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THE

WILTSHIRE
Archeological ond Patural Wistory
MAGAZINE,

“Published under the Birection of the Dortety
FORMED IN THAT COUNTY A.D. 1853. -

VOL. XV.

DEVIZES:
H. F. & E. Bout, 4, Saint Jomn Street.

1875.

DEVIZES:
PRINTED BY H. F. & E, BULL,
87. JOHN STREET,

_ Articles Exhibited at the Annual Meeting—Loan Museum—
Wulfhall and the Seymours: By the Rev. Canon Jacxson, F.S.A.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XV.

No. XLIII.

Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655 (Concluded): By W.
PP MANENHIGL, Esq. .05..00 062506 hie ibe ee Oe eae ee
On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies: By the Rev.
PAGS MITE. MAG Mn Sts) | ae crelaresa-cteycleiele'a/aicieisiewisisie eviews’ a/esin 4
The Names of Places in Wiltshire'( Continued): By the Rev. Prebendary
DWie Els JONES, WG. Ani acc cicreiocldti seis Somet da matee ete neccesse sees
Names of Wiltshire Churches: By the Rev. Canon J. E, Jackson,
BAe he opti sh cae a Finn fan sielaln oo sks orb nalelaeueldbe givin T+ 35 celntp e
Report of the Wiltshire Herbarium : By the Rev. T. A. Preston, M.A.
Regulations of Admission to Museum and Library .........++++-+-

No. XLIV.

Account of the Twenty-first Annual Meeting, and Inauguration of

- Museum and Library, at Devizes; Report and President’s Address,
&e.

er ee ee ee ee)
eeeeeenes

Early Annals of Trowbridge: By the Rev. Prebendary Jonzs, F.S.A.

Notes and Corrections to ‘ Records of the Rising in the West:” By

W. W. Ravenaitt, Esq.

e. Donations to the Museum and Library ..... sa fisietaehaesyiedie) sss alee

117
136
140
208

235
237

iv. CONTENTS OF VOL. XV.

No. XLV.

Collections towards the History of the Cistercian Abbey of a in

Wiltshire: By W. de G. Brrog, F.R.S.L.. = 239
“© A Plea for the Moles:” By the Rev. A. C. SurrH, M. A. srolgeateiae weicle 308
Notes on Spye Park and Bromham: By C. H. Taxzor, Esq. ....... . 320
An Indenture for building a House at Salisbury, 23rd Henry VI.: Com-

municated by J. E. NIGHTINGALE, F.S.A. 1... 0.20 eee ee eens 829
The Literary Treasures of Longleat: By the Rev. Canon J. E. JACKSON,

WGUAS ~ wecira's «nee spears seseulie tee eet. 66g Sec 337
The Story of Seven Children Born at a Birth: By R. C. A. Prion,

eg, MDE cas cs ¥ewsle | oe « ne miso e tee win ast aia = Agee das sade. aoc 348
General Meeting and ‘Report for 187 ae sone Spinco Goo ondsAddcouso. 350
Donations to the Museum and Library ..........-.s0s- onc oa: - 352

Illustrations.

Portrait of Colonel John Penruddock, 1. Fac-simile of Letter from Mrs,
Penruddock, 2. The Old Town Hall at Chard, Somerset, 41.

Table, showing the Alliance of Lady Arabella Stuart, Lady Katharine Grey,
and the Seymours, with the Crown of England, 143. Barn, in which the
Wedding Festivities were held on the Marriage of King Henry VIII. with
the Lady Jane Seymour, of Wulfhall, 144, Plan, near Wulfhall, showing
the Conduit, &c., 151. Table, showing the Descent of the Manor of Trow-
bridge from the close of the eleventh century to the present time, 214. Plan
of the Town of Trowbridge at the close of the last century, showing the
probable line of the walls of the ancient Castle, 218.

Seals of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley, 239. Plan of Molehill, 313. Section
of Molehill, 314. Spye Park, in 1684, from Dingley, 320. @arved stones
from Bromham Hall, found at Spye Park, 1868, 324.

THE

WILTSHIRE

Arrhealogieal ant Batural Wistory

MAGAZINE.

No. XLIII. FEBRUARY, 1875. Vou. XV.

€ ontents.
Records oF THE Rising In THE West, A.D. 1655 (Concluded) :
By W. W. Ravenliill, Mag. «2... i. sce cccea ccccevesnccsscie
On WILTSHIRE WEATHER PROVERBS AND WEATHER FALLACIES:
By the Rev. A. C. Smith, M.A. 1.2... ieee cece cere tec eenee
Tue Names oF PLaces IN WILTSHIRE (Continued): By the Rey.
Prebendary W. H. Jones, F.S.A. ........ cee cence eeeeeeeeees
Namzs or WILTSHIRE CHURCHES: By the Rev. Canon J. E.
MRPPRCHOTT RASA ayiala ccc ciciat ape) aie ain (aicicVeia eile siets atdlaiw wisi siaiejmiere, sels.)
REpoRT OF THE WILTSHIRE HERBARIUM : By the Rev. T. A. Preston,
oe OES ae Bee ae al Se Ses: So Gelamarsie
REGULATIONS OF ADMISSION TO MusruUM AND LIBRARY ..........
List oF MEMBERS...... ean saitiete doe oia.c & sree tbe o's 40° athe aatetate
ILLUSTRATIONS.

Portrait of Colonel John Penruddock ...... aieiate\ stale: sisineie 1

Fac-simile of Lettter from Mrs. Penruddock ............ 2

The Old Town-Hall at Chard, Somerset ...... AE Pripee ol

DEVIZES:
H. F. & E. Buwt, 4, Saint Jonn Sreezr.

PAGE.

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DOBSON IN THE POSSESSION

JOHN PENRUDDOCK.

OF CHARLES PENRUDDOCKE ESOR GOMPTON P

SSeS. -

WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE,

‘¢ WULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS.”’—Ovid.

Mecords of the Rising in the West,
JOHN PENRUDDOCK, HUGH GROVE, ET SOCII.
(Concluded from Vol. xiv., Page 67.) ’

(IRS the trooper, who bere the death warrant, journied westward,

f the news that the time for reprieve was past, spread without
Whitehall Palace.

We can well imagine that Mrs. Penruddock, who heard it the
same day, immediately made one more effort to save her husband,
and that it was then probably that she was “ turned out of doors,
because she came to beg mercy.”

Returning 1o her lodgings after a long and weary day of fruitless
toil, she wrote words of exquisite solace to her unfortunate husband:

“My dear heart,

My sad parting was.so far from making me to forget you, that I have
searce thought upon myself since, bat wholly upon you. Those dear embraces
which I yet feel, and shall never lose (being the faithful testimonies of an in-
dulgent husband) have charmed my soul to such a reverence of your remem-
brances, that were 1t possible, I would with my own blood cement your dead
limbs to life again, and with reverence think it no sin to rob heaven a little
longer of a martyr. Oh my dear! you must now pardon my passion, tho’ being
the last (oh fatal word!) that ever you will receive from me; and know that
until the last minute* that I can imagine you shall live, I will sacrifice the
prayers of a Christian, and the groans of an affected [afflicted ?] wife ; and when
you are not, which sure by sympathy I shall know,t} I shall wish my own
dissolution with you, that so we may go hand in hand to heaven. It is too late
to tell you what I have, or rather have not, done for you, How turned out of
doors, because I came to beg mercy! The Lord lay not your blood to their
charge. I would fain discourse longer with you, but dare not, my passion
begins to drown my reason, and will rob me of my devoir, which is all I have
left to serve you.

* “Minute”? written twice, once erased.
® The stronger word “‘ know” substituted for “ feel.”

VOL. XV.—NO. XLIII. B

2 Records of the Rising im the West, A.D, 1655.

Adieu therefore ten thousand times my dearest dear, and since I must never
see you more, take this prayer * ‘ May your faith be so strengthened, that your
constancy may continue, and then I hope heaven will receive you, where grief
and love will in a short time after, I hope, translate, my dear, your sad but
constant wife, even to love your ashes when dead.’

Your children beg your A. PENRUDDOCK.
blessing and present

their duties to you.” +

This is indeed a noble epistle! abounding in charm of style, and
beauty of thought. Here is refinement mixed with Christian love,
Is it not the mirror of their wedded lives? We may see reflected
there the affection and faith of both growing through time to eternity,
and feel certain she would have pledged her own existence for his.
She did not lose “her devoir.” What a comfort must this letter
have been to the dying man! “The sweetest thought the last ;”
there were George, Tom, and Jane to rally round her in the hour
of trial.

The effort of writing no doubt was great. Her frame enfeebled
by*long and heavy anxieties, fatiguing journies, and night watches.
We see her struggling on amidst prayers and tears, her grief at
times almost overwhelming her, but perchance she gained strength
as she wrote, feeling that despatch was necessary, for she did not
know how soon her husdand might be summoned to execution, and
that he should die without receiving it, was terrible to contemplate.

“ Haste, post haste, must you gallop, good and faithful friend! Speed
thee to catch up His Highness’s messenger!” But time was found

* Words ‘‘ with you” erased after “ prayer.”

+The fac-simile which will be found opposite this page, contains in addition the words *‘ Eleven
o’clock at night—May 3rd,’’ which are not at present on the original, but only on the sheet of paper
on which it is preserved, Mr. Charles Penruddock, the present owner of Compton, believes he has
seen them on it. That there has been a small piece most unluckily shorn off the foot of this highly-
interesting document is clear from its appearancc, some word or words having been cut through, and
thus become indecipherable.

The pamphlet of July 2nd, 1655 (King’s Pamplets, Sm. Qto., Vol. 652—‘‘ Illegal Proceedings ’’),
which has often been mentioned, contains both sentences; and is followed by Sir Richard Steele.
It would therefore appear that the date of the foot of the letter, as given by Sir Richard Hoare
(Hund. Dunw., p. 85), viz., “ May 15th,” is incorrect. The latter appears never to have seen Mrs.
Penruddock’s original letter, That it could have been written and sent from London, at midnight
on the 15th of May, and reach Exeter on the morning of the 16th, in time for Colonel Penruddock
to have answered it, is impossible. If it were written on that day it must have been written at
Exeter, but this I do not believe. The compiler of the pamphlet must have known the facts and
could have no reason for giving the date as the 3rd if it were not so. Moreover the pamphlet gives
the answer of Colonel Penruddock as dated ‘‘ May 6th.’’ Sir Richard Hoare said he took the letters
from ‘‘ The Lover,” but that, as has been already mentioned, gives the date as the 3rd of May. See
**The Lover,” p. 20, Harrison’s Brit, Classics, vol. 6,

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By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 3

to fold the note in the good old-fashioned three-cornered shape of a
true billet doux, and it appears to have been marked by tears. Are

they those of John and Arundel Penruddock ?
In proceeding with our narrative, we unfortunately come upon a

difficulty, for copies of two answers of his to it are extant, the

originals of which, I have been unable to discover. The first is in

the pamphlet of July 2nd, 1655:—

‘¢ My dearest heart,

I even now received thy farewell letter ; each word whereof represents
unto me a most lively emblem of your affection drawn with thy own hand in
water colour, to the figure of a death’s head. My dear, I embrace it as coming
first from God, and then from man: for what is there done in the City that the Lord
hath not permitted? I look upon every line of thine as so many threads
twisted together into that of my life, which being now woven, my meditations
tell me will make a fit remnant for my winding sheet. Upon the reading th’of
I say with the Prophet, I should have utterly fainted, but that I verily believe
to see the goodnesse of the Lord in the land of the living.

As this is mine my dear, so let it be thy consolation. When I think what a
wife and what children I go from and look no further, I begin to ery, O!
wretched map that I am! But when my thoughts soar higher, and fix them-
selves upon those things which are above, where J shall find God my Creatour,

to my Father, and his Son my Redeemer to my Brother (for so they have vouch-
safed to term themselves) then I lay aside those relations and do of all love, my
dear, desire thee not to look towards my Grave, where my Body lies, but toward
the heaven, where I hope my soul shall gain a mansion in my Father’s
house. I do steadfastly believe that God hath heard the prayer of my friends
and thine and mine, and how knowest thou, woman, whether thou hast not
saved thy husband? Let those considerations raise thy spirits, I beseech thee,
and that for God's sake and mine though I ly among the children of men, that
are set on fire against me; yet under the shadow of the Almightie’s wing I will
hide myself till this tyranny be overpast. The greatest conflicte I have had in
this extremetie was my parting with thee; the next encounter is to be with Death,
and my Saviour hath so pulled out the sting thereof, that I hope to assault it
without fear, Though the armies of men have been too hard for me, yet am I
now lifting myself under the conduct of my Sovereign, and an army of a
that the gates of hell cannot prevail against.

My dear, I have now another subject to think on, therefore you must excuse the
imperfections you find here. I have formerly given you directions concerning my
ehildren, to which I shall referre you. May the blessing of Almighty God be
upon thee and them, and may there not want a man of my name to be ready to be
a sacrifice in this cause of God and his Church so long as the sun and moon shall
endure. I now shal] close up all with desiring you to give a testimony for me to
the world that I die with so much charity as to forgive myenemies. I will joyne
them in my last prayers for my friends ; amongst which you and my children are
for my sake obliged to pay a perpetual acknowledgment. To Mr. Rolles* and

*Mr. Rolles—Lord Chief Justice Rolles, no doubt,

B 2

4 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

his Lady, and my cousin, Mr. Sebastian Izaack for their great solicitations on
my behalf. If I could forget this city of Exeter for their civilities to my own
self in particular indeed to all of us, I should leave a reproach behind me, I will
give them thanks at my death and I hope you and yours will do it when I am dead.

My dear Heart, I once more bid thee adieu, and with as much love and

sincerity as can be imagined.
I subscribe myself,
Thy dying and loving husband,
JNO. PENRUDDOCK.
Exon, May 7, and the last year and day of my date *

being the year of my Saviour, 1655.

Note. When this letter was writ Colonel Penruddock did not know other
than that he was to die the same day.

Note. Mr. 8. Izaack, though he seemed very sollicitous for Colonel
Penruddock in his life, since his death hath been very unworthy to his memory
(contrary to his promise to the said Colonel in his life) and hath done contrary
to the will of the dead, the trust reposed in him, the principles of honour, and
much unbecoming a gent.” +

The second appeared in an essay in “ The Lover ” for March 13th,
1714. The author (Sir Richard Steele) after giving Mrs. Penruddock’s
letter as above, thus proceeds :—

“JT do not know that I have ever read anything so affectionate as that line,
‘Those dear embraces which yet I feel.’

Mr. Penruddock’s answer has an equal tenderness which I shall recite also,
that the town may dispute whether the man or the woman expressed themselves
the more kindly, and strive to imitate them in less circumstances of distress ;
for from all no couple upon earth are exempt.”

Then follows his version of the answer :—

“ Dearest Best of Creatures,

I had taken leave of the world when I received yours: It did at once
recall my fondness for life and enable me to resign it. As I am sure I shall
leave none behind me like you, which weakens my resolution to part from you;
so when I reflect I am going to a place where there are none but such as you I
recover my courage. But fondness breaks in upon me; and as I would not
have my tears flow tomorrow, when your husband and the father of our dear
babes is a public spectacle; do not think meanly of me, that I give way to grief
now in private, when I see my sand run so fast, and I within few hours am to
leave you helpless and exposed to the merciless and insolent, that have wrong-
fully put me to a shameless death, and will object that shame to my poor
children. I thank you for all your goodness to me, and will endeavour so to

* So May 7th was his birthday; and in the spirit of the age, so full of divination he thought
it was to be his death-day.
+I know not Mr. Izaack’s misdeeds, including those against the writer of the pamphlet,

—_— ee a

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 5

die, as do nothing unworthy that virtue in which we have mutually supported
each other, and for which I desire you not repine that I am first to be rewarded ;
since you ever preferred me to yourself in all otber things, afford’me, with
chearfulness, the precedence in this. *
I desire your prayers in the articles of death, for my own will then be offered
for you and yours.
J. PENRUDDOCK.”

Unfortunately he does not tell us whether he had ever seen the
original, or what was his authority for this letter. We cannot feel
certain whether either of the above letters was ever penned by Colonel
Penruddock. The one has the weight which attaches to a publication
made soon after the event. The other has no date at all, and there
are not a sufficient number of the Colonel’s undoubted letters left
to us to judge from the style. It may be there was a second letter
from Mrs. Penruddock to her husband, during the thirteen days
he still survived, and that the latter is an answer to that, but that
is mere conjecture, so I pass on.

The morning of Wednesday, the 16th of May, dawned on a
scaffold set for the execution, in that noble amphitheatre the castle
yard at Exeter. The bright green foliage of the fine old trees
which surrounded it, then alive with the song and hum of young
spring bird and insect, must have contrasted strangely with the
black-clothed mournful groups, and the tolling bell.

The executioner has made his preparations—the block is placed,
the axe gleams in the sun, and the sawdust is thrown round—the
hour of death has come !

We know not the friends who were present to support Penruddock
and Grove on the occasion. But we may fairly presume that
George Penruddock, the former’s eldest son, Mr. Bowman, who
preserved the notes of Sergeant Glynne’s sentence of death, and
Mr. Martin, the Vicar of Compton Chamberlain, were there, and
some relations of Hugh Grove, together with Doctors Short and
Flavell, apparently two clergymen of the Church of England, who
assisted the condemned with ministrations during their last hours.

The following accounts of what happened are from manuscripts
now at Compton and Zeals, which have a genuine appearance, though

* “Se invicem anteponendo” Tacitus.—Agricola, .

6 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

I cannot say in whose handwriting either are. First let us peruse
that which relates to Penruddock :—

«« The Speech of the Honourable Colonell Penruddock, the greatest part
wherof he delivered upon the Scaffold in Exon Castle the 16 day of May, 1655,
the whole he left with a Gent, and friend of his, written with his own hand:
which is as followeth.

Together with the manner of his being beheaded. As he was ascending the
Scaffold, baring bis knees and humbly bowing himself he used these words ‘ This
I hope will’prove to be like Jacob’s ladder: though the feet of it rest on Earth,
yet I doubt not but the top of it reacheth to Heaven.’

When he came upon the scaffold, he said Oh! wretched man that I am who
shall deliver mee from this body of death.

I thanke God who giveth mee the victory through our Lord Jesus Christ.”

(The pamphlet of July 2nd, 1655, here inserts :—

“Then with abundance of Christian chearfulnesse he spake to the people as
followeth :—)

Gentlemen, It is the comon custome of all Psons. that come to dye to give
some satisfacton to the spectators whether they be guilty of the ffact of which
they stand chrg’d* Truly if I were conscious to myselfe of any base ends that
I had in this undertaking I would not be soe injurious to my owne soule or
disingenions to you as not to make a public acknowledgem*. thereof, I suppose
that divers psons. as they are byased by their sevrall interests and relatons give
their opinions to the world concerning us: I conceaye it impossible therefore to
expresse myselfe in this particular as not to expose both my judgem*. and repu-
tation to the censure of many which I shall leave behind mee because I will not
quitt others therefore upon a breach of charity concerning mee or my actons.
I have thought fitt to decline all discourses which may give them a capacity
either to injure themselves or mee: My triall was publique and my sevrall ex-
aminatons I beleeve wilbe pduced when I am in my grave. J will referre you
therefore to the first which I am sure some of you heard and to the latter which
many of you in good time may see; Had Captain Crooke done himself and us
that right which a gent and a souldier ought to have done I had not beene now
here, The man I forgive with all my heart but truly (Gentlemen) his ptesting.
against those Articles which he himselfe with so many ptestations. and impor-
tunity putt upon us, hath drawne so much dishonour and blood upon his head
that I feare some weary judgem*. will pursue him, though he hath beene false
to us I pray God I doe not prove a true Prophett to him. +

*The pamphlet of July 2nd, 1655, inserts after “‘ charged’? ‘‘ The crime for which I am now to die
is Loyalty, but in this age called High Treason. I cannot deny but I was at South Moulton in this
County: but whether my being there or my actions there amount to so high a crime as high Treason
I leave to the world and to the Law to judge.”

+The pamphlet inserts after ‘“‘ Prophet to him ” ‘‘ Nay Imust say more that coming on the road to
Exon, he the said Captain Crook told me ‘ Sir Joseph Wagstaff was a gallant gentleman, and that he
was sorry he was not taken with us; that then he might have had the benefit of our articles; but
now (said he) I have beset all the country for him, so that he cannot escape but must be hanged,

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 7

Thus much I am obliged to say to the honour of the souldiery, that they have
beene so farre from breaking [any*] Articles given to others heretofore that they
have rather bettered them than otherwise.

It is now our misfortune to be made Presidents [precedents] and examples to-
geather [but I will not do the Protector so much injury ds to load him with this
dishonour since I have been informed, &c.] but I have heard that the Protector
would have made our conditons good if Crooke that gave them, had not abjur’d
them ; This is not a time for me to inlarge upon any subject since I am now become
the subject of death, but since the Articles were drawne by my very hand [ thought
myselfe obliged to a particular justification of them. I could tell you of some
souldiers which are turned out of his Troope for defending those conditions of
o'. but lett that passe and henceforward instead of Life Liberty and Estate
[which were the articles agreed upon] lett drawing hanging and quartering be
the denominatons of Captain Crooke’s Articles. | However I thank the Protector
for granting me this honourable death. ]

I should now give you an account of my ffaith but truly (Gent) this poore
Nation is rent into so many sevrall opinions that it is impossible for me to give
you mine without displeasing some of you. However if any may be so criticall
as to inquire of what ffaith I dye I shall referre them to the Apostles [ Athan-
asius and Nicene] Creed and to the Testimony of [this Reverend Gentleman]
Dr. Short to whom I have unbosomed myselfe and if this don’t satisfye you look
in the [thirty nine] Articles of the [Catholic] Church of England those I have
subscribed and doe owne [authentic].

Having now given you an accompt concerning myselfe I hold myselfe obliged
in duety to some of my ffriends to take of a suspicion which lyes upon them. I
meane as to some psons. of honour which upon my examination I was charg’d
to have held a correspondency with My Lord Marquis of Hertford the Marquis
of Winchester and my Lord of Pembrooke were persons denominated to me.
I did then acquitt them and doe now second it with this protestations that I
never held any correspondency with either [or any] of them in relation to this
particular business or indeed to any which concernes y* Protector or his Goverm'.t
I was examined likewise concerning my brother ffreake [Freke, Mrs. Penrud-
dock’s brother], my cousin Hastings [Mr. Dorrington] and others. It is pbable.
their estates may make them lyable to this my conditon but I doe here so farr
quit them as to give the world this my further ptestation that Iam confident
they are as innocent in this busines as the youngest child here,

He also questioned me as I passed through Salisbury from London whether he had given me con-
ditions—which I endeavouring to make appear to Major Butler; he interrupted me and unwillingly
confesst it saying I proffered him four hundred pounds to perform his Articles : which had been a
strange proffer of mine, had I vot really conditioned with him. And I told him then (having found
him upworthy) I would have given him five hundred pounds, believing him to be mercenary. To
make it yet fartber appear, I injure him not by stiling him unworthy, after these articles were given,
he profered to pistoll me, if I did not persuade another house to yield, which then were boldly re-~
sisting. To which my servant John Biby now a prisoner replyed : I hope you will not be so un-
worthy as to break the Law of arms.

* The words in brackets in the text throughout this page are from the pamphlet.

+ Pamphlet: ‘‘ As for the Marquesse of Winchester, I saw him some twelve years since, and not
later; and if I should see him here present I believe I should not know him. And for the Earl of
Pembrook he was not a man likely to whom I should discover my thoughts, because he is a man
of éontrary judgement,”

8 Records of the Rising in the West, A D. 1655.

If I would have beene so unworthy as others have bene I suppose I might by
a lye have saved my life which J scorne to purchase at such a rate, I defie such
temptations and them that gave them me. [This sentence is not inthe pamphlet. ]

I have no more to say now but to tell you I am in charity with all men and
that I thanke God I can [and do] forgive my greatest psecutors [and all that
ever had any hand in my death. I have offered the Protector as good security
for my future demeanour as I suppose he would have expected ; if he had thought
fit to have given me my life, I should not have been so ungrateful as to have
employed it against him]. I do humbly submitt to God’s pleasure knowing
that y® issues of life and death are in his hands. My blood is but a small
sacrifice if it had beene saved I am so much a gent as to have given thankes to
him that pserved it and so much a Christian as to forgive them which take it
away.* These unhappy times have:[indeed] beene very ffatall to my family
two of my brothers are already slaine in the most just defence of the king’s
cause and myselfe going to the slaughter.t

It is God’s will I humbly submitt to that Providence. I must remember to
[render an acknowledgement] acknowledge y* great civility that I have rec’.
from this Citie of Exon and some psons of quality. | I shall close with praiers

* The pamphlet : ‘‘ But seeing God by his providence hath called me to lay it down, I willingly sub-
mit to it, though terrible to nature; but blessed be my Saviour who hath taken out the sting ; so
that I look upon it without terror. Death is a debt, and a due debt; and*it hath pleased God to
make me so good a husband, that I am come to pay it before itisdue. Iam not ashamed of the
cause for which I die, but rather rejoyce that I am thought worthy, to suffer in the defence and cause
of God’s true church, my Lawfull King, the Liberty of the subject, and priviledge of Parliaments.
Therefore I hope none of my alliance and friends will be ashamed of it; it is so far from pulling
down my Family that Ilook uponit, as the raising it one story higher, Neither was] of so prodigall
of nature as to throw away my life, but have used (though none but honourable and honest) means
to preserve it.”

+1 have already mentioned the death of his brother Henry. Who the other brother was that he
alludes to here I have not been able to discover.

+ Pamphlet : “* And for theis plentifull provision made for the prisoners. I thank Mr. Sheriff for
his favour towards us, in particular to myself; and I desire him to present my due respects to the
Protector, and though he had no mercy for myself, yet that he would have respect for my family.

I am now stripping off my cloaths to fight a duell with death (I conceave no other duell lawful)
but my Saviour hath pulled out the sting of this mine enemy by making himselfe a sacrifice for me ;
and truly I do not think that man deserving one drop of his blood, that will not spend all for him in
so good a cause. .

The truth is gentlemen, in this age Treason is ar ‘individuam vagum,’ like the wind in the gos-
pel, it bloweth where it listeth ; so now Treason is what they please, and lighteth upon whom they
will. Indeed no man except he will be a Traitour, can avoid this censure of Treason. I know not
to what end it may come, but I pray God my own, and my Brothers’ bloud that is now to die with
me, may be the last upon this score.

Now gentlemen you may see what a condition you are in without a King; you have no law to pro-
tect you, no rule to walk by; when you perform your duty to God, your king and country, you
displease the Arbitrary powers now set up: (I cannot call it Government) I shall leave you to peruse
my triall, and there you shall see, what a condition this poor Nation is brought into; and (no ques-
tion will be utterly destroyed, if not restored (by Loyall subjects) to its old and glorious Government.
J pray God he lay not his judgements upon England for their sluggishnesse in doing their duty, and
readinesse to put their hands in their bosomes, or rather taking part with the enemy of truth, The
Lord open their eyes that they may be no longer lead, or drawn into such snares; else the child un-
born will curse the day of their Parents’ birth.

God Almighty Preserve my lawfull King Charles the Second, from the hands of his Enemies, and
break down that wall of pride and rebellion, which so long hath kept him from his just rights, God
Preserve his Royall Mother, and all his Majestie’s Royall Brethren, and incline their hearts to seek
after him, Ged incline the hearts of all true English men to stand up as one man to bring in the
King; and redeem themselves and this poor Kingdome, out of its more then Egyptian Slavery.

— i eee:

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 9

for the king and his Restouraton and I shall desire my allies and ffriends not to
be ashamed of the ignomy of my death since tis for such a cause,that they ought
to esteeme my death to be an honour to my family, and thus I comit my soule
to God my Creator and Redeemer.

Glory be to God on high, In earth peace, goodwill towards men.

When he had done speaking to y® people he turn’d himselfe to the Sheriffe
and said Mr. Sheriffe Tell my Lord Protector I hope mine will finde more ffavour
from him than I have done. I have used all lawfull meanes for the saving of
my Life ffor I was not so prodigall of Nature but that if I could have prserved
it with honour I would willingly have done it, but seeing it may not be I most
gladly submitt to Pvidence herein.

[Putting of his dublett.] I am now putting of these old raggs of mine and
am going to be clad with the new Robes of the righteousness of Jesus Christ,

When he had done his speech to y* people he kneeled downe and praied aloud,
after that he praied private to himselfe, when he had done he kissed y* blocke
saying he rec‘, that Example from o* Saviour. Then standing calls 3 or 4 times
for a sight of the axe which when it was brought to him he kiss’t it twice or
thrice and told the Executon’ that he forgave him and will’d him to be no more
afraid to give him the blow then he was to receave it. [Then he desired to see
the axe and after kissing it he said I am likely to have a sharp passage of it,
but my Saviour hath sweetened it unto me.]

Also he told him he would kneele downe once and fitt his necke to y* blocke
_ and rise againe (which he did) and when he kneel’d downe y° second time he

desired the people to pray for him and will’d the Executioner to observe his
right hand that when he lifted that up he should doe his Office which he did in
a little time after he lay downe the second time, and when he lifted up his hand
he eryed aloud saying Lord Jesus receave my soule and soe the Executoner did
his office in the Twinkling of an eie at one blowe y® body nor head never making
the least moton no not so much as stirring a ffinger. [So laying his neck upon
the block, and after some fervent ejaculations, he gave the Headsman a sign
with his hand who at one blow severed his head from his body.”’]

Prayer of Colonel John Penruddock as used by him on the scaffold.

‘*Oh Eternal, Almighty and most mercifull God, The righteouse judge of all
the world, looke downe in merey upon mee a miserable sinner. Oh blessed
Jesus Redeemer of mankinde which takest away the sinnes of the world let thy
perfect innocency and obedience be p'sented to thy heavenly ffather for me, Let
thy precious death and bloud be the ransome and satisfaction for my many and
haynous transgressions, thou that sittest at the right hand of God make inter-
cession for mee. O holy and blessed spirit w°* art the Comforter fill my heart
with thy consolations Oh holy blessed and glorious Trinity be mercifull unto
mee, confirm my faith in the pmises of the Gospell, revive and quicken my

As I have now put off these garments of cloth, so I hope I have put offmy garments of sinne, and
have puton the robes of Christ’s Righteousnesse here, which will bring me to the enjoyment of his
glorious robes anon.

Then he kneeled down and kissed the block, and said thus, ‘I commit my soul to God my Creatour
and Redeemer, Look on me, O Lord, at my last gasping: Hear my prayer and the prayers of all
goed people, I thank thee, O God, for all thy dispensations towards me.

Then kneeling down he prayed most devoutly as followeth, O Eternal &c,. After which he kissed
the axe.”

VOL. XV.—NO. XLYVIII. Cc

10 Records of the Rising m the West, A.D. 1655.

hope and expectatons of joyes prepared for true and faithfull servants, Lett the
infinite Love of God my Saviour, make my love to him steadfast sincere and
constant. Oh Lord consider my contrition, accept my teares, asswage my greife
give mee comfort and confidence in thee: Impute not unto mee my former sinnes
but most mercifull ffather, receave mee into thy favour by the meritts of Christ
Jesus.

Many and grievous are my sinnes, for I have sinned many times against the
Light of knowledge, against remorse of conscience, against the motions and
opportunityes of Grace, But accept I beseech thee the sacrifice of a broken and
contrite hearte, in and for the pfect sacrifice, oblation and satisfaction of thy
sonne Christ Jesus; Oh Lord receave my soule (after it is delivered from the
burden of the flesh) into pfect joy, in the sight and fruition of thee, and at y*
generall resurrection graunt that my body may be endued with immortality and
receaved, with my soule into glory.

I praise thee O God I acknowledge thee to be ye Lord.

O Lambe of God that takest away y° sinnes of y° world, have mercy upon me,

Thou that sittest at the right hand of God, receave my praier.

O Lord Jesus Christ, God and man, Mediatour betwixt God and man I have
sinned as a man, be thou merciful unto me as God.

O holy and blessed spiritt, helpe my infirmityes with those sighes and groanes
which I cannot expresse.

Amen. Amen. Amen.”

Next follows, the Zeals M.S. :—

‘¢ After Colonel Penruddock was beheaded, Colonel Grove was brought upox
the stage, who during the tyme of his comeing thither and stay there kept up
a gallant and heroick spirit.

Att his first comeing upon the stage he saluteth the sheriffe, and told him
desireing the people alsoe to take notice That he had newly parted with Doctor
Short* and Doctor flavell with whome he had perfected his preparation for death,
And therefore onely desired liberty to make a shorte speeche to the people and
a private prayer to himselfe. After which (with his thanks to the citizens of
Excester for their civilities to him and them of the better sorte and theer charity
to the meaner sort of prisoners which he desired them to contynew) submitted
his head to the block, which was very ill fitted for his neck, And after a pritty
long debate betwixt the sheriffe and Headsman who doubted he should not be

able to doe his worke without putting him to some torture, he had at one blow .

and a sawe his head severed from his body.”

His speech upon the Scaffold.

** Good People I never was guilty of much Rhetoriek nor ever loved long
speeches in all my life. And therefore you cannot expect either of them from
me now at my death, All that I shall desire of you (besides your hearty prayers
for my soule) That you will beare me a witness, that I die a true sonne of the

* Probably Anthony Short, D.D., the ejected Rector of Drewsington, &o,, in the county of Devon,
a Royalist divine, beloved and respected. Of Mr, Herring, who was substituted for him, the follow-
ing story is told— whilst catechising his National School children, whom he had before instructed
that the minister stood in God’s place, he asked a lad, ‘‘In whose place do Istand?”’ To his con-
fusion the reply was, “In Dr, Short’s.’”,—See Walker’s “ Sufferings of the Clergy,”

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 11

Church of England as it was established by Edwd. the 6% and Eliz. and K.
James and Charles of ever blessed memory, That I die a loyale subject to
King Charles the 2" my undoubted soveraigne, and a lover of the good old
laws, the just privileges of parliament, and the rights and libertyes of the people,
for the reestablishing of all which I undertooke this engagement and for which
I am now ready to lay down my life: God forgive the judges and counsell for
‘perverting the law, God forgive the bloudy minded jury and those that procured
them. God forgive Captayne Crooke for denying his articles soe unworthily.
God forgive Mr. Dove and other persons for swearing soe malitiously and falsely
against mee. God forgive all myne enemyes, I heartily forgive them. God
bless the king and all that love him. Turne the hearts of all that hate him.
God bless you all and be mercifull to you and to my soule.”*

His prayer.

This is word for word the same as Penruddock’s, and therefore
is not repeated. His speech challenges our admiration, as a model
of terse eloquence—the frank language of a thorough soldier.

The newspapers are very various as to the day of execution,
placing it on the 7th, 8th or 9th, and 16th of May.

The 9th is the date Aubrey gives in his Miscellanies, p. 22, ed.
1720, chapter on days of fatality. Colonel Grove, he says, “ was
beheaded May the 9th, 1655. On that very day three years his
son died at London, of malignant fever, and about the same hour.”
Alas for the fatalists and, Aubrey’s veracity Grove was beheaded
May 16th, as we shall find further proof of hereafter !

The following newspaper slip, evidently from “a round” nibbed
pen, is worth preserving :—?

«‘ From Exeter we had the certain news of the execution of Colonels Penruddock
and Grove which was not until Weduesday last (16th) As by an Eye witness
take as followeth: ‘ This morning (16th) Colonel Penruddock and Colonel Grove
were beheaded in the Castle Green at Exeter. I was upon the scaffold and saw
the Execution ; their heads being severed from their bodies; their speeches were
but short and to very little purpose; they dyed very stoutly and very desperately,
vindicating their carriage and actions without any confession or contrition for
sin at all. I cannot give you the particulars neither indeed are they so con-

siderable unless it be to prevent false copies which I make no question, but will
be largely set forth by some though to little purpose and I fear lesse truth.’”’

* *There can be no doubt but that this was the speech he then uttered. It will be found
amongst the Thurloe papers (vol. 3, p. 445), endorsed “Taken in shorthand upon the scaffold
by N.I. [one of the Izaack’s family ?], a true lover of bis, and his constant visitant in prison; and
it is in the pamphlet of July 2nd, 1655.

1 Perfect Diurnail, Monday, May 2l1st, 1655, p. 4373.

c2

12 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

Pass we now to something more authentic.
In the Compton Chamberlayne Register there is the following
entry in Mr. Martin’s (the Vicar) handwriting :—

‘John Penruddock E**. died at Exceter May 16*, and buried at Compton
the 19th of the same month.”

In the account book preserved at Compton which has been already
mentioned, we read :—

ffor bringing home Mr. Penruddock’s body from Exon to —

Compton £07 09 00
ffor a tombstone the Mason’s work about it 02 O07 06
More for ribbands and gloves 00 19 11

Then follow items, poor rates, servants at Exon, and one that
looks ominous—“ sawing boards;” and we hurry on gladly to an
entry ahead, ‘‘ George Penruddock his expences at Oxon in 1660.”

We may be sure then that the last tributes of respect were paid
to John Penruddock, in his old home, by his loving wife and children ;
but no further record of what occurred has reached me.

In the autumn of 1855 some repairs were made to the floor of
the Penruddock family pew in Compton Church, when, in a small
brick vault beneath, a large coffin was discovered, almost entirely
decayed—the bottom only just holding to the sides. No doubt it
was that of John Penruddock.

It appeared on examination that a body had been enclosed, first
in a half-inch elm shell, and that again in a mahogany coffin, having
an outer covering of oak with large thick pieces of wood screwed on
the outside as if to protect it and form a packing case for travelling
to the whole, a large extra lid being fastened on the top ofall, The
nails were of brass, thickly gilt. No inscription survived. Cloth

had been used as a covering of the coffin, but it was totally decayed,

the brick vault in which the interment was made having been very
damp. The inner coffin contained bones (apparently thase of a middle-
aged man) and portions of a substance supposed to be skin, with
short light-colored or red hairs on it. No part of a skull or teeth
could be discovered, so that most probably the head was never

|

ae eee

a

. es

eR On Ti”

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 13

placed with the body. If it was exposed on the scaffold or on the
castle gate at Exeter, it may easily have disappeared.

Returning now to the survivors.

Fortunately there stood by Mrs. Penruddock’s side, at this time,
one who appears to have faithfully and kindly fulfilled the trust re-
posed in him by Colonel Penruddock, of protecting her and her
children.?

John Martin, the Vicar of Compton, can have been no ordi-
nary man; for more than half a century he retained the re-
spect and esteem of dis contemporaries. To a manly character
he added a highly-cultivated intellect. He was the counterpart
of the Vicar of Bray, for John Martin never wavered in his
allegiance to the trust which in his opinion was committed to
him at his ordination as a clergyman of the Church of England.
The account books at Compton and the parish register appear to
indicate that he was a good man of business, one likely to throw
some method and thought into the conduct of his lost patron’s
affairs. Perchance he was of the old Wiltshire family of Martyn.

“There is a “ John Martyn” on the Commission of the twelfth year

of Henry VI. (1468 ; see note to Fuller’s Worthies), who may have
been his ancestor. But it will be well to give Anthony Wood’s account
of him, for he knew his relation, Nicholas Martin, Vice Principal of
Hart Hall, Oxford, and heard of him also from Aubrey :—

*¢ John Martin son of a father of both his names, who was a schoolmaster in
a little market town called Meere in Wilts, was born there, became a batler of
Trin. Coll. in Lent term an 1637 aged 17 years, with hopes of obtaining a
scholarship there by the favour of Dr. Hannibal Potter, the president of that
House (upon whose account he first settled there),* but that design failing, his
father caused him to be entered into Oriel Coll,.where being put under a careful
tutor, he took one degree in arts Anno 1640. In 1642 the civil war began, and
whether he bore armes for his Majesty within the Garrison of Oxon, or was
called home by his relations, I know not.

1 What Anthony Wood meant by talking of Colonel Penruddock’s “ altar-
tomb” was best known to himself. It never existed. I am indebted for the

_ above information about Colonel Penruddock’s grave to Mr. Penruddock, of

Compton, and a recent correspondence in a local paper.
2 Desire Mr. Martyn to attend you in this business.”—Col. Penruddock’s

letter to his wife, March 16th, 1655. Wilts Arch. Mag. vol. xiii., p. 133,
* How this intimacy arose does not appear, as Wood gives no details of Potter’s birth, &,

14 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

Sure I am that having a benifice promised him, he took priestly orders from
the hands of Dr. Robert Skinner Bishop of Oxon in Trin. Coll. Chap. on the
21st of December An. 1645, and two days after he was instituted Vicar of
Compton Chamberlayne in Wilts, by the presentation thereunto of Sir John
Penruddock, who gave him also the lecturer’s place in the church there. After-
wards being settled as much as the then times could permit, he continued there
in good repute, till he was among other religious and conseientious divines
ejected for refusing the presbyterian Covenant. Being thus deprived by un-
reasonable men, he rented a little farm at Tisbury, lived as a grazier in the
times of the usurpation, was knowing and consenting to the generous, yet un-
fortunate insurrection of the Cavaliers at Salisbury in the latter end of 1654,
at which time they were headed by the most loyal and valiant Colonel John
Penruddock son and heir of the aforesaid Sir John Penruddock, for which he
the said Mr. Martin suffered for a time by close imprisonment, and had without
doubt gone to pot could the rebels have found sufficient witnesses that he had been
engaged in the said plot or insurrection. However being made one of the trustees
of the estate of the said Colonel, he by his prudence, preserved it from sequestra-
tion, wasin a condition to cherish his distressed family,and take his children under
his roof. He was a person of great modesty, well skilled in the Latin Greek
and Hebrew languages, and versed in all such learning as was necessary to make
him a compleate divine, and therefore after the restoration of his Majesty King
Charles II. when ancient learning began to be in repute again, he became much
esteemed by the ministers and loyal gentry of his neighbourhood, was restored
to what he had lost, and by the favour of Thos. Freeke Esq.* was made rector
of Melcombe Horsey in Dorsetshire in January an 1660. When Dr. Earl was
translated from Worcester to Salisbury (latter end September 1663) he made
choice of our Author Martin to preach his primary visitation sermon, and in-
tended his further promotion in the church, but being untimely taken away,
(died November 1665), his design failed.t However when Dr. Seth Ward be-
came bishop of that place he collated him to the prebendship of Yatsbury in
the church of Sarum by the resignation of Mr. Dan Whitley on the 10th of
Dec an 1688 (about which time he made him his dean rural for the deanery of
Chalke) and soon after upon a vacancy, the dean and canons would have elected
him a canon resident, but his modesty would not permit him to give them any
encouragement. In the month of Octob 1675 he was made Chaplain to Charles
Earl of Nottingham, and in the beginning of Oct. 1677 he was collated by the
said bishop Ward (who had singular respect for him and his learning) to the
prebendship of Preston in the said Church of Sarum ; with his rectory, vicar-
idge and lecture (little enough for such a modest and learned person, and so
great a sufferer for his loyalty as Mr. Martin was) he kept for some time after
the prince of Orange came to the crown. At length sticking to his old principles,
and denying the oaths of allegiance to him and his queen was deprived of all,
except his lecture, which being worth about £30 per an was all that he had
left to keep him till the time of his death as was reported but Bp Burnet in

® Mrs. Penruddock’s brother.
+Dr. Alexander Hyde, brother of Sir Robert Hyde, Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, was
Bishop of Salisbury, from December, 1665, to August 22nd, 1667, when he died and was succeeded
by Dr. Ward,

By W. W. Ravenhill, , Esq. 15

the Vindication of his sermon at Dr. Tillotson’s Burial p. 62 saith ‘Mr. Martin
was continued by me in his living to his death, which happened two years ago,
and I still paid him the income of his prebend out of my purse.* He would
not indeed take the oaths, but he would never join in the schism with the rest
of the non jurors, whose principles and practices he said to me he detested.’

He hath written and published several sermons as (1) Hosanna A Thanks-
giving Sermon intended to have been preached 28 June 1660 and on Psalm 118
22—25 Oxon 1660, qto. It is dedicated to William Marquis of Hertford, and
Lady A. P. meaning, Isuppose, Arundella Penruddock mother (wife) to Col John
Penruddock. (2) Lex pacifica: or God’s own law of determining controversies
on Deut 17, 12 Lond 1664, qto. It was preached at the assizes at Dorchester
for the County of Dorset the 5th of August 1664, and is ded: to Sir Matthew
Hale Lord Chief Justice of the Exchequer (Common Pleas) Sir Jon Archer one
of the Justices of the Com Pleas (the Judges of Assize) and to Tho Freek Esq.

‘High Sheriff of Dorsetshire (Doubtless his Patron Mrs. Penruddock’s brother).
'. Go in Peace: containing some brief Directions for young Ministers in their
_ visitation of the sick, useful for the People in their state both of health and
sickness Lond: 1674 in large 6to.

Mary Magdalen’s Tears wip’d off: or the Voice of Peace to an unqniet Con-
science &c. Lond: 1676 octavo. Written by way ofa letter to a person of quality,
and published for the comfort of all those that mourn in Zion. He hath written
other things fit for the press, which perhaps may in time see light. At length
this worthy divine dying at Compton Chamberlayne before mentioned on the
third day of Novemb: 1693, was buried in the chancel of the church there,
leaving there behind him the character among those that well knew him of a
modest learned divine, and altogether fitting of a greater station in the Church
than he enjoyed after the restoration of his Maj: King Charles II. &c. as I have
been informed by that primitive Christian, faithful and generous friend Nich
Martin, Master of Arts and Vice Principal of Hart Hall, near of kin to the said
John Martin.”

Sir Richard Hoare (Modern Wilts, add. p. 64, pub. 1837), adds
that Mr. Martin, of Stour Provost, having referred him to this
memoir, remarked :—

“That although he is said to have had but little to keep him at the time of
his death, yet the Court Roll of Gillingham proves he had a tolerable estate
there, and Mr. M. is happy to say it is now (1823) in the possession of a great
granddaughter of the celebrated Hugh Grove of Chissenbury, and who is the
widow of a great grandson of the above John Martin.”

a Sequestration followed—stern and grievous. Mrs. Penruddock
and her children were obliged to leave their home, either from want

*This fact is mentioned by Dr. Rete Biographer. See Burnet’s Hist, of his own Times,
vol. vi., p, 323 (ed. 1823),

16 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D, 1655.

of means, or at the instance of the Commissioners of Sequestration.!
She appears to have lived for a time at Mr. Martin’s at Tisbury, and
would thus be able to watch over her son’s interest. Mr. Martin
would himself do what he was well able to do—educate the boys.

But there must have been a struggle for existence, as piece after
piece of the family estate was hunted out and sequestrated. Fourteen
major- generals (“Turkish Bashaws,” as Ludlow calls them) were ap-
pointed, for preserving order and attending to sequestration. Of
these Disbrowe looked after Wiltshire no doubt thoroughly.

Worsley, another of them, in whose district was Stafford, writes
thence to Thurloe on the 8th of December, 1655 : —?

‘We have found an estate of Penruddock which was executed and have
ordered it to be sequestrated.”

Shortly afterwards he writes again to the Protector :—

‘‘ May it please your Highness, &c.

‘We have in Staffordshire taxed as many as amounts to about £1300 or £1400
per an., and have discovered about £100 per ann. in lands of Penruddock’s
who was in armes at Salisbury, and afterwards Executed for his rebellion.”

There are also the following letters of Mrs. Penruddock, relating
to an application for the restoration of her husband’s personal estate,
which had been forfeited :—

Letter of Mrs. Penruddock to her Uncle, John Trenchard, Esq., 1655,

‘* Dear Unele,
As my perplext soul was not without some presage of calamity, which
is since fallen upon me, when you’re pleased to deny me your assistance, in

petitioning for the life of my Dear husband,so it is not destitute of all comfortable ~

expectation from you, that you vouchsafed, which your refusal of my desires in
the one to joine your courteous proffer of your helping the other (viz') My
petitioning for that part of my husband’s estate (together with his moveables)
which is liable to a forfeiture. I beseech you good uncle to call to mind that

1 Perhaps it was let. Domestic State Papers, Commonwealth, No. 326,
Commissions Compounding General Disbrowe’s letters, p. 802. To Wilts,
‘¢You are to proceed to let and dispose of Sequestered Estates in your juris-
diction for 1 year next ensuing and get in arrears of rent. May 15th, 1655.”

There is an order to examine into Jane Penruddock’s Estate on the petition
of William Greenhill, the younger, of London, addressed to the Commissioners
of Sequestration for Wilts, July 13th, 1655. See Order Book for Compounding
Commissioners, 1655. No. 295 Dom. State Papers.

*4 Thurloe State Papers, 300 and 340.

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. mee

my poor children have some of your blood in their veins, and although it be
only mine and their misery that they should (as without your help they must)
fall into poverty, yet will it not be mine and their disgrace alone, but that more
of their dishonour will be distributed abroad with their blood. Sith my husband’s
crime be as great as the punishment he hath suffered for it, yet what have my
poor children done? What could 7 poor fatherless children do that scarce discern
betwixt the right hand or the left ? methink (good uncle) the blood that was so
untimely poured out of his veins is enough to cool the thirst of the Sword of
Justice, and if it were not, yet the tears of a widdow, and of so many fatherless
children incessantly spent upon that subject were enough to keep the edge of it
from piercing to the very roots of the family, and cutting us off from having a
name (unless a dishonorable one) upon earth. Butif thus it must be, and lam
informed it is, I beseech you, uncle, that you will set before you all the motives
to compassion, which have ever drawn tears to pity or hand to help destitute
souls, and to believe they meet allin me. I confess I do not merit so great a
‘favour from you, yea, the only argument I can offer you is the sad consequence
of the crime, which I am sure offended you, viz.: misery. But as I have not
formerly left your goodness unexperienced on such like occasions, so cannot I
chuse but hope that you will be my refuge now; now in a time wherein I have
such a dearth of friends, and plenty of enemies, some whereof (1 trust) have
buried their enmity to us in the blood of my husband and therefore may be the
more easily reconciled to bestow on us this only good that they can do us, that
mercy may leave us bread to eat as well as justice, having given us plenty of tears
to drink; think with yourself (Good uncle), that you heard a voice from the
ashes of my dead father and mother bespeaking your assistance of their daughter,
who, tho’ she might justly be denied, yet I am sure they cannot [but] be re-
ceived by you. But God forbid that I should think that you needed the pressure
of some from the dead ere you would help the fatherless and widow to whom
your bond of Christian Religion engageth all that profess it, though it were
not to them who are (and I hope you think so) of your household of faith, I
shall, therefore humbly crave your pardon for my passionate solicitation of you,
as springing rather from my weakness than your inexorableness, fearing I might
like to see that day wherein my children might seek bread out of a desolate
place, even under their own mother’s roof.
_I beseech you, therefore, (dear unele) to have in your eye the reward prepared
for the merciful man which that God hath promised, who will go himself before
_ you, whilst you are a father of the fatherless and defender of the cause of the
widow, from whom I acknowledge to have received all the evil I have suffered,
as well as all the good that may descend by yours or the hand of any other friend,
on her that must wear an indelible mark of unhappiness the [as her] title.
Dear uncle
Your disconsolate dutiful niece
ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.”
She addressed the Protector as follows :—
Peton of Mrs. Penruddock after the deceuse of her husband.
“To his Highnesse the L, Protectour of England Scotland and Ireland the
Humble Petition of Arundell Penrnddock the Unfortunate Relict of John
Penruddock in behalfe of herselfe and her 7 children.

VOL, XV.—NO. XLVIII. D

18 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

That havinge Lost her Husband by your Highnesses Justice ; shee hopes shee
may find A subsistence for herselfe and children by your Higknesses Mercy.

And therefore shee humbly Prostrates herselfe at your Highnesses feet,where
her necessity will presse her doune,to lye till your Highnesses Clemency Rayse
her by a Remission and forgivenesse of the forfeiture of that estate w., must
in part maintain the Lyfe of your Petitioner and her 7 small (untymely made)
orphans. ;

May your Highnesse therefore bee graciously pleased to shut your eye to her
Late Husbands offence and open your Eare to the sad Complaint of the widowe
. and the fatherless. And like Heaven (whose Minister you are) soe Relieve that
(as nowe the prayers) soe you may for ever acquire the thanks of your Petitioner
and her 7 children who shall perpetually Pray for and Acknowledge your
Highnesses Clemency.

ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.”
Here come letters to others of influence :—

Mrs. Penruddock’s Letter to Colonel Fitzjames.
“¢ Good cousen,

The perusall of yours to my cosen Bowman makes me confesse soe great
an obligation that my weak pen cannot returne a suitable acknowledgement
much Lesse a requitall. You have hitherto acted as if you had known my misery
more than by hearsay, and I beseech you desist not nowe since the neereness of
relation will not let me hide my distresses from you.

My husband’s estate in Dorset was settled a good while before his unhappy
actinge for the payment of his many debts, which were contracted long since with-
out the Least Relation to his there undertaking, what his estate was I shall un-
willingly for my owne sake and son’s discover, but it comes short of what the world
believes, but I would not, because of my relations (whatever in truth I am) bee
thought a poore widdowe least I should invite the contempt of the world, having
scorn enough allready, but really cousen, the death of my poore husband hath
rendered me and mine soe miserable that there need not an addition of severity
to take that little which we now petition for, and which in Lawe my husband
before his conviction might have disposed off, had it not been by force detained
from us, and for the begging whereof I have spent almost £200. But I shall
not undertake to justifie our right. If I can by your sollicitation obtain the
charity of his Highnesse and the counsell In which I hope Coll Sydenham will
assist you will for ever engage mee what I must allready confesse.

Your oblige Kinswoman
Dec’. 23 1656. to serve you

ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.
Direct your letter to mee

to my cosen Bowman at
Salisbury.”

Mrs. Penruddock’s Letter to My Lord Richard Cromwell.
“My La,

Could I have put on any other dresse, but griefe, or had any other
attendants but misfortunes I should have waighted on you myselfe, and have
been the messenger of that gratitude w™. nowe I send for your charitable en-
deayours in the behalf of my Poore children, But, my L*. the calamityes ofa

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 19

‘widdowe drowned in tears I knowe are wearisome and troublesome visitants, I
have, therefore desired my cosen Bowman to acquaint your Ldshippe what
success your endeavours for my Poore orphans mett wall since your Leaving
London, beseeching your L‘shippe that my misery may yet find your pitty for
seconding your former Charity that if it be possible I may yet attribute the
success of my petition to your L*shippes management w*" will for ever gayne
you the Prayers of six Innocents, and myselfe to be perpetually
My L¢,
Your most oblijed humble
Servant

i. ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.
ec’. 30 1656.”

Letter of Mrs. Penruddock to the Right Hon, Colonel Sydenham.

s. ;

Durst I repine at Providence, I could say my burthen is greater than
I can beare, but I have not soe learned Christ. My Saviour’s lesson was suffer-
inge and obedience w*". when I forget to practice, I cannot but remember that
I walk without my Guide. I have lost already all that this world called good
to mee, and have been these 10 moneths a petitioner for that w%. though in
justice due and nowe by counsel granted, will prove but a fresh-remembrance
of my late affliction.

Where the obstacle lyes nowe that hinders mee to enjoy that grace I knowe
not. I have noe ffriend but yourselfe to addresse unto, and if the importunity
of my miserable widdowhood hath not allready tyred you, I beesech you, &,
‘by all the obligations of honour and Chriatianity to procure his Highnesse to
sign that late order made by the councell and wherein my stock is given away,
that I may not bee longer at a chargeable sollicitation w**. hath allready cost
mee above £200, but may in some measure enjoy the fruite of that civillity
you have allready began. I am forced by the importunity of my children to
return sooner than I intended, but have left my cousin Bowman to wayt on you
and to beg your care and speed in this my request, for which I shall ever
acknowledge myselfe

Your obliged Kinswoman
and Gratefull servant

ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.
March 24 [1657 ?]

Ffor the Right Hon”, S:.
Collonell Sydenham
these.”

Her wishes had been anticipated by a day. After many months
of autumn and winter,there is an order in Council of the 23rd of March,
1657, “a sum of £200 out of John Penruddock’s personal estate is
granted to Arundell, his widow, for the benefit of the younger son and
five daughters of the said John.”—Annals of England, vol. ii., p.
29.

D2

20 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

She acknowledges the kindness of Richard Cromwell and
Sydenham in the following letters :—

Mrs. Penruddock to the Lord Richard Cromwell,
** My L,

Could I return a gratitude suitable to the high obligations which your
L‘shippe hath been pleased to honor me and mine with all, I should think my
pen well employed, but since I cannot I hope your L'ship will remember who
it was that accepted the widow’s mite, and upon that consideration will not
refuse my humble and grateful acknowledgement for your high favours already
so charitably begun, beseeching your L‘ship to give such a continuance to them
that I and mine may reap the benefit of our requests by your L*ships further
favourable intercession, which shall assuredly whilst I live oblige me to be

My L‘.
Your grateful humble
May 30 Servant
1657.” ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCE,

But this monetary assistance was soon exhausted, having been
partly pledged perhaps before it was paid. Two months afterwards
she is again obliged to importune the kind-hearted son of the Protector
and Sydenham. The |etter to the latter comes first in order of time,

Mrs. Penruddock to Colonel Sydenham.
“ My La,

An humble gratitude ought allwayes to attend a charitable Perform-
ance, Such is mine at present for haying understood by my cosen Bowman, of
my cosen Fitzjames’ his sollicitation to your Lordshippe and your Lordshippes
favourable assistance, and dispatch of my childrens late petition, I could not
but returne A just acknowledgement w. I and mine must for ever Pay to
your Lordshippe as a tribute to your charity. I understand by my cosen
Bowman that there is A second petition in behalf of my children presented to
his Highnesse, w*". is likewise referred to your Lordshippe and others to report,
My humble request therefore, is to your Lordshippe (and that with teares) to look
upon, and consider the distress of my Poore Orphans, who are allready soe
miserable that they have only this comfort that they are soe young that they
know not their calamity, and that your Lordshippe would be pleased to quitt
yourself of my Troublesome Importunity by addinge your favor and assistance
to the second petition wt. a speedy dispatch w, will be a double charity con-
considering the season of the yeare cominge on w™. will prove Some Present
Benefitt and for the future engage my poore childrens Prayers and myselfe
for ever to be.

My L‘,
June 25 Your Unfortunate Kinswoman and
1657: humble Servant
My humble service to ’ ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK,

my noble cousen your Lady
My cosen Bowman will acquaint
you with all the particulars,”

+

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 21

‘ Mrs. Penruddock to my Lord Richard Cromwell.
«My Li’.

Were my misery less my modesty would be more and check my pen
from a rudeness which nothing but a widow’s distress dare own.

‘That I am a trouble to your Lordshipp I cannot but with blushes confess, and
yet where I find such a noble pity I cannot but beg a charitable remembrance.
_ Till, therefore, my L*, you cease to be less worthy I cannot forbear to be

passionately importunate. Were my single self concerned I should, with a
suffering patience earn the pread I eat, but when the want of six orphans is
added to the distress of a widow, the calamity becomes a charm to compassion,
and adds a confident hope of obtaining. My cousin Bowman, my L4, is the
only sollicitour we have, whose letter acquainting me of your Lordship’s favorable
receiving my last, gives me the boldness of this second address, beseeching your
L'ship, to free me from the severity of those who have seized our small estate,
by requesting it of his Highness for yourself, to whom I have a desire to owe
the preservation of my yet unruined family, and to whom I shall ever acknow-
ledge myself
My L‘4, your L'ships obliged

and most humble servant
ae
July 3
1657.” ,

Whether che obtained the favours asked by her second petition I
have not discovered. Fourteen months to a day (“his own day”)
_ after her last letter, the Lord Protector passed away to his rest, and.
her friend Richard Cromwell entered on his little reign. Then
followed the Restoration, which yields one other record of her,
commonplace enough, but still a part of her own and her husband’s
story :—!

“To the King’s most excellent Majesty.
i. \ The Humble Petition of Arundell Penruddock Relict of John Penruddock.
ov:
Humbly sheweth

That besydes the Irreparable Losse of her late Husband shee hath beene
damnified in her estate by the Loyalty of her ffamily to the value of fifteen
Thousand Pounds.

That (being encouraged by your Sacred Mat) shee hath endeavoured to find
out somethinge in your Ma‘’s Power to Grant that might make her some satis-
faction for her great Losse. :

That shee is Informed that your Ma‘*’s Royale Predecessors have ever granted
by way of ffarme the Liberty of makinge glasses, namely to S'. Robert Mansell
and others.

That it being none of the English Trade or Manufacture it was never here-
tofore accounted A Monoply but grantable by the Kinge as his Prerogative.

1 State Papers, Domes. (A.D. 1660), vol. 22, p- 107.

22 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

That it is the desire of the Glassmakers themselves that it may bee Againe
Letten to ffarme.

May it therefore Please your most excellent Mat to grant to your Petitioner
or such as shee shall Appoynt and noe other Liberty to make glesses for 21
years. And shee is willinge to Pay your Ma“ for the same the summe of £500
yearely w™ is more than ever was pay? for it.

And your Pett. as in Duty Bound shall ever Pray for your Ma‘®’s Long and
happy Reign.

ARUNDELL PENRUDDOCK.”

Endorsed
“Pet of M™. Arundell

Penruddock’s peton

for ye Glasse office.”

The body of the petition is perhaps in the handwriting of John
Martin ; the signature is Mrs. Penruddock’s.

As we look back on those days and think of Charles IT., at times
half smothered with petitions, some of which were honoured with
gold, some with smiles and promises, we can only hope she received
substantial comfort.

But to return to the scene of the execution and the fate of Hugh
Grove.

There is the following record which I am told is in the possession
of Dr. Shapter, of Exeter (January, 1871). It is an extract from
a diary of a burgess of Exeter (supposed to be Richard Croping,
who in 1649 refused to serve the office of Mayor), lately (1857)
found in the town wall at Exeter :—!

