaeology: A guide to the theory and practice of methods, from sampling and recovery to post-excavation. English Heritage: Centre for Archaeology Guidelines 2002/01 FOSTER, A., 2001, ‘Romano-British burials in Wiltshire’, in P. Ellis (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and After: Papers in honour of Ken Annable, 165-177. Devizes: WANHS GINGELL, C., 1981, ‘Excavation of an Iron Age enclosure at Groundwell Farm, Blunsdon St Andrew, 1976-7’, WANHM 76, 33-76 HOLBROOK, N., 2006, ‘The Roman Period’ in N. Holbrook and J. Jurica (eds), Twenty-Five years of archaeology in Gloucestershire; a review of new discoveries and new thinking in Gloucestershire South Gloucestershire and Bristol 1979-2004, 97-131. Kemble: Cotswold Archaeology Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Report no 3 HOLBROOK, N. AND BIDWELL, P. T., 1991, Roman Finds from Exeter. Exeter Archaeological Reports 4, Exeter: Exeter City Council and University of Exeter LAMBRICK, G., 1992, ‘The development of the late prehistoric and Roman farming on the Thames gravels’, in M. G. Fulford and E. Nichols (eds), Developing Landscapes of Lowland Britain. The Archaeology of the British Gravels: A Review, 78-105. London: Society of Antiquaries LYMAN, R. L., 1994, Vertebrate Taphonomy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press MoLAS, 2005a, Sites 10D, 1OE and 10F, Viscount Way, 128 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE South Marston Industrial Estate, Swindon, SN3, County of Wiltshire: An archaeological post-excavation assessment and updated project design. Unpublished Museum of London Archaeology Service report MoLAS, 2005b, Site 10A, Viscount Way, South Marston Park, Swindon, County of Wiltshire: An archaeological evaluation report. Unpublished Museum of London Archaeology Service report MOORE, T. H., 2006, Iron Age Societies in the Severn- Cotswold: Developing narratives of social and landscape change. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 421 PCRG (Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group), 1997, The Study of Later Prehistoric Pottery: General Policies and Guidelines for Analysis and Publication. Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group Occasional Papers 1 and 2 PHILPOTT, R., 1991, Burial practices in Roman Britain: A survey of grave treatment and furnishing AD 43 — 410. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 219 RIGBY, V., 1982, “The Coarse Pottery’, in J. Wacher and A. McWhirr, Cirencester Excavations I: Early Roman Occupation at Cirencester, 153-204. Gloucester: Cirencester Excavation Committee SCHWARTZ, J. H., 1995, Skeleton Keys: An Introduction to Human Skeletal Morphology, Development and Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press SEAGER-SMITH, R. H., 2001, “The Coarse Pottery’, in A. S. Anderson, J. S. Wacher and A. P. Fitzpatrick, The Romano-British ‘Small Town’ at Wanborough, Wiltshire, 232-301. Britannia Monograph Series 19. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies SHIPMAN, P, FOSTER, G., and SCHOENINGER, M. J., 1984. Burnt bones and teeth: an experimental study of colour, morphology, crystal structure and shrinkage. Journal of Archaeological Science 11, 307-25 STONE, J. M., 1983, The production and distribution of Roman tiles in North Wiltshire: with special reference to the Minety kilns. Unpublished University College London BA dissertation SWAN, V. G., 1975, Oare reconsidered and the Origins of Savernake ware in Wiltshire. Britannia 6, 37-61 TIMBY J., 2001, ‘The Pottery’, in G. Walker, B. Langton and N. Oakey, An Iron Age Site at Groundwell West, Blunsdon St. Andrew, Wiltshire, 19-26. Cotswold Archaeological Trust Monograph, Cirencester: Cotswold Archaeological Trust TIMBY, J., 2004, “The Pottery’, in D. Jennings, J. Muir, S. Palmer, and A. Smith, Thornhill Farm, Fairford, Gloucestershire: An Iron Age and Roman pastoral site in the Upper Thames Valley, Oxford, 90-108. Thames Valley Landscapes Monograph 23, Oxford: Oxford Archaeology TIMBY, J. and HARRISON, E., 2004, ‘Pottery’, in J. Pine and S. Preston, Iron Age and Roman Settlement and landscape at Totterdown Lane, Horcott near Fairford, Gloucestershire, 55-67. Reading: Thames Valley Archaeological Services Monograph 6 TOMBER, R. and DORE, J., 1998, The National Roman Fabric Reference Collection: A Handbook. London, Museum of London Archaeology Service UBELAKER, D. H., 1978, Human Skeletal Remains: Excavation, Analysis, Interpretation. Washington: Taraxcum WALKER, G., LANGTON, B., and OAKEY, N., 2001, An Iron Age Site at Groundwell West, Blunsdon St. Andrew, Wiltshire. Cotswold Archaeological Trust Monograph, Cirencester: Cotswold Archaeological Trust WANHM 1978, 70-1, 133 WANHM 1980, 72-3, 206 WANHM 1991, 84, 144 WANHM 2005, 98, 354 YOUNG, C.J., 1977, Oxfordshire Roman pottery. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 43 Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 129-149 The discovery, excavation and preservation of a detached Roman bath-house at Truckle Hill, North Wraxall by Phil Andrews with contributions by Rachael Seager Smith, Chris F. Stevens and Sarah FE Wyles The recently uncovered and exceptionally well preserved remains of a detached Roman bath-house were the subject of a community excavation in 2007. This has been followed by a conservation programme to consolidate the exposed walls. The excavations recorded the complete suite of rooms, of two phases, with initial construction probably having taken place during the second half of the 2nd century AD. The use of this large and well-appointed bath-house 1s likely to have continued until the 4th century, when it was perhaps superseded by the bath suite in the nearby Truckle Hill (North Wraxall) villa, partly investigated in the 19th century. It was then robbed and a corn-drier built within the abandoned shell, associated deposits indicating the mass de-husking of spelt wheat. Introduction Project background Wessex Archaeology was invited by English Heritage (EH) and Wiltshire County Council Archaeology Service (WCAS) to undertake an archaeological excavation, recording and outreach programme to provide more information about a newly-discovered Roman bath-house at Truckle Hill, North Wraxall, centred on Ordnance Survey NGR 383700 176240 (Figure 1). The Truckle Hill Roman bath-house lies within the parish of North Wraxall, north Wiltshire. It sits within the Wiltshire Cotswolds in a landscape rich in Romano-British archaeology — the Fosse Way Roman ' Road lies 1.5km to the west as does the major shrine _ site at Nettleton Shrub. The bath-house is only 150m away from the Truckle Hill (North Wraxall) Roman Villa, a substantial villa and probable farm estate centre, partly excavated by G. Poulett Scrope in 1859-60 (Scheduled Monument W 1878; WANHM 1862; Hingley 1989, fig. 44; Scott 1993, 205). The villa occupies a relatively flat, hilltop position, whilst the bath-house lies below this at a height of c. 84m above OD on the west side of a narrow, steep-sided valley that extends approximately north-west to south-east (see Plate 1). The course of a stream runs along the valley floor, although the flow is intermittent. The bottom of the valley is grass-covered with woodland on its upper slopes and a series of parallel ridges suggestive of landslip along the sides. The bath-house lies on the top of one of these ridges which was modified for the purpose, a terrace having been cut into the slope with the spoil used to create a platform in front of this to the east. The geology of the area consists of Acton Turville beds that are predominantly limestone with some alluvial cover on the valley floor (British Geological Wessex Archaeology, Portway House, Old Sarum Park, Salisbury SP4 6EB 130 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Hy i H we Sil ‘ 200000 Company 1: ital Map Devizes 8 Trowbridge XYZ Dig 200 © Salisbury? al The ? a iy Ha Pty 7 i I) | ‘ i} = Sssq ——SS SS i Hy He ER ay ih i) 7 Hi | Li a a i BNA i Hi i] Hi Hi Ht if Hy Mi) LM i) ~ Wi AA i i ) ih ) i) ii} Hh a hi \ H), y i) I) \ i i a i i) i) i) | : j \ 4 Wi) \ Wi) — | a Hy Ht Ht i : 1:2000 Contours at 5m intervals | Fig. I Truckle Hill: site location plan. me : THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 131 Survey 1970). Soils in the area are of the Elmton 1 association being shallow, well-drained, brashy calcareous fine loamy soils developed over limestone (Soil Survey of England and Wales 1983). The bath-house was discovered in 2003 by the landowner, Antony Little, whilst ‘quarrying’ stone rubble for estate works. In doing this he exposed part of a well-preserved, apsidal-ended building which he believed was a medieval chapel on account of the land on which the site lies being called Chantry Field. A local, professional archaeologist, David Sabin, noticed the site while out walking in spring 2004, and English Heritage and the County Archaeologist were notified. A subsequent site visit was undertaken and it was immediately recognised that the building was of Romano-British origin. At the time of its discovery the structure was in exceptionally fresh condition with coursed, dressed and pointed masonry walls surviving up to 1.5m high. Very few associated finds were recovered and the possibility was highlighted that the bath-house may have been at least partly excavated during the mid-19th century, at the same time as the villa was being investigated. The problem of preservation The steep topography of the valley side upon which the bath-house was constructed has posed a difficult conservation problem since the time of the building’s discovery. Direct vehicle access to the site, especially for one carrying fill material, is virtually impossible. Antony Little removed rubble fill from the site in the trailer of a quad bike, but even that could only get to the site whilst empty. Consequently the curatorial efforts of WCAS and the EH regional Ancient Monuments Inspector focused on the provision of winter protection for the exposed masonry whilst a long-term solution to its preservation in-situ and backfilling was sought. Unfortunately, despite EH South-West Region funding, co-ordinated attempts to protect the exposed remains adequately through the winter months were not successful, and deterioration of | the site accelerated at an alarming pace. Quarrying _ for fill in an archaeologically sterile area was also considered, although the results of the geophysics _ (indicating further buried remains in the vicinity) _ were such that there was no obvious source of / material nearby. Following a site visit in May 2007 it was felt that | that the maximum effort should go immediately _ into the urgent preservation by record of the most _ vulnerable parts of the bath-house. To achieve this aim a partnership project was proposed (comprising WCAS, EH, Wessex Archaeology and the landowner) which would provide the resources and people to enable controlled excavation of the site and maximise the opportunities thus afforded. Outreach The landowner is very interested in the history of his site and favourably disposed to further investigation. He generously agreed to cordon off the area of the Roman building and make it available for investigation over several seasons. Not only is the site of great intrinsic interest and worthy of research, but also its position and state of preservation make it an ideal candidate for community involvement and outreach. Education and outreach were therefore considered as central to this project and, furthermore, the involvement of volunteers and students has allowed a far greater level of investigation to take place than would otherwise have been possible within the constraints of the budget. Excavation background Previous work at the site Following exposure of the Roman building, a rapid recording exercise was funded by EH Historic Environment Commissions and undertaken by Wessex Archaeology in November 2004 (Wessex Archaeology 2005). The survey concluded that the structure was the remains of a bath-house, a conclusion subsequently confirmed by Dr David Neal, who undertook a rapid site assessment funded by WCAS. A rapid walkover survey by the EH Archaeological Survey and Investigation team of the narrow valley containing the site led to the suspicion that further remains were likely to exist both in the floor and on the lower flanks of the valley, and in the wooded hillsides to east and west. In September 2005 the EH Geophysics Team undertook an earth resistance survey of the immediate vicinity of the bath-house which produced clear results suggesting the presence of at least one further building and a complex of other archaeological features (Linford and Payne 2005). Simultaneously, EH’s Archaeological Projects team undertook additional rapid recording of the exposed bath-house walls in plan. Initial conclusions of this preliminary work were that that the entire head of the valley may 132 have formed a managed landscape in Roman times, potentially of a similar nature to the nearby site at Nettleton and probably attached to the Truckle Hill (North Wraxall) villa estate. Aims and objectives The principal aim of the 2007 archaeological excavation was to investigate, and secure preservation by record, those elements of the building that were suffering rapid deterioration and would not survive in the short-term, given that a viable backfilling technique had not been found. If resources permitted, further small-scale, carefully targeted excavation was to be undertaken on undisturbed deposits contiguous with the exposed area. The objective of the excavation was to resolve basic questions of the building’s construction (including floor levels), extent, survival, phasing and function, and give context to the exposed elements of the building remains. Furthermore, it was recognised that this would provide increased understanding of the conservation needs of the site and guide the development and use of physical conservation methods necessary to preserve the building remains as best as possible. An integral part of this project was the outreach programme, the aim of which was to enable members of the public, local societies and students to take part in a worthwhile project. The objective was to encourage community and outreach activities and provide training in field survey and excavation techniques. There was also a need to provide archaeological data of sufficient quality to inform the designation of the site, in combination with other research data. This would increase understanding of the archaeological resource represented on the site and inform revision and further focusing of the longer- term research project that is proposed. Finally, it was hoped that this project would provide a successful example to future projects of small-scale partnership working and mosaic funding. Methods Full details of the method statement are contained in the Project Design (Wessex Archaeology 2007) and are not repeated here. The exceptional volunteer response, however, enabled more extensive excavation to be undertaken than was originally envisaged and the scope of this is outlined below. The exposed structural remains were hand- cleaned in order to allow the structural relationships THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE to be clarified. Subsequently, the full extent of the tops of walls that extended beyond the open area was exposed, enabling a near-complete plan of the bath-house to be obtained. The building was cleaned to appropriate floor or contemporary ground levels within the bulk of the area that had already been exposed (i.e. the most vulnerable part of the building, comprising the majority of the north and north-western parts). In the event, relatively little further excavation was required to reach these levels, though small-scale, deeper excavations were undertaken in some areas, principally to establish structural and stratigraphic relationships but also to obtain dating evidence. These deeper excavations were backfilled following the completion of fieldwork. The exposure of the remainder of the building, to the south and east of what was already open, involved little more than the removal (by hand) of turf and a thin accumulation of topsoil. This more than doubled the area open at the beginning of the excavation in September 2007. As in the open area, some deeper excavations were carried out, both within and immediately outside the bath-house, to elucidate details of floor levels etc, and these too were backfilled on the completion of fieldwork. A key element of the sustainability of the project was the implementation of appropriate physical conservation measures following the completion of excavation and recording work. Some backfilling was undertaken of the vulnerable structural elements that could not be preserved by consolidation. Elsewhere, consolidation comprised the repair and pointing with a lime mortar of the more robust external walls within the exposed sections of the building, combined with soft capping of all of the wall heads with turf. Following this, a thin layer of soil was placed over the exposed surfaces within the various rooms, and then seeded with grass. The structural sequence The excavation was undertaken over a three-week period in September-October 2007, with an average daily workforce of 10 people. Virtually the entire ground plan of the bath- house was recorded (Figure 2), covering a maximum extent of approximately 20m by 12m, though the furnace(s) which is thought to lie on the west side of the caldarium was not revealed. Only limited investigation of the area beyond the confines of the bath-house was undertaken, in order to establish THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 133 383700 383710 Cold bath 2 \ i i i i i oO Terrace cut 151 Frigidarium \’ " (cold room) Apodyterium (changing room) 176240 Entrance Corridor \. (Later) corn- \. drying kiln Sect.1 Tepidarium (warm room) Caldarium (hot room) [__] Phase 3 4 176230 Fig. 2 Plan of bath-house, as recorded in October 2007 _ the presence and nature of contemporary ground There is evidence to suggest that all of the surfaces and associated external features. However, walls were constructed within foundation trenches _ it is anticipated that these will be subject to more (though these were not investigated during the extensive excavation during a forthcoming season excavation), and layers of small, tightly-packed of work. limestone rubble (‘terrace foundation’) were then laid 134 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE within the individual rooms to provide consolidation for the floors. The walls were all of broadly similar construction, comprising coursed limestone rubble, sometimes roughly squared, with occasional ashlar quoins, bonded with mortar, and exhibiting finely struck pointing on some faces. Although relatively little dating evidence was recovered, there was sufficient to suggest that the bath-house was probably constructed in the 2nd century AD, perhaps towards the end of that century, and went out of use in the late 3rd or, more likely, the 4th century. The dating of the earliest construction remains somewhat tenuous, dependent on a very small assemblage of pottery from what appears to have been a dump of domestic debris in the south-west corner of the apodyterium, apparently ‘sandwiched’ within the construction sequence (see below). Phasing of the structural remains indicates a relatively simple, two phase building, with the earliest frigidarium / cold bath (phase 1) being replaced by a second, possibly unfinished frigidarium / cold bath (phase 2). The bath-house appears to have been comprehensively stripped of pilae, floors and internal decorative features after it fell into disuse. Subsequently, it was utilised for agricultural purposes and a corn-drying kiln (phase 3) built within the extant structure, probably in the 4th century though a later, post-Roman date is possible. The bath-house is described by individual element below, followed by the evidence for external features, the later agricultural use of the building and, finally, antiquarian investigations. Further details may be found in the assessment report (Wessex Archaeology 2008) and the archive. Entrance corridor (Figure 2) The bath-house was entered from the east, presumably by way of a path (from the villa upslope) or terrace which led into the entrance corridor. This corridor was 1.45m wide and approximately 3m long, with a threshold between walls 7 and 17 separating it from the apodyterium. The southern end of wall 17 had been cut back, presumably in phase 3 when the corn-drying kiln was constructed. Traces of a mortar surface survived adjacent to the threshold, overlying a rubble foundation, but it is probable that this was at sub-floor rather than floor level. A near-complete stone floor tile was removed from this area during initial site clearance (Antony Little pers. comm.), though whether this was associated with the use of the bath-house or the later (phase 3) corn-drying kiln is unclear. There may also have been some sort of threshold at the east end of the entrance corridor, between walls 10 and 22, where a doorway to the outside seems likely to have been located, but this was not confirmed in the excavation. There may have been access via the entrance corridor to the frigidarium (cold room) / bath | and possibly also to the tepidarium. However, no doorways were apparent in either wall 7 or wall 10, though wall 10 appeared to have been partly rebuilt, probably in phase 3, which may have obscured any evidence for a doorway here. Alternatively, it is possible that access was via the apodyterium (see below). Apodyterium (changing room) (Figure 2 and Plate 1) This room measured 6.25m by 5m internally, bounded by walls 3, 7/15, 16 and 17 and, given its location within the bath-house, is interpreted as most likely having been the apodyterium or changing room. Walls 3, 16 and 17 were bonded together and wall 15, between the apodyterium and the caldarium, appears to have been keyed into wall 16, itself roughly built in this area. A small investigation at the junction of these two walls showed wall 15 to be built on a rubble foundation layer overlying the terrace foundation (119); both these layers laid up against the base of wall 16. There is no evidence, however, to suggest that wall 15 actually represented a separate construction phase within the sequence. More probably, the rear (16) and end (3) walls were constructed first and wall 15 added later, perhaps during a subsequent season of construction work. Wall 15 was particularly well built comprising coursed, squared limestone blocks with ashlar quoins, and survived to a height of approximately 1.5m, the highest wall uncovered in the bath-house. An extensive area of struck pointing was noted on the north side when the wall was initially exposed in 2003, but this had largely fallen away by 2007. Wall 15 was also substantially thicker (1.20m) than the other walls of this room, which were approximately 0.75m wide. It is probable that this was in some way related to the structure of the caldarium to the south, the latter likely to have had a higher roof than the apodyterium, this probably being arched or domed and thus requiring more substantial support. The apodyterium was divided into two approximately equal-sized areas by two low, offset walls (4 and 5); why they were offset is unknown. The shorter wall (5) on the west side was keyed into the rear wall (16), whereas wall 4 was bonded with wall 17, though there is nothing to suggest that they THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL Section 1 E Wall 15 2 84.00mOD Ta Wall 16 119 terrace foundation = Section 3 E —~ 83. 90mO0D Topsoil Wall 18 112 crop drying 135 Section 2 N oe 85.50mMO0D aft 111 collapse eet his me ha ail Booey oa Y t3ipad = —— 114 surface debris 126 collapse Wall 13 127 collapse Wall 17 Fig. 3 Selected sections were not contemporary. Furthermore, wall 4 appears to have been built around the north-east corner of wall 5. Walls 4 and 5 probably formed the base for a partition, perhaps timber, within the apodyterium, the tops of the walls indicating the approximate height of the floor within the room. The access from the entrance corridor into the _ south-east corner of the apodyterium was clear, but whether the apodyterium also provided access to the frigidarium / cold bath 1, the tepidarium and caldarium _ was less obvious. With the exception of a probably inserted (and later blocked) entrance to the caldarium | (see below), there was no evidence for doorways and it seems likely that they lay at a height above that of . the surviving wall tops. Patches of mortar survived within several corners of the apodyterium, presumably representing | remnants of construction debris at sub-floor level, _ the most substantial (116) covering the south-west corner. A small investigation here (see Figure 3, section 1), besides clarifying the structural sequence, also revealed a dump or midden (117 and 118) of what appears to have been domestic debris. This included pottery and a fragment of mill- or quernstone as well as a relatively large concentration of charred cereal remains and charcoal. Dump / midden 117/118 was sealed by mortar layer 116, butted the rubble foundation for wall 15 and overlay 119, the rubble terrace foundation layer. It thus provides a useful sealed context for dating the construction sequence. A probable 2nd century AD date is indicated from the pottery, possibly nearer the end than the beginning of that century. Quite what this dump of material was doing there is uncertain; perhaps it represents rubbish opportunistically disposed of, maybe during a lull in construction work. Frigidarium (cold room)/cold bath I (Figure 2; see also Plate 4) This lay on the east side of the apodyterium, north of the entrance corridor, and extended almost as far as the eastern edge of the terrace. Overall, frigidarium/ cold bath 1 measured approximately 6m by 5.5m, 136 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE and though not completely exposed, sufficient was investigated to determine its layout and use. The north wall (9) formed a continuation of wall 3 to the west and was bonded with wall 17 forming the west side and wall 18 on the east side. Walls 17 and 18 were probably bonded with wall 10, the south wall, but, as noted above, this appears to have been rebuilt (in phase 3) and the upper (probably later) part butted wall 17 at the west end. The frigidarium was divided internally by wall 13 that separated the upper, western part from the lower, eastern part occupied by the apsidal-ended cold bath. The upper, western part measured 4m by 2.5m internally, and was entered from either the entrance corridor or more probably the apodyterium, though no evidence for a doorway was found. No floor level survived within this area, and it may have been removed when this part of the bath-house was abandoned. The surviving irregular, sandy, slightly mortary surface (128) was covered with a spread of rubble (layer 127, exposed in the northern two-thirds of the room) deriving from partial demolition or collapse of this part of the structure, prior to its later agricultural use (see Figure 3, section 3). The cold bath was subject to relatively limited investigation, but this showed it to havea substantial, square east end. The more massive nature of the structure here may have been necessary not only to hold the weight of the water in the bath, but also to provide a substantial foundation in the made-ground at the front of the terrace on the steeply sloping valley side. The bath itself was semi-circular with an apsidal east end, with maximum dimensions of 4.5m by 2.25m, the roof perhaps vaulted and domed at this end. Augering indicated a depth of approximately 1m. The cold bath appeared to be almost completely filled with rubble (120), deriving from collapse and/or demolition, and it is anticipated that future work will confirm this and also establish the survival or otherwise of any lining to the sides and base of the bath. It is suggested below that frigidarium/cold bath 1 was abandoned as a result of subsidence, perhaps towards the end of the 3rd century, and replaced by cold bath 2 which was built on the north side of the bath-house. Some evidence for subsidence was apparent on the outer face of the north wall (9), which was very ragged, and it could be seen in several places that parts of this wall had broken away. Tepidarium (warm room) (Figure 2 & Plate 2) This occupied the south-east corner of the bath- house, with the entrance corridor and part of the apodyterium lying to the north and the caldarium to the west. It comprised two principal elements: a rectangular room with an apsidal south end, and a small annexe to the east. Four of the walls (7, 20, 21 and 22) comprising these elements were bonded together. Of these, wall 7 formed a continuation of wall 15 to the west, and wall 20 at the south, incor- porating the apsidal end, formed a continuation of wall 19 which incorporated the apsidal end to the caldarium. Wall 14 separating the tepidarium from the caldarium, and containing two flue arches, was added slightly later, though still part of the same phase of construction. All of these walls were generally well preserved, with virtually pristine struck pointing surviving in several areas, particularly on walls 7, 20 and 21. The exception was wall 22, the central part of which had been heavily disturbed, perhaps a result of collapse and robbing, and also possibly through later antiquarian investigation (see below). The larger, western part of the tepidarium com- prised a rectangular area measuring approximately 3m by 2.2m internally, with an apsidal end to the south measuring 2m by 1.5m. The apsidal end was only partially investigated, but the evidence suggests that it was part of the same room, with the responds for an arch at the junction of the two. The apsidal end here, like that in the caldarium, may have had a vaulted and domed roof, and this might account for the greater thickness of some of the walls in these two rooms. The smaller, eastern annexe to the tepidarium had walls approximately 1.1m wide, thicker than was generally seen elsewhere in the bath-house (note that the width of wall 22 was not established). This annexe comprised a rectangular area measuring ap- proximately 2.5m by 1m, entered through a 2m-wide opening from the west, with responds for what was probably an arch on either side of this opening. The scant remains of what may have been a vertical, tiled vent survived at the south end of wall 22, just within the interior face, and one of the two fragments of LHS-stamped bricks came from destruction debris associated with this wall. The remnants of a mortar surface also survived in this area, at the junction of walls 21 and 22. Wall 14, between the tepidarium and the caldarium incorporated two flue arches, one at the north end and one at the south, the wall facing between them having largely collapsed. The arches, each con- structed of tile over a stone base, were assymetrical, that to the south being more pointed and appearing to be of slightly poorer construction. Both arches were approximately 0.3m wide and 0.8m high, and THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 137 partly filled with rubble. This rubble overlay a dark charcoal-rich soil (136, not illustrated) up to 0.15m thick which covered the base of the flues and extended over much of the interior of the tepidarium (as far as was excavated, across the central part of the room), thinning out to the east. Layer 136 in turn overlay a spread of mortar debris, probably derived from construction of the bath-house, and this sealed the rubble foundation layer, both the latter layers exposed only in very limited areas during the excavation. Layer 136 is likely to have accumulated during the use of the bath-house, the charcoal deriving from the furnace(s) and being - swept through the hypocaust and deposited on the floor. It should be noted, however, that there were no » surviving pilae within the tepidarium and no evidence of where they had once stood. Nevertheless, the tops _ of the flue arches do indicate the level at which the _ floor would have been and, at this height, perhaps _ explains why no doorways were identified within the surviving wall fabric. | Most of the remainder of the tepidarium was filled - with rubble from demolition and/or collapse of the _ bath-house, but the presence of a trampled surface in part of the area that had been emptied in 2004 may relate to postulated antiquarian investigation of the building in the 19th century. A fragment of | clay pipe stem that came from this area in 2007 sup- | ports this theory. _Caldarium (hot room) (Figure 2 & Plate 3) | This occupied the south-west corner of the bath- | house, the apodyterium lying to the north and the | tepidarium to the east. Wall 16, the rear wall to the _ bath-house, formed the west wall, with wall 15 to the north, wall 19 to the south, and wall 14 containing _ the two flues separating it from the tepidarium. The | walls at the south-west corner are likely to survive to a height of between 1.5 and 2m, higher than any of _ the others in the bath-house, a result of the greater _ depth of the terrace here. The overall plan was similar to (though slightly larger than) the western part of the adjoining tepi- | darium, comprising a square room with an apsidal end to the south. The internal measurements of these two elements were approximately 3m square _and 3m by 1.5m respectively, the responds for what _ was presumably an arched opening at the junction | of the two. It is possible that there was a hot bath _ within the apsidal end, and it is proposed that this be “investigated during a subsequent season of work. | An excavation at the north end, adjacent to wall 15, revealed a 1.3m-deep sequence of demolition / | | | | collapse deposits overlying a 0.18m thick charcoal- rich deposit, the latter similar to layer 136 in the tepidarium and probably part of the same deposit. The underlying deposit comprised mortary material, probable construction debris, but only a very small area was exposed and this was not further investigated. As in the tepidarium, no remains of a hypocaust were found, though the area investigated in the caldarium was much smaller. Exposure of part of the south face of wall 15 revealed several features of interest. Firstly, there was a putlog hole at a height that may have corresponded with a floor surface above the hypocaust. Secondly, the nature of the pointing was very variable, with an upper area of finely struck pointing, a lower area with struck pointing of an inferior quality and, finally, the bottom part of the wall where the mortar appears to have largely fallen out; perhaps these differences reflect different ‘builds’ undertaken by different workers. Thirdly, there was evidence for an opening towards the east end, probably inserted rather than original, an opening which would have provided access between the caldarium and the apodyterium. This opening, just above the level of the putlog hole, was marked by several Bath stone ashlars that defined a narrow doorway approximately 0.75m wide. This appears to have been subsequently blocked with loosely mortared rubble, perhaps during phase 3 after the bath-house went out of use and the corn-drying kiln was constructed. Frigidarium (cold room cold bath 2 (Phase 2) (Figure 2 & Plate 1) This lay on the north side of the apodyterium, and 1s likely to have replaced figidarium (cold room)/cold bath 1, perhaps as a result of the latter suffering subsidence. This development within the bath-house has been designated phase 2, the only element of the building assigned to this phase. Phase 2 is most conveniently attributed to the later part of the 3rd century though there is no independent dating to verify this. The construction of this new room involved the demolition to floor level of wall 3, the north wall of the apodyterium, and the extension of this room to the north by a further 1.5m. Walls 11 and 12 were butted to wall 3 and continued the lines of walls 16 and 17 respectively, with wall 2 forming the new north wall to the apodyterium, these new walls all being slightly wider than their predecessors. The reason why the earlier north wall (3) was demolished is uncertain, but it may have been because of its relatively shallow depth, which could not easily have 138 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE been extended downwards to the required depth (in excess of 1m) to create the south wall of cold bath 2. Overall, it may have been simpler to demolish and rebuild the north end of the apodyterium in order to accommodate the new cold bath rather than adapt what already existed. Cold bath 2 was semi-circular, formed by walls 1 and 2, and increased the overall length of the bath- house to approximately 19.5m. It was substantially larger than cold bath 1, with maximum internal dimensions of 3.75m by 3.75m. Curiously, there was no obvious point of access between the apodyterium and cold bath 2, the surviving height of wall 2 seeming to preclude the location of a doorway in the expected central location, unless there were steps up and then steps down into the cold bath. However, the space such an arrangement would require makes this unlikely. There is a possibility that cold bath 2 was not completed and perhaps, therefore, the access between the two rooms was never formed, although such an explanation is not overly convincing. A small trench dug at the western junction of walls 1 and 2 showed the walls to be bonded together and cold bath 2 to be approximately 0.75m deep. Remnants of a mortar floor in the base at the junction of the two walls survived, laid over a bed of limestone rubble, but it was clear that the remainder had been dug out, perhaps during antiquarian investigations. Furthermore, the nature of the homogeneous, clay and rubble fill within cold bath 2 suggested that this did not represent in-situ Roman deposits, but more likely relatively recent backfill. It was also noticed that the mortar pointing on the north face of wall 2 was rather rough and had a pinkish hue, possibly resulting from weathering since its exposure in 2004. However, this pointing was confined to the upper part of the wall and did not extend to the base of the bath; indeed no part of the (lower) faces of walls 1 and 2 exposed in 2007 had any pointing surviving in situ. The implications of this are discussed further below in the section on possible antiquarian investigations of the site. External features and deposits (Figure 2) Several small-scale investigations were undertaken around the exterior of the bath-house in order to establish the presence and nature of external surfaces and features. It is almost certain that the area immediately east of the entrance corridor and the tepidarium would have been surfaced, possibly paved, perhaps with steps leading up to the entrance. However, no evidence for any surviving surfaces was found in the two small trenches opened here. | A small investigation (less than ]1m/?, not illustrated) was undertaken on an animal disturbance on the steeply sloping terrace side approximately 20m east of the tepidarium. Some ceramic building material was visible on the surface here and the aim was to rapidly characterise these deposits. The very limited work indicated the presence not only of ceramic building material, but also wall plaster (some of it painted) and window glass (one sherd). It seems certain that there is in this area a significant quantity of material deriving from the robbing of the bath-house, probably in the late 3rd or 4th century, and this would repay further, more extensive investigation. To the rear (west) of the bath-house two investigations were undertaken, the larger to expose part of the terrace and the smaller to attempt to locate the furnace(s). The latter, immediately to the west of the caldarium, exposed only demolition debris with no evidence for a furnace here. The investigation of the terrace was more successful in that it provided some information on its nature and extent. A trench cut into the slope behind the north end of the building revealed terrace cut 151, the northern end of the terrace, corresponding closely with the northern extent of the phase 1 bath-house. The existing surface topography to the south of this suggests that the terrace may have extended 7m or so back from the rear of the bath-house. There was no evidence to indicate that the sloping side of the terrace cut had been revetted, but only a small area was exposed. Within this area it appears that a layer of small rubble was laid to consolidate the base of the terrace and above this was a rough mortar surface (114; see Figure 3, section 2) which extended up to the rear wall (16) of the bath-house. On one part of surface 114 was rubble ‘pad’ 113, on top of which was a substantial, sub-rectangular block of stone which showed evidence of having been in the process of being worked, perhaps to form a voussoir. One possibility is that it was being prepared for use in frigidarium / cold bath 2 which, it is suggested above, may not have been finished. Mortar surface 114, rubble ‘pad’ 113 and the stone block were sealed by deposits post-dating the use of the bath-house (see below). Later corn-drying kiln/agricultural use (Phase 3) (Figure 2 & Plate 4) During the late 3rd or, more probably, the 4th - THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 139 century the bath-house was abandoned, robbed of ~ re-usable building materials (e.g. pilae and tesserae) _ and subsequently used for agricultural purposes. A corn-drying kiln was built within the entrance - corridor and the south-east corner of the apodyterium. The entrance corridor was reused as the stoke-hole _ and flue of the kiln, wall 17 being cut back slightly, though the reason for this is unclear, and wall 10 appears to have been partly rebuilt. The flue arch . was probably built within the former threshold, but ‘nothing of this survived. The chamber was created utilising parts of walls 7 and 17 and new walls 6 and 8 which were built against them. Both the latter were of relatively poor construction, and a substantial part of wall 8 was removed during site clearance in 2004. | The internal shape of the chamber is uncertain, but » mortared rubble in the corners suggests that it was - originally circular or oval, and traces of burning were - apparently noted on the inner faces in 2004, though » no evidence for this survived in 2007. Between wall 8 and wall 15 was a remnant of a roughly paved . surface, the remainder of which had been removed in 2004. What appears to be an offset foundation on the north side of wall 6 may have been the remains - of the same rough-pitched stone-paved surface. This | 6 ° . perhaps continued around the exterior of the kiln »and could also have formed the floor of the flue and _ chamber within the structure. Overlying the demolition / collapse rubble (127) ' within the frigidarium and extending eastwards across ‘the rubble infill in cold bath 1 was a substantial, ) black deposit (108) extremely rich in charred cereal remains (see Figure 3, section 3). This was up to | 0.45m thick where it had been dumped against wall 17 and presumably represents spoiled debris from | the corn-drying kiln. Layer 108 was sealed by layer 126 that largely comprised loose mortar probably derived from subsequent weathering and erosion of the extant bath-house remains, prior to them becoming buried beneath colluvial deposits. | A further deposit (112) also rich in charred cereal remains lay to the rear of the building (see | Figure 3, section 2), extending west from the north ‘end of wall 16, though its overall extent was not ascertained. Layer 112 was up to 0.4m thick and | sealed a surface (114) and features contemporary ‘with the bath-house (see above). Whether, like 108, 'it derived from the later corn-drying kiln within the bath-house is unknown. Layer 112 lay beneath ‘demolition/collapse deposits including layer 111 ‘which comprised mainly Pennant stone roof tiles, perhaps a remnant of the roof which slid off as the building collapsed and, above this, rubble 110. Possible antiquarian investigations Prior to the excavations in 2007 the possibility was raised that the bath-house may have been subject to previous, antiquarian investigation. The obvious candidate for such activity is G. Poulett Scrope, c. 1860, at the same time as he was excavating the villa at Truckle Hill. He makes no mention, however, of such an intervention in the published report on the villa (WAM 1862), and a search of the archives has failed to produce any information that might support this suggestion (Roy Canham pers. comm.). It might be noted, however, that a brief description of the villa excavations published in Archaeologia (Anon. 1860) makes reference to building remains to the north of the villa on the same hill, a location which matches that of the bath-house. The work in 2007 confirmed that parts of the bath-house had indeed been subject to investigation prior to its partial clearance in 2003, and a 19th century date still seems most likely, though this could not be confirmed. How much of the entrance corridor and apodyterium may have been investigated is unclear, but evidence did come from the tepidarium, frigidarium/cold bath 2 (see above) and the rear of the bath-house. Along part of the rear of the building, adjacent to wall 16, was very clear evidence for an irregular, backfilled trench which extended as far south as rubble ‘pad’ 113, stopping at the block of stone which rested on the top of this pad. This trench, thought to be the result of antiquarian investigation, cut through the sequence of Roman and later deposits here and appeared to be sealed only by topsoil. From the fill came an iron cleat perhaps deriving from a boot or shoe. In addition to the evidence for antiquarian investigation, there is also a possibility that the partly exposed bath-house was subsequently preserved as a feature in the landscape. The most convincing evidence for this is provided by the pointing on the north face of wall 2 in frigidarium / cold bath 2 which was present (or survived) only above the level of what has been interpreted as 19th century backfill. Finally, the relatively deep, apparently undifferentiated ‘dumped’ rubble fills removed by Antony Little may represent more recent backfill, rather than deposits which accumulated naturally within a disused Roman building such as this in a rural context. 140 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Finds, by Rachael Seager Smith The finds recovered during the 2007 excavation season were almost entirely of Roman date, with only a tiny amount of more recent, post-medieval material. All the artefacts have been quantified and this information is summarized by material type in Table 1. Table 1: Finds summary Building matenals: Ceramic Stone Pottery As well as being the most prolific material type found, the pottery provided the main dating evidence for the site. It was predominantly of late Roman date; no obviously early Roman pieces were identified, although the possibility of a few being present among the less diagnostic sherds cannot be completely excluded. The sherds survived in moderately good condition (average sherd weight = 15g, about standard for sites in southern England where an average of 10-20g is considered usual), although some pieces showed considerable edge and surface abrasion. The pottery was mainly from local sources (Table 2). No Continental imports were identified, the late Roman date of the assemblage being beyond that of most imported wares. Regional imports included Black Burnished wares from the Wareham/Poole Harbour region of Dorset as well as recognisable products (colour-coated wares and white ware mortaria) of the Oxfordshire industry. The Black Burnished forms consisted of shallow, straight- sided dishes and everted rim jars, two of the most characteristic and widely distributed products of this industry during the later 3rd and 4th centuries, while many of the other sherds displayed the slipping and horizontal wipe-marks characteristic of this ware in the period after c. AD 245. The Oxfordshire colour- coated wares included five joining sherds from a Table 2: Pottery totals by ware type Ware N Black Burnished ware 5) Greyware 5 3 3 o. [Wt (g) | 1 4 4 l 1 150 Oxidised ware Oxon colour-coat Oxon whiteware mortaria hell-tempered ware White-slipped red ware Total: flanged bowl copying samian form 38 (Young 1977, 160, fig. 59, C51), found during initial site clearance. However, the relatively coarse fabric of this vessel and lack of any clear evidence for a red slip (the surfaces are abraded) might suggest that it was made by one of the small-scale off-shoots of this industry that may have been operating in north Wiltshire at a similar time. The mortarium sherd (the only one in the assemblage) was found outside the bath-house among the dump of burnt cereal remains on the west side of the apodyterium (context 112). The ‘catch-all’ grey- and oxidised ware categories included products from the north Wiltshire industry, while the few white-slipped wares may have derived from a similar source. Among the oxidised wares, forms included wide and narrow-mouthed jars in a hard orange fabric with a grey core, probably from the Purton kilns (Anderson 1979, 14), a wide- mouthed bowl with a flanged rim and burnished wavy line decoration from an unknown source and a possible Oxfordshire cup/bowl copying samian form 33 and dated to c. AD 240-300 (Young 1977, 197, fig. 73, O43). The greywares too, probably included both north Wiltshire and Oxfordshire products. Vessel forms consisted of everted rim jars and one wide-mouthed necked bowl, a form made by both industries from c. AD 100 onwards (Anderson 1979, fig. 8, 3 and 4; Young 1977, 220, fig.80, R38). This example, however, from the dump of burnt cereal remains (context 108) post-dating the use of © frigidarium/cold bath 1 was associated with other late Roman sherds and probably belonged to a similar period. The single piece of shell-tempered ware, from the rim of a fairly large, heavy jar was also found in this deposit. Such wares are well-known in the area (Brodribb et al. 1971, II, 68ff and 1972, ITI, 54; Rigby 1982, 1/5 D10; Wedlake 1982, 250; Wilmot 1997, 271; Seager Smith 2001, 249), but their absence in the make-up levels at the Beeches, Cirencester may suggest that they belonged within the second half of the 4th century (Keely 1986, 163). - - THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL Building materials Given the nature of the deposits investigated, finds of various building materials were common but, in 2007, they were not collected in any systematic manner. However, the sample serves to characterise the main types in use on the site and forms the basis for recommendations on future collection strategies. Ceramic building material The identifiable pieces of ceramic building material predominantly consisted of bricks (41 fragments), box tiles (33 fragments) and a handful of tegula and imbrex pieces (three and two respectively). The assemblage was very fragmentary, the only complete _ dimension being thickness. Thirty-four of the brick - pieces were 34-43mm thick, suggesting that they were from the smaller, thinner types — bessales, pedalis | - and /lydion — mainly used to form hypocaust pilae, the capping or bases of pilae and in bonding or lacing courses in walls. Two of these fragments were stamped with the letters LHS. This stamp is well-known in | _ the Cotswold region (Darvill 1979; McWhirr 1979, 181) and at Wanborough (Mepham 2001, 316, fig. 101, 22 and 23), possibly originating from the tile | kilns at Minety, although it unfortunately remains _ undated. Four pieces over 50mm thick also indicated | the use of the larger sequipedalis and bipedalis bricks, mostly used as flooring, especially under the pilae of a hypocaust and to bridge the gaps between the top of the pilae. Most of the box tile (tubulus) fragments exhibited combed keying, mainly in cross-hatched designs, but were too fragmentary to be assigned to specific types (eg. box flue — mainly used in hypocausts, or voussoirs used to create arches). The paucity of roof tile (tegula and imbrex) fragments highlights the use _ of stone roof tiles in this structure. ' Stone No detailed geological identifications were | undertaken, but the building stone assemblage | consisted of both dressed and freestone blocks of - Pennant sandstone, oolitic and other limestones, including one thick, flat slab of very fine grained limestone, as well as smaller miscellaneous | fragments of these and other rock types. Fragments of polygonal stone roof tiles, mostly of Pennant | sandstone (greenish grey or pinkish grey in | colour), were also found in five contexts, while nine 141 limestone tessera, light or dark grey in colour, were found in contexts associated with the apodyterium and tepidarium, highlighting possible locations for tessellated floors. | Wall plaster and window glass The fragments of deep red and white painted wall plaster and the piece of window glass (pale blue/green metal), all from the small investigation on the slope below the bath-house, indicate a high standard of décor within this structure. Most of the fired clay fragments are probably also of structural origin, although two pieces, both dark brown in colour and from the vicinity of the tepidarium, may represent ceramic tessera. Other finds Surprisingly, despite the skilled use of a metal- detector, the only metalwork recovered consisted of iron nails and nail fragments, part of a possible latch or key from the demolition deposit in the tepidarium, and a small cleat of the type usually used to reinforce the soles of nailed boots/shoes from the fill of the probable 19th century excavation trench. All of the nails were handmade, round-headed with square-sectioned, tapering shanks and probably of Roman date. Five stone objects were identified (quantified with the building materials). A single fragment from a rotary quern or millstone of coarse-grained sandstone, approximately 400mm in diameter and 44mm thick with a grooved grinding surface, was found in the midden deposit in the south-west corner of the apodyterium (context 117). Four flat, roughly circular or oval fragments of Pennant sandstone, ranging from 65mm to 100mm in diameter, were found in various parts of the building. Although the purpose of these objects remains unclear, their frequency and similarity suggest that they were deliberately formed. In addition, there is a single worked flint, part of a broken blade, which is residual but indicative of prehistoric activity in the vicinity. The single piece of clay tobacco pipe found during the cleaning of the tepidarium may derive from 19th century investigation of the site. The few animal bone fragments were all from the burnt cereal remains and midden deposits and, together with the oyster shell from the tepidarium, probably represent food remains. 142 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Environmental remains, by Chris F. Stevens Six bulk samples were taken from deposits associated with the bath-house. The earliest samples came from a deposit (117) and a lens (118) within it in the south-west corner of the apodyterium, sealed within the construction sequence. As such they pre-date the use of the bath-house. A further sample came from a charcoal/ash deposit (136) to the east of the flues within the tepidarium and is broadly contemporary with the use of the bath-house. Two samples came from a dump (108) rich in charred material post- dating the use of frigidarium/cold bath 1, and thought to derive from the later corn-drying kiln, with another from a similar dump of charred material (112) at the rear of the bath-house. All of the samples were processed for the recovery and assessment of charred plant remains The samples were processed by standard flotation methods; the flot retained on a 0.5mm mesh, residues fractionated into 5.6mm, 2mm and Imm fractions and dried. The coarse fractions (>5.6mm) were sorted, weighed and discarded. Flots were scanned under a x10-x40 stereo-binocular microscope and the presence of charred remains quantified in order to record the preservation and nature of the charred plant and charcoal remains and assess their potential for further analysis. All of the samples were large and rich in well- preserved charred material, the exception being that from the tepidarium (context 136). While the numbers of roots within the samples was generally low, one of those from context 108 and that from 136 had occasional roots and uncharred modern seeds. Therefore, some of the environmental material within them may be intrusive. Three samples were subsequently selected for detailed analysis. These came from the deposit (117) and lens from the south-west corner of the apodyterium and from the dump within the frigidarium. Due to the richness of the samples, in some cases 10% or 5% sub-samples were taken from the 2mm, 1mm and 0.5mm fractions, as recorded in Table 3. Counts were then made from these sub-samples, and the count multiplied by 10 or 20 for 10% and 5% sub-samples respectively. The generated estimates are prefixed by ‘est’ in Table 3. The results are presented in Table 3, with identifications following the nomenclature of Stace (1997). Charred plant remains The samples were all dominated by and extremely rich in glume chaff of spelt wheat (Ziticum spelta). Barley (Hordeum vulgare sl) was present only in low numbers from the samples within the apodyterium, where it was represented by mainly grains, as well as a few rachises. However, it was very well represented within the samples from the frigidarium, in particular by rachis fragments. The grains in most cases could be clearly seen to be of hulled barley, while most of the rachises fragments could be seen to be of the six-row variety. A few grains could be seen to be germinated which may indicate the presence of malting on the site. However, such grains, along with elongated coleoptiles or germinated sprouts, were too infrequent to associate the assemblage with the preparation of malt. Weed seeds were less frequent in the samples and generally dominated by larger seeded species, in particular oats (Avena sp.), with brome grass (Bromus sp.), corn gromwell (Lithospermum arvense), knapweed/corn flower (Centaurea sp), thistle (Cirsium/ Carduus sp.), corncockle (Agrostemma githago), black bindweed (Fallopia convolvulus), nipplewort (Lapsana communis), docks (Rumex sp.) and perennial rye-grass (Lolium perenne) all represented. Other seeds included poppy (Papaver sp.), fat-hen (Chenopodium album), orache (Atriplex sp.), scentless mayweed (Jripleurospermum inodorum), annual meadow grass (Poa annua) and/or cat’s-tail (Phleum sp.). A few seeds of stinking mayweed (Anthemis cotula), a species of heavy-clay soils were present, but were few in number. There were some subtle differences in the weed flora within the samples with rye-grass, oats and brome grass all better represented within the sample from the frigidarium (108). The only other remains were a few fragments of hazelnut (Corylus avellana) from the dump at the rear of the bath-house and a single seed of field maple (Acer campestre). Discussion The sheer number of glume bases from all but the tepidarium (context 136) is highly indicative of the mass processing and separation of glumes following the dehusking of spelt wheat (Jriticum spelta). The waste from such processing is likely to have become charred during parching prior to dehusking (Hillman 1981) or when used as fuel in corn-drying kilns. While some evidence for malting was seen in the samples, it appears to be very minor. | THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL Table 3. Charred plant remains and charcoal Feature Context Vol. size (1) Flot size (ml) Latin name Cereals Hordeum vulgare L. sl (hulled grain) Hordeum vulgare L. sl (grain) Hordeum vulgare L. sl (rachis fragment) Hordeum vulgare L. sl (6-row rachis fragment) Hordeum vulgare L. sl (basal rachis fragment) Triticum spelta L. (glume bases) oe |B eal 3 ele = = we) moo elefelelel, [ele = elelele Ape l& ele 00 Vv oO = . sl (grain) @) @ Lee) (@) pet) — = =) Q. @ (om ai oy © DN pet} — ae) fel) Q =a = rn > © io) =) et N i @ ej 22 |= 3 (2 (2/2/22 2 j< is ls js ls [s ‘15/8 |S [8 [8 |S [8 a/Qisi&/SiSes al Isis ls [Ss [se 818 Je |S 18 |S [8 |S @ 8.8 8 Is |g |e oS. S\S RIS ISRO —> DISMISS EICIS|S/S1S = o Sls is (8 |e 2. VES aN ee tee) | Ie ‘lo ta |e \ag faa | @ Spe jo le.js |S o lal |S ro) 816 (5/8 |= ab Oe eI EE bon (oh ome Kau © WW o| ZI] |e "| Bie] E 4 le) = 5 4 Corylus avellana L. Papaver sp. L. @ 3 \0 Li} oO a 5" Q. o ct aN oO =a 5 Ss ) a. oO [Need Q S Ss S S = = 3 = i> SS =) & ep I ot i=" Atriplex sp. L Agrostemma githago L. Fallopia convolvulus (L.) A. Léve Rumex sp. L. Rumex cf. crispus Brassica sp. L. Prunus spinosa L. Medicago sp. L. Trifolium sp. L cer campestre L. pium graveolens L. Torilis sp. Adans. Lithospermum arvense L. Planiago lanceolata L. Carduus L./Cirsium s Centaurea sp. L apsana communis L. nthemis cotula L. Tripleurospermum inodorum (L.) Sch. Bi Carex sp. L. (trigonous) Lolium L. sp. Poa/Phleum s vena sp. L. vena sp. L. (spikelet) vena sp. L. (wild spikelet) vena L./Bromus L. s Bromus sp. L. ndet possible tuber L Mill. L aS | mm 1h (@) NS PN a — S) —_= common name barley barle = S ie.) & V ru] | i | | — i) =) S&S A % examined % examined % examined est.403 est.200 est.480 est.2230 est.100 est.26750 est.130 0 ol Ea hea pet ret et mt | S|o/|S/]WN | 00 —_ — i) Lame) V — est.2657 est.20000 5) spelt wheat spelt wheat emmer/spelt wheat emmer/spelt wheat Peo eae est.20 est.2073 est.80 est.27500 cf.3 est.20 est.10 est.1808 est.2880 est.11400 est.50 est.20 est.100 est.20 est.20 Cc apsule est.240 est.50 Lenn) 1 aN n Q est.10 est.10 eee ag Pore moael cae an est.10 est.22 est.10 est.44 5) est.30 est.20 est.10 Ol — me | 1} U0 NIN }h Nn — o — S est.10 est.60 est.22 ths area oat/brome brome est.20 43 144 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The high presence of barley rachises compared to grain within the frigidarium is of some interest as generally barley rachises are removed during threshing and coarse-sieving. Yet the relatively low number of smaller sized weed seeds is contrary to what might be expected if the samples derived from waste from these earlier processing stages (see Hillman 1981). It is possible that broken rachises may have been difficult to separate from the spikelets during coarse sieving, or alternatively that relatively clean ears of barley came to be processed on the site. Differences between the samples are significant enough to suggest that most came from separate events rather than a single event. For example, those from the apodyterium (contexts 117 and 118) were distinct in that they had a wide range of weed species, including stinking mayweed (Anthemis cotula) that was absent from the other sample, but very little barley. While the re-use of part of the bath-house as a corn-drying kiln accounts for the later glume- rich deposits from 108 and potentially 112, that the deposits predating the bath-house also contain such material (117 and 118) implies that such activities were conducted close to this area prior to its construction. Such assemblages have been recovered from Romano-British corn-drying kilns, usually ofa later 3rd-4th century date, in Wiltshire (Ede 1993; Hinton 1999; Stevens 2006a), as well as England as a whole (van der Veen 1991). The finding of seeds of stinking mayweed (Anthemis cotula) in the earliest deposits is also of some interest in that they are characteristic of the cultivation of heavier clay soils, often associated with improved ploughing technologies (Jones 1981). Generally in Wiltshire the species is only recovered from late Roman sites (Stevens 2006a), although earlier 2nd-3rd century examples are known (Stevens 2006b). As noted elsewhere, many corn-drying kilns are often late Roman in date (Morris 1979), although earlier 2nd century examples are known. Charcoal Generally the samples contained little charcoal, though that from the tepidarium (context 136) contained comparatively more charcoal than cereal remains and is likely to derive from fuel used to heat the bath-house. It was notable that much of the wood charcoal could be seen to come from roundwood, branch and twig. Molluscs, by Sarah FE Wyles The flots (0.5mm) were rapidly assessed by scanning under a x 10-x 30 stereo-binocular microscope to provide some information about shell preservation and species representation. The main and dominant taxa were identified where possible (see Wessex Archaeology 2008), with nomenclature according to Kerney (1999). Many shells of species associated with shaded conditions were represented including, more unusually, the small shells of Acicula fusca which is indicative of old undisturbed woods. There were also some intermediate species and a smaller number representative of open conditions. It is unclear how contemporary with the bath- house all the molluscs are likely to have been, and certainly some may have accumulated in voids through rooting action in the centuries following the abandonment of the buildings when there is likely to have been some woodland regeneration in the vicinity. Discussion Recent archaeological work at and in the vicinity of the Truckle Hill bath-house, culminating in the excavation of 2007, has revealed a particularly well-preserved structure, arguably one of the best surviving rural, detached bath-houses in the country, and one of the largest. The size, location and evidence — albeit limited — for the quality of decoration suggests that it may have been used by the occupants and visitors to the nearby villa, rather than being a separate bath-house for estate workers. The excavations uncovered the complete suite of rooms, of two phases, with initial construction probably taking place during the 2nd century AD, perhaps towards the end of that century, and the use of the bath-house continuing until the end of the 3rd or, more likely, the 4th century. There is a possibility that the new, phase 2 frigidarium/cold bath remained unfinished at the time the bath-house ceased operation. The chronological relationship to the bath suite in the Truckle Hill (North Wraxall) villa excavated in the mid-19th century is uncertain, but it is suggested that the construction and use of the latter superseded the detached bath-house which was subsequently abandoned. Most of the material recovered in 2007 relates to the structure of the Romano-British bath-house, either in situ or redeposited. The small quantity of decorative material recorded (painted wall plaster and window glass) indicates that the bath-house was relatively sumptuously appointed, though it had been extensively robbed of re-usable materials, probably soon after it was abandoned. The relatively small quantities of other finds (such as pottery and ironwork, with the exception of nails) and the complete absence of copper alloy, for example, are perhaps unusual. This might reflect the location of the bath-house, away from the villa and associated buildings, though one might expect, for instance, the frequent loss of coins and items of personal ornament, such as pins and brooches, in a bath-house where clothes were being removed and _ donned again. Like some other detached bath-houses, it was | subsequently used for agricultural purposes, perhaps as a barn, and a corn-drying kiln was constructed within part of the shell of the abandoned building, probably in the 4th century. However, a post-Roman date cannot be entirely ruled out. Radiocarbon dating has been considered but is unlikely to be sufficiently precise to clarify this further. The large quantity of carbonised spelt wheat suggests that grain had been de-husked on a large scale, probably far exceeding the needs of the nearby villa’s inhabitants. The most _ likely reason is that pure, cleaned grain was being . produced to supply military needs and towns, for example Bath which lay less than 15km to the south- _ west along the Fosse Way. There is evidence that parts of the bath-house were excavated in the 19th century with G. Poulett Scrope, excavator of the nearby villa, remaining | the most likely candidate for this work. The _ relative paucity of finds may lend further weight to the suggestion that the site had been previously investigated. Another, ‘remote’ rural bath-house at _ Whitestaunton, Somerset, for example, had been similarly cleaned of artefacts during its initial - excavation and modification for display as a garden folly in the 1880s. There, other than building materials, the Roman finds consisted of only nine sherds of pottery and four copper alloy coins (Wessex Archaeology 2004). There is also a possibility that the exposed bath-house structure at Truckle Hill was consolidated and retained as a landscape feature during the second half of the 19th century. Following the completion of excavations some deeper or more sensitive areas have been _ backfilled, the walls consolidated and re-pointed _ where necessary and then ‘soft-capped’ with turf by ' specialist contractors. The building remains will THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 145 require regular maintenance, but it is hoped that a satisfactory solution to their conservation has been achieved, and that the site will be made accessible at certain times for pre-arranged visits. In March 2008, as this report was nearing completion, a geophysical survey was undertaken (by Archaeological Surveys) of the hilltop area that includes the site of the villa. This produced a clear plan of the corridor villa and at least two associated buildings, corresponding closely with the layout of principal structures recorded by G Poulett Scrope (WANHM 1862). A substantial curvilinear ditch enclosed the western side of this complex and other, smaller ditches in this area may represent field or enclosure boundaries associated with or pre-dating the villa. Another large ditch apparently cut off what was effectively a promontory formed by the southern part of the hilltop, and a group of smaller ditches lay at the southern end of this, all of these features of possible pre-Roman date. As a result of the very successful programme of fieldwork in 2007, at least one further season of work is planned at the site, involving volunteers drawn from a variety of sources. It is hoped to undertake additional small-scale excavation of the bath-house and the terrace immediately behind, as well as recover a representative range of building and other decorative materials from the debris dumped down slope. In the surrounding area, it is proposed to investigate some of the geophysical anomalies within the valley (which may provide evidence for the water supply, drains, as well as a further structure) and conduct an earthwork survey of the valley sides. On the hilltop, where the villa lies, limited evaluation work is proposed in order to obtain dating evidence from some of the ditches revealed by geophysics in this area. Finally, a study will be undertaken to place the villa and bath-house in a broader context, with the results of this, the geophysical surveys and further fieldwork included in a subsequent article in this journal. Acknowledgements The programme of archaeological work was commissioned by Wiltshire County Council on behalf of English Heritage, and we are most grateful to both bodies for providing the funding which enabled the project to be undertaken. In this respect, the efforts of Phil McMahon (Inspector, English Heritage South-West Region) and Melanie Pomeroy- Kellinger (County Archaeologist, Wiltshire County 146 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Council) were instrumental in its success. Barney Sloan of English Heritage is also thanked for his role in approving the HEEP grant for the project. The continued interest and support of the landowner, Mr Antony Little, has been a major factor in the successful conclusion to this stage of the project. His provision of various facilities, help on site and concern that the bath-house should be preserved for posterity have contributed to a uniquely enjoyable experience. Roy Canham (formerly County Archaeologist for Wiltshire) has maintained an active interest in the site since its discovery and has done much to promote the preservation of the remains, and it is pleasing to record that this has finally come to fruition. Various individuals provided help and advice during the course of the fieldwork. Steven Hill (Dooey) and quad bike took all our equipment and finds to and from the site and daily replenished our water supplies. Paul Lysley kindly allowed parking on his land for the many volunteers and visitors. David Sabin (Archaeological Surveys) undertook metal detecting across the site, provided information on the archaeology around Castle Combe and, with Kerry Donaldson and Paul Hadley, undertook the geophysical survey of the villa site. The thoughts of Pete Wilson (English Heritage) based on his extensive knowledge of Roman buildings have been of considerable assistance in understanding the structural sequence and operation of the bath- house. This has expanded upon ideas stemming from earlier, very limited work undertaken by Brian Kerr and David Neal, along with the geophysical survey carried out within the valley by Paul Linford and A Payne, and examination of the earthwork and landscape evidence by Mark Bowden (all of English Heritage). Sarah Jennings, in her role as English Heritage monitor for the post-excavation work, and Vanessa Straker have subsequently assisted in providing further advice. In many ways the involvement of a large number of enthusiastic and very capable volunteers was the key factor in the success of the project. This allowed substantially more of the bath-house to be investigated than was initially envisaged and also for this work to be undertaken to professional standards. Concerns that there might be only a small number of volunteers rapidly vanished as people came from all over Wiltshire, as well as adjoining counties, the total number reaching almost 50 over the three week duration of the excavation. Given this number it would be wrong to single out individuals, but all those who took part deserve the warmest thanks for their help. They included members of local groups, university students, museum volunteers, staff from both Wiltshire County Council and | English Heritage, Wessex Archaeology or ex-Wessex | Archaeology staff, and people who had heard about | the project and simply wanted to help in whatever way they could. Some came only for a day, many for a week or more and a few for the entire three weeks, but all contributed to a successful project which it is hoped will continue in future years. The fieldwork was directed by Phil Andrews with the assistance Darren Baker, and the project managed for Wessex Archaeology by Margaret | Bunyard. Organising and co-ordinating the team of | volunteers at what was relatively short notice owes much to Margaret, and it is thanks to her that this | vital aspect of the project ran so smoothly. We are grateful to Susan Clelland for undertaking a GPS survey that finally enabled the bath-house to be accurately located in the landscape. Thanks should also go to Charlotte Matthews, Bob Davis and Charlotte Cutland who carried out the rapid building recording in 2004, shortly after the bath-house was first exposed and its significance recognised. The finds were processed by Margaret Melsom and the environmental samples processed by Laura Catlin. The report graphics have been prepared by Rob Goller and the site photography was undertaken by Elaine Wakefield. The archive (Wessex Archaeology project number 58521) will be deposited at the Wiltshire Heritage Museum in Devizes. References ANON, 1860, Archaeologia 43,160-2 ANDERSON, A. S., 1979, The Roman Pottery Industry in North Wiltshire, Swindon: Swindon Archaeological Society Report 2 BRODRIBB, A. C. C., HANDS, A. R. and WALKER, D. R., 1971, Excavations at Shakenoak Farm, near Wilcot, Oxfordshire, vols II-IIT, privately printed DARVILL, T: C., 1979, ‘A petrological study of LHS and TPF tiles from the Cotswold region’, in A. McWhirr (ed.), Roman Brick and Tile: studies in manufacture, distribution and use in the western empire, 309-49. Oxford: British Archaeological Report (Supplementary Series) 68, EDE, J. 1993. ‘Carbonised seed remains’, in A. Graham, and C. Newman, Recent excavations of Iron Age and Romano-British enclosures in the Avon Valley, WANHM 86, 42-5 HILLMAN, G. C., 1981, ‘Reconstructing crop husbandry practices from charred remains of crops’, in R. J. Mercer (ed.), Farming Practice in British Prehistory, 123-62. Edinburgh: University Press HINGLEY, R., 1989, Rural Settlement in Roman Britain. London: Seaby HINTON, P. 1999. ‘Charred plant remains’, in J. I. McKinley, Further excavations of an Iron Age and Romano-British enclosed settlement at Figheldean, near Netheravon, WANHM 92, 27-9 JONES, M. K., 1981, ‘The development of crop husbandry’, in M. K. Jones and G. Dimbleby (eds), The Environment of Man, the Iron Age to the Anglo-Saxon Period, 95-127. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 87 KEELY, J., 1986,‘The coarse pottery’, in A. McWhirr, Houses in Roman Cirencester, 158-65. Cirencester: Cirencester Excavations 3 . KERNEY, M. P, 1999, Atlas of the Land and Freshwater Molluscs of Britain and Ireland. Colchester: Harley ; | LINFORD, P. and PAYNE, A., 2005 Truckle Hill Roman Building, North Wraxall, Wiltshire: Report on geophysical survey. English Heritage McWHIRR, A., 1979. ‘Roman tile kilns in Britain’, in A. McWhirr (ed.), Roman Brick and Tile: studies in manufacture, distribution and use in the western empire, 97-190. Oxford: British Archaeological Report (Supplementary Series) 68 » MEPHAM, L., 2001, “The marked tiles’, in A. S. Anderson, J. S. Wacher and A. P Fitzpatrick, The Romano-British ‘Small Town’ at Wanborough, Wiltshire, 313-16. London: Britannia Monograph Series 19 ’ | MORRIS, J., 1979, Agricultural Buildings in Roman Britain. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 70 RIGBY, V., 1982, ‘The pottery’, in A. McWhirr, L. Viner and C. Wells, Romano-British Cemeteries at Cirencester. Cirencester: Cirencester Excavations 2, 112-25 and fiche 1/5 SCOTT, E., 1993, A Gazetteer of Roman Villas in Britain. Leicester: University Archaeological Monograph 1 SEAGER SMITH, R. H., 2001, ‘The coarse pottery’, in A. S Anderson, J. S. Wacher and A. P. Fitzpatrick, The Romano-British ‘Small Town’ at Wanborough, Wiltshire, 232-300. London: Britannia Monograph Series 19 SOIL SURVEY OF ENGLAND AND WALES, 1983, : - THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 147 Soils of England and Wales, Sheet 5, South-West England. Harpendon: Soil Survey STACE, C., 1997, New Flora of the British Isles. Cambridge: University Press (2nd edn) STEVENS, C. J., 2006a, ‘Charred plant remains’, in M. G. Fulford, A. B. Powell, R. Entwistle and F. Raymond, Iron Age and Romano-Bnitish Settlements and Landscapes of Salisbury Plain, 152-8. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology Report 20 STEVENS, C. J., 2006b, ‘Charred plant remains from Bower Road’, in J. Giorgi, (ed.), Palaeoenvironmental Evidence from Section I of the Channel Tunnel Rail Link, Kent, CTRL Scheme-wide Specialist Report Series, Archaeology Data Service VEEN, M. van der, 1991. Charred grain assemblages from the Roman-Period corn driers in Britain. Archaeological Fournal 146, 302-29 WANHM, 1862, 7, 59-74 WEDLAKE, W. J., 1982, The Excavation of the Shrine of Apollo at Nettleton, Wiltshire, 1956-1971. London: Report of the Research Committee of the Society of Antiquaries of London 40 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2004, Whitestaunton Manor House, Whitestaunton, Somerset: an archaeological evaluation and an assessment of the results, unpublished client report. 52568.12 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2005, Truckle Hill Roman Building, North Wraxall, Wiltshire: Rapid Building Recording, unpublished client report 58520.01 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2007, Truckle Hill Roman Building, North Wraxall, Wiltshire: Project design for an Archaeological Research and Outreach Programme, unpublished report T10098.003 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2008,.A detached Roman bath- house at Truckle Mill, North Wraxall, Wiltshire: Assessment Report on an Archaeological Excavation, Recording and Outreach Programme, unpublished report 58521.01 WILMOT, A. R., 1997, ‘Pottery’, in E. Hostetter and T. Noble Howe, The Romano-British Villa at Castle Copse, Great Bedwyn, 267-97. Bloomington: Indiana University Press YOUNG, C., 1977, Oxfordshire Roman Pottery. Oxford: British Archaeological Report 43 148 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Plate 1: General view. Frigidarium (cold room)/cold bath 2 foreground; cold room/bath 1 centre left, changing room centre right (scale = Im; view from north-west) i] Hl ‘ i hii Wh i iy a Hi TAH i TN ) / ~ i | ) A / if | i) | H Hf My Hi ‘ ~ i} Hi) Hii) . . ~ VN i) mM TBA Wy Mi Hii hi Wi wi Hh i a iH i} HN i Plate 2: Tepidarium (warm room); annexe in foreground, flues between hot room and warm room in background (scale = Im; view from east) : ~ THE DETACHED ROMAN BATH-HOUSE AT TRUCKLE HILL, NORTH WRAXALL 149 | oo ee aw ae i He i Ma Hi ] y, i ie, y) La ) LN Hil i Hi H i TE Ht fi i A OE eG nT 7 HH iy) ) i = : ca : ; j a Hy a LA y uf : : | : ; : i: en ee a La Le i) )) j a : le di Hy j Pe LE a A HH MOR Hi HH a i 3 : : : d ; a Le cy ] Ha f i i He Hea i i I a Hie Hy r Ce Ly ) / ti LA hy a Hi | AE i} | E _ Pi TE Oe HM a if - 1 ) i ij : : is d i i Ay i : : : a Dai i A ebay. Usa I Wy 7 e : : ; : eo nal Hea i ! ny Mi, : i 1 a fei ei je i Hl Hy ; be : i : i : ; Vaeudine Ea i [ Pa ae ‘ i a i i Te i ae i : = : : | i Pel i f ; : L ene ; He i é z i if z i i i HT i | Plate 4: Frigidarium (cold room)/cold bath 1; collapsed rubble (127) in upper half of room overlain by burnt cereal deposits (108) derived from later corn-drying kiln. Note a further layer of burnt cereal deposits (112) exposed at base of section behind (to west) of bath-house (scale = Im; view from east) Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 150-159 Three Roman coin hoards from Wiltshire terminating in coins of Probus (AD 276-82) by Sam Moorhead Wiltshire has a good number of late 3rd-century ‘radiate’ Roman coin hoards; the author has already listed 17, which terminate with coins struck between AD 268 and 296 (Moorhead 2001a, 44-48, nos. 18-34), the most notable being the largest Roman coin hoard from Britain which was found at Cunetio (Besly and Bland 1983; Moorhead 2001a, 46, no. 24). To this group can be added the Alton Barnes hoard, discovered in 2005, which comprises around 3872 coins and terminates with the coinage of Probus. One of the more important radiate hoards was found at Aldbourne in 1980. The original find and its first addenda terminated 1n coins of Tetricus I and II (AD 271-4), but the second addenda has shown that the latest emperor represented is in fact also Probus (Besly 1982 and 1984; Moorhead 1990, forthcoming b, and 2001a, 45, no. 23). Finally, a small hoard of 7 radiates from Easterton II terminating in Probus was found in 1997 (Moorhead 2001a, 46, no. 26, and forthcoming a). This article considers these three hoards and their broader significance for the history of Roman Wiltshire. The Alton Barnes hoard This hoard was found by Mr C. May with a metal detector on 29 August 2005 and excavated with the assistance of the tenant farmer, Mr Tim Carson. The hoard was contained in an upright grey ware jar, described by J. D. Hill in the forthcoming report, of which 93 sherds have survived and which has been reconstructed since excavation by Helen Wilmot (Figure 1). The coins were sent to the Department of Coins and Medals at the British Museum and have subsequently been catalogued (Abdy, Moorhead, Bland and Lopez Sanchez forthcoming). The find was declared treasure and the coins have since been acquired by the Wiltshire Heritage Museum. A single bone counter found with the coins belongs to a class of object found on other Roman sites in Britain. The hoard comprises 3782 silver and base silver radiates struck between AD 253 and AD 281 (see Table 1). Of these, 1288 (33.29%) are from the Central Empire, struck between 253 and 281. The earlier pieces, struck in the reign of Valerian (253-60)(Plate 1) still had a reasonable amount of silver (c. 20%), but amounts of silver fell significantly to only a few percent in the reigns of Gallienus and Claudius Ii (260-70) (Plates 2-3). At the same time the breakaway Gallic Empire (260-74), struck enormous quantities of coins that had as little as 1% silver by the reign of the Tetrici (271-4)(Plates 4-5). Alton Barnes contains 1943 (50.17%) of these coins which make up the bulk of the hoard; this is a common phenomenon for hoards of this period. In the reign of Aurelian (270-5), the central empire reformed its coinage to produce larger pieces with 5% silver and a fine silver wash (Plate 6-7). These coins had a higher tariff than the more debased Gallic Empire pieces and are much scarcer in Britain. It does seem, however, that the British population had taken to the earlier low denomination coins struck by Gallienus, Claudius II and the Gallic emperors. When this supply of low value coin dried up with the demise of Tetricus Department of Portable Antiquities and Treasure, The British Museum, Great Russell Street, London WC1B 3DG ) | | | | | | - THREE ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM WILTSHIRE Fig. 1 The reconstructed pot which contained the Alton Barnes hoard (Helen Wilmot) I in 274, the Britons began to strike their own - copies (commonly known as ‘barbarous radiates’) _ in large numbers (Plate 8). Alton Barnes shows this | phenomenon clearly with 617 such coins (16%), | Table 1: Composition of the Alton Barnes Hoard Victorinus (269 -|Grand Total |CentralEmpire —————sSC‘id Gl [Rome |Milan |Ticinum|Siscia [Unc [Total |[% | [5 siete (253-60) a a a | a a elcors a ay ae aa a e ( Seon eee ln 2 lL ee on | aonincs Ee a a ee eee Seon wooo ss (2 (oes Fe loos | Gallienus & Salonina Goint reign, 260-8) |__{_1a6¢_3_}_i10___}___J519._{13.4 | [Claudius II (268-70 ee 3372-133 eee. ensesr 19.9 | eis Clenchius 20) 5S eae aaa a a | Fe Swe) er meen (Pe 2 Be ss oes | vive au & Sena tine CDSS ne aa aa Pe Ye |e ait Mle SON O48. [15 ss ape pee on eee 27 Saat nin iMROOB: fl wiles ein te desi 4 on ICO Oanta. lin. (5. (13 (Pose pe Miles see i 2s. (2 MMi ieee wit | Utes ee lems: | - | -| | Principal Mint (Postumus (260-9 Ve a ae ee. Om, 127 | oa eee. ee ee (0,05. | | ihe cs (1) ES ae en Ser 13.2. t (65S aoa 2 oe | 151 Fig. 2 Aldbourne hoard: relationship within the pot of the coin samples described in Table 3. Illustration from Besley 1984, p.66 (schematic) which show that they were an important element of Britain’s currency. What is notable about the Alton Barnes hoard, however, is its significant quantity of post-reform radiates of Tacitus, Florian and Probus (275-81), the latest coins being pieces of Probus, minted at Lyons in 281 (Cat. nos. 510-11)(Plates 9-11). There are 218 such pieces which make up 5.6% of the hoard. Although this does not seem a large 152 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Plate 1 Base silver radiate of Valerian I (253-60), Milan, Plate 6 Silver washed radiate of Aurelian (270-5), Ticinum, PM TRPIICOS P P (Alton Barnes cat. no. 6; RIC 208) PROVIDEN DEOR (Alton Barnes cat. no. 426; RIC 152) (21mm diam) (23mm) Plate 2 Base silver radiate of Gallienus (260-8), Milan, Plate 7 Silver washed radiate of Severina (270-5), Ticinum, PROVID AVG (Alton Barnes cat. no. 174) PROVIDEN DEOR (Alton Barnes cat. no. 430; RIC 9) (21mm diam) (23mm diam) | Plate 3 Base silver radiate of Claudius II (268-70), Rome, Plate 8 Copper alloy ‘barbarous radiate’ of the DIVO ANNONA AVG (Alton Barnes cat. no. 223; Cunetio 1964) CLAVDIO type with CONSECRATIO / altar reverse (c. (20mm diam) 275-85) (Alton Barnes cat. no. 639) (19mm diam) Plate 4 Base silver radiate of Victorinus (269-71), Gaul Mint Plate 9 Silver washed radiate of Tacitus (275-6), Lyon, I (?Trer), INVICTVS (Alton Barnes cat. no. 568; Cunetio TEMPORVM FELICITAS (Alton Barnes cat. no. 449; 2545/8) (20mm diam) RIC 65) (23mm) Plate 5 Base silver radiate of Tetricus I (271-4), Gaul Mint I (?Irer), PAX AVG (Alton Barnes cat. no. 587; Cunetio Plate 10 Silver washed radiate of Florianus (276), Lyon, 2603) (19mm diam) AETERNITAS AVG (Alton Barnes cat. no. 486; RIC 3) (23mm) THREE ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM WILTSHIRE 153 Table 2: Percentage of coins of Tacitus, Florian and Probus (275-82) in British hoards terminating with the coins of Probus (276-82). [see Figure 3] S — ho om SOjymn co WN _ proportion, it is larger than all but two comparable British hoards that have been published (see Table _ 2; Figure 1); the two hoards with higher proportions are the exceptional Frampton hoard which has 43.8% including two groups of coins collected at _ different times, and the small Easterton II hoard -considered below. Furthermore, the condition of the Alton Barnes coins is particularly good, with much preserved silver wash and very little wear. It is clear that these pieces had barely circulated before deposition and it is possible that they only ever moved as parcels of coins, never entering general circulation. As such, the Alton Barnes hoard gives a valuable insight into the nature of circulating currency in Britain around 280: a small number _of better quality coins from the 250s has survived; many base radiates of the period 260-75 still made up the core of the currency; ‘barbarous radiates’ were being struck to make up for the increasing shortage of base radiates; a small number of new silvered post-reform radiates do reach the province. It is possible to suggest that where possible the _base radiates and “barbarous radiates’ were used in _ everyday transactions, whilst the earlier base silver _and later silvered radiates would be a better store of bullion, albeit not of great intrinsic value. | There are a few coins of particular interest in the Alton Barnes hoard. One is an unpublished type of . Gallienus (Cat. no. 174), whilst two others are minor variants of a known type of Gallienus (Cat no. 148) and Aurelian (Cat. no. 399). More important are /two coins of Tetricus I, one a completely new type, _the other a type only known for gold coins (Nos. 609-10). } | | Hoard (County) ger coins ane: Ref. 7 il CHRB V, 22-60 06. 14 CHRB IX, 125-43 15. Breamore (Hants 16. Aldbourne (Wilts No. 148 Gallienus, sole reign (260-8), Rome Obv. GALLIENVS AVG; radiate head r. Rev. DIANAE CONS AVG; Gazelle walking r. Mintmark: -//- RIC 181lvar (there is normally XII in the exergue) No. 174 [Plate 2] Gallienus, sole reign (260-8), Milan Obv. [IMP] GALLIENVS AVG GER; Radiate head r. Rev. PROVID AVG; Providentia standing left, holding sceptre and cornucopiae Mintmark: -//MT~ RIC -; Cunetio -; Normanby — (this type is unrecorded for this particular issue) No. 399 Aurelian (270-75), Rome Obv. IMP CL DOM AVRELIANVS AVG; Radiate, draped and cuirassed right Rev. MARTI PACIF; Mars walking left, holding branch and spear Mintmark: - X//- RIC 33var; BNCMER XI1.1, p. 287, -; LV - (the X is only recorded in the left reverse field) No. 609 [Plate 12] Tetricus I (271-4), probably Mint II in Gaul Obv. IMP [ ]VS AVG; Rad & cuir r. Rev. CONCORDIA MILITVM; Concordia stg. 1., hdg. patera in r. and cornucopiae in |.; to r., standard RIC -; Elmer -; Cunetio -; Normanby - (this type is apparently not recorded in any metal for Tetricus I) THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Plate 11 Silver washed radiate of Probus (276-82), Rome, CONSERVAT AVG (Alton Barnes cat. no. 430; RIC 9) (23mm) Plate 12 Base silver radiate of Tetricus I (271-4), Gaul Mint IT (2?Cologne), CONCORDIA MILITVM (Alton Barnes cat. no. 609) (19mm) Plate 13 Base silver radiate of Tetricus I (271-4), Gaul Mint IT (?Cologne), VICTOR [IA AVGG?] (Alton Barnes cat no. 610) (18mm) No. 610 [Plate 13] Tetricus I (271-4), probably Mint II in Gaul Obv. IMP C TETR[ ]; Rad & cuir r. Rev. VICTORIA) [PAVGG]; Victory stg r., hdg trophy in both hands RIC -; Elmer -; Cunetio -; Normanby - (this type is recorded for gold aurei of Tetricus I (c.f. Elmer 847-50; RIC 35)) The Aldbourne hoard — second addenda The original hoard of c.4780 radiates was found in and around a pottery vessel on Boxing Day 1980 by the late Mr E. R. A. Sewell, a prominent member of the WANHS (Besly 1982, 1984). A further 297 coins were found in the 1980s by Mr G. Palmer with the aid of a metal detector and published by the author (Moorhead 1992). Mr Palmer then found a Plate 14 Silver-washed radiate of Tacitus (275-6), Lyon, FELICITAS SAECVLI (Aldbourne Add 2, cat. no. 32; RIC 21) (23mm) Plate 15 Silver-washed radiate of Probus (276-82), Lyon, TEMPOR FELICI (Aldbourne Add 2, cat. no. 33; RIC 104) (23mm) Plate 16 Silver-washed radiate of Tacitus (275-6), Lyon, AEOQVITAS AVG (Easterton IT cat. no. 1; RIC 14) (23mm) Plate 17 Silver-washed radiate of Probus (276-82), Lyon, MARS VICTOR (Easterton IT cat. no. 7; RIC 83) (23mm) further 180 coins between 1990 and 2001 (Moorhead, forthcoming b). This makes the new total for the hoard 5257, of which Addenda 2 represents 3.4%. The new composition of the hoard is shown in Table 3. The most important element of the second addenda is that it re-dates the terminus post quem for THREE ROMAN COIN HOARDS FROM WILTSHIRE 155 [CentralEmpire [Lyon [Gaul [Rome |Milan |Siscia_|‘Sirmium’ Meomionncains@esn Se ee ee we Bee Be ee fos “ane, G2 [Remafihp( CSD a a sae i a Fa ree fe ef ( Gallienus & Salonina (260-8) |_| [491/11 [84/1 [470 fd 3S [626/18 [12.25 | Claudius II (268-70 ee eo OESOB ae ke em AID Ba Pomc qr jo | pie oa7 | Quintillus (270 Pa eenrE a ae eas” ae Ser s es Dame iy 1/52) Ses Slopes ite te) ee A wile a Dos ally oak Ve we I oe he dy, 0.760 epaamae ob) Me Dera abe Le es ee 2. 100020.) amie) Me dn oor Sesh 0 ee ee Ee Pee ee ee oon Haase 2 PER RATES 0/82 Te 226/36 (RY SS es ae ae SE 2 eet A as ee Perrot) mee REY 22/3 fg ss ps ass B80 49 4 erica) Me a a yl 2 lf bef tes 8 2 es [0.04 Mas ig eg SH tH SH ee SS Victorinus (269-71 Iba 1942/28 ae ABT Tetricus I & II (271-4 ann Ee ee ee en ne Ee See (eer ee 28 [23 2 0.46 (Totals ———“<—édr:SC(;ssSC*d2s«d 23 4/70 [968/24 [9 SS [25 «20/36 [3584/133| ES a eee ee a ee ek esries Gilg it aa a a ES Re Ee eed PT woh sens (lll ernes)_ 0 Ee a a (a aa |e eee (Ie ee bic eer) FO op ea en ae a 1266/9 [| ee ee ee ee Eee bere al aa a P(e ee ee (ee eC eNO ese | ee de 15077180) | Table 3. Composition of the Main Hoard and First Addenda. with totals from the Second Addenda after the /. _ Table 4: Composition of the seven samples from the main Aldbourne hoard, compared with the composition of the two additional groups, expressed as percentages Ada Addi A. IBC. De JE. IF. |G Ouintillus SS \T BIE RIS S 12./8.)5 < SIs|s lo c m1 |& |e /2.|2 fe = B= IO cS 9 m c o e Dn —_= FS ostumus Pe Bites fries’) ae O2it oxidised Fine flint and Saxon sand Sub=torali | ee ce ‘Newbury B’ ene cal Pa (315 1003 Lee ees e205, e401, e1501, e2120, e2501, e2606 e2704, e6017, e6018 10 |e6018 —D = = Ss ~ 8 —~ = Ss) DIe|~p APs we C’/misc sand eee Cotswold oolitc MOOT \e2055e3155 e6007 OS es ea 42-3] S357 eA se reduced and oxidised body sherds typical of the Roman period, although evidently re-deposited within later features. The fabrics are consistent with greywares produced through much of the Roman period in North Wiltshire within the Purton/ Whitehall Farm complex (Anderson 1979). ?Anglo-Saxon A small bodysherd in a (handmade) fine flint- tempered fabric was recovered from fill 1003 of Grave 2. Similar fabrics incorporating finely crushed calcined flint and quartz sand were identified as Anglo-Saxon from excavations at Old Town, Swindon (Seager-Smith 1997, 68). An earlier, later Bronze Age/Early Iron Age date might also be argued, based on the fabric. Flint tempered fabrics were among earlier Iron Age material identified from Groundwell West (Timby 2000, 21). Medieval Most of the assemblage dated to the medieval period (Table 1). The material was dominated by coarseware fabrics originating from the Kennet Valley and current between the 11th to the 13th or 14th centuries AD (Mellor 1994). Smaller quantities TWO ANGLO-SAXON BURIALS AT ABBEYMEADS, BLUNSDON ST. ANDREW, WILTSHIRE 165 0 20mm Se a eee | 6) 40mm Ee ee Fig. 3 Burial 1. Copper-alloy (no. 1) and iron (no. 2) grave goods. Scale 1:1 (no. 1) and 1:2 (no. 2) of oolitic limestone-tempered coarsewares are of similar date and probably include material from Minety (North Wiltshire) and Cotswold sources. All the medieval pottery derived from unglazed domestic wares, mainly jars. A base sherd from pit 204 (fill 205) from evaluation Trench 2 is from a vessel of incurved ‘west country’ form. Grave Goods All metal items were examined in the conservation laboratory and subject to x-radiography. In addition, pin no. 3 was subject to x-ray fluorescence analysis (XRF) to confirm the composition of its various components. The results of these analyses are included in the archive. Selected items were cleaned to clarify form and construction. The iron items are extensively corroded and fragmented to a degree in which certain details of form were indeterminable. The position of the grave goods recovered from Graves 1 and 2 is indicated in Figure 2. The dating of individual grave finds is discussed below. Grave 2 included items more useful as chronological markers which taken together suggest a date for interment in the second half of the 7th century AD. A comparable date for Grave 1, whilst not specifically supported by the accompanying grave goods, is likely. Parallels can be drawn both between individual finds and their positioning within the graves with larger Anglo-Saxon cemeteries including Butler’s Field, Lechlade, Gloucestershire (Boyle et al. 1998) 10km to the north of Abbeymeads. es I (Burial 1) Copper-alloy buckle and plate. Plain oval loop with plate formed from a rectangular sheet folded around the rear of the oval loop and fixed with two rivets. Traces of leather are preserved between the plate. Overall length 21mm; width at loop 15mm. Location: lower body. Figure 3, no. l. 2. Iron knife. Very corroded with damage to the cutting edge. The tip is missing. The tang is at the centre line of the blade. The blade back is straight or slightly curving and angled towards the tip. The cutting edge is much damaged but appears to be straight. Traces of unidentifiable organic remains survive to the tang. Surviving length 119mm. Location: lower body. Figure 3, no. 2. Simple buckles of the type represented by no. 1 are common finds from Anglo-Saxon cemeteries. Twelve such buckles, in either iron or copper alloy, were recorded in graves spanning phases A-B at Butler’s Field (Boyle et al. 1998, 189, fig. 5.36, no. 10/10; 207, fig. 5.54, nos 41/8 and 42/2; 209, fig. 5.56, no. 47/7; 213, fig. 5.60, no. 58/1/2; 214, fig. 5.61, no. 59/4; 218, fig. 5.65, no. 69/1; 226, no. 92/8; 229, fig. 5.76, no. 104/2; 239, fig. 5.86, no. 143/4; 248, fig. 5.95, no. 165/1; 255, fig. 5.102, no. 180/8). In certain instances these occurred, as with Grave 1, with an iron knife as the sole grave good present. The form of no. 2 is typical of the small knives known from cemeteries across southern and eastern England and is likely to have been for personal use. Knives of comparable form (termed Type 1 knives) occurred in all phases of the Buckland cemetery at Dover which was in use c. AD 475-750 (Evison 1987, 113). Grave 2 (Burial 2) 3. Pin with mount. The pin is of silvered copper (confirmed by xrf analysis). The shaft is round in section and is ‘hipped’ - thickening at the lower third of its length. The flattened head is circular with a scalloped edge formed by diagonal grooves. There is a double cordon moulding at the junction of shaft and head. The mount was detached at the time of recovery, with traces of ?solder indicating the original position. The mount consists ofa flat garnet (xrf analysis ruled 166 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 4 5 A 100mm | | Fig. 4 Burial 2. Copper (no. 3), glass (no. 4) and iron (nos 5 and 6) grave goods. Reconstruction of bucket (no. 6b) showing surviv- | ing parts. Scales 1:1 (nos 3-5), 1:2 (no. 6) and approximate scale 1:5 (no. 6b) | TWO ANGLO-SAXON BURIALS AT ABBEYMEADS, BLUNSDON ST. ANDREW, WILTSHIRE 167 out glass as a possibility) with gold foil backing. It was set within a ring of silver formed from a strip with butted ends, with a separate ring of beaded silver outermost. Overall length 75mm; diameter at thickest 2.6mm; width at head 5.4mm. Location: upper chest/shoulder. Figure 4, no. 3. 4. Long cylinder bead in semi-opaque blue-green glass. Guido type 611 (Guido 1999, 48-50); Brugmann type ConCyl (constricted cylinder) (Brugmann 2004, 75). That this bead is drawn and not wrapped/folded as initially thought is suggested by a rounded end produced when pinching-out segments from a longer drawn tube of glass. The apparent lateral ‘seam’ is in all likelihood a break at a point of weakness. Length 18.2mm; diameter 4mm; thickness 0.7mm. Location: side of skull. Figure 4, no. 4. 5. Iron hobnail with domed head. This is probably a residual Roman item. Overall length 12.7mm. Figure 4, no. 5. 6. Iron-bound bucket. Fragmentary; the original number of hoops is unclear. The handle is of simple ‘omega’ type made from thin round- sectioned metal. The handle mounts are of simple ‘bow knot’, bifurcated type (Cook 2004) with hoops of simple strip form of two widths (14mm and 16mm). Location: at foot of grave. Figure 6b shows a hypothetical reconstruction. The location of strip fragments and the method of attachment of the handle fixings are unclear. Figure 4, no. 6. Pin no. 3 is broadly classifiable among a group of short pins which are characteristic of the period c. AD 560/80-—700 (Walton Rogers 2007, 126). The ‘hipped’ shank places the pin late within this range, after c. AD 650/75 (Evison 1987, 83). Closer parallels for the garnet setting on no. 3 include examples occurring with paired sets in silver known from two graves from Butler’s Field (Boyle et al. 1998, fig. 5.39, 192; fig. 5.85, 238). The Butler’s Field pins, each from Phase 2 (7th/early 8th century) graves, feature garnet mounts set in identical fashion on discoid, scalloped-edge heads. There is no indication from no. 3 that it originally formed one of a pair and it is likely to have fixed a cloak or possibly a headscarf (Evison 1987, 82). Single pins of any kind were rare at Lechlade, although several are known from Thames Valley sites now in the Ashmolean collection (MacGregor and Bolick 1993, 183-9). Later-style single pins occurred at Buckland in Dover from Phase 5/6 graves (AD 650-675/675—700). Examples included disc-headed pins with garnet and shell settings with silver filigree (Evison 1987, fig. 60, 331), a plain disc-headed pin with double moulding below the head comparable to no. 3 (ibid., fig. 62, 333), and a spherical-headed, garnet-set example with a shaft ‘hipped’ in the manner of no. 3 (ibid., 326, fig. 55). Monochrome long-cylinder beads similar to no. 4 are relatively common grave finds among larger cemeteries, occurring for example at Beckford, Worcestershire (Evison and Hill 1996, fig. 6). The type would appear to have a long period of use, unbroken from the later Roman period (Guido 1999, 48-50). Post-Roman beads of this class occur primarily in 6th-century AD funerary contexts (Brugmann 2004, 75). This may indicate that no. 4 was already old when deposited, a factor which may help explain its poor condition. The occurrence of no. 4 as single bead would appear to be relatively unusual, although single beads occurred in six of 46 burials containing beads at the Bucklands cemetery (Evison 1987, table vii, 59). Bucket no. 6 belongs to a relatively rare class of object known both from male and female graves, the function of which is not fully understood (Cook 2004). The position of the bucket at the foot of Burial 2 is typical for the class as a whole and for iron examples in particular. The majority of iron-bound buckets, where dating is suggested by associated material, fall within the period between the later 6th and 7th centuries AD (ibid., 43-4). Of five iron-bound buckets from Butler’s Field three are of comparable configuration with bow-knot handle attachments and ‘omega’ type handles. Dating between the 7th and early 8th centuries (Phase 2) was indicated for three iron-bound buckets from this site (the remainder were undated) on the basis of associated grave finds (Boyle et al. 1998, 206, fig. 5.53, no. 17; 243; fig. 5.90, no. 16; 251 and fig. 5.98, no. 8; 35-42). Human skeletal remains, by Teresa Gilmore Methodology Sex was determined using morphological criteria and metric variation (Bass 1995; Brothwell 1981; Buikstra and Ubelaker 1994). The standard five-sex classification was used: male, ?male, unknown, ?female, female. Adult age was assigned by consideration of the skeletal parts present, dental attrition (Brothwell 1981), and auricular 168 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 2: Summary of the Inhumation burials Burial : - Burial Bl Grave | 1005 B2 : surface degeneration (Lovejoy et al. 1986). No pubic symphyses survived due to the high degree of fragmentation. Pathology was determined by macroscopic inspection using criteria in Manchester and Roberts (1995) and Schwartz (1995). Non-metric variation was determined using criteria in Brothwell (1981). Only limited metric analysis was possible due to the fragmentary nature of the remains. Table 2 contains a summary of both inhumation burials. North-west/|}Crouched south-east North-east/| Supine south-west |Extended Preservation and completeness Both individuals were poorly preserved, being fragmented and showing severe erosion of the bone surface. Inhumation Burial 1 displayed better preservation than Burial 2, but was only approximately 50-60% complete, with no bones surviving intact and the surface displaying severe erosion. Burial 2 was approximately 40-50% complete. No bones survived intact and the surfaces displayed severe erosion. Age and sex Inhumation Burial 1 was a middle-aged adult, at least 26 years old, but possibly older based on dental attrition. Burial 2 was an old middle-aged adult, approximately 36-45 years old based on dental attrition. Sex could only be determined approximately due to the fragmentation and poor preservation of the two individuals. Burial 1 was a probable male and Burial 2 a probable female, based on sexual dimorphic features present on the skull. Poor preservation of the pelvis for both individuals meant that sexual dimorphic traits could not be determined in either case. YA or |?M] Poor older Periostitis L&R tibiae & fibulae. : Skull vault N/S Caries : : . 50-60% Crouched| 1/30 ane ng; ae Right | Calculus : ane porosity Buckle R&L femoral heads, L femoral Silvered CuA Osteophytic | Pin with 40-50% lipping on garnet vertebral inlay Glass bead Fe Bucket Stature and non-metric traits Due to the poor preservation and fragmentation of both individuals, no long bones survived intact, so stature could not be determined for either individual. Non-metric traits are examples of normal skeletal variation which can be either genetic or environmental (activity-induced) in nature. Burial 1 displayed two wormian (extra-sutural) bones in the lambdoidal suture and the maxillary incisors displayed slight shovelling of the labial surface. No non-metric traits were noted in Burial 2. Degenerative joint disease Degenerative joint disease is the result of physical activity and old age wearing down the joints of the skeleton. The characteristic features consist of osteophytic lipping (bone growth) around the joint margins, porosity of the joint surface and cysts beneath the joint surface. Burial 1 displayed some porosity on the right and left femoral heads (hips) and left condyles (knees). The poor preservation of this burial could have contributed to degeneration of the joint surface already present due to joint disease. Some of the articular facets of the thoracic vertebrae demonstrated a degree of porosity but were again poorly preserved. Only a few lumbar vertebral fragments of Burial 2 showed a small amount of bone growth around the vertebral rims and a small degree of porosity. The remainder of the joints did not survive sufficiently intact to permit analysis. Due to the degree of fragmentation of both individuals the pattern of degenerative joint disease within the skeletons was hard to determine. TWO ANGLO-SAXON BURIALS AT ABBEYMEADS, BLUNSDON ST. ANDREW, WILTSHIRE 169 Metabolic disease Nutritional deficiencies, such as lack of vitamin C and D or iron-deficiency, can result in skeletal lesions. The cranial bones (parietal, occipital and frontal bones) of Burial 1 were noticeably thicker than normal cranial bones. The inner and outer tables displayed significant thinning (less than 1mm thick) whilst the diploic structure (internal space) had increased. This had resulted in thickening of the cranial vault. The ectocranial (exterior skull) surface had been affected by severe erosion, removing the majority of the cortex, but mild porosity could be detected. Mild porosity of the endocranial (interior skull) surface was more noticeable, mainly along the suture edges and meningeal grooves. Infectious disease Signs of skeletal inflammation were only present on Burial 1. Periosteal inflammatory lesions were present on the lower legs (right and left tibiae and fibulae) consisting of both woven and lamellar bone with a porotic structure, indicating a longer standing infection. The presence of both woven (active) bone would suggest a response to infection present around the time of death. The presence of lamellar (mature, remodelled) bone would suggest a long-standing infection as the bone has had a chance to respond and deal with the infection and start remodelling. Periostitis was present on the anterior and posterior surfaces of the tibiae and along the posterior interosseous of the fibulae. Periosteal inflammatory lesions consist of infections present on the surface of the bone. This consists of active woven bone which is normally raised above the surface. More mature remodelled lamellar bone, which is a similar colour to normal bone, will be present if the bone has started to recover from the impact. The left fibula displays slight posterior bowing, with a depression exhibiting sclerotic and porotic bone in the lateral midshaft area. This is a potential solitary bone cyst (Dandy and Edwards 1998, 328- 30). The bowing of the shaft could be due to a well- healed but mal-aligned fracture of the midshaft area. The fracture could be pathological in nature due to the presence of a solitary bone cyst. The continued presence of a cyst-type feature would indicate that it had not resolved, or it had recurred, after the fracture had occurred and healed. Periosteal inflammatory lesions are frequently encountered on both the tibia and fibula in Anglo-Saxon populations and are symptomatic of minor shin trauma (Manchester and Roberts 1995, 130). Dental pathology Thirty teeth were present in Burial 1, with three right mandibular molars in dental position, and the remaining 27 teeth loose. No other dental positions were present. Seventeen teeth were present for Burial 2, all loose. No dentition survived intact. Dental pathology was encountered in both individuals in the form of caries (5/47 teeth, 10.6%), calculus (15/47 teeth, 31.9%) and periodontal disease. Burial 1 displayed a carious lesion in the left maxillary second molar, and signs of periodontal disease throughout both jaws. Calculus was present on 13/30 teeth (43.3% of teeth present) mainly on the buccal (cheek) surface. Burial 2 displayed more carious lesions with four out of 17 teeth being affected (23.5%), including the maxillary right second and left third molar and the mandibular left second and third molars. Some of the calculus deposits may have been lost due to post-depositional erosion of the surface. The presence of carious lesions on the dentition is linked to dietary quality, in particular a sugar-rich diet. The more sugars present in the diet, the higher the risk of dental caries developing. Therefore the presence of carious lesions in teeth present in both burials would suggest a diet with sugars present. The presence of calculus would indicate a low level of dental hygiene, increasing the probability of acquiring carious lesions. Discussion and conclusions The poor preservation and fragmentation of the two individuals hindered the information that could be determined from analysis of the skeletons. However, some comparisons can be made with local cemetery sites and national trends. The probable male, Burial 1, was at least 26 years old and displayed signs of inflammation on his lower legs. His skull displayed features characteristic of metabolic disease, but the actual cause of the lesions are uncertain. His joints showed signs of degenerative joint disease, in particular his mid back (thoracic region) and hips. He had developed a carious lesion in one of his back molars and had calculus (mineralised plaque build-up) on nearly half his teeth. Poor dental hygiene caused periodontal disease in both jaws. The probable female, Burial 2, was aged at least 36-45. She equally had developed carious lesions in her teeth, with four molars being affected and calculus present on at least one tooth. Her lower back (lumbar region) showed evidence of degenerative joint disease. 170 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE As dental caries are relatively common within the early medieval period, with approximately 5.2% of excavated skeletons displaying carious lesions (Roberts and Cox 2003), it is not unexpected to encounter two individuals with carious lesions. Wormian bones, especially in the lambdoidal suture, were frequently encountered within the Butler’s Field Anglo-Saxon population (Harman 1998, 44), with 79 out of 153 individuals displaying at least one. The majority of individuals had between two and five wormian bones, similar to Burial 1 which exhibited two in the lambdoidal suture. Degenerative joint disease is not uncommon in early medieval individuals. Thirty-one individuals from the Butler’s Field population displayed signs of degenerative joint disease affecting the spine, with the majority of individuals being aged between 30 and 35 years of age (Harman 1998, 47). Five individuals demonstrated signs of osteoarthritis in the hip joints. Roberts and Cox (2003, 195) record that out of 7,122 early medieval skeletons studied, 628 displayed some signs of osteo-arthritis, with more males than females affected. Discussion, by Annette Hancocks and Emily Rowe The earliest activity recorded consisted of three probable Iron Age pits. This is unsurprising as two Iron Age enclosures have been investigated nearby. That at Groundwell West lies 150m to the south and dates to the 6th to 5th century BC (Walker et al. 2000). A banjo-type enclosure at Groundwell Farm (Gingell 1982), some 1.1km to the south, was occupied from the 5th to 3rd centuries BC. The discovery of two isolated Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads dating to the second half of the 7th century is of rather more significance. There are only two Anglo-Saxon inhumation burial sites currently known in the immediate area; a single 5th or 6th century burial at Castle Eaton (Phillips 1978, 207) was disturbed by ploughing and contained grave goods consisting of three pierced coins, three glass beads, a melon bead and part of a bronze buckle. At The Fox, Purton a small cemetery of 10-11 burials was excavated in 1912 and 1925 (Goddard and Cunnington 1912, 606-8). Grave goods recovered included glass beads, iron swords, and knives, spearheads, and a bone pin. Further afield at Brimble Hill, Wroughton, two late 6th-century burials were revealed by excavation following a metal detector discovery during 2000 (Wiltshire SMR SU18SE410). One grave contained a child burial with two gilded saucer brooches and two beads, one amber and one glass and a second burial contained an adult with associated grave goods comprising a sword, two spears, a shield boss and small buckle. Anglo-Saxon evidence for the area also shows fairly intense settlement and exploitation of the local landscape. Cricklade is a well known late Saxon fortified town, although with some evidence of the re-use or continuation of Roman settlement features into the early-mid Saxon period (Wessex Archaeology 2000). Other Anglo-Saxon settlements are known in the area at Old Town, Swindon (Butterworth and Seager-Smith 1997) and Highworth (WANHM 1982, 177). At The Grange, Blunsdon St Andrew sherds of late Anglo-Saxon pottery found among the prehistoric features suggesting activity nearby (Phillips 2004), albeit much later than the burials under consideration here. Recent construction work for the Blunsdon Bypass included an archaeological watching brief along the route corridor, although no further evidence for Anglo-Saxon activity was found. (Brett 2007). The Anglo-Saxon burials in wider perspective, by Andrew Reynolds The discovery of new burial evidence of Anglo- Saxon date in Wiltshire is very welcome. Although only two inhumations were excavated from the Blunsdon St Andrew site, they make a significant contribution to a burial record, for the early Anglo- Saxon period (5th-7th centuries) in the county, best described as eclectic in character and patchy with regard to geographical distribution. This discussion considers the local and regional context of the Blunsdon burials, followed by a consideration of the wider historical context. The objects within, and the geographical location of, the Blunsdon burials places them firmly within an Upper Thames milieu given the close parallels with certain Lechlade graves noted above by E. R. McSloy, but late in the overall sequence of furnished inhumation cemeteries in England which, by the end of the first quarter of the 8th century had more-or-less come to an end (Geake 1997, 137-9, table 6.1). Beyond the local discoveries noted above, oe TWO ANGLO-SAXON BURIALS AT ABBEYMEADS, BLUNSDON ST. ANDREW, WILTSHIRE 171 several major Anglo-Saxon cemeteries lie close by, including Fairford and Lechlade a few kilometres to the north and the several cemeteries around Kemble to the north-west, all in Gloucestershire. Whether the Blunsdon burials are part of a larger cemetery, however, is unclear. Although archaeological evaluation of the land to the west, south and east of the burials revealed no further evidence of inhumations, the two graves recovered lay at the northern limit of the site and it is possible that further graves remain to be found to the north. A series of further burials of later 7th century date in Wiltshire is characterised by their association with pre-existing barrows, for example Roundway Down, Swallowcliffe Down and Yatesbury II, although no such feature was located at Blunsdon (Semple and Williams 2001; Speake 1989; Meaney 1964, 279). One aspect that unites all of these Wiltshire burials, however, is their proximity and intervisibility with routeways, a feature noted in the county more widely by Bruce Eagles (1994, 25). The extensive viewshed afforded by the Blunsdon burial place reflects a further signature of many 7th-century burial sites in North Wiltshire, where this aspect is seen as reflecting boundary or frontier locations (Semple 2003). With regard to boundary features, the two burials lie immediately to the south of the line of the former division between the parishes of Blunsdon St Andrew and Cricklade, which was also that between the hundreds of Cricklade to the north and Scipe to the south. Desmond Bonney in particular has commented on the apparent relationship between early Anglo-Saxon burial sites and boundary features, noting that in Wiltshire 29% of burials of 5th to7th-century date coincided with the actual line of medieval parish boundaries (Bonney 1966, 27). Both Martin Welch and the present writer have argued for modifications to Bonney’s approach, particularly the need to sift the burial data with regard to type and date and to take account of the issue that burial sites recorded in Anglo-Saxon charters, which Bonney included in a later publication, relate to the later Anglo-Saxon period (Welch 1985; Reynolds 2002; Bonney 1976). The weight of the evidence relating to the antiquity of parish and other administrative boundaries suggests that they are of post-Roman origin and probably of 7th-century and later date (Reynolds 2005). During the 7th century, the period to which the Blunsdon burials belong, funerary culture in England assumes a greater uniformity than before in terms of the range of objects buried in graves, if not burial location in the landscape, which bears witness to a proliferation of contexts. The finds from the Blunsdon graves fit perfectly well with the known national picture in the later 7th century, although two aspects require a little further comment to that made earlier in this article. Helen Geake’s research has provided a clear chronological context for iron-bound buckets with a date range spanning the period from before AD 600, perhaps from 550, up toc. 725 (Geake 1997, 138, table 6.1). While most buckets regionally (from Berkshire, Oxfordshire and Wiltshire) are bound with copper alloy, of the 19 finds from Wiltshire burials only three examples additional to the Blunsdon Grave 2 find (one from Petersfinger and two from Swallowcliffe Down) are bound with iron. In addition to being a rare example of an iron-bound bucket, the Blunsdon find spot occupies a gap in the previously observed distribution of these objects, lying as it does between a concentration in southern Wiltshire, with two northerly outliers at Roundway Down and Blacknall Field, Pewsey, and a dense grouping in the Upper Thames and the Oxford region (Cook 2004, 24, Map 1). As noted above, iron-bound buckets are rare in comparison to those with copper-alloy fittings, although the Lechlade cemetery yielded five examples, with a further copper-alloy bound vessel (ibid., 56-7). The nearby Fairford cemetery contained four burials with copper-alloy bound buckets and a further stray find (2bid., 55-6). The pin from Grave 2 has broad stylistic affinities with the pair of linked gold pins with garnet settings from the high-status 7th-century burials at Roundway Down and those of silver, also with garnet settings, from Grave 39 at Chamberlains Barn, Bedfordshire (Geake 1997, 267, fig. 4.3). While the Blunsdon pin is of silvered copper alloy rather than gold or silver, and there is nothing to suggest that it was ever part of a pair, its garnet setting is nevertheless backed with gold foil in the manner of high-status jewellery of late 6th and 7th-century from Anglo-Saxon cemeteries more widely. Nationally, fewer objects are found in 7th- century graves than earlier ones and the strong regional identity exhibited by 6th-century cemeteries becomes much less marked. While 6th-century male graves might contain weapons in quantity, and women’s graves a wide array of brooch types and long strings of beads, during the 7th century the range is much reduced and many cemeteries contain large numbers of unfurnished graves (Lucy 2000, 84-5). This aspect suggests that the woman buried in Grave 2 at Blunsdon was of relatively high-status 172 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE during life, while the simple buckle and knife from the male Grave 1 nearby are hardly indicative of high rank. The reasons for a decline in grave goods during the 7th century are likely to be multifarious but probably include changing inheritance patterns and social ties as a result of the growth of kingship and kingdoms from the later 6th century. Fewer objects in graves may also be due to the influence of the conversion to Christianity which affected the West Saxon kingdom from AD 635 when the first of the West Saxon Kings to be converted, Cynegils, established the first episcopal see of the West Saxons at Dorchester-on- Thames in Oxfordshire (Bede HE III.7). While it is well-known that the church did not expressly forbid the inclusion of objects within graves, the increasing presence of the church within the landscape may well have brought with it other transformations as patterns of landholding and settlement developed within an apparently much stronger framework of territorial division and social ties. It is possible that the poor grave furnishing of many 7th-century graves is not so much a reflection of rank or wealth in life, as it may have been during the 5th and 6th centuries, but instead a function of socio-economic change. During the early Anglo-Saxon period, particularly the late 5th and 6th centuries, Wiltshire should be seen as looking towards three cultural regions. Cemeteries in the southern half of the county, around Salisbury and in the south Wiltshire Avon valley, bear their closest affinities with the material culture of the communities of Hampshire and West Sussex (Eagles 2001); while those in North Wiltshire are linked to the cemeteries of the Upper Thames valley and a cultural zone extending from West Kent and Surrey westwards through Berkshire and southern Oxfordshire to the border with Gloucestershire. The further west one moves, particularly into western Wiltshire, Gloucestershire and Somerset, the range of burial rites and types becomes increasingly scarce and hard to define as the cultural boundary zone between western Britain and Germanic central England is encountered. Cemeteries are known in central Wiltshire that fall between the southern English and Upper Thames regional groupings. At Market Lavington, for example, the furthest westwards such cemetery in Wiltshire, late 5th and 6th-century burials included brooch types common to both regions (Montague 2006, 79-80). A stray find of a late 6th-century saucer brooch from Worton lies further to the west (Eagles 2001, 219), although it remains to be seen if this object is derived from a burial context. From this juncture, the location of the Blunsdon burials takes on particular interest. The emergence of the West Saxons as a people is somewhat obscure and is complicated by the fact that written sources, principally Bede, indicate that the power base of the people known during the 6th and 7th centuries as the Gewisse lay originally in the Upper Thames Valley. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle entry for AD 495, however, relates a typical Germanic origin myth for the West Saxon dynasty in the form of the arrival of a certain Cerdic and his son Cynric off the coast of Wessex, probably the Solent, while the entry for 519 records them succeeding to the kingdom (Swanton 2000, 15-7). There are many problems with early entries in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Bately 1978) which need not be rehearsed here, but it remains clear enough that the focus of West Saxon political power underwent a fundamental shift between AD 635 and the establishment of the Dorchester See and its movement to Winchester by the 660s. The locale within which the Blunsdon burials were made was, by the second half of the 7th century, a contested border region with the expanding Mercian kingdom to the north, a situation which probably led to the shift of power to the south (Yorke 1995, 61-2). The proximity of the burial site to the River Thames and the boundary with Gloucestershire places the locale at the frontier between the kingdom of the Hwicce, later subsumed within Mercia, to the north and west and Wessex to the south. In conclusion, the Blunsdon burials can be seen to bear many of the traits typical of inhumation burial during the later 7th century. While the location of the settlement relating to these burials is not known, there is no reason to consider the two individuals as anything other than locals, living in a potentially unstable political environment, but within a world of rapidly developing social institutions in the context of the growth of the early West Saxon kingdom. Acknowledgements Cotswold Archaeology would like to thank Eric Petrie of Abbeymeads LLP John Trehy of Terence O’Rourke Ltd, Roy Canham, former County Archaeological Officer for Wiltshire and Melanie Pomeroy-Kellinger, County Archaeological Officer for Wiltshire for their assistance during the course of this project. The fieldwork was undertaken by Emily Rowe and managed by Richard Young. The eae tee ee TWO ANGLO-SAXON BURIALS AT ABBEYMEADS, BLUNSDON ST. ANDREW, WILTSHIRE IWS: post-excavation was managed by Annette Hancocks. Neil Holbrook edited and commented on this report. The illustrations were prepared by Lorna Gray and Jemma Elliott. Andrew Reynolds would like to thank Dr Bruce Eagles and Dr Sue Harrington for their comments on a draft of the discussion. The site archive will be deposited with Swindon Museum and Art Gallery under accession number SWIMG: B:2007.1. References ANDERSON, A. S., 1979, The Roman pottery industry of North Wiltshire. Swindon Archaeological Society Report 2. Swindon: Thamesdown Publishing BASS, W. M., 1995, Human Osteology — A Laboratory and Field Manual. Missouri: Missouri Archaeological Society BATELY, J. M. 1978. The compilation of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 60 BC to AD 890: vocabulary as evidence. Proceedings of the British Academy 64, 93-129 BGS (British Geological Survey) 1974, British Geological Survey of England and Wales; Swindon Sheet 252 BONNEY, D. J. 1966. Pagan Saxon Burials and Boundaries in Wiltshire. WANHM 61, 25-30 BONNEY, D. J., 1976, ‘Early Boundaries and Estates in Southern England’, in P. H. Sawyer (ed.), Medieval Settlement, 72-82. London: Edward Arnold BOYLE, A., JENNINGS, D., MILES, D. and PALMER, S. 1998, The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Butler’s Field, Lechlade, Gloucestershire. Volume 1: Prehistoric and Roman Activity and Anglo-Saxon Grave Catalogue. Thames Valley Landscape Volume 10. Oxford: Oxford Archaeological Unit BRETT, M., 2007, A419 Blunsdon Bypass Road Improvement Scheme, Wiltshire. Post-Excavation Assessment and Updated Project Design. CA Report No. 07131 BROTHWELL, D.R., 1981, Digging up Bones. British Museum (Natural History). Oxford: Oxford University Press BRUGMANN, B., 2004, Glass beads from Early Anglo-Saxon Graves: a study of the provenance and chronology of glass beads from early Anglo-Saxon graves, based on visual examination. Oxford: Oxbow Books BUIKSTRA, J. E., and UBELAKER, D. H. (eds), 1994, Standards for data collections from human skeletal remains. Fayetteville: Arkansas Archaeological Survey Research Series 44 BUTTERWORTH, C. A. and SEAGER-SMITH, R. H. 1997. Excavations at The Hermitage, Old Town, Swindon. WANHM 76, 55-76 CA (Cotswold Archaeology), 2003, Abbeymeads (Groundwell West), Swindon, Wiltshire, Archaeological Excavation. CA Report No. 01009 CA (Cotswold Archaeology), 2007, Abbeymeads (Groundwell West), Swindon, Wiltshire, Archaeological Evaluation. CA Report No. 07002 CAT (Cotswold Archaeological Trust), 2000, Abbeymeads (Groundwell West), Swindon, Wiltshire, Archaeological Evaluation. CA Report No. 001233 COOK, J. M., 2004, Early Anglo-Saxon Buckets: a Corpus of Copper-alloy or Iron-bound, Stave-built Vessels. Oxford School of Archaeology Monograph 60. Oxford: Institute of Archaeology, University of Oxford COLGRAVE, B. and MYNORS, R. A. B. (eds), 1969, Bede’s Ecclestastical History of the English People. Oxford: Clarendon Press DANDY, D.J., and EDWARDS, D.J., 1998, Essential Orthopaedics and Trauma. 3rd edition. London: Churchill Livingstone EAGLES, B. N., 1994, ‘The Archaeological Evidence for Settlement in the Fifth to Seventh Centuries AD’, in M. Aston and C. Lewis (eds), The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, 13-32. Oxford: Oxbow EAGLES, B. N., 2001, ‘Anglo-Saxon Presence and Culture in Wiltshire c. AD 450-c. 675’, in P. Ellis (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and After: Papers in Honour of Ken Annable, 199-233. Devizes: WANHS EVISON, V.I., 1987, Dover: Buckland Anglo-Saxon Cemetery. London: Historic Buildings and London Monuments Commission for England Archaeological Report 3 EVISON, V.I., and HILL, P., 1996, Two Anglo-Saxon cemeteries at Beckford, Hereford and Worcester. Research Report 103, York: Council for British Archaeology GEAKE, H. M., 1997, The Use of Grave Goods in Conversion-Period England, c. 600-c. 850. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 251 GINGELL, C. 1982. Excavation of an Iron Age enclosure at Groundwell Farm, Blunsdon St. Andrew, 1976-7. WANHM 76, 33-75 GODDARD, E. H. and CUNNINGTON, M. E. 1912. Saxon Cemetery at “The Fox’. WANHM 37, 606-8 GUIDO, M. 1999, The Glass beads of Anglo-Saxon England, c. AD 400-700: a preliminary visual classification of the more definitive and diagnostic types. London: Society of Antiquaries of London HIGHWAYS AGENCY (HA), 2005, A419 Blunsdon Bypass Environmental Statement HARMAN, M., 1998, ‘The Human Remains’, in A. Boyle, D. Jennings, D. Miles and S. Palmer, The Anglo-Saxon Cemetery at Butler’s Field, Lechlade, Gloucestershire. Volume 1: Prehistoric and Roman Activity and Anglo- Saxon Grave Catalogue, 43-8. Thames Valley Landscape Volume 10. Oxford: Oxford Archaeological Unit HOOKE, D., 1985, The Anglo-Saxon Landscape: The Kingdom of the Hwicce. Manchester: University Press LOVEJOY, C. O., MEINDL, R. S., PRYZBECK, T. R., and MENSFORTH, R. P. 1986. Chronological metamorphosis of the auricular surface of the ilium, a new method for the determination of adult skeletal age at death. American Journal Physical Anthropology 68, 15-28 LUCY, S. J., 2000, The Anglo-Saxon Way of Death. Stroud: 174 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Sutton MACGREGOR, A., and BOLICK, E., 1993, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: A summary catalogue of the Anglo- Saxon collections (non-ferrous metals). Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 230 MANCHESTER, K., and ROBERTS, C.A., Archaeology of Disease. 2nd edn. Stroud: Sutton MEANEY, A. L., 1964, Gazetteer of Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Sites. London: Allen and Unwin MELLOR, M. 1994. A Synthesis of Middle and Late Saxon, Medieval and Early Post-medieval Pottery in the Oxford region. Oxontiensia 59, 17-217 MONTAGUE, R., 2006, ‘Metalwork’, in P. Williams and R. Newman, Market Lavington, Wiltshire: An Anglo- Saxon Cemetery and Settlement. Excavations at Grove Farm, 1986-90, 72-86. Salisbury: Trust for Wessex Archaeology PHILLIPS, B. 1978. Castle Eaton. WANHM 72/3, 207 PHILLIPS, B., 2004, The Grange, Blunsdon St Andrew, Wiltshire, Archaeological Observation, Recording and Artefact Retrieval REYNOLDS, A., 2002, ‘Burials, Boundaries and Charters in Anglo-Saxon England: a Reassessment’, in S. Lucy and A. Reynolds (eds), Burial in Early Medieval England and Wales, 171-194. Leeds: Maney REYNOLDS, A., 2005, ‘From pagus to parish: Territory and Settlement in the Avebury Region from the Late Roman Period to the Domesday Survey’, in G. Brown, D. Field and D. McOmish (eds), The Avebury Landscape: Aspects of the Field Archaeology of the Marlborough Downs, 164-180. Oxford: Oxbow Books ROBERTS, C. A., and COX, M., 2003, Health and Disease in Britain: From Prehistory to the Present Day. Stroud: Sutton SCHWARTZ, J. H., 1995, Skeleton Keys: An Introduction to Human Skeletal Morphology, Development and Analysis. New York: Oxford University Press 1995, SEAGER-SMITH, R. H. 1997. ‘The Pottery’, in C. A. | Butterworth and R. H. Seager-Smith Excavations at The Hermitage, Old Town, Swindon. WANHM 76, 58-69 SEMPLE, S. and WILLIAMS, H. 2001. Excavation on Roundway Down. WANHM 94, 236-39 SEMPLE, S., 2003, ‘Burials and Political Boundaries in the Avebury Region, North Wiltshire’, in D. Griffiths, A. Reynolds and S. Semple (eds), Boundaries in Early Medieval Britain, Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 13, 72-91 SPEAKE, G., 1989, A Saxon Bed Burial on Swallowcliffe Down: Excavations by F de M. Vatcher. London: English Heritage SWANTON, M., 2000, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. London: Phoenix Press TIMBY, J., 2000, “The Pottery’, in G. Walker, B. Langton and N. Oakey, An Iron Age Site at Groundwell West, Blunsdon St. Andrew, Wiltshire, 19-26. Cirencester: Cotswold Archaeological Trust unpublished typescript report 991119 WALKER, G., LANGTON, B., and OAKEY, N., 2000, An Tron Age Site at Groundwell West, Blunsdon St. Andrew, Wiltshire. Cirencester: Cotswold Archaeological Trust unpublished typescript report 991119 WALTON ROGERS, P, 2007, Cloth and Clothing in Early Anglo-Saxon England AD 450-700. CBA Research Report 145, York: Council for British Archaeology WELCH, M. G. 1985. Rural Settlement Patterns in the Early and Middle Anglo-Saxon Periods. Landscape History 7, 13-25 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2000, Proposed Biomass Power Project, Cricklade, Wiltshire. Archaeological Evaluation WANHM. 1982. Wiltshire Archaeological Register for 1980. WANHM, 76, 177 YORKE, B. A. E., 1995, Wessex in the Early Middle Ages. Leicester: Leicester University Press Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 175-187 Leah names in the Anglo-Saxon charters of Wiltshire by Ben Lennon ‘Ley’ or ‘leigh’ names are among the most widespread and intensively studied of English place-names. They are a common feature within Anglo-Saxon charter bounds of the 8th to 11th centuries. The corpus of charters constitutes a unique subset of leah names that represent the earliest recorded instances of the element. Analysis of the charter evidence 1s used to disclose common characteristics relating to their early use and formation as well as the social and physical landscape in which they were created. Historical interpretations of the meaning of léah are reviewed and the etymology examined. It 1s conjectured that the term refers to a form of wood pasture. The use of this term satisfies and incorporates both traditional interpretations of the word as meaning ‘woodland’ and later ‘a clearing within woodland’. The presence of these features 1n early landscapes, however, is not necessarily an indicator of primary woodland but may have arisen quite quickly where cultivation or grazing had lapsed. A study of first elements combined with leah from early Wiltshire charters indicates that personal names are rarely associated with leah names. This feature is interpreted as indicative of a common resource rather than an exclusively held privilege or right of ownership. The distribution of Wiltshire leah names 1s also considered with concentrations in some of the medieval forests. It 1s suggested that a correlation exists between the distribution of soil type and leah features with leahs being particularly common on heavy clay soils and rare on the chalk. This study of early leah features in Wiltshire represents a set of provisional observations and 1s submitted as a stimulus for further debate of early medieval landscapes. whether any conclusions can be drawn as to origins and early meanings. Introduction English place-names ending in Old English léah usually give modern forms in ‘ley’ or ‘leigh’ and are among the commonest encountered in the English countryside. These names have been the subject of considerable debate and academic study. The root of the word is Old English but appears to have remained in common use throughout the medieval period; its meaning is usually associated with woodland, but later with woodland clearings (Hooke 1985, 167). Thus it has been assumed that the use of the word changed over time and gradually became Origins of léah as a place- name element According to certain modern scholars the word leah originated as an Indo-European word root meaning ‘light, shining’. It has also been suggested that it is related to the Old English word, leoht, modern ‘light’ (Gelling 1984,198). This implies a level of associated with personal names and settlements. The purpose of this study is to collate the earliest known records of leah names in Wiltshire and to establish parity with the commonly accepted use of the word leah in the later Anglo-Saxon period; ‘a woodland or wood pasture with glades’ (Hooke 1989, 120) The Old Sweet Shop. 79 Primrose Hill, Lydney, Glos. GL15 5SW 176 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE which appears more frequently around the edges of woodland rather than within. Smith (1956, 18-19) cites a number of indicators of why the word has been associated with woodland. These include the following: 1. The word occurs frequently in traditionally heavily forested counties (e.g. Cheshire, Hampshire, Surrey, Sussex) and in some they are concentrated into well-wooded districts (e.g. Cumbria, Gloucestershire). 2. In a great many cases /éah is combined with elements denoting woodland or clearance of woodland rather than elements associated with open country. 3. In some cases /éah appears to act as a synonym for other woodland associated words (e.g. in Kent the heavily wooded Weald in Old English is referred to as Andredsleage and Andredweald). 4. Cognate words in other languages include Old Norse /6 ‘a glade, a meadow’, Old High German loh equated with Latin Jucus ‘a grove’, Middle High German /6h, loch; ‘low brushwood, clearing overgrown with small shrubs”! Ekwall identifies the same series of cognate words but cites the original meaning as ‘an open space in a wood, with the trees scattered so that the grass can grow’, but indicates that the term can be applied to an open glade or an area of woodland (Ekwall 1960, 292). According to Gelling the presence of /éah as a place-name element ‘is an indicator of woodland which was in existence and recognised as ancient when English speakers arrived in any region’ (Gelling 1984, 200). Rackham takes this assumption a stage further and states that the presence of the leah element in place-names implies the presence of a fragment of primary woodland at the time of the formation of the name (Rackham 1990, 56). Gelling has identified an antithesis between /éah and tun in certain clusters of place-names in areas of the West Midlands. Here it is suggested that isolated names ending in Jeah and surrounded by names ending in tun refer to woodlands in open country, whereas clusters of settlement names ending in /eah may contain the word to indicate settlements already established in woodland clearings when English speakers arrived in that area (Gelling 1984, 199). In Cox’s analysis of place-names in early charters between AD 672 and 731 leah is recorded seven times out of a total of 224 names (Cox 1976). The general paucity of /eah features from this early period is regarded as an indicator that the term arose in general usage from the mid-8th century onwards and it has been further suggested that the majority of leah names were formed between c.750 and c.950 (Gelling and Cole 2000, 237). In his comprehensive study of pre-conquest charters Johansson accepts the multiple use of leah and in many cases suggests the sense in which it is used. However, Johansson struggles to identify a modern analogue that would satisfy and incorporate both uses of the word (Johansson 1975, 33). This dualistic approach to the use of the word as meaning both ‘woodland’ and a ‘clearing’ is not entirely convincing or satisfactory, nor does it offer a mechanism by which the change from ‘woodland’ to ‘clearing’ can take place. Scholars have created the hypothesis of early (woodland) and late (clearing) forms of /éah in order to deal with the fact that the occurrence of the word sometimes appears contradictory. It is far from certain, however, that they are contradictory. The bulk of survey work that has been carried out on a large scale has focused on place-names and the origins of sites of habitation. Gelling and Cole (2000, 237) have argued that leah became a commonly used term for a settlement in heavily wooded country, and terms such as tun for settlements in areas which had long since been cleared of woodland. According to this model, which is essentially based on the distribution of settlement names, leah is regarded as having become quasi-habitative (Gelling and Cole 2000,220). Less well surveyed are field-names or other names that persist in the landscape through oral tradition, on maps, or other documentation. Although /eah is a very well distributed place-name on the modern map, it is essentially a non-habitative, topographical term used to denote the particular attributes of an area of land. This aspect contrasts with the widespread use of words such as tun that are habitative terms, the presence of which explicitly indicates human settlement. In other words human habitation, either past or present, is an intrinsic property of elements such as tun but not of leah. Where /éah is incorporated into a settlement-name it is by adoption rather than by design. This adoption may well incorporate the previous sense of place denoted by the earlier descriptive formation of the location name but in the process it loses its intrinsic link with the character of that place (i.e. the term becomes associated with the settlement rather than the landscape type it was before). LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE 177 The origins of the wooded landscape From a 21st-century perspective, the distinction between open land and woodland is polarised. This arises from intensive and segregated land use across the modern British landscape in which grazed land is open having very few trees other than those found in hedgerows (or the remains of hedgerows), while woodlands are primarily plantations or old coppices (both conifers and broadleaves). Until recent years the common view of the natural vegetation pattern of lowland Britain prior to the influence of humans was of a landscape dominated by extensive and relatively dense woodland. This view was largely based on the models of vegetational succession and climax developed by the likes of Clements and Tansley in the first half of the 20th century (Vera 2000, 17-18). In this model the post-glacial landscape is gradually colonised by a succession of increasingly long lived and complex vegetation types until a stable climax for the particular site type is reached. The principal process of structural diversification in this model is through patch dynamics (individual trees dying and being replaced by young trees), or by catastrophic events (wind, fire, disease, etc). It has thus been traditionally accepted by historical geographers that thick forest covered the majority of the lowland zone of Britain until the arrival of man, who progressively cleared the woodland for agriculture (Hoskins 1955; Rackham 1993). Over recent years these simplistic views of woodland ecosystem development have been challenged by alternative theories put forward by Frans Vera (Vera 2000) and others. Primarily based on a continental situation, Vera’s model emphasises the role of large hoofed mammals (ungulates) in modifying the gradual progression towards the climax vegetation through extensive grazing and the suppression of young trees (Vera 2000). In Britain, many of the very large ungulates such as the aurochs (the ancestor of modern cattle) were made extinct by the end of the Bronze Age (Grigson 1982), and many other wild ungulates suffered similar fates over subsequent centuries. However, from this period onwards domesticated stock may have increasingly taken over in this capacity. Other moderately sized mammals such as deer, sheep and wild boar would have continued to create an impact on the woodland landscape. Thus Vera presents a picture of a much less densely closed woodland with a highly variable and porous structure and one that is much more responsive to the vagaries of site type and grazing Fig. 1 Relict wood pasture with old oak trees and little understorey or regeneration 178 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 2 Dynamic wood pasture with a high degree of variation of species and age classes pressure. The nearest modern analogue to this type of structure is wood pasture. Wood pasture (or pasture-woodlands) describes a land use in which trees exist in the presence of domestic stock or wild grazing animals and where both are of value to man (Kirby et al. 1995, 136). The woodland may be variable in density with large gaps and a structure that reflects the intensity of grazing pressure. In our relict wood pastures the dynamism of these early landscapes is concealed by the dominance of ancient trees. In historic times wood pastures may well have been much more varied in terms of age, class structure and species composition. Many of the surviving remnants of wood pastures (and parklands as a more formally structured wood pasture) are dominated by old oaks that have managed to outlive virtually all other trees (Figure 1). From the earliest times it is likely that much woodland was grazed by domestic, as well as wild, mammals. In areas of highly contrasting soil types such as the heavy clays and light chalks of Wiltshire it is probable that woodland persisted on the heavy clay soils until the Roman period, the development of clay tolerant wheat varieties, and more robust ploughing technology. Even during these formative periods, however, we must view woodland as a readily utilised human resource, not merely as widespread dense thicket. Although agriculture appeared to have extended on to heavier clay soils during the Roman period, in many cases this occupation seems not to have been permanent, and several villa sites are to be found within secondary woodland across Wiltshire (e.g. Stanton Park Wood, Castle Copse, Great Bedwyn). Some woodland may well have been coppiced and this would have required a form of enclosure, either temporary or permanent, as a means of segregation to avoid browsing of young shoots by animals. In more sophisticated forms of wood pasture, trees may have been pollarded, a practice that was common in the first millennium AD. As the middle ages progressed the abundance of wood pasture generally declined in favour of coppice as a form of management (Jones 1998). Medieval copses were commonly inclosed to exclude deer and other grazing animals. Wood pastures probably persisted much longer in the royal forests where they provided suitable habitat for deer, and communally held grazing rights were widespread. Critically, wood pastures can develop on a whole range of different site types given the right conditions. They can develop from dense woodland or arise quite naturally on open land where there is a decline in pastoral management practices. The rate at which woodlands, thickets and wood pastures arise from open land is dependent on a range of site related factors. Although certain wood pastures no doubt had ancient origins, it should not be regarded as a foregone conclusion that all wood pastures were born of antiquity. Nor would a speaker of Old English have wished, or needed, to differentiate between a woodland of recent or ancient origin as Gelling has implied (Gelling 1984, 200). LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE We) It is against this backdrop of a very porous structure of unenclosed woodlands that we must now consider the landscape of the Anglo-Saxons. On the claylands of counties such as Wiltshire land use was possibly less well defined than today. Areas that would later be designated as the early royal forests may well have comprised an indistinct mosaic of unenclosed grazed woodland of variable density and intensity of management. It is here that we may find a definition that satisfies both of the rather restricted definitions that have been discussed previously. Leah could well describe wood pasture of variable density subject to varying degrees of exploitation or management (Figure 2).” Semantically, /éah is to be distinguished from the other words commonly associated with woodland such as fyrth, bearu, wudu, holt and graf. Scholars often disagree on what is being described by these other terms but it is clear is that the Anglo-Saxons used a range of words to distinguish different woodland types. The new definition of leah proposed above, however, is not without its problems. In order for topographical features to be reckoned serviceable within the perambulation of a charter it must be assumed that they are in some way recognizable and distinctive features. The fact they are mentioned in charters at all is an explicit declaration that they lie, at least in part, on a tenurial boundary. Does this imply that the charter boundary runs through the middle of the leah? Very rarely is one side of a /eah or another mentioned. Instances where the centre of the leah are specified is equally rare and may merely reflect the desire of the individual scribe to be as explicit as possible: ‘7 donne in lin leage middewearde......... donon on heardanleage middewearde’ [trans. “then on to the middle of lin leage....... thence on to the middle of heardanleage] (Sawyer 1968, Cat. No. 400, Odstock, Wilts. A.D. 928). If the tenurial boundary in this case does indeed cut through the middle of the leah mm question it is difficult to see how one group of grazing stock would be segregated from another in the absence of some form of fence. If such fences or banks existed then perhaps these would form the feature on the charter bounds rather than the leah. In downland regions, however, parish boundaries were often poorly defined on uplands until the 19th century. How then was a /éah differentiated from the surrounding landscape? From a 21st-century perspective of clearly defined landscape types it is difficult to reconstruct the Anglo-Saxon sense of place and landscape identity. Clearly, these types South Wiltshire Downs 20 Kilometers Fig. 3 Topographical regions of Wiltshire (after Draper 2006) of features were recognizable and the wealth of terms for different types of woodland available to the Anglo-Saxon people allowed for a high degree subtle distinction. The attribution of descriptive terminology may have arisen as a form of distinction between these features when they lay in close proximity to one another, in much the same way as one field is differentiated from another in any number of historical estate surveys. It has been noted that the creation of place (abstract) out of space (a locality with meaning embedded in the social memory) is implicit in the act of naming (Johnson 2007, 148). The scale at which humans perceive the landscape that they occupy is an important element in understanding how it is conceptually divided. Subtle distinctions of topography, soil and vegetation structure may only make sense to people that are fully integrated with the semi-natural landscape in which they live. However, as will be seen, patterns and clusters emerge at both the local scale of human perception as well as the geographically extensive topographical scale (Figure 3). 180 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE The charter evidence Most of the earliest recorded instances of léah features occur in perambulations accompanying Anglo-Saxon land charters. These were relatively common documents relating to transfers of land or the granting of privileges from the late 7th century until the Norman Conquest, although perambulations of the post-conquest period are also common. The earliest examples are in Latin but from the 9th century Old English was commonly used for boundary clauses which identified the limits of a given estate by listing a series of landmarks, normally in a clockwise direction, including settlements, topographical features and land use types. By the time of the Domesday survey, when many modern settlement names are recorded for the first time, a number of leah features had become associated with settlements. As Domesday Book only records settlement-names and personal names (rather than field-names and other topographic features), only those léah features that had become associated with settlements were represented (see below). Throughout the medieval period, leah features became increasingly common as settlement-names and, through common usage and the vagaries of language, perhaps more divorced from their earlier meaning. Early instances of leah names recorded in charter bounds therefore present a useful and relatively unadulterated subset of /éah names that can be analysed for patterns of commonality and consistency. A comprehensive survey of this material was carried out by Johansson in the 1970s (Johansson 1975): Within the corpus of Anglo-Saxon charter bounds /éah names occur over 700 times in various forms.* Most common is the form leage with around 280 occurrences, followed by lea (200), with lesser numbers of leah, leigh and leghe, although other occasional variants occur. Leage is by far the commonest form encountered in Wiltshire charters.* With a total of 77 distinct references, these occur in around 50 per cent of Wiltshire charter bounds and thus form an important dataset.° In Anglo-Saxon charters Leah commonly occurs in a simplex form, but much more regularly as a second element. Johansson identified five first element categories with which leah is combined in Anglo-Saxon charters (Table 1):° 1. Plants and animals that are not cultivated or raised by man. 2. Elements (often adjectives) that describe a Jeah in regard to shape, size situation, appearance, etc. | we Topographical terms or names. 4. Elements that denote to what or whom the leah belongs. 5. Elements indicate that a léah is utilised by man in different ways. Table 1: Distribution of first elements in combination with leah in pre-conquest charters (after Johansson 1975) 530 (75%) | 177 (25%) |_707 Table 2: A comparison of first elements in combination with Jéah within Anglo-Saxon charters in England and Wiltshire (percentages have been rounded and do not add up to one hundred) England Wiltshire Category (% of total of | (% of total of 707 7 1 23 7 Wild things Be es ea 2 (Descriptive i Characteristics of léah features in Wiltshire charters The pre-conquest charters of Wiltshire represent an important subset of the total material available in the study of leah features and provide around 10 per cent of the total in England. Coverage of Wiltshire by charters is relatively evenly distributed with the exception of the region west of Avebury as far as Bradford-on-Avon, and Salisbury Plain, which, apart from Edington and Enford, appears to lack surviving charters (Pollard and Reynolds 2002, 221, fig. 100). Table 2 shows a comparison between England and Wiltshire data categorised by first elements as used by Johansson. In general terms, the pattern of combinations is similar. The largest deviation is between the proportions of first elements that infer ownership through the association of a personal name. In many cases personal names are identified by occurrences of a cogent name from LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE 181 historical sources. In some cases a personal name is assumed due to its structure or inflection. Within the Wiltshire subset, /éah features combined with assumed personal names account for 20 percent of the total, marginally less than the 27 per cent average figure for England. Table 3: Occurrences of /éah in Wiltshire charters with assumed personal names Sawyer/ Ref’ $1513 900 headobrihtinge leage $1513 900 baweres leage $354 | 878 | Chiseldon $1581 | 900 [Brokenborough| Pohamlege _| $362 Wylye $399 Winterbourne $582 S766 Sherrington S784 KCD 585 $867 Johansson recognised the importance of léah features as acommon group of names and focussed very much on the diversity of the combined first elements of leah. We might, however, consider these occurrences in a slightly different way. Given the importance of this group and their wide distribution across the country, why are so few /eah names associated with individuals? This is slightly more pronounced in Wiltshire but not significantly so. Other features normally associated with human habitation and usages are very often identified by ownership (e.g. Wifele hamme, Eadgardes gete, Alflede gemero, etc). With /éah features this appears to be relatively uncommon, and many of the known examples are, in any case, questionable (Table 3). Indeed, there may be a number of reasons why a personal name becomes associated with a place other than ownership. Furthermore, there does not appear to be any apparent chronological pattern to the way in which leah is combined with personal first elements. Occurrences of assumed personal associations are equally rare from the 8th to 11th centuries, bearing in mind that charters are far more plentiful from the central decades of the 10th century.*® That so many early /éah features in Wiltshire (and elsewhere) are not associated with personal names appears to point to the fact that they were not, in fact, in single ownership or management. Ownership or occupation does not appear to be intrinsic to the sense of place as is the case with settlements or enclosures. Clearly, the fact that they appear in land charters at all is an indication that at the time that a given charter was drawn up the land in question was being incorporated into a single ownership through a royal grant or private transfer. This is no indication, however, that the land had previously been in a single ownership, and the leah name could well have been formed many decades, if not centuries, earlier as noted above. Furthermore, the granting of land may not have necessarily implied the sole and exclusive rights to all benefits within the landholding. Early forms of common rights existed over many areas of uncultivated land across much of Anglo-Saxon England. In the majority of cases these were not privileges that could be granted or revoked by a landowner but were the residue of common practices that may antedate the idea of private property in land (Hoskins and Dudley Stamp 1963, 6). It may be conjectured, therefore, that leah features represented a common pool of resources traditionally exploited by local communities. Hooke has proposed that far from being underdeveloped, areas with high densities of woodland (as indicated by place-name evidence) produced a range of resources not available in more intensively cultivated regions and may have had a distinctive economy (Hooke 1985, 47). A significant attribute of Jeah features in charter bounds is that they are rarely combined with Old English elements denoting enclosure, such as haga, (ge)haeg, (ge)heg, etc. Where they do appear to occur, the root is often difficult to determine (Johansson 1975, 88-89) and the precise meaning open to interpretation. The rarity of these combinations suggests that enclosure of early /eah features was uncommon. Later combinations of these features occur regularly from the middle ages and names such as Hayley are widespread modern place and field-names. Such later usage may indicate a gradual change in the use of /eah during the middle ages, or possibly that léahs were gradually enclosed. Woodland names such as Hayley and Hagley, etc. are common, perhaps suggesting the enclosure of leahs as coppice superseded wood pasture as the standard form of woodland management. Coppice requires the exclusion of stock and this was usually achieved through enclosure with a bank and ditch, a hedge 182 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE ®@ Place-names containing leah (XY Major rivers 0 10 20 Kilometers J Fig. 4 Distribution of place-names containing léah in Wiltshire (after Gover et al. 1939) (haga), or both. The long term usage of these areas as commonly grazed woodland resources also offers a mechanism by which a change in the perceived definition of leah from ‘woodland’ to ‘clearing’ may have arisen. As has previously been discussed, trees, and consequently woodlands, are sensitive to pressure from grazing animals. The greatest effect of grazing is on ground vegetation and the natural regeneration of tree and shrub species. In simplistic terms, the higher the density of grazing animals the greater the pressure on the ability of woodland to regenerate itself. Where grazing pressure is sustained and intense over long periods of time this can adversely affect the ability of the woodland to replenish itself, sometimes resulting in treeless commons (Rackham 1990 144-5). Ecologically, wood pastures are potentially unstable and are particularly vulnerable to overgrazing where management is unregulated as part of acommon pool of resources.’ With this in mind it 1s easy to imagine how woodlands subject to sustained and intensive grazing over long periods of time would become gradually more open in character. Anglo-Saxon charters ae Leah feature O Charter without leah feature as Major rivers 0 10 20 Kilometers J Fig. 5 Distribution of leah features in Anglo-Saxon charters of Wiltshire The distribution of early /eah features in Wiltshire charters is largely mirrored by those that have survived as place-names in the modern landscape (Figures 4 and 5). In most cases, however, the charter features have survived at best as field names and only rarely as place-names (Table 1). The charter features also tend to be slightly more pronounced in their geographic distribution and are represented by three major clusters. The largest of these can be found to the south of Salisbury Plain and comprises 54 features stretching from Maiden Bradley in the west to Redlynch in the south east. The Wylye Valley forms the northernmost boundary with strings of features along the Vale of Wardour/ River Nadder, Cranbourne Chase/River Ebble, and a high concentration east of Downton. The focus of this cluster would appear to be the major tributary valleys of the Wiltshire Avon. Here the soils are largely rich, light and free-draining. The second largest cluster is concentrated in north-east Wiltshire on the southern Marlborough Downs and the Vale of Pewsey. This comprises 25 features mostly on ae LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE 183 knake iin Ze A ® | wi gon cateseae ZL Selwood © | (eee e ) i ® \, J) pea) * Grovely o* qe AS charter leah feature @ Place-names containing leah | esac | Le | Medieval forests 20 Kilometers [ IE Fig. 6 Combined distribution pattern of Anglo-Saxon léah features and extant place-names containing leah the heavy clay with flints and London clays around Savernake, but with some extending south on to the greensands of the Pewsey Vale. The third and final cluster, comprising 19 features, is scattered across the clay vales of northern Wiltshire from Swindon across to Chippenham and Melksham. As with the first cluster, this concentration appears to be broadly associated with the wide river vales, although the soils are generally much heavier here. In all of these cases occurrences of surviving leah place-names are relatively common with high concentrations of /éah field-names still evident on the modern map. In general the concentrations of these early features, as well as persistent place and field-names, seem to indicate that these three areas contained a significant amount of wood pasture during the second part of the first millennium AD. In Savernake and on the northern clay vales this is perhaps not surprising. These areas are characterized by heavy clay soils that are difficult to cultivate and which later formed significant parts of royal forests. Figure 8 is an enlarged view of the Savernake area showing Anglo-Saxon charter references to /eahs as well as those references that were first documented ‘aby °) Melksha m L re © ff ee a ot) \_/ e ~y pd \ Savernake \ ry e Aci a i fee | \ Chute “~~ /@ | \ { f Selwood } s fe 2) + f \ f @ if jf } 6 «7 aay. se | i 3 \ vs > an @ \ i ® \ 3 Byers ei j @ Fs gic a) } 4 * Grovely (a... % + ¢ oe Milchet te ae offs AS charter leah feature @ Place-names containing leah i : i Medieval forests 20 Kilometers Fig. 7 Combined distribution pattern of leah features and medieval forests at a later date, or survive into modern times. Settlements referred to in Domesday Book are also shown. In this case the pattern of distribution is clear. The Domesday settlements are strongly associated with the Kennet Valley to the north, the associated tributary valley containing Bedwyn (Beduinde) and Chisbury (Cheseberie), and the greensands of the Vale of Pewsey to the south. The elevated plateau on which Savernake sits comprises heavy clay with flint soils and was largely devoid of settlements at the time of Domesday (at least under the terms by which the Domesday Book was compiled). It is also noteworthy that /éah features from all documented sources are clustered on the heavy clay plateau. Although not shown here, /éah features on the chalk lands to the north of the River Kennet are exceptional and very widely dispersed. Hooke (1994) has previously noted 11 Anglo- Saxon léah features within and around the fringes of the area that became the medieval Braydon Forest to the west of Swindon. Virtually all of these features lie on the heavy and seasonally wet Kimmeridge and Oxford clays which form a large arc stretching from Swindon south westwards, across the Braydon area 184 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Mildenhalle N © ©Stotecome ©Merleberge @ Clattord @©Manetune (OKO) Logherige ® © Stamere © -_ + @ 4 aa Cheseberic Leah features Soils oo Z age AS Charter references to leah valley gravel & alluvium A Place names containing leah chalk A 2 Field names containing leah | Z , clay Reading and Bagshot beds Domesday Settlements + “@Uifela greensand ©Burberge ©) Domesday name 33 ae 5 SEE Q SUS g sp: 3 4 Kilometers Fig. 8 Léah features in the area of Savernake Forest and through to Chippenham and Melksham (Figure 3 and 7). This pattern also broadly describes the distribution of many of the extant leah features in this northern part of Wiltshire (Figure 6). Although subject to a system of law that was distinct from the common law, grazing traditions were common throughout the medieval forests. In the case of Savernake these were hotly contested for centuries after the ownership of the forest had been transferred from the royal demesne into private hands (WSRO 1300/320, WSRO 1300/1842 a & b). Throughout the 12th and 13th centuries the issue of law in the royal forests became highly politicised (Young 1979, 60- 73). Although rights to utilise the resources of the forest were regularly granted by the king through patronage it would be difficult to believe that many of the grazing traditions were established after the creation of the forest system, given that the forest law was so oppressive. It is much more likely that many of these grazing traditions existed within the forest areas as the residue of communal practices established over long periods of time. In the case of Savernake the woodland still contains a strong character of old wood pasture in the form of high densities of ancient trees (particularly oaks), a number of which date from the medieval period. More surprising perhaps is the abundance of features to the south of Salisbury Plain. These do not appear to be concentrated on one soil type but are distributed across a range of geological types from the Purbeck beds to chalk. Certain of these features were probably associated with woodland that would later form part of Grovely Forest and Cranbourne Chase. Figure 4 shows the distribution pattern of extant place-names containing /éah (after Gover et.al. 1939). Whilst the general pattern of distribution is similar to that of the Anglo-Saxon charter features, there are some differences. For example, the medieval forests of Melksham and Selwood on the Somerset border contain a high proportion of extant leah names not reflected in the charter evidence. This is largely accounted for, however, by the general paucity of charters for this area. When combined, the distribution of extant place-names and Anglo- Saxon charter names suggests a strong correlation with the distribution of medieval forests (Figure 7). The forest of Melchet in the south east of the county contains an abundance of charter features and extant place-names, and is heavily wooded today (e.g. Langley Wood). Savernake and Braydon have previously been mentioned, but when the data are combined the forests of Selwood and Melksham on the clay vales also stand out. This correlation, however, is not universal across Wiltshire. Chute forest contains very little evidence of Jéah features from any periods. Chute, which sits on the eastern border with Hampshire, is unusual in that it is LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE 185 situated almost entirely on the chalk of the South Wiltshire Downs. This suggests a correlation with general soil type rather than medieval forests although some forests may have been established in less intensively cultivated landscapes where these soils predominate. Of the Wiltshire charters, 57 contain no léah features. These are randomly scattered across the county with no discernible pattern. It should be noted, however, that within the cluster of leah features focused on the Savernake and the Marlborough Downs, all of the charters contain at least one /éah feature. It is also interesting to note that there is an absence of extant leah place-names across a large area of central Wiltshire centred on the Salisbury Plain. This absence is also coincident with a general absence of charters for this same area (and within Chute forest). Where charters do exist around the fringes of the plain these often lack leah features (Figure 5). The general lack of /eah features in this area probably indicates the long period over which the plain has been open in character and suggests an antithesis between Jeah features and lighter chalk soils which may have been grazed and cultivated for long periods of time. A similar absence of leah features has also been noted in the heavily cultivated area of the Vale of Evesham and south east Gloucestershire (Hooke 1989, 121). Later references Domesday Book provides another early source of place-names formed prior to Norman influence. However, it records only place-names representing property attributable to a landholder for the purposes of taxation (i.e. it records settlement names and not field-names). Among the Wiltshire folios the pattern of association is consistent with those of the pre-conquest charters. The majority of the leah place-names given for Wiltshire are associated with descriptive terms, plants and animals (Table 4). No comparison has been made regarding the way in which woodland or pasture has been accounted within these landholdings. Draper (2007) has drawn attention to the fact that Old English topographical settlement names in Wiltshire are much more likely to occur in pre- conquest charters and Domesday Book than are settlement-names with a fully habitative derivation. Furthermore, 67 per cent of extant leah settlement names only appear on record after the completion of the Domesday Book, suggesting formation during the later Anglo-Saxon or early Norman period (Draper 2007, 45). Table 4: Occurrences of /éah place-names in the Wiltshire folio of the Domesday Book name Book name |r itt element meaning Langley Burrell Rackley = a Corsley Tuderlege Barle Rockle Sampircts (poss. O Poss. Personal name unknown Conclusions The occurrence of Old English leah is an important feature in revealing the landscape of the Anglo- Saxon period. Anglo-Saxon charters represent an early and relatively unadulterated evidence base by which the early formation and possible meaning of these features can be examined. The root of the word is obscure but appears to imply a lack of intensive management or cultivation. The word has traditionally been associated by landscape historians and historical geographers with both woodlands and clearing within woodlands. It is here conjectured that the term refers to a form of wood pasture which may be very variable in terms of size, shape and porosity. The physical characteristics of this type of wood pasture may not be consistent with those of the relict wood pasture we see today (old trees, simple structure), but as part of a much more dynamic and variable mosaic. It further proposed that in the period pre-dating the Norman conquest léah features existed largely as a pool of common resources in which grazing and possibly other commodities were shared by the community. This hypothesis is based on the following observations; e Léahisanon-habitative, topographical term used to denote the attributes of an area of land, not a settlement. e The distinction between unenclosed woodland and open land was probably much less well defined in the early medieval period than it is today. e The grazing of animals in woodlands is likely to have been much more widespread than has been 186 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE previously recognised. e There isa strong association with /éahs and heavy soils types that would have proved challenging to some early cultures. e A mechanism for the change in meaning from ‘woodland’ to ‘clearing’ can be accounted for by the gradual depletion of the woodland resource through unregulated exploitation. e Alow proportion of personal names is associated with /eah features in Anglo-Saxon charters (and many of these are questionable). e There appears to be an association between leah features and later royal forests, although this is by no means exclusive. Communal grazing was a common practice in many forests. e The way in which leah was applied throughout the middle ages is likely to have changed from its earlier meaning, as wood pasture gradually declined in favour of more intensive and homogenised woodland practices. Acknowledgements My thanks to Dr John Baker and Dr Andrew Reynolds for guidance and constructive comments to the text. References BIRCH, W. DE GRAY (ed.), 1885-93, Cartularium Saxonicum. 3 vols. London: Charles J. Clark COX, B. H. 1976. The place-names of the Earliest English Records. English Place-Name Society fournal 8, 12-66 DRAPER, S., 2007, Landscape, Settlement and Society in Roman and Early Medieval Wiltshire. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 419 EKBLOM, E., 1917, The Place-names of Wiltshire. Upsala: Appelbergs Boktryckeri EKWALL, E., 1960,7he Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Place-Names, 4th edition. Oxford: Clarendon Press GELLING, M., 1984, Place-names in the Landscape: The Geographical Roots of Britain’s Place-names. London: Phoenix Press GELLING, M. AND COLE, A., 2000, The Landscape of Place-Names, Stamford: Shaun Tyas GOVER, J. E. B., MAWER, A. and STENTON, E M., 1939, The Place-names of Wiltshire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press GRIGSON, C. 1982. Cattle in Prehistoric Britain. The Ark 9, 41-9 HARDIN, G. 1968. The Tragedy of the Commons. Science 162, 1243-1248 HART, C., 2005, The Verderers and Forest Laws of Dean. Witney, Oxon: Lightmoor Press | HOOKE, D., 1985, The Anglo-Saxon Landscape: The Kingdom of the Hwicce. Manchester: Manchester University Press HOOKE, D. 1989. Pre-Conquest Woodland: its Distribution and Usage. Agricultural History Review 37, 113-129 HOOKE, D., 1994, ‘The administrative and settlement framework of early medieval Wessex’, in M. Aston and C. Lewis (eds), The Medieval Landscape of Wessex, 83-95, Oxford: Oxbow Books HOSKINS, W. G.,1955, The Making of the English Landscape. London: Book Club Associates HOSKINS, W. G . and DUDLEY STAMB L., 1963, The Common Lands of England and Wales. New Naturalist 45. London: Collins. JOHANSSON, C., 1975, Old English Place-names and Field-names Containing léah. Stockholm: Almavist & Wiksell International JOHNSON, M., 2007, Ideas of Landscape. Oxford: Blackwell JONES, M., 1998, ‘The rise, decline and extinction of spring wood management in south west Yorkshire’, in C. Watkins (ed.), European Woods and Forests: Studies in Cultural History (pp. 55-71) Oxford: CAB International KELLY, S. E. and MILLER, S. M., 1999, The Electronic Sawyer. An online version of the revised edition of Sawyer’s Anglo-Saxon Charters section one [S 1-1602]. http;//www/trin.cam.ac.uk/chartwww/eSawyer.99/ eSawyer2.html. Consulted 6/6/07 KEMBLE, J. M. (ed.), 1839-48, Codex Diplomaticus oevi Saxonici, 6 vols. London: Sumptibus Societatis KIRBY, K. J., THOMAS, R. C., KEY, R. S., McLEAN, I.E G., and HODGETTS, N., 1995, ‘Pasture-woodland and its Conservation in Britain’, in D. J. Bullock and H. J. Harvey (eds), The National Trust and nature conservation: 100 years on. Biological Journal of the Linnean Society, 1995, 56 (suppl.), pp 135-153. MILLS, A. D., 1997, Dictionary of English Place Names. Oxford: Oxford University Press POLLARD, J. and REYNOLDS, A., 2002, Avebury: The Biography of a Landscape. Stroud and Charleston SC: Tempus RACKHAM, O., 1993, The History of the Countryside. London: JM Dent. RACKHAM, O., 1990, Trees and Woodland in the British Landscape. London: Phoenix Giant SAWYER, P.H., 1968, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an annotated list and bibliography. London: Royal Historical Society SIMMONS, I. G., 1993, Environmental History, A Concise Introduction. Oxford: Blackwell SMITH, A. H., 1956, English Place-Name Elements Part IT (FJAFN-YTRI), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press THIRSK, J. (ed.), 2002, Rural England: An Illustrated History of the Landscape. Oxford: Oxford University Press VERA, E W. M., 2000, Grazing Ecology and Forest History. | | | | | LEAH NAMES IN THE ANGLO-SAXON CHARTERS OF WILTSHIRE 187 Oxon: CAB International WHITTOCK, M., 1997, Wiltshire Place Names. Newbury: Countryside Books WILLIAMS, A. W. AND MARTIN, G. H. (eds), 2002, The Domesday Book; A Complete Translation. London: Penguin YOUNG, C. R., 1979, The Royal Forests of Medieval England. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Original sources WILTSHIRE HISTORY CENTRE 1300/320. Common Rights in Savernake Forest (18th century). Small volume with description of all commons and common rights in Savernake Forest. n.d., 18th century WILTSHIRE HISTORY CENTRE 1300/1842 a & b 26 June 1763. Memorandum on fixing the boundary of St Margaret’s Sheep Walk Endnotes 1 This usage has survived into modern times in the Netherlands and Belgium where it occurs as -loo- and -lo-, and in Germany where it can be found as —loh(e)-, -lo-, and -(e)l- (Johansson 1975, 9). 2 This meaning has previously been recognised and accepted by some forest historians (e.g. Hart 2005, 171-172 and Hooke 1989,120), but the relationship between the variability of wood pasture and the opposite meanings of woodland and clearing appears to have been overlooked by both landscape historians and place-name scholars. 3 Frequencies are approximate and do not allow for the duplication of names in the same, contiguous, or later charters. Figures have been rounded to avoid giving the impression of accuracy. 4 Much of this variation is probably due to whether the context demands the nominative, dative etc. (Johansson 1975, 13-16). 5 Itis recognised and accepted that many of the charters listed by Sawyer are either copied documents from later centuries, or forgeries. A degree of variation can be expected due to copy errors or re-rendering of spellings by medieval copyists. No attempt has been made to try and account for this as the variant spellings are not critical to the argument. Place-names are those that have survived as settlement- names into modern times, field-names are all other references which do not relate to settlements and may or may not have persisted into modern times. S= SAWYER, PH., 1968, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an annotated list and bibliography. London: Royal Historical Society. KCD = KEMBLE.J.M.(ED.), 1839-48, Codex Diplomaticus oev1 Saxonici, 6 vols. London. It is possible that place-names in boundary clauses were updated when later copies were made. In theory an 11th century copy of an 8th-century charter may only preserve an 11th century place-name form (J Baker, pers. comm.). The classic expression of this principle is provided by Garrett Hardin in his The Tragedy of the Commons (1968). The essence of the principle is as follows: “The tragedy of the commons develops in this way. Picture a pasture open to all. It is to be expected that each herdsman will try to keep as many cattle as possible on the commons. Such an arrangement may work reasonably satisfactorily for centuries because tribal wars, poaching, and disease keep the numbers of both man and beast well below the carrying capacity of the land. Finally, however, comes the day of reckoning, that is, the day when the long-desired goal of social stability becomes a reality. At this point, the inherent logic of the commons remorselessly generates tragedy. As a rational being, each herdsman seeks to maximize his gain. Explicitly or implicitly, more or less consciously, he asks, ‘What is the utility to me of adding one more animal to my herd?’ This utility has one negative and one positive component. 1. The positive component is a function of the increment of one animal. Since the herdsman receives all the proceeds from the sale of the additional animal, the positive utility is nearly + 1. 2. The negative component is a function of the additional overgrazing created by one more animal. Since, however, the effects of overgrazing are shared by all the herdsmen, the negative utility for any particular decision making herdsman is only a fraction of - 1.” (Hardin 1968) Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 188-201 Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury by Andrew B. Powell, fohn Chandler, Dave Godden, Lorraine Mepham, Chris Stevens and Stephanie Knight Excavation south of Salisbury Street, Amesbury, revealed a sequence of Late Saxon, early medieval and post-me- dieval features. Among the Saxon features were a number of ditches whose positions and alignments are reflected in post-medieval and even modern property boundaries. The finds from these and associated features indicate substantial domestic, craft and agricultural activity in the 10th-11th centuries, but considerably less activity 1n the 12th century. This may reflect the site’s location close to a possible early crossing over the River Avon and the Saxon royal precinct, before a shift in the focus of occupation west towards the High Street, the Abbey and a new bridge. Historical research has also identified the post-medieval and modern development of the site. Introduction In 2005-6, a 0.05ha site south of Salisbury Street (NGR 415500 141350), in the centre of Amesbury (Figure 1), was excavated and subject to a watching brief prior to redevelopment, revealing a number of features dating from early in the history of the town. Despite the presence of the abbey (founded in A.D. 979) little archaeological evidence has been found for contemporary settlement. Evaluations of the site in 1995 and 2005 (Wessex Archaeology 1996; 2005a), however, had indicated the possible presence of Late Saxon features, and the subsequent excavation sought to ascertain further the nature and date of these features. Amesbury itself lies within the valley of the meandering River Avon and is built on a promontory of river gravels around which the river curves on the western side. The site sloped gently from 69-70m above O.D. and two small areas (Trenches 4 and 5) were excavated (Figure 1). Historical background Historical evidence suggests that Amesbury, which appears to have been a royal possession and occasional residence from an early date, was a place of some importance before the founding in A.D. 979 of the Benedictine nunnery, dedicated to St Mary and St Melor (Chandler and Goodhugh 1989, 5-7) (Figure 2). Amesbury was the centre of a large eponymous hundred, and as such it is likely to have possessed a minster church. Archaeological evidence for this period, however, is limited, but includes pagan Saxon burials, discovered in the 19th century near the High Street-London Road junction (Bonney 1983), and early 10th-century coins of Edward the Elder found in the present churchyard (Robinson 1984). On stylistic grounds, one of the two Saxon cross fragments (Amesbury No. 1) now in the abbey church almost certainly pre-dates A.D. 979, while the other (Amesbury No. 2) is of early 11th century date (Ball 1979; Cramp 2006, 199-200). Wessex Archaeology, Portway House, Old Sarum Park, Salisbury SP4 6EB LATE SAXON AND MEDIEVAL OCCUPATION NEAR SALISBURY STREET, AMESBURY 189 “414000 =, 415000, w AICO el 3 iii . i a kane Site boundary ae 142000) | | Main trench reer ‘ ie é — ! ain i oe, 3 f i.._._.—.! 2005 evaluation trench “© THE SITEE 2a pee Ses) 1996 evaluation trench we er Building / 4 | a —| = ; a 415500) pe | s aa —— Salish bores —~ / — U y / a ee ee Y Street / / = i eee : 141400 disse | S (eee / Y g / ; / / i; / Trench 4 : iC y | i] | ) / ih : a / —— = a | / / fia be | i / / i | / } fs / / / / ] j / | | | / I | / ! i) 5 | / ' i / ne / / | / iq | / THE SITE Ie Sore ry / / | ! Hol i! f / | | | / | venchy ee / i > ety eS Ue Wie i 2 Trench ag | Sl / < 4 SSS a | Se) SS . say SS SS SSR) “N = p 5 lon @ = — 1 | — co |“ | a 442 Mepham 2006; Powell et al. in prep.). Michelmersh- type and Cheddar-type wares were also identified on all four sites. One sherd in an identical fabric to Amesbury fabric Q400, also with applied stamped strips, was found at Wilton (Andrews et al. 2000, fabric Q404), and both fabric and jar rim form are paralleled at Market Lavington (Mepham 2006, fabric E424, fig. 51, 9), although in both instances these wares were misidentified as medieval. The evidence from all these sites tends to support the generally accepted pattern of Late Saxon pottery production and distribution, consisting of a small number of production centres in the 10th century, each with a relatively wide distribution, increasing in number and decreasing in distribution area in the 11th century (Vince 1981). All five sites produced wares within the five groups of calcareous, flint- tempered, Michelmersh-type, Laverstock-type and Cheddar-type, although in varying proportions, showing that each site had access to a number of sources of ceramic supply. Sources for the calcareous and flint-tempered wares are unknown, but each may in fact form part of a ‘ware tradition’ produced in more than one location, but exploiting similar sources of clay and tempering agents, flint-tempered wares perhaps originating from the river valleys and calcareous wares from the chalk uplands. A continuation of the ceramic sequence after the 11th century is difficult to demonstrate, apart from the presence of 13th/14th century glazed wares. Coarsewares of Laverstock, West Wiltshire and Kennet Valley type all have their origins in the 11th century, although continuing in use well into the NO LATE SAXON AND MEDIEVAL OCCUPATION NEAR SALISBURY STREET, AMESBURY 197 0 100mm Fig. 4 Late Saxon pottery medieval period. There is one definite tripod pitcher sherd of late 11th/12th century date, but nothing else closely datable. In any case, these wares are only sparsely represented on the site, and the emphasis does seem to be on the earlier period. Distribution on site The largest groups of pottery came from ditch (523), 106 sherds, pit (518), 86 sherds, and its recut (511), 144 sherds. Sherds from ditch (523) are entirely of Late Saxon type - chalk-tempered and Michelmersh-type wares, the latter including the oxidised variant with applied stamped strips (Figure 4,3). A very similar range of fabrics and forms, with the addition of flint-tempered wares, came from pit (518), which intersected with ditch (523) and its recut (511)(Figure 4, 2), although a single sherd of Kennet valley ware from the primary fill of (518), and further sherds of the same fabric from the lower fill of the recut, could indicate a slightly later date for this feature. Apart from these three features, pottery distribution across the site was sparse, with no feature yielding more than 20 sherds. This obviously renders the dating evidence provided by the pottery slightly unreliable, but what pottery there is suggests that ditches (503), (507), (519), (522) and (523), feature (428) and pits (484) and (495) are all of Late Saxon date, while pit (518)/(511) may be slightly later. Ditches (462) and (106), pit (497) and postholes (405), (426), (477) and (487) are of medieval date. Illustrated sherds (Figure 4) 1. Jar rim, fabric C400. PRN (Pottery Record Number) 105, context (514), pit (518). 2. Jar rim, fabric F400. PRN 59, context (510), pit recut GL: 3. Body sherd with applied, stamped strips, fabric Q400. PRN 117, context (414), ditch (523). Plant remains Fifteen samples were taken and processed from the excavations. Examination showed most to be relatively rich in charred plant remains. The samples were mainly from the Late Saxon period, although two, pit (518) and ditch (106), date from deposits extending into the early medieval period. Most samples produced evidence for grains of free-threshing wheat (Triticum aestivum sl), hulled barley (Hordeum vulgare sl) and rye (Secale cereale), wheat seemingly the dominant crop. Evidence for rachises of all these cereals was recovered, although never in the same quantities as grains. Few of the rachis fragments were identifiable beyond genus, although single examples indicated the presence of 6-row barley and hexaploid, bread or club type wheat. Free-threshing wheat and hulled barley often appear as the dominant crops in Wessex during this period. Rye has been recovered from Middle and Late Saxon sites (Carruthers 1991; Hunter 2005; Stevens 2006), but is often absent from earlier Saxon settlements (Wessex Archaeology 2003; 2004; 2006). Notably rye seems to have gained in importance in the region from the Late Saxon into the early medieval period (Green 1994; Stevens 2007), a situation reflected at this site. Remains of leguminous crops, in particular pea (Pisum sativum) and bean (Vicia faba) were frequent, while at least two samples contained probable seeds of lentil (Lens culinaris). Both pea and bean are common finds from Saxon sites in southern England (Carruthers 1991; Green 1994), while finds of lentil are rarer. However, lentil has been recovered 198 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Table 2. Animal bone species percentages (as proportion of identified bones — NISP). dente [Late Saxon [2 * excludes dog bones from pit 518 from other Middle to Late Saxon sites in Wessex (Caruthers 1991; 2005; Green 1994; Hunter 2005; Clapham 2005; Stevens 2006). Lentil favours warmer climates and is not a crop that today grows well in many parts of Britain. The appearance of this crop on more rural settlements in the Late Saxon period, continuing into the early medieval period, suggests local cultivation (Greig 1991; Wessex Archaeology 2005b; Stevens 2004), and can be seen as being consistent with the proposed warming of the British climate from c. A.D. 900, with the warmest phase between c. 1150 and c. 1250 (Lamb 1977, 435; Astill and Grant 1988). As is often seen on Saxon settlements, fragments of hazelnut signify the exploitation of wild resources to supplement the cereal diet. Pit (607) contained some mineralised material, that in the case of bramble (Rubus sp.) and elder (Sambucus nigra) may represent further exploited wild plants, although the presence of other wild species such as hedge parsley (Torilis sp.) and nettle (Urtica urens) may indicate that all come from local scrub and hedgerows. The dominance of grain suggests that crops arrived at the settlement relatively processed, having been threshed, winnowed and sieved in the field. The weed flora was generally small, with large seeded weed seeds such as corncockle (Agrostemma githago), cleavers (Galium aparine), vetches/wild pea (Victa/Lathyrus sp.), persicaria (Persicaria maculosa/ lapathifolia), corn gromwell (Lithospermum arvense) and knotgrass (Polygonum aviculare) present, all of which are common grain contaminants removed only by hand in the final processing stages. It is probable that not all grain sized seed-heads were removed by sieving, accounting for the presence ofa seedhead of poppy (Papaver sp.) and numerous seeds of stinking mayweed (Anthemis cotula). This latter species is common on heavy-clay soils and appears to be a frequent weed of Saxon crops, doubtless grown on such soils. Fish Total (NISP) Discussion The possibility that the early focus of settlement at Amesbury was sited not around the present church and bridge but downstream to the east around Broad Bridge (and hence in the general vicinity of the site), gives the findings of this excavation greater potential significance. For while two residual sherds of organic-tempered pottery provide an indication of Early-Middle Saxon activity (Sth-8th century) in the area, the bulk of the evidence, which is of Late Saxon (10th-11th century) date, comprises not only a typical range of domestic and economic waste, but also a series of boundary ditches whose regularity of alignment and long-term durability suggest that they were part of a formal process of land apportionment in the form of burgage plots, rather than the product of ad hoc enclosure. The NW-SE orientation of ditches (523) and (522) matches that of a number of the property boundaries shown on the 1726 Flitcroft map of Amesbury (Figure 5), which run perpendicular from the curved frontage at the corner of Smithfield Street and Frog Lane. Although the ditches’ locations, which fall within Plot 82 on that map, do not match precisely the positions of the marked boundaries, perhaps due to the amalgamation of early properties or to inaccuracies in the 18th century cartography, their common orientation suggests that significant elements of the 18th-century layout of this part of Amesbury had Late Saxon origins. In addition, some 30m to the east, a Late Saxon ditch on the same alignment was recorded during the 1995 evaluation, indicating that these properties may originally have extended further east (another ditch recorded in 1995 aligned NE-SW may have run to the curved frontage at the north-eastern corner of the block). The apparent correspondence between these ditches and the 1726 property boundaries suggests that they were very long-lived, none more so than ditch 519, aligned ESE-WNW, which not only corresponds to another major property boundary marked on the Flitcroft map, but which also survived Fig. 5 Excavated features in relation to 1726 Flitcroft map of different geographical sources, with regional and as the northern boundary wall of the grounds of possibly longer distance trade also indicated by the Redworth House, only recently demolished. This suggests that Late Saxon property boundaries continued to influence the layout of the town, certainly into the 18th century and possibly for a millennium up to the modern day. However, the small-scale of the excavation provides only a glimpse of that early townscape, although a picture of life perhaps typical for a Late Saxon community is provided in part by the various other features on the site and, more clearly, by the range of finds retrieved from them. Part of a possible structure of uncertain use was recorded and small quantities of nails and possible stone building materials were recovered, but no clearly domestic structures were identified. The finds included a range of domestic pottery wares supplied from a number recovery of non-local stone, including a lava quern fragment. There was also a number of iron tools of possible domestic and/or craft/industrial use, and a small quantity of ironworking slag. While much of the animal bone comprised probable butchery waste, predominantly of sheep/goat, pig and cattle, some pieces that were burnt probably reflect domestic cooking and consumption, with cereals (wheat, barley and rye) and legumes (peas, beans and lentils) also being consumed, the crops brought to the site already largely processed. The diet also included some wild food resources, such as hazelnuts, brambles, elder berries and eels. There was substantially less evidence of activity on the site in the medieval period, possibly reflecting 200 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE a shift in the focus of occupation within the town, westwards towards the High Street, the Abbey Church and a new river crossing. However, the re-marking of the earlier boundaries on the site indicates that while the character and use of these properties may have changed, their layout survived the continuing development of the medieval town, with its market established in the early 13th century running from High Street to Smithfield Street. Acknowldgements The fieldwork was commissioned by Emily Watts of the Co-operative Group. The project was managed on behalf of Wessex Archaeology by Paul McCulloch, Paul White and Alistair Barclay, and the fieldwork was directed by David Godden. Historical research was undertaken by John Chandler and the publication report was written and compiled by Andrew Powell. The finds were analysed by Lorraine Mepham, the environmental evidence by Chris Stevens, and the animal bone was identified by Stephanie Knight. The illustrations were prepared by S. E. James and Will Foster. The 1726 Flitcroft estate map of Amesbury (WSRO 944/1) is reproduced by kind permission of Wiltshire and Swindon Archives. The project archive will be deposited with the Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum. References ADDYMAN, P V., HOPKINS, B. G. and NORTON, G. T., 1972. A Saxo-Norman pottery kiln producing stamped wares at Michelmersh, Hants. Medieval Archaeology 16, 127-30 ANDREWS, PA., MEPHAM, L. and SEAGER SMITH, R., 2000. Excavations in Wilton, 1995-6: St John’s Hospital and South Street, WANHM 93, 181-204 ASTILL, G. and GRANT, A., 1988, ‘The medieval countryside: efficiency, progress and change’, in G. Astill and A. Grant (eds), The Countryside of Medieval England, 213-34. Oxford: Basil Blackwell BALL, P. F, 1979, “The Saxon crosses at Amesbury’, in J. H. Chandler (ed.), The Amesbury Millennium Lectures, 32-46. Salisbury: Amesbury Society BIDDLE, M. and COLLIS, J., 1978. A new type of 9th- and 10th-century pottery from Winchester. Medieval Archaeology 22, 133-5 BONNEY, D. J., 1983. Pagan Saxon burials at Amesbury. WANHM 77, 150 BRISCOE, T., 1981, ‘Anglo-Saxon pot stamps’ in D. Brown, J. Campbell and S. Hawkes (eds), Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 1, 1-36. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports (British Series) 92 CARRUTHERS, W. 1991, ‘The plant remains’, in P. J. Fasham and R. J. B. Whinney (eds), Archaeology and the M3: The Abbots Worthy Settlement, 67-75, Trust for Wessex Archaeology and Hampshire Field Club Archaeological Society Monograph 7 CARRUTHERS, W., 2005, ‘Mineralised plant remains’, in V. Birbeck, R. J. C. Smith, P Andrews and N. Stoodley, The Origins of Mid-Saxon Southampton: excavations at the Friends Provident St Mary’s Stadium 1998-2000, 157-63. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology CHANDLER, J. and GOODHUGH, P, 1989, Amesbury: History and Description of a South Wiltshire Town. Salisbury: The Amesbury Society CLAPHAM, A. J., 2005, ‘Waterlogged plant remains’, in V. Birbeck R. J. C. Smith, P Andrews and N. Stoodley, The Origins of Mid-Saxon Southampton: excavations at the Friends Provident St Mary’s Stadium 1998-2000, 173-81. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology CRAMB, R., 2006, Corpus of Anglo-Saxon Stone Sculpture Volume VII: South-West England. Oxford: British Academy/Oxford University Press CROWLEY, D. A., PUGH, R. B. and STEVENSON, J. H., 2003, A History of Amesbury, Bulford and Durrington, Trowbridge: Wiltshire County Council and Wiltshire Family History Society GREEN, FJ., 1994, ‘Cereals and plant food: a reassessment of the Saxon economic evidence from Wessex’, in J. Rackham (ed.), Environment and Economy in Anglo- Saxon England, 83-8. York: CBA Research Report 89 GREIG, J., 1991, ‘The British Isles’, in W. van Zeist, K. Wasylikowa and K-E. Behre (eds), Progress in Old World Palaeoethnobotany, 229-334. Rotterdam: Balkema HASLAM, J. (ed.), 1984, Anglo-Saxon Towns in Southern England. Chichester: Phillimore HINTON, D. A., 1979, ‘Amesbury and the early history of its abbey’, in J. H. 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Davies, Excavations in Trowbridge, Wiltshire 1977 and 1986-1988, 101-14. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology Report 2 MEPHAM, L., 2000, ‘Enborne Street and Wheatlands Lane: medieval pottery’; ‘Hills Pightle: medieval pottery’, in M. J. Allen et al., Archaeological Investigations on the A34 Newbury Bypass, Berkshire/Hampshire, 1991-7: Technical Reports, 52-66. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology MEPHAM, L., 2006, ‘The pottery’ in P Williams and R. Newman, Excavations at Grove Farm, Market Lavington, Wiltshire, 1986-1990, The Development of a Roman, Saxon and Medieval Settlement, 88-105. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology MEPHAM, L. and BROWN, L. 2007. The Broughton to Timsbury pipeline, Part 1: a Late Saxon pottery kiln and the production centre at Michelmersh, Hampshire, 62-66. Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 62, 35-68 MORRIS, E. L., 1994, The Analysis of Pottery, Wessex Archaeology Guideline 4. 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J. (with M. Robinson), 2004 ‘Production and consumption: plant cultivation, in G. Hey (ed.), Yarnton: Saxon and Medieval Settlement and Landscape. Thames Valley Landscape Monograph, 81-2. Oxford: Oxford Archaeology _ LATE SAXON AND MEDIEVAL OCCUPATION NEAR SALISBURY STREET, AMESBURY 201 STEVENS, C. J. 2006, ‘Charred, mineralised and waterlogged plant remains’, 104—14in C. Ellis and P A. Andrews, A Mid-Saxon site at Anderson’s Road, Southampton, , Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 61, 81-133 STEVENS, C. J., 2007, ‘Appendix 2: Plant remains’, 62-6 in L. Mepham and L. Brown, The Broughton to Timsbury pipeline, Part 1: a Late Saxon pottery kiln and the production centre at Michelmersh, Hampshire, 62-66. Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 62, 35-68 VINCE, A.G., 1981, ‘The medieval pottery industry in southern England: 10th to 13th centuries’, in H. Howard and E. L. Morris (eds.), Production and Distribution: a Ceramic Viewpoint, 309-22. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports $120 VINCE, A. G., 1997, ‘Excavations at Nos. 143-5 Bartholomew Street, 1979’, 7-85 in A. G. Vince, S. J. Lobb, J. C. Richards and L. Mepham, Excavations in Newbury 1979-1990, Wessex Archaeology Report 13. Salisbury: Wessex Archaeology WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 1996, Land Off Salisbury Street, Amesbury, Wiltshire Archaeological Evaluation, unpublished client report 42612 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2003, Stonehenge Visitor Centre, Countess East, Amesbury, Wiltshire — Archaeological Evaluation: Results, Salisbury, unpublished Wessex Archaeology client report 53324.01 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2004, Stonehenge Visitor Centre, Countess East, Amesbury, Wiltshire, unpublished client report 54700.0la WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2005a, Land Off Salisbury Street, Amesbury, Wilts. Archaeological Evaluation, unpublished client report 60031.01 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2005b, Land at Court Lane Farm, Court lane, Bratton, Wiltshire, Archaeological Post-Excavation Assessment Report, unpublished client report 58460.02 WESSEX ARCHAEOLOGY, 2006, Harnham Flood Defence Scheme: Middle Street Meadow and Harnham Recreation Ground, Salisbury Wiltshire. Archaeological Evaluation Report, unpublished client report 62340.02 WSRO 283/6: Amesbury surveys, 16th-18th centuries — WSRO 283/219: Amesbury estate map, undated (c. 1824) WSRO 944/1: Flitcroft atlas of Amesbury estate maps, 1726 WSRO 944/2: Book of reference to Flitcroft atlas, 1726 WSRO 2916/24: Sketch maps of Amesbury district, apparently prepared for the 1851 census enumerators Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 202-210 The Occupatio of St Odo of Cluny and the porch sculpture at Malmesbury Abbey by Rita Wood A specific link has been identified between the 12th-century sculpture on the south porch at Malmesbury Abbey and the Occupatio, a 10th-century poem by Odo of Cluny: in a rare departure from tradition, the poem uses Hercules subduing Cerberus as a type of Christ harrowing Hell, and the sculpture illustrates this particular Labour. With a full translation of the Occupatio now available, additional comments can be made on the editing of the poem for the sculptural scheme, and examples are given of 10th-century imagery that 1s recognisable in 12th-century sculpture generally. Introduction Some years ago in this journal, the author proposed a link between the much-admired sculptures on the south porch at Malmesbury Abbey and a neglected 10th-century poem written by an abbot of Cluny (Wood 1998, 45-53). A connection to the Cluniac order in general was already suspected in that various features of the building were those of Burgundian Romanesque architecture; that the porch resembled the famous south porch of Moissac, a Cluniac abbey near Toulouse, and that Peter Moraunt, who had been a monk at Cluny itself, came to be abbot of Malmesbury in 1141 (Smith 1975, 7-8; Wilson 1978, 3, 88; VCH i11, 217). The suggestion was made that the sculpture of the south porch, that is, on both its external archway and the three walls inside it, was laid out in accordance with the seven books of the Occupatio, an elaborate meditation on the history of salvation written by St Odo, second abbot of Cluny, who had died in 942. The choice of Anglo-Saxon drawings, rather than contemporary Romanesque ones, as models for much of the sculpture was seen as a reciprocal acknowledgement of the historical past of Malmesbury’s own monastic community. While precise Anglo-Saxon parallels for the biblical imagery on the outer arches have been identified (Galbraith 1965), the link with the Occupatio remained only a possibility since the imagery of the poem could not be examined in detail without a full translation. The lengthy poem, over 5600 hexameters, was then only available in a Latin edition (Swoboda 1900) which was widely acknowledged to be a very difficult text and considered not worth the effort of translating. However, a translation has recently been made which, when published, will give the general reader a taste of the high quality of learning expected at Cluny in the early 10th century (Peter Wood in preparation). The translation has enabled the demonstration of a specific connection between the poem and the porch (set out in Part 1) and also explains two features noted as unusual by Galbraith. These two solutions, and the editing necessary to turn the poem into sculpture, are discussed in Part 2. There is some continuity of imagery between 10th-century monastic culture and Romanesque sculpture in general, and examples are listed in Part 3. 