‘¢ Perambulation of the City on the Mayors day.*

By this time we had come to the square tower on the Castle wall, and as we
walked round it, we did talk over the late terrible conspiracy against his High-
nesse and the Commonwealth and of the beheading of Col Jobn Penruddock
and Mr. Grove in the Castle Gaol a death which they petitioned H H to die
instead of being hanged (May 1655) as were the other conspirators then taken
at Ringswell: there were on that day 14 hanged together, 7 of whom were for
treason and 7 for felony.”

Izaacke ® says that Hugh Grove was followed to St. Sidwell’s

1 Favored with a copy of this by Mr. Penruddock.
* No date given.
2 History of Exeter, p. 10,

ee

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 23

Church “by some thousand persons of a depressed party of which
number I then thought myself happy to be one.”
It must kave been a sad interesting sight.
After the Restoration a small brass tablet was placed in the church
to record his memory, with the following admirable inscription :—

_“ Hie jacet Hugo Grove De Enford in Comitate Wilts Armiger, In restituendo
Ecclesiam, In asserendo Regem, In propuguando legem, et libertatem Angli-
eanam, Captus et de collatus. 16 Maii 1655,”

Hugh Grove left two sons. The eldest died young, but the second
John carries on the story of their family with the following petition
to Charles IT. :—

Petition of John Grove, Esq., to the King.
“To the King’s most excellent Majesty
The humble petition of John Grove Esqre.*
Sheweth

That you petitioner is the only sonne of Collonell Grove, who being in person
with your Maj‘’s Royall ffather in all the late Civill warrs was at last beheaded
in Exceter in the year 1655 for asserting the Rights of the Crown against the
Usurper Oliver Cromwell his whole estate being then seized and ruined by the
then Anarchicall powers.

And whereas your petitoner nor any of his ffamily since the happy Restaur-
aton of your Maj‘®’s Royall ffamily to this kingdom ever yet tasted any of the
Bounty or favour of the Crown (tho alwaies persevering in the strictest
principles of Loyalty),

Your petitioner in all humble maner prayes that your Maj** would order the
payment of what moneys was owing your petitioner upon the Bankers assignment
from the Exchequer when shutt upp, it being a great part of the small Remaines
on which your petitioners livelihood and maintenance depend. Or that your
Maj‘ would please to confer some office upon your petitoners in lieu of the same.

And your petitoner shall ever pray &c.

[No date.] JoHN GROVE.”

What happened further on this I know not; but there was a suit
which some years afterwards he prosecuted with success. In 1686
he married Mary, the daughter of William and Mary Chafyn,' the
heiress of Zeals House, and so that estate passed to the Grove family.

* Endorsed (by his sister) ‘* My brother Grove’s petition to ye King.” MS. at Zeals House.
1 Mrs. Chafyn was a daughter of Mr. Thomas Freke, of Hinton, Dorset, one

of the sons of Sir Thomas Freke, of Shaston, and therefore a relation of Mrs.
Penruddock’s.

24 Records of the Rising in the West, A D, 1655.

There are a few notes of some of the other prisoners, and first
their petitions, which have no date:—

“To the Right Hon. the Commissioners of Oyer and terminer and Goale
delivery for the Countyes of Wilts Dorset, Somerset and Devon and the City
of Exeter.*

The humble Petition of John Jones, Edward Penrudddock,
Robert Swayne together w*. All those other Prisoners now
in the Goale exempted from Tryall.

Humbly sheweth
That whereas your Petitioners of Late ignorantly and unadvisedly adhered

to the company of certain gentlemen and others now under question and con-

demnation of this Hon’. Court.
Your Petitioners have not beene convicted and Arraigned for the same

w*, ffavour and mercy your Petitioners Humbly Acknowledge to bee graciously -

Indulged them by this Hon. Court.

Your Petitioners humbly Pray then in ffurther tender consideration
of your Petitioners present unhappy Condition Uppon theyr faithful Promise
and under takeinge And uppon such security as your Petitioners in theyr
severall capacityes Are Able to give to his Highnesse the L*. Protector And this

Hon”, Court for theyr ffuture obedience and conformity to the Present Govern-

ment And that they will never Act Any thinge Against it,

Your Honours will bee gratiously Pleased to Intercede to His Highnesse the
L*, Protector to Release them from theyr Imprisonment.

And your Petitioners shall ever pray &c.”

Endorsement
‘* Petition to the Com",

of Oyer & terminer of

All those Gent ex-

empted from Tryall.”

Then follows another to the Sheriff :—

“©To Y* Hon?!*, Colonel John Copleston Esq". Sheriff of y* County of Devon.t
The Humble petition of John Jones, Edward Penruddock, and others prisoners
in ye High goale of ye City of Exon.
Humbly Sheweth
That whereas yo". pet’. have made their humble address by petition unto ye
rt, Hobl* ye Lords Com™. of Oyer and Terminer and Goale delivery of ye
Counties of Wilts Somerset and Devon, for their Honors gratious and favorable
mediation to His Highness ye Lord Protector for yor petr*, release from their
pr". [present] sadd imprisonment upon such engagem*. and undertakinge as in
ye sayd petition are mentioned yor pet". hu[m]bly pray yor Honor (out of yor
tender compassion to their miserable condition) yor honor ‘wil be gratiously
pleased to and intercede for them in their sayd humble Petion.”

* Compton MSS.
+ Compton MSS, Written in a large sprawling handwriting different from the other,

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 25

Robert Swayne’s name occurs here for the first time, there is no
record as to who he was, though we may strongly suspect he belonged
to the old Wiltshire family of that name. John Jones will be found
in Desborough’s list, described as of Newton Tony.

Edward Penruddock, of whom there is the following short entry
in Whitelock (Dec. 18th, 1649, 3 vol., p. 129, Oxon, ed. 1853) :—

“‘Mr. Penruddock, an agent for Prince Charles, was taken and committed close
prisoner to the tower,”

was a cousin of Colonel Penruddock’s, possibly a son of Sir George
Penruddock, of Bower Chalke. He had obtained by purchase
the office of six clerk in Chancery, of which he was dispossessed by
the Parliament, and Nicholas Love, one of the judges of Charles I.
appointed in his place. He appears to have been much trusted by
Charles II., was employed in some important matters by the latter,
and had doubtless a great share in the preliminaries of the Rising
in the West.

From the following letters it may be presumed that he was
liberated on bail, shortly after the executions at Exeter, and went
at once to the continent, for had the Government been in possession
of the information contained in them, he would have been detained
in custody.

The first is a letter from Cologne, May 3lst, 1655, in which
Manning (who, it will be remembered, was in Thurloe’s pay) gives a
list of those then there, including Charles II., the Duke of Gloucester,
Hyde, &c., but he does not mention Penruddock.

Next day he writes again :—

*T need not tell you, by whom Prince Rupert was turned from ; yet perhaps
you have not known, that Hyde then offered Charles Stuart 50000 men should
be in arms in England before a year went about, if he would quit the Queen’s
Court, and the prince’s party. Henry Seymour and Colonel Edmund Villiers
went about that time in Paris, and of this juncto in those offers the last en-
gaged his prime agent in England Mr. Henry Penruddock * the late six clerk. -
By the last letters it doth seem as if Prince Rupert had an intention to see
Cologne before Modena; and if he can break Hyde’s neck here, it may alter
his design, and make him stay with the King which he hath most mind of.”

dong SE I a ae Se
* Manning makes a mistake in calling him “‘ Henry.” There was only one of the Penruddock
family a six clerk in Chancery.

VOL. XV.—NO. XLVIII. E

26 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

This seems to show that Edward Penruddock was in Paris at this
period. We hear of him again from Manning :—!

“Cologne, Noy. 1, 1655. Anon. Letter of Intelligence.

Captain John Shelton Captain Lieutenant to Colonel Killegrew, is sent by
Hyde for England, as an additional agent for the West of England. He is
allied to the Grenvilles. The Lord Craven will come over, if he can get your
pass, which take notice of.

Mr. John Gorge, brother to the Colonel of County of Somerset, Mr. Heywood
of Sarnm, Mr. Richard, and John Kitson, and Penruddock the six clerk were
engaged with Wagstaffe. They were joyed here that you release prisoners on
bail, and especially for the Marquis of Hertford, who we hear now is at my Lord
Capels and at liberty.”

And after much gossip he proceeds :—

‘*T most heartily thank you for your care of my supplies, as also for the care
you have had of me, in giving me safe addresse to you, and observing mine.”

Then saying that letters may probably have to go by Calais,
Zealand, or Holland, instead of Dunkirk, in consequence of the breach
with Spain, he adds :—

“‘Once more I intreat’ you to let me have with the first, a letter of credit to
lie by me for a dead lift.”

Strangely ominous words! Manning was soon after detected,
and being credited with this and other “ dead lifts,” received pay-
ment by execution. He was shot by order of Charles II., after

some species of trial.
The next information of Edward Penruddock is after the Restor-

ation :—

“State Papers, Domestic. A.D. 1660. Vol. xx. No. 84. Peton of Edward
Penruddock Esq. to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty.

The humble Petition of Edward Penruddock Esq.

Humbly sheweth

That your petitioners friends in 1632 procured a patent of the reversion of
Mr. Robinson’s office, one of the six clerks in Chancery and payed his late
Majesty 2500£ for it.

In 1638 Mr. Robinson dying before your petitioner could obtain his admission
into the office he paid* 5500£ more into the Treasury, which he borrowod at in-
terest and yet{oweth.

That in 1642 going with his late Mate to Oxford he continued there in his

14 Thurloe, 101.
* No, 85 has ‘*he was forced to paie £5500 in.”

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 27

service, and afterwards waited uppon your Mat into ffrance, from whence,
after his late, Mat’s death, he was sent hither by * yo". Ma™*’s Commission to
agitate and promote yo". mati’s affaires, w°. he did untill being betraied he was
imprisoned 3 years in the Tower and often threatened with tryall for + his life,
and escaped it with great difficulty, and after he gott liberty upon baile by him-
selfe and his Kinsman Penruddock and other his friends, he used his best en-
deavours to serve yo". ma‘* being 4 times after imprisoned and obtaining liberty
upon bayle f till yo". Ma*’s happy returne.

In 1643 Nicholas Love upon pretence of yo". petitioners absence with his
Ma‘ gott a grant of his office from y*. Parliam'. and by the profitts therof ever
since § raised great summes of money wherew". he hath purchased a great estate
in lands now (likely to be || ) forfeited to your Mate for his treasons.

Yo". petitioner having never received any reward for his services nor recom-
pence for his sufferings whereby he is ruined in his estate and being by the
intended** Act of forfeiture of the said Love’s estate likely to be ++ left remedyless
against him, which otherwise by law he might have had for the profitts of the
said office amounting to 20000£ at least. -

Humbly praieth yo". Ma“*, that by yor. favo" [{ he may have reparation for
his said great losse out of the said lands, estate or otherwise from your Mate,
in such manner as to yo". goodness shall seeme fitt

And yo". Petitioner shall pray &c.”

“Vol. xx. No. 85. To the King’s most Excellent Majestie
The humble Petition of Edward Penruddock Esq.
Humbly Sheweth &c.”’ §§

Another edition of 84.

“Vol. xx. No. 86. [Endorsed] Peton of Mr. Edward Penruddock for
Mr. Love's estate in Norton tn Com. of Southton.
To the Kings Excellent Mate.

The humble Peton of Edw. Penruddock Esq.
Sheweth

That your Petitioner gave to the late King of blessed memory, ten thousand
' pounds for one of the six clerks offices,which he never enjoyed above three years,
it being seized and kept by Nicholas Love for these eighteen years last past, upon

the account that your petitioner tooke the part of your Ma*’s ffather, and your-

*85 “ with.”
+ 85 © of.”
+85 ‘‘ But afterwards gettinge libertie upon Bayle he continued his best endeavours to serve your
matie. being 4 times again imprisoned in (since) 1643.”
385 omitted,
] 85 omitted.
**85 omitted.
++ 85 omitted ; and “* without remedy ’’ instead of ‘‘ remedyless.””

__ #485 “Your petitioner humbly praies yor. matie. that you would hee gracionsly pleased to graunt
_ him some repairation out of the said estate, or otherwise what proportion your Matie. shall thinke
fitt. And yor, Petr. &c,”

4 tt Endorsed, ‘‘The Petition of Edw. Penruddock Esqre. for reparations out of Love's forfeited
estates.”
B2

28 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

selfe in the late warrs. Now whereas Nicholas Love hath received above twenty
thousand pounds of your Petitioners ffortune with which he hath purchased a
great part of that estate which is nowe forfeited to your Ma**. Your Petitioner
hopes that since he hath ever ffaithfully serv’. and suffered for your Ma“. it
being now in your Maes power to make him some reparation for his great
losses.*

That your Mati* would be pleased to consider him out of Love’s estate to
which he hath so good a Title both in Lawe and Equitie Particularly that your
Matie will confer one Tenement or ffarme called Norton worth 240£ per ann.
Lying in the parish of Wonston in the County of Southampton.+

And your shall ever be bound to pray &c.”

Vol. xx. No. 87. A similar petition to No. 86.
The next concludes the story so far as he is concerned, State
Papers Domestic, 1662-3, January :—

‘¢ Petition of Frances relict of Edward Penruddock to the King. States her
case of distress, and begs £2000, or some pension to preserye her from ruin.”

Annexed is :—

‘Case of Frances, relict of Edw. Penruddock.

Her husband purchased the office of one of the six clerks in Chancery in
reversion for £2500 in 1632, and gave £5500 more for possession of it in 1638,
but Nick. Love obtained a grant of it, during the usurpation, und purchased
an estate therefrom, which is granted to the Duke of York. Penruddock was
promised satisfaction, but died before obtaining it.

January 23rd, 1663. Order to Lord Colepepper to pay £1000 to Sir George
Penruddock for the Benefit of the widow and children of Edward Penruddock,
late one of the six clerks in Chancery, who died after enjoying the place only.
a. short time.”

And thus His Sacred Majesty dealt with the prime agent and his
widow.

How fared the family of Robert Duke? It is strange to read
of his being sent to the East Indies, not “ Barbadoesed ” like the
other prisoners, but this may be an error of the draughtsman of the
petitions.

6* State Papers, Domestic. A.D. 1660. Vollxx. No. 79. Anne Duke’s
Petition.
To the Kings most Excellent Ma**,
The humble Petition of Anne Duke the disconsolate widdow of Robert Duke
deceased in the East Indies Humbly sheweth

* 87 omits these words.
+87 ‘will be pleased to grannt your petitioner a tenement or fferme called Norton and you
titioner shall be willing to pay forty pounds a yeare to whome your Matie, shall assign it, And
ges eyer bound to pray, at

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 29

That yor. petitoners husband, haveing bene engaged in the service of yo".
Mat’. father of blessed memorie, from the begining of the unhappy warre,
wherein hee deported himself with fidelity and courage, whilst there continued
any warres to assist yo". Ma‘*’s, interest; and after hee had suffered very much
for his Loyalty he lately engaged with Collonell Penruddock in the West in
order to yo. Mat’s restoration, where he was unfortunately taken prisoner and
condemned to dye, but by the intercession of his sister hee was reprieved from
present death and condemned to perpetual! banishment into the East Indies,
where he is lately dead, and the support of his family depending (under God)
upon his yertuous industry, they are now left in a most miserable condition
unless yor. Ma“*, would be gratiously pleased to comiserate the distresses of the
widdow and children of yor. deceased loyall subject.

From ye consideration of the prmises yo. Petitioner hath taken the boldness
humbly to pray yo". Mat®. to graunt unto her a Lease of ffower score and nine-
teene yeares of that small Manor of Ellingham* in the County of Southampton
and ye Lands called the Abbey Lands in ye parrish of Christ Church in the
Countie aforesaid, lately in the possession of John Lisle and now forfeited to
yo". Matic. for his being one of the execrable judges of y. Royall father of
ever blessed memorie ‘

And yo*. Petiton™. and her fatherlesse children shall ever pray, &c.

No. 80. To the Kings Most Excellent Maiestic,

The humble petition of Robert, Anne, John, Charles and Elizabeth Duke,
ebildren of Robert Duke of Wiltshire Leift. Collonell in his Ma**’s Army and
lately deceased in the East Indies,

Humbly Sheweth

That yo‘. pet". father haveing from the comencement of the warr served yo".
Mat’s royall father faithfully to the utmost extent of his estate and everr to

the ruine of himselfe and family and being engaged with Collonell Penrnddock
in the Westerne attempte in order to yo". Ma*«’s restoration hee was unfortu-
nately taken prisoner and sentenced to dye, but by the intercession of his
sister was reprieved from present death but condemned to perpetuall banishment
into the East Indies, where beinge cast upon a desolate Island there dyed with
the loss of all hee had, the newes thereof broke the heart of yo". pet’. mother
and their onely estate being for their two lives, yor. pet". are totally destitute
of present subsistence and must inevitably perish without yo". Ma**’s gracious
and imediate releife.

From the consideration of the p*.mises yo’. pet". hath taken the bouldness
humbly to pray yor. Matic. to grant unto yo’. pet's. A Lease of ffower score and
nineteene yares of the Manor of Elingham in the County of Southampton And
the Lands called the Abbey Lands in the parish of Christ Church in the County
aforesaid (being of small value) lately in the possession of John Lisle and now
forfeited to yo". Mate. for his treason, at such a moderate rent as may affoarde
yo". pet*t. some reliefe

And yo’, pet’. shall ever pray &e.”

We may hope that this widow fared better than the last.

*The mention of this place calls up memories of Mrs. Alice Lisle, and her judicial murder by
Lord Jefferies, for a supposed share in the Monmouth rebellion,

30 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

The following relates to another of the risers, Mr. Richard
Arscott (of Sampford Courtenay, according to Desborough’s list).
State Papers, Domestic. Charles II, Vol. ii., No. 13 :—

‘“‘ These are to certify all whom it may concerne that the bearer hereof Richard
Arscott Gent. served under the late Lord Hopton during all the late warre
untill the laying doune of Armes at Truro in Cornwall, and hath been in
severall flights viz: at Braddock, Launceston and Stratton, in all the seige of
Exon untill it was reduced to his Matie’s obedience, at Cherriton Doune, and both
Newberry Battells, in which services he received severall wounds to the hazard
of his life and since Duke Hamilton’s comeinge into England with an Army
hath beene employed as an Agent by the Gentry of Devon and Cornwall (his
Matie’s Loyall subjects) And that in Penruddock’s business he appeared with
Men, Horse and Armes raised at his owne charge. And also in S* George
Booths raising Armes, he bought 300 case of Pistolls for the Gentry of Devon
to be employed in his Matis service, which Armes he brought out of Exon with
the hazard of his life. He was likewise sequestered of all his estate both reall
and personall, and at severall times suffered three yeares Imprisonmnt, and in
Penrddock’s business, was committed to the Common Goale by John Coppleston,
then High Sheriff of the County of Devon, and tryed for his life by a Court
Marshall.

That for his loyall and good affection, in prosecution of his Mati’s severall
services, he mortgaged to one Burgoyne 12 small Tenem*. of his owne Inherit-
ance for £400, which still lyes forfeited, and for the better carrying on of fhe
said services he hath been enforced to borrow severall summes of Money
amounting to £180 more, which yet remains unpaid

August the 21* 1660

J. GRENVILE
HawLey

Tuo. SrucKEY
Hues PoLtiarDe”

The next is a petition of Marcellus Rivers and others :—!
On the 24th March, 1659, as the Grand Committee of the

*«©On a motion that Major General Boteler be declared‘incapable of employ-
ment in any office, either civil or military in this Commonwealth

Colonel White [Wells], ‘ He is now saidjto have offended in a military ca-
pacity, but the military capacity has committed a rape upon the civil.’

Mr. Secretary Thurloe [Cambridge University], ‘ I think him a man of worth.
The sentence too severe. The highest punishment next to life and he unheard.
He had but secured the property of one engaged for Charles Stuart, who had
since fled to him.’

Mr. Charlton [Ludlow], ‘If this is not the highest offence what can be ? Nor
is this the highest punishment on this side death. Sending one to Jamaica or
Barbadoes is much worse.’” April 12th, 1659, 4 Burton’s Diary, 407—8.,

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 31

Parliament, that of Grievances and Courts of Justice, sat at West-
minster, towards night a petition was preferred on behalf of “ one
Rivers, and one Foyle, and 70 persons sold into slavery in the
Barbadoes by the Major Generals.”

The petition concerned several members, viz., Captain Hatsell
(Plympton), Sir John Coplestone (Barnstaple), and Mr. Noell
(Liskeard) ; therefore the committee thought fit to proceed no
farther in it, but report it to the House. At the same time the
petition of another exile, Rowland Thomas,' was also presented, and

a similar order made upon it.
On the following day, Colonel Terrill reported from the Grand

Committee :—?

“The petition of one Marcellus Rivers and Oxenbridge Foyle as well as on
the behalf of themselves as of three score and ten more freeborn people of this
nation now in slavery in the Barbadoes; setting forth most unchristian and
barbarous usage of them.

To the Honourable the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, assembled in
_ Parliament, the representatives of the freeborn people of England.

_ The hmble petition of Marcellus Rivers and Oxenbridge Foyle, as well on
the behalf of themselves as of three score and ten more freeborn people of this
nation now in slavery,

Humbly sheweth

That your distressed petitioners and the others, became prisoners at Exeter
and Ilchester in the West upon pretence of Salisbury rising, in the end of the
year 1654, although many of them never saw Salisbury, nor bore arms in their
lives. Your petitioners, and divers of the others, were picked up as they
travelled upon their lawful occasions.

Afterwards upon an indictment preferred against your petitioner Rivers, igno-
ramus was found; your petitioner Foyle never being indicted ; and all the rest
were either quitted by the j jury of life and death, or never so much as tried or

14 Burton’s Diary, p. 253257. His price was £100, and that might have
redeemed him. He was barbarously used, and made his escape. He dares not
_ appear abroad lest he be re-delivered to captivity.
Barkstead (Governor of the Tower,) writes to Thurloe on the subject. (Th.
St. P., vol. vii., p. 639) :—

“Tower March 25th, 1659.

Tn obedience to your commands I have here inclosed sent you the copies of the warrant of com-

‘mitment, and the other for the delivery to Mr. Noell, for transportation, neither of which being

under your hand. Colonel Gardiner, ‘Rowland, Thomas, Somerset Fox, Francis Fox, Thomas

Saunders, were delivered on board the ship Edward and John of London the last of May, 1655

Colonel Gray and Mr. Jackson being then sicke, were not sent, and afterwards were released by his
t late Highnesses’s warrants.”

nd

_ ‘Mr. Secretary is by this time in tribulation, and said ‘I thought I should never have lived to see
_ thisday. ”’ 4 Burton, 260,
© 24 Burton’s Diary, p. 258.

32 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

examined. Yet your petitioners, and the others, were all kept prisoners by the
space of one whole year, and then on a sudden (without the least provocation)
snatched out of their prisons ; the greater number by the command and pleasure
of the then High Sheriff, Coplestone, and others in power in the County of
Devon, and driven through the streets of the city of Exon (which is witness to
this truth) by a guard of horse and foot (none being suffered to take leave of
them) and so hurried to Plymuuth, aboard the ship John of London, Captain
John Cole, whereafter they had lain aboard 14 days, the Captain hoisted sail ;
and at the end of 5 weeks and 4 days more, anchored at the Isle of Barbadves,
in the West Indies, being in sailing 4500 miles distant from their native country;
wives children, parents, friends, and whatever is near and dear unto them ; the
Captive prisoners being all the way locked up under decks (and guards), amongst
horses, that their souls, through heat and steam fainted in them ; and they never
till they came to the island knew whither they were going.

Being sadly arrived there on the May 7 1656, the master of the ship sold your
miserable petitioners and the others; the generality of them to most inhuman
and barbarous persons, for 1550 pound weight of sugar apiece, more or less, ac-
cording to their working faculties, as the goods and chattels of Master Noell
and Major Thomas Alderman of London, and Captain H. Hatsell of Plymouth;
neither sparing the aged of 76 years old, nor divines, nor officers, nor gentle-
men, nor any age or condition,of men, but rendering all alike in this inseparable
captivity, they now generally grinding’at the mills and attending at the furnaces,
or digging in this scorching island ; having nought to feed on (nothwithstanding
their hard labour) but potatoe roots, nor to drink, but water with such roots
washed in it, besides the bread and tears of their own afflictions; being bought
and sold still from one planter to another, or attached as horses and beasts tor
the debts of their masters, being whipped at the whipping posts (as rogues) for
their masters’ pleasure, and sleeping in sties worse than hogs in England, and
many other ways made miserable, beyond expression or Christian imagination.

Humbly your Petitioners do remonstrate on behalf of themselves and others,
their most deplorable, and (as to Englishmen) unparalleled condition; and
earnestly beg that this High Court, since they are not under any pretended
Conviction of Law, will be pleased to examine this Arbitrary power, and to
question by what authority so great a breach is committed upon the free people
of England, they having never seen the faces of these their pretended owners,
merchants that deal in slaves and souls of men, nor ever heard of their names
before Mr. Cole made affidavit in the office of Barbadoes, that he sold them as
their goods; but whence they derived their authority for the sale and slavery
of your poof petitioners, and the rest, they are wholly ignorant to this very
day. That this Court will be farther pleased to interest their power for the
redemption and reparation of your distressed petitioners and the rest; or if
the names of your petitioners, and the number of the rest, be so inconsiderable
as not to be worthy of relief or your tender compassion, yet at least, that this
Court would be pleased on behalf of themselves and all the free-born people of
England, by whose suffrages they sit in Parliament, any of whose cases it may
be next, whenever a like force shall be laid on them, to take course to curb the
unlimited power under which the petitioners and others suffer; that neither
‘you nor any of their bretheren, upon these miserable terms, may come into

By WW Ravenhill, Esq. 33

his miserable place of torment. A thing not known amongst the Cruel Turks,
to sell and enslave those of their own country and religion, much less the
innocent.

These things being granted as they hope, their souls shall pray, &c.”

A very long and fruitless discussion ensued; but some statements
appear interesting. These I will note as shortly as possible.

The first speaker was Sir John Coplestone, our old friend the
Sheriff of Devon, in 1655, who said

‘he knew the disadvantage of speaking against the petition.

Kivers had been Prince Maurice’s quarter master, and was taken in arms in
the business of Salisbury. He had counterfeited his (Coplestone’s) name to a
pass and was taken by a constable. On being searched, 15 cases of pistols were
found about him [capacious pockets.] A young gentleman Mr. [Cary] Rennel
then with him confessed they were going to the insurrection at Salisbury, but
were prevented by its discovery.

An indictment was brought against him, at Salisbury but he [Coplestone]
not being there was acquitted.* He had but followed his late Highness’s order
in sending to Plymouth those in custody who had been in the insurrection—
what came of them there he knew not.”

Nr. Noell next spoke, he said

‘the traded into these parts. Merchants sent to him to procure them suitable
artificers. He had thus sent several persons from the Bridewell and other
prisons; all he had to do with those now mentioned, was recommending them to
that Mr. Chamberlain [a-very fair share].

He abhorred the thought of setting £100 upon any man’s head and it was
false and scandalous to impute this tohim. He indented [executed a deed of
service] with all those he sent. The work was hard, but none were sent against
their will. When there, they were civilly treated, and had horses to ride on.

Those sent served most commonly for 5 years, and then had the yearly
salary [P]of the island. The hours of labour were from 6 to 6 with four times
for refreshing; the work was thus not so hard as represented ; nor as that of
the common husbandman in England. The work was mostly carried on by
Negroes. It was a place grateful to trade with as any in the world, and not so
odious as represented.”

‘Sergeant Maynard said

ou the present petition was a gross breach of the privileges of the house, and he
would not speak to the matter of it, Cavalier as it was.”

- * No record of this. If he was before the Grand Jury at Salisbury, it is strange that his name is
not mentioned by Attorney-General Prideaux, he would have ranked before Mackes and the Zouches,

_ At Exeter a bill was preferred against him and ignored. (See Wilts Mag., vol, xiii, p, 272.) Mr.

Cary Reynel will be found in Disbrowe’s list, both he and Rivers belonged to Binstead, Hants.
VOL. XV.—NO. XLVIII. F

34 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

Sir Arthur Hazelrigge, on the contrary, affirmed

‘it was regular, and challenged all the Long Robe to answer him. If any
one offered him a petition at the door against a member should he not present
it?’ And then he went on at length to the King’s case, and petitions in general
when” ;

Sir Walter Earle called him to order,

‘tas wandering but he agreed with Sir Arthur as to tke presentment.”

Others spoke on this point, and the Speaker said

‘¢no grand or privilege Committee could receive any original petition against
a member of the house, without committing a gross breach of privilege.

Then Mr. Secretary Thurloe lamented

“that he had ever seen the day when such petitions should be encouraged and
gave some account of Rowland Thomas but none of Rivers.

Mr. Knightly said

“the complaint was not by Rivers but on behalf of several others, aged
gentlemen, that had been taken up in their way and sold* He would have
all petitions read as they came in.

Captain Hatsell said

‘¢he was at Plymouth when those persons were shipped. He never saw any
go with more cheerfulness. There were two old men anda minister. The
last mentioned heard his (Hatsell’s) name, and told him he did not wish to go.
Whereupon he ventured to release him and another also for the same reason, and
they went to their own homes. He gave bills of exchange at the rate of £4 10s.
per man for their passage. The master of the ship told him Rivers pretended
madness; and he was much troubled with him, and told him if he could make
friends when he came over to pay his passage cost, he might be released.”

Sir Henry Vane

‘¢It is not a business of the Cavaliers but of the liberty of freeborn England.

To be used in this barbarous manner, put under hatches in darkness during
the voyage and then sold for £100 this was Thomas’s case.

All tyranny including that of the late king and those who would tread in his
steps (as Cavaliers) was loathsome.

The object of the Major Generals, z.e., to keep down the Cavaliers, was good,
but of dangerous precedent.

Do not that which is bonum but boné. (Lauer. II. 7.)”

* This reminds us of the kidnapping of Mr. Harrison in August, 1660, and his exportation to the
neighbourhood of Smyrna; where he was sold as a slave. Fortunately he escaped after 2 years
and returned to England—but too late to prevent the judicial murder of the Perrys; one of the
strangest and saddest stories in our criminal literature.

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 85

Major-General Browne threw fresh fuel on the fire by discoursing
of his personal grievances, (December, 1649).

Disbrowe and others followed against or for the reception of the

- petition.

Sir A. Hazelrigge was permitted to speak again to the matter of
the petition, and he did so warmly in the following words :—

“The tenderness of liberty is great; specially in times of peace. We have
had no war these 7 years. "I'were a little rebellion, [the Rising in the West] and
some suffered. Blessed be God we have had none since. These men deny that
they were ever sentenced, charged, or in arms. Some were acquitted by igno-
ramus; These men are now sold into slavery amongst beasts. I could hardly
hold from weeping when I heard the petition.

The Cavaliers case to-day may be the Roundheads to-morrow. Do you not
remember the abhorrence of the Parliament of the hanging of a man by Mar-

tial Law in the French Expedition [1627]. Iam no Cavalier but if our liberties
are come to this we have fought fair and caught a frog.”

And after a speaker or two’ (one of whom told of the sending

abroad of two or three thousand protestants—the Dunbar prisoners,
1651), General Ludlow said

‘¢ Tf the man had been in prison, he would not have moved for his liberty. The
matter should be referred to a Committee.”

And so the debate went on from hour to hour till “ the chair
broke through and rose without a question!” ; but we gather from
the above debate, what a wretched life those who went to Barbadoes
experienced. Some appear to have been bound by deed to serve for

1 Clarendon State Papers. Vol. iii., p. 447.
Mr. Bever to the Lord Chancellor Hyde.

«¢ The House is now upon a petition delivered to them from 50 gentlemen that were sold for slaves
to the Barbadoes, by one North that belonged to his late Highness, and the Secretary Thurloe is
accused for having a hand in it ; whereupon Mr. Secretary said he had not thought to have lived to
this day to see such a thing as this brought before a Parliament, that was so justly and legally done
by lawful authority, and that for reasons of State they must find 200 men, who they had notice were
come over. Sir Henry Vane made reply, that he must use his own words, that he did not think to
have lived to see the day that freeborn Englishmen (by their own countrymen) should be sold for
slaves by such an arbitrary Government. Mr. Secretary presses what he can to possess the House
that there is a plot in hand, and therefore he would have the Parliament set out an Act of Banish-
ment, but as yet it is refused; and further, he relates that whilst the Cavaliers are petitioning for
redress to the House, they are plotting to destroy both His Highness and them; whereupon one
made answer, that he did believe that gentleman that spake last, would bring all men under the
_ Rotion of Cavaliers, that did seek redress for the injuries done them by this arbitrary Government.
This is all I shall trouble you with at present, but only that I am cordially Sir,

Yours, &c.
April 1, 1659,”

(Mr. Beyer apparently dives into the anonymous)
F2

36 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1655.

five years, as overseers of labour ; others however were probably made

to labour in the plantations or enter domestic service.‘ So far as

1In Dr. Calamy’s Continuation (Vol. ii., p. 793), a letter from Jamaica, some
years later, mentions that they had few other servants there than slaves mid
napped from Guinea, ‘‘ except some from Newgate.”

The following furnishes further information (See 4 Thur., p. 49) :—
The Governor of Barbadoes to the Protector.
‘* May it Please your Highnes,

By my last bearing date the 3rd of this month, I gave your highness some account of the
receipt of your missive unto me, bearing date the 13th of June [June 31st, says letter September 3rd ;
this letter does not add to our information about the prisoners]. In it your highnesse was pleased
to take notice, that notorious delinquents and offendors sent to this island by your highness’s express
commands, here to remaine during your highness pleasure, have gone off this place, and returned
back into their country, without warrant from your highness and council. Should I stand guilty of
so high a contempt to your highness’s authority, I should justly merit your highness’s displeasure,
and a censure suitable to so great a miscarriage; but having never received any commands from
your highness, and from the lords of your highness’s council, or any other order, that ever came to
my hands, or have been signified unto me, declaring such persons to have been so sent, and pro-
hibiting such being here not to depart from their place, until your highness’s and councill’s pleasure
were made known, I humbly desire, Imay stand clear in your highness’s opinion as toany such mis-
carriage, Upon receipt of your bighness’s general order and commands therein, I caused the en-
closed writing to be published throughout this island. Such persons as hitherto we have had brought
to this place from England, Scotland and Ireland, prisoners ef war, and others as servants have been
brought and landed on merchants particular accounts, who for their passage, transporting them
hither, and their disbursements on them, claim a propriety in such as they bring, with a liberty to
dispose of them by assignments to the inhabitants of this place for a term of 4, 5, 6, and 7 years,
to serve for the consideration of a sum of money and goods to them paid ; which term of years they
are assigned for, being expired, and the party assigned purchasing with money, goods, or credit, the
term of years he is to serve by the law and custom of that place, is free to stay or depart hence.
Having now received your highness’s commands, such as your highness shall please to require to
stay here, I shall, to the utmost possibility of means to be used, labour to keep them with us.

Here lately arrived colonel Gardiner, major Thomas and some others, whom from private hands
I have received intelligence were prisoners in your highness’s tower of London, and by order of
your highness and couucil transported hither, to remain on this island until your highness’s pleasure
be farther made known. I judge it my duty to let your highness know, that no such order or com-
mand hath as yet come to my hands, the same persons having applied unto me to know upon what
account they are here, and by what authority here detained ; myself and council having judged it
ne cessary to confine them to a particular plantation within this island, from thence not to depart,
until your highness’s pleasure, as to the said prisoners, be made known to us,
Upon occasion of an enquiry I caused lately to be made of our present condition since the last fleet’s
departure, and the going off ‘with them so considerable a number of our freemen, and finding the
number of English, Scots, and Irish servants remaining with us to be considerable, and the major
part of them such, as have engaged in actual service against your highness and the commonwealth ;
myself, and council, and commission of our militia, hold it our duty humbly to present it to your
highness’s consideration the danger this colony might fall into, by receiving in amongst us such
persons of eminency (as we are informed are to be sent to this place from England), that are not
only of dangerous principles, and ready disposition to act bold attempts, to the disquict and trouble
of the nation, but qualified with parts and abilities to seduce, corrupt and head our servants, and
such others as have no freeholds amongst us, to raise and joine to our destruction ; and do humbly
conceive, if some of those already here were removed, being too many of malignant principles, that
are too ready to kindle into a fiame of disturbance by such fiery spirits, and such others prohibited’
to come here, it may much tend to the preservation and eontinuancy of this island’s peace, as yet
we do judge ourselves in a condition good enough to prevent any mischief from within, if those here,
that are most likely to stir, have not such as is before expressed to come amongst them to head
them ; and so long as providence shall preserve the peace of our nation at home, we shall not much
doubt anything of this nature here. And as for any danger to us from without, we ate assured of
your highness’s vigilance and watchfulness to protect us,

Barbadoes, Your Highness’s most humble
September 18th, and most faithful servant
1655. Daniet SEARLE.”

I have found no list of the prisoners who were sent to the West Indies, but

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 37

Rivers was concerned, this forced exile appears to have been illegal.
The ignoramus should have given him his liberty; even if there
were other charges which justified his detention, yet he ought not
to have been transported without a trial.

And now we must form a judgement on the whole project, in
which we are largely assisted by the following :—

A letter of intelligence from Mr. Manning.*

‘‘The designe was thus layd: A councill erected in London, consisting of
earles, lords, gentry, lawyers, and divines, who have interest in all counties.
The persons I cannot name, but have a care of Strafford, Earle, Pofromor, and
Vaughan, lawyers, who designe all things.t Persons employed are sworne not
to discover any of them, and seldome any of them know more than one, and
those hardly one another. They sitt sometimes in the Temple, and sometimes
in London. The first care was, to fix in every countie some considerable and
active persons; this don, then to provide armes; which don, then to treat with
some persons of the army and late parliament party ; which C. Grey, sir H.
Benet and Browne, were ordered to doe. The account they gave was, that
the levellers would engage, and Fairfax with his party by States i1/doman.{
Harrison, for Charles Howard, sir Arthur Hazelrigg, and all that gange, with
many of the Anabaptists, which Char. Stew. [Charles II. ]told mee. Now nothing
but execution, which by some meanes was delayed, at wich Ch. Stew. [Charles
II.] was impatient, and on several expresses brought by C. Maning, Seymore,
J. Trelawny and Ross, and by Co. Pofromor, he sent Wilmot, Armourer, one
Mr. Kalsey of the countie of Lancaster, and Mr. Harwood of Oxf. &e. The
Savoy is the rendezvous, and Chases, in Covent Garden. Hen. Seymore,
Progers, Denham, play the courtiers; the Ladies Thin and Shanon have their
part,to carry letters, and goe up and down on errands. Ch. St. [Charles II.] with
Ormond and Blase, goe into Zealand. The duke of York prepares in France for
the West, Ch. Stew. for Kent, or the northern counties. All letters are to Hyde.
Wilmot goeth to London, and so in to the north with Armourer. The earl of
Shonbergh raiseth 2000 foot in Germany, pretending for France.

For the countie of Devon, sir Tricourteny, sir H. Polarde, &c, engage for
3000 foot and 800 horse, Sir Tricourtenay Sir H. Tichbourne, Jepson and
Sanbarm engage with Wiltshire, Dorsett and Somersett, to carry 1500 horse
to sir H. Lendol. For Wales, earl Carherry, lord Sherberry ; in Salop, earl of

in addition to Rivers, there were Henry and Joseph Collyer. Thomas was dis-
covered in possession of arms in London, some weeks before the Rising, and
sent to the Tower. See 3 Thur., pp. 87 and 95.
* Without date, but placed between April 7th and 9th. 1655, 3 Th. 355.
+ Ihave not seen the original of this letter, and therefore will not at present attempt to follow
the lawyers here mentioned, beyond saying that Vaughan may be John Vaughan, who in 1668 was
created Lord Chief Justice of the Common Pleas. In 1654 he was acting as John Selden’s exe=

- eutor, and was one of the donors of that great scholar’s library to the Bodleian at Oxford. See
Wood’s Athen. and Foss’s Judges.

+A name in cypher. ‘John Wildman? Wilts Mag., vol. xiii., p. 124,

38 Records of the Rising tm the West, A.D. 1655.

Shrewsbury, lord Menport, Sir Vincent Corbett, sir H. Thin,* sir Tho. Hares
&c. Midland counties, lord Will. Parham, [ Willoughby, of Parham] sir William
Compton, sir Robert Willis, sir Thomas Littleton, sir M. Hubevairt, sir Richard
Payne, sent over to them, sir Thomas Mackworth, earle of Oxford, earle of
Northampton,. County of Worcester, Coventrie, Sam. Sands, Packington, sir
Talbot Hendring, Touthet, Counts [indecipherable], &o.

Kent, lord Tufton, sir James Peyton, Thornill, sir Ja. Many Brochman, .
Washington, Judge Heath's sonn,s, Hales, and scarce one out.

Cressett rm fs of Armourer, mr. Philips of Willmott, you must be in appre-
hending as n m y In st mr. Davison I forgott, and let all be mentioned in the
seisure ; burn all for a good reason, which for my oath I cannot tell you.

There is one Fowle in Feversham, the searcher at Devon, corresponding with
captain Pain at Bolein [Boulogne], conveys your enemyes to and fro.

Letters are sent often in covers to mr. Booth at Calais, mr. Boove in Zealand,
Shannes and Hawkes here.”’

Plenty of danger to my Lord Protector here. Many of those men-
tioned in the above letter were arrested, including Lord Willoughby,
but Wilmot (Earl of Rochester) escaped, as was his wont.

And one other—the most interesting of all in conclusion—Some
notes of Thurloe’s on the Rising, and his reasons for advising the
appointment of the Major-Generals :—

‘* Secretary Thurloe’s memorandums of the plot in March 1654, and reasons
for erecting a new standing militia in all the counties of England.t+

Their designe was a generall insurrection through the whole land at once for
destroying the present power, and to restore againe the late kinge’s sonne.

To effect this,

1. They excuse to their Kinge, that they came not into hym at his march to
Worcester.

2. They settle a counsell here, and appoint agents, who might sollicit all their
partye, and acquaint them with their motions; and soe ordered it, that all
might knowe, and yet never above 2 of them speake together.

3. They raise and collect severall great summes of money, as well for the
maintenance of C. S., | Charles Stewart] as carryeinge on the warre, and letters of
privy seale were sent, &c.

4. They buy and provide great stoare of armes; some were layd upina
magazine here, and others sent up and downe in the countrye.

5. They labour to divide the armye, and to blowe up the discontent of all
parties ; wherein they imploy notable instruments, which doe their worke soe
well, that a great part of the army should have mutinyed in Scotland, and beene

* Sir Henry Frederick Thynne, of Kempsford, Gloucestershire, whose wife is mentioned above with
Lady Shannon. He was the father of Sir Thomas Thynne, the first Baron Thynne of Warminster
and Viscount Weymouth, who succeded to Longleat on the murder of his relative “* Tom of the
ten thousand,”

: + 4 Th., p. 132, November, 1655.

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 39

headed by col. Overton. This was managed by correspondence with the ma-
lignant partye, and I could name the persons, that wente betweene them, and
this well known to some present. This was to have a little preceded their
generall insurrection.

6. They had agreed their general posts in the nation, especially these; the north
where Wilmott [Earl of Rochester] was to command in chiefe ; in the west Wag~
staffe ; andin Kent he, that was firste to appeare, was the lord Tufton; his armes
and furniture for his owne person was taken, and he was to be very well assisted
both with counsell and souldiers ; and London, Surrey ,and Sussex, were to associate
with Kent. There was besides sirThomas Peyton, one col. Gardner and Weston
much imployed in this particular association; and their way of masteringe the
cittye and the forces therabouts was all agreed upon, and a very great summe
of money undertaken for. Another post was at Shrewsbury which was to be
the rendevous of Wales. Other posts there were of lesser consequénce ; as in
Nottinghamshire about Morpeth, Staffordshire, Cheshire, and elsewhere.

The computation of their forces made by themselves was very great; many
thousands in every place, they haveinge sollicited, and some way or other ac-
quainted most of their partye with their intentions.

7. They contrive an assassination of the lord protector to precede all this,
which they thought themselves sure of doinge, but directed it should not be
executed, until all their other matters were ready. :;

8. Great store of commissions are sent from the pretended kinge, and de-
livered to several partyes, to raise horse and foot.

9: The pretended kinge promises to come to them in person at such tyme as
they were ready, and to be in a convenient place for that purpose.

10. The whole party here carry themselves with confidence and boldnes, have
frequent meetings by themselves; speake, and drinke and swagger, as if all
had beene their owne, even to the terror of the countryes; and their confidence
was such, that one of their agents said about a weeke before it broke out, that
if he should discover all, it were not possible to binder it.

11. All things beinge ready, the pretended kinge removes himself from Cullen,
[Cologne] where his court then was, and comes into Zeeland waytinge for the
good houre haveinge sent befere Wilmott, Wagstaffe, Oneale and severall
others to begin.

12. They had in their eye several garrisons as Portsmouth, Plymouth, York,
Hull, Newcastle, Tinmouth, Chester, Shrewsbury, Yarmouth, Lyn, and Boston,
and to possess themselves of the isle of Ely. This was their designe, and they
made their attempt on the 12th of March.

It’s true, it fell not out accordinge to their intentions.

The great reason of all was, the Lord disappointed them, and gave us occasion
to say of them, They conceived mischiefe, thew travelled in iniquity, &c.

Other subordinate causes were ;

It pleased God to discover a great part of their plott; that they were traced
in it. The instructions given to them were brought to hand, many of their
forces were seized upon ; some of their money ; many, very many of their partye
seeured and imprisoned, who were to have beene chiefe actors; the army put
into a posture, and moveinge up and down on purpose to prevent their rendeyous,
and very considerable forces brought out of Ireland.

40 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D., 1655.

Yet they rise in the West, &e.

That this designe was framed, brought to a ripeness, could not be but with a
correspondency betwixt the bulke and body of this party. The pretended kinge
would not have put himself in the face, &c., nor those he sent hither

They kept their meetings aparte.

The tyme when this attempt was made well with forein states, The de-
signes of the army broken, and those at the helme awake and aware. These
things must be the fruit of a generall consent.

These thinges which were in fact, wee had as good proofe as thinges of this
nature will permitt ; and after all this and this rebellion supprest, wee had new
evidence that they were at worke againe.

This was the matter of fact ; these were some of those grounds, which made
his highness believe, that the whole party were infected.

He saw by this, what measure to take of their affections, and what was to be
expected from them.

Some in the Jast Parliament did thinke them a very inconsderable number or
company of people, without armes, that were scarce need of any army. It ap-
peared otherwise. His highness saw a necessity of raising more force, and in
every county, who might be ready upon all occasion, unlesse he would give up
his cause to the enemy, and leave us all and the whole kingdom exposed to their
rage and malice.

This additional strength must draw with it an additional charge. Who must
bear this? must the well affected? what soe just as to put the charge upon
those whoe are the occasion of it? This is the ground of the decimation.

The question is not, whether they shall be confiscated, or their lands taken,
but whether they shall not be made to pay for the support of that force, which
is raised to keep them quiet. And I think the act of oblivion is nothing to the
question.

Just jealousie and suspition is enough to a state to do more than this; or
otherwise they were without the means of their own safetie.

That there hath beene a just ground of jealousie it’s more than evident.

Why to be continued to the future P

Upon the same grounds it was set.

They discovered by their last insurrection, and what hath been sayd aboutit,
what their intentions are, they are implacable in their malice; that noe act
of grace or moderation will winne them; that they are men of another interest,
which they can noe more cease to promote then to live.

Besides, they are now joyned in with a foreigne prince, and thereby the
dangers from them is encreased.

The pretended kinge hath undertaken with the Spaniard, that his whole partye
shall rise upon the first appearance; and they are now preparing themselves
with horse and foot for that attempt—this is serteyne.

I think it is necessary for you not only to continue what you have, but to
raise more ; and I hope wee are not come hither to take of the charge from the
kinge’s partie, and lay it upon our friends.”

It cannot be said after perusing the two last documents, penned
by two men probably of all others the best informed— the one in the

i

i
i y

John B. Day, Lith. 3, Savoy S¥ Stand, London

SOMERSET:

THE OLD TOWN HALL AT CHARD,

’

By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. 41

confidence of Charles, the other the “look-out man” for the Lord
Protector—that the Risers in the West had not some svlid ground
for believing that success would attend them. ‘Phe Protector’s
-declaration,on the appointment of the Major-Generals, and the raising
a force of militia throughout the country, which was published in the
following October,! says they had engaged eight thousand men to rise
in the west, and a like number in the north, and more in other districts ;

their object being to divide the army, which was then quartered near
London, and draw it off to distant parts of the country. This
reads feasible enough. And though as to the particular action which
they eventually took at Salisbury, and the time, it might have been
better to have done otherwise, and wiser to have waited till the
country at large was more prepared ; yet on the other hand, delay
in such matters often brings ruin, and we may be sure that their
proceedings were hastened by Wagstaff.

Their blood was one of the indirect causes of the Restoration ;
for the Rising brought out the Major-Generals, whose conduct
certainly helped the fulfilment of that event.

Penruddock and Grove and their fellows deserve the high honor
_ which they have ever since received, of having suffered for doing,

what they believed to be their duty.

And the world went on its way, and Dorrington of Gray’s Inn,

wrote to Joshua Williamson, of Queen’s College, Oxford, (Penrud-

; - dock’s College), of music for the Act (June, 1655, Commemoration)

ia and ladies to come up for it, and silk stockings and other kindred

_ pleasantries. But we turn aside to look upon the graves of the

“fallen ; and to think of the poor widows who struggled to support
the children of those who had died for “a worthy fame.”

“Fame is the spur that the clear spirit doth raise
(That last infirmity of noble mind,)
To scorn delights, and live laborious days ;
But the fair guerdon which we hope to find,
And think to burst out into sudden blaze,
_ Comes the blind Fury with the abhorred shears
And slits the thin spun life—But not the praise.
[Milton’s Lycidas.]
__ 1 A copy of this, which was printed by His Highness’s printer, will be found
in the Parliamentary History, vol. xx., p. 434. It is too lengthy to re-produce
here. Thurloe’s notes (given above) no doubt formed the rough draft for it.
VOL. XV.—NO. XLYIII, G

Eg eee

On Wiltshive Ceather Proverbs and
| GHeather Fallacies.

By the Rey. A. C. Smiru, M.A.

[Read before the Society at Swindon, September, 1873.]*

T is not unfrequently remarked by foreigners, and that too
al with no little amount of ridicule, in speaking of the habits
of the British people, that the Englishman’s universal salutation
to his acquaintance, his first and chief topic of conversation, when
he meets his friend, is the weather; its past, or present, or future
state.

Now not to mention what a very natural subject, and of what.
universal interest such a topic at once offers for what is by no means
intended as a profound remark or matter for discussion ; but only a
civil friendly salutation, or an opening for farther conversation ; it
is worth while to remember of what enormous and general importance
the state of the weather really is to us; what a vast difference it
makes not only to the comfort and enjoyment, but to the well-being
and prosperity of tens of thousands amongst us. For living, as we
are, in a sea-girt island, and proverbially visited with a considerable
amount of cloud, rain, and vapour in many shapes :? subject too, as

*This paper which (as read before the Society) chiefly related to the proverbs of Wiltshire,
has since been considerably added to, more especially in the direction of illustrating and com-
paring our County proverbs with those peculiar to other parts of England, and with those of
France and Germany. For this I must acknowledge my obligations to a little ‘* Handbook of
Weather Lore,” by the Rev. C. Swainson (1873): and I am also indebted to Notes and Queries,
passim, and various kindred works.

1A Frenchman once asked me at Lyons, seriously, and by no means asa/joke,
whether it was true that in England we never saw the sun, but were always
enveloped in fog, ‘‘brouillard, toujours brouillard ” as was commonly reported ?
I certainly did think that somewhat strong, coming from an inhabitant of Lyons,
which, standing between two great rivers, the Rhéne and the Sadne, is, without
any exception, the very foggiest place I have ever seen, and on the five occasions
when I have visited it, there was certainly ‘‘ brouillard, toujours brouillard,”’
in every instance. Could any Frenchman say the same of five visits to London ?

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 43

we are, to such a variety of changes in the state of the atmosphere,
and these changes so constantly recurring, far more frequently in-
deed than in continental districts, as very slight consideration of
the principles of atmospheric variation at once demonstrates to be
necessarily the case; the state of the weather is really a subject of

paramount importance to us; and while a cold damp raw day is a
_ fair subject of condolence, a bright warm sunny day is unquestionably
a legitimate subject of congratulation.

It is for the same reason, as I imagine, that proverbs on the
weather have been so universal in the mouths of our peasantry ; and
now that the advance of education is driving away our folk-lore, and
the vast accumulation of modern literature is thrusting out of sight
the quaint old sayings, generally replete with wisdom and truth,

_ though clad in never so homely a garb, which still linger in our
country parishes, it is time for the archzologist to rescue them from
_ oblivion, and to collect and store up these pithy maxims, the result
of patient observation of Nature’s prognostics; and which (I will
_ venture to say), being founded on such true principles, are often
‘more to be relied upon than the dicta of the Meteorological Society,
with all its delicate and sensitive instruments, its barometers, its
wet and dry bulb thermometers, its aneroids and ozonometers to
boot: for these may be faulty, and deceive us, but Nature never errs,
and if we can but read her aright, spreads out the page with un-
deviating accuracy.

Now the labourer, and above all the shepherd, employed all his
life long on our open Wiltshire Downs and fields, has remarkable
opportunities for studying the sky, and noting the signs of the
seasons; and I have very often been amazed at the accuracy with
: wh hich he can forecast a change in the weather, when to ordinary
eyes not the slightest symptoms of alteration were apparent: but
__ thisis an instinct derived from constant observation; and, to amindnot
- overburdened with many thoughts, has become a habit monopolizing
‘no small part of his attention. It is an instinct too which depends
"more upon prolonged experience than abstract reasoning ; and it is
Bs an instinct shared, though in still larger measure, by many branches
4 of the animal and even the vegetable world, beasts and birds and
G2

44 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

inseets and plants. Still let us be just to the humble countryman,
who is not guided as these latter are, by a natural inborn instinct in
regard to the weather, any more than his fellows are in other con-
ditions of life: but let us allow him the credit he deserves for his
careful and accurate observation on a subject which requires many
years experience, and no little balancing of evidence, before an
accurate verdict can be arrived at.

I proceed now to mention such of the proverbs as are in most
general use among us, but I would premise that many of them are
common to every other county in England, and some of them are
in use throughout Europe.

How true is the well-known saying :—

‘Evening grey, and morning red
Sends the shepherd wet to bed:
Evening red, and morning grey
Is the sure sign of a very fine day.” ®

* This is perhaps one of the most universal weather proverbs variously expressed, throughout
Europe. Thus elsewhere we have:—

‘* If red the sun begins his race
Be sure the rain will fall apace.”

“‘ If the sun goes pale to bed
?T will rain tomorrow, it is said,’’

“ Bero rubens coelum cras indicat esse serenum,
At si mané rubet, venturos indicat imbres.”

** Rouge le matin
C’est de la pluie pour le yoisin;
Rouge du couchant
Promet beau temps.”

“* Rouge du soir
Bon espoir’;
Rouge du matin
Trompe le yoisin.’’

*‘ Abends roth ist Morgens gut;
Morgens roth thut selten gut.”

“ Der Morgen grau, der Abend roth
Ist ein guter Wetterbot ;
Der Abend roth, der Morgen grau,
Bringt das schénste Tages blau,’’

“6 Morgenroth
Abendkoth.”

** Rosso di sera {
Bon tempo se spera;
Bianco di matina,

Bon temps se incamina.’

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 45

And this :—

‘‘ Mackerel sky, mackerel sky,
Never long wet, and never long dry.” *
;

And this :—

*‘Rain before seven,
Fine before eleven.” +

And this again :
‘¢ A Rainbow in the morning
Is the shepherd’s warning ;
A Rainbow at night
: Is the shepherd’s delight.”

—_ =

Or, as it is rendered in the vernacular of our downs :—

“ The rainbow in the marnin
Gives the shepherd warnin
To car er’s gurt cwoat on er’s back;
The rainbow at night
Is the shepherd’s delight
For then no gurt ewoat will er lack ;” t+

*® Another cloud proverb, though unknown in Wiltshire, is:—

** If woolly fleeces spread the heavenly way,
Be sure no rain disturbs the summer’s day.’

+ The following proverbs with reference to rain and wind are to be heard amongst our sea-
faring people on the coasts:— :
*‘ When the rain comes before the winds
You may reef when it begins ;
But when the wind comes before the rain
You may hoist your topsails up again.”

“When the wind is in the North,
The skilful fisher goes not forth.’

+ In considering this prognostic, it should be borne in mind that in the former case the rainbow
_ will appear in the west, and in the latter in the east. The same proverb is in use also across the
Channel ;—

** Arc en ciel du soir™
Fait beau temps preyoir ;
Are en ciel du matineé
Du laboureur finit la journée,”

But elsewhere in France it is differently read :—

** Are en ciel du levant
Beau temps ;
Are en ciel du midi
Pluie.”

The rainbow however has always attracted especial notice as a weather guide, though its intelli-
gence is variously interpreted. It is also generally known throughout Europe by some term of
endearment or title of honour, testifying to the universal reverence in which it is held. Thus by
the old Worsemen it was called “‘ Asbr ” or “‘ The Bridge of the Gods.” In Lithuania, “Laima’s
Girdle,” the ‘‘ weatherrod,”’ or “* Heaven’s bow.” In Catalonia, ‘‘St.Martin’sbow.” In Lorraine,
_ “St. Leonard's Belt,” or ‘St. Bernard’s Crown.” In Bavaria, ‘‘ Heaven’s Ring,” or ‘‘The Sun’s
- Ring.” In Finland, ‘‘Heaven’s Bow.” In Croatia, ** The God’s Seat,’’ (Swainson’s Handbook of
_ Weather Lore.)

46 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

which is only our homely way of expressing the famous lines of
Byron ;—
‘‘ Be thou the rainbow to the storms of life,
The evening beam that smiles the clouds away
And tints tomorrow with prophetic ray.”
Then again how true is the old Wiltshire saying :—

‘¢ When the wind is North-West,
The weather is at the best:
But if the rain comes out of the East,
Twill rain twice twenty-four hours at the least.”

These are general proverbs, applicable to all times; but we have
an unusual number of proverbs in Wiltshire, which describe the
evils of too advanced vegetation in a precocious spring : indeed on
a careful comparison of all the Wiltshire weather proverbs with which
I am acquainted, by far the larger portion refers to this fact ; which
is perhaps brought home to us in our confessedly cold county more
than elsewhere.

In a healthy orthodox winter, the middle of January was looked
upon as the coldest period of the year, and the Feast of St. Hilary?
was in many places regarded as the coldest day, as indeed it often-
times is. There is a proverb to this effect in the mouths of all
Wiltshiremen :—

“¢ As the day lengthens
So the cold strengthens.”
But nothing is more deprecated than a mild January ;

‘¢ So hoch der Schnee
So hoch das Gras,”

is the German way of expressing their appreciation of a hard winter :
while we have :—

‘¢Tf the grass grows in Janiveer,
It grows the worse for’t all the year.” *

1 January 13th; 0.8. January 25th.
* Exactly the same proverb prevails in Germany :—

“¢ Wenn’s Gras wachst in Januar,
Wachst es schlecht durch’s ganze Jahr,”

Elsewhere the same sentiment appears in the following proverbs :—

‘¢ March in Janiveer,
Janivyeer in March, I fear.’”

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 47

And again :—

“A January spring
Is worth nothing.” )

. ‘¢ December’s frost and January’s flood
Never boded the husbandman good.”

For February, we have :—
«Of all the months in the year,
Curse a fair Februeer.”
This is strong language; but even this is preferable to the un-
dutiful saying attributed to the inhabitants of Wales, who repeat :—

4
\ «The Welshman would rather see his mother on the bier,
Than see a fair Februeer.”

|

7 The month of March again, or the “ Marchen month,” as it it
_ often called in Wiltshire, is acknowledged as a spring month ; and
Wwe repeat the saying, which endorses its spring character :—

y ‘‘ Saint Matthie *

Sends sap into the tree.”

4

E And the French express in another form the same sentiment :—
. “‘ Saint Matthias

Casse les glaces.”

But yet no month in the year is so little trusted, and looked upon
with such suspicion and misgiving as this: indeed all the proverbs

n,n
‘¢ In January should sun sppear,
March and April pay full dear.’

.

“‘ Tf January Kalends be summerly gay
*Twill be winterly weather to the Kalends of May.”

“The blackest month in all the year, -
Is the month of Janiveer.”

And in France:—
ia “Si les mouches dansent en Janvier
‘ Le cultivateur devra s’inquieter de ses fourrages;””
_ That is —
When you see midges in January,
a Treasure up every bit of forage.”
} “rote same effect in Germany :—

*‘ Tanzen in Januar die Mucken
Muss der Bauer nach dem Futter gueken.”

: ® Now February ‘24th, but O.S. March 8th.

48 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

we have upon March, without exception, indulge in a fling at its
unhappy fickleness. Thus, in true Wiltshire language :—
‘‘ As many mistises in March,
So many frostises in, May.” *
And the well-known adage :—
‘¢Tf March comes in like a lion, it goes out like a lamb;
If it comes in like a lamb, it goes out like a lion.”
And again :—

“ Better to be bitten by a snake than to feel the sun in March.” +

For April again :—

«<A cold April

The barn will fill.” ¢
And again :—

‘¢ April showers
Bring summer flowers.”

* The German proverb which corresponds with this, enunciates a somewhat different law :—
** 50 viel Nebel in Marz,
So veil’ Regen im sommer.”
+ Elsewhere the same horror of too genial a March finds expression in the following proverbs ;—
‘‘ March many-weathers rained and blowed,
But March grass never did anybody good.”

*‘A wet March makes a sad harvest.”

In Germany ;—
; “ Marzengriin
Tst nicht schén.”’
“ Marzenbluth ist nicht gut,
Aprilenbluth ist halb gut,
Maienbluth ist ganz gut.’’
In France :—

** Pluie de Mars
Ne profite pas.”
And in Spain there is a proverb to the effect that :-—
*¢ A March sun sticks like a lock of wool.’”” 2
The sobriquets ‘‘ foolish March,” and ‘‘ Many-weather March,” also show the estimation in
which that treacherous month is generally held.

+ There is a Spanish proverb that “ A cold April brings bread and wine ; ”—
** Abril frio
Pan y vino.”
Andin Germany —
‘Ist das April kalt und nass

Dann wachst das Gras,”
*€ April
Thut was er will.”

And again ;—

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 49

“¢ April weather,
Rain and sunshine both together.”

And another, lauding the prolongation of the fierce winds of
March :—

‘¢ When April blows his horn,
Tis good for both hay and corn.”

While even for May we have :—

‘¢ Mist in May, and heat in June,

‘ Makes the harvest come right soon.”

‘9a agai

“* Who doffs his coat on a winter’s day,
Will gladly put it on in May.”

And again more generally :—

*¢ Cast not a clout
Till May be out; ”

- that is, do not leave off your overcoat, till May is gone by.
And again :—

‘¢ Blossoms in May *
Are not good, some say.”

And :—

‘© A May flood
Never did good.”

* Indeed “ the merry month of May,” so highly lauded,
“ First of May
: Robin Hood’s day,”
ems to have been generally looked upon witb suspicion. In Germany they have the proverb :—
‘* Wenn der Mai den Maien [the White-Thorn] bringet,
Ist es besser als wenn er ibn findet,”’

n in sunny Spain there is the same caution against throwing aside the cloak in this treacherous

“* Hasta pasado Mayo

No te quites el sayo.’’
‘Moreover, just as we usually have a return of warm genial weather for a few dues at the latter end
of October, which we designate “ St, Luke’s’’ or the ‘“ Indian summer,” so we often have a sudden
; wm of cold in the middle of May, This is notorious enough abroad to find expression in the
ing proverbs :—

Saint Mamert (May 11th), Saint Pancrace (May 12th), et Saint Gervais (May 13th),

Sans froid ces Saints de glace ne vont jamais.”

Bo too the Germans have three “‘ Ice saints,” and say :—
“*Pancraz, Servaz, und Bonifaz (May 14th), sind drei Eismanner.”

50 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

June on the contrary is most approved of, when it is attended
with copious rains :— .

‘© A dry May and a dripping June *
Sets all things in tune.”

Or, in another version :—

“A dripping June,t
Brings all things in tune.”

While to mark that even yet a backward season is extolled, there
is a saying :—

‘¢ Cut your thistles before St. John t{
You will have two instead of one.”

Every one of these Wiltshire proverbs, relating to the six first
months of the year, proclaims the acknowledged fact, that a pro-
longed winter and a tardy spring bespeak more abundant crops
and more assured plenty than the pleasant, however unseasonable,
warmth which sometimes gladdens our hearts in winter and early
spring. Nor is this belief peculiar to our county or even to England:+

* It is strange that in some parts of England the exact opposite to this opinion is held, and noless
stoutly defended by popular traditions, as for example :—

** June if sunny
Brings harvests early,”

‘Calm weather in June,
Sets corn in tune.’’

“Tf on the 8th of June it rain
It foretells a wet harvest, men sain.’”’

** Midsummer rain
Spoils hay and grain.”
+ “© ‘est le mois de Juin
Qui fait le foin,’”’
+ June 24th; or old style, July 6th.

1¢¢ Winter’s thunder and summer’s flood,
Neyer boded England any good.”

‘* A late spring
Is a great blessing.”

*¢ Primavera tardida
Mai falida.”

‘Tf there’s spring in winter, and winter in spring,
The year wont be good for anything.’’

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 51

it is held quite as much in the South of Europe; for the Italians
have a proverb, “January commits the faults, and May bears the
blame,” and it is a common saying even in Spain, “A year of snow,
_a year of plenty.” 4

For the same reasons an early winter was deprecated, as likely to
lead to too early a spring, according to the adage :—’

‘Tf there’s-ice in November that will bear a duck
There’ll be nothing after but sludge and muck.”

Moreover that such premature mildness of the seasons does not

in reality advance vegetation, everybody who possesses a garden

7 knows to his cost, and here again we have several famous Wiltshire

proverbs, relating to this fact, and containing very weighty truths.
The one runs thus :—

** Be it weal or be it woe
Beans blow before May doth go.”

Another says :—

“Come it early, or come it late,
In May comes the corn-quake.”

1« Année de neige
Année de bien.”

*¢ Année neigeuse,
Année fructueuse.”

*¢ Schnee Jahr
Reich Jahr.”

‘s Anno di neve,
Anno di bene.”

- And so the Germans say :—
“‘ Spiter winter, spaites Friihjahr.’’
And the Spaniards, that after a rainy winter follows a fruitful spring :—

*€ Al invierno lluvioso
Verano abundoso.”

_ And the French :—

”

** Hiver doux,
Printemps sec;
Hiver rude,

Printemps pluvieux.”

H2

52 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.
And a third :—

‘Plant your ’taturs when you will,
They wont come up before April.”

But again we have Wiltshire sayings which affirm what I believe
to be an equally undeniable truth, that together with a prolonged
winter, and a dripping spring, a dry summer is most to be desired
by the husbandman. That however is a season we scarcely seem to
have experienced last year (1873), when the old Devonshire proverb,
applicable enough in that rainy county, might have been quoted
with much truth, even here :—

‘‘ The West wind always brings wet weather ;
The East wind wet and cold together ;
The South wind surely brings us rain;
The North wind blows it back again ;”

showing that from whatever point of the compas the wind blows,
rain is sure to fall. That however, I am glad to think, is quite an
exceptional state of things here; and it is very rarely indeed that we
in this county experience so wet a summer.

To return to the point we were considering: we have an old
saying in North Wiltshire, when snow lies about in the ditches,
and does not disappear, that “‘’tis waiting for more:” and in truth
it does betoken a cold atmosphere, and more snow very often
supervenes.

Then February is known all over Wiltshire, as “ Pebruary jill-
ditch,” alluding to the seasonable supplies of water which should fill
the ponds during that month, otherwise a scarcity of drink for the
cattle during summer would be dreaded; and so our people have
the proverb :—

‘¢ February fill the dyke,
Either with the black or white; ”

(meaning, either with rain or snow.) To which some add the

halting termination :—

** But if it be white
It’s the better to like.”

q 3 By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 53

fe

And there is another saying to the same effect :—

“J in February there be no rain,
Tis neither good for hay nor grain.”

- In March we have, in addition to the saying of world-wide renown
that “a peck of dust is worth a king’s ransom,” the less-known

proverb :—
«A dry March never begs its bread.”

Of the following month :—

‘¢ An April flood
Carries away the frog and his brood.”

And for the excellence of drought, there is a saying reported by
Aubrey as common all over the West of England “ that a dry yeare

' never does cause a dearth ;”! a maxim which, I believe, would be

endorsed by most practical and experienced farmers : though another
saying that “ abundance depends upon having plenty of sour milk,”
(meaning, caused by thunderstorms) would not, I apprehend, be so

_ readily allowed.
Amongst other traditional sayings about these first months in the

year, which I have heard commonly quoted, is one which I have now
for many years verified, and scarcely ever known incorrect ; and that
is that “there is always one fine week in February,” a Wiltshire
saying which I commend to the attention of all observers.”

1 There is a proverb to this effect —

«© Whoso hath but a mouth
Will ne’er in England suffer drought.”

’ And another :— :
‘ «€ Drought never bred dearth in England.”
Though that might be interpreted in an ironical sense, as when an English
‘summer has been described by a foreigner in a sneering tone, as consisting of
_ two hot days and a thunderstorm!”

_ In France however the same sentiment occurs:

“ Année de sécheresse

A toujours fait richesse.”
2 Though the fact however appears to be correct, fine weather in February
“was not wont to be looked upon with favour, as the kindred proverbs in England
and Germany testify :—
re «© When gnats dance in February, the husbandman becomes a beggar.”

«* Wenn in Februar tanzen die Miicken auf dem Mist,
So versehliess dein Futter in die Kist.”

54 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

There is also another about the precedence in putting forth their
respective leaves on the part of the oak and the ash trees, as a
prognostic of the heat or wetness of the ensuing summer, whose
accuracy I cannot say I have so successfully tested, though it may
possibly prove to be generally correct :—

“¢ Ash before oak : there’ll be a smoke;
Oak before ash: there'll be a splash.”

But there is another version of this proverb, which (though I
must own it is less common in the mouths of the people) appears to
me to be more truthful :—

‘‘ The oak before the ash, there will only be a splash,
But the ash before the oak, there will be a downright soak.”

Certainly in the very unusually dry summer of this year, 1874,
the oak in most places came into leaf some three weeks before the
ash, and I have the authority of the well-known Naturalist, the
Rev. F. O. Morris, for saying that the same was the case, more or
less, in the years 1868, 1869, 1870, and 1871, though he adds that
any calculations which might have been based on the observations
then made were overturned by the data of 1872.1

It will doubtless be noticed that the greater part of our weather-
proverbs and season-saws have reference to the earlier portion of the
year, and centre round the spring months. The remaining months
of the year however are not wholly passed over; let us go on to
consider some of the proverbs relating to them.

July was often designated “ plaguey July,” because in that month
there is so much work for the farmer. Fine weather is now all-

important, so the proverb takes the tone of entreaty :—

‘“‘No tempest, good July,
Lest the corn look ruely.”

1 The truth of the matter really seems to be that the coming into leaf of either
of the trees before the other is rather the result of the kind of weather which
has gone by than a sign of what is to come, except indeed in so far as after a
very wet spring a dry summer might naturally be looked for, and vice versd.
. For the oak tree thrives best in a dry time, just in the same way as corn requires
so little rain, or almost none, the best harvests being generally after the driest
summers. But the ash rejoices in a continuance of rainy weather in the spring,

and earlier comes out into leaf when the season has been wet; for this tree, as

is everywhere so visible, sends its roots always along the surface of the ground,
while the oak strikes its roots straight down, deep into the earth.

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 55

And so of August, following the same strain, though negatively :—

“Dry August and warm
Doth harvest no harm.”*

Then we have :—

‘¢ September blow soft,
Till the fruit’s in the loft.”

Of the remaining three months the approach of winter is the chief
burden of the people’s song. There is a saying that “ If in the fall
of the leaf in October, many leaves wither on the bough, and hang
there, it betokens a frosty winter and much snow.” ?!

There is another saying, of questionable morality :—

‘¢ Dry your barley in October,t
Or you'll always be sober; ”

meaning, if this is not done, there will be no malt!
Again :—
‘¢ At St. Simon and St. Jude ft

Water may be viewed ;”

signifying that winter now comes in. *

* There is an old English saying ‘‘ After Lammas (August 1st) corn ripens as much by night, as
by day.” While in France asserting the same conviction of the value of a dry season, at this period
of the year, is the proverb :—

** Quand il pleut le premier Aodt
O’est signe qu ’il n’y aura pas de regain”’ (aftermath),

180 the German proverb runs, ‘‘ Sitzt das Laub in Oktober noch fest auf den
Baiimen, so deutet das auf einen strengen Winter.”

+ Very often in the middle of October, a few fine days occur, and the warm weather of this
season is almost universally known as summer.

Tn England it is called “‘ St. Luke’s little summer ”’ (October 18th ; 0.S. October 30th).

In France, “‘ L’été de Saint Denis’ (October 9th; O.S. October 2lst).

In Germany, the “‘ Altweiber sommer,” or the “‘summer of St, Gall” (October 16th ; 0,8. October
28th), or ‘of St. Martin’’ (October 11th ; 0.8. October 23).

In Belgium, “ St. Michael’s summer” (September Qoth ; O.S. October 11th).

In Bohemia, ‘‘ The summer of St. Wenceslaus’’ (September 28th; O.S. October 10th),

In Lombardy, ‘‘ L’esta de’ Santa Teresa’’ (October 15th ; 0.S. October 27th),

In Sweden, ‘* St. Bridget’s summer ” (October 8th ; O.S. October 20th).

In America, “‘ The Indian snmmer.”’

4 3 October 28th; 0.S. November 9th.
2The feast of SS. Simon and Jude is by many considered to be the first day

of winter. Thus there is an old English saying, ‘‘On SS. Simon and Jude
“winter approaches at a gentle trot.”

56 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

Again:
«At St. Martin’s day *
Winter is on his way.

«¢On St. Andrew’s day t
The night is twice as long as the day.’’

“Lucy light, Lucy light,t
The shortest day, and the longest night.”

Also :—

‘¢ St, Thomas grey, St. Thomas grey, §
The longest night, and the shortest day; ”

corresponding with the kindred saying at Midsummer :—

‘‘ Barnaby bright, Barnaby bright, ||
The longest day, and the shortest night.”

There is another proverb in Wiltshire commending the advantages
of a high wind in the autumn, which runs thus :—

<¢ A good October, and a good blast
To blow the hog acorn and mast ;”

Ee SS aa
® November 11th; 0.8. November 23rd.
+ November 30th ; 0.8, December 12th.
+ December 13th ; 0.8. December 25th.
2 December 21st; O.S. January 2nd.
|| June 11th ; O.S. June 23rd.

4] An acorn year was universally considered “a bad year for everything.”
“‘ Année de glands
Année de cher7temps.”

** Anno ghiandoso
Anno cancheroso.”

So was a bean year :—
«* Année7de féves
Année de misere.”

So was a mushroom year .—
« année champignonniére
Année de misére.”

« Anno fungato
Anno tribolato.’’

While a cherry year was highly approved :-—
*- A cherry year
A merry year.”

I ean offer no explanation of this quaint prejudice.

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 57

it a maxim, which may be good in the swine’s point of view; though
personally, I should be more inclined to endorse the somewhat
- contradictory maxim of others :— f
a
“No weather is ill,

If the wind bide still.”

Then we have a very common tradition in this county that when

_ the bushes are loaded with berries, a hard winter may be expected.

This is a very beautiful opinion, for it betokens a lively faith in the

_ Providence which prepares food for the birds in their time of need.

It is well-known too in Scotland, where they have the proverb,
which might well be taken for genuine Wiltshire :—

‘’ A haw year
Is a snaw year.”

—— .

But having said thus much, and called. attention to the very

charming theory it implies, I am bound to add that no augury must

be drawn from it; as it rather betokens a fruitful summer just
passed, than any severity of weather to be expected.

It will doubtless have been noticed what a very large proportion
of our country weather proverbs have reference to agricultural pur-
suits, in which the people are so largely engaged. There are yet a
few others appertaining to this subject, which should not be passed
over. Thus :—

q * Be sure of hay
Till the end of May.”

_ But more definitely on so important a subject :—

‘‘ The farmer should have at Candlemas. day
Half his straw and half his hay.”

_ Again, on another subject:

‘¢ Look at your corn in May,
And you'll come weeping away;
Look at the same in June,
And you'll come home singing a tune.”

~ Then :—

' ‘¢ When the sloe tree is white as a sheet

‘4 Sow your barley whether it be dry or wet.”

You. xV.—NO. XLIII. : I

58 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.
Again :—

‘¢ When the oak puts on his gosling grey,
Tis time to sow barley night or day.”

And :—

‘¢ You may sheer your sheep,
When the elder blossoms peep.”

“On the Feast of St. Barnabas,
Put the scythe to the grass,”

‘* At St. Matthee,
Shut up the bee.”

‘Sow wheat in dirt, and rye in dust,”

‘“¢ Sow beans in the mud,
And they’ll grow like a wood.”

‘On St. Luke’s day
The oxen may play.”

‘¢ On the first of November if the weather holds clear,
An end of wheat sowing do make for the year.”

There is also the well-known proverb, addressed to the slovenly
farmer and gardener :—

‘¢ One year’s seeding
Ts seven years’ weeding.”

And now I come to speak of certain popular weather fallacies,
which, notwithstanding their general weather wisdom, beset our
Wiltshire rustics, as well as others of more advanced education, in
this and other counties. And the first point in this respect I would
mention, is the common, though wholly groundless belief, that the
moon has any influence on the weather. It is, in spite of all de-
monstration to the contrary, and without the smallest ground for
such assertion, continually declared that a change of weather may be
looked for when the next change of the moon occurs. This may
perhaps be pardonable in “ Moonrakers ;” but in the cause of truth
I must boldly and unhesitatingly declare that the moon has not, and
cannot have, the smallest effect on the weather. But as this popular

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 59

delusion has become so engrained in the hearts of many, that notwith-
standing the total absence of all argument or reason in favour of it,
numbers of people of all ranks and classes still cling to it; it may
be worth while to mention that with a view to allay such popular
delusions, though without of course for a moment themselves sharing
in them, some of the savants of France and others of Germany in-
stituted a long series of careful investigations, the former continued
during twenty years at the Paris Observatory, the latter during
twenty-five years at Vienna. Both of these diligently carrried on
the most rigorous examination of changes of weather in connection
with the lunar phases; but the declared result of their accurately-
kept tables showed that there was no connection between them, and
in short, when theory was set aside, and the matter accurately tested,
by many thousand facts, during a considerable period of time, it was
definitely pronounced that “ no correspondence whatever existed be-
tween the changes of the moon and those of the weather, such as
7 were popularly supposed.” The stock argument (if argument it can
be ealled,) of those who uphold the moon’s influence on the weather,
is, that the moon does undoubtedly attract the waters of the sea ;
_ but because she causes the tides, which is demonstrable, therefore
_ that she must needs influence the weather, which is by no means a
parallel case, and for which there is no show of reason, I cannot
conceive to be a fair inference. Perhaps it may be generally felt,
(asa leading gentleman in this county once said to me in speaking
of this subject,) “I don’t pretend to argue the point, or give any
reasons for it ; I simply say I must continue to hold it, because, if you
_ take away the moon as my guide to a change of weather, I havenothing
7 else left to fall back upon: ” or, as another eager advocate for the
Junar influence (though himself by no means a lunatic) remarked to
_ me, “I don’t say that the weather alters exactly on the day of the
_ moon’s changes, but you will find it does so within three days before
_ or after the change of moon:” a proposition with which I most
: cordially agreed, seeing that the moon changes once in seven days,
and the “ three days before and three days after” completely occupied _
: the whole week; ; so after this fashion it would be strange indeed if
‘thé weather did zo¢ change within that prolonged period.
12

60 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

There is a very curious old Wiltshire prejudice against a new
moon occurring on a Saturday, which (if not common in the county
now) prevailed not many years since, but the origin of which, and
the meaning of which, I am at a loss to conjecture: it is handed
down in the following proverb :—

‘“*A Saturday’s moon

If it comes once in seven years
Comes once too soon.”

Or, (as I have heard it) in another version :—

‘* A Saturday’s moon
Come when it will, it comes too soon,”

Scarcely less obnoxious to our rustic prognosticators was a full
moon on Sunday, and they expressed their objection thus :—
‘‘ Saturday’s change and Sunday’s prime,

Once is enough in seven years’ time.”

But for a choice morsel of our broadest vernacular, let me commend
the following to especial notice :—
‘‘ Saturday’s change and Sunday’s full
Never brought. good, and never wull!”

Many other quaint superstitions did our Wiltshire “ Moonrakers ”
of former days cherish in regard to the moon, to which the following
proverbs testify :—

‘¢ Two full moons in a calendar month bring on a flood.”

‘¢ Tf the moon change on a Sunday, there will be a flood before the month
is out.”

‘‘ Sow peasen and beans in the wane of the moone,
Who soweth them sooner, he soweth too soone.”

‘¢ In the wane of the moon
A cloudy morning bodes a fair afternoon.”

‘‘ The Michaelmas moon
Rises nine days alike soon.”

Let me add as an antidote to these fallacies, the thoroughly correct
proverb with regard to the éwrr round the moon :— |

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 61

** Tf the moon show a silver shield
Be not afraid to reap your field: i
But if she rises haloed round, F
Soon we'll tread on deluged ground.” *

Equally unfounded with their prejudices against a change of the
moon on Saturday and a full moon on Sunday, though more easily
accounted for, is the notion which prevails among our people that
the weather on Friday differs from that of all other days: the
saying is :—

‘*To every other day in the week
Friday is not alike ;” +
a somewhat obscurely-worded sentiment: but doubtless it origi-
nates in the same principle which causes sailors to dread putting out
to sea on a Friday, viz., the custom, once religiously observed, of
keeping Friday as a weekly fast.

* So the French say :—

“¢ Tune encirclée, pluie prochaine ; ”
And we ;—

“ Clear moon
Frost soon,’’

_ + This remarkable fancy was also current in France and Germany, thus :—

*Vendredi aimerait mieux causer
Qu’a son voisin ressembler.’’

** Freitag hat sein apartes Wetter.’’

“Die ganze Woche wunderlich }
Des’ Freitags ganz absunderlich.”

So also was the notion (which however somewhat contradicted the last mentioned sentiment) that
the weather of Friday and Sunday were commonly alike :—

** A rainy Friday
A rainy Sunday;
A fair Friday
A fair Sunday.”

* Quel est Vendredi
Tel Dimanehe.”

*¢ Freitagswetter
Sontagswetter.”

Sunday however in some sense was supposed to rule the weather of the week, thus :—

‘Tf it rains on the Sunday before mess [mass]
It will rain all the week, more or less.,’’

Regnet’s Sontag iiber dass Messbuch,
So hat man die ganze Woch genug.””

62 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

Leaving now the moon for awhile, I may class amongst common
weather fallacies the very popular notion that wet or fine weather
on certain days portends continuance of such, or indeed any special
weather: as indeed the famous Naturalist, John Ray, two hundred
years ago wrote to good old credulous John Aubrey: “TI reject as
superstitious all prognostics from the weather on particular days.”
This remark was called forth by Aubrey having written. “In South
Wiltshire the constant observation is, that if droppes doe hang upon
the hedge on Candlemas day, that it will be a good pease yeare:”?*
and then he added his own opinion, “ This is generally agreed to be
‘matter of fact, the reason perhaps may be that there rise certain
unctuous vapours which may cause that fertility.” I fancy however
that we shall be more inclined to agree with honest John Ray.

Few however are so matter of fact as to pay no heed to the weather
on St. Swithun’s day,? for all know the proverb, couched in a variety
of words :—

‘‘ Saint Swithun’s day, if thou dost rain,
For forty days it will remain ;

Saint Swithun’s day, if thou be fair,
For forty days ’twill rain nae mair.”

A proverb which has its counterpart across the Channel in the feast
of St. Medard :—*
“¢§ il pleut le jour de St. Medard,
Il pleut quarante jours plus tard.”

And again another proverb. fixes on a date midway between those
just mentioned :—
‘‘ Tf the first of July be rainy weather,
’Twill rain more or less for four weeks together.”

If St. Swithun however is the patron of rain, St. Bartholemew

1 There is a proverb in Wiltshire to that effect :—

«« Qn Candlemas day if the thorns hang a drop
You are sure of a good pea crop.”

2 July 15th; 0.8. July 27th.
3 June 8th; 0.8, June 20th.

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 63

is that of fine weather, and in some places is thought to counteract
and displace him, for the proverb runs :—

“¢ All the tears St. Swithun can cry,
St. Bartlemy’s mantle wipes dry.”

Let it however, in common justice, be observed, that St. Bar-
tholemew’s day} does not occur until the expiration of the forty
days following St. Swithun.°

Again we have :—

‘Tf Bartlemy’s day be fair and clear,
We may hope for a prosperous autumn that year.”

But yet another proverb says :-—

‘¢ Saint Bartholemew
Brings the cold dew ;”

because the nights are now beginning to be cold.
. St. Michael’s day was also in old time, if not now, in Wiltshire,
as it certainly is to this day in Sweden, a festival from which many
prognostics of the ensuing season might be drawn: thus if a north
or east wind should chance to blow on that day, the following winter
would be very severe; if the day should chance to be fine, the next
year would be dry; but if the day should be wet, the year ensuing
would be mild but damp.? 8S¢. Thomas’s day* was another festival,
which was much observed by the credulous, for careful examination
at the right moment would infallibly result in an accurate fore-
knowledge of weather for a quarter of a year! The proverb runs
thus: “Look at the weathercock on St. Thomas’s day at twelve

eR ee oa

1 August 24th; 0.8. September oth.

'2]n various countries in Europe, the same belief of a rainy saint prevails,
though differences exist as to the period of the particular day in question,
thus :—

In France, St. Medard (June 8th) and SS. Gervase and Protasius (June 19th)
have a similar character assigned to them.
In Belgium, St. Godelieve (July 6th).

In Germany, the Seven Sleepers (June 27th).
In Poland, St. Harold (July 19th).

In Denmark (July 2nd and 9th).

In North Italy (July 26th).

3 Lloyd’s ‘‘ Peasant Life in Sweden,” p. 283,
4 December 21st; 0.8. January 2nd.

64 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

o’clock, and see which way the wind is: there it will stick for the
next three months.” Christmas day too was another epoch worthy
of observation, as the following wise saws show: “A windy Christmas
and a calm Candlemas are signs of a good year;” “ A warm Christmas
foretells a cold Waster: a green Christmas, a white Easter.”+ And
again on New Year's eve very anxious were the enquiries as to the.
direction of the wind, as from that token the weather of the entire

coming year might be foreknown :—

‘‘ Tf New Year’s Eve night wind blows South,
It betokeneth warmth and growth ;
If West, much milk and fish in the sea,
If North, much cold and storms there’ll be ;
If East, the trees will bear much fruit,
If North-East, flee it man and brute.”

The festival of the Conversion of St. Paul® was another day from
which accurate prognostics of coming seasons might be framed, and
not only of the seasons but even of the welfare of the nation. The
rhymes run thus :—

‘Tf St. Paule’s daie be faire and clear,
It doth betide a happy yeare ;
But if perchance it then should raine,
It will make dear all kinds of graine:
And if the clouds make dark the skie,
Then neate and fowls this yeare shall die ;
If blustering winds doe blowe aloft,
Then war shall vex the realm full oft.”

But the Feast of Purification® was perhaps the most noted, as a
day by which to foretell the coming weather. This is embodied in
the following well-known monkish legend to the effect that a bright
sun on the Feast of the Purification betokens more frost after than
before that festival :—

‘¢ 8i sol splendescat Maria Purificante,
Major erit glacies post festum quam fuit ante.”*

1 These prognostics from the state of the heavens on Christmas day are
carried to a great extent in Russia, where they have a proverb that “‘ a dark
Christmas foretells that cows will give much milk ; and a bright Christmas that
hens will lay well.”

* Jauuary 25th; O.S. February 6th.
3 February 2nd; 0.8. February 14th.
* Sir Thomas Brown’s ‘* Vulgar Errors,’’ edit. folio., London, 1646, p. 289,

es! By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 65

A proverb which has thus found its way into English :—

‘‘ Tf Candlemas day be fair and bright,
Winter will have another flight ;
But if Candlemas day be clouds and rain,
Winter is gone and will not come again.” *

I must also call attention to the remarkable prejudice against
Leap-year, a prejudice as common and as widely spread as it
is unfounded. It is popularly supposed that neither children nor
domestic animals born in that year will thrive, and that neither

® There are other well-known proverbs founded on the state of the weather at this festival, as :—

“Tf Candlemas day be fair and clear,
There’ll be two winters in the year.””

‘¢ When the wind’s in the East on Candlemas day
There it will stick till the second of May.”

And of the prevalence of cold at this period of the year :— i

s¢ At Candlemas
Cold comes to us,”

As in Germany, with equally feeble rhyme :—
s¢ Lichtmess
' Winter gewis.”
:. ~ Other popular notions with regard to certain days might be mentioned, though not rife in this
n county, ¢.g.:—
*©A good deal of rain on Easter day
Gives a crop of good corn, but little good hay.’”’

«¢ When Easter falls in our Lady’s lap (March 25th),
Then let England beware of a rap.”’

* Tf it thunders on All Fools day (April 1st),
It brings good crops of corn and hay.”’

Very curious too is the fancy with regard to the weather on the moveable feasts of Ascension,
Trinity, Pentecost, &c. ;--

“Tf it rain on Ascension Day ever so little, it foretells scarcity and murrain, but if it be fair,
then the contrary, aud fine weather to Michaelmas.”’

© Ascensionis vel modic pluvie pabuli inopiam, serenitas copiam signant.’”’

**S ’il pleut le jour de |’ Ascension
C ’est comme du poison.’”

*¢ Penticostis pluvie nil boni signant.’? |

; **S il pleut le jour de la Trinité,
5 se I pleut tous les dimanches de l’année.’”’ _

“Ist es Corporis Christi Klar
Bringt es uns ein gutes Jahr,”

a). “Corporis Christi serenitas laudatur,’?
+ VOL. XV.—NO,. XLII. K
a > ‘

“Ee

:

66 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.-

grafts nor young shoots will come to their full growth. So we have
the Wiltshire proverb :— ~

*¢ Leap year
Never was a good sheep year.” ®

I need scarcely say that these are all popular delusions, founded
on no reliable basis, though doubtless they do occasionally, however
unfrequently, by accident, come true; and then they attract un-
merited attention, and are held up to admiring disciples as infallible
weather-guides.

One thing however seems quite certain, and that is that if our
obervations are recorded through a long period of time, there will
be found to be a balance of averages, both as regards heat and cold,
and wet and dry weather: and in short the general average through
the whole period will be found to be maintained.

So true is another Wiltshire proverb :—

‘‘ No one so surely pays his debt,
As wet to dry, and dry to wet; ”

or, as they have it in Scotland :—
“‘ Lang foul, lang fair.”
More or less accurate too, as generally founded on experience, are

other common proverbs we have with reference to rain and wind ;
thus :-—

“The winds of the day time wrestle and fight
Longer and stronger than those of the night.”

‘A sunshiny shower
Never lasts half-an-hour.”

‘‘ Sunshiny rain
Will soon go again.”

«¢ When the wind is in the South
It is in the rain’s mouth.”

*In France we find the pithy proverb :-—

** Année bissextile
Année infertile.”

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 67

‘* When the wind veers against the”sun
Trust it not, for back ’twill_run.”

Not so accurate, I think, is another, though it is the exclusive
property of the inhabitants of this county, and was certainly im-
plicitly believed in by our ancestors :—

‘When the hen doth moult before the cock,

The winter will be as hard as a rock;

But if the cock moult before the hen,

The winter will not wet your shoes’ seame ;”
a proverb as poor in rhyme as in reason, though doubtless to be

honored for its antiquity, as also because it belongs to Wiltshire.
Highly poetical too are some of our weather-proverbs, and betoken

no little sentiment in the minds of those who use them; such is
the really beautiful notion :—

‘‘ The dews of the evening industriously shun,
They’re the tears of the sky for the loss of the sun.”
And again :—
‘‘ The sun sets weeping in the lowly West
; Witnessing storms to come, woe and unrest.”
Such again is the saying, when it rains on All Souls Day :—!

‘¢ The dead are weeping.”

And the apostrophe to April may be mentioned :—
‘¢ Hail, April, true Medea of the year,
That makes all nature young and fresh appear.”

There is also a saying current in this county, as elsewhere, to the
effect that “a green Christmas makes a fat churchyard.”? This I
believe to be wholly a mistake, and that on the contrary the milder
the Christmas the more healthy for the human race, as was indeed
triumphantly proved by the returns of the Registrar-General in the
winter’ of 1872-3. But to show the pertinacity, and I may say the
:
t

1 November 2nd; 0.8. November 14th.

2In Germany this proverb is applied to May, ‘* Heissen Mai macht den
Kirchhof fett,” and is another instance of the suspicion with which a prema-
furely early summer was regarded.

K 2

68 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

unreasoning’ tenacity with which the Wiltshire labourer will cling to
any old saying handed down to him from his fathers : I was opposing
the above proverb, which an old man quoted to me at the beginning
of the year 1854, and expressing my disbelief in it, though not at
all to his conviction : and in the summer I recalled to his recollection
the same proverb, remarking that we had had unusually few deaths
in the parish that year, to which he replied, “ Wait a bit, Sir, the
year isn’t come to an end yet: but before the end of the year, after
the battles of Alma and Inkermann had taken place, he came to me
with triumph in his face, and said, “I told you, Sir, the proverb
would come true; the green Christmas last year Aas made a fat
churchyard, for see how many poor fellows have been killed in the
Crimea.” After this nothing more was to be said; with the rationale
of the proverb he had nothing to do: it had come true, and that
was all that concerned him ; and he is is now a firmer believer than
ever in that ancient tradition.

And now let me say a word about almanacks which pretend to
foretell the weather. It is perfectly marvellous how gullible is
John Bull, eager to swallow any prognostics, be they never so un-
reliable ; if only their authors are bold enough to be decisive in their
predictions: and when in the year 1838, by a fortuitous coincidence,
“an adroit Hibernian” (as he has been happily styled), named
Patrick Murphy, accurately foretold the coldest day of the season
(which from the law of chances must occur occasionally within a
great number of conjectures), the rage for weather almanacks rose
to its height; the wildest predictions were hazarded ; and though
their failures were generally manifested, nothing would convince the
determined believer; and I myself knew of a case where an agricul=
turalist on a small scale, with more credulity than wisdom, wrote to
the Editor of the almanack to which he pinned his faith, and en-
treated him to name the most fortunate day for wheat-sowing! In
justice to Wiltshire let me hasten to add that this man was a native
and inhabitant of Somersetshire. I suppose too it is allowable to
presume there is a larger amount of Beotian dulness to be found in
the more western counties, as the famous Lord Thurlow once re-
marked, after holding an assize at Bodmin, in Cornwall, “ That the

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 69

farther West he went, he was more and more convinced that the
wise men came from the East ! ”

Now let me in conclusion assure the inhabitants of Wiltshire that
the almanack makers know nothing about it, and that the time is
not yet come, when .

‘“‘ Careful observers might foretell the hour
By sure prognostics when to dread a shower.”
If they rely on the almanack makers, or the moon, and leave their
umbrella at home in consequence, they will infallibly be drenched,
as they deserve to be: whereas if they listen to the experience of
__ the labourer or the shepherd ; still better, if they use their own eyes
: and judgments, and observe the sky, and the clouds, and the wind ;
not forgetting the plain lessons read to them by many branches of

the animal world, in this particular, they will rarely be led astray.
~ he signs to be derived from the animal world are very numerous

and very reliable; and are much observed amongst our people in
consequence. As examples of the most common in this county they
é will tell you that seldom indeed will a wet day be found to follow,
__ when in the morning cows are seen lying down in their pastures ;
still more seldom when rooks are noticed high in the air, or swallows
are seen at a great height hawking after flies : but rarest of all when
three white butterflies are seen together, in the garden or field; the
latter a sure sign of a fine day which I have hardly ever known to
fail. They will tell you on the other hand that when the distant
downs look near ; ' or the Common Plover or Peewit, which frequents
our downs in such numbers, becomes restless; or the bees hurry

_ gulls make their appearance so far inland; or pigs carry straw in
their mouths; or insects fly low; rain is at hand.
These are but samples of many similar instances of unfailing in-

=
- 1 Darwin, in his “Zoonomia,” thinks the presence of vapour in the air in-

creases its transparency, on the same principle as saturating a white opaque
sheet of paper with oil renders it transparent.

70 On Wiltshire Weather Proverbs and Weather Fallacies.

return to this part of the question another day. I will conclude now
with the clever lines of Dr. Jenner, which sum up the matter very

accurately :—

“‘ The hollow winds begin to. blow,

The clouds look black, the glass is low: :
The soot falls down, the spaniels sleep,
And spiders from their cobwebs creep ;
Last night the sun went pale to bed,
The moon in halos hid her head:

The boding shepherd heaves a sigh,
For see a rainbow spans the sky ;

The walls are damp, the ditches smell,
Closed is the pink-eyed pimpernel;
The squalid toads at dusk are seen,
Slowly crawling o’er the green;

Loud quack the ducks, the peacocks cry,
The distant hills are looking nigh ;
Hark, how the chairs and tables crack,
Old Betty’s joints are on the rack:
And see yon rooks, how odd their flight,
They imitate the gliding kite,

Or seem precipitate to fall

As if they felt the piercing ball ;

How restless are the snorting swine,
The busy flies disturb the kine ;

Low o’er the grass the swallow wings,
The cricket too, how sharp she sings,
Puss on the hearth with velvet paws,
Sits wiping o’er her whiskered jaws ;
The wind, unsteady, veers around,

Or settling in the south is found:

The whirling wind the dust obeys,
And o’er the rapid eddy plays;

The leech disturbed is newly risen
Quite to the summit of his prison ;—
"Twill surely rain, I see, with sorrow,
Our jaunt must be put off to-morrow.”

‘
a

ee ee

71

The Alames of Dlaces in Wiltshire,

By the Rev. Prebendary W. H. Jonus, F.S.A.,

Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon.
(Continued.)

II.—On tHe Teutonic Evement 1n Wittsuire Loca Nass.

36. In an essay published in the pages of this Magazine an
attempt has already been made to explain those Names of Places in
Wiltshire which are derived from a Celtic source, and so illustrate
the times when Britons occupied this country. We proceed now to
speak of those which belong to a later period, introduced at the first
by the Anglo-Saxon settlers, in which is contained what is usually
termed the Teutonic element. From circumstances which are easily

_ understood, these are far more numerous than any others in our local
- nomenclature. An occupancy of the country, by themselves and
their descendants, for more than fourteen centuries, has enabled them
literally to “call the land after their own names.” Though both
in our ordinary speech, and, as we have shewn, in our River-Names,
there is a strong Celtic element, yet from the Anglo-Saxon is de-
rived the staple of our present language, and hence naturally enough
comes also the principal portion of the Names of Places.

In this part of our enquiry we tread on much firmer ground. The

_ valuable collection of Anglo-Saxon Charters still preserved to us,
some dating from as early a period as the seventh century, enables
us with far greater accuracy to come to a conclusion as to the
original forms, ‘and consequently the meaning, of the names. Many
_of the charters are no doubt but copies of the originals, made often
by scribes who were evidently ignorant of the language in which
the land-limits of estates are usually given; still, with all these

_ drawbacks, no one can study these charters which relate to a county
with which he is himself familiar, without perceiving what a flood
_ of light is poured forth by them on the meaning of names, without

72 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

which in many cases he must simply trust to some guess more or
less happy, or leave them altogether unexplained.

It is still necessary here, as in the previous essay, to come to
conclusions with much caution. Even in Anglo-Saxon charters,
especially when they are not originals but copies, we meet with
names evidently in a corrupt form. To draw inferences too readily ©
from the entries in Domesday Book is unsafe; the Norman scribes
spelt the names as best they could, and the effect of their own
language on the Anglo-Saxon is evident even in that early record.
The influence of centuries moreover has been at work in changing
the form, or modifying the pronunciation, of a name, till at last it
becomes so disguised that hardly a trace of its true origin remains.
The well-known tendency of names when corrupted to assume a
feasible form, the counterfeit in fact being specious enough and
looking just like sterling coin, is most misleading. Every careful
student of Local Nomenclature must often feel suspicious of inter-
pretations that are accepted readily—and, strange as it may seem,
almost for the very reason that they are apparently so self-
evident.

37. As an illustration of my meaning I will give one or two
examples :—

(2) Sometimes names derived from the same source assume very
different forms. Thus the Anglo-Saxon Fearn-din becomes FaRRINnG-
DON, whilst Fearn-lege becomes Far-Lecu, and Fearn-ham retains
almost its original form in Farn-nam. Again the Anglo-Saxon
Stan-ford, i.e., the stone, or paved, ford, becomes Stow-ForD; whilst
the compound Stén-ford-tin (i.e., the village by the Stone-ford)
becomes softened down to Sta-VER-TON.

(2) In other cases names derived from different sources assume
similar forms. Thus Upton is the name of two villages at no great
distance from each other not far from Warminster. One of them,
Upton Scudamore, is literally the ‘‘ Up (=upper) Town” or village,
and is sometimes called the “North Town.’ The other Upton
Lovet is a contraction of Ubéan-tin, i.e., “ Ubba’s Town,” and so
a memorial of a celebrated Danish chieftain, or at all events of his —
name-sake. Another good instance is in the name WooLLEy, which:

Corruptions in Local Names. 73

is met with three times in my own neighbourhood ; first as the name
of a large tithing, where, from an ancient spelling W//-/eg, it is
clearly the memorial of U/f, an owner in the time of the Confessor,
—wnert as the name of a street in Bradford-on-Avon, where itis a
corruption of Tooley, itself a contraction of St. Olave, to whom a
chapel was dedicated in the street—just as Tooley Street, in South-
wark, is so called from the church of St. Olave which is situated in
it,—and Jastly as the name of a small parish connected with that
of Bathwick, where, if we may draw conclusions from an old spelling
Wilege, the name is certainly to be sought for in a source perfectly
distinct from the other two.

(c) Then of course there are cases here, as with Celtic Names, in
which the original has been so altered as to defy the happiest conjecture.
Among such apparently hopeless corruptions—stereotyped I fear
in many instances by those who compiled the Ordnance Map for
Wilts, and who would have been better friends to Philologists if
they had taken with them some some one acquainted with the dialect
of the county—is what now appears as Cuick CHANGLES wood, in

_ the parish of East Overton. It is now some years ago, when, in
: _ company with the late lamented Dr. Thurnam, I went over the
- bounds of this parish, and we were both convinced that it was un-
doubtedly the Scythangra spoken of in the charter relating to it
(Cod. Dipl., 1120), a name that might fairly be Englished as Shot-
hanger, and which means literally the ‘ ‘ shooting” or sloping “hanger,”
i.e., wood, on the declivity of a hill. |
88, Such names as we are now about to consider are generally
composed of two members, the one, which for the most part forms
the termination, being a generic term, applicable to a number of
places of a similar character, and denoting the nature of the settlement
or neighbourhood to be described—the other a specific term,

es
1The Domesday Name looks as though it were connected with the Anglo-
‘Saxon wileg (willow). There is however a charter relating to CHARLCOMBE,
the neighbouring parish, (Cod. Dipl. iii., 455,) in which we meet with this
"passage, ‘‘Of Cedlles-cumbe ést . . . to 34m weallon” i.e., ‘‘ From Chelscombe
east . . . to the wells” (=springs);—if this be meant for Woottey, and it
certainly is a very probable conjecture, that name really, like Wellow, is de-
‘rived from the Anglo-Saxon reall (or sille) a “ spring (or well) of water.”

VOL. XV.—NO. XLII. L

74 ; The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

limiting the meaning to a particular portion of such settlement
or neighbourhood. The difference between the Celtic and Teutonic
languages in respect of compound names has already been noticed
(see above § 2), and therefore the remark need not here be repeated
or exemplified.

In speaking of one class of Celtie Names—those comparatively
few, in which to a word found in use the Teutonic settlers added
their own terminations (see above § 3 c.)—we assumed that the
general purport of such “ endings”? was understood. Now however
that we are discussing names, in which one or other of them almost
invariably occurs, it will be well to give a more exact account of
the meaning of those which are most common.

Tim. This ordinarily in terminations assumes the form of Ton.
The word originally denotes any enclosure, great or small.
From it is derived the verb fynan (= 1o enclose). Hence
the Wiltshire words Garston, (g@rs-tén) literally “ grass-
enclosure,” and Timing, which denotes “ enclosed ground.”
The word is applied to areas of the most varying extent, a
garden, a court, a village,a town. In most cases perhaps
our word “ village” would be its best interpretation. Indeed
what in our authorized version of the Bible is translated
“ go ye into the village over against you, &c.” (Luke xix., 30),
is in Tyndale’s version (1526), translated “ goo ye into the
towne, &c.” The village of Bethany moreover is called
(John, xi., 1) “the town of Mary and her sister Martha.”
The very common word Barton, which is applied to the
buildings enclosed within a rick-yard, and also to any small
enclosed court or yard, is originally Bere-tin, 1.e., literally
corn-town or enclosure.

89. Ham. This word also, like the preceding, means that which
surrounds, encloses, ems, or defends something. The word
itself occurs as a local name—spelt in the charter HammE
(Cod. Dipl., 1220)—on the eastern border of the county,
not far from Hungerford. Leo tells us, that, according to
Grimm, it is connected with an obsolete root Aiman, which
must have signified to “enclose.” He adds, from Outzen’s

ee ee eee

eb tink

Him,

Teutonic Terminations. 750

“Glossary of the Frisian Language,”’ the following statement :
“ Ham applies to every enclosure by rampart, ditch, or hedge.
In the country of the Angles as well as in North Friesland
every enclosed place is called a hamm.” And from another
authority he quotes these words: “ Whatever obstructs or is
obstructed, hems in or is hemmed in, is called hamm or hemme,
whether it be a forest, a fenced field, a meadow. a swamp,
a reed-bank, or isolated lowlands won by circumscribing with
palisades an area in the bed of a river; indeed even a house,
or a castle, was so called by the Frisians.}
It is very important to distinguish between this word with
its accented vowel and that which has just been explained.
This word, as Kemble remarks, denotes ‘“‘ something far more
sacred and profound, and is the most intimately felt of all
the words by which the dwellings of man are distinguished.”
From it is derived the word Aeman, which in its purest sense
signifies to “ marry,” and so represents to us the family itself,
and the sanctity of home, as well as the subsequent union of
several families. Kemble adds these important words: “Hém
in its largest sense implies the general assemblage of the
dwellings in each particular district, to which the arable land
and pasture of the community were appurtenant, the Lome
of all the settlers in a separate and well-defined locality, the
collection of the houses of the freeman. Wherever we can
assure ourselves that the vowel is long, we may be certain that
the name implies such a village or community.” ®

Wee. This word in composition usually means a dwelling-
place of one or more houses. The general idea would seem
to be that of a place fenced and fortified, shut in and so a
place of security. There are still woods and copses known
as wieks. In such words as Sand-wich it would seem to have
the sense of a “harbour.” From this idea of harbour or
shelter comes the sense of camp, or village, or hamlet and
even of castle. In military history “they encamped” is

1 Anglo-Saxon Names of Places, p. 39.
*Cod, Dipl. iii., xxix
L2

The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

“ wicodon,’ when they quit the camp it is “of wicum.” Tn
Wright’s Vocabularies, Caste//um is thus explained (p. 94) :
“wie vel lutel-port,’ that is, it means “a wick or a little
town”? (fortified). Now the wie or lutel-port was a group of
houses fenced round with a ditch and mound stockaded a-top.
After the Conquest the military sense of wie was forgotten
and it retained only the sense of residence. In Layamon
(Anno 1200) we have wikien ( = to dwell) and wickinge or
wickeninge (=a dwelling). Archzol. Journal, xvii., 103.
It is, as has been already mentioned (§ 2) the Greek ‘ixos,
the Latin views, the Celtic gwic, and the Anglo-Saxon wie,

‘and it is difficult to assign the priority to any of them.!

penis Burh, Byrig. These words commonly appear as the

Beorh,

terminational form dury, as in West-bury, Rams-dury, &e.
The general sense of this word is what we now call a Town
or Borough. Kemble considers that its source is to be sought,
like that of the word that follows, in deorg-an (= to hide,
or shelter). It would represent thus an inhabited place with
more substantial fortifications than simple hedges or ditches.
“T am inclined to believe,” says Kemble, “that the, modern
sense of burg, viz., a fortress, was the original Saxon one
also ; it would appear so from the name of a man frequently
occurring in the composition: most probably the village
grew up around the castle.” Cod Dipl., III., xix.

Berg. These words also assume in composition the form
of dury, asin Ry-dury (originally Ruge-berg), and sometimes
of borough, as in Wood-orough (spelt in the charters Wédnes-
beorg, Cod. Dipl., 1035). The meaning of the word isa
hill. It is connected certainly with the verb deorgan { = to
hide or shelter). "The fundamental signification of derg was
ground that conceals, whether m respect of which may be

1Tt may be observed that Wick in the Scandinavian languages means a
‘“bay or recess,” and hence ‘the old fierce Vikings had their name. Like the
Greek Pirates they issued from their winding bays to carry slaughter and
rapine wherever they could. Old Norse v#k (= wik) ‘‘ recessus, sinus brevior
et laxior.” The word wick in the North of England means a corner, 4.¢.,
bending. A Lancashire man will talk-of ‘‘the wicks of his mouth.”

Teutonie Terminations. 77

duried underneath, or because of what it intercepts or bars,
or what it shelters. ‘The Anglo-Saxon deorh was not the
German erg (=a mountain) in its strict application, but
bore a far wider meaning. The least elevation or rising of
the ground, even a cluster of stones, or a heap of earth, was
ealled deorh. The term is used in Joshua, vii., 26, “ And
worhton mid stépum Anne steépne deork him 6fer” And they
wrought with stones one high deorh (= heap) over him.”
There can be little doubt as to our word Jarrow (when applied
to the ¢umult on our downs) being a form of the same word.
There is however an Anglo-Saxon verb dyriau which signifies
to raise, and corddyre is also the common name for a tumulus.
From this comes the word, so frequently found in charters,
byrigels (= a burial-place) , and possibly also the words Jarrow
and durrow ( =a warren), because eorSbyre signifies not only
a tumulus or tomb, but a heap of earth in every other respect.
Leo, p. 76.

4). Berie. This oceurs. wala frequent termination, and in the names of

places which can neither be described as towns, villages, or
hills. Thus we have Hésel-der: (Cod. Dipl., 706) (—Hasel-
bury), and Etes-derie (= Yatesbury) (W. Domesd., 122).
There are two words of frequent occurrence in charters, bearo,
which means a “ woody plot,” and dero, or bero, a word only
occurring in composition, and denoting “pasture.” The
connection of Jeri with either of these is however not clear.
It seems clearly a distinct word from either of the two just
explained, though it assumes in composition the same form
bury. Whishaw, in his Law Dictionary, gives Beria, Berie,
Berry as meaning a “ large open field.” He adds these words
from Cowell: “ Most of our glossographers have confounded
the word Jerie with that of dwry and Gorough, as the appella-
tions of ancient towns: whereas the true sense of the word
berie is a flat wide campaign. Many flat and wide meads
and other open grounds are called by the names of Beries
and Berry-field. The spacious meadow between Oxford and
Ifley was, in the reign of King Athelstan, called Bery. As

78

The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

is now the largest pasture-ground in Quarendon, in the
county of Bucks, known by the name of Bery-field. And
those meads (called Berie-meadows) have been interpreted
demesne or manor meadows, yet were they truly any flat or
open meadow, that lay adjoiming to any vill or farm.” See
also Kennett’s Paroch, Antigq. Gloss., sub voce BERIA.

42, Stée, Stow. These two words, though distinct, are placed

Leth.

together because they have much the same meaning, viz.,
“place” or “habitation.” Of the latter Florence of Worcester
explains the signification in the words: “ Sancte Mariz
Stou Anglice, Latine Sanctee Marie /ocus appellatur.” Mon.
H. B., 609. The former is the very frequent termination
stoke or stock, as in Laver-stock, formerly Laver-stoke. Itis
frequently also found as asimple name. One of the tithings
of Bradford-on-Avon is called Stoxz. In the Shaston
Chartulary Stoke, and in Domesday Stoche, are the names
respectively for Beeching-stoke and Braden-stoke. From
the way in which it is often used it would seem sometimes to
denote a small out-lying portion of some larger estate.

This assumes the form of Jey or legh. It is defined
in a charter (Cod. Dipl., 190) as equivalent to campus
(= field) : thus we have “ campus armentorum, id est hrida
leah.” Kemble thinks that Witena-leah (Cod. Dipl., 588),
which was by Maddingley, near Cambridge, may be so called
from a meeting of the “ Witan,” having been held there.
He further gives it as his opinion that the root of this word,
still common in English poetry, is icgan, (= to lie), and -
that in all .probability it originally denoted meadows lying
fallow after a crop. It has also been suggested that from
the way in which this word is used in the Saxon Chronicle
it may have been the old Gothic word used for the waste or
march which, according to Cesar, always surrounded the
territory ofa German tribe, De Bell. Gall., iv.,3. Wehave
the word Lzien in its simple form frequently in Wilts as the
name—of a tithing of Bradford-on-Avon—of a portion of the
parish of Westbury—and of a place close by Malmesbury.

Teutonic Terminations. 79

43. Thorp. A name for a village, but originally signifying an
assembly of men. (Compare the Latin twrba and the German
dorf.) We meet with this word in Wiltshire in the com-
pounds Westrop ( =/West-thorp) and Estrop ( = LEast-thorp).
Leo (Anglo-Saxon Names of Places, p. 49) says “The an-
tiquity of the word thorp is supported, not only by the fact
of its being common to both Latin and German, but in that
it is found in almost all European dialects :—torf signifies in
Welsh a crowd, a multitude, a troop ; and tearbh (olim turbh)
in Gaelic and Erse means a tribe, a family, a farmers’ village.
Torppa, also in Finnish, signifies a village. The French
troupe, troupeau, are related, whether such an affinity is
brought about by the Latin turéa, or by the Celtic torf, or
trubh.” He adds, “ Whilst Aém suggests the internal and
mutual relationship of inhabitants of distriets—tiéin, ham,
burh, their external isolation and stability—thorp conveys the
idea of their social intereommunion.”

ears, Wyrth. This is the Anglo-Saxon wurd or weord (=a

homestead) and forms the termination worth, as in T1D-worTH,
CuHEL-worTH, and a few other names. It has much the same
meaning as the Low German worthe, a protected enclosed
homestead. It is sometimes found as weordig (= Worthy)
as in Ham-worthy, in Dorset. Thus in the charters Tam-
worth is spelt sometimes Zamo-worS and at others Zamo-
wordsig. In the laws of King Ine, § 40, “ Ceorles
weordsig” is rendered in the old Latin version “ Rustici
eurtillum”? (= ceorl’s close). Rocquefort defines it “ Jardin
qui est ordinairement enfermé de murailles, de haies, ou de
fossés.” See Anc. Laws and Inst., I., 127; and Glossary,
sub voce Weordig. The word occurs in its simple form as
the name of a hundred now usually termed HieH-wortu, but
which is called in the Exon Domesday and Hundred Rolls
Worps and Wortu. Wilts Domesd., 164.

44. Thus far then concerning what is usually the second portion

of Anglo-Saxon names of places. There are a few others, whose

_ Meaning is well understood ; these will be explained in a supplemen-

80 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

tary list, in which an account will be given of the names in which
they occur.

We have now to deal with the first member of such names—that
which qualifies the generic term and limits its application to some
particular locality. For convenience sake we will class them under
four general heads.

I.—Names derived from the general physical features of the
country.

It will be evident that among the first names imposed by any new
settlers in a country would be those derived from the general physical
Jeatures of the country itself. Many of such names, as we have
already shown, were adopted from the language of the aborigines,
the Anglo-Saxons in not a few instances adding their own Teutonic
terminations to the Celtic words. But as soon as they were at all
settled in the country they would begin to give names derived from
their own language, and these would at first necessarily be descriptive
of the natural features of a locality. Under this head, which may
well include names derived from the productions of a place, whether
from the animal, vegetable, or mineral kingdom, may be ranged a
large number of words. Among such names we may place the
following :—

BraprorD means simply the broad ford over the Avon ;—
Bravuueu is the broad legh ;—Bratton is the broad village, a name
describing accurately enough the straggling village bearing that
designation close by Westbury ;—Huinton (A.S. Hedntiéin) means
the high village, or that which is situated on hilly ground ;—HEniry
is the high legh, a fair description of the table-land which is to be
seen in such large tracts on the tops of our downs ;—LanG zy is the
long legh, a word of frequent occurrence in Wiltshire.

Then again from the Anglo-Saxon wudu (or wude) meaning a
wood, come many words. Wooprorp explains itself ;— Woorron,
z.e., © village by the wood,” is a name given to several places in the
vicinity of forests, e.g., Wootton Bassett by the large forest of
Braden, Wootton Rivers by that of Savernake.

In late Saxon you have sceaga, which signifies wood, wilderness.

&. Names descriptive of Physical Features. 81

_ This is the origin of Suaw, the name of two places, one

iM near Melksham, the other by Alton Priors. From the compound

___ bremele sceaga, literally “ bramble-wood,” we have the name Bram-
sHaw. I am inclined to think that the name SHockErwICck, on the

- Somersetshire border, by Batheaston, is a corruption of sceaga-wic,
and means simply the “ dwelling by the wood.”

45. In some eases the peculiar shape of a manor or estate seems
to have fixed the name. Srert, near Devizes, may fairly be presumed
_ to be the Anglo-Saxon steort, which means a tail, an extremity, a

promontory. Gorz, a tithing of Market Lavington, would seem
to be gara, an angular point or neck of land stretching out into the
plain, a word which, according to Kemble, is itself to be referred to
gér, a javelin or pike.

Then from the Anglo-Saxon dién,) which signifies hill, and from
which we get our common expression “the downs,” come amongst
others the following names: Downton (dién-tin) is the village situ-
ated between the hills or in the neighbourhood of the downs ;—

- Dowuxan (diin-hedfod) means literally the head, z.e.,the commencing,
or the highest point, of the downs; Hinpon (hedu-din) means high
hill, an apt description of the locality of the now decayed town
bearing that name, and which at first was simply the hilly part of

_ the parish of East Knoyle.

46. Then,amongst the names derived fromthe xatwral ‘productions

of a locality, the following may be mentioned :—

(a2) Those derived from the vegetable kingdom. _

Such for example are AsH-pown (esces-diin), the “hill of the

4 ash-trees,” and the similar compounds of AsutTon, ASHGROVE,

Asuton, which sufficiently explain themselves. Again Garspon

7

TAs regards this well known word, a philological friend has sent me the
4 illowing observations: ‘‘ Dan (—hill, a fortified hill) is foundin Anglo-Saxon
7 Dictionaries but it is not Teutonic. It is the Ir. and Gael. dun, a fortified
house or hill; W. din, a fortified hill or mount, a camp or fort. Its appearanco
in such Celtic names as Lug-dun-um, and Lon- din-ium, shows clearly its origin.
It has been imported into the German dialects: Frisic diinen and S. German
4 donen are instances, but its proper home is on Celtic ground. Buda § says it is
_ aword of the ancient British language.” See Pritchard’s Researches, iii., 126.

82 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

(gers-din), near Malmesbury, means simply the “ grassy hill.” Pur-
TON, in the same neighbourhood, from its original spelling, pirig-tin,
would seem to mean the village where the pear-éree flourished. From
ellen-diin (= the hill of elder-trees) you have EL1neTon, a name now
superseded by that of Wroughton, of which parish it forms part.

The wild broom (Anglo-Saxon drdm) gives its name to Sours
Broom, near Devizes, as well as to Bromuam, in the same locality.

(4) Those derived from the animal kingdom.

Under this division will be placed Swinsrook, the name of a small

stream in Pomeroy, on theSomerset border,so called probably from the
swine that revelled among the acorns of the adjoining wood. SropFoLD,
the name of one of the ancient hundreds, is the Anglo-Saxon stdéd-
fald, a word of frequent occurrence in boundaries, and means simply
the “ fold for horses” (the words steed and stud being still familiar
to us as connected with horses), and SrupLey has much the same
signification. Fuaeizston, if the former part be not a corrupt or
shortened form of some personal name, is perhaps from the Anglo-
Saxon fugel ( =a bird or fowl), and may be so termed from the wild
fowl that frequented the neighbourhood of the Wyly and the Nadder,
near the confluence of which streams it is situated. Of the derivation
of Ramspury, however specious the disguise in which it appears, we
can have no doubt. Its original name was Hrefnes-byrig (= raven’s
bury), and its Bishops (for at that place was the seat of the ancient
bishopric of Wiltshire) fully understood its meaning when they
signed themselves “ Episcopi Corvinensis Ecclesie.” In its immediate
vicinity is a place called Crow-woop.

(c) Those derived from the mineral kingdom.

One of the Wiltshire Hundreds is called Cuak, and within it
are the parishes of Broad-Chalk and Bower-Chalk. Srxnp, and
SAND-RIDGE, which is in its immediate vicinity, are so called from
the light sandy soil that is to be found there. From the Anglo-Saxon
clif, clyf ( =a rock or cliff) come a number of names, such as CLIFF-
Prearp, Crrrr-Wancey (now corrupted into Clevancy), Ciirton, and
the like. The compounds from the Anglo-Saxon stén (= stone)
are very numerous. We have not a few places of the name of
Sranton in Wilts. Near Hungerford we have a StanpEn, and by

.

Names denoting Land- Divisions. 83

‘Chippenham a Srantzy, both of which explain themselves. Stowe 1,
9 or as it is sometimes spelt StawELL, is from the Anglo-Saxon stan-
‘ wyll (=stone well). Collinson gives “ Stan-well” as a form in
which he meets with the name of what is now commonly called
: “ Stowell,” near Wincanton, in Somerset.

II:—Names derived from the division of the land among the
settlers in the country.

47. We now advance astep further. As soon as the new settlers
have made themselves secure in the land which they have won, they
begin to divide it among themselves; and hence another class of
names is introduced, those that derive their origin from the nature
of the settlement, or from circumstances connected with such partition
of territory among the conquerors.