25 St Andrewgate, York, YO 7BR THE OCCUPATIO OF ST ODO AND THE PORCH SCULPTURE AT MALMESBURY ABBEY 203 Fig. 1 The outer archway of the porch: the eight medallions at the top of the inner jambs assigned to Book I of the Occupatio Part 1 - Christ as Hercules and Aeneas Book 1 of the Occupatio concentrates on the creation of the angels and the fall of the rebel angels led by Lucifer: five of the eight medallions in one area of the outer archway contain angels and so all eight were assigned to this section of the poem (Figures 1 and 2)(Smith 1975, 27-8). The three unidentified medallions (VII, XV and XXXII) contain a pair of standing human figures, a pair of symmetrical animals, and another subject. Medallions VII and XV will be left aside for the moment in order to discuss medallion XXXII. The medallion seems to show the figure of a man bending over a medium-sized animal. There are not many animals mentioned in the Occupatio, but there is a dog in Book 1. After Lucifer is ‘blown to Hell, with his followers’ (lines 110-195), this rebel angel becomes God’s enemy on earth, working tirelessly for the downfall of man and luring many into Hell. There are a few lines in which Lucifer is likened to Cerberus, the three-headed dog that was the guardian of Hades, the place of the dead in classical mythology. In the pagan legends, very few ever evaded Cerberus and left Hades, but among them were Aeneas, who was assisted by a sibyl that threw a drugged cake to each of the heads of the dog, and the demi-god Hercules who captured Cerberus as the last of his Labours, leading it away Fig. 2 Medallion XXXII. Photograph, Michael Tisdall from Hades to be shown to King Eurystheus before being returned to its post. The Occupatio says: That Cerberus, the enemy, burns insatiably for their death. But the heavenly judge, giving it a sedative, Muzzles the rabid mouth of the gaping monster with a ring, His divinity hooking his nose and nostrils And its madness does not harm them, however insatiably it burns. (Book 1, lines 218-222) Aeneas is implied by the mention ofa sedative in line 219, and Hercules by the mastering of Cerberus in lines 220-221. The mention of the ‘heavenly judge’ and of the ‘divinity hooking’ Cerberus ~) (=) ai Q : q 3 ; ‘ : 4 a mi! - yV “7 heey Tash fda 3 on ff ew Teams =F 2 Fig. 3 Ivory plaque on the Cathedra Petri with Hercules and Cerberus. By kind permission of the Fabbrica di S. Pietro in Vaticano show Christ in the part of Aeneas/Hercules. The Humanity that deceived Satan into taking the hook of the Divinity is an allegory of the Incarnation invented by Gregory of Nyssa in the 5th century, and it was still current in the 12th century, being illustrated, for example, in the Hortus Deliciarum (Green et al. 1979, fol. 84r). A set of “The Labours of Hercules’ does not survive in Anglo-Saxon drawings. However, the outlines remaining at Malmesbury in medallion XXXII, if reversed, are fairly close to one of the Carolingian ivory panels of the Labours on the Cathedra Petri in St Peter’s in Rome (Figure 3). It is possible that the drawing selected for carving at Malmesbury might have originated from a copy of the scenes on the Cathedra Petri: the presence of the subject in St Peter’s would have given it a certain status in the eyes of Cluniacs. In modern times, the cathedra has been displayed under the Bernini ciborium, making a focal point in the basilica, but it was first a portable throne made for Charles the Bald c. 870-5, and it is thought that the ivories were produced for the throne at the same time (Weitzmann 1973, 1, 34; 1974, 248, 252). In the ivory plaque and in the stone-carving, the superman outline of Hercules contrasts with the small space required for the ordinary-looking dog and its three almost indistinguishable heads. The extra flurries around the Malmesbury figure would be the skin of the Nemean lion, and perhaps the THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE club carried by the hero. Despite the decay in the stone-carving, it can be seen that Hercules is still bringing the dog under control, he is not leading it docilely away in the manner which Weitzmann describes as the standard classical iconography (1973, 11). The struggle with Cerberus is that part of the myth which is of precise relevance to the Crucifixion and Harrowing of Hell. It is the costly struggle with Cerberus rather than the leading away of the dog which makes the parallel with the Christian narrative. We might imagine that Hercules, who had needed no assistance to overcome the guardian of the dead, would have been used quite widely as a type of Christ, but this does not seem to have been the case. Understandably, there are few references to pagan heroes in early Christian art, and no certain ones to Hercules (Huskinson 1974, 82). Augustine cut Hercules down to size by contrasting his strength to that of the martyrs, saying “Hercules overcame... the hound Cerberus: Fructuosus overcame the whole world... Agnes... overcame the devil’ (Hill 1994). In subsequent centuries there is ambivalence towards Hercules (Irvine 2003, 184-7). Boethius used him as a stoic, virtuous hero, and when translating Boethius, Alfred the Great advanced Hercules as a model of kingly virtue, while treating the classical myths in general as ‘false stories’ (Jbid., 171, 179). Aelfric, c. 1000, called him the ‘hateful Hercules’ U/bid., 181- 5). In the Carolingian empire Hercules could be used as a model for virtue and wisdom, but he was inferior even in this to biblical role-models (Nees 1991, 160-1, 211). Rather than the hero being an exemplar for Charles the Bald, Lawrence Nees thinks the plaques on the throne might be parodic (1991, 203-8). A 9th-century poem by Sedulius Scottus tells of the death of a great gelded ram due to the actions of a thief as bad as Cacus and of a dog, descendant of Cerberus (Godman 1985, 55-6, 293-301). It includes overt comparisons for the death of the ram to the death of Christ, but was a parody written for the Carolingian court. In short, historians have found little, if any, direct use of Hercules as a type of Christ. In contrast to all this faint praise, the association of Hercules with the Harrowing of Hell made by Odo is unusually clear and positive. Perhaps it came about because Odo was writing for a restricted and very particular audience. The passage quoted would have been unintelligible to a wider public but is one of many ornamentations of the narrative which flattered the classical learning of the monks of Cluny. For them, Odo can use Hercules as a straightforward type of Christ, without deriding the pagan hero and without fear of his audience being drawn into deviant beliefs: he points to Christ as an even greater hero than Hercules and Aeneas combined. Presumably by the 12th century it was felt that the use of Hercules as a type of Christ would add to the lustre of Christ as all-encompassing, and the episode was something that could therefore be pictured on the doorway. The classical myths were on their way to being romance and adventure. After comparison with the Carolingian ivory, the identification of the subject of medallion XXXII as Hercules and Cerberus can hardly be doubted and, because of the extreme rarity of the use of Hercules as a type of Christ, this would seem to be conclusive evidence for the use of the Occupatio in the design of the porch sculpture. The medallion of Hercules and Cerberus puts Odo’s seal on the work. The following remarks, and those in Part 2, are additional to, or modify as indicated, observations made in 1998. The remaining medallions in the area of the archway assigned to Book 1 of the Occupatio can now be tentatively identified in accordance with the poem (Figure 1, nos. VII, XV). In lines 365-6, Odo mentions the making up of numbers in heaven to replace the rebel angels, and in Book 7 (lines 643-4) he says that ‘the angels rejoice to obtain companions’. The two standing figures without wings in medallion VII could represent these replacements; they are the blessed in recognisable human form. Thesymmetrical animals in medallion XV are likely to be the symbolic equivalent of these human figures. As lions, for example, or as a combination of lion and bird, they could picture the unknown body of the resurrection life (Wood 2006, 120-6). Their symmetry demonstrates the orderliness of life in heaven. Comparable creatures elsewhere (Wood 1998, fn. 33) are without context to aid identification and may or may not have a similar meaning. Part 2 Editing the Occupatio for the sculptural programme Comparisons can now be made between the entire poem and carvings on the porch (Figure 4). Some editing would have been inevitable when transposing from one medium to the other, for _ THE OCCUPATIO OF ST ODO AND THE PORCH SCULPTURE AT MALMESBURY ABBEY 205 example, in Book 1 in the case of Cerberus, the poem describes the activity of both Aeneas and Hercules, but the sculpture provides only a picture of Hercules. Some other changes that will be described below are the result of the difference in audience, for whereas Odo wrote for a select band of learned monks with time to ponder his words, the sculpture was prepared over two hundred years later to instruct a mixed and changing crowd of pilgrims. The Occupatio is allusive, with very little description of actual events: whereas the sculpture has to present a straightforward narrative. For Book 2, that is, medallions 1 to 6 in the archway (Smith 1975, 27-8), drawings were chosen that showed Adam being modelled from mud and Eve being formed from a rib, both actions mentioned in the poem (lines 5-16 and 90-95 respectively). Adam and Eve are carved hiding from God in the trees as described in Genesis; however, the poem does not have a physical description of this concealment but instead repeatedly speaks of the impenitence of the couple, a somewhat similar condition of the guilty soul. In Book 3 (medallions 7 to 11), the distinctive actions of the Expulsion by Christ (7) and the angel giving a spade to Adam and a distaff to Eve (8) are not described in the poem, but the hard labour and regrets of their new life are, and at length. In Book 4, the poem includes the Old Testament figures of Noah, Abraham, Moses and David, as do medallions 12 to 20, 24 and 25. Among these carvings, at medallion 17, there is ‘a subject rarely encountered in Romanesque art’ (Galbraith 1965, 45), that of God showing the stars to Abraham (Gen.15:5). When God does this, it is to console the childless Abraham (Abram) that his descendants will eventually be as many as the stars, innumerable. In Book 4, Odo refers to good men and to prophets as stars, thus using the prophecy in a spiritual not a literal sense, and meaning that the number of good men generally, the spiritual children of Abraham, will be multiplied. The editor of the poem recognised the references to the Abram passage in Genesis and chose the rare illustration. The sculpture in this arch also includes three medallions (21-23) illustrating the story of Samson. Odo’s poem does not mention this hero individually, only referring to ducibus or ‘judges’ (which would include Samson) in lines 373-4. This brief treatment is again due to the monastic audience for the poem — the somewhat racy story of Samson was not edifying for monks. On the other hand, because Cluniacs were often of noble 206 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Nave Fig. 4 Simplified diagram of the south entrance showing the relationship to the seven books of the Occupatio. On the outer archway: C, the Creator calling to Adam and Eve; A, the Annunciation; X, the Entry into Jerusalem; PR Pentecost; V, V, Virtues and Vices. The asterisk indicates medallion XXXII, Hercules and Cerberus birth, Odo provided a long section on David as a model fit for kings to follow (lines 146, 379-412). This is a contrast with the archway, the popular entrance to the church, which gives David only two medallions, whereas the other characters from Book 4 have three each. While all the subjects carved in medallions 26 to 32 can be traced in Book 5, the length of treatment given varies. The Annunciation is not explicitly mentioned, but the end of Book 4 (lines 794 to end) and the beginning of Book 5 (lines 1-13) speak of God’s plan, and ‘the time’ having arrived. The Nativity itself is briefly implied (lines 22-29), whereas the shepherds have a longer descriptive passage mentioning their low rank and the humility of God in being seen first by them (lines 360-374). Galbraith (1965, 53) notes that the three Magi are shown alone in medallion 29, and this mirrors Odo’s care not to awaken physical affections, but rather to heighten the spiritual interpretation. The poem does not mention their reception by the Virgin and Child, but says that the baby in the manger, the Lord of creation, sent the star to fetch the Magi (lines 325-6). The Presentation in the Temple is represented in medallion 30, but in the poem it is referred to only by quotations from Simeon’s greeting (lines 507-8). Herod and the Massacre of the Innocents have a long passage (lines 394-497) but do not appear on the archway: this subject was sometimes linked to the sacrament of baptism in the 12th century, and perhaps that made it inappropriate for the entrance. The Baptism of Christ, medallion 31, is dealt with in the poem by lengthy sections on baptism and on John the Baptist (lines 132-42, 178-195, 696-753). Like the sculpture, the poem makes no mention of the ministry and miracles of Jesus. The entry into Jerusalem, once a major focus of the sculpture at the top of the arch, is only explicitly referred to by the words ‘a rather poor animal is offered him’. The rest of Book 5 is almost a meditation on this donkey, dwelling on the humility of Christ in using such an animal, the humble birth of his disciples and the disreputable people Christ kept company with. Perhaps a model for the donkey with its head raised was chosen to emphasise this one hour of honour it enjoyed. All the scenes pictured in medallions 33 to 38 are in the text of Book 6. The Last Supper (lines 1-131) has passages on the Eucharist and the priesthood, while the Crucifixion and Entombment are again meditative (lines 132-296, 297-326). The Resurrection passage is interrupted by a description of foliage bursting in springtime (lines 355-366). The Ascension is short and based on the account in Acts, but the Pentecost material begins at line 504 and continues for nearly another 500 lines, to the end of Book 6. It stresses the mission of the Church and clearly generated the massive figure sculpture on the lunettes inside the porch. Book 7 is illustrated by sculpture on the lower jambs of the exterior archway and in the interior of the porch. The sculpture on the jambs outside is captioned in a general way by Odo’s remark (line 28) that ‘this life passes by with the meek and the wanton mixed together’, with a reference to Matt. 3:12, that the good wheat and the useless chaff will not be separated until Judgment day (also referred to in Book 3 lines 1237-9; Book 4 lines 19-58). The Psychomachia in the outer jambs is well-known, it is THE OCCUPATIO OF ST ODO AND THE PORCH SCULPTURE AT MALMESBURY ABBEY 207 an idealised pattern of opposites. The medallions on the inner jambs continue the theme and, even in their present state, it can be seen that the allusion to the mixture on the threshing-floor is apt, and is a very diverse set of motifs in style and source. Lust and Pride, the ‘two kings’ often mentioned in the poem as troubling the faithful, are both symbolised in the carvings: Lust is represented by the ‘femme aux serpents’ in medallion VI, and Pride by the peacock, medallion XIII. It is not possible to tell if Lust and Pride were actually depicted as kings in the seated figures of medallions XII and XXII. Odo three times refers to the Parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins (lines 383-391; 570-1; 621) which have been identified in medallions XXVIII and XXX respectively (Wood 1998, 47-9). In the first passage, the chaste are exhorted to hold shining lamps and to be adorned with purity. The two shorter references are to the Foolish Virgins, their lack of oil and their banishment by the Lord when he arrives in Judgement. The interpretation of Pisces (medallion IV) as referring to repentance (Ibid., 48), is very apt, for Odo often recommends it. As has been said above, inside the porch the text of Book 6 (lines 504 to end) applies to the side lunettes in which the figures symbolise the Mission of the Church, preaching and meditating on the gospel (Ibid., 50-1). The characters of Peter and Paul flanking the tympanum are the most important of the figures, and they are the only apostles named in the Occupatio. This is understandable as they were the patron saints of Cluny. Peter speaks at the washing of the disciples’ feet before the Last Supper (Book 6, lines 11-24) and is mentioned for his repentance (lines 583-608). Paul is cited in line 866 as one having suffered adversity for Christ’s sake. Otherwise, Peter and Paul are mentioned in a broader sense, usually together and acting as pillars of the Church — though this is one metaphor Odo does not use. Their mere presence performs miracles of healing (Book 6, lines 664-5); they both grieve for the lapsed (Book 7, lines 69-158). Peter, when making up the number of the apostles after the loss of Judas, is acting as all following popes would do, maintaining the ministry (Book 6, lines 504-521). Paul foretells the presence of sinners within the Church (Acts 20:29), or as Odo sees it, within monasteries (Book 7, lines 159-198). According to the interpretation proposed in 1998, the tympanum at the doorway shows Christ on his way to earth for Judgement Day, and this is consistent with Book 7 of the Occupatio. While Odo is sympathetic with the lapsed (lines 207-541), he can write of the pure as awaiting the last day with hope (lines 542-581). The world changes at line 582, when Odo says ‘a judge will arrive unexpectedly, gleaming in the flesh... his great majesty and lofty power will appear’ (lines 582-583). This is the scene developing in the tympanum. The poem concludes with a vision of heaven: the Trinity, the sacred choir and the heavenly city, accompanied by an indescribable ‘orgia laudis’ (lines 663-760). It might not be too far from reality to suggest this was the effect aimed at (though, of course, never achieved) in the liturgy and ornament of the three successive churches at Cluny itself, and at Malmesbury under abbot Peter. Thus concludes Odo’s epic on the history of salvation, with the pilgrims standing at the doorway into the church of Malmesbury, admonished, penitent, and eager to enter. Odo extols the simplicity of the Eucharist in Book 6, line 50: ‘so the body is connected to the head and the head to the body’, using St Paul’s image of Christ and his members the Church. We can suppose that the lessons in the poem would in many cases have influenced the way the sculpture was interpreted in teaching, at least in the beginning, and due regard being given to audience. The informed and considerate translation of the poem into 12th-century sculpture produced a coherent visual scheme, such that the influence of so abstract a text would hardly be suspected. The designer, however, was familiar enough with the Occupatio to recognise the parallels in the rich collection of Anglo-Saxon drawings in the Malmesbury library, and perhaps even from the moment he first saw them, to begin to evolve the scheme for the porch. The librarian had been at some time William of Malmesbury, who died a few years after the arrival of the Cluniac party, probably in 1143. Abbot Peter Moraunt is said to have been a man of learning, a poet and a friend of William’s. It is tempting to think Peter may have been the designer of the porch, but it is likely to have been a younger man in his party, for other schemes were to follow in Yorkshire, perhaps even as late at the 1170s. Part 3 Continuity with later imagery At various points the imagery of the Occupatio witnesses to cultural continuity throughout the 208 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE early medieval period. For example, the preface to Book 4 (lines 11-14), typifies the Old Testament patriarchs as foreshadowing the greater revelation that is to come in the New. This process of using an ‘animal’ or physical example on which to base a spiritual lesson is central to 12th-century practice, from bestiaries to sculpture: A line of patriarchs was established, As a teacher of the Church says: He put the animal first, The spiritual took over thereafter. The examples from the Occupatio given below relate expressions in the poem to sculptural motifs that are found in Romanesque sculpture generally. The examples are not inventions by Odo, but were commonplaces of the monastic culture in which he lived. The poem serves to clarify the meaning of several Romanesque motifs that are difficult to explain from visual sources alone: these motifs include star patterns, various corbel subjects, horses, exhibitionists and foliage. When, in Book 1, line 82, Odo describes the first day of creation (Gen. 1:3), he equates angels with light: ‘First, the King orders the angelic host — which is light — to exist’. In Book 4, lines 314- 326, good men are likened to shining stars and, later, prophets are similarly compared (lines 433- 446). These various passages equating light or stars with angels and good men suggest it is right to give serious attention to star patterns in Romanesque sculpture. Angels are seldom carved in English Romanesque sculpture and, if they are represented, as at Malmesbury on the inner lunettes, the standard of carving at the site is usually above average. The difficulty the general run of craftsmen had in carving recognisable angels can be seen on the north doorway at Great Durnford. There, it is suggested, the arch of ‘bees’ or ‘shuttlecocks’ around the chequered tympanum are intended for angels, each one comprising a round face with two wings. For comparison, below the throne of God in the Caedmon Genesis frontispiece there are skilful pen drawings of angels which are no more than heads and a pair of wings (Gollancz 1927, opp. fol. 1). The average sculptor had neither the skill nor the experience to attempt such angels. So, in the building of the average doorway, if it was decided to suggest the closeness of the heavenly powers to mankind, it was much better for the craftsman to carve a pattern that symbolised stars or light (Wood 2001, 5-9). The patterns may be a grid of chip- carving on a tympanum at a simple village church, or circular medallions as around the clerestory windows at Malmesbury. Single men’s heads — within an order of beakheads or bestial masks can represent more directly the enlightened or faithful person surrounded by evil spirits or temptations; this situation can be seen, for example, on the doorway at Siddington (Gloucestershire). It has been suggested elsewhere by the author that 12th-century corbel tables in England com- monly picture the varied reactions of men and evil spirits to the Second Coming, the event which precedes the general resurrection and the Judgement on the last day (Wood 2003, 14-19). Odo describes the reactions of men to the Second Coming, for example, in Book 7, lines 585-90, where the poem contrasts the astonishment of the meek and the anguish of reprobates. In Beatus manuscripts, among the range of illuminations of ‘Christ arriving on the clouds’ (Rev. 1: 7-9), there are four that show the crowd of observers differentiated into those who salute the Lord with hands raised in praise and acclamation, and others whose figures are contorted and who ring their hands in despair. The earliest examples of this differentiation are in the Escorial Beatus of c. 1000, and the Saint-Sever Beatus, mid-11th century; the other two are 12th-century in date, the Turin and Navarre manuscripts (Williams 1998, pls. 167, 389; 2002, pl. 116; 2003 pl. 261). The verse (Rev. 1:7), ‘he cometh with the clouds; and every eye shall see him, and they which pierced him...’ no doubt lies behind the imagery of both poem and corbels, and the Beatus illustrations bridge the gap in time between Odo and the 12th-century sculptors. The idea is extended on Romanesque corbel tables, where evil spirits also are shown reacting to the coming of the Judge, sometimes by giving up the dead. The most memorable of the visual metaphors in the poem is the herbivore in Book 1, 321-327, a beautifully-observed but terrifying cow. Its relentless sucking-in of gullible sinners is paralleled on hundreds of Romanesque corbels and voussoirs. In sculpture on capitals and voussoirs, nightmarish, exaggerated beasts chew men and disorder foliage. The chewing can suggest the punishments of Hell awaiting the individual unrepentant sinner or it can picture the distorting effect of sin on creation. Still on the subject of corbels, in Book 1 lines 218- 22, Cerberus is drugged and the hook captures it, but Odo also mentions controlling the dog so that it can do no harm (line 220). In this context, the verb capistrat reasonably implies the use of a 3 i ¥ 5 THE OCCUPATIO OF ST ODO AND THE PORCH SCULPTURE AT MALMESBURY ABBEY 209 Fig. 5 A voussoir of the chancel arch at Tickencote, Rutland, with a muzzled beast. Photograph, Michael Tisdall muzzle, though such an association is only recorded from the late twelfth century onwards (Baxter and Johnson 1934). On Romanesque corbels, bestial masks, or evil spirits, are commonly muzzled, demonstrating ‘the enemy’ has been controlled by the Resurrection, just as Cerberus is controlled by Hercules (Figure 5). The horse features in two passages: Book 7, lines 286-8, where the depraved are likened to a senseless horse or mule, and lines 407-459, which counsels a monk who cannot sleep at night for lustful dreams. He is told to master his flesh as a horse is reined or spurred, with moderate force; perhaps the monastic practice of flagellation is understood here. The instruction to ‘control your horse with the rein’ recalls sculpture on a door jamb at Barton-le-Street (Figure 6) and on a corbel at Kirkburn (Wood 2003, 14-5). In both cases the carving suggests that lustful thoughts are being controlled. Two horse’s heads on a corbel at Edlington (Yorkshire), are gagged, and there is a whole arch in France with horses arranged round it in the manner of beakheads, biting on the roll-moulding (Seidel 1981, 62). Occasionally sayings or mottos seem to be quoted by Odo, and in Book 3 are two which have their counterpart in sculpture. At line 250, Odo writes: ‘just as a beautiful woman pleases, so an ugly one repulses’. Repulsion is sometimes suggested to be one reason that sheelas are made SO grotesque; it counteracts their obvious sensual attractions and shows their true nature (Weir and Jerman 1986, 23). A similar passage which might apply to exhibitionists is in Book 3, lines 479-81: ‘... huge bodies with gigantic members’ are said by Odo to indicate self-indulgence. The Resurrection is considered at length in Book 6. After the Harrowing of Hell, Christ is resurrected (lines 327-338); then in lines 339-354 Odo extols the third day, which is both the first day and the day of days. This is followed by a description of the coming of spring (lines 355-366): Fig. 6 A carving on a doorway at Barton-le-Street, near Malton, North Yorkshire, showing a man bridling his ‘horse’. Fs efforts at self control are rewarded by the springing foliage coming from the top of the rein This day urges every creature to rejoice and makes the whole world suddenly regain its strength, and the earth is coloured with various flowers, and the warm dew makes barren vines swell up; one sees the leaves of trees revive with sap, and a warbling note makes certain birds melodious; the earth is fertile, the sea calm, the air still. You think little of this perhaps, but the Creator reveals them on that day; each thing rejoices, as it were, for a common good. That day can therefore drive away our earlier grief; It is that day alone which restores heavenly joy to people on earth; We are told to exalt in this day and rightly celebrate it. After this passage, Odo reverts to traditional Easter themes by detailing the individual appearances of the risen Christ to Mary Magdalene and to the disciples (lines 367-381). Springtime was a conventional subject for the Latin poets emulated by Odo, but inserting his version here is more than noting that springtime happens to coincide with the celebration of the Resurrection. The surge of spring foliage parallels God’s action in raising Christ and enlivening his whole body, the Church. 210 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Springtime is relevant to his topic. He tells his readers to think about it again, for it is an allegory or type of the Resurrection. Something of the same idea occurs in a late 12th-century manuscript by Pictor in Carmine (James 1951, 166). Pictor’s manuscript suggests at least four types an illustrator could use for every one of 138 New Testament or sub gracia events. Although almost every type listed is a person or event from the Old Testament, for the general resurrection the fourth suggestion is: ‘There is proof of resurrection from nature because plants and trees come from seed.’ The dead-looking seed is an image used by St Paul to picture the general resurrection (1 Cor. 15:38). The depiction of foliage, from the earliest Christian art onwards, was intended to recall the seemingly impossible change from the dead twig or seed of winter into the marvel of spring: in the spiritual sense, it represents the resurrection. The foliage in Romanesque and other medieval sculpture is not there to emphasise the lines of the architecture, nor is it there to display technical virtuosity — though it may do those things too — but it exists primarily as a symbol of eternal life. In the case of the porch at Malmesbury, the foliage orders between the figured orders are meant to suggest the heavenly paradise waiting for anyone who will seek 1t. Acknowledgements Peter Wood (no relation) came to live near me a few years ago, and offered to do any Latin translations I needed. I have to thank him for not flinching from my suggestion, but taking on and completing the translation of the Occupatio, and for providing other translations, of normal length and difficulty, along the way. References BAXTER, J. H. and JOHNSON, C., 1934, Medieval Latin Word-list from British and Irish sources. London: Oxford University Press GALBRAITH, K. J. 1965. The iconography of the Biblical scenes at Malmesbury Abbey. Journal of the Bnitish Archaeological Association 28, 39-56 GODMAN, P, (ed. and introduction) 1985, Poetry of the Carolingian Renaissance. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press GOLLANCZ, I., 1927, The Caedmon Manuscript of Anglo- Saxon Biblical Poetry: Junius XI in the British Library. Oxford: Oxford University Press GREEN, R.,; EVANS, M., BISCHOFE C. and CURSCHMAN, M., 1979, Hortus Deliciarum of Herrad of Landsberg, 2 vols. London: Warburg Institute HILL, E., (trans.) 1994, The Works of Saint Augustine: Sermons, vol. III/8, 20, Sermon 273.6. New York: New City Press HUSKINSON, J. 1974, Some pagan mythological figures and their significance in early Christian art. Papers of the British School at Rome 42, 68-97 IRVINE, S., 2003, ‘Wrestling with Hercules: King Alfred and the classical past’, in C. Cubitt, (ed.), Court Culture in the Early Middle Ages, 171-188. Turnhout: Brepols JAMES, M. R. 1951, Pictor in Carmine. Archaeologia 94, 141-166 NEES, L., 1991, A Tainted Mantle: Hercules and the classical tradition at the Carolingian court. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press SEIDEL, L., 1981, Songs of Glory: the Romanesque Facades of Aquitaine. London: Chicago University Press SMITH, M. Q., 1975, The sculptures of the south porch of Malmesbury abbey. Minety: Friends of Malmesbury Abbey SWOBODA, A., (ed.) 1900, Odonis abbatis Cluniacensis Occupatio. Leipzig: Teubner Victoria History of the County of Wiltshire, i111. London OUP 1956 WEIR A. and JERMAN, J., 1986, Images of Lust: sexual carvings on medieval churches. London: Batsford. WEITZMANN, K., 1973, The Heracles plaques of St Peter’s cathedra. Art Bulletin 55, 1-37 WEITZMANN, K., 1974, An addendum to ‘The Heracies plaques of St Peter’s cathedra’. Art Bulletin 56, 248-52 WILLIAMS, J., 1998, 2002, 2003, The Illustrated Beatus, vols. III, IV, V. London: Harvey Miller WILSON, C. 1978, ‘The sources of the late twelfth- century work at Worcester Cathedral’, in Medieval Art and Architecture at Worcester Cathedral. Volume 1. 80-90. Leeds: British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions for the year 1975 WOOD, P. (ed. and trans.) in preparation. (Note: translations in this paper are taken from this text, by permission) WOOD, R. 1998, Malmesbury Abbey: the sculpture of the south entrance. WANHM 91, 42-56 WOOD, R. 2001, Geometric patterns Romanesque sculpture. Journal of the Archaeological Association 154, 1-39 WOOD, R. 2003, The Augustinians and the Romanesque sculpture at Kirkburn church. East Yorkshire Historian 4, 3-59 WOOD, R. 2006, The Romanesque chancel arch at Liverton, North Riding. Yorkshire Archaeol. Fournal 78, 111-143 in English British _ Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 211-221 Bronze Age activity and a medieval hollow-way at the A419 Commonhead Junction, Swindon by FJonathan Hart and Mary Alexander with contributions by E.R. McSloy and Sylvia Warman Two areas excavated at the Commonhead junction on the A419, to the east of Swindon, investigated the anticipated line of the Roman road there. One trench to the north of the roundabout revealed a wide hollow or ditch, aligned to the modern road, and dated by pottery and a radiocarbon determination to the Middle Bronze Age. Excavation on the roundabout island revealed an undated linear hollow on the same alignment with a rutted surface at its base. The hollow was re-surfaced in the medieval period. Although no firm evidence of a Roman road surface survived, the results suggest that the Roman road and its medieval and modern successors follow a more ancient alignment. Introduction In 2005 Cotswold Archaeology (CA) carried out an archaeological excavation and watching brief at the A419 Commonhead Junction Improvement Scheme, Swindon (centred on NGR SU 1934 8241) (Figures 1 and 2). The project was carried out on behalf of Alfred McAlpine plc working for the Highways Agency during the construction of a flyover at the roundabout junction. The work was undertaken to discharge the programme of archaeological mitigation proposed within the Environmental Statement accompanying the application to the Secretary of State for permission to construct the flyover (HA 2004). The mitigation scheme was designed in consultation with English Heritage and the Wiltshire County Archaeological Officer. The Commonhead junction is located on the south-eastern edge of Swindon and is bordered to the west by residential and service developments and to the east by countryside. The A419 at this point runs north to south along the side of a slight east- facing slope. The junction itself lies at approximately 110m OD and the road follows a gradual descent to the north. The underlying geology comprises Gault deposits (mainly clay) of the Lower Cretaceous geological era (GSGB 1974). Archaeological Background Two archaeological evaluations were undertaken on the site of a proposed Park and Ride scheme to the immediate south-west of the roundabout in 1999 and 2002 (CAT 1999; FA 2002) (Figure 2). The first evaluation in 1999 identified a probable pottery manufacturing site of the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age, while that in 2002 revealed an extensive complex of Middle Bronze Age features including north-west/south-east-aligned ditches, a number of pits and a possible posthole. An undated north- east/south-west-aligned ditch was also identified. A Bronze Age sword was recovered from a riverine deposit at Moor Leaze Farm 150m to the north of Cotswold Archaeology, Building 11, Kemble Enterprise Park, Kemble, Cirencester, Gloucestershire, GL7 6BQ THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 212 Se i at i mp Be Pye Thin ission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office © Crown copyr Reproduced from the 1998 Ordnance Survey Explorer map with the perm ight Cotswold Archaeological Trust 100002109 > z = : “Buryc a =e <4 < Pan location plan (1:25,000) 1te IS ig. _ BRONZE AGE ACTIVITY AND MEDIEVAL HOLLOW-WAY AT COMMONHEAD JUNCTION 213 Reproduced from the Ordnance Survey digital mapping with the permission of Ordnance Survey on behalf of The Controller of Her Majesty's Stationery Office i} a font N © Crown copyright Cotswold Archaeological Trust 100002109 i ®@ a leary = I SUae oe 1 7 location of > 1 Oe a ain J Bronze Age ee ie aa | sword mere C j |! | | | | | ©} 1999 and 2002 evaluations mum § features == = projected alignment of Roman Road 150m Fig. 3 Site area, showing alignment of principal features (1:2500) result was a conventional radiocarbon age of 3251 +/- 39 BP (Stuiver and Polach 1977) (WK-20592). Simple calibrations of the results have been calculated using the calibration curve of Reimer et al. (2004) and the computer program OXCal 3.10 Bronk Ramsey (2005). Calibration at 2 sigma (95.4% confidence level) using the probability method (Stuiver and Reimer 1993) provides a date range of 1620-1430 cal BC. Deposit 111 also contained fragments of sheep bone, including one burnt fragment. The upper fill 107 yielded a medieval horseshoe fragment and a sheep-sized long bone. The top of feature 114 was cut through by a series of furrows, representing at least three phases of activity, on a north/south alignment from which modern bottle glass and a brick or tile fragment of Romano-British or later date were recovered. Area 2 A north/south-aligned feature (236), with a broad, flat-based profile at least 4.7m wide and up to 0.85m deep, lay at the east end of the excavated area cut into the natural clay. A surface (237) of ragstone fragments within a compact clay matrix had been constructed in the base of the cut. A single fish bone (from a ray) was recovered from this deposit. The top of the surface featured a series of wheel ruts which followed the alignment of feature 236. The profile and fills of this feature and the presence of a rutted surface suggest a sunken lane, or hollow-way. To the east was a shallow linear depression filled with a sandy silt 244, which partially extended into the eastern edge of the hollow-way. This appeared to have been a bedding layer for a thin surface 243 of roughly-laid ragstone fragments, which ran parallel to surface 237 and may have been contemporary. Surface 237 was overlain by deposit 220, which also filled the ruts in surface 237 and covered deposit 244 where this extended into the hollow- way. Deposit 220 was similar in composition to surface 237 but contained fewer ragstone inclusions and instead included frequent flecks of crushed ragstone. A single fragment of animal bone was recovered. This deposit formed the upper fill of the hollow-way and appeared to represent weathering of the underlying surface or silting from the adjacent THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 216 WO} 0 Kejo yeanyeu 9€¢ jensipaw-jsod |_| jeAsIpewW GZ Jalpee 10 yeaeipaw [| aby ezudg sIPp!I\ eve Aejo jeanyeu goeyins ZO? Aejo jeanyeu you dov /— ie ae zoz|iesans_ | —| WOLZ a M SMOUNY 4 (OOL:) ad UOHDES :¢ eal woz 0) @) ; : Z © . : : 2 : meta SAS SA —_—_ 6E¢ 60¢ SERRE OINTESP SSS 4 Zi — Youp Aejo Aejo aimee} fejo wciaes ; D i aera arte ml y jeunyeu jeunyeu jeinyeu Eee) Le [ ie youal} aoeyins \: oS 6E¢ 8 Ast youlp N (002: 1) UBld *2 eal WG 6) a aunyeey SEL eeu €O} feunyeu | 2 GOV : WG'GOl MN Set seo aS es Ser eS ae Re AEOaUIAD SMOINJ (0S: L) VV UOIDaS :} Bally WwW O¢ SMO.UNJ 0 oo a : OLL WG} 4Of Y @) Aejo yeanyeu ud molU}-204} sanuljuoo i youel) a i 4 i : d 4 ; N ainjee} (00:1) UBld -} Bally 1 BRONZE AGE ACTIVITY AND MEDIEVAL HOLLOW-WAY AT COMMONHEAD JUNCTION 217 Fig. 5 Surface 217 surface 243. The deposits associated with the hollow- way were devoid of dateable artefacts, despite sieving of soil samples. Two linear features (209 and 210) lay to the west of ditch 239 on a similar north/south alignment. Three sherds of Romano-British pottery were recovered from the lower fill of 210 and it is possible that both features were of Romano-British date, although the sherds were abraded and very likely residual. The fills of the hollow-way were sealed by a surface (217) of densely packed ragstone fragments within a clay matrix (Figure 5), from which four medieval horseshoe fragments and a medieval iron arrowhead were recovered. Surface 217 was sealed by a deposit containing fewer ragstone inclusions (215), which might be a product of the erosion of surface 217 or else a bedding layer for a further surface subsequently lost through truncation. A further three horseshoe fragments and an iron blade, possibly from a sickle, all of medieval date, were recovered from 215. A ditch (238) along the western side of surface 217 was filled by two deposits eroded from the road surfaces. The lowest of these fills also contained part of a medieval horseshoe. The ditch was sampled for environmental remains but contained no significant material. Ditch 238 had been truncated by ditch 239 which followed a similar alignment and which was filled with three fills of mixed re-deposited natural. An undated iron object was recovered from the lowest of these fills. Ditch 239 was itself truncated by a series of closely-spaced furrows and a ditch (221) on the north/south alignment common to the site. Watching Brief Area 3 A 3.5m x 2m test-pit excavated 10m to the south of Area 1 by construction workers exposed a very similar deposit (303) to the silt filling feature 114 within Area 1. No artefacts were recovered nor was this deposit exposed to its full depth or extent. Artefacts, by E.R. McSloy The Pottery Prehistoric A single sherd of thick walled (13mm), but unfeatured, coarse flint-tempered pottery was recovered from deposit 111. Probably from a large, more or less straight-sided vessel, the fabric is typical of Middle Bronze Age bucket and barrel urns found in central, southern England, a dating supported by the radiocarbon determination from charcoal from the same deposit. Roman Three sherds of heavily abraded Roman pottery were recovered from a single deposit associated with linear feature 210. Two sherds are of Dorset Black- Burnished Ware dated to after the first quarter of the 2nd century AD, while the remaining sherd, of sandy reduced ware with rare flint inclusions is probably of a local North Wiltshire origin: comparable material occurs at Wanborough (Fabric 90), where a ‘later Roman’ dating is suggested (Seagar-Smith 1999, 250). The Metalwork All items of metalwork were x-rayed to clarify form and reveal constructional details. The iron is in poor condition, embrittled and with surfaces flaking. Arrowhead An arrowhead of socketed form (surviving length 42mm, blade width (at angle) 13mm), with rounded triangular head was recovered from the surface of the hollow-way (Figure 6, no. 1). The closest parallels are from 9th/10th-century contexts (Jessop 1997, 2), while such forms continue into the 14th century. The poor condition of this example, however, makes 218 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 0 100mm Fig. 6 Iron objects. Scale 1:2 secure Classification difficult and the object may belong later in the series in Jessop’s ‘Early Multi- Purpose Forms’ (1bid., 2-3). Horseshoes Several horseshoe fragments were recovered. Two fragments are of Clark’s Type 2 (Clark 1995, 86), defined by narrow, lobate form branches and deep and elongated countersunk slots. On one example nail holes are rounded (Figure 6 no. 2) signifying a shoe of Clark’s Type 2a. Those on a yet more fragmentary example from context 215 appear from x-ray to be rectangular indicating Clark’s Type 2b. Type 2 shoes were current between the 11th and 13th centuries. The remainder are difficult to classify due to corrosion. The characteristics of the more complete examples are consistent with Clark’s Type 3 (e.g. Figure 6 no. 3). Well-dated examples from London of Clark’s Type 3 shoes are of the 13th and 14th centuries, particularly before c. 1350. The absence of robust Type 4 shoes, and association with Type 2 shoes indicates a 13th-century group. Other iron finds included a blade fragment with curved back from layer 215 and two ?Pangle irons formed from a bar, bent at right angles from context 214. Environmental Evidence, by Sylvia Warman The Animal Bone Animal bone recovered both during excavation and processing of environmental samples was in a moderate to poor state of preservation. The only domestic species was horse, while more fragmented material was classified by size as either cow-sized or sheep-sized. Small mammal, rodent, frog/toad and ray (not identified to species) were also present. Hand collected animal bone totalled 39 fragments from 38 bones weighing 1kg of which 13 could be © identified to species. Sieved material totalled 50 © fragments from 49 bones weighing 2.11g, none of | which could be identified to species. Modifications such as butchery, burning, gnawing, etc. were | recorded when visible but may have been obscured in some of the more poorly preserved specimens. Middle Bronze Age One of the lowest fills (111) of feature 114 in Area 1 contained small fragments of sheep-sized long bone, one of which was burnt black. Small mammal bones _ BRONZE AGE ACTIVITY AND MEDIEVAL HOLLOW-WAY AT COMMONHEAD JUNCTION 219 were also present. The second fill (134), produced small mammal bones, frog/toad bones and a rodent incisor. The tertiary fill (107) produced a single fragment of sheep-sized long bone. Medieval From Area 2, cow-sized long bone and vertebrae fragments were recovered from deposit 217. Deposit 215 contained 31 fragments of horse bones and teeth, including two scapulae (shoulder blades), a metatarsal (cannon bone) a phalange (toe) and teeth from the upper jaw, one of which is deciduous (milk tooth). One scapula showed abnormal bone around and on the joint surface. _ Post-medieval Fill 216 of boundary ditch 239 contained a horse upper cheek tooth and an intermediate phalange (toe). Undated The surface 237 of hollow-way 236 produced what appears to be a spine from a ray fish whilst the overlying fill 220, contained a cow-sized long bone. Discussion Both contexts that produced horse bones and teeth also produced horseshoes. Horses may have been buried adjacent to the hollow-way and their bones re- deposited during resurfacing/improvement works. The cow-sized material almost certainly includes more horse bones, too fragmented to be identified. The small mammal, rodent and frog/toad remains come predominantly from silting fills. The condition of the animal bone indicates a degree of exposure before burial. Discussion The form of feature 114 is consistent with a shallow ditch or hollow. Although the orientation of this feature is hard to accurately gauge from the extent of the small area excavated, it would appear to be on the same alignment as the undated hollow-way 236 and the later medieval road surface in Area 2 to the south. Indeed, given the similarity in profile of feature 114 with the hollow-way in Area 2 it is possible that both are parts of the same feature. It is apparent that this feature was used, at least in the southerly section, as a lane in the medieval period and earlier. The large size and unabraded nature of the Middle Bronze Age pottery sherd, and the presence of a corroborative radiocarbon date in the basal fill of feature 114, indicate a Middle Bronze Age origin perhaps contemporary with the activity excavated to the south-west of the roundabout. Feature 114 might represent a boundary ditch or outlying feature of a settlement. Compacted fills suggest a slow accumulation of material within the ditch, which was apparently visible as a shallow hollow when the medieval horseshoe fragment and animal bone were introduced into the upper fill. The hollow-way identified in Area 2 remains undated, although it was similar in form to the Middle Bronze Age ditch 114 identified in Area 1. The presence of an overlying medieval surface could be taken to imply that the hollow-way was itself medieval, with its upper fill and the overlying metalling representing a re-surfacing during this period. It is also possible, however, that the hollow-way is earlier, possibly Romano-British or prehistoric, although the excavated surface does not compare with securely identified sections of Roman Ermin Street excavated along the line of the A419/A417 between Birdlip Quarry and Cricklade. In these sections, a recognisable sequence of compacted cobbles on a base of tightly packed larger stones bedded on clay silt was used extensively, with repeated re-surfacing notable on the sections to the north of Cirencester. The surfaces were not laid in a cut, and in all instances a camber of up to 0.1m was evident (Mudd et al. 1999, 261-282). Both early and later Roman surfacing reflected the use of sophisticated engineering techniques based on military methods (bid, 267), which are absent from the section at Commonhead. The lower sequence of deposits in Area 2 bears most resemblance to a section excavated through the Burford Road on the route of the Roman Fosse Way where the Roman surfaces are considered to have been completely worn away (ibid, 273-276). The medieval surface and associated deposits identified in Area 2 contained fragments of horseshoes consistent with the surface having been used as a hollow-way during the medieval period. Ditch 238 is likely to have been a drainage feature running alongside its western edge. The lane surface was of ragstone fragments, presumably derived from a local source. The horseshoes suggest that the hollow-way was in use between the 11th and 13th centuries. The medieval lane surface was not present within Area 1, either because its alignment did not cross 220 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE there or because the greater reduction of the ground surface in Area | had truncated contemporary deposits. Fragments of ragstone, however, were also present in some of the ditch fills in Area 1 while the medieval horseshoe fragment in the upper fill of the Bronze Age linear feature perhaps indicates that the medieval route continued through this area. The projected alignment of the Roman road north of the Commonhead junction is first depicted on the 1841 Liddington Tithe Map (WSRO) as a field boundary between several pasture fields. The Andrews and Dury map of 1773 (WSRO) does not depict this boundary but this reflects the fact that the cartographers did not depict all field boundaries: other field boundaries depicted on the Tithe Map are also absent from the 1773 map. The location and date of ditch 239 and its recut suggests that these are the remains of the boundary depicted on the Tithe Map. The recutting of this boundary indicates that it was a long-lived feature and indeed it continued to be depicted on the Ordnance Survey maps until the construction of the Commonhead roundabout in 1971. Ridge and furrow earthworks identified on site conformed to alignments visible on aerial photographs taken in 1971 and 1972 (NMR; 10639; 9109), and the field boundary just noted. Although the earliest cut of the boundary was truncated by some of the furrows, it seems probable that the boundary remained in use during both the arable phase represented by the furrows and during the land’s later use for pasture as depicted on the Tithe Map. It is possible that the closely spaced furrows seen in Area | and to the east of ditch 239 in Area 2 are related of the short-lived phase of early 19th- century narrow rig ploughing common across marginal areas around the southern chalk downs (Taylor 2000, 143 and 146-7). Features 209 and 210 to the west of ditch 239 in Area 2 remain ambiguous. On the basis of their form and the recovered abraded Romano-British pottery they could be interpreted either as Romano-British ditches or as medieval or post-medieval furrows containing residual pottery. If the Romano-British date is accepted then they are likely to represent a field system aligned co-axially with the projected alignment of the Roman road. Surprisingly no firm evidence of the Roman road was identified during the excavation. This suggests that the Roman road surfacing was either truncated by the medieval hollow-way or by ploughing, that its route lies beyond the limits of the excavation, or that this part of the road was constructed above an in-filled Bronze Age ditch. Continued use of the road into the medieval period perhaps led to the total erosion of the Roman road and surface and the creation of a hollow-way which cut down into the underlying fills of the Bronze Age ditch. The status of the medieval trackway remains unclear. It may have simply been a lane linking farmsteads or else represent a long distance trackway running northwards towards Cricklade. There is no indication of the survival of this trackway on the earliest available map of the area, Andrews and Dury’s map of 1773. Since other trackways and roads are depicted on this map, it seems that the medieval routeway had ceased to be used by the late 18th century at latest. Acknowledgements The excavation and post-excavation work was funded by Alfred McAlpine ple acting on behalf of the Highways Agency. We are grateful to William Hazell and Mark Cartwright, both of Nicholas Pearson Associates, who consecutively served as Environmental Co-ordinator for the scheme and offered much appreciated support and advice. We are also grateful to Howard Allbrook, the Project Manager for Alfred McAlpine. The project was supervised in the field by Jon Hart and managed by Mary Alexander. Thanks to Roy Canham Wiltshire County Archaeological Officer for monitoring the _ project and imparting his in-depth knowledge of the archaeology of the area. Neil Holbrook’s comments on an earlier draft of this article were invaluable. The finds and archive will be deposited at Swindon Museum under accession number 2005/17. References BRONK RAMSEY, C., 2005, OxCal version 3.10 BURCHARD, A., 1970, ‘The Sword’. WANHM 65, 190-203 CA (Cotswold Archaeology), 2005, A419 Commonhead Junction Improvement Scheme, Swindon, Wiltshire: Archaeological Watching Brief, unpublished Cotswold Archaeology report 05111 CAT (Cotswold Archaeological Trust), 1999, Commonhead Roundabout Site, Swindon, Wiltshire: Archaeological Evaluation, unpublished Cotswold Archaeology report 991104 CLARK J.,1995, Medieval Finds from Excavations in London ‘5, the Medieval Horse and its Equipment. London: HMSO FA (Foundations Archaeology), 2002, Commonhead _ BRONZE AGE ACTIVITY AND MEDIEVAL HOLLOW-WAY AT COMMONHEAD JUNCTION ZO Roundabout, Park and Ride, Liddington, Borough of Swindon: Archaeological Evaluation, unpublished Foundations Archaeology client report GSGB (Geological Survey of Great Britain) 1974, Geological Survey of England and Wales, 1:50,000 Series; Solid and Drift. Sheet 252: Swindon Southampton, IGS HA (Highways Agency), 2004, in A419 Commonhead Roundabout Improvements: Environmental Statement. Unpublished document JESSOB O., 1997, Medieval Arrowheads. Finds Research | Group 700-1700 Datasheet 22, University of Oxford ~ MARGARY, I. D., 1973, Roman Roads in Britain. 3rd edition London, John Baker MUDD, A., WILLIAMS R.J., and LUPTON, A., 1999 Excavations alongside Roman Ermin Street, Gloucestershire and Wiltshire. The Archaeology of the A419/A417 Swindon to Gloucester Road Scheme — Volume 1: Prehistoric and Roman activity. Oxford: Oxford Archaeological Unit OS (ORDNANCE SURVEY) 1886 First Edition 1:6” Map sheet 16SW OS (ORDNANCE SURVEY) 1900 Second Edition 1:6” Map sheet 16SW REIMER .PJ., BAILLIE, M.G.L. , BARD, E., BAYLISS, A., BECK, J.W., BERTRAND, C., BLACKWELL, P.G., BUCK, C.E., BURR, G., CUTLER, K.B., DAMON, PE., EDWARDS, R.L., FAIRBANKS, R.G., FRIEDRICH, M., GUILDERSON, T.-P., HUGHEN, K.A., KROMER, B., MCCORMAC, FG., MANNING, S., BRONK RAMSEY, C., REIMER, R.W., REMMELE, S., SOUTHON, J.R., STUIVER, M., TALAMO, S., TAYLOR, F.W., VAN DER PLICHT, J. and WEYHENMEYER C.E., 2004, IntCal04 Terrestrial Radiocarbon Age Calibration, 0-26 cal kyr BP Radiocarbon 46 (3) 1029-1058 SEAGER-SMITH, R.H. 2001, ‘The Coarse Pottery’, in A.S. Anderson, J.S. Wacher and A.P. Fitzpatrick, 2001 The Romano-British ‘Small Town’ at Wanborough, Wiltshire, 232-301. Britannia Monograph Series 19. London: Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies STUIVER, M., and POLACH, H.A., 1977, Discussion: Reporting of 14C data. Radiocarbon 19, 355-63 STUIVER, M., and REIMER, PJ., 1993, Extended 14C database and revised CALIB 3.0 14C Age calibration program. Radiocarbon 35(1), 215-30 TAYLOR, C., 2000, Fields in the English Landscape. Stroud: Alan Sutton Original Sources Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office (WSRO) 1773 Andrews and Dury Map 1841 Liddington Tithe Map and Apportionment Register National Monuments Record Aerial Photographs Library 10639 (8/9/1971) 9109 (15/7/1972) Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 222-232 An analytical survey of the earthworks near Old Shaw Farm, Alton Barnes by Fudie English and Graham Brown Between 1959 and 1998 the parishes of Fyfield and Overton were subjected to an extensive and intensive study of their landscape history and archaeology (Fowler 2000). During the course of this work certain areas were noted as being worthy of further study and an analytical survey of one of these, the shrunken settlement of Shaw (centred NGR SU 135 653), has now been undertaken and 1s reported here. Introduction: geology, topography and present landuse The historic administrative unit of Shaw comprised two conjoined areas, one within Selkley Hundred and the other within Swanborough Hundred. Together they covered a compact, roughly rectangular area, primarily on Upper Chalk but partially located where there is a capping of Clay- with-flints. The earthworks of the probable Late Anglo-Saxon and medieval settlement of Shaw are situated on that capping and lie on either side of the 225m OD contour. The highest points of the ridge forming the watershed between the rivers Kennet to the north, and the Avon, lie to the south of the main surviving earthworks of the settlement which are located on a small promontory facing north-east towards Lockeridge (Figure 1). Much of the high downland in this area is now under pasture but there is also some arable land. Certain of the hedges of the small fields to the east of the main area of earthworks appear of considerable age but in other areas, particularly to the east of Old Shaw and close to the Wansdyke, aerial photographic and cartographic evidence shows that a number of hedges were removed in recent decades. A ‘model’ farm, Shaw House (NGR SU 1315 6545), lies to the west of the survey site and to the north of Wansdyke. To the east of Shaw is an area of ancient woodlands, the West Woods, historically part of Savernake Forest, as for a time was Boreham Wood to the north of Shaw House. Shaw Coppice, east of the earthwork remains of the probable church, was so called in 1766 (New College, Oxford Muniment No. 5653). Archaeological background Shaw was first examined archaeologically in 1929 when H. C. Brentnall, together with pupils from Marlborough College, undertook partial excavation of what was interpreted as a church (Brentnall 1932). The structure was found to have been a single cell building with a nave measuring 10m x 4.9m internally. The floor comprised flints rammed into clay and covered with packed chalk while the walls were flint with sarsen quoins and facing stones. A window frame, now incorporated into the garden wall at Shaw House, is dated to the early 14th century, while ‘...sherds of the familiar medieval green glaze...’ pottery were also recovered. Recent English Heritage, Kemble Drive, Swindon SN2 2GZ - AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY OF THE EARTHWORKS, OLD SHAW FARM, ALTON BARNES 223 West Overton .>,Boreham Marlborough Lockeridge + >», “> West Woods oe o ~<+’Wood Fig. 1 The location of Shaw re-interpretation suggests that the church was built in the late 13th century and demolished, probably in the early 15th century (Fowler 2000, 194 quoting FWP 66). Work by the Fyfield and Overton Down Project (FYFOD) included an augmented ‘divorced’ survey of the settlement earthworks and soil marks evident on aerial photographs (Fowler 2000, fig 13:1). The area appears to cover the remnants of a system of small, sub-rectangular fields, possibly of prehistoric date. The settlement earthworks are located on both sides of a hollow-way which formed part of a network of north/south routes linking both the clayland settlements of the Vale of Pewsey and those of the Kennet valley with their grazing areas on the southern slope of the Marlborough Downs. The church is surrounded by a sub-rectangular enclosure with a further similar sized enclosure surrounded by a bank and ditch to its east. Farther to the east, and out of the area of the present survey, is a circular enclosure, possibly late prehistoric in date. The site of Old Shaw Farm, either post- dating or surviving from the abandonment phase of the settlement but pre-dating the present farm, is shown partly ablating the southern face of the Wansdyke. Wansdyke itself has been the subject of extensive archaeological fieldwork and interpretation (for example: Pitt-Rivers 1892; Clark 1958; Fox and Fox 1958). The East Wansdyke has been interpreted as an unfinished linear defence built ‘using military criteria concerning topography, field of view ... and the defensive qualities of the situation’ and possibly in conscious imitation of Roman thinking and design (Fowler 2001). More recently a later date set against conflicts between Wessex and Mercia have been suggested for the construction of this portion of the Wansdyke (Reynolds and Langlands 2006). Settlement and landuse history A number of Late Anglo-Saxon charters relating to the area survive but none specifically mention 224 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE a settlement named Shaw. The earliest charter purports to detail a grant of land at Alton Priors by King Egbert to the Old Minster at Winchester in 825 but, although probably containing genuine data, is considered spurious (Edwards 1988)(Sawyer 1968, 139, Cat. No. $272). Although probably a 10th-century document it nevertheless contains important information about the landscape in its boundary clause. The name randune, ‘the boundary down’, applied to land to the south of the Wansdyke and west of Shaw, suggests an area of common grazing. Closer to Savernake place-names suggest a partially wooded landscape with some dispersed settlements and areas of both cultivation and open downland (Fowler 2000, 215 et seg). An authentic charter of 972 (S784; Sawyer 1968, 250, Cat. No. S784) mentions a langan sceagan, a long narrow wood, and this may refer to the wood from which Shaw took its name (Fowler 2000, 194): the name Shaw itself is derived from Old English sceaga ‘wood’, ‘copse’ (Gover et al. 1939, 307). In 1966-70 two points on the East Wansdyke, east and west of Shaw were subjected to excavation with environmental analysis (Green 1971). At Red Shore (NGR SU117 648) the Dyke was found to have been excavated across land which, from the presence of lynchets, had once been arable but which, from pollen analysis of the land surface beneath the bank, had reverted to rough grazing. At New Buildings (NGR SU193 665), by contrast, there was woodland in the vicinity and the immediate site appeared to have been recently subjected to perhaps no more than a single season’s cereal production followed by scrub woodland regeneration - birch, hazel and bracken being present. Interpretation of the ditch section at Red Shore led the excavator to suggest that, whatever the reason for constructing Wansdyke, any disruption was short-lived and that by perhaps only five years later arable farming had been taking place on the north side. The earliest written reference to Shaw is in the Domesday Survey of 1086 when the estate is listed in both Selkley Hundred and Swanborough Hundred with populations present in both units. The two moieties were in separate ownership but each comprised 2 hides and 1.5 virgates of land and populations of two bordars and a villain. This likeness, assuming that hides and virgates were of a similar size in each hundred, and the presence of a single demesne, in the Swanborough moiety, suggests that a single estate of ‘Shaw’ may have been divided into more or less equal halves at a date not long prior to the TRE assessment. That the northern, Selkley, moiety was assessed at twice the value of the southern portion, despite the latter’s — greater area of ploughland, pasture and woodland, and the presence of the demesne, is something of a puzzle. The economy seems to have been based on mixed farming which, with a doubling of value between TRE and 1086 for both moieties, appears to have brought prosperity. Savernake Forest is first mentioned in a charter of 933 (Sawyer 1968, 174, Cat. No. S424) where the boundary of an outlying portion of North Newnton ran with that of the Forest from a point where Wansdyke crosses Clatford Bottom about 3km east of Shaw (Brentnall 1941). It is not clear how far west Savernake Forest stretched between the 10th and 12th centuries but areas under Forest Law elsewhere expanded rapidly under the Norman kings (Young 1979, 1-34). A document in a 15th century hand, but purporting to contain information from three inquisitions post mortem from the end of the 12th century (for the years 1175, 1182 and 1199; TNA: PRO, E 146, bundle 2, 22) defines the western boundary of the Bailiwick of the West Baillie, and therefore of Savernake Forest, as running ‘...to the Tun mille in Peuesy: and thence to the gallows of the Prior of Bradenstoke at Wyppeshulle: and thence by the road leading to Werkweye: and thence by Ryggeweye to the water of Kenett’, a line to the west of Shaw and placing the settlement in the area then afforested. The brief disafforestation noted elsewhere in Wiltshire at Braydon (Lewis 1999) may explain the clear felling in 1225 or 1226 of part of Boreham Wood, which lies to the north of Shaw, by Henry de Luni, though within a year the wood was once again in royal ownership (Brentnall 1941). In 1249 Shaw was one of the townships listed as failing to send a representative to appear before the Forest Eyre (Meekings 1960, 222). A great disafforestation began under Edward I and the relevant portion of a perambulation of 1300 (TNA: PRO Pat Rolls 6a, m5 28 Ed I as quoted by Jackson 1879; Brentnall 1941) places Shaw outside Savernake Forest. There is no evidence to suggest that a period of inclusion within Savernake would have necessarily stultified the development of Shaw had the economic climate been otherwise favourable and a study of the effect of afforestation on settlement around Braydon Forest, also in the north of the county, concluded that soil type had a greater influence (Lewis 1999). Shaw in Selkley Hundred During the medieval period the northern portion | | | | { | AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY OF THE EARTHWORKS, OLD SHAW FARM, ALTON BARNES 225 of Shaw was a tithing of West Overton in Elstub Hundred but owed suit to Selkley. In the Taxation List of 1332 this portion of Shaw had five taxable heads of household and in the next year a holding in ‘Shaw by Savernake’, disputed between Walter of Hardington and James de Clench, is detailed as comprising 8 messuages, 3 virgates and 10a land, 4a meadow, 20a pasture and 20a wood (Elrington 1973, 38). These references show an increase in both population and arable land since 1086 and, dating to just prior to the Black Death, probably represent the maximum size attained by this portion of the settlement. Whether all the messuages were grouped within the area under study is uncertain; other early 14th century documents refer to holdings partially in Shaw and partially in East Kennett (Pugh 1939, 45), and split between West Kennett, East Kennett and Lockeridge (Elrington 1973, 15), suggesting an element of dispersion. Always a small settlement, in 1334 Shaw in Selkley was assessed at 8 shillings, one of only three vills in Wiltshire assessed at under 10 shillings (Beresford 1959a, 301), and in 1377 only three individuals were assessed as liable to pay the Poll Tax (Beresford 1959b, 310). This northern portion appears to have been of manorial status by 1395 (WSRO: DD/WHb 2026) and the manor house referred to in the 17th century was probably that located at the junction of the settlement hollow-way and Wansdyke (Crowley 1980). In 1734 the site comprised an L-shaped house and a range of farm buildings which were approached from the west along a tree-lined drive (WSRO: 1553/109) (Figure 2). The house survived until at least 1842 and the site was finally deserted about 1970 when the barn was demolished (C. Cutworth, pers com). By 1815, however, the main house within this portion of Shaw was the new ‘model’ farm, the present Shaw House. Shaw in Swanborough Hundred The southern portion of Shaw in Swanborough Hundred contained the sites of both the church and the Domesday manorial caput. In 1314 the demesne comprised a capital messuage and garden, 110a arable land, 3a meadow and a pasture held in severalty. The population included a free tenant and three half-virgaters. The total value of the manor was 57s 8d (£2.88) (Fry 1908, 395-6). The manor of Alton Barnes was sold to William of Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester in 1367 (New College Muniment Register of Evidence (NCMRE) 129) and in 1376 the bishop purchased Shaw from the widow of Thomas Rivers (Stokes 1914, 385). In TTT PRI vc Fig. 2 Shaw as depicted on a map dated 1734 (WSRO: 1553/109) the same year the bishop leased Shaw to Michael Skilling (NCMRE, 130). In 1380 the manors of Alton Barnes and Shaw were granted by the bishop to St Mary’s College of Winchester at Oxford (later New College) (NCMRE, 132). Only three records of manorial courts relating to Shaw appear to have survived, those for 1384-5, 1385-6 and 1387-8 (New College, Oxford Muniment 2714). These courts are recorded interspersed with those for Alton Barnes and although records for the latter continue from 1388-9 onwards, Shaw does not appear after that date. Each of the Court Rolls records the fining of at least one tenant for allowing his tenement to become derelict and being ordered to repair it. The three customary holdings in Shaw were held by individuals also holding land, and very possibly living, in Alton Barnes, and it seems likely that Shaw in Swanborough had been deserted by about 1385. Certainly it was not included in the list of parishes with less than ten households compiled in 1428 (Beresford 1959c, 314). Little evidence survives of land-use at Shaw prior to its acquisition by the Bishop of Winchester. The arable land in Shaw in Swanborough was farmed in common (Fry 1908, 395-6), while a charter in a mid-13th century hand (NCMRE, 127) mentions enclosed fields attached to both demesnes, and a garden belonging to the lord of the manor of Shaw, indies u We NW tke, Ail ALTE TPP digg es inacts ALLL ? — 4 > ne ee WW = iy Haydn, a ze n ws "ng, = - C = a Wi, L a Wh WG . ih io a |: = Mes a~ Se quite, AN OE Sage ae uA Pe ee ee ~~ Oi ay bay THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE elt Fi ty), ududdil lil lditidl litittiveduditag, 40 PATO rr 1" U\ 1S Oo % Fig. 3 Description and interpretation of the Shaw earthworks William Spileman. The demographic effects of successive outbreaks of plague were counter-balanced in financial terms by a dramatic growth in the cloth industry and the 14th and 15th centuries saw Wiltshire emerge as an important centre. For institutional landlords with large chalkland holdings in particular, sheep became a major and relatively low labour input source of income. St Swithun’s priory, Winchester used its holding at Alton Priors as a specialised sheep breeding centre (Hare 1981), whilst on New College land demesne flocks of over 1000 sheep are mentioned for Alton Barnes (New College, Oxford Muniment Accounts). Estates distant from the parent holding might be leased out for rent and this was the fate of the combined Alton Barnes and Shaw demesnes at least from 1430, when New College leased 108a arable land and stock to the value £74 7s 3d, until 1530 (Corbett 1903, 538-40). In 1584 Shaw still maintained a common field together with meadows and pasture held in severalty, a large common sheep down and a common, Shaw Down. This latter common appears to have been largely open grazing although a map of c. 1618 (New College, Oxford Muniment 2362) shows a small wood, Scarletts Wood, in the south- east corner. During the 16th century much of the downland in the area was enclosed (Crowley 1975, 11), although the eastern portion of Shaw Down remained open, and in 1659 something over 2500 _ AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY OF THE EARTHWORKS, OLD SHAW FARM, ALTON BARNES 227 sheep were grazing here. The manure from these flocks was used to increase fertility of the shallow chalkland soils and by the 18th century high grain prices rendered this dung, through its ability to increase yields, more valuable than the sheep themselves (Davis 1811, 68). At Shaw this trend - resulted in further enclosure; all but the eastern portion of Shaw Down was enclosed in 1680 and the remainder in 1693, the land being divided between the owner of Shaw Farm and the tenants of New College, Oxford (Crowley 1975, 11). The survey The analytical survey was undertaken at intervals between November 2001 and February 2004. Control points were established using a differential GPS and detail plotted used taped offsets. The earthworks surveyed lie within areas of pasture although soil marks indicate that some of the features continued into fields now under arable use. Letters in the text refer to letters on the plan (Figure 3). The earliest visible earthworks comprise the boundaries of a series of small, sub-rectangular fields. Five parallel lynchets (a) are located in the northern part of the area and at least three can be seen on both sides of the hollow-way (b) and one, at right angles to these, underlies the building platform associated with Old Shaw Farm (c). These lynchets can also be seen in aerial photographs continuing to the west of the present pasture (for example aerial photograph (AP) NMR _ 52/249; NMR 112/43). The relationship between these lynchets and Wansdyke is unclear since the one which underlies the building platform at Old Shaw (c) also underlies Wansdyke, but the one to its east appears to overlie the dyke. This latter observation is probably an artefact caused by breaching the bank to form a farm entrance. The Wansdyke (d) comprises a bank with a ditch to the north and is in general a slighter earthwork than it is on the downland to the west. Approaching the site of Old Shaw (beyond the surveyed area) the bank has been utilised as a drive and in 1734 is shown lined with trees (Figure 2). The buildings of Old Shaw partly overlay the dyke, which has been extensively damaged at this point. The hollow-way (b) extends in a rather sinuous fashion in a north-west/south-east direction. It is a continuation of a track from Huish church to the Boreham Wood West Woods mR Shaw House Old Shaw XN Area surveyed ° ” | Selkley Hundred =" j a Swanborough Hundred Common shared between Shaw, Huish and Draycot 2 To Oare Pond a oll Gopher Wood / \ \ ! i a 1 oO t % ¢ 4 / a “p, ' To Draycot Gi Fig. 4 Shaw Common, tracks and pond southern side of an area of common-land on the scarp edge of the downs which was once shared between the settlements of Huish and Shaw (Figure 4). Several tracks meet in this area and the presence of a large pond suggests that some, at least, may have been used as a drove or for stock transfer. From the north side of the common the hollow-way descends into a small valley, passes by a pond (see below) and climbs towards the settlement as two parallel tracks. At (e) the northern track appears to be overlain by an enclosure. Further north-west, the southern track divides, one route (f), turns west beyond the surveyed area, while the other continues north-west. The westerly track probably post-dates the northerly one since it appears to block the northerly track. The northern continuation curves uphill, through the settlement area towards the site of Old Shaw and Wansdyke, but does not appear to extend beyond. The hollow-way is of variable width and depth, being better defined north of the hundred boundaries (see below). A bank across the hollow-way (g) appears to represent a marking of the hundred boundary presumably post-dating abandonment of the hollow-way as a through route. The hundred boundary between Selkley to the north and Swanborough to the south is marked in the west by a ‘Celtic’ field lynchet (h) which extends from a westerly direction to the hollow-way (see, 228 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE for example, AP: NMR 112/32). It then turns north at (g) and follows the course of a field boundary passing between the enclosures adjoining the east side of the hollow-way on the west and the church and possible manorial site to the east. Beyond the surveyed area, the course of the boundary can be seen on aerial photographs (ibid.). The line does not respect boundaries from the same early field system but does appear to follow a pre-existing boundary, rather than Wansdyke, at one point no more than 60m to the north. The site of the church (i) is marked by a raised area approximately 15m x 10m set within an enclosure 40m x 30m which is delineated to the west and south-west by a bank and external ditch, and to the north-west and south by a bank and for the remainder by a scarp. Slight banks dividing the enclosure may result from disturbance during excavation (Brentnall 1932). A curved hollow approaching the enclosure from the south probably indicates the position of an entrance, although later disturbance in the form of a bank approaching and overlying the ditch to the west obscures its origin. To the south-east of the church lies a complex of rectilinear enclosures. The main enclosure (j), bounding on the hollow-way, is approximately 70m x 70m and has a possible building platform in the north-west corner and a smaller one abutting the hollow-way in the south-eastern corner. The remainder of the space is divided by banks into three areas. To the east of this lies a slightly larger enclosure (k), 80m x 100m, the northern bank of which abuts the western enclosure but continues the same slightly curving alignment; a possible building platform could be seen in the south-west corner of this second enclosure. This complex lies within Swanborough moiety of the settlement, known from documentary evidence to have contained the Saxo-Norman demesne. The form of this complex resembles known examples of rectilinear Saxo- Norman manorial centres of similar size where domestic buildings are surrounded by yards and pens necessary for the functioning ofan agricultural estate centre (Reynolds 2003). Excavated examples include the late Anglo-Saxon phases of Chalton Manor Farm (Hughes 1984) and Bishop’s Waltham (Lewis 1985), both in Hampshire, and the Saxo- Norman phase at Raunds in Northamptonshire (Boddington 1996). A series of small enclosures, some containing possible building platforms, abut the hollow-way. In the northern moiety of the settlement a platform 15m x 15m on the west of the hollow-way (1) abuts one of the boundaries of the early field system and — is associated with a number of small enclosures, possibly pens and paddocks. A further platform to the east (m) also abuts the same lynchet. A series of platforms represent the site of the settlement known from the 18th to the 20th century as Old Shaw and the predecessor of the present ‘model’ farm, Shaw Farm House. Four possible sub-rectangular building platforms can be seen, although one of these may be the upthrow from digging a modern cistern, and the area is enclosed to the south by a boundary with an entrance into the field to the south. The western platform (n) is in the position of the L-shaped house depicted in 1734 (Figure 2) and the large eastern platform, measuring 45m x 20m, that ofan L-shaped building, possibly for stock, shown on the same map. The barn, demolished in the 1970s, can be seen from aerial photographs (for example AP: NMR 52/251) to have stood to the west of the area under study. There are three ponds associated with the site, one situated to the south of the settlement earthworks (o). Itlies where the hollow-way traverses a small valley and is surrounded by a number of small sarsens. As the hollow-way approaches the pond down a steep slope beyond the surveyed area it is divided into two tracks, one running directly to the pond whilst the southern one turns at right angles to it. This pond is shown on a map of the bounds of Shaw Farm dated 1819 (WSRO: 574/301) and may be that named as Dunmore Pond on a map of the bounds of Shaw Common dated 1618 (New College Oxford Muniment No 2362) although the inaccurate nature of this map renders identification uncertain. A second pond (p) partially overlies the hollow-way and, in its present condition, appears to date to work undertaken during the 1930s (Mr C Cutforth, pers com); a pond in this position is shown on the tithe map (WSRO: Tithe Map for Shaw: Overton dated 1842) but not on the map of Shaw Farm mentioned above. Finally, a third pond (q) is much smaller than the other two. It has a slight bank on the eastern (downhill) side and lies to the east of the large enclosure (k) and may have been a stock pond. To the east of the church site lie parts of two embanked sides of an open ended ovoid enclosure (r), the northern portion of which is visible in aerial photographs (for example AP: NMR 52/258) in the adjoining field is of unknown aetiology but may relate to finds of prehistoric and Romano-British pottery noted in the same field during surveying. _ AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY OF THE EARTHWORKS, OLD SHAW FARM, ALTON BARNES 229 Discussion The presence of fragmentary remains of a prehistoric field system on the high chalk of central southern Britain is hardly surprising given the surveys of such ‘Celtic’ field systems elsewhere on the Marlborough Downs (Gingell 1984) and, for example, on the Salisbury Plain Training Area (McOmish et al. 2002). It is, however, less usual to _ find such systems in areas where Clay-with-flints capping survives, a geology specifically avoided elsewhere (Moffat 1988). Prehistoric pottery, in the field close to the Wansdyke noted while surveying, and the ovoid enclosure in the same area, suggest settlement in the vicinity. Romano-British pottery in the same field also denotes some activity. Wiltshire has long been at the heart of the debate over the age of units of land first identified with certainty as ecclesiastical parishes. That parishes may have originated as estates during prehistory was suggested from the observation that their boundaries sometimes followed earthworks of probable prehistoric date, ignoring later Roman roads (Bonney 1972). This relationship has been observed in other areas (for example, Pearce 1982), but in East Anglia medieval land divisions have been shown to be at variance with both prehistoric field systems and Roman roads (Williamson 1986b). More recently Bonney’s findings from Wiltshire have been reinterpreted and alternative models for the formation of parishes offered (Reynolds 2005; Draper 2004). Draper sees routes, both long- distance and local, formed at different times but in use during the mid- to late Anglo-Saxon period, being utilised as boundaries for newly created estates; Reynolds argues for a long-chronology for boundary formation starting in the 8th century. That both prehistoric and Anglo-Saxon barrows were sometimes close to existing routes explains their apparent coincidence with boundaries, another observation which has occasioned much discussion and controversy (for example Bonney 1966; Goodier 1984; Eagles 1986). Considerations of the development of land divisions, particularly during the late Anglo-Saxon period, have largely failed to address the possibility that areas of different size and administrative status may have differing biographies. Whilst estates in private ownership may have tended, with the provision of a lay-founded church, to become ecclesiastical parishes, the pattern of larger units, created for a changing administrative convenience and subject to changing political necessities, could have been more flexible. The development of land units between the late Romano-British period and the mid-11th century in the area within which Shaw came to be located has recently been subjected to cogent analysis (Reynolds 2005). In this scenario the classical picture of larger estates gradually fragmenting envisages a regio of the Canningas disintegrating, possibly in the 7th century, into a number of units including the forerunner of Swanborough Hundred, and areas based on Preshute and Avebury which amalgamated to form the Selkley Hundred in the 10th century. When the settlement of Shaw was founded will be discussed below, but its position athwart the Swanborough/ Selkley Hundred boundary has implications for the dating and, perhaps more importantly, the integrity of that boundary. It is, however, the late Anglo-Saxon and medieval setthement development, and eventual failure, which may have something to add to the debate over the origins of dispersed settlement patterns and the antiquity of administrative land units and their boundaries. Although the origins of settlements within a dispersed pattern have been studied to a far lesser extent than nucleated examples, it is clear that their founding varies widely in both chronology and motivation. In many regions late Anglo-Saxon and medieval expansion took place from old settlement centres into previously under-utilised grazing areas, for example the Weald of Kent (Witney 1976), but even within the same region the origins of dispersed settlements may vary — in north-west Essex the medieval pattern has been shown to have originated during the Iron Age (Williamson 1986a) whilst in east Suffolk the dispersed pattern had its genesis in the late Saxon period (Warner 1982). In terms of late Anglo-Saxon and medieval settlement in the area, Shaw lies at the junction between two types of pattern. To the west, and south of the down scarp, a number of classic ‘strip’ estates stretch from the clay of the Pewsey Vale north onto the chalk with their nucleated settlement centres positioned close to the Avon, whilst to the east a more dispersed pattern prevails with a number of small settlements, little more than hamlets, on the scarp slope of the chalk downs below the capping of Clay-with-flints. It is clear from charter and other documentary evidence that more dispersed settlements existed and that Shaw is not the only example of shrinkage or desertion in the area. Aethelferthes setle, for example, on the boundary of East Overton to the east of Shaw is mentioned in 939 (Sawyer 1968, 179, Cat. No. 449; Fowler 2000, fig 14:2), while early settkement at Huish included a hamlet called Hillwork, mentioned in the 13th century and probably located to the south-west of Gopher (earlier Hillwork) Wood (area of NGR SU 138 641; Crowley 1975, 77). It seems likely that this dispersed pattern also existed to the west of Shaw, in the area of the ‘strip’ parishes, prior to development of the present settlhements but that any isolated farms and hamlets were expunged by the process of nucleation and the creation of common fields on the scarp slope. There is some support for this differentiation in settlement pattern and land-use in palynological evidence obtained from samples of palaeosoils from beneath Wansdyke (Green 1971). At Red Shore, west of Shaw the land was open and in pastoral use whilst at New Buildings, to the east, woodland with evidence of cereal cultivation seems to suggest occupation in the vicinity. The probable explanation for this contrast is that to the west of Shaw there is a band of Lower Chalk suitable for arable use with grazing available on the Upper Chalk. However, to the east of Shaw, there is little good arable and the Clay-with-flints capping more supportive of woodland than sheep or cattle further east. Shaw itself was presumably founded as a single estate, possibly prior to the formation of the hundred boundary between Selkley and Swanborough or with that boundary in a different location, or, alternatively at a period prior to the suggested reorganisation of the hundreds of northern Wiltshire (Reynolds 2005). Any suggested date for this foundation must be regarded as hypothetical but the proximity to Wansdyke would seem to indicate that it is likely to have post-dated whatever political tension brought about the dyke’s construction. This is a matter of some controversy but recent analysis suggests a mid to late Saxon, rather than a sub-Roman date (Reynolds 2006) and a political context within the 7th and 8th century competition for supremacy between Wessex and Mercia. This late genesis contrasts with the thesis (Fowler 2000, 241) that Shaw, with West and East Overton and Fyfield, should be seen as successors to Romano-British, or even Iron Age, entities which in turn related to a shift in population southwards from the downs north of the Kennet. The suggestion that churches existed in all four places ‘before the end of the 8th century at the latest’ is, in the case of Shaw, at odds with both the evidence from Domesday and from excavation of the medieval 230 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE church site (Brentnall 1932). A more likely context lies within population pressure of the late Anglo- Saxon and medieval periods necessitating further settlement in an area already exploited by a small number of scattered farms and athwart a pre- existing route linking the Kennet and Avon valleys, perhaps in the late 10th or 11th centuries. It is not unusual for manorial boundaries in agriculturally marginal areas used for intercommoning to be undefined whilst those close to settlements and arable land were clearly marked. That a portion of a hundred boundary should remain undetermined is rarer but the position of that between Selkley and Swanborough seems deliberately placed to divide a pre-existing settlement in an equitable manner. Whether that boundary had any effect on the development of Shaw is unclear but the settlement does not appear to have been successful. It may have been hoped that the provision of a church in the late 13th century would encourage further settlement but the relatively poor land could not have supported a large population. Small settlements became unviable after the Black Death, when landlords were eager to obtain tenants for better land at preferential rents, and although Shaw was not immediately depopulated by the Black Death the cessation of manorial records for the southern portion after 1388 and the demolition of the church in the early 15th century indicate a rapid decline thereafter. That ownership of this portion devolved to distant landlords at a period when sheep farming was both profitable and requiring of low labour levels and oversight, may also have enhanced the rate of decline. Although the land remained in use, it was thereafter farmed from the valley settlement of Alton Barnes. By contrast, the northern portion remained inhabited and any provision of accommodation for agricultural labourers may have meant that, although only one farm survived, the total population may have been relatively constant. This small settlement, founded after a period of political upheaval, exemplifies the response both to the pressure of population increase and the relaxation of that pressure when stress on food production was reduced. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to Mr Cutworth of Shaw House for allowing us access to the site of Shaw. Thanks are also due to Deborah _ AN ANALYTICAL SURVEY OF THE EARTHWORKS, OLD SHAW FARM, ALTON BARNES 231 Cunliffe who produced Figure 1 and re-drew the earthwork survey plan for publication. Andrew Reynolds encouraged us to carry out the research and commented on an earlier draft. References BERESFORD, M. W., 1959a, ‘The 1334 assessment’ in E. Crittal (ed.), The History of Wiltshire, Victoria County History, 4, 294-303. London BERESFORD, M. W., 1959b, ‘The Poll Tax of 1377’ in E. Crittal (ed.), The History of Wiltshire, Victoria County History, 4, 304-313. London BERESFORD, M. W., 1959c, ‘Poor parishes’ in E. Crittal (ed.), The History of Wiltshire, Victoria County History, 4, 314. London BODDINGTON, A., 1996, Raunds Furnells: the Anglo- Saxon church and churchyard. London: English Heritage BONNEY, D. 1966. Pagan Saxon burials and boundaries in Wiltshire, WANHM 61, 25-30 BONNEY, D., 1972, ‘Early boundaries in Wessex’, in P Fowler (ed.), Archaeology and the Landscape: essays for L. V. Grinsell, 68-186. London: John Baker BRENTNALL, H. C. 1932. The church of Shaw-in- Alton. WANHM 45, 156-165 BRENTNALL, H. C. 1941. The metes and bounds of Savernake Forest, WANHM 49, 391-434 CLARK, A. J. 1958. The nature of Wansdyke. Antiquity 32, 89-96 CORBETT, W. J., 1903, ‘Rural England’ in H. D. Traill and J. S. Mann (eds), Social England. 2, 538-540, London: Cassell & Co CROWLEY, D. A., 1975, ‘Alton Barnes’ in E. Crittall (ed.), The History of Wiltshire, Victoria County History, 10, 8-13. London DAVIS, T., 1811, General View of the agriculture of the county of Wiltshire. London: Richard Phillips DRAPER, S., 2004, ‘Roman estates to English parishes? The legacy of Desmond Bonney reconsidered’, in R. Collins and J. Gerrard (eds), Debating Late Antiquity in Britain: AD 300-700, 55-64. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 365 EAGLES, B. N. 1986. Pagan Anglo-Saxon burials at West Overton. WANHM 80, 103-119 EDWARDS, H., 1988, The Charters of the Early West Saxon Kingdom. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 198 ELRINGTON, E. R., (ed.), 1973, Wiltshire Feet of Fines. Devizes: Wiltshire Record Society 29 FOWLER, P. J., 2000, Landscape Plotted and Pierced: landscape history and local archaeology in Fyfield and Overton, Wiltshire. London: Society of Antiquaries FOWLER, P. J., 2001, ‘Wansdyke in the woods: an unfinished Roman military earthwork for a non- event’ in P Ellis (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and after: papers in honour of Ken Annable, 179-198. Devizes: WANHS FOX, A. and FOX, C. 1958. Wansdyke reconsidered. Archaeological Fournal 115, 1-48 FRY, E. A., (ed.), 1908, Abstracts of Wiltshire Inquisitions post mortem Henry IIT — Edward II. London: British Record Series GINGELL, C., 1984, The Marlborough Downs: a Later Bronze Age Landscape and its Origins. Devizes: WANHS Monograph 1 GODDARD, E. H. (ed.), 1908, Abstracts of Wiltshire Inquisitions post mortem Edward III. Devizes: WANHS GOODIER, A. 1984. The formation of boundaries in Anglo-Saxon England. Medieval Archaeology 28, 1-21 GOVER, J. E. B.. MAWER, A., and STENTON, E M., 1939, The Place-Names of Wiltshire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press GREEN, H. S. 1971. Wansdyke excavations 1966 to 1970. WANHM 66, 129-146 HARE, J. N., 1981, ‘Change and continuity in Wiltshire agriculture: the later middle ages’ in W. Minchinton (ed.), Agricultural Improvement: medieval and modern. Exeter: University of Exeter Press HUGHES, M., 1984, ‘Rural settlement and landscape in Late Anglo-Saxon Hampshire’, in M. L. Faull (ed.), Studies in Late Anglo-Saxon Settlement, 65-79. Oxford: Oxford University Department for External Studies LEWIS, C., 1999, ‘Braydon: a study of settlement in a parish-edge forest’, in P Pattison, D. Field and S. Ainsworth (eds), Patterns of the Past, 85-96. Oxford: Oxbow Books LEWIS, E. 1985. Excavations at Bishop’s Waltham 1967-78. Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 41, 81-126 McOMISH, D., FIELD, D. and BROWN, G., 2002, The Field Archaeology of the Salisbury Plain Training Area. Swindon: English Heritage MEEKINGS, C. A. EF, (ed.), 1961, Crown Pleas of the Wiltshire Eyre 1249. Devizes: WANHS Records Branch 16 MOFFATT, A. J. 1988. The distribution of ‘Celtic’ fields on the east Hampshire chalklands. Proceedings of the Hampshire Field Club and Archaeological Society 44, 11-23 PEARCE, S., 1982, ‘Estates and church sites in Dorset and Gloucestershire: the emergence of a Christian society’, in S. Pearce (ed.), The early church in western Britain and Ireland, 117-143. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports 102 PITT-RIVERS, A., 1892, Excavations in Cranborne Chase IT: Bokerley and Wansdyke. Privately printed PUGH, R. B. (ed.), 1939, Wiltshire Feet of Fines. Devizes: WANHS Records Branch 1 REYNOLDS, A., 2003, ‘Boundaries and settlements in later sixth to eleventh century England’, in D. Griffiths, A. Reynolds and S. Semple (eds), Boundaries in early Medieval Britain, 98-136. Oxford: Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 12 232 REYNOLDS, A., 2005, ‘From pagus to parish: Territory and Settlement in the Avebury Region from the Late Roman period to the Domesday Survey’, in G. Brown, D. Field and D. McOmish (eds), The Avebury Landscape: aspects of the field archaeology of the Marlborough Downs, 164-180. Oxford: Oxbow Books REYNOLDS, A. and LANGLANDS, A., 2006, ‘Social identity on the macro scale: a maximum view of Wansdyke’, in G. Davies, G. Halsall and A. Reynolds (eds), People and Space in Medieval Europe 300-1300, 13-45. Turnhout: Brepols SAWYER, P. H., 1968, Anglo-Saxon Charters: a Annotated List and Bibliography. London: Royal Historical Society THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE STEVENSON, J. H., 1980, ‘Overton’ in C. R. Elrington (ed.), The History of Wiltshire, Victoria County History, 11, 181-202 WARNER, P. M., 1982, Blything Hundred: a study in the development of settlement AD 400-1400. Unpublished University of Leicester PhD thesis WILLIAMSON, T. M. 1986a. The development of settlement in north-west Essex: the results of recent field survey. Essex Archaeology and History 17, 120-132 WILLIAMSON, T. M. 1986b. Parish boundaries and early fields: continuity and discontinuity. Fournal of Historical Geography 12, 241-248 YOUNG, C. R., 1979, The Royal Forests of Medieval England. Leicester: Leicester University Press t Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 233-237 A columbarium at Collingbourne Ducis church by Frank Pexton' and John McCann - A columbarium or pigeon loft in the tower of the church of St. Andrew at Collingbourne Ducis is described. It retains more medieval features than any other columbarium in England. This paper was begun with Frank Pexton, who made a particular study of columbaria, but he died in September 2006 before it was completed. fohn McCann has now brought it to completion. This report is dedicated to the memory of Frank Pexton. Introduction It has long been known that in the medieval period some parish priests kept pigeons within the church, but surviving physical evidence is rare. Until 1619 the right to keep pigeons was a prerogative of the lord of the manor (McCann 2000, 27, 31, 35-6), so it can only have been extended to a priest by his wish as part of the provision made for his maintenance, to enable him to live at the same standard as his secular equivalents, or as the lordly household from which he came. It is unlikely that the lord would have granted this concession if it was to the detriment of a manorial dovecote nearby, so it is reasonably certain that there was not one when the concession became established. At Elkstone, Gloucestershire (Knowles 1930, 107), Overbury, Worcestershire, and Compton Martin, Somerset (McCann, McDermott and Pexton 1999, 133-40), there are columbaria over the chancels, but in each case this accommodation was added after the original construction. At Sarnesfield, Herefordshire, there are nest-holes high in the original fabric of the late 13th-century tower, some of which are re-used to support the joists of the bell-frame (Marshall 1904, 263; McCann 2000, 28). The columbarium at Collingbourne Ducis has retained better evidence than at Sarnesfield. Like most parish churches, the church of St. Fig. 1 The middle stage of the west tower of the church of St. Andrew at Collingbourne Ducts, showing the flight hole for the pigeons, and the stair turret by which it 1s entered (photograph by John McCann) Andrew at Collingbourne Ducis is a composite of several periods. The tower (NGR SU 2425 5365) was built in the 15th century to replace an earlier one (Wilts VCH 11, 114). Itis oblong in plan, constructed in three stages of flint and rubble rendered with lime plaster, with dressings of limestone. It has stepped diagonal buttresses to the west, and a crenellated parapet with corner pinnacles. C. E. Ponting described it in detail in this magazine, and concluded Bristol Cottage, Greenhead, Sidbury, Devon EX10 0ORH 234 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE that it was built c. 1480 (Ponting 1924, 571-3). The middle stage consists of a columbarium or dovecote which is original to the structure, represented inside by numerous nest-holes incorporated in the main fabric, and on the outside by an aperture in the south elevation, the flight hole for the pigeons (Figure 1). The entrance The second stage of the tower is entered from a narrow winding stair in a turret on the south elevation (Figure 1). A short passage leads from the topmost tread to the doorway of the columbarium, bordered by limestone ashlar in large sections. The doorway is 5 ft. 7 in. high by 1 ft. 8 in. wide (1.70 m x 0.51 m) with an arched head of four-centred curvature, chamfered towards the inside with broach stops at the base of the jambs (Figure 2); on the outside it is rebated for a door 2 in. (6 cm) thick, and only the head is chamfered. Original wrought iron pintle hinges survive in the east jamb. The present 19th-century door is hung on re-used strap hinges which may be original. The floor of the columbarium is 5 in. (13 cm) below the threshold. Fig. 2 The south wall of the columbarium, showing the doorway and the flight hole for the pigeons, now blocked with heavy polythene (photograph by John McCann) The interior and flight hole The interior is 11 ftsi by 7 ft. G:35m x 2:13 1m) internally, and 8 ft. (2.44 m) high. The flight hole is set at knee level 1 ft. (30 cm) west of the doorway. It has been glazed in 24 small panes, and additionally is now masked on the inside by heavy polythene, but it was described by Ponting: “The opening - 1 ft. 8 in. wide and 1 ft. 7 in. high (51 cm x 48 cm) - for the dovecote... ... is carried obliquely through the wall so as to enter clear of the west wall inside. It has a projecting slab of stone on which the birds may alight, and a drip label over the opening to carry off water running down the face of the wall’ (Ponting 1924, 572). He does not mention it, but it appears to incline outwards. The lintel is formed by a single block of limestone 3 ft. 7 in. by 11 in. (109 cm x 28 cm) which spans the wall from the jamb of the doorway to the south-west corner (Figures 2 and 3). The wall above is occupied by ten nest-holes in chequer pattern. Fig. 3 The south-west corner of the columbarium. The floor 1s below the timbers at the bottom, which were inserted to support a clock mechanism installed in 1871-2. At the top some nest-holes have been blocked with bricks and-stone rubble to support the steel bell-frame installed in 1902 (photograph by John McCann) | | + ACOLUMBARIUM AT COLLINGBOURNE DUCIS CHURCH 235 ' Fig. 4 The north-west corner of the columbarium. The ladder is for access to the ringing chamber above, and the ropes and pulleys are part of the clock mechanism (photograph by John McCann) The nest-holes The other three walls are entirely occupied from 10 in. (25 cm) above the floor by nest-holes in chequer pattern. In the east and west walls (Figures 3, 4 and 5) there are fourteen tiers each of seven nest-holes. In the east wall many of them are obscured by a large clock mechanism built against it in 1871-2, which accounts for the fact that Ponting recorded only 36 nest-holes on this side. In the north wall the pattern of nest-holes is confused by a vertical strip of brickwork against the north-east corner which Ponting described as a flue (Figure 5), but which can be seen to bea stitch of 19th-century handmade bricks inserted to repair a long vertical crack in the stone fabric; it is clearly visible on the outside also. In this wall originally there were thirteen tiers of four nest-holes. In the upper tiers some nest-holes in each wall have been blocked with bricks and flint rubble to support a steel bell-frame (Figures 3 and 4), of which the installation was recorded in the churchwardens’ minutes for 1902 (Wiltshire Fig. 5 The north-east corner of the columbarium. At left, the brick stitch inserted to repair a deep crack in the tower, which Ponting misinterpreted as a flue (photograph by fohn McCann) Buildings Record WILBR: B8970). Of the 258 original nest-holes 181 remain open today. The entrances to the nest-holes are mostly 6 in. high by 6% in. wide (15 cm x 16 cm). Inside, the irregular cavities are enclosed by rubble; they are of asymmetrical bulb-shape in plan, about 12 in. (30 cm) deep from front to back. At the front they are formed by rough-hewn blocks of stone 6 in. high by 16% in. wide and 6 in. deep (15 cm x 42 cm x 15 cm), of which the rear corners are cut to concave curves. Ponting described the stone as Bath stone, but Avis Lloyd reports that it is a fine-grained limestone, white to grey, consistent in colour with Portland, and having the same corrosion on the inner surfaces. The same or very similar stone also appears in the arcade arches and in the construction of the tower. It is Portland stone from the Base or Whit beds rather than the Roach, probably quarried around the Swindon Old Town/Okus Road area, or from the banks of the River Nadder in south Wiltshire. If from the latter it would have been transported va the Nadder and the River Avon to within a short distance of Collingbourne. 236 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Graffiti There are a number of dated inscriptions, of which the oldest is in the middle of the west wall, G. E. 1715. Others on this wall are: L. S. 1787 W. B. 1788 (who may be William Baines, who became curate then (from unpublished notes by Harry Ross: ‘Collingbourne Ducis: The church, its architecture and its records: Wiltshire Buildings Record WILBR: B8970)) E. W. 1931 A. W. 1933 J. B. C. 1931 (who may be James Carey, who was Rector 1926-1945) H. R. 1955 On the east wall some graffiti are obscured by the clock mechanism, but those which can be read are: 1715 (initials out of sight) T. S. 1809 R. C. 1828 H. Kilcour 1886 The most interesting visually is in a large ashlar stone just outside the doorway, inscribed Tom Williamson 1858, with an oval round the date and a geometrical design below. Avis Lloyd reports that it is very similar to one in the porch of Edington church. Discussion The pigeons kept in a columbarium or dovecote were the domesticated descendants of wild Blue Rock Doves, Columba livia; they should not be confused with wood pigeons, Columba palumbus, or collared doves, Streptopelia decaocto, both of which species nest in trees. In nature Blue Rock Doves inhabit high cliffs, and make their nests in dark recesses in caves. They are naturally adapted to perch on narrow ledges and inclined hard surfaces (as feral pigeons, their descendants, perch easily on steeply inclined roofs in city centres). Instinctively they are drawn to high places, so it was not difficult to persuade them to nest in artificial nest-holes in a church tower. Many publications have stated erroneously that pigeons constituted an important source of fresh meat in winter. On the contrary, household accounts of all periods from the 13th century to the 18th century record that pigeons were eaten only from Easter to November (Robertson 1988, 95-101; McCann 1991, 92-6). Domesticated pigeons bred several times from March to October. Their young © matured rapidly, and at the age of four weeks they were ready to fly. In nature the parent birds would then drive them from the nest. In domestication the pigeon-keeper would search the dovecote for squabs (young pigeons), wringing the necks of those almost old enough to fledge. At that stage they were almost as large as the parent birds but their flying muscles had never been used, so the meat was extremely tender, and was highly regarded as a delicacy. The mature birds were tough, and were not eaten at all at least, by the owners of the dovecotes. Robertson has shown from 18th-century household accounts in Scotland that they were given to servants (Robertson 1988, 100-1). Pigeon meat never constituted an essential item in anyone’s diet, but was a luxury food for the wealthy - who were the only people who owned dovecotes, or who could afford to buy the squabs. Most manorial dovecotes have between 300 and 1000 nesting places; those belonging to magnates or institutions of national status may have up to 2000, or in a few cases more. The number of nest-holes provided at Collingbourne Ducis is more appropriate to the small household of a celibate priest, who probably lived alone or with one colleague. Protection from predators Pigeons were vulnerable to birds of prey, which were described in the early literature as vermin (McCann 1991, 105), so it was necessary to protect the pigeon entrance against them. In a freestanding dovecote they entered by a turret on the roof called a louver. Many louvers were provided with inclined boards 6 in. (15 cm.) apart which the pigeons could pass through easily, but which kept out the larger birds of prey. At others the cap or roof of the /ouver was set at a height which left a slot of that depth (McCann 1991, 129-32, figs. 16, 17 and 19). At Collingbourne Ducis no evidence survives of how the flight passage was protected against birds of prey, but it is likely that originally it was equipped with a removable wooden frame with slats at those intervals. Collecting the droppings The pigeon droppings were highly valued as manure, and also had various uses in industry, particularly | A COLUMBARIUM AT COLLINGBOURNE DUCIS CHURCH 237, in tanning. Before the 18th century it was normal practice to allow the droppings to accumulate on the floor of the dovecote and to remove them in the depth of winter to avoid disturbing breeding birds. In 1577 Thomas Tusser described this as one of the farmer’s tasks for January: Feed doves, but kill not, if loose them ye will not. Dove house repaire, make dovehole faire (Tusser 1577, 72) The rules for the manors of St. Peter’s Abbey, _ Gloucester, stated that the droppings were to be removed twice a year (Hilton 1966, 87). That is _ why the nest-holes are set a little above floor level. Evidently the pigeon dung was shovelled out of the flight hole and collected on the ground below. It is set at a convenient height for this task. There can be no other reason why it was set so low, for at other dovecotes and columbaria the pigeon entrance is always as high as possible in the building. The chamfer on the outside of the arched door-head is an unusual feature, which may have been provided to protect the head of any person taller than average from injury. The columbarium at Collingbourne Ducis adds greatly to our understanding of medieval pigeon- keeping practice. No other example in Britain retains so much original evidence. Acknowledgements I am grateful to Désirée Pexton, Basil Frost, Tony Still, Pamela Slocombe and the Wiltshire Buildings Record for their help in bringing this report to completion, to Avis Lloyd for her report on the stone and graffiti, and to C. J. Bond for kindly providing the reference from St. Peter’s Abbey. References HILTON, R., 1996, A medieval society: the West Midlands at the end of the thirteenth century. London: Weidenfield and Nicholson KNOWLES, W. H. 1930. Elkstone Church, Gloucestershire. Transactions of the Bristol and Gloucestershire Archaeological Society 52, 187-200 MARSHALL, G. 1904. The discovery of a columbarium in the tower of Sarnesfield church, Herefordshire. Transactions of the Woolhope Naturalists’ Field Club 1904, 26-34 McCANN, J. 1991. An historical enquiry into the design and use of dovecotes. Transactions of the Ancient Monuments Society 35, 89-160 McCANN, J. 2000, Dovecotes and pigeons in English law. Transactions of the Ancient Monuments Society 44, 25-50 McCANN, J.,. McDERMOTT, M. and PEXTON, EF 1999. A columbarium at Compton Martin church, Somerset Archaeology and Natural History 143, frontispiece and 133-40 PONTING, C. E. 1924. The Churches of Aldbourne, Baydon and the Collingbournes. WANHM 42, 561- 74 ROBERTSON, U. 1988. Pigeons as a source of food in the eighteenth century. Review of Scottish Culture 4, 89-103 TUSSER, T., 1577. Five hundred pointes of good husbandrie. London: English Dialect Society edition, 1878 VCH, 1980, The Victoria History of the Counties of England: A History of Wiltshire Volume 11. London: Oxford University Press for Institute for Historical Research Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 238-244 Wiltshire dovecotes and pigeon houses by Alan Whitworth This paper reviews the dovecotes and pigeon houses of Wiltshire, anciently known as columbaria, describing certain lost examples and surviving buildings. Early dovecotes have been identified by references to them in the Inquisitions Post Mortem for the county. Introduction In 1920 when A. O. Cooke penned A Book of Dovecotes, he found room to describe only five Wiltshire pigeon houses, yet ironically lamenting about another author; ‘. . . it is possible that, to readers well grounded in the works of Richard Jefferies, there will occur a curious omission; dovecotes are surely never mentioned in his most delightful books [on Wiltshire]. Yet it is difficult to think of any building that, for its uses and associations, ought to have appealed more strongly to his tastes. Surely among the farms he haunted, the old villages in which he loved to wander and to dream, somewhere a dovecote stood’.' Readers of A Book of Dovecotes will notice a similar anomaly in discussion of other, often smaller, counties. Nearly 200 pigeon houses are documented in Wiltshire in the middle ages and by the early years of the 20th century, over 80 remained. There are probably more than 50 examples surviving in varying degrees of completeness today, including two preserved for the nation in a fully restored state; one at Netheravon, in the custodianship of English Heritage, and a second on the National Trust estate at Avebury. In the manner of cooping birds, three distinct forms of nesting arrangements can be traced alongside each other from medieval times: separate free-standing dovecotes; pigeon holes leading into an enclosed loft or chamber within a building; and pigeon holes formed within the walls of a structure: all are found in Wiltshire. Documented and lost dovecotes Historically, dovecotes in the county date back to the 13th century and 35 are recorded at that time, the earliest in 1241 when ‘. . . a new dovecote was made outside the castle walls .. .” at Marlborough.’ In 1254 a dovecote is recorded in the ownership of Henry de Waddon, of Whaddon, near Melksham valued at 12d.* A further early reference, of 1256, relates to the ‘... commodity of three dovecotes . .. at Westbury, property of Walter de Pavely, with a total value of 7s. 0d.* Later, in 1276, mention is again made of a dovecote at Westbury in connection with a‘... court and garden...’ value 6s. 8d. and belonging to Philip Marmyn.° This latter is possibly one of the earlier of the three, but is most likely a fourth, probably situated at Brook, the seat of the Pavelys. By the mid- to late-14th century, however, of all the Westbury dovecotes only one is recorded in two separate entries in the Wiltshire Inquisitions Post Mortem, in the ownership of the Pavely family. British Dovecote Society, 19 Elder Road, Bradley, Huddersfield HD2 1SS } WILTSHIRE DOVECOTES AND PIGEON HOUSES 239 Fig. 1 Winterbourne Earls: interior of the dovecote, now demolished In 1348 a Reginald de Pavely held one dovecote worth 6s. 8d. and in 1361 it was valued the same, but held by John de Pavely.° Five further settlements possessed more than one functioning dovecote during the 13th and 14th centuries: Cherhill, Woodhill, Compton Bassett, Dilton and Sheldon.’ At East Codford, mention was made in 1282 of ‘...a close of court with house and one old dovecote . . .’,2 while at Ebbesbourne Wake in 1330 there were two dovecotes, ‘. . . one dovecote with another old and in bad condition .. ..’ It is interesting to note the number of ‘broken’ or ‘ruinous’ dovecotes by the 14th century, yet many still held their value to the lord of the manor, like that at Winterbourne Stoke, worth 5s. Od. in 1308'° and still valued at 5s. Od. sometime later, though stated to be in ruins."! In 1338 a dovecote at Ditteridge near Box, was ‘... worth 2s 0d beyond the reprise [stock value] , and not more, because it is ruinous and in bad condition...’.!? At Castle Combe in the same year was ‘... one dovecote worth 6s. 8d. and not more because it is broken down .. ~ As early as December 1328 however, the pigeon house at Castle Combe was noted to be in a ‘...bad state...’ and valued at 2s. Od.'* Barely two months later, in February 1329, it was still only worth 3s Od despite having been repaired.’’ A dovecote at Cerncote [Shorncote], ‘...broken down...’ was valued at 40d. in 1334,'° having been valued at 2s. Qd. in the previous century.!’ The pigeon house at Draycot Cerne too, was‘... in a ruinous condition . .. in 1334, as was one at Tilshead in 1350.'8 By 1361, many dovecotes were in such a poor state of repair as to be worth nothing. Dovecotes at Weston, Erdescote, Bottun, Sherston and Hewish (where there were “*. . . two dovecotes, one worth 3s. 4d., the other nothing because it is broken down . .. )? fall into this category. In 1370, Isabel, wife of Hugh Tirell, held ‘. .. one messuage and dovecote in Old Sarum from the king in chief by rent 4s. Od. yearly and worth 2s. Od. beyond that ...’.”° Changes in manorial ownership towards the end of the 14th century were probably due to financial difficulties experienced by many following the Black Death and possibly due also to daughters now being entitled to inherit and share equally. It is possible, for example, to record the number of dovecotes under shared ownership at West Harnham where, in 1273, ‘. . . the dovecote was appraised per annum at 5s. Od. whereof the sum of the third part is 12d...’.”! The Wiltshire Inquisitions Post Mortem includes further examples. At Fisherton Anger in 1329, the profit of half a dovecote was assessed at 12d.,” as at Norridge in 1333.77 At Compton Chamberlaine no value is given for the third part of the dovecote in 1328,% but a second mention of this pigeon house in the same year records ‘. . . a messuage, with dovecote in bad state and broken down with a garden and fruit... worth 3s. 0d.” Later dovecotes include one at Chisenbury, mentioned in 1408, and at Ramsbury where, in 240 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 2 Steeple Langford: former dovecote, which later became the blacksmith’s smithy; now demolished July 1412, it is recorded, that the dovecote roof [was] defective.”’ Interestingly, in the same year a dovecote at Stratford, belonging to the Chapel of St. Lawrence, was reported as ‘. . . defective through the farmer’s fault . . .“% but does not record the nature of his ineptitude! Few pigeon houses are mentioned in the 16th and 17th centuries. The place-name Culverhouse Close, otherwise Home Close, at Brent Place, Keevil, potentially contained a dovecote, but the ground was ‘worth nothing’ in 1626.” A dovecote existed at Steeple Ashton in 1636, while two dovecotes are recorded at Box in 1623.*° Marlborough Priory had a dovecote in 1625,?' as did Easton Priory in 1626,” while three pigeon houses are mentioned at Studley Hungerford in 1639.*? An engraving of Longleat House produced c. 1690** clearly shows a large double dovecote two storeys in height with six gables in the stableyard. The gardens and grounds were begun by George London for Lord Weymouth in 1685, and it is possible that this dovecote dates from that time. Altogether, some two dozen pigeon houses are recorded during this period. Among recent notable losses are the dovecotes at Whitley Farm, where the pigeon house was removed in the 1930s when the owner’s wife thought it unsafe with grandchildren around. The inscribed datestone ‘KIM 1696’ was later incorporated into another outbuilding. This dovecote was in appearance and situation similar to that at Ashley House, near Box and Wick Farm, Lacock, where a small circular rubble building of 15th or 16th century date was demolished following a collapse in the winter of 1990. In 1920 the Wick Farm structure was described as ‘... a circular stone example, with a stone-tiled roof and small arched doorway» The building, which may be as early as the 14th century, contains about 500 nests, as well as the remains of a former potence.* Two dovecotes lost between 1920 and 1940, were those at Winterbourne Earls and Steeple Langford. The former was square and stood isolated in a field. Built of stone, its interior was lined from about 76cm above floor level to the eaves with nest boxes constructed of chalk blocks standing on stone slabs (Figure 1). The Steeple Langford dovecote was also square and built of rubble. By1940 it was used by the village blacksmith as his forge with the addition of a chimney stack in brick to what was probably a 15th or 16th century building (Figure 2). LE WILTSHIRE DOVECOTES AND PIGEON HOUSES Surviving dovecotes Of the surviving dovecotes, perhaps the greatest concentrations are to be found about Bradford-on- Avon, Corsham and Westbury. Most date from the 18th century with a few from the early 19th century. Many earlier pigeon-lofts and pigeon-holes survive however, due to being incorporated into substantial buildings. In this category, one of the most unusual dovecotes is that situated in the Perpendicular church tower of St Andrew’s, Cullingbourne Ducis and reported on in detail by Frank Pexton and John McCann in this volume of the Magazine. One of the earliest pigeon houses standing is that at Hyde’s House, Dinton, now a Grade II Listed building. Constructed of rough-coursed stone, the doorway, with its relieving arch of stone voussoirs over a flat lintel supported on crudely carved jambs cut from large stone blocks, is small in size, a common feature in early cotes and so designed that a man on entering filled the opening and thus prevented birds flying past. This latter Fig. 3 Faggard’s House, Corsham 241 aspect suggests a 14th or early 15th century date. Around Corsham, no less than seven assorted examples of pigeon holes and dovecotes survive. Sadly, the large dovecote which once stood at Dovecote Close, Corsham was demolished by builders clearing the area during the construction of the housing estate there in the early 1990s.’ At Jaggard’s House, Corsham is a detached dovecote of 17th century date (Figure 3). This large square rubble pigeon house has a pyramidal stone- tiled roof surmounted by a square central louvre with small gables to each side. Although it measures about 6m x 6m it contains only about two hundred nests. At Easton House, the pigeon house was erected in the 18th century, possibly on an earlier foundation. Corsham Court, currently the home of Lord John Methuen, is an Elizabethan mansion dating from 1582, which retains a gabled stone dovecote of 16th or 17th century date in its grounds. At Moor Barton Farm, there are pigeon-holes in a barn of either late 18th or early 19th century date. A barn at Overmoor Farm dated and bearing the Fig. 4 Corsham, High Street: a fine example of a series of pigeon holes built into an end gable 242 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE initials ‘WEE 1731’ has pigeon-holes; as does an outbuilding to the east of the Methuen Arms Hotel where a large number of pigeonholes are situated either side of a central doorway. Former weavers’ cottages between 94-98 High Street, Corsham have pigeon-holes on the gable end (Figure 4). At Bradford-on-Avon, a number of dovecotes and pigeon-holes exist side by side and include a two-storey dovecote in the garden of the Old Manor House, Whitehead Lane, probably of 17th century origin, with an external staircase to the first floor (Figure 5). Nearby, the Hall, which Leland called ‘. . . a pratie [pretty] stone house at the end of the towne... .’ in 1540, was enlarged in a grand manner in or around 1590 by John Hall. Not long after, a substantial three-storey octagonal dovecote was erected in the grounds. Built of rough-coursed stone with dressed quoins, today it is converted into a delightful cottage of character, though unfortunately with the loss of all internal features (Figure 6). By contrast, at the west end of the town is Belcombe Court. Here, John Yerbury Fig. 5 Bradford on Avon, Old Manor House (Whitehead Lane) (1678-1728) built a clothier’s house and factory combined on a site acquired in 1722. In 1734 his son Francis (1706-1778) engaged John Wood the Elder to re-style the property adding two wings in a ‘Classical’ manner redolent of his work at Bath and including a dovecote at the end of a wing with an open archway. The circular pigeon house sat on a square base and had a domed roof surmounted by a circular lantern (Figure 7). At one time this turret was used as a prison lock-up.* An 18th-century barn to the east of Belcombe Court contains small circular pigeon-holes in each gable apex within a pointed arched niche with statuary. At Barton Farm pigeon-holes arranged in five tiers with alighting ledges are prominent on the main elevation of the farmhouse from just below the eaves downward; they are unusual in having pointed heads rather than rounded ones. Close to the impressive Tithe Barn, the field-name ‘Culver Close’ is recorded on a tithe map of 1841 and is perhaps derived from Old English culfre, meaning pigeon and might recall the existence A ae TU ry Fig. 6 Bradford on Avon, The Hall: now converted to a residence ] WILTSHIRE DOVECOTES AND PIGEON HOUSES Fig. 7 Bradford on Avon, Belcome Court: formerly a prison lock-up of an earlier dovecote at Barton Farm. Finally, St Margaret’s Hail in the town centre of Bradford-on- Avon, originally built as a dye-house in the 19th century, incorporates a series of pigeon-holes and ledges above a three-light Venetian window in the eastern gable; a number of smaller outbuildings in Bradford-on-Avon have two or more pigeon-holes in their gable ends. At Luckington Court, an early square dovecote built of rubble is probably manorial in origin. Its exterior, which resembles a small chapel, is quite plain apart from two ball finials at each end of the roof ridge and one slit opening above the doorway to allow access for the birds. Internally, it still retains about 500 nest boxes which are roughly widened at the rear without the pronounced left or right dispossession common to many dovecote nests. Elsewhere at Luckington Court, birds are also housed in a pigeon loft above the coach-house. This arrangement is also found at Blackland Park, Calne, where the loft above the central doorway of 243 the coach-house is quite large, easily the size of a free-standing dovecote, and contains more than a thousand nest boxes formed of ashlar. The large square brick dovecote at Netheravon, preserved by English Heritage, stands alone in a field adjacent to the Saxon church and was erected to serve nearby Netheravon House. Inside, row upon row of stone nests rise up from floor level. At Lydiard Millicent Manor, Cooke describes the dovecot thus; ‘It is a square brick building standing at the junction of three fruit-covered walls. Its walls are twenty feet (6m) in length, its height about thirty (9m).The roof of old Cotswold stone tiles is very picturesque; four-gabled, with the central cupola crowned by what appears to be the mutilated figure of a pigeon, or at least a bird. There is a “practicable” door on the west side, another, now bricked up, being opposite. Inside are more than one thousand simple oblong nests, together with a potence. The building seems to date from the time of Anne or the early Georges’.”” The circular dovecote at Wilcot Manor is constructed of brick and flint in alternate horizontal bands. During World War II, the pigeon-house was used as an air-raid shelter for the district as it is partly underground, with access via a low doorway, above which is a small square grated window. The door gives way to four steps down, with the dovecote floor several feet below the ground outside. The internal diameter is about 3.6m, the height to the eaves about 5.5m.About five hundred L-shaped nest-holes remain; so, too, does the main beam of the potence. An interesting dovecote at Fyfield Manor, near Pewsey is c. 7.5m square, built of alternate courses of brick and stone with a tiled roof, with cupola and weather-vane. There is a single window and inside there are 365 L-shaped nest-holes, with narrow alighting-ledges. The walls are 1.2m thick, the doorway 1.2m x 70cm; the upright of the potence still survives.** The number of nest-holes — one for each day of the year — can hardly been a matter of chance. The same number occurs in some other examples.*! The brick dovecote at Tytherington, square in plan, bears the legend ‘RL 1810’, and is raised above ground level on three brick tunnel vaults in the manner of a granary. A further unusual feature is a semi-circular gable facade to a conventional ridge-roof behind, in which pigeon-holes arranged in a line, give ingress and egress to the upper storey of two, and which is lined with many nests boxes. At Bemerton Farm, on the outskirts of Salisbury, 244 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE on the north side of Lower Road, a circular tower pigeon house together with other outbuildings was constructed in an idiosyncratic style in 1850. A pair of stepped stone ramps leading to small ornamental openings may have provided entrances for hens on one level, while two rows of round-headed pigeon- holes with moulded and carved ledges below, pierce the upper chamber wall. It has several quaint ‘Gothick’ features including medieval castle-style ‘arrow-slit’ windows and a full height stepped buttress; the strange hagstone walls were described by the late Sir Nikolaus Pevsner, as ‘terrible crazy paving’.” The dovecote style is said ‘to have been copied from a Russian farm’ to the design of Samuel Clark, and was built to please the Dowager Countess of Pembroke who owned the ‘Model’ farm at that time. In Salisbury itself, an oblong two-storey dovecote survives as an outbuilding in the grounds of the Cathedral School, formerly the Bishop’s Palace. Built of brick it has a tiled ridge- roof and three small openings at the gable apex provide entrance for the birds. The most recent addition to Wiltshire’s pigeon houses is the dovecote at Longleat House, where the present Lord Weymouth, continuing a tradition from the 17th century, has had an imaginative pigeon house erected in his private garden within the last decade. Oval in plan and supported on six tall columns is a double row of entrance holes beneath the domed roof which allows access for the birds. Hansell and Hansell suggest that the design was inspired by the cupolas of Longleat House itself.4 Conclusion As the modern study of dovecotes has much to reveal about rural life in medieval and post-medieval Wiltshire, their preservation is matter of importance. Dovecotes encompass a wide range of architectural styles and contexts, yet, while many survive, others are recent losses. The work of the British Dovecote Society seeks to promote and present dovecotes as an historical resource. References 1. A.O.Cooke, A Book of Dovecotes (1920). Edinburgh. H. M. Colvin (ed.), History of the King’s Works (1963). London. 3. British Records Society, Wiltshire Inquisitiones Post Mortem, 38 Hen. III, No.28: hereafter recorded as Wilts.Ing.PM. 4. Wilts.Ing.PM 40 Hen. III, No.41. 5. Wilts.Ing.PM 4 Edw. I, No.17. 6. Wilts.Ing.PM 21 Edw. III, E84, Fl4; 35 Edw. III, F163. 7. Wilts.Ing.PM, various. 8. Wilts.Ing.PM 10 Edw. I, No.4. 9. Wilts.Ing.PM 4 Edw. III, F112, E120. 10. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. II, No.80. 11. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. II, No.80. 12. Wilts.Ing.PM 12 Edw. III, E54, E53. 13. Wilts.Ing.PM 12 Edw. III, E56. 14. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. III, E9, E10. 15. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. III, F9. 16. Wilts.Ing.PM 8 Edw. III, E39, 6. 17. Wilts.Ing.PM 53 Hen. III, No.23. 18. Wilts.Ing.PM 24 Edw. III, F163, 3. 19. Wilts.Ing.PM 35 Edw. III, F156. 20. Wilts.Ing.PM 43 Edw. III, F213. 21. Wilts.Ing.PM 1 Edw. I, No.35. 22. Wilts.Ing.PM 3 Edw. III, E16, 3. 23. Wilts.Ing.PM 7 Edw. III, E35, 32. 24. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. III, E13, 2. 25. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Edw. III, F11, 6. 26. T.C.B. Timmins (ed.), Register of ohn Chandler, Dean of Salisbury 1404-1417 (1984). Devizes. 27. Ibid. 28. Ibid. 29. Wilts.Ing.PM 2 Chas. I. 30. Wilts.Ing.PM 22 Jas. I. 31. Wilts.Ing.PM 1 Chas. I. 32. Ibid. 33. Wilts.Ing.PM 15 Chas. I. 34. Engraving by J. Kip & L. Knyff, c.1650. 35. Cooke (1920). 36. Ibid. 37. Conversation with local resident. 38. P Hansell and J. Hansell, Doves and Dovecotes (1988). Bath. 39. Cooke (1920). 40. Ibid. 41. Ibid. 42. In Hansell and Hansell (1988), p. 203. 43. Ibid. 203. 44. Ibid. ~ Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 245-261 LiDAR and its role in understanding the historic landscape of Savernake Forest _ by Ben Lennon! and Peter Crow? LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) 1s an aerial surveying technique that enables the creation of a digital surface model of the land. This 1s achieved through the saturation of the landscape by a high density of airborne ‘eye safe’ laser pulses. The time it takes for the reflected light from each pulse to return to the onboard computer is measured and the distance then calculated. This enables the creation of millions of three dimensional co-ordinates that can be joined to create a model of the surface below. Computer processing of the data can be applied to digitally remove any trees | present to reveal the underlying terrain. In the woodland environment, LuDAR surveys are useful in disclosing land- scape and earthwork features that are difficult to detect by using more traditional field or aerial survey techniques. A LiDAR survey of Savernake was carried out in 2006 on behalf of the Forestry Commission and has revealed a large number of previously unrecorded features of archaeological potential. These include a number of earthworks, field systems, other boundary banks, lynchets and route-ways. Comparison with known features suggests that a number are ancient in origin but other earthworks within Savernake were created over a long period of time, up to and including World War IT. The landscape that 1s revealed by LuDAR casts new light on the historic uses of ancient woodland and forests suggesting extensive use and exploitation from prehistory until the present day. Despite the apparent success of the survey, it should be noted that LiDAR 1s indiscriminate and a number of features identified may be of modern origin, or given an appearance of solidity when 1n fact they are due to changes 1n vegetation. Any project involving LiDAR should be regarded as the beginning of a process of survey rather than an end result. Introduction Woodlands have long remained enigmatic for the archaeologist and historian alike. Where they exist, historical records of woodlands tend to be rudimentary. References to a woodland’s historic products offer the occasional insight into past management practices, but these are often open to a broad degree of interpretation. The archaeologist has usually fared no better. Surveying in woodland is difficult, slow and expensive, due in no small part to heavy and variable vegetation, poor light, and tree roots. This creates the further difficulties of poor visibility through woodlands and an inability to see and interpret features on the ground. This has typically resulted in large knowledge gaps in local authority based Historic Environment Records (HERs). LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) is a non-intrusive form of laser-based remote sensing that is used to construct a three dimensional surface model of the canopy of a woodland. Through digital processing and importation to a Geographic Information System (GIS) a digital terrain model (the ground surface beneath the trees) can be created. These terrain models can disclose a variety of features of potential archaeological significance. Savernake is one of the first historic forests in the UK to have been flown with high-resolution LIDAR and this paper represents a provisional interpretation of the results. ' The Old Sweet Shop. 79 Primrose Hill, Lydney, Glos. GL15 5SW 2 Forest Research, Alice Holt Lodge, Farnham, Surrey GU10 4LH 246 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE ® Cimetio e Marlborough Extent of LIDAR survey area Woodland qblttle Frith e Burbage 4 0 1 9 N Chisbury Tottenham Park 3 Kilometers Fig. 1 Extent of the LiDAR survey Description of the area Savernake Forest lies to the south of Marlborough, Wiltshire. It is heavily wooded, comprising the remaining fragment of a medieval royal forest and later designed landscape associated with Tottenham Park (Figure 1). Savernake is owned by the Savernake estate but a large proportion of the woodland is managed by the Forestry Commission on a 999-year lease. Much of the main part of Savernake has been notified as a Site of Special Scientific Interest due to its relict wood pasture, ancient trees and associated faunal assemblages. This study is principally focussed on Savernake and other Forestry Commission woodland in the area but has also taken in privately owned woodland and agricultural land. In total the study area amounts to 4100ha. Topography and geology Savernake occupies an elevated position on an east to west plateau, with the Kennet Valley to the north and the Vale of Pewsey to the south. Soils on this part of the plateau are principally of Clay-with-flints overlying chalk. Further west, the open downland is comprised predominantly of Upper Chalk and to the south lie the fertile greensands of the Vale of Pewsey. To the north and east lie the valley gravels and Upper Chalk of the Kennet valley. Throughout Savernake the clays are cut with dry valleys revealing the underlying chalk and valley gravels. There are also several outcrops of Reading and Bagshot beds and occasionally London Clay (Keefer 1997). Current land use Woodland accounts for around 45% of the study area. Although heavily modified over the centuries much of the area has remained wooded due to the agricultural difficulties of working the heavy clay soils compared with the surrounding Chalk and Greensand. The intervening land within the study area is predominantly agricultural, comprising a mixture of arable and pasture. Tottenham Park, lying to the south of Savernake is now principally grassland although it has been under arable production on numerous intermittent occasions. The main area of Savernake comprises mostly broadleaves such as oak and beech established in + LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST _ the mid-20th century. These are interspersed with older clumps, avenues and individual trees dating - from the medieval period through to the late 18th ~ and 19th century. The older trees are predominantly - oak, beech and sweet chestnut with a variety of less frequent exotics. To the east the woodlands become - more mixed with conifers throughout Birch Copse _ and the outlying woodlands around Chisbury and Bedwyn. — Outline history Savernake Forest is a rare landscape in Wiltshire. This is due to its size and relative lack of cultivation compared to most parts of the county. Owing to the nature of its heavy clay soils this area was probably still well wooded until Roman times when developments in agricultural technology permitted arable expansion on to such terrain. Romano-British settlements are known in the area where farmers appear to have occupied and tilled the clays. The walled town of Cunetio lay to the north of the study area and two Roman roads are known to run through the main body of Savernake. Pottery manufacture (of the well-known Savernake Ware) made use of the natural resources of clay, fuel and transportation, although sources of water were no doubt occasionally problematic, natural hydrological features being rare in the areas of known pottery manufacture. During the early medieval period much of Savernake fell within the royal borough of Bedwyn and the first mention of Safernoc can be found in a charter of King Athelstan dated AD 933 (Sawyer 1968, No. 424). The area probably became a royal forest during the 12th century, by the end of which it covered a vast area of woodland, common land and agricultural settlements. By the mid 14th century the forest had shrunk considerably with subsequent perambulations of the bounds describing an increasingly complex and unsustainable extent. What we know as Savernake today fell largely within a subdivision of the forest called the bailiwick of la Verme. Throughout this period the area was probably lightly wooded and studded with copses, occasional small enclosures, lodges and small holdings (Cardigan 1949). In the mid 16th century much of the remaining forest was transferred from the royal demesne into the hands of the Duke of Somerset (Edward Seymour) whose ancestors had been wardens of the forest since Norman times. Despite the removal of Savernake from the official forest system of 247 administration, rights and privileges relating to grazing and use of forest materials continued for several centuries. Following emparkment and enclosure, the area of uncultivated land dwindled to the core that we know today. During the 18th century the whole of the remaining area of Savernake and Tottenham Park was drawn together within a single designed landscape by the Bruce and Brudenell-Bruce families. This is best exemplified by the layout of avenues and rides that can still be seen today. Tree planting dwindled during the 19th century and in 1939 the leasehold of the bulk of Savernake was granted to the Forestry Commission who subsequently planted the majority of the land, with areas of both conifers and broadleaves. Existing surveys and information Savernake has long held a fascination for local historians. During the early 19th century, Richard Colt Hoare collated historical documents of the area and in the early part of the 20th century many of the Saxon charters and Medieval perambulation bounds were plotted by the likes of Brentnall, Crawford and Grundy. Nonetheless, many of the places in the Savernake charters remain elusive. Excavations have been carried out on a few sites in the forest, most notably among the Roman pottery kilns at Column ride. There has also been considerable work in the landscape surrounding Savernake, especially through work at Cunetio, Peter Fowler’s work on the Marlborough and Fyfield Downs (Fowler 2000), and the excavations at the Roman villa at Castle Copse: the mystery regarding the eastern termination of the Wansdyke at New Buildings continues to be a hotly debated topic. More recent surveys have assessed Table 1. Scheduled Ancient Monuments in Savernake SAM No.|Grid Ref [Description Undated bowl barrow close SM 12218 | SU 230 664 | to Grand Avenue (beneath a clump of Scots pine). Undated cross valley dyke in AM866 SU 211 670 Great Lodge Bottom. Undated bowl barrows in SM 12205 | SU 215 662 NGnipondiBoaome Large undated earthwork SM Undated bowl barrows at Undated bowls barrows in SM 12216 | SU 214 659 Nie paaapocent Romano-British kilns at AM 864 | SU 221 650 Code 248 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 2 Hill-shaded LiDAR images showing first return data (with forest canopy) and following vegetation removal the nature of the veteran tree resource (Oliver and Davies 2001) and the Great Inclosure! in the central portion of Savernake (Ramsay and Bathe 2008). Despite the enduring fascination of the area, there are relatively few archaeological features currently recorded on the Wiltshire Historic Environment Record (HER) for Savernake and its satellite woodlands. This is largely due to the common problems relating to archaeological study in woodland as mentioned above. However, a number of known sites have been deemed important enough to warrant scheduling (Table 1). Around thirty other earthwork features are listed within the HER. The whole of Savernake Forest is now also designated as Grade II* landscape on the English Heritage Register of Historic Parks and Gardens. Until its review in 2004 the extent of the registered area was limited to Tottenham Park and the main axial rides. It is now recognised that the whole of Savernake Forest was incorporated into the 18th century design and the register entry was amended accordingly. What is LiDAR? Since the first aerial photographs were taken early in the 20th century, they have revealed many archaeological features in agricultural and other landscapes. Woodland has always been a hindrance to this process, preventing a clear view of any archaeological evidence hidden beneath tree cover. The archaeological resource within UK woodlands is therefore often poorly understood and unquantifiable. However, there are exceptions and some woodlands have been subject to ground- based archaeological survey, but they remain few in number. For this reason, there is considerable excitement at recent developments with the remote sensing technique of Light Detection And Ranging (LiDAR). The method uses an aircraft, flown over a survey area where a laser is fired in rapid pulses (thousands of times a second) towards the earth below. When the laser strikes a solid object, such as a building, it is reflected back to a detector built into the LiDAR system on the aircraft. Because light travels at a known speed, differences in the reflected signal - time to the aircraft flown at a constant altitude will be directly related to changes in the height of the ground surface (or objects on it) below. Whilst it is not possible to fly at such a precisely fixed elevation, this is compensated by sophisticated navigational _ and flight sensors on board the aircraft which, when combined with the times collected for the reflected _ LiDAR pulse, allow a 3-dimensional co-ordinate to be calculated for the reflected surface below. Millions of these co-ordinates can be joined together to form 3-dimensional models of the ground surface. When the LiDAR is used over a porous surface (such as woodland) some of the laser energy is reflected back from the canopy, but some passes through, creating reflections from further down the canopy, understorey vegetation and potentially the forest floor. The LiDAR detector on-board the aircraft, therefore receives a series of reflected signals from any single laser pulse. At the time of writing, systems used for historic environment surveys have only stored the time taken for the first part of the _ reflected signal (typically from the canopy) and the last part of the reflection (potentially from the ground surface). The combined data can be analysed by computer software that filters out the data points derived from the porous vegetation to create a 3-dimensional model of the forest floor. With a sufficiently high number of data points (a high resolution survey) archaeological features previously hidden from aerial reconnaissance can be revealed (Figure 2)’. Survey specifications and suitability In order to gain the most from any LiDAR commissioned for historic environment analysis, surveys are best flown at a higher resolution than that required for open ground and during the winter months when laser penetration to the forest floor would have the greatest likelihood. Many other existing LiDAR data may not be ideal for analysis, as they may have been collected during the summer and often of a lower resolution than the optimum required for historic environment analysis under woodland. Equally, it must be emphasised that not all wooded areas are suited to this technique. Because the survey is dependent upon laser penetration of the forest canopy and understorey vegetation, significant areas of dense, young regeneration or un-thinned conifer plantation will greatly restrict the potential of the survey and may prevent it from being a viable option (see Current LiDAR limitations below). | LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 249 LiDAR strengths The remote sensing aspect of this technology allows the rapid survey of large areas of landscape (both open and wooded). For historic environment surveys of woodland, the best results are obtained from mature broadleaf canopy with little understorey vegetation. For example, with beech woodland with bluebells, the winter survey time would ensure that the vast majority of the laser energy would reach the forest floor uninhibited. Under these optimum conditions, the surveys can reveal detailed changes in ground surface allowing many archaeological features to be seen. The method is most effective at revealing linear features and even very subtle earthworks can be shown, many of which are difficult to see on the ground. Examples include earthworks of field systems, boundary banks, lynchets, route-ways and drainage channels. When used over optimum vegetation types, smaller, more discrete features such as charcoal platforms have also been mapped. Current LiDAR limitations LiDAR will not show every historic environment feature and will not work in all woodland types. Whilst the technology will work through mature, thinned conifer and has shown linear earthworks, quarries and pits under such conditions, younger, dense conifer plantations will greatly reduce the quantity of laser energy able to penetrate to the forest floor. However, even where canopy penetration is perceived to be good, dense layers of understorey vegetation such as bramble, bracken, gorse or holly can still inhibit the laser from reaching the true ground surface. Knowledge of the vegetation types through which the survey is expected to work is therefore essential in considering potential areas for LiDAR survey, targeting efficient use of resources and providing confidence in the resulting data interpretation (Crow et al. 2007). Whilst LiDAR has shown discrete features such as charcoal platforms, these tend to be several metres in diameter. There is no guarantee, however, that all platforms of this size will be recorded and circular features of less than 5m diameter may be missed completely. Part of the problem with the identification of small features, is that whilst the LiDAR may have detected them, they may only be displayed by a few pixels in the resulting image and distinguishing them from any noise or patches of vegetation can be difficult. 250 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Identifying features Arguably, the most useful product of a LiDAR survey is hill-shaded images. These are created from the LiDAR surface models by artificially lighting them in the same way that the sun will create highlights and shadows of a landscape. Lighting the model from a low elevation angle allows subtle changes in the surface model to become apparent. The hill- shaded images will show many (but not necessarily all) archaeological features but will also display roads, paths, buildings, forest residue, timber stacks and a host of other modern objects. Additionally, changes in ground vegetation can create patterns that look like features of archaeological potential. Distinguishing between the genuine and artificial historic environment is therefore an important and necessary process, although it is likely to be a long-term project. Where objects seen in hill- shaded images are not identified from other sources of information, such as modern or historic maps, the only reliable method is by on-site examination. Whilst this may not allow definitive identification of the archaeological feature or its age, it will at least confirm that it is an earthwork or similar structure rather than a fence or pile of forest residue. LiDAR survey of Savernake 2006 In 2006 the Forestry Commission carried out a LIDAR survey of Savernake and its environs. The survey was undertaken as part of the review of the management plan for the area. This was one of a number of surveys carried out to try and gain a clearer understanding of how the biological and historical development of Savernake were linked. Other surveys included those of bats, lichens and veteran trees. The Savernake LiDAR data is currently being used by the English Heritage Aerial Surveys Team as a pilot study to inform and develop standard methodologies for remote sensing techniques in the woodland environment.? The LiDAR data for Savernake has been imported to, and largely handled within, a Geographic Information System (GIS). This is a computer software programme that allows spatial information to be linked to underlying data and analysis of features in relation to one another and other, similarly referenced, datasets. These features can be afforded supporting attribute data that allows for categorisation, visualisation and statistical analysis in a variety of different ways. In order for data to be represented in GIS, at least two sets of co- ordinates are required to fix a geographic location (x ~ and y). Three-dimensional information can also be held in the GIS environment. LiDAR information is initially incorporated in three dimensions and is processed in order to derive two and three dimensional outputs. The two dimensional output most commonly used for visualisation purposes is hill-shaded images (see above). The majority of the field work for the Savernake survey was carried out using hill-shaded images to validate features on the ground. Categorisation of features found in the survey In order to establish a means of parity, features were broken into a number of types and sub- types. These relatively standardised feature types have been tailored to meet the requirements and character of the current survey results. Features were digitised (drawn) in the GIS environment as a series of lines and polygons (enclosed areas). The following main categorisations groups were used: linear features, enclosures, negative polygons, and positive polygons. Linear features These included a range of features, the main characteristics of which were extended length compared to width and were more easily rendered, visualised and conceived of as linear features even where they enclosed an area. This category included all transportation features such as roads, holloways, tracks and braided tracks, and also boundary features such as banks, ditches, dykes, coppice banks, park boundaries, lynchets and other miscellaneous or otherwise indeterminate features. Where ditches and banks lay side by side these were described individually. Enclosures Enclosures were also represented as linear features rather than polygons as this enabled the accurate rendering of individual banks and ditches as well as the overall form of the feature. The small enclosures were among the most interesting features found in the area and appeared in a variety of forms such as rectilinear, ovoid and irregular. They also occur in a variety of sizes up to one hectare. Features that demonstrably date from World War II have also been included in this category. | | | | : LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 251 _ Negative and positive polygons Polygons are features that have a definable geographic area. Enclosures could reasonably be described as polygons, but for the purposes of this exercise ~ enclosures were distinguished by their characteristic of defining the shape and extent of an area rather than considering the fundamental nature of the enclosed area. Conversely, polygons were used to describe features which have a three dimensional form which constitutes an inherent part of their character. These _ have been divided into two categories. 1. Negative polygons, from which material has been removed. Typically these are pits and quarries of some description, which are widespread across the whole area. They are also common in the surrounding agricultural land where their form has often been eroded through persistent ploughing. 2. Positive polygons, which stand above the surrounding ground level and have been formed through the addition of material. These are relatively few in number and typically take the form of barrows or barrow-like formations. Digitisation and validation Working from hill-shaded images created with different lighting effects, features were digitised according to the above categorisation. Features of a demonstrably modern origin were omitted. These included modern forestry tracks, roads and excavations. The use of ortho-rectified (scanned into a computer and geographically located within GIS mapping software) aerial photographs and maps allowed for the dating of a number of features. Aerial photography ranged from the modern Ordnance Survey data to those of the RAF (1946) and USAF (1943). Ortho-rectified maps dating back as far as the 17th century were used to identify a number of features extant during the various periods. Other features were identified through historical research via references in public records and secondary sources. Extensive validation took place over the winters of 2007 and 2008 and will continue into the future. This involved locating the features on the ground, refining the classification system, and eliminating any ghost features (e.g. bracken covered fences of modern origin but appearing as a bank in the hill-shaded images). In total over 1000 linear features and 800 polygonal features deemed to be of historic origin were recorded in GIS from LiDAR. This included features within the woodland and those in surrounding agricultural land. The majority of these were new features not previously known from the Wiltshire Historic Environment Record or from aerial photography crop marks. Of the 800 polygons digitised, the vast majority of these were pits and quarries or other negative features. Less than 20 were positive (i.e. raised above ground level) and these were mostly known from existing archaeological record. Provisional interpretations and discussion LiDAR is proving to be an invaluable asset in unravelling the diverse history of woodlands and forests. The acquisition of LiDAR data, however, is very much the beginning of a process rather than the end. Much work still needs to be done in terms of interpretation of landscape features found and relating them to similar features elsewhere. What follows is a series of initial observations relating to some of the features found at Savernake. These are represented here as a basis for future discussion research, not as set of definitive results. Mineral extraction Compared to the surrounding chalk lands there appeared to be relatively few features relating to former arable farming. This is probably due to the heavy flint studded clay soils that overlie the majority of Savernake. Both the Clay-with-flints and the dry valleys comprising chalk and valley gravel all contain evidence of extensive mineral exploitation. As a general principle the small, more random pits appear to be less systematically organised, indicating that they may date from an earlier period. Systematic exploitation of sand, clay and chalk was widespread from the post-medieval period until the early 20th century. These areas often appear on Ist edition Ordnance Survey 1:2500 maps and are easily recognisable as features on LiDAR hill- shaded images as being large with clearly defined edges (Figure 3). Similarly, there has been much extraction of gravel and chalk associated with the metalling of local roads in the early part of the 20th century. This usually appears in the form of long linear trenches along dry valleys such as Red Vein Bottom and Great Lodge Bottom. Unfortunately, this high level of disturbance may have removed 252 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Smaller pits randomly scattered. No ring of spoil. This suggests that the upper strata of clay and flints have been removed. Large, well-defined pits. Typical of industrial scale extraction. 19th Century. Clay was extracted from the upper pit and sand from the lower. Fig. 3 Leigh Hill, Savernake. Hill shaded image showing contrast in historical mineral extraction features any evidence of early agriculture in these fertile areas. Other shallow pits associated with mineral exploitation are common, but there appears to be a concentration of these features over an area of around 160ha centred on the Reading beds and Clay-with- flints (Figure 3). These are predominantly ovoid or irregular in form and typically range from 10m-50m in diameter, although much larger ones do occur. Depth varies enormously but they generally do not extend into the underlying chalk and they lack any evidence of a ring of spoil around the rims.* This suggests that the mineral extracted was the upper deposits, with the removal of clay, flints and possibly sand. There is no evidence of these materials being deposited in the vicinity suggesting that they were either utilised or exported. This area of pitting extends westward towards the site of the Savernake Roman pottery kilns (NGR SU 221 650). These potteries operated between the Ist and 3rd centuries and were situated to exploit the minerals which lay close by the Roman road from Sorviodunum (Salisbury) to Cunetio (Mildenhall)(Swan 1994).° Access to this quality of road would have been an important asset in distributing these wares across the south west of England. Evidence of pottery manufacture can also be found within Tottenham Park. A similar level of pitting can be seen close by, although the definition has been eroded due to agricultural ploughing. It is therefore possible that some of this pitting is associated with Romano-British sand and clay extraction. Associated materials such as flints may have been used in road metalling along the Roman road, although little work has thus far been carried out on the nature of their construction. Other pits show a more clearly defined regularity and distribution across the landscape. Of particular note are several series of pits in the northern part of the forest along Great Lodge Bottom and Red Vein Bottom. These appear in lines between 60 and 90m apart and approximately 15m in diameter. The run of pits along Great Lodge Bottom is similar to the old parish boundary between north and south Savernake and could mark that route (Figure 4). However, there are a number of references from 18th century records relating to the delineation of rights - LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 253 Fig. 4 A line of pits at Great Lodge Bottom possibly marking the boundary of an 18th century sheep walk of common in the forest in which pits were dug to define the boundaries of the sheep walk.° It has also been suggested that a number of these pits relate to bombing activities from World War II. However, there are few (if any) examples shown by the LiDAR where the pattern of distribution and uniformity of pit character presents a convincing case, and an earlier origin is likely in the majority of cases. Transportation routes Routes used for transportation across the forest occur in a variety of forms. The aforementioned Roman roads are amongst the clearest disclosed by LiDAR. However, most routes are difficult to classify as many have been created for a variety of different reasons. Nevertheless, three classes were defined; roads, holloways and trackways. Roads are defined as those features that were clearly formed through design and engineering. Essentially, these date from two periods; the Roman and the 18th to 20th century. The latter are relatively easy to identify although often difficult to date with certainty. Documentary evidence in the form of estate maps and the earliest editions of the Ordnance Survey maps were used to identify these. The two Roman roads converge not at Cunetio, as might be expected, but some way to the south within the forest (but to the north of the modern day A4). Corney (2001) suggested that the original route of the road from Venta Belgarum was destined for the late Iron Age oppidum centred on Forest Hill which may have been used by an earlier Roman garrison prior to the establishment of Cunetio (located closer to the River Kennet). This supposes that the road predates the establishment of Cunetio 1km to the north east of Forest Hill. The hill-shaded image of the junction of the two roads shows a concentration of indistinct features including a potential small square enclosure where they converge (Figure 5). Certainly, this would have been a strategically important junction and it would be reasonable to assume some form of structure here. Holloways are defined as routes used for such long periods of time that they have the characteristic sunken formation. These are a relatively common 254 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 5 Hill-shaded image showing a possible square earthwork in at the junction of the Roman Roads and characteristic feature of the ancient landscape in England and are often associated with Anglo-Saxon estate boundaries (Hoskins 1955; Rackham 1993). Despite this, they are rare features in Savernake and confined to the fringes of the forest area on long established routes between settlements. Trackways was used as a generic term to describe everything that does not fall into the previous categories. It has also been used to describe linear features with are clearly visible on LiDAR images but are difficult to see on the ground and do not appear to be associated with any other features. These ostensibly appear as extended linear depressions in the ground with no associated banks. Unsurprisingly there are a large number of these types of features across Savernake. Many appear to be randomly scattered across the landscape and no doubt reflect short-lived routes for animals or intermittent mineral extraction. Others however, suggest a well established network focussing on a single area. Of particular interest are the series of braided tracks close to the junction of the A4 and the Grand Avenue (SU 212 682). These represent a long history of usage throughout the medieval and post-medieval periods until the route of the A4 was fixed and subsequently metalled. The northern end of the Grand Avenue passes over a small but prominent hillock known as Bolsoke. From at least as far back as the late 17th century this hillock was an inclosed woodland. Consequently, animals and wheeled traffic were required to move around the outside of the inclosure along the valley bottoms. As these routes became increasingly well worn and rutted, new routes were formed on the slightly higher ground and thus a series of linked braided tracks were formed around the valley sides (Figure 6). In this case the bulk of the medieval pressure would have been concentrated on the northern route around Bolsoke as traffic on the busy east/ west route met the Bedwyn road which approached from the south east until the late 18th century.’ In some cases these routes have formed holloways in excess of 2m deep and appear in such density as to give the appearance of a series of banks and ditches. However there is no evidence of material being thrown up out of the ditches to create banks. The route to the south of Bolsoke has suffered considerably less and was possibly a lesser used route known to those people travelling directly from Bedwyn to Marlborough. Land Inclosures Inclosures predominate in the central and eastern portion of the woodland area and generally appear in the form of a bank and ditch, each between 0.5 and 1.5m in height/depth. These typically have the | | | | | be | | | | | , | | | - LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERN AKE FOREST i 5 " fs hy Fig. 7 Cross valley dykes at Great lodge Bottom (left) and Cheval Bottom = 256 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 8 Little Frith Wood. Charles Price’s Plan of 1737 (left, reproduced by permission of WSA) and hill shaded image showing earthwork features. ditch running on the outside of the enclosed area with the bank on the inside. Sizes of the enclosed areas vary enormously with a range of 7ha to 220ha and most appear to be consistent with late medieval or post-medieval woodland inclosure. The largest of these has been identified as an attempt by the Earl of Hertford to exclude grazing animals and re-establish woodland among the wood pastures of Savernake in the late 16th century (Ramsay and Bathe 2008). Others represent a more gradual inclosure of the forest from around this time onwards. Occasionally earlier features appear to have been incorporated into the ditch and bank system. One example comprises part of the Great Inclosure of Lord Hertford at Cheval Bottom, (NGR SU 229 660). This takes the form of a large double bank with a deep central ditch and crossing the chalk valley obliquely (Ramsay and Bathe 2008). Morphologically it is similar to the scheduled cross valley dyke found in Great Lodge Bottom (NGR SU 211 670) and bears a resemblance to other less pronounced features that cross the valley system (Figure 7). The second example of incorporation of an earlier feature occurs in Little Frith Wood (NGR SU 245 675). The inclosure of this woodland is clearly shown on Charles Price’s plan of Puthall Farm dating from 1737 (WRSO 1300-372). The outer boundary of this woodland is consistent with the other post-medieval inclosure boundaries although, as the name frith suggests, there may have - been a more open form of woodland here for a much longer period.® The outer boundary is clearly visible on the ground but occasionally makes unexpected turns (Figure 8). LiDAR images reveal a much smaller enclosure at one of these turns, suggesting that the later outer boundary may have incorporated an existing feature during its construction. A series of other larger but much less pronounced bank and ditch features can be seen running across the interior of the Little Frith inclosure which do not appear to be respected by the outer boundary (which is small but well defined). These earlier features are evident on the hill-shaded images within the confines of the modern woodland boundary but do not appear to extend into the surrounding agricultural land where they may have been lost due to ploughing. Small enclosures Arguably the most intriguing features revealed by LiDAR are a series of smaller enclosures of a type more often associated with human occupation and small scale settlement. Official lodges have been LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 2h Wood (NGR SU 241 674); 4 Cheval Bottom (NGR SU 227 657); 5 West of Owl’s Castle (NGR SU 241 677); 6 Bedwyn Common (NGR SU 252 654) recorded in Savernake throughout the medieval period and their locations are relatively well known. Unofficial habitation contravened forest law and was actively discouraged, although the settlement of some of the agricultural lands now contiguous with the forest were certainly established through illegal assarts and later formalised and rented. The enclosures disclosed by the LiDAR are varied in form but share a number of characteristics. They are generally rectilinear or curvilinear and rarely enclose more than 0.5ha (although one at Chapel Hill appears to contain an extended enclosure amounting to a further hectare). This and other examples are shown in Figure 9. Similar sites are known in the vicinity from crop marks in agricultural land (e.g. NGR SU 256 648).’ The enclosures are generally formed with an outer ditch and inner bank. Where the ground falls away the enclosed area is levelled, with a bank being raised above the falling ground. The enclosures are almost all situated on clay soil, on relatively level ground but in close proximity to the lighter chalk and gravel soils of the dry valleys that cut through Savernake. In some cases the enclosures appear to bear a relationship to the cross-valley dykes that cross the dry valleys (Figurel10). LiDAR reveals other, less prominent cross valley features that do not appear to relate to any other features beyond the confines of the chalk valley. Ramsay and Bathe (2008) have observed that these cross-valley features relate explicitly to the lighter valley soils and quickly run out on the clay soils. The majority of the dry valleys beyond the current woodland extent have undergone agricultural conversion and only those that remain in woodland contain strong evidence of the dykes. There are, however, still a number of landscape features beyond the bounds of the woodland that may contain sections of this type of dyke. An obvious large dyke that shares the same relationship to such soils is the Bedwyn Dyke (Figure 10).'° Unequivocal signs of early agriculture are rare on the clay with flint soils of Savernake. Certain LiDAR images, however, suggest the presence of negative lynchet 258 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Eastern section of Wansdyke Extent of survey area ee ae ae gp Nahe sty fat nighonae ‘se 4 «=== Cross valley dykes === Other possible cross valley dykes — Enclosures identified from LIDAR Soil type Valley gravel Chalk Clay with flints Enclosures previously known from crop marks Reading and Bagshot sands ~ London clay = F Oy oe ithaenone AE MT at Aira wiped oae aera MN am mao een Fig. 11 Rectilinear enclosures close to Roman roads at Luton Lye (left) and Hat Gate Cottages } | lj ! i - LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 259 i a ida Fig. 12 WWII munitions storage area. Aerial photo, USAF,1943 and hill-shaded image features on the upper edges of some of the dry chalk valleys. } Another enclosure at Luton Lye (NGR SU 227 671) is rectilinear with outer dimensions of approximately 142m by 110m. It comprises two concentric ditches and banks spanning approximately 30m from outer ditch to inner bank. The inner ditch encloses an area of approximately 0.4ha. A sunken track or ditch enters the enclosure through the eastern side but appears to exit through the western bank. It is distinct from the other enclosures found within Savernake due to its large double bank and high degree of finish and regularity. Most interesting of all is its proximity to the Roman road running between Cunetio and Venta Belgarum. Hill-shaded images indicate that the road appears to be overlying the enclosure, clipping its southern corner without respecting it. The morphology of the enclosure and its unusual position in the landscape suggests that it has some special purpose or significance other than an agricultural farmstead or settlement. Parallels might be drawn with certain Iron Age or early Romano-British temple sites such as those at Ratham Mill, Funtington, West Sussex or Hayling Island, Hampshire. Another similar feature occurs 200m to the north of Hat Gate Cottages (NGR SU 214 646). This feature is situated in agricultural land and is less well defined than that at Luton Lye although it does bear the same characteristic double bank. Curiously, this lies close to the Roman road between Sorviodunnum and Cunetio. It is also oriented in the same way as that at Luton Lye, again possibly suggesting some common purpose (see Figure 11). War time enclosures A final group of enclosure features that are well represented at Savernake are those dating from World War II. During this period many forests in public ownership were used for the storage of military equipment and munitions. This had the benefit of concentrating large stocks of munitions away from major population centres, hidden from view by the trees. There are a number of feature types within the forest that date from the war and post- war period. These include the sites of Nissan type shelters, levelled areas for ammunition, and other storage dumps. Earth removed during the levelling process was banked on either side of the shelter to help protect and obscure them. The majority of these storage areas are associated with the main axial rides and the better metalled roads. The use of Savernake as a military facility is dealt with in detail in Savernake at War (Day 2007). Conclusion The use of LiDAR and its associated imagery has revealed a large number of previously unknown features in the landscape of Savernake Forest. Where traditional surveying techniques have proved problematic the use of LiDAR has yielded promising results in identifying a range of surface features, some of which can be very subtle and virtually invisible on site to the eye. A large number 260 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE of features appear to have been preserved within the woodland environment due to the relative lack of intensive cultivation inherent in woodland management practices. This is in stark contrast to the surrounding agricultural land where features are often a lot less clearly defined by LiDAR (although many may remain visible as crop marks in traditional aerial photography). The use of LiDAR survey over an extensive area of woodland facilitates the study of a wide range of previously unknown features within and across the landscape. This has the potential to allow new perspectives on historic land use and development over time, particularly those relating to the history of long established woodlands. The use of LiDAR as a survey tool should be regarded as the beginning of a process of investigation rather than the end of it. The Savernake study has revealed a number of interesting features that are, at present, largely undated. Some features can be relatively dated within historical times through cross-referencing with historical records. Prehistoric features are more problematic and even given the lack of cultivation and the potential for undisturbed archaeological deposits, future investigative work is likely to remain challenging. The interpretations provided in this paper remain provisional. Acknowledgements Many thanks to Tim Yarnell and Jonathon Spencer of the Forestry Commission and the staff of the Unit for Landscape Modelling, Cambridge University for assistance and support in commissioning and carrying out the LIDAR survey for Savernake. Thanks also for much time and assistance in validation and interpretation of features to Graham Bathe, Jo Ramsay and Roger Day. Also thanks to Simon Crutchley, Mark Bowden and Fiona Small of the Aerial Surveys unit of English Heritage, Swindon. References CARDIGAN, The Earl of, 1949, The Wardens of Savernake. London: Routledge CHAPMAN, H., 2006, Landscape Archaeology and GIS. Stroud: Tempus CORNEY, M., 2001, ‘The Romano-British Nucleated Settlements of Wiltshire’, in P Ellis (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and After, Papers in Honour of Ken Annable, 5-38. Devizes: WANHS CRAWFORD, O. G. S. 1953. The East End of the Wansdyke. WANHM 55, 119-125 CROW, P., BENHAM, S., DEVEREUX, B.J., AND AMABLE, G.S., 2007, “Woodland vegetation and its implications for archaeological survey using LiDAR’ in Forestry 80.3 DAY, R., 2007, Savernake at War. Hungerford: Roger Day FOWLER, P, 2000, Landscape Plotted and Pieced. Landscape History and Local Archaeology in Fyfield and Overton, Wiltshire. London: Society of Antiquaries HOSKINS, W. G., 1955, The Making of the English Landscape. London: Book Club Associates HOSTETTER, E. and HOWE, T. N. (eds), 1997, The Romano-British Villa at Castle Copse, Great Bedwyn. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press KEEFER, D. K., 1997, ‘The Regional Setting: Environmental Geology and Geography’, in E. Hostetter and T. N. Howe (eds), The Romano-British Villa at Castle Copse, Great Bedwyn, 1-19. Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press KING, A. and SOFFE, G. 1983. A Romano-Celtic Temple at Ratham Mill, Funtington, West Sussex, Britannia 14, 264-266 MILLS, A. D., 1997, A Dictionary of English Place Names. Oxford: Oxford University Press OLIVER, J. and DAVIES, J. 2001. Savernake Forest Oaks. WANHM 94, 24-46 RACKHAM, O., 1993, The History of the Countryside. London: J. M. Dent. RAMSAY, J. and BATHE, G. 2008. The Great inclosure of Savernake with a note on Cross Valley Dykes. WANHM 101, 158-175 SAWYER, P. H., 1968, Anglo-Saxon Charters: an annotated list and bibliography. London: Royal Historical Society, London SWAN, V. G., 1984, The Pottery Kilns of Roman Britain. London: HMSO TIMBY, J., 2001, ‘A Reappraisal of Savernake Ware’, in P. Ellis (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and After, Papers in Honour of Ken Annable, 73-84. Devizes: WANHS Original Sources NMRC Swindon RAF Aerial Photography 1946 NMRC Swindon USAF Aerial photography 1943 Wiltshire County Council Sites and Monuments Record WSRO 1300-1842 A and B Perambulation St Margaret’s Sheep Walk WRSO 1300-363 Letter, John Ward concerning line for new Road from Great Bedwyn to Marlborough (1795). WRSO 1300-372 Large calf-bound volume containing detailed maps in colour and surveys on parchment compiled for Charles Lord Bruce by Charles Price and Thomas Atkinson, with later amendments (1716- 1776). ] -Endnotes In this paper the term znclosure is used to denote an area that is formally bounded and protected from incursion for the purposes of growing trees whilst the term enclosure is used for all other purposes of enclosing land. For more information see http://www.forestresearch. gov.uk/lidar. Part of the National Mapping Programme. For further information see http://www.english-heritage.org.uk/ server/show/nav.18664 & http://www.english-heritage. org.uk/server/show/nav.18665 . These features stand out in marked contrast to similar features observed from LiDAR images of the Forest of Dean at the Delves near Brierly. The Dean features, in the form of a bell pit, invariably have a ring of spoil around the rim of the pit. This represents the upper ! LIDAR AND THE HISTORIC LANDSCAPE OF SAVERNAKE FOREST 261 soil stratum that was removed in order to access the underlying coal. This and a second Roman road between Cunetio and Venta Belgarum (Winchester) are clearly visible running through Savernake on hill shaded LiDAR images. WSRO 1300-1842 A & B Perambulation St Margaret’s Sheep Walk WRSO 1300-363 Letter, John Ward concerning line for new Road from Great Bedwin to Marlborough, 1795. From OE fyrth(e) meaning woodland, often sparse woodland or scrub (Mills 1997). NMR SU 2564/6 At various times some of these have been assumed to have formed fragments of the Wansdyke when it was thought to have extended to the east of New Buildings in Savernake Great Park (See Crawford 1953). Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 262-274 The elite and the dynamics of power in late Georgian Devizes by Lorna Haycock The dynamics, ethos and socio-economic structure of Devizes in the late 18th century are examined as reflecting the general trends at work in England, with the growing influence of the professional and trading classes and the hierarchical connections between the various groups within the town, soon to be blurred 1n the following century. The fine Georgian architecture of Devizes fossilises a provincial commumity at the height of its prosperity as acommercial, social and service centre in its regional hinterland. Lying in the centre of the county, it became the secondary capital of Wiltshire after Salisbury. As a Quarter Sessions town and a political and administrative centre, it attracted gentry and professionals. Behind the brick facades and the medieval street pattern, a hierarchical society developed, based on trade, business and manufactures. But although there was a marked social pyramid in the town, a web of contacts linked traders, professionals and gentry, who contributed to its economic and cultural life by taking the lead in the administration of borough and social affairs. The presence of this elite provided the ethos and dynamics of Devizes society. Power was wielded by a small, self-perpetuating oligarchy. Devizes was one of the six Wiltshire corporation boroughs sending two M.Ps_ to Westminster on an exclusive franchise since Edward I’s Model Parliament, the others being Calne, Malmesbury, Marlborough, Salisbury and Wilton. The highest number of Devizes burgesses actually voting prior to the 1832 Reform Act was 30 in 1830. Henry Hunt described Devizes as ‘a corrupt and vile rotten borough’.' Although there was less bribery and corruption than in burgage or potwalloper boroughs, the restrictive franchise permitted external interference. The Devizes seat was under the influence of local landed families, and there was less aristocratic patronage than in Downton, Marlborough, Westbury or Wilton. Only Salisbury and Devizes were represented continuously by local men during this period. Being a parliamentary borough was an important element in urban pride; it signified the town’s importance and independence, as well as creating a sense of communal consciousness. Between 1750 and 1800 Devizes was dominated by the leading local clothiers and town Recorders, the Garths, Willys, and Suttons. Barrister and Recorder John Garth held one seat from 1740 to 1764. His son Charles was Recorder 1765-84 and M.P 1765-80. The other seat was held by London clothier and East India Company director William Willy, brother of Devizes mercer George Willy, from 1747 to 1768, and then by his nephew, James Sutton, until 1780. Not a party man, Sutton regarded representing the borough as a civic duty - ‘unfit as I am for a public life, I should have thought it criminal to have disturbed the unanimity of the Borough, which by declining I should inevitably have occasioned’.’ He was succeeded by local landowner Sir James Tylney Long on his own recommendation.’ Henry Jones, a London cloth buyer and fellow East India Company investor? represented the borough from 1780 to 1784 in place of Garth. He was succeeded Wiltshire Heritage Museum, 41 Long Street, Devizes, Wiltshire, SN10 1NS a - THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 263 _ by Pitt’s protégé, Henry Addington, brother-in- law of James Sutton, who used his considerable local influence to have him elected as Recorder and M.P. When Tylney Long became a county member, Joshua Smith, Bristol shipowner, timber merchant and Barbados sugar planter, who lived at Erlestoke, held the other seat for almost 30 years. James Sutton’s son-in-law, barrister Thomas Grimston Estcourt, replaced Addington on his elevation to the peerage. Thus Devizes enjoyed a measure of independence from the great peers and national borough mongers. The town’s representatives were men with strong local connections. A locai man might be readier to advance the community’s interests and sponsor legislation at Westminster than a total stranger with his own connections. In 1818 Dr Brabant, speaking in support of a local candidate, Wadham Locke, ‘who is known to you’, objected to one of the sitting M.Ps , John Pearse, army clothier and director of the Bank of England, because he was ‘a stranger’ and ‘I feel little inclination to commit the dearest privileges of an Englishman to a stranger’.’ Moreover, as a friend of several Royal princes and a Government contractor, he would not be independent and unbiased. Devizes M.Ps were country gentlemen and merchants, prepared to give the Government a fair trial and, until Newcastle’s fall, the Corporation was pro- Whig. Charles Garth assured the Duke in February 1762: “Your Grace knows while my Father lives you are sure of a steady Friend from the Borough of Devizes’, adding that he, too, would ‘support the Whig interest of the Borough under Your Grace’s patronage’.® But after 1762, the prevailing feeling was Tory, as the Corporation had a vested interest in opposing parliamentary reform. Despite its incestuous character, the Devizes constituency attracted outside attention. William Waylen, Mayor in 1774, was approached by ‘the agent of a corrupt Government who plied him with. a princely bribe to serve its interests’, but he indignantly refused to be bought.’ Between 1761 and 1765, during John Garth’s declining years, when his son Charles hoped to succeed, Sir Samuel Fludyer, the richest London clothier with Wiltshire connections, tried three times to capture a Devizes seat for his brother and partner, Sir Thomas Fludyer. A former Lord Mayor of London and Deputy Governor of the Bank of England, Sir Samuel Fludyer enjoyed lucrative Government contracts in America and the West Indies, and was M.P. for Chippenham. He was described in 1754 as ‘a great dealer in north and west country cloths’.® During the by-election caused by John Garth’s death, George Sloper wrote in his diary: ‘Fludyer’s great mob on Monday the evening before the election broke the windows of the houses of most of Mr Garth’s friends’,? but the mob dispersed and Charles Garth won the seat by 17 votes to 10. It seems likely that local merchants, jealous of their economic and political power, resented this attempt by a wealthy outsider to establish control over the borough. Fludyer’s failure to win the seat showed that great wealth and business connections, even when backed by Government influence, were not always decisive. But a certain financial outlay was required. Writing to the Duke of Newcastle on 30 June 1760 John Garth referred to the expense of supporting his seat ‘against the intrigues of a faction’’’ and his son Charles claimed that his father had already incurred ‘no inconsiderable Expense, at least £5,000.'! In 1780 George III and North moved Garth to the Excise Board because ‘it would be useful to have his seat vacated’,!? but their aim of establishing a Government candidate in Devizes was frustrated by the local influence of Sutton who installed Long, his own nominee. In 1805 Addington expressed the hope that Devizes might ‘ever be distinguished by a spirit of independence’? and local loyalties still survived within the national framework. Between 1765 and 1818 Devizes parliamentary elections were uncontested. Banker John Lubbock intended to stand against Henry Addington in 1784, but declined to do so, ‘for the sake of the peace’.'* Apart from Addington, who became Speaker of the House, Home Secretary and Prime Minister, Devizes M.Ps did not distinguish themselves in the Commons. Sir James Tylney Long, Henry Jones and William Willy never spoke in debates and generally supported the Government. This was not unusual. The number of M.Ps taking part in debates in the 18th century was small and roughly half remained silent.!° Many of the town’s M.Ps , however, had considerable commercial and financial interests extending far beyond the borough and linking them to a wider world. Both clothier William Willy (1703-1768) and shipowner and timber merchant Joshua Smith (1732-1819) were Directors of the East India Company.'* Charles Garth’s position was somewhat unusual. He was one of nine colonial agents sitting in the House of Commons between 1754 and 1790. On colonial matters he regarded himself as representing the views of the South Carolina Assembly, voting against the Stamp Act 264 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE in 1765, but after the Boston Tea Party supported the Government until he left Parliament in 1780." The Garths had first come to prominence through Sir Samuel Garth, Physician in Ordinary to George I and author of The Dispensary (1696). Samuel’s younger brother, Thomas, married the daughter of one of the eight original proprietors of the South Carolina Company. Their second son, John, became Recorder and M.P. for Devizes through a first cousin of his mother, John Colleton, who used to sell sugar to merchant Sir Joseph Eyles, M.P. for Devizes between 1722 and 1727 and from 1734 to 1740. Family connections with the Colletons and the Boones, who were engaged in the American trade in Barbados and South Carolina, Thomas Boone being Governor of South Carolina in 1761, secured for Charles Garth the post of agent for the colony, doubtless helped by the fact that his brother Thomas was Equerry to George III." In 1763 he was also appointed King’s Agent for Georgia, a post which he held until the outbreak of the American war, when he was awarded an annual secret service pension of £500.” The wealth of two other major families in Devizes was based on colonial trade, particularly with the East India Company. Sir John Eyles, dissenter and son of a Devizes mercer, prospered as a London merchant, becoming Lord Mayor in 1688. Eight years before he had bought Southbroom House in Devizes. When his younger son Francis, a South Sea Company director, was expelled from his Devizes seat in the Commons on the bursting of the South Sea Bubble in 1720, the value of his confiscated estates amounted to £54,379. Edward Eyles, (1714-92) Sir John Eyles’ grandson, spent a large part of his life abroad as Factor for Bengal and Governor of the East India Company, but retired to Devizes to live with his widowed sister Maria, using some of his wealth to rebuild Southbroom House in 1773.” As Governor of Fort St David, his brother Josiah made a fortune of £100,000, which he left to his nephew Josiah Eyles Heathcote in 1792,”' the two families having been united by marriage in 1724. The Heathcotes, too, were prominent Whig capitalists and colonial traders. Gilbert Heathcote, (1652-1732), Fellow of the Royal Society, wealthy London export merchant and one of the founders of the Bank of England, acted as agent of the Government of Jamaica and left a personal fortune of £700,000.” It was he who manipulated the far-flung Heathcote network of finance and commerce in which his five brothers participated. Josiah, George and John were naval prize agents in Jamaica and heavily involved in the West Indian ~ trade. Samuel traded in the Baltic, and Caleb, a customs official, served on the Council of New York, becoming Mayor of that city. Josiah’s son George (1700-68) settled in the Devizes area on his marriage to Maria, daughter of Sir John Eyles of Southbroom in 1724, buying an estate at Erlestoke, six miles distant, but later moving to Southbroom in 1752 on his father-in-law’s death. Following the family pattern he was a Director of the South Sea Company between 1730 and 1732 as well as investing in Government and East India Company stock, and served as a Trustee of the new colony of Georgia from 1732 to 1738. Three times M.P for Devizes and a devoted admirer of the elder Pitt, he opposed the peace with France in 1763, wishing to preserve all Britain’s colonial conquests. Even one of his political opponents admitted that he possessed ‘a zealous regard for the real Interest of his country’. As Lord Mayor and Sheriff of London, Heathcote had sought reform of the city’s government, and the inscription on his tomb in St John’s church, Devizes, surmounted by the Cap of Liberty, records his opposition to corruption and his perpetuation of the Old Whig tradition. Another leading family in Devizes, the Suttons, were heavily involved in the cloth trade, particularly through London, and they invested their fortune heavily in land and property. Based in the town since the 16th century, they dominated the political life of Devizes after 1750, holding civic and county office. Prince Sutton (1701-79), Sheriff of Wiltshire in 1762, married Mary, daughter of wealthy London merchant George Willy of New Park. Their son James inherited his father’s extensive property at Manningford Bruce and Beckhampton and established a powerful influence over town and county, serving as M.P. for Devizes 1768-80 and Sheriffin 1785, and in effect becoming the borough’s political patron. Thomas Gisborne recognised the dominant influence wielded by a leading landowner: The weight which a wealthy landowner, resident in the country, possesses in the place where his property is situated, is usually so great as to give him a preponderating influence in the management of all parochial concerns.”* Sutton’s marriage in 1771 to Eleanor, sister of Henry Addington, whom he subsequently installed as M.P. and Recorder of Devizes, established the close connection between Addington and the borough THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 265 Fig. 1. New Park. Home of James Sutton which was to last fifty years, a link commemorated by the market cross which he financed. Addington enjoyed a reputation as ‘an Honest Mam’ ” and his promotions to high office were viewed with pride in Devizes. His election as Speaker in 1789 was greeted with prolonged bell-ringing - ‘You have thrown both Town and Country into a state of excess and riot’.” In 1804 the Corporation assured Addington of their highest sense of his ‘public spirit and integrity’ and hoped for ‘a long continuance of that friendly intercourse from which they have derived so much -satisfaction’.2”? He was to be an executor of Sutton’s will, in which he and his brother were each left £1,000 as ‘testimony of my regard and esteem.”* With the Younger Pitt he was a frequent visitor at Sutton’s New Park mansion (Figure 1). George Sloper reported in August 1798 ‘the famous Mr Pitt came through Devizes’,” Sutton marking the occasion by paying £2 12s. 6d. for the church bells to be rung.” The Addington link meant that Devizes interests enjoyed a prestigious channel of influence at Westminster. Addington’s brother-in-law, James Sutton, one of the richest clothiers in Wiltshire, had inherited his uncle William Willy’s business in London, and owned some 4,000 acres in Wiltshire, particularly in Bishops Cannings, Marden and Heddington.”' He held the manor of Manningford Bruce, and land at Bromham, Bulkington, Chittoe, Horton, Melksham, Potterne, Nursteed, Roundway, Stert, Wick and Wilsford.22 Richard Richardson’s survey of his lands put the total annual value at £1,923 16s.6d., two of his farms being worth £449 and £256 a year, and his total annual property income in 1784 was over £5,000.?3 His agent’s memorandum book shows that Sutton was buying up land and exchanging holdings between 1788 and 1793 to consolidate his estates, for example conveying property to Francis Astley so that he could acquire Wilsford manor.* In October 1800, he purchased Bishops Cannings Parsonage for £24,000 and on his death in 1801 his estate was valued at £52,483 10s.10d..*° James Sutton was, however, a generous landlord, paying annual subscriptions for poor relief in Potterne, Cannings and Melksham, and providing a Twelfth Night entertainment at Potterne costing £41 18s. 6d. in 1784. John Ward, writing to the Earl of Ailesbury on 30 September 1793, after a Kennet and Avon Canal meeting referred to “Mr Sutton’s gentlemanly conduct’ winning ‘the esteem of those who were strangers to him’.** A cousin, 266 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE also James Sutton, (d.1788), served as a J.P and co- founded the first Devizes bank in 1775. He owned land in All Cannings, Bishops Cannings, Potterne, Rowde, Urchfont and Worton. In his will, of a total bequest of £27,000, he left his four daughters £3,000 each and his two sons £4,300 and £3,500.*” Thus the horizons of the Devizes commercial and political elite stretched to Europe, the Americas and the East, and their investments in the public funds and overseas trading companies gave them a wider economic perspective, in addition to the viewpoint of the country landowner and urban merchant. The wealth, social status and London business activities of families such as the Suttons and Garths guaranteed their position at the top of local society. The lives of these urban gentry were interlinked with the nexus of patronage and family connections which characterised 18th-century government and business, and the association with Addington and Pitt, and with Lord Shelburne, who lived six miles away at Bowood, gave politics an added dimension and relevance in Devizes inns and drawing rooms. Political and economic power in 18th-century Devizes was remarkably dynastic. The rise to power in Devizes of the legal Salmon family illustrates the emergence of a new element in the social structure of towns - the professional elite taking their place alongside urban merchants as leaders of provincial life. The professional class in the 18th century has been described as ‘a kind of hyphen between the gentry and those men whose money had been made in industry and trade’.** A growing population and rising standards of living increased the demand for lawyers and doctors, who owed their standing in society to specialised skill and not to birth. This gave them access to the ladders of social advancement, making them a significant and vocal element of the middle class. Dr Johnson’s remark, that he did ‘not care to speak ill of anyone behind his back but he believed the gentleman was an attorney’, reflects the early 18th-century suspicion of lawyers, but the increase in the business of attorneys in the latter part of the century helped to push up the profession’s status. The laws of primogeniture led to an influx of younger sons and M. Postlethwayte considered the law ‘an employment worthy ofa scholar and a gentleman’.*”® According to Somerset parson William Holland of Camerton, ‘lawyers were becoming lords of the land’.*' The law became one of the thoroughfares of an increasingly mobile society, with skills obtained through apprenticeship not qualifications. Wiltshire, registering 91 attorneys in the 1730 Parliamentary list, offered a wide range of work, encompassing both agriculture and industry. Enclosures, turnpikes, canals, banking, care of the poor and the increase in national war taxation all added to the business undertaken by provincial attorneys, giving them a great deal of local influence and political power, as society became more sophisticated and urban centres increasingly became the foci of professional services. The attorney was the ordinary man’s point of contact with the law and 46.2% of attorneys were based in towns of under 5,000 population,” where their influence was greater through lack of local competition. Now ranked as ‘Esquire’, attorneys became intermediaries between urban and rural society and pivotal figures in the provincial capital market, touching almost every branch of the economy. In an increasingly fluid land market, attorneys dealt with conveyancing and leases, arranged mortgages and negotiated loans, acted as testators’ trustees and handled large sums of money involved in Turnpike Trusts and enclosures. Acting as links between borrowers and lenders, buyers and sellers, they became the trusted advisers of the rural gentry and urban merchants, thereby acquiring status and respectability, and being assimilated into the ranks of the town gentry, with whom they were often on first name terms. Not needing to plough back fees and perquisites into stock, they frequently lent out money themselves or cash deposited with them by local clients. Campbell advised that ‘an attorney ought to have a sufficient Stock of Ready Money to advance for his clients’.“* They played a vital role in meeting the long and short term needs of many of the population to pay off debts, arrange marriage portions or purchase property. In Devizes several of them, including Salmon, became bankers. Rising to the head of the local hierarchy, attorneys linked the financial, commercial and legal worlds, acting as ‘a social lubricant’.* Ten Devizes lawyers appeared in the Law List of 1799, working as individuals or two-man partnerships, with a few articled clerks. William Salmon J, Mayor of Devizes in 1765 and Under- Sheriff of Wiltshire two years later, died in 1775, leaving his daughters £2,500 each and bequeathing his practice and law books to his son, William Salmon II, the ablest and most influential of the family, who was to be known locally as ‘King Salmon’.* As Town Clerk, Deputy Recorder and Capital Burgess, he dominated Corporation affairs.” Salmon was described by Devizes teacher St Clair, as ‘a local Sovereign who ruled over his subjects with THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 267 all the authority of a Eastern despot - his friendship was courted and his ire was dreaded’.*’ Like many provincial attorneys, Salmon monopolised county administrative offices. In 1785 he served as Under- Sheriff of the county,** and in 1783 secured the lucrative position of Stamp Distributor for Wiltshire. In May 1793 he collected £1,150 of stamp duties, paying in £880 to the Stamp Office in July” and as Land Tax Commissioner was able to use public capital which lay in his hands for long periods. He acted as County Treasurer, Secretary of the Wiltshire Reform Association in 1780 and of the Association of Inhabitants for the Defence of the Kingdom in 1798. He was also Vice-President of the Wiltshire Agricultural Society, Clerk and Treasurer of the Improvement Commission,~’as well as Trustee of the Devizes Turnpike Trust,*! a proprietor of the Kennet and Avon canal and of the Wiltshire and Western Fire Assurance Society. There was, in consequence, little that escaped Salmon’s imprint. Devizes was an extremely loyal town and the Corporation showered King and Parliament with congratulatory addresses, all of which passed through Salmon’s hands, celebrating war and peace, royal marriages, births, and escapes from assassination. The reaction of Devizes was consistently swift. On George III’s recovery from illness in March 1789, the town featured among the first wave of addresses, which continued for three months, and in 1795, on the King’s escape from assassination, Devizes achieved ninth place in the country, assuring him of the ‘strongest Sentiments of Duty and Attachment to Your Majesty and veneration for the form of Government under which it is our happiness to live’. Three years later the Councillors were ‘deeply impressed with a Sense of the Importance of the Contest in which Your Majesty is engaged’ and promised to do their utmost ‘in giving effect to those measures which may promote the restoration of Peace’. In 1801 the Corporation congratulated the King on the peace of Amiens and contemplated with pride the achievements of his fleets and armies ‘which will render Your Majesty’s reign the boast and Glory of future Ages’. Victory at Trafalgar found the burgesses ever-anxious to evince their loyalty and appreciative of ‘the blessings showered upon them’.*’ These fulsome tributes, though bearing the signature of the current Mayor, were the work of William Salmon or of his son and partner, William Wroughton Salmon, for which they were paid handsomely. The Salmons were particularly busy during 1805-7, dealing with the building of the new Town Hall, journeying to meet the architect, Thomas Baldwin of Bath, drawing up contracts, attending meetings and ‘writing innumerable letters’, all of which earned them £74 13s. Lawyers often acted as stewards to landed estates, particularly useful for absentee landlords, who could not sustain the cost of a permanent resident steward. A 1761 manual on stewardship stressed the importance of honesty, integrity and knowledge of the law.** William Salmon II served as land agent to James Sutton, collecting rents and land tax payments, drawing up leases, supervising repairs and presiding over the manorial courts.°° Sutton’s long absences in London gave Salmon great control over business minutiae. He was prepared to haggle, for example, with the Bishop of Salisbury over the terms of Sutton’s purchase of Bishops Cannings Parsonage and consulted Henry Addington on a fair price.*° With the dissolution of the monasteries, the land upheavals of the 1640s and 1650s and the commercialisation of agriculture, land surveyors were emerging as a new profession, underaking mapping and valuation, but they were being overtaken in the field of estate management by lawyers who had the advantage of familiarity with leases, covenants, conveyancing and rent collection, as well as having closer links with the gentry. While Richard Richardson surveyed Sutton’s estate, also frequently acting as enclosure commisssioner, it was Salmon who enjoyed the more lucrative position as land agent.?’ While moving in prestigious circles, Salmon was also investing in real estate. Land, as well as being transferable and providing security for borrowing, was still the route to social acceptance and the most important source of political influence - ‘the great source of distinction among individuals’.°* Adam Smith commented how ‘merchants are commonly ambitious of becoming country gentlemen’. Government stocks offered better investment returns, but landownership was the basis for gentility, and the gateway to the magistracy. Henry Hunt claimed that ‘there was scarcely an attorney in the whole country that did not carry on the double trade of quill-driving and clod-hopping’.” There were many opportunities for Salmon to acquire property. When a debtor or mortgagee was forced to sell, the attorney was often given first refusal. Salmon made a good marriage in 1773 to the heiress of a recently deceased local baker,*! ‘with a fortune of five thousand pounds’.” Over the years, Salmon amassed land in Bishops Cannings, Coate, Potterne, Poulshot and Rowde. He bought the Queensberry estates at Urchfont, becoming Manorial Lord in 268 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 2. 17 Market Place. Home of Wadham Locke II. 1824. On his death, the estate was sold for two and a half times the purchase price.® By the early 19th century, William Salmon had succeeded James Sutton in the political control of the borough, a good example of vertical mobility. Salmon’s monument in St John’s church, Devizes rehearsed his ‘decisive character and powerful influence’. His hold over the town was continued, though on a lesser scale, by his son, William Wroughton Salmon, who inherited his positions as Town Clerk, Collector of Stamps and Treasurer of Wiltshire, and was much involved in the Kennet and Avon canal negotiations.™ Like his father, he married into a wealthy family, his bride being the daughter of leading Wiltshire clothier Daniel Clutterbuck. The younger Salmon was significantly described as ‘much abler and far more courteous than his father’.® Another dynasty of lawyers, the Lockes, resident in Wiltshire since the Norman Conquest, also prospered in Georgian Devizes. Descended from philosopher John Locke and from another John, a late 17th-century Devizes attorney, Wadham Locke I, who died in 1776, had two sons, the elder being Thomas, Norroy King of Arms, who had made his fortune as a West Indian planter and left £1,250 worth of Bank of England annuities in his will, besides other pecuniary bequests. The younger brother, Wadham Locke II, married Anne, daughter of banker James Sutton. Like William Salmon, Wadham Locke collected property, owning estates in Bishops Cannings and Seend and the manors of Orcheston St. George and Poulshot, as well as enjoying the fee farm rents of St Mary’s parish, Devizes, which his father had purchased from the Land Revenue Office (Figure 2).°’ He, too, was much involved in local affairs, being Clerk to the Lavington-Seend Turnpike Trust and the Devizes Trust,°? an Improvement Commissioner and a Land Tax Commissioner. Locke managed the estates of landowner Henry Wyndham, arranging purchases, drawing up leases, collecting rents and paying land tax.