It is no part of our purpose in this essay to trace out the way in

_ which the ancient marks were occupied by the men of a family ora
_ ¢lan, or the gradual means by which manors were granted out to
_ various owners, or how these manors or estates were formed into
tithing’s and hundreds, and these subsequently into shires. We have
only to do with such subjects so far as the names we meet with
throw light upon them or are illustrated by them.
It will not however be irrelevant, if, on one of these points, inas-

_ much as the ancient names in Wilts seem to sri some light upon
it, I make a few remarks.
In the oldest list of the Wiltshire Hundreds, that contained in
_ the Exeter Domesday Book, out of forty which are enumerated, there
are but twelve which are called from a chief town within their limits.
zs hese are: —Ambresbury, Bradford, Cricklade, Chippenham, Calne,
al lownton, Heytesbury, Melksham, Mere, Ramsbury,and Warminster.
The comparatively small places Alderbury, Damerham, and Worth
a ik Highworth) give names to hundreds, but neither Bedwin (un-
less, as is possible, Kinwardston may be another designation of
it) , Wilton, or Malmesbury are found assigning theirnames to such
_ divisions of territory; and of the rest, the meaning of some of the words
| is so obscure as to be beyond our power to explain, whilst of others
: the interpretation seems to point to a remote time when the country

84. The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

was but thinly peopled, and there were but few towns or villages
of any note in it. Thus Biacnu-Grave means the dark grove
or wood; THORN-GRAVE and THOoRN-HILL, the wood and hill
covered with thorns or brambles; Sran-rorp, the stone (paved)
ford over a stream, the old name for the present hundred of
Chalk ; Stop-ra.p, the fold, or place, for horses (Anglo-Saxon stod-
fald) ; Ex-stus, in Anglo-Saxon ellen-stub, the stump or stowl of
the elder, of very common occurrence in the recital of ancient boun-
daries; Stapte (Anglo-Saxon stapol), literally an upright post or
pillar, designating, at the first perhaps, the place where the Hundred
Court was held, when, meeting in the open air, they transacted the
business of which that ancient court took cognisance; RUGEBERGH,
i.e., the rough, or hoar barrow ; WHER-WELS-DON, (originally perhaps
har-welles-din,) 7.e., the hill by the hoar, or ancient well. Such
names as these tell, as it seems to me, of great antiquity, and point
clearly to a time when Wiltshire had but few places of note which
might give names to the Hundreds in which they were situated,
And it is hard to explain, except by the merest conjecture, such names
as FrrsresFietp (Frustfield), SreRKLEY, BRENCHESBERG (Branch),
Do.rsrett (Dole), and SxtKLEy,—all traces having for the most
part long since perished of the sources from which they were origi-
nally derived. .
Now it is a common assertion that Tithings and Hundreds were
instituted by King Alfred. The Chronicon Wintoniense, under A.D.
882, says expressly that he formed them, “ad latrones investigandos.”
Ingulphus repeats the same statement, and attributes their establish-
ment to King Alfred, about A.D. 8938. No doubt Alfred may have
re-modelled the Hundreds and Tithings, but I cannot help thinking
that the institution of them was of much earlier date, and I submit
that this opinion is in a measure confirmed by fair deductions from
the names of the ancient hundreds in Wilts. For, certainly, a very
early and primitive state of things in Wiltshire seems to be indicated,
when the ancient barrow or tumulus, the elder-stowl, the hoar or
ancient well, the staple or stone pillar, gave names to Hundreds.
Add to this the following facts, and I venture to think that I have
made out a fair case for my belief, that the institution of Hundreds

Names denoting Land-Divisions. 85

in Wilts was, perhaps, some 20 years before Alfred’s time. Up to
the close of the eleventh century, the date of the Exeter Domesday,
_ there is no such Hundred as Malmesbury. In the year 1540, as
we learn from the Inquisitiones Nonarum, what is now the town of
Malmesbury was situated in two hundreds, the dividing line running
through it. The church of St. Mary, together with Brokenborough
and Charlton, was in the Hundred of CunacrLews ; the church of
St. Paul, together with Rodbourn and Corston, was in the Hundred
of Srercuzter. If the town of Malmesbury existed at the time
when the Hundreds were formed, is it likely that it would have been
parted between ¢#wo Hundreds, especially when we bear in mind that
the lordship of both, as well as of all the neighbouring estates, be-
Yonged from an early period to the Abbot of Malmesbury? In fact,
is it not almost certain that had it so existed it would have given
its name (as it did in after times) to the hundred, like Bradford,
_ Westbury, Calne, Warminster, &c.? Now, Malmesbury is mentioned
asa town by Beda, who calls it “ Maildulfi urbs,” under the date of
A.D. 705. If therefore there be any force in the facts on which I
have been dwelling, they would furnish, to say the least, a strong
_ probability that the Wiltshire Hundreds were formed before the
_ town of Malmesbury was built, and so perhaps some 200 years
_ before Alfred the Great was born. As far as they go they would
give ‘some confirmation to the opinion advanced by Hutchins and
| otbers, that their first institution is, with far more likelihood, to be
attributed to Ine, the friend and kinsman of Aldhelm, who was king
of Wessex, A.D. 690—726.

. 48. The word sutre, as in Wilt-shire, signifies simply a share
or division *(Anglo-Saxon Scyr). This word enters into the compo-

. ar ee aoe ee FS

;

Sition of many names of places that are upon the borders of the
ty, and these are interesting as showing for how long a time
% the limits of the county have remained unchanged. A comparison
_ of ‘the entries in the Domesday record for Wiltshire and the neigh-
_bouring counties leads us also to the same conclusion. Thus on the
_ north-west border of Wilts you have SuEr-ston, originally Scyr-stdn
‘@hire-stone). At another part of the boundary you have SHER-RELL
farm, which seems to derive its name from a 77// or small stream

86 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

that in that part bounds the county. At Freshford, also on the
borders, you have a place the name of which is now spelt Suaston’;
there can be little doubt but that you have its original form in
SHaRE-STONE, close by Chapmanslade, and that both are called from
a stone placed near them for the purpose of marking the boundary
of the county.

Again, the word mer, or, as it is generally written, ge-mere, de-
notes a boundary. In its simple form Mere we meet with it as the
name of a hundred which forms a portion of the south-west boundary
of our county, and of the principal town in it. Its compounds are
numerous. Every Wiltshire man is familiar with the term “ mere-.
stones,” or the stones by which, on our open downs, one plot of land
‘ is separated from another. The same word appears in Marston

(Maisy),originally mer-stdn, near the north east boundary of Wilts

Close by Poulshot also you have a Marston, though there it indicates
the boundary between two hundreds. Mar-pen, near Devizes, means
the boundary “ dean,” and also is at the point of separation between
ancient hundreds. Near Burbage you have Mar-creen, close by
the borders of a neighbouring parish. A place by the Gloucestershire
border of our county is called Marsu-Friexp (originally spelt Mares-
feld), and a house at Road, on the Somersetshire border, still bears
the name of Msr-FizxpD, that is, in each case the “ boundary field.”
The line of hills that separates Winsley from Warleigh, a few
miles only from Bath, is called Mur-nitt, and there is a place
of much the same character near Swindon which is spelt Mur-RELL ;
in either instance it was probably originally mer-hyl, 1.e., the
boundary-hill.” Near Swindon also, you have some rising ground,
which was at first, no doubt, called mer-hyrcg, i.e., the “ boundary-
ridge,” and this’ has been corrupted in the course of centuries into
Marriace Hitt. We have also several places in Wiltshire called
Mar-ton or Mar-tin ; all of which are on the borders either of the
county or of hundreds. They mean either the “ boundary village,”
or (as certainly is the case with the place of that name near Burbage)
the “boundary thcrn,” the idea of their deriving their appellations
from the supposed dedication of their churches to St. Martin being
quite unfounded.

Names denoting Land-Divisions. 87

49. It has already been mentioned that one way of marking
boundaries, when no other means were at hand, was by placing a
stone or wooden pillar at the point to be indicated. This was called
in Anglo-Saxon stapo/, and from it we have the word staple, which
is frequently found as a component part of the names of places.
_ Indeed the history of this word, and of its various meanings, is very
interesting. In its primary signification you have it in such words
as SraPLe-ForD, which is the ford by the staple or pillar set up to
mark the boundary of the manor; and StaPie-nIL1, the name of a
__ hillat Westwood, across which runs the border of Wilts and Somerset.
‘It came next to denote a land-mark generally, and in this sense it
is used in such a word as STaPEL-THORN, that is, a thorn serving as
a point of boundary just as the customary “staple.” In time it

became a custom to erect such stone pillars in the middle of villages
and towns to mark the place where men might congregate for the
purpose of transacting business, and the village “staple” was after-
wards developed into the “ market cross.” In ancient days when
the privilege of holding a market was ceded to any town or village,
it often had the name “ Staple ” or “ Steeple ” prefixed to it. Hence
the names STeEPLE AsHTon and STEEPLE Lavineton, the latter
_ place being commonly called Marxer Lavineton. From the less
| to the greater the step was not difficult. The principal place in
London for the sale of wool, the chief article of commerce in ancient
dimes, was in Holborn, near what is now called Staptes Inn. The
_ principal articles of commerce came, from being sold there, to be
| called “ Staple articles,’ and they who dealt in them were in due
_ time called “ Merchants of the Staple.”

_ 50. Of course every one has heard of the division of the country
into Aides. In the Domesday record, in every instance the extent
of a manor is given first in Aides and then in carucates. The former
= mode of measuring, or, perhaps, I ought to say, assessing estates,
had existed for many years prior to the Norman conquest. Hence
*- im our local names we have several traces of the custom. Thus
_ Firterp and Fireueap are but corruptions of ff Aéd, and mean
| _ simply an estate containing five hides. In like manner T1N-HEAD,
= 5 tithing of Edington, means an estate of ten hides, TILSHEAD,

88 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

from the way in which it is spelt in documents of the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries, Tidu/f-hide and Theodulf-hide, seems to be
the designation of a manor containing a hide belonging at one time
to an owner named Theodulf.

51. Again, any Wiltshire man knows what is meant by a inch,
or, as sometimes we have it in a diminutive form, Zinchet. Itis the
Anglo-Saxon hdine, which signifies a ridge of land, and is applied
in Wilts to the boundary ridges thrown up for the purpose of
separating one property or parish from another. Hence Junius
defines it, “ agger limitaneus parcechias dividens.” It is applied to
such ridges, or balks, of varying extent. The place now called
Trafalgar,in memory of the great Lord Nelson, was previously termed
Srantinc#. This is evidently the Anglo-Saxon stén-hlinc, i.e., the
“stony linch” (Andrews and Dury in their map give the name as
Ston-ley). Not far from this place, and in the same parish of
Downton, you have a place called Rep-tinen. This, it is conjec-
tured, refers to the red, perhaps gravelly soil of the “linch,” from
which it derives its name.

Two more instances may be given under this class of names.
The Anglo-Saxon word divisc means a “ small estate.” Hence the
word HvisH or Hewisu, which is but another form of the original
term. Near Chippenham you have itin a compound word. Harpen-
HUISH neans Harding’s-estate. In the Domesday record, though he
did not possess at that time this particular manor on which has been
imprinted the name of his family, Harptne is recorded to have held,
in the time of Edward the Confessor, property in its immediate
neighbourhood. In fact one of the Titheringtons belonged to
him.

III.—Names of places derived from those of owners or occupiers
of the land.

52. We have in the various ancient charters a large list of
personal names. In the Wilts Domesday we have an account
of the names of numerous tenants both before and after the
Conquest. Moreover Wassenberg has collected together, in his
Philological contributions to the Frisian language, a list of old

Names from those of ancient Owners or Occupiers. 89

Frisic personal names, which without doubt serve to interpret many
local names in Wilts.
An example or two shall be given, first of all, from some of the
Anglo-Saxon charters.
There is a place in All Cannings which is now called Sr. ANNE’s
Hitt, but, as it has been shown in the pages of this Magazine,
(vol. xi., p. 9,) it is really a memorial of an ancient owner of the
name of Anne, the occurrence of such names as these—Anan stén
( = Anne’s stone) Anne’s thorn—Anne’s crundell—in the charter of
Stanton Berners, the immediately adjoining parish, clearly proving
it. Again, in the charter relating to Dauntsey, we have named
among the points of boundary, Strenges buryeles ( = Streng’s burial-
place), a name now only to be recognized in Stranger’s Farm.? So
in the Hyde Chartulary, in the land-limits of Collingbourn Kingston,
we have Guthredes-berg ( = Guthred’s barrow), a name now changed
into GopsBury.$
Of those, for the interpretation of which we may look to Domesday
Book, an account has already been given in this Magazine. Two

q may be referred to by way of illustration. The place vow called

Fittleton is in Domesday (p. 118) called Vrrexetoz ,° and theowner

in the days of the Confessor was one Vrret, and it is no stretch of

imagination to believe that from this early owner, or some namesake

1See Cod. Dipl. 483. We have similar instances of this tendency to see

memorials of Saints in local names in designations given to other parishes in

Wilts. Sranron Berners has been transformed into Stanton St, Bernard,
whilst Srratrorp Tony, so called from Alice de Toni, Countess of Warwick,

_ has been gravely intrepreted as Stratford St. Anthony. In like manner
_ Martin, near Bedwyn, supposed to be called from an old chapel presumably
dedicated to St. Martin, is simply mer-téin (—boundary village), and was

formally spelt Marton or Merton. In the Inq. p.m. 17 Edw. I, the name occurs
‘as Mar-thorn, as though it were so called from some boundary thorn planted

_ there. Anyhow the name has nothing to do with any medieval Saint.
. 2 Cod. Dipl. 263.

3 Hyde Chartulary, (Rolls Series) p. 107,
' 4 Wilts Magazine, xiii., 42.
5In a charter relating to Enford, an immediately adjoining parish, we have a

_ boundary-point described as ‘‘ Fitelan slides crundel” ¢.¢., the ‘‘ crundel by

‘Fitel’s slade.” Cod. Dipl. 1110.

| VOL. XV.—NO. XLIII. M

90 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

of his, the village derived its name. Again, Exston, a tithing in
the parish of Orcheston St. George, belonged, at the time of
Domesday, to Osbern Giffard (W. Domesd., p. 117). In the
thirteenth century it belonged to one of his descendants, Elias.
Giffard (Test. de Nev., 142). The form in which the name was then
spelt, H/ys-ton seems to prove that its meaning is the town or village
of Elias (Giffard).

58. Drawing conclusions from analogy, I have little doubt that
many names, which now puzzle us, contain in them abbreviated and
often corrupt forms of the names of some ancient owner. Certainly
the lists that we have among the subscriptions to the Anglo-Saxon
charters, as well as that of Frisian names which Wassenberg has
compiled, seem to throw much light on this subject, though we
cannot directly connect many of the personal names with those of
the places which they nevertheless seem to interpret. Thus we find
the name of Huntar, an abbot, appended to a Saxon charter of the
date of 8541: is it unlikely that one so called gave the name to
Huwn.avin-Tone (= Hunlaf’s town) ?—certainly WooLavineTon, in
in Sussex, was originally Wulflafing-tin (= the tun, or village of
Wulflaf.? So too with what is now called Rotestone : in Domesday
it is accounted for under WINTERBURNE (W. Domesd., p. 41), and in
the Nom. Vill. it appears as ABBODESTON, so called from belonging
to the Abbey of St. Peter’s, Winchester ; but its present designation
I believe to be derived from some old owner bearing a name which
in old Frisian appears as Roti, and in Dutch as Roget, and which,
Wassenberg tells us, is a contraction of Rudolf, or Radulf, (now
better known in its shortened form of Ralph or Rolf,) of by no
means infrequent occurrence in Domesday Book. A form of the
name which we meet with in sundry records viz., Roluestone
(= Rolvestone) certainly confirms this view.

54. It will have been observed that some of our illustrations have -
been from instances in which a personal name occurs in connection

1Cod. Dipl. 270. We meet with Hinldéfing-ham in a charter from Cod.
Winton, (C.D. 1231,) but I do not know where the place so designated may be ;
it does not seem to be in Wilts.
? Saxons in England, i., 60,

Names from those of ancient Owners or Oceupiers. 91

with the sepulchral ¢wmuli, to which reference is so constantly made

in the charters, and which are still to be seen in such numbers on

our downs. The present mode of burial in cemeteries set apart for

the purpose, and then attached to churches, was not usual till nearly
_ the end of the ninth century. At certain periods they observed the
custom of solitary burial, under a mound or barrow, in the open and
uncultivated ground which separated the possessions of different
communities or settlers. Hence the very frequent reference to such
mounds on the borders of ancient manors,—sacred land-marks they
became,—the work of man indeed, but intended for his home, when,
after his days of toil, he folds his hands and lays him down to rest.
Perhaps in our zeal to interpret the past we are in danger of some
irreverence in peering into these ancient sepulchres. It would be
well for us, if, when engaged in what to some is the exciting chase
of “ barrow-digging,” we bore in mind more frequently that in that
* dust and ashes” are the germs of immortality. The old charters
deal with a time when the names of a few past generations had not
quite faded from men’s memories. In going through these records
a feeling often comes over you, like that which, after a residence of
many years in a village, you feel as you walk through the church-
yard, and can tell, one by one, whose memorials the little turf-heaps
are, and who sleeps beneath them. Frequent allusions are often
found to older “ barrows:” a common expression found is “0d 8a
hzSenan byrgelsas,” 7.¢., to the “ heathen burial-places :”
the way in which mention is made of persons being placed in these
_ “heathen barrows” seems to imply that the earliest Christians buried

*. Oe

1
H

moreover

where the pagans had previously deposited the burnt remains ! of
their dead.

‘ 55. A few names selected from charters relating to Wiltshire
may be interesting: possibly an intimate knowledge of the localities
_ to which they refer may enable some of my readers to discover the ~
name still remaining in our county.

CTE ee eee ————— ee
_ 1'Kemble well observes that the Anglo-Saxon verb byrgian does not mean
simply what we call burial, but has the more extended meaning of covering and
- 0 does not exclude the idea of cremation. It corresponds to the Latin sepelire,
_ which is applied to the urn containing the ashes, quite as correctly as to the
_ burial of the unburnt body. See above, § 40. ‘

; M2

92 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

WoRES-ByRGYLSE. This name, which means simply “‘ Wur’s burial-
place,” occurs in a charter which seems to relate to Fifield,
near Everley. Cod. Dipl., 592. I do not remember the
name in Wilts, simply or in composition, as that of a person
or place. An old Bishop of Lichfield (721—7381) is called
‘by Simeon of Durham,? Aldwine alias Wor. The
latter was his birth-name and is evidently of Celtic origin,
the former was his assumed name, when, like some of his
imitators of other ages, rising in the social scale, he adopted
one taken from the language of the ruling class. Such an
expression as Wures-leage might well account for the name
Wors-ley.

Hoces-Byreets. This expression is found in the boundaries of
Bedwin (Cod. Dipl., 1266). In those for Witney, in Oxford-
shire (Cod. Dipl., 775), we have Héces-déw, that is, the low
of Héce. It may be that the personal name Hoox is a
modern form of this ancient name, and possibly Hux-Ley
may be the same in composition. Kemble suggests (Arch.
Journ., xiv., 127) that Héce may possibly be a mythical
personage, probably the heros eponymus of the Frisian tribe,
who figures in Beéwulf and the episode of whose cremation is
one of its finest passages. Still, he adds—and in this I am
quite inclined to agree with him,—* it may be the name of
a private individual.”

56. Other personal names are in like manner prefixed to
hiww ( = low), which means a mound, either natural or arti-
ficial, and often of a sepulchral character. Thus Cwichelmes-
hlew (Cod. Dipl., 693), is the well-known tumulus now called
CucKHAMsLow, near Wantage, in Berks. In Wiltshire,
we have amongst others the following :—

tt?

‘Mon. H. B..659. The name Wor or Wor (it occurs also in the Saxon
Chronicle—Anno 800—as Worr, in the name of an ealdorman of Wessex), __
may, as a learned friend suggests to me, be connected with the Welsh gwer _
(= that which is superior, or uppermost). Thus VoRTIGERN is the Welsh gwr-
theyrn (or teyrn), and means simply the ‘‘ eminent prince” or chieftain, The
good Bishop need not have been ashamed of his birth-name, Celtic though it
might be. See Philol. Transact, (1857,) p. 57.

Names denoting ancient Clans or Families. 93

Beaces-uitmw. This is named among the land-limits of Chalk
' (Cod. Dipl., 436). Among those for Bedwin (Cod. Dipl.,
1266) we have Beocces-heal—we cannot at all, as far as I know,
identify this name, but it seems at all events to have been
once known in Wilts. The more modern name BREECH may

be its counterpart.

- CzoriEs-HLzw. This name is not of infrequent occurrence. We
meet with it in in the charter for Downton (Cod. Dipl., 698),
and no doubt can from it explain the meaning of CHARLTON
(in the charters spelt cedri/a-tém), which is included in the
parish. It may be open to question whether the reference
be to a personal name, or to a class. The term ceord designated
a class of free peasants in ancient times.

- 57. Then we have allusions not unfrequently to tumuli which

had been injured. There were “spoilers of tombs,” in ancient as in

modern times. Thus we often read in an ancient charter “to dam

brocenan beorge,” 7.e., “to the broken barrow” (Cod. Dipl., 763),

and in one case we have the fact stated yet more explicitly in the

words: “to be westan Sam beorge Se adolfen wes,” 7.¢., “to the
west of that barrow that was dug (or delved) into,” (Cod. Dipl.,

1038.) These are interesting extracts as explaining to us the name

of BroxenzsorouGH, near Malmesbury. It appears in the charters

as Brocene-berg, and was no doubt so termed from some “ broken,”
or rifled, sepulchral “‘ barrow,” on or near the spot.

' 58. There is one other form in which personal enter into the

composition of local names, on which a few words must be said.

They are those which may be called patronymics, and which denote

elans or families who derive their designation from that of some

chieftain or head of the tribe or settlement.

' These local denominations are to a great extent irregular com-

_ positions, of which the former portion is a patronymic ending

generally in -ing, and declined in the genitive plural -inga, when fol-

lowed by some other name descriptive of the special locality, such as
meare,—hiém—wic—tin—dic, and the like. In a few cases the
patronymic stands alone in the nominative plural, the termination of
which is -izgas. Thus Cannunas, the name of two parishes in Wilts,

94 ‘The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

is clearly the modern form of an implied Ceauningas. In a eharter
from the Codex. Winton. (Cod. Dipl., 1193), we have, in the land-
limits of Heyling, in Hants, the expression Cenninga-mer, whieh
can only mean the boundary of the tribe, or elan, of the “ Cannings.”
At no great distance from Cannings is a name, Cane Hit, whieh
perchance may be a memorial of the chief from whom they took
their name. In the name Ken, well-known and remembered in the
West of England, we seem to have the name in something like its
primitive form.

Under this head may be placed also a number of names which have
the form of genuine patronymies, but denote, not so much the clan
descended from any particular chief, as that residing within a certain
district. Thus Zfeningas, now AVENING, means, as has already been
shown, the “dwellers on the Avon; ” in like manner Zeofuntinga-
gemare (Cod. Dipl., 284) means the boundary of the “men of
Teffont,” and Lamburninga-merc (Cod. Dipl., 792), in like manner
means the “ mark” or district of those who belonged to Lambourne.
So CoLztrnaBoury, spelt in the charters Colinga-burn (Cod. Dipl., 336)
may mean the “bourn” or “stream” of those who lived on,the
banks of the river Cole, though that name, at all events in that
particular part of Wilts, is not now known. I admit, however, that
it is as likely that the Colingas derived their name from some old
leader or chieftain. We certainly meet in the charters with such
expressions as Colan-tredw ( = Cole’s tree) (Cod. Dipl., 712), and
Colan-ham (Cod. Dipl., 227) (= Cole’s homestead), which show
that a personal name existed which may well explain the former
portion of the name Collingbourn. Moreover, in the Wilts Domes-
day we have Cola holding a small estate, as one of the King’s
Thanes (W. Domesd., 136).

59. It is right however to add that in dealing with this class of
names much caution is necessary, for it is by no means enough that a
word should end in -ing to make it a patronymic. On the contrary, as
Kemble remarks,’ “it is a power of that termination to denote the
genitive or possessive, which is also the generative case, and in some

1Saxons in England, i., 60. Note,

Names retating to Religious Worship. 95

local names we do find it so used: thus “ ASelwulfing lond ” (Cod.
Dipl., 179) is exactly equivalent to “ ASelwulfes lond,” the land of a
luke AiSelwulf, not of a family called Mdelwulfings.” So again
“Set Folewining lond,” and “ St Wynhearding lond” (Cod. Dipl.,
195), imply the land of Folewine and of Wyneheard, not of marks
or families called Folewinings and Wyneheardings. Woolbedington,
Woollavington, Barlavington, are respectively Wulfbeding-tin,
Wulfléfing-ttin, Bedérléfing-twin, that is, the ¢ém or dwelling of
Wulfléf, Wulflbed, and Beérléf. Between such words and genuine
patronymics the line must be carefully drawn, a task which requires
both skill and experience. The best security is where we find the
patronymic in the genitive plural—(with the termination, that is, of
inga, as in examples just given)—but one can very generally judge
whether the name is such as to have arisen in the way described
above, from a genitive singular. Changes for the sake of euphony
must also be guarded against, as sources of error: thus Abingdon
(in Berks) might impel us strongly to assume a family of ‘ Abingas;’
the Saxon name Aibban-din convinces that it was named from an
Atbba (m.), or Abbe (f.). So Dunnington is not Duninga-tin but
Dunnan-tin that is Dunna’s (=Dunn’s?) tén, or dwelling.”
TV.—Names which have reference to the Religious Worship of
those who from time to time settled in this part of the country.
Under this head will be ineluded those which illustrate alike the
heathendom and the early Christianity of our Teutonic forefathers.
60. (a) Of the former perhaps the best known is the name which
now appears as WaNsDYKE, the largest of the ancient Wiltshire Dykes,
_ and which is found in the charters invariably as Wopnzs-Dic, that
| is, Woden’s-dyke. Again, in the land-limits of Alton Priors we have
| the name Wodunes-beorg, which is the original form of what we know
~ as Woodborough, meaning Woden’s Hill (Cod. Dipl., 1035). Then
we have Wodnes-den in the land-limits of Overton (Cod. Dipl., 1120).
“So common in every part of England,” says Kemble, “ are names of
places compounded with this name, that we must admit the worship of
Woden to have been current throughout the island: it seemsimpossible
_ to doubt that in every quarter there were localities ' Mee rising
é 1Saxons in England, i., 343,

96 The Names of Places in Wiltshire.

ground) either dedicated to him, or supposed to be under his

protection; and that thus Woden was here, as in Germany, the

supreme god whom the Saxons, Franks, and Alamans concurred in
worshipping.”

Another of the deities worshipped by our hadi Bead forefathers
in the days of their heathendom was Trw, from whom we derive the
name for the third day of the week, Tiwes-deg (= Tuesday}. He
would seem to have corresponded with Mars, and was worshipped as a
god of battle. We have the name of this deity in such compounds as
Teéwes-born (= Tiwes-thorn), in the charter relating to Purton
(Cod. Dipl., 174)—Tweuwes-den, in that referring to Chelworth (Cod.
Dipl., 329)—and possibly also in Zsan-med, in that concerning
Alton Priors (Nod. Dipl., 1035), a name now known as Teow’s-mead,
the designation of a farm close by Wansdyke. It is not impossible
that in the name Tis-Bury, a parish in the south-west of the county,
we have a like memorial of Saxon heathendom. In a charter of
Cnit (A.D. 1023), amongst the boundaries of an estate at Hanitine
(Hannington), in Hants. we have “'Z%s-/edh,” which, if the place
could be identified, would no doubt be Tis-/ey.

One other illustration under this head shall be given—others will
be found in the lists appended to this general account. An ancient
encampment on the downs, not far from Heytesbury, is called
Scratcusury Camp. I venture to suggest that the former portion
of the name is from the same source as the Danish and Swedish
skratti (= ademon). Notice has already been drawn to the idea
so common in ancient times of works like these being carried out
by the help of evil spirits (See above § 17). There is a Seratby in
Norfolk, and in Norway we find Skradascar as the name of a haunted
rock on the coast.

61. (6) Of names which illustrate the early Christianity of our
forefathers, the following may be named :—

Bisporstrow. A village near Warminster, originally Biscopes-treow
(= Bishop’s tree), a memorial of the good St. Aldhelm,
first Bishop of Sherborne (A.D. 705—709), to whom the
church is dedicated, and who, as he founded the monas-

teries both at Bradford and Frome, no doubt visited this

Names relating to religious Worship. 97

place, within a few miles of which indeed he died. William
of Malmesbury tells us a story, by way of accounting for the
name, at which we may perhaps smile, but which no doubt
has a substratum of truth in it, “ Aldhelm, once, when
preaching,” he says, “fixed his ashen staff in the earth: it
grew miraculously, putting forth boughs and leaves, and
numerous ash trees afterwards sprang from it, hence the place
was called Biscopes-trewe.”! Is it not possible that the
word ¢reow ( = tree) is used here in its secondary sense as
equivalent to “cross,” as in Acts, x., 39, “ Whom they slew
and hanged on a tree?” So Oswestry, as has been men-
tioned (§ 2), means Oswald’s tree (or cross), its equivalent
in Welsh being Croes-Oswallt. And Dr. Guest interprets
Aeiles-treu (a name also given as Mgles-ford, and Aigeles-
thrip), as equivalent to Church-cross. Archzol. Inst. Journ.,
(Salisb.) p. 47. If so, the old chronicler gives us a glimmer-
ing of the truth, veiled though it may be with fable. Here
no doubt the good Bishop preached the truth to the semi-
ehristianized, if not at that time heathen, people of Wessex.
Probably, like Augustine and other early missionaries, he
carried with him a cross, the symbol of our faith, and planted
it in the ground beside him, as he proclaimed the doctrine of
the cross. Anyhow the name is a memorial of one of the
holiest and most devoted of missionary bishops, and so of our

early Christianity in Wessex.
Curist1an Matrorp, near Chippenham; originally Cristes-me/-
ford. The Anglo-Saxon word mei signifies a mark, or sign,
or image, so that the whole word means the ford by Christ’s
sign ( = the cross), or Christ’s image ( =a crucifix, or rood).
The word Criste-me/ often occurs inSaxon charters by itself,and
also in composition, as descriptive of points of boundary. Thus
in a grant of Grimanleége to Worcester, we have, “ up
ondlang ®Szs hearpoSes +6 Sem Criste-mele” (up along the
high-way to the Christ-mal 7.e., the cross). Cod. Dipl., 266.

1 Gest. Pontif. (Rolls Series), p. 384.

98 Names of Wiltshire Churches.

So also we have Cyrstemal-ac (oak). Cod. Dipl. 118. Ina
charter relating to Niwanham (Newnham), in Kent, we have
a point of boundary described as “ peer boat Christes-mel stod,”
(where the Christ-mal stood). Cod. Dipl., 526. All these
notices would seem to indicate that way-side crosses, or figures
of our Lord on the cross, were customary in this country,
as they still are in parts of Europe, in the early days of
of Christianity.

All that has been attempted has been to give an example or two
under each of the general classes we have endeavoured to explain.
Some Names there are which cannot very fitly be placed under any
one of these four heads ;—others which might be included under more
than one. These, together with many that will be additional illus-
trations of the various portions of this and the two previous papers,
we hope some day to give in a supplementary list.

Aames of Wiltshwe Churches.

By the Rey. Canon J. E. Jackson.
g — Churches should be distinguished by names may not be
2)
1),

necessary where there is only one: but in cities where they

are numerous, the time-honoured custom of naming them after some

Saint is convenient and almost unavoidable. But it should be re-

mew bered that though a church bears the name of St. Paul, St. Peter,

. St. Leonard, &c., it is not dedicated to them, but to the glory and
worship of God, in memory or as a memorial of them.

The word “saint” is properly an adjective, not a substantive?

but just as we incorrectly speak of the classic writers as “the classics,”
so, use (the “ norma loquendi”’) has given a substantive form to “ the
saints.” The word, whether spoken of a person or thing, simply
means holy. In the latter case, “Saint cross” and “Saint sepulchre”
are merely the equivalent of “ Holy cross” and “ Holy sepulchre.” —
The authorities for the names of our ehurches are Ecton’sThesaurus,

By the Rev, Canon J. E. Jackson. 99

1742; Bacon’s Liber Regis, 1786; Browne Willis’s Parochiale
Anglicanum, and the “ Liber Scholasticus,” an abridgement from
the Report of the Commissioners appointed to enquire into the
Revenues of the Established Church, presented to Parliament in
1835, which contains the dedication names, so far as was known, of
every church in England and Wales.
In some instances these authorities do not agree: and the causes
of uncertainty are various. 1. It was sometimes the case in ancient
times that one part of a church was finished and consecrated before
another part: and the name given to a part may have been mistaken
for the name of the whole. 2. There were also chantry chapels in
the church, each having its altar and name. Confusion has arisen
from this. 3. The village feast or revel, originally a religious festival
instituted to mark the day of consecration, is generally, but not
invariably, good evidence of the name of the church. 4. Sometimes

_ upon the rebuilding or restoration of a church a new name was given;
4 and 5, sometimes when the name had been forgvtten the accidental
_ discovery of some fresco-painting of a saint has led to that name

If a name cannot be found in any of the authorities above-men-
tioned, it might possibly be met with in ancient records relating to
_ the parish preserved at the Diocesan Registries : especially in mediz-
Gi _val or pre-Reformation wills. Testators frequently specified by name
the church in which they desired to be buried, or to the repair of

which they made some bequest of money.!
I.—Namus oF ParisHEs.

AtppourNE St. Michael? | Atitineron (near Amesbury) St.
_ ALpERBURY ~ -B. V. Mary John Baptist
_ ALDERTON St. Giles | Atp Cannines St. Anne&

; 1 For some of these observations the writer is indebted to various correspon~

_ dents in Notes and Queries.

_ *Soin the King’s Book. The village feast happening to be held on the Monday
nearest to St. Mary Magdalen’s day has sometimes connected that name with

_ the church.

- Soin Ecton and Bacon. In Wilts Mag. (xi,, 14) All Saints is considered

_ ‘more probable.

100
Axton Bernarp- B. V. Mary
Auton Priors All Saints
ALVEDISTON B. V. Mary
AmpresBury B. V. Mary and St.
. Melor
ANSTY St. James
Asuiry (near Tet-
bury) St. James
Asuton Krynzs Holy Cross
Asuton, STEEPLE B. V. Mary
Asuton, West ~ St. John Ev.
ATWoRTH St. Michael
AVEBURY St. James
Barrorp St. Martin St. Martin
BavERSTocK St. Edith
Baypon St. Nicholas
BEECHINGSTOKE St. Stephen
Brepwyn, Great’ B. V. Mary
“5 Littte St. Michael
BEMERTON St. Andrew
Berwick Basset’ St. Nicholas
BERWICK St. James
a St. John
e St. Leonard
BIppDESTon St. Nicholas

Pf, (destroyed) St. Peter
Bisuors Cannines_ B. V. Mary
Bisuoprston (S. Wilts) St. John

Baptist

» (N. Wilts) B. V. Mary
BisHOPpstTROw St. Aldhelm
BLacKLANDs St. Peter
Biunspon St. Andrew
3 Broad St. Leonard

Names of Wiltshire Churches. ~

BoscomsBe ~ St Andrew
Bowpven Hurt (Lacock) St. Anne
Bower CHALK Holy Trinity
St. Thomas a Becket

B. V. Mary

Box
Boyton
BRADENSTOKE cum
CLack B. V. Mary
Braprorp-on-Avon Holy Trinity
» (New church) Christ Church —
Bravery, Nort St. Nicholas
» (Road Hill) Christ Church

BraMsHAWw St. Peter
Bratton St. James
BrEMHILL St. Martin ©
BREMELHAM (or

Cowidge) [not known]
BrINKWoRTH St. Michael
BriTFORD St. Peter

Brixton DevereLt St. Michael
Broap CHALK All Saints
Broap HeEnton (or

H. Magna) St. Peter
Broap Town Christ Church
BroxkensoroveH St. John Baptist
BroMHAM St. Nicholas
Broveuton Girrorp B. V. Mary

BULBRIDGE St. Peter |
Butrorp St. John Evangelist
BurBaGE All Saints
BurcomMBE St. John Baptist
BUtTTERMERE St. James
CALNE B. V. Mary?

», (Quemerford) Holy Trinity
Catston Witiineton B.V.Mary —

In “* Wiltshire Collections,” p. 34, Note, St. Mark is an error of the press

for St. Mary,

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson. 101

Castiz ComBe St. Andrew | Co.tiinesourne Reais,

[ Castiz Eaton B. V. Mary Axppat’s, or Kine-

- Caatprietp,Great St.Catharine STON B. V. Mary
- Cuapmanstave = St. Philip and » Ducts 8B. V. Mary?
: St. James | Compe Bisser St. Michael
| Cuaron (near Pewsey)St.Peter | Compron Basser St. Swithun
.» (near Malmesbury) B.V.Mary », CHAMBERLAYNE St. Michael

_,,(near Donhead) All Saints | CorsHam St. Bartholemew
| CHERHILL St. James | Corstey St. Margaret
- Cuxstncpury Priors 3 Corston All Saints
_ (destroyed) St. Mary’ | Coutsron Easr St. Thomas a
CuevereL, Great St. Peter Becket §

ys LitTLE St. Peter | Cowipex [see Bremelham]

(CHICKLADE All Saints | CricKLADE B. V. Mary

CHILMARK St. Margaret ! St. Samson
Cuitton Fotyor _B. V. Mary | CrockERTon Holy Trinity

| CuipPENHAM St. Andrew | CRUDWELL All Saints
. » Uanerzy St. Paul | Damernam St. George

Carton St. John Baptist | Dauntszy St. James
CHISELDON Holy Cross | Derry Hit (Calne) ChristChurch
CHITTERNE B. V. Mary | Drvizzs St. John Baptist
Bee 5, All Saints a B. V. Mary
CHITTOE . B. V. Mary - St. Peter
CHOLDERTON St. Nicholas | Dizton B. V. Mary
CHRISTMALFORD All Saints ‘i Marso Holy Trinity
CuvTE St. Nicholas | Dryton B. V. Mary
Curverton [see Lea] DitcHaMPTon St. Andrew
Ciyrre Pyrarp St. Peter | Dircnripcz St. Christopher?
Cor FORD St. Peter | DonnEap St. Andrew
B. V. Mary 5 B. V. Mary

St. Jchn Baptist ' Downton St. Laurence

q 1 Called by Ecton ‘St. John Baptist :” but corrected in his Appendix to “St,
Marv”

: ? Correetod from ** St. Andrew” by Ecton in his Appendix,p, 631.
*So in Bacon; but Ecton says ‘St, Andrew.”

102

Draycote CERNE St. Peter
Durnrorp Great St. Andrew
Durrington All Saints !
Eart ST0KE B. V. Mary

Easton GREY
Easton Roya (cearPewsey) Holy

[not known]

Trinity

EBBESBOURNE WAKE St. John
| Baptist
EcHILHAMPTON St. Andrew?
EpINGDpON All Saints
E1szy (Cricklade) 3B. V. Mary

Exinepon [see Wroughton]

ENFoRD All Saints
ErcHFoNnt St. Michael
EVERLEY St. Peter

Faritey Capen (near

Salisbury) All Saints ?
Firtetp BaveNnt

(Chalke) St. Martin
Firraip (Marlborough)
FIGHELDEAN St. Michael

FisHerton Aucuer St. Clement
55 DeELAMERE St. Nicholas
Firr.eton All Saints
FontTuitt Episcorr All Saints
3 GirrorD St. Nicholas

Fospury Christ Church
Fovant St. George
FoxuamM St. John Baptist

1 No early name being known, that of ‘‘ All Saints” was adopted at the-

restoration of the church in 1851.
‘2 Possibly ‘‘ St. Anne.’’

Names of Wiltshire Churches.

See Wilts Arch. Mag., xi., 183.
§ Anciently, according to an old record, ‘ All Saints.”
4 So Ecton : but the present Rector says ‘‘St. Michael and ‘All Angels,”

Fox.ry [not known]
FRoxFIELD All Saints
FUGGLESTON St. Peter
GARSDEN All Saints

Grarron, East St. Nicholas
Grimsteap, West [not known]

GRITTLETON B. V. Mary ®
GUMBLETON St. Thomas
Ham All Saints
HANKERTON Holy Cross
Hannineton St. John Baptist
HarDENHUISH St. Nicholas
HarnuaM, WEstT St. George
HarrHam Cuare.[notconsecrated

yet]
Hasepury (destroyed) All Saints

HEDINGTON St. Andrew
Heyrsssury SS. Peter and Paul

» Hosprran The same-
Heywoop CuaPzL, (near

Westbury) Holy Trinity —
HicHway St. Peter
HicHworta St. Michael —
Hitt DreveREL B. V. Mary
HILMERTON St. Laurence
HILPERTON B. V. Mary 4
Hinpon St. John Baptist
Hinton, LirtLr St. Swithun
Hour St. Catharine
HomineTon B. V. Mary

y

~Horwinesuam St. John Baptist

_ Houisa St. Nicholas
_ Hotavineton B. V. Mary
_ Toston All Saints
_ IMBER St. Giles
4 Ine@LisHamM St. John Baptist
Keevin St. Leonard
| Kemste All Saints

_ Kennet, East’ Christ Church
Kineston Drveret B. V. Mary

Kineton St. Michael
. » Wrst B. V. Mary
| Kwoox © St. Margaret
_ Kyoyzs, East

Maena, or
Episcopi B. V. Mary
» West, or
ODIERNE B. V. Mary
St. Cyriac
St. Andrew

Lanerorp, Littte St. Nicholas
Lanetey Burren St. Peter
- (Chippenham) St. Paul
4 » Firzurse, or Kine-

TON Lanctry St. Peter
St. John Baptist
I St. Andrew
Lavincron, West All Saints
a, East, or

Marker B. V. Mary
A and Creverron St. Giles

Cuapet (Ashton
Keynes) [wot known]

sy By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson.

1 Originally SS. Peter and Paul.

103

LIDDINGTON All Saints
Limptey Sroxe B. V. Mary (or
St. Edith ?

Lirrteton Drew All Saints

Lonesripce Drveret SS. Peter

and Paul.
Luck1neTon B. V. Mary
LupDGERSHALL St. James
Lypiarp Miuucenr All Saints
‘SG TREGOZ All Saints
LyNEHAM St. Michael.
MappDINGTON B. V. Mary
MaipEen Bradley All Saints
Matmesspury ABBEY
CuurcH! B. V. Mary and
St. Aldhelm
» OLD ParisH

CuuRCH St. Paul
ManninerorDAssats [not known]
. BraAosE St. Peter

pL Bouun All Saints
MaArpbDEN All Saints
Mar poroucH B. V. Mary
me St. Peter
Marston Mrysry St. James

» SovurH (Highworth)

MELKSHAM St. Michael
MzrRE St. Michael
Mitpennatt = St. John Baptist
Mitston B. V. Mary
Mitton Listesonne St. Peter
MINETY St. Leonard
Monkton Deveret [not known].
FaRLeIcH St. Peter

39

104

Neston (Corsham) SS, Philip and

James

NETHERAVON All Saints

Neruer Hampton St. Catharine

Nettleton B. V. Mary

Newnton, Lone Holy Trinity
» Norrs (alas

Hitcort) St. James

9) SOUTH ‘St. Andrew

» Tony St. Andrew !
Norton (near Malmes-

bury) All Saints

» BAVENT All Saints

Nunton (Downton) St. Andrew

OaxksEy All Saints.
OareE (with Wilcot) ?
Opstock B. V. Mary
OGBOURNE St. Andrew
ne St. George
ORcHESTON St. George
rs B. V. Mary
OvERTON St. Michael
Patnry St. Swithun
PeERtTwoop St. Peter
PrwseEy St. John Baptist
Pirton St. Peter
PLAITFORD
Pootzt Keynes St. Michael
Porton St. Nicholas
PorrerN B. V. Mary

Names of Wiltshire Churches.

St. Peter ?

PouLsHoT
PovLton St. Michael
PRESHUTE St. George
Purton - B. V. Mary
QUEMERFORD Holy Trinity
RaMSBURY Holy Cross —
REDLYNCH B. V. Mary
Ropsourne (Malmes-

bury) Holy Cross

3 Cuenzy OB. V. Mary

Roap Hii (see
Bradley, North)

RoLLEston St. Andrew
RowDE B. V. Mary
RusHALL St. Matthew
Satispury CATHEDRAL B.V.Mary
ss St. Edmund
“3 St. Thomas
a St. Martin
SAVERNAKE Christ Church
= Capizy St. Catharine
SEAGRY B. V. Mary
SepgEHitL Cuaret St. Catha-
rine ®
SEEND Holy Cross
SEMINGTON St. George
SEMLEY St. Leonard
SEVENHAMPTON St. Andrew

Saw (Melksham) Christ Church
SHERNCOTE All Saints

1 This dedication dates only from 1844. The name of the old church was

not known.

? All Saints (Ecton). q
°So in Ecton: but Mr. C. Bowles (Hund. of Chalk, p. 38) says ‘ St,

Leonard.”

SHERRINGTON St. Michael
SHERSTON Holy Cross
SHREWTON B. V. Mary
SLAUGHTERFORD St. Nicholas

SomerrorD, Broap, Great
or Maena SS. Peter & Paul
» Lire St. John Baptist

» KEYNES All Saints

_ Sopworrn B. V. Mary
_ Sours Broom St. James
- Stanton Bernard All Saints

» Firzwarren St. Leonard

— 4, Sr. Quintin St. Giles
_ SraPLerorp B. V. Mary
STAVERTON ?
_ Srezere Lanerorp (or
Maena) All Saints
_ *Srerr St. Faith
_ SrocxTon St. John Baptist
_ Srourtron St Peter
Srrarrorp Tony St. Laurence!
se Sus Castro

(or Deans) St. Laurence

_ STRATTON St. Margaret
Sruptey (Trowbridge) St. John
_ Sorron BEencER All Saints
4, Manvevitte All Saints
VENEY St. Leonard ?
St. Peter
Holy Rood
St. Mark
Tr [not known]
» Maena Cuaren [not known]

By the Rev. Canon J. H. Jackson.

105
TIDCOMBE St. Michael
~Trpwortu, Nortu Holy Trinity

TitsHEAD St. Thomas a Becket
TISBURY St. John Baptist
TITHERINGTON (near
Heytesbury) St. James
Tirnerton Keitaways St. Giles
if Lucas St. Nicholas
TockENHAM St. John
Tottarp Royan St. Peter ad
Vincula
TROWBRIDGE St. James
- Holy Trinity
Ss St. Stephen
% St. Thomas
Uarorp St. James
Upavon B. V. Mary
Upron Loveti [not known]
» Scupamore B. V. Mary

Urcuront [see Lrchfont]

‘W ANBOROUGH St. Andrew
‘WARMINSTER St. Denis
» Common Christ Church

‘s (BorEHAM) St. John

Evangelist

» CHAPEL St. Laurence

WESTBURY All Saints

West Dean B. V. Mary
West Martin (near

Damerham) All Saints

Wesrrort (Malmesbury) B. V.

Mary

Westwoop B. V. Mary ?

1§t. Mary (Ecton).
28t. Mary (Zcton).

106

Wuanpon (near Trow-

bridge) B. V. Mary ?
WHITEPARISH All Saints
[St. Michael ?]

WIcCHBURY . St. Leonard
Wicor Holy Cross

Witsrorp (Devizes) St. Nicholas
» (Ambresbury) St. Michael

WILTon B. V. Mary
WINFIELD St. Andrew 1403!
‘WINSLEY St. Nicholas
Wintersourne Basser St.Catha-
rine
9. DAUNTSEY St. Edward
> HARLS St. Michael
», GUNNORE (for-
merly Cher-
borough) 3B. V. Mary
» Monkton St. Mary
Magdalene

Names ‘of Wiltshire Churches.

Winrersourne Stoke St. Peter

WINTERSLOW All Saints
Wisurorp Magna St. Giles

WoopporouGH St. Mary ©
Magdalene
WooprorD All Saints
Woorron Basset All Saints
Ryvers St. Andrew
Worron (Devizes) Christ Church
Wraxat, Norra St. James
rs SoutH St. James
Wroveuton (Elingdon) St. John
Baptist and

St. Helen ©

WYLYE B. V. Mary ©
YATESBURY All Saints

Yarron. KryNELL
Zeats GREEN

St. Margaret
St. Martin |

Il.—Denication Names.

Atpuetm, St. & B. V. Mary.—Bishopstrow, Malmesbury Abbey

Church.

At Satnts.—Alton Priors, Broad Chalk, Burbage, Charlton
(Downton), Chicklade, Chittern, Christmalford, Corston,
Crudwell, Edingdon, Enford, Farley (near Salisbury),
Fittleton, Fonthill Episcopi, Froxfield, Garsden, Ham,

Haselbury (destroyed),

Idmiston, Kemble, Lavington

West, Liddington, Littleton Drew, Lydiard Millicent,
Lydiard Tregoz, Maiden Bradley, Manningford Bohun,
Marden, Netheravon, Norton (near Malmesbury), Norton
Bavent, Oaksey, Poulshot, Sherncote, Somerford Keynes,
Steeple Langford, Sutton Benger, Sutton Mandeville,

1§t. Mary (Ecton).

' By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson. 107

Westbury, West Martin, Whiteparish, Winterslow,
Woodford, Wootton Basset, Yatesbury.

Anprew, St.—Bemerton, Blunsdon, Boscombe, Castle Combe,

Zz Chippenham, Ditchampton, Donhead, Durnford, Echil-
hampton, Hedington, Landford, Laverstock, Newton
Tony, Nunton, Ogbourne, Rolleston, Sevenhampton,
South Newton, Stanton Bernard, Wanborough, Winfield,
Wootton Ryvers.

Annu, St.—Ald Cannings, Bowdon Hill (Lacock).

| Barrnotomew, St.—Great Chaldfield, Corsham.

CarHarine, S7.—Holt, Netherhampton, Cadley, in Savernake,

Sedgehill, Winterbourne Basset.

_ Curist Cuurcu.‘—Bradford-on- ‘Avon, Broad Town, DerryHill, East

q Kennet, Road Hill (in North Bradley), Savernake, Shaw

Chapel, near Melksham, Warminster Common, Worton.

CLEMENT, St.—Fisherton Aucher.

q Cyrtac, Sr.— Lacock.

Dents, St.— Warminster.

: Eprrs, § St.—Baverstock, Limpley Stoke.

pDMUND, Sr. —Salisbury.

_ Epwaxp, St.—Winterbourne Dauntsey.

Farrn, S7.—Stert.

_ Grorez, St.—Damerham, Fovant, Harnham West, Ogbourne,

, Orcheston, Preshute, Semington.

Gutzs, St.—Alderton, Imber, Lea and Cleverton, Stanton St.

: Quintin, Titherton Kellaways, Wishford Magna.

Heten, Sr., & Sr. Joun Bapristr.—Wroughton.

os ha —Ashton Keynes, Chiseldon, Hankerton, Ramsbury,

: Seend, Sherston, Wilcot.

y Hoty Roop.—Rodbourne (near Malmesbury), Swindon.

k [ances Sr.—Ansty, Ashley (near Tetbury) Avebury, Berwick St.

James, Bratton, Buttermere, Cherhill, Dauntsey, Ludger-

shall, Marston Meysey, North Newnton, South Broom,

Titherington (near Heytesbury) Trowbridge, Ugford,

South Wraxal, North Wraxal.

1 All these are of modern foundation.

nN 2

108 Names of Wiltshire Churches.

James, St., & St. Puirirp.—Neston (near Corsham).

Joun, Sr., Evancenist.—West Ashton, Bulford, Studley, Tocken-
ham, Warminster (Boreham Road).

Joun, St., Baprist.—Allington (near Amesbury), Berwick, .
Bishopston (S. Wilts), Brokenborough, Burcombe,
Chesingbury, Chirton, Colern, Devizes, Ebbesbourn Wake,
Foxham, Hannington, Hindon, Horningsham, Inglesham,
Latton, Mildenhall, Pewsey, Little Somerford, Stockton,
Tisbury.

Joun, St., Baptist, & Sr. Heten.—Wroughton, Chesingbury
Priors (destroyed).

Lavrence, St.—Downton, Hilmerton, Stratford-svb-Castro or
Deans, Stratford Tony, Warminster Chapel.

Leonarp St.—Berwick, Broad Blunsdon, Keevil, Minety, Semley,
Stanton Fitzwarren, Sutton Veney (?), Wichbury.

Marearet, St.—Chilmark, Corsley, Knook, Leigh Delamere,
Stratton, Yatton Keynell.

Marx, St.—Swindon.

Martin, St.—Barford, Bremhill, Fifield Bavent, Salisbury, Zeals
Green.

Mary, B. V.—Alderbury, Alton Barnes, Alvediston, Great Bedwyn,
Bishop’s Cannings, Bishopton (N. Wilts), Boyton,
Bradenstoke cum Clack, Broughton Gifford, Calne,
Calston Willington, Castle Eaton, Charlton (near Malmes-
bury), Chilton Folyot, Chisenbury (destroyed) Chittern,
Chittoe, Codford, Collingbourne Kingston, Collingbourne
Ducis, Cricklade, West Dean, Devizes, Dilton, Dinton,
Donhead, Earlstoke, Eisey, Grittleton, Hill Deverel,
Hilperton (?), Homington, MHullavington, Kingston
Deverel, West Kington, Knoyle Episcopi or East, West
Knoyle, Market Lavington, Limpley Stoke, Luckington,
Maddington, Marlborough, Milston, Nettleton, Odstock, -
Orcheston, Pottern, Purton, Redlynch, Rodbourn Cheney,
Rowde, Salisbury Cathedral, Seagry, Shrewton, Sopworth,
Stapleford, Steeple Ashton, Stratford Tony (?), Sutton
Veny, Upavon, Upton Scudamore, Westport (Malmes-

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson. 109

bury), Westwood (?), Wilton, Winfield (?), Whaddon
(near Trowbridge ?), Winterbourne Gunnore, Wyly.

Mary, B. V., & St. Mztor.'—Ambresbury.

Mary, B. V., & Sr. Atpuretm.—Malmesbury Abbey Church.

Mary Maeparenn, St.—Winterbourn Monkton, Woodborough.

Marruew, St.—Rushall.

Me or, St., & B. V. Mary.—Ambresbury.

Micuakz1, St., AkcHancEL.—Aldbourn, Atworth (?), Little Bedwyn,
Brinkworth, Brixton Deverel, Combe Bisset, Compton
Chamberlayne, Erchfont, Figheldean, Highworth, Hilper-
ton (?), Kington St. Michael, Lyneham, Melksham, Mere,
Overton, Pool Keynes, Poulton, Sherrington, Tidcomb,
Whiteparish, Wilsford (near Ambresbury), Winterbourn
Earls.

Micuazt, St., & Att AncELs.—Hilperton (?)

Nicuoias, St.—Baydon, Berwick Basset, Biddeston, North Brad-
ley, Bromham, Cholderton, Chute, Fisherton Delamere,
Fonthill Gifford, East Grafton, Hardenhuish, Huish, Little
Langford, Porton, Slaughterford, Titherton Lucas, Wils-

ford (near Devizes), Winsley.

Paut, St.—Langley Burrel (Chippenham), Malmesbury (old parish
church).

Prrmr, St.—Biddeston (destroyed), Blacklands, Bramshaw, Britford,
Broad Henton, Bulbridge, Charlton (near Pewsey), Great
Cheverel, Little Cheverel, Clyff Pypard, Codford, Devizes,
Draycote Cerne, Everley, Fuggleston, Highway, Langley
Burrel, Langley Fitzurse, Manningford Braose, Milton
Lislebonne, Monkton Farley, Pertwood, Pilton, Plaitford (?),

_ Poulshot(?), Stourton, Winterbourn Stoke, Swallowcliff.

; ss St., ap Vincuta.—Tollard Royal.

Perer anp Paut, SS .—Heytesbury, Do. Hospital Chapel, Long-

bridge Deverel, Malmesbury Abbey Church (original),

Broad Somerford.

1 This name does not appear among the usual lists of saints. Leland, speak-
_ ing of Ambresbury Monastery, says ‘‘Jacet ibi S. Melorus cujus prosapia,
cujusye sanctimonie, incertum mihi,” [Codllect., iii., 252.]

~~

110 Report of the Wiltshire Herbarium,

Puiie ann James, SS.—Neston (Corsham), Chapmanslade.
Samson, St.—Cricklade.

SrepHEN, St.—Beechingstoke, Trowbridge.

Swirnun, St.—Compton Basset, Little Henton, Patney.
Tuomas, St.—Gumbledon, Salisbury, Trowbridge.

Tuomas 4 Bucxet, St.—Box, Coulston, Tilshead.

Trinity, Hoty.—Bower Chalk, Bradford-on-Avon (Parish church),
Crockerton, Dilton’s Marsh, Easton Royal, Heywood
near Westbury, Long Newnton, Quemerford, North
Tidworth, Trowbridge.

Aeport of the CHitshive Herbarium.
By the Rey. T. A. Preston, M.A,

a tps EFORE entering into the details of the Herbarium, it will
Sy be as well to make a few remarks upon the general principles
upon which it is being formed. :

Mr. Flower, for the purposes of the “ Flora of Wiltshire,” which
he has just completed, has divided the county into five districts.
It is proposed to make a separate collection for each district, even
of the commonest species, the specimens from one district bemg
fastened down on different sheets of paper from those from another
district; thus each species will be represented by specimens on not
less than five sheets of paper. In addition to this, all those species
which are of sufficiently rare occurrence in Wiltshire to be deemed
worthy of having their localities recorded, will also, as far as possible,
be represented by specimens from each of the localities so mentioned.
In this way the same species will be represented by several specimens.

Besides these two different sets of plants, the same species may
possibly be represented by several specimens, giving varieties, forms

By the Rev. T. A. Preston, M.A. 111

of growth, or such other points as may be deemed deserving of
representation.

Mr. Flower has enumerated rather over 830 species of Wiltshire
plants, to which may be added nearly 20 since discovered, and as
each species will be represented by five sheets of specimens, the
Herbarium, when completed, would have somewhere about 5000
sheets of specimens. This may seem an almost needlessly large
number, but when it is considered that the same species ought
(however common it may be) to be represented by specimens in
different stages of maturity, those specimens in its different stages
may be taken from the different divisions, and thus obviate the

necessity of having the same species repeated five times. Varieties

also may take the place of the typical specimen from one division,

if it is properly represented from another division—and in this way

the apparently useless repetition of the same species may be greatly
reduced. But Ido not contemplate such a reduction. The acquaint-
ance with our British plants has of late years so increased that
different forms of our commonest species are being pointed out, and
a large series of specimens is often of great value, and so far from a
‘single specimen for each division being advisable, it may ‘prove
necessary to have a regular series.

For these reasons, then, I consider that a county collection ought
to be most fully illustrated, and if objections arise as to its size or
costliness, I do not think they need have much weight. Up to the
present time, it has not cost the Society £5, and for the future, even
q ‘including the cost of the cases in which to keep the specimens, a
- ‘sum of £1, or £2, would probably be the average cost per annum.
_ This cannot be considered a great burden on the Society’s funds ;
and as for the amount of space required, it need not be a matter of
serious difficulty.

_ “With these preliminary remarks, I turn now to the actual state of
the Collection.

At the opening of the Museum at Devizes, in September, a first
instalment was placed in a cabinet devoted to this purpose. That
instalment consisted of 626 sheets, illustrating about 441 species.
Since then other specimens have been mounted, and are ready for

112 Report of the Wiltshire Herbarium.

incorporating with those at Devizes. When this is done the col-
lection will consist of 1048 sheets, illustrating 598 species. There
are still a few to be mounted and arranged, by which the collection
will be further increased.

The specimens are arranged on the sheets, and then sent to Kew,
to be fastened down in the excellent manner adopted at the Royal
Herbarium, where utility is a great point observed. In most cases,
the specimens, after being fastened down, have been looked over by
one of the authorities there, to detect any errors, and are then re-
turned to me. Mr. Britten kindly undertook this task till he left
Kew, and since then Mr. Baker has most generously given up the
time necessary for this purpose and has most ane codes incurred
the trouble of deciding critical points.

Perhaps I may be permitted to make one remark in connection
~ with the arrangement of the specimens on the sheets. The specimens
are merely laid on the spots where they are intended to be fastened
down, the locality being inserted where convenient. To prevent
the shifting of the specimens during the journey to London, the
sheets are packed tightly together, and the specimens thus sometimes
become rather adherent to the under side of the sheet above them.
Though every care is taken in separating the sheets on their arrival,
the specimens do get shifted at times, and sometimes even transferred
from their own proper sheet to another. The men who fasten them
down, not being botanists, and being instructed to fasten the —
specimens as they were placed on the papers, naturally put them
down as they find them, and thus occasionally (especially among the
more delicate specimens) some queer transitions may be detected.
As opportunities occur these sheets will be replaced by others.

The contributors to the collection have hitherto been few in num-
ber. Dr. H. Franklin Parsons kindly sent contributions as long as
he was resident in the county, and to him the Society is indebted
for the majority of the plants from divisions II. and III. Mr. W.
A. Clarke, of Chippenham, has also sent contributions from division
II., and he alone, I am sorry to say is now the only regular con-
tributor. Mr. Cunnington has also sent a few specimens from
Devizes. With these exceptions, the collection has been formed by

By the Rev. T. A. Preston, M.A. As

myself. For the last three years I have been unable to do as much

as I could wish, and this must be the excuse for the meagreness of

the collection, and also for the large proportion of plants being from

division IV. Those for division I. have also been collected by

myself, as Marlborough is just near enough to the northern boundary
_ of that division to enable me to collect there occasionally.

The Herbarium is still unfit to be considered in any way a county
Herbarium, and I should therefore thankfully acknowledge the re-
ceipt of any contributions to it. It is clearly impossible for one

4 person to do all this work of collecting, and as will be seen from the
; subjoined Table, some districts are very poorly represented, if indeed
_ they can be considered to be represented at all.

Total No. of Species represented, 598

———— CU hUhe

:
.

Speeies No. of Sheets
represented. of Specimens,
Division I., S.E. 103 105
Il, S.M. 55 57
IIL, 8.W. 156 158
IV., N.W. 107 115
V., N.E. 473 613

It will be seen that the same species is sometimes represented in
more than one division, I shall be happy to send a marked list to
anyone who may feel inclined to assist : but still it may be interesting
to know some of the more important species which are not at all
represented :—

Adonis autumnalis Alyssum calycinum

Ranunculus Lenormandi A incanum
7m R- Lingua Cardamine amara
R hirsutus Cc impatiens
R— parviflorus Turritis glabra
_Nymphea alba Sisymbrium Sophia
Papaver hybridum Cheiranthus Cheiri
F somuiferum Sinapis nigra
Corydalis lutea / Viola palustris
&#F Fun aria capreolata V— lutea
Ze: micrantha Drosera rotundifolia
‘Teesdalia nudicaulis D—— intermedia
beris amara Dianthus Armeria

-Camelina sativa
foetida

Silene anglica
S—— nutans

114 Report of the Wiltshire Herbarium.

Meenchia erecta

Arenaria tenuifolia
Stellaria glauca
Cerastium semidecandrum

C arvense
Hypericum Androsemum
dubium

H—— elodes
Erodium Cicutarium
Geranium pusillum
Impatiens Noli-me-tangere

I fulva
Oxalis corniculata
0 stricta

Linum usitatissimum,
L— angustifolium
Radiola millegrana

Genista anglica

Medicago maculata
Trigonella ornitkopodioides
Trifolium subterraneum

T scabrum
ay striatum
T fragiferum
4h filiforme

Lotus tenuis
Astragalus hypoglottis
Ornithopus perpusillus
Vicia lutea

Lathyrus sylvestris
Potentilla argentea
Comarum palustre
Rubus rhamnifolius

R carpinifolius
R pygmeus
Rosa inodora

R— systyla

Sanguisorba officinalis
Pyrus torminalis

Hippuris vulgaris
Myriophyllum verticillatum
Ribes nigrum

Sedum dasyphyllum

S—— sexangulare

S.— reflexum
Sempervivum tectorum
Cotyledon umbilicus
Chrysosplenium alternifolium

Petroselinum segetum
Pimpinella magna
(nanthe Lachenalii
Feniculum vulgare
Viscum album
Sambucus Ebulus
Galium erectum
Lactuca virosa
Hieracium umbellatum
Carduus pratensis
Artemisia Absinthium
Filago minima
Senecio viscosus
S—— Sarracenicus
Inula Helenium
Jasione montana
Erica tetralix

Cuscuta epilinum

C epithymum
Solanum nigrum
Atropa Belladonna
Verbascum Blattaria
Antirrhinum majus
A———-. orontium
Orobanche Hederze
Mentha piperita
Calamintha Nepeta
Melittis Melissophyllum
Marrubium vulgare
Myosotis czespitosa
Pulmonaria officinalis
Pinguicula lusitanica
Utricularia vulgaris
U——— minor
Hottonia palustris
Lysimachia thyrsiflora
Anagallis tenella
Samolus Valerandi
Plantago coronopus
Amaranthus Blitum
Chenopodium olidum
C———. hybridum
Daphne Mezereum
Asarum europeum
Euphorbia Lathyris
Mercurialis annua
Salix Lambertiana
S—— rubra

—

By the Rev. T. A. Preston, M.A. 115

Salix aurita Scirpus fluitans
S— repens Eriophorum vaginatum
S— fusca Carex stellulata
Mprica Gale C—— axillaris
Epipactis palustris C—— muricata
Cephalanthera ensifolia C—— vulgaris
Herminium monorchis C—— stricta
Ophrys aranifera C— acuta
O—— muscifera C—— lepidocarpa
Narcissus biflorus C—— pallescens
Tulipa sylvestris C—— binervis
Fritillaria meleagris C—— levigata
Ornithogalum nutans C—— strigosa
Muscari racemosum C—— Pseudo-cyperus
Conyallaria majalis C—— pilulifera
Polygonatum officinale C—— tomentosa

— intermedium C—— clandestina
Narthecium ossifragum C—— vesicaria
Alisma ranunculoides Agrostis setacea
Potamogeton pusillus Arundo Epigejos
\_ rufescens Aira preecox
Typha latifolia Avena fatua
T—— angustifolia , A—— strigosa
Juncus squarrosus Molinia coerulea
Luzula sylvatica Sclerochloa rigida
Cyperus longus Festuca sciuroides
Rhynchospora alba Brachypodiumpinnatum
Blysmus compressus Lolium‘arvense
Scirpus glaucus Nardus stricta
S—— setaceus And almostfall the’Ferns.
s— multicaulis

My only fear in publishing this list, long as it is, is that it may
lead intending contributors to imagine that the above are a// that
are required. The fact is, that of Erythrea Centrurium alone are
there representatives from each of tue five divisions. I have merely
indicated those species of which we have xo representatives at all,
and which cannot be easily procured near Marlborough, but as will

be seen from the Table above given, every division is most inade-

quately represented, and I can only repeat that I shall gladly enter
into correspondence with anyone who is anxious to help in the work.
In conclusion and as an encouragement to intending contributors,
a few of the more interesting points of the collection, as already
formed, may be mentioned.
What are called the Batrachian Ranunculi will, I trust, be well

116 Regulations of Admission to the Museum and Library.

represented, and of these I shall unhesitatingly insert all good
specimens which may be sent. They are the water-plants which
cover the ponds in early summer with their white flowers, and pre-
sent a great variety of forms. The collection already possesses
~ several very interesting forms, and some of the species not recorded
in Mr. Flower’s “ Flora.” The ponds in which they grow often
dry up in summer, yet the plants are not destroyed, but re-appear
when there is sufficient water in the spring. A series from a
succession of ponds on the Overton Downs will interest those who
are paying attention to the subject. Specimens of Thlaspi perfoliatum,
Sinapis muralis, Silene noctiflora, Caucalis daucoides, Carduus
tuberosus, Oineraria campestris, Monotropa Hypopitys, Polemonium
caruleum, Orobanche elatior, Euphorbia platyphylla, Ornithogalum
pyrenaicum, Alopecurus fulvus, together with some Rudi and Salices
_ not recorded in the “ Flora,” will also be found, some of them quite
‘new to the county, and not known hitherto to occur so far south.

Still these are but very few of the rarities of Wiltshire, which I

hope to increase ere many months have passed.
T. A. Preston.

Aegqulationsot Admissionto Aluseumand Library.

=/HE Museum and Library are open on week days; from ten
to five, from Ist April to 30th September, inclusive; and
from Ten to Four, from 1st October to 31st March, inclusive.

Members of the Society are admitted free to both the Museum
and Library at all times when open, and have the privilege of
personally introducing to the Museum, without payment, any
members of their families residing with them.

Persons who are not Members are admitted to the Museum on
payment of sixpence each; or by tickets, which may be obtained
from the attendant, in packets of ten at half-a-crown the packet.

All visitors, whether Members or otherwise, to write their names
in the book kept for the purpose.

H. F. & E, BULL, Printers and Publishers, Devizes.

rey ae

a
s
|
4
r

WILTSHIRE

Archwological and *atueal History Society.

JANUARY, 1875.

Patron;
Tur Most HonovRABLE THE Marguis or LANSDOWNE.

President ;
GaBRIEL GoLtpnEy, Ese., M.P.

Vice-Presidents :
The Most Hon. the Marquis of G. H. W. Heneage, Esq.

ey E. C. Lowndes, Esq,
Sir John Wither Awdry, Kt. The Rt. Hon. the Earl Nelson
The Rt. Hon. T. H. 8. Sotheron R. Parry Nisbet, Esq.
Estcourt G. Poulett Scrope, Esq.
General Secretaries:
The Rey. A. C. Smith, Vatesbury Rectory, Calne.
Wm. Cunnington, Esq., Brixton, London,
Finaneial Secretary:
Mr. William Nott, Savings Bank, Devizes.
Council :
T. B. Anstie, Esq., Devizes H. E. Medlicott, Esq., Sandjfield,
Henry Brown, Esq., Blacklands Potterne
Park Alexander Meek, Esq., Devizes
Robert Clark, Esq., Devizes H. A. Merewether, Esq., Bowden
Richard Coward, Esq., Roundway Hill
Rey. Preb. W. H. Jones, Bradford- C. H. Talbot, Esq., Lacock Abbey,
_—- on-.Avon Chippenham
Trustees :
Sir John Wither Awdry, Kt. H. A. Merewether, Esq.
_ Sir Edmund Antrobus, Bart. The Rt. Hon. the Earl Nelson
Sir F. H. H. Bathurst, Bart. Charles Penruddocke, Esq.
Wn. Cunnington, Esq. [court G. Poulett Scrope, Esq.

The Rt. Hon. T. H. 8. Sotheron Est-

K
“ss

li LIST OF OFFICERS.

Treasurer:
F, A. 8. Locke, Esq.

District and Local Secretaries:

G. Alexander, Esq., Westrop House, J. E. Nightingale, Esq., Wilton
Highworth G. Noyes, Esq., Chippenham

H. E. Astley, Esq., Hungerford The Rey. W. C. Plenderleath, Cher-

W. Forrester, Esq., Malmesbury hill Rectory

N. J. Highmore, Esq., M.D., Brad- The Rey. T. A. Preston, Marlborough
Sord-on-Avon College

H. Kinneir, Esq., Swindon J. Farley Rutter, Esq., Were

Rey. G. S. Master, West Deun J. R. Shopland, Esq., Purton
Rectory, Salisbury E. T. Stevens, Esq., Salisbury

W. F. Morgan, Esq., Warminster H. J. F. Swayne, Esq., Wilton

LIST OF SOCIETIES IN UNION WITH THE

Wiltshire Archwological and Alatural Pistory Society,

For interchange of Publications, fe.

Society of Antiquaries of London.
Archeological Association of Ireland.
Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.

Royal Archeological Institute.

Kent Archeological Society.

Somersetshire Archeological Society.
Oxford Architectural and Historical Society.
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club.

Essex Archeological Society.

Professor Jewitt.

Aeist of GPembers.

Life Members.

_Ailesbury, The Most Hon. The Mar-
quis of, K.G., Savernake Forest
Awdry, Sir John Wither, Notton
House, Chippenham

Bruce, Lord Charles, Savernake,
Marlborough

Clarke, Henry M., 25, Mount St.,
Grosvenor Square, London

Duke, Rev. Edward, Lake House,
Salisbury

Estcourt,Rt. Hon. T. H. 8. Sotheron,
Estcourt, Tetbury

Fitzmaurice, Lord E., M.P., Bowood

Grove, Sir Thomas Fraser, Bart.,
Ferne, Salisbury

Heneage, G. H W., Compton Basset,
Calne

Hoare, Sir Henry, Bart., Stourhead

Holford, R. §.,Weston Birt, Tetbury

Jackson, Rev. Canon, Leigh Dela-
mere, Chippenham

Lansdowne, The Most Hon. The
Marquis of, Bowood, Calne

Lowndes, E. C., Castle Combe, Chip-
penham

Lubbock, Sir J. W., Bart., M.P., 15,
Lombard Street, London, E.C.

Merewether, H. A., Bowden Hill,
Chippenham

Morrison, George, Hampworth Lodge,
Downton

Neeld, Sir John, Bart., Grittleton

Nisbet, R. P., Southbroom, Devizes

Penruddocke, C., Compton Park,
Salisbury [Corsham

Poynder, W. H., Hartham Park,

Prior, Dr. R. C. A., 49, York Terrace,
Regents Park, London

Selfe, H., Marten, Great Bedwyn

Scrope, G. Poulett, Fairlawn, Chob-
ham, Surrey

Wellesley, Lady Charles, Conholt
Park, Andover [Gifford

Wilkinson, Rey. Preb., Broughton

Annual Subscribers.

Adderly Library, Marlborough Col-
ledge, Librarian of

Alexander, G., Westrop House,

_ Highworth

Anstice, Rev. J. B., The Vicarage,
Hungerford

Anstie, G. W., Park Dale, Devizes
Anstie, T. B., Devizes ;
Archer, John, Lushill, Highworth
Astley, H. E., Hungerford
Awdry, Rev., E. C., Kington St.
Michael, Chippenham ([penham
Awdry, H. Goddard, Notton, Chip-
Awdry, Justly W., Melksham
Awdry, West, Monkton, Chippenham

Baker, T. H. Mere, Bath

Barnwell, Rev. E. C., Melksham

Baron, Rev. J., the Rectory, Upton
Scudamore, Warminster

Barrey, H. G., Devizes

Barton, Nath., Corsley, Warmin-
ster

Bateson, Sir T., Bart., M.P., 12,
Grosvenor Place, London, 8. W.

Bath, The Most Hon. The Marquis
of, Longleat, Warminster

Bathurst, Sir F. H., Bart.,
Clarendon Park, Salisbury

Bennett, Rev. F., Shrewton

Bennett, F. J., M.D., Wilton, Salis-

bur
Bothell, §., The Green, Calne

lv LIST OF MEMBERS.

Bingham, Rev. W. P.S., Berwick
Bassett, Swindon

Blackmore, Dr. H. P., Salisbury

Blake, F. A., 39, Market Place,
Salisbury

Bleeck, C., Warminster

Bolam, C. G., Savernake Forest,
Marlborough

Booker, Rev. J. K., Reading

Bouverie, The Rt. Hon. E. P.,
Market Lavington

Brackstone, R. H., Lyncombe Hill,
Bath

Bradford, R., Midge Hall, Wootton
Bassett

Brewin, Robert, Cirencester

Brine, J. E., Rowlands, Wimborne

Britton, Mrs. Helen, 39, Croydon
Grove, West Croydon, Surrey

Brown, George, Avebury

Brown, H., Blacklands Park, Calne

Brown, J., Carnarvon Cottage, Lon-
don Road, Salisbury

Brown, Messrs., Salisbury

Brown, W., Fairview, Devizes

Brown, W. R., Highfield, Trow~-
bridge ;

Brown, T. P., Burderop, Swindon

Bruges, H.Ludlow, Seend, Melksham

Buchanan, Ven. Arch., Potterne

Buckley, Rev. J., Sopworth Rectory,
Chippenham

Bull, Messrs., Devizes

Burman, J. W., M.D., Wilts County
Asylum, Devizes

Caillard, 0. F. D., Wingfield, Trow-
bridge

Calley, Major, Burderop, Swindon

Carey, Rev. T., Fifield Bavant,
Salisbury

Carless, Dr. E. N., Devizes

Chamberlaine, Rey. W. H., Keevil

Chandler, Thomas, jun., Devizes

Cholmeley, Rey. C. Humphrey, Din-
ton Rectory, Salisbury

Clark, Robert, Prospect House, De-
vizes

Clark, T., Trowbridge

Clarke, W. A., Chippenham

Clifford, Hon. and Rt. Rey. Bishop,
Bishop’s House, Clifton, Bristol
Codrington, Thomas, 6, Marlborough
Villas, Richmond Hill, Surrey

Colborne, Miss, Venetian House,
Clevedon

Colfox, Thomas W., Rax, Bridport,
Dorset

Colston, Mrs., Roundway Park

Colwell, J., Devizes

Cooper, Herbert, Wootton Bassett

Cornthwaite, Rey. J., Walthamstow,
London, N.E.

Cosway, Rev: 8., Chute, Andover

Coward, Richard, Roundway, Devizes

Cowley, The Rt. Hon. Earl, K.G.,
Draycot Park, Chippenham

Cresswell, W. H., Pinckney Park,
Malmesbury

Crowdy, Rev. Anthony, Titsey Rec-
tory, Redhill, Surrey

Crowdy, W. R. Morse, Macaulay
Buildings, Bath

Cunnington, H., Devizes

Cunnington, Wm., Argyll House,
361, Cold-Harbour Lane, Brixton,
London, S.W.

Cunnington, W., jun., 57, Wiltshire
Road, Brixton, London, §.W.

Daniell, Rev. J.J., Wilton, Salisbury

Daubeny, Rev. John, Theological
College, Salisbury

Day, W., Devizes

Dixon, 8. B., Pewsey

Dodd, Samuel, 27, Kentish Town
Road, London, N.W.

Dowding, Rev. W., Idmiston, Salis-
bury

Dyke, Rey. W., Bagendon Rectory,
Cirencester

Eddrup, Rev. E. P., Bremhill, Calne

Edgell, Rey. E, B., Bromham, Chip-
penham

ee es )

LIST OF MEMBERS. v

Edmonds, R. 8., Swindon

Edwards, Job, Amesbury

Elwell, Rey. W. E., The Rectory,
Dauntsey, Chippenham

Errington, Right Rey., Archbishop,
Prior Park, Bath

Estcourt, G. T. B., M.P., Newnton
House, Tetbury

Estcourt, Rev. W. J. B., Long
Newnton, Tetbury

Everett, Rev. E,, Manningford Ab-

- botts

Ewart, Miss M., Broadleas, Devizes

Eyre, G. E., The Warrens, Bram-
shaw, Lymington

lyre, G. E. Briscoe, 59, Lowndes
Square, London, 8S. W.

Farrar, Rev. F. W., D.D., Marl-
borough College

Faweett, E. G., Ludgershall, Andover

Fisher, F. R., High Street,Salisbury

Flower, T. B., 9, Beaufort Buildings,
West, Bath

Forrester, William, Malmesbury

Foster, J. J., Chippenham

Fowle, T. Everett, Chute Lodge,
Andover

Fowle, Miss, Market Lavington

Freke, A. D. Hussey, Hannington
Hall, Highworth

Fry, J. B., Swindon “

Fuller, G. P., Neston Park, Corsham

Goddard, Ambrose L., M.P.,Swindon
Goddard, Rev. F., Hillmarton, Calne
Goddard, F. Pleydell, The Lawn,
_ __ Swindon

Goddard, H. Nelson, Clyffe Pypard

- Manor

Godwin, J. G., 76, Warwick Street,

_ London, S.W.

Goldney, Gabriel, M.P., Beechfield,
Chippenham

Goldney, F. H., Rowden Hill, Chip-
penham

Gooch, Sir Daniel, Bart., M.P.,
Clewer Park, Windsor

Good, Dr., Wilton, Salisbury

Gordon, Hon. and Rev. Canon,
Salisbury

Gore, Arthur, Melksham

Grant, Rey. A., Manningford Bruce

Graves, Robert, Charlton Ludwell,
Donhead St. Mary, Salisbury

Griffith, C. Darby, Padworth House,
Reading

Grindle, Rey. H. A. L., Devizes

Grove, Miss Chafyn, Zeals House,
Bath

Guise, Sir W., Bart., Elmore Court,
Gloucester

Gwatkin, J. Reynolds, Nonsuch
House, Bromham, Chippenham

Halcomb, John, Chievely, Newbury

Hall, Rey. Henry, Semley Rectory,
Shaftesbury

Hall, Capt. Marshall, NewUniversit
Club, St.JamesStreet, London,S. W.

Hanbury, Edgar, Hastrop Grange,
Highworth

Harris, Rev. H., Winterbourne Bas-
sett, Swindon

Hart, C. F., Devizes

Hartley, Rev. Alfred Octavius,
Steeple Ashton, Trowbridge

Hawkins, F. G., Hordley House,
Ramsgate

Haynes, Richard, Figheldean House,
Amesbury

Hayward, W. P., Wedhampton

Heathcote, Rev. G., 1, Northfield,
Ryde, Isle of Wight

Heytesbury, The Right Hon. Lord,
Heytesbury

Highmore, Dr. N. J., Bradford-on-
Avon

Hill, Miss A., Asby Lodge, Carlton
Road, Putney, Surrey, S.W.

Hillier, W., Devizes

Hitchcock, Dr. C., Fiddington,
Market Lavington

Hobhouse, Sir C. P.; Bart., Monkton
Farleigh, Bradford-on-Avon

Hodgson, Rev. J. D., The Vicarage,
Great Bedwyn, Hungerford

Hony, Rey. C. W., Bishop’s Cannings

vi LIST OF MEMBERS.

Howlett, Rev. W., Devizes

Horsey, Ralph, Corsham

Howse, T., 19, St. Paul’s Church-
yard, London

Hughes, Rev. J. H., The Vicarage,

Barrow, Derby

Hulbert, H. H., Devizes

Hulse, Sir Edward, Bart., Breamore,
Hants :

Hussey, James, Salisbury

Hutchings, Rey. 2. 8., Alderbury,
Salisbury

Inman, Rey. E., East Knoyle, Salis-
bury

Jackson Joseph, Devizes

Jenkinson, Sir George, Bart., M.P.,
Eastwood Park, Cirencester

Jennings, J. S. C., Abbey House,
Malmesbury

Jones, Rey. Prebendary W. H.,
Bradford-on-Avon

Jones, W. S., Malmesbury

Kemm, Thomas, Avebury

Kemm, W. C., Amesbury

Kenrick, Mrs., Seend Cottage, Seend,
Melksham

King, Rev. Bryan, Avebury

Kingdon, Rev. H. T., 71, Wells
Street, Cavendish Square, London

Kinneir, R., M.D., Sherborne

Kinneir, H., Redville, Swindon

Kirwan, F. J., 1,Richmond Gardens,
Bournemouth

Knight, Rev. J., Heytesbury, Bath

Knubley, E. P., Steeple Ashton,

. Trowbridge

Lawson, R. de M., Trowbridge

Law, Rev. R. V., Christian Malford,
Chippenham

Leach, R. V., Devizes Castle

Littlewood, Rey. 8., Edington, West-
bury

Locke, F. A. §., Rowdeford, Devizes

Long, R. P., Rood Ashton, Trow-
bridge

Long, Walter J., Preshaw House,
Bishops Waltham, Hants

Long, William, West Hay, Wring-
ton, Bristol

Lukis, Rey, W. C., Wath Rectory,
Ripon

Lyall, J., Blunsden Abbey, High-
worth

Macdonald, W. H., The College,
Marlborough

Mackay, Alex., Trowbridge

Malet, Sir A. Bart., K.C.B., 19,
Queensbury Road, London, S.W.

Mann, William J., Trowbridge

Marlborough College Nat. Hist.
Society, The President of

Maskeylne, E. Story, Bassett Down
House, Swindon

Master, Rev. G. S., West Dean,
Salisbury

Matcham, G., New House, Salisbury

Mathews, R. G.,Maple Croft, Frank-
leigh, Bradford-on-Avon

Medlicott, H. E., Sandfield, Pot-
terne

Meek, A., Hillworth, Devizes

Meek, A. Grant, Hillworth, Devizes

Merriman, E. B., Marlborough

Merriman, W. C., Marlborough

Methuen, Right Hon. Lord, Corsham
Court

Meyler, Mrs., Devizes

Meyrick, Rey. M., Baydon, Hunger-

ford

Miles, Col. C. W., Burton Hill,
Malmesbury

Miles, E. P., Earlwood,near Bagshot

Miles, J., Wexcombe, Burbage,
Marlborough

:
:

LIST OF MEMBERS. Vil

Morrice, Rev. W. D., Longbridge
Deverell, Warminster

Morgan, W. F., Warminster

Moulton, 8., Kingston House, Brad-
ford-on-Avon

Mullings, Richard, Stratton, near
Cirencester

Musselwhite, John, Worton

Nelson, Rt. Hon. Earl, Trafalgar,
Salisbury

Nelson, Lady, Trafalgar, Salisbury

Nightingale, J. E., Wilton

Nott, William, Devizes

Noyes, George, Chippenham
Noyes, John, Chippenham

Olivier, Rey. Preb. Daeres, Wilton,
Salisbury [Devizes

Olivier, Rev. H. A., Poulshot,

Ottley, Rev. G. L., Luckington Rec-
tory, Chippenham

Parfitt, Rt. Rev. Dr., Cottles, Melk-

P 5 h, Alli D
arry, Joseph, ngton, Devizes

Parsons, W.F., Hunt’s Mill, Wootton
Bassett

Peacock, Rey. E.,Stone Hall, Haver-
fordwest .

Peill, Rev. J. N., Newton Toney,
Salisbur

Penruddocke,Rev. J.H., South New-
ton Vicarage, Wilton

_ Perry Keene, Col., Minety House,

Malmesbury
Petman, A. P., Wootton Bassett
Phillips, Jacob, Chippenham
Phipps, Charles Paul, Chalcot, West-
ury

Plenderleath, Rev. W. C., Cherhill
Rectory, Calne

Powell, Mrs. M. E. Vere Booth,
Hurdeott House, Salisbury

Powell, W., M.P., Dauntsey House,
Chippenham

Preston, Rey. T. A., Marlborough
College

Price, RK. E., Marlborough

Proctor, W., Elmhurst, Higher Erith
Road, Torquay

Prower, Major, Purton House,
Swindon

Pyper, Rev. R., Bratton Vicarage,
Westbury i

Purrier, Rey. H. T., Devizes

Randell, J. A., Devizes [sham

Randell, J. S., Rudloe Lodge, Cor-

Ravenhill, John, Ashton, Heytesbury

Ravenhill, W.W., 21, Regent’s Park
Terrace, Regent’s Park, London

Ravenshaw, Rey. T. F. T., Pewsey

Rendell, W., Devizes

Reynolds, Stephen, Devizes

Rich, Rev. J., Chippenham

Richmond, George, R.A., Potterne

Rigden, R. H., Salisbur

Rivett-Carnac, Rey.A. B., Charlcote,
Chippenham

Rogers, Walter Laey, 32, Onslow
Square, London, 8. W.

Rolls, John Allan, The Hendre,
Monmouth

Rumming, Thomas, Avon Villa,
Chippenham

Rutter, J. F., Mere, Bath

Sadler, S. C., Purton Court,Swindon
Sainsbury, Capt. C. H. S., Frank-
leigh, Bradford-on-Avon
Salisbury, The Right Rev. the Lord
Bishop of, The Palace,’Salisbury
Salisbury, The Very Rev. the Dean
of, The Close,’Salisbury
Saunders, T.Bush, Bradford-on-Avon

Vili LIST OF MEMBERS.

Scarth, Rev. H. M.. Wrington Reo-
tory, Bristol
Seymour, A.,

Hindon
Reywignt, H. R., Crowood, Hunger-

Knoyle House,

or

Shaftesbury, Rt. Hon. the Earl of,
St. Giles’s, Dorset

Shopland, James R., Purton, Swindon

Simpson, George, Devizes

Skrine, H. D., Warleigh Manor,
Bath

Sladen, Rev. E. H. M., The Gore,
Bournemouth

Sloper, G. E., Devizes

Sloper, S. W., Devizes

Smith, Rey. A., Old Park, Devizes

Smith, Rey. A. C., Yatesbu

Soames, Rey. C., Mildenhall, Marl-
borough

Southby, Dr. A., Bulford, Amesbury

Spencer, J., Bowood

Speke, W., Monks Park, Corsham,
Chippenham

Spicer, J. W. G., Spye Park, Chip-
penham

Stallard, Rev. G., Grafton Vicarage,
Marlborough

Stancomb, J. Perkins, The Prospect,
Trowbridge

Stancomb, W., Blount’s Court, Pot-
terne

Stanton, Ven. Archdeacon, Burbage,
Marlborough

Stanton, Rev. J. J., Tockenham
Rectory, Wootton Bassett

Stevens, E. T., Salisbury

Stevens, Joseph, St. Mary Bourne,
Andover

Stokes, D. J., Rowden Hill, Chip-

enham

Stokes, Robert, Salisbury

Straton, C. R., The Square, Wilton

Stratton, Alfred, Rushall

Strickland, Rev. E., BrixtonDeverell

Strong, Rev. A., St. Paul’s Rectory,
Chippenham

Suffolk, Rt. Hon. The Earl of,
Charlton Park, Malmesbury

Swann, Capt., Holyshute, Honiton

Swayne, H. J. F., Wilton, Salisbury

Swyer, R. N., Shaftesbury

Talbot, C. H., Lacock Abbey, Chip-
penham

Taylor, C., Trowbridge

Taylor, S. W., Erlestoke Park,
Devizes

Thynne, Rey. A.B., Seend, Melksham

Tordiffe, Rev. Stafford, Devizes

Tugwell, W. E., Devizes

Ward, Rey. H., Aldwincle, near
Thrapston

Ward, Col. M. F., Bannerdown
House, Batheaston, Bath

ey R. F., Admiralty, White-

all

Wayte, Rev. W., Eton, Windsor

Weaver, Henry, Devizes ,

Weller, Mrs.T., 22, Tamworth Road,
Croydon, Surrey

Whinfield, Rev. E. T., Woodleigh,
Bradford-on-Avon

Whitby, Rev. R. V., The Vicarage,
Lechlade

Wickham, Rev. H. D., The Rectory,
Horsington, Wincanten [sham

Wilkinson. Rev. Preb., D.D., Melk-

Wilson, J., M.A., Chippenham

Winthrop, Rey. B., 15, Elvaston
Place, Queen’s Gate, London

Wyld,Rev. Edwin G., Woodborough,
Marlborough

Wyndham, C.+H., Wans, Chip-
penham

Yeatman, Rev. H. W., Gryll
Field, Salisbury
Yockney, A., Pockeridge, Corsham

Zillwood, F. W., Salisbury

H. F, & E. BULL, Printers, Saint John Street, Devizes.

WILTSHIRE :
Archoolagical ant Botural Arstory

MAGAZINE,

No. XLIV. JUNE, 1875. Vou, XV.

€ ontents.

Account oF THE Twenty-First ANNUAL MeETine, AND INaveU-
RATION OF MuskumM AND Lisrary, AT Devizes; REPORT AND

PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS, KC... wee cece cece eee eee tere teeeees ° 117
Arrictes ExHisitED at THE AnNUAT, MEETINe—Loan MuszEuM— 136
WULFHALL AND THE Seymours: By the Rey. Canon Jackson, F.S.A, 140
Earty Annas or TrowsripcE: By the Rev. Prebendary Jones,

RUST AManIAAa Ut aisheventsials cee cisicle slstslepio we sesso ewe ty una eanate es 208
Norzs any Corrections ro ‘Reconps oF THE RISING IN THE

West”: By W. W. Ravenhill, Esq. ............-. haecerose 235
Doxarrons TO THE MUSEUM AND LIBRARY.....cceseceecescccees 237

ILLUSTRATIONS.

Table, showing the Alliance of Lady Arabella Stuart, Lady
Katharine Grey, and the Seymours, with the Crown of
England‘ Laie cs vias! Paap MANS IS eisictel's:d mus’ alojeyniclsiteste scale 143

Rarn, in which the Wedding Festivities were held on the
Marriage of King Henry VIII. with the Lady Jane
Seymour, of Wulfhall ...........0 ce cecees cenecees 144

Plan, near Wulfhall, showing the Conduit, &. ........ 151

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2 RS na PE EDS Se

WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE,

‘¢MULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS.’’—Ovid,

. THE TWENTY-FIRST ANNUAL MEETING
OF THE
Wiltshire Archeological & Natural History Society,
HELD AT DEVIZES,
Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday, September 8th, 9th, and 10th,
1874.
PRESIDENT OF THE MEETING,

GasrieL Gorpnry, Esq., M.P.

, S the Society this year celebrated the attainment of its
as majority, and with the Annual Meeting combined the
Inauguration of its new Museum and Library, the attendance of
members and visitors was unusually large.!

The Town Hall of Devizes having been kindly placed at the
service of the Society, by the Mayor and Corporation, the pro-
ceedings of the twenty-first Anniversary Meeting commenced at
two o’clock on Tuesday, September 8th,in the Assembly Room, (which
was completely filled,) under the presidency of G. Goldney, Esq.,M.P.

Mr. Goupyey said the first business of the day was to ask Mr.
Smith, one of the Secretaries, to read the Report, which he had no
doubt would show the Society to be in a favourable condition, and
be satisfactory to the members generally.

The Rey. A. C. Surrn thereupon said he desired first to discharge
a duty laid upon him by their Patron, the Marquis of Lansdowne,
and to make excuse for his non-attendance that day. His Lordship

1Jn preparing the following account of the Devizes Meeting, the Editor

_ desires to acknowledge his obligations to the columns of the Devizes Gazette,

Advertizer, and Independent, and also of the North Wilts Herald.

VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV. oO

118 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

commissioned him to say that he would have joined them with great
pleasure, but for his absence in a distant part of Ireland. Lord
Lansdowne’s grandfather had inaugurated this Society in that Hall,
as their Patron, twenty-one years ago, and the Committee had hoped
that his grandson, would have been present on this occasion to open
the Museum, as he most certainly would have done, but for his
absence from England. Mr. Smith then proceeded to read the

REPORT FOR 1874.

“The Committee of the Wiltshire Archeological andj Natural
History Society cannot meet the Members of the Society on this
important occasion of its history (of this day attaining its majority,
and at the same time inaugurating its new Museum and Library),
without very heartily congratulating themselves and the Society at
large on the highly satisfactory state in which it now finds itself.

“« As twenty-one years have elapsed since the Society was augu-
rated in this room, and as this seems a marked epoch in its history,
perhaps it may be permitted to review very briefly the course it has
pursued, and what it has effected, before we touch upon its present
position.

“The Committee thinks it worthy of especial congratulation that
the interest of the people of Wiltshire, in the ancient remains
and history of their county, as well as in its natural history
has been so much developed and increased during the period
of the existence of the Society. Without entering into minute
particulars the Society may now justly boast of the perform-
ance of what was at the outset merely anticipation and promise.
Civil, ecclesiastical, and natural history, has been promoted ; ancient
buildings have been carefully examined and described; the grand
Celtic remains, and the many British earthworks, in which-
our county so pre-eminently abounds, have been cared for ; and in
more than one instance their preservation from destruction has been
secured by the efforts of members of this Society ; the genealogy of
several county families which was heretofore obscure, has been
elucidated; manners, customs, and personal biography have been
investigated and put upon record; documents once neglected have

biaaeoe pease fa eae

The Report for 1874. 119

been brought forward, both from public and private sources ; and,
in short, there is scarcely any branch of historical and antiquarian
research in connection with this county, the knowledge of which has
not materially been advanced by the labours of our various contributors.
Tangible proof of this remark is furnished by the fourteen volumes
of the Magazine now before the public, of whose merits let an
appreciative public judge.

“There is, however, one point on which the Committee in alluding
to the Magazine cannot be silent, and that is the very deep debt of
gratitude it owes to the labours of Canon Jackson; by whose pen
every one of these fourteen volumes has been greatly enriched, and

‘without whose accurate and interesting contributions our publication

would be very inferior to what it is. -To Canon Jackson the Com-
mittee desires to tender its most hearty thanks at this period of its
history, and to assure him that it is keenly sensible of the large
share he has had in promoting the success of the Society during the
twenty-one years of its existence, while it earnestly hopes he will
continue his invaluable labours in its behalf.

“With such substantial evidence of progress and prosperity the
Committee cannot but review the first twenty-one years of the
Society’s existence with satisfaction, and pleasure. From small
beginnings it has advanced to its present numbers, which (we are
enabled to state on the authority of the Financial Secretary) never
stood so high at any previous period of its history as now, for we
have to-day 341 names on our books, and these members of the
Society, scattered throughout the length and breadth of the county,
if not all active in its cause, are all apparently well disposed to aid

in carrying out its numerous and diversified objects. That it should

in the long interval since its inauguration have lost many active
supporters is only what was inevitable: many a head and many a
hand that worked willingly with us twenty-one years ago is now
cold in death ; though many during that period have come worthily
to fill up the ranks thus broken, and to give promise of continuous
vitality to our archeological and natural history pursuits; and
several of us who are now engaged in celebrating its majority, took
an active part in the formation of the Soeiety twenty-one years ago.
02

120 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

“ And here it seems fitting to say that surely no Archeological
Society in England can hold its meeting this year without referring
to the loss which the great cause of antiquities has sustained in the
death of Mr. Albert Way. As the recognized founder of the “Royal
Archeological Institute,” as for many years the editor of its admi-
rable Journal, as the conductor of its operations whether during its
sessions in London, or during its annual congress at one or other
of the principal cities in the provinces; but above all as the ever-
ready and courteous adviser, to whom all enquirers might apply for
information, and from whose copious stores of antiquarian knowledge
in every branch of the subject, many of us have from time to time
derived much valuable instruction, and many useful suggestions,
Mr. Albert Way stood alone; so that to those who did not enjoy his
personal acquaintance, his loss seems that of a private friend, as well
as that of the chief referee and leader in the archxological world.

“To return to our report of this Society during the last twelve-
month.

“Since we met last year at Swindon, we have lost by death four
original members, viz., Mr. W. F. Lawrence, Mr. James Noyes,
Mr. J. G. Nicholls, and Dr. Thurnam. Of the loss which this
Society has sustained by the death of the last-named accomplished
antiquarian, mention has been already made in the Magazine in the
form of a short memoir; but the Committee cannot now allude to
his decease, without repeating the most sincere expressions of regret,
and their deep sense of his value as an archeologist of European
reputation.

“With regard to finance, our balance in hand now amounts to
£359 8s. 1d., which is an apparent decrease on last year’s balance of
£17 11s.11d., but inasmuch as during the year we have expended
some £50 for furniture, and some £28 for books, beyond our ordinary
outlay, it will be seen that our balance-sheet is, in reality, highly
satisfactory.

“ Then as regards the expenditure for Museum and Library, which
is an account wholly distinct from the general fund of the Society,
the subscription list amounts to £1117 3s., very nearly all of which
has been received, and of this £1110° 17s. 7d. has been expended,

The Report for 1874. 121

leaving a balance of £6 5s. 5d. in hand. On this point your Com-
mittee desires to hint as delicately as possible, but at the same time
to impress on the minds of the friends of the Society, that while
fully sensible of the great liberality which the county has shown
towards it in this matter, and deeply grateful for the same, there is
yet a sum of about £300 wanting to pay for the fittings already
supplied, and to complete the furnishing of the rooms and cases,
such as are needed to perfect our work; and the Committee con-
fidently trusts that by means of the subscriptions of those who have
not already contributed, and perhaps by means of second donations
on the part of some few who may feel inclined to aid still further
than they have done, the necessary funds may be obtained for the
absolute completion of the work before the end of the year.’

“In the matter of additions to the collections contained in our
Museum and Library, during the past year, many valuable specimens,
illustrative of most of our branches of study, have been kindly sent
by various contributors, most of which have been acknowledged in
the Magazine. To these we have now to add (received within the
last few days), a very handsome gift to the Library, in the shape of
fifty-four volumes of books, many of them of exceeding value, which
have been sent us by our first President and ever kind friend, Mr.
Poulett Scrope; nor can we pass by in silence the munificent sum
of £50 from Mr. Poynder, being the second donation which that
gentlemen has contributed to the general purposes of the Museum
and Library.

“Tt only remains for the Committee to offer its hearty thanks to
these and the other benefactors of the Society, and again to entreat
the co-operation of all the members in carrying on the various re-
searches in which it is engaged. There is a great deal yet to be
learnt, both in regard to the antiquities, and to the natural history
of Wiltshire. Let the inauguration of the new Museum and Library,
and the attainment this day of its majority on the part of the
Society, prove a fresh motive for increased exertions on the part of
all who have an interest in the county; for let it be remembered
that the work of such a Society as this, if it is to be exhaustive on
any one of the many subjects which it takes in hand, can never be

122 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

accomplished by the zeal, however ardent, of a few; but must be
the result of the combined efforts of many ; so true and so applicable
to its own pursuits is the Society’s motto, emblazoned, as you will
see it, by amateur hands, as you enter the Museum :—

‘ Multorum manibus, grande levatur onus.’ ”

Mr. E. P. Bouvert said he had been requested to move the
adoption of the Report, which he did with very great pleasure.
He did not however consider that he was worthy of so distinguished
a position or of calling attention to the satisfactory points to which it
referred. The only claim he could advance to be considered an
archeologist was founded on the fact uf his being a member of this
Society. He had been hoping that he would have been accompanied
to-day by a friend whose name was almost of world-wide celebrity
—he meant Sir John Lubbock—who had promised to come with
him to this meeting, but unfortunately he found he had a previous
engagement which prevented him doing so. Sir John was a
gentleman eminently qualified to have addressed them with advantage
and instruction, and was well known for his zeal in the pursuit of
archeological subjects. He was glad to say Sir John had become a
Wiltshire proprietor,as many present might be aware,and had acquired
a portion of Avebury, and had expressed an ardent wish to preserve
those ancient monuments there which some seemed anxious to destroy.
He remembered quite well while travelling across this county, from
north to south, some 4.0 or 45 years ago, seeing a party of men breaking
up the grand old stonesatAvebury, for the purpose of mending the roads.
Now let them hope that partly owing to the exertions and interposition
of such Societies as this, that spirit was passing away, and that there
was a desire to maintain those mysterious monuments which existed
as interesting links between us and our forefathers. We were a
nation having a great past, and it was natural we should desire to
see what that past had been, and it was only by investigating these
matters in a scientific mode that a knowledge of that past could be
obtained. We knew we were a great people now, and that our name
and our language were known all over the world—perhaps more
known than those of any other nation that had previously existed—but

The Opening Meeting. 123

we are what we are, because we have been made so by our forefathers,
and therefore it was most natural that we should endeavour to
ascertain what sort of people our forefathers were, what they did, how
they lived and acted, and what were their characteristics and history ;
and the unwritten records in which Wiltshire so greatly abounded were
to a very great extent the means by which we might arrive at that
knowledge. It would be idle for anyone like himself who was not
familiar with archeological matters, to attempt to talk about them,
but still as an Englishman and asa Wiltshireman it was impossible
not to feel an interest in them. There were in this county monu-
ments that carried them back to the earliest races known to exist in
this land, and the grand old stones which stood on the downs of
Wiltshire presented a problem still to be solved. Coming down to
more recent times, Mr. Bouverie spoke of some of the noble structures
that adorn this county. As a proof of the great wealth and
population which once distinguished Wiltshire, the speaker men-
tioned that there were more mills specified in Domesday Book as
existing in Wiltshire than in any other county in England. That
gave indirect evidence of the superior wealth and industry that
characterised Wiltshire in former times. The county was not pos-
sessed of the great source of wealth of modern time, as it did not
abound with coal, which attracts population and wealth; but they
had memorials and proofs of the wealth and prosperity which
distinguished the district in bygone centuries, and they ought to
value and cherish them. Mr. Bouverie referred to the success which
had marked the operations of the Society, and attributed a large
share of that success to the ability and exertions of Canon Jackson
who was one of the originators of the institution. One of the
things which must strike thinking minds in looking back into the
dim past was the amazing contrast between the manners and customs
of the times in which we live and those of remote periods. It had
often been said that in these days “ The poor were poorer, and the rich
were richer than in past times,” but one part of that statement was
certainly untrue. No doubt there was now a vast accumulation of

wealth, but he fully believed that if we had more perfect means of

comparing the position of the people now classed as poor, with that

124 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

of the poor of a thousand years ago, they would see a great advance
and improvement had taken place. No one who carefully compared
the hardships which the great bulk of the people in past centuries had
to endure, with the position of the poor at the present time, could
come to any other conclusion but that their condition had much
improved. If they looked back through the written history of this
country they could scarcely fail to remark that up to about 200 years
ago, there were perpetual disturbances—civil wars, bloodshed and ill-
will. Those who were acquainted with the history of this county
were aware that it was the great battle field of contending factions, and
the opposing parties seemed to have met and fought here for the
very reason he had mentioned, perhaps, because Wiltshire was more
wealthy and populous than many other parts of the country, and
thus Wiltshire had frequently been the scene of strife from the time
of the conflicts between the Saxons and the Danes in the reign of
King Alfred, down to the seventeenth century, when in the battle
of Roundway Down, Sir William Waller was defeated by the King’s
troops. We were now in the enjoyment of peace, which was, as it
were, the outcome of the times of suffering to which he had alluded.
Those things, happily for us, belonged to the past, and we were now
enjoying the good results of the troubles and trials of our forefathers.
Let us try, by investigating their history, and seeing how they
endured those misfortunes, and how we had advanced far beyond
their condition, to aim at something still higher and better for our-
selves, and those who should come after us, and each, in his own
sphere, strive to promote the advancement, peace, and prosperity of
our common country. ;

E. T. Srevens, Esq. (the Hon. Curator of the Blackmore Museum,
Salisbury), in seconding the motion, congratulated the members of
the Society, on the establishment of the very admirable Museum
which would be opened that day. Museums were of two kinds—
places where curiosities were deposited, and repositories for a series of
objects which, when once scientifically arranged, conveyed instruction
which could not be gathered from books. There was one class of
knowledge which could only come by an examination of objects.
He therefore congratulated them, not only on having a collection,

The President’s Address. 125

but on having it so excellently and correctly arranged. For this the
thanks of the Society were eminently due to Mr. Cunnington.
There were three rooms in the Museum, each of which contained the
germ of a perfect collection. The first was devoted to ethnography,
and contained a collection of “savagery,” with other illustrations of
that study, each one correctly described, and the localities mentioned.
Then they had a place for the ‘ Paleolithic,” or old-stone, period, con-
taining some of the earliest implements they were acquainted with ;
and also the “ Neolithic ”—the new or rubbed stone—period. In the
next room was a fair series to illustrate the bronze and the iron
periods. The British pottery, too, was a good representative col-
lection, and altogether the objects themselves and the arrangement
were such as to make this a very valuable Museum and of great
interest to the county.

Mr. Merewetusr, Q.C., proposed, and Mr. Munk seconded, the
re-election of the Secretaries, the Committee, and the other officers
of the Society.

Tue Presipent then addressed the meeting. He said he was now
called upon to take his part in the day’s proceedings, but he did so
with great diffidence after the able and eloquent speech of Mr.
Bouverie. Although Mr. Bouverie had expressed himself as wanting
in knowledge as regards archeology, he had nevertheless shewn that
he was conversant with those subjects in which all Wiltshiremen
must feel a special interest. He (Mr. Goldney) had just returned
from Scotland, where similar meetings to this had lately been held,
and he was pleased to say that at those gatherings the same anxiety
had been manifested with regard to the preservation of the records
of the country. He feared he should prove a very inefficient
President as compared with those who had preceded him in the office,
but he was thankful to have such aid as would be afforded by Canon
Jackson, by the able Secretaries, Mr. Smith and Mr. Cunnington,
and other gentlemen connected with the Society.

At a time when science was making such rapid strides in every di-

. rection, it was especially incumbent upon them to cherish a regard for
the history of the past, as Mr. Bouverie had told them ; to preserve
some record of old institutions, the habits and customs, and laws of

\

126 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

bygone ages ; all of which were the objects of archeology. I will (con-
tinued the President), illustrate what Imean. I saw the other day an
old book called a Custumal, in the writing of an ancestor of the pre-
sent Earl Spencer, relating to the manor of Wimbledon, which applies
very much to what Iam saying. He formed a sort of archzological
society by calling all his tenants together, and all the holders of
land and property in the parish and district—and he commences the
custumal thus. Henry VII. :— as

‘‘Tnasmuch as the human mind is not able to remember everything (because
if it were able, transcribing would be but waste of labour), and because writing
frequently and properly brings back things to the memory (and by the weakness
of the mind very often things fall away and become uncertain), I will compile
those things on account of the customs of Wymbledon, so far used and lawfully
obtained by the assistance of writing for perpetual remembrance in this work.”
Amongst other things in this Custumal, it is stated that the tenants
of the Manor ought to pay the Archbishop of Canterbury, on first
coming into his archbishopric, £6 13s. 4d., for the purchase of a
palfrey ; but it goes on to say that certain Archbishops had, and
were accustomed to have on their first coming (although with com-
plaining of the tenants), a certain gift from the tenants called
saddlesilver, to wit, 10 marks; yet this is not done because the
tenants assert that it was a sinister way at first [£6 15s. 4d. is stall
paid]. The Earl seems from this custumal and some other old books
to have carried out the maxim of Captain Cuttle in “ Dombey and

22 66
Son,

when found make a note of,” though his illustrations are
not always correct. In the Proverbs of Solomon you will find these
words, “ May we never want a friend in need nor a bottle to give
him,”—when found make a note of. There is a large tract of land
near London called Wimbledon, that has been preserved in the
family ever since, and this payment is made upon it, and has
amounted to a considerable sum, although it does not tend to any
great public benefit. What I mean to show is that archeology

finds the materials for history ; and a proof of this is afforded im the _ |

Museum.

It has been frequently observed that archeology is a science which
demands almost the labour of a whole life to gain a proficiency in,
and it has been described as a language, without a grammar or

The President's Address. 127

dictionary to assist the study. What it really comprehends in its
popular sense is “ A general inquiry of all that men have known and
done in every mode of life, since the earliest known epochs of history.”
What your first President (Mr. Scrope) stated to be the object of
this Society was, “ Mor the purpose of encouraging and promoting
to the utmost possible degree the study of the civil and ecclesiastical
history of the antiquities of our county, together with its numerous
objects of natural history; for disseminating as far as possible,
through all ranks of society, a knowledge of every fact tending to
illustrate these interesting subjects ; and for the formation of a Museum
Jor preserving objects of interest connected with these subjects.”
So here you have the large general scope of archeology—and the
more limited and special sphere of the object of the Wiltshire
Society—the one general, this practically local. Of all the great
branches of human knowledge, history is that upon which most has
been written, and which has been most popular ; aud the confidence
in history, and the success of historians, certainly of modern
historians, is mainly based on the increased knowledge of the past,
which increased industry and research have afforded. Antiquities
of every kind have been examined, the sites of ancient cities have
been laid bare, coins dug up and deciphered, inscriptions copied,
alphabets restored, hieroglyphics interpreted, and in some cases long-
forgotten languages re-constructed and re-arranged ; the laws which .
regulate the changes of human speech have been discovered, and by
them the most obscure periods in the early migration of nations have
been elucidated. But notwithstanding all this, the study of the
movements of man is still in its infancy as compared with the study
of the movements of nature ; and it is only as nations advance more
and more to a high state of culture that they are anxious and studious
in these matters. Every branch of archeological research, however
humble, tends to show more and more clearly the history of man’s
progress and the developement of his civilization. Domestic archi-
_ tecture, military architecture, ecclesiastical architecture, roads, fences,
_ bridges, customs, sepulchral mounds, traditionary laws, and even the
names of plants, all are worthy of our attention, and each'of them
expressive of some distinct phase of society. Take, for instance,

128 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

what I have referred to last—the names of plants and trees, and
these prove, what has been ascertained also by other evidence, that
the tribes which in early times entered Europe and descended upon
Britain, and the eastern races which eventually in their progress
broke up the Roman Empire, were not a set of savages or mere
pirates and warriors, as has been represented, but were colonists,
who, rude as they may have been in dress and manners, were, in all
essential points, already a civilized people; and by tne names of
plants, as used by them, and which are in use at the present day,
we discern that these tribes came from their homes with a knowledge
of letters, and the useful metals, with nearly all the domestic
animals; that they cultivated oats, barley, wheat, rye and beans,
built houses of timber and thatched them, and, what is more im-
portant, as shewing that their pasture and arable land was intermixed
and acknowledged as private property, they hedged their fields and
fenced their gardens, so that, although our ancestors may have been
indebted to the provincials of the Roman Empire for their fruit trees
and some other luxuries, for a knowledge of the fine arts and the
Latin literature, and a debased Christianity; the more essential
acquirements upon which their prosperity and progress as a nation
depended, were already in their possession. Bush, hawthorn, oats,
wheat, and a host of others, are unquestionably native names and
not of Latin or Celtic origin. It is the study of these things which
gives value to history. The vast majority of historians have filled
their works with the most trifling details—of personal anecdotes of
kings and courts, and long accounts of battles and seiges—whilst
they have altogether neglected the important facts necessary to the
study of the history of man, and which archeologists are now en-
deavouring to supply by a determined and protracted industry ; they
had both to be masons and architects, and not only trace the scheme
of the edifice, but also the excavation of the quarry. Many of the
old customs and reliques perpetuate history, and charitable gifts and
foundations show the local wants of a people and district, from which
you can not only build up theories but demonstrate facts. Archzol-
ogists, like naturalists, are frequently able to decide on the principle
of harmony, and from single stones in a building to determine the

The President’s Address. 129 |

history of its structure; like the striking fact, admitted by zoologists,
that the teeth of each animal have a necessary connection with the
entire organization of its frame, so that within certain limits we can
predict the entire organization by simply examining the tooth.
When the true path of enquiry has once been indicated the rest is
comparatively easy. Archzologists, by their labours, are collecting
materials for the history of man, the noblest, and at the same time
the most arduous of all pursuits.

‘¢ Know then thyself, presume not God to scan,
The proper study of mankind is Man.”

I want to rescue archeology from the general charge that has been
made of its being a mere idle pastime. Let me glance at the merits
and advantages of our own Association. Wiltshire is rich in objects of
antiquity, and possesses a mass of illustrations. We have castles and
towns of different periods, ages, and races; tombs, barrows, and Druid-
ical temples, tessellated pavements, Roman villas, great, Roman roads,
abbeys, with specimens of Anglo-Saxon architecture, like Malmesbury
Abbey Church; Norman arches and shafts,abbeys of the Early English
like Bradenstoke; and of the florid English, like Lacock ; stone crosses,
preaching crosses, market crosses; some of the finest specimens of
civil and domestic architecture, like South Wraxhall; and ancient
bridges, and bells ; and ancient historians, like Aubrey, Sir R. Hoare,
and Britton, and our present most worthy historian and chronicler,
Canon Jackson. With such materials before us we have all the
temptations requisite to induce us to become archeologists. But
we do not stop here; we offer in addition pleasant excursions,
cheerful company, and very frequently the most attractive hospitality
and sumptuous refreshment, in order to relieve the more arduous
labours—so that the Wiltshire archeological life, like the human
life, considered as a whole, may be said to have two distinct branches,
one branch being characteristic of pleasant excursions and modern
social life, and the other of the march of knowledge by the study
of the habits of men and manners of preceding centuries. Perhaps
some of the present company are not aware of the simile, and have
never considered that they have a double existence. Plants may

130 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

have only one life, but man has certainly two distinct lives, which
are governed by entirely different laws. The life which ts confined
to animals is called animal life, that which is common to both
animals and vegetables is called organic life. In his organic life
man exists solely for himself, he is simply like a vegetable limited
to the process of digestion, circulation and nutrition, in common
with plants ; but in his animal life it is different, all the organs are
essentially symmetrical, and a very slight departure from the ordinary
type impairs their action. The life which we have in common with
vegetables never sleeps, and if its movements entirely cease only
for a single instant, they cease for ever. But the other life you may
refresh, not only in sleep, but even when you are awake; you can
walk while you rest the brain, or use one eye, or one hand, and rest
the other. Now let us go back to archeology. Walter Scott, in
his “ Monastery,” shows the pleasure to be derived from mild
archeology, in the autobiography of Captain Clutterbuck, who asa
retired soldier, first tries fishing, then shooting, then a turning-lathe,
and then books, but all failed in giving him the required occupation.
In fishing he lost his line and hooks, and got no fish; in shooting
he got laughed at for missing; the turning-lathe nearly took his
fingers off; and the books sent him to sleep; until at last he had
nothing to do but to walk into the churchyard and whistle till
dinner time. In conclusion, the President quoted an ancient docu-
ment, 170 years old, to prove the truth of what Mr. Bouverie had
said, that the idea was unfounded which had ef late years obtained
credit, and that, though the rich might be richer now than in the
days of old, it was very certain that the poor are not poorer.

On the motion of the Rev. A. C. Smirx a hearty vote of thanks
was accorded to the President, who then formally declared the new
Museum and Library open, and congratulated the meeting on the
thoroughly satisfactory manner in which its object had been accom-
plished. Great credit was due to their Secretaries and to several
other gentlemen, prominent among whom was Mr. Meek, for the
valuable assistance they had rendered, and the hard work that they
had done. He would urge upon all to remember the value of articles,
even of a trifling nature, which afforded some evidence of the past,

The Opening Meeting. 131

and as an instance, called attention to the South Kensington Museum,
which had now arrived at an admirable state of perfection, and had
tended more to raise the character of English manufactures during
the last half century than anything else. He, therefore, trusted
that the Society’s Museum would receive a large number of in-
teresting articles.
The Rev. Canon Jackson said he could not quit the room (which,
however, he had entered with no intention of making a speech)
without expressing his gratification for the kindness he had received
both from the speaker and those present. He was conscious, how-
ever, of having done only what he could for the Society, and was
one of those, who, twenty-one years ago, stood on that very platform
with the late Marquis of Lansdowne in the chair, at the inaugural
meeting of the Society. He promised then to do what he could, and
he had endeavoured to fulfil his promise. He was very pleased to
see the hall in 1874 contain more supporters than it did in 1853.
It spoke of progress, and as the report told them they were twenty-
one years old, certainly it would appear that they had arrived at
years of discretion. He congratulated the Society on that fact
most sincerely. During those twenty-one years the members had
written some fourteen volumes, which were now very rare in the
market, and the speaker asked, what would they be twenty-one years
hence? The finance had been kept in good order, there were 300
members on the books, they had just established a Museum—and
yet, the language of the law said they had but arrived at years of -
‘discretion. Twenty-one years hence, he supposed, would find that
discretion would be absolute wisdom. In conclusion, the rev.
gentleman said he sincerely trusted that as the old supporters of the
Society became incapacitated, through old age, from continuing their
exertions,there would be young members who would carry on the work.
The Rev. A. C. Smiru remarked that the Society, from the first,
_ had contemplated the formation of the Museum that had just been
formally opened. From various reasons, however, they had not been
able to carry out their intentions until now, and he was very sorry
that two of those who had been most active in their work were not
now with them—he alluded to Mr. Wittey and Dr. Thurnam, both of

132 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

whom had worked cordially and heartily in the cause. Two years ago
Mr. Wittey, who was then Mayor of Devizes, threw himself zealously
into the work, and it was in great measure owing to his exertions
that the subscriptions were collected for the purpose. To Mr. Spicer
too, who was then High Sheriff for the county, they were in no
small degree indebted ; he had come forward and taken the chair at
the public meeting held to consider the question, and he had headed
a subscription list for the formation of the Museum with a donation
of £50, and it was mainly due to him that the project was carried
out so soon. For himself, he (the speaker) must disclaim any praise,
for he had had but very little to do with the Museum. ‘The real
hard work had devolved upon his colleague, Mr. Cunnington, he
was the actual worker, and to him the very best thanks of the
meeting were due.

Mr. Cunntneton felt that he had only done his duty to the Snaiehge
Ix. its earliest days many difficulties had to be met, but year after
year he had been pleased to see it progressing satisfactorily. In
reference to the Museum, the speaker said it was a very difficult
matter to arrange so many specimens in a short time. He had had
valuable assistance from Mr. Jackson, Mr. Nott, Mr. Hillier,
Mr. Clark, and many others, including some members of his own
family. Still it had been a work of considerable difficulty.

The collection of birds was a very good one, and among them there’
were three specimens of bustards, one of which was the largest

-known. Of fossils there was a very large collection indeed ; but his
desire to give prominence to Wiltshire specimens had induced him
to exhibit only such as belonged to the county. Consequently, the
display was not so large as it might have been. There was a large
collection bequeathed by Mrs. Wetherall, but three-parts of it still
remained in the drawers. Others had been presented by the Bishop
of Brisbane, and bequeathed by the late Col. Olivier. Mr.
Codrington had supplied them with some fine Wiltshire sponges,
during the past year. There were valuable contributions in coins,
while the collection of iron implements was a very fair one indeed.
The specimens of British pottery were particularly interesting ; some
of them are of elegant form, whilst others are remarkable from

The Dinner. 133

their very rudeness; he had the opinion of noted archeologists that
some of the urns are the rudest they had ever seen, they were
such as any child might form with its hands out of clay or other
plastic material. He recommended attention to the drawings sent -
by Mr. Richmond, and also one by Lawrence, dated Devizes, Sep-
tember 9th, 1787, which was a very small but interesting specimen
of that period of the artist’s life ; also to some very valuable coins
and medals, kindly lent by Mrs. Kenrick; and to an interesting
collection of models of celebrated diamonds, by Mr. Gregory, of
London. .

This concluded the morning meeting: and then the President and
officers of the Society, headed by the Mayor and Corporation in
their robes of office, and preceded by the mace, &c., formally walked
in procession to the new Museum and Library, when the President
duly unlocked the door, and followed by the whole body of archzo-
logists, visited every portion of the premises, which called forth loud
marks of approbation, and the Museum and Library were declared
open.

The treasures here collected engrossed the attention of many of
the visitors for the rest of the afternoon: others, reserving the
Museum for another opportunity, pleasantly employed the interval
before dinner by inspecting some of the more noteworthy objects in
the town: some visiting the fine old churches of St. John and
St. Mary ; others, the admirable collection of British birds at Mr.
Tugwell’s; and others, the magnificent geological collection of Mr.
Cunnington: though nearly all found opportunity to wander over
“The Devizes Castle,” and its beautiful grounds, which were most
hospitably thrown open to their inspection by Mr. Leach.

‘ THE DINNER
took place at the Bear Hotel, at five o’clock, at which about seventy
of the members and their friends were present. After the usual
loyal toasts, the President, in proposing the health of the Bishop
and Clergy, referred to the pilgrimage to Pontigny, and pointed
out that the Saint honoured there was in A.D. 1200 both a digni-
tary and a priest of a town near Devizes. St. Edmund was rector of
VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV. ze

134 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

Calne, subsequently a canon of Salisbury, and finally Archbishop of
Canterbury. r

Other toasts followed, aceording to custom. In reply to the health
of the Mayor (Mr. Reynolds), who had warmly welcomed the Society
to Devizes, and done everything in his power to facilitate the work
of the Museum, that gentleman said, that although he did not
pretend to a knowledge of archeology, there were many matters
connected with the past in which he took an interest. He had
noticed, and perhaps many present might have done so, the great
desire which any one who had had the misfortune to lose a dear
friend exhibited to preserve some memorial of him, and to remember
what he was like; and the same feeling animated them with regard
to their remote ancestors—they all desired to know how they lived,
how they loved, how they fought, &c., all of which would, but for
such societies as this, be a dead book. In this respect they were
constantly meeting, as it were, with an oyster, with no knife well
tempered enough to open it, and if the archeologists had done no
other good, the busy, money-making people were under a great
debt of gratitude to them for what they had done in this
respect.

The officers of the Society, President, Secretaries, Secretary to
the meeting, were all duly honoured ; as were also the ladies, whose
kind assistance at our archzological meetings adds in no small
degree to their pleasure, and the company adjourned to the Town
Hall for

THE CONVERSAZIONE.

The President took the chair at 7.30, p.m., when the following
papers were read in succession: “The History of the Parish of
Potterne,” by the Rev. Prebendary Jones, F.S.A.; “On the Porch
House of Potterne,” by the Rev. A. C. Smith; “On Wolfhall and
the Seymours,’ by the Rev. Canon Jackson, F.S.A. It will be
unnecessary to make any extracts or to comment on these papers,
as they will all appear in due course in the pages of the Magazine.
Tea and coffee and other refreshments were liberally provided by
the Mayor and Corporation, who left nothing undone which could
conduce to the comfort or convenience of the archeologists.