°? This relationship with a wealthy landowner did much to enhance Locke’s prestige as well as provide lucrative work. Both he and his brother Thomas appeared as armigerous Wiltshire gentry in Tunnicliff’s Jopographical Survey of 1791. Locke’s account book shows that he was following the late 18th-century trend of investment in the public and corporate funds. He had £2,000 in THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 269 Royal Exchange Assurance stock, which produced an annual dividend of some £150, as well as investments in Consols, Navy Stock, the London Dock Company, the Irish Tontine, and £200 worth of shares in the Kennet and Avon Canal Company. He also loaned money at 5% interest to Devizes Turnpike Trust and to private individuals, such as draper Edward Newman.” Locke bequeathed these investments and £3,000 to his wife, and £10,000 to be put in Government securities for his son.’”! Wadham Locke III was evidently wealthy enough to travel to France after the Napoleonic Wars, poet Tom Moore dining with him and his wife at their Paris hotel.” In 1803, when only 23, Wadham Locke III became senior partner in the bank of Locke, Hughes and Bannister, the following year serving as High Sheriff for Wiltshire. Campaigning for electoral reform, he stood as candidate in the parliamentary elections of 1818 and 1820, but was unable to dislodge the powerful combination of Estcourt and Pearse, though he later became one of the town’s first M.Ps elected after the 1832 Reform Act.” One of Locke’s banking partners, William Hughes, was descended from another attorney dynasty long established in the town. Solomon Hughes, who died in 1791, had been active in the county’s affairs, as a surveyor of the Ogbourne St Andrew enclosure, a Land Tax Commissioner and a trustee of several turnpikes. His son, William, was also prominent in public life, serving as Under Sheriff in 1795, County Clerk in 1800, Clerk to the Enclosure Commissioners” and Devizes Mayor in 1809 and 1820. He, too, was involved in land management, overseeing the estates of Nicholas Pearce at Heddington. Although Hughes’s influence did not rival that of Salmon, Marlborough solicitor John Ward respected his prestige and authority - ‘Mr Hughes stands high in his profession’.”” Attorneys played an important role in economic life, where most activities were bounded by legal processes, ownership, partnership, bankruptcy, probate and property transfer, all requiring legal sanction. Financial dealing therefore became an important part of an attorney’s practice where personal knowledge of local figures was most pertinent. Lawyers such as Salmon, Locke and Hughes were at the centre of many monetary transactions, acting as financial intermediaries on behalf of clients. Through Hoare’s Bank, Salmon drew bills on London firms such as Langston, Fludyer and Forster” and arranged the purchase of Consols and annuities and the payment of dividends. In 1793 he negotiated the payment of maltster Samuel Adlam’s dividend of £27 15s. 10d on his 1,853 new annuities.’””7In July of the same year, Salmon was intermediary for the transfer of 550 old annuities from Elizabeth Innes to Matthew Figgins.” Since the early 18th century, leading Devizes figures such as William Clare, John Garth, William Hughes (sen.) and Willy Sutton banked at Hoare’s and the pattern continued throughout the later Georgian period, with Thomas Estcourt M.P using the bank as a loan facility, borrowing £866 14s. 10d. in 1813.”? Salmon’s son-in-law, Rev. Arthur Coham, Archdeacon of Wiltshire, bought a £300 long annuity through Hoare’s Bank at 60.8% with 12.5% brokage, as well as 2% and 3% Consols.*” It is clear that among the elite, surplus wealth from trade and agriculture was being judiciously invested to provide income and that the resulting business was enhancing the power and influence of attorneys. Like the legal business, the medical profession also impoved its public reputation and social statusinthe - 18th century, with surgeons dissociating themselves from barbers, apothecaries metamorphosing into practising doctors and the Royal College of Physicians’ monopoly being eroded by the influx of able graduates from Leyden and Edinburgh, where lectures were integrated with clinical instruction in neighbouring hospitals. Scotland was the driving force in the emergence of the British medical profession, Edinburgh University providing a broad-based, low-cost school of medicine, training both physicians and surgeons, particularly relevant to Dissenters, who were excluded from the Royal College of Physicians. The spirit of the Enlightenment was spreading to medicine, with changing expectations of health and the conquest of pain and less emphasis on the spiritual meaning of suffering. In an increasingly health-conscious age, there was a ready clientéle for medical attention, and medicine, too, became affected by market forces. Thomas Trotter referred to ‘that inordinate desire for medicine which has frequently become of itself a disease’. He added that nervous diseases, generally found among the affluent, formed the most lucrative branch of medical practice.*! Some writers, such as G. Cheyne and T. Beddoes, believed that affluence itself produced ill-health. Robert Southey reported Lady Mary Wortley Montagu’s remark that ‘the English are more easily infected than any other people by the hope of a panacea, nor is there any other country in the world where such great fortunes are made by physicians’.® According to a writer in 1794, a doctor’s principal employment was with the middle class ‘clergymen, tradesmen, shopkeepers 270 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Trowbridge and people of similar descriptions’.*? This middle class was acquiring the surplus income to indulge in hypochondria. The frequency of newspaper advertisements for proprietary medicines and quack remedies reflected this medical interest. Sickness was endemic in 18th- century society and an increasing literature was devoted to health education aimed at the layman, such as John Wesley’s Primitive Physic (1747), which had gone through 23 editions by 1791 and William Buchan’s Domestic Medicine (1769). From 1731 onwards The Gentleman’s Magazine offered an extensive medical coverage with health enquiries and accounts of home cures. In the English novel, too, medical issues were much to the fore. The upper and middle classes were great medicine takers, both for illness and the prevention of disease. James Sutton’s letters to Addington frequently contain references to illness * while local farmer Thomas Axford carefully copied into his commonplace book remedies for gout and rheumatism from The Salisbury Journal. From the mid-seventeenth century, trade with the East and the New World had increased the availability of new drugs, such as ipecacuanha and jesuits’ bark, both of which became effective and popular. There was, therefore, a necessity for doctors to assert their superior skills against the competition of quacks, who worked through agents and advertisements, and an increasing market opportunity to satisfy the perennial demand for health care. Medicine increasingly took the form of a commodity and doctoring became a lucrative profession, expanding as part of the service industry. The Medical Register of 1783 listed one Devizes physician, Dr William Barwis, and six surgeons and apothecaries, more than any other Wiltshire town except Salisbury. Barwis, described as ‘an eminent physician’, had gained his M.D. at the specialist medical school at Leyden University in 1776, writing his thesis on venereal disease.* It is significant that Salisbury and Devizes were the only Wiltshire towns to attract Leyden graduates, reflecting the social cachet of the two communities. Doctors in the main Wiltshire towns are listed below. Table 1: Doctors in Wiltshire Towns 1783 Bradford-on-Avon 13 (& 5 at Salisbury Infirmary) 4 4 Source: The Medical Register 1783, passim. These medical men would treat patients from a far wider area than their own urban communities as improved roads facilitated paying rural calls. Many of Doctor Brabant’s patients resided between ten and twenty miles from Devizes, and he estimated that he was absent from the town on average two thirds of every day.*’ William Barwis attended Henry Hunt’s father at Enford ten miles away* and William Carr asserted that ‘the business of a country surgeon will greatly depend on his riding about much’.® The horse with its saddle bag of medicines became vital to the country practitioner. : As with attorneys, the practice tended to be hereditary and based on a 5-year apprenticeship. In 1812 Dr Brabant advertised for an apprentice ‘of respectable connections, a liberal education and correct morals’.” Two generations of the Clare family, John and his sons Robert and William, worked as surgeons in Devizes, John and William also acting as County Coroners over a span of seventy years.”! John Clare had been apprenticed for six years to surgeon Joseph Needham.” Surgeons were clearly well-equipped for their work. John Grant left surgical instruments, lances, saws and a sword in his will in 1715 > and although opportunities for major surgery were infrequent, surgeons would deal with burns, accidental injuries and abscesses, draw teeth and let blood. Dr Barwis was called in to treat James Sutton - ‘his operations are some of the mildest’ - and Henry ‘Orator’ Hunt testified to the skills of Robert Clare, member of the Royal College of Surgeons, who operated on his father’s gangrenous leg. A Bath surgeon, Mr Grant, called in to assist, commented ‘Mr Clare understands these matters as well as I do, and in fact as well as any in England’.” George Gibbes and his son Charles practised as surgeons, and apothecary Abel Filkes succeeded his father James. Similarly apothecary Yate Giffard was succeeded by his son James. During the 18th century apothecaries advanced socially from the ranks of tradesmen to professionals. From 1704 they enjoyed the legal right to give medical advice, so long as they charged only for medicines. As their fees were lower than physicians’, they rapidly gained custom. Adam Smith reported that ‘apothecaries’ profit is becoming a bye word’,”° THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 271 and Postlethwayte commented that the apothecary was ‘in great vogue of late years’.”” Like lawyers, apothecaries did not have to invest heavily in stock and in a market town they could earn about £400 a year. Apothecary John Allen left bequests totalling £2,500, besides two inns and three houses.” Referring to the three daughters of apothecary James Maynard, a friend wrote ‘If I had their fortunes, I would ramble all the world over’.” Although described as ‘the physicians of the lower classes of society ,'° apothecaries were by no means lacking in skill. Even though he consulted John Hunter in London,! James Sutton bought £3 6s. 6d. worth of apothecaries’ medicines locally in 1770-1771.” Abel Filkes was described as ‘a gentleman highly distinguished for his scientific and philosophical knowledge’.'° Devizes apothecary and coroner, William Waylen, was apprenticed at the age of 15 to Joseph Churton, a West End practitioner, attending 66 of John Hunter’s lectures and dissection classes at his Leicester Square medical school in 1791.!% Waylen would also probably have walked the wards of a London hospital. Thomas Gisborne admitted that ‘to possess the countenance of an eminent Apothecary is frequently of no small service to a Physician’. He might have known the patient for years and the pooling of information would be of mutual benefit to both doctor and apothecary.” But competition for custom inevitably developed among the doctors, who were quick to exercise publicity and entrepreneurial skills, as medicine became both business and profession. One of the town’s leading medical men advertised his services in 1794: William Jarvis, surgeon, apothecary and man- midwife, having completed his anatomical, hirurgical and medical studies under the most able professors in London, flatters himself thereby qualified to practise in the several branches of his profession.!” John and William Clare publicised their skill in the treatment of smallpox '° and George Gibbes announced that he had set up ‘a very convenient and well-furnished house within a mile of Devizes where he practises inoculation’.! Smallpox, the scourge of the 18th century, greatly increased the business of doctors and Devizes was ahead of some other towns in this respect. Samuel Taylor Coleridge had to come to Devizes, for example, to procure vaccine when smallpox appeared in Calne.!” Some practitioners had lucrative sidelines. Scottish surgeon Samuel Spalding was appointed doctor to the 2nd Battalion, lst Regiment of Foot in 1770 and John McCulloch to the 23rd Light Dragoons in 1781, while Charles Gibbes acted as surgeon to Devizes Bridewell.!!° Gibbes had been a partner of Joseph Needham, described as ‘the best man-midwife in the kingdom’.""! Childbirth was no longer an all-woman affair. The affluent middle class often preferred the services of a man-midwife, trained in anatomy and the use of forceps, to the amateur care of the local midwife, and delivering babies gradually became a staple of general practice. Frequently mothers died in childbirth and a successful delivery could signify a family of patients for life. To build up a clientéle, Erasmus Darwin, the leading medical practitioner of the day, thought a young doctor should ‘get acquainted with people of all ranks, appear in public at farmers’ ordinaries on market days, at card assemblies and at dances — and... appear to dress well, which money cannot be better laid out’.!'* The doctor, with his distinctive black coat, knee breeches, tie wig and gold-topped cane, became a familiar figure about the town, appearing at social events to both win patronage and distance himself from quacks. Like attorneys, medical men played an active role in town affairs as Thomas Gisborne advised.!3 Joseph Needham had been Mayor in 1733; George Gibbes was a J.P and served as Mayor in 1770, 1779 and 1787, also acting as Improvement Commissioner and ‘Turnpike Trustee, as did his son Charles, who became a Free Burgess in 1781. Doctors invested less in land than did attorneys, but, like them, lived in imposing houses in the town centre. The Clares resided in the stone-fronted Parnella House in the Market Place, furnished with the statue of Greek god of healing, Aesculapius, over the door. Like attorneys, too, doctors moved in the best circles. Thomas Gisborne claimed that the physician was ‘on a level , in the intercourse of common life, with the highest classes of society’.!'* Samuel Spalding was well connected, being described as James Sutton’s ‘Friend as well as Physician and his brother married Lady Brougham.!* An advertisement for a surgeon’s practice in Devizes in 1807 emphasised that the successful candidate would be ‘introduced to the first families in the neighbourhood’.””” Penelope Corfield has called the 18th century the century of urban merchants and professional men.!'8 In Devizes these groups comprised the political and economic elite, illustrating the fluidity of English society in the Georgian period. Law and Medicine became ladders of social advancement. 272 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 3. Brownston House. Home of John and Charles Garth and later Wadham Locke II. Professionals, by reason of their education, moved freely among the propertied classes, investing their surplus wealth in houses and land, at the same time fostering the development of the town as a service centre and contributing to the growing prestige of the middle class. This stable core of local gentry, business and professional families , forming some 4% of the population,!!” and becoming more outward-looking through their national investments and connections and their ownership of lucrative property, assisted the integration of rural and urban society, while their life styles generated greater economic growth. It was no accident that the finest houses in town were occupied by the Garths, Heathcotes, Lockes, Salmons and Suttons (Figure 3). They played an important role in establishing the conditions in which trade could flourish and helped to create the high summer of the Devizes economy. As W.G. Hoskins has remarked, ‘Men are as important in town development as geography’.!”° References 1. Memoirs of Henry Hunt written by himself (3 vols. 1820), Vol. 3, p.466. 2. James Sutton to Henry Addington, 17 Oct. 1774: D(evon)R(ecord)O(ffice), Sidmouth Papers, 152M/ c1774/F11. 3. WANHS Lib(rary)., Box 328, MS. 2605, George Slopers Diary. 4. B(ritish).LUbrary)., India Office Collections, L/ AG/14/5/20/1: East India Company Stock Ledger (A-K), 1774-1775. 5. R.H. Brabant, The Substance of the Speech addressed to the Burgesses of Devizes at the election of members of Parliament to represent the Borough in Parliament (Bath 1818), pp.12-13. Pearse did, however, own an estate at Chilton Foliat in north-east Wiltshire. 6. Charles Garth to the Duke of Newcastle Feb.1762: B.L., Add.MSS, 32934, f.243. 7. James Sutton preserved a piece of the incorruptible Mayor’s coat under a glass at his New Park mansion as ‘an edifying relic’: Devizes Advertiser, 401, 23 Nov.1865. 8. WANHS Lib., Box 200, Little Papers, MS.1883. 9. WANHS Lib., Box 328, MS. 2605, George Sloper’s | | | | | | | THE ELITE AND THE DYNAMICS OF POWER IN LATE GEORGIAN DEVIZES 273 10. JUTE 12: 13: 14. 5. 16. We 18. WY), 20. de 22. 23. 24. De 26. Dil. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34, 35, 36. 37. diary. B.L., Add.MSS.32907, £.459. B.L., Add.MSS.32934, f.243. J.Fortescue (ed.), Correspondence of King George III (6 vols. 1927-1928), Vol. 5, p.154. B.H. Cunnington, Annals of the Borough of Devizes, (2 vols., 1926) Vol. 2, p.24. Ibid, p.263. PD.G. Thomas, The House of Commons in the Eighteenth Century (Oxford 1971), p.229. Smith’s wife was the daughter of Nathaniel Gilbert, Judge and member of the Legislative Council of Antigua . L. Namier and J. Brooke (eds.), The History of Parliament 1754-1790; the House of Commons (1964), p. 483. G(entleman’s).M(agazine)., Vol.C, part 1, Fan.1830, p.85. B.L., Add.MSS 37836: Award of secret service pension to Charles Garth, n.d. Edward Eyles married Mary, widow of Hon.Governor Gumley and daughter of Sir John Witterong, Bart.; she died six months after the marriage. He died childless in 1792. S(alisbury) F(ournal), 2807, 26 March 1792. D(ictionaryof)N(ational)B(iography), Vol. TX, p.353. Lord Mayor of London 1710-1711. Governor of the Bank of England 1709-1711 , 1723-1725. A Reply to Mr Heathcote’s Letter , from an Honest Man (1762). T.Gisborne, An Inquiry into the Duties of Men in the Higher Ranks and Middle Classes in Great Britain (1794), p.585. John Figgins to Henry Addington, 16 May 1804: DRO, Sidmouth Papers 152M/1804/OZ 217. James Sutton to Addington, 9 June 1789: DRO, Sidmouth Papers 152M/1789/F59. DRO, Sidmouth Papers , 152M/c1804/OZ 216. G(loucester)R(ecord) O(ffice), D1571, F637, James Sutton’s will 1801. WANHS Lib., Box 328, MS.2605, George Sloper’s diary. GRO, 1571, F644, James Sutton’s accounts 1791- 1802. Wiltshireand)S(windon)R(ecord) O(ffice), 574/114, Survey of James Sutton’s lands 1788-1791. WSRO, 574/115, Memorandum Book of New Park land agent 1786-1897. WSRO, 248/120, Rent book of James Sutton’s estates 1775-1783. WSRO, 574/115, Land agent’s memorandum book 1786-1897. GRO, D1571 , F644, James Sutton’s accounts 1791- 1802. WANHS Lib., Box 186, Bradby Papers, MS.1756. WANHS Lib., W(ilthire)C(uttings) Vol.8, p.61. One of his progeny, Robert, was Manager and later Chairman of the Stock Exchange. 38. 39. 40. 41, 42. 43, 44, 45, 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. Sk 52} 3: 54. Spy 56. Syl 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. D.Marshall, English People in the Eighteenth Century (1956), p.52. J.Boswell, Life of Samuel Fohnson, (ed.) J.D.Fleeman (Oxford 1970), p.443. M.Postlethwayte. The Universal Dictionary of Trade and Commerce (2 vols. 1751), Vol.I, p.152. J.Ayres (ed.),Paupers and Pigkillers; the Diary of William Holland, a Somerset Parson (1986), p.151. Browne’s Law List 1780, passim. R.Campbell, The London Tradesman (1747), p.72. R.Robson, The Attorney in Eighteenth Century England (Cambridge 1959), p.82. WSRO, 1064/42; WANHS Lib., Wiltshire) C(uttings). Vol.2, p.176. WSRO, G20/1/24, Town land leasing minute books 1778-1807, 1803-1828. The committee for Borough leases even met at his house. WANHS Lib., Wiltshire) C(uttings). Vol.2, p.176 : ‘Reminiscences of St.Clair’. WANHS Lib., W(iltshire) C(uttings). Vol.3, p.26. Hoare’s Bank, Fleet Street, London, Ledger 46, (1793), p.327. Cunnington, Annals, Vol.2, p.166. WSRO, A1/205/1, Devizes Turnpike Trust deeds 1756-1785. London Gazette 1789, 1795, 1798, 1801, 1803, passim; Cunnington, Annals, Vol.2, pp. 9,11, 15, 18, 24. WSRO, G20/1/95, costs of Town Clerk 1798-1810. J.-Mordant, The Complete Steward or the Duty of a Steward to his Lord (2 vols.1761), Vol. 1, preface. WSRO, 574/115, Memorandum Book of Sutton’s land agent, 1786-1807. William Salmon to William Boucher, 21 May 1801: WSRO, Bishoprick 44/2. Richard Richardson was involved in the enclosure of Roundway, Stratton St. Margaret, Winterbourne Stoke, Allington and Westbury. J. Millar, The Origin of the Distinction of Ranks (1793), p.4. A. Smith, The Wealth of Nations, (2 vols., Everyman 1964), Vol.I, p.362. R. Huish, The History of the Private and Political Life of Henry Hunt Esq.( 2 vols.1835), Vol. I, p.282. WSRO, 2584/2, marriage settlement of William Salmon and Sarah Mortimer 1773. WANHS Lib., W.C., Vol.3, p.12. WSRO, 212B/6824, lease of Urchfont land 1824. WSRO, G20/1/95, costs of Town Clerk 1792-1810. WANHS Lib., W.C. Vol.2, p.176, ‘Reminiscences of St. Clair’. WANHS Lib., W.C. Vol.2, p.202; Thomas Locke’s will 1798. WSRO, 477/68, probate of the will of Wadham Locke I, 1778. SF, 2668, 27 July 1789; WSRO, Al1/205/1, Devizes Turnpike Trust deeds 1756-1785. WSRO, 727/2/9, Wyndham estate accounts 1695- 1802. WSRO 477/70, 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. oF. Vibe 93: 94. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE WSRO, 477/71, Wadham Locke’s accounts 1811- 1830. WSRO, 477/69, probate of the will of Wadham Locke IT 1799. J.Russell, (ed.), Memoirs, fournal and Correspondence of Thomas Moore (1860), p.259. WANHS Lib., W.C., Vol.2, p.182a. SF, 5023, 17 Feb.1800. John Ward to the 4th Earl of Ailesbury, 12 Oct.1793: WANHS Lib., Box 186, Bradby Papers., MS. 1756. Hoare’s Bank Ledger 43, (1792-1793), p.169. Hoare’s Bank Ledger 46, (1793-1794), p.327. Ibid. Hoare’s Bank Loan Book 1, 28 April 1813. Hoare’s Bank Ledger 54, (1795-1797), p.89. T.Trotter, A View of the Nervous Temperament (1807), pp. 104, 231. R.Southey, Letters from England (1807), p.293. T.Gisborne, An Enquiry into the Duties of Men in the Higher and Middle Classes of Society (1794), p.393. See, for example, Sutton to Henry Addington, 17 April 1786 : DRO, Sidmouth Papers, 152M/1786/F21 ; 30 July 1788, 152M/1788/F13. WANHS Lib., Box 93, MS. 1119, Commonplace book of Thomas Axford. SF, 2792, 12 Dec.1791; R.W.1.Smith, English Speaking Students of Medicine at the University of Leyden (1932), p.17. William Salmon to Henry Addington, 14 Sept.1815 : DRO, Sidmouth Papers 152M/1815/OZ. H.Hunt, Memoirs, Vol.1, p.116. Wellcome Trust Library, MS.5205, Diary of William Carr. SF, 3920, 30 March 1812. R. EK Hunnisett (ed.), Wiltshire Coroners’ Bills 1752- 1796, Wiltshire Record Society, Vol. 36 (Devizes 1981), p. xlix. C. Dale (ed.), Wiltshire Apprentices and their Masters 1710-1760, WANHS Records Branch, Vol.XVII, (Devizes 1961), p.31. WSRO, Cons.S, will 1715. James Sutton to Henry Addington, 5 April 1790: O58 96. OT: 98. 99! 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112. 113. 114. 115: 116. 72 118. Ltd: 120. DRO, Sidmouth Papers 152M.1790/F19. H. Hunt, Memozrs, Vol.I (1820), p.375. A. Smith, op.cit., p.100. M. Postlethwayte, op.cit., Vol.I, p.82. WSRO , Cons.S. Reg.5, f.235, 1742. Miss Mercy-Beata Mayo to Miss Lucy Mayo, n.d, quoted in C.H.Mayo, A Genealogical Account of the Mayo and Elton families (2nd edn. 1908), p.513. T.Gisborne, An Enquiry into the Duties of Men in the Higher and Middle Classes (1794), p.419 James Sutton to Henry Addington, 17 April 1786: DRO, Sidmouth Papers 152M/1786/F21. GRO, D1571, F641, James Sutton’s household accounts 1765-1791. SF, 4111, 8 Jan.1816. Waylen’s lecture notes are in the Apothecaries Hall Library, London. T.Gisborne, op.cit., p.49. SF, 2925, 30 June 1794. SF, 1602, 30 Jan. 1769. SF, 1592, 21 Nov. 1768. Coleridge to William Wordsworth 30 May 1815: E.L.Griggs (ed.), The Collected Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (Oxford 1959), 6 vols., Vol.4, p.571. The Medical Register 1783 SF, 2080, 20 April 1778. D.King-Hele (ed.), Letters of Erasmus Darwin (Cambridge 1981), p.207. Gisborne, op.cit., p.56. Gisborne, On the Duties of Physicians (1847 edn.), p.4. A. Goodenough to T. G. Estcourt, 4 July 1801: GRO, D1571, F210, letters on James Sutton’s death. WANHS Lib., W.C., Vol. 2, p.54. SF, 3685, 28 Sept. 1807. P Corfield, The Impact of English Towns (Oxford 1982), p.131. J. Ellis, The Cambridge Urban History of Britain (3 vols. 2000), Vol.II, p.691. W.G. Hoskins, Fieldwork in Local History (1982 edn.), p73: Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 275-287 Society, economy and sport in Wiltshire 1700-1914: some initial thoughts. by James H. Thomas Sport had an extensive and profound impact on English social and economic life during the period 1700-1914. This paper offers initial thoughts on how this relationship manifested itself in Wiltshire. Various facets of the relationship are examined, as are three key sporting activities. Consideration 1s also afforded to some of the sources local historians might consult to probe and assess that relationship still further. The discerning visitor to a Wiltshire country house library on the eve of the Great War could not have helped but be impressed by the eclectic range of books on display. Works on gardening and plants would have rested cheek by jowl with John Ruskin’s Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849), with Clarendon’s History of the Great Rebellion (1849), with Mary Ann Parker’s vivid account of her circumnavigation of the globe in the early 1790s, with J Stanier Clarke and John McArthur’s hagiographical two-volume biography of Horatio Nelson that appeared in 1809, with works by classical authors such as Livy, who wrote extensively on Rome, Gaius Suetonius who wrote on the first twelve Caesars and Marcus Tullius Cicero. There would also be tomes of poetry, some by Wiltshire’s famed son Stephen Duck (1705- 1756), who drowned himself in a fit of dejection, and there would be contemporary magazines such as the Annual Register, the Gentleman’s Magazine, the Illustrated London News and, from 1841, the mischievous Punch. The visitor would also notice volumes on sport, works such as British Rural Sports, penned by the pseudonymous ‘Stonehenge’, and in its seventh edition in 1867, which included a brief description of the Wiltshire greyhound, an animal that: showed a small, compact, and wiry frame, well suited to the long courses which were more often met with in former days than now, when small plantations have been formed expressly for the purpose of affording homes for the hares.” Next to that could be FW Hackwood’s Old English Sports (1907) with, as the title page gleefully indicated, ‘Six Coloured and Thirty-Two Half- Tone Plates from Old Prints’ which mentioned that Richard I had attempted to fix five locations for tournaments, one of them between Sarum and Wilton. And next to that could have been a copy of Baily’s Hunting Directory for 1913-1914, with diary, which had commenced publication some sixteen years before. Within the volume London bootmakers Flack and Smith advertised appropriate footwear for hunting, polo, shooting and skating, while Mappin and Webb, with London showrooms in three locations, advertised Sporting Trophies, Racing Cups and Bowls ‘of every description and at all prices’. Lewis Moses, ‘Military and Hunting Tailor’, offered ‘Pink Hunting Coats’ at 5 guineas, their grey counterparts at 3 and ‘White Hunting Breeches’ at £1 10s. Mrs. White, Ladies’ Hatter of Jermyn Street, S.W., could provide ‘Ladies’ Felt Riding and Walking Hats, Veilings, Net, Shetland and Motor Veiling’ and ‘Panama and Straw Hats’ in the latest shapes. School of Social, Historical and Literary Studies, University of Portsmouth, Milldam, Burnaby Road, Portsmouth, PO1 3AS 276 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE From this directory, the reader could also form a clear picture of hunting in Wiltshire. Thus the Wilton Hunt, founded by the 4th Earl of Radnor in 1869, wore a hunt waistcoat of ‘Dark blue Melton cloth’, kept their kennels at Wilton and rode to hounds on Mondays, Thursdays, and occasionally Saturdays. The entry also noted ‘No rules concerning motors, as few are in use’. The South and West Wilts Hunt stipulated that Evening Dress was ‘Red, white silk collar and facings, Hunt buttons’. Their kennels were at Sutton Veny and the closest railway stations were at Heytesbury and Warminster. The hunt met on Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays. The Avon Vale Hunt, founded in 1888, maintained kennels at Semington, the nearest stations being the Halt there and Melksham. Their evening dress included a stunning claret velvet collar, white facings and silver buttons. Of greater vintage was the Tedworth, founded in 1826 by Thomas Assheton Smith whose widow presented his 120-couples-strong pack of hounds to the country after his death in 1858. The V.W.H. (Cricklade) dated from 1886 and stipulated red evening dress with red velvet collar. Members hunted on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.’ Such a source, however, provided only part of a complex picture in the provinces. Given the wealth of publications on sport, the amount of sporting activity in Wiltshire, and the coverage of this in all sorts of recondite published sources, there is nevertheless apparently something of a strange contradiction. Until fairly recently one of the more neglected, or at least under-studied, dimensions of economic and social life in the country during the two centuries or so after 1700 has been sport. Only slowly have historians of various types come to realise just how important a role it had to play. It was not just about fitness and prowess, whether at individual, community or county level. Rather was it about a whole range of implications, connections and consequences. This was an age when cruel sports from an earlier age persisted, when sporting development was embraced enthusiastically by public schools, was linked to the armed forces and had an impact in innumerable ways upon England’s many and varied counties. From the wrestlers of Cornwall to the cricketers of Sussex and Kent, from the fishermen of Hampshire to the huntsmen of Leicestershire and Gloucestershire — change was in the air and this paper examines some of the ways in which Wiltshire was affected in consequence. Some key questions merit consideration. What were the social and economic implications of sport? What sporting activity was there in the county? What are the relevant sources to be utilised by the. local historian and how might they be used to best advantage? From archery to cycling, from wild fowling to cricket and football, from cockfighting to rifle shooting, there was something for everybody. Communities such as Bratton, near Westbury, enjoyed tennis from the early 1890s, the two leading local families, the Reeves and the Whitakers, organising tennis parties. Moves were made to lay down courts at some of the village’s larger residences, and a local tennis tournament was arranged.* At the same time, there was a growing interest in croquet, the Grand National Croquet Club holding the first open croquet championship at Evesham in 1867. Sports often accompanied other celebratory activities, such as Queen Victoria’s Jubilees in 1887 and 1897 and the Coronations of 1902 and 1911. Pupils at Lord Bath’s School at Horningsham, to the south-west of Warminster set up in 1844, enjoyed a half-day annual treat each August at the Vicarage, with tea on the lawn, swings and then a game of cricket.*> The founding of athletics, cycling and rowing clubs in the county in the 1880s and the construction of an ice rink in Swindon in the converted Corn Exchange by 1910 helped to show that there really was sport for all.° I The social and economic implications of sporting activity in Wiltshire can be grouped, for the sake of convenience, around seven key themes — social participation; organisation; literary and artistic dimensions; financial implications; law and order; transport improvements; the boost to economic growth. While it has to be admitted that some sports, such as fox hunting, were for the moneyed in society, it would nevertheless be wrong to view them as élitist and separatist. Others, most notably cricket and archery, made a positive contribution to the erosion of social barriers. While aristocrats ran their own cricket teams in the eighteenth century, knights played with yeoman farmers and women had a full participating role. Thus in 1768 at Aldbourne, near Marlborough, eleven married women took ona team of eleven spinsters, while in the following year eleven Wiltshire farmers played a team composed of their eldest sons. In 1783 a Westbury team played one from Devizes but were censured for ‘conduct unworthy of true players’. In September 1787 a team of married Marlborough men took on one composed of their single counterparts.’ | | RS —eeeEeEeEeeEeEeEeeeeeeee SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 Li, The development of the club approach and club mentality was particularly important between 1700 and 1914. There was, for example, the use of inns both as sporting venues and for meals provided afterwards, frequently referred to as an ‘ordinary’, the evening often being rounded off by spirited and liquor-induced singing on the part of those present. Sporting clubs were developed in the armed forces and by railway companies. The role and rise of stewards and the use of newspapers to advertise forthcoming events were not without significance. Wiltshire acquired cricket teams in market towns such as Warminster in 1800, Melksham in 1841 and Corsham in 1848. Smaller communities such as Purton, a few miles to the north west of Swindon, and Bulford, near Amesbury, could date theirs from 1820 and the 1830s respectively.’ By the turn of the 20th century villages such as Corsley, to the north east of Warminster, could support both cricket and football clubs.? Wroughton, in the north of the county, could boast a cricket team by the early 1860s and Wroughton Rovers Football Club, which was formed c. 1888.'° The range of sporting activity and the role of clubs is demonstrated for three key Wiltshire communities in Table 1 below: Table 1: Sporting Clubs and Wiltshire Communities 1885 1897 1910 188) [Sot cnveatieya 2 0 Ce ER 6 ace 2 ae Sources: V.C.H. Wiltshire, V1, p.142; TX, p.143; VIII, p.188. That Salisbury’s Athletics and Cycling Club had in excess of 300 members in 1897 and reading -and social facilities bears ample testimony to the significance of sport. So, too, does the fact that Swindon had no fewer than eleven athletics and cycling clubs in 1910. But sporting activity was not just about club activity. It also generated literary and artistic activity. It was but one remove from participating in sport to writing about it. As a result, there appeared a new sub-branch of literature in the form of handbooks, poems, illustrations, cartoons, memoirs, programmes and tradesmen’s calendars. Such material appeared in various forms ranging from Extracts from the Diary of a Huntsman (1838) to Hound and Horn; or the Life and Recollections of George Carter, the Great Huntsman (1885). Carter (1792 — 1884) hunted with the Duke of Grafton and rode with the Tedworth Hunt before retiring at the age of 73 to live in the village of Milton in Pewsey Vale.'! There was also the emergence of sporting journalism and writing. Here the examples of James Pycroft (1813-1895) and Francis Francis (1822-1886) could be cited. Pycroft was born at Geyers House in the village of Pickwick, the son of barrister Thomas Pycroft and his wife Mary. An Oxford education and four years of legal training at Lincolns Inn, led to his entering the church. He it was who was responsible for reviving the Varsity cricket match in 1836, though he was chiefly remembered as a writer. The Principles of Scientific Batting (1835) was followed by The Cricket Field (1851) which had run to nine editions by 1887. He also wrote cricketing articles on a regular basis.’ Francis, by contrast, was the son of a naval captain called Morgan, and had changed his name on inheriting property. Angler, author and journalist, he was angling editor of the Field, wrote extensively on fishing and was also a novelist.!? Newspaper accounts from the late 17th century onwards carried details of race meetings at Salisbury. From the 18th century there appeared accounts of cricket matches and archery contests, reports that were full of detail, and accompanied by extensive pertinent advertisements. Artists and cartoonists found new material. In 1829 Leicestershire-born John Ferneley (1782-1860), an animal painter specialising in hunting and racing scenes, journeyed from Leicestershire to Wiltshire to paint the Tedworth Hunt at Penton, while Thomas Assheton Smith had his portrait engraved. Ferneley, who painted shooting and stalking scenes, cattle and horse fairs, farm animals and dogs, specialised in hunters, hunt runs and meets of hounds, and was often called the ‘Gainsborough of English Horse- painters’. He had first met Assheton Smith in Lincolnshire and they became lifelong friends. The painting entitled ‘Thomas Assheton Smith and the Tedworth’, measured some 55” x 85” and was signed and dated 1829.'* Cricket matches were frequently the subject of paintings, while the wit of Punch was applied to any number of sporting activities. The development of sport was accompanied, of course, by extensive financial implications. Nearly all of Wiltshire’s sports, with the probable exception of fishing, involved the laying of wagers. Money changed hands regularly at cock and prize fights, at horse racing and coursing meetings and at cricket matches. Bookmakers were present at the sports element of Wroughton Feast, as were male and female participants. Backswording, involving 278 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE fighting with wooden staves, illegal in the 1850s, shin kicking and other sports led to wagers. This was an age of serious gambling.’’ Where money was not involved a prize would be offered, whether it was eleven pairs of gloves awarded to the winning team in a cricket match near Stonehenge in 1781, a bat worth £1 presented in a second match in the same location, a handsome cup awarded at Amesbury Coursing Meeting in 1828, or the smocks donated to winning participants in foot-races, as happened at the Marlborough Races in 1739.'° With large sums of money changing hands at most sporting venues, the criminal fraternity were attracted to such gatherings. Prizes, gambling and larger numbers of pockets to pick all acted as alluring magnets. There were, too, potential problems of crowd control and vandalism. At the same time, recruiting sergeants would attend the larger gatherings such as horserace meetings in the hopes of securing the services of capable, fit, and able young men to fight in faraway places such as Burma and New Zealand.” Transport improvements, particularly the coming of the railways, aided sport in various ways. The Great Western Railway opened its first cricket ground at Swindon in 1846. The Company’s Drawing Office had enough staff to field their own cricket team in the early 1900s.’ Development of railways also meant that special trains could be provided to take spectators to sporting venues, such as the Salisbury and Westbury races. By the same token, of course, they could also move the increasingly valuable racehorses. It became easier for both participants and spectators to move further afield, and this was to be an increasingly regular feature of country life. The hunting fraternity were catered for. It was little wonder that Baily’s Hunting Directory always listed the nearest railway station or stations in its details of individual hunts, given that the GWR had been issuing cheap-rate hunt tickets since the late 1860s. Hunters, their mounts, hounds and servants, if necessary, were all looked after.! Sports grounds and swimming baths were often provided by railway companies. At Swindon the GWR’s Medical Fund building, erected before 1908, included two swimming pools, the larger of which was ‘lavishly adorned with stained glass, colourful tiled walls, greenery and a first-floor viewing gallery’. For good measure the facilities included Russian and Turkish baths.” This, clearly, was railway paternalism in action and at its best. Sporting activities certainly provided a not. inconsiderable boost to Wiltshire’s economic growth. Incentives were clearly apparent for the catering trade, for innkeeping, for bakers and the hawkers of fruit, for the livery and equipment makers, as well as local building firms. The provision of refreshment booths round cricket pitches led to the development of cricket pavilions and later to football and racing stadia. The cricket pavilion at Purton was built c. 1854, but burnt down in the late 1890s. The rebuilt edifice cost £35.*! Of increasing significance over time were inns. In Wiltshire there were numerous inns with sporting names and associations, as Table 2 below indicates: Table 2: Wiltshire Inns and Sporting Names, 1867 Black Dog Black Horse Bustard Cock Cricketers Cricketers’ Arms Dog and Gun Falcon Fighting Cocks Fishes Fox and Hounds Greyhound Hare and Hounds Horse and Groom Horse and Fockey Nag’s Head Pheasant Stag Stag’s Head White Horse Total aN Ome RR —& BR WP KH KH WH BR FR BR RR Re eK Re SY BSS [o) Source: Kelly’s Directory of Wiltshire (1867), pp. 436-440. The Table shows that there were 48 Wiltshire inns with sporting names in 1867, though two should perhaps be viewed with caution — Black Dog and White Horse. As the county total for that year was 698, they represented only 6.87%, a not overly large proportion. In 1867 there was only one Wiltshire establishment called The Cricketers, run by E Pearce in Kingsbury Street, Marlborough, one called the Falcon run by R Wattleworth in New Swindon and three called The Greyhound.” Directories can also be used in another way, however, to demonstrate change over time and the relevant popularity of a particular sporting name. Table 3 below provides such evidence: SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 279 Table 3: Sporting Inn Names and Change over Time in Wiltshire | «(1823 | 1830 1183811848 | Se Sources: Pigot’s Directory (1823); (1830); Robson’s Commercial Directory of London and the Western Counties (1838); Post Office Directory (1848). The notion of change over time may be considered in another way too. How significant, for example, is it that the six key communities listed in an 1811 directory — Bradford-on-Avon, Chippenham, Devizes, Melksham, Salisbury and Trowbridge, included only a Black Horse at Devizes and Salisbury and a White Horse at Chippenham and Salisbury? And yet, by 1823 the situation had changed, as Table 2 above indicates. Sporting inns could be examined in another way too — their distribution by community. Are, as a result, any patterns evident? While inns were generating facilities, income and support from sporting activities it is important to remember that the provision of liveries for huntsmen and cups and trophies for competition purposes, as well as other sporting impedimenta, meant more work and a consequent contribution to Wiltshire’s economic expansion. Specialist equipment and taxidermy services were also required, though the local history of the latter has yet to be written. In Salisbury in 1867 Wiltshire’s only two fishing tackle dealers could be found — JW Forward in High Street and AH Gibbons in Bridge Street. In that same year Henry Turner, based in High Street, Marlborough, was an archery dealer, gun engraver and gun maker, one of eleven to be found in the county, and, almost for good measure, ran a cricketing warehouse.”? There were also to be found in Wiltshire at that time seven animal and bird preservers in Salisbury, Chippenham, Devizes, Warminster and Swindon. By 1880 their number had fallen by one, while the archery dealer was no more and the cricket warehouse had been taken over by Charles Brampton.” New sporting trends were becoming apparent with the mention of bicycle and tricycle manufacturers — two in Salisbury, one of whom, Grimshaw Greenwood, was described as ‘sole agent for Salisbury for all the leading Coventry makers’. There was one in New Swindon, and two in Trowbridge, one of whom was Edwin Tranter, described as ‘inventor and manufacturer of the “Leopold” tricycle by special permission of HRH Prince Leopold’.” Quite clearly, therefore, sport acted as a great economic fillip and incentive to developments in Wiltshire. And this becomes even more apparent if some of the sporting activity is examined in greater detail. Il Archery, cricket and horseracing can be selected for rather more detailed examination. Ancient in origin and linked to the idea of responsibility for defence of the homeland, archery enjoyed a 19th- century revival, particularly in the 1830s and 1840s. Ladies were encouraged to participate and Grand National Archery Meetings were held at York from 1844 onwards. The Prince Regent’s interest in such activity certainly encouraged clubs. That at Salisbury, for example, known as the ‘Old Sarum Archers’, was flourishing by the late 1780s. The Salisbury Fournal reported two meetings in 1792: On Thursday the Old Sarum Archers shot their Annual Target, when Mr. Crane as best shot was declared Captain of the Target for the ensuing year. The first or gold medal was won by Mr. Rodbed, and the second or silver medal by Mr. Wyche Junior. *° In September members shot for their autumnal target: On Saturday last, the society of Old Sarum Archers shot their autumnal target. The gold medal for the best shot was won by Mr. Ogden and the silver medal for the next best shot by Mr. Crane, who was presented therewith by the Countess of Radnor, their patroness. Mr. Ogden and Mr. Crane were also declared Captain and Lieutenant of Numbers. Much genteel company attended, for whom a cold collation was provided, and they were also regaled by the band of music belonging to the Earl of Radnor’s regiment, which he very politely ordered to attend on the occasion.”’ On 16 August 1793 their annual competition took place: On Friday last, the Birthday of His Royal Highness the Duke of York, the Old Sarum Archers had their Annual Target for a Gold and Silver Medal. The contest for the first prize rested for upwards of two hours and a half between Mr. Goldwyer and Mr. Ogden, and was at last won by Mr. Goldwyer; the silver medal was won by Mr. Wyche. The Archers 280 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE afterwards dined together at the Parade Tavern; several respectable gentlemen of the Close dined with them and the day was spent in harmony, festivity and loyalty. One of the stewards on this occasion was John Wyche, a former East India Company captain who had skippered the Salisbury and who, subsequently, had become a wine merchant in Winchester Street, Salisbury. He had three sons, one of whom won the prize in 1792 and again in the following year.” Goldwyer belonged to a family who lived in the Close at Salisbury, while Mr. Ogden was Thomas Ogden, a partner in the Salisbury and Shaftesbury Bank. Part of the sport’s subsequent revival and popularity was explained by Queen Victoria’s participation. George Hansard’s work The Book of Archery (1841) appeared replete with a pertinent royal portrait.’ But Salisbury was not the only Wiltshire community to boast of having an archery club. In the early 1870s Purton possessed one which shot on the old cricket ground for that decade at least, if not longer.” While one of the hallmarks of early Wiltshire cricket was organisation, so that a Salisbury team could defeat their Wilton counterparts on Salisbury racecourse in August 1775, there was more to cricket than simple community loyalty. Aristocratic promotion of cricket teams meant that there was ample opportunity for political discussion and ‘arrangements’ as Tim McCann’s extensive researches on the experience of Sussex have shown so clearly.*! That the rules of cricket were defined and redefined in 1754, 1774 and again in 1775, points to the game’s growing popularity. The role of community loyalty is illustrated via the chronology of cricket and Wiltshire communities as tabulated below: Table 4: Cricket and Wiltshire Communities, 1770-1830 [Amesbury _[1826 [Pewsey _—_—([1823 Bucklebur 1822 |Salisbury _—‘|1775 1776 |Shrewton _[1826 Marlborough Mere Sources: J Goulstone, Early Club and Village Cricket (1973), n.p.; J Major, More than a Game: The Story of Cricket’s Early Years (2008 edn.), pp. 116-117; VC.H. Wiltshire, IV, p. 378. With twenty-one county communities playing. by 1830, cricket’s popularity was evident. By 1798 Wiltshire had raised a county side which defeated a team from Bath in a game played near Devizes and in 1835 Wiltshire took on Hampshire. But ambitions took some teams even further, eighteen players from the South Wiltshire Club in Salisbury defeating an All England team by the slender margin of just three runs in 1854. Five years later an All England team took on twenty-two of Devizes Cricket Club and won by a much more substantial three wickets. Other matches were played in 1870, 1886 and 1889. By the time that the second of these happened, the last logical step had been taken, in 1881, with the formation of Wiltshire County Cricket Club.” Subscribers in 1894 were various, both in their social standing and their level of subscriptions, which totalled £201 15s. A Viscount, a Marquis anda judge contributed, as did Chippenham Cricket Club with a guinea, the Bishop of Salisbury and Swindon Rangers Cricket Club with a like sum and brewers J.L. Usher and Co. with double that amount.*? This was a far cry indeed from the situation of 1774 when a team of Marlborough tradesmen had defeated their Devizes counterparts on Beckhampton Down.** The cricket experience of Purton dating from 1820 can be examined in some detail. During its first fifty years there was a strong clerical element among the players. In a match against a team from Bath in July 1834, players included Reverend William Carter, while members in 1855 included eight vicars. From its origins in a twenty-a-side team which took on Stratton near Dorchester in the early nineteenth century, Purton became a rather more refined team, playing Marlborough College late in August 1849, losing by thirteen runs. In 1852 Purton team members joined some from Hungerford to take on William Clarke’s travelling All-England XI. Among Purton’s key cricketers was EH Budd who had commenced playing at Lord’s nearly half a century before and was ‘one of the leading amateur batsmen of the day’. Purton fielded a Youth team in 1857, survived a period in the doldrums in the 1880s and emerged successfully in the following decade thanks to the efforts of John Brown and Thomas Hastings, both keen cricketers, who had retired to the community.* In some ways Purton’s club, unlike its early counterparts in Hampshire, Kent and Sussex, was socially divisive and exclusive. Amongst the teams for the 1834 match against Lansdown were solicitors AS Crowdy of Swindon and James Pratt of Wootton Bassett and Giles Daubeney, rector of Lydiard SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 281 Tregoze. Later a Swindon doctor, a Newbury banker and an assortment of vicars were to play in the team.*° Details are also available of the social composition of The Wiltshire Wanderers’ Cricket Club, formed at some point before 1864. Their Rules and Membership List as at June 1871 provides a fascinating insight into contemporary mores. Their President was Lord Methuen of Corsham Park and the Captain, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer was Captain Winterscale of the Manor House, Great Cheverell, near Devizes. Rule number two read that ‘none but Wiltshire gentlemen be eligible as members’, while number six stated that there would be a 5s. annual subscription. Any member consenting to play and failing to do so without giving the Secretary two clear days’ notice would be fined 10s., whilst failure to wear the club shirt, cap or ribbon would lead toa fine of half that sum. Membership at this time totalled 103, with some families being heavily represented. Thus there were five members of the Awdry family, three from the Goldney and two each from the Merewether, Methuen and Phipps clans.*” With a liberal sprinkling of Reverends and ‘Honourables’, they were a far cry indeed from the early players at Hambledon in neighbouring Hampshire. While some communities such as Pitton, Farley and East Grimstead to the east of Salisbury took a fairly leisurely approach in their cricketing encounters from the 1830s onwards,* others did not. They clearly played to win. Corsham Cricket Club was set up in 1873, that of Trowbridge two years later and Swindon Great Western Railway six years after that. During the two decades after 1864 Corsham built up a commanding cricketing position and headed the Wiltshire Cricket League soon after its formation in 1895.*? But cricket was also important at village level in Wiltshire, as has been shown already. Bratton Cricket Club’s account book between 1896 and 1904 is particularly revealing. Located to the north-east of Westbury, Bratton was very active when it came to sport. Fundraising ventures for the Club included concerts, comic songs by Willie Brinkworth from Chippenham raising £3 Is. 2d. on one occasion. Club subscriptions were collected from honorary members such as the vicar and local M.P. Members paid ls. each, the funds so raised being used for equipment purchases, for a pitch and 6d. for hiring the Jubilee Hall for their requisite A.G.M. In 1897 provisions for the ‘Royal Artillery Match’ cost 3d. Cricket could, however, be dangerous, one entry reading ‘Doctor’s Bill for sewing up Harvey Smith’s chin cut open at Heytesbury, 4s.’ In 1903 subscriptions rose by a worrying 50%, from ls. to ls. 6d.*° Improvements in transport, particularly with the coming of railways, permitted clubs to extend their range of cricket fixtures, while also enabling spectators to travel further in support of their teams. Horseracing, the sport of kings, has a long and distinguished pedigree in Wiltshire dating back to races at Salisbury in 1585. Henry, 2nd Earl of Pembroke (1534?-1601) allegedly started the Salisbury races, putting up a golden bell worth £50 which was to be competed for on an annual basis.”! By the mid-1670s there was full organisation at Salisbury, as a copy of the London Gazette made clear in January 1674: March the Twenty-nineth, being Mid-Lent Sunday, the Week following there will be Three Plates run for at Salisbury, one of £60 for Twelve Stone Heats; another of £50 Ten Stone, the four mile Course; and a third of £30 for Geldings and mares over the four mile, Ten Stone: And the same week there is a Plate or two more for Hunting Horses.” The races were instituted in their format in 1722. To date, eleven locations have been noted for meetings, ranging from Cricklade to Fonthill Down, from Chippenham to Devizes, details of which are set out below: Table 5: Horseracing Venues in Wiltshire Burderop 1811 -— 1831 Chippenham 1808 — 1816 Cricklade 1814-1818 Devizes 1835 — 1838 Everleigh 1669 — ? Fonthill Down L773 Highworth 1729 Marlborough 1730 — 1873 Mere 1733 -? Salisbury 1585 — present Westbury ?-—? Sources: VC.H. Wiltshire, IV, pp. 379-382; W.A.N.H.S. Library, Box 44, MS. 478, Diary of Goddard Smith. Salisbury Corporation provided money for prizes and royal support certainly helped to popularise the sport, especially after George II increased the number of royal plates awarded for horseracing in 1752. The meeting at Salisbury was a 3-day event, as an 18th-century directory explained: The races are commonly held in the month of August, and continue three days; they are attended by a numerous and brilliant assemblage 282 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE of company. In the evening of each day, there is a concert or ball at the assembly-room.* The meeting for 1789 took place between 12 and 14 August. On the first day the King’s Plate was run for 100 guineas. On the second day the City Plate was run for horses carrying ten stone and the Members’ Plate which had prize money of £50 for all ages. On the third day there was a £50 prize for horses that had never previously won that value. Gentility was in evidence: There was much company on the course each day, and the weather being exceedingly fine, the sport afforded great pleasure. There was a very genteel assemblage of company each evening at the Assembly room, particularly at the ball on Friday, which was opened by the Honourable Mr. Bouverie and Miss Long.” Mr. Hill, a Bath hairdresser, attended meetings at both Salisbury and Blandford to dress ladies’ hair, promising that ‘Those Ladies who please to honour him with their commands may depend on punctuality.” The riff-raff and criminal fraternity were also, inevitably, in attendance, causing race Steward, Sir James Tylney Long Bt., to warn that while cords and locks on the course had been cut and damaged, guilty parties would be ‘prosecuted as the law directs, and the informer handsomely rewarded’.*® But horse races were certainly good for local business. Interesting questions suggest themselves about some aspects. In the pre-railway age, for example, how were the horses actually moved over the not inconsiderable distances between courses? When Thomas Turner, shopkeeper of East Hoathly, Sussex went to the popular Lewes races in August 1764 with his ill-tempered friend George Banister, an excise officer, he noted that “His majesty’s purse of £100 was run for’. This was a two-horse event between ‘Cyclops’ and ‘Cyrus’, Turner noting that the latter had ‘won the King’s Plate at Salisbury’.*’ How had the horse been moved to Lewes? Over time the church grew concerned about those attending horserace meetings, as the journal kept by the Reverend T Holt made abundantly clear. In 1882 Bishop George Moberly of Salisbury appointed him as missioner to the drovers, gypsies, hawkers and showmen in south Wiltshire and Dorset — the itinerant members of his large spiritual flock. On the evening of 17 May he went to Salisbury racecourse: Found upon the Course Card sellers, Waiters, Loafers and men who attend races. Every thing was remarkably quiet. The men I met upon the ground were in a very communicative mood and seeing this I entered into earnest conversation with them about things temporal & spiritual and obtained a good hearing in all cases. Buoyed up by his reception, Holt decided to return the following day ‘armed with a plentiful supply of good Tracts’. That day’s experience, however, was rather different: I saw a fearful amount of drunkenness, heard a frightful amount of profanity, oaths and curses both loud & deep and witnessed some of the worst cases of cruel reckless driving on the road that I have ever seen anywhere. There were some who asked if he was ‘one of the Salvation Army... and by whose authority I appeared upon the Course’.*® Entertainment in various forms invariably accompanied race meetings, in many instances to attract rural spectators, and occasionally personal glimpses are possible. Marlborough races, held between 1730 and 1873, were distinguished by meals, dances and by backsword and singlestick playing. Goddard Smith of Tockenham, some six miles from Calne, visited the meeting in 1730, 1732 and 1733. On his first visit he noted ‘abundance of company’ and ‘went to the ball at night danced late’. Dining and dancing featured in his other two visits, though on the third he commented that he ‘was driven in by wet at the Mermaid’. In September 1729 he had gone to the meeting at Highworth, just a few miles from Swindon, noting that ‘Sir Thomas Reynolds horse won £20 plate’. Smith enjoyed many sporting interests from 1713 onwards. In that year he had gone toa cock match at Ramsbury, near Hungerford. He went after partridges with a net and dog, kept beagles and went hunting and frequently visited Fastern Bowling Green, crowing triumphantly in 1729 that he had won 8s.” Perhaps, however, because Parliament had attempted to ban cudgelling in 1740, the sport had remained popular in the county. At the Bell Inn, Great Cheverell, there were cudgelling contests in 1751, with three-guinea prizes on each occasion.” ‘When a man has broke two heads he must get off the stage, and fresh men must mount’ stated the inn’s announcement. At Stapleford the Pelican was the venue for Whitsun Games in the 1760s. Winners of backsword fighting, footraces and | | | SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 283 wrestling were each rewarded with silver-laced hats. Cudgel-playing, particularly dangerous, could result in death. As a precaution, Messrs. Edwards and Neant were prohibited from taking part in the 1757 meeting by the landlord of Warminster’s Weymouth Arms. Cudgelling and backsword could also be a team event; Wiltshire and Somerset teams faced each other at Corsley Hill Fair and at the races at both Wells and Marlborough, certainly right up to and during the 1760s. Backsword contests took place at Salisbury in 1787 and in Devizes two years later, with a note that at the latter ‘Great encouragement will be given to good players’.*! In the autumn of 1809 a four-man Wiltshire team took on their opposite numbers from Hampshire at ‘A match at single stick’ at which a ‘very numerous company’ attended. In 1814 singlestick at the Hampshire market town and small port of Fareham attracted players from Hampshire, Somerset and Wiltshire. The last great backsword bout took place in 1841, between brothers James and Thomas Edwards, at Swindon, to celebrate the opening of the GWR line to the town.” In some cases the race meetings were also accompanied by cruel sports that involved animals suffering. At South Newton, the Bell’s landlord offered fat geese as prizes on Whit Monday in 1764. ‘He who rides his horse at a gallop and pulls the head of the goose off, shall be entitled to the goose’ he informed local newspaper readers. Throwing at cocks, usually performed on Shrove Tuesday, was close to being banned. Bull-baiting persisted, frequently being associated with urban communities, though not exclusively. Thus Marlborough races was one venue for such activity in 1756, and South Newton was another, while it still went on at Devizes in the late 1760s. At Swindon it was dying out by the early years of the nineteenth century, though the arrival of the Wiltshire and Berkshire canal to the community occasioned a short-lived revival. Cock fighting was another sport that continued, possibly because of aristocratic promotion and the placing of not inconsiderable wagers on the outcome. Inns and country houses were frequently the venues with ‘return matches’ being the norm. In March 1738 Viscount Weymouth and Sir William Napper fought a ‘great cock match’ with a return at Mere’s Ship inn two months later. Lord Craven and William Willoughby engaged in a similar match at Salisbury in the following year. Once again there were also ‘county’ sides, the gentlemen of Wiltshire taking on those of Dorset in 1750 at Dorchester’s Antelope. Betting, aristocratic and gentry involvement helped to underscore and ensure the longevity of such sporting activity.” Where there were race meetings there were likely to be pickpockets, sometimes legion in number. Training establishments were also often to be found nearby. These in themselves created employment, from their building to staffing and generated extra income for Wiltshire. The most notable of these training establishments were at Everleigh, Beckhampton House and at Manton House near Marlborough, and at Wroughton. Everleigh, located at a high altitude, offered a sound site for racehorse training. In the 19th century stables were attached to the local Crown inn, producing Manifesto, the Grand National winner of 1897 and 1899. A few years later, in c. 1903, other training stables were built near the village. Built by Alec Taylor in 1870, the Manton House stables had by 1894 won ten classics with locally-trained mounts, including the 1875 St. Leger, run at Doncaster from 1776 onwards, and the Derby at Epsom in 1878. In 1902 Taylor handed over his establishment to his namesake son. The sporting pursuits of Mr Calley of Burderop Park led to the development of Wroughton as a training centre for racehorses. Of particular note here was William Leader, who between the 1890s and 1906, trained twenty or more horses for both steeplechasing and the flat. Employment was provided for approximately 100 stable lads from the village, the benefits for Wroughton being obvious.”’ Ill And what of the sources that can be of use in reconstructing Wiltshire’s sporting history? What are they and how can they be used? What is important to note here is that they are both extensive and diverse in nature. Contemporary files of newspapers are full of both advertisements and news items regarding sporting activity in the county, stretching back, with the London Gazette, to the late Stuart period. Detailed newspaper advertisements, such as those produced for pigeon shooting and horseracing in the 1830s, are typical and should be researched and analysed for their detailed information. So, too, should illustrations such as that of a cricket match in full swing near Stonehenge in the 1820s. Memoirs and reminiscences form another useful source. Typical were those of trainer Sam Darling, published by Mills and Boon in 1914. Early in the work the author recalled moving into Wiltshire in the autumn of 1880 and purchasing Beckhampton. The stable had room 284 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE for 58 horses, which necessitated the employment of thirty boys, ‘beside heavier men living outside’.°® Cartographic evidence in various forms could also be analysed; of particular value are Glebe Terriers, frequently accompanied by maps, and the many tithe maps of the 1830s and 1840s. Later editions of large scale Ordnance Survey maps could also be put to good use. Equally as valuable are sources produced by other agencies. Churchwardens’ accounts form one source, as exemplified in the experience of Mere. The south wall of the parish church tower was once known as ‘great fives place’, the north wall as ‘little fives place’ and the west windows of the aisles as ‘fives place windows’. Thus in 1691 appeared the entry ‘for casting the earth abroad in the Fives place’. In 1705 two entries read ‘sold to Philip Strong junior the whole intire seat under the little Fives place window for his life and paid the same 2/-’ plus ‘paid for mending the fives place windowe, 4/-’.°? When the churchwardens grew tired of repairing broken windows, the game migrated to the nearby Angel Inn, at the rear of which was built a Fives Court which lasted until the late 1870s.™ Ecclesiastical records can also be put to good use in other ways as well. It is by this means, for example, that the pre-1700 picture of cricket in Sussex has been so deftly assembled.*! Diaries, correspondence, travel accounts and topographical verse, whether in manuscript or published form, could also be used as additional information sources for reconstructing Wiltshire’s sporting history. Published commercial directories, while flawed in terms of coverage until the mid-1840s by virtue of payment for inclusion, are nevertheless of great value for the history and impact of sport in the county. Greater use could be made of obituary notices appearing in earlier numbers of this learned journal. That for June 1898 carried details of Henry, 18" Earl of Suffolk. He had served as MP for Maimesbury and a county JP and Councillor, was a keen sportsman, a Jockey Club member and a writer on sporting subjects. A year later appeared the notice for Reverend WH Awdrey, curate and then rector of Ludgershall between 1862 and 1899. A keen huntsman he was also an excellent shot, ardent angler, accomplished athlete and adept at the ‘noble art of self-defence’.” Here is a key source that could be mined much more thoroughly. IV Two developments in particular in the 19th century changed perceptions, participation and evidence regarding sport in Wiltshire — the coming of the railways and the development of the camera. Allusion has already been made to the ability of the former to move large numbers of people to sporting events such as horseracing meetings. As an example, Epsom occasioned the building of two stations — Epsom Downs in 1865, with eight platforms, and Tattenham Corner, opened in 1901, with six. But they could do more as well. While they could take visitors to flower shows, railways could also transport horses to communities such as Dauntsey on the line to Malmesbury ready to be ridden to the Duke of Beaufort’s hunt and for polo matches. They could also enable players and spectators to move to playing locations. The 1906 official guide to the Great Western Railway described Warminster as ‘the nearest station for the twelve holes course of the West Wiltshire Golf Club’.“ By the same token the camera, ungainly when first developed, but of box proportions by the time of the Boer War in the 1890s, permitted the creation of a permanent visual record of sporting activity. Thus the Wroughton footballers stare fixedly at the observer back over time, while providing local photographers with a new lucrative sideline. ® They were themselves part of a wider, more complex picture. Despite alleged early origins in Wiltshire at Bishops Cannings in the late 16th and early 17th century, the traditional free-for-all Shrove Tuesday football match survived in only a few places. With its mayhem, injury, destruction and fatalities, it had also enraged the zealous Puritans of the 17th century. Recognisable football in Wiltshire started in 1864 with Holt, a small community near Trowbridge, having the first organised club. Wiltshire County Football Association was founded in 1884 and by 1900 leagues representing Swindon and District, Salisbury and District, Wiltshire, Trowbridge and Devizes District, and Chippenham and District had all become affiliated to it. Chippenham Football Club was formed in 1873 and Trowbridge Town Football Club some seven years later. By comparison with some other sports, however, football was not socially divisive. At the end of the 19th century Wroughton could field no fewer than four teams — Wroughton, Wroughton Rovers, Wroughton Temperance Football Club and Wroughton Casuals. Ordinary local people were able to play together against other local teams. At the Great Western Railway’s nerve centre of Swindon, for example, at least one football team was turned out regularly and it was Swindon that, in 1881, provided Wiltshire’s first professional SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 football team, setting up a Rugby Club fourteen years later. Local sporting heroes were to become new figures of adulation in society. 285 2. Masters of Wiltshire Hunts a. Avon Vale 1888-1895 Captain J Spicer More thought could perhaps be given to 1895-1899 George L Palmer, Esq individual sporting benefactors in Wiltshire. One 1899-1912 Duke of Beaufort such man was William Henry Laverton (d. 1925), 1912-? JSH Fullerton, Esq who generously provided Westbury with swimming b. South and West Wiltshire baths in 1887, public gardens a decade later and a 1868-1882 Colonel Everitt cricket ground.*’ While sporting activity was clearly 1882-1890 Captain Helme advancing in Wiltshire, there were some elements 1890-1894 JEM Martin — : ; : 1894-1898 Henry W Harris that were peculiar to the county. At Colerne, six miles 1898-1900 Pee iooere north-east of Bath, there persisted, according to John 1900-190] Riis eh. Aubrey, a rather unusual sport called ‘Stobball’: 1901-1902 Lord Heytesbury 1902-1903 Lord Heytesbury & Major Jackson They smite a ball, stuffed very hard with quills 1903-1909 Major Jackson and covered with soale leather, with a staffe, 1909-1910 Col the Hon WP Alexander commonly made of withy, about three feet and a 1910-1911 Richard Bower halfe long. Colerne-down is the place so famous 1911-1913 Lord Stalbridge and so frequented for stobball-playing. The turfe is very fine, and the rock is within an inch and a c. Tedworth halfe of the surface, which gives the ball so quick 1858-1879 Marquis of Ailesbury, with a rebound. A stobball-ball is of about four inches committee diameter, and as hard as a stone. I doe not heare 1879-1882 Sir Reginald Graham that this game is used anywhere in England but 1882-1885 Hon P Wyndham in this part of Wiltshire and Gloucestershire 1885-1888 Mr F Vaughan Williams adjoining.® 1888-1899 Mr CP Shrubb 1899-1906 Mr Yorke Scarlett It would seem, therefore, that the author of a 1906-1907 Mr J Willis Fleming late 17th-century manuscript was correct in posing 1907-1908 Mr Henry Connop the question ‘Where can any pleasure in walking, 1908-1911 Captain Faber fishing, bowling, playing at cricket or stop-ball, or wenipeur Cape aie in any feild (sic) sports such as Coursing, Setting, Mee OowalCH Riley Shooting, Running or such as before named, be d. VWH. Cricklade taken with that ease, cheapness and satisfaction as 1886-1888 Mr CAR Hoare in Wiltshire?’.® 1888-1910 Mr T Butt Miller 1910-? WF Fuller, Esq A di e. Wilton Hunt ppendix 1869-1883 4th Earl of Radnor Wiltshire Hunts in 1913 1884-1887 Lord Somerton 1887-1890 13th Earl of Pembroke 3 ; 1890-1897 5th Earl of Radnor 1. U.K. Hunts in 1913: the national context 1897-1900 Walter da P Cavcnove 1900-1903 H Curtis Gallup epee 1903-1913 Capt HA Cartwright D : eae eee oot Harriers and A Rena 1 177 Otterhounds bea ae ee val 2 taghounds Peale ee eer 6 pee ey eae Total | S491 aD Harriers OSS ase a lal? 19 or 16 Source: Baily’s Hunting Directory 1913-1914 (1913), xxxv, 30-31, 132, 140, 146-148. Endnotes 1 This is an expanded version ofa paper presented to the Wiltshire Local History Forum Annual Conference 286 ‘oO CON OD 10 1] 12 13 14 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE at Devizes on 9 October 1999. I am obliged to those present for their comments and criticisms. ‘Stonehenge’, British Rural Sports (7th edn. 1867), 190. Bishopstone, near Salisbury, was well known for greyhound breeding in the 19th century, several of the large farms going in for this ‘in quite a professional way’: E. Gallop, Bishopstone: A History of the Farms, Houses and People of a South Wiltshire Village (1988), Sie Baily’s Hunting Directory 1913-1914 (1913), 146-147; 147-148; 30-31; 132; 140. M. Reeves, Sheep Bell and Ploughshare: The Story of Two Village Families (1978), 157-158. http://www.wiltshire.gov.uk/community/getschool. phd?id=1041, accessed 23 October 2008. V.C.H. Wiltshire, V1, 142; IX, 133. VC.H. Wiltshire, IV, 369, 378. Ibid. M.D. Davies, Life in an English village: An Economic and Historical Survey of the parish of Corsley in Wiltshire (1909), 281. Wroughton History, pt 3 (1986), 21. Some literary endeavours were quite ingenious, such as that penned by Thomas Smith of Hill House, Hambledon, Hampshire entitled The Life of a Fox written by himself (1843). http://www.oxforddnb.com.view/article/22915, accessed 23 Oct 2008. http://www.oxforddnb.com.view/article/15790, accessed 22 Oct 2008. He is commemorated in a medallion portrait on a white marble slab in Winchester Cathedral: J. Vaughan, Winchester Cathedral: Its Monuments and Memorials (1919), 180. Francis could be contrasted sharply with John Mytton (1796-1834), sportsman and eccentric. The M.P. for Shrewsbury between 1818 and 1820, he ran through a fortune with considerable ease and died from delirium tremens in prison. His many sporting activities included having twenty servants on skates, ‘the greater part of them, as may be supposed, for the first time in their lives, chasing rats on ice’: ‘Nimrod’, Memonrs of the Life of the Late Fohn Mytton, Esq. (9th edn. 1949), 178-9. ‘Nimrod’ was the pseudonym of Charles James Apperley (1778- 1843). The painting was one of six works by Ferneley hanging in an ancestral home in 1985. Ten of his paintings currently hang in Leicester Art Gallery. Ferneley was twice-wed. By his first wife, Sarah Kettle, he had eight children, three of whom, Sarah (1811-1903), John (jun.) (1814-1862) and Claude Lorraine (1822-1891), followed in their father’s artistic footsteps. By his second wife, Ann Allen, he had a son Charles (1844-?) who became a notable pioneer in photography: J.C. 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 Wood, A Dictionary of British Animal Painters (1973), 30; S. Mitchell, The Dictionary of British Equestrian Artists (1985), 212-219, 490; http://www.oxforddnb. com.view/article/9351, accessed 22 Oct 2008. Charles James Fox lost up to £15,000 in an evening’s gambling, while in 1776 John Damer, Lord Milton’s son, took his own life because his father would not pay his gambling debts of £70,000: P Langford, A Polite and Commercial People: England 1727-1783 (1989), 574. WANHS Library Wiltshire Cuttings, vol. 18, 27; J. Goulstone, Early Club and Village Cricket (1973), n.p; D. Underdown, Start of Play: Cricket and Culture in Eighteenth-Century England (2000), 27, 85. Recruiting sergeants also attended fairs, such as those at Southampton, Weyhill, Tan Hill, All Cannings, Bradford-on-Avon, Devizes, Marlborough, Melksham, North Bradley, Salisbury, Trowbridge and Wilton. E Ball and T. Bryan, Swindon and the GWR (2003), 97. J. Simmons, The Railway in Town and Country 1830-1914 (1986), 90; C. Wolmar, Fire and Steam: A New History of the Railways in Bntain (2007), 142. At Badminton in Gloucestershire, famed for the Badminton Hunt, a ‘Hound Van’ was kept at the station to take the dogs to distant hunts in appropriately assembled trains. Railway staff were instructed: ‘Every care should be taken to avoid running over packs of hounds, which, during the hunting season, may cross the line. All servants of the railway are hereby enjoined to use every care consistent with a due regard being paid to the proper working of the line and trains’. The price of failure was doubtless to incur ducal wrath: K. Robertson and D. Abbott, GWR The Badminton Line : A Portrait of a Railway (1988), 99. Ball and Bryan, 88-89. Anon, Cricket and Purton (1970), 9. Kelly’s Directory of Wiltshire (1867), 436-440. Ibid, 396, 424, 427. Ibid, 399; Kelly’s Directory of ... Wiltshire (1880), 763, TBs Kelly’s Directory... (1880), 763. Prince Leopold, Ist Duke of Albany (1853-1884), was the fourth and youngest son of Queen Victoria. In 1876 he had established himself at Boyton House, Wiltshire. He was created Duke, Earl of Clarence and Baron Arklow in 1881. In the following year he married Princess Helen of Waldeck-Pyrmont (1861-1922). He died at Cannes after slipping on a staircase and was buried in St George’s Chapel, Windsor: http://www.oxforddnb. com.view/article/16475, accessed 22 Oct 2008. Salisbury Journal, 2828, 20 August 1792. Ibid, 2833, 24 September 1792. For a detailed examination of Wyche’s career, see James H. Thomas, Captains, Agents and Servants: A Gallery of SOCIETY, ECONOMY AND SPORT IN WILTSHIRE 1700-1914 29 30 3] 32 33 34 35 36 ay 38 ayy) 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 East India Company Portraits (2007), chp. 3. FE. Stevens, ‘The Old Sarum Archers’, WANHM, XLVIITI (1938), 147 — 149. Anon., Cricket and Purton (1970), passim. See T-J. McCann (ed.), Sussex Cricket in the Eighteenth Century, Sussex Record Society, 88, (2004). V.C.H. Wiltshire, IV, passim; R Whitlock, Wiltshire (1976), 81. The South Wiltshire Club’s home ground was at Bemerton, between Salisbury and Wilton. WANHS Library Wiltshire Cuttings, vol. 5, 172. Goulstone, n.p. Anon., Cricket and Purton (1970), passim; G. Howat, Village Cricket (1980), 74; J. Major, 103. As part of Marlborough College’s Jubilee Celebrations in July 1893, the school team took on a team of opponenis called ‘Old Captains’: J.A. Leete, Wiltshire Miscellany (1979), 78. Some of the achievements of the College’s cricketers were outlined in ‘Wonderful Feats by Boy Cricketers’ in Answers, 22 July 1899. Material drawn from Purton Cricket Club Reminiscences (1911) in W.A.N.H.S. Library, Devizes WANHS Library Wiltshire Tracts, Vol. 58. Material drawn from The Rules and an Alphabetical List of the Members of the Wiltshire Wanderers’ Cricket Club (1871) in WANHS Library Wiltshire Tracts, Vol. 58. R. Whitlock, A Victorian Village (1991), 196 — 197. H.S. Lakeman, Eighty Years of Cricket: A Brief History of Corsham Sports Club 1848-1928 (1928), 9, 11, 19. M. Reeves, Sheep Bell and Ploughshare: The Story of Two Village Families (1978), 157. VC.H. Wiltshire, IV, 380; J.A. Leete, (1979), 23. Leete needs to be treated with caution, giving the Earl’s birth year as 1570, as does Whitlock, an error clearly derived from the work of John Aubrey. For Pembroke see: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/13028, accessed 29 Oct 2008. London Gazette, 847, 29 Dec. — 1 Jan. 1673/4. There had also been a racecourse at Everleigh, the race post forming a boundary mark in 1669: V.C.H. Wiltshire, XI, 136. Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce and Manufacture (5 vols. 1791-8), IV, 555. Salisbury Fournal, 2671, 17 August 1789. Salisbury Journal, 2666, 13 July 1789. Salisbury Fournal, 2667, 20 July 1789. D. Vaisey (ed.), The Diary of Thomas Turner 1754-1765 (1985 edn.), 300. R. Church (ed.), Travelling Folk: Itinerant Mission 1n the Diocese of Salisbury 1882-1883 (1999), 14. Ordained in 1881, Holt was curate of Old Leake in Lincolnshire, 1880-1882, curate of Wilton and Missioner to the Bishop of Salisbury 1882-1885, Vicar of Winterbourne Earls with Winterbourne Dauntsey 1885-1893 and Winchester Diocesan Missionary and Rector of North Litchfield, Whitchurch, Hampshire from 1893: Ibid, 9. WANHS Library, Box 44, MS. 478, Diary of Goddard 50 51 BY 53 54 ap) 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 287 Smith, passim. D. Underdown, Start of Play: Cricket and Culture in Eighteenth-Century England (2000), 28-29. Underdown, 289; Salisbury fournal, 2564, 30 July 1787; 2565, 6 August 1787; 2679, 12 October 1789. N. Gannaway, A History of Cricket in Hampshire (1990), 18,19. VC.H. Wiltshire, TX, 141. Pertinent publications on singlestick included Manual of Instruction for Singlestick Drill (War Office, 1887) and R.G. Allanson Winn and C. Phillips-Wolley, Broadsword and Single-stick (1898). Details and rules of cudgel play appeared in T- Hughes, Jom Brown’s School Days (1857). Singlestick was an event in the 1904 Olympics, held in St Louis, USA, the gold medal being won by Alberton Van Zo Post (1866-1938), the son of a Civil war veteran. Post won a second gold, two silvers and a bronze at the same games, but was unsuccessful in the 1912 games held at Stockholm:http://www.sports-reference.com/ Olympics/athletes/va/Albertson-van-zo-post-l.html, accessed 29 Oct 2008. Underdown, 28-29; V.C.H. Wiltshire, YX, 141; B.H. Cunnington, ‘Marlborough Municipal Records’, Wiltshire, Berkshire and Hampshire County Paper, 29 November 1929. Underdown, 29-33. V.C.H. Wiltshire, X1, 140. Manifesto competed on eight occasions in total, finishing third on three occasions: http://www.grandnational.org.uk, accessed 29 Oct 2008. V.C.H. Wiltshire, IV, passim; P McMeeking, ‘The Racing Stables’, Wroughton History, pt. I (1982), 75. Sam Darling’s Reminiscences (1914), 20-21. B. Purnell, ‘Fives Playing in a Wiltshire Churchyard’, Sports History No. 6 (1985), 3. M.F. Tighe, The Inns of Mere, Mere Papers no. 5 (1998), 85-86. McCann, pp. xxxi — xli. WANHM, XXX no. 89 (June 1898), 62; XXX no. 91 (June 1899), 272-273. J. Simmons, 89. D.M. Fenton, The Malmesbury Railway (Oakwood Press 1977), 19, 36; The Official Guide to the Great Western Railway (1906), 192. Following a lacrosse match in Portsmouth in 1883 between a team of Canadians and a team of Iroquois Indians, photographs were offered for sale: Portsmouth Evening News, 1920, 22 June 1883. V.C.H. Wiltshire, 1X, 143. Laverton’s family made their money from producing fine woollen cloth and from a brick works at Dilton Marsh: V.C.H. Wiltshire, VIII, 156, 170, 171, 188. Quoted R. Whitlock, Wiltshire (1976), 178-179. H.C. Brentnall, ‘A Longford Manuscript WANHM, LIT (1947), 20. Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 288-295 The City Ditch, Bugmore and the Bourne: an irrigation agreement and urban effluent on the periphery of Salisbury by Hadrian Cook! and Michael Cowan? Historical irrigation practised in the Wessex region 1s well understood in terms of its operation, extent and impact on the regional economy over some three centuries. In this paper, a legal irrigation document demonstrates the comparatively rare use of urban runoff from Salisbury in bedwork water meadows during the mid-19th century. The value of the resource alongside ordinary river water is implicit, because care 1n legal and engineering terms 1s taken to protect the rightful end-user of the water meadow system. Introduction Legal documents provide invaluable insights into the regulatory background surrounding water rights, as well as source material for ownership and tenanting of agricultural and other land. The genesis of this paper lies in the discovery of such a document by Dr Kathy Stearne, during the course of her work for the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs on the River Avon, at Petersfinger (NGR SU 163292) to the east-south-east of Salisbury, Wiltshire. The authors are pleased to be able, with her encouragement and co-operation, to publish a commentary. The original document remains in private possession but a copy, used by the authors, is located at the Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office (WSRO). Dated 1849, it is an irrigation agreement for the area around Bugmore at the confluence with the River Bourne, including the site now occupied by Salisbury College by the A36, the Southampton Road. Bedwork irrigation Floated water meadows prompted early grass in the chalk valleys throughout Wessex. This had an important effect of filling the ‘hungry gap’ in early spring, meaning that more sheep could be over- wintered. One result was movement of sheep to fertilize the arable areas by folding on arable land at night, thereby boosting yields for the corn crop. Later in the season, hay crops were harvested from the meadows (Bettey 2007; Williamson and Cook 2007; Cowan 2005). As water meadows became more profitable, landowners made appropriate investment, and the practice of floating spread rapidly after c. 1600 (Bettey 1999). The year of construction of the Bugmore and Bourne Meadows is unknown, but for Bugmore a reasonable guess might be within the 1667 to 1689 tenure of Bishop Seth Ward, a man of science who may also have encouraged agricultural innovation and improvement. The rivers of the chalk valleys are sinuous and channels split at regular intervals (Cook 2008). There ' Harnham Water Meadows Trust, Rose Cottage, Town Path, West Harnham, Salisbury SP2 8EU 2 24 Lower Street, West Harnham, Salisbury SP2 8EY | THE CITY DITCH, BUGMORE AND THE BOURNE Lp online Gree: KEY northernmost channel from the mill leat via Above Castle Gate to Gore’s Chequer — above Town Mill weir and Fisherton Bridge, oN providing gravitational fall through the a streets and chequers channel to Scots Lane - also above the weir and bridge : 1d joy + | © channel, below the weir and bridge towards A : on The New Canal, Milford Street and through Trinity Chequer — less gravitational fall, possibly accounting for its reputation in later centuries the letter i indicates ‘gardens’, probably not irrigated in 1751 — but may have been later E to control flow to the paper mill there must have been a small weir, providing a head of water to drown the area to the south stop hatches to create depth in the two channels when drowning took place — this needed an agreement with the paper mill G amain carriage of perhaps some 300 yards to Lord llchester’s meadows to the west of the River Bourne, through the narrow neck between the river and the rising ground on which St Martin’s Church stood - and still stands; the present Salisbury College is cut back into this part of the river valley terrace eee hy Road to Chiendoa (028 0 Charendoa ! | | | 5 €¢ Cold Harb § our ory vO ‘po ou uormoct Par ww 3Bpr. sqSurpiey’ psn Fig. 1 Based upon the City of Salisbury published by William Naish 1751 with a modern reconstruction of the southeast corner 289 290 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE was normally a discrete irrigation system within each loop depending on the valley gradient or islands created by multiple channels. A head of water was created by a weir on the river at the top of the loop and fed through a main hatch to a main carriage to supply a network of carriers along the top of wide artificial ridges termed “‘bedworks’. Water spilt down the sides of each ridge and was collected in a series of drains to a main drain, thence back to a lower point of the river. Bugmore fitted this model in that it was within the loop of the River Avon from Fisherton Bridge south across to East Harnham, then back to the north side of the valley. The difference was that not all of the loop was watered because the cathedral and part of the city, having been built on the valley floor, was in the way. This did not prevent the utilisation of urban runoff generated in the City, including road washings, sewage and industrial effluent in irrigation water. It is probable that this was seen as a positive benefit because of the potential for meadow fertilisation in addition to the usually understood processes of warming and oxygenating the soil (Cutting et al. 2003; Cook et al. 2004) as was understood at the time. The soils of the modern floodplain belong to the Frome association, typically medium textured, silty alluvium but also including some with more organic-matter (Jarvis et al. 1984; Cutting et al., 2003). Others in the vicinity include adjacent river terrace soils developed on valley gravels, and those developed nearby over chalk or chalky drift. Water originating either in the city of Salisbury or the River Bourne (Figure 1, point G) had sufficient head to reach bedwork structures of the floodplain. The junction between the recent floodplain and river terrace occurs around Petersfinger Farm, east of the mouth of the Bourne, where the latter joins the Avon on the south side of Salisbury. The interplay between hydrology, natural river channel patterns and meadow irrigation, or between canals and mills as part of floated water meadows systems is well established as an area of historic enquiry (Sheail 1971; Cowan 2005; Cook 2007). Writing in the Annals of Agriculture of farms between Bath and Salisbury, Wimpey (1786) observed that, “The more turbid, feculent and replete with putrescent matter the water is, the more rich and fertilising it proves’. This link was appreciated at a time when agricultural productivity was paramount. Regarding the following century, Sheail (1996) found use of urban runoff, including street washing and untreated sewage, a source of urban-rural conflict in the 19th century when used to promote the growth of grass. Such a conflict does not, however, appear to be reflected in the agreement over the watering of Bugmore between c.1850 and 1874. Driven by Edwin Chadwick’s Sanitary Report of 1842 and periodic cholera outbreaks, the Public Health Act 1848 aimed to improve the sanitary condition of towns and populous places in England and Wales by placing the supply of water, sewerage, drainage, cleansing and paving under a single local body, the responsibility of local government (Finer 1952). Watermeadow technology, and the benefits of using waste materials to fertilise them had long been known. Removing sewage from the towns was promoted in the 1860s using water meadows at Clipstone Park, near Mansfield in Nottinghamshire. Victorian debates around the use of sewage, including its fertilisation benefits, and efforts to turn necessity into a virtue while protecting public health have been analysed (Sheail 1996). Cholera outbreaks were commonplace and hit the Croydon area of Surrey in 1853 and 1866 with later, minor occurences. The Croydon Local Board of Health had a problem with sewage disposal, improved by the nearby Beddington Sewage Farm. After 1860, Braithwaite reported contemporary problems managing the ‘Sewage Farm’ so that by the late 19th century, agricultural treatment of urban wastewaters was rapidly becoming a lost cause (Goddard 1996, 2005). The construction of the Petersfinger sewage works in 1881 seems to have largely solved Salisbury’s sewage pollution problem. This was around the time of the River Pollution Prevention Act (1876), which legislated for treatment of sewage before reaching the watercourse (Finer 1952). Apart from Mansfield, descriptions of true water meadows as an end user of urban runoff and sewage effluent on a significant scale are few and far between. Historically, the usage of such urban wastewater is the reason for describing early treatment facilities as ‘sewage farms’. While rural communities could utilise used road or agricultural yard washings and probably sewage to fertilise hillside catchmeadows in the 18th and 19th centuries (Cook and Williamson 2007), there are few accounts of bedwork watermeadow systems utilising urban effluent water of any description. The discovery of the 1849 document therefore provides a rare example of such an association. In view of the paucity of accounts of bedwork water meadows utilising urban effluent it is worth THE CITY DITCH, BUGMORE AND THE BOURNE reflecting on possible reasons. First, bedwork systems are located on floodplains and are extensive. Individual systems may be tens of hectares in area and located in predominantly rural areas. The Harnham Water meadows, Salisbury, provide an exception to this. Secondly, and like the Harnham Meadows, systems were generally fed from arrangements involving a river system. Speculation is possible on whether what entered the river upstream had a fertilising effect, and examples for direct irrigation of bedworks from ‘town ditches’ are uncommon. Thirdly, and a cultural point, historians concerned with environmental issues tend automatically to link urbanising areas with sewage management problems in the 19th century. The City of Salisbury and its abundant water meadows in the valleys of the ’five rivers’ that surround it tend to be regarded as part of the rural idyll. Salisbury has continually outgrown the boundaries of the 13th-century planned settlement. While it is known generally that water was used for meadow irrigation in the 17th and 18th centuries, arrangements on the ground have hitherto remained a point of speculation. It is now possible, with the 1849 deed, to remove some of that speculation. The deed of 1849 The existence of agreements associated with Wessex water meadows and mills in the 19th century is unsurprising, and locally to south Wiltshire they are also found in both preceding centuries (Cowan 2005; Cook et al. 2008). Drowning was controlled on a rota system with meadows divided into pitches, between stems that arose from branching channels, with dates indicating when a pitch was to be drowned for a few days. This was followed by what was called a ‘dry period’ that commenced with drainage. Dates were agreed, often in irrigation deeds, when irrigation could proceed. Drowning in winter or early spring varied by anything from a few days to a few weeks, but was typically between three and seven days. Within the 13th-century City, the puzzling modern street name, New Canal, in the middle of Salisbury’s chequers sometimes prompts the question as to whether it was actually a canal in the past. There was a ‘wide and deep watercourse’ (VCH Wilts, 6, 1962), part of the Salisbury’s system of open street watercourses created when the city was built in the 13th century. Of several channels off the River Avon two were above the Town Mill and weir, while downstream below the mill was what 291 became known variously as The Canal, New Canal or ‘town or city ditch’. This left the river below Fisherton Bridge to flow eastwards past Pynnock’s Inn across High Street and along ‘New Canal’. As the ground began to rise in Milford Street it turned to flow south through Trinity and Marsh Chequers to Bugmore. The point of making this distinction is that the northern ditches had a fall through the city streets equal to the fall at Town Mill, visible today as some two metres. They connected with the Canal and its extensions which, originating at the lower level, had a minimal fall towards Bugmore. This fact will have exacerbated the argument that developed about filling the Canal in the 1860s. The whole system is clearly to be identified on either of the two editions of Naish’s 18th-century map of the city (Naish 1716/1751 and Figure 1). The system is complex with channels joining each other at street junctions and bridged in a number of places. What is most important are the two channels shown debouching on to Bugmore. The western continues from Brown Street and splits just south of the ‘Friers’. One channel, flowing south, crosses a ‘mead’, is joined by the channel from Exeter Street and finally runs into the Avon below Ayleswade Bridge. Evidently it flowed with sufficient vigour to power a paper mill — one of a number in the area at that time, although generally speaking the local paper industry was coming to its end (Cowan 2008). The other turns sharply east and flows into the Avon, where it has curved to the north side of the valley (Figure 2) roughly where the car park in Churchill Gardens opposite where the Salisbury Campus of Wiltshire College is to be found today. Of greater importance for this work is the Canal, in this context known as the ‘town or city ditch’. Having passed under St Ann Street, this also turned sharply east along the southern boundary of St Martin’s parish and the church to feed into the river close to the other channel. The significance of its position is that its water had the capability of being diverted further to the east along the flat neck of land between the River Avon and the church. The agreement of 29 September 1849 between John Henry Campbell Wyndham and the Right Honourable Henry Stephen Fox Strangeways, Earl of Ilchester. who were: severally siesed or possessed of divers water meadows situate in the respective parishes of Milford and Laverstock and [delineated in a map and schedule attached to the deed] and whereas the said water meadows are partly irrigated from the water of the River Bourne ..... and partly 292 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Pp | rickett's Hospital Oh: Sato PREC eee “Sf. “3 N ks Sewaii e Works f Salisbuty Corporation) 12-06 Sluice Fig. 2. The Bugmore area shown on the 1901, 1:2500 scale Ordnance Survey map. Note that the northern of the two channels has been absorbed into the city’s drainage system, and outflows via the 1881 Sewage Works. The south channel 1s still in place but skeletal remains of irrigation indicate that drowning had ceased and the area deteriorating into what was long known as Bugmore Marsh. from the water which flows along a certain water Brownjohn furthermore was entitled to use, or course called ‘town or city ditch’ through the lands permit the use of, the water after he had watered a jletlWyndhamjatten:the same has bcen)used Bugmore and agreed with Wyndham that they ton walenins certain meadows) called Busmore would have alternate use. The latter would have Meadows held by Mr. William Brownjohn by Lease under the Right Reverend Edward Denison Lord Bishop of Salisbury ‘one moiety of the said water’ for seven successive days and nights, starting seven days after signing the agreement, for watering his meadows lying below Wyndham and Brownjohn had, the previous day [downstream] the said: made an agreement: 5 Bugmore Meadows and the meadows of the other landowners situate below the meadows of [Wyndham] at the annual rent of £45 7s. Od. for the term of seven years to be computed from the ...reciting that by two several Indentures of Lease dated respectively 20th day of April 1848 executed by the said Lord Bishop the said William Brownjohn was possessed for the residue of a term 29th day of September instant... of [unreadable but probably seven] years certain meadow ground called Great Bugmore together After lengthy legal wording the document with the full and free use for the watering of the continued: said meadows of the water of the river coming from a place called the town or city ditch and running AND WHEREAS [Wyndham] and the said Earl by St Martins Churchyard for the purpose of amicably settling the use and | | THE CITY DITCH, BUGMORE AND THE BOURNE enjoyment of the said water flowing from the said River Bourne after the junction thereof with the stream flowing from the said town and city ditch after watering Bugmore Meadows aforesaid for every alternate seven days ... John Coombs, a Tisbury surveyor, would determine how much of the £45 7s. 0d. rent Wyndham paid to Brownjohn should be passed on to the Earl, based on their respective land holdings, and how the costs of ‘repairs to the hatches, trunks [channels] and culverts’ on their respective lands should be *borne and paid for’. His ruling was that of each of Wyndham’s seven-day periods he would use the water for five days and the Earl for two — from 9am on Friday to 9am on Sunday The financial consequence was that the Earl would pay Wyndham £13 13s. Od. each year. While the first part of the attached schedule of ‘party [shared] hatches, trunks and culverts’ sets down the proportions of costs to be met by Wyndham and the Earl, the second part listed those hatches, trunks and culverts that were the responsibility of each individual. The agreement concluded with the arrangements for resolving disputes and a statement that it could be renewed at the end of the seven- year term, the Earl paying more to Wyndham in proportion to any increased sum due from Wyndham to Brownjohn. That perhaps might have depended on what the Bishop wanted. Origins of such agreements therefore start with the Bishop, or more precisely one of his predecessors. Bugmore means ‘boggy moor’ and had been so called since at least the 14th century. In the 15th century the city chamberlains received rent from the city ditch extending alongside Bugmore meadows although they had probably been the Bishop’s property from early times. In 1593 rights over the ditch and the meadow were claimed by both the Bishop and the city. The Bishop apparently prevailed (VCH, 15, 80, note 15). This was fortuitous because their value would increase at some stage within the next hundred years with the introduction of ‘floating’ or irrigating the chalk valleys during the 17th century. The Bugmore Meadows were not only fed by urban runoff from Salisbury, but also illustrate clearly problems with accommodating the carriage of water through land held by someone other than the intended recipient of the irrigation. The clarity of the agreement and the quality of 19th-century large-scale cartography permit the system form and operation to be understood in some detail. 293 Bugmore irrigation and urban effluent | In a conventional floated system the main carriage bringing the water on at the upstream start of the river’s curve diminishes as it shed water to the carriers and then via the drains back to probably several points on the river. And it has to be remembered that this process only happened for a few weeks each winter and spring. All the city watercourses needed originally to go straight back into the river so that the water did not back up; a channel of medieval origin, designed for one purpose, was being used for something quite different. The early large-scale Ordnance Survey maps from 1879 onwards betray some traces of disused irrigation channels but sensible speculation is needed to work out how this alternative purpose was operated. Fortunately there was, and is, a good model just downstream on the other side of the river — part of the ill-fated late 17% century Avon Navigation which can still be studied on the ground (Cross 2003; Cowan 2004). The Navigation leaves the River Avon below Ayleswade Bridge as the river reaches the south side of the valley and rejoins it about two miles downstream at Longford Castle, through a pound lock, the upper gate of which is now replaced by hatches — bypassing the Jervois weir. In other words it could be closed at the far end to raise the water level to feed a series of hatches to irrigate part of the Britford water meadows but at other times the water flowed freely back into the river. The city ditch outlets on Bugmore would equally have needed a means of closure for short periods so that Mr Brownjohn’s and Mr Wyndham’s meadows could be watered on Bugmore and westward to the Bourne to be watered from points along their length. A speculative layout is shown on Figure 1. It seems a pity for Messrs Wyndham, Brownjohn and the Earl, that these arrangements, brought up to date at, no doubt, some cost from their lawyers would not last all that long. The expansion of Salisbury was causing familiar urban public health problems. What everyone feared - a cholera outbreak - occurred in 1849. With approximately 200 deaths between July and September, sufferers were taken to an isolation hospital — located on Bugmore. Evidently this was far from a pleasant experience, because it was described as ‘a most miserable-looking place, of very limited dimensions’ Worse still, it was unbelievably located next to a sewage-ridden open stream ‘discoloured and offensive to the smell... 