- Second Day’s Proceedings.- 135

SECOND DAY, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 97.

A thoroughly wet morning damped the ardour of some of the
archxologists, and caused them to forego the pleasant excursion
which had been arranged. Others, more hardy or more enthusiastic,
carried out a portion of the programme, though they too were com-
pelled by the elements to abridge the intended route. First they
drove to Potterne, where the Ven. Archdeacon Buchanan received
them at the church, and conducted them over the building, pointing
out the many objects of interest in this grand old specimen of Early
Gothic architecture, calling especial attention to the very ancient
font, not long since exhumed, and by many supposed to be veritable
Saxon; and here sundry details were discussed, and opinions were
elicited, which are some of the most valuable results of our archeo-
logical excursions. Thence to the old Porch House, where Mr.
Richmond, R.A., welcomed them with a blazing fire in the old hall,
and courteously led them above and below stairs and let them
wander at will, and gaze to their content; and a real treat it was to
see so fine and so old a building in course of being so admirably
restored. Thence to Eastwell House, which attracted due respect
from its antiquity, and where our archeologists feasted not only their
eyes, for Mrs. Grubbe had hospitably provided refreshments, and
these too must be discussed. Thence, by a straight course to Keevil,
omitting the intermediate part of the programme ; and here the
famous old Manor House, inhabited by Colonel Wallington, was
- visited and thoroughly inspected (thanks to the courtesy of its
inmates), from garret to basement. The old timber house was also
examined, and so, with a passing glance at Keevil Church, home to
Devizes.

SECOND CONVERSAZIONE.
The President took the chair at 7.30, p-m., and again the company
- were regaled with tea and coffee and other refreshments by the very
hospitable Mayor and Corporation of Devizes. Three papers were
read, on the following subjects: “On a plea for the Moles,” by the
Rev. A. C. Smith; “On some curiosities of Parochial Registers,”
by the Rev. W. C. Plenderleath ; and “on the Old House at Spye
P2

136 The Twenty-first General Meeting.

Park,” by C. H. Talbot, Esq. These too, it is hoped, will all appear
in turn in the Magazine; and need not therefore be farther alluded
to here.

At the conclusion of the meeting, as this was the last occasion of
assembling in Devizes, during the present congress, cordial votes of
thanks were moved to the President, to the several readers of papers,
and to all who had been instrumental in catering for the Society,
not forgetting under this head, the Mayor and Corporation.

THIRD DAY, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 10ru.

Again the skies proved unpropitious, and reduced the archeologists
to a limited number, though, but for the inclement weather, very
many had announced their intention of joining in the excursion to-
day. Some fifty or sixty ladies and gentlemen, however, braved
the elements, and accomplished the round. The route lay first by
Bishops Cannings, where the elegant Early English church demanded
a prolonged halt; thence over the downs, by Wans Dyke and the
Roman Road, through Heddington and by Wans House, to Spye
Park, where Mr. Spicer right hospitably entertained the Society at
dinner, and indeed had made preparations to entertain double the
number: and in truth double in number would the guests have been,
but for the wet weather. Kind and cordial were the words with
which Mr. and Mrs. Spicer welcomed the Society to Spye Park,
and loud and hearty was the applause elicited by the proposal of a
vote of thanks to them, moved by Mr. Wyndham. Spye gate was,
of course, examined, and then by Chittoe Church and Bromham
Church back to Devizes.

The following is an abstract from the list of articles kindly con-
tributed to the Loan Museum. Many of them are of particular
local interest, and attracted much notice during the meeting.

Those marked with an asterisk have been presented to the Society.

By W. P. Haywarp, Esq., Wedhampton :—

“Ammonites Sutherlandiew, *Ammonites perarmatus (disjointed cast), and
Grypheza, from Cale. Grit., Seend. Six weapons, of fine workmanship, from
New Zealand and the South Seas. *Ancient British urn, from Wilsford Down.
Collection of coins, chiefly Roman. Australian bow. *Portion of human
cranium, of remarkably low type, dug up on Wilsford Down,

The Loan Museum. 137

By the President, G, Gotpnry, Esq., Chippenham :—
Original deed of gift by Maud Heath, 12th June, 14 Edw. IV.
By Georce Ricamonnd, Esq., R.A., :-—
An early pencil drawing by Lawrence, subject, a female head, with the
inscription: ‘*T. Lawrence, Devizes, 1787, aged 9 years.”
By Mrs. Cotston, Roundway Park :-—
Gold ornaments and Anglo-Saxon Bucket, from barrow on Roundway Hill,
By J. Reynotps Gwarkin, Esq., Nonsuch House :— .

Affghan Spear taken by General Dacres Evans, in the Affghan war. Sea
weeds, from the Red Sea. Block of native tin, from Gwendron, Cornwall,
Fossil tooth of Hippopotamus, from Sewalik Hills. Specimen of serrated coal.

By Mrs. Kenrick, Seend :—

Crystals of black tourmaline, from Bovey Tracey. Fossil wood, Portland
Oolite, from Swindon. Cabinet containing many hundred coins, chiefly
British. Case of four gold medals, presented to the late F. Chamberlayne,
Esq., by the Empress of Russia, through Count Woronzow. A twenty-
shilling and a ten-shilling piece, in silver, of Charles I., struck at Oxford.
A two-sovereign piece in gold, of the same reign.

By W. Hittter, Esq., Devizes: —

Carved club, from Fiji. Stuffed birds, viz., Green Woodpecker, Stone
Curlew, Dotterell, Corncrake, Quail, shot at Winterbourne Monkton. Am-
monites, Lias, from near Bath. Fine specimen of Meandrina. A case of
recent shells.

By. Mr. Cunnineton, Devizes :—

Painting by T, Barker, of fossil horns of Bos, from Melksham. Bones of
fossil mammalia, viz., Great Cave Bear, Hippopotamus, Bison, Reindeer,
Rhinoceros, Mammoth, Gigantic Ox, Red Deer, from Westbury. Rhinoceros,
from Bulford. Rhinoceros, from Bradford-on-Avon. Rhizopods, from the
Drift, at Broughton Gifford. Tooth of Elephas primigenius, from Manningford.
Shells, from the Drift, at Manningford. Crapaudine locket, (described vol.
xii., p. 249), from St. John’s churchyard. Two drawers of fossil Echinoderms,
from Upper-Green-Sand of Wiltshire (40 species), Mass of Gryphea
vesiculosa, Upper-Green-Sand, Devizes. Mass of Gryphza (exogyra) conica,
Upper-Green-Sand, Little Cheverell. Remains of urn (restored), from
barrow on Beckhampton Downs. Roman coins, and two bronze fibule, from
Botley, near Baydon. Iron fibula, from Wedhampton. Flint knife, flakes,
and pottery, from barrow at Oldbury Hill. Group of ferns, bleached by a
new process. Sack pottle, 1562. Photograph of Magna Charta. Large
case of paleolithic implements. Case of neolithic implements. Implements,
viz., bronze celts, penannular brooch, and ring dial, from Oldbury Hill
Two views of the Market Place, Devizes,<date 1804 and 1818. Basket or-
namented with Wiltshire mosses. *Cyanide of titanium, zinc, &c., a furnace
prodnet, from Westbury Iron Works. *Diceras Lonsdalii, Lower-Green-Sand,
from Calne. Ancient needlework,with design from Barker’s Bible, dated, 1610,

By T. B. Fox, Esq., J.P., Devizes :—

Two glass cases, with models, to scale, of all the English cathedrals. Two
early crayon portraits by Sir Thomas Lawrence. Twenty cases of stuffed
birds. Eleven cases British birds’ eggs, comprising 250 varieties.

188 The Loan Museum.

By Mr. D. A. Grsss, Devizes :—
Gwillim’s Heraldry, 1632.
By Miss Hox11s, Devizes :—
German watch, temp. Elizabeth. Enamel portrait by Sir Peter Lelly.
By Capt. Warrrineton, Fiddington :—
_*Fine bow, *three arrows, *waddy, and boomerang, from Australia.
By C. H. Tarot, Esq., Lacock:
Iron instrument of uncertain use, from Lacock. Three veterbre of Pleio-
saurus, from Nethermore, Chippenham.
By Capt. BrapDrorD, Mayor of Wootton Bassett:
The cucking stool (See Wilts Mag., vol. i., 68), from Wootton Bassett.
Mr. Woon, Chippenham :—
Veterbra of Pleiosaurus, Oxford Clay (from Drift), at Sutton Benger.
By H. Burcuer, Esq,, Devizes :—
Plan of Old Sarum. Dore’s map of Devizes. *Autograph of the great
Duke of Marlborough.
By Messrs. H. F. & E. Butt, Devizes :—
Portraits by Sir Thomas Lawrence of his father and mother.
By H. N. Gopparp, Esq., Cliffe Pypard Manor :—
Encaustic tiles from Cliffe Pypard Church.
By Mr, THomas CHANDLER, Devizes :—
*Brass horse trapping, 1759.
By Mr. J. R. Grecory, Londen:—

Twenty-three mgdels of celebrated diamonds. Thirty fine specimens of
minerals.

By the Rev. E. C. Awpry, Kington St. Michael:—

Olog almanack, and engraving of the same.

By S. A. Jerrreys, Esq., Melksham :—

Group of twenty-one stuffed specimens of rare British birds. Two specimens
of the Wiltshire Great Bustard. Seven other cases of stuffed British
birds.

By Messrs. Grant & Son, Devizes :—
Stuffed mole, otter, and wild swan. Eight cases of stuffed birds, various.
By Mr. I. Crarx, Heddington :—
Roman urn, imbricated pattern, from near Heddington.
By Miss E. Crank, Heddington :—
Embroidered apron with silver lace.
By Mr. Joun Batt, Melksham :—
Two handsome old carved chairs. Five Indian weapons, &c.
By 8. Reynoxps, Esq., Mayor of Devizes :—
Speed’s Great Britain, 1676.
By the Rev. C. Soames, Mildenhall :—
Four rare British coins (including one unique specimen).
By Mrs. Spicer, Spye Park :—
Bronze fibula, from the Old House, Spye Park.
By J. W. Kine, Esq., Brerleigh :—
Water-colour drawing of Roman pavement at Pitney, Somerset.

The Loan Museum. 139

By J. W. G. Spicer, Esq., Spye Park :—

“Waterproof dress, made of membrane of seals, and *Tappa cloth shawl,
from the Fiji Islands.

By Mr. B. Muttrnes, Devizes :—

Various articles of dress, from China. Mandarin’s full dress. Chinese
idol. Double-barbed spears from South Seas. Model of Eastern outrigger
canoe.

By the Rev. P. Peace, Devizes :—
Pencil drawing, by Sir T. Lawrence. Engraving of Charles I.
By A. Merx, Esq., Devizes :—

Oil painting, Devizes Market Place, about 1814. MS. Illuminated book;

containing copies of the Devizes Charters.
By Mr. H. G. Barrey, Devizes :—

Processional cross. Impression of seal. Two spear heads, found on Beck-
hampton Down. Roman coin, found near Silbury Hill. Three bronze im-
plements. Bronze knife, three bronze awls, and whetstone, found to the
east of Wansdyke.

By J. E. Nienrinearez, Esq., Wilton:—

Photographs of Wiltshire Churches. Four roundells. Fine carvings in
ivory.

By the Rev. T. F. Ravensuaw, Pewsey :—

Painting, Sunrise at Stonehenge, 2nd November, 1873, by Tristam Ellis,
Etching, Moonlight at Stonehenge, by Slocombe.

By Mr. Joun Busa, Bristol :—
*Sermon on death of 8. Wright, by John Filkes, 1712.
By W. Srancoms, Esq., Blount’s Court, Potterne :—

Six Roman coins, and seal with four arms, found in pulling down a cottage
at Potterne.

By Epwarp WAYLEN, Esq., Devizes :—

Painting of Simeon and the Infant Jesus, attributed to Vanderburgh.
Engravings of *Malmesbury, *Lacock, and *Wardour Castle, by Buck.

By the Rev. H. F. Epeetz, Worton :—
Hammock, from Nicaragua. Specimen of inlaid work, from the Mosque
* of San Sophia, at Constantinople.
By Miss A. Cunnineton, Devizes :—
*Collection of freshwater and terrestrial Wiltshire shells.
By T. B. Ansriz, Esq., Devizes :—
Water bottle and stone implements, from the South Seas.

140

CAnlthall and the Seymours.

By the Rey. Canon J. EH. Jackson, F.S.A. *

ROY way ‘of introduction to this paper, I borrow from a very

y, high authority, a few sentences that seem to describe with

great accuracy, the particular kind of research that falls within the
prevince of the Archeologist.

Lord Chancellor Bacon, in his “ Treatise on the Advancement of
Learning,” is speaking of Civil History. He says, “It is of three
kinds, not unfitly to be compared with the three kinds of pictures
or images; for of pictures or images, we see, some are wafinished,
some are perfect, and some are defaced. So of Histories we may
find three kinds; Memorials, Perfect Histories, and Antiquities ;
for Memorials are history unfinished, or the first rough drafts of
history; and Antiquities are history defaced or some remnants of
history which have casually escaped the shipwreck of time. Memo-
rials, unfinished, are preparatory notes, to serve the compiler of the
perfect history. Antiquities, or the remnants of history, are, as
was said, fragments from a wreck ; when industrious persons, by an
exact, and scrupulous diligence and observation, out of monuments,
names, words, proverbs, traditions, private records and evidences,
fragments of stories, passages of books that concern not story, and
the like, do save and recover somewhat from the deluge of time.”

I do not remember to have ever met with a happier and more
cheering description of our pursuits; for they now and then need
refreshment. I mean by refreshment, the encouraging approval of
thoughtful and intellectual men. We are twitted, sometimes, with
spending our time in raking into old rubbish, wearing out our eyes
with decyphering faded handwriting, and the like: so it is well to
be able to exhibit as an answer the deliberate judgment of so great

* Read before the Wiltshire Archeological Society, at Devizes, Tuesday, September, 8th, 1874, when
the original documents from.Longleat, out of which it was chiefly compiled, were exhibited by the
kind permission of the Marquis of Bath,

Wulfhall and the Seymours. 141

a man as Francis Bacon, Viscount St. Albans, viz., that of the
three branches of Civil History, “ Antiquities” is one. Among
obscure sources, he enumerates “ Words,”’—we all know how much
attention has been of late years given to this subject ; and how much
curious history is often wrapped up in an old word. “ Monuments;”
the great trial for the Shrewsbury Peerage is a proof of their im-
portance, where so much often depends upon the preservation of an
inscription. “ Private Records and Evidences,’—It is my very
business this evening to endeavour to show you what they can do
for us in the ease of an Old Wiltshire Mansion House now no more,
and its family (old also, but still vigorous),—WuULFHALL and THE
SEYMOURS.

The family of Seymour, Duke of Somerset, though the Title was
taken from the neighbouring county, has been for centuries connected
with our own. It fills a very exalted place in English History, for
it is able to say, what very few can say, that a single generation of
brothers and sisters supplied a Queen of England, a Protector of
the Realm, and a Husband to a Queen Dowager. Of course the
public and political career of those distinguished’ personages is to be
found in our English Histories, and the genealogical account of the
_ family in Books of the Peerage; but there are some smaller and
more private matters, relating to themselves, in connection with our
_ neighbourhood, which, having been recovered from the wreck of
time, will be considered, I hope, a not unsuitable subject for the
evening ears of a Wiltshire Archeological audience.

In the large collection of Old Documents at Longleat, which I
had the pleasure of bringing out into the light and identifying,
there happens to be an unusual number that relate to the Seymour
family, especially to the Protector Duke; and though I will not say
that there are any State Papers of the highest importance, still,
there are papers of considerable value affecting certain historical
transactions in which, as you will hear, one or two of his family
were involved. Besides correcting, in a few points, the usual ac-
counts of those events, these papers supply ws, who take interest

more particularly in Wiltshire History, with a good deal of new
‘material for our purpose.

142 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

The Name appears to have been anciently spelled St. Maur. They
had, among other residences, a Castle called by their name, near
Penhow, in the county Monmouth; and also Hatch Beauchamp, in
the vounty of Somerset.!. There being no occasion to go into all
their early history, I begin with them when they came into the
county of Wilts. This was in the reign of Henry V. (A.D. 1413),
when'a Roger St. Maur of Hatch Beauchamp, by marrying the
daughter and heiress of the old Wiltshire family of Esturmy, became
owner of Wulfhall.

In order to know exactly where Wulfhall is, you are to suppose
yourselves on the railway going from Devizes towards London.
Stop at Savernake Station, get out and walk along the towing path
of the canal by the side of the railway for about a mile beyond the
station, take the first turn to the right, and you are at Wulfhall.
All that is left of the old mansion is a picturesque little red-brick
house with tall chimneys, called the Laundry. It stands at the foot
of a rising ground, on the top of which, about 250 yards off, is the
old farm house and large barton of Wulfhall.

As to the meaning of the name, I would merely say that it has

1Mr. J. R. Planché (Brit. Archeol. Journ., 1856, p. 325) says: ‘‘ There are
two families of St. Maur. The St. Maurs or Seymours of Kingston Seymour,
in Somersetshire, who trace their pedigree to Milo de Sancto Mauro, who, with
his wife Agnes, is named in a fine roll of King John; and the St. Maurs or
Seymours of Penhow, Monmouthshire, from which the present ducal house of
Somerset descends. All our genealogists, from Dugdale downwards, are
scrupulous in observing that there is no connexion whatever between the two
families, who bore different arms and settled in different counties, and I freely
admit there is no connection to be traced between them from the earliest date to
which they have proved their pedigree ; but that tact by no means satisfies me
that they did not branch from the same Norman stock. We have no proof that
there were two St. Maurs who came over with the Conqueror (probably from St.
Maure sur Loire in la Haute Touraine), nor can we assert thatif there were two
or more, they were not, as in many similar instances, near kinsmen, . . « »
That their arms should be different is no proof at all, for although a similarity
in their bearings would be strong evidence in favour of some connection, it is
one of the most common things in the world to find, in those early days of
heraldry, the son bearing a coat quite distinct from that of his father, as he did
frequently a perfectly different name.” The St. Maursof Kingston bore Argent, -
two chevrons gules, a label of five points. The St. Maurs of Penhow, Gules, a
pair of wings conjoined in lure or.

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By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 143

nothing to do with the animal wolf. The first syllable is spelled in
the Domesday Record, “ U/f,’ which was probably the name of
some more ancient owner. The people of the neighbourhood still
keep up the original pronunciation, calling it “ Oolfall.’??

Between the laundry and the old farm house stood the mansion
of Wulfhall, the residence first of the Esturmy and then of the
Seymour family, about a mile outside of Savernake Forest, and com-
manding a view of it.

Sir John Seymour of Wulfhall, who died 1536 (28 Hen. VIII.),
had married a Wentworth of Nettlested; by whom he had, with
other children, the three so famous in English History, Jane
Seymour (Queen of Henry VIII., and mother of Edward VI.),
Edward Seymour, the Protector, and Thomas Seymour, Lord
Sudeley, who married Queen Katherine Parr, widow of Henry VIII.
There is every reason to believe that Queen Jane Seymour and her
‘brothers were born at their father’s house at Wulfhall; but the
Registers of the parish of Great Bedwyn are not old enough to tell us.

The Manor of Wulfhall, as appears from an old Survey, consisted

at that time of about 1270 acres, including what was, and still is,
called ‘“‘Suddene Park,” also a “ Horse Park,” and a “ Red Deer
Park.” (Appendix, No.i.) About the house, which is said to have

1The name in the Wiltshire Domesday is U/fela. In the same volume we
have an Ulf as a land-holder at Bradford-on-Avon. At Lincoln, in 1049, there
was a Clerk of the name of Ulph: and at York they still show a horn of one
Ulphus,a Dane. The name has come down to ourowntime. In the Obituary of
the Times newspaper, in April last, appeared the death of John Burt Ulph, Esq.,
of St. Ives, Cornwall. Similarity of sound deceived Leland and Tanner. The
former (Itin., ix., 36) calls it, in Latin, ‘‘ Lupinum, villa splendida Semarii : ”
also in his ‘‘ Genethliacon, Edw. vi.”

“Vergit in occasum foecunda Severia tellus.

Illie Semarius, vir bello strenuus, amplam
Incoluit villam, que nomine dicta Lupinum.’’

‘Tanner (Bibliot. Brit. Hibern.) speaks of certain Epistles written by Edward
(the future Protector) son of John Seymour ‘‘ de Puteo Lupino vulgo Wolf-hall.”
Puteus Lupinus, however, begging the learned Bishop Tanner’s pardon, would
not be first-rate Latin for Wolf-hall: but it would do, as Latin, for the Saxon
** Wolf-hol,” a wolf’s pit orden. The derivation of Wulf-hall being thus ob-
secure, etymologists may choose. To the writer, Ulf, as an owner’s name, seems
the most probable.

144 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

been timber-framed, there were several gardens, “ the Great paled
garden,” “My Old lady’s garden,” and My Young Lady’s garden.”
There was a Long Gallery, a Little court, a Broad chamber: and a
Chapel: as appears from these entries in the Household Book;

*** Paid for a pastall for the Chapel, of 1 lb weight, 17d.”
+'* Two morteyses for the Sepulchre, 13 lb. 1s. 6d.”
‘¢ Two tapers for the Chapel, 6d. Frankincense, 1d,

There was also a Kennel of Hounds. About the house was an
Establishment of 44 men of various positions, and 7 females. The
highest, the Steward, received £3 10s. 0d. a year; the lowest, two
Turnbroches (turnspits), each 13s.4d.a year. (Appendix, No. ii.)

Queen Jane Seymour was married at Wulfhall, in 1536, the year
of her father’s death. In the farm-yard is still standing the fine old
barn made of wood and thatched, in which her wedding festivities
were kept. The Rev. G. Stallard, of Grafton, has kindly furnished
me with a drawing of it, for the purpose of being preserved in our
Magazine, which is the more desirable, because the old barn is in a
most dilapidated condition, especially as to the roof, and unless
speedily restored will soon cease to be the national curiosity that it
is. It is 172 feet long, by 26 feet wide, inside, and there are still
to be seen, against some of the beams and walls, nails or hooks to
which were attached the tapestry and hangings used to smarten it
up for the dancers at Queen Jane’s wedding. I was in hopes of
being able to meet with all the particulars of that affair, but was
disappointed. There is however, an account of part of the expenses
of carpenter’s work in altermg Westminster Hall for her Coronation.
(Appendix, No. iii.) She died October, 1537, after about a year-and-
a-half of married life.’ In August, 1539, a few months before the
King’s next marriage, with Anne of Cleves, (which took place in
January, 1540,) the King and his whole Court came down to
Wulfhall on a visit to Edward Seymour, the late Queen Jane’s
brother, afterwards Protector, but at that time Earl of Hertford.
Of this Royal visit every particular is preserved in the large Household

* *¢ Pastall : ? meaning probably “‘ Paschall.”’ a large wax candle used at Easter.
+ Morteyses : a kind of taper.

1For the account of some tapestry and bed furniture worked by Queen Jane
Seymour, see Appendix, No. xix. — X/Y. Pp: Fa

ma tae Se ——
=~ TE mh CaN ORE et it eS Pree
— ~— a
SS Se
- = a

Wedding Festivities were held, on the Marriage of King Henry VIII,

:

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F8.A. 145

Book now on the table, so far at least as regards the provision
of food. (Appendix, No. iv.) Ihave never seen this visit of Henry
into Wiltshire mentioned in books, so we may reckon it as a small
“fragment recovered from the wreck of time.” The items of the
account are curious enough, but being too long to read now will do
very well to print, as a specimen of the formal and careful way in
which kitchen expenses were controlled in those days. It would not
be amiss if in great modern establishments some such just and
proper register were kept for every day. There would be much less
waste and robbery, without any diminution of hospitality. The
book itself also is a very fair specimen of its class. Our Elizabethan
forefathers were very stately in these things. They did not use those
insignificant pass books in red leather, stamped with the butcher
or baker’s name, which supply our ladies with a little exercise in
arithmetic every Monday morning, but they kept large substantial
and portly volumes, strongly bound, with arms, devices, and some-
times groups of sacred subjects stamped on the cover, The paper
(all of foreign manufacture) is as thick, and almost as durable, as
parchment. The expenses of every kind, for every meal, with the
number of guests and names of visitors, are duly entered; and in
many instances, every page, or at least monthly summary, is formally
signed by the master or mistress with as much solemnity as if he or
she were executing a will.

Another of the Earl’s account books corroborates the eee
about the old barn having been used for the wedding dance (1536),
for when King Henry came down to Wulfhall on the occasion I am
now speaking of, in 1539, the old barn, being the largest room they
had, was again in requisition.

‘* Paid to Cornish the paynter for dyvers colours by him bought, for makyng
certeyn fretts & antiques on canves for my lord’s Barn and House at Wulf haull

agenst the King’s coming thether 9th Aug. and for his cost in being sent to
London for the same colours.”—31s. 8d.

Tt seems, from the next entry, that the Earl of Hertford and family
gave up the house at Wulfhall to make room for the King, and
oceupied the old barn themselves :-—

‘* Paid by the hands of Thomas Hethe to certain painters, joynera, carpenters
masons and others, for their wages in preparing and trimming of the Barne at
Wulf hall wherein my lord lay and kept his house during the King’s abode

146 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

there, and also for the ridding cleansing and garnishing of the Manor of Wulf-
hall wherein the King lay, and also to Penham Lodge,* where my Lord’s mother
and childrenjlay.— £68 10s. 10d.”

The King, with his whole household and nobility, arrived at
Wulfhall, Saturday, 9th August, 1539. They remained Sunday,
Monday and Tuesday following. How or where so many were lodged
does not appear; but “ covers” as we should call them,“ messes ” as
the book calls them, were laid for 200 the first day. There are only
two meals a day accounted for: and as it appears all through the
book, that on Saturdays as well as Fridays, no meat was eaten,
the King’s supper, on his arrival, consisted only of fish.! Country
places in Wiltshire must have been better supplied with that article
than they are now; for the bill of fare presents (for 200, observe)
pikes, salmon, gils, tenches, lobsters, bream, plaice, trouts, congers,
carps, roach, eels, potted sea-fish, and salmon pasties,a sack of oysters,
salt “haberdine” (codfish salted at Aberdeen), soles and whitings.

The next day being Sunday, there were messes for 400, and the
provision amounted to 6 oxen, 24 muttons, 12 veals, 5 cygnets, 21
great capons, 7 good capons, 11 Kentish capons, 3 doz. and 6 coarse
capons, 70 pullets, 91 chicken, 38 quails, 9 mews, 6 egrets, 2 shields
of brawn, 7 swans, 2 cranes, 2 storks, only 3 pheasants, 40 partridges,
4 peachicks, 21 snipe, besides larks and brewes*—whatever they were.

* Perhaps an error for Tottenham Lodge, which is sometimes miscalled in these old papers,
Topenham.

1 Abstinence from flesh on those éwo days wasordered by a Royal Proclamation,
not only for health and discipline, but ‘‘ for the benefit of the commonwealth and
profit of the fishing trade.’ This view of the matter is also (somewhat
curiously) taken up in one of our old Homilies (‘‘ On Fasting, Part 2.,,) where
the eating of fish (as a variety of abstinence) is recommended ‘‘ upon policy, not
respecting any religion at all in the same: as whereby the increase of victuals
on the land may the better be cherished, to the reducing of the price to the
poor, and also fisher-towns bordering on the sea be maintained for the increase
of fishermen, of whom do spring mariners, to the furniture of the navy and
defence of the realme.”

2 This fowl is mentioned as a dish on King Richard the Second’s table (Antiq.
Repertory i., 78), where a commentator suggests ‘‘ perhaps grouse.” Also ata
feast, temp. Hen. VII. (Leland’s Collect. iv., 227) in company with ‘ fesaunt”
and ‘partricche:” but in this instance the word is spelled ‘‘ browes.” Not
finding it in any dictionary at hand, the only conjecture I can offer is that it
was some kind of moor-fowl: a ‘‘moor- cock” in French being ‘“‘ coq bruyant,”

and a black cock, ‘‘ coq de bruyére.”

By the Rev. Canon J. B. Jackson, F.S.A. 147

The number of mouths is accounted for, when I find that the
gentry of the neighbourhood who were invited thought it becoming
their dignity to bring a rather large part of their respective estab-
lishments with them: for among others are my Lady Hungerford
with six servants and gentlewomen; Sir Anthony Hungerford, my
Lady his wife and 8 servants; Master Wroughton with 5; my Lady
Darrell with 4; Sir John Brydges with 8.

The expense of all this seems however not to have fallen upon
the master of Wulfhall. The King’s own officers and purveyors
provided the greater part of it, and presents from the neighbours
came in aid.

The particulars, of which I have given only a few, relate solely
to the King’s visit to Wulfhall; but in other account-books of this
Earl of Hertford (afterwards Protector Somerset) there is a vast
number of curious miscellaneous entries, which supply a good deal
of information as to the modes of living and state of the country in
those days. In fact it is chiefly from obscure sources of this kind
that we really learn most about the manners and habits of our fore-
fathers. In stately and elaborate histories, such things are omitted.
There the great personages pass before us on the stage in their solemn
dress of State—Kings, Queens, Prime Ministers, Cardinals, &c.,
just as you see them ata play; but the household and private ac-
counts of a great man, admit us, as it were, behind the scenes, and
we see how they lived and what they did, in a nearer and more
familiar way.

Lord Macaulay is one of the few who are not indifferent to these
things. “It will be my endeavour,” he says, “ not to pass by with
neglect, even the revolutions which have taken place in dress, repasts,
and public amusements. I shall cheerfully bear the reproach of
having descended below the dignity of history, if I can succeed in
placing before the English people of the nineteenth century a true
picture of the life of their ancestors.”

We may not perhaps all of us agree with Lord Macaulay in the
political complexion of his history, or approve the use he has made
of his materials, but nobody, I suppose, reproaches him for having
descended below the dignity of history, in giving us such details,

148 Wulfhali and the Seymours.
But where did he get them from? Why, either by himself, or

others for him, raking into venerable rubbish, digging into re-
positories of old family papers, and the like; using, as Lord Chan-
cellor Bacon bade us, antiquities and archeology as one branch of
history. é

A few extracts from these account books (see more in Appendiz,
No. v.) bring the Earl of Hertford before us in his Wiltshire life.
His journies, for instance, about the neighbourhood, were attended

with an expense to which a “ Special train ” would be a trifle :—

“Paid for 36 horses of my Lord’s Train standing in divers places when my
Lord lay one night at my Lord Hungerford’s at Farley Castle.

For the same one night at Sir Henry Long’s.

For the same one night in the Abbey of Malmesbury.

For 37 horses one night when my Lord lay at Bradstoke Abbey.

For 40 horses one night at The Devizes when my Lord lay at Mr. Ernley’s,

For shoeing horses bringing up my Lord’s revenues.
His very rents were brought up in coin on horseback, there being
no cheques and penny stamps in those days.

Then his little boy, Lord Beauchamp, has to be sent on a visit,
and to be brought home again :—

‘‘Paid to Mr. Seymour for his own and 2 carters’ and 4 horses’ expenses,
bringing a wagon from Wulfhall to Twickenham to carry my Lord Beauchamp,
and returning to Wulfhall again.” *

Sometimes I find him hunting wild boars in Savernake Forest,
and paying 4d. for hempen halters to bind their legs with ; sometimes
hawking in Collingbourne Woods.

In 1541 are entries of little amusements in very respectable
company—Losing 1s. 4d. “unto the Bishop of Rochester at Guildford,

*The drivers being called ‘‘carters,’’ it might at first sight be supposed that the “‘ wagon” was
the same kind of broad-wheeled heavy conveyance with lumbering cart-horses, as that which is
now so called. But before coaches were introduced, a lighter vehicle of that name was commonly
used by the highest classes. ‘‘In 1583, the day after Lady Mary Sidney entered Shrewsbury imher
wagon, that valiant Knight Sir Henry Sidney, her husband, made his appearance in his wagon,
with his Trumpeters blowing, very joyfully to behold.” (Nichols’s Progresses, 11,309). There isa
very old Wiltshire tradition that Sir Thomas Hungerford, of Farley Castle, when he went upto -
London to take his seat in Parliament, as First Speaker of the House of Commons, travelled in a
wagon. Collins, in his Peerage, also mentions that the body of Sir John Thynne, the Builder of
Longleat, was carried in a wagon to Longbridge Deverill Church. In both these cases, the lighter
kind of carriage is most probably meant, But both before and after this period tho words cart and
carter were used for a chariot and charioteer. ‘*The carter over-ridden with his cart”? (Chaucer,
The Knight’s Tale). ‘Full thirty times hath Phebus’ cart gone round Neptune’s salt wash ””
(Hamlet),

oe eee

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, FS.A. 149

at shooting.” Again, winning 35s. at cards, “ which my Lord did
win that same night he did sup at Lambeth with my Lord of
Canterbury.”

King Henry’s visit to Wulfhall, just described, was in August,
1539. He was there again in 1543—as I find some of his servants
quartered at Burbage, and a bill for their expenses. (Appendix,No.vi.)

He died about four years afterwards, viz., on 28th January, 1547,
and Jane Seymour’s son, Edward VI., then between 9 and 10 years
old, became King of England. His uncle, Edward Seymour, Earl
of Hertford, became Protector of his nephew, and by that-title we
must now call him. Sir John Thynne, the founder of Longleat
(though this house was not built for many years afterwards), had
been through life one of the most confidential friends of Protector
Somerset, and whilst the Protector attended to affairs of State, Sir
John conducted for him all private business and matters relating to
his property. Hence it happens that so many of the Protector’s
private papers are preserved at Longleat. His purchases and grants
of land were enormous. The mere names of the manors fill two or
three columns. — He had several residences in or near London, as at
Richmond, Sion House, and elsewhere ; so that I fear our old timber
house at Wulfhall, outside Savernake Forest, did not receive much
attention.! It would probably be unable to contain so great a man
as Protector Somerset, suddenly elevated from the rank of a Wiltshire
gentleman to be King over the King of England _ It is well-known
that one of the charges brought against him by his rivals was that
he had dropped the ordinary singular pronoun “ I,” and began his
communications with the Royal plural “We.” Of this there are
several instances in his letters at Longleat. It used to be in former
days—“ Good Mr. Thynne, I have received your letters, &c., ending,

1§ir John Thynne held at this time by a lease of 1546 the Prebend or Par-
sonage of Great Bedwyn from the Earl of Hertford: and Sir John seems also
to have held the lands at Wulf-hall: for in 1547, being abroad with the Earl
on the expedition to Boulogne (which ended in the peace made between Guisnes
and Ardres), he writes from Newhaven (Havre) to his steward Mr. Dodd,
“ Further I-wol you forget not to sell all my olde Jads (jades) at Wulfehaull
whiche before I willed you to sell, & see that my mares & colts be marked, &
sende me word how many I have of all sorts at Wulfhaull or Elvetham.”

VOL. XV.——-NO. XLIV. Q

150 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

“« And thus I bid you heartily farewell.” But my Lord’s Grace the
Protector’s new style is—‘“ We have received your letters,” and “We
bid you heartily farewell.” I have brought two of his letters which
show this. Still, though he may not have often visited the old
family house, he bought all he could round it ;:and the greater part
of his vast possessions certainly lay in this county and in Somerset.

Besides Wulfhall and Tottenham Lodge, the Duke of Somerset
had a residence at Easton, a dissolved Priory near Pewsey. (Appen-
dix, No. vu.) But from the Longleat Papers I have made the rather
interesting discovery, that it certainly was his intention to build a
new house, upon some very large scale, not exactly on the site of
Wulfhall, but very near it, rather more towards Great Bedwyn.
Those who are acquainted with that neighbourhood will know the
high ground consisting of two wooded hills, with Wilton Common
lying between them, called Bedwyn Brail. The word Brail used
often to be pronounced Broyl, which is merely a provincial variety
of one and the same word, signifying {in old French, “ Breuil,” in
medieval Latin, “ Brolium,” or “ Bruelletum,” and in Anglo-Saxon,
“ Broel,”) open pasture ground studded with thickets and timber.
Near Ringmer, in Sussex, there is an old house, with large well-
timbered park, called Broyle Place, most likely of the same origin.

The ¢wo hills called Bedwyn Brail, or Broil, command a fine view
down the Vale of Pewsey, westward; and on one of them this new
palace was to have been built. In the letters written to Sir John
Thynne by stewards and other local agents (Appendix, No. viii), are
described the large preparations going on—the providing of water,
searching for stone, enclosure of a park, brick making, orders for
Purbeck stone, &. &c. One letter in particular dwells upon the
progress they are making in a large conduit or channel for bringing
water to the new house, and reports that this conduit had been dug
to the length of 1600 feet, and part thereof 15 feetdeep. (Appen-
diz No. viii., 3 and 10.)

There were so many references in these letters to local names of
mills and commons and the like, to be enclosed within the new park,
that I determined to use my own eyes and tongue, and see if we
could not make out something more abvut this palace which Protector

DLA n= py
EN oa,

4 a ny ie aS,
A The Common. j YY pie
BB The Two Brails, or Bruells. ! Ae:
C The Conduit, 1600 feet long,
15 feet deep, and site of
Conduit House.
P Ponds.
R Roman Villa, uncovered by
Rev. W. C. Lukis.
S Supposed Site of the Pro-
tector Somerset’s House.
----+- The circuit of the Park
to be enclosed.

a

CoweLug AnasTaTic PRES?.
+ Tpewicn.

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 151

Somerset intended to build in this his native county. I was more
particularly struck by the circumstance of the conduit for water
1600 feet long and 15 feet deep, as a rather important work, not
likely to be easily obliterated, and one of which some traces might
still be recoverable. So I went over some little time ago on an ex-
ploring expedition to Wulfhall, and with Mr. Stallard, walked about
the hills and fairly identified the outline of the proposed park.

A day or two afterwards, I had the pleasure of hearing that he
had been again to the woods, had discovered the remains of the
conduit for water, had measured it and found it 1598 feet long (see
the Plan, a little above the letter 8).

The conduit-digging and other preparations took place, according
to these letters, in 1548 and 1549, the beginning of Edward VI.
and of the Protector Somerset’s reign. A few months afterwards,
the wheel of fortune gave a violent turn. The Protector was de-
posed from power, and in January 1552, sinking under the assault
of his rivals, was beheaded on Tower Hill. So the great house was
never finished on Bedwyn Brail.

I come now to the next owner of Wulfhall :

Epwarp Srymour, Ear. or HertrorpD, Son or ProTector SOMERSET.

The Protector had been twice married ; but through the influence
of his second wife Anne Stanhope, the children of the first marriage
were set aside, and the title and larger part of the estate entailed
upon the children of the second. The eldest of these, Edward, was
only about 12 or 13 years old at the time of his father’s execution,
and being wholly deprived (not by his Father’s attainder,which was for
felony only, not treason, but by a special Act of Parliament procured
by enemies,) of all dignities and lands, found himself reduced to
plain, and penniless, Edward Seymour. Sir John Thynne having
been for so many years intimately acquainted with his father’s affairs,
was the person immediately applied to and consulted with, about
measures to be taken for his benefit. (Appendix, No. ix.) Queen
Mary (though opposed to him in religion) wished to create him Earl
of Hertford, and restore to him such lands as the Protector had been
possessed of at the death of King Henry VIII., 1547. (Appendia,

Q 2

152 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

No. ix., Letter 2.) But in this she was over-ruled. Queen Elizabeth,
however, on coming to the throne, raised him to that Earldom, and
restored to him certain lands, viz., those (and only those) which his
father had been in possession of in the year 1537, by inheritance.
This included Wulfhall, Savernake, &. The rest (namely lands
acquired by the Protector, by purchase, &c.) were lost. (Appendia,
No. x.)

The young Earl made his condition worse by an indiscreet clandes-
tine marriage with a young lady of the most important political
position, the Lady Katharine Grey, sister of the unfortunate Lady
Jane Grey. Under the Will of Henry VIII., the Greys, though
descended from a younger sister of the King’s, were preferred, in
the Succession, to the descendants from:an elder sister. Such a
will was, of course, the cause of infinite perplexity to the Statesmen
of the day. It was set aside; but Queen Elizabeth was exposed to
continual plots and conspiracies arising from it; and not being over-
partial to successors of any kind, she more particularly disliked Lady
Katharine Grey, the representative of the youngest branch. So
that, when young Edward Seymour, without the leave and even the
knowledge of the Queen, had the audacity to marry Lady Katharine,
the result may be easily anticipated.

Here might be introduced a long and lamentable story, but a very
few words must suffice.

Upon the Queen’s discovery of the marriage (but not until several _
months after the event), the young couple were committed to the
Tower, in 1561, with strict order to be kept apart. But Her
Majesty’s precautions against the appearance of any issue in this line
of succession came too late. The first son, Edward Lord Beauchamp,
was born a few days after their committal, and in course of time, in
February, 1563, a second son, Thomas Seymour; both within the
Tower walls. On the birth of the second, the case became very —
serious. The Earl was summoned before the Star Chamber, and
fined in the very large sum of £15,000, and both were condemned
to remain in prison. Owing to the plague breaking out, they were
removed elsewhere for a time, but on returning to the Tower, and
her health beginning to give way, they were again transferred to

aa

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F8.A. 153

private custody, and Lady Katharine died at Sir Owen Hopton’s
house, January 26th, 1568."

This affair was at the time an important State question, and as it
occupies a place in all our histories, I am glad to be able to supply
one or two items of information about it, which ought to correct the
history for the future.

The first is one which quite alters the matter of the fine. It
certainly, at first, was £15,000, and this has often been pointed at
as an instance of Elizabeth’s hard-heartedness; but the real truth
is this:—That heavy sum was named, in terrorem, to warn others.
The Queen herself, immediately excused £10,000. Of the remaining
£5009, she insisted upon rather more than £1000 down, and certainly
did mean to make the young gentleman pay the rest; but through
the intercession of the Ministers about her, and on the Earl’s own
full and respectful submission, the whole of the rest was ultimately
excused, and he escaped for the precise sum of £1187. This I can
safely state to have been the ease, because the Earl’s own account of
the matter, together with a copy of the warrant for his discharge,
are now on the table. (Appendix, No. xi.)

The period during which he was under surveillance, or actually in
prison, has «lso never been exactly known and is variously stated by
writers. In his own account, just referred to, the Earl says that
“he patiently endured her Majesty’s displeasure, in prison,” ten

years lacking one month.*

.1It may be mentioned here that in the Inscription on the Earl of Hertford’s
monument in Salisbury Cathedral, the date of Lady Katharine’s death was cut
wrong by the stone-mason, who by twice omitting the Roman capital V, made
it to be January xxii., MDCLXIII, instead of January xxvii., MDCLX VIII
(January 22nd, 1563, instead of January 27th, 1568). It is strange that the
errors should not have been corrected. Dr. Rawlinson (Antiq. of Cath. Ch. of
Sal. p. 88) has perpetuated these wrong dates ; and he has also printed Richar-
dum instead of ‘‘ Edoardum” for the Earl’s eldest son (which is right in the
original inscription) ; besides one or two other literal errors.

*The Earl certainly remained in bondage until about August, 1571, and
among the Longleat Papers there is a lamentable petition from him (probably
one of many) written when actually im prison (see Appendix, xii.,1.). But
for the greater part of the time, judging from the easy tone of his letters and
the variety of houses of the gentry from which he writes, such restraint, though
no doubt a great hinderance to him, was a widely different thing from being
shut up ‘‘in prison.” There is. also a letter from Lady Katharine to her
husband (Appendix, xii., 2.) written in a vein of unusual gaiety for a captive.

154: Wulfhatt and the Seymours.

Another discovery of considerable interest as connected with the
touching misfortunes of this eminent historical couple, I made by
the very merest accident.

I was one day very busy working by myself in arranging papers
in the Old Library, at the top of Longleat House, and I happened
to be trying to fasten together two sheets of a pedigree which had
parted company. All tables being covered with piles of papers, I
laid it on the floor. Old vellum that has been rolled up close for
perhaps 200 years, is, I must assure you, a very obstinate and re-
bellious article to deal with. So, having gummed together the edges
of the two sheets, kneeling with one knee on one corner, the other
knee on a second corner, and one hand on a third, I wanted a weight
to keep down the fourth. I was within a yard or so of the book-
shelves, but I was afraid to get up from my position, because, if I
had, my pedigree would most certainly have sprung up after me.
So, looking out for some shabby old volume that would take no great
harm by a tumble on to the floor, I spied one without any binding, I
gave a desperate jerk, could just hook it with the tip of my forefinger,
and down it came. As it came down, a loose leaf flew out to a distance.
I did not look to see what the book was till it had done its duty.
I then examined it, and found it was a small French Bible, having
the motto of the Seymour family, “ Foy pour devoir,” written at the
top of the title page, and the name “ E. Hertford,” written at the
bottom. On picking up the loose leaf, I found that the little book
was actually the very Bible used by the Earl of Hertford and Lady
Katharine Grey in the Tower of London ; and on the loose leaf were
written by the Earl the entries of the births of the two sons, Edward
Lord Beauchamp and Thomas Seymour ; followed by a truly pathetic
prayer, in French, for God’s blessing on them, and that Queen
Elizabeth’s heart might be moved to have pity on the poor parents.
Appendix, No. xiii.)

The Queen resented most deeply the slight put upon herself by this
secret marriage, and she did all she could to pronounce it, and the
issue, illegitimate. The person she was most offended with was
‘Lady Katharine, on account of her being so near in that line of
succession, which the Queen detested ; though Lady Katharine

——— > =

ea

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 155

herself, like her unfortunate sister, Lady Jane, had no ambition of
her own, and both of them probably heartily wished that they had
nothing whatever to do with the succession. The Queen may per-
haps seem to us to have acted with unnecessary severity ; but we are
living in the days of Queen Victoria, not of Queen Elizabeth: and
there are no conspiracies and plottings now besetting the throne
by potentates abroad or fanatics at home, for purposes of their
own; we are happily free from troubles upon that score, and
to be so free is surely a blessing above all price, if we all did but
know it. But things were different then : and the difference should
always be remembered, in judging of the conduct of Queen Elizabeth.
After the death of Lady Katharine Grey, the Queen was, personally,
as kind as it was possible to be, to the Earl of Hertford and his
children, and all would have been forgotten, had it not been for
another Royal alliance (to be mentioned presently), designed by one
of this same Seymour family, which most unluckily coming to her
knowledge just before her death, revived all the animosity she had
felt against Lady Katharine.

Elizabeth’s death-bed is deseribed by a Lady Southwell, an eye-
witness.! Up to that moment, who the successor was to be was still
uncertain ; and Secretary Cecil and others, on the night of the 23rd
of March, 1603, approached her bed-side, asking her to name one.
The old Queen seemed to be already speechless ; so they requested
her to show, by some sign with her hand, when they should have
named the one she liked. She said nothing. They named ‘“ The
King of France?” Neither word, nor sign. “ The King of
Scotland?” Again neither. They then ventured the name of
“The Lord Beauchamp, the son and heir of Katharine Grey?” She
was stirred by the sound of the name: and replied, “TI will have
no rascal’s son in my seat, but one worthy to bea King.” According
to another account,” Cecil then boldly asked her, what she meant by
those words, “no rascal should succeed her?’’ Whereto she answered
that “her meaning was, that a King should succeed, and who should

1 Quarterly Review, vol. 108, p. 439.
? Disraeli’s ‘* Curiosities of Literature, 2nd ser., iii., 107.

156 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

that be but our Cousin of Scotland?”! It is, however, a remarkable
fact in the history of the descent of the Crown, and one not commonly
known, that for nearly twelve months after her death, and King
James’s accession, March 1603, the legal right to the throne, ac-
cording to the Statutes then in force, actually vested in this very
Edward Seymour, Lord Beauchamp, eldest son of the Earl of Hertford
and the Lady Katharine Grey. James’s hereditary pretensions were
not acknowledged and ratified by Parliament until March, 1604.7 __
We must now go back to the old house at Wulfhall, the text of
my story. The Earl of Hertford having been a minor several years
after his father the Protector’s execution, came of age about 1559.
I find from letters (Appendix, No. xiv.) written by him as he drew
near his majority, that he had proposed to come down into the
county, where he was quite unknown, to be introduced by Sir John
Thynne to some of the principal friends near his place, and to stop
there for a fortnight to shoot bucks for the benefit of the said friends ;
and he hoped Sir John would let him have 100 marks for the ex-
penses of his journey. But it was just after this design that the
troubles of his marriage and imprisonment began. So that for those
ten years, lacking one month, he saw very little of Wulfhall until
1569. Early in that year, (six after Lady Katharine’s death), he
sends down into Wiltshire a letter to Sir John Thynne for some in-
formation as to the condition of his house, which he had heard on
eredible report was in the way of utter ruin, and desiring some
estimates to be obtained of the entire expense of putting it into
repair. Appendix, No. xiv., 5.) Something in this way was done,
for in September of that year (1569) he writes from Wulfhall

——$_—»=

1 Readers in the present day, accustomed to attach to the word ‘‘ rascal’’ the
sense of ‘‘ scoundrel,” would instantly, and most properly, be glad to puta
charitable construction upon the poor Queen’s language, and say that in the
moment of expiring faculties she had forgotten herself. But there seems to be
no occasion for this. Rascal was a word of the Forest, and at that time was
used to signify a lean or inferior deer, as distinguished from those in full eon-
dition. All that the Queen probably meant was, that she would have for her
succesor one of full blood Royal: not one whose blood was of less fine quality.
The word is so used, with reference to deer, in Appendix, No. vii., Letter 4,

2Sir H. Nicolas. Chronology of History, p. 320.

By the Rev. Canon J. BE. Jackson, F.8.A. 157

(spelling the name, by the way, just as the people still call it,
Ulfhall), that he has pulled down a tower, and is clearing away
rotten timber and decayed iron. There are more letters in 1573,
1574, and 1575. But by that time the letters refer no longer to
the repairing of the old family house, but to the enlargement of a
hunting lodge in the Forest, then called Tottenham Lodge. (Appen-
dix, No. xv.) There are many orders about walks, gardens, &c., all
of which must have been finished about 1582, for his letters are then
dated from Tottenham Lodge ; and he was expecting the Queen to
visit him in 1583. These letters show what I just observed, viz.,
that the Queen’s vexation about his marriage had been directed not
so much against him personally as against Katharine Grey; or at
any rate that her anger against him was smoothed down: for now
that Katharine Grey had been dead several years, I find the Earl of
Hertford constantly, not only at Court, but staying with her Majesty
on visits. The two boys also, Lord Beauchamp (the “ rascal’s son”
of this great lady’s dying moments), and his brother, were frequently
- with her. She took much interest in them, used to ask about their
learning, how they got on, &. In one letter to the Earl, a tutor
who was with them on their visit at the Queen’s house, writes thus :
“With My Lord Beauchamp Her Grace has special speeches, to
what effect I know not, but without all doubt for his great good, if he
have a prepared mind to follow grave and sound counsel. Her Grace
made him fetch his Latin book entitled ‘ Regula Vite, and out of
the same to read the chapters entitled ‘ De Veritate, et Mendaciis?
(‘ About Truth and Lies’).” (Appendix, No. xvi.)

I may in passing, just mention that in these letters I also found
what was not known before, that the Queen paid a visit to Longleat,
and was greatly pleased with her reception. (Appendix, No. xiv.,
Letter 13.) Also a little anecdote about Her Majesty, which I don’t
suppose has ever seen the light before. One of the ladies in atten-
dance thus writes from the Court at Nonsuch Palace—they had just
returned from a ride on horseback: “ We were all greatly afraid,
for Her Majesty’s horse, in stumbling fell withal, and she withal
fell, but, as she says, she leapt off from him, but her footman stood
her in great stead; but thanks be to God she had no kynde of harm,

158 - Wulfhali and the Seymours.

and presently after she walked a-foot half a mile. You may think
what a fearful sight it was. Her Majesty would have ridden on
that horse again, but he would not suffer her to come on his back.”
(Appendiz, No. xvii.) I think the horse showed great sagacity.

From these letters, therefore, it seems, that Wulfhall ceased to
be the residence of the Seymours about the year 1582, and that the
family began about that year to make Tottenham Lodge their
residence, such as Tottenham Lodge then was.

Edward Earl of Hertford lived to the great age of 383, and is
buried under a magnificent monument in Salisbury Cathedral.
Though he was married three times, the remains only of his first
wife, Lady Katharine Grey, lie there also, having been removed from
the original grave in Middlesex. The Earl diedin 1621. Haus son,
Lord Beauchamp, had died before him, so that the next owner of
Wulfhall and Tottenham Lodge was the Earl’s grandson,

Wir1iam Stymour Marquis or Herrrorp.

From his history I can only select one event, but it is the one

1In 1640, Wulfhall Demaines were let by Wm. Marquis of Hertford, to
Tenants; John Bransdon held part at £204 16s. Od. a year. Edward Savage,
another part, at £161 13s, 8d. The Hop Garden at £3 0s. Od., besides other

ieces.

E In August, 1654, William, Marquis of Hertford, leased, for seven years, to
Edward Savage, Sudden Park, in Great Bedwyn, by estimation, 240 acres, with
the House called the Lodge. Also a Barn at ‘‘ Ulphal,” called the Oat Barn,
and another called the Old Barn, the house called the Wooll (or Well?) House,
and the toft called Gate House Toft, all belonging to the site of the Manor
House of Wulf-hall. The old materials of Wulfhall, so far as they were of
any value, were carried to Tottenham. John Aubrey is the authority for this.
Writing about 1672, he says: ‘‘The house has been much bigger, and great
part pulled down within these 10 years, to build the house of Tocknam Parke.”

Of Tottenham Park, which he calls a ‘‘ romancey place,” he says (and he died
1696) : ‘‘ Here is a new complete pile of good architecture.” (N. H, of Wilts,
123.) The house he speaks of was much altered under the taste of the Earl of
Burlington, about 1717. Wings and a chapel were added in 1722. The late
Lord Ailesbury made further additions, which have been continued since his

eath.

; In Gough’s Camden, Tottenham is said to have belonged to the Despencers,
temp. Edw. II., but this is quite wrong. ‘Camden confounded it with Tockenham,

near Wootton Bassett.

By the Rev. Canon J. E, Jackson, F.S8.A. 159

which I referred to a few moments ago, as having re-awakened the
anger of Queen Elizabeth on her death bed. Mr. William Seymour,
though very young, had, in the matter of marriage, committed an
indiscretion precisely similar to that of his grandfather, Edward Earl
of Hertford. He had betrothed himself, just before the Queen’s
death, to a lady very near the throne, the Lady Arabella Stuart.
This lady was first cousin to King James I., and if that King had
died without children, Lady Arabella would certainly have been
Queen of England. She was of a very independent, honest, and
original mind: had no taste for courts, their grandeur, vices, or
follies: but was, from her position, looked upon by others as a proper
and convenient person to be made use of for their own intrigues
and plots, though she herself knew nothing about them, and was
only too glad to keep out of the way. She formed a strong attach-
ment to young William Seymour, and they were clandestinely married,
z.é., without the knowledge of King James,

So the story becomes simply a repetition of that of Katharine
Grey. Though they had been betrothed (as I have said) just before
the Queen’s death, they were not actually married till seven years
afterwards; but King James was quite as unrelenting as his pre-
decessor, and the treatment which this accomplished and unfortunate
Princess, his own first cousin, met with, cannot be read without
indignation.

There is a letter of some importance in her history, which could
not be known to any of her biographers, having only lately come to
light. It is a message from William Seymour to her before the
marriage, calling her attention to the inequality of their stations,
and suggesting the prudence of breaking it off altogether, on account
of the great peril of incurring the King’s displeasure. (Appendiz,
No, xviii.)

The secret marriage took place in an apartment in the Palace,
then at Greenwich,! at a very early hour of theday. Soon after its
discovery, they were committed to different prisons, but by concerted

1Lady Arabella, closely connected with the Court, had a set of rooms in the
old palace then at Greenwich.

i)

Lee Wulfhall and the Seymours.

plans, and the help of friends, they effected their liberty separately
the same day, agreeing to meet at a vessel moored in the Thames,
near Gravesend, and so escape together to France. Her boatmen
being fearful and impatient, rowed her far beyond the place appointed
for meeting. So Seymour, on arriving there and missing her, took
another vessel and reached the coast of Flanders in safety. She
reached Calais roads, but whilst waiting there in intense anxiety for
him, was overtaken by a King’s ship called “ The Adventure,’ and
brought back to the Tower. On the table is a letter from Sir
William Monson to the Earl of Salisbury (Appendix, No. xix.) re-
lating to this important capture: the marks on which show in what
a state of excitement the Government was about this affair. It was
sent up to London by express post, and is endorsed with the word
“« Haste,” repeated no less than six times, and with the precise hour
of the messenger’s arrival at the different stages of his gallop.
Another singular discovery, relating to the Lady Arabella, re-
warded my researches at Longleat. I was clearing out a large closet
in the Old Library, filled chiefly with bulky account books of the
house, going as far as three centuries back. The closet was very
dark ; so I brought them out one by one, into the sunshine, and laid
them, when recognized, each on its proper heap, in the order of the
names of the successive owners of the house. I thought I had quite
emptied the hiding-place; but, to make sure, went in once more,
and luckily detected in the farthest corner, a long narrow hook, so
much of the colour of the floor, that it had very nearly been over-

looked altogether. On being examined, it was headed, on the first.

page :—
‘* An Accompt of all soche monies as have bin receyved by me for my Lady’s
use sins the 22nd August, 1609.”

This seemed to refer to some lady manager of Longleat, but that
would not fit the domestic history : because, in “ 1609,” all accounts
would have been rendered to “ My Master,” and not to “ My Lady:”
besides which, the items of money received or paid, did not in any way
refer to local matters, but to “The Lord Treasurer,” “ Whitehall,”
and the like. But no name for “ My Lady” was to be found. So
the old book was in the act of being closed and laid aside for future

——

By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.8.A. 161

examination, when my eye caught some writing hidden under the
fly-leaf. The fly-leaf itself had been pasted down along the edges,
to the inside of the parchment cover, but I thought I saw some
writing through the fly-leaf. So, taking out my penknife, I care-
fully released the page, and to my no smull surprise found, written
in a large bold hand, this memorandum :—

“The 22 of January, 1610, about 4 in the morning, My Lady was married
at Greenwich to Mr. William Seymour.”

Then followed the names of the witnesses present, and of the offici-
ating minister. Underneath, two more memoranda :—

‘“‘The 8 of July, Mr. Seymour was committed to the Tower.”

‘“‘ The 9th of the same month My Lady to Sir Thomas Parry’s.”

It was, in a word, an account book of the Lady Arabella’s kept by
her secretary, Mr. Crompton; with an entry by him, on the last
leaf, of the particulars of his Lady’s secret marriage. (Appendiz,
No. xx.)

_ All that had been hitherto discovered upon this subject, is thus
given by the latest biographer of the Lady Arabella :—

“ Seymour and his friend Rodney, set off for Greenwich, where
they arrived at midnight. They waited till morning, when the
marriage was celebrated in the apartment of Arabella, Rodney and
two servants being the witnesses. No record of the marriage has
been discovered, nor the name of the priest who officiated. The
secresy requisite to the safety of the parties probably is the cause of
this. Perhaps at some-future time, among dusty records, they may
be found.”?

The book itself turned out to be rather curious, being a Register
of a kind of Royal Progress she had made from London to Chats-
worth, and the return journey to London. This is a part of the

poor Princess’s life quite unknown to her biographers, so that we

? Miss E. Cooper’s Life of Lady Arabella Seymour, ii., 110. Since the pub-
lication of her book, in 1866, she has found among the Tanner MSS. at Oxford,
the original ‘‘ Confession,” signed by William Seymour: a copy of which she
has kindly sent me, With this confession Mr. Crompton’s Memoranda in the
old account book at Longleat exactly correspond. (See Appendix, No. xxi.)

nm

»

162 Wulfhali and the Seymours.

may add this to our list of little ‘‘ fragments recovered from the
shipwreck of time.”

After her first committal, Lady Arabella was, for a time, removed
to private custody, but, on being sent back to the Tower, her mind
began to give way, and in a few years she died there of grief in 1615.
There are two fine portraits of her at Longleat, and twenty-eight of
her letters addressed to Lord Robert Cecil, and her uncle and aunt,
the Earl and Countess of Shrewsbury.!

William Seymour was allowed to remain abroad. A letter written
to him by his grandfather, the Earl of Hertford, which appears to
be new, will be found in the Appendix (No. xxii).

I have only a few more words to say. After Lady Arabella’s
death, William, Marquis of Hertford, married Lady Frances
Devereux, sister and co-heir of the Earl of Essex. He was restored
to the Dukedom of Somerset, and died in 1660. The Duchess (of
whom there is a fine marble bust in Great Bedwyn Church) survived
her husband, and continued to live at Tottenham Park till her death
in 1674.

Robert Lord Beauchamp, then her eldest surviving son, died in
France, but his body was brought over and interred at Great Bedwyn,
January, 1646. The warrant for his corpse to pass was signed by
King Charles I. (Appendix, No. xxiii.)

1These letters (with many others of the period, now bound in two quarto
volumes) appear to have been a portion of the celebrated ‘‘ Talbot Papers,”
which were dispersed on the dismantling of Sheffield Castle (the Earl of Shrews-
bury’s): the history of which affair, so far as then known, is given in a note to
Hunter’s Hallamshire, p. 49, Edit. 1819. They came into the possession of the
first Lord Weymouth, who died in 1714. They were seen at Longleat, and
copied by Dr. Birch, of the British Museum, about 1754, and his copies are
now preserved there in ‘‘ Sloane MS., 4164.” After that time they were probably
put away (as often happens) in some very safe place, to be again accidentally
brought to light by an inquisitive posterity, for in the ‘‘ Curiosities of Literature,”
(Mr. I. Disraeli, 2nd Ser., i., 268, 8vo., 1824,) it is mentioned in a note that
the existence at Longleat of certain papers relating to Lady Arabella was on
record: and Miss Costello (Lives of Eminent Englishwomen, I., 322) says, that
though she visited the house and was allowed to search, she could not find or
hear of them. They are, however, perfectly safe and in excellent preservation ;
and were in 1866 printed in Miss E. Cooper’s Life of Lady Arabella; not how-
ever from the originals, but from Dr. Birch’s not quite accurate copies.

By the Rev. Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.S8.A. 163

By her will dated 7th June, 1673, the Duchess bequeathed to her
grand-daughter, the Lady Elizabeth Seymour, the magnificent
_ pedigree of the Seymour Family now preserved at Savernake : also
a “great rich bed that was Queen Jane Seymour’s.” By the docu-
ment printed in the Appendix (No. xxiv.), it appears that certain
tapestrie, bed-furniture, &c., “said to be wrought by Queen Jane,”
had become the property of the Crown, and had been delivered by
King Charles I. to the Duchess’s husband, then Marquis of Hertford:
but after the King’s death, the Commissioners for the sale of his
goods, made the Marquis pay sixty pounds for them.

In the Appendix (No. xxv.) will be found a letter with curious
particulars of the burial of her husband at Bedwyn in 1660, and
(No. xxvi.) a herald Painter’s bill for a great deal of finery at her
own funeral in 1674.

One of her daughters, Lady Mary Seymour, married Heneage
Finch, second Earl of Winchelsea: and one of their daughters,
Lady Frances Finch, married Thomas Thynne, first Viscount Wey-
mouth. To her the Duchess gave the moiety of the Izish estates of
Devereux, Earl of Essex, which has descended to the Marquis of
Bath.? William, third Duke of Somerset, having died 1671, a
‘minor and unmarried, the Wulfhall and other estates passed to his
sister and heir, Lady Elizabeth Seymour (above-mentioned), who in
1676 married Thomas, second Earl of Ailesbury.

1 Upon the decease of the Duchess, the Bed and other articles, plate, pictures,
&c., were delivered by her Executor, Thomas Thynne (first Lord Weymouth),
to Lady Elizabeth Seymour, whose receipt for the same, together with a list of
them, is at Longleat. The tapestry would probably have been Queen Jane’s
handy work at her father’s house at Wulfhall.

? This also, in addition to the reason given above, p.149, accounts for so many

papers and documents relating to the Seymour Family being found at Longleat.

164 Wulfhali and the Seymours.

APPENDIX.

Original Documents relating to Wul€hall and the Seymours,

1. Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, afterwards the
Protector Duke of Somerset.
i. Survey of Wulfhall : ¢emp. Edw. VI.

ii. Payments and Wages to Household there.

_ ii. Carpenter’s work for alterations at the Palace of Westminster,
against the Coronation of Queen Jane Seymour.

iv. Expenses of Entertainment of King Henry VIII. and his
Nobility at Wulfhall, August, 1539. Gratuities and
Rewards.

v. Extract from the Earl of Hertford’s account books, illustrative

of domestic life, prices, &c., viz. :

. Travelling Expenses.

. Sports and Amusements,

. Rewards and Gratuities.

. New Year’s Gifts.

. For,his young son, Edward.

. Salaries, Fines, Payments to the Crown, &e.

. Miscellaneous Payments.
. Receipts.

vi. Notice of another Visit of King Henry VIII. to Wulfhall in
1543.
vii. Easton Priory, near Pewsey.
vii. Letters relating to the intended building of a House by the
Protector Somerset, at Bedwyn Brail.

OIMPM ROMO e

2. Edw. Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Son of Protector Somerset.

ix. Letters from William Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, Master
of the Wards, and Anne (Stanhope) widow of Protector
Somerset, to Sir John Thynne about her son’s affairs.

1 All these documents, except No. xxi., are at Longleat.

Appendix. 165

x. Earl of Hertford’s Statement to the Lord Treasurer, about
his Lands. ;

xi. Ditto Statement sent to Sir Francis Walsingham, about the
Fine of £15,000.

xii. Letter of Earl of Hertford to the Council from prison ; and
Letter from Lady Katharine Grey to her husband.

xiii. Account of the Bible used in the Tower by the Earl of Hertford
and Lady Katharine Grey, found at Longleat.

xiv. Letters from the Earl of Hertford to Sir John Thynne, about
Wulfhall.

xv. Tottenham Lodge; the Household there, A.D. 1582. Letter
from R. Smyth, the Chaplain, to the Earl of Hert-.
ford.

xvi. Mr. Robert Tutt’s Letter to the Earl of Hertford, describing
Queen Elizabeth’s kindness to his two sons.

xvii. Frances Howard, the Earl’s second wife, to him. Queen
Elizabeth’s fall from her horse.

3. William Seymour, Marquis of Hertford and Duke of
Somerset, Great Grandson of the Protector.

xviii. Message from William Seymour to Lady Arabella, suggesting

the prudence of breaking off their proposed marriage.
xix. Letter from Sir William Monson to the Earl of Salisbury
about the capture of Lady Arabella Stuart.

xx. Memorandum of Lady Arabella’s clandestine marriage, on the
fly-leaf of Mr. Hugh Crompton’s Account Book, found at
Longleat.

xxi. William Seymour’s Confession (from Tanner MSS., Ox-
ford).

xxii. Letter from William Seymour’s Grandfather, the Earl of
Hertford, to him when abroad: and another from the same
to the Earl of Salisbury. .

xxiii. Warrant signed by King Charles I. for the Corpse of Robert
Lord Beauchamp (son of William, Marquis of Hertford),
to pass from London to Bedwyn.

VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV. R

166 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

xxiv. Receipt for the value of the Tapestry and Bed-room Furniture
worked by Queen Jane Seymour.

xxv. Letter with particulars of Funeral of William, Duke of
Somerset, at Great Bedwyn.

xxvi. The Herald-painters’ Bill at the Funeral of Frances (Devereux),
widow of William, second Duke of Somerset. May 7th,
1674.

No. I.

Survey of Wulfhall, temp. Edw. VI. [From the Register of
Protector Somerset’s Estates in Co. Wilts.] See page 143.

‘ To the said Mannor appertayneth 1263 acres 3 yards a half: wherof 2 acres
and half a yard be gardyne and orchard and thereof half an acre lyeth in a
gardyne within the walls and half a yard lyeth in the gardyne next the said
gardyne. And 12 lugges lye in the orchard called Cole-house orchard: And an
acre lyeth in the gardyne callyd the Great Palyd Gardyne: And half a yard
lyeth in the gardyne called My Young Lady’s gardyne. And another half yard
lyeth in the gardyne called Myn Olde Lady’s Gardyne. And 126 acres be
arrable, and every acre is worth by the year 12d. And therof 60 acres lye in
the fyld callyd the Great Cleye; and 16 in the Little Cleye. And 50 acres in
the fyld called the East Cleye. And 14 acres be mede. And every acre is
worth by the yere 3s. 4d. And thereof 4 acres lye in the Mede callyd the
West Mede. And 6 acres in the Mede callyd the Well Mede: And 4 in the
Mede called the East Mede. And 1122 acres be pasture: and every acre is
worth by the yere 2 shillings, And therof 240 acres lye in the Park callyd the
Soden Park: and 20 acres in another Park callyd Horse Parke. And 3 acres
in Pound Close. And 60 acres lye in the Brome close and Ridge-lands, and
30 acres in Wulfhalls close. And 2 acres in a close callyd Ladelwell-pound,
with a small copse growing there, and 200 acres lye in F warrants Court, the
half wherof belongeth to the Lord Fwarrant.* And 300 acres lye in the park
called Topenhays. And 40 acres lye in a Parke callyd Red deer Parke. And
60 acres lye in a close called Horse Sonds and 20 acres in Little Sonds. And 3
acres in a close called Sheryng Close and 4 in a close called West Court. And
100 acres lye in a close called the Bowden and 40 acres lye upon Topenham
Hyll, and it is pasture for sheep.’’+

* Close to Crofton (or, as it is usually pronounced, Cranton) is a farm called now Free-warren)
which, however, is a corruption of the name of an ancient owner: for in 1299 (27 Edw. I.) William
Fitzwarren, and in 1479 (19 Edw. 1V.) Fulk Fitzwarren, died seised of the Manor of Crofton (I,P.M.)
Before this family it had belonged, in 1283, to William de Braboef (I.P.M.)

+The Protector Somerset’s account books mention that he had made large plantations at the
Great Dych and the New Dych::also a large pond which cost £43 15s. 10d.: and a Hare Warren
at Wexcombe, in 1553, Also that he dyked the springs at Titcombe and near Dodsdown Bush,
Dodsdown lies between the wood called Wilton Brail and the hamlet of Wilton. On it was formerly
a gibbet, where a man was hanged for murdering a woman in the wood.

Appendix. 167

No. II.

Payments and Wages to the Chaplain, and certain Servants at
Wulfhall, in 1537. See page 144.

By the Year.
Zs. 4.
To Sir James the priest (of the Chapel) .... 2 0 0
», Grene the Bailly mys Seda lgG eS
,, Vince the Keeper of the Home Pars .(jeiaopes
», William the Grubber sr satin ek OO
»» John Wynbolt the under-grubber 013 4
» John, Carter at Wulf hall 109
», Wynter, his felowe ee ates Sell OVE
»» Gorway the Shepheard att Wulfhall .... 16 8
», Edy of the Day-house* afoot tilin 0,0
», Jone Cocks her fellowe .... aa een OT O
,», Henry Bryan, Curatt at Eston for this
quarter, after £6 Os. Od. by the yere .-. 110 0
»» Christopher, keeper of the great horses .. 200
To the seven females By the Year.
Winifred Holt ates derseenhean OMLO
Ann Coles, nurse to my Lord Beauchamp .. 213 4
Mr, Edward Seymour’s nurse 2 0 0
Margery Garret 16 8
Margery Gilman 100
Elizabeth Burde 018 0
Awdry laundress 100

No. III.

Carpenter’s work for alterations at the Palace of Westminster
against the Coronation of Queen Jane Seymour. See page 144,

“ Exrracr from the Accounts of James Nedam, the King’s Surveyor, relating
to the expense incurred at Westminster for the Coronation of Queen Jane
Seymour.

Anno XXVIII. R. Hen. VIII. (1536.)

Tur Kyne’s PAtis oF WESTMINSTER AGENST THE CORONATION OF QUENE
JANE.

PayMEnTs made and paied by me James Nedam, Clerke and Surveyor Generall
of Our Sovereign Lord the King’s Works, for works done at his Palis eff West-
minster by his Grace’s commandment, agenst the Coronation of the Quene, as
well in wages to artyficers, laborers, clarks, purveyors and others, allso for
Emptions and Necessarys bought requisite and necessary for the said Worcks
with carrying and re-carrying of the same; As the particuler parts thereof

#i,e,, The Dairy-house,

R2

168 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

more playnlye doethe appere. That is to say—From Sonnday the xxvijth daye
of August inclusive, unto Sonneday the xxiiijth daye of September exclusive
by the space of four weeks.

CARPENTERS

Woxrckyne as well of and upon the takyng downe of all the offices in the
great hall within the said palis there, as allso makyng of dyvers offyces, with
skaffolds for paynters, plasterers, and glasyers to worcke upon. Moreover for
the worckyng and makyng of dyverse frames for sundre offices, the Comyn
Keychn, boylyng-house, skaldyng-house, and the worckyng-house: with
makyng of the Pastrye, larderers and hachell-house. * As allso makyng of
Tables and Tressells for the sayd offices. And not only preparyng the said hall
with Dormy Trestles and plancks for cords upon bothe the sydes of the same
hall, and makyng the stayres going up to the Kyng’s Benche and the Chancery
to the high tables and makyng a half-pace} there with boarding and flowering
the comyn place at the surveying place, in the said hall; but allso makyng and
setting up all manner of necessarys within the presint of the said palis. Further-
more in makyng of Rayles for Rayling the High waye on both sydes from the
said Hall doore throughe the palis, the Kings strete and the Sanctuary unto
the West doore of the Abby there. And makyng a skaffold from the said
West doore unto the steppes before the High Awlter, with allso framyng a
Skaffold before the same awlter, with makyng and framyng dyverse partitions
to staye the people from pressyng in at the same tyme of the said Coronation.”’}

No. TV,
Entertainment of King Henry VIII. at Wulfhall, August, 1539,
See page 145.

W oULFHALL,—SETTERDAY THE Ixth DAyzE or AvuGusTE, THE Kinas Masyesty
with wis Noxpiniry anpD HoLE HovseHoLD, My Lorp
AND My LADY WITH THARE HOLE HOUSEHOLD.

: 8. d, & s dad
Fyne Floure ( Bought of theKing’s officers
ees ( fyne flour and for the
: Lords (4 bush.) cor OE rl
ee é Breade...... Do. (20 doz.) oat) 0120 en: Re
Pp wed Meall ......Ditto: for the Pastrie (6 J
Seca Bushels) oe Se
f Beere and ( Bought of the Kyng’s Offi-
Aile cers, bere and aill, 2 tuns
BUTTERIE. 3 hogsheads eae (Ocea0 ee
[Umanareappd Do. 150 ae Ole 0
Gascon Wine.Do. 1 pipe ow re. 0. 0 i
GELLER. { Swete Wine...Do. a pyc #10) cba: ee

® Flax-dressing house. A ‘‘hatchell’’ is an instrument for beating flax.

+A dais, or platform. ‘In the large room where the feast is_celebrated, the chief takes his chair
of state on a raised half-pace at the upper end.’’ (Bacon.)

+ This extract refers only to Carpenter’s work. Eighteen men were charged for at different
wages, from 12d. to 7d. a day. Sum total £xii xiis. xd. Mr. Nedam, the King’s Surveyor General
of Works, received as the ordinary fee for his own office 2s. 6d. a day, with 6d. a day allowed fora
Clerk; and extra allowance for riding about the country tothe King’s various castles and palaee-,
and also for boat hire on the Thames,

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Append. 169

Of my lord’s store, suger for the
( waferie (8 lbs.) oe
Of do., for jelly stuff, cloves,

zinger, cinamon, suger, nut-

megge, graynes,* turnsole,t

&e. ne vie

( Spices.{ Of do. for the confectionary,
pistads and carraways :
Of the King’s provision for
Tpocras,{ for Saturday, Sen-
day, and Monday, ginger
whole, &c. Re. 4 9 10
0

SPICERY, J

‘ Of the King’s provision for the
Sobes confectionary, pears600 .. 0 5

of pure wax wrought in quar-
Wax.. rers,§ priketts and sises. 8s.

CHAUNDRY. Wax wrought in torches, 2(1bs.,
7s. 6d. ; pe 15 6
White Of the King’s provision, parishe 106
0

f the King’s provision, 16 lbs

0
lights candles,|| 4 doz. ata)
2

- Of the King’s provision He
_— ( Of do., sea-fish, 5 potts, 50s. ;
| 8 pikes, 12s. ; 5 salmon 20s. ;
8 grilz,16s.; 7 tenches,4s.3d.;
I 9 lopsters, 6s. 8d.; breams,
| plaice, butter, eggs, 200, 3s.,
&e. = Hf
Accatst J Of mylord’s store, congers, pike,
Kr eles, trouts, bremes, carps,
BEN < tenches, roches, perches, mol-
lets, eggs, &e. -- 618 2

| David Hobs, for xi pasteys of
salmon a -- 010 38

! John Armstronge, for one bar-
| ig rellofsturgeon,byhim bought 118 0
3

John Colly, for mustard bought 0 1
L Of my lord’s store, vinegar, 10
Saultes gallons, 3s.4d.; and verjuice,
4 gall., 16d. 7. O48

*** Grains of Paradise.’””—Small pungent seeds brought from tbe East Indies.
+“Turnsole.”—A species of Heliotrope, of which ‘‘ Gerard’s Herbal,” p. 334 (edit. 1636), gives
this quaint account:—‘‘ With the smaller Tornesale they in France doe die linnen rags and clouts
into a perfect purple colour, wherewith cooks and confectioners do colour jellies, wine, meats, and
sundry confections: which clouts in shops be called Tornesales after the nature of the herbes. The
name,”’ says Gerard. ‘‘ was given by reason of its flowering in the summer solstice, at which time
_ the Sun being farthest gone from the Equinoctial Circle, returned to the same.”

_* ‘* Hippocras,”—This was not a pure wine, but a compound of red or white wine with spices, as
cinnamon and sugar, strained through a woollen bag. The name is either derived from the com-
pound being called (as it was) ‘* Vintm Hippocratis,’’ the wine of that ancient physician; or from
the woollen strainer, called by apothecaries Hippocrates’s sleeve. Should any reader wish to know
of a receipt for making this, there is one in ‘‘ Nares’s Glossary,’? It must have been a somewhat
muddy beverage. _John Aubrey, in his Life of Dr. Kettle, an eccentric President of Trinity College,
Oxford, says ‘* Mistress Howe of Grendon once sent the Doctor a present of Hippocras and some
fine cheese-cakes, by a plain country fellow, her servant. The Doctor takes the wine, ‘ What!’?
Says he, ‘* didst thou take this drink out of a ditch?”?

$ “Quarters,” “ quarries,” or ‘* quarrions,’’ were square lumps of wax with a wick in the centre.
‘ ||This word is sometimes written ‘‘ praise,” ‘‘ peris,” or ‘ parische.” ‘‘ Candells wax” and

candells peris,’’ frequently occur in household accounts of much earlier date. :

b I “ Accats : *? meaning provisions, delicacies, purchased. From the the French aeheter, to buy.
The ‘Clerk of the Acatery ” was an officer in the King’s Household. The words are now altered
to a “‘Caterer,” and “ Cates,”

170 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

Woopyarp { Of my ) Of my lord, x quarters coles,
ANDSquYL- 4 lord’s } 10s. ; x loads of wood, 10s. ; 8-0 0
LABRIE.* store.. 8 loads of rushes, 40s. ..

Messest for thys Supper by estimacion ve £37 15 8

The King and his Nobility appear to have supped apart from the Earl and
his family, as there is a separate but equally precise entry of asimilar fish-supper
for ‘‘ my Lord, my Lady, and their Household; ” costing £8. Sixty at dinner,
70 at supper, and 130 dishes.

On the next day, Sunday, the 10th of August, the King’s diet for the whole
day amounted to £71 2s. dd., and the number of ‘ messes,” 470. The items
for the bakehouse, buttery, and cellar are similar in kind, but larger in amount
than on the day before. The cookery in the Kitchen included no longer fish
only, but meats and game ;—viz. :

Six beeves (oxen), valued at 30 shillings each, in all £9: and 24 muttons at
3s. each, in all £3 12s. Od.

Of the King’s provision, 12 veales (calves) cost 52s. ; 5 cygnets, 33s. 4d.;
21 great capons, 42s.; 7 good capons, 9s. 4d.; 11 Kentish capons, 7s. 4d. ;
3 dozen and 6 coarse capons, 13s. ; 70 pullets, 13s. 9d. ; 91 ‘‘ chekyn,” 7s.10d.;
38 quails, 12s.8d.; 9 mewes, 6s.; 6 egretts, 7s.; 2 shields of brawn; 7swans,
46s. 8d.; 2 cranes, 12s.; 2 storks, 10s.; 3 pheasants, 7s.6d.; 40 partridges,
26s. 8d. ; 4 pea-chicks, 2s. 8d, ; 21 snyts (snipe), 2s. 7d. ; 2 doz. larks, 1s. 4d.;
6 brewes, 7s. 4d. ; 28 gulls ‘‘ rated for the feeding of them.”

In my Lord’s own bill of fare for this day (amounting to £15 10s. 6d.) are
mentioned ‘‘Two pots of ‘sampere’ (samphire), 2s.; Two carcases of beef at
£1 6s. 8d. each; and two of mutton at 4s. each; Messes for the day 146.”

On Monday, 11th August, the King’s provision cost £48 4s. 7d. Olives,
prunes, ‘great raisins,” as distinguished from currants, occur among the spicery.
3 dozen and 6 sparrows cost 2s. A kid, 2s. 48 steps of butter, 2s. Messes
for the whole day, 440.

On Tuesday, 12th August, messes for the whole day 230 at the King’s table.
100 at my Lord’s.

The expenses of the whole week, including the King’s visit, amounted to
£288 19s. 10d.: a sum which of course represents a great deal more (about six
times as much) of the money of our day. Of the comparative value some esti-
mate may be formed by the fact that wheat was then 6s. 8d. the quarter, malt,
4s., oats, 2s, 8d., hops, 12s. the hundred, ‘‘ with the carriage.” The account
is exceedingly sii every article, even to “‘ wick yarn, 14 lbs. at 2s. the
lb.,” “fine cotton wick 6 Ibs. at 4s. 6d. the lb.,” “ rosin 14 lbs. at 6d. the lb.,”

* “‘Squyllerie :”? meaning scullery, from the French escwelle, a dish,
+ Rushes.”?—These were in lieu of carpets, In another part of the Account Book is: ‘ Paid to
Robert Smith, Rushman, for 40 dozen Rushes of him bought for the straweing of my Lord’s House
at Beauchamp Place, London, from 24 Novr. to the last of Aprill, 60s.”

+ “‘Messes,” strictly speaking, were allowances carefully doled out, like the ‘‘ Commons ina
college hall. Here it seems to signify that dinner was provided on a rough calculation for 200. A
mess is thought by some to have been generally an allowance for four persons: but that the King
should have 800 persons to provide with regular meals on a short visit like this, seems incredible.

Appendix. 171

was carefully accounted for: and if not specially bought for the eccasion, was
taken out of store, and its value charged as expense.

The ordinary weekly expenditure on victuals, &c., under the different heads
above given, at Tottenham Park or at Wulfhall, for my lord and lady, their
visitors and servants, was about £22. The number dining and supping is daily
recorded. The hour for the earlier meal, then called dinner, was at ten o’clock
in the morning, the later meal, then called supper, about five or six in the after-
noon.

Only two meals per diem appear in the account of the king’s visit to Wulfhall.

Gratuities or ‘* Rewards” bestowed by the Earl of Hertford upon the
occasion of the King’s visit.

“ Among the King’s household servants at my lord’s command-

ment, at his grace’s being at W ulfhaull the 9th, 10th, 11th, and ;

12th of August, with £4 to the clerk of the kitchen and mastercook 3013 4
To the King’s sagbutts, the 12th of August, 20s. the violls 20s.,

the flutes 15s., the taberet 5s., the trumpetts 15s., the purveyor of

the cellar 3. 4d., Mr. Blunt, gentleman usher and others, inall.. 718 4
To a coke and a turnebroche ( Turnspit) that did labour in the

kychin during the King’s being at Wulfhaull 43 07 8
To Philip Cornish 10s., John Bedell 11s. 3d., Miles Range :

John Miles 5s., and John Cox 5s., in reward to fen for their ee

taken in eayatine the roff of my lord's barn, with fretts upon canvas

agenst the King’s coming to Wulfhaull, 9th August 1.16.4
In reward to Master Hungerford’s man for bringing my lord ee
ridges, a capon, pigeons and brawn 03 4

To diverse men that brought my Jord presents from eee of his
friends, as venison, wild fowl, &c., against the King’s coming to his
house, at Wulfhaull, where my aad lord defraid him for Saturday
supper, Sunday and Monday all day, and Tuesday dinner the 12th
August, with money given to diverse persons for carriage of letters
to my Lord’s said frends for the same abt Loe OPO
It would seem, from the next item, that his Majesty’s | officers, having supplied
part of the provisions for the King’s fable, also paid the Earl for the hides, &c.,
of the animals taken out of Wolfhaull farm yard.
“‘ Received by the hands of Mr. Cofferer of the King’s house, 25
Sept., for the hides, fells and tallow of the beifes and multones ex-
pended whiles the King was at Wulfhaull.” = oei) 8 248s 10

Me. °V:
Extracts from.the Steward’s Account Books of Edward Seymour,
Earl of Hertford, (Protector Somerset), illustrative of Domestic
Life, Prices, &c., of that period. See p. 148.

1. TRAVELLING Expensss, &c.
For hay, litter, and provender for 24 horses of my lord’s own for

2 nights, 7 & 8 Oct., standing at Newbury, in my lord’s journey from
Walfhall to London te ve + 020 0

172 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

For 20 horses of my lord’s servants 2 nights oe es
For men hired to dress my Lord’s horses at Newbury
To Master Winchcombe’s * carders when my lord lay thers

19 Sept. -
For hay, litter, aid provender for my lord’s male! jateinilants at
the Goat in Strand 30 days ce as

For making a seat of velvet fringed mith “allt

For 6 cop nailes gilt to set on the head of the sadle, 8d., for i a
gilt head to the same sadle 16 8

For making a pillion cloth of velvet, with 3 yards of bokeram to
line the same

4th September 1537 Paid = hey, Etter and eoreaie for xx
horses one night when my Lord “ys at my lord Stourton’s [now
Stourhead ] a

Paid for the same for xxxyviii irtes of aay Ment tae 2 “aie
when my lord lay at my lord Chief Justices (Fitz James) house
called Redlinch [near Bruton J, viz. 5 and 6 Sept. :

Paid for the same for xxxvi' horses of my lord’s trayne™ eeamean
in dyvers places when my lord lay one night at my lord Hungerford’s
[Farley Castle) viz. 7 Sept.

For like horse mete for xxxix horses for « one night when my ian
lay at Sir Henry Long’s (Draycote) 8 Sept.

For the same, standing one night in the Abbey of Malmoabtier

and in the Town there
For xxxvii horses, one night when my “Jord lay at ‘Bradstock 10

Sept.

For xl. horses, fie night at the Devizes when rly lord lay at
Mr. Ernely’s [Whetham], 12 Sept.

For xxxy. doz. horse-bread expended whiles my lord lay at Wulf-
haulle, seven days as well before his progress as after. Aug. and
Sept.

Thomes Wolf for sweping nad lensing my lord's “Chamber at
Windsor, and setting up bords to stop out the wind

To Mother Neville for a fireshovel 8a., a paire of bellouse, dit

Paid for 400 harness-bells bought at onion at 12d. the haniteed

Paid 19 April for shoeing my horses agenst the bringing uppe of
my Lord’s revenues, 1s. 4d. And for a male pylyon,+ and two male
brasses for the carrying of the said revenues

(1539 March) Reward to my Lord Cobham’s cook that dressed my
Lord’s dinner at Gravesend :

For the hire of 17 horses from fey to Dover for my Lord
and others of his Company on his Journey to Calais

For cords to my lord’s mail and mending his posting cushion

Paid for a ie to carry ae lorde from Sandgate to Rinsham
12 March . : ve se

* Winchcombe: the celebrated wealthy clothier called ‘‘ Jack of Newbury,”
+A pillion to carry a maille or portmanteau,

oo
o

Oo
—
bo

0 29

0 14

0 35

ee PP

Appendix. :

For lodgings for my lord and his company attending him at
Dover 2 nights ara cy AS
To Bailif’s widow at Calais for lodging of my lord, Mr. Howard
and Roger Smith 3 weeks ae ae “aia
To Joan Nele and other his fellows for my Lord’s passage, and
diverse other attending him, from Calais to Dover, in two passengers
To Mr. Semor’s man for his and two carters and 4 horses expenses
bringing a wagon from Wulfhall to Twickenham, to carry my Lord
Beauchamp from thence to Elvetham [one of the Earl’s seats in
Hants] and returning to Wulfhall again : ie

2. Sports AND AMUSEMENTS.

For feeding of 3 greyhounds for 31 days ae 5
For feeding of 4 couple of spanyels being a-brode hawking, 6 days
Do. a cast of leonards [lanner-hawks | =) 49
Paid to a fox taker 23 Feb. for taking of foxes in Tottenham
Park and in the Forest n : asd Ae
Paid to Morse and Grammatts for helpyng to take the wylde swyne
in the Forest 4d. ; aud for 8 hempen halters to bynd their legs 4d.;
and for drink for them that helped to take them 4d.
To Edmund Coke and Wm. Morse and others for sekyng wild
swyne in the Forest 2 days* 36 oe ce
To Thomas Christopher for his costes when he caryed the two wilde
bores to the Court to my Lord att Wynsor Allhallowen even :
Paid for my costs when I rode to Trowbridge to my Lord with
the spanyells that I toke from the Byshope of Salysbury’s partrydge
taker e ee oe se ¥
Paid to Thomas Pottenger, my lord’s falconer for watching the
hawks in Collingbourne woods this year for 13 weeks, 6d. the day
and night (1544) se : Be ited
To a partridge-taker which brought partridges to store my Lord’s
Grace’s ground, 30 Jan’ 2 Ae ae
To Mr, Sidenham’s man for the same i “2
Edward King for feeding of partridges that came from Jersey and
were sent to Wulfhall Ri Ee eh. "F
Pd. to a Fesaunt-taker which toke fesaunts in Bently woodds by
my Lord’s commaundment the 13 April last : :
In reward to a keeper of Windsor Forest that brought my lord
word of a red deer lodged at Elvetham | : Se
To Edward Woulphe Capitayne of my lord’s pinnace the Phenix,
towards rigging and victualling the same Se +
Delivered to Mr. Sapcotes at Salisbury the 8th May, to take unto
my lord, which he did lose att pennypryket+ - ne

coco

0

69

0

173

6 0
9 8

25 0

0

* At this item, there is a note in the margin :—“ Every keeper and woodward hereafter to seke in

his walk, and no such allowance to be had.”

+ Penny-prick,” says Strutt (English Pastimes) ‘‘appears to have been a common game in the
fifteenth century, and is reproved by a religious writer of that period.” Strutt does not describe it,

VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV.

8

174 Wulfhall and the Seymours

Item, that my Lord did lose at shooting unto the Bishop of
Rochester, 22 July at Guilford

Reed. at Hartford Place of my lord the 13th Oct. which he dya
wyn at cards same night he dyd sup at Lambeth with oe lord of
Canterbury 3 se

3. ‘‘ REWARDS,” 7.€. GRATUITIES.

To a servant of the Earl of Shrewsbury for bringing 2 pasties of
red deer +5

To a servant of the Master of the Horse ye panes a doe.

To the King’s master cook for his paynes in teaching Jeffrey
Oliver

To a servant of Sir John Dudley’ s that brought my Lady a picture
of Queen Jane : : ae

To one that brought my lady smnddjiigs *

To the Sexton of St. Stephen’s at Westminster for a 2 standing for
my lady when the Marquis of Exeter was reyned [arraigned] 3 Dec.

To the minstrels of my lord of Rutland

To Mris Denyer, midwife, and nurse, when my lady christened
him a child

To Palmer for bringing my lord certain letters from Wolfhall .

4. New YEAR’s GIrts.

To Master Jennings of the King’s Privy chamber for bringing my
lord the King’s New year’s gift the 1st January

Gifts to the Officers of the King’s Household; including the
Children of the Kitchen and Scullery, 10s,: the saat 15s., the
Players 7s. 6d., the Jugler, 3s. 4d., &e.

Alsop the Poticarie 5s., Mr Lord Prince’ s Players 7s. ‘6d. , my Lord
of Suffolk’s Minstrels Bs, , my Lord of Derby’s Players 6s. 4d,, my
Lord’s own minstrels 338. 4d.; my Lord Chancellor’s minstrells
6s. 8d. my Lord’s own players 13s. 4d, And many others ;

To the queristers of Poules [choristers of St. Paul's] for playing
before my lord

To My Lapy Mary [afterwards Q. Mary] in Riolles [Royale]
for her New Year’s Gift =

To my Lady Mary’s servant for bringing my Lord a : New Year’ s
gift : ee
To the King’s Walshe minstrel [ Welsh Harper] 4
To my Lord’s Confessor A oe

5, THe Eart’s CHILD, EDWARD.

To the keeper of Ludgate and Algate for letting John Smith in
and out in the night when he went for Mris Midwife

June. To Edward Lloyd for hanging the chapel at Beauchamp
Place for the christening of Mr, Edward Semor my lord’s second son

13 13

33 17

ooo
or

0 20

noo

Appendix. 175
For 3 ells of Holland clothe to dress the Font ice the day of

the Christening of Mr, Edw. Seymour 0 4 6
In reward to Mris Berwick, my lady being her gossip" 31 August 0 22 6
Do. to Mris Hungerford, my lady being her gossip, 13th Sept. . 0 22 6

Pd. to Robert Topping for making of a cote for Mr. Haward

Seymour when he was delivered to the Pryor of Sympryngham 12d, :

for making of his hose 12d.; and his doubletts 8d. 02 8
For 7 yards and a half of fryse for a cote clothe for Mr. George

Seymour agenst Crysmas at 8d. the yard, 5s.; and for a yerde of

coten to lyne the upper bodyes of the same cote 6d.; and for the

making of the same 12d. And for 2 yards of black fustyan for a

doblett for hym att 9d. the yerde 2s. 3d. ; and for 2 yerdes of coten

to lyne the same doublett 12d.; and for canvas 2d, and for making

of the same doblett 8d. ee ; aa oo Ores g

- 6, Sananres, Fines, Payments to Crown, &c.

28 Oct. 30 H. VIII. ao
To Wm. Awliey of Canford, Co Dorset, from the Earl of Hertford,
a whole year’s fee for exercising the offyce of the High Bailiwick of
Trowbridge on 3 0 10°
To Henry Waldurne, Clerk of New Garni, Chantry Priest “of
Godmerston’s Chantry, due unto bim on St. Luke the Evangelist’s
day, for the annuity or yearly rent granted out of the late Monastery
of Easton to the foresaid Chantry 013 4
Paid to me [7.e., The Steward, A.D. 1536] my Fee for the Ranger.
ship of the Forest of Savernak in redy money ; paid pesey by the

Warden a- 026 8
To the Abbot of Malmesbury’ 8 servant for bringing : my Lord his

Fee of the said House aah MOP LES
To Lewis Brecknock, late Prior of [ Monkton] Farley .. 015 0
To the Bailiff of Bradford, for certeyn money called Paulsomeve,

by the yeret °F 0 3 4
For the indenture and release of Crofton Fitzwarren purchased of

the Earl of Bath f 010 0

To the Hundred of Kynwardestone for my Lord’s Fine, and for
nonsuing to the Courte of the said Hundred for the manor of Wulf-
hall; payable once a year se - O 0-12

*i.e., Godmother to a child. The word is derived from “God,” and ‘‘sib,’’ (akin). The belief
was, that by contracting spiritual obligations to a child they became ‘‘sib,” or ‘akin in God,’”’ to
one another. (See Trench’s English, p. 155.) The word occurs in Chaucer :—‘‘ Natheles, your kin-
drede is but a fer (distant) kindrede ; they be but litle sibbe to you, and the kin of youre enemies
be nigh sibbe to them. (Tale of Melibeus. )

+‘ Paulsomeve.” This name, so spelt in the original, is a corruption of “‘ Palmson-Eve,” and
means a payment of certain money annually on Palm Sunday Eve, not (as might have been expected
from the name) to the Ecclesiastical but to the Civil authorities at Bradford. The origin of this
payment is unknown. See Rev. W, H. Jones’s History of Bradford-on-Avon. Wilts Arch, Mag.,
v., 69,

+John Boucher, Lord Fitzwarine, created Earl of Bath, a.p. 1536.

$2

176 Wulfhall and the Seymours

Lykewyse to the Hundred fora Fine of agroundcalled Fitzwarren’s 0 1 4
Lykewise for certen moneys due to the Queen’s grace for the House

of Eston [7.e., Huston Priory, near Pewsey] 03 3
Paid [1537] to William Franklin, Deane of the King? s College of

Windesor for the amending of highways, and other deeds of Charity

as shall stand with the King’s Majesty’s pleasure to appoint, for the

soul’s health of the late Erles of Combreland, Southampton and

Sussex departed, Knights of the Most Noble Order of the Garter.. 710 0
The same for the late King of Scots . 060 0

7. MIscELLANEOUS PAYMENTS.

Paid to my lord of Canterbury, for a gown of Saten for my Lady

with powdered armyns [ermine] 106s. 8d., and for a foot-cloth and

harnes of velvet fora mule4 0 0: in all to him 8 July 9 6 8
Paid at the month’s mind of my Lady Dame Elizabeth Seymonr* 055 4
Oct. 1. In reward to Robert of Moulsey for bringing my Lord

word of the Birth of Prince Edward. [His sister Jane sper

son, afterwards King Edward VI.) “ip 020 0
To two Sargents of Sarum ; in reward which brought twv6 fat oxen

to my Lord’s Grace presented by the Mayor and his Brethren oo OMI ee:
To doctor Bennet’s man which kept and broaght up the Red Deer

which the said Dr. Bennet gave my Lord’s Grace p ven ORES DH
And for bringing them to Wulf hall 0 0 12
To Maklyn and Pollard of Burbage for being at Wulf hall is

Christmas with their instruments 0 3 4
In reward to Hancet that made Quene Ja ane’s pycture 10 Sept. . 010 0
Do. to Mr. Olive | the Kyng’s Surgeon 11 Septr. 015 0
Do. to Crystofer Samone 10 Oct. for drawing out my lady’s teeth 015 0

To Mr. Awdley by the hands of Edw. Woulf 30 Dec. fora sherte
which my lady gave the King to his New Year’s Gift 100s. 4d,
Pd. to Wm. Hunt the 4th June with letters to London to my Lond
concerning the Rising and uproar at Potterne in Wiltshire the space
of 3 days [1542] 0 4
For a box of Manus Christi § for my Lady se oo" (ORBZ

*“¢ Month’s Mind.” One of those memorial days variously called ‘‘Mind Days,” ‘ Obits,’’ or
*€ Year’s Mind,” on which a service in church or chantry-chapel was performed for the soul of some
deceased founder or benefactor, Bequests of money were left for this purpose. The “‘ Lady Eliza-
beth Seymour ’’ here mentioned was the grandmother of Protector Somerset.

+‘ Hance: ” meaning probably Hans Holbein,
+ Probably Mr. Ayliffe, King Henry the Eight’s surgeon. (See *‘ Wiltshire Collections,” p. 209.)

3‘*Manus Christi.’ A kind of lozenge, composed of white sugar, rose-water, and powder of
pearls, cast into little cakes aud gilded : on white paper anointed with oil of sweet almonds. The
virtues of this innocent preparation were supposed to be considerable. For example, in Turner’s
Herbal, an old quaint work of 1568,—‘* A Receipe for the ‘ Fever quotidian, or dayly Fever:’ Take
the best aqua vite that ye can get, half a pound: puttherein the whitest Mary of Walwurt that ye
can get, two unces: lef it stepe therein 3 dayes, and give the patient thereof to drink. But marke
well, If it would chafe him too much, then temper him the drinke wyth a litle other wyne or drinke,
and give him sometime Manus Christt.”’

CA EE

Appendix. 177

To John Soda for sundry medicines and conserves by him made

for my lord and lady and 3 children ve es vor , OS 10
Anthony de Jerombassam for 4 Howboys of him bought -- 100s, 0d
For a case of lether for my lord’s poleax a ae iaa
For 9 skins and 2 doz. packthread to begin a fishing net for my

lord sid net . = ests HAPs 0
To Thomas Alsop for losinges [Jozenges], treacle and other poticary

stuff for my lord fe ac 5¢ .. 020 2

8. RECEIPTS. |
“Of Mr. William Button of Alton 19 April for my Lord’s aker of
wood in the Forest of Savernak, of the Queen’s Grace’s Copse.. 043 4
Received of the Prior of St. Margarett’s by Marlborough for my
Lord’s ‘fee for being highe stuarde to the Howse, for one hole yere 0,13 4
Received for the tithing hay* of the portions belonging to Bedwyn
that my lord hath, as hereafter, viz. :

First, for the portion of West Grafton ~~ O13 4
7 Do. of East Grafton 010 0
‘e Do. of West-combe . O13 4
is Do. of Crofton . 0 8 8
i Do. for Martin fin OL Bes

Recd. my lord’s fee for the Constableship ofthe Castle of Brystowe 14 3 4
_ Reed. for the release of a steer taken in the Forest asastrayer.. 0 0 12
Receved of Gorway of Bedwyn for one porker that was messeled

[measled] not holsome to be etten in the house rt 3 9 2.8
~ Receyved of a olde outside of a gowne of frysadew of the goodes
of my olde mistriss 020

Received for iij olde horses comprised in the inventorie of my olde
maister Sir John Seymour the one ealled Huddleston, another

Vycary, and the balde baye Thiller ue ri .. 018 0
Received in redy money at the calling unto God’s merey of the

late worshipfull Lady, dame Elizabeth Seymour decessed 032 8

Reed. of the right worshipfull Lady Margery Seymor for one

quarter’s borde for her Ladyshipp and her famyly att £20 the year.

. [The Protector’s Mother.) i ahs Pe a! ae

Re

®*This relates to the tithe of Great Bedwyn parish held by the Protector by lease from the Dean
and Chapter of Sarum. Among other memoranda relating to this subject (which seems to have been
‘one very fertile of disputes) there is one, that the Dean and Chapter of Sarum used to claim the
tithes of all the King’s forests in Wilts under (as they alleged) a grant from King Henry the
Second.
_ The manor of Grafton was bought by the Earl of Hertford of Thomas Barnardiston in 28 Henry
VIII, for £441 3s. 10d.
_ In 37 Henry VIII., (1545) he bought from Sir Edward Darrell all his lease interest in Wexcombe,
Bedwyn, and Burbidge ; and obtained the reversion from the crown. Some quarel afterwards fell
out about this ; and asa marginal note on an old paper relative to it speaks of Sir Edward Dorrell as a
‘common cozener; and of his having been “brought before the Star-Chamber for abusing Hyde.”

_ Out of Wexcombe Manor £35 annual rent was at that time paid to the Sheriff of Wilts for the

crown,

178 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

No. VI.
King Henry VIII. at Wulfhall in A.D. 1543. See p. 149.

From the following Bill K. Hen. 8 appears to have been at Wulfhall or in
the neighbourhood in this year.
‘“‘The charges of the Kyng’s servants at Burbage the xxth of
June Anno xxxvth.”
s.' d,
Item for the fyrst nyght at sopper and fa the mornyng for a vy. iiii.

Item for Dynner the nexte daye ; ie = 2 vais
Item for brekefast in the last daye in the morning <e fp eS
No. VII.
Easton Priory, near Pewsey : sometimes called Easton Royal.
See p. 150.

The Protector (when Lord Beauchamp) lived occasionally at Easton Priory
near Pewsey, property obtained at the dissolution of monasteries. There were
3 parcels: Easton Drewes, Easton Priors, and Easton Bradenstoke (having
belonged to that Priory). Wick Manor, and part of Milton belonged to the
House at Easton.

The account books mention Lord Beauchamp’s being here, when Lord Great
Chamberlain, for 9 days ending the 14th Oct. 35 H. VIII. (1543) ; the expenses
amounting to about £30. Wheat wasthen 10s,8d. the quarter. Malt at 4s.8d.
Among the “Spices” bought are reckoned ‘‘ Biskets” and ‘‘ Carraways,”
Turnesoll, Saunders,* Dates and Capers. A Beef of my Lord’s own store was
valued at 26s, 8d. ‘‘ Fresh accats”’ were bought by Robert Dangell, ‘‘ cater.”
Rushes for my Lord’s chamber and others, 7s. 8d.

No. VIII.
Letters from Mr. Berwick, Mr. Bryan Tesh, and Mr. Arthur Roods
(Agents and Bailiffs) to Sir John Thynne : concerning the enclosure
of a Park and sundry preparations for Building a New Mansion for
the Protector Somerset at Bedwyn Brail End. A.D. 1548, 1549.
See p. 150.

Mr. Jonn Berwick,t To Siz JoHN THYNNE,

1548. 25th Nov. After my most heartie commendacions, Theis shall be t’
aunser your letters sent as well by Bryan as by Mr. Hartgill. First concerning

*Saunders, the dried juice of the Red Sandal or Dragon’s Blood tree, brought from the East
Indies and used for colouring confections red, as saffron was for yellow.

+John Berwick, or Barwick, of Wilcot, near Pewsey, whose daughter and heir married Thomas
Wroughton, son of Sir William Wroughton, of Broad Hinton, from whose family Wilcot has des-
cended, to the present owner, Admiral Moutagu. Mr. Berwick was an agent to Protector Somerset.
There is a short pedigree of his family in the Wilts Visitations of 1565 and 1623,

€
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Appendix. 179

the Demesnes about my Lord's grace’s house at the Broyle End. We have en-
larged the whole grownde as ye shall perceive. Fyrst, the meadow on the other
side of the ponde towards Grafton is enlarged so high as the furlong goeth
leaving space for a way which the Tenants of Wilton* shall have from theire
village to theire common where we apoynted the other pond to be made betwene
both the fields in the bottom: so that the meadow shall rise as high as the hedge
where I would had it gone at the first, saving the way aforsaid: so that nowe
my Lord’s Grace shall stand at the place where his house shal be and have the
whole medowe in his eye, where before he should scarcely have seen it, but have
looked over it. I doute not his Grace shall like it well in that point.

Furder, we ‘have taken in the Felde, Ryver, and medowe ground from
Bushell’s mylne unto the very back of the mylne at Bedwyne, which I have in
lease of the Close of Sarum, and so from thens compassing over the field
towards Bushell’s close where our fyrst stakes were set, and so taking in that
close and so straight through the wood and copice to the corner of the wood,
beneath the great pit which was dygged within the wood at th’ upper corner of
the Broyle, beyond the springs, and so forth in the falling of the hill on the
farther syde towards Ramphreis house as ye and we appointed. Saving we have
taken in a gretter compas at the corner where the chief spring is, I meane
where the conduit-house shall stand; and from thence straight over that felde
to the close corner at Wilton’s-town’s end viz. to the nether end of the lane
which descendeth from the broke and from thence to the pond head next to

" Wilton where the pale standeth, and so on the other side up the close to the

upper ende of the medowe where we beganne, which is in compass 3 miles
saving 110 lug.

And there is of woode ground within the compass 109 acres, 8 lug; and of
medowe and other ground 476 acres, 3 yerds and 27 lug: as shall appeare by a
mesure thereof sent by Bryan and mesured by Dowlte, John Androes and
others, the best mesurers in these parts; but for lack of tyme they could not
nombre or devide the medowe grounde, for that will aske leisure, for there will
ryse a great nombre of acres of medowe more upon the water between Bushell’s
mill and the mylne at Bedwyn town’s end. Things cannot be perfectly certified
upon such post haste. It is now bounden and compassid in myne opynyon very
well; trusting that my Lord’s Grace shall lyke the same. And whereas I per-
ceive by Bryan that my Lord’s Grace would have had the whole Broyle taken
in, and so have compassed by the bottom next Ramphries house, that could not
have been, for then the Tenants of Wilton should have no maner of common
for their Rudder beasts} in that side which would have been to their utter
undoing. They kept before this tyme in their commen as they say 180 Rudder
beasts with the help of the Broyle for which they paid to the Quene and to the
farmer of Harden a very small rent; as I remember it is under a Noble: and
if the whole wood and bottom aforesaid should be taken from them then they

* Wilton. This is a hamlet near Burbage. Itis called in the Inquis, p.m. Wolton. The wood
of “* Wolton”’ is mentioned in the Perambulation of Savernake, a,p. 1300 (Wilts Arch. Mag., iv.,
204). (Query, is not this the correct name, and a corruption of Wulph-town? See Hutchins’s
Dorset, i., 453.)

+ Rudder beasts; a corruption from the Anglo-Saxon “hryther”’ or ‘* hruther,” horned cattle,

Rother beasts,”’ in Jasob’s Law Dictionary.

180 Wulfhali and the Seymours.

would keep none. I brake with the tenants afar off therein, but I perceive
that should be much grief to them. And as it is an old saying, Inough is as
good as a feste, I pray God we may find owte lands, medowe and something, to
satisfy them for that which they shall now forego.

I sent to Barnardiston by his own servant and bailiff here three weeks past,
that he should attend my Lordes Grace, and he is not as yet returned ageyn. I
have also sent another of his servants so that I trust you shall heare of him
shortlie. My Lord’s Grace must go through with him forthwith, so that the
Tenants whose landes we have taken in may sow their barley crop there now or
at our Lady day next, for otherwise they must be drevyn to sowe their awne (?)
within the inclosure. Bushell’s mylne and his whole grounds must be within
the compas so that we must studdie where to settle him. We have begunne a
ditch on the further side of the medow towards Grafton as Bryan can declare
you further therein. Ye must remember to send downe Hyde for his further
advise howe the laborers shall dygg for the spring. Ye must also send downe
bryckmakers so that the cleye may be dyggyde in season. I have wrytten to
Mr. Lyne to certefye my lord’s grace of the mettall mencioned in your letter.
Concerning the furzes of which my Lord’s grace sent me a sample to be set in
the new hare warren, there is none to be gotten in these parts of that kynde
or sorte as I can learn yet, but wee will sett the best we can finde. The wild
bore, and the Red dere shal be sent next week.— From Hampton the 23 Novr.

2.—Mr. Bryan Tes (oF WILTON, NEAR BuRBAGE) To SiR JoHN THYNNE,

1549. 80 March. Has received orders to set forward my Lord’s Grace’s
works. He must of necessity have water before he can lay any foundations ; so
in the mean season while the plumber is getting ready for the same, he will
clear the springs which are filled up with earth. And for that it hath bene
declared unto my Lord’s Grace that neyther Chalke nor Wilton stone will
abyde the weather, ther is in the proof of them here good tokens of them bothe
or at the least no cause of despayre in eyther of them. For of the chalke
there is iij stones whose nether bed is made the parelment,* so that these stones
shovers out into brode spalters and thin, but the other that is set with the right
bed downwards, or that standyth joint by joint, as they call it, dothe remayne
sound enough. And in the stone of Wilton consydering it was set green and
unseasoned and being of the up moste of the quarr which is worste, it spalters
out in thick peces and will not abyde; but now they be cum to great stones in
the quar that will make ashelour xvi or xvij inches high, and have brought him
to a fair bed more workmanlyke then it was before, so that I trust within this
fortnight or iij weekes we shall cum to good stone, for it fashioneth in every
condition lyke unto the quarr at Mr. Kyngsmille’s. The brickmakers have cast
as much earth as will make xx hundred thousand bryks by estimation, but they
tell me they will moulde none these iij wekes, so that we shall have none burned
these vi wekes at least, but I will cause them if I can to begin this next week
if the weather will hold up dry, and in the mean season before that he hath don
all thes necessaries I will trace and set forth my lords grace’s house according
to the plat which my lord’s grace resolved upon the last time, and so be ready
to lay the foundation, and the labourers also which are about the dyke will be

* The facing-stones in a course of masonry,

nial

OPO yd

Sy hy

— oA

rh
a

Appendix. ; 181

ready for that purpose about that time: and will go to London with a plat of

all the levels of the courts and gardens. The pond, thankes be to God, will
metely hold water, but it will do, better by that time it hath settledayear. The
dich about the bounds is in a grete forwardness and will be finished within these
ten days, saving that piece between Croughton and Fitzwarrens which God send
a prosperous success and all the rest of my lord’s Grace’s affayres with ever-
lasting helthe unto your mastership and all your’s.

From Wilton.”

3.—THE SAME TO THE SAME,

1549. May 31. Fyrst, touching the conducte howse, Mr. Hynd can declare
the state thereof in more ample wise at his coming, but yet, as he can declare
also, we have made redy the pavours and all things necessary for the conduct
head, so that at his returne we shall have brycks and lead redy for hym to
begin the head and the vaute, and after that I doubte not to have water running
in the base court, or at least within 3 foot where is best to make the morter
heapes, because the water runnith there and the lyme below not far off.

As touching the number of men, whereas it was reakined that we had 400,
we never had above 14 score (280), which being disposed abroad in many
workes seem but few in sight, and yet the number nevertheless. We never had
above 4 score and ten men at the top of the hill, and so I most humbly desyer
you to declare unto my Lord’s grace, for I feare he thinketh the greatest nnmber
is here, and so peradventure look for much more work thanisdon. At the
conduct have been 3 score men all this year. 40 men at the quarr at Wilton:
24 men hedging the bowndes. 18 at Tudworth, besides the Frenchmen, which
have drawn above 300 ton of chalk and lyeth ready for carriage. 20 carts for
hauling row, sand and water for the brickmakers. At the quarrs at Shalborne,
Topnam Hill, and Westcombe 12 men trying for stone. Fears stone will be
lacking for the Foundacions, for the vi foot walls will drinke up muche of the
stone, and the vault of the conduit being made well nigh a thousand feet long,
will take much stuff. }

. As touching the metall at Martens-hall hill ; whereas I told my Lords Grace
that the banks of Foscue his pitt fell downe when he came to the bur of his
metall, he is now cum to it againe and hathe fownd a stone wherein is metall
as he saith, and hath as much tyme for the profe of the same as he demanded
at the first. But as for Mr, Hance asketh leysur to Midsomer, having 8 of our
Devonshire men to his pit, and I think it he meaneth Midsomer come 12 months

- for before that he will never fynd none where he searchith: and for Mr. Foscew’s

stone I can find him a 1000 load of it within 6 foot of the ground where he
diggeth six fathom, but I cannot cause him to come to see the places where,
whatsoever the matter be.

_ I have sent a wallet of stone to London, whereon I have written upon every
Stone where he grew.

Men were also employed in the Isle of Purbeck, digging. [See Letter 5.)

4.—Mr, Jonn Barwick To Sir JoHn THYNNE.
1549. June 4. Sends a Note of all my Lord’s Grace’s Manors, Castells,
forrests, chaces, parks and mills within his office of Receipt in the counties of
Wiltes, Hampshire, Berks, and Gloucester.

182 : Wulfhali and the Seymours.

‘‘Further theys shal be to advertyse you that I have discharged Foscowe and
Hance the myners, and they have had for their charges and bordying, syns they
came owte of London in Lent past vi£ with the xls. that I delyvered to them
there at theyr comyng owt. Foscowe sayeth that he hath found a riche plott
of grounde as eny is in Englonde. I wolde fayne have knowen sumthing of his
secresy, but he answeryd me so reasonably that I colde go no further with him.
Which was that it was not mete for eny man to know it, unto suche tyme he
had fyrst declarid the same hymselfe to my Lord’s grace. He shewyd mea
grey stone suche as be yn the felds and strete of Eston, wherein there’s metall
(as he saith). I have sent you a pece thereof by this berer, lest he shuld shewe
my lord’s grace a contrary thing. And as to Hance I think there be not a more
dissembler yn England, for he worketh too fondly as Mr. Comptroller can
declare.

Further ye sent us downe such a lewde company of Frenchmen masons as I
never saw the lyke. I assure you they be the worst condicyoned people that
ever I saw and the dronkenst ; for they will drynke more in one day than three
days wages wyll come to, and then lye lyke beasts on the floor not able to stonde.
I have geven them dyvers warnyngs me selfe and yet never the better. And
now I perceive by Bryan they be departid and stolen away lyke themselfs, and
be yndeptyd (indebted) to dyvers folkes yn theis parts; wherefore it were well
don to punyshe them if they may be found; I thynke they will make their
repayr to London,

Further, according my lors grace’s pleasure, I have byn at Vasterne Park*
and there with moche worke I have put owt by estymacion 500 dere of all sorts
into Braydon. It was not possible to devyde the bucks from the rascallst+ but
one with the other. Whereof the most part were rascalls. And although we
colde not get owte so maynye dere as we wolde, yet there wil be pasture ynough
for my Lord’s grace’s provysion, for the grounde was never so well beforehande
yn grasse thys tyme of the yere as yt is nowe. And thus desyryng you to re-
member my sutes wherein I requyred Walron to move you I wysh you no less
helth with th’yncrease of wurshipp that your gentle harte desyrethe. Praying
you that I may be most hartely commendyd unto'my good lady your bedfellowe.
From Estone the iiijth of June. 1549.

Your most assuredly to command,
JoHN BERWICKE.”
To the right worshipfull Sir John Thynne, Knyght.

5.—Mr. ArtHur Roops to Sir Jonn Tuynnz. Asout Purbeck Srone‘t

1549 6 June. Thys shal be to advertyse y". Mastershyppe after whatt sort
the stone lyeth att Purbecke, and whatt order I have taken there. Fyrste in
the south partt of the Iland, at a poyntt calyd Sayntt Aldomis from the wyche
pointt ij myles towards the west end of the Ile lyeth the towyche (touch) stone

*Fasterne Park, near Wootton Bassett: appears in the list of estates granted to the Protector,
+See Note, p. 156.
+ This letter may be interesting to geologists: as some of the old Purbeck stone quarries, out of
which much stone used formerly to be obtained for church columns; and monuments, are now
filled up and scarcely known,

SE —<—

Appendix. 183

yn ij shelffs endlonge towards the see very neer levell by estymacyon iij or iiij
foote in length devyded with dyvers joyntts, some one stone iiij loods and many
of them ij and iij loods apece and but one cowrse of stones yn every shelffe :
the bredth vii or viii fote, the thyknes betweene xij ynches and xv ynches, the
nerest end off the shelff towards the land ys at the lo-water mark att refe tyed,
so hytt cannot be broken butt att sprynge tyed. ;

The alabaster ys a myle and a halfe from the towyche, att th’est end of the
Tle att a place calyd Worbarrowe, falen owtt of the wydest clyffe wyche ys 30
fadom hye, and lyeth att full see marke in rownde pecys of viii or ix towne a
pece: the utter partts of them being of whyte alabaster and full of craks:
wyche woll not ryse in breadth passing xij ynches square wyth a small thyk-
nes; and inwards towards the myds of the pece ys ij other cowlors of stone,
one somewhatt blaker then the other, much lyke unto a grey Marbull of the
wyche I wyll brynge a sample unto my Lord’s grace withyn thys vij dayes ;
wyche stone wyll ryse to iij fote in length and xviij ynchys in breydth and vi
or viij ynches thyke, so thet I have sett 2 workmen upon brekyng of the same
att soche tyme as they canott worke for the water upon the towyche that I heve
also appointed them to breke.—From Wolfhalle vi June. :

, Your humble sarvytour
AnrtHuR Roops,
To the right worshipful
Syr John Thynne Knyght
att Brainford. (Brentford. )

6.—Bryan TESHE To SiR JOHN THYNNE.

1549, June 7. My Lord’s Grace’s affayres proceed in as much haste as can
be with so few men. “As touching the quarr at Shalborn, whereas it showed
very fair on the top we have serched the same and find it very little, though
the stuff be good the quantity is small, for which cause Iam very sorry. At
Topnam Hill the pitt is full of water again, the wet wether hath been so much
and the bankes be faln again of the diche upon Wylton Common whear the
cley is about a vi or vij lugges, and our men is uppon the same to amend it
again whiles the quick frithe is green. At Tudworth is about a 400 ton of
chalke redy drawn. . . + ~ ‘The stone of Wylton quar doth mak very
good lyme and entend to make another Lymekylne for that stone ; and whereas
there is a great heap of dust made by means of the Rubbell which came out of
the quar, the same will serve very well to mengle with the lyme in the fylling
of the walls: for it is of itself very tough when it is beaten and tempered and
much more it wyl be tough when the lyme dothe helpe him to bynd., Thus
doth the best of the stone make good ashelour, and the ragged will serve for
the foundacions and fylling stuff, and the Rubbell for lyme and the dust for
rugh work, so that what so ever cost my Lorde’s grace bestoweth there, it will
quit the cost. The brickmaker hath set fyer upon his kylne already and by
that tyme Mr. Hine cum he shall have brick enough for his conduit.

I moste humbly desyer your mastership to send me by your letter worde what
tyme you think my Lorde’s Grace wyll cum for there is nither lime, sand nor
stone carried, nor scant any place redy for it. 1 wold make the more haste of

184 Wulfhali and the Seymours.

that, as alredy I can make no more with these men I have, about the carriage
and re-carriage of earth. Furthermore I would fayne know my lorde’s grace’s
pleasure for the well in the base court, whether it is to be round or square, and
how much bur. Thus desiring your Mastership to pardon the rudeness of my
letter because I write in haste, for if I be absent the tyme of the writing of
this letter ther wyl be almost nothing done among the workmen, but yet I weed
the loyterers out now so fast that the resydue be in fear of the same punishment.
From my lord's grace’s works on the hill 7th June.

7.—THE SAME TO THE SAME.

1549. June 14. I have made inquisition for the mossy stone from whence
it came and so far as I can learn it came from Shalborne Hill: yet some doth
say it was fetched from Easton, but from Shalborne is the more likelihood, for
that quar hath been serched to the bottom and so hath none of the resydew nor
none in all the contreye and there is much stone hereabout which abydeth very
well and semeth to come from thence, as the place where I kad the same which
I sent is builded with same stone, and as much thereof as lyeth 3 foot ahove
the ground is mossy after that sort, and better, besydes that it is an end of a
wall whose coynestones is of the same which is a good proof. |

As touching the hard stone of Shalborne I have already written thereof: the
quantity thereof is not so great as I wold it had been, and Arthur Rodes hath
I understand declared before this the whole state thereof. It doth appear above
to be very good stuff and to be store thereof, but it provith not so benethe, yet
nevertheless I think there will be gathern enough for the ashlour under the
grastable* for there is much of the same occupied in dyvers places hearabout,
and though my Lord’s Grace myndeth to make his utter (outer) walls thereof,
I think it were better of flint; for I am sure there will aryse above 500 load
of flints out of the dykes and other places which come free-cost, and the charges
for dygging of the other stone and the carriage, skapling and others, wyll be
very great, and the flint cost very little.