294 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE a place less adapted to afford a chance of recovery to those afflicted with disease could scarcely be selected’. Evidently medical opinion remained divided on poor sanitation and infectious disease (Chandler 1987, 227). The 1848 Public Health Act had triggered a decade of reports, arguments and confusion until by the end of the 1850s most of the city’s watercourses had been filled in and replaced by new systems of water supply and sewage disposal (Chandler 1987, 230). In the 1860s, the main activities of the Board of Health were consolidation, in compelling owners to connect to the sewers, and in extending them to new areas. The condition of the Canal was a frequent cause of complaint. In 1868 it was so offensive that some inhabitants of St Ann Street had to leave their homes. This sole survivor of the city’s watercourses was covered for much of its length, but remained open between the houses of Trinity and Marsh chequers, and south of St Ann Street. To close it was difficult, for it still supplied water to over 20 acres of meadowland on Bugmore and the water-rights were apparently still highly valuable. However only drowning parts of the meadows for short periods, in late winter and early spring, ‘aggravated the problem by leaving parts of the bed dry a week ata time’. Filling it in had been frequently advocated, and unlike the street channels it had no champion, but when the Board approached the Ecclesiastical Commissioners it was told that the water right could not be sold separately from the land. The Board contracted to buy the land, but the Local Government Board refused its sanction because of the amount still owing on the previous works. The contract was transferred to the town council, and the meadows finally bought in 1874, but Treasury approval to sell city property to meet the cost had to be obtained. The Canal was filled in during 1874 and a sewage farm was in place at the eastern end of Bugmore by 1881. The whole area is now filled by the 1960s Friary Housing Estate to the north of the A30 Salisbury ring road and a park, Churchill Gardens, to its south. Conclusion The discovery of an irrigation deed of 1849 reveals much about a system of water meadows, now partially built over and otherwise redundant as an irrigation system, located on the periphery of Salisbury. In terms of statutory legislation between the pioneering Public Health Acts of 1848 and 1876 the timing was perfect, yet utilisation of urban effluents is more implicit than explicit. There is strong evidence of a public sanitation crisis, even if politically Salisbury’s manifestation of a full-blown urban-rural conflict is not apparent. It may be furthermore presumed that the parties drawing up the agreement were cognisant of the value of urban effluents and that their use was not deemed a problem — for agriculture at least. Perhaps, by the time effluent waters reached the Bugmore Meadows, sewage of urban origin per se, meant that offensive contributions to the effluent were diluted from ordinary non-offensive street washings and a fair proportion of ordinary river water diverted from the Bourne afforded some protection of the river Avon downstream. Further local research may, however, provide more insight into possible sources of conflict. The matter of soil contamination from industrial sources is yet another possibility. Salisbury remained a centre of manufacturing into the 20th century and both hat making and light manufacturing, for example, were capable of discharging heavy metals to soil and waters. The possibility of negative influences on the meadows resulting from such runoff cannot be ruled out. Clearly, all parties involved sought resolution of their conflict through legal means, and it may be inferred that the 1849 deed is the end product of a process that commenced in one of the previous centuries. Rights of water carriage are assured, while land rents are adjusted to ensure there is equitable provision for the maintenance of the floated infrastructure. Salisbury and her water meadows fit comfortably into what is known of the long history of agricultural and urban environmental management while providing an explicit example of urban effluents fertilising bedwork watermeadow systems. Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank staff of the Salisbury City Library, Wiltshire and Swindon Record Office, Mr Robin Clark of Petersfinger, Dr Roger Cutting of the University of Plymouth, Professor Nicolas Goddard of St Mary’s University College and Dr Kathy Stearne of Defra for discussion and information supplied during the preparation of this article. Opinions expressed remain entirely those of the authors. THE CITY DITCH, BUGMORE AND THE BOURNE References BETTEY, J., 1999, ‘The development of water meadows in the southern counties’, in H. Cook and T. Williamson (eds), Water management in the English Landscape, 179- 195. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press BETTEY, J., 2007, ‘The floated water meadows of Wessex: A triumph of English Agriculture’, in H. Cook and T. Williamson (eds), Water meadows: History, Ecology and Conservation, 8-21. Macclesfield: Windgather Press BRAITHWAITE, F. 1861. On the rise and fall of the River Wandle; its springs, tributaries and pollution. Minutes of the Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers with abstractions of the discussions. 20, 191-210 with discussion 211-258. CHANDLER, J., 1987, Endless Street: A history of Salisbury and its people. Salisbury: Hobnob Press COOK, H.., 2007, ‘The Hydrology, soils and geology of the Wessex water meadows’, in H. Cook and T. Williamson (eds), Water meadows: History, Ecology and Conservation, 94-106. Macclesfield: Windgather Press COOK, H. 2008. Evolution ofa floodplain landscape: a case study of the Harnham Water meadows at Salisbury, England. Landscapes 2008.1, 50-73 COOK, H., COWAN, M. and TATTON-BROWN, T, 2008, A History of the Harnham Water meadows. Salisbury: Hobnob Press COOK, H. E, CUTTING, R. L., BUHLER, W. and CUMMINGS, I. P. FE 2004. Productivity and soil nutrient relations of bedwork water meadows in southern England. Agriculture. Ecosystems and Environment 102:1, 61-79 COOK, H. and WILLIAMSON, T. , 2007, ‘The Later History of Water meadows’ in H. F Cook and T. Williamson (eds), Water meadows: History, Ecology and Conservation, 52-69. Macclesfield: Windgather Press COWAN, M. 2004. Salisbury as a seaport: some further debate. Sarum Chronicle 4, 50-52 COWAN, M., 2005, Wiltshire Water meadows. Salisbury: Hobnob Press COWAN, M., 2008, Harnham Mill. Salisbury: Hobnob Press 295 CROSS, D. 2003. Salisbury as a seaport. Sarum Chronicle 3, 35-44 CUTTING, R., COOK, H. FE and CUMMINGS, I. 2003. Hydraulic conditions, oxygenation, temperature and sediment relationships of bedwork water meadows. Hydrological Processes 17, 1823-1843 FINER, S.E., 1952, The life and times of Sir Edwin Chadwick, London: Methuen GODDARD, N. 1996. ‘A mine of wealth’? The Victorains and the agricultural value of sewage. fournal of Historical Geography 22:3, 274-290 GODDARD, N., 2005, ‘Sanitate crescamus: water supply, sewage disposal and environmental values in a Victorian suburb’ in D. Schott, B. Luckin and G. Massard-Guibaud (eds), Resources of the City, 132-148, London: Ashgate Publishing JARVIS, M. G., ALLEN, R. H., FORDHAM, S. J. HAZLEDEN, J. MOFFAT, A. J. and STURDY, R. G., 1984, Soils and their use in South-East England. Harpenden: Soil Survey of England and Wales Bulletin 15 NAISH, W., 1716 and 1751, The City of Salisbury with the adjacent Close, church and river accurately surveyed. printed map; 2nd edn, 1751 SHEAIL, J. 1971. The formation and maintenance of water-meadows in Hampshire, England. Biological Conservation 3:2, 189-210 SHEAIL, J. 1996. Town Wastes, agricultural sustainability and Victorian Sewage. Urban History 23:2, 189-210 Victoria County History (VCH), 1962, A History of the County of Wiltshire. Volume 6. London: Oxford University Press WILLIAMSON, T. and COOK, H., 2007, ‘Introducing water meadows’, in H. Cook and T. Williamson (eds), Water meadows: History, Ecology and Conservation, 1-17. Macclesfield: Windgather Press WIMPEY, J. 1786. Answere to questions respecting watered meadows. Annals of Agriculture 5, 292-8 Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 296-305 Care in the community: an example from 19th- century Wiltshire by Sheila R. Thomas This article examines the life of a Wiltshire country clergyman, his background and the motives that led him to leave a lasting legacy to benefit the disadvantaged of his community. who knows of a case of hardship, need, or distress affecting a resident of Bishopstone. It is perfectly The following article appeared in January 2006 and was found during a search of the internet: The Reverend G. A. Montgomery Coal Charity This article is intended to make the work of the charity more widely known in the community. It 1s not to be construed either as binding upon the trust, the trustees or their successors, or as committing them to approving any particular application for grant aid. Asking for help is not a weakness - quite the opposite - so if you think that a little financial assistance could make it easier for you or your dependants to deal with a difficult situation the Montgomery Charity Fund could help. The Charity was originally established and funded by a bequest of The Rev. George Augustus Montgomery, Rector of Bishopstone from 1821 to 1842 for the distribution of fuel to poor parishioners. He also built the village school, which is now a private house. With the passage of time, the method of relief has changed. Our current authorised purposes allow us to make grants to persons who are resident in the Parish of Bishopstone. We are required to satisfy ourselves that the persons we assist are in hardship, need or distress. There is no restriction as to age of an applicant. We are willing to consider an application on behalf of a child or family or pensioner suffering particular hardship. A referral may be made to the trust by a statutory or non-statutory agency or from anyone in order for any resident to apply in his/her own behalf. All applicants can be assured that their cases will be dealt with swiftly, sympathetically and in confidence. The Trustees at any time are the Rector, one trustee appointed by him and one trustee appointed by the Parish Council. We are greatly blessed in Bishopstone in having a local Charity of this kind, which is able to offer real and worthwhile assistance when hardship strikes any resident of any age. For further details or assistance please contact the Rector Rev D. Henley, 780262, Mrs. J.Bebbington 780476 or Mr R. Barrett 780306. Mr R Barrett, Trustee January 2006! After reading this piece a number of questions presented themselves. Who was the Reverend G.A. Montgomery? What led him to be so concerned for others? Why should he leave money to establish a charity? From whence did a clearly enlightened cleric obtain sufficient means to fund a bequest that has lasted for a century and a half? The intention in this paper is to attempt to provide answers to these questions. The paper examines the origins of the charity but does not attempt to investigate the application of it. The Reverend George Augustus Montgomery was born on 7 November 1793, the first child of Quince Tree Cottage, 288 Sea Front, Hayling Island, Hampshire, PO11 0AZ CARE IN THE COMMUNITY: AN EXAMPLE FROM 19TH-CENTURY WILTSHIRE 297 Susan (or Suzanne) Montgomery née Maltass (c. 1770-1851) and Augustus Retnuh Montgomery (formerly Reebkomp) (1762-1797). Captain Montgomery, the illegitimate son of the 10th Earl of Pembroke, died on board his ship in Plymouth, leaving little George, not much more than three years old, and his sister Elizabeth, a babe in arms. The children and their mother were generously provided for by George Herbert (1759-1827), 11th Earl of Pembroke, Captain Montgomery’s half-brother. Indeed, the children were largely raised in Wilton by their uncle and his family, George Montgomery sharing many activities and exploits with his cousin Robert Herbert (1791-1862), later the 12th Earl. In this they followed the precedent established by their respective fathers, since George Herbert and Augustus Reebkomp, as he was then known, were extremely affectionate and close as half-brothers. For this they had to thank the forbearance and tolerance of Elizabeth, née Spencer (1737-1831), Countess of Pembroke and Montgomery and wife of Henry Herbert (1734-1794), 10th Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery. The story is an intriguing one and was dealt with on a previous occasion.’ Augustus Retnuh Reebkomp, the illegitimate son of Henry Herbert, 10th Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery and Elizabeth Catherine (Kitty) Hunter (c. 1740-1795), became Augustus Montgomery in 1781 when he was promoted to Lieutenant.’ He married Susan Maltass in 1791 but by the time his wife was expecting a baby in 1793 the marriage was reported to have been in some difficulty. Thus George Herbert wrote to his mother, Lady Pembroke, that August: Since I left England, I have received a long letter from Augustus about Mrs. M[ontgomery]. A Wasps’ Nest there very likely is, but I fear she has been unsupportable to him, and she is such an execrable fool, that I am inclined to fear that there are but small hopes, and I have likewise heard enough to make me suspect that her conduct has not always been the most regular in any respect.’ The couple’s first child, George Augustus, was born later that year and his sister, Elizabeth three years later in 1796.° Despite the marital problems Captain Montgomery left his estate to ‘his belovéd wife Susan’, provided that she did not remarry. In this event the estate would revert to his children, except for the annual sum of £100, which was the marriage settlement from the 10th Earl of Pembroke. In his will he also bequeathed to his son George Montgomery ‘the instrument from the Herald’s Office granting me a Coat of Arms and by which my father the Earl of Pembroke acknowledges me as his son’.® 3 George Augustus Montgomery and his sister Elizabeth grew up at Wilton House, Salisbury and Pembroke House,’ London, the family homes of the Earls of Pembroke, cared for by their father’s half-brother and their grandfather’s widow, since the 11th Earl of Pembroke was himself bereaved on 25 March 1793 when his first wife died with her baby shortly after childbirth, leaving him with three young children.’ Their Wiltshire residence was described in 1791 thus: Wilton House, the seat of the Earl of Pembroke, situated three miles west of Salisbury, is the most remarkable seat in the county of Wilts, and well known through Europe, to every connoisseur in the polite arts. The furniture is the richest that could be procured, being the productions of the most eminent artists in sculpture and painting. The house was begun in the reign of Henry VIII, upon the ruins of a suppressed monastery: the great quadrangle was finished in that of Edward VI, and Hans Holbein designed the porch. The hall side being burnt down, about the year 1707, was rebuilt very sumptuously. The garden front, which is one hundred and ninety-four feet long, is justly esteemed one of the best pieces of architecture of Inigo Jones.... The fine statues, bustos, paintings, &c. at this noble seat, are too numerous to be here particularly described....° The young George and Elizabeth Montgomery shared their time with their cousins George, Diana and Robert Herbert whose dates of birth were respectively 26 March 1788, 5 February 1790 and 19 September 1791. Sadly, the Earl of Pembroke’s elder son and namesake, George Herbert, died on 5 July 1798 aged ten. The Dowager Countess of Pembroke had only one other child apart from her son and heir. Charlotte Herbert, born on 14 July 1773, died of consumption on 21 April 1784, aged ten. Quite clearly, the family had had more than their share of tragedy. The 11th Earl of Pembroke’s account books show that the young Montgomery children shared all aspects of family life, with Elizabeth in particular spending time with the Dowager Countess as instanced by a payment of £20 to Lady Pembroke for ‘E[lizabe]" Montgomery’s conveyances at Margate’. Christmas appears to have been a time for the wider family to gather together as the account books show an entry for 28 December 1806 as ‘Expenses for Conveyance of E[lizabe]" and Mrs Montgomery 298 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE to Wilton on the 23™”.!' The same account book shows a payment of £33 0s. 6d. in respect of ‘half a year’s School Account for George Montgomery’, the young man commencing his studies at Winchester College in 1805.’” By contrast, Robert Herbert went to Harrow, his father’s old school, although the 10th Earl of Pembroke and Augustus Montgomery were both pupils at Eton. That George Montgomery was the first member of the family to enter the church merits comment. Perhaps he had already displayed characteristics that suited him more for the Church than the army or navy and that the original raison d’etre of Winchester College caused it to be chosen for him." It is also worthy of note that the 11th Earl of Pembroke had considered that his third son ‘in time, will make a devilish good bishop’. Sadly, the boy died soon after birth, but George Montgomery doubtless fulfilled his uncle’s ambitions. George Montgomery was visited very frequently at Winchester by his uncle who usually paid for overnight lodging and gave him money.’® On 17 November 1807 the 11th Earl of Pembroke travelled to Winchester, giving George Montgomery a £1 tip and three weeks later was there again this time making a payment of £1 to ‘Fox — George’s superintendent’.!’ Montgomery stayed at Winchester College until 1811, his progression through the school following a standard course.!® His scholastic needs being well provided for, George Montgomery’s entertainment was not neglected with a payment detailed in the Earl’s account book for ‘Arabian Nights for George’ noted on 26 September 1805.!” Rather more prosaically both he and his sister Elizabeth joined the rest of the family in their need for frequent dental treatment — Elizabeth requiring a one-guinea outlay in August 1805, whilst on a different occasion another dentist charged just twice that amount for treatment for both George and his uncle.” After almost fifteen years alone as a widower, the 11th Earl of Pembroke remarried on 25 January 1808, taking as his bride Catherine Woronzow ( 1783-1856), daughter of Simon Woronzow (1744— 1832).?! The Earl’s accounts show a payment of £150 to Lady Pembroke — it can be assumed to be the Dowager Countess — for ‘George and Eliz[abe]th’s expenses during their holydays in my absence from England’.” This implies that the Dowager Countess was left in charge of the children during her son’s honeymoon on the continent. Although the new marriage of the 11th Earl of Pembroke was clearly a happy one, he did not neglect the older children; his account books show him taking Robert Herbert and George Montgomery to London on 7 February 1809 and again to the theatre in town on 27 January 1810. A London tailor also provided clothing for the three of them later that year.?? There are numerous payments, too, to Mrs Adams for her care of Robert, Elizabeth and George, an example being £15 5s. 9d. in August 1808 on the same day that a ‘Tip to Robert’ of £3 was made.** Mrs Adams also featured in the 11th Earl of Pembroke’s will where she was described as a former governess and received a £50 annuity. Payments were also detailed toa Mr Phelps in respect of ‘lessons of Writing and Arithmetic to Robert, George and Eliz[abe]th’, one being for the sum of £6.7° This was William Phelps, master of the Free School at Wilton. Quite clearly, education and care of the poor and needy formed a strong tradition within the Pembroke family.”° Indeed, it would be an unusual month when the Earl’s account book did not show a payment to the poor and beggars and there were many instances of additional payments to others seen to be in need of charity. As well as caring for his half-brother’s two young children, the 11th Earl of Pembroke continued to provide assistance to Mrs Montgomery in addition to her annuity. In July 1797 he paid Mr Maud £42 in respect of an eleven-year-old bay horse, which was given to Mrs Montgomery.”’ Many years later in August 1810 there was a receipt for £167 5s. 2d. in respect of the payment of her bills.”* As the Montgomery children grew older it would appear that Catherine, the new Countess of Pembroke, played a more active role in their upbringing and affairs. Once again the account books detail a payment to ‘Catishka’ — the Earl of Pembroke’s affectionate pet name for his young wife — of £23 12s.6d. for various expenditure for Geo. and Eliz[abet]h Montgomery’.” All the evidence points to a close and happy family life for the children which was certainly enhanced for the newly weds as they were blessed in time with the additions of five daughters and a son. A cloud on the horizon appeared, however, with the entry showing the need for the Earl of Pembroke to reimburse ‘Mr Brick for the payment of Robert’s debts at Harrow’ to the tune of £14.*° Young George Montgomery certainly spent much time with his caring and enlightened uncle whilst Robert Herbert was to cause his father worry and heartache with disastrous amorous adventures a little later. The account books show that the Earl of Pembroke quite frequently sent money by post for Robert Herbert but that he visited George Montgomery regularly during the latter’s time at Winchester College. In 1813 George Montgomery went up to Oriel CARE IN THE COMMUNITY: AN EXAMPLE FROM 19TH-CENTURY WILTSHIRE 299 College, Oxford, the entry reading: George Augustus Montgomery, s. Augustus, of Islington, Middx., gent. ORIEL COLL., matric 28 May 1813, aged 18; B.A. 1817, M.A. 1821, rector of Bishopstoke Wilts. 1821 — 42 , preb. of Sarum.*! Whilst at Oxford in 1818 he studied under the Regius Professor of Divinity, William van Mildert (1765-1836).*? That same year the Oriel College Provost, Edward Coplestone, the Dean, William Bishop, and two Fellows, William James and James Endell Tyler, certified that he had studied there from 1815 until 1818 and was ‘worthy to be admitted to the sacred office of Deacon’. At the beginning of April 1818, at the age of 25, Reverend George Montgomery became curate to the vicar, Reverend William Cookson, at Hungerford, Berkshire, the latter writing: To the Right Reverend Father in God John Lord Bishop of Salisbury. These are to certify your Lordship that I William Cookson vicar of Hungerford in the County of Berks and your lordship’s diocese of Salisbury do hereby nominate and appoint George Augustus Montgomery to perform the office of a curate in my church of Hungerford, and do promise to continue him to officiate in my said church until he shall be otherwise provided of some ecclesiastical preferment, unless for any fault by him committed he shall be lawfully removed from the same, and I hereby solemnly declare that I do not fraudulently give this certificate to entitle the said George Augustus Montgomery to receive holy orders but with a real intention to employ him in my said Church. He is also to reside in my Parish and he is not engaged to do duty in any other Parish. Witness my hand this second day of April in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and eighteen. Reverend George Montgomery seemed not overly enchanted with Hungerford, writing to Lord Pembroke: I am not, I own, very charmed with the place, it rains incessantly and there is nothing I believe like a gentleman in the place... I do so hope you will enable me to discharge those debts which have been owing so long, £160 would pay what I owe... Nonetheless, in 1820 he received his testimonial from the Vicar: To the Right Reverend John Lord Bishop of Salisbury Whereas our well beloved in Christ George Augustus Montgomery Bachelor of Arts, hath declared to us his intention of offering himself a Candidate for the sacred office of a Priest, and for that end hath requested of us letters testimonial of his learning & good behaviour; we therefore, who’s (sic) names are herewith subscribed do testify that the said George Augustus Montgomery, having been personally known to us for the space of the Year and a half last past, hath during that time lived piously, soberly, & honestly, and diligently applied himself to his Studies, nor hath he at any time, as far as we know or believe held, written, or taught anything contrary to the doctrine or Discipline of the United Church of England & Ireland, and moreover we believe him in our Consciences to be a Person worthy to be admitted to the Sacred order of Priest --------- In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names, this 6th day of May, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand, Eight Hundred & Twenty. The Revd William Cookson, Vicar of Hungerford Walter Kitson, Rector of Chilton Foliat, Wilts C. Batson Coxe, Rector of Avington, Berks.* Whilst at Hungerford the Reverend George Montgomery travelled to Scotland where his sister was domiciled with her husband, Arthur Gibbon. There he baptised his niece Elizabeth Gibbon at St Paul’s Church, Aberdeen, on 21 October 1819.*° Having gained valuable experience at Hungerford the Reverend George Montgomery was indebted to his illustrious uncle for further preferment in the Church. The living of Bishopstone was the best on the Pembroke estates and was intended by the Earl of Pembroke for his young relative once he was of sufficient maturity. The incumbent, Reverend Neville, had died in 1810 and the Reverend Thomas Bromley wrote to the Earl of Pembroke offering his services despite the fact that he was elderly and the existing Rectory in a poor state of repair. He and his wife were to live in the old house for over ten years whilst supervising the construction of the new building — not without the benefit of Reverend George Montgomery’s advice, since he clearly wished to ensure that the house would meet his exacting requirements. The correspondence between the architect, builder and the interested parties was extensive.” The new house appears to have been largely completed by the end of October 1821 when Reverend Bromley wrote to Reverend George Montgomery regarding its insurance as a newly built but uninhabited house. Reverend Bromley addressed the letter to Reverend Montgomery initially at Wilton House, amending this to ‘Oriel 300 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE College, Oxford’ and noting that it was to be left until collected.*® Reverend Bromley was not content simply to improve the living quarters for the next incumbent but also wrote to the Earl of Pembroke inc. 1819: Having seen, from my own eyes, how immorally the poor Creatures at the poor house are lodged, I determined to build two cottages, upon the waste of this manor, and handy for the Church, for the purpose of drafting 10 or 12 out of the poor house into them, subject to particular rules, written and hung up in every inmate’s view, for their behaviour. These cottages are finished, and one of them inhabited by the two young women, whose situation at the poor house I most pitied, and by a man and his wife who would have gone to the poor house if there had been room for them, the man works for me and the woman has kept this garden nice and tidy these last eight years. These cottages are well built.*? The workhouse was established in Bishopstone by the end of the eighteenth century but conditions there were described as very poor. However, care for the village needy had roots going back to the sixteenth century for in 1581 Thomas Newman, a farmer, had been fined 12d. for failing to give alms to the poor.” By the time Reverend George Montgomery took up residence in Bishopstone in 1821 he was an Archdeacon and well established.* At the age of 33 he married Cecilia Markham (1792- 1879) at Ightham in Kent on 26 June 1827, his bride being a year older than he was. Cecilia Markham was the third daughter of the Very Reverend George Markham (1763-1822), Dean of York, and his wife Elizabeth Evelyn Markham, née Sutton (fl. 1816- 1832). The Very Reverend George Markham sued for divorce in 1802 on the grounds of his wife’s adultery with John Fawcett and Mrs Markham subsequently married her lover.*? The couple came under the protection of Mrs Fawcett’s cousin, Henrietta Laura Pulteney, formerly Johnstone, suo jure Countess of Bath (1766-1808), who had inherited the very large Pulteney fortune and properties upon her mother’s death.” This wealth encouraged a number of philanthropic interests and Laura Pulteney established schools in Northamptonshire and Berkshire. Lady Bath died on 14 July 1808, leaving her personal estate valued at some £500,000 to Elizabeth Fawcett.* On 9 August 1813 John Fawcett assumed the surname and arms of Pulteney by royal licence ‘from grateful and affectionate regard to the memory of Henrietta Laura Pulteney, Countess of Bath’.* Aside from her mother’s very large fortune, Cecilia Markham was also remembered in the will of her maternal grandfather, Sir Richard Sutton, who bequeathed her a dowry of £6,000.* Less than four months after his marriage, George Montgomery suffered the loss of his uncle when George Herbert, 11th Earl of Pembroke, died on 20 October 1827. George and Cecilia Montgomery were at the Earl’s London residence, Pembroke House, when he wrote to his sister Elizabeth Gibbon on 7 November 1827 that they would be going to Wilton for some time to console the Countess of Pembroke.” His uncle’s death was a particularly hard blow to a man whose own personality must have been largely shaped by him since he had barely known his own father. It is evident that the relationship continued into adulthood as a close one since there were reports of George Montgomery visiting Palace House at Beaulieu ‘in company with the eleventh Earl of Pembroke’ in 1821. The Reverend and Mrs Montgomery stayed there again in 1836, 1839 and for a week in October 1840.** Correspondence and water colours survive from 1840 with a letter to Lady Montagu of Boughton signed ‘G. Aug. Monty’, whilst a depiction of a sanctuary bears a similar signature. The letter also made reference to the ‘Christian Infants at Beaulieu and their further accommodation’, evidence of the young man’s concern for the young and their well-being.” Doubtless, too, the prevailing interest in the general improvement in the well-being of the working classes influenced Reverend Montgomery’s views on education. This philanthropic concern could be seen to have its roots in a somewhat more prosaic worry with the ‘wild lawless behaviour’ of children released from their labours on the Sabbath leading to the accusation that ‘farmers and other inhabitants of the towns and villages receive more damage to their property in the Sabbath than in all of the week besides’. Sunday schools proliferated and by 1795 almost a quarter of a million children attended.*° The Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK), established in 1698, had as one of its aims the replacement of a number of existing church village schools. Often of the most basic kind, they were frequently accommodated ina room of the local inn or farmhouse, indeed, wherever space might be available. The children could be taught by anyone with the most basic qualifications — the main one being their acceptance of a £20 or £30 salary — without either board or lodging.*! It is no wonder that Mr Phelps, Wilton Free School master, was glad to supplement his income with CARE IN THE COMMUNITY: AN EXAMPLE FROM 19TH-CENTURY WILTSHIRE 301 the lessons in Reading, Writing and Arithmetic given to the young Robert Herbert and George and Elizabeth Montgomery! Attendance of the pupils at village schools depended on the willingness of parents to release them from duties at home or on the land. In the early 1840s the school at Eversley, near Hook in Hampshire, was a small room ‘where cobbling shoes, teaching and flogging the children went on together. As to religious instruction they had none’. Close to home for the Reverend Augustus Montgomery was a school at Broad Chalke where an old lady ran the establishment in her cottage next to the vicarage, instilling her own version of child psychology by beating the children with sticks taken from the vicarage’s orchard. Between 1811 and 1834 the SPCK were responsible for providing £105,000 worth of grants for new schools. The onus for the establishment and running of village schools, however, fell mainly on parish priests and was entirely at their discretion. The 1833 government census showed that over a million children attended Church Schools and prompted a £20,000 state- funded grant towards the establishment of new schools and the maintenance of existing ones. A sting in the tail was that grants were only made where half of the cost had already been found from voluntary contributions. The typical country clergyman saw it as his duty to provide a school for his community, often paying not only for the building but also providing the salary for the schoolmaster/mistress. In so doing, unprecedented changes were wrought in the lives of the ordinary working members of the countryside. The daughter of Reverend Edward Boys Ellman described the extent of these changes when writing of her father’s work in Sussex: Berwick was made a model village. Each house was visited once a week, the school two or three times a day. Every child in the parish regularly attended Sunday and Day school. If a child were absent a single time, it was looked up at once, consequently, in after years the inspectors were amazed at the regular attendances. Sick people were visited daily. Night schools for men and lads were held each winter at the Rectory. Although a small contribution was expected from the pupils, low wages and large families often made this impractical so that the beneficence of the clergy or subscribers to the school could be a major factor in attendance rates.” As well as the prevailing circumstances that surely would have predisposed Reverend George Montgomery to establish a Church School in his own parish, he had the earlier influence of the schoolmaster of the Free School in Wilton to colour his outlook. The 11th Earl of Pembroke’s account books between 1807 and 1809 show Mr Phelps attending the Montgomery children on several occasions, receiving payments averaging £6 for each session. Although the will of Reverend George Montgomery made provision for the establishment of the Church School, this was actually accomplished during his lifetime.** The building still exists, although it is now a private house, and the facade bears, albeit faintly, the arms given to Augustus Montgomery by his father, the 10th Earl of Pembroke. Another mark of Reverend Montgomery’s tenure at Bishopstone was the very fine Rectory adjacent to the Church. Given his upbringing in the magnificent surroundings of Wilton House and Pembroke House, as well as his time as a pupil in the beautiful buildings of Winchester College, it is not surprising that the vicar wanted to create an appropriate dwelling place for himself and his future wife. Much paperwork remains that demonstrates his attention to detail when the building was in the process of erection but there also still exist some lovely watercolour paintings of the property — the work of Mrs Cecilia Montgomery.» In 1855, shortly after Reverend George Montgomery’s time there, Bishopstone was described thus: Bishopstone is a township, parish and village, 7 miles south-west of Salisbury, 4 miles south of Wilton, and 102 from London, in Downton Hundred, Wilton Union, and parliamentary borough, South Wilts, and Salisbury bishopric, extending over 4,452 acres, with a population, according to the last census, of 606. The Pembroke family have been lords of the manor since 1663. The Earl also has the gift of the living, which is a rectory, worth £760, with 30a. 2r.°° of glebe land; the Rev. Francis Lear, B.A., is the incumbent. The church, which is a handsome Gothic structure, is built in a cruciform shape and decorated; it has a square tower rising from the centre of the building, with 3 bells; the altar service was presented by Bishop Earle in 1663, being the rector of the church at that period. The river Ebele passes through in a circuitous direction. There is a Free school in the village, which was built by the Rev. George A. Montgomery, and is now supported by subscription; there is also a Dissenting chapel.*’ The Reverend George Montgomery had a large 302 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE number of potential sources of the money that enabled him to establish the Village School, the new Rectory and leave legacies that resulted in the Reverend G. A. Montgomery Coal Charity. From whence might the funds have been obtained? Family links could provide clues. The 10th Earl of Pembroke had a short-lived affair with Elizabeth Catherine Orby Hunter (Kitty Hunter) that resulted in the birth of Augustus Retnuh Reebkomp (later Montgomery). The Earl made generous provision for Kitty Hunter although she came under the protection of another wealthy nobleman, the 3rd Earl of Bristol, whilst she was pregnant with Reebkomp. She subsequently bore the Earl of Bristol a child, Augustus Hervey (1764/1765 - 1782)°8 to whom his father left his unentailed estate. The Earl of Bristol also stood as godfather to Augustus Reebkomp. Miss Hunter went on to marry Alured Clarke (1744-1832)°? in 1770 although she was some years his senior. The marriage was childless, but Alured Clarke took a keen interest in Augustus Reebkomp which continued after the young man’s marriage. Following Captain Augustus Montgomery’s death in service at Plymouth, the Pembroke family continued to care for his young family well into the nineteenth century. Captain Montgomery’s half-brother was the 11th Earl of Pembroke and the two boys — separated in age by only a few years — grew up together at Wilton House. Upon Captain Montgomery’s death, the 11th Earl of Pembroke took his half-nephew and half-niece under his wing and they spent their childhood at Wilton House and Pembroke House as the close companions of Robert Herbert (1791-1862), later 12th Earl of Pembroke. The 11th Earl of Pembroke’s will continued to make provision for the Reverend George Montgomery and his sister Elizabeth Gibbon née Montgomery.” The latter had already married before the 11th Earl’s death and been provided with a dowry of £8,000. The closeness of the ties between the Pembroke family and Reverend George Montgomery was further demonstrated by his nomination as executor by Elizabeth, Dowager Countess of Pembroke. Reverend George Montgomery’s relative affluence could therefore have arisen from a number of possible sources. His father left his estate absolutely to his widow who also had a marriage settlement from the 10th Earl of Pembroke. Further research is needed, however, to determine whether Captain Montgomery’s estate was inflated by prize money during his period of service in the Royal Navy. The will of Montgomery’s half-brother, the 11th Earl of Pembroke, stated that the monies left to Elizabeth Gibbon resulted from ‘annuities arising from the personal estate’ of Captain Montgomery. The Montgomery children were abundantly provided for by Captain Montgomery’s half-brother, the 11th Earl of Pembroke, who left George Montgomery £9,000 and his sister Elizabeth Gibbon capital and annuities that ensured that she was a wealthy woman.” It also needs to be determined whether Reverend Montgomery’s mother or her family” assisted the young minister when he set about his clerical career. The living in Bishopstone provided a more than adequate salary for a country parson. When Reverend George Montgomery married Cecilia Markham in June 1827 her very wealthy family — on her mother’s side — ensured that she was provided with a dowry amounting to some £6,000. The prevailing climate of the day also ensured that this settlement was under her husband’s control. Thus within a few months of his marriage Reverend George Montgomery had capital of at least £15,000 as well as his stipend. It should perhaps also be noted that the 3rd Earl of Bristol took a keen interest in his godson, Captain Augustus Montgomery, which may well have included financial assistance to him that augmented his reserves. Indeed the 16th Earl of Pembroke speculated that it could have been the influence of Montgomery’s godfather, himself a high-ranking naval officer, which led to his forebear putting his illegitimate son into the navy.™ In the same way Alured Clarke, who rose to the highest rank in the army, had no issue of his own but left an estate of almost £250,000 when he died in 1832.° Correspondence held in the Pembroke papers demonstrated the closeness of the links between Captain Montgomery’s mother, by now Mrs Alured Clarke, and the Pembroke family, a closeness presumably known and condoned by Alured Clarke. In summary, the links show the substantial number of sources that ensured that the son of the 10th Earl of Pembroke’s illegitimate offspring was able to leave a legacy that survives to this day. His upbringing within the Pembroke family meant that Reverend George Montgomery had the example of both George Herbert, 11th Earl of Pembroke, and Elizabeth, Dowager Countess of Pembroke, to show abiding concern and care for those less fortunate than themselves. His concern for the education of the children in his community was typical of many enlightened and philanthropic gentlemen of his era and his theological studies at Oriel College, CARE IN THE COMMUNITY: AN EXAMPLE FROM 19TH-CENTURY WILTSHIRE Oxford cemented his Christian upbringing. Many potential benefactors surrounded the Montgomery children during their lives but the bequest from his uncle and the dowry from his wife supplemented Reverend George Montgomery’s generous stipend from the living at Bishopstone, providing him with a very comfortable existence and the means to fund a bequest that has lasted for nearly 170 years.*” Endnotes V3 http://members.aol.com/crcsmith/bishopstone/coal. htm, downloaded 27 February 2008. S. Thomas, ‘Captain Augustus Montgomery, RN (1762-1797), Wiltshire’s forgotten aristocratic bastard’, WANHM 101 (2008), 213-225. Retnuh was his mother’s name spelt backwards and Reebkomp was an anagram of Pembroke. Lord Herbert to Lady Pembroke, 27 August 1793: Lord Herbert (ed.), Pembroke Papers 1780-1794 (1950), 489. George Augustus was almost certainly named after Captain Montgomery’s half-brother, the 11th Earl of Pembroke, whilst Elizabeth was named after the Dowager Countess of Pembroke. N(ational) A(rchives) Prob 11/1287 will of Captain Augustus Montgomery, RN, dated 13 June 1796. The London house was designed by Sir William Chambers (1722-1796) and commissioned by the 10th Earl of Pembroke in 1755 to replace the one used by the Earl’s father and which he considered not to be large enough for his requirements: Sir Tresham Lever, The Herberts of Wilton (1967), 164, 165. The 11th Earl of Pembroke lost his wife after only seven years of marriage, writing movingly to his mother of his deep grief: Herbert, 491. The Dowager Countess of Pembroke also cared for the daughter of her sister the infamous Lady Diana Beauclerk, raising her with her cousins: C. Hicks, Improper Pursuits: The Scandalous Life of Lady D1 Beauclerk (2001), 340. Universal British Directory of Trade, Commerce, and Manufacture (5 vols. 1791-8), vol. IV, 565. W(iltshire and) S(windon) R(ecord) O(ffice), 2057/ ~ A6/35 Account Book 1803-1806, entry for 14 August 1803. Ibid, entry for 28 December 1806. Ibid, entry for 20 April 1805. George Montgomery was educated by Rev. W Pearson at Parsons Green before his entry to Winchester. Although the 10th Earl of Pembroke followed tradition and was a pupil at Eton, his son was sent to Harrow. His descendant, the 16th Earl of Pembroke (1906- 1969), speculated that this may have been because his mother considered it more healthy: Herbert, 38. Augustus Reebkomp was sent to Eton as the youngest ever pupil, commencing there before his fifth birthday: 14 15 16 U7: 18 19 20 21 22 23 303 Ibid, 497. William of Wykeham (c.1324 - 1404), founder of Winchester College, also established New College, Oxford with the intention that Winchester would send its suitable alumni there to replenish clergy depleted by the Black Death: John Chandos, Boys Together: English Public Schools 1800-1864 (1984), 23; Brian Vesey-FitzGerald, Winchester (1953), 109. Herbert, 486. The Church was considered a very suitable and reasonably lucrative profession for the younger sons of the peerage: L. Stone, The Family: Sex and Marriage in England 1500-1800 (1977), 378. WSRO, 2057/A6/35 1803-1806, entries for 24 April 1806, 27 June 1806, 28 June 1806; 2057/A6/36 Account Book 1807-1810, entries for 11 February 1807, 6 April 1807, 17 November 1807, 9 December 1807, 6 April 1808, 4 September 1808, 9 May 1809. There was also an entry where £2 was sent by post to George Montgomery in respect of a leaving present for Doctor Goddard on his retirement from Winchester College: Ibid, entry for 7 October 1809. WSRO, 2057/A6/ 36 Account Book 1807-1810, entries for 17 November 1807; 10 December 1807. The practice of making payments to members of staff at Winchester College was ended by George Montgomery’s headmaster William Stanley Goddard (1757-1845) who regarded it as detrimental to Winchester College’s reputation and an embarrassment for poorer pupils. Goddard provided money from his own resources after his retirement to ensure that the masters were not out of pocket: C. Dilke, Dr. Moberly’s Mint-Mark: A Study of Winchester College (1965), 29- 30. 1805, Quartae Classis, Junior Pars; 1806, Quartae Classis, Media Pars; 1807, Quartae Classis, Senior Pars; 1808, Quintae Classis, Junior Pars; 1809, Quintae Classis, Media Pars; 1810, Quintae Classis, Media Pars; 1811, Quintae Classis, Senior Pars: C. W. Holgate (ed.), Winchester Long Rolls 1723 -1812 (2 vols. Winchester, 1899-1904), II, 219, 222, 223, 226, 229, 232, 235, 239. WSRO, 2057/A6/35 Account Book 1803-1806 entry for 26 September 1805. Ibid, entry for 27 August 1805; 2057/A6/36 Account Book 1807-1810, entry for 13 March 1807. Count Simon Romanovitch Woronzow ( or Vorontsov) was Russian Ambassador in London between 1785 and 1806: Herbert, 382n. He left many papers, including correspondence with Henry Addington, the Boulton family, Lord Grenville, Lord Harrowby, the 5th Duke of Leeds and William Pitt: http://www. nationalarchives.gov.uk/nra/searches/subject View. asp ?ID=P31231, downloaded 26 September 2008. WSRO, 2057/A6/36 Account Book 1807-1810, entry for 8 April 1808. Ibid, entries for 7 February 1809, 27 January 1810, 11 May 1810. Outlay on clothes for George Montgomery amounted to £5 9s. 6d.; for Robert Herbert it was £7 5s. 6d. and for the Earl of Pembroke £8 9s. 10¥d. 304 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 4] 42 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Ibid, entries for 29 August 1808. Ibid, entry for 12 September 1808. WSRO, 2057/F6/33, William Phelps’ Drawing Books. WSRO, 2057/A6/34 Account Book 1797-1798, entry for 1 July 1797. WSRO, 2057/A6/36 Account Book 1807-1810, entry for 11 August 1810. Ibid, entry for 9 September 1810. WSRO, 2057/A6/35 Account Book 1803-1806, entry for 10 January 1806. J. Foster, Alumni Oxonienses 1715 — 1886, III (1891), 971. ‘Bishopstoke’ was an error for Bishopstone. William Van Mildert was the son of Cornelius Van Mildert (1722-1799) and his wife Martha née Hill (1732-1804). His antecedent was an Amsterdam merchant who came to London c. 1670. William Van Mildert was Prince-Bishop of Durham 1826-1836 and is commemorated at the University of Durham by Van Mildert College whose motto is Sic vos non vobis — Thus do ye, Not for yourselves: http://www.oxforddnb.com/ view/printable/28096, downloaded 24 October 2008. WSRO, Bishop of Salisbury Administrative Records, Ordinations, D/1/14/1/30/1 date 1818-1819. Quoted Elizabeth Gallop, Bishopstone: A History of the Farms, Houses and People of a South Wiltshire Village (1988), 22. Evidently at this time Reverend Montgomery had no spare capital at his disposal, but it was to his half-uncle he turned for assistance. I am indebted to Mr A. Bebbington for bringing this book to my attention and for his help on my visit to Bishopstone. WSRO, Bishop of Salisbury Administrative Records, Ordinations, D/1/14/1/30/1 date 1818-1819. The papers also include an extract taken from the registers of St Mary, Islington showing George Augustus Montgomery, ‘Son of Augustus and Susan’, born 7 November 1793 and baptised 5 April 1794: Ibid. Elizabeth Montgomery married Arthur Gibbon at Bedlington, Northumberland in September or October 1814. They had nine children, of whom only four survived to adulthood. Elizabeth Gibbon was born 14 September 1819 and died, aged three, 11 December 1822. I am indebted to the current owner of the house for copies of some of this correspondence. Thomas Bromley to George Montgomery, 18 October 18210 Quoted Gallop, 65. Gallop, 75, 76. http://british-history.ac.uk/report.aspx?compid = 35130, downloaded 3 March 2008. The Private Act of Parliament is noted at 1803 (Geo. 3,c. 76) http://www.opsi.gov.uk/chron-tables/private/p- chron23.htm, downloaded 3 August 2008. The Dean of York brought an action for damages in relation to ‘criminal conversation’ against John Fawcett in which the former was represented by Thomas Erskine 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 51 Sy >3 54 (1750 — 1823). Erskine’s rhetoric accused Fawcett of the basest betrayal of friendship and stated that the paternity of the Markham’s youngest child was in question: T Benson, Landmark Essays on Rhetorical Criticism (1995), 98,100, 101. The action, in which the Archbishop of York, William Markham (bap. 1719- 1807), testified that his son ‘was a most tender and attentive husband’, resulted in a verdict for £7,000 damages with ‘the criminal intercourse’ lasting for five years before its discovery: Annual Register for 1802, 399-400. Henrietta Laura Pulteney was born on Boxing Day 1766 in Westminster, the only child of William Johnstone (1729 — 1805) and his wife Frances, née Pulteney, (1728? — 1782). Although she had deep religious convictions, this did not prevent her from flouting convention when condoning the divorces of her close friends: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/ printable/59519, downloaded 30 March 2008. Elizabeth Evelyn Markham, née Sutton, was the daughter of Sir Richard Sutton an Under-Secretary of State who left a large estate and extensive property in Nottinghamshire, Norfolk and Leicestershire, as well as a large part of Mayfair: http://www.oxforddnb. co./view/printable/26803, downloaded 29 September 2008. B. Pinnell, Country House History Around Lymington, Brockenhurst and Milford-on-Sea (1987), 176. NA Prob 11/1378 will of Sir Richard Sutton dated 3 June 1798. It is unclear whether the couple were visiting the newly widowed Countess of Pembroke or her mother-in-law who was by then 90 years of age. However, in her later years the Dowager Countess spent much of her time in her home, ‘The Molecatcher’s’, in Richmond Park: C. Hicks, Improper Pursuits: The Scandalous Life of Lady Di Beauclerk(2001), 357. H.E.R. Widnell, The Beaulieu Record (1973), 219. Widnell’s account contains some inaccuracies: George Montgomery’s name derived from his father’s half- brother, not his grandfather and ‘Miss Susan Maltuss’ (sic) was his mother, not his wife! Widnell, 220. Cecilia Montgomery was also a gifted water-colourist and examples of her work survive in the possession of the current owner of Bishopstone House. S.J. Curtis, History of Education in Great Britain (1968), 198 -199. The village school at East Hoathly, Sussex had the local shopkeeper as its schoolmaster in the middle of the eighteenth century: David Vaisey (ed.), The Diary of Thomas Turner 1754 — 1765 (OUP, 1984), xxii. A. Tindal Hart, The Country Priest in English History (1960), 47-49. WSRO, 2057/A6/36 Account Book 1807 — 1810, entries for 16 February 1807; 12 September 1808; 3 February 1809. NA Prob 11/1975 will of Reverend George Augustus CARE IN THE COMMUNITY: AN EXAMPLE FROM 19TH-CENTURY WILTSHIRE a» 56 ay 58 59 60 Montgomery dated 13 June 1835. The will bequeathed the sum of £4,000 to his sister after the death of his wife. I am indebted to the present owner for the kindness, help and hospitality received whilst I was researching this article. 30 acres, 2 roods. A rood was a quarter of an acre. Post Office Directory for Wiltshire, 1855; Clergy List for 1847 (1847), n.p., shows the living as worth £806. D. Erskine (ed.), Augustus Hervey’s Fournal: The Adventures Afloat and Ashore of a Naval Casanova, (2002 reprint of 1953 edn.), xi. ‘Little’ (to distinguish him from Augustus Reebkomp) Augustus Hervey was also left the Earl of Bristol’s memoirs, which were to be ‘padlocked till his son is of age’. Since he did not reach his majority, the papers passed to his uncle and form the basis of Erskine’s book. Sir Alured Clarke had a distinguished army career and became a Field Marshal in 1830. NA Prob 11/1733 will of George Herbert, 11th Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery dated 12 November 1827. The will also continued to make provision for Mrs Susan Montgomery, the widow of the illegitimate son 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 305 of the 10th Earl of Pembroke, while provision was also made for Mrs Caroline Williams, another illegitimate child of the Earl. NA Prob 11/1785 will of Elizabeth, Dowager Countess of Pembroke dated 17 November 1827. NA Prob 11/1733 will of George Herbert, 11th Earl of Pembroke dated 28 April 1826. Susan Montgomery was the daughter of William Maltass, a merchant from Smyrna. Her sister, Mrs Jane Baldwin (1763-1839), was painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds and this portrait, known as ‘The Fair Greek’ became part of the Marquess of Lansdowne’s collection. The Maltass family were evidently well- to-do: http://oxforddnb.com/view/printable/4009 downloaded 13 April 2008. Herbert, 497. NA Prob 11/784 will of Field Marshal Sir Alured Clarke dated 26 October 1832. Herbert, passim. I am greatly indebted to Steve Hobbs and the staff of W.S.R.O. for their help. My grateful thanks also go to Wendy and Peter Smith who kindly read and commented upon a draft of the article. Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 306-314 The past on your doorstep: community history and archaeology in Laverstock by Alex Langlands In 2007, members of the Laverstock Discovery Group set out to explore the early history and archaeology of the parish of Laverstock and Ford on the eastern outskirts of the City of Salisbury. Investigations initially comprised a walk of the parish boundary and archaeological survey followed by small-scale excavation in the summer of 2008 to establish the form of the now ruinous medieval church of St Andrew, Laverstock. Introduction This paper details some of the results of the group’s 2007-8 investigations but emphasis is also placed on the structure and design of the project in accordance with current thinking on the presentation of the past and the transfer of heritage related phenomena to a broader public (Stone and Molyneaux 1994: Stone and Planel 1999; Jameson 1996). The project was neither government instigated nor commercial in its inception but driven entirely by acommunity’s desire to explore its local history. From the outset it was felt important to channel local enthusiasm away from the all-to-frequent and traditional perception that the past is ‘set-in-stone’ towards the view that the Laverstock group could construct their own interpretations of the early history and archaeology of Laverstock. To this end, what is presented in this paper is anew collective interpretation of an Anglo-Saxon charter boundary clause relating to Laverstock, a summary of the findings of survey work undertaken in the churchyard in 2007 and more detailed archaeological results from the test-pitting programme of 2008. After a further season of test-pitting in 2009 it is hoped that the archaeological findings of the group will be published in full. Larks on the downland or reeds by the river? The origins of the village of Laverstock In a bid to explore the early documented history of Laverstock, the group began with a re-assessment of an Anglo-Saxon charter which, by virtue of its inclusion in the register of charters held at Wilton Abbey, has been associated with the parish since at least the early 19th century (Colt Hoare 1827, 42-3). The charter describes a grant made in AD 949 by King Eadred to A‘flsige, his gold and silversmith, of land on the Isle of Wight and et Winterburnan (Sawyer 1968, cat. no. 543). The principal reason that previous scholars have related this document to Laverstock is the inclusion of the term ‘Lefer’ in the boundary clause for the land held at Winterbourne. Boundary clauses usually take the form of a textual perambulation around the limits of the estate in question and in the Laverstock charter the bounds are recorded as following the course of the Lefer on five occasions. G. B. Grundy, an early 20th-century pioneer in the identification of many boundary clauses, suggests Lefer as another name for the river Bourne. Like other commentators (e.g. Darlington University of Winchester, Winchester, S022 4NR THE PAST ON YOUR DOORSTEP to the Stoneheap (stan Hypan) _ Pee then down along the =~ Bourne as the Laefer — (Laefen flows 7 307 - from the Stone along the Fort Way (Burhweges) _ : * to Beornwin's Stone (Beornwyne Stane) along the Fort Way (to Figsbury Ring?) (Burhweges) (tumulus - burial place?) ” First from Byrhtfe nhs ek (Byrhtferthes Hlaewe) - Fig. 1 The parish of Laverstock and Ford (in white) and the first six features mentioned as boundary marks 1n the Anglo-Saxon Charter (Sawyer 1968, cat. no. 543) for land ‘et Winterburnan’ 1955, 93), however, he was ultimately unconvinced Stone (Beornwyne Stane) from the Stone along that the identification with the modern parish of the Fort Way to the Stoneheap (stan Hypan) then Laverstock was correct and provided a translation down along the Bourne as the Laefer (Laefer) (reproduced here) ‘for the benefit of any future flows to the Old Lynch (Healden Hlinc) then as the enquirer who may wish to attempt to solve it’: First from Byrhtferth’s Low (tumulus — burial place?) (Byrhtferthes Hlaewe) along the Fort Way (to Sarum? Figsbury?) (Burhweges) to Beornwin’s Laefer Flows to the end of the deep ford (Deopan Fordes Ende) from the ford as the Laefer flows to Trader’s Ford (Chypmanna Ford) from the ford as the Laefer flows to Horse Spring (Hors Wylle) then as the Laefer flows once more to Byrhtferth’s Low (Grundy, 1920, 22-3) Lo) S& io 2) With a transcript of this document to hand and armed with local knowledge of the landscape, the Laverstock Discovery Group took up the charge to ‘beat the bounds’ of the parish to establish whether the boundary described in Eadred’s charter could be identified with the modern boundary of Laverstock. At this point — an epiphanous moment in our investigation — a team member suggested that we should read the clause in reverse. The overwhelming majority of Anglo-Saxon charter boundary clauses that survive ‘perambulate’ the given estate in a clockwise direction. The topographically problematic boundary clause of Eadred’s grant to A‘flsige, however, makes much more sense if read anti-clockwise and a ‘solution’ is offered here in Figure 1. The starting point for the boundary, Byrhtferthes Hlaewe, can be associated with Burrough’s Hill. Interestingly, the late medieval tower of Britford Church - probably a minster, or mother, church indicative of an important place in the 7th-9th centuries (Pitt, 2003) and the location of a royal visitation (presumably to a royal manor) in the 11th century (Sawyer 1983) - can be made out from this location. Whether or not the ‘Byrht” in Byrhtferthes can be identified with the same place-name element in Britford is speculative but a very similar place- name element appears in the boundary clause of a charter for land in the Ebble valley (Sawyer 1968, cat. no. 891). In this case the boundary runs as far as the “Land boundary of the people of Bryt Fordingea’, “To Bryt Fordingea Landscere’, and this is accepted as the earliest place-name record for Britford (Gover, Mawer and Stenton 1939, 220). These place-name elements in close proximity to the estate at Britford add credibility to the case for Burroughs Hill as the location of the tumulus — burial place or property marker — of Byrhtferth. Equally, the Burhweges that the boundary followed beyond the barrow to the north (see Figure 1) is likely to have run in the opposite direction, south to Britford where it would have forded the Avon. Following this ‘fort way’ to the north in the modern landscape leads to the Iron Age enclosure of Figsbury Ring. The Anglo-Saxon boundary, however, apparently stopped short at Beornwin’s Stone (unlocated) and instead takes a course along a further Burhweges — this time the course of the Roman road from Winchester to Old Sarum. From here, it is suggested the boundary took a right-hand turn at the ‘stone heap’ (the remnants ofa stone pier for a Roman bridge?) — the junction of the Roman road with the river — and followed the course of the THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE river Bourne down to Milford, passing the two fords mentioned in the boundary clause along its course ~ A stumbling block to linking the term ‘Laefer’ with Laverstock is a long-standing association by local community members of the Laver- element with Old English /ewerce, or ‘lark’. Indeed, the earliest recording of the place-name, in Domesday Book, is Lavvrecestoches and Lavertestoche, both of which are translated as ‘the lark outlying farm’ (Watts 2004, 363). Grundy’s suggestion that the Laefer could be another name for the river Bourne is brought into question by the translation of the word in Hall’s A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary originally published in 1916 but revised and republished in 1984 (Hall and Meritt, 1984). There Laefer is translated as ‘rush, reed, iris, gladiolus’ and today the now much constrained course of the Bourne is bordered on both sides by water reeds, rushes and sedge grasses. Topographically, this seems to make more sense. The location of the present village of Laverstock and its medieval parish church is closer to the rushes and reeds of the river Bourne than it is to the lark whose natural habitat is much higher up on the downs. The Domesday place-name remains an obstacle to this interpretation yet Gover, Mawer and Stenton point out in The Place-Names of Wiltshire, “The early forms of Laverstock are not consistent with derivation from Laefer and could only be associated with it if we take the Laverke- forms to be due to some early process of folk-etymology’ Gover, Mawer and Stenton 1939, xli Ultimately, the association of King Eadred’s charter of AD 949 with the later day parish of Laverstock is by no means conclusive. However, the exploration of early written sources, place-name evidence and landscape survey interactively brought members of the group closer to considering the origins of the settlement of Laverstock and its place in the early medieval landscape of south Wiltshire — even if it has split the community, potentially indefinitely, into a ‘lark’ and ‘reed’ camp. The medieval church of St Andrew — 150 years on Due to its near ruinous state the medieval church of St Andrew was dismantled in 1857. The area of consecrated ground was extended northwards and THE PAST ON YOUR DOORSTEP 309 Fig. 2 Plan showing location of medieval church (1) in relation to the modern church building of St Andrew’s Laverstock (2), consecrated in 1858 eastwards of the original area and a new building was erected some 50m to its east (Figure 2). A much reconstructed buttress adjoining a fragment of wall is all that remains of the medieval building today (Figure 3, no. 1) and this architectural survival served as the starting point for initial investigations over several days in 2007 and, subsequently, a week of test-pitting in July 2008. The objectives of the Laverstock Church Discovery Project were straightforward. In the first instance the aim was to learn something of the origins of the medieval church, its extent and form, how it was embellished and what structural developments had occurred during its lifetime as a focus for the community. The enterprise also provided an opportunity to share skills and to involve members of the public, local and otherwise, in the exploration of their local heritage and a building that was once at the heart of village life. Finally, to tie in with the 150th anniversary of the consecration of the new church of St Andrew in 1858, the Laverstock Discovery Group — a wider coalition of community members — were to put on a local history display and conduct a series of walks and talks for the benefit of local residents, the general public and visiting tourists. The findings from the survey work and test-pitting programme in and around the foundations of the medieval church were displayed as part of this exhibition with visitors encouraged to visit the excavations and see the archaeology — finds and deposits — for themselves. The 2007 survey Initial research into documentary, cartographic and pictorial sources brought two key pieces of evidence to light that revealed information about the original ground plan and outward appearance of the church. The first of these was a not-to-scale sketch published by Sir Richard Colt Hoare in his The History of Modern Wiltshire (Vol. 5, 108). The second was a reprint of a watercolour made of the church in the early 19th century by John Buckler as part of a commission by Colt Hoare to sketch churches and other historic buildings in Wiltshire. 310 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE a 3 y LI aI ——. as eA & : ily \~ Sg ti oe ee ea “ y \ Za {| A: ; eee | en ee Nace pe, \ i 4 = \ ; \ ! \ ~ | me 4 ! Pe \ : \ } 1 | Fig. 3 Plan of test pits A, B and C showing 1) surviving standing fabric; 2) memorial stones (shaded) dated post-1858; 3) memorial stones (in white) dated pre 1857 and 4) projected outline of medieval church After familiarising members of the team with the basic skills needed for laying out a 5m grid, Colt Hoare’s plan, which was accompanied by a discussion of the external dimensions of the building, was put to use (and ultimately tested) in determining the outline of the church. The locations of all memorial stones thought to pertain to the original churchyard were also recorded along with those memorial stones that had been later erected on the site of the demolished church (Figure 3, nos. 3 and 2 respectively). During the course of the initial survey many long-standing members of the community visited and proved to be a useful source of information concerning the recent history of the site which, up until twenty years ago, was in a derelict state. Of particular interest was the story of a successful attempt in 1969 to locate the Bathurst tomb, a subterranean vault thought to house the coffins of certain members of the Bathurst family, then owners of the adjacent Clarendon Park estate. This account, along with basic map regression, a description of how access to the site from the south-west had been blocked off and how land immediately to the south had been sold on, enabled the team to develop an understanding of how the topography of the churchyard had changed since the demolition of the church in the mid-19th century. Finally, the group carried out a sketched earthwork survey of the immediate environs of the church site and drew elevations of the surviving buttress and wall which, it transpired from local accounts, had been subjected to repair and reworking since the early 1980s. Archaeology in 2008 On the basis of the 2007 survey, three test pits were excavated on the site of the medieval church. Not THE PAST ON YOUR DOORSTEP 311 | ee ee ee S [19] 18 eA | (18) [19] (20) | Bee ee f \ \ i ‘f / a / x \ i Os a ay 7) : le \ : ee | 5 \ \ oy alae : \ b— preter O @ one: | Bens aes ale cae ial | Ric develo Ips i Giga R tne : (18) | | alae | ce ye SNe ti ee herds no a ee 0 om Fig. 4 Plan of area B showing cut of foundation trench robbing [19] with demolition debris used as backfill (18). (Cut [11] 1s thought to represent an attempt in 1969 to locate the entrance to the Bathurst tomb) only did this provide an opportunity for participants to gain an introduction to archaeological techniques — including excavation, recording and finds processing — but also to establish whether foundations and floor surfaces relating to the medieval church survived. Exploratory excavations took place in three areas, labelled A, B and C. Area A This 2m x I m test pit was designed to pick up the east wall of the chancel and was set out so as to straddle the location of the wall according to Colt Hoare’s dimensions. However, it very quickly became apparent that ground disturbance identified in the _ earthwork survey (also recorded to the immediate north of Area A on Figure 3) was the result of a modern intrusion most likely associated with the 1969 excavation to locate the Bathurst tomb. The family vault was believed by some residents to lie beneath three large tombstones butted up against each other and set on the ground to the immediate south-east of where we had located the test pit (see Figure 3). Fragments of the church foundations had survived to the west of this modern intrusion and as a consequence the test pit was extended 1m x 1m to the south. In several places remains of the foundations comprised tightly packed flint nodules bonded with clay, although most of the foundations had been robbed away, presumably by the Victorian demolition crew. Where the foundation walls had survived, they had been utilised as the western terminus for a red-brick vault built up against the outside edge of the church foundations and over which, if Buckler’s sketch is to be believed, a table- top tomb was erected. Area B A 2m x 3m pit was located at the junction of the north wall of the chancel with the north-east 312 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Fig. 5 Team member and exhibition organiser Tony Male records fragments of medieval moulded stone recovered from the excavation corner of the nave. Again, it was quickly apparent that disturbances to the ground surface picked up in the earthwork survey resulted from a modern intrusion — perhaps made at the same time as the 1969 excavation (see Figure 4, cut [11]). During the removal of the filling of this feature, and that of the backfill to the late 1960s excavation in Area A, many fragments of memorial stones, some as recent as the 1930s, were recovered. Lying at the base of cut [11], however, was a large iron wheel-headed cross — most likely part ofa late 19th/early 20th-century memorial — which had been wrapped in a plastic sheet (or bag) prior to deposition. If medieval foundations survived in this area, they were below the level that our team excavated to. Certainly to the depths at which the test pit extended, it was clear that the foundations had been thoroughly robbed out during the demolition of the church in 1857. However, the ‘robber trench’ cut was discernible (Figure 4, cut [19]) and suggested the approximate outline of the medieval foundations in this locale. Furthermore, a further brick vault was recovered in the north-eastern corner of the test pit (Figure 4, (15) with construction cut [16]) and appeared, like the brick vault in Area A, to have been built up against the outside edge of the church in the angle between the junction of nave and chancel of the medieval church. Overlying the backfill for this feature (14) was a remnant of a flint cobbled floor, undisturbed during the demolition phase and which may have represented an extra-mural cobbled path/drain facilitating water run off away from the church walls. Fig. 6 Team members excavating test pits (from the foreground) A, B and C Area C A 1m x 2m test pit was opened up in this area with a view to establishing the width of the foundations of the north wall of the nave. Once again it was clear that the foundations had been robbed out. A lm x lm sondage was excavated in the northern half of the test pit which appeared to locate in situ foundation material. Large flint nodules bonded with clay were recovered in the very northern extent of the sondage. Immediately south, the sondage bottomed out, following the cut of a robber trench to the natural geology. Archaeological conclusions The test pits for the 2008 excavation had been located primarily using the dimensions given in Colt Hoare’s The History of Modern Wiltshire projected with reference to the surviving fabric. The results of excavation in Area A suggest that the measurements provided by Colt Hoare for the chancel were inaccurate and that it is in fact some 3 metres shorter than he reported. An undisturbed graveyard soil yielding only fragments of disarticulated bone was all that was recovered to the east of the 1969 excavation cut. Documents relating to the demolition of the medieval church and the construction of the Victorian church record that, as part of the contract, it was agreed that stone recovered from the older church building would be used in the building of the new. Furthermore, it was agreed between the church authorities and the building firm that the stone that was not used could be taken away by the latter. THE PAST ON YOUR DOORSTEP The archaeological evidence from areas A, B and C suggests that much of the foundations were removed along with the superstructure. The survival of foundation material in area A appears to be associated with the brick vault to the immediate east. The large flint nodules bonded with clay in area C are somewhat more enigmatic. Whilst this latter deposit is very similar to the foundations encountered in Area A, it is not seemingly on the course of where the foundation walls should pass in accordance with both Colt Hoare’s plan and the projected line from Area B. The suggestion that this material may have formed part of a foundation for a buttress to support the north wall of the nave is speculative. The deposit appeared in section to be overlain by layers that were undisturbed during the demolition of the church. This would imply that any such buttress was no longer standing in 1857. A further indication that no stone was left unturned — or at least unused — was the make-up of the backfill for the robber trenches (for example see (18) in Figure 4). Throughout areas A, B and C this deposit took on a fairly uniform consistency comprised for the most part of an extremely friable lime and chalk based mortar which had presumably been ‘picked’ from the stones as they were removed from the building and/or site. This combined evidence raises an inescapable question; if it was considered so important to reuse the stones from the site, why was the south-east corner of the nave and its adjoining buttress left intact? Perhaps of most interest to all involved in the excavation, was evidence of the internal decoration for the church recovered from the debris used to back-fill the Victorian robber trenches. Small fragments of glazed floor-tiles and fragments of painted wall plaster gave participants and visitors a tantalising insight into how the original medieval church may have been decorated. Conclusions Nearly 500 people passed through the gates of Laverstock churchyard during the week of 7 to 13 July to visit the local history exhibition hosted by community members in the Victorian church of St Andrew. A large proportion of these people also visited the test-pit excavation programme on the site of the ruined medieval church with 37 individuals — from a diverse range of backgrounds — playing an active part in the excavation. 313 The week was considered a success with a congratulatory tone taken by all involved due to the visitor numbers achieved, the information communicated and the level of participation. There will almost certainly be a similar week of archaeological work planned for the summer of 2009. Through the study of the early history and archaeology of Laverstock and its medieval church, members of the Laverstock Discovery Group have overcome some of the barriers that English Heritage argue exist and hinder the potential of the historic environment to generate and strengthen a sense of community (English Heritage 2000). Essentially these community members have become involved by taking the opportunity to explore and present their past and become decision makers in the process. Furthermore, the group have added to the picture painted of the early ‘story’ of the area by discoveries such as the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Petersfinger (Leeds and Shortt 1953), the medieval pottery kilns at Laverstock (Musty, Algar and Ewence 1969) and the famous gold ring of King Athelwulf of Wessex (839-58), the father of King Alfred, found crushed in a cart rut in 1780 (see Smyth 1995, plate 4a). Importantly, however, the project represents a step in the direction of the public acting in their own interests — rather than the state acting in the public’s interest — to take on the stewardship and interpretation of their past. This is, in action, an alternative view of ‘public’ archaeology and one that moves away from the traditional view of public archaeology as a state ‘management’ of cultural resources for the benefit of the public (Merriman 2004: 2). With particular reference to the church survey and excavation, the actions of the Laverstock Discovery Group can be seen as part of a broader trend to re- familiarise communities with a particularly powerful resource for local heritage studies; the parish church and its concomitant burial ground. The value of such sites as centres for community involvement, as well as tourist attractions is already being realised by such initiatives as the Caring for God’s Acre scheme (http://www.caringforgodsacre.co.uk/) and bodies such as the Churches Conservation Trust (http:// www.visitchurches.org.uk/). The Laverstock project provides a template that can be applied elsewhere to actively involve communities in the exploration of their historic environment. To this end the project has proven that the process of engaging the public in both consultation and action is as valuable socially as the heritage site is archaeologically. 314 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Acknowledgements I am grateful to all members of the Laverstock Discovery Group who helped with the excavation and exhibition. Special thanks go to Tony and Sarah Male who worked so tirelessly to make the week a success and to Brian Evans for his invaluable support and indefatigable legwork. I am indebted to Dr Simon Roffey and Dr Andrew Reynolds for their time and expertise and finally, I wish to thank Libby Philpott for her insightful comments on various drafts of this paper and her help in the organisation and design of the project. References DARLINGTON, R. R., 1955, ‘Anglo-Saxon Wiltshire’ and ‘Domesday Survey’, V.C.H. Wilts., ii, 1-34 and 24-112. London: Oxford University Press ENGLISH HERITAGE, 2000, Power of Place: The future of the historic environment, English Heritage. Government commissioned review of all issues relating to the historic environment (accessed at: http://www. englishheritage.org.uk/server/show/nav.1447 on 20/10/2008) GOVER, J. E. B.. MAWER, A. and STENTON, E M., 1939, The Place-Names of Wiltshire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press GRUNDY, G. B. 1920. The Saxon Land Charters of Wiltshire. Archaeological Journal 26, 8-126 HALL, J. R. C. and MERITT, H. D., 1984, A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary. University of Toronto Press, 4th edition reprint HOARE, R. C., 1822 — 44, The History of Modern Wiltshire, 6 volumes. London: Maver & Lepard HOARE, R. C., 1827, Registrum Wiltonense. London JAMESON, J. H., 1996, Presenting Archaeology to the Public: Digging for Truths. Lanham, Maryland: Rowman Altamira LEEDS, E. T. and SHORTT, H de S., 1953, An Anglo- Saxon Cemetery at Petersfinger, near Salisbury, Wiltshire. Salisbury: Blackmore Museum MERRIMAN, N. (ed.), 2004, Public Archaeology. London: Routledge MUSTY, J., ALGAR, D. J. and EWENCE, P FE 1969. The Medieval Pottery Kilns at Laverstock, near Salisbury, Wiltshire. Archaeologia 102, 83-150 PITT, J., 2003, ‘Minster Churches and Minster Territories in Wiltshire’, in D. Griffiths, A. Reynolds and S. Semple (eds), Boundaries in Early Medieval Britain, 58-71. Oxford: Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History 12 SAWYER, P. H., 1968, Anglo-Saxon Charters: An Annotated List and Bibliography. London: Royal Historical Society SAWYER, P. H., 1983, ‘The Royal tun in Pre-Conquest England’, in P Wormald (ed.) with D. Bullough and R. Collins, Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society, 273-300. Oxford: Basil Blackwell SMYTH, A. P, 1995, King Alfred the Great. Oxford: Oxford University Press STONE, P G. and MOLYNEAUX, B. L. (eds.), 1994, The Presented Past: Heritage, museums and education. One World Archaeology Series 25. London: Routledge STONE, P. G. and PLANEL, P. G. (eds.), 1999, The Constructed Past: Experimental archaeology, education and the public. One World Archaeology Series 36. London: Routledge WATTS, V. (ed.), 2004, The Cambridge Dictionary of English Place-names. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 101 (2008), pp. 315-317 Notes and Shorter Contributions Cricklade and the Britons by Andrew Breeze Cricklade (NGR SU 1093) is where the old road from Silchester to Cirencester crosses the Thames, and its name is an old problem. It was debated even in the 15th century, when John Rous (1411-91) of Warwick explained it as “Greek-lade’ from ancient Greek philosophers who founded a university there (Kendrick 1950, 25). However, cold water was poured on this idea by the pioneer antiquary John Aubrey (1626-97). Although he quoted Thomas Fuller (1608- 61) for the notion that Cricklade was ‘Greek-lade’, just as nearby Lechlade was ‘Latin-lade’, from ‘two schools, famous both for eloquence and learning’, he dismissed as ‘a fond [foolish] opinion’ the view that Cricklade was called after any Greek philosophers. He explained it instead from Welsh cerrig ‘stones’ and gwlad ‘country’, referring to the stone-brash of local geology (Aubrey 1847, 94). Aubrey was moving in the right direction. Yet modern scholars have advanced little beyond him, except in taking the second element here as Old English gelad ‘river-crossing’ (especially one liable to floods). In the last decade the 10th-century form Cracgelade and Domesday Book’s Crichelade were thus explained as ‘river-crossing of the hill’, with the first element corresponding to Welsh craig ‘crag, rock’ (Mills 1991, 96). This has been repeated, though with a query and comment that the name is ‘extremely difficult’ (Coates and Breeze 2000, 340). Most recently we are told that a form cognate with Welsh craig, referring to the undramatic Common Hill west of Cricklade, is unlikely, given early spellings of the toponym (Watts 2004, 168). University of Navarre, 31080 Pamplona, Spain So a fresh start is desirable. Now, Cricklade appears as Crecca gelad (also Creaccgelad and Creocc gelad) in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, describing a Viking attack on Wiltshire in 903. These attestations may point to original Brittonic Crex- with later Old English diphthongization of the vowel. That allows an etymology, since Welsh has an adjective crech, the feminine of crych ‘wrinkled: rough, rippling, bubbling’, which is applied to rivers in Wales. The Crychell (NGR SO 0775) flows through mid- Powys; north of Llandovery in Carmarthenshire is the Crychan (NGR SN 8138); on the western edge of Snowdonia is the Crychddwr (NGR SH 4751) ‘rippling water’. Pertinent here is Y Ffrwd Grech ‘the rough torrent’ near Brecon, with initial mutation of crech after a noun (Thomas 1938, 61). These Welsh rivers seemingly had namesakes in North Britain. The cartulary of Lanercost Abbey, east of Carlisle, mentions streams called Crecchoc near Upper Denton and Burtholme, which would show the Cumbric feminine equivalent of Welsh crychog ‘rippling one’ (Breeze 2006, 328). So Cricklade may have been the ‘crossing of a rippling river, ford at broken water’. Does this make phonological sense? Welsh crych and crech are from a form represented by the Gaulish name Crixus, cognate with Latin Crispus ‘curly-headed one’ (the cognomen of the historian Sallust, who presumably had an ancestor with curling locks). By the Ist century the x in the British cognate of Crxus had become a sound represented by phonologists as X°, a voiceless guttural spirant (not, as with the ch of 316 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Modern Welsh, a velar spirant) followed by weakened s. This became a velar spirant at a date between the 4th and 6th to 7th centuries (Jackson 1953, 536-9). Now, the English settled the upper Thames valley in the decades about 500. Cirencester fell to them in the year 577. That implies borrowing in the late Sth century, before British X* was velarized. Since Old English had a voiceless glottal spirant but not a guttural spirant, British X° was apparently borrowed by the Anglo-Saxons with a sound-substitution that they represented by -cc-. As for the development of original internal 7 to e through a-affection, this is more straightforward, since it is dated to the first half or middle of the 5th century (Jackson 1953, 576-8). It hence occurred before the English advance on the upper Thames, so that they would borrow the name as Crecca from our posited late British CreX‘a ‘rippling one’, and not CriX‘a. We can go farther. It may be that Cricklade is a part-translation of a Celtic toponym, as is the case with Edinburgh, where the modern name in part translates what a Welshman would call Dineidin ‘Fortress of Eidin’. If so, that points to Crxaritum ‘Rippling Ford’ as Cricklade’s British-Latin name. This corresponds in form to Anderitum ‘Broad Ford’ or Pevensey, Sussex; Camboritum ‘Ford at a Bend’ or Lackford, Suffolk; Durolitum or Duroritum ‘Ford at a Fort’ or Little London, Essex; and so on (Rivet and Smith 1979, 251). A reconstructed British Crixariton would, with its elements reversed, give Welsh rhyd grech; and this actually exists, in a nature-poem once attributed to the 14th-century bard Dafydd ap Gwilym, but probably a century later. The poet addresses a salmon who has leapt and swum Goruwch y rhyd grech a’r rhiw “To above the rippling ford and slope of the hill’ (Dafydd ap Gwilym 1942, 184). So a sense ‘rippling ford, ford of broken water’ suits Celtic idiom. The ford at Cricklade still figures on Ordnance Survey maps. Fords commonly occur where a stratum of hard rock creates shallows on a river, producing what geographers call a nick-point in its profile and breaking any smoothness of its waters. If this is or was the case at Cricklade, it would confirm that an allusion to ‘rippling (water) fits local topography. As a toponym describing water in motion, it also resembles such British-Latin forms as Bremenium ‘Place on a Roaring Stream’ or High Rochester, Northumberland; Morbium ‘Place on a Sluggish Stream’ or Piercebridge, Co. Durham; Segolocum ‘Violent Pool’ or Littleborough, on the Trent’s Nottinghamshire bank; and Segontium ‘Place on a Vigorous River’ or Caernarfon, Gwynedd (Breeze 2001, 23-4). We have travelled far from the Greek philosophers of Cricklade’s supposed university. Yet the above explanation, if correct, still links the place to the ancient world. Although Cricklade’s British-Latin name was not recorded by Ptolemy, the Antonine Itinerary, or other sources, it appears we can nevertheless reconstruct it in its earliest guise as Crixaritum, ‘Ford at the Rippling River, Ford at Broken Water’ (from British Crixariton); which in part still survives, after two millennia, in Cricklade’s modern name. References AUBREY, J., 1847, The Natural History of Wiltshire. London BREEZE, A. C. 2001. The British-Latin Place-Names Arbeia, Corstopitum, Dictim, and Morbium. Durham Archaeological Fournal 16, 21-5 BREEZE, A. C. 2006. Britons in the Barony of Gilsland, Cumbria. Northern History 43, 327-32 COATES, R. A. and BREEZE, A. C., 2000, Celtic Voices, English Places. Stamford DAFYDD AP GWILYM (trans H. I. Bell and David Bell), 1942, Fifty Poems. London JACKSON, K. H., 1953, Language and History in Early Bnitain. Edinburgh KENDRICK, T. D., 1950, British Antiquity. London MILLS, A. D., 1991, A Dictionary of English Place-Names. Oxford RIVET, A. L. E and SMITH, C., 1979, The Place-Names of Roman Britain. London THOMAS, R. J., 1938, Enwau Afonydd a Nentydd Cymru. Caerdydd WATTS, V.E., (ed.) 2004, The Cambridge Dictionary of English Place-Names. Cambridge NOTES AND SHORTER CONTRIBUTIONS 317 In memory of a murder victim: the memorials to Judith Pearce, 1821 and 2006 by Kay S. Taylor In October 2004 a freak accident occurred in the churchyard at Sutton Benger in North Wiltshire. A large sycamore branch crashed to the ground, its descent fragmenting one particular headstone and so destroying the remaining evidence of a piece of village history and folklore. No other gravestones in the churchyard were affected. In March 1821 the horrified residents of Sutton Benger had subscribed to a fund to erect a memorial in their churchyard in honour of a local widow Judith Pearce, who had been brutally murdered the previous November. This gravestone recorded that her ‘blameless life of diligence and honesty’ had been terminated at the age of 58 years by ‘an act of malicious barbarity’. An account of the events surrounding the murder, and the subsequent trial of the alleged perpetrator, was published in WANHM 94 (2001), under the title ‘Murder at Brookside Cottage: a Dark Deed in North Wiltshire’.! This account included a picture of Judith’s gravestone, for which the mason had used stone from the Forest of Dean. Stone from this region is prone to flaking, making the inscription harder to read with the passing of time. Luckily the full inscription was copied down nearly twenty years ago — long before a significant portion of the stone flaked off in the 1990s and the stone’s total destruction a decade later. The 2004 incident was reported in the Chippenham Gazette & Herald: Monument shattered A falling branch from a tree in the churchyard recently shattered the gravestone of a 19th century murder victim, destroying the memorial to a violent episode of the history of Sutton Benger that has stood for 184 years. Judith Pearce, a 58 year-old widow, was brutally murdered in the garden of her home at the bottom of Seagry Hill in 1820. Edward Buckland, a well-known local gypsy, was convicted of her murder and hung the following year. Judith was buried in the north-east corner of Sutton Benger churchyard and her memorial stone was erected, using funds raised by public 5 Lee Crescent, Sutton Benger, Wilts., SN15 4SE subscription, by the villagers. Tony Gardener, spokesman for the Parochial Church Council, said he hoped it would be possible to replace the memorial stone in the future.” It appeared initially that funding for a replacement memorial would prove difficult to obtain, especially as the PCC had numerous — and more pressing — demands on its resources. However, trustees of a local charity set up prior to the 17th century specifically for the repair and maintenance of the parish church, and for the benefit of Sutton Benger inhabitants? agreed that it was important to retain such a significant piece of village history and sought quotes for a replacement gravestone.* James Long (Masons) Ltd were furnished with an exact inscription from the original headstone and commissioned to prepare a new stone. Modern carving techniques have made it possible to use a standard width stone rather than replicating the outsized original, which was 30 inches wide in order to accommodate the rather wordy 19th-century dedication. It was also agreed to use York stone since this is more hard wearing than that from the Forest of Dean.° The remnants of the old headstone were removed and the new stone was erected on Monday 10 July 2006, ensuring that Judith Pearce’s tragic demise will be remembered by future generations of villagers. Endnotes 1 Details of the murder are also provided in Kay S. Taylor, Sutton Benger from Saxon Times to the Dawn of the 21st Century: a History of the Church, Schooling, Charity and Murder (Bradford on Avon, ELSP, 2000), 55-65. 2 Chippenham Gazette & Herald, 28 October 2004, 20. See also the Western Daily Press, 28 October 2004, 7. 3 The Charity Commission scheme for regulating the Sutton Benger Church Piece Charity, sealed 20 November 1992, paragraphs 26(1) and 26(2). 4 Minutes of the Meetings of the Sutton Benger Church Piece Charity Trustees, 10 Feb 2005 minute 10/05; 7 July 2005 minute 18/05[d]. 5 Ibid, 19 Jan 2006 minute 2/06[c]; 18 May 2006 minute 10/06[c]. Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 318-320 WANHS Archaeology Field Group: recent activities and future plans by Fim Gunter A survey highlighted that members of the Archaeology Field Group wanted more excavation and excavation-related activity and training sessions. As a result, the programme became focused on fewer larger schemes in the last year, which has seen the group on site somewhere 1n the county over most weekends. This report presents highlights from the programme, mostly in the form of interim reports (Bedwyn Brail, Cumberwell, South Marston and West Woods). Full reports will appear in future volumes of the Magazine. Training sessions With the increase in activity, the AFG has accumulated a growing volume of finds, many of which are unidentified. To rectify this, a series of workshops was held, starting with pot identification. Members of the Young Archaeology Club participated in one session. The group’s second training session on standing buildings recording was conducted under the guidance of David Hughes of the Wiltshire Buildings Record at the army’s Buckley Barracks, Hullavington. The army base incorporated Bell Farm, two barns of which still survive. The five-bay southern barn (at ST 9118 8117) was constructed of local limestone with fine ashlar quoin stones under a stone-tiled half-hipped roof. It had a porched central bay with large, opposing doors in the east and west walls that would have favoured the prevailing south-westerly winds. A threshing floor, made of Scm-thick oak boards resting on elm joists, stretched between the two doors and appeared to be original. Deposits below the boards included oat chaff. The walls contained a considerable amount of graffiti in the form of initials, names, dates and tally marks. Another form of graffiti found was apotropaic marks Date of 1701 Tally marks Apo paic mar Fig. 1 Graffiti on quoin outside blocked door to the south barn at Bell Farm, Hullavington (Photo: Brian Clarke). in the form of daisy wheels and double Vs, said to ward off evil spirits. On one of the quoins in the porch there was a possible date of 1701 (Fig. 1). The northern barn, also five-bayed (at ST 9118 8119), was similar in construction to the south barn. Fewer graffiti were visible in this barn, but there were carpenter’s marks visible in the oak roof. There is no remaining evidence for a threshing floor. From the available evidence of half-hipped roofs and graffiti, it is suggested that both barns date to the early 18th century, with the southern barn being built first. Wiltshire Heritage Museum, 41 Long Street, Devizes, Wiltshire, SN10 1NS WANHS ARCHAEOLOGY FIELD GROUP: RECENT ACTIVITIES AND FUTURE PLANS 319 Excavations at Bedwyn Brail (interim report) The group has been active in the search for the Duke of Somerset’s lost Tudor mansion described in WANHM 99. Various sites in the Bedwyn Brail area near Burbage have been surveyed and excavated. Last year, it was reported that conclusive evidence for part of the Tudor water conduit had been found. This year’s work has discovered the starting point for this feature, which 16th-century records claim was 500m long. The conduit is between 1.5m and 2m below current ground level; digging is always difficult, usually needing the aid of a JCB and powerful pumps. Further work is planned to find its terminus, which should help locate the site of the elusive mansion. The profile and regularity of the visible ditch in which the conduit was placed is not consistent throughout its length. Pottery found in the southern, more irregular, portion has been positively identified as Middle and Late Bronze Age, leading to speculation that this stretch of the ditch itself might be much older than the Tudor period. Cumberwell (interim report) Digging has continued throughout the year at a site on the Cumberwell Golf Course at Bradford-on- Avon. The outline of a building has been uncovered with much associated Romano-British pottery, a brooch and a bent pewter dish, possibly for tasting wine. There is a dispute about what type of building it is. Initially, two projections from the main building line were interpreted as forming a porch entrance, perhaps to a barn. However, there is also a ditch running immediately through the ‘porch’ area that appears to be incorporated into the ‘porch’ with the walls stopping at the ditch edge. It is apparent from the collapse into this ditch that the wall spanned the ditch with a corbelled arch. The walls are of dry stone construction and are 1.7m wide. Several of the corners are curved, which are perhaps inconsistent with the building’s interpretation as a barn. Digging will continue to unravel this mystery. A medieval barn is also recorded as having been located in the vicinity and some finds from that period have been recovered, although in much smaller quantities than the Romano-British material. Fieldwalking in an adjacent field only added to the mystery: the best find was a tanged and barbed arrowhead. South Marston (interim report) Work has continued at South Marston Farm (SU 195 871) on the outskirts of Swindon. The planning of the visible earthworks in two fields near to the line of the London to Bristol railway has been completed. A geophysical survey has also been undertaken on the southern field, but revealed no buried structures within what were thought to be house platforms. We intend to carry out further geophysical surveys in the east field, where similar platforms have been planned. West Woods: Woodland Archaeology (interim report) A second season of woodland surveys was conducted in West Woods (SU 155 685), 3km southwest of Marlborough and 5km southeast of Avebury, during the autumn and winter of 2007/8, when the undergrowth was low. West Woods cover an area of c. 400ha, presenting a formidable task. The aim is to carry out an audit survey to identify and record any features encountered. This year’s efforts have been greatly assisted by access to LIDAR images for the wood provided by the Forestry Commission with LIDAR. These have now transformed the survey from just an audit to ground-proofing and interpreting features highlighted in the LIDAR image. It has already doubled the speed of surveying and has started to produce results. So far, c. 30ha have been surveyed, mostly in the western side of the wood. Lynchets have been identified within the wood, running through to Hursley Bottom. These suggest that at one time the clearing was much larger than at present and that farming activity had taken place within what is now woodland. Large numbers of circular pits and sarsen blocks occur scattered throughout the woods. One large pit has been found with fragments of broken sarsen in it, suggesting that it may have been an area where sarsen was quarried. There are records of sarsen being split with dynamite during the Victorian period to make kerbstones and this activity may have created the crater encountered. Pits near the edge of the wood appear to have been sources for marl for the neighbouring fields. Some pits are almost perfectly circular, having the appearance of bomb craters. In one of these, a band made of brass and fragments of splintered metal was found, perhaps from an exploded shell. 320 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Until the survey and research are complete, any interpretation of banks and ditches encountered needs to be treated with caution. However, one of the bank and ditch system straddles two enclosures within the wood and appears to extend into others. So far it has been traced for 1km, bending round so that it becomes parallel to itself. It may be an old woodland boundary, showing earlier divisions or phases of the wood; further survey and study of old maps will be required. Non-excavation events Three educational forays into the land around monuments were staged. At Roundway Down the AFG lent support to WAHNS member Phillip Hancock in his research into the burial site of the 1643 Civil War battle of Roundway. AFG member Shaun Ogbourne led a combined archaeology, natural history and folklore tour of the monuments around Knap Hill. Finally, the AFG was extremely fortunate to organise, jointly with the National Trust, a talk by Jim Leary (English Heritage project manager) on the restoration work at Silbury Hill. This was followed by a guided tour of the landscape features between Avebury and Silbury led by David Field, also of English Heritage. Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 321-330 Reviews edited by Robert Clarke Landscape of the Megaliths: Excavation and Fieldwork on the Avebury Monuments, 1997-2003, by Mark Gillings, Joshua Pollard, David Wheatley and Rick Peterson. Oxbow Books, 2008, 402pp, black and white and colour figures, hardback, price £40. ISBN 9781842173138. The Landscape of the Megaliths is the latest in a recent series of publications covering excavation and fieldwork in the Avebury area. The present volume, however, differs in that when reporting the findings of the Longstones Project, a joint programme of exploration by a number of university departments, it takes us on a perambulation of the Avebury region rather than focussing ona single site. The monograph covers an array of monuments within the monument complex, the majority of which received attention over the period 1997-2003, thus greatly enhancing our understanding of the prehistoric archaeology of the region in the process. The authors also address a few ‘folk law’ issues along the way. Readers of this magazine will be familiar with much of the work as it has been reported promptly at every important juncture. Now we have the opportunity to consider the work in one volume. We are introduced to the Longstones Project by way of a review of previous investigations, including a useful account of how the legacy of earlier work shaped the project and its research questions. Stuart Piggott suggested in his seminal work on William Stukeley that ‘the onus of disproof of the original existence of the Beckhampton Avenue lies with the modern archaeologists’ (Piggott 1950,114). Fieldwork by those ‘modern archaeologists’ has ensured that this hitherto little understood part of the Avebury complex has received much needed attention, with spectacular results. Excavations around Adam and Eve, two apparently isolated standing stones to the west of the Avebury circle, revealed a series of monuments, mirroring other structures within the wider landscape, including an enclosure dated by Grooved Ware sherds and radiocarbon determinations from antler and animal bone. This monument appears to have been levelled as part of the preparatory work for the Beckhampton Avenue in the mid 3rd millennium BC. Following impressive geophysical results, excavation demonstrated that a double stone-row ran from the western side of the circle to the two remaining Longstones. Geophysical survey in Beckhampton Field during 2001 revealed further anomalies, although excavations in 2002 suggested stone extraction pits rather than stone settings. Interestingly, the Longstones originally formed part of a short-lived Cove structure, itself possibly replicating or assimilating the earlier chamber-type monuments so prevalent in this area. Work in 2002-2003 on the West Kennet Avenue located a buried sarsen, which unfortunately appears to have been one so placed in 1921-2 and recorded by O.G.S. Crawford. This presented the team with a problem as the trench had been placed to straddle the expected double row of the monument. Ensuing discussion notes that the monument may not have continued in this location. The most intriguing suggestion is that due to the close proximity to the West Kennet palisade enclosures further prehistoric developments were prohibited. Geophysical survey in 2002 located the south-eastern arc of Falkner’s Circle, a monument disputed since the mid-19th century. Here a circle c. 44m in diameter indicates formalisation of this part of the landscape. At Avebury itself, work to stabilise the Cove in 2003 is presented and makes interesting reading. During April 2003 excavation in advance of engineering work took place around Stones 1 and 2. Whilst Stone 1 warranted the work, Stone 2, considered to be steadily developing an increasing lean, was 322 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE found to be in excess of 2.5m below the surface. This observation prompts serious discussion surrounding the erection of such a megalith, at 100 tonnes probably one of the biggest singular engineering feats of the Neolithic. The monograph places the recent work into a wider context. The geological, topographical and hydrological aspects of the surrounding landscape are given full treatment. Of particular note is the gratuitous use of colour landscape plans, allowing the reader to fully appreciate the unfolding story of this North Wiltshire landscape. The Avebury complex is then compared to other monumental landscapes in various perspectives including the physical and ceremonial, and the impact of non-human agency. Extensive investigation as presented here commonly reveals material from later periods and at practically every site artefact and features post-dating the major prehistoric phases was discovered. It is commendable that this material also features in the monograph. There follows an eloquent discussion on ‘Bounding in the Avebury Landscape’, which explores the process of the division of the landscape throughout the Saxon and Medieval periods, allowing the reader to understand much of the landscape use we encounter today. The final part of the publication focuses on the destruction of the monuments and their sarsens. Each stone pit encountered in both the recent work and in the investigations of Keiller and others is described in detail. The possible techniques of stone burial are illustrated on p. 293 (fig 9.13.). Plausible reasons behind stone burial are explored, including pragmatic clearance of the land, although a more thought provoking suggestion is that burial may be linked to crisis; the suggestions surrounding the barber-surgeon may take a little time to digest! The section is rounded off with accounts of the destruction of Avebury sarsens using fire and water, including hitherto unpublished records by Keiller. The monograph concludes with a review of the contributions made by the various antiquaries who have visited this landscape, principally William Stukeley, a fitting tribute to the relevance of his work by the ‘modern archaeologists’. Landscape of the Megaliths: Excavation and Fieldwork on the Avebury Monuments 1997-2003 is an excellent publication. The illustrations are in many cases exceptional and choice of photographs entirely relevant. The format is helped by complete treatment of one excavation before moving on to the next site. This ensures clarity of each set of results, so much an essential part of the work. This monograph adds greatly to our understanding of the Avebury landscape and its archaeology and will be © the standard text for the foreseeable future. References Piggott, S., 1950, William Stukeley: An Eighteenth-Century Antiquary. Oxford: Clarendon Press BOB CLARKE Chalkland: an Archaeology of Stonehenge and its Region, by Andrew J. Lawson. The Hobnob Press, 2007, 424pp, black and white figures and illustrations, paperback, price £17.95. ISBN 9780946418701. It would be tempting to view this publication in the same light as others recently published on the Stonehenge landscape; however to do this would render the work a disservice. For a start the book extends far beyond Stonehenge. Encompassing the extensive chalklands of Wessex, Andrew Lawson has succeeded in producing an authoritative account of recent archaeological excavations in the region. The book explores the region from early through to modern times in the familiar order one expects from this type of work. Each chapter then breaks down the monuments found within that period and discusses position in the landscape and the results of fieldwork. The expanse of landscape covered within Chalkland extends from Dorchester to Micheldever and Chilbolton. Utilising this expanse of Southern England is necessary as many monuments contained therein have a relevant part to play in the Chalkland story. This book, however, is not simply a work of synthesis. Lawson, co-founder of the Trust for Wessex Archaeology and until recently its director, has had a hand in many of the excavations discussed in the book. New work, results and projects still underway, the Riverside Project being just one example, help to bring the author’s deliberations fully up to date. This reviewer found the section discussing Beakers particularly interesting, especially in light of recent discoveries in the Amesbury area to the south-east of Stonehenge. The final chapter brings the study of the area up to the present, covering land use and human involvement until the continuing work at Solstice Park a few miles to the east of Stonehenge. Naturally, Stonehenge is the focus of much of the text. Suggestions for the construction of the site make for interesting reading as do discussions REVIEWS astronomical alignments and orientations. The many carvings and marks on the sarsens are investigated and it is especially useful that a suite of complementary techniques was used to show these often ephemeral features. The Avenue and other associated monuments, such as those on King Barrow Ridge, also receive appropriate attention. Following the final chapter is a useful appendix listing the many round barrow cemeteries in the Stonehenge region. Andrew Lawson has written in a readable style, both interpretive and descriptive, thus making Chalkland a lucid and engaging account of the region and its monuments. Chalkland is copiously furnished with photographs, illustrations from excavations and plans of sites, singularly and in context with their surroundings. The book also benefits from a comprehensive bibliography and index. This text is sure to serve as a standard work for Stonehenge and its wider landscape for the next decade and provides the perfect introduction for professional and amateur alike. MARK BRACE Forgotten Labour: The Wiltshire Agricultural Worker and his Environment 4500 BC-AD 1950, by Avice R. Wilson, The Hobnob Press, 2007, 306pp, black and white images and illustrations, paperback, £14.95. ISBN 978094618329. Forgotten Labour: The Wiltshire Agricultural Worker and his Environment 4500 BC-AD 1950 is an ambitious attempt to chronicle the role of the labourer and his place in the landscape. It is effectively a book of three parts covering the prehistoric, Roman to Late Medieval, and agricultural revolution to modern era periods. The first chapter of this substantial book, Prehistoric Man — The Path to Agriculture, chronicles some of the important sites across the county, noting evidence from the South Street excavation, Windmill Hill and other Causewayed Enclosures as well as an interpretation of function for the monuments in the Avebury and Stonehenge complexes. Moving to the Bronze Age the author presents an unfortunately brief view of the next 1500 years before progressing to the Iron Age. This is followed by a discussion on the domestication of animals, cereals, trade and Hillforts. Unfortunately the hillforts are presented as a purely military undertaking, taking little account of the difference between early and developed sites, 323 spheres of influence and function. The suggestion that slaves may have been used in their construction is also unsecured as it is difficult to identify the agricultural labourer within a prehistoric context and the author resists the temptation to do so. There then follows an account of Roman Wiltshire where settlement, villas and their agricultural landscapes are presented. The author considers a number of furnaces located on sites such as Atworth and Littlecote to be malting furnaces. Again the role of the labourer is omitted; however, their presence is alluded to by suggesting that the longevity of some settlements may indicate a level of social stratification. Saxon Wiltshire is reasonably presented. However it is here that the book enters an ‘illumination’ phase. Across the next 38 pages the text is broken up by what can only be described as cartoon illuminations, which detract from the text enormously, especially since no title is forthcoming for any of them. Part two of the book enters a clearly more comfortable subject area for the writer. From chapter 4, Norman to Tudor Rule, we are treated to a comprehensive picture of rural life. Accounts of life on the land are substantial within this section, relying on heavy-weight texts to provide the backdrop. Especially interesting is the account of post-Domesday agriculture and the various complexities of tenancy, market and the plague. The text gathers pace from here following the upheaval that followed the Black Death and then the monumental changes through the 16th and 17th centuries. The social issues surrounding the labourer, post-Civil War and the changes brought about by the agricultural revolution are nicely represented and it is here that the book enters its third incarnation. From chapter 6, Downhill all the Way, the personal recollections of the author slide in where a point needs to be reinforced. It is surprising to discover discussion on aspects of the 1930s entrenched within a section on the social issues surrounding labourers in the mid 18th century. The level of detail increases as written sources become more readily available and we learn of the work house system, child labour and how people generally conducted their everyday lives. I found the final chapter especially interesting. The text was nicely blended with relevant photographs demonstrating the points made within the subject area. The divided index covering general items and then place-names is very useful A number of negative points spring to mind. This book is perhaps too optimistic from the outset. The possibility of adequately discussing the situation of an agricultural labourer in Wiltshire from 4500BC onwards has to be questioned. The text demonstrates that it is difficult enough to encompass this within the historic periods and this reviewer considers the prehistoric and possibly Roman aspects of this book detract from the subject matter. Further, whilst it may seem a good idea to provide a prehistoric backdrop to a historically orientated text, it rarely works out that way. Our county contains some of the most complex sites in the country and this alone makes the concept of the Path to Agriculture chapter untenable. This is unfortunate as the remaining chapters achieve exactly what the author sets out to do. Throughout Wiltshire places are introduced and, where possible, discussed, making this a truly county orientated publication. It is unfortunate that the initial sections hinder the high standard set in the latter chapters. BOB CLARKE Flint Flushwork: A Medieval Masonry Art, by Stephen Hart. The Boydell Press, 2008, 175pp, colour and black and white plates, hardback, £30. ISBN 9781843833697 In chalkland areas, flint is an easily obtainable building material that can be gathered from the fields. The difficulty in using it is that the nodules have to be bound together with a large quantity of mortar and, due to the relative hardness of this materials, they easily separate from the mortar. When halved or knapped to a shape, flint has an attractive dark, shiny surface and its decorative qualities were often exploited in the past. The technique of combining flint with stone or brick in bands or chequers can be seen in Wiltshire (dating from the 15th century onwards) and also in other southern counties but it was in East Anglia that this first occurred and became most highly developed. The Romans halved and trimmed flints to regular shapes but the skill was lost until developed again in the late 13th century. At that time in East Anglia, freestone imported from Lincolnshire began to be used with flints in complicated patterns and motifs including imitation windows, emblems and inscriptions. This is called flint flushwork, a term only applicable there, where it can be observed on the exteriors of over 500 churches and on a few monastic and secular buildings. By 1320 the technique was quite developed. In the best work the flints are squared, fitted together with little mortar 324 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE between and set into freestone surrounds as a facing to flint rubble walls. By the mid 15thcentury motifs — had become highly elaborate and were sometimes prefabricated in workshops. After the Dissolution the practice declined though some simple patterns were made in the 17th century. There was some revival with the Gothic style in the 19th century. Stephen Hart is a retired architect and an adult education tutor, with a life-long interest in both the flint architecture and the round-towered churches of East Anglia. His book explores flushwork themes and types and discusses the most common areas of a church where it was used. This is followed by a gazetteer. The book is profusely illustrated, many of the plates being in colour. Plate 7 shows chequerwork on a house at Hanging Langford, Wiltshire. In contrast to flushwork, the stone panels are larger and overlap the flint. The decoration is part of the wall structure rather than a facing. This book is a must for visitors to East abla who are interested in architecture and will perhaps raise awareness of the use of flint in our own county — little studied to date. PAMELA SLOCOMBE Codford: wool and war in Wiltshire, by John Chandler. Victoria County History Publication, Phillimore Press, Chichester. 2007, 182pp. Colour and black and white plates and figures, paperback, price £14.99. ISBN 9781860774416. This volume is part of a new HLF-funded venture by the Victoria County History (VCH), England’s Past for Everyone (EPE) which aims to enable volunteers to carry out local historical research supported by professional historians. EPE will produce 15 paperback publications detailing the results of this research, backed by an interactive website and schools’ learning resources. The volume under review here is the first to appear and covers the parish of Codford in south Wiltshire. Preliminaries explaining the laudable aims of EPE are followed by an introduction describing Codford’s location, and an historical overview including a discussion of place names. Chapter 1 outlines the landscape of the parish, reviews the pre- medieval periods, the development of settlements and the road system, and details population statistics. Next are six chapters on standing buildings, manorial descent, the history of agriculture and other economic activity, the administration of $$ REVIEWS local government, the church and finally the first and second World Wars. The text is punctuated by ‘panels’ which provide detailed explanations of an eclectic selection of local and general topics, such as the Codford Circle, floated water meadows, turnpike trusts and the Codford Hermit. Details of sources for research and a bibliography follow the endnotes. This will resonate with those familiar with the established products of the VCH: the superb, weighty, red cloth-bound volumes with their wealth of minutely referenced parish-by-parish historical digests which have for so long appeared hundred by hundred in those counties lucky enough to be selected for attention. The thematic breakdown of Chandler’s volume corresponds neatly to these histories (with the exception of the final chapter, which provides a salutary reminder that many of VCH ‘red books’ were published before these events occurred!). However, the style is very different in Codford: wool and war in Wiltshire, which is effectively a popular version of the VCH chapter on Codford prepared by Carrie Smith for the next ‘red book’ publication. How effective, then, is the end result? In its appearance, this publication is extremely engaging, clearly signalling its intention to be different from conventional VCH publications. It is copiously illustrated with good quality, informative images, many in colour, on almost every page. The layout includes plenty of white space, which keeps lines readably short without the need to resort to double columns, and references are in the form of endnotes rather than footnotes as used in the red books, making the page appearance less off- putting to the general reader. The writing style is conversational while retaining authority. It is a pity, however, that the illustrations are not referred to in the text, which would save the reader from constant speculative browsing for relevant images to avoid missing them on first read. Sadly, the volume is not physically robust: numerous pages of the review copy began to come loose midway through the first read. The content of the volume is also not without its weaknesses. The first chapter is extremely frustrating, particularly when handling evidence derived primarily from archaeology. The evidence for the prehistoric period in particular lacks detail and dates and is, in places, downright misleading. We are informed that ‘the landscape of which Codford formed a part was managed for arable cultivation’, when for most of the vast span of the prehistoric era this was, of course, simply not the case. Barrow contents (for example) which are described in the B75) ‘red book’ version as ‘an axe hammer, a battle axe and a decorated late Bronze Age urn’ are reduced to ‘axes and an urn’ in Chandler’s volume. The Roman period is dismissed in little more than 50 words while, with regard to early medieval settlement, the reader is informed that ‘all archaeological traces are likely to have been obliterated by centuries of later occupation’ despite the fact that fieldwork and excavation in Wiltshire and beyond have repeatedly demonstrated that this is not the case. The assertion that settlement nucleation was ‘probably initiated by landowners to make agricultural production more efficient’ ignores the fact that no agreement about the causes of nucleation has yet been reached. The ‘red book’ version of this text uses ‘perhaps’ here, rather than ‘probably’. However, once past these early pages and onto ground where the VCH has always been strongest, the volume improves considerably. Chapters on buildings, manorial history, economic activity, social relations, the church and the world wars are full of engagingly presented information, which is both understandable and interesting for the non-specialist reader. Clear explanations of historical concepts such as the manor or copyhold tenure in the text and the inset panels are mostly very good and provide attractive, clear exegeses on a number of themes which will be useful for the non-specialist reader. Some subjects receive more attention than others, which doubtless reflects the particular passions of volunteers and local experts. Eleven pages dedicated to the Woolstore building, for example, may seem a little generous, but does constitute a very good example of a building history. The resources section provides a good, short (and therefore encouraging!) review of sources for readers newly inspired to start carrying out their own local history research, and the bibliography, mostly restricted to Wiltshire, is useful, although, again, notably thin on archaeology. Overall, it is fair to say that the best bits of this volume (and there are many) are very good, and that it succeeds as an accessible local history of the parish. The contribution of volunteers, one of the key aims of EPE, could perhaps have been more clearly spelled out, not least because this would provide additional encouragement to others to become involved in this very worthwhile project. It is, for example, not easy to tell from the text whether named individuals are staff or volunteers, or exactly what the contribution of the volunteers was. I would hope that future EPE volumes would look again at this issue, which has the capacity to generate a lot of positives at the cost of very little extra print. This point is, however, 326 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE unlikely to detract from the enjoyment that readers who know Codford and the surrounding area will undoubtedly get from this volume. It certainly made this reviewer nostalgic for this beautiful and fascinating region. I look forward to seeing the series develop. CARENZA LEWIS Little Imber on the Down: Salisbury Plain’s Ghost Village, by Rex Sawer, The Hobnob Press, first published in paperback 2008, 168pp, black and white images, £9.95. ISBN 9780946418725. There are few people in South Wiltshire who do not know the tale of Imber. This was a small isolated village on Salisbury Plain where, in the winter of 1943, the inhabitants were ordered to leave their homes, under the secrecy of wartime Britain and without knowing if they would ever be allowed to return. The book, which draws on many sources, catalogues the history of Imber from prehistoric times to the present day. It focuses not just on the forced evacuation and the subsequent refusal to allow the residents to return, but also on the lives of the many people that once lived there. The early chapters tell the stories of the inhabitants; their work and play, their hardships and joys, all lavishly illustrated with old photographs. The many first hand accounts by the people that once lived there give an amazing insight into life in this remote village hidden on the western side of what is now a military range. One such story is that of the ancient craft of dew pond making, a twenty two square yard shallow man- made hollow, cut into the ground and lined with clay and straw, hardened with a layer of lime. Using hard physical labour, dewponds were constructed in the winter and spring months and men from Imber would work throughout the country. One account claimed the team reputedly pushed their equipment in a wheelbarrow to Kent, returning home at weekends. In June 1947, the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine reported: “To the removal of inhabitants under stress of war we can hardly take exception, but an undertaking was given that they should be reinstated and the fulfilment of that undertaking is still awaited.’ Unfortunately it was not to be; villagers were eventually told that the army intended to retain the whole area as a firing range and the village was to be used for street fighting training. The later chapters focus on the campaign, championed by the local councillor Austin Underwood in the 1960s, to keep the public right of ways around Imber open to the public and to re-establish farming in the area. The campaign was unsuccessful but access was granted to the roads around Imber up to a maximum of fifty days per annum. This enjoyable and copiously illustrated book tells a detailed but balanced story of Imber using many official sources and through the eyes of the people that once lived there. It was written with the full co-operation of the surviving inhabitants and their descendants and is a fitting account of their connection with Imber. TYRONE ANDERSON Villages of the White Horse, by Alfred Williams. (First published 1913), Nonsuch Press, 2007. 235pp, £12.00. ISBN 9781845880613. As explanations for global warming go, then the one advanced in this reprint of a book by a Swindon factory worker is as good as many I’ve read. This ‘town toiler’ as Williams calls him, advances his theory during a chance encounter. “Tha bin deggin’ an’ deggin’ (coal in South Wales) an’ cartin’ an’t away, an’ made (the earth) overbalance, an’ that ‘ev brought us round more to the south look, am tha’s tha raason of these mild winters we be ‘evin’”. Despite working in a factory for twenty-three years himself, Williams has a low opinion of those who do. As he travels through Wroughton he comments on a phenomenon only too familiar to rural dwellers today, the dormitory town and village. He describes those who toil elsewhere as not villagers at all, but as people who only return home to sleep and spend the weekend. Williams’ love of the countryside endured throughout his life and this book provides a fascinating insight into life in this part of rural England in the early twentieth century. The part of Wiltshire and Berkshire covered by his journeys and reminiscences begins near Wroughton and ends at the blowing stone at Kingston Lisle. This was an area inhabited by people he describes as sharing the same boisterous nature and spirit, and where the same, or nearly the same, language was spoken. That REVIEWS language, where quoted here as Williams often does, is probably more difficult to understand written than when heard. My first impression, knowing something of the rural hardship that existed during the last decades of the 19th century and well into the twentieth, was that this was an over-romantic view of the countryside, just too idyllic. Williams is perhaps too carried away with the stoicism and resignation of the people he admires so much. However we do get to learn something of the hardship endured by many. “The Almighty took ‘er for a wise purpose right enough’ recalls a mother who lost her firstborn after only four days. In the same village of Badbury we learn of old Jonas Goddard whose wife had borne ten children, the family living on just ten shillings (SOp) a week. Throughout Williams laments the loss of self- sufficiency in rural communities. It seems that the process we see today in its final stages began in the 19th century. He recounts the industries that were once to be found in Wanborough: spinning and weaving, straw plaiting and soap and candle making. The people, he recounts, grew their corn, ground their own flour, made their own farm implements and wagons, and harness for their teams - with leather from their own tan yards — made their own footwear, made their own clothes, being independent of the towns. My initial reservations over the idyllic picture painted by the author were entirely overcome by the end. His descriptions of the settlements he passes through, the characters he meets and especially of the landscape and its flora and fauna, are excellent. I regularly travel from Wantage through the area described, by car and hence far too speedily, but I know many of the landmarks and know that when I stop at the Rose and Crown at Ashbury I can walk behind the inn and find the church much as he knew it but sadly without the elm trees. One big disappointment for me is that he stops at ‘Kingston Lisle. How I wish he had travelled a further 5 miles eastwards and described the watermill I’m so familiar with at Charney Bassett in as much detail and understanding of the process as he does the one at Kingstone Winslow. This is definitely a book for all country lovers and a delightful escape from the present-day world. BRUCE HEDGE a2] The Great War: Salisbury Soldiers, by Richard Broadhead. Tempus, 2007, 256pp, black and white illustrations and maps, paperback, £16.99. ISBN 9780752444284. | The concept of The Great War: Salisbury Soldiers is a worthy one. The author sets himself the monumental task of describing the background of all the fallen from WWI whose names are inscribed primarily on the war memorials of Salisbury. Quite rightly Richard Broadhead says that these were real people: sons, husbands, bosses, workers, deserving more than a crumbling record of name, rank and regiment on weathered memorials. Considerable research has gone into this book, and every name is accorded details of Rank, Service Number, Regiment, Place of Birth, Next of Kin and so on. The author has attempted to give a personal insight for each of the entries. The book is well illustrated and the inserts of historical data are particularly useful. Each major action is presented in chapter form, Gallipoli, Loos, Jutland, The Somme, Arras and beyond; all stand testament to the huge scale of the conflict. Within each chapter the men of Salisbury, or those associated with it, are presented following a chronological order of death. Included in many cases are photographs of the individual gravestones, as ever very moving. A number of maps are presented towards the rear of the book and the text is rounded up with an A-Z of Memorials across Europe and the Middle East on which Salisbury men appear. Unfortunately I consider the book to have missed its mark by some measure. The title, neat and punchy though it may be, is also inaccurate. A number of sailors of the Royal Navy feature; there is a chapter almost fully dedicated to the Battle of Jutland. This is further exacerbated by the inclusion of a number of airmen from the Royal Air Force. Clearly the other services should have been reflected in the title. On a number of occasions there is clearly precious little to add to some of the memorial inscriptions. Subsequently the ‘detail’ offered is frequently nothing more than a sentence repeating the salient points already provided by the information list on each individual. The author readily accepts that much of the information located originates from the obituary pages of either the Wiltshire Times or the Salisbury Journal. The reproduction on many gravestone photographs unfortunately renders the inscriptions unreadable and finally, the maps provided lack scale, north and indeed it is unclear what they are trying to indicate. 328 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Coming in this 90th anniversary year, the book is bound to enjoy increased sales and it is true that it has many individual positive attributes. However the general layout and production of the publication have let it down. A strong editorial hand would have identified these points and the subsequent result would have been so much the better. Having said this, any piece of work that records the fallen is worthy of praise, if only in spirit. PHILIP HARRIS Pillboxes of Britain and Ireland, by Mike Osborne, Tempus, 2008, 317pp, 343 black and white figures, and illustrations, paperback, price £19.99. ISBN 9780752443294. Little did the late Henry Wills realise the degree of interest in previously ignored World War Two defence structures, commonly known as pillboxes, which his book, Pillboxes: A study of UK defences 1940, would subsequently arouse. Since then, there have been many books on the subject of pillboxes and other defensive structures and this volume adds a great deal of practical information for all those interested in the subject. Despite the title, however, it is not until the end of chapter five that the reader starts to gain information on the pillboxes described in the main title. This is because the first part of the book is concerned with setting the scene, from the late Bronze Age to 1940, encompassing the whole globe in area. This is all very interesting, but the reader may well find it a little frustrating as it understandably gives little detail on this very broad subject. The author then introduces the concept of the modern pillbox as constructed on the Western Front during the First World War. Here there is a little more detail, combined with the start of plans of the constructions. Inter-war years and the BEF in France then form the next section, followed once again by a brief look at world wide defences before finally Britain is covered in depth. Chapter five starts the main section, entitled Pillbox Typology. This takes most of the rest of the book and covers just about every recorded variation in pillbox structures. The official design numbers are first introduced and the descriptions are then expanded to cover the numerous local variations. Due to the vast range of these, there appears to be very little sequence to the type descriptions, so finding a particular reference is mainly a case of thumbing through the book, looking for a familiar design plan or illustration. The book is well illustrated throughout with photographs illustrating nearly all the variations discovered. There are also scaled plan drawings on the construction styles, but these have obviously been drawn by hand and their quality detracts from the overall standard of the book. Finally, Ordnance Survey grid location references are given for examples of each and every style of construction. The final chapter, covering the tactical use of hardened defences, is almost entirely based on overseas events, as, thankfully, the British Isles were not invaded. This also briefly introduces the types of weaponry employed by pillbox defenders. The account concludes with a comprehensive bibliography and brief index. In conclusion, whilst the drawings could be of a higher standard and do not include elevations, this volume will act as a very useful practical guide for anyone interested in the subject, especially those who wish to undertake field studies of the many pillbox types still extant in Wiltshire and beyond. PETER JAMES Rabbits, Warrens & Archaeology, by Tom Williamson, Tempus, 2007, 190pp, black and white plates, and figures, paperback, price £17.99. ISBN 9780752441030. Rabbits (or rather indirect evidence of rabbits) are often encountered during archaeological fieldwork. The student of landscape archaeology will be familiar with visible aspects of the animal, primarily so- called ‘pillow mounds’ and place-names indicating keeping of rabbits. However the story of the rabbit and its effects on the British landscape drive much deeper than warrants just a cursory mention, usually noted as ‘animal disturbance’ in the publication of archaeological work. Tom Williamson set himself the challenge of fully chronicling the rabbit, its own, often unique, archaeological signature and its effects on British rural and to a lesser degree, industrial life. This he achieves in admirable style. First the book discusses the rabbit in Britain, opening with the age-old debate as to when they were first introduced. Naturally suggestions of Roman involvement are addressed. It is more probable that the animal appears after the Norman conquest with the earliest recorded date 1135. Throughout the middle ages the rabbit enjoyed REVIEWS high status; however by the mid-18th century it is recorded as food for the poor. By the start of the agricultural revolution and the period of inclosure, watrens supporting the animal are largely located on marginal land, primarily providing pelts for the hat-making industry. The role of the warren across almost a millennium is explored along with the rabbit’s impact on the landscape, especially since they have become feral. The book moves on to consider archaeological aspects of the rabbit. First pillow mounds are investigated using excavated examples where possible to underpin the narrative. Dartmoor, West Wales and Danebury feature. Discussion covering the placing of mounds close to prehistoric sites is expanded, especially those close to Bronze Age sites or contained within the earthworks of Iron Age enclosures. Liddington, Tisbury and the small barrow cemetery above Alton Barnes feature at this point. Interestingly the author considers that one probable reason for such positioning is to encourage ‘pioneer colonies’ when expanding to populate the surrounding earthworks. The warren landscape receives treatment, covering traps, both rabbit and vermin, and lodges including Amesbury, Winterbourne Stoke, Sevenhampton, Wanborough and Stapleford as well as those further afield. The warren landscape is covered in detail and it is with some interest that we learn the reason for the decline of the farmed rabbit in Wiltshire. Warrens at Aldbourne and Hippenscombe were both surrounded by land farmed by ‘litigious and recalcitrant yeomen’, who often occupied lodges and warrens in protest to the damage they caused to crops. Finally Williamson views the relationship between rabbit and archaeologist. This is a welcome section as it demonstrates that even the most consummate of the profession need to understand the role the humble ‘coney’ has played on the rich tapestry that is the British landscape. This is a long overdue book, well laid out and containing an impressive series of illustrations from the air, ground and existing manuscripts, all underpinning the authors deliberations. An impressive bibliography facilitates further reading and the book deserves a place in all reference collections. BOB CLARKE Birds of Wiltshire, edited by James Ferguson- Lees, Paul Edward Castle and Peter Alexander 329 Cranswick, Wiltshire Ornithological Society, 2007, villi + 848pp, colour photographs, illustrations and maps, hardback, price £45 (available from the Museum shop at £40 plus £8.25 postage). ISBN 978 0955527005. Having lived in Wiltshire in the late 1960s/early 70s and been involved with two county atlases elsewhere, I eagerly awaited this publication. I was not disappointed — it is an impressive tome of 848 pages, packed with information. The cover itself is eye-catching with an attractive painting by Ian Lewington of a Stone Curlew on the front, a Corn Bunting on the back and a Great Bustard on the spine. There are now many county atlases or avifaunas and this follows the usual format with chapters on methodology, geology and habitats, the species texts attractively illustrated with vignettes of each breeding bird with a distribution map based on tetrads (915 of them). All wintering, scarce or rare birds are also included in the systematic list. Where this book differs from most county avifaunas is that for most species there is also a useful map of relative breeding abundance based on timed visits to tetrads and another map showing winter abundances. The latter however, is more broad-brush, being based on 10 km squares rather than tetrads and based on only two winters work. The Wiltshire Ornithological Society (WOS) only came into existence in 1974; prior to that the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society published in its magazine, records and papers on birds, an annual bird report being first published in 1929. Data collected and published by WANHS since 1853 has been used in this book. I found the chapters on Wiltshire’s ornithological history and on its habitats to be of particular interest. The latter was very well illustrated. So many county bird books just include photos of birds whereas to me, the essence of a county is in its special landscape and habitats. Good quality habitat photos as here give a sense of this. The species texts are well- researched and my only slight niggle is that I do not think a paragraph on European distribution or status is warranted in a county bird book. The breeding distribution maps are fascinating. You can immediately see the importance of, for example, Salisbury Plain where Green Woodpecker is the most common woodpecker species. Salisbury Plain is also the stronghold in the county for Tree and Meadow Pipits, Stonechat, Whinchat, Grasshopper Warbler and Corn Bunting; it has the highest breeding 330 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE abundances of Skylark and most of the county’s wintering Short-eared Owls. There is much information in the texts and maps that will be of great interest to conservation bodies and policy makers. David Gibbons of the RSPB in his foreword emphasises the conservation value of good bird data. Since fieldwork for the maps (1995- 2000) was completed, much new information has come to light and the authors have added a chapter on significant additional records; they have also provided extra accounts on the successful Tree Sparrow project in north Wiltshire, on early and late dates for migrants, on escapes and introductions, on ringing totals in the county from 1965 to 2000 and on reserves and designated sites. All in all this is a magnificent book and sets a very high standard for future county avifaunas. It evoked for me many happy memories of ‘dippering’ along the By Brook and of atlassing (for the first BTO Atlas) in the Wylye Valley and on the Imber ranges. Congratulations to all in WOS who brought about this outstanding publication. STEPHANIE J. TYLER Se Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 331-345 Excavation and Fieldwork in Wiltshire 2007 compiled by Simon Draper 2 A Aghe 35 WILT-816DA6 120086 ©. 37 3% WILT-45FC93 13 O 10 56s. 2oeke wi. e (2 WILT-Fé94E4 Ce 27 (es) 17 38 164 (044 WILT-251A24 WILT-FCEBC1 WILT-1E76E1 O ) WILT-1B1B43 WILT-1 BcBo6e® WILT-4BF5B6 : ‘a 1g Wirt 34C3A7 29 46 © WILT-D86FB6 / WILT-1DA6A4 0 5 10 20 kms (Le Fig. 1 Location of excavation, fieldwork and PAS highlights. Aldbourne 1. Former Thames Valley Food Site, Marlborough Road (SU 2626 7530); Anglo-Saxon Wessex Archaeology conducted a watching brief during demolition and ground works for a residential development. Human remains had been found during the construction of an extension to the factory in the 1960s. A Civil War (1640s) context was then intimated because of the site’s proximity to skirmishes of this time. Excavation in 2007, however, revealed a total of 25 graves dating to the Late Saxon period. Amesbury 2. 44 Salisbury Street (SU 154 414); post-medieval A watching brief by Oxford Archaeology revealed post-medieval pits and evidence of possible post- medieval terracing of the site. No other significant archaeology was observed. Avebury 3. Silbury Hill environs (SU 102 681) As part of work to conserve the hill, geophysical survey using a sensitive caesium magnetometer was undertaken in surrounding fields by the Geophysics Team of English Heritage. The caesium coverage was augmented by more limited earth resistance and ground penetrating radar (GPR) survey of selected areas. Extensive caesium magnetometer survey in 2006 revealed evidence for large-scale Roman settlement activity (see WANHM 101, 275). The earlier coverage was extended to explore the area between Pan Bridge and Swallowhead Spring to the southeast of Silbury Hill. The new survey detected further anomalies that are difficult to categorise, but may include a water drainage channel. Several probable Romano-British buildings identified in 2006 west of Swallowhead Spring were also further investigated in 2007 using GPR in an attempt to record additional detail. 4. Bridgemead (SU 0985 6988); Roman and medieval An evaluation excavation was undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology ahead of development. Victoria County History Gloucestershire, Gloucestershire Archives, Gloucester GL1 3DW 332 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Two trenches were dug, which revealed a possible Romano-British trackway. A ditch and postholes likely to have been associated with the medieval settlement at Avebury were also recorded and indicate that the medieval burgage plots extended as far west as the site. Avebury/Calne Without 5. Beckhampton to Calne A/A(E) Pipeline (SU 0890 6854 to SU 0020 6991); medieval John Moore Heritage Services conducted a watching brief at nine locations during the repair of an oil pipeline. Four undated pits were recorded in the Beckhampton area and an undated posthole was recorded at Calne. Part of the deserted medieval village of Quemerford was surveyed and a section through a house platform recorded. Berwick St John 6. Rushmore Park (ST 9568 1889); prehistoric and Roman Wessex Archaeology conducted a watching brief during power cable trenching works. Sections of five ditches were encountered, four of which contained no finds (but may be of prehistoric date). The fill of the remaining ditch contained pottery dating from the Late Iron Age and Roman periods. A number of pieces of worked flint were also recovered from the topsoil. Bishopstone (nr Swindon) 7. Harlstone House (SU 2473 8372); Anglo-Saxon and medieval Following an evaluation in 2006 (see WANHM 101, 275), Foundations Archaeology carried out an excavation on the site of a proposed new house. A number of Anglo-Saxon and medieval features were identified, including sunken-featured buildings and an Anglo-Saxon burial. A full report is currently being prepared for publication. 8. Church Lane (SU 2426 8372); modern An evaluation undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology ahead of development revealed two ditches, both of which appeared to have been truncated during the creation of a yard surface for an adjacent barn. No closely dateable material was recovered from either feature, although one of the ditches contained some fragments of pig skull and a fragment of brick or tile. Layers of modern dumping associated with the creation of the yard surface were identified throughout the single evaluation trench. Blunsdon St Andrew 9. Kingsdown (SU 1611 8986) Wessex Archaeology undertook a geophysical survey of land to the north-east of Swindon. A total of 96 ha were reconnaissance scan-surveyed. Following interpretation of the scanning data, 33 ha were subject to detailed survey in 20 locations. Two enclosures and a further extensive complex of enclosures and field systems were identified, along with a large number of associated anomalies. Numerous relict field systems and former field boundaries were also identified, together with evidence for historic ploughing. Box 10. Box Vicarage (ST 8238 6853); Roman and post- medieval Oxford Archaeology continued an evaluation (see WANHM 101, 275), which revealed further evidence of aseptic tank and deposits of post-medieval garden soil. Evidence relating to Box Roman villa (SAM 30299) was not encountered in the evaluation, but a subsequent watching brief recorded evidence for a continuation of a known wall, a possible return and a robber trench, all forming part of the villa complex. The masonry had been almost completely robbed out or denuded during later cultivation of the site. A post-medieval stone culvert associated with the vicarage was also uncovered. Bradford-on-Avon 11. Frome Road (ST 8254 6062); medieval and post- medieval Cotswold Archaeology undertook an evaluation comprising the excavation of three trenches. A single sherd of medieval pottery was recovered from an undisturbed subsoil layer. Two wall foundations were identified, both of which were associated with the old poor house that stood on the site until the construction of the railway in the 19th century. Bromham 12. Spye Park House (ST 9500 6735); post-medieval/ modern A watching brief was undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology during ground works associated with the construction of a new country house. Seven red brick walls and a red brick arch were identified, which are the remains of cellars and foundations of the former Spye Park House, constructed in the mid 19th century. The walls had been heavily truncated and the cellars backfilled with material SSS EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 333 during the demolition of the house in the late 20th century. Chippenham Without 13. Chippenham Golf Course (ST 9035 7588); prehistoric An evaluation conducted by Wessex Archaeology on land adjacent to the golf course identified a low level of archaeological activity. Thirteen out of the 20 trenches dug contained no archaeological features and none of the features identified in the rest of the trenches could be securely dated; one wide and deep ditch may be of late prehistoric date. Undated ditches spread across the flatter, eastern part of the site may represent former field boundaries. Although no structural features were positively identified, the discovery of two possible postholes on a break of slope to the west suggests that the presence of settlement remains cannot be ruled out. Chiseldon 14. Pinkcombe Wood (SU182 805); prehistoric Fieldwalking by Bernard Phillips and Mogs Boon produced two cores, a microlith, a hammer stone, a notched blade, retouched flakes, waste flakes and ‘pot boilers’, all of which have been deposited in Chiseldon Museum. Cricklade 15. Prior Park Preparatory School (SU 1015 9350); Roman and medieval An evaluation was conducted by Bristol and Region Archaeological Services within the school grounds. Significant occupation deposits and several small features were recorded, which contained large quantities of well-preserved animal bone, pottery, iron slag and worked stone. The pottery dated from the 11th century onwards. A subsequent watching brief carried out during ground works associated with the installation of a new Astro-Turf sports pitch and an associated footpath revealed no features or deposits of archaeological significance, although several fragments of Romano-British tile and numerous sherds of medieval pottery were recovered. The majority (68%) of the pottery was of 11th- to 13th-century date and came from unglazed handmade cooking pots. Devizes 16. 37-8 St Ffohn’s Street (SU 0039 6140); post- medieval A watching brief was carried out by Bristol and Region Archaeological Services during ground works associated with the conversion of the building into a public house. Following the demolition of late 19th/20th-century brick-built extensions at the rear of the property, mechanical ground clearance work revealed the presence of several contemporary structures beneath the foundations. These comprised a brick-built cellar (2.5m deep), a brick-built soakaway (4m deep), a stone-built barrel-vaulted water cistern (2.6m deep) and a brick-lined well of unknown depth. A broken clay pipe bowl dating from c. 1630—50 and inscribed with the initials GH with a fleur-de-lis above and below was recovered from a layer of subsoil at the rear of the building. 17.42 Market Place (SU 0048 6152); post-medieval Oxford Archaeology continued a watching brief (see WANHM 101, 276), revealing two further brick- lined 18th/19th-century wells, two of which appeared to be accessed from subterranean passages, as well as a post-medieval rubbish pit and a possible backfilled cellar. No features or material earlier than the 17th century were encountered. Great Wishford 18. Manor Farm (SU 0775 3575); medieval/post- medieval Wessex Archaeology undertook a watching brief on work to renew overhead power line supports in the parish. No archaeological features were encountered, although large quantities of peg-tile fragments of medieval or post-medieval date and a single medieval floor tile were recovered from the topsoil in one of the trenches close to Manor Farm. This material appears to represent a dump or spread of demolition debris from Great Wishford manor house, possibly relating to its partial demolition in 1785, or its complete demolition in the mid 19th century. Inglesham 19. St ohn the Baptist’s Church (SU 2053 9842); all periods Wessex Archaeology conducted limited excavations within the medieval parish church. The works required the ground level to be lowered within the east and west bays of the nave and partly in the south aisle in order to allow pews to be repaired. In the process it was necessary to recover any previously disturbed human remains for reburial and to record any archaeological deposits encountered. 334 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Worked flints found in excavated material suggest that occupation of the site can be traced to the Mesolithic or Early Neolithic period. The presence ofa stone-built Late Saxon church was confirmed by the discovery of wall foundations forming the south wall of the building underlying the south arcade of the present church. The wall was of mortared rubble construction and included fragments of re-used Roman tile. Make-up layers and probable floors contemporary with the Late Saxon structure could be traced abutting the wall and extending across large parts of the present nave, indicating that undisturbed Late Saxon deposits survive between medieval and post-medieval graves. Traces of stone paved floors relating to the construction of the 12th- or 13th-century nave arcade were preserved on the north side of the nave. Plaster surfaces post-dating the Saxon south wall foundation and possibly relating to the 13th-century south aisle floor surface were also recorded. Fragments of encaustic floor tiles were recovered, indicating that decorative floors were once present in the nave. A small artefact assemblage included architectural fragments, funerary remains (mainly coffin fittings, nails and shroud pins) and pieces of post-medieval clay tobacco pipes, the last likely to have been lost by previous members of the congregation. Ludgershall 20. 3 St James Street (SU 2632 5081); post-medieval/ modern An evaluation conducted by Wessex Archaeology revealed a number of refuse pits dating from the late 19th century and later. Finds included residual willow-pattern china, bottle and window glass, ceramic building material and clinker. Pig, chicken and fish bones were also recovered from the pits. Lydiard Tregoze 21. Lydiard House (SU 103 847); Roman, medieval and post-medieval Observation by Bernard Phillips and Mogs Boon during the cutting of a trench against the mansion’s rear walls revealed a narrow, brick plinth, most likely of 18th-century date. A section of wall in the centre of the rear facade was clearly an insertion, its foundation trench cutting a packed stone surface. Both the archaeological evidence and an estate plan indicate that an external porch had existed at this point, from which a path led to the adjacent church. Reddening through heat of the mortar used for the brick foundation, datable to the 16th or early 17th century, indicated that a fireplace had existed on the opposite side of the inserted wall. Other features included two 18th-century brick culverts and a garden wall foundation, and small finds comprised a Romano-British terracotta tile fragment, sherds of medieval and post-medieval pottery, pieces of window glass and window leading. Two medieval cooking pot rim fragments were found in another trench adjacent to Lydiard Tregoze church. Examination of the cutting of a woodland path in the grounds of Lydiard House revealed areas of archaeological interest and a number of artefacts. A narrow, linear group of large coral ragstone blocks with a few brick fragments may indicate a wall foundation, whilst, nearby, another group of small stone blocks could represent demolition debris. In association with the latter was a silver shilling of William III, minted in 1697 at Bristol. From the adjacent spoil came a lead sheet incised on one side with Arabic numerals. In the vicinity of an ice house, an extensive area of small stones had on its surface and embedded within it sherds of medieval pottery, animal bone and oyster shells. A few small sherds of late medieval pottery were also recovered at the end of the pathway. Malmesbury 22.77 High Street (ST 9336 8693); prehistoric A watching brief was undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology during ground works associated with the rebuilding of a collapsed retaining wall. A bank was identified, which, in light of its position outside the line of the town wall and similarity to a rampart discovered at the East Gate, may have formed part of a defensive circuit dated elsewhere in Malmesbury to the Iron Age (see WANH™M 101, PAD, 23. Malmesbury Abbey (ST 9326 8732); medieval Geotechnical site investigations ahead of development were supervised by Cotswold Archaeology around the west end of Malmesbury Abbey. Trial pits examined the footings of standing structures, including those of the Old Bell Hotel, and three boreholes supplemented a series of boreholes dug in 2006. The three new boreholes identified an undated levelling deposit and a series of undated (but potentially medieval) deposits, including an east/west-aligned wall footing, which may represent foundations of a claustral walk on the southern side of the abbey cloister. Modern phases of construction were also recorded, including footings for the vestry and a buttress supporting the west wall of the abbey. EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 335 Marlborough 24. 1-3 Cuckoo Pen (SU 1922 6941); post-medieval Wessex Archaeology conducted a watching brief as a condition of planning consent. The site was formerly occupied by a number of houses, now demolished. The remains of a washing area of Victorian date were uncovered, together with a large amount of contemporary finds. No earlier features were encountered. 25.3 New Road (SU 1897 6917); medieval A watching brief conducted by Wessex Archaeology during demolition and ground works revealed a medieval pit likely to date to the 12th or 13th century and a number of deeply stratified sequences. The site appears to have been open ground during the medieval period, lying towards the rear of a burgage plot that fronted on to The Parade to the south. Deposits in the north and west of the study area were truncated by later development. 26. 98 High Street (SU 1863 6892); post-medieval Wessex Archaeology carried out an appraisal of a roof structure in advance of repairs to a listed building. Inspection of the roof suggested that it had been built sometime in the late 18th or 19th century as part of repairs and alterations to the property. The appraisal found that significant historical fabric would not be affected by the proposed repairs. 27. St Fohn’s School, Granham Hill (SU 186 679); post-medieval and modern A strip, map and sample exercise was undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology on land at the southern end of the proposed A345 access road. A number of parallel linear features were uncovered, several of which contained pottery of 16th- to 18th-century date and appear to represent post-medieval and modern agricultural activity. North Wraxall 28. Truckle Hill (ST 8370 7624); Roman Wessex Archaeology, assisted by volunteers, conducted a programme of excavation, recording and outreach at a recently discovered Roman bath-house. Previous work (see WANH™M 100, 235) had revealed a particularly well-preserved structure; arguably one of the best and largest surviving rural detached bath-houses in the country. The 2007 excavations uncovered the complete suite of rooms, of two phases, with initial construction probably taking place during the second half of the 2nd century AD. Use of the baths continued until the late 3rd or early 4th century, when it is possible that the Phase 2 cold bath (frigidarium) remained unfinished. The building lies close to the Truckle Hill Roman villa (SAM 878), where a baths suite, excavated with the main villa in the mid 19th century, may have been built to replace the newly discovered bath-house. There is convincing evidence that parts of the structure were exposed during the Victorian excavations and perhaps even consolidated and retained as a landscape feature. A surprisingly small assemblage of finds, particularly metalwork (excluding nails), was present. However, the small quantity of decorative material recovered (painted wall plaster and window glass) suggests that the building was sumptuously appointed, although it had been extensively robbed of re-usable materials, probably soon after abandonment. Subsequent agricultural use was implied by the insertion of a corn-drying kiln, probably in the 4th century. Samples from deposits associated with this phase of activity were exceptionally rich in cereal remains, comprising predominately glumes and spikelet forks of spelt wheat, which may be indicative of commercial grain production in the Late Roman period. A report detailing this work is printed on pages 129-49 of this volume. Pitton and Farley 29. Hill View Farm (SU 1976 3314) Wessex Archaeology conducted an excavation and watching brief during ground works associated with a new telecommunications mast. The site lies on the course of a scheduled Roman road. Excavation revealed the probable southern roadside ditch but no artefacts were recovered either from the ditch or road surface. It is likely that the poor preservation of the Roman road in this location is due to agricultural activity. Preshute 30. Sharpridge Farm, Preshute Down (SU 141 747); prehistoric John Moore Heritage Services conducted an excavation and watching brief ahead of development. The site is situated within a Bronze Age landscape between two known field systems and is surrounded by find-spots of material from that period. Although the area was heavily disturbed by recent agriculture, the site produced five hut circles, two rectangular structures and lines of postholes, probably from oy) fences. The only dating evidence suggests a Bronze Age date and the activity may represent either short- lived habitation or a more permanent settlement associated with the monuments around it. Ramsbury 31. Woodlands Stables, Whittonditch (SU 294 727); prehistoric Observation by Bernard Phillips and Mogs Boon ahead of development revealed a concentrated scatter of struck flints and three pits datable to the early Neolithic. From the pits came numerous flint tools, flint-working debitage, pottery fragments of Windmill Hill and Peterborough type, a few animal bone fragments and a small amount of charred hazelnut shells. Tools include two hammer stones, knives, scrapers, awls/piercers, saws, notched flakes and a leaf-shaped arrowhead. Deliberate deposition of tools according to function was indicated within the base of the largest pit. The pits initially may have been the corner of a building that extends into undisturbed ground. Salisbury 32. Emmaus House (SU 1478 2969); Anglo-Saxon and post-medieval Wessex Archaeology conducted an evaluation on land to the rear of a property on the corner of Dolphin Street and St Ann Street in advance of development. A single trench revealed two late medieval or early post-medieval refuse pits and two wall footings of an 18th-century building, although without any associated floor surfaces or internal features. Following the building’s demolition in the late 18th century, the study area was used as a garden. One very significant artefact recovered from a pit was a residual fragment of an Early or Middle Saxon loom weight. 33. 120 Fisherton Street (SU 1394 3017); prehistoric and post-medieval Wessex Archaeology conducted an evaluation on land to rear of the property in advance of redevelopment. Two trenches were excavated, which revealed two post-medieval ditches in the southern half of the area and a small number of unabraded worked flints. Staverton 34. South of New Terrace (ST 8580 6035); prehistoric and Roman An excavation by Cotswold Archaeology covering 1.3 ha exposed settlement evidence ranging in date from 36 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE the Early Bronze Age to the Late Roman period. | Sherds of Beaker pottery were recovered from a single shallow feature and Late Bronze Age wares were found in a field boundary ditch. Two Iron Age circular structures were located at the northern end of the site and further prehistoric settlement activity straddled a palaeochannel that gradually silted up towards the end of the Ist century AD. A second channel immediately to the north was used as the southern boundary of an extensive Romano-British field system of two distinct phases, the first in the lst and 2nd centuries AD and the second in the 3rd and 4th centuries. Late Roman burials were found in association with the later phase of field ditches. The presence of a substantial Romano-British settlement close by was indicated by the artefact assemblage, which included large quantities of pottery, animal bone, stone rubble, roof and box flue tiles and stone hypocaust pilae. The pottery recovered suggested that the site continued to be occupied into the Anglo- Saxon period and late medieval ridge and furrow survived until the 1970s. Swindon 35. Former Auction House, The Planks (SU 1595 8360); medieval and post-medieval Foundations Archaeology undertook an evaluation comprising three test-pits, which revealed probable medieval beaten earth floors in two and a possible medieval wall in the third. The medieval deposits were sealed by successive episodes of post-medieval make-up, levelling and cobbled surfaces beneath the modern concrete yard surface. 36. The Goddard Arms Hotel, Old Town (SU 157 836); medieval and post-medieval Foundations Archaeology undertook an evaluation comprising eight trenches and six test-pits. Three stone-lined drains, a well and a wall were revealed, all of which were of late medieval or post-medieval date. A single sherd of medieval pottery was recovered from one drain, although it came from material that had entered the drain after the collapse of the capping stones and is likely to be residual. The features are commensurate with backland activity associated with the Goddard Arms. 37. Locarno Site, Old Town (SU 1580 8360); medieval and post-medieval Foundations Archaeology undertook an evaluation consisting of five trenches, which revealed that the site had previously been stripped to natural deposits and then made up, probably during the demolition of Sek ee aaa EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 337 Victorian buildings that formerly occupied the site. A number of medieval and early post-medieval pits were identified, which were interpreted as backland activity associated with medieval housing. No trace of any medieval buildings appears to have survived the modern demolition and make-up activity. 38.364 Marlborough Road (SU 1737 8285); prehistoric and Roman Foundations Archaeology undertook an area excavation and watching brief. The excavation revealed a flint assemblage dominated by microlith and blade technology, an undated penannular ditch, Roman agricultural activity in the form of ditches, pits, a corn dryer and a possible four-post structure, along with extensive quarrying. A full report is currently being prepared for publication. 39. 16-20 High Street (SU 1571 8367); medieval An excavation by Cotswold Archaeology revealed three pits of probable medieval date. Truncation and disturbance resulting from the later development of the site were identified throughout. 40. 23 Roman Crescent, Old Town (SU 1472 8325); prehistoric and post-medieval Observation by Bernard Phillips and Mogs Boon revealed a few struck flints of late Mesolithic and late Neolithic/early Bronze Age date, and a few artefacts dating to the 18th and 19th centuries. Tidworth 41. Pennings Road (SU 2350 4901); modern Wessex Archaeology conducted a watching brief in advance of the construction of residential properties on land immediately east of the church, close to the medieval core of Tidworth. A substantial early 19th-century rectory house, demolished in the 1970s, was identified in the northern part of the site, but no archaeological features were identified, the entire area being covered by a thin veneer of reworked soil and modern demolition rubble, including bricks and concrete. 42. Tesco Supermarket, Station Road (SU 2372 4833); prehistoric Wessex Archaeology carried out an excavation and watching brief in advance of supermarket construction. Several areas on the site were stripped and a number of features were recorded, including 27 undated postholes. The terminus of a ditch was dated by pottery to the Late Bronze or Early Iron Age and two burials of a cow and a crouched infant are also likely to be prehistoric in date. A small assemblage of worked flint and unworked burnt flint was recovered. Tisbury 43. The Old Coal Yard (ST 9434 2920); medieval/post- medieval Wessex Archaeology conducted a watching brief in advance of a residential development. Beneath made-up ground, probably contemporary with the site’s use as a coal yard, two undated linear features were recorded, which are likely to represent a continuation of medieval/post-medieval ditches and ridge and furrow recorded to the south. No further archaeological features or remains were encountered. Trowbridge 44. Former Vincent’s Garage, Duke Street (ST 8575 5810); post-medieval A watching brief undertaken by Cotswold Archaeology during ground works ahead of development revealed a wall at the southwest end of the site, which may relate to a demolished 18th- century property fronting on to Duke Street. Much of the site was so heavily disturbed from the 1950s onwards, that no other archaeological remains were recorded and no artefacts pre-dating the modern period were recovered. Upavon 45. Watchkeeper UAV, Upavon Airfield (SU 150 540); prehistoric and Roman Wessex Archaeology conducted an evaluation excavation and geophysical survey in advance of ground works associated with the construction of a new runway. Archaeological deposits encountered ranged in date from Neolithic or Bronze Age to late Romano-British. The main focus of activity was at the western end of the site, where a large sub- circular enclosure dating to the Early or Middle Iron Age continued in use until the late Romano-British period. Detailed geophysical investigation revealed that the enclosure had a large concentration of internal features and was respected by three later sub-rectangular enclosures that may be Romano- British in date. Wilton 46. Wilton Autos, West Street (SU 0942 3137); all periods Wessex Archaeology carried out an excavation io) 22 2\>" consisting of two trenches ahead of potential redevelopment. Several features were revealed, ranging from possibly prehistoric to post-medieval in date. A small amount of struck flint in a ditch beneath an Anglo-Saxon building was identified as possibly prehistoric and a Roman coin of Flavian (AD 69-96) was found in a pit containing medieval pottery, suggesting that the coin was residual. Anglo-Saxon activity was present in the form of a large Middle Saxon sunken-featured building identified in the south-west corner of the site. Measuring c. 8 x 5m, internal features included several pits, two hearths, two opposing postholes and several stakeholes. Finds included an iron knife, a polished bone tool, an iron object (possibly a tool for weaving) and a moderate quantity of fired and unfired loom weights. Medieval occupation was represented by several rubbish and cess pits and two ditches, both aligned north/south. A yard surface appeared to be related to a wall and flint-packed postholes may have been associated with houses fronting onto medieval West Street. A ditch underlying the wall was assigned a possible 11th-century date based on ceramic evidence. Almost all the pits yielded pottery of medieval date, animal bone and other domestic refuse. The post-medieval period was defined by a small cemetery containing 41 articulated inhumation burials and a substantial amount of disarticulated human bone. Many of the articulated remains had been disturbed by later burials. The bone survived well and many skeletons exhibited pathologies including anaemia, broken (and subsequently healed) fractures, tuberculosis and fused vertebrae. Sparse dating evidence was recovered from the graves, including several shroud pins, some iron nails (but not enough to suggest coffins) and a single piece of post-medieval (possibly 16th-century) pottery. THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Winterborne Stoke 47. Stonehenge Greater Cursus (SU 110 429) A geophysical survey was conducted over the western section and terminal of the Stonehenge Greater Cursus (SAM 10324) by the Geophysics Team of English Heritage. The work was carried out in order to inform a proposed programme of excavation by the Stonehenge Riverside Project. Despite widespread later ferrous disturbance, the magnetometer survey successfully identified ditch- type anomalies associated with the sides of the Cursus and a previously known earthwork cutting obliquely across the monument in the area cleared through Fargo Plantation. Resistance survey proved more effective for imaging the banks of the Cursus, which had been degraded by ploughing where they approach the western terminal of the monument. Resistance also recovered evidence of a levelled round barrow (Winterbourne Stoke 30). PAYNE, A. 2007. Stonehenge Greater Cursus, Western Terminal, Wiltshire. Report on Geophysical Surveys, May and Fune 2007, unpublished report, English Heritage Research Department Report Series, No. 61/2007 Wroughton 48. Swindon Southern Development (Wichelstowe) (SU 134 828); medieval Foundations Archaeology undertook a programme of monitoring, which revealed evidence of ridge and furrow on northeast/southwest and northwest/ southeast alignments at the western (Mill Lane) end of the study area. Several of these features were tested by excavation to confirm their interpretation. No other archaeological features were present. EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 339 Highlights from the Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS) in Wiltshire in 2007 recorded by Katie Hinds (Wiltshire Finds Liaison Officer)’ Prehistoric 1. WILT-F694E4 (Heddington): Neolithic polished axehead of orange flint (length 150mm; weight 148.45g). The cutting edge (width 42mm) is complete, but slightly damaged. Flakes have been removed along the length of the axe. It is unclear whether the larger of these is intentional (for example, to improve the hafting) or post-depositional. Around 5% of the surface is covered with a white patina. The polish, extending from the cutting edge to the butt, contains many fine grooves from the polishing process. It resembles object NMS-3C8962 from the PAS database, from Sporle with Palgrave in Norfolk, which probably dates from the later Neolithic. 2. WILT-12C795 (Mildenhall): Copper alloy ‘model’ (see below) or miniature socketed axehead with traces of iron in the shallow socket (length 38.5mm; width 16.8mm; weight 31.28g). The axehead is thinnest at the blade end (1.1mm), expanding over the length to 12.7mm at the socket end. The mouth has a slight moulding, which is emphasised by a groove beneath it. The C-shaped loop (8.7 x 7mm) has a piercing (diameter 2.6mm) and is cast to the side and not part of the body, unlike most miniature examples. The surface has lost some of its original patina, although it is mostly smooth and dark in colour. Miniature axeheads range in date from the Late Bronze Age to the Roman period with the majority of examples being Romano-British. Their function is probably as an amulet or votive object. Those recorded from Wiltshire so far are mostly crude interpretations of axeheads, but this example is unusual in being much more faithful to a true socketed Bronze Age axe. Paul Robinson (1995) makes the observation that better-made examples (‘models’) were perhaps used as tools and, commenting on this particular object, he is of the opinion that it is a ‘model’. 3. WILT-E1EBD0O (Norton): Copper alloy strap- union with enamel decoration (length 37.2mm; ! With thanks to Rachel Wood, David Algar and Nick Griffiths. For the location of find-spots, see Figure 1. width 25mm; thickness 6mm; weight 19.91g). The central raised area is square (15.7 x 16mm) with a slight step running around it. At the centre is a blue enamelled square with a blue enamel petal projecting from each corner. This example shows similarities with others known from Iron Age Britain (see Taylor and Brailsford 1985, nos. 38, 43, 44 and 46). 4. WILT-616785 (Wanborough): Bronze moustache- like object (length 58.5mm; width 12.3mm; thickness 11.7mm; weight 24.31g). The object consists of one solid pointed drop either side of a central area, D-shaped in section, with a square perforation on the flat underside. The pointed drop shapes are decorated with pronounced ridges and deep grooves on the rounded half(15 on the complete drop and 14 on the incomplete). Such moustache-like objects are thought to range in date from the Middle Bronze Age to the Late Iron Age and three other examples are known, besides the 12 recorded on the PAS database (see WANHM 101, 281). 5. WILT-1BCB06 (Near Amesbury): Fragment of a copper alloy beaded torc (length 35mm; width 29mm; thickness 27.5mm; weight 105.56g). The object retains traces of silvering or tinning on part of its surface and consists of two triangular beads connected by a short spacer. One bead is larger than the other and is decorated on the pierced side with a motif rather like a quatrefoil around the central hole. Similar beaded torcs are made in two pieces with the pierced hollow ends acting as mortises into which a tenon from a flatter part of the torc would fit. The decoration suggests a Late Iron Age (Halstatt) date and the close curve of the torc suggests that it may have come from a bracelet. Roman 6. WILT-4BF5B6 (Kingston Deverill): Copper alloy plate brooch with a human face in the Celtic style (length 36mm; width 17mm; thickness 7.5mm; weight 8.57g). It is covered in a green patina and complete, except for a missing lug, and has been Salisbury & South Wiltshire Museum, The King’s House, 65 The Close, Salisbury, SP] 2EN 340 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE varnished. The lozenge plate (21 x 19mm) has a raised oval area on which a human face at right angles to the pin has been incised. The reverse is hollow. At each lozenge corner is a large lug (one is missing) and the brooch is hinged with a complete unperforated catchplate. It is similar to Hattatt (1989), nos. 1656 and 1276A, and WILT-1617A7 from Alton in Wiltshire. Hattatt (1989) notes that such brooches are extremely rare and ascribes them to the 2nd century. 7. WILT-251A24 (Trowbridge): Copper alloy Janus head terminal, probably from a knife (length 25.6mm; maximum width 15.2mm; thickness 17.4mm; weight 22.85g). The metal has a shiny silvery sheen and is possibly tinned or silvered. Both faces are clean-shaven with pointed chins expanding to the ears (the widest part) and then curving over the top of the head. The two faces are separated by a deep horizontal groove and the head sits on a circular terminal (diameter 13mm) with the iron projection extending from the middle of the underside. Two similar terminals have been discovered in Suffolk (SF-6944 and SF-D0D636), which Ralph Jackson of the British Museum has compared to an example from Richborough in Kent (Bushe-Fox 1949, plate XLV), which has an integral copper alloy handle and is one of a series of distinctive knives highlighted by Annemarie Kaufmann-Heinimann (1998, 32-5, figs 9-11). The Wiltshire example most likely dates from the Ist or 2nd century. 8. WILT-2F9063 (Everleigh): Copper alloy button and loop fastener of Wild’s Class III (length 40.2mm; maximum width 15.6mm; weight 6.5g). The teardrop-shaped head measures 22.1 x 15.6mm and is slightly hollowed to the reverse, except for a rib behind a hollowed area to the front, inside which sits a circular boss (diameter 8.6mm). The pointed part of the teardrop has a prominent rib running from the hollowed area to the tip. The loop is triangular with a triangular opening (24.1 x 12.3mm). It extends at right angles to the circular end of the head before turning to become parallel to it. Wild (1970) dates this type to the 2nd century AD, possibly originating and developing in the late Ist century. 9. WILT-D86FB6 (Salisbury): Gold 1% solidus (sometimes called a festaureus) of Licinius I (AD 308- 24). Reverse: VBIQVE VICTORES (‘everywhere Victories’). Date: 313-15 AD. Mint: Trier. Reference: Sutherland and Carson 1966, 163 no. 5. Medallions (large coins or multiples) like this were struck for the emperor to distribute at special occasions. 10. WILT-FCEBC1 (Near Pewsey): Copper alloy phallic pendant, missing roughly half of the loop (ength 42.4mm; maximum width (at testicles) 12.2mm; weight 7.19g). The phallus is slightly curving with one rounded and one pointed end. The pointed end has additional moulding either side to represent the glans. This is also represented on the reverse, which is otherwise plain. The rounded end has two small testicles either side. The phallus is rectangular in section with a groove running down the centre, petering out where the moulding begins. The broken loop is D-shaped in section (diameter 12mm) and projects at the centre of the reverse. Roman phallic pendants are more common to military and urban sites, suggesting a possible association with soldiers (Plouviez 2005). Early Medieval 11. WILT-1E76E1 (Urchfont): Copper alloy mount from a hanging bowl (length 41.7mm; maximum width 11.7mm; weight 14.11g). The mount is in the form of two opposed bearded heads with pointed chins with a length of copper alloy between. To the reverse the heads are D-shaped, the upright forming the horizontal line at the base of the head directly behind the lower half of the ears. It is hollowed at the centre with an edge 2-3mm thick. Susan Youngs comments: ‘there is a strong similarity between this mount and those from the famous bowl at Myklebostad (Sogn og Fjordanen) in west Norway. These feature a single head, but the profile for the reverse is the same. A double-headed detached mount found ‘near York’ is a cruder version of this find. Dating is very broad, perhaps late 8th or 9th century’. 12. WILT-34C3A7 (Laverstock): Fragment of a copper alloy bridle cheekpiece (length 58mm; width 31.1mm; thickness 5.1mm; weight 34.99g). The object is of Williams’ Type 1 and dates from the 11th century (Williams 1997). Only one of the two plates survives, which is decorated with an inward- turning beast in the Ringerike style. The projecting looped-arm, to which the bridle strap would have fixed, is also missing. The (old) break is across the central piercing, through which the bridle bit would have linked. Medieval 13. WILT-266B84 (Ogbourne St Andrew): Copper alloy strap-fitting, perhaps a strap-union or junction EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 ems} iT iiiiiil Prehistoric finds from Wiltshire in 2007 341 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE ems} 1/1!) aa 1111 Roman finds from Wiltshire in 2007 EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 Medieval finds from Wiltshire in 2007 343 344 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Medieval finds from Wiltshire in 2007 EXCAVATION, FIELDWORK AND THE PAS IN WILTSHIRE 2007 345 (length 28.4mm; width 20.6mm; thickness 6.8mm; weight 8.26g). It is in the form of two roughly triangular loops with straight outside edges, recessed to form narrow strap bars, and linked by a central area on which is mounted a three-dimensional animal head. The head has bulbous eyes, flaring nostrils, a pronounced snout and pointed ears. Much of the original patina has been lost and the surface is slightly pitted. Dr Kevin Leahy comments: ‘I think that it is Romanesque, although some of its features look back to late Viking art. The eyes look like the sort of thing that we see on Urnes-style objects and the tendrils look like Ringerike style. I would put it into the 12th century’. A similar strap-union has been found in Lincolnshire (LIN-DD4333). 14. WILT-816DA6 (Wootton Bassett): Fragment ofa copper alloy stirrup (length 62.8mm; width 40.6mm; weight 70.88g). It is patinated and the very dark surface has been scratched through to reveal the copper colour beneath, for decoration. The fragment consists of the top of the stirrup and conceals the loop to which the strap would have attached behind an integral plate. An arm extends to create the stirrup on either side of the loop and integral plate, but is broken close to the plate. The rectangular integral plate is decorated with grooved lines in the form of a crown with a fleur-de-lis at the centre and half on either side. The reverse also has the dark patination and it is likely that linseed oil was applied to the surface, which was then heated. Nick Griffiths comments: ‘I have seen 15th-century bronzes made to look black in this way, although the style of the crown suggests a 13th-century date’. 15. WILT-1DA6A4 (Salisbury): Fragment of an earthenware glazed floor tile from the grounds of Leadenhall School (length 97.3mm; width 73.2mm; thickness 26.6mm; weight 284.69g). It would originally have measured 135mm square. The design, essentially a griffin facing left within a circle, is not recorded in the Salisbury Museum collection, but is known from an example in the British Museum. It is described in the British Museum catalogue as design 1881 of the Wessex? school and of 13th-century date. The find-spot suggests that the fragment originally formed part of a pavement, perhaps in the cathedral or even in Leadenhall. It has now been donated to the Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum. 16. WILT-1B1B43 (Edington): Copper alloy oval seal matrix with faceted hexagonal-sectioned handle and lozenge-shaped loop with a quatrefoil piercing (length 21.1mm; width 17.1mm; height 21.8mm; weight 8.54g). The matrix depicts a double-headed donkey with two legs and a tail, above which (between the heads) is a human head on its side and in profile. Around is the legend *PRIVE SVE POV CONV, ‘I am private and little known’. This seal matrix 1s remarkably similar to IHS-4BE2A4 from Kirton in Lindsey, North Lincolnshire. This has the legend *PRIVE SVE POI CONV around a human Janus head with an eagle rising between. Both are likely to date from the 13th or early 14th century. 17. WILT-45FC93 (Kington St Michael): Copper alloy gilded and Limoges enamel panel from the right-hand arm of a processional cross (thickness 1.6mm; weight 16.77g). It is a broad T on its side and one corner is bent and a little torn. It measures 53.2 x 17.1mm across the top of the T and 40 x 19.5mm across the squat stem. The panel depicts a winged bull on a dark blue enamel background within a gilded border, which is flanked by a band of green enamel and, finally, a gilded zigzag border. There are four rivet holes in line with the central stem of the T. On the reverse, between two of the rivet holes, a downwards-pointing arrow has been scratched. Nick Griffiths comments: ‘the winged bull represents St Luke. There would have been an Evangelist on each point of the cross.’ The object dates from the late 12th or early 13th century. References ‘BUSHE-FOX, J.P. 1949. Fourth Report on the Excavations of the Roman Fort at Richborough, Kent. Oxford. HATTATT, R. 1989. Ancient Brooches and Other Artefacts. Oxford. KAUFMANN-HEINIMANN, A. 1998. Gotter und Lararien aus Augusta Raurica: Herstellung, Fundzusammenhdange und sakrale Funktion figiirlicher Bronzen in einer romischen Stadt. Augst: Forschungen in Augst 26. PLOUVIEZ, J. 2005. ‘Whose good luck? Roman phallic ornaments from Suffolk’, in N. Crummy (ed.), /mage, Craft and the Classical World, 157-64. Montagnac. ROBINSON, P. 1995. Miniature socketed bronze axes from Wiltshire. VANHM 88, 60-8. SUTHERLAND, C.H.V. and CARSON, R.A.G. (eds) 1966. The Roman Imperial Coinage, Volume VII. London. TAYLOR, R.J. and BRAILSFORD, J.W. 1985. British Iron Age strap-unions. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 51, 247-72. WILD, J.P 1970. ‘Button-and-loop fasteners in the Roman provinces’, Britannia 1, 137-55. WILLIAMS, D. 1997. Late Saxon Stirrup-Strap Mounts: A Classification and Catalogue. York. Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, vol. 102 (2009), pp. 346-362 Index by Philip Aslett NOTE: Wiltshire places are indexed or referenced under civil parish. Page numbers in italics refer to figures. A4, route, 254 A419 Commonhead Junction Improvement Scheme, Swindon, 211 Abbeymeads LLB 160 Aberdeen (Scotland), St Paul’s Church, 299 Abingdon (Oxfordshire), 106; Ashville, 62 ABMAP (Animal Bone Metrical Archive Project), 16 Abraham, 205 abscesses, 93 Abury see Avebury accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS), 83 Acer spp. (field maples), 97 Acer campestre (field maple), 142 Achillea millefolium (yarrow), 9 Achillea ptarmica (sneezewort), 9 Acicula fusca (land snail), 144 Acidota cruentata (rove beetle), 8 Acton Turville Beds, 129-31 Adam and Eve, 205, 206 Adams, Mrs, 298 Addington, Henry, Ist Viscount Sidmouth (1757-1844), 263, 264-5, 266, 267, 270 Adlam, Samuel (1.1793), 269 adulation, sport and, 285 adzes, flint, 18 AX flsige (f1.949), 306, 308 Aegopinella nitidula (land snail), 91 Aelfric of Eynsham (c.955-—c.1010), 204 Aeneas, Christ as, 203—5 aerial photography: Commonhead Roundabout, 214, 220; digitisation, 251; Latton Lands, 25; Savernake Forest, 248, 259, 260; Shaw, 222, 223, 227, 228, see also cropmarks aerial surveys, 245, see also light detection and ranging (LiDAR) Aerts-Bijma, A. T., 83 Aesculapius (god), 271 Aethelferthes setle, 229-30 Adthelwulf, King (c.795—858), 313 AFG see Archaeology Field Group (AFG) Agathidium marginatum (beetle), 8 Agri Decumates, 157 agricultural workers, 323-4 agriculture: Early Iron Age, 30, 104-5; Middle Iron Age, 39-41, 104, 106; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50, 107, 117, 126; Romano-British, 126, 178, 247, 323, 337; Saxon, 323; Late Saxon, 188; medieval, 188, 323; post-medieval, 335; modern, 335; arable, 224, 230 Agrostemma githago (corncockle), 142, 198 air-raid shelters, 243 Aldbourne: Aldbourne Barrow, 60; cricket, 276; former Thames Valley Food site, 331; Marlborough Road, 331; Roman coin hoard, 150, 154-6; Sugar Hill, 60; warrens, 329 alder, charcoal, 44 Alexander, K. N. A., 10 Alexander, Mary: paper on Bronze Age activity and medieval holloway at A419 Commonhead Junction, Swindon, 211-21; paper on Late Iron Age and Romano-British field system at South Marston Park, 114-28 Alfred, King (c.849-c.899), 204, 313 All Cannings, 266; All Cannings Cross, vii, 61—2, 63 All England cricket teams, 280 Allen, John, 271 Allen, Michael J., paper on Middle Neolithic Pit in West Kennett Avenue, Avebury, 12-21 Allison, E., 103 alluvium, 29, 129-31, 290 Alnus spp. (elders), 97 Alton: Alton Barnes, 150, 222-32, 329; Alton Barnes hoard, 150-4, 156, 158; Alton Barnes manor, 225; Alton Priors, 224, 226; brooches, 340; Knap Hill, 320; Old Shaw Farm, 222-32; Red Shore, 224, 230; Shaw Coppice, 222, see also Shaw America, 263, 266, 270 American Revolutionary War (1775-83), 264 Amesbury, 277, 322; Amesbury Abbey, 188; Amesbury Priory, 191; Avenue, 323; Broad Bridge, 190, 198; Church Street, 190; estate maps, 191; Fargo Plantation, 338; Flower Lane, 190, 191; Frog Lane, 190, 191, 198; Green Hays Close, 191; High Street, 188, 190, 200; historical background, 188-91; London Road, 188; Market Place, 191; pottery, 196; Redworth House, 191, 199; St Mary and St Melor Abbey Church, 188, 190, 200; Salisbury Road, 191; Salisbury Street, 188-201, 331; setting, 188; Smithfield Street, 191, 198, 200; Solstice Park, 322; Tanners Lane, 191; topography, 191; torcs, 339, 341; warrens, 329; West Bridge, 190, see also Stonehenge Amesbury Coursing Meeting, 278 Amesbury Hundred, 188 Amesbury Rural District Council, 191 Amiens, Treaty of (1802), 267 ammunition storage, 259 amphorae: Baetician, 70; Dressel | type, 51, 72; Dressel 1A type, 70 AMS (accelerator mass spectrometry), 83 anaemia, 93, 96, 338 Anas crecca (teal), 99 Anderitum, 316 Anderson, Tyrone, review by, 326 Andrews and Dury map (1773), 220 Andrews, Phil, paper on detached Roman bath-house at Truckle Hill, North Wraxall, 129-49 angels, 208 angle irons, 218 angling see fishing Anglo-Saxon charters, /eah place-name element in, 175-87 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 172, 315 animal and bird preservers, 279 animal bone see bone, animal Animal Bone Metrical Archive Project (ABMAP), 16 animal burials, 22, 103-4, 337; Early Iron Age, 33, 98, 105; dogs, 193 animal fodder, 44 animal remains: ageing, 99-100; articulated, 101; dental pathology, 99-100; disarticulated, 100-1; Latton Lands, 98-104; pathology, 101; species, 99 animals: management, 106; slaughtered, 100 Anisus leucostoma (button ramshorn snail), 91 Annable, Frederick Kenneth (1922-2002), Vii Annals of Agriculture, 290 Anne, Queen (1665-1714), 243 Annual Register, 275 Annunciation, 206 Anobium punctatum (woodworm beetle), 90-1 Anotylus sculpturatus (beetle), 91 Anthems cotula (stinking mayweed), 142, 144, 198 antiquarian investigations, 137, 139 antlers, 103, 321; remains, 101; worked, 48, 83, 106 Antonine Itinerary, 316 ants, 1 Aphanisticus pusillus (jewel beetle), 9 Aphoduus rufipes (dung beetle), 89 Aphoduus varians (dung beetle), 89 Aphrodes bicinctus (leafhopper), 89 Apionidae (seed beetles), 3, 7 apodyteria, 134-5, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144 apothecaries, 270-1 Archaeologia, 139 archaeological damage: agricultural, 335; ploughing, 38, 41, 42, 48, 338 archaeological mitigation, 211 archaeological sites, education and outreach, 131, 132 Archaeological Surveys, 145, 306 archaeology: Laverstock, 306-14; public, 313 Archaeology Field Group (AFG): activities, 318—20; excavations, 319-20; fieldwalking, 319; training sessions, 318; woodland archaeology, 319-20 archery, 276, 277, 279-80; clubs, 280 architecture: Georgian, 262; Burgundian Romanesque, 202 Arles (France), 79 armed services, sporting clubs, 277 INDEX armlets, shale, 44-5, 47, 106 Arnold, D. E., 58-9 Arras (France), 327 arrowheads: Early Neolithic, 336; medieval, 217-18; flint, 18; iron, 217-18 art, and sport, 277 Ascension, 206 ash: Early Iron Age, 36; Romano-British, 56 ash trees, charcoal, 29, 97, 98 Ashbury (Oxfordshire), Rose and Crown, 327 ashlars, 134, 236, 318 Ashton Keynes, 25, 107; pottery, 63 Association of Inhabitants for the Defence of the Kingdom, 267 Asteraceae (asters), 9 Astley, Francis (f1.1793), 265 Athelstan, King (c.895—939), 247 athletics, 276; clubs, 277 Atriplex spp.,(orache), 142 Attelabidae (leaf-roller weevils), 3 attorneys, 266-9 Atworth, furnaces, 323 Aubrey, John (1626-97), 285, 315 Augustine of Hippo (354-430), 204 Aurelian (c.214-275), 150, 752, 153 aurochs, 177 Avebury, 180, 229, 319, 320; Adam and Eve, 321; barrows, 60; Beckhampton, 19, 264, 283-4; Beckhampton Avenue, 321; Beckhampton Down, 280; Beckhampton House, 283; Beckhampton—Calne pipeline, 332; Bridgemead, 331-2; chronology, 19; excavations, 321-2; Falkner’s Circle, 321; fieldwork, 321-2; henge monument, 14, 17, 18, 19; King Barrow Ridge, 18, 323; Longstones Field, 19; Longstones Project, 321-2; Pan Bridge, 331; pigeon houses, 238; Silbury Hill, 320, 331; South Street, 323; Swallowhead Spring, 331; Waden Hill, 12, 18, 20; West Kennett, 19, 225, 321; West Kennett Avenue, 12-21, 321; West Kennett Long Barrow, 16; Windmill Hill, 16, 17, 18, 323, 336 Avebury Research Agenda, 19-20 Avebury Scheduled Monument and World Heritage Site, 12, 19 Avena spp. (oats), 44, 86, 106, 142 Avington (West Berkshire), 299 Avon, River (South), 222, 235, 288, 290, 293, 294; channels, 291; crossings, 188, 190, 308; and / ah place-name element, 182 Avon Navigation, 293 Avon Vale Hunt, 276, 285 Avon Valley, 230; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172 Awdrey, W. H., 284 Awdry family, 281 awls: Early Neolithic, 336; Bronze Age, 77; iron, 193 axeheads: Neolithic, 339, 341; Bronze Age, 339, 341 axes, 325; Acheulian, 25; flint, 18 Axford, Thomas, 270 backswording, 277-8, 282-3 Bagendon (Gloucestershire), 25, 107 Bagshot Beds, 246 Bailey’s Hunting Directory, 275, 278 Baines, William (f1.1788), 236 Baldwin, Thomas (c.1750—1820), 267 Banister, George, 282 bank and ditch systems, 320 Bank of England, 263, 264 bankers, 266, 269 banks (earthworks), 334 baptism, 206 Barbados, 263, 264 Barford St Martin, Grovely Forest, 184 barley, 44, 106, 142, 144, 199; hulled, 86, 142, 197 barns, 318, 319, 332 Barrett, R., 296 barrows, 307, 308; prehistoric, 229; Anglo-Saxon, 229; and Anglo-Saxon burials, 171; bowl, 60; contents, 325; disc, 60; round, 25, 323, 338 Barton-le-Street (North Yorkshire), 209 Barwis, William (f1.1783), 270 Bath, 145; architecture, 242; cricket, 280; doctors, 270 Bath and North East Somerset see Camerton; Lansdown Bath stone, 235 bath-houses, Roman, 129-49, 335 Bath—Cunetio road, 156 Bathe, Graham, 257 baths: Roman, 129-49, 335; Russian, 278; Turkish, 278 Bathurst family, tomb, 310, 311 Batson Coxe, C., 299 Bayesian modelling, in radiocarbon dating, 83-4 Bayley, J., 76 Bayliss, Alex, note on radiocarbon dating from Latton Lands, 83-6 beads: Romano-British, 167; Anglo- Saxon, 171-2; amber, 170; Brugmann type ConCyl, 167; glass, 162, 166, 167, 170; Guido type 611, 167 Beaker culture, 322 beakers: Early Roman, 70, 71; Romano- British, 70, 122; butt-, 70, 72, 73 beakheads, 208, 209 beans, 197, 199 bearu (place-name element), 179 Beatus manuscripts, 208 Beaulieu (Hampshire), Palace House, 300 Bebbington, J., 296 Beckford (Worcestershire), 167 Beddoes, Thomas (1760-1808), 269 Bede, Venerable (c.672—735), 172 Bedfordshire: Chamberlains Barn, 171, see also Harrold; Puddlehill bedwork irrigation, 288-91 Bedwyn, Royal Borough of, 247 beeches, 246-7 beetles, 89-91; dung, 89; elaterid, 89; flea, 89; ground, 89; rove, 89-90; scarce species, 7, 8-9, 10-11; species diversity, 1, 10; surveys, 1-11; water, 89 BEF (British Expeditionary Force), 328 Benedictines, nunneries, 188, 191 Bengal, 264 Beornwyne Stane (Beornwin’s Stone), 307 Berinsfield (Oxfordshire), Mount Farm, 62 Berkshire, 300, 326; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; buckets, 171; pottery, 196, see also Erdescote; West Berkshire Berkshire Downs, 25 Bernini, Gian Lorenzo (1598-1680), 204 Berwick (East Sussex), 301 Berwick St John: pit burials, 96; Rotherley, 127; Rushmore Park, 332 Besly, E., 156 bessales, 141 bestial masks, 208, 209 betting, 277-8 Betts, I., 123 biblical imagery, 202-10; continuity, 207-10 Bicester (Oxfordshire), Slade Farm, 41, 106 bicycle manufacturers, 279 bipedalis bricks, 141 Birdlip Quarry (Gloucestershire), 219 birds, 329-30; bones, 193 347 birds of prey, 236 Birmingham University, vii Bishop, William, 299 Bishops Cannings, 265, 266, 267, 268; Coate, 267; football, 284; Horton, 265; Parsonage, 265, 267 Bishop’s Waltham (Hampshire), 228 Bishopstone (nr Salisbury), 296, 299; charities, 296; directory entry, 301; living, 299-302; Rectory, 299-300, 301, 302; village school, 296, 300-1, 302; workhouse, 300 Bishopstone (nr Swindon): Church Lane, 332; Harlstone House, 332 Black Death, 225, 239, 323; and settlement failure, 230, see also plague blacksmiths, 240 blackthorn, 86; charcoal, 29, 48, 49, 97, 98 blades: prehistoric, 337; Iron Age, 76; medieval, 217, 218; flint, 82, 141, 333 Blandford Forum (Dorset), horseracing, 282 blood loss, 93 Blunsdon St Andrew, 126; Abbey Stadium, 160, 162; Abbeymeads, 160-74; Blunsdon Bypass, 170; Blunsdon Hill, 162; The Grange, 170; Groundwell Farm, 164, 170; Groundwell villa, 160; Groundwell West, 164, 170; Kingsdown, 332; Lady Lane, 162 blunt trauma, 96 boar, and woodland development, 177-8 Board of Health, 294 Boer War (1899-1902), 284 Boethius (c.480—C.524/5), 204 bone: animal, 43, 44, 63, 125-6, 215, 218-19, 334 (Early Neolithic, 336; Middle Neolithic, 12, 14, 15-16, 18; Middle Bronze Age, 218-19; Early Iron Age, 30, 33, 101-2, 103, 105; Middle Iron Age, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47-8, 49, 50, 56, 87; Late Iron Age, 41, 102, 117; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 50, 51,57; Romano-British, 53-5, 56, 102, 107, 117, 118, 141; Late Saxon, 191-3, 199; medieval, 194, 219, 338; post-medieval, 194, 219; undated, 219; burnt, 33, 36); disarticulated, 312, 338;,human, 92-7, 117 ( Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 52-3; Romano-British, 118; Anglo- Saxon, 167—70; cremated, 56, 84, 86); radiocarbon dating, 52, 321; worked, 83; wormian, 168, 170, see also cattle bones; dog bones; horse bones; pig bones; sheep/goat bones; teeth bone cysts, 169 bone objects, 83 Bonney, Desmond, 171, 229 bookmakers, 277 Boon, Mogs, 333, 334, 336, 337 Boone, Thomas (f1.1760), 264 Boone family, 264 Booth, Paul, note on Roman coins from Latton Lands, 79 bootmakers, 275 boreholes, 334 Bos spp. (cattle), 15 Boston Tea Party (1773), 263 bottles, modern, 215 Bottun[?], dovecotes, 239 boundaries, 245; Middle Iron Age, 106, 107; Romano-British, 107; Anglo- Saxon, 254; Saxon, 322; Late Saxon, 198-9; medieval, 190, 198-9, 321; post-medieval, 188; modern, 188; and burials, 171; detection, 249; development, 322; formation, 229, 230; and/ ah place-name element, 179, 180; pits as, 253; routes as, 229, see also field boundaries; parish boundaries 348 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE boundary clauses, 306— Bourne, River, 288-95, Bouverie, Mr, 282 bowls, 340; Early Iron Age, 62; Middle Iron Age, 62, 63; Early Roman, 70, 71, 72, 73; Late Roman, 71; Romano- British, 119, 120, 121, 122, 140; Morris type 1, 62 Box: Ashley House, 240; coin hoards, vii; Ditteridge, 239; dovecotes, 240; Roman villa, 332; Vicarage, 332 Brabant, R. H. (f1.1818), 263, 270 Brace, Mark, review by, 322-3 Brachinus crepitans (bombardier beetle), 8 Brachypterus urticae (nettle pollen beetle), 89 Bradford-on-Avon, 180, 279; Barton Farm, 242, 243; Belcombe Court, 242, 243; Culver Close, 242-3; Cumberwell, 318, 319; Cumberwell Golf Course, 319; doctors, 270; dovecotes, 241, 242-3; dye-houses, 243; Frome Road, 332; Hall, 242; Old Manor House, 242; Poor House, 332; St Margaret’s Hall, 243; Tithe Award map (1841), 242; Tithe Barn, 242; Whitehead Lane, 242 braided tracks, 254, 255 Braithwaite, EF, 290 brambles, 86, 198, 199 Brampton, Charles, 279 Brassica spp. (cabbages/mustards), 89 Bratton, 276; Jubilee Hall, 281 Bratton Cricket Club, 281 Braydon, Braydon Forest, 183 Brecon (Powys), 315 Breeze, Andrew, note on Cricklade and the Britons, 315-16 Bremenium (Northumberland), 316 Brentnall, H. C., 222-3, 247 Brick, Mr, 298 bricks, 332; Romano-British, 56, 127, 140, 141, 215; 18th century, 334; 19th century, 332; modern, 337 bridges, 308 bridle cheekpieces: early medieval, 340, 343; Williams’ Type 1, 340, 343 Brillouin index, 17 Brinkworth, Willie, 281 Bristol, 123; mints, 334; shipowners, 263 Bristol and Region Archaeological Services: evaluations, 333; watching briefs, 333 Britford: Church, 308; place-names, 308; water meadows, 293 British Dovecote Society, 244 British Expeditionary Force (BEF), 328 British Museum, 60, 340, 345; Department of Coins and Medals, 150 British Rural Sports, 275 British Telecom, 12 Britons, Cricklade and, 315-16 Broad Chalke, school, 301 Broadhead, Richard, The Great War: Salisbury Soldiers (2007), review, 327-8 Bromham, 265; Chittoe, 265; Spye Park House, 332-3 Bromley, Thomas, 299-300 Bromus spp. (brome grass), 142 Bronk Ramsey, C., 215 bronze objects: Middle/Late Bronze Age, 339, 341; moustache-like, 339, 34] bronzeworking, Middle Iron Age, 50, 106 brooches, 145; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 76; Roman, 52, 76, 77, 78, 92, 117, 123, 339-40, 342; Romano-British, 319; Anglo-Saxon, 170, 171-2; Aucissa type, 52, 76, 78, 92; Hod Hill type, 76, 78; Nauheim types, 123; plate, 339-40, 342; rosette, 76, 78; saucer, 172 Brothwell, D. R., 168 8 3 Brougham, Lady, 271 Brown, Graham, paper on the earthworks near Old Shaw Farm, Alton Barnes, 222-32 Brown, John, 280 Brown, Lisa, paper on Late Neolithic/ Early Bronze Age enclosure and Iron Age and Romano-British settlements at Latton Lands, 22-113 Brownjohn, William, 292-3 Bruce, Thomas, 7th Earl of Elgin and 11th Earl of Kincardine (1766-1841), 265 Bruce family, 247 Bruchidae (seed beetles), 3, 10 Brudenell-Bruce family, 247 Bryt Fordingea Landscere, 308 Buchan, William (1729-1805), Domestic Medicine (1769), 270 buckets: bow-knot handles, 167; copper- alloy-bound, 171; cordoned, 61; iron- bound, 162, 166, 167, 171 Buckinghamshire, Roman coin hoards, 156, 158 Buckland, Edward (d.1821), 317 buckle frames, 77 Buckler, John (1770-1851), 309, 311 buckles: Anglo-Saxon, 162, 165, 170, 172; post-medieval, 194 Budd, Edward Hayward (1786-1875), 280 building materials: Roman, 117, 123, 141; post-medieval, 194, see also bricks; ceramic building materials (CBMs); tiles buildings: Romano-British, 127, 319, 331; Anglo-Saxon, 338; Saxo-Norman, 228; medieval, 332, 336; Victorian, 336; boat-shaped, 36; cottages, 191; tenements, 191, see also barns; bath-houses; churches; columbaria; dovecotes; houses; manor houses; pigeon houses; roundhouses; villas; walls Bulford, cricket, 277 Bulkington, 265 bull-baiting, 283 Buprestidae (jewel beetles), 3, 7, 10 Burbage, 319 Burford Road, 219 burgage plots, 198, 332, 335 Burghfield (West Berkshire), Knight’s Farm, 62, 63 Burgundian Romanesque architecture, 202 Burhweges, 307, 308 burial grounds see cemeteries burial rites, 172 burials: Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 57, 52-3, 107; Late Roman, 336; Romano-British, 56—7, 107; Anglo-Saxon, 160-74, 332; Saxon, 188; post-medieval, 338; and boundaries, 171; child, 170; in ditches, 96, 97, 125, 127; and grave goods, 172; infant, 114; neonatal, 48, 92, 96, 99, 107, 114, 123-5, 127, 337; partially burnt, 94-5, 96, 98, 106; in pits, 96, 125; radiocarbon dating, 86, 106; and trackways, 171, see also animal burials; cemeteries; cremation burials; graves; inhumations Burma, 278 Burtholme (Cumbria), 315 busta, 97, 98; definitions, 94, 95 Butcher, S., 76 butchery, 101, 102, 219; Romano-British, 125, 126; Late Saxon, 193, 199 butt-beakers, 70, 72, 73 buttons: Roman, 340, 342; copper alloy, 76, 77, 78; Wild type 1, 76 By Brook, 330 Byrhtferthes Hlaewe (Byrhtferth’s Low), 307, 308 Byrrhidae (pill beetles), 3 CA see Cotswold Archaeology (CA) Cacus, 204 Caedmon Genesis, 208 Caernarfon (Gwynedd), 316; Segontium, 316 Caesars, 275 caesium magnetometer surveys, 331 Calathus fuscipes (ground beetle), 8 calculus formation, 93 caldaria, 132, 134, 136, 137, 138, 149 Calley, Mr, 283 Calne, 282, 332; doctors, 270; Members of Parliament, 262; Quemerford, 332; smallpox, 271 Calne Without: Beckhampton-—Calne pipeline, 332; Blackland Park, 243; Bowood, 266; Studley Hungerford, 240; Whitley Farm, 240 Camboritum, 316 cameras, and sport, 284 Camerton (Bath and North East Somerset), 266 Campanula glomerata (clustered bellflower), 9 Campanula rotundifolia (harebell), 9 Campbell, R., 266 canals, 283, 291, 294, see also Kennet and Avon Canal Canningas, 229 Cantharidae (soldier beetles), 3, 7 capistrat, 208-9 Capsella bursa-pastoris (shepherd’s purse), 89 Carabidae (ground beetles), 3-4, 7, 8, 10 Carabus monilis (ground beetle), 8 Carduus spp. (thistles), 142 care in the community, 19th century, 296-305 Carey, James (f1.1926-45), 236 caries see dental caries Caring for God’s Acre, 313 Carlisle (Cumbria), 315 Carmarthenshire see Chrychan, Afon; Llandovery Carolingian empire, 204 Carr, William (b.1715), 270 Carson, R. A. G., 340 Carson, Tim, 150 Carter, George (1792-1884), 277 Carter, William (f1.1834), 280 cartography, 293 cartoons, and sport, 277 Carychium spp. (land snails), 91 Cassida prasina (tortoise beetle), 9, 10 Cassington (Oxfordshire), 63 casting, 106; copper alloys, 50 Castle Combe, dovecotes, 239 Castle Eaton, 170 Castle, Paul Edward, ed. Birds of Wiltshire (2007), review, 329-30 Catapion pubescens (weevil), 9 Cathedra Petri, 204 cattle: ageing, 99-100; burials, 103, 105, 337; imported breeds, 126; teeth, 100, 101; and woodland development, 177-8 cattle bones, 82, 100, 218, 219; Middle Neolithic, 14, 15-16; Late Neolithic/ Early Bronze Age, 29, 99, 104; Early Iron Age, 30, 33, 101, 105; Middle Iron Age, 50; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 51; Romano-British, 102, 125, 126; Late Saxon, 193, 199 cattle fairs, 277 CBMs see ceramic building materials (CBMs) cellars: post-medieval, 333; 19th century, 332-3; backfilled, 333 Celtic language, 316; toponyms, 316 cemeteries, 83, 160, 312; Roman, 92, 95, INDEX 98; Anglo-Saxon, 165, 167, 170-2, 313; post-medieval, 338; barrow, 329; round barrow, 323, see also burials; graves; inhumations; tombs censuses, 301 Centaurea spp. (knapweeds/corn flowers), 142 Central Empire, 150, 156 ceramic building materials (CBMs), 334; Roman, 75-6, 123, 138, 141; post- medieval, 194, see also bricks; tiles ceramics see pottery Cerdic, King (d.534), 172 cereals, 197, 199; cultivation, 88-9, 230; de-husked, 145; fertilisation, 288; household consumption, 89; importation, 158; processing, 44; production, 158; remains, 17, 18, 86-8, 106, 139, 140, 141, 145, see also barley; oats; rye; wheat Cerebus, 208-9; as Lucifer, 202, 203-5 Cerney Wick (Gloucestershire), 22, 25 cerrig (stones), 315 Cervus elaphus (red deer) see deer cess pits, medieval, 338 Chadwick, Sir Edwin (1800-90), Sanitary Report (1842), 290 chafers, 89 chaff, 88-9, 318 Chalk, 184, 246; extraction, 251, 252 Chalklands, 322-3 Challinor, Dana, note on wood charcoal from Latton Lands, 97-8 Chalton (Hampshire), Manor Farm, 228 Chandler, John: Codford: wool and war in Wiltshire (2007), review, 324-6; paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 charcoal, 16, 17, 18, 137, 142, 144; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 97; Iron Age, 96, 97-8; Early Iron Age, 33, 36, 38; Middle Iron Age, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 49; Romano-British, 56, 57, 97-8; as fuel, 97-8; Latton Lands, 97-8; oak, 29, 50; radiocarbon dating, 29, 48, 49, 84, 86, 214-15, 217, 219 charcoal platforms, 249 charities, 296-305 Charles, B., 103 Charles the Bald (823-77), 204 Charlton: Braydon, 224; Braydon Wood, 183, 184 Charney Bassett (Oxfordshire), 327 charters: Anglo-Saxon, 175-87, 247, 306-8; Late Anglo-Saxon, 223-4 Cheddar (Somerset), pottery, 195, 196 Chenopodium album (fat-hen), 142 Cherhill: dovecotes, 239; Yatesbury, 171 Cheshire, / ah place-name element, 176 Cheverell Magna: Bell Inn, 282; Great Cheverell, 281, 282; Manor House, 281 Cheyne, George (1671-1743), 269 _ chicken bones, 334 Chilbolton (Hampshire), 322 childbirth, 271 Chilton Foliat, 299 Chippenham, 281; animal and bird preservers, 279; doctors, 270; football, 284; horseracing, 281; and / ah place- name element, 183, 184; Members of Parliament, 263; White Horse, 279 Chippenham Cricket Club, 280 Chippenham Football Club, 284 Chippenham Gazette & Herald, 317 Chippenham Without: Chippenham Golf Course, 333; Sheldon, 239 Chiseldon: Badbury, 327; Burderop Park, 283; Pinkcombe Wood, 333 Chiseldon Museum, 333 cholera, 290, 293-4 Christ, Jesus: as Aeneas, 203-5; Baptism of, 206; as Hercules, 202, 203-5; Resurrection, 209-10 Christianity, conversion to, 172 Chrychan, Afon (Carmarthenshire), 315 Chrysomelidae (leaf beetles), 4, 7, 10 church schools, 301 churches: Late Saxon, 333; medieval, 222-3, 225, 228, 230, 306, 308-13, 333-4; columbaria, 233-7, 241; pigeons in, 233 Churches Conservation Trust, 313 churchwardens’ accounts, as sources, 284 Churn, River, 22, 28 Churn Valley, 104 Churton, Joseph, 271 Chute Forest, 184—5 Chypmanna Ford (Trader’s Ford), 307 Cicero, Marcus Tullus (106 pc—43 Bc), 275 Ciidae (tree-fungus beetles), 4 Circium spp. (thistles), 142 Cirencester (Gloucestershire), 22, 219, 315; Beeches, 140; Corinium, 107, 214; fall of, 316; functions, 25; markets, 73; pottery, 119, 140 civil wars (1642-51), 320, 323, 331 civitas capitals, 25, 107 Clare, John, 270, 271 Clare, Robert, 270 Clare, William, 269, 270, 271 Clare family, 270, 271 Clarendon Park: Milford, 291-2, 308; Petersfinger, 171, 290, 313; Petersfinger Farm, 290 Clark, J., 218 Clark, Samuel, 244 Clarke, Alured (1745-1832), 302 Clarke, Bob, reviews by, 321-2, 323-4, 328-9 Clarke, Elizabeth Catherine Orby (née Hunter) (1740-95), 297, 302 Clarke, James Stanier (1766-1834), 275 Clarke, William (1798-1856), 280 class structure, Georgian Devizes, 262-74 Claudius II (c.213—270), 150, 152 Clausilia spp. (land snails), 17 clay soils, and woodlands, 178 clay tobacco pipes, 137, 141; post- medieval, 194, 333, 334 Clay-with-flints, 183, 222, 229, 230, 246, 2252 Claydon Pike (Gloucestershire), 25, 63, 105, 107; Longdoles Field, 102; Warrens Field, 103 clays, 22; extraction, 251, 252; pottery resources, 58-9, 60; silty, 12, 14, see also fired clay Cleal, Rosamund M. J., 19 clearings, and / ah place-name element, 175, 176, 186 cleats, iron, 139, 141 Clements, Frederic Edward (1874-1945), 177 clergymen, duties, 301 Cleveland Farm (Oxfordshire), 25 clocks, church, 235, 236 cloth industry, 226, 242, 262, 264-6 clothiers, 262, 264-6 Cluniac order, 202, 204, 205-6, 207 Cluny (France), 202, 207 Clutterbuck, Daniel, 268 Clyffe Pypard, Woodhill, 239 coal, 296, 326 coal yards, 337 Coccinellidae (ladybirds), 4 cock fights, 277, 282, 283 cockfighting, 276 cocks, throwing at, 283 Codford, 324-6; Codford Circle, 325; Codford Hermit, 325; East Codford, 239; Woolstore, 325 coffins, 310; fittings, 56, 77, 92, 334; lead, 97; stone, 97; wooden, 97, 98 349 Coham, Arthur (f1.1795-7), 269 coin hoards, 150-9; Aldbourne, 150, 154-6; Alton Barnes, 150-4, 156, 158; Box, vii; distribution, 156-8; Easterton, 150, 153, 156 coins: Roman, 55, 56, 79, 118, 123, 127, 145, 150-9, 338; Anglo-Saxon, 170; Saxon, 188; post-medieval, 58, 334; barbarous radiates, 151, 152, 153; locally minted, vii; silver, 76, 77 Cole, A., 176 Coleoptera (beetles), 89, 91; surveys, 1-11 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor (1772-1834), 271 Colerne, stobball, 285 Colleton, John, 264 Colleton family, 264 Collingbourne Ducis, St Andrew’s Church, 233-7, 241 colluvium, 12, 16, 18-19 Coln Gravels, 73 colonial trade, 262-6 Colt Hoare, Sir Richard see Hoare, Sir Richard Colt (1758-1838) Columba livia (blue rock dove), 236 Columba palumbus (wood pigeon), 236 columbaria: in church towers, 233-7; flight holes, 234; graffiti, 236; nest-holes, 234, 236; over chancels, 232; use of term, 238, see also dovecotes; pigeon houses commercial élites, 262-6 commonplace books, 270 commons, 175, 182, 185, 227; rights, 252-3; sheep, 226 community history, Laverstock, 306-14 Compton Bassett, dovecotes, 239 Compton Chamberlaine, dovecotes, 239 Compton Martin (Somerset), columbaria, 233 conduits, water, 319 conservation, Roman bath-houses, 129-49 Consols, 269 Constantine I (c.272—337), 55, 79, 158 Cook, G., note on radiocarbon dating from Latton Lands, 83-6 Cook, Hadrian, paper on an irrigation agreement and urban effluent scheme in Salisbury, 288-95 Cooke, Arthur Owens, 243; A Book of Dovecotes (1920), 238 Cookson, William, 299 Coombs, John, 293 Coplestone, Edward (1776-1849), 299 copper alloy objects, 76-7, 78, 145; Bronze Age, 339, 341; Iron Age, 76, 339, 341; Middle Iron Age, 48, 49; Late Iron Age, 339, 341; Roman, 117, 123, 340, 342; Anglo-Saxon, 162, 165, 171; medieval, 340-5; early medieval, 340, 343; hammered bars, 76, 78; personal accessories, 76-7; sheet, 48; toiletry scoops, 56, see also brooches copper alloys: casting, 50; debris, 50, 79 copper objects, silvered, 165-7, 171 copper oxides, 50, 79 coppices, 177 coppicing, and enclosures, 178, 181-2 Coral Rag, 162, 334 Corallian Ridge, 25, 162 corbels, 208-9 Corfield, Penelope, 271 Corinium (Cirencester), 107, 214 corn buntings, 329 corn driers: Middle Iron Age, 106; Romano-British, 129, 134, 137, 138-9, 142, 144, 145, 335, 337 Cornbrash limestone, 22 Corney, Mark, 253 Cornwall, 276 coronations, 276 correspondence, as sources, 284 Corsham: Corsham Court, 241; Corsham We tn S Park, 281; cricket, 277; Dovecote Close, 241; dovecotes, 241-2; Easton House, 241; Geyers House, 277; High Street, 242; Jaggard’s House, 241; Methuen Arms Hotel, 242; Moor Barton Farm, 241; Overmoor Farm, 241-2; Pickwick, 277 Corsham Cricket Club, 281 Corsley, cricket, 277 Corsley Hill Fair, 283 Corylus avellana (hazel), 17, 142 Cotswold Aggregates, 22 Cotswold Archaeology (CA): evaluations, 331-2, 335; excavations, 114-28, 160- 74, 211-21, 332, 336, 337; geotechnical site investigations, 334; watching briefs, 211-21, 332-3, 334, 337 Cotswold Community (Gloucestershire), 25, 38, 105, 107 Cotswold stone, 243 Cotswold Water Park Project, 22, 63, 104 Cotswolds, 25, 129, 141; limestone, 123; pottery, 62, 63, 165 counters, bone, 83 County Durham see Piercebridge coursing, 278 Court Rolls, 225 courts, manorial, 225 Cove structures, 321 Coventry, 279 Cowan, Michael, paper on an irrigation agreement and urban effluent scheme in Salisbury, 288-95 cows, sculptures, 208-9 Cox, B. H., 176 Cox, M., 170 Cracgelade, 315 craig (crag, rock), 315 Cramp, Kate, note on flintwork from Latton Lands, 82 Cranborne Chase (Dorset): and / ah place- name element, 182, 184; parklands, 20 Cranborne Chase and West Wiltshire Downs Area of Outstanding Natural Beauty, 1 Crane, Mr, 279 Cranswick, Peter Alexander, ed. Birds of Wiltshire (2007), review, 329-30 Craven, Fulwar, 4th Baron Craven (d.1764), 283 Crawford, Osbert Guy Stanhope (1886-1957), 247, 321 Creaccgelad, 315 creameries, 57 Creation, 208 Crecca, 316 Crecca gelad, 315 Crecchoc, 315 crech, 315 cremation: occurrence, 97; pyres, 52, 53, 84, 93, 94, 95, 98; technology, 94, 95 cremation burials, 29, 92, 93-7; Early Bronze Age, 60; Iron Age, 96-7; Late Iron Age, 96-7, 107; Late Iron Age/ Early Romano-British, 22, 52—3, 93; Romano-British, 22, 98, 107; charcoal deposits, 98; containers for, 97; pathology, 95-6; trauma, 96; urned, 47 Creocc gelad, 315 Crex-, 315 CreX‘a, 316 cribra orbitalia, 93, 96 Crichelade, 315 cricket, 276, 279, 280-1; clubs, 277, 281; grounds, 278, 280; matches, 277, 278, 283; pavilions, 278; rules, 280; women and, 276 cricket teams: All England, 280; county, 280; social composition, 280-1 Cricklade, 22, 220; boundaries, 171; and Britons, 315-16; Common Hill, 315; Ermin Street, 219; fords, 316; horseracing, 281; origin of name, 315; Prior Park Preparatory School, 333; Saxon origins, 170; Weaver’s Bridge, 25; Whitehall Farm, 119, 164 Cricklade Hundred, 171 crime, and sport, 278 Crispus, 315 Crixariton, 316 Crixaritum, 316 CniXa, 316 Crixus, 315-16 Crocker, Philip (1780-1840), vii cropmarks, 25, 251, 260 crops see cereals croquet, 276 crosses: Saxon, 188; medieval, 345 Crow, Peter, paper on LiDAR studies of Savernake Forest, 245-61 Crowdy, A. S., 280-1 Croydon (Surrey): Beddington Sewage Works, 290; cholera, 290 Croydon Local Board of Health, 290 crucibles, Middle Iron Age, 45, 50 Cruciferae (cabbage family), 89 Crucifixion and Entombment, 206 cruel sports, 283 Crummy, N., 76 crych, 315 Crychddwr, Afon (Snowdonia), 315 Crychell Brook (Powys), 315 crychog, 315 Cryptophagidae (silken fungus beetles), 4 cudgelling, 282-3 culfre (pigeon), 242-3 culverts, post-medieval, 332 Cumberwell Golf Course, 319 Cumbria: / ah place-name element, 176, see also Burtholme; Carlisle; Lanercost Abbey; Upper Denton Cunetio (Mildenhall), 156, 158, 214, 247, 252, 253, 259; Roman coin hoard, 150 Cunnington, William (1754-1810), archives, vil cups: Early Roman, 70, 73; Romano- British, 122; Aldbourne, 29, 58, 60, 63, 104; pygmy, 29, 58, 60 Curculionidae (weevils), 4—5, 7, 10 cursus monuments, 104, 338 cycle manufacturers, 279 cycling, 276; clubs, 277 Cynegils, King (dc.642), 172 Cynric, King (f1.534-60), 172 Cyperaceae (sedges), 9 Dacia, 157 Dafydd ap Gwilym (c.1315/20-1350/70), 316 daggers, 76; Bronze Age, 77 Danebury (Hampshire), 83, 87, 103, 105, 329 Danube, River, 157 Darby, Michael, paper on the beetles of Wylye Down National Nature Reserve, 1-11 Darling, Sam (1884-1953), 283-4 Dartmoor (Devonshire), 329 Darwin, Erasmus (1731-1802), 271 Dascillidae (soft-bodied plant beetles), 5, 10 dating: grave goods, 165, see also radiocarbon dating Daubeney, Giles, 280-1 Dauntsey, railways, 284 David, 205, 206 Davis, Bob, paper on Middle Neolithic Pit in West Kennett Avenue, Avebury, 12-21 Daws, J., 2 de Bohun, Humphrey VIII, 4th Earl of Hereford, and 3rd Earl of Essex (1276-1322) deed/agreement (1849), 288, 291-3, 294 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE deer: bones, 48, 99, 103-4, 193; disarticulated remains, 101; meat, 103; teeth, 101; and woodland development, 177-8, see also antlers defences, 223; Iron Age, 334 DEFRA (Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs), 288 degenerative joint disease, 168, 169, 170 Denison, Edward (1801-54), 292-3 dental caries, 93, 96, 169, 170 dental pathology, 93-4, 96, 169; animal remains, 99-100 dentition see teeth Deopan Fordes Ende, 307 Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA), 288 Derby (horse race), 283 Derby Racecourse, 95 Devizes: animal and bird preservers, 279; backswording, 283; Black Horse, 279; Brownston House, 272; cricket, 276, 280; cruel sports, 283; Devizes Bridewell, 271; doctors, 269-71; football, 284; Georgian élites, 262-74; horseracing, 281; legal profession, 266-9; Market Place, 268, 271, 333; medical profession, 269-71; Members of Parliament, 262-6; New Park, 264, 265; Parnella House, 271; St John the Baptist Church, 264, 268; St John’s Street, 333; St Mary’s Parish, 268; Southbroom House, 264; Town Hall, 267, see also Wiltshire Heritage Museum (WHM) Devizes Corporation, 263, 265, 266, 267 Devizes Cricket Club, 280 Devizes Museum see Wiltshire Heritage Museum (WHM) Devizes Turnpike Trust, 267, 268, 269 Devonshire see Dartmoor; Plymouth dew ponds, 326 diabetes mellitus, Type IT, 96 diaries, as sources, 284 diet, Late Saxon, 199 dietary deficiency, 93 diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis (DISH), 95-6 digitisation, in light detection and ranging, 251 Dilton Marsh, dovecotes, 239 Dineidin, 316 Dinton, 1; Hyde’s House, 241 directories, as sources, 278-9, 284 disafforestations, 224 diseases: chronic, 93; inhumations, 168-70; nervous, 269 DISH (diffuse idiopathic skeletal hyperostosis), 95-6 dishes: Early Roman, 70-1, 72, 73; Late Roman, 71; Romano-British, 119, 120, 121, 122, 140; flanged, 71; pewter, 319; pie, 71 Dissenters, 269 Dissolution, 324 ditches, 16, 145, 319; ?prehistoric, 332, 333, 338; Neolithic, 18; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 28; Bronze Age, 220; Early Bronze Age, 104; Middle Bronze Age, 211, 219; Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age, 337; Early Iron Age, 33; Middle Iron Age, 22, 41-2, 43, 44, 45-8, 52-3, 92, 106, 107, 114-17, 126; Middle/Late Iron Age, 117; Late Iron Age, 22, 99; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50-1, 114; Early Roman, 72, 91; Romano- British, 53-5, 57, 68, 71-2, 83, 93, 99, 117, 126-7, 214, 220, 337; Late Romano-British, 117, 118; Late Saxon, 188, 191-4, 197, 198-9; medieval, 41, 160, 190, 194, 197, 220, 228, 332, 337; 11th century, 338; post-medieval, 22, INDEX 57, 104, 194, 336, 337; undated, 333; boundary, 107, 117, 219; burials in, 96, 97, 125, 127; causewayed, 18; henge, 19; infilling chronology, 83, 84, 85; ring, 25, 117, see also gullies; linears; pits; Wansdyke Dobunni, 25 docks, remains, 86 doctors, 269-71 dog bones, 125, 126; Early Iron Age, 33, 101-2, 104; Late Saxon, 193 dogs: burials, 193; teeth, 125 dogwood, 86 Domesday Book, 224, 225, 230; Cricklade, 315; Laverstock, 308; / ah place-name element in, 180, 183, 185 Doncaster, 283 doors, 19th century, 234 Dorchester (Dorset), 280, 322; Antelope, 283 Dorchester (Oxfordshire), 172; Allen’s Pit, 62 Dorchester See, 172 dormitory towns, 326 Dorset, 282; armlets, 45; buttons, 76; cereal production, 158; cock fights, 283; pottery, 140, 217; Roman coin hoards, 156, see also Blandford Forum; Cranborne Chase; Dorchester; Hod Hill; Poole; Stratton; Verwood; Wareham; Wimborne St Giles Douglas, Charles, 6th Marquess of Queensberry (1777-1837), 267-8 dovecotes, 238-44; documented, 238-40; lost, 238-40; manorial, 233, 236; surviving, 241-4, see also columbaria; pigeon houses Dover (Kent), Buckland, 165 Downton, 262; and / ah place-name element, 182; Wick, 265 Downton Hundred, 301 Dragonby (Lincolnshire), 76, 77 drainage channels, 312, 331; detection, 249 drains, late medieval/early post-medieval, 336 Draper, Simon, 185, 229; notes on excavation and fieldwork, 331-8 drapers, 269 drawings, Anglo-Saxon, 207 Drusilla canaliculata (rove beetle), 8 Duck, Stephen (1705-56), 275 ducks, 99 dung beetles, 89 Durnford, Great Durnford, 208 Durocornovium, 214 Durolitum, 316 Duroritum, 316 Durrington, barrows, 60 dye-houses, 243 Dyfed see Penycoed dykes: Middle Saxon, 230; cross valley, 255, 256, 257, 258, see also Wansdyke dynamite, 319 Eadred, King (d.955), 306, 308 Eagles, Bruce, 171 Earle, John (c.1598-1665), 301 earth resistivity surveys, 131, 331, 338 earthworks, 245; prehistoric, 229; Roman, 214; Late Anglo-Saxon/medieval, 222-32; World War II, 245; analytical surveys, 222-32; banks, 334; detection, 249; ridge and furrow, 220, see also ditches; dykes; enclosures; hillforts East Anglia, 324; cereal production, 158 East Hoathly (East Sussex), 282 East India Company, 262, 263-4 East Kennett, 225 East Sussex see Berwick; East Hoathly; Lewes; Pevensey East Yorkshire, Roman coin hoards, 158 oe Roman coin hoard, 150, 153, 6 Easton, Easton Priory, 240 Ebbesbourne Wake, dovecotes, 239 Ebble, River, 301, 308; and / ah place- name element, 182 Ecclesiastical Commissioners, 294 ecclesiastical records, as sources, 284 economy, in Wiltshire, 275-87 Edinburgh (Scotland), 269, 316 Edinburgh University, 269 Edington: charters, 180; Church, 236; seals, 344, 345 Edlington (South Yorkshire), 209 education: archaeological sites, 131, 132; Montgomery’s views, 300 Edward I, King (1239-1307), 224, 262 Edward VI, King (1537-53), 297 Edward the Elder, King (c.870-924), 188 Edwards, Emily: note on prehistoric fired clay from Latton Lands, 67; note on prehistoric pottery from Latton Lands, 58-67 Edwards, James, 283 Edwards, Mr, 283 Edwards, Thomas, 283 eels, 199 effluent runoff schemes, 19th century, 288-95 Egbert, King (d.839), 224 EH see English Heritage (EH) Ekwall, Eilert (1877-1964), 176 elaterid beetles, 89 Elateridae (click beetles), 5, 10 elder, 29, 198; berries, 199 élites: Georgian, 262-74; commercial, 262-6; legal profession, 266-9; medical profession, 269-71; political, 262-6; and sport, 276 Elkstone (Gloucestershire), columbaria, 233 Ellman, Edward Boys (1815-1906), 301 elms, 97, 98 Elmton | soil type, 131 Elstub Hundred, 225 Ena montana (land snail), 17 enclosures, 320, 321, 332; Neolithic, 17-18; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 22-113; Middle Bronze Age, 25; Iron Age, 308, 329; Early Iron Age, 33, 77, 337; Middle Iron Age, 22, 39-41, 43-9, 83, 106, 337; Late Iron Age, 22, 42, 43, 50, 57, 92, 93, 96, 107; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 22, 50; Romano-British, 22, 53, 55-6, 107-8, 337; medieval, 228; World War II, 250, 259; causewayed, 17-18, 83, 84, 323; and coppicing, 178, 181-2; ditched, 104, 105, 117; and / ah place-name element, 181-2; oval, 22, 25, 38, 41, 47, 48-9, 57, 60, 61, 63, 82, 104, 106; palisade, 18, 321; penannular gully, 39-41; radiocarbon dating, 84; Savernake Forest, 250, 254—9, see also hillforts; settlements Endomychidae (handsome fungus beetles), 5 Enfield Grammar School, vii Enford, 270; charters, 180; Chisenbury, 239-40 England’s Past for Everyone (EPE), 324, 325 English Channel, ports, 214 English Heritage (EH), 125, 129, 211, 238, 243, 313; Aerial Surveys Team, 250; Ancient Monuments Inspector, 131; Archaeological Projects Team, 131; Geophysics Team, 131, 331, 338; Historic Environment Commissions, 131; Register of Historic Parks - and Gardens, 248; Survey and 351 Investigation teams, 131; talks, 320 English, Judie, paper on the earthworks near Old Shaw Farm, Alton Barnes, 222-32 English peoples, 316 Enlightenment, 269 Environmental Statement, 211 environmmental evidence, 218-19; Latton Lands, 86-92 EPE (England’s Past for Everyone), 324, 325 epiphyseal fusion, 99-100, 102 Epsom (Surrey), 283; Epsom Downs, 284; Tattenham Corner, 284 Erdescote (Berkshire), dovecotes, 239 Erlestoke, 263, 264 Ermin Street, 22, 28, 57, 73, 117, 160; burials near, 47, 48, 53, 56; construction, 25, 77, 104, 107; excavations, 219 Escorial Beatus (c.1000), 208 Essex: beetles, 8; pottery, 72; settlement patterns, 229, see also Little London estates: Anglo-Saxon, 254; development, 229; surveys, 179 Estcourt, Thomas Grimston (fl.1805—47), 263, 269 estimated vessel equivalents (EVEs), 119 ethylene glycol, in pitfall traps, 2 Eton College (Windsor and Maidenhead), 298 Euparol, in beetle surveys, 3 Eurystheus, King, 203 Evans, Derek, paper on Late Iron Age and Romano-British field system at South Marston Park, 114-28 Evans, J. G., 16 Evans, Jerry, 73 Everleigh: buttons and loop fasteners, 340, 342; Crown Inn, 283; horseracing training establishments, 283 Eversley (Hampshire), school, 301 EVEs (estimated vessel equivalents), 119 Evesham (Worcestershire), 276 Evesham, Vale of, / ah place-name element, 185 Excise Board, 263 Extracts from the Diary of a Huntsman (1838), 277 Eyles, Edward (1714-92), 264 Eyles, Sir Francis (f1.1720), 264 Eyles, Sir John (d.1752), 264 Eyles, Sir Joseph (fl.1722-40), 264 Eyles, Josiah (d.1792), 264 Eyles, Maria, 264 fabricators, flint, 18 Fairford (Gloucestershire), 25, 119, 122; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 171; Thornhill Farm, 25, 63, 73, 87, 102, 105, 107, 119, 122 fairs, 277 Fallopia convolvulus (black bindweed), 142 Fareham (Hampshire), singlestick, 283 farming see agriculture Farmoor (Oxfordshire), 36, 63 farms: model, 244; Russian, 244 Fastern Bowling Green, 282 Fawcett, Elizabeth see Markham, Elizabeth Evelyn (née Sutton) (f1.1816-32) Fawcett, John see Pulteney, John (née Fawcett) (1735-1803) Ferguson-Lees, James, ed. Birds of Wiltshire (2007), review, 329-30 Ferneley, John (1782-1860), 277 fertilisation: cereals, 288; water meadows, 288-95 festauret, 340, 342 Field, 277 Field Barn (Gloucestershire), 25 field boundaries, 214, 220, 332, 333, 336; ws) Middle Iron Age, 41-3, 105; Romano- British, 117; post-medieval, 164 Field, David, 320 field systems, 245, 332; prehistoric, 229; Bronze Age, 335-6; Iron Age, 25; Middle Iron Age, 22, 45-7, 106; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 114-28; Romano-British, 25, 220, 336; medieval, 57, 228; Celtic, 1, 227-8, 229 field-names, 183 fields: ?prehistoric, 223; medieval, 227-8; common, 230 fieldwalking, 333 Figgins, Matthew (f1.1793), 269 Figheldean, Robin Hood’s Ball, 18 fighting, 277-8 Filkes, Abel, 270, 271 Filkes, James, 270 fired clay, 68, 117, 123, 194; Middle Iron Age, 36, 38, 45, 47, 48; Late Iron Age, 41; Romano-British, 57; slag-coated, 80, 81 fireplaces, 334 Firsdown, Figsbury Ring, 308 First Gravel Terrace, 22, 25, 91 First Regiment of Foot, 271 First World War see World War I fish, bones, 215, 218, 219, 334 Fisher, John (1748-1825), 299 fishing, 276, 277 fishing tackle dealers, 279 fittings, metal, 77 fives (game), 284 Flachenbusta, 95 Flack and Smith, 275 flagellation, 209 flagons, 120, 121, 122; Early Roman, 70, 71, 73; Late Roman, 71; everted rimmed, 71 flakes, flint, 43, 82, 333; notched, 18, see also flintwork Flavian dynasty (69-96), 338 flea beetles, 89 flight interceptor traps, 2-3 flint cores, 333 flint flushwork, 324 flints, 57, 58, 324; burnt, 36, 193, 194, 337; extraction, 252; from South Marston Park, 118; nodules, 311, 312, 313; scatters, 25; struck, 12, 82, 160, 336, 337, 338 flintwork, 29, 118, 141, 193, 194, 324, 332; prehistoric, 114, 337; Palaeolithic, 114; Mesolithic, 22, 82, 114, 160, 334, 337; Neolithic, 114, 339, 347; Early Neolithic, 334, 336; Middle Neolithic, 16, 18; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 29, 82, 104, 337; Beaker, 29, 30; Bronze Age, 82, 114; Early Bronze Age, 29; flakes, 43; from Latton Lands, 82; unbraided, 336, see also axes; blades; flakes, flint; knives; scrapers; tools Flitcroft, Henry (1697-1769), Atlas of Amesbury Estate Maps (1726), 190, 191, 194, 198-9 floodplains, 290 floors: earth, 336; paved, 334 Florianus, Marcus Annius (d.276), 151, LSZ, Fludyer, Sir Samuel (1704-68), 263 Fludyer, Sir Thomas (d.1769), 263 foliage, sculptural, 210 follies, 145 Fontevraldine Order, double houses, 191 Fonthill Bishop, Fonthill Down, 281 food: preparation, 63; processing, 117, see also diet football, 276, 284—5; clubs, 277, 284—5; free-for-all, 284; leagues, 284; stadia, 278 fords, 316 Forest of Dean, 317 Forest Law, 224 Forest Marble, 22; clays, 58 Forestry Commission, 245, 246, 247, 250, 319 forests: management, 224; medieval, 175, 184-5; royal, 179, 183, 184,.186, 246, 247 Fort St David (India), 264 Fort Way, 307 forts, 25, 107 Forward, J. W., 279 fossatum, 25 Fosse Way, 129, 145, 219 foundations, 311-12, 313 Foundations Archaeology: evaluations, 336-7; excavations, 332; monitoring, 338; watching briefs, 337 fowl, domestic, 125 Fowler, Peter, 247 Fox, Mr, 298 fox hunting, 276 Frampton hoard, 153 France, 209, 264, see also Arles; Arras; Cluny; La Graufesenque; Lezoux; Loos; Lyons; Moissac; Paris; Somme; Toulouse Francis, Francis (1822-86), biographical notes, 277 Fraxinus spp. (ash trees), 29, 97, 98 Frechen (Germany), 57 freestone, 324 frigidaria, 134, 135-6, 137-8, 139, 140, 142, 144, 148, 149, 335 frog/toad bones, 218, 219 Fuller, Thomas (1608-61), 315 funerary culture, 171 funerary pottery, 71 Funtington (West Sussex), Ratham Mill, 259 furnaces, 323; Roman, 132 furrows, post-medieval, 117 Fyfield, 230; Fyfield Down, 247; surveys, 222; West Woods, 222, 318, 319-20 Fyfield and Overton Down Project (FYFOD), 223 FYFOD (Fyfield and Overton Down Project), 223 fyrth (place-name element), 179 Galbraith, K. J., 202, 206 Galium aparine (cleaver), 17, 198 Gallic Empire, 150, 156 Gallienus (c.218—268), 150, 152, 153 Gallipoli (Turkey), 327 gallows, 224 gambling, 277-8 Gardener, Tony, 317 garnets, 167, 171 Garth, Charles (f1.1765—90), 262, 263-4, 272 Garth, John, 264 Garth, John (f1.1740—64), 262, 263, 269, 272 Garth, Sir Samuel (1661-1719), The Dispensary (1696), 264 Garth, Thomas, 264 Garth family, 262-6, 272 Gaul, 70, 72, 157, 158; Samian stamps, 75 Gaulish language, 315 Gault Clay, 211 Geake, Helen, 171 Geber, Jonny, note on human remains from Latton Lands, 92-7 geese, pulling heads off, 283 (ge)haeg (place-name element), 181 (ge)heg (place-name element), 181 Gejvall, N.-G., 94 gelad (river-crossing), 315 Gelling, M., 176, 178 Gentleman’s Magazine, The, 270, 275 geographic information system (GIS), 245, 52 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE 250; mapping software, 251 geology, Savernake Forest, 246 geophysical surveys: Avebury, 321, 331; Blunsdon St Andrew, 332; caesium magnetometers, 331; North Wraxall, 131, 145; South Marston, 319 George I, King (1660-1727), 264 George II, King (1683-1760), 281 George III, King (1738-1820), 263, 264, 267 George IV, King (1762-1830), as Prince Regent, 279 Georgia (USA), 264 Geotrupidae (dor beetles), 5 Germany, 157, 158, see also Frechen; Trier; Westerwald Gewisse, 172 Gibbes, Charles, 270, 271 Gibbes, George, 270, 271 Gibbon, Arthur (f1.1814), 299 Gibbon, Elizabeth (bapt.1819), 299 Gibbon, Elizabeth (née Montgomery) (b.1796), 297, 298, 300, 302 Gibbons, A. H., 279 Gibbons, David, 329 Giffard, James, 270 Giffard, Yate, 270 Gillings, Mark, Landscape of the Megaliths: Excavation and Fieldwork on the Avebury Monuments, 1997-2003 (2008), review, 321-2 Gilmore, Teresa: note on human bone from South Marston Park, 123-5; paper on two Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads, Blunsdon St Andrew, 160-74 GIS see geographic information system Gisborne, Thomas (1758-1846), 264, 271 glass: Anglo-Saxon, 162, 166, 170; Late Saxon, 193; post-medieval, 194; modern, 215; bottle, 334; stained, 278; window, 138, 141, 145, 334, 335 Glebe Terriers, 284 Glechoma hederacea (ground ivy), 86 Gloucestershire, 276; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 171, 172; cereal production, 158; / ah place-name element, 176, 185, see also Bagendon; Birdlip Quarry; Cerney Wick; Cirencester; Claydon Pike; Cotswold Community; Elkstone; Fairford; Field Barn; Horcott; Kemble; Kempsford; Lechlade; Neigh Bridge; Norcote Farm; Preston; St Augustine’s Farm South; St Peter’s Abbey; Shorncote; Siddington; Somerford Keynes; Worm’s Farm glumes, 87-8 goats, see also sheep/goat bones Goddard, Jonas, 327 Godden, Dave, paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 gold foil, 167 gold objects, 153, 171; rings, 313 Goldney family, 281 goldsmiths, 306 Goldwyer, Mr, 279-80 gorse, | Gover, J. E. B., The Place-Names of Wiltshire (1939), 314 GPR (ground penetrating radar) surveys, 331 graf (place-name element), 179 graffiti: in barns, 318; in columbaria, 236 Grafton, Duke of, 277 grain stores, Early Iron Age, 30, 105 grains see cereals Grand National, 283 Grand National Archery Meetings, 279 Grand National Croquet Club, 276 INDEX Grant, A., 99 Grant, John, 270 Grant, Mr, 270 grasses, 88; remains, 86 grasshopper warblers, 329 grave goods, 76, 77, 127; Anglo-Saxon, 162, 165-7, 170, 171-2; dating, 165; and socio-economic status, 171-2 gravel extraction, 22, 104, 107, 251 gravel terraces, 25 gravels, 47; river, 25; valley, 290 graves, 83; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 52-3; Early Romano-British, 48; Anglo-Saxon, 160-74; Late Saxon, 331; medieval, 334; post-medieval, 334; damaged, 317, see also cemeteries; inhumations; tombs gravestones, 327; replacement, 317 graveyards see cemeteries grazing, 223, 224; areas, 229, 230; rights, 247; sheep, 226-7; woodlands, 177-8, 182, 185-6, 256 Greany, Martin, note on ceramic building material from Latton Lands, 75-6 Great Bedwyn, 254; Bedwyn Brail, 318, 319; Bedwyn Common, 257; Bedwyn Dyke, 257, 258; Castle Copse, 178, 247; Chisbury, 183, 247 great bustards, 329 Great Oolite Group, 22 Great War see World War I Great Western Railway (GWR): backswording, 283; cricket club, 281; cricket ground, 278; Drawing Office, 278; football teams, 284; guide, 284; and hunting events, 278; Medical Fund building, 278 Great Wishford: Manor Farm, 333; Manor House, 333 Greeks, ancient, 315, 316 green woodpeckers, 329 Greensand, 246 Greenwell, William (1820-1918), 60 Greenwood, Grimshaw, 279 Gregory of Nyssa (C.335-c.394), 204 greyhounds, 275 Griffiths, Nick, 345 Griffiths, Seren: note on charred and waterlogged plant remains from Latton Lands, 86-9; note on radiocarbon dating from Latton Lands, 83-6 Grimm, Jessica, note on animal bone from Middle Neolithic Pit in West Kennett Avenue, Avebury, 16 Grimstead, East Grimstead, 281 grog, 58, 60 Groningen University (Netherlands), Centre for Isotope Research, 83 ground beetles, 89 ground penetrating radar (GPR) surveys, 331 Grubenbusta, 95 Grundy, G. B. (1861-1948), 247, 306-7 gullies: Iron Age, 87-8; Middle Iron Age, 22, 39-41, 42, 44, 45-7, 91, 106; Middle/Late Iron Age, 117; Romano- British, 126; medieval, 160; ring, 87-8, 106, see also ditches gun engravers, 279 gun makers, 279 Gunter, Jim, note on the activities of the Archaeology Field Group, 318-20 gwlad (country), 315 GWR see Great Western Railway (GWR) Gwynedd see Caernarfon habitation, and place-name elements, 176 Hackwood, Frederick William, Old English Sports (1907), 275 Hades, 203 Hadrian (76-138), 56, 79 haga (place-name element), 181, 182 Hagley (place-name element), 181 Hall, J. R. C., A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary (1916), 308 Hall, John (f1.1590), 242 Halstead, P, 99 Hambledon (Hampshire), cricket, 281 hammerstones, 49, 81, 333, 336 Hampshire, 276; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; cricket, 280; / ah place-name element, 176; pottery, 196; Roman coin hoards, 156; singlestick, 283, see also Beaulieu; Bishop’s Waltham; Chalton; Chilbolton; Danebury; Eversley; Fareham; Hambledon; Hayling Island; Hook; Martin Down; Melchet Forest; Micheldever; Michelmersh; Penton; Romsey; Rooksdown; Silchester; Winchester Hancock, Phillip, 320 Hancocks, Annette, paper on two Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads, Blunsdon St Andrew, 160-74 handaxes, Acheulian, 25 Hansard, George, The Book of Archery (1841), 280 Hansell, J., 244 Hansell, P, 244 Harcourt, R., 103 Harris, Philip, review by, 327-8 Harrold (Bedfordshire), 120 Harrow School (Middlesex), 298 Harrowing of Hell, 202, 204, 209 Hart, Jonathan, paper on Bronze Age activity and medieval holloway at A419 Commonhead Junction, Swindon, 211-21 Hart, Stephen, Flint Flushwork: A Medieval Masonry Art (2008), review, 324 Hastings, Thomas, 280 Hattatt, R., 76, 340 hawthorn, 18, 86, 89; charcoal, 44 hay, harvesting, 288 Haycock, Lorna: note on Paul Robinson, vli; paper on the élite and dynamics of power in late Georgian Devizes, 262-74 Hayley (place-name element), 181 Hayling Island (Hampshire), 259 hazelnuts, 199; charred, 44, 336; charred shells, 14, 17-18; remains, 15, 29, 86, 198 head terminals, copper alloy, 340, 342 hearths: Early Iron Age, 30, 33, 36, 105; Middle Iron Age, 44, 50; Anglo- Saxon, 338 Heathcote, Caleb, 264 Heathcote, George, 264 Heathcote, George (1700-68), 264 Heathcote, Gilbert (1652-1732), 264 Heathcote, John, 264 Heathcote, Josiah, 264 Heathcote, Josiah Eyles (f1.1792), 264 Heathcote, Maria (née Eyles), 264 Heathcote, Samuel, 264 Heathcote family, 264, 272 heavy metals, 294 Heddington, 265, 269; arrowheads, 339, 34] Hedge, Bruce, review by, 326-7 hedges, 106; origins, 177 Helicella itala (land snail), 91 henges, 12, 104 Henley, D., 296 Henry VIII, King (1491-1547), 77, 297 Henry de Luni (f1.1225), 224 Herbert, Catherine (née Woronzow), Countess of Pembroke (1783-1856), 298, 300 Herbert, Charlotte (1773-84), 297 Herbert, Diana (1790-1841), 297 Herbert, Elizabeth (née Beauclerk) 353 (1766-93), death, 297 Herbert, Elizabeth (née Spencer), Countess of Pembroke and Montgomery (1737-1831), 297-8, 302 Herbert, George Augustus, 11th Earl of Pembroke and 8th Earl of Montgomery (1759-1827), 297, 298, 299, 300, 301, 302 Herbert, George Herbert (1788-93), 297 Herbert, Henry, 2nd Earl of Pembroke (c.1534-1601), 281 Herbert, Henry, 10th Earl of Pembroke and 7th Earl of Montgomery (1734-94), 297, 298, 301, 302 Herbert, Robert, 12th Earl of Pembroke (1791-1862), 297, 298, 301, 302 Herbert, Sidney Charles, 16th Earl of Pembroke (1906-69), 302 Hercules, 209; Christ as, 202, 203-5 Herefordshire: pottery, 60, see also Malvern Hills; Sarnesfield Heritage Lottery Fund (HLF), 324 Herod, 206 HERs (Historic Environment Records), 245, 248 Hertfordshire, see also St Albans Hervey, Augustus Henry (c.1764-82), 302 Hervey, Augustus John, 3rd Earl of Bristol (1724-79), 302 Heterogaster urticae (nettle ground bug), 89 Heytesbury, 276; cricket, 281; Tytherington, 243 High Rochester (Northumberland), Bremenium, 316 Highways Agency, 211 Highworth: Anglo-Saxon settlement, 170; horseracing, 282 Hill, J. D., 150 Hill, Mr, 282 hill-shaded images, 250, 251, 254, 259 hillforts, 63, 323, see also enclosures Hinds, Katie, note on Portable Antiquities Scheme, 339-45 hinges: pintle, 234; strap, 234 Hinton, D. A., 190 Histeridae (clown beetles), 5, 7 Historic Environment Records (HERs), 245, 248 HLF (Heritage Lottery Fund), 324 Hoare, Sir Richard Colt (1758-1838), 247, 310, 311, 313; archives, vii; The History of Modern Wiltshire (1822-44), 309, 312 Hoare’s Bank, 269 Hod Hill (Dorset), 76 Holbein, Hans, the Younger (c.1497— 1543), 297 Holland, William, 266 holloways, 223, 225, 227-8, 259; medieval, 211-21; undated, 219; definition, 253-4; wheel ruts, 215 Holt, T., 282 Holt, football, 284 holt (place-name element), 179 Hook (Hampshire), 301 Hooke, D., 181, 183-4 Horcott (Gloucestershire), 25, 119, 122; Horcott Pit, 25, 62, 63; Totterdown Lane, 63, 107 Hordeum vulgare (barley), 44, 86, 106, 142, 144, 197, 199 horn cores, 16 Horningsham: Longleat House, 240, 244; Lord Bath’s School, 276 Hors Wylle (Horse Spring), 307 horse bones, 100, 125, 126, 218, 219; Early Iron Age, 101; Middle Iron Age, 41, 50, 99; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 51, 99; Romano-British, 102 horse fairs, 277 horseracing, 277, 278, 279, 281-3; entertainment at meetings, 282; and railways, 284; stadia, 278; training 354 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE establishments, 283; venues, 281 horses: ageing, 103; breeding, 103; burials, 33, 105; disarticulated remains, 100-1; sculptural, 209; teeth, 100, 101, 219 horseshoes: medieval, 215, 217, 218, 219- 20; Clark’s Type 2, 218; Clark’s Type 2a, 218; Clark’s Type 2b, 218; Clark’s Type 3, 218; Clark’s Type 4, 218 Hortus Deliciarum (1167-1185), 204 Hoskins, W. G., 272 hospitals, isolation, 293-4 Hound and Horn (1885), 277 house plans, Early Iron Age, 36 houses: double, 191; dye-, 243, see also bath-houses; manor houses; pigeon houses; roundhouses Howard, Henry Charles, 18th Earl of Suffolk, 11th Earl of Berkshire (1833-98), 284 Howarth, Luke, note on copper alloy metalworking debris from Latton Lands, 79 Hughes, David, 318 Hughes, Solomon (d.1791), 269 Hughes, William, 269 Hughes, William (f1.1795—1820), 269 Huish, 227; Church, 227; dovecotes, 239; Gopher Wood, 230; Hillwork, 230 Hullavington: Bell Farm, 318; Buckley Barracks, 318 hundreds, reorganisation, 230 Hungerford (West Berkshire), 60, 282, 299; Charnham Lane, 60; cricket, 280 Hunt, Henry (1773-1835), 262, 267, 270 Hunter, Elizabeth see Clarke, Elizabeth Catherine Orby (née Hunter) (1740-95) Hunter, John (1728-93), 271 hunting, 275, 276, 277, 278, 279, 284; coursing, 278; Wiltshire hunts, 285 hut circles, 335 Hwicce, 172 Hyde, Edward, Ist Earl of Clarendon (1609-74), History of the Great Rebellion, 275 Hydrophilidae (silver water beetles), 5 Hydrothassa spp. (leaf beetles), 89 Idmiston, Porton Down, 8, 9 Ightham (Kent), 300 Ilex spp. (hollies), 97 Illustrated London News, 275 images, hill-shaded, 250, 251, 254, 259 Imber, 326, 330 imbrex, 140 implements see tools Improvement Commission, 267 Incarnation, 204 India see Fort St David Indo-European languages, 175 infants, burials, 114, 127 infectious diseases, 169 Inglesham, St John the Baptist’s Church, 333-4 inhumations, 92-7, 160; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 22, 52-3, 107; Romano-British, 22, 56-7, 77, 92, 107, 123-5, 127; Anglo-Saxon, 160-74; Late Saxon, 331; post-medieval, 338; age classification, 92, 93-4, 95; dental pathology, 93-4, 96; diseases, 168-70; occurrence, 97; orientations, 52—3, 92; preservation, 168; sex classification, 92, 93-4, 95, 167-8; skeletal pathology, 92-3, see also burials; cemeteries; graves; tombs Innes, Elizabeth (f1.1793), 269 inns: and sporting clubs, 277; sporting names, 278-9 inoculations, 271 Inquisitions Post Mortem, 224, 238, 239 insects, remains, 89-92 intervertebral disc herniation, 96 ipecacuanha, 270 Irish Tontine, 269 iron objects, 76, 77, 78, 94, 217, 338; Roman, 33, 56, 123, 167; Anglo-Saxon, 165, 166, 167; Late Saxon, 191-3; medieval, 217-18; fittings, 77; rods, 77; strips, 56, 77, see also horseshoes; nails; spades ironworking, 106; slag, 47-8, 56, 199 irrigation: 19th century, 288-95; bedwork, 288-91 Isle of Wight, 306; Roman coin hoards, 156 Islington (Middlesex), 299 isolation hospitals, 293-4 isopropyl alcohol, in beetle surveys, 3 Italy: pottery, 72, see also Rome; Turin Jackson, Ralph, 340 Jacobi, Sir Derek George (1938- ), vii Jacobi, R., 82 Jamaica, 263 James, Peter, review by, 328 James, William, 299 James de Clench (fl. 1333), 225 Janus (god), 340, 342, 345 jars: Middle Bronze Age, 61; Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age, 38, 53; Early Iron Age, 36, 61, 62; Middle Iron Age, 58, 62-3, 119; Late Iron Age, 70; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 73; Early Roman, 70, 73; Late Roman, 71; Romano-British, 47, 51, 119, 120, 121, 122, 140; Late Saxon, 195, 196; medieval, 165; barrel-shaped, 72; bead-rimmed, 70, 72, 119; Belgic, 70; carinated, 36, 60, 61, 62; cooking, 70, 71, 72; everted rim, 70, 72, 140; Morris type 51, 62; necked, 70, 119 Jarvis, William (f1.1794), 271 Jefferies, Richard (1848-87), 238 Jerusalem, 206 Jessop, O., 218 Jesuits’ bark, 270 jewellery see brooches; gold objects; pendants; rings Jockey Club, 284 Johansson, C., 176, 180 John the Baptist, 206 John Moore Heritage Services: excavations, 335-6; watching briefs, 332, 335-6 Johnson, Samuel (1709-84), 266 Jones, Henry (f1.1780-4), 262-3 Jones, Inigo (1573-1652), 297 journalism, sporting, 276, 277 Judas, 207 Judgment Day, 206, 207, 208 jugs, German Frechen stoneware, 57 Julian (c.331—363), 158 Juncaceae (rushes), 9 juniper, 1 Jurassic, 22, 119, 162; clays, 58 Jutland (Denmark), 327 Jutland, Battle of (1916), 327 Kaufmann-Heinimann, Annemarie, 340 Keevil: Brent Place, 240; Culverhouse Close, 240; Home Close, 240 Keiller, Alexander (1889-1955), 12, 14, 16, WUE 19322 Kellaways Clay, 22, 58 Kellaways Sand, 22 Kemble (Gloucestershire), Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 171 Kempsford (Gloucestershire), Whelford Bowmoor, 63 kennels, 276 Kennet and Avon Canal, 265, 268; proprietors, 267, 269 Kennet, River, 222, 224, 230, 253 Kennet Valley, 164, 246; pottery, 62, 63, 193, 196, 197; settlements, 183, 223, 230 Kent, 276; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; beetles, 8; cricket, 280; dewponds, 326; and / ah place-name element, 176; pottery, 72; Roman coin hoards, 156; Weald, 229, see also Dover; Ightham; Margate; Pepper Hill; Richborough Kerney, M. P, 16, 144 Kilcour, H. (f1.1886), 236 kilns: Romano-British, 73, 140, 247, 252; Late Saxon, 195; medieval, 313; ovens, 68; tile, 123, 141 Kimmeridge Clay, 183-4 Kimmeridge Shale, 44-5, 106 King, Brian, 156 Kingston Deverill, brooches, 339-40, 342 Kingston Lisle, 326, 327 Kingstone Winslow (Oxfordshire), 327 Kington St Michael, enamel panels, 344, 345 Kirkburn (East Riding of Yorkshire), 209 Kirton in Lindsey (North Lincolnshire), 345 Kitson, Walter, 299 Knight, Stephanie, paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 knives: Early Neolithic, 336; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 82; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 77, 78, 106; Roman, 340, 342; Anglo- Saxon, 162, 165, 170, 172; Late Saxon, 191-3; flint, 82; iron, 94, 106, 338; Manning’s type 23, 77; Type 1, 165, see also blades Krauwinkel, Hans (f1.1580-1615), 57-8, 77 La Graufesenque (France), 120 la Verme (bailiwick), 247 Lackford (Suffolk), 316 Lacock, Wick Farm, 240 Lefer, 306-7, 308 lewerce (lark), 308 lances, cavalry, 77 land agents, 267-8, 269 land divisions: Early Iron Age, 105; Middle Iron Age, 106; Anglo-Saxon, 229; medieval, 229; development, 229, see also boundaries land ownership: and grave goods, 172; and / ah place-name element, 181 Land Revenue Office, 268 land snails, 12, 16-17, 89, 91, 144 land surface, digital models, 245 land use: Savernake Forest, 246-7, 260; Shaw, 223-7, 230 landscapes: Bronze Age, 335-6; and l ah place-name element, 179; management, 325 Lanercost Abbey (Cumbria), 315 Lang, Alex, note on Late Iron Age and Romano-British field system at South Marston Park, 126—7 langan sceagan (long narrow wood), 224 Langlands, Alex, paper on community history and archaeology in Laverstock, 306-14 Langston, Fludyer and Forster, 269 Lansdown (Bath and North East Somerset), cricket, 280-1 Lanting, J. N., 83 Lapsana communis (nipplewort), 142 Larinus planus (weevil), 9 larks, 308 lasers, in light detection and ranging, 245, 248-9 Lasius flavus (yellow meadow ant), 1 Last Supper, 206, 207 lathes, 45 Lathridiidae (mould beetles), 5 INDEX Lathyrus spp. (sweet peas), 198 Latin, 176, 180 Latton: Latton Lands, 22-113; Roman Pond, 25; Westfield Farm, 25, 104 Laverstock, 291-2; archaeology, 306-14; Burrough’s Hill, 308; Cockey Down, 9; community history, 306-14; Ford, 306, 307; kilns, 313; parish boundary, 306-8; pottery, 195, 196; St Andrew’s Church, 306, 308-13 Laverstock Church Discovery Project, 309 Laverstock Discovery Group, 306, 308, 309, 313 Lavertestoches, 308 Laverton, William Henry (d.1925), 285 Lavington—Seend Turnpike Trust, 268 Lavovrecestoches, 308 Law List (1799), 266 Laws, Granville, paper on Late Neolithic/ Early Bronze Age enclosure and Iron Age and Romano-British settlements at Latton Lands, 22-113 Lawson, Andrew J., Chalkland: an Archaeology of Stonehenge and its Region (2007), review, 322-3 lawyers, 266-9 lea (place-name element), 180 lead objects, 76, 334 Leader, William, 283 leage (place-name element), 180 leah (place-name element): in Anglo- Saxon charters, 175-87; change of use, 181-2; distribution, 175, 180, 182-5; in Domesday Book, 180, 183, 185; feature characteristics, 180-5; later references, 185; origins, 175-9; and personal names, 175, 181 Leahy, Kevin, 345 Lear, Francis, 301 Leary, Jim, 320 Lechlade (Gloucestershire), 25, 91, 104; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 170, 171; Butler’s Field, 165, 167, 170; origin of name, 315; pins, 167; Roughground Farm, 61, 63 legal documents, as sources, 288 legal profession, 266-9 leghe (place-name element), 180 legumes, 197-8, 199 Leicestershire, 276, 277 leigh (place-name element), 175, 180 Leighfield, R. J. and Sons Ltd., 114 Leiodidae (round fungus beetles), 3, 5, 7, 10 Leivers, Matt, note on pottery and worked flint from Middle Neolithic Pit in West Kennett Avenue, Avebury, 16 Lennon, Ben: paper on / ah names in Anglo-Saxon charters, 175-87; paper on LiDAR studies of Savernake Forest, 245-61 Lens culinaris (lentil), 197-8, 199 lentils, 197-8, 199 leoht (light), 175 Leopold, Prince, Ist Duke of Albany (1853-84), 279 Lesteva longoelytrata (rove beetle), 89 Lewes (East Sussex), horseracing, 282 Lewington, Ian, 329 Lewis, Carenza, review by, 324-6 ley (place-name element), 175 Leyden (Netherlands), 269; Leyden University, 270 Lezoux (France), 120; pottery, 75 libraries, country houses, 275 Licinius I (c.250-325), 340, 342 Licinus depressus (ground beetle), 8, 10 LiDAR see light detection and ranging (LiDAR) Liddington, 329; Commonhead Junction, 211-21; Great Western Hospital, 214; pottery, 63; Tithe Map (1841), 214, 220 light detection and ranging (LiDAR): advantages, 249; applications, 245; digitisation, 251; feature categorisation, 250; feature identification, 250; interpretations, 251-9; limitations, 249; methodology, 245; principles, 248-9; Savernake Forest, 245-61; survey specifications, 249; validation, 251; West Woods, 319 Light Dragoons, 271 limestone, 129-31, 233, 235, 318; burnt, 33, 41, 42, 44, 45, 47, 48, 50, 51, 55; Cornbrash, 22; oolitic, 22, 123, 141; Palaeozoic, 63 Lincolnshire, 277, 324; cereal production, 158; Roman coin hoards, 156-7; strap- unions, 345, see also Dragonby; Kirton in Lindsey linears: Bronze Age, 220; Romano- British, 56, 217; medieval, 194; post-medieval, 164; defensive, 223; Savernake Forest, 250, see also cursus monuments; ditches literature, and sport, 277 Lithospermum arvense (corn gromwell), 142, 198 Little, Anthony, 131, 139 Little Bedwyn: Bedwyn Dyke, 257, 258; Chisbury, 183, 247; Little Frith, 256, 257; Owl’s Castle, 257; Puthall Farm, 256 Little London (Essex), 316 Littleborough (Nottinghamshire), Segolocum, 316 Livy (Titus Livius) (59 Bc-17 ap), 275 Llandovery (Carmarthenshire), 315 Lloyd, Avis, 235, 236 lo (glade, meadow), 176 Local Government Boards, 294 loch (low brushwood), 176 Locke, Anne (née Sutton), 268 Locke, Hughes and Bannister (bank), 269 Locke, John (1632-1704), 268 Locke, John (fl.late 18th century), 268 Locke, Thomas (d.1798), 268 Locke, Wadham (1779-1835), 263 Locke, Wadham I (d.1776), 268 Locke, Wadham II (d.1799), 268-9, 272 Locke, Wadham III (bc.1780), 269 Locke family, 268-9, 272 loh (grove, low brushwood clearing), 176 Lolium perenne (rye-grass), 142 London, George (1681-1714), 240 London, 83, 266; bootmakers, 275; cloth trade, 264; horseshoes, 218; Jermyn Street, 275; Leicester Square, 271; Lincolns Inn, 277; Lord Mayors, 264; Pembroke House, 297, 300, 301; Sheriffs of, 264; Westminster, 262, 263, 265, see also British Museum London Clay, 183, 246 London Dock Company, 269 London Gazette, The, 281, 283 London-Bristol railway line, 319 Long, James (Masons) Ltd, 317 Long, Miss, 282 Long Wittenham (Oxfordshire), Wigbald’s Farm, 62 Longbridge Deverill: Crockerton, 196; pottery, 62 Longitarsus dorsalis (flea beetle), 9 Longstones Project, 321-2 loomweights, 338; Iron Age, 35, 47, 68; Middle Iron Age, 106; Early/Middle Saxon, 336; cylindrical, 68 loop fasteners, 76, 77, 78; Roman, 340, 342; post-medieval, 57; Wild’s Class III, 340, 342 Loos (France), 327 Lott, D., 2 louvers, 236 Lowbury Hill (Oxfordshire), 76 355 Lower Chalk, 230 Lower Cretaceous, 211 Lubbock, Sir John (1744-1816), 263 Lucifer, Cerebus as, 202, 203-5 Luckington, Luckington Court, 243 lucus (grove), 176 Ludgershall, 284; St James Street, 334 lunettes, 208 Lust and Pride, 207 Lydiard Millicent, Lydiard Millicent Manor, 243 Lydiard Tregoze, 280-1; Church, 334; Lydiard House, 334 lydion, 141 Lymnaea truncatula (snail), 89, 91 lynchets, 224, 227-8, 245, 319; detection, 249 Lyneham, Bradenstoke, 224 Lyons (France), 79, 151, 156 McAlpine, Alfred plc, 211 McArthur, John (1755-1840), 275 McCann, John, 241; paper on columbarium at Collingbourne Ducis Church, 233-7 McCann, Tim, 280 McCulloch, John (1.1781), 271 McKinley, Jacqueline I., 95 McMahon, P, 190 McSloy, E. R.: note on building materials and fired clay from South Marston Park, 123; note on metal artefacts from South Marston Park, 123; note on pottery from South Marston Park, 119-22; notes on artefacts from A419 Commonhead Junction, Swindon, 217-18; paper on two Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads, Blunsdon St Andrew, 160-74 Magdalis spp. (weevils), 89 Magi, 206 magnetometer surveys, 338 Maiden Bradley with Yarnfield, and / ah place-name element, 182 Maidenhead, vii malabsorption, 93 Male, Tony, 312 Malmesbury: East Gate, 334; High Street, 334; Members of Parliament, 262, 284; Old Bell Hotel, 334; railways, 284 Malmesbury Abbey, 334; Library, 207; porch sculpture, 202-10 Maloideae (apple subfamily), 29; charcoal, 52, 97, 98 malt, 142 Maltass, Susan see Montgomery, Susan (née Maltass) (c.1770-1851) Malton (North Yorkshire), 209 Malvern Hills (Herefordshire), 59, 60 Manchester, K., 168 Manifesto (racehorse), 283 Manningford, Manningford Bruce, 264, 265 manor houses, 225; Saxo-Norman, 228 manorial courts, 225 Mansfield (Nottinghamshire), Clipstone Park, 290 mansions: Elizabethan, 241; Tudor, 319 manure, pigeon, 236-7 Mappin and Webb, 275 mapping software, 251 maps: Andrews and Dury (1773), 220; digitisation, 251; estate, 191; otho- rectified, 251; Salisbury (1751), 289, 291; as sources, 284, see also Ordnance Survey; Tithe Award maps Marcellinus, Ammianus (c.325/330-c.391), 158 Marden, 265 Margate (Kent), 297 Marius graminis (weevil), 9 Market Lavington: Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; pottery, 196 os) markets, 73 Markham, Elizabeth Evelyn (née Sutton) (f1.1816—32), 300 Markham, George (1763-1822), 300 Markov chain Monte Carlo sampling, 83 Marlborough, 246, 254; beetles, 8; cricket, 276, 280; The Cricketers, 278; cruel sports, 283; Cuckoo Pen, 335; doctors, 270; dovecotes, 238, 240; Granham Hill, 335; High Street, 279, 335; horseracing, 282, 283; horseracing training establishments, 283; Kingsbury Street, 278; Marlborough Priory, 240; Members of Parliament, 262; New Road, 335; St John’s School, 335; solicitors, 269; West Woods, 222, 318, 319-20 Marlborough College: archaeological surveys, 222-3; cricket, 280 Marlborough Downs, 223, 247; Celtic field systems, 229; and/ ah place-name element, 182-3, 185 Marlborough Races, 278 Marlborough Turnpike Road, 214 Marmypn, Philip (f1.1276), 238 Marshall, Peter, note on radiocarbon dating from Latton Lands, 83-6 Martin Down (Hampshire), beetles, 8, 10 Mary Magdalene, 209 masonry: medieval, 324; robbed, 332 Massacre of the Innocents, 206 Matilda, Queen (c.1080-1118), vii Maud, Mr, 298 Mawer, A., The Place-Names of Wiltshire (1939), 314 maximum intercept method, 83 May, C., 150 Maynard, James, 271 meadow pipits, 329 meat: deer, 103, see also butchery medallions, 340, 342; sculptural, 203, 204, 205-10 medical profession, 269-71 Medical Register, 270 medicine: and middle classes, 269-70; and novels, 270 megaliths, 321-2 Megasternum obscurum (beetle), 91 Melchet Forest (Hampshire), 184 Melksham, 238, 265, 276, 279; cricket, 277; and l ah place-name element, 183, 184; Melksham Forest, 184 Members of Parliament, Devizes, 262-6 memoirs, as sources, 283-4 memorial stones, 310, 312 Mepham, Lorraine, paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 Mercia, 172, 223, 230 Mercurialis perennis (dog’s mercury), 86 Mere: Church, 284; churchwardens’ accounts, 284; Ship Inn, 283; Whitesheet Hill, 18 Merewether family, 281 Mesopotamia, 157 metabolic disease, 96, 169 metal detecting, 76, 150, 154, 156, 170 metalwork: prehistoric, 76; Iron Age, 76; Middle Iron Age, 49-50; Late Iron Age, 76-7; Roman, 76-7, 335; medieval, 77, 217-18; post-medieval, 77; Latton Lands, 76-9; x- radiography, 217, 218, see also blades; bronze objects; copper alloy objects; gold objects; iron objects; knives; lead objects; nails; scrapers; silver objects; tools metalworking: Iron Age, 84; Early Iron Age, 83; Middle Iron Age, 45, 47, 49-50, 104, 106; charcoal, 84, 98, see also bronzeworking; ironworking Methuen, Frederick, 2nd Baron Methuen (1818-91), 281 Methuen, Robert Alexander Holt, 7th Baron Methuen (1931— ), 241 Methuen family, 281 Micheldever (Hampshire), 322 Michelmersh (Hampshire), pottery, 195, 196, 197 microliths, 333; prehistoric, 337; Mesolithic, 82 microscopy, beetle surveys, 3 Microsoft Access, 125 middens, 35, 91, 105, 141, 338 middle classes, and medicine, 269-70 Middle High German, 176 Middlesex see Harrow School; Islington midges, 89 Mildenhall: axeheads, 339, 341; Cunetio, 150, 156, 158, 214, 247, 252, 253 Mildert, William van (1765-1836), 299 milk, 103 mills, 291 Mills and Boon, 283 millstones, 135, 141 Milton Lilbourne, 277; Fyfield Manor, 243 mineral extraction, Savernake Forest, 251-3, 254 Minety: pottery, 165; tile kilns, 123, 141 Mingies Ditch (Oxfordshire), 86, 106 mints, vii, 79, 334, 340 Moberly, George (1803-85), 282 model farms, 244 Model Parliament, 262 Moehringia trinervia (three-nerved sandwort), 86 Moissac (France), 202 moles: activity, 1, 2, 11; nests, 8, 11 Mollusca, 144; land snails, 12, 16-17, 89, 91, 144; remains, 89-92 monasteries, dissolution, 267 Montagu, Mary Wortley (1689-1762), 269 Montagu-Scott, Jane Margaret (née Douglas), Baroness Montagu of Boughton (1779-1859), 300 Montgomery, Augustus (1762-97), 298; arms, 301; biographical notes, 297; birth, 302 Montgomery, Cecilia (née Markham) (1792-1879), 300, 301, 302 Montgomery, George Augustus (1793- 1842), 296-305; biographical notes, 296-301; birth, 296-7; legacies, 302-3 Montgomery, Susan (née Maltass) (c.1770-1851), 297, 298 Montgomery Charity Fund, 296 Mook, W. G., 16, 83 Moore, Tom (1779-1852), 269 Moorhead, Sam, paper on Roman coin hoards, 150-9 Moraunt, Peter (f1.1141), 202, 207 Morbium (County Durham), 316 Mordellidae (tumbling flower beetles), 5, 7 Morgan, Captain, 277 Morgan, Graham, note on slag from Latton Lands, 80-1 Morris, Mike, 1, 3-6 mortar, 324; Romano-British, 117, 134-9 mortaria: Early Roman, 70, 71, 73; Late Roman, 71; Romano-British, 120, 122, 140; Mancetter-Hartshill, 70, 73; Upper Thames Valley buff ware, 70, 71; Verulamium region type, 70, 71, 73; Young type 22, 71 Moses, 205 Moses, Lewis, 275 mottos, 209 mounts, early medieval, 340, 343 munitions, storage, 259 murders, 317 Myklebostad (Norway), 340 Nadder, River, 235; and / ah place-name 56 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE element, 182 nails: Early Iron Age, 30; Roman, 56, 123, 141, 145, 335; Late Saxon, 191-3; medieval, 194; post-medieval, 194; coffin, 77, 92, 97, 334; hobnails, 123, 162, 167; iron, 30, 47, 56, 338; Manning type 1b, 77 Naish, William (f1.1716—-51), map of Salisbury (1751), 289, 291 Napoleonic Wars, 269 Napper, Sir William, 283 National Nature Reserves (NNRs): Langley Wood, 1, 10-11; Wylye Down, 1-11 National Roman Fabric Reference Collection, 119 National Trust, 238, 320 Nativity, 206 Natural England, beetle surveys, 1-11 Navarre (Spain), 208 Navy Stock, 269 Neal, David, 131 Neant, Mr, 283 Nebria brevicollis (ground beetle), 89 necklaces see beads Needham, Joseph, 270, 271 Nees, Lawrence, 204 negative polygons, 251 Neigh Bridge (Gloucestershire), 25 Nelson, Horatio (1758-1805), 275 Nemean lion, 204 neonates, remains, 48, 92, 96, 99, 107, 114, 123-5, 127, 337 Netheravon: dovecotes, 238, 243; Netheravon House, 243 Netherhampton: East Harnham, 290; Harnham Water Meadows, 291; West Harnham, 239 Netherlands see Groningen University; Leyden nettles, 198 Nettleton, 132; Nettleton Shrub, 129 Neville, Rev. (d.1810), 299 New Sarum see Salisbury New Testament, 210 New Zealand, 278 Newbury (West Berkshire), cricket, 281 Newcastle protocol, 2—3 Newman, Edward, 269 Newman, Thomas, 300 newspapers, as sources, 283 Nicrophorus interruptus (carrion beetle), 8 Nissan huts, 259 NNRs see National Nature Reserves (NNRs) Noah, 205 Norcote Farm (Gloucestershire), 25 Norfolk: Roman coin hoards, 156, see also Sporle with Palgrove Norman Conquest (1066), 180, 185, 268 Normans, 224; and place-names, 185 North, Frederick, Lord North (1732-92), 263 North Newnton, 224 North Wraxall: Chantry Field, 131; Truckle Hill, 335, see also Truckle Hill Roman bath-house Northamptonshire, 300, see also Raunds Northern Drift, 81 Northumberland see High Rochester Norton, strap-ends, 339 Norway see Myklebostad; Sogn og Fjordanen Nottinghamshire: Roman coin hoards, 158, see also Littleborough; Mansfield novels, and medicine, 270 nunneries, Benedictine, 188, 191 OA see Oxford Archaeology (OA) oaks, 97, 246-7; charcoal, 29, 50 oats, 44, 86, 106, 142, 318 obituaries, as sources, 284 INDEX occupation features: Early Neolithic, 25; Middle Neolithic, 16, 18, 25; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 16, 18, 19, 104; Bronze Age, 25, 211-21; Iron Age, 104; Middle/Late Iron Age, 117; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50-3, 107, 117; Romano-British, 117, 214; medieval, 57-8; post-medieval, 57-8 Ochthebius cf. minimus (water beetle), 89 Ocypus fortunatorum (rove beetle), 8 Odstock, Longford Castle, 293 Oedemeridae (thick-legged flower beetles), 5 Ogbourne, Shaun, 320 Ogbourne St Andrew, 269 Ogden, Thomas, 279-80 Old English, 175, 176, 180, 181-2, 185, 242-3, 315; spirants, 316 Old High German, 176 Old Norse, 176 Old Sarum, 308; charred plant remains, 18; dovecotes, 239 Old Sarum Archers, 279-80 Old Testament, 205, 208, 210 oligarchies, self-perpetuating, 262 Onthophagus ovatus (dung beetle), 89 Onthophilus punctatus (beetle), 8, 11 ooliths, 58 oppida, 253 orchards, 191 Orcheston, Orcheston St George, 268 Ordnance Survey, 220; aerial photography, 251; early 25 inch series, 194, 293; First Edition, 164, 191, 214; Second Edition, 214; as source, 284 O’Rourke, Terence Ltd, 160 Orthochaetes setiger (weevil), 9 os trigonum, 95 Osborne, Mike, Pillboxes of Britain and Ireland (2008), review, 328 osteoarthritis, 96, 170 osteophytosis, 92; spinal, 95 outreach, archaeological sites, 131, 132 oven plates, 38 ovens: Early Iron Age, 33; Middle Iron Age, 106; Late Iron Age, 44; kiln, 68; material, 47, 68 Overbury (Worcestershire), columbaria, 233 OxCal, 85; v. 3.10, 83, 215; v. 3.9, 16 Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 167; Blackbird Leys, 68 Oxford Archaeology (OA): evaluations, 332; excavations, 22-113; fieldwork, 22; investigations, 25; watching briefs, 331, 333 Oxford Clay, 183-4 Oxford University, 277; New College, 225, 226, 227; Oriel College, 298-300, 302-3; St Mary’s College of Winchester, 225 Oxfordshire: Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; beetles, 9; buckets, 171; cereal production, 158; pottery, 119, 120, 121, 140; Roman coin hoards, 156, see also Abingdon; Ashbury; Berinsfield; Bicester; Cassington; Charney Bassett; Cleveland Farm; Dorchester; Farmoor; Kingstone Winslow; Long Wittenham; Lowbury Hill; Mingies Ditch; Segsbury Camp; Stanton Harcourt; Uffington; Wantage; Watkins Farm, Wittenham Clumps; Yarnton Oxychilus cellarius land snail), 89, 91 oysters, shells, 334 paddocks, 228 Paederus littoralis (rove beetle), 8 palaeochannels, 336 palaeosoils, 230 Palaeozoic: fabrics, 58, 59, 60; limestone, Palmer, G., 154 Panagaeus bipustulatus (ground beetle), 8 panels, enamel, 344, 345 Papaver spp. (poppies), 9, 142, 198 paper mills, 291 Parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins, 207 Paris (France), 269 parish boundaries, 306-8; and burials, 171; definition, 179; ecclesiastical, 229 parishes, ecclesiastical, 229 Parker, Mary Ann, 275 parklands, 178; Neolithic, 20 parsley, 198 PAS see Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS) pathology, criteria, 168 pathways, garden, 194 Pavely, John de (1.1361), 239 Pavely, Reginald de (f1.1348), 239 Pavely, Walter de (f1.1256), 238 Pavely family, dovecotes, 238-9 Payne, S., 99 PCRG (Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group), 119 Peacock, D. P. S., 60 Pearce, E., 278 Pearce, Judith (c.1762—1820), murder, 317 Pearce, Nicholas, 269 Pearse, John (f1.1810-12), 263 peas, 197, 199 pedalis, 141 Pelham-Holles, Thomas, Duke of Newcastle-upon-Tyne and of Newcastle-under-Lyme (1693-1768), 263 Pembroke, Countess of, 244 Pembroke family, 301 pendants, phallic, 340, 342 Pennant Sandstone, 123, 141 Pennant stone roof tiles, 139 pens (enclosures), 50, 117, 228; Middle Iron Age, 39-41, 106 Pentecost, 206 Penton (Hampshire), 277 Penycoed (Dyfed), 42 Pepper Hill (Kent), 98 perambulations, 247; 1300, 224; and / ah place-name element, 179, 180 periodontal disease, 93, 169 periostitis, 169 Persicaria lapathifolia (pale persicaria), 198 Persicaria maculosa (redshank), 198 personal accessories, copper alloy, 76-7, 78 personal names, and / ah place-name element, 175, 180-1 Peterborough, pottery, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 336 Peterson, Rick, Landscape of the Megaliths: Excavation and Fieldwork on the Avebury Monuments, 1997-2003 (2008), review, 321-2 Petty, William, 1st Marquess of Lansdowne, Lord Shelburne (1737-1805), 266 Pevensey (East Sussex), 316 Pevsner, Sir Nikolaus (1902-83), 244 Pewsey, 224, 243; Blacknall Field, vii, 171; pendants, 340, 342 Pewsey, Vale of, 246, 277; and / ah place- name element, 182-3; settlements, 223, 229 pewter objects, Romano-British, 319 Pexton, Frank (d.2006), 241; paper on columbarium at Collingbourne Ducis Church, 233-7 Phalacridae (shining flower beetles), 5 Phelps, William, 298, 300-1 Phillips, Bernard, 333, 334, 336, 337 philosophers, Greek, 315, 316 357 Phipps family, 281 Phleum spp. (cat’s tails), 142 Phyllopertha horticola (garden chafer), 89 Phyllotreta atra (flea beetle), 89 Phyllotreta nemorum (flea beetle), 89 physicians, 269-71 pickpockets, 283 *Pictor in carmine’, 210 Piercebridge (County Durham), Morbium, 316 pig bones, 100, 332, 334; Romano-British, 102, 125, 126; Late Saxon, 193, 199 pigeon houses, 238-44, see also columbaria; dovecotes pigeon lofts see columbaria pigeon shooting, 283 pigeon-holes, 241, 242, 243, 244 pigeons: in churches, 233; domestication, 236; droppings, 236-7; predators, 236; squabs, 236 Piggott, Stuart (1910-96), 321 pigs: ageing, 103; slaughtering, 103; teeth, 100 pilae, 134, 137, 139, 141, 336 pillboxes, 328 pillow mounds, 328, 329 pins, 145; Anglo-Saxon, 162, 165-7, 170; gold, 171; shroud, 334, 338; silver, 171 Pisces, 207 Pisum sativum (pea), 197 pitchers, medieval, 195, 197 pitfall traps, 2-3, 10; Newcastle protocol, 2-3 pits: Early Neolithic, 17-18, 336; Middle Neolithic, 12-21; Middle Bronze Age, 211; Iron Age, 22, 48, 56, 84, 86-7, 97-8, 160, 162, 170; Early Iron Age, 25, 29-38, 62, 105; Middle Iron Age, 42, 44-5, 47, 48-9, 62-3, 79, 81, 92, 99, 106, 114-17, 126; Late Iron Age, 44, 71-2; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50, 51-2, 114; Early Roman, 91, 92; Romano-British, 22, 53, 56, 97-8, 118, 126, 214, 337; Anglo-Saxon, 338; Late Saxon, 191-3, 197; medieval, 160, 194, 197, 335, 337; late medieval/early post-medieval, 336, 337; post-medieval, 194-5, 331, 333, 334; undated, 164, 332; as boundaries, 253; burials in, 96, 125; geotechnical test, 117; metalworking, 84; mineral extraction, 251-3; quarry, 214; woodland, 319, see also cess pits; ditches; middens; postholes Pitt, William, the Elder (1708-78), 264 Pitt, William, the Younger (1759-1806), 263, 265, 266 Pitton and Farley: cricket, 281; Hill View Farm, 335 place-name elements, 308; habitation and, 176; 1 ah, 175-87; leigh, 175; ley, 175 place-names, 324; Anglo-Saxon, 306-8; Norman influence, 185; wood pastures in, 175, 179, 185-6; woodlands and, 224 plague: outbreaks, 226, see also Black Death plant remains, 197-8; charred, 12, 17-18, 44, 86-9, 139, 142-4; waterlogged, 86-9 plants: shade-loving, 86; species diversity, 1, see also weeds plaster (wall) see wall plaster platters, 73; Early Roman, 70, 71; Gallo- Belgic, 73 Platydracus fulvipes (rove beetle), 9 Platystethus cornutus (rove beetle), 89 Pleydell-Bouverie, Anne (née Duncombe), Countess of Radnor (1759-1829), 279 Pleydell-Bouverie, Jacob, 2nd Earl of Radnor (1750-1828), 279 Pleydell-Bouverie, Jacob, 4th Ear! of oy) or (o/<) Radnor (1815-89), 276 Plicht, J. van der, note on radiocarbon dating from Latton Lands, 83-6 ploughing: medieval, 41, 45, 53; post- medieval, 45; archaeological damage, 38, 41, 42, 48, 338; historic, 332; rig, 220 Plymouth (Devonshire), 297, 302 Poa annua (annual meadow grass), 142 political élites, 262-6 Poll Tax, 225 Pollard, Joshua, 19; Landscape of the Megaliths: Excavation and Fieldwork on the Avebury Monuments, 1997-2003 (2008), review, 321-2 pollarding, 178 pollen, analysis, 224 polo, 275, 284 polygons: negative, 251; positive, 251; Savernake Forest, 251 Polygonum aviculare (knotgrass), 198 ponds, 227, 228 Ponting, C. E., 233-4, 235 Poole, C., 68 Poole, Kristopher, note on animal remains from Latton Lands, 98-104 Poole (Dorset), pottery, 140 poor relief, 265 Populus spp. (poplars), 97 porches, 318, 319; Early Iron Age, 30, 36, 38, 105 porotic hyperostosis, 92, 93, 96 Portable Antiquities Scheme (PAS), 339-45; coins, 158 Portland stone: Base Beds, 235; Roach Beds, 235; Whit Beds, 235 positive polygons, 251 post-pipes: Early Iron Age, 30, 33, 36, 38; Middle Iron Age, 48 posterior density estimates, 83, 85 postholes, 333; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 29, 104; Bronze Age, 335; Middle Bronze Age, 211; Iron Age, 22, 56; Early Iron Age, 25, 29-38, 105; Middle Iron Age, 41, 42, 44—5, 47, 48, 62-3; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 50, 114; Romano-British, 56, 118, 126; Anglo-Saxon, 338; Late Saxon, 193-4; medieval, 160, 194, 197, 332, 338; post-medieval, 194; undated, 107, 332, 337, see also pits Postlethwayte, M., 266, 271 Postumus (d.268), 79 pots: for cremation burials, 97; pygmy, 82 Potterne, 265, 266, 267; pottery, 62 pottery: prehistoric, 58-67, 119, 162, 164, 217, 228, 229; Neolithic, 16, 58; Early Neolithic, 18, 59-60, 336; Middle Neolithic, 12, 14, 15, 16; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 29, 58, 60, 104; Bronze Age, 28, 58; Middle Bronze Age, 60, 61, 211, 214-15, 219, 319; Late Bronze Age, 61, 319, 336; Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age, 164, 211, 337; Iron Age, 25, 38, 47, 48, 56, 58, 61-3, 106, 119, 121, 126, 162, 164; Early Iron Age, 30, 33, 35, 36, 38, 44, 62, 105; Early/Middle Iron Age, 119; Middle Iron Age, 35, 38, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45-7, 48, 49, 50, 55, 56, 58, 60, 62-3, 87, 114, 119, 122, 126; Late Iron Age, 41, 43, 57, 63, 69-75, 106-7, 117, 119, 122, 126, 332; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50, 51—2, 57, 70, 73, 119; Roman, 49, 63, 117, 119-22, 217, 332; Early Roman, 70-1, 72—3; Late Roman, 71, 118, 134, 135, 140, 145; Romano-British, 53-6, 57, 69-75, 107, 162, 164, 191, 193, 194, 217, 220, 228, 229, 319; Anglo-Saxon, 57, 162, 164, 336; Late Anglo-Saxon, 170; Saxon, 25, 57; Early/Middle Saxon, 194, 195, 198; Middle Saxon, 191, 194; Late Saxon, 191, 193, 194, 195-7, 198, 199; medieval, 28, 57, 160, 162-5, 193, 194, 195-7, 332, 333, 334, 336, 338; post-medieval, 57, 194, 334, 335, 338; All Cannings Cross style, 61-2; Amesbury type, 196; Beaker, 18, 336; Belgic, 69, 70, 72, 73; Black Burnished ware, 70; 715.72, 73, 119; 120, 121; 140, 217; calcareous wares, 195, 196, 197; Cheddar type, 195, 196; clay resources, 58-9; coarsewares, 70, 164-5; colour- coated ware, 71, 119, 120, 121, 140; Deverel-Rimbury, 61, 68; Dorset Black Burnished ware, 140, 217; flint-tempered, 59-60, 70, 162, 164, 195-6, 197, 217; fossil shell-tempered ware, 58, 63, 162, 164; funerary, 71; German stonewares (Frechen, 57; Westerwald, 57); glazed ware, 57, 196; greywares, 70, 119, 121, 140, 150, 162, 164; grog-tempered ware, 51-2, 60, 70, 73, 119, 164; Grooved Ware, 18, 321; Impressed Wares, 16; Kennet Valley ware, 193, 196, 197; Laverstock wares, 195, 196; limestone-tempered, 58, 70, 73, 119, 121, 162, 164, 165; Malvernian rock-tempered, 70, 72, 73; mica-dusted wares, 120; Michelmersh-type, 195, 196, 197; Mortlake-style Peterborough Ware, 12, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19; North Wiltshire greywares, 71, 72, 73; North Wiltshire oxidised ware, 70, 71, 73; organic-tempered, 194; Oxfordshire wares, 120; Oxfordshire white wares, 71, 119, 121, 140; oxidised, 70, 119-20, 140; Peterborough Ware, 336; post Deverel-Rimbury, 59-60; regional contexts, 73; rock-tempered, 70; Samian, 122, 140 (Central Gaulish, 71, 73, 119, 120, 121; Southern Gaulish, 71, 120, 121; stamps, 69, 73, 75); sand- tempered, 60, 70, 73; sandy greywares, 72; sandy oxidised wares, 70; sandy wares, 195, 196; sandy white wares, 70; Savernake ware, 70, 71, 72-3, 119, 120, 121, 247; Severn Valley wares, 70, 71, 73; shell-tempered ware, 36, 38, 53, 61, 70, 72, 73, 119, 120, 140; socio- economic status, 73; Verwood type, 194; wheel-turned, 195; white-slipped, 70, 71, 73, 120, 121, 140; willow- pattern, 334; Windmill Hill type, 336, see also amphorae; bowls; ceramic building materials (CBMs); cups; dishes; jars; jugs; kilns; tiles; urns Poulett Scrope, George Julius (1797— 1876), 129, 139, 145 Poulshot, 267, 268 Powell, Andrew B., paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 Powell, Kelly: note on copper alloy metalworking debris from Latton Lands, 79; note on metalwork from Latton Lands, 76-9; note on worked bone and antler from Latton Lands, 83; paper on Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age enclosure and Iron Age and Romano-British settlements at Latton Lands, 22-113 Powys see Brecon; Crychell Brook; Y Ffrwd Grech Pratt, James, 280-1 predators, of pigeons, 236 Prehistoric Ceramics Research Group (PCRG), 119 Presentation in the Temple, 206 Preshute, 229; Manton House, 283; Preshute Farm, 335-6; Sharpridge Farm, 335-6 Preston (Gloucestershire), 25; Witpit THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Copse, 25-8 Price, Charles (f1.1737), 256 Price, K. M., note on flints from South Marston Park, 118 priests, and village schools, 301 prison lock-ups, 242, 243 prize fights, 277 probability distributions, 85 probability method, 83 Probus, Marcus Aurelius (232-282), 150, 151, 154, 156, 157-8 Prunus spp. (blackthorns/cherries), 29, 48, 49, 97, 98 Psychomachia (Battle of Souls), 206-7 Psylliodes luteola (flea beetle), 9 Pterostichus melanarius (ground beetle), 89 Ptinella britannica (feather-winged beetle), 11 Ptinus fur (spider beetle), 90-1 Ptolemy (c.90—168), 316 Ptomaphagus varicornis (beetle), 8, 11 Public Health Act (1848), 290, 294 Public Health Act (1876), 294 Puddlehill (Bedfordshire), 97 Pulteney, Henrietta Laura (née Johnstone), Countess of Bath (1766-1808), 300 Pulteney, John (née Fawcett) (1735-1803), 300 Punch, 275, 277 Purbeck Beds, 184 Puritans, 284 Purton: archery, 280; cricket, 277, 280-1; cricket pavilion, 278; The Fox, 170; kilns, 140; pottery, 119, 164 putlog holes, 137 Pycroft, James (1813-95): biographical notes, 277; The Cricket Field (1851), 277; The Principles of Scientific Batting (1835)5277 Pycroft, Mary, 277 Pycroft, Thomas, 277 pyres, 52, 53, 83, 93, 94, 95, 98 Pyrochroa serraticornis (red-headed cardinal beetle), 89 quarries, Romano-British, 22, 35, 43, b) quarry pits, 214 Quarter Sessions, 262 quartzite, 58; boulders, 81 quartzite objects, 33, 81 Quercus spp. (oaks), 29, 50, 97, 246-7 querns: Early Iron Age, 33, 87; Late Saxon, 191-3, 199; lava, 199; saddle, 33, 81 quernstones, Romano-British, 135, 141 quoins, ashlar, 134, 318 rabbits, 328-9 racecourses, 95, 280 racehorses, 278 racing, 278; foot, 282-3, see also horseracing Rackham, O., 176 radiocarbon dating, 12, 15-16, 18, 96, 145, 211; Bayesian modelling, 83-4; bone, 52, 321; burials, 86, 106; calibration, 83-4; charcoal, 29, 48, 49, 84, 86, 214-15, 217, 219; emmer wheat, 44, 83-4; Latton Lands, 83-6 ragstone fragments, 214, 215, 217, 219, 220, 334 railway companies: sporting clubs, 277; sports grounds, 278 railways, 276, 319; construction, 332; development, 278; and sport, 284 Ramsay, Joanna, 257 Ramsbury: cock fights, 282; dovecotes, 239-40; Littlecote, 323; Whittonditch, 336; Woodlands Stables, 336 randune (boundary down), 224 INDEX Ranunculus cf. acris (meadow buttercup), 86 Ranunculus spp.,(buttercups), 89 Ranunculus repens (creeping buttercup), 86 Raunds (Northamptonshire), 228 rays, bones, 215, 218, 219 Reading Beds, 246, 252 real estate, 267-8 Recorders, 262-6 rectories, 19th century, 337 red deer see deer Red Down Clay, 162 Redlynch: Langley Wood, 1, 9, 10-11, 184; and / ah place-name element, 182 Reebkomp, Augustus Retnuh see Montgomery, Augustus (1762-97) Reeves family, 276 Reform Act (1832), 262, 269 Reimer, P. J., 83, 215 rendzina, 12 Repkombe, Augustus Retnuh see Montgomery, Augustus (1762-97) resistivity surveys see earth resistivity surveys Resurrection, 206, 209-10 Reverend G. A. Montgomery Coal Charity, 296, 302 Reynolds, Andrew, 229; paper on two Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads, Blunsdon St Andrew, 160-74 Reyolds, Sir Thomas, 282 Rhagonycha lutea (soldier beetle), 9 Rhine, River, 95, 97, 157 Rhineland, 158 rhyd grech, 316 Rhynchites cf. germanicus (strawberry rhynchites), 89 Richard I, King (1157-99), 275 Richardson, Richard (f1.1784), 265, 267 Richborough (Kent), 340 ridge and furrow earthworks, 220, 337; medieval, 22, 28, 104, 336, 338; post- medieval, 28, 57 Ridgeway, 224; hillforts, 63 rifle shooting, 276 rig ploughing, 220 Ringerike style, 340, 345 rings: Roman, 77; Anglo-Saxon, 313; finger, 76, 77; gold, 313 ritual activity, 104 river gravels, 25 River Pollution Prevention Act (1876), 290 river terraces, 290 Rivers, Thomas (f1.14th cent.), 225 Riverside Project, 322 roads: medieval, 219, see also Roman roads; trackways robber trenches, 312, 313, 332 Robert of Gloucester (c.1090—1147), vii Roberts, C. A., 168, 170 Robertson, U., 236 Robinson, Mark, note on insect and mollusc remains from Latton Lands, 89-92 Robinson, Paul, 156, 339; biographical notes, Vil Rodbed, Mr, 279 rodents: bones, 218, 219; teeth, 219 rods, iron, 48 Roman conquest, 50, 76, 86 Roman roads, 156, 211, 220, 229; agricultural damage, 335; Cunetio— Durocornovium, 214; Fosse Way, 129, 145, 219; in Savernake Forest, 247, 252, 253, 254, 258, 259; Watling Street, 73; Winchester—Old Sarum, 308, see also Ermin Street Romanesque style, 345 Rome (Italy), 157, 275; St. Peter’s Basilica, 204 Romsey (Hampshire), pottery, 196 roof structures, 335 Rooksdown (Hampshire), 103 Ross, Harry, 236 rotten boroughs, 262 roundhouses, 117; Iron Age, 22, 76; Early Iron Age, 29-38, 39, 41, 44, 61, 62, 105, 106; Middle Iron Age, 44, 47, 57 Roundway, 265; Roundway Down, 171, 320 Roundway, Battle of (1643), 320 Rous, John (1411-91), 315 routes, 245; as boundaries, 229; detection, 249; Savernake Forest, 253-4 rove beetles, 89-90 Rowde, 266, 267 Rowe, Emily, paper on two Anglo-Saxon burials at Abbeymeads, Blunsdon St Andrew, 160-74 rowing clubs, 276 Royal Air Force (RAF), 327; aerial photography, 251 Royal College of Physicians, 269 Royal College of Surgeons, 270 Royal Exchange Assurance, 269 Royal Navy, 302, 327 royal residences, 188 Royal Society, 264 Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB), 330 RSPB (Royal Society for the Protection of Birds), 330 rubbish pits see middens Rubus spp. (brambles), 198 rugby clubs, 285 Rumex spp. docks, 142 rural communities, 326-7 rushes, 86, 89 Ruskin, John (1819-1900), Seven Lamps of Architecture (1849), 275 Russian baths, 278 Russian farms, 244 Rutland see Tickencote ryesl975 199 Sabbath, behaviour on, 300 Sabin, David, 131 Safernoc, 247, see also Savernake St Albans (Hertfordshire), Verulamium, 70, AHS Si, St Augustine’s Farm South (Gloucestershire), 25, 61 St Augustine’s Lane (Gloucestershire), 25 St Clair (teacher), 266—7 St Leger (horse race), 283 St Luke, 345 St Odo of Cluny (c.878-942), Occupatio, 202-10 St Paul, 207, 210 St Peter, 207 St Peter’s Abbey (Gloucestershire), 237 St Peter’s Basilica (Rome), Cathedra Petri, 204 Saint-Sever Beatus, 208 Salisbury, bishops of, 267, 280, 292-3 Salisbury, 275, 301, 306; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; animal and bird preservers, 279; archery, 279; Athletics and Cycling Club, 277; Ayleswade Bridge, 291, 293; backswording, 283; Bemerton Farm, 243-4; Black Horse, 279; Bourne Meadows, 288; Bridge Street, 279; Brown Street, 291; Bugmore Meadows, 288-95; The Canal, 291, 294; chequers, 291, 294; Churchill Gardens, 291, 294; City Ditch, 288-95; Close, 280; cock fights, 283; cricket, 280, 281; cycle manufacturers, 279; doctors, 270; Dolphin Street, 336; dovecotes, 244; effluent runoff scheme, 288-95; | Emmaus House, 336; Exeter Street, 291; Fisherton Anger, 239; Fisherton 359 Bridge, 290, 291; Fisherton Street, 336; fishing tackle dealers, 279; floor tiles, 344, 345; football, 284; Friary Housing Estate, 294; Friers, 291; High Street, 279, 291; horseracing, 277, 278, 281-2; Leadenhall School, 345; Lower Road, 243-4; maps, 289, 291; Marsh Chequer, 291, 294; Members of Parliament, 262; Milford Street, 291; New Canal, 291; Parade Tavern, 280; Pynnock’s Inn, 291; St Ann Street, 291, 294, 336; St Lawrence’s Chapel, 240; St Martin’s Church, 291, 292; Sorviodunum, 252, 259; Southampton Road, 288; sporting clubs, 277; Stratford sub Castle, 240; Town Mill, 291; Trinity Chequer, 291, 294; war memorials, 327; White Horse, 279; Winchester Street, 280, see also Old Sarum Salisbury (ship), 280 Salisbury Cathedral: Bishop’s Palace, 244; Cathedral School, 244 Salisbury College, 288 Salisbury Corporation, 281 Salisbury Fournal, 270, 279, 327 Salisbury Museum see Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum Salisbury Plain, 326; beetles, 8; birds, 329; and / ah place-name element, 180, 182, 184, 185; Roman coin hoards, 156 Salisbury Plain Training Area (SPTA): Celtic field systems, 229; Robin Hood’s Ball, 18 Salisbury and Shaftesbury Bank, 280 Salisbury and South Wiltshire Museum, 345 Salix spp. (willows), 97 Sallust (86-34 Bc), 315 Salmon, William I (d.1775), 266 Salmon, William II (f1.1775-1807), 266-8, 269 Salmon, William Wroughton (f1.1801—7), 267, 268 Salmon family, 266-8, 269, 272 Salvation Army, 282 Sambucus nigra (elder), 198 Sampson, 205 SAMs (Scheduled Ancient Monuments), 25, 104, 247 sand: extraction, 251, 252; in pottery, 58, 60 sandstone blocks, 214 sandstones, 22, 141 Sarnesfield (Herefordshire), columbaria, 233 sarsen stones, 12, 18, 228; buried, 321, 322; destruction, 322; split, 319 Sarum see Salisbury Sasanians, 157 Satan see Lucifer Savernake, 183; Bedwyn Road, 254; Forest Hill, 253; Great Inclosure, 248; New Buildings, 224, 230, 247; Tottenham Park, 246, 247, 252 Savernake Estate, 246 Savernake Forest, 222; aerial photography, 248, 259, 260; Birch Copse, 247; Bolsoke, 254, 255; Chapel Hill, 257; Cheval Bottom, 255, 256, 257; Church Walk, 257; Column Ride, 247; Crockerstrope, 196; early references, 224; enclosures, 250, 254~9; existing surveys, 247-8; Forest Eyre, 224; geology, 246; Grand Avenue, 254; Great Inclosure, 256; Great Lodge Bottom, 251-2, 253, 255; Hat Gate Cottages, 258, 259; historical background, 247; la Verme, 247; land use, 246-7; and / ah place-name element, 183, 184, 185; Leigh Hill, 252; light detection and ranging 360 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE studies, 245-61; linears, 250; Luton Lye, 258, 259; mineral extraction, 251-3, 254; polygons, 251; pottery, ZO S715 725321, 19% 1205 1211965247, 252; Red Vein Bottom, 251—2; Roman roads in, 247, 252, 253, 254, 258, 259; routes, 253-4; topography, 246; trees, 246-7; West Baillie, 224 saws, Early Neolithic, 336 Sawyer, Rex, Little Imber on the Down: Salisbury Plain’s Ghost Village (2008), review, 326 Scandinavia, 97 Scarabaeidae (dung beetles), 5 scarce species, beetles, 7, 8-9, 10-11 sceaga (wood, copse), 224 Scheduled Ancient Monuments (SAMs), 25, 104, 247 Schmorl’s nodes, 96 schools, 244, 276, 296, 298, 300-1; attendance rates, 301; church, 301; grants, 301 Schwartz, J. H., 168 Scipe Hundred, 171 Scotland, 299; medical profession, 269; pigeon domestication, 236, see also Aberdeen; Edinburgh Scott, Ian, note on metalwork from Latton Lands, 76-9 Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre (SUERC), 83 scrapers: Early Neolithic, 336; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 82; Bronze Age, 82; flint, 12, 16, 18, 30, 82 sculpture: Anglo-Saxon, 202-10; motifs, 208; Romanesque, 208, 210 Scydmaenidae (ant-like stone beetles), 5 Seager Smith, Rachael, note on finds from Truckle Hill Roman bath-house, 140-1 seals, medieval, 344, 345 Secale cereale (rye), 197 Second Boer War see Boer War (1899- 1902) Second Coming, 208 Second Gravel Terrace, 25 Second World War see World War II sedges, 86, 89 Sedulius Scottus (fl. 9th century), 204 seeds, remains, 86 Seend, 268 Segolocum (Nottinghamshire), 316 Segontium (Gwynedd), 316 Segsbury Camp (Oxfordshire), 96 self-defence, 284 Selkley Hundred, 230; formation, 229; Shaw in, 222, 224-5 Selwood Forest (Somerset), 184 Semington, 276 septic tanks, 332 sequipedalis bricks, 141 settlements, 333; Late Neolithic, 25; Bronze Age, 22, 25, 77; Early Bronze Age, 336; Middle Bronze Age, 25, 104; Late Bronze Age, 104; Iron Age, 22-113, 229, 230, 253; Early Iron Age, 25, 29-38, 57, 104, 105; Middle Iron Age, 25, 39-50, 57, 106, 126; Late Iron Age/Early Romano-British, 50-3; Late Roman, 336; Romano-British, 22-113, 126, 170, 214, 230, 323, 331, 336; Anglo-Saxon, 170; Late Anglo-Saxon/ medieval, 222-32; Saxon, 197; Late Saxon, 188-201; medieval, 25, 188- 201, 325, 332; development, 229-39; failure, 229, 230; and / ah place-name element, 180, 183, 185; oppida, 253; patterns, 229-30; small-scale, 256-9; in woodlands, 176, see also enclosures; towns; villages Severina, Ulpia (f1.270-5), 152 Severn Valley, pottery, 63, 70, 71, 73 sewage: as fertiliser, 290; untreated, 290 sewage works, 290, 294 Sewell, E. R. A., 154 sewers, 294 sex classification, 167-8 Seymour, Sir Edward, Ist Earl of Hertford (c.1539-1621), 256 Seymour, Edward, Ist Earl of Hertford and Duke of Somerset (c.1506—1552), 247, 319 Shaffrey, Ruth, note on worked stone from Latton Lands, 81 Shannon index, 17 Shaw, 222-32; aerial photography, 222, 223, 227, 228; analytical surveys, 227-8; archaeological background, 222-3; Church, 222-3, 225, 228, 230; Dunmore Pond, 228; land-use history, 223-7; manor, 225-6; origin of name, 224; overview, 222; Scarletts Wood, 226; in Selkley Hundred, 222, 224-5; settlement, 223-7; Shaw Common, 228; Shaw Down, 226-7; Shaw Farm House, 228; in Swanborough Hundred, 222, 224, 225-7 Shaw (administrative unit), 222 Sheail, J., 290 sheep: ageing, 99-100; breeding, 226; commons, 226; and crop fertilisation, 288; farming, 230; grazing, 226-7; teeth, 99, 100, 102; and woodland development, 177-8 sheep walks, 253 sheep/goat bones, 100, 215, 218, 219; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 29, 99; Early Iron Age, 101; Late Iron Age, 102; Late Iron Age/Early Romano- British, 51; Romano-British, 102, 125, 126; Late Saxon, 193, 199 Shelburne, Lord see Petty, William, lst Marquess of Lansdowne, Lord Shelburne (1737-1805) shells, 18 Sherston, dovecotes, 239 shield bosses, Anglo-Saxon, 170 shillings, 334 shin kicking, 278 shipowners, 263 shoe cleats, 123 shooting, 275, 277; pigeon, 283; rifle, 276 Shorncote (Gloucestershire), 61; dovecotes, 239; Shorncote Quarry, 25, 91, 107 short-eared owls, 329 Shrewton, Robin Hood’s Ball, 18 Shropshire, Roman coin hoards, 157 shroud pins, 334, 338 sickles, medieval, 217 Siddington (Gloucestershire), 208 Sikking, L., 86 Silchester (Hampshire), 315 Silphidae (burying beetles), 5, 7, 10 silver objects, 76, 77, 150, 167, 171; medieval, 58 silversmiths, 306 Simeon, 206 singlestick, 282, 283 Sites of Special Scientific Interest (SSSIs), 246 skating, 275 Skilling, Michael (f1.1376), 225 skylarks, 329 slag, 49, 50, 57, 80-1; fuel ash, 80; hearth, 80; ironworking, 47-8, 56, 199; tap, 80-1 Slocombe, Pamela M., review by, 324 sloes (blackthorn trees), 89 Sloper, George, 263, 265 Slota, P. J., 83 small mammals, bones, 218-19 smallpox, 271 smelting, 106 Smith, A. H., 176 Smith, Adam (1723-90), 267, 270-1 Smith, Carrie, 325 Smith, Goddard, 282 Smith, Harvey, 281 Smith, Joshua (1732-1819), 263 Smith, Thomas Assheton (1752-1828), ZIOS277: snails, land, 12, 16-17, 89, 91, 144 Snowdonia (Wales), 315 soakaways, post-medieval, 333 society, in Wiltshire, 275—87 Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge (SPCK), 300, 301 socio-economic status: Georgian Devizes, 262-74; and grave goods, 171-2; pottery, 73 Sogn og Fjordanen (Norway), 340 soil contamination, 294 soil type: Elmton 1, 131; Frome association, 290; and / ah place-name element, 175, 186 soils, post-medieval, 332 Solanum dulcamara (bittersweet), 9 soldiers, 327-8 Solent, 172 solidi, 340, 342 Somerford Keynes (Gloucestershire), 91; Neigh Bridge, 76; pottery, 63; Spratsgate Lane, 42 Somerset: Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; backswording, 283; bath-houses, 145; cereal production, 158; singlestick, 283, see also Cheddar; Compton Martin; Selwood Forest; Wells; Whitestaunton Somerset, Henry, 9th Duke of Beaufort (1847-1924), 284 Somme (France), 327 Sorviodunum—Cunetio road, 252, 259 South Carolina (USA), 263-4 South Carolina Assembly, 263-4 South Marston, 318, 319; Honda Car Manufacturing Plant, 114-17, 126; South Marston Farm, 319; South Marston Park, 114-28; Viscount Way, M23 265w7, South Newton: Bell, 283; cruel sports, 283 South Sea Bubble (1720), 264 South Sea Company, 264 South Shields (Tyne and Wear), 77 South Wales, 326 South and West Wilts Hunt, 276, 285 South Wiltshire Club, 280 Southey, Robert (1774-1843), 269 spacers, bone, 83 spades, post-medieval, 58 Spain: amphorae, 70, see also Navarre Spalding, Samuel (f1.1770), 271 SPCK (Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge), 300, 301 spearheads: 1A Hod Hill leaf-shaped type, 77; Late Iron Age, 77; Anglo-Saxon, 170 spears: Anglo-Saxon, 170; throwing, 77 species diversity: beetles, 1, 10; land snails, 17; Wylye Down, | spiked loops, iron, 33, 77 Spileman, William (f1.13th cent.), 225-6 spinal osteophytosis, 95 spirants, 315-16 Sporle with Palgrove (Norfolk), 339 sport: and adulation, 285; and art, 277; benefactors, 285; and crime, 278; developmental issues, 284-5; economic issues, 279; financial issues, 277-8; legal issues, 278; and literature, 277; temporal changes, 278-9; thematic classification, 276; in Wiltshire, 275-87 sporting clubs, 277 sporting history, sources, 283-4 INDEX sporting journalism, 276, 277 sporting trophies, 275 sports grounds, 278 Springtime, and Resurrection, 209-10 SPTA see Salisbury Plain Training Area (SPTA) squabs, 236 SSSIs (Sites of Special Scientific Interest), 246 Stace, C., 142 Stafford Museum, vii stained glass, 278 stakeholes, 160; Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 29; Anglo-Saxon, 338 stalking, 277 Stamp Act (1765), 264 stamp duties, 267 stamps, Samian pottery, 69, 73, 75 stan Hypan (Stoneheap), 307 Standen, V., 2 Stansbie, Dan, note on Late Iron Age and Roman pottery from Latton Lands, 69-75 Stanton Harcourt (Oxfordshire), Gravelly Guy, 62, 63, 73, 96, 103 Stanton St Quintin, Stanton Park Wood, 178 Staphylinidae (rove beetles), 6, 7, 8, 10 Staphylinus olens (rove beetle), 89-90 Stapleford: Pelican, 282-3; warrens, 329 Staverton: New Terrace, 336; Whaddon, 238 Stearne, Kathy, 288 Steeple Ashton: dovecotes, 240; Green Lane Wood, 8 Steeple Langford: dovecotes, 240; Hanging Langford, 324; pit burials, 96 Stenocarus umbrinus (weevil), 9 Stenton, EK M., The Place-Names of Wiltshire (1939), 314 Stephen, King (c.1096-1154), vii Stert, 265 Stevens, Chris J., 87; note on charred plant remains from Middle Neolithic Pit in West Kennett Avenue, Avebury, 17-18; note on environmental remains from Truckle Hill Roman bath-house, 142-4; paper on Late Saxon and medieval occupation near Salisbury Street, Amesbury, 188-201 stirrups, medieval, 343, 345 stobball, 285 stone blocks, 334 stone curlews, 329 stone objects, Roman, 141 stone-brash, 315 stonechats, 329 Stonehenge, 18, 322-3; cricket matches near, 278, 283; Greater Cursus, 338; parklands, 20, see also Amesbury ~ Stonehenge’ (pseudonym), 275 Stonehenge Riverside Project, 338 stones: building, 123, 141; burial, 321, 322; burnt, 30, 33, 36, 41, 42, 43, 47-8, 50, 56, 63; extraction, 321; memorial, 310, 312 stonework: from Latton Lands, 81, see also flintwork; querns; sculpture Stourhead Collection, vii Strangeways, Henry Stephen Fox, 3rd Earl of Ilchester (1787-1858), 291-3 strap ends: medieval, 77; post-medieval, Sey HT] strap-fittings, medieval, 340-5 strap-unions: Iron Age, 339, 341; medieval, 340-5 Stratton (Dorset), 280 Stratton St Margaret: Honda Car Manufacturing Plant, 114-17, 126; Kingsdown, 114; Kingsdown Crematorium, 114 streets see roads Streptopelia decaocto (collared dove), 236 Strong, Philip (f1.1705), 284 Strophosoma faber (weevil), 9 structures: Iron Age, 336, see also buildings Stuart-Macadam, P, 93 Stukeley, William (1687-1765), 321, 322 SUERC (Scottish Universities Environmental Research Centre), 83 Suffolk: beetles, 8; head terminals, 340; settlement patterns, 229, see also Lackford sugar planters, 263 sumps, 56 Sunday schools, 300, 301 sunken tracks see holloways Surrey: Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; beetles, 8; / ah place-name element, 176, see also Croydon; Epsom surveys, estates, 179 Sussex, 276; cricket, 280, 284; 1 ah place- name element, 176, see also Berwick; East Hoathly; Funtington; Lewes; Pevensey Sutherland, C. H. V., 340 Sutton, Eleanor (née Addington) (f1.1771), 264-5 Sutton, James (c.1733—1801), 262, 264-6, 267, 268, 270, 271 Sutton, James (d.1788), 265-6 Sutton, Mary (née Willy), 264 Sutton, Prince, 264 Sutton, Sir Richard, lst Baronet (1733-1802), 300 Sutton, Willy, 269 Sutton family, 262—3, 264-6, 272 Sutton Benger: Brookside Cottage, 317; churchyard, 317; Draycot Cerne, 239; Seagry Hill, 317 Sutton Mandeville, beetles, 8 Sutton Veny, 276 Swallowcliffe, Swallowcliffe Down, 171 Swanborough Hundred, 230; precursors, 229; Shaw in, 222, 224, 225-7 swimming baths, 278, 285 Swindon, 114, 126, 162, 277, 282, 319, 326, 332; animal and bird preservers, 279; backswording, 283; Commonhead Junction, 211-21; Commonhead Roundabout, 214; Corn Exchange, 276; cricket, 278, 281; cruel sports, 283; cycle manufacturers, 279; Falcon, 278; football, 284-5; Goddard Arms Hotel, 336; Groundwell Farm, 119; Groundwell West, 119; GWR Sports Ground (former), 278; High Street, 337; ice rink, 276; and / ah place- name element, 183-4; Locarno site, 336-7; Marlborough Road, 337; Okus Road, 235; Old Town, 164, 170, 235, 336-7; Park and Ride Scheme, 211; The Planks, 336; pottery, 119; Roman Crescent, 337; rugby clubs, 285; sporting clubs, 277; Wichelstowe, 338 Swindon Borough Council, 114 Swindon Great West Railway Cricket Club, 281 Swindon Rangers Cricket Club, 280 Swindon Southern Development, 338 swords: Bronze Age, 211-14; Anglo- Saxon, 170 Tacitus, Marcus Claudius (c.200-276), 151, 152, 154, 156 tankards: Early Roman, 70, 71, 73; German Westerwold stoneware, 57 tanning industry, pigeon manure in, 237 Tansley, Sir Arthur George (1871-1955), 177 Taxation List (1332), 225 taxidermy, 279 Taylor, Alec, 283 361 Taylor, Kay S., note on Judith Pearce, 317 teal, 99 Tedworth Hunt, 276, 277, 285 teeth: Anglo-Saxon, 169; cattle, 100, 101; deer, 101; dental pathology, 93-4, 96, 99-100, 169; dogs, 125; horse, 100, 101, 219; human, 93, 124; loose, 99; pigs, 100; rodent, 219; sheep, 99, 100, 102 tegula, 76, 123, 127, 140 telecommunications masts, 335 temples: Iron Age, 259; Romano-British, 259 tempora regis Eduardis (TRE) assessment, 224 Tenebrionidae (darkling beetles), 6 tennis, 276 tepidaria, 134, 135, 136-7, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144, 148 terra sigillata, 72 terrace gravels, clays, 58 terracing, post-medieval, 331 tesserae, Roman, 139, 141 test-pitting programmes, 306, 309, 310-13 Tetricus I (d.274), 150-1, 152, 153, 154, 156 Tetricus II (f1.273-4), 150, 156 Thames, River, 22, 73, 162, 172, 315, 316 Thames Valley, 25, 91, 106; brooches, 76; cereals, 87; horse breeding, 103; pins, 167; pottery, 62; settlement, 316 Thames Valley Food, former site, 331 Thatcham (West Berkshire), Dunston Park, 62, 63 Theodosius I (347-395), 79 Thomas, James H., paper on society, economy and sport in Wiltshire 1770-1914, 275-87 Thomas, Sheila R., paper on care in the community in 19th century Wiltshire, 296-305 thorn bushes, 86 Thynn, Alexander George, 7th Marquess of Bath (1932- ), 244 Thynne, Thomas, Ist Viscount Weymouth (1640-1714), 240 Thynne, Thomas, 2nd Viscount Weymouth (1710-51), 283 Tickencote (Rutland), 209 Tidcombe and Fosbury, warrens, 329 Tidworth: Pennings Road, 337; Station Road, 337; Tesco Supermarket, 337 tileries, 123 tiles, 332; Romano-British, 76, 215, 333, 334; medieval, 333, 344, 345; post- medieval, 194; box-flue, 141, 336; floor, 134, 313, 334, 344, 345; roof, 76, 139, 141; Wessex school, 345, see also voussoirs Tilshead, dovecotes, 239 timber, burnt, 53 timber merchants, 263 Timby, Jane R., 60 Tirell, Hugh (f1.1370), 239 Tirell, Isabel (f1.1370), 239 Tisbury, 329; Old Coal Yard, 337 Tithe Award maps: Bradford-on-Avon (1841), 242; Liddington (1841), 214, 220; as sources, 284 Tockenham, 282 toggles, 48, 83 toilet implements, Roman, 76-7, 78 toiletry scoops, copper alloy, 56 tokens, post-medieval, 57-8 tombs, 310, 311; table-top, 311 tombstones, 311 tools: bone, 338; flint, 18, 82, 336; iron, 191, 199, see also axes; blades; hammerstones; knives; scrapers toponyms, 315; Celtic, 316 torcs, beaded, 339, 341 Tories, 263 362 THE WILTSHIRE ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND NATURAL HISTORY MAGAZINE Torilis spp. (parsley), 198 Toulouse (France), 202 tournaments, 275 towns: Anglo-Saxon, 170; Saxon, 190; medieval, 200; dormitory, 326 Trachyphloeus alternans (weevil), 9 Trachys troglodytes (jewel beetle), 9 tracks, braided, 254, 255 trackways, 227; Middle Iron Age, 41-3; Romano-British, 22, 53-5, 104, 107, 108, 160, 332; Late Saxon, 193; medieval, 220; and burials, 171; use of term, 254, see also holloways; roads Trafalgar, Battle of (1805), 267 transport, improvements, 278 Tranter, Edwin, 279 trauma, blunt, 96 TRE (tempora regis Eduardis) assessment, 224 Treasury, 294 tree pipits, 329 tree sparrows, 330 trees, Savernake Forest, 246-7 trenches, modern, 117 Trent, River, 316 Trichia hispida (hairy snail), 17, 91 tricycle manufacturers, 279 Trier (Germany), 79, 340 Trifolium spp.,(clovers), 89 Trifolium aureum (large hop trefoil), 9 Trifolium capestre (hop trefoil), 9 Trifolium dubium (lesser hop trefoil), 9 Trinity, 207 Tripleurospermum inodorum (scentless mayweed), 142 Triticum aestivum (wheat), 197 Triticum dicoccum (emmer wheat), 44, 86, 88, 106; radiocarbon dating, 83-6 Triticum spelta (spelt), 44, 86, 88, 106, 129, 142 trochanters, 95 trompe l’oeuil, vii Trondheim convention, 83 Trotter, Thomas (1760-1832), 269 Trowbridge, 284; cycle manufacturers, 279; doctors, 270; Duke Street, 337; football, 284; head terminals, 340, 342; pottery, 196; Vincent’s Garage, 337 Trowbridge Cricket Club, 281 Truckle Hill Roman bath-house, 129-49, 335; antiquarian investigations, 137, 139, 335; apodyterium, 134-5, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 144; building materials, 141; caldarium, 132, 134, 136, 137, 138, 149; conservation, 131, 132; corn-drying kiln, 129, 134, 137, 138-9, 142, 144, 145, 335; education and outreach, 131, 132; entrance corridor, 134; environmental remains, 142-4; external features, 138; finds, 140-2; frigidaria, 134, 135-6, 137-8, 139, 140, 142, 144, 148, 149; location, 130; plan, 133; pottery, 140; structural sequence, 132-9; tepidarium, 134, 135, 136-7, 138, 139, 141, 142, 144, 148 Trust for Wessex Archaeology, 322 tuberculosis, 338 tubulus, 141 tumuli see barrows tn place-name element, 176 Tunnicliff, William, 7opographical Survey (1791), 268 Turin (Italy), 208 Turkish baths, 278 Turner, Henry, 279 Turner, Thomas, 282 turnpike roads, 269 Turnpike Trusts, 266, 267, 268, 271, 325 Tusser, Thomas (1524-80), 237 Tychius spp.,(weevils), 89 Tyler, James Endell, 299 Tyler, Stephanie J., review by, 329-30 Tylney-Long, Sir James (1736-94), 262, 263, 282 tympana, 207, 208 Tyne and Wear see South Shields Ubelaker, D. H., 124 Uffington (Oxfordshire): White Horse, 62; White Horse Hill, 62 Ulmus spp. (elms), 97, 98 Underwood, Austin, 326 ungulates, and woodland development, 177-8 United States Air Force (USAF), aerial photography, 251, 259 University of Oxford see Oxford University Upavon Airfield, Watchkeeper UAV, 337 Upper Chalk, 222, 246 Upper Corallian, Red Down sands and clays, 114 Upper Denton (Cumbria), 315 Upper Thames Valley: agriculture, 126; Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, 172; animal remains, 102, 105; buckets, 171; burials, 170; cremation burials, 96; hillforts, 63; Iron Age activity, 25; pottery, 63, 70, 71, 72, 119; settlements, 79, 107; water tables, 92 Upton Scudamore, Norridge, 239 urban wastewater, 288-95 Urchfont, 266, 267-8; mounts, 340, 343 Urnes style, 345 urns: Bronze Age, 325; Middle Bronze Age, 61, 63, 217; barrel, 217; bucket, 59, 61, 63, 217; cremation, 47; Deverel-Rimbury bucket, 58; flint- tempered globular, 59 Urtica dioica (stinging nettle), 89 Urtica urens (nettle), 198 Usher, J. L. and Co., 280 vaccines, 271 Vale of the White Horse (V.W.H.) Hunt (Cricklade), 276, 285 Valentinian I (321-75), 79, 158 Valerian (c.200—c.260), 150, 152 valley gravels, 290 Vallonia spp. (land snails), 89, 91 Vallonia costata (land snail), 17, 89 Vallonia excentrica (land snail), 17, 89, 91 van der Plicht, J., 83 vandalism, 278 VCH (Victoria County History), 324, 325 vegetation succession and climax models, 177-8 venereal disease, 270 Venta Belgarum (Winchester), 253, 259 Vera, Frans, 177 Verulamium (St Albans), 70, 71, 73, 77 Verwood (Dorset), pottery, 194 vessels: Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age, 63; Iron Age, 119; Middle Iron Age, 62-3, 119; forms, 60; west country form, 165 Vice County 8 (South Wiltshire), 1, 3 Vicia spp. (vetches), 198 Vicia faba (broad bean), 197 Victoria, Queen (1819-1901): and archery, 280; Jubilees, 276 Victoria (goddess), 79 Victoria Auggg issues, 79 Victoria County History (VCH), 324, 325 Victorinus, Marcus Piavonius (dc.270/271), 152 Vikings, 315, 345 villages, medieval, 222-32, 332 villas, Romano-British, 129, 131, 139, 144-5, 158, 178, 247, 323, 332, 335 Virgin and Child, 206 vitamin deficiencies, 169 voussoirs, 138, 208-9 V.W.H. (Vale of the White Horse) Hunt (Cricklade), 276, 285 WA see Wessex Archaeology (WA) Waddon, Henry de (f1.1254), 238 Wales: rivers, 315, see also Caernarfon; Chrychan, Afon; Llandovery; Penycoed; Powys; Snowdonia; South Wales; West Wales wall plaster, 141, 313, 334; painted, 138, 145, 335 walls: Romano-British, 117, 133-9, 319, 332; Late Romano-British, 117; Late Saxon, 333; medieval, 311-12, 336; late medieval/early post-medieval, 336; 18th century, 334, 336; 19th century, 332-3; footings, 334; foundation, 311-12, 313; limestone rubble, 133-4 Walter of Hardington (fl. 1333), 225 Walters, Bryn, 158 WAM (Wiltshire Archaeological Magazine) see Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Magazine (WANHM) Wanborough, 327; bronze objects, 339, 341; brooches, 123; Commonhead Junction, 211-21; Durocornovium, 214; Moor L INDEX 363 Publications of the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Recent and some earlier issues of the Magazine may be purchased from the Society. Volumes 96-99 are available at £15 per copy. For details of earlier volumes apply to the Museum Shop. Other WA&NHS publications may also be purchased, as follows: Annable, EK., and Simpson, D.D.A., Guide catalogue of the Neolithic and Bronze Age collections in Devizes Museum, Viii, 133pp, plates, casebound, 1964 (reprinted), £15.00 (+ £3 p&p) Dillon, Patrick (ed.), Mammals in Wiltshire, xii, 156pp, paperback, 1997, £5.00 (+ £1.50 p&p) Ellis, Peter (ed.), Roman Wiltshire and after: papers in honour of Ken Annable, xii, 240pp, ill, casebound, 2001, £19.95 (+ £4.50 p&p) Hatchwell, Richard, Art in Wiltshire, from the Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society Collection, xii, 154pp, coloured ill, casebound and paperback, 2005, reduced to £15.00 casebound; £10.00 paperback (+ £3.50 p&p) Haycock, Lorna, fohn Anstie of Devizes 1743-1830, an Eighteenth-Century Wiltshire Clothier, xii, 116pp, ill, paperback, 1991, £4.00 (+ £2.00 p&p) Haycock, Lorna, Devizes in the Civil War, 24pp, ill, paperback, 2000, £2.95 (+ £1.00 p&p) Loos-Page, Mark, Walking the North Wessex Downs through art, history and literature, 24pp, paperback, 2008, £1.00 (+ 50p p&p). Thomas, James H. (ed.), Wiltshire Archaeological and Natural History Society: the first 150 years, xxxiv, 246pp, ill, case- bound, 2003, £12.00 (+ £3.95 p&p) Thomas, Nicholas, Snail Down, Wiltshire: The Bronze Age Barrow Cemetery and Related Earthworks, in the parishes of Collingbourne Ducis and Collingbourne Kingston, Excavations, 1953, 1955 and 1957, 2005, £18.00 (+£4.50 p&p) ah ~ Tel sity he % i Sot! ss RSE Poe \ \ ~* s B wm ee IT Soe Ny: oy : a : A J %: ee ver at ) rs _ ok eS ig. * ¥e wih) sie \ ey ; Y Thy i : “ “ Serclegee a + 1A ne Wit Sa 3: wR RR The mous of Wylye Down uereuer ‘Nature Reserve, by Michael Darby’ | A Middle Neolithic Pit-in the West ikonaak (Stone). Avenue, Aveburs 2005, by Misha Allen and Bob: Rat | eos “A Late NeolithiclEatly = Age enclosure and-tron ‘Age ‘and Romano- British - settlement. at Latton Lands Wiltshire, by. Kelly eee Laws aad 3 Sk oe 2S. = NSala thy no A. Late Iron is and Romano- British fala hea ateite: 108 soush Marston zl £ MUSEUM iy Neve - GALLERY Seat pe be ee LIBRARY or, aRiMoc tweed iSSaeOR ne at : Abbeymi a6 “ “Teresa't Sao ee and And = “Late Saxon’ oS cael occupatio near S ealtkity Screw N g “S . y Aridrew 8: Powell, John eS ; Dave Godden, Sera Me fF _ Chris ee & S and goes a 2 : BAG < aS _Junecon Swan, = Jonata Hareand Mary Aleohder She analytical’ Cee af the ee hear Old ShawsFart Alton BarNS : by Judie English, and. Graharo Brown SSS = —\ % a al ok columbagjem at Caligbourne Ducis; chur, by Frat Pexton acd an Recany - Yeas ’ ck Wiltshire. dovecotes a pigeonhouses . Alan Wiieworeh Sees ao ~ LiDAR and its Fale in understanding the historic landscape of Savernake AS Forest, by Ben Lennon and Peter Crow: seen tee = iyo = : . es. “ . =o ie eaxparnics of. power ‘in ate Georgian £ Devizes, by james Thomas: = The City Ditch Sunle and cite eaauad an oe seca me tia ; effluent on. the nes of Salisbieys ‘by Hadrian Cook and ee! Cowan. _. ~~ Care in the COREA an cxatple from ‘{9th-century Witshare = Sheila Thomas APES. : = Six The Se your doorstep: community history and SHES in aon ‘by Alex. Langlands: Se a Es “NOTES Sa SHORTER ‘CONTRIBUTIONS WANHS Archaeology. Field RES recent activities and future plans, “byJames Gunter ; Published. by : REVIEWS,’ edited by RobertyClark The Wiltshire Archaeological EXCAVATION and FIELDWORK ih KS 2007,.compiled “by Simon Draper " ~~ and Natural History Society | Highlights from the eS nates Scheme (FAS) in Wiltshire in 2007, recorded, by Pac Fin aE ISSN 0262 6608 IBEX Pp Ae “ : Soot x ND ' ie vt Pt st ot a 5 rte ag x mn Mii ¥s ; Leite rte e + = oat a ae The Beetles of Wylye oun National: Nature Reservechy Michael Darby I ‘A Middle Neolithic Pit-in ibe West Kennat Sens) kvenue, Avgtuuhie 2005. by Michael } Allen and Bob: =a Y 4. A tats NeolichielEatly Batre Age enclosure and Iron Age had Romano- British settlement: at Latton Lands .WiltsRire, * fey ple wie Laws and : Ps eve Lisa ee eae ee ees 2. SFilRE HERITAGE gp Park, Wiltshire, by at fe Su 14 ; MUSEUM Seccct Page Beebe 7 7 | SSS eho GALLERY a g in coins of Probus <2 SEBRARY : ee 160 175 a kd sacdel occupatio 7 bowel bins poses : inti ; Swi t -Jonathart varcane many vale ae Snack suey OF he c ebthwerks ‘hear ‘Od Shaw far lop Barnes, EAS > es English, and. Gr ee Siege ‘te 3 Xs 222 “A Saienaees at Calingbourne Duels chureh, by} Frail Pexton and ‘ Br John: ee ee = = = eS SEAS vA 233. : 236 245 * he yams of. power ‘in eke Georgian Devizes, pas css ie aetber ae RT as Wie : ease iad & sport in Wileshine 1700- I9lssome inital heights: 275. The City Ditch: “Sumereand dit Bound an ‘rig ene and oe effluent on. the Perpaery oF Salisbureby Hadrian Cook and ig we! Cowan. 266 : ~ Care in the Sora 'an exatnple from ‘19th-century Wiltshire, 3 | = Sheila-Thomas ee a ee tS 296 The paaaNS your doorstep: community history and SEER | in GS by: Alex: Langlands: 3 306 = NOTES. and SHORTER ‘CONTRIBUTIONS — | SSN StS WANHS renaeoloey Field Group: recent activities.and future plans, “ByJames ee . 316 ; | 321 EXCAVATION and FIELDWORK ih aes 2007,.compiled by Simon Draper | . 334 > Viltshire Archaeological Natural History Society Highlights from the Be RRORUISES Scheme EAS) in Wiltshire in 2007, recorded, by-Katie Hin - 339