As touching th’old stone (whearof your mastershippe hath written that I have
written Borne Hill, I dyd but wryte Shalborn Hill), which is urne (ours) but
therewith the carriage; the same is well seasoned and wyll abyde all wethers,
and I can perceyve none of that quarr that ever fayled which came out of the
_ bottom thereof, where lyeth the best stone in every quar of this stone. In

Burbage Church, though the grete (grit) be sumwhat rougher than Wylton
stone, yet as the nature of all these quarrs heare is, the lower the rougher
grete, so is it lyk that the same stone which is in Burbage Church wall (where
is abundance) to come out of the bottom of Shalbourn quarr, or els of Eston,
but whence so ever it came it abydeth very well and gathered a great moss and
is I am sure of one of these quarrs.
The stone of Topnam ryseth yet as it was wont to do which is because the
‘bottom of the pitt is so narrow that they wrest the stone in pieces and how it
will prove when they work deep, I think as my Lord’s grace thinketh therein:
but if God send fayr wether, as hitherto we have none but always extremity of

*t,e., grass-table, or earth-table; the lowest course of stone that is seen in a building, level with
theearth. (Halliwell’s Archaic. Dict,)

~ es eee

Appendix. 185

rain I will see th’uttermost of that quar. The Frenchmen are well nigh xxxs. in
debt for beer, victuals and other borrowed money and are ix in number of
them, and have receyved all their wages withen 4 or 5 days, after 8 pence the
workmen and 6 pence the labourers.

To the Rt. Worshipful Sir John Thyn at Syon or elsewhere.

~ 8.—THE SAME TO THE SAME.

1549. June 17. Mr. Hind appointed a diche to be cast at the place where
the water of the trenche did avoide and to run up the hill to serche uppon the
very top. We have don so: and have found a goodly spring hable to fill a pipe
of an inch over within a hundreth foot long and 6 foot deep, and we be like to
have more. And I doubt not but and if the same and all th’other that cometh
out of the trench wer congregat together, it woll mayntayne a pype of 2 inches
over with as much water as is avoyd and by estimation it isa foot above the
other.

The springs in the pitt at the trenches end is clensed but little or nothing
will come from thence. It is drye and no spring is there more than that soketh
through the ground on every side and wyll not fill xx gallons in 2 days at most.

The extremity of the weather is so much, and the slewth (sluggishness) of
the people together, so that much work can not be done at so few men’s hands ;
but when soever my lord’s grace cometh he shall perceive we have not been idle,
the hindrances being considered.

I beseech ye to write unto Mr. Barwick that he kepe apoyntment with our
men for the payments, or else shure our men will not aply ther works so well
as els: for the poor men here do much complayn although they be prolonged
but from Satterday to Monday next following, yet sumwhat it hyndereth and
the poor men can not forbeare, because they must take the advantage of the
market, or els they can not live with their wages; for when an ox selleth for
xx nobles ther will be but smal penyworths arise, and when it is bought out of
the market then it is worse. This do the poor men alledge unto me with such
an exclamacion that I can do no lesse then write the same unto your master-
ship desyring that by your letters Mr. Barwyk may give his man a greater
charge whose negligence is the cause of this rumour, and as I am shure
unawares to Mr. Barwyk himselfe, and further than reason willeth me I will
not yeld unto their complaints if extremity will serve, which yet always is not
best to be showed, as knoweth the living God who preserve your Mastership for
ever and ever.

9.—TuHE SAME TO THE SAME.
1549. 18 June. Has had no answer about the well and many other things,
and is afraid to do them for fear of offending my Lord’s Grace. Prays to have

knowledge of my Lord’s Grace’s coming that he may make all things somewhat
the more handsome.

10.—THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1549. 25 June. It may please your mastership to understand that my
Lord’s Grace’s works here do proced to effect with such expedition as it pleaseth
God to permitt them ; and whereas the court next the gate be appoynted to be

186 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

raysed on the lower syde and abayted on the upper syde the same wil be this
night or to morrow by noon at a point aud ready finished, and the houses about
my Lord’s Grace’s lodgings, as according to appointment, digged round to the
depth of 3 foot, so that the inner court being raysed 4 foot ther remayneth 2
foot for the lights into the court to serve the 9 foot story. Also it may please
your mastership further to understand that the gardin on the lower side of the
house, where the ground did fall 7 foot, shall be by the help of God, which
rulyth all things, raised to the height appoynted within thes xiiij dayes at most
and made levell in all places. As touching the conduit, is a thousand six
hundred foot long and the most part thereof 15 foot depe and tomorrow haying
all things prepared the rough layers shall be in to lay the vault which shall
gather the water, to whom with the rest of my Lord’s Grace’s workmen in all
places not forgetting your affaires the loving God send felicitous success, From
my Lord’s Grace’s works the 25th of June.
Bryan TESHE.”

No. IX.

Letters from William Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, Master of
the Wards, and Anne (Stanhope), widow of Protector Somerset,
to Sir John Thynne: about the circumstances of her son, a
minor. See p. 151.

1.—Wm. Paver, Marquis or WINCHESTER, TO Sin JoHN THynnzE. Dec,
1552,

After right hartie comendacions you shall understand that I can not well
grow to no end w* Mr. Chancellor of th’augmentacons for young Mr. Seymor’s
lands till I may make perfect what he (¢.e., the Prorecror) had in possession
Ae xxx‘ Hen. 8 [1540]* and what thereof he sold before his attainder w™ they
require to have aproved by patents from the King by dedes of purchase of
other men and by accompts for the contynuaunce of the possessions and receipt
of the lands.

And as touching the letters patents from the King and dedes of purchase and
covenants, all other dothe appere amongst th evidence w Mr. Chancellor, but
some ther be lacking, w* is thought remayneth wth you; and specially the
dedes of yo" owne purchase of my lord w I pray you send to me by some one
of yo Servants that I may retourne you the same after they have been seen.

And suche other patents covenants and grantes as you have in your keeping
of my lords purchase & the booke of accompte aproving what lands was in his
hands yerelie after A° xxxij, yf it may be, send unto me also.

And if you, Mr. Barwicke & Mr. Colthurste may com all iij w* dilligence
you shall do the heire great service: andif you may not come all iij, come ij or
one, bringyng with him the bookes and the sayings of the other ij under their
hands.

And yf it lyke you Mr. Colthurst to take the payne come to my house, and
there you shall remayne for iij or iiij daies from the perrell of Campion’s
action, and yet in that case have yo" ende I trust.

*In this year an Act of Parliament had been passed entatling the lands,

SEs” |;

ss

Appendix. 187

In all w™ matier I pray you show yo' selfe the child’s great frinds nowe at
his nede w shal be better to him than C tymes some oth" service another tyme,

And retourne me this bringer ymediatelie out of delaye; for the matier must
take his ende before the King go out of London. So fare you hartelie well,
From London the xii December 1552.

I pray you mete together to consulte upon this mater & consider well the
booke I send you herewt*, and marke what faulte ye finde in the booke of the
lands in possession & of the lands sold: and of the lands demaunded for recom-

‘pence: and lett me knowe if any thinge be omitted, or any other thinge leafte

unremembered, that you thinke worthie remembraunce or mention, and as you
find, so certifie.

And in any wise faile not to send th accompts, the bargynnes, the covenaunts,
that ye have, to prove any of thies things: and that, w*' the dilligence you may.
And yo' letters be written alike word for word, as the one may understand what
is written to the other; as the same may give you the better occason to meate.

: Yor loving frind

WINCHESTER.
To my loving frinde Sir John Thynne, Knight, in haist.
(Endorsed by Sir John Thynne) ‘‘ Rec‘. from my lord
Marquis of Winchester xvi December 1552.”

2.—Anne (STANHOPE), WIDOW OF Protector SOMERSET TO SiR JOHN
THYNNE.*

1553, Nov.11. Synce yo" beying with me, the Quene’s highness [7.e. Queen
Mary hath resolved my Sonne to be restored in blood onely by parliament, and
meanith to make him Earl of Harford by creation, wherwith her highnes is
bent to geve him such lands as was my L. grace at the death of King Henru.t
And for as moche as yo" knolege herein for lerning what lands and manors my
L. Grace held the same tyme, is more perfect then any others his officers; thes
shalbe ernestly to desire yo" to call to yo' remembrance and peruse yo" books,
that we may have your ernest help herein. I have already written to Mr.
Barwicke and to Hanam for their accounts, in the xxxviij yere of K. H. the
viij, and likewise have I spoke with Gowche, Colthurst, and Seymo™ the sollicitor,
to get what may be had at theire hands, but specially whether my L. Grace had
any lands twixt Michaelmas and the King’s death, which appereth not inthe

ee

* Original Letters from this Lady are very rare,

+The Protector Somerset was attainted, not of treason, but of felony. This would not have
affected his dignities, and entailed estates. But by an Act of Parliament, passed shortly after his
death, all his titles and estates were declared forfeited to the crown. It therefore required a fresh
creation to make his son Karl of Hertford. The Dukedom of Somerset remained forfeited until
1660, when, by another Act of Parliament, the Act of forfeiture was repealed.

In 5 and 6 Edward VI., after the death of the Protector, several Acts of Parliament were passed,
touching the limitations of his estates. On the 12th January, 1553, [6 Edward VI.,] about a year
after his death, the Master of the Wards and Liveries made an" appointment of the estates to the
young son and his heirs male, in pursuance of the Acts 5 and 6, Edward VI.

Queen Mary, in the first year of her reign, with the advice of the Court of Wards, granted unto
Ann (Stanhope), Duchess of Somerset, widow, great part of the Wiltshire estate, (among others, )
for the minority of Edward Seymour, her son,

188° Wulfhali and the Seymours.
account, no man can so well declare as youcan. The Quene’s highnes is well
pleased to let us have presently such lands as are in her grace’s hands, but as
yet though we have no full gyft of recompence for lands exchanged and don
away, yet have we a promise thereof at many theire hands. Thus praying your
earnest and speedy help herein, with my comendacions to your Ladye, I bid ye
most hartly ffarewell from London, this xi.th of November, 1553.

I wolld gladly knowe that you have pasede welle your Jorneye, w™ I dyd fere
moche beyenge so weke as yow were at your gowenge from London.

Yowr lovynge frynd,
ANNE SOMERSET.

[Address]

To my lovyng frende,

Syr Jhon Thyn, Knyte.

3.—THe Same TO THE SAME: ABOUT PURCHASING FOR HER SON THE
Lease oF BEDwyN TITHEs.

1554. July 24. After my hartey comendacions with lyke thanckes for that
ye wrot unto me on my sonnes behalf concerning the tytle of gevyng the
benyfice, these shalbe to advertise you that forasmoche as presently the Lease of
Bedwyn ys to be sold, and divers in the contrey ernest to buy the same: and
agayne understanding how necessary the thyng ys for my sonnes house at
Woolfall, I have thought good to prove such friendship as any waise I am able
to mak to borrow the money for a yere or two, according as the parties be able
and willing to spare yt, And herein amongst others yf you for your part might
spare to send the some of xl or C£ towards the purchase hereof, you shold be
repayde the same at such tyme as ye will appoynt. I could at the first have had
yt for four hundred pounds, and syne so many do seke yt, some by purchase and
some by year, that with much a doo can I get yt for 5 hundred pounds, and yet
have I made great friendship therein. And so much have I concluded to geve
him, w* somme yf I can bryng him altogether afore Michaelmas I shall take
the profetts of this yere. And therefore I pray you let me forthwith have
answer what ye may do herein to th’end I myght go forward therafter. Farther,
If ye know any others about ye which beare so moch good wyll to me and my
sonne as wold lend for any the tymes aforesayd or for half a yere, rather they
fayll eyther £xx a peace or more according to theyre habylytie, looke what order
ye take with them, God wyllyng, yt shalbe performed, and with thancks to you
and them, and any requytall of such plesure as shall lye in my power. And so
with my comendaeions to my Lady Thynne I byd ye most hartely farewell.

From Shene this xxiiij of July1554.

As for myne owne state of lyvyng the Judges have grawnted me to chose eyther
Joynter or dower at myne electyon so that the stay of going through therwith
restyth for lacke of th’attorney & sollycytors beyng at the Court where the one
of them ys dayly looked for.

Your assured loveng frynd,
ANNE SOMERSET.
[Address]
_ To my veary Loving frend
8", John Thyne, Knyght.

I I

eae” 5

z

Appendix. 189
No. X.

The following paper contains the substance of several letters and
documents relating to the Earl’s affairs, too long for insertion.
His claims had met with some opposition from certain parties,
Lord Wentworth and others; and the time, at which he presented
to the Lord Treasurer the statement here compressed, was in 1573,
when he was about 35 years of age. See page 152.

The Protector Somerset (then only Earl of Hertford) had in 32 Hen.

VIII. (1540) lands of inheritance of the yearly value of .. £2400
His lands acquired by purchase, gift and increase of living from
1540 to 28th Jan., 1547, when Bee Henry VIII. died, were of the
yearly value of .. £2000) 5000
His purchases and increase of lands from 1647 antil his own
death, Jan., 1552, were, yearly +. ve .. 3000
£7400

The Earl says that all these ought to have descended to him: but there was
taken from him in his minority (he being about 14 years of age, and in ward to
the King) £5000 a year, viz.: all that his father had acquired between 28
Henry 8 (1537)* and his death, 1552: leaving to him for living and inheritance,
only such “lands as his father had been in possession of before and down to the
year 1537. Also, that he was entitled to, and was to have received, recompense
for certain lands parted with by his father after 1547.

* William Paulet, Marquis of Winchester, Master of the Wards, was to esti-
mate the recompense, and make it within one year. If he failed to do so, the
now Earl of Hertford was, on coming of full age, to enter on so much of the
lands taken from him as would amount to such recompense.

Sir John Thynne and other chief officers of the Protector happening to be at
the time in the Tower, Winchester could not get full information; but acting
on imperfect information decreed £753 14s. 3d. a year as recompense.

Afterwards, Winchester discovered that £81 a year more ought to have been
awarded as recompense: and so assigned three manors to that amount, viz.,
North Perrott, Chillington and Southarpe, Co. Somerset.

The now Earl says that he contented himself with this arrangement. But
Lord Wentworth and others disputed his rights. He defending them, dis-
covered—1. That he ought to have had still larger recompense: 2. That he
ought not to have paid certain rents which he had been paying, about £400 a

_ year.

Still, in order to put his claim to what he had got on a safe footing, and to
prevent further disturbance, he prays that his title may be confirmed.

*In 28 Henry VIII., (1537) an Act of Parliament had been passed for settling lands in Somerset-
shire and what other lands he might acquire upon the heirs male by Ann Stanhops; and in 32 Henry

_ YVIII., (1540) another Act for entailing lands,

VOL, XV.—NO. XLIV. T

-

190 Wulfhali and the Seymours.

He adds, “‘ That this statement was delivered to my Lord Treasurer by Mr.
Attorney and Mr. Sollicitor under their hands Termino Hillarii, Feb. 1573.

At the foot of one of the papers the Earl has written :—

‘‘Note.—This that I seek is but a feather of myne own goose: Whereas if I
were ambitiously disposed, or to into the world as diverse would have
done, I should have claimed restitution of the whole once meant me by Q. Mary
contrary to me in Religion.”

No. XI.
The Earl of Hertford’s Statement (A.D. 1573) concerning the Fine
of £15,000 set upon him in the Star-Chamber, for marrying Lady
Katharine Grey. See page 153.

(The fine originally fixed by the Star-Chamber upon the Earl of Hertford for
marrying Lady Katharine Grey was £15,000. Of this the Queen at once re-
mitted £10,000 before he was sent to the Tower. Of the remaining £5000, she
insisted on receiving £1187, leaving £3813. Of this, £1000 more was remitted
through the interference of Sir Thomas Smith, Secretary of State; bringing it
down to £2813. It was at this stage of the affair, the Earl’s lands being then
under distraint for the amount, that the following letter was written to Secre-
tary Walsingham, in 1573, the Earl being then about 35 years of age. Sir. F.
Walsingham got another £1000 taken off, leaving in 1579 a remnant of about
£1813, for which certain manors continued to be distrained: but ultimately the
whole of the remainder was remitted, and a copy of the warrant of release is at
Longleat. ]

THE STATEMENT.

‘*For Mr. Secretary Walsingham, who desired a Note of the somme already
paid in.” [Written on the margin of the original. ]

‘¢The somme set upon me in the Star-chamber was fivetyne thousand pounds,
my land never being distreined therfore, tyll a litle before my coming to the
Tower. At what tyme her Majesty released ten thousand pounds of the fyve-
tyne thowsand. After, when I was at Tower, and made sute for the release of
my poore Tenants pitifully distreined for the remain demaunded, w™ was fyve
thowsand pownds, her Majesty sayd she would have one thowsand payd afore
she would releaze any part of the sayd five thowsand pounds. Whereupon was
payd in, one thowsand one hundred, fourscore and seven pounds (£1187).
Shortly after, her Majesty cut off one thowsand pownds more. So as ther re-
maineth to be payd tow thowsand eight hundred and thirtyne pownds (£2813)
which my trust is her Ma’ty will eyther wholy cut off or at the lest, the greatest
part ; if it may please her Ma’ to remember the whole somme was first set but
for terror, as also my humble retourne out of France upon the first cawll,* my

*Hertford had married Lady Katharine in 1560. In 1561 Queen Elizabeth, not being yet
aware of it, but seeing him about the court unsettled and strange in his mind, (as he might well be
with such a secret upon it,) ordered him to travel abroad, The marriage being found out soon after
his departure, Lady Katharine was sent to the Tower, and a message was sent to the Earl to return
immediately. He made no attempt to escape or shirk his share of the consequences, but instantly
recrossed the Channel, hastened to the Court and boldly avowed himself her husband. This is the
“‘ return”? to which he alludes. He then followed his wife to the tower. (See Miss E, Cooper’s

Life of Lady Arabella Stuart, i., 197.)

OT a ee a ee

oh OR

Appendix. 191

patient abiding her Ma‘’s heavy displeasure in prison ten years lacking one
moneth, my sondry grete losses in the sayd space, by my officers, and lastly,
sithense her Ma‘’* most happy favor restored, my diligent attendaunce and
arredinesse these full six years, to do any service commaunded which I shall be
more able to perfourme when I may find some frute of her Ma’ favorable
speaches and good opinion; her Ma‘’s gratious dealing in this behaulf being
more worth unto me then ten tymes the valew of the remain. Otherwise con-
trary to my owne disposition I shallbe enforced to leave her Mat”s comfortable
presence by renewing my sute of travel, wberby, in letting my land to most
advantage, abating my maintenance, I may take order to pay my credit at home
and at my retourne be able to serve her Ma‘’, whear now for want I can not
shew my affectionate mind if her Ma‘’ should any wayes employ me.”
[Endorsed]
‘¢ A Remembrance of the Earl of Hertford for Mr. Secretary Walsingham.”

No. XII.

1. Edward Earl of Hertford, from prison, to the Lords of the
Council. (No date.)! See p. 153, Note 2.

‘€ Most honorabyll and my synguler good Lordes: my duty wt all humbylnes
consyderyd. Wher as by the want of consyderacon of my most bownden dute
I have fallen into the gret Indyngnacon and dysplesure of the quen’s M*, the
offence beying so yowthfull and unadvysed for want of hyre hyghnes lycence,
as the felynge therof in myne owne brest hathe bene & ys ane uncurabyll gref
unto me, I therefor my good lords knowyinge the most gentyll & well dysposyd
naturs of yowe all, have tene so bould to request yowre favorabyll lycence to
open myne afflyctyd mynd unto you; and do most humbly upon my knes ac-
knowledge the gretnes of sayd faut & howe worthely I have deservyd all th
enprysonment trobyll and dysplesure yt I have receyvyd, Well consyderyng
y* althoughe I have never so good wyll & desyre to Recompence & Redrese the
same, yet I aknowledge the faute to be suche that yt lyethe not in my power to
do yt: therfor yeld I myself only to be under the quen’s Ma‘*gret mercy & perdon.
Most humbly therfor my good lords styll upon my knes beseche your honors to be
a meane unto hyre hyghnes to have pytty upon my pyttefull & wery lyf, my lone
& longe Inprysonment, my hevy & dolorous hart utterly helples without hyre
sayd mercy grauntyd. I greve I sey the same withowt myne owne desert,
hopyng to Receyve therby fyrstsum .°. . . . lyberte of walk to Releve
my self and contynewe my helthe, sum Repayre of sum of my poore frends to
gyve me advyse howe furder to humbyll my self with contynewall humbyll suts

‘to hyre highnes, wherby she may withdrawe hyre hevy hand from my hevy

tormented hart. Affyrmynge unto your lordshyps that there cane [can] no
mane [man] Imagyne so humbyll and semely way of submyssion as I have a
faythfull and obedyent hart Redy to yeld hyre Mat* the same, and so wyll
contynéwe durynge my lyf with contynewall prayer to God for hyre long pros-

perous Reynge over us & your lordshyps Increse of honor.”

1 Printed from the original rough draft found at Longleat.
T2

192 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

2.—Lapy KaTHARINE GREY TO HER HussanD. [Wo date.|*

**No small joye, my Deare Lorde, is it to me the comfortable understanding of
your mayntayned helth. I crave of God to let you susteine, as I doute not but
he wyll; you neyther I havyng any thinge in thys moste lamentabyll tyme so
much to comforte by pytyfull absense each other wyth, as the hearing, the seak-
ing and contynuance thereof in us both. Though of late I have not byn well,
yet now, I thank God, pretely well, and longe to be merry with you as you do
to be with me. . . . Isay no more but be you merry as I was heavy when
you the third time came to the door and it waslocked. Do you thynke I forget
old fore-past matters? No surely I can not, but bear in memory far many
more than you think for. I have good leisure so to do when I call to mind
what a husband I have of you and my great hard fate to miss the viewing of so
good aone. [Then follows some indistinct pleasantry which seems to allude to
‘‘brats so fast one after another,’’ and ‘‘with the blessed increase of children we
shall altogether be beggared.”] ‘Now to her Grace, whose letter 1 send you
here inclosed that you may see how kyndly she wryteth. . . . Thus most
humbly thanking you, my sweet Lord, for your husbandly sending both to see
how I do, and also for your money, I most loveingly bid you farewell: not for-
getting my especyall thanks to you for your book, which is no small jewel to
me. I can very well read it, for as soon as I had it, I read it over eyen with
my heart as well as with my eyes; by which token [ once again bid you Vale
et semper salus my good Ned.

Your most lovyng and faithful wyfe during lyfe,
KaTHARINE HARTFORD.

I pray my Lord be not jealous of a thing I shall desire you to do which is, to
tell your Poet I think great unkindness in him for that I understand he should
have come to me, but when he was wished, he groaned . . . . Well, yet
though he would not come to me, I would have been glad to have seen him ;
but belike he maketh none account of me as his Mistress which I cannot but
take unkindly at his hands.”

No. XIII.

Account of the Bible used in the Tower by the Earl of Hertford
and Lady Katharine Grey. Found at Longleat. See page 154.

The little volume is described in the title-page as ‘‘ La SarnTE BIBLE, en
Francois, 4 Lyon. Par Sebastien Honoré, 1558.” At the top of the page is
written the Seymour family motto, ‘‘ Foy Pour pDEvorr,” and at foot ““E,
HeErtForD,” next to which is a signature ‘‘ W. WINGFIELD.” The Earl had
also written a Greek sentence, signifying ‘‘ In human affairs nothing is certain.”

On the first fly-leaf at the end, in the Earl’s writing, are the entries of the
Births of their two sons in the Tower.

*This letter, a few sentences of which being of a purely private kind I have witheld, is taken
from a copy in the handwriting of Margaret Cavendish Harley, the celebrated Duchess of Portland,
found among her papers at Longleat. The original letter is probably the one described as ‘ private
and affectionate,” among the ‘‘ Duke of Northumberland’s Papers, vol. iii”? (See Third Report of
the Historical Commissioners, p. 47,

i il id il nal

ee eae

Appendix. 193

«Mon plus aisné filz Edouard Beauchamp fust né aprés le Midy du Jour
Mercredy 24 du Septembre, 1561, un peu aprés les deux heures, un quart
d’heure ou demy heure.

Mon second Thomas Seymour fust né Jeudy-matin unziesme du Feburie, 1563,
environ quart d’heure aprés les dix heures. Dieu leur donne sa gran Benediction
paternelle, Amen.”

Then follows a prayer in French, in which allusion is made to the Queen’s
displeasure :—

« Dieu tout puissant pere de toute consolation Que te mercie trés bumblement
et trés affectueusement de ta grande misericorde et bonté infinie qu’il t’a plu
monstrer en V’endroit de ma femme et moy en la delivrant hors des grands
dangers d’enfantement et de maladie. Aussy en nous envoyant 4 tous deux
les benedictions des euvres des tes mains: te priant Seigneur Dieu, la consoler
et fortifier en santé et patience: et aussy les petites creatures nos deux fils
avec ta divine et chére protection et benediction. Par laquelle nous
voyons bien que tu ne veux nous laisser Ame desesperer de ta grande miseri-
corde et bonté infinie; mais, comme pere, nous voul . . faire cognaistre
ton affection paternelle. Il te plaist encore nous chastier de tes verges pour
mieux nous faire te recognaistre et ta puissance absolue. Ainsy nous sgavons
bien que c’est en ta seule pyissance de rendre ton euvre de grace . ». . en
la fin du tour accomply et parfait. Pour a quoi parvenir nous te prions
tres-humblement que comme il t’a pleu nous mettre en la mauvaise grace d’
Exizanera nostre Reyne et maistresse; ainsi qu'il te plaist luy mettre en
Vesprit ta vertu de douceur et clemence, qui es accoustumé de pardonner les
fautes 4 tous ceux qui de bon cuer les reconnaissont. Vuielle donc regarder et
pitier nous les dictes personnes ayant esté de longue maus [?] et estant encore
batues des plusieurs tes verges. . + + Seigneur, autant ou plus rigoureuse
que jamais comme de |’ affliction d’esprit de . . . et de plusieurs autres
calamités. Console nous donques selon que tu cognois que nous en avons besoing,
et en nous faizant profiter tes chastimens 4 nre correction. Confirme nous en
bonn patience, moderez ta rigueur selon ta saincte ordonnance, faiz que nous
puissons jouirluy. . ik

At p. 293, at the text, Deut., xxi., 18, (‘* If a man have a stubborn and re-
bellious son,” &c.,) is written on the margin .—

“T/enfant arrogant et rebelle sera lapidé a la mort.”

It is possible that this entry may have been made at a later period, with
reference to the behaviour of his eldest son Edward, Lord Beauchamp, whose
marriage against his father’s approval, was the cause of much discomfort to the
Earl.

No. XIV.

Letters from the Earl of Hertford to Sir John Thynne, about
. Wulfhall. See page 156.

li
1557, 22 Aug. From Hanworth, Co. Middlesex.
About his affairs, obtaining his ‘‘ Office,” * and wants a friendly jury, and

* An “ Office” is the legal name for an Inquisition as to lands forfeited by felony or treason.

194 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

to win the Feodary’s favour, ‘‘ Wherefore as I have my chief trust in you, so I
pray you let not this, my furtherance, stick or quail for want of a little money:
which, if God send me life, shall not be unrequited.”

2.

1558. July 18. From Hanworth.

Proposes to spend a fortnight in the country, visiting four houses of friends in
Wiltshire, and four in Somerset, in order to get the acquaintance of the gentle-
men, Sir J. Thynne to name the houses. The rest of the time at Wulfhall to
kill some bucks for them; wants the loan of 100 marks for the journey.

3.

1561. July 7. From Paris ‘‘ scribbled in haste.” ‘‘ When and in what sort
I was of late assauted, Pile, I think, by this time, hath told you.”

4,

1567. From Oldthropp ( Althorpe, Sir John Spencer’s).

Great abuses committed by your brother (?.e., brother-in-law), Wroughton,
in and about my Forest; and also his new device about the purlieu of my Lord
of Pembroke whereby he justly procureth unto himself rather new displeasure
and evill opinion at my hands than pardon and reconciliation for his former
abuses and enormities. A breach between his father Berwick, and Button.

Wishes Thynne to effect a reconciliation between Mr. Berwick, ‘‘my cousin
Wroughton ” and Mr. Button.

5.

1568-9. Feb. 28. ‘ After my right hartie comendacions. Like as I have
already requested you to take some paynes for me about the hanging reckonings*
at my house at Wolphall; even so, hearing by credible report, that the same
my house is in way of utter ruine unlesse some speadie repayring be thought
uppon for the same; I have thought good to desire you now at your being there
to consider thoroughly of the state thereof and so to make an estimate what stone,
tymber, brick, lyme, sand, and such other necessaries apperteyning to building
will be nedefull for the reparation of the same, and what somme the provision
of the premisses with the chardges of the Artificer will amount unto. And
thereuppon to certify me by your letters, praying likewis y" farther advise what
order I may take therein for my best husbandrie in that behalfe. And so for
this tyme leave you to God. From Oldthropp [Althorp] St John Spencer’s
house the last of February, 1568.

Y* loving friend,
E. Herrrorp.

You have a proper tall gentelman with a red beard and a black hed. Ifhe
oceupy the lyke place that the profession of his service hath heretofore tended
unto, asa frend and one that knowes him

Paucis admoneo,
CavE,”

*® Meaning perhaps, ‘‘ unsettled accounts,”

————————

ee

i

Appendia. 195

6.

1569. Sept19. ‘*Good Sir John. Harty thanks for your sendings. These
are to pray you to remember your haste of my platt: that thereafter I may pro-
vide for windowes and such things necessary. My tower is down. LEasyer it
is, you will say as truth, to pull down then set up, but better is it and more
safety when the tymber is rotten, to pull down, lest it fall; as that was allto-
gether gon and the very iron of the windowes consumed in the middest.

Have returned back your rogue with thanks: Also for him and by hima
couple of pastyes of red deer according your desyre. Thus harty comendacions
to your Lady remembered, I leave you to God. In hast from Wollf haull this
19 of Sept. 1569.

; Y'. loving frend
EH, Herrrorp.”

7.

1569. Dee. 24, ‘¢ Emanuel.*

Sir Jo. Thyn. Harty comendations remembered. I send you your desired
case of daggs [ pistols] with their furniture. They are good of proof double
chardge as your man can tell you. I send you also a book dedicated to the
Rebells as well and as pithily penned as I ever red any, wrytten per Thomas
Norton my old scolemaster. I know yow will lyke it very well, but the oftener
you reade it the better. Our newes, thanked be God, that the Rebells are fled,
but the certainty is not yet known.

The French newes are very good, for the Amirall is growen very strong, & in
the night soudenly without noyse of drommes foyled diverse of the Kings power,
the King himself hardly escaping by tlight.

Vale and comend me to your Lady. Wollfhaull this xxiiij hord decima 1569.

Y. lov. fr.
E, HERTFORD.”

8.

1573. 24th June. Invites Sir John to visit him at Wulfhall, and bring his
Harper with him.

9.

“¢ Emanuel.

For 8 Jo. Thin. These are to challenge you for not visiting me from Sarum.
I now stand in need of your healp &, in your absence, of your man’s—Lewes—
about my middle garden house which whether be best to be in square, round,
or cant order, I am doubtfull, therefore do reserve to your judgement, by letter
and by him.

I pray send by him the platt of my house devine by you & Omphrey Lovell.
Touching Tottenham Lodge, where you know the buttry was devised behind
the kitchin I have altered & will have it under the hawle (the ground being
digged 7 foot under for stowadge of my wine’and beer). And that which should
have been the pastry [i.e., pantry] shall be the butcher’s office.

* A common heading to letters in those days.

196 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

I now send you Tanfild, both to see your new building [ Long/eat] and also
with remembrance of your suit for him to your maid, with a letter here inclosed
for your bedfellow, in kis commendation. He hath gotten a new schoolmaster
Mr. Powell by name, who is but haulf frend to all his old acquaintance, as
your brother [i¢.e., in daw] Tom Wroughton will tell you. Powell far passeth
Baynard the Justice.

Your loving friend
E, HERrrorD,
[On the margin]

I send you verses writ as it is said by the Q. Ma‘ herself upon this late lewd
rebellion. And thus God have us in his keeping. The Irish, praised be God,
they say have lately ben overthrowen.

To my very Loving friend Sir John Thynne, Knight, give these.”

10.

1573. Aug. 27. ‘‘ Having begun a Conigree [rabbit-warren] for the necessary
provision of my house, I am driven to desyre the ayde of my neighbours and
friends towards the storing thereof. And knowing you to have a Game of
Conies I have thought good to desire of you as many couples of store conies as
you may conyeniently yield to me for the storing of the said Conigre.—From
Wolfhall.”

ILE

1578. 28th Oct, Asks what news about Henry Sidenham and his company
being drowned in the sea waves.

12.

1578. 20th Nov. Wants to know if Blagrave will let him have the Par-
sonage of Bedwyn, if his offer of good will when the Earl of H. first came to
Wulfhall from Sir John Spencer’s be not cold. ‘‘ But if Totnam be summer
frends as the Proverb sayeth, & then otherwise he doth determine to sell it, then
you know what little cause we have to trust his heretofore pretended offers. .
. . I pray you write me also what you know of Seymour Castle in Wales,
what tyme my grandfather sold it & to whom and for what pries.”

13.
QUEEN ELIZABETH HAS BEEN AT LONGLEAT.
1574. Oct. 11. Thanks be to God Her Majesty is well retourned with good
health and greate liking her entertaynment in the West parts, and namely at
your howse which twise sithence [s¢nce] to myself, and the last Sonday to my

lady’s Grace she greatly commended. [‘* My Lady’s Grace” was Anne
Stanhope, widow of the Protector.]

14,

1574-5. 25th Jan. Has had an offer from Mr. Daniel, of Marlborough, ‘ of
his house at St. Margaret’s, and all'the land belonging, as also Patern House,*
w* is a great spoil to my wood in the forest—or w‘ depart with Patern-house

® Meaning perhaps “ Puthall.

—————

ea CC CO

Appendix. 197

alone.” Wants to know ‘ which is the finest wood now in my hands or in re-
version, that my Lord’s Grace [1.e. his vwn futher, the Protector] made accompt
of to reserve for his Building ?” [i.e. for his intended house at Bedwyn Brai!),

15.
Sir Joun THYNNE’s GooD ADVICE ABouT Woops.

Touching the woods your Father meant to have had his timber for buildinge,
you have none of them; for he meant to have had most of it out of the forest
of Chute & Bradon & some out of the Broyll & other places therabouts: but
your Lordship must now reserve your timber in all places so as you may have
some part in one place and some in another as it may be to serve your turn. And to
give order to Tutt that there be no trees any where sold that would serve either
for long or short timber: it is a bad tree that will not serve for short timber,-
for if he would rise to 5 or 6 feet of short timber it would serve for some purpose
& save the cutting of longer timber. Under the colour of scrubbes good timber
may be sold: therefore give order to all your woodwards & those that have the
doing with your woods that no trees be solde, & then you shall be sure not to
be deceived, or otherwise your under woodwards would please their friends and
cut down your best trees under colour of scrubbes, as partly you had experience
of in your forest.”

16,

22nd March. 1574-5. ‘* Harty commendacions remembered. These are to
desire your company sometime before Friday come sevenight for then I retourne
toward the Court, God willing, before which tyme I would willingly speake
with you. So far thys tyme I leave you to God the 22 of March 1574. From
Ulphall, determined to go to Awmsbury tomorrow but to be here again Thursday
next.

Commend me to your good lady.

Your loving frend
E, HERTFORD.”
17.

1574. 8rd Dec. From Ulphaull. About Sharpham Park (near Glaston-
bury), Maiden Bradley, Lady Compton’s accident, &e.

18.

1575. 29th March. About the Parsonage at Bedwyn, Mr. Newdigate, and
Mr. Blagrave, From Ulphall.

19.

1575. 29 March. ‘ From Ulphall.

One thing more now at my coming from the Court, Mr. Newdigate with whom
I talked concerning his help for bringing the Parsonage of Bedwyn into my
hands, told me he w‘ do what he could and excusing himself by an offer unto
me at the first of the said parsonage (which he said I refused) sayeth the first
cause of his misliking with you was for that being put in trust with the same
by my Lord’s Grace to my use, you, to convey yourself out of the Tower put it
into old L. of Pembroke’s hands: with much like stuff. I pray you, therefore,
both answer, that fully and justly I may satisfy both myself and his allegations,

198 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

and withall write your advise how I may best deale to recover the same again;
you being well acquainted how Blagrave had it at Mr. Newdigat’s hands, and
how in my minority tyme to my use he bought it with money which he borrowed
of my Tenants before he sold it to Mr. Blagrave.*

P.S.—[About Mr. Daniel’s offer. ]

It is but talk yet: wherefore before we draw to further resolution think what
I may best spare . . . . as you know his land (although barren) lieth so
commodiously for me. I have heard the Duke my Father had great liking of
it: if it weare so, I think you know the cause why he refused it: whether for
not agreeing upon like valew (for neyther he nor I have, I take it, any land so
bad) or through his untimely death that leaft many things unperformed.”

20.
1575. 2 April. From Wulphall.
Means to put Blagrave ‘‘alids Acteon,” into Chancery.
“‘For Daniel be sure we will deal as hardly as he shall, but if nothing els fall
out he will be content to bargain for his house which is very noisom to my
forest old trees,”

No. XV.

Tottenham Lodge: The Household there in A.D. 1582. Letter from
R. Smyth, the Chaplain, to the Earl of Hertford. See page 157.

[In December, 1581, works were going on at Tottenham Lodge, under Thomas
- Langford, an agent. The letters mention the construction of. ‘‘The High
Walk,” ‘‘ The Low Pond walk,” the stables, orchard, conduit-house,
In 1582—8, the Earl of Hertford was living at Tottenham Lodge, as appears
from the next paper. ]
“Totnam Lodge. A Note of the names of the Ordinarie of Household there,
vith Januarie, 1582—3, viz. :—

Mr, Robert Smyth Smyth, keeper of the Parke
Robert Tutt Thomas Gaskyn, slaughter-man
George Ludloe John Dowdinge, smyth

Michaell Siddenham Tom Cooke -

Thomas Langford Henry Francis, Cooke’s new boy
Gilbert Prynne John Combes

Henry Rookes Jack Hunton, a kitchen boy

John Hidden Richard

Jack Lewes Florrey

Thomas Mondaye Herne Groomes of your
George Bollinge Hopkins Lordship’s stable.
John Pledall Bartholomew

Thomas Davis Warren

*Some confusion arose after the Protector's death about the Prebend or Parsonage of Great
Bedwyn, all of which had belonged to him, Part of it had subsequently been granted to the Dean
and Canonszof Windsor, and part exchanged with the Crown. It was then found out that there
‘was some’part that had neither been given to the Dean and Canons nor exchanged. This part was
granted to Mr, Newdigate, who sold it te Blagraye, from whom the Earl of Hertford = (as it
seems) some trouble, ultimately purchased it.

Appendix. 199

Thomas Westcott John Connye

Davy Ricche, farrier . Connie’s wyfe

Thomas Hewes, ale brewer Connie’s boy

Thomas Warren, ostringer[?.e. Falconer) Jack, the Falconer’s boy
Gilbert, the beer-brewer Edmonds, Robert Tutt’s man
Barnaby, the baker James, Mr. Ludloe’s boy 4
Cusse, the boy of the bakehouse Southerne, Mr. Smith’s boy.”

Hugh, boy of the Warderobe

Mr. Robert Smith, at the head of the above list, was tutor to the
young Lord Beauchamp and his brother Thomas, and probably
chaplain. Of his style of composition, the following specimen
remains :—

R. Smyth to Edward E. of Hertford.

30 Jan. ‘ Bi this bearer (my singuler good Lord) I have sent two such as I
could call to mynd, the one longer, the other shorter, more wold I have sent but
that ‘omnium rerum est satietas,’ I feare theise be to much. The names of
suche bokes are herein enclosed, as apperteine to such purpose. The argument
of the first titled boke is; the Poete meaning to extoll the praise of Isotta
dawghter to the prince of Ariminium and married to the Duke of Forence [sic]
he feineth Jupiter to have been ravished wyth her excellent beuty. His first
epistle conteyneth Jupiter’s wowing. The second Isotta her modest and matron-
lyke refusall. The third Jupiter’s reply wherein ‘precibusg minas regaliter
addit.’ But as appeareth by the others folowing,

‘Nil prece, nil pretio, nil valet ille minis,’

For she told hyr husband who writeth to Mars to defend him from Jupiter’s
wrath. And Mars to Phoebus to take his parte. Jupiter wrytes it to Saturne,
and Saturne to Luna to steal her away by night. Mercury calleth a counsel of
the gods wherein yt ys determined that Pallas and Venus should be sent with
this embassage ; that Sigismunde should enjoye Isolta peaceably .as long as she
ys mortall and after Jupiter to have her when she isimmortall. The peace
being thus concluded Luna and Juno gratulate the Erth for joy of the peace
concluded...

What story was ment that I told whether of Cephalus or Procris or Hippo-
manes and Attalanta or Linceus and Hipermnestra, I know not. If I misse
the title of the boke of Questions, theise are some of theime. A lady loving
two at a banquett she toke from one a garland and put yt on her heade: to the
other she gave a garland which before she had upon her head. The question

_ys, whether (of the two) she loved better. Another, whether yt be better for

@ woman to marry a wyse man, a stronge man, or a riche man.

Another, whether the lover is more passioned in presence or in absence.
Thus, with ‘‘Jucundum est amare si cures ne quid insit amari,” I take my
leaye.—Wolphall, 30 January.

Y°, L. most bounden and humble
R. SMYTH.”

200 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

No. XVI.
Mr. Robert Tutt’s letter to the Earl of Hertford, describing Queen
Elizabeth’s kindness to the Earl’s two sons. See page 157.

[ The second person in the household list, Mr. Robert Tutt, had also charge
of the two young gentlemen, and attended them when on a visit to Queen
Elizabeth, at Hanworth, Middlesex, from which house Mr. Tutt thus writes to
the Earl at ‘‘ Totnam Lodge.’’] ;

10 June, 1582. ‘My humble dutie unto your honour remembered. It may
please the same to be advertised that Her Grace remayneth still troubled with
the cough which with her age maketh her feble and weak. Her Grace will
not desire your Lp retorne, but yet I know, willing enough to see your L. here;
neyther request a Buck, but will take more [in] thankfull part one Buck
voluntarily sent, especially at thys tyme of the yere, than a leash hereafter.
And although your L? dothe conceyve, that it is no meat for Her Grace, being
as she is, yet to have it in her house and to pleasure her neighbours and friends
with venison at this tyme of the yere, it is no small pleasure. Those pinates *
whereof your L. maketh mention, Her Grace receyveth to ripen the flewme.
Touching my Lord Beauchamp and Mr. Thomas, they continue for their dispo-
Sitions after one sort. They have read my fellow Smith's last letters in Latin,
to Her Grace; and afterwards put the same into English to Her Grace, as your
Lp willed. With my L. Beauchamp Her Grace had speciall speeches, to what
effect. I know not, but without all doubt for his great good if he have a prepared
mynde to follow grayve and sound counsels. Her Grace made him fetch
his booke, entituled, ‘ Regula Vite,’ & out of the same to read the Chapiters
‘ De veritate et mendaciis.’ Your J.. shall do well in wonted manner to
acknowledge her Grace’s great care of them and their well doing.

Now if your L. hath any meaning that Her Grace shall visit Totnam this
summer, then is it necessarie your honour acquaint my fellow Ludloe with your
L. determination therin: that all necessaries may be thought upon and provyded
in tyme.”

No. XVII.
Frances Howard, the Earl’s second wife, to him. Queen Elizabeth’s
fall from her horse. See page 158.

‘Sweet Lorde, I thanke God moste humbly for your good helth and well
doinge, and I moste hartely desier hym to continue and increyse the same, and
I thanke you for so sone sendeng to me for I was a lettell mallencolly for fere
that you had not your helth, and I was sending my man Lennerd to you but
you prevented me by your foutman who met me as I was comynge home wayt-
ynge on the Quene abrode; but a lyttell betore we were all grettly afraed for
that her Majestes horse in stombleng, feall withall, and she withall felle, but as
she says, she lepped of frome hym, but her foutman stode her in grate sted but
thankes be to God she had no kynde of harme and presently after she wallked

*Pinates ; probably the same as “‘ pinnonades”’ (Halliwell’s Archaic. Dict.) ‘‘a confection made
chiefly of almonds and pines whence the name,”

eo.

Appendix. 201

a-fote halfe a myell. You may thynk what a fereful sight it was: her Majeste
wolde have riden on that horse agayne, but he wold not suffer her to come on
hys backe. She is very well, thankes be to God, and is determined to goe a
Prograce in to Sussex, but whan she will begin it is not knowen. There is no
more speache of her goynge to Wansted, and therefore you nede not stay the
longer from hence but whan she will goe she sayth it shall be to Nonsuche, and
there you shall have a loggynge for so my Lord Lomley hymself told me and
assured me for he is now att the Courte & there is no tyme apoynted when she
will remove but you shall be sure of a loggynge at Nonsuche. . - + Your
moste faythefull lovying and obedente wife during lyfe
Frances H.
[Endorsed] Rec’. by Robert Footman, Monday 11th June 1582.”

No. XVIII.

Message from William Seymour (afterwards Marquis of Hertford)
to Lady Arabella Stuart, suggesting the prudence of breaking off
their proposed marriage. (from the original rough draft.) See
page 159.

‘©T am com from Mr. William Seymour w'? a message to your La: w was
delevered unto me in y® presence of this gent” yo" servant and therefore yo" La:
may he assured I will neither add nor diminish, but will truly relate unto you
what he hath dyrected me to do, w™ is thus: he hath seriously considered of
the proceedings betwene yo" La: and hymselfe, and doth well perceive, if he
should go on therein, it would not onely prove exceeding prejudiciall to yor
contentment, but extreame dangerous to hyn, first in regard of the inequality
of degrees betwene yo" La: and hym, -next, the King’s Mat®’s pleasure and
comandment to the contrary, w° neyther yo" La: or hymselfe did ever intend
to neglect : he doth therefore humbly desier yo" La:, since the proceeding that
is past doth not tye him nor yo" La: to any necessytie but that you may freely
commit each other to your best fortunes, that you would be pleased to desist
from your intended resolution concerning hym, who likewyse resolveth not to
trouble you any more in this kind, not doubting but y* La: may have one
more fitter for your degree (he having alredy presumed too hygh) and hymselfe

_a meaner match with more securyty.”

No. XIX.
Letter from Sir William Monson to the Earl of Salisbury about the
capture of Lady Arabella Stuart! See page 160.
« Right ‘Ho: SB
S* Edward Souche and S* William Button aryved hear betwixt 7 and 8 a cloke
in the morning ; and according to your Lo: derecktiones we ar readie to per-

forme every pertyckuler: and for the more convenientcy & spead we doe im-
‘parke in the french barke wherein they where taken, & goeth with her to the

1Found among the Duchess of Portland’s collections at Longleat.

202 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

North Foreland where we shall have choyce of keatches to put my Ladie and
her servants in. And the barke with the passengers to ply up as convenient as
they maye. And least the wind doe overblowe & hange westerly, as yt is licke
to doe bothe, I have wryten to the officers of the Navye to hasten downe with
all spead—the Light horseman to meet us at the east end of the Swale; and so
to rowe derecktly up to London: but least yo™ Lo shuld not knowe the meaning
of the Swale, yt is the eastermost part of Shepy whear we shall rowe betwixt
the yland and the mayne: and so with the remembrance of my servis I humbly
take my leave.
Yo" Lo: in all servis to be comanded.
Wii: Monson.
There is no newes yett of the Charells: nor any other pertycullers touching
Mr. Seamor.”
[The Address] ‘¢ For his Matie® servis.
To the right ho: my especiall
good Lo the Earle of
Salsbury Lord Hoy Tresurer
of Engdeland. hast: hast
post hast
hast: hast: hast.
‘“aboard the Adventure
10 cloke forenoone.” Witt: Monson.”
[On the reverse, above and below the seal, in three different hands. |
at greenwych . . . afternoone.
atC . . at . . past 3
a cloke in the afternoone.
Sittingbourne at 6 in the afternoone.
Rochester at 7 a clocke at night.
Dartford at past 9 a clocke at night.

: No. XX.
Memorandum of Lady Arabella’s clandestine marriage on the fly
leaf of Mr. Hugh Crompton’s account book, found at Longleat.

See page 161,

‘¢ The 22th of June 1610
about 4 in the morninge
My La: was married at Greene-
wiche to Mr. WILLIAM

SEYMOUR.
Witnesses at the mariadge
Mrs. Byron
Mrs. Bradshawe *
Mr. Rodney
Mr. Kyrton
Mr. Blauge + the Minist*

* Her two female attendants,
+ Blague,

=

Appendiz. 203

a Mr. Reeves, &
Myselfe *
The 8 of July Mr. Sey (s¢e)
was comytted to Tower.
The 9 of the same moneth
My La: to St Thos. Parrye’s.
[The next entries refer to other persons not connected with the marriage. ]
My la: Dunb. dyed 30th of
July being Wensday abowt
7 in the morning 1610. +
My L: Kyn:the — of July 1610.” [Lord Kinloss ?}

No. XXI.
- William Seymour’s confession. The signature in his own hand-
writing. (From Bodl. Lib. Tanner MSS. 75, fol. 353.) See
page 161, Note.1.

“Tur EXAMINATION OF WIiLyam SEmMAR, Esq. BEFORE Y¥ LL oF HIS
MatYs PREVYE CoUNCELL THE 81TH of JuLy 1610.

He confesseth that upon Fryday was fortnight he was maryed unto the La:
Arbella at Greenw® in the chamber of the sayd La: Arbellather. That there
was present one Blagew sonne to the Deane of Rochest™ who was the minister
that maryed them ; ther were also present one Edward Rodné, Crompton—gent:
usher to the La: Arbella, Edward Kyrton, and Edward Reve, Mrs. Biron and
Mrs. Bradshawe two servants to the La: Arbella. The maryadge was on the
Fryday morninge beforesayd, between fouer and fyve of the clock, but without
any Lycense as he confesseth.

” He saith he came to Greenw» on the Thursday at night abowt twelffe of the
clock, accompanyed with the said Rodné and Kyrton and did sitt upp in the La:
Arbella her chamber all the night untill they were maryed.

WItiiam SEYMAUBE.”

No. XXII.

: Letter from William Seymour’s grandfather, the Earl of Hertford,
> to him when abroad: and another from the same to the Earl of
; Salisbury. See page 162.

? Oct. 23, 1613. ‘‘ Your former great. offences which I neede not expresse aded

to y’. course of life, ever since you escaped over the seas, not a litle agrevated
by your late wilfull repaire to Duncerke, contrary to his Majestie’s pleasure,
and my instructions sent you by your Tutor Pellinge ¢ under pretence of fear
-of credito™ in Fraunce, would make any Grandfather hate the memorie of

* Mr. Hugh Crompton, her steward.
+ Probably Lady Dunbar, wife of Sir George Hume, created Earl of Dunbar, 1604.

+ Mr. Pelling, one of the Earl’s chaplains, had been sent over to William Seymour, about Novem.
ber, 1611,

ad

204 Wulfhall and the Seymours.

suche a nephew.* I had thought his Matie’s gratious favour, that out of his
princely compacion on your weeknes, drew from mee so greate an annall
allowance, my care of your education from your cradle, & your dayly protes-
tacion by Letters that you would amend all your errors, had ben enough to
have with-held you from Duncerk or any other forbydden place, though it had
ben with the losse of your liberty, or at least drawen you for a time to Jeneva,
where your religion could not be corrupted, rather than to indevour payment
of your debts by a worse means then they were incurred. These considerations
make me fear though you are not corupted in your religion, from which God I
hope will deliver my family, that you are falen from his grace and service
without which you can never prosper, nor any naturall care of myne take good
effect. You writ for payment of your debts and have prevayled with my worthy
friend the Lord Imbassador Ledger (Edmunds) to write for increase of meanes,
but do not consider how litle your ill government & profusse expense doth in-
courage mee to contynew that you have already. Is not £400 a yere from your
aged Grandfather whose estate by debts and these like burthens stands more
deeply ingaged then his life -time is like to free, an exceeding greate allowance?
which notwithstanding, I have not long since paied to Langrett your Marchant
in Paris, £100 for you whereof your letter makes noe mention. To conclude,
I advise you in the feare of God, serve him, amende your course of life, be care-
full not to do any thinge that may offend your gracious Soveraigne, to whom I
wishe myselfe and all myne to be saints, though to God we cannot bee but sin-
ners, live within your compasse, depend uppon the good advise and counsell of
that worthey gent. the Lo. Imbassador to whome you are muche bounde, his
good indevours & justificacion of your reformation may be greate means for you
one day to kisse that Royall hand which may make you happie, and bee a com-
fort to my old age. Whereas by your relaps you shalbe sure to rewin your selfe
and what in you lyes tumble my graye haires with sorrow tomy grave. In this
course uppon farther triall, I may be drawen to do for you what my meanes
will give leave. And ever so prayinge God to blesse you with his Holy Spirite,
I reste.

[At the foot of the above letter is the following rough draft of
another letter relatihg to it. ]

My Lord; in theise parts men saye, he that entertaynes beggars, provides for
dayly guests, from which cayse myne differs littell that incoraged by your love
and kyndeness do perpetully trouble you. I have lately rec letters oute of
Fraunce from my nephew William whose fayre promise of amendment hathe
gayned the favour of my good frinde St Thomas Edmonds the ledger [umbassa-
dor] theare, my companion to the Archedukes, to write in his behalfe. Your
Lp. knowes how much I was lately perplext with his beinge at Dunkerk and
what course I helde therein from which my worthy Lo: I know not the waye
to vary, & have therefore made boulde to sende these letters and my answeares
to your Lp. that perusinge and approvinge my course therein theye maye be sent
accordinge to theire directions for which I have taken order with this bearer :
And ever so, &c.

* He was the Earl’s grandson, but at that time grandsons were called nephews, from the Latin
nepos.

a ne

i ag 2

Appendix. 205

No. XXIII.
Warrant signed by King Charles I., for the corpse of Robert Lord
Beauchamp (son of William Marquis of Hertford) to pass from
London to Bedwyn, 23 Jan.. 1645. See page 162.

“‘Cuarurs R,
Charles by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,

- Defender of the faith &c, To all our commanders, Governors Officers and

Souldiers Maiors, Sheriifs, Justices of the Peace, Constables and other our
Ministers and loving Subjects whome it may concerne Greeting. Our command
is that at sight hereof ye permitt the Corps of the Lord Beauchamp (Sonne to
the Lord Marquis Hertford) frely to pass all Guards and Scouts from London to
Beding in Wiltshire where he is to be interd, and that ye permitt the gentlemen
and others appointed to attend the same thither, in all thirteen persons, together
with their coaches, Horses and necessaries, to accompany the corps without any
lett or impediment, and afterwards to returne peaceably to London without any
trouble or hinderance, Wherein ye may not faile. And for so doing this shal
be every your sufficient warrant. _ Given at O" Court at Oxford the 23th day of
January 1645, By his Ma‘** Command,
Epw. Nicno.as.”

No. XXIV.
Receipt for the value of the tapestry and bed-room furniture worked

by Queen Jane Seymour. See page 163.

[These articles had been given in 1647 by King Charles I. to William Marquis
of Hertford, but in 1652, 3 years after the King’s death, the Commissioners for
the sale of the King’s property, made the Marquis pay for them, A very in-
teresting account of the dispersion of King Charles the First’s magnificent. col-
lection of plate, jewels, pictures, tapestry, &c., is given in Disraeli’s Curiosities
of Literature (1st Series, Vol. iii., ps 383. The catalogue of them forms a fine
folio MS., being Harl. MS., 4898).]

‘‘Whereas William Lord Marquess of Hertford hath caused the sum of sixty
pounds to be paid unto the Treasurer for sale of the late King’s goods in obedi-

- ence to a former Order of this committee, which is a satisfaction for Five Pieces

of Chequerd hangings of a coarse making, having the Duke of Somersett’s [t.e.
Protector Somerset's] Arms in them, And one furniture of a Bed of Needlework
with a chaise [a chair] and cushions suitable thereunto, And are said to be
wrought by the Queene the Lady Jane Seymaure with a gilt Bedsted thereto.
_All wich things were delivered to the said Marquess by the late King’s warrant
dated A° 1647 at Hampton Court. ‘These are therefore by virtue of two Acts
of Parliament for Sale of the late King’s goods in consideration of the money
80 payed as aforesaid, to acquit and discharge the said William Lord Marquess
Hertford his Heyers and Successors of all and singular the said goods. In’
witness whereof we haye here unto sett our hands and seales this 22th of March
1652. John Fooke,
Ralphe Grafton,
/ Henry Creech,
Somerset House. ; A. Mildmay.”

VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV. U

206 Wuilfhall and the Seymours.

No. XXV.
Letter from Mr. T. Gape, her steward, to Frances (Devereux) Duchess
of Somerset, widow of William Seymour, Marquis ot Hertford
and Duke of Somerset, about the funeral of her grandson, William,

third Duke of Somerset, at Bedwyn. Christmas, 1671. See p. 163.
E.*

‘¢May it please your Grace

We came safe with the Hearse to Reading the first night, having Col. Cooke’s
mourning Coach and himselfe, Sir John Elwes [Nephew to the Lady Seymour ]t
Mr. Wingfield the Herauld & myself therin, drawne by my Lord Marquesse of
Worcester’s | 6 Horses, having in all about 8 or 10 Horsemenattending the
Hearse and Coach, we bayted not, nor so much as dranke by the way. The
next morning betwene 5 and 6 we sett forth from Reading towards Hnngerford,
and came thither about 1 at noone, where the gentry of the countrey, viz. Sir
Francis Popham with his coach in mourning and sixe horses, & a Gentleman of
his kindred with him (but Sir Francis was in a light greyish suite) Sir John
Elwes of Barton, Mr. Giles Hungerford, Mr. Pleydall of Mugehill, Mr. Geoffrey
Daniell, Mr. Goddard, Mr. Deane, Mr. Hungerford of Chisbury, and many
others of lesser note, together with many of his late Grace’s servants, tenants,
farmers, Bayliffs, & some others. After dinner we removed towards Bedwyn
and came thither about 3 in the afternoone, and drove into the Church-yard ;
the Coffin was covered with blacke velvett and a silver plate nayled on it, having
an inscription in a plate of silver with his Grace’s Titles of honor, a black velvett
Cushion with a Ducal Coronett thereon. The Corps being taken out of the
Hearse was carried by some of his Grace’s servants ; Sir Francis Popham, the
two Sir John Elwes, Mr. Daniell, Mr. Giles Hungerford and Mr. Pleydall bearing
up the Pall at the 4 corners and the middle part. The Chauncell was hung
round with blacke Bayes, having Escutcheons with his Grace’s Coat-Armes
pinned thereon. Mr. Charlett, Parson of Collingbourne Ducis performed the
Funerall service, in the middle of which after the Corps was lett down into the
grave, the Herauld rehearsed his Grace’s Titles of Honour and Dignity. Col:
Cooke was the chiefe mourner. There was much rudenesse of the common
people, amongst whom none suffered that I hear of, but my selfe, I having above
a yard of the cloth of my long Black Cloake cutt or rent off in the crowd at my
going into the Church. I lay that night at the great House at Bedwin, being
now in the possession of S' John Elwes of Barton [who married the widow of
Mr. Duke Stonehouse]. Col: Cooke, St John Elwes the younger, the Herauld,
Mr. Thomas (who came into our company at Hungerford), the late Duke’s & the
Lord Marquess’s Servants went that night to Marlborough: of whome I can give
your Grace noe further information, save what I heare from Mr. Clotterbocke
(who went with them thither) that Mr. Thomas hath displaced the Woodward
of Collingbourne Woods, and putt his younger brother Alexander Thomas (who
had runne out of his whole Estate, and left the Countrey for debt) into his place.

* E. for ** Emanuel” (see above page 195).
+The Lady Seymour alluded to was Elizabeth, daughter of William Lord Allington, wife of
Charles Lord Seymour, of Trowbridge.
+ Mary Capel, the mother of the deceased William Third Duke, had remarried Henry, Marquis of
Worcester, afterwards first Duke of Beaufort,

“= clei* "

Jo clear

Appendiz. 207

And that Mr. Ryder (who makes all meanes imaginable to get into my Lord
Duke’s Service) observed to Mr. Clotterbooke, how much money T had lost my
Lady Marquesse, by my notagreeing with him in graunting wild Estates at our
late Courts.

I humbly beg your Grace’s Pardon for this ruder relation; beseech Almighty
God to preserve your Grace in good health, with length of days here, and to
send your Grace patience and comfort to beare this sad Loss, & Eternall happiness
hereafter. This is now and ever shallbe the hearty prayer of Madame, your
Grace’s most dutifull & obedient Servant Tuo: GAPE.”

« Ambrosbury. St. John’s day, in Christmas, 1671.

For her Grace the Lady Duchesse

Dowager of Somersett at Essex house.”

No. XXVI.

The Herald-painter’s bill at the funeral of Frances (Devereux),
widow of William, second Duke of Somerset. May 7th, 1674.
See page 163. :

Monry LAYD ovuT For THE ILLUsTRIOUS PRINcEss Frances DUCHESSE OF
SoMERSETT HER GRACE INTERRED AT BEDWIN IN WILTS, May THE
TtH, ANNo 1674. £38. d.
Imprimis, for 3 Great Atcheivements of the Quartered Coates

Baron & Femme, wrought in oyle with compartments of Gold Coro-

netts and Supporters, with Gilt Frames... °F - 15 0 0

“Two dozen of Escucheons on rich Taffaty wrought with quartered

‘Coates, impaled Baron & Femm. with Coronetts, & five gold and

silver at 10s. the peece me Hy oe «. 12 00
Four dozen of Buckram Escucheons with party gold and silver
at 3s. 6d. a se - re Spbte ey Oy O
Three dozen of the same in the mourning Room... « 6 6 0
One dozen more of the same in the Porch oc peed, 20
Four dozen of paper escuchcons on the Great stair-case, at 2s. .. 416 0
Three dozen of Buckram escucheons for the Hearse & Horses .. 4 4 0
One dozen of Shields for the Hearse, wrought with compartments,
‘at 6s. 8d. at a Ad ie .. 40 0
Two dozen of Large Pendants for the adorning the Hearse at
3s. 4d. 4c Se * Se en:
Five dozen of small pencills* for the Horses Bridles, at 12s. the
dozen ee se Le me . 38 00
Six shaftronst for the Horse Frontlets - .. 015 0
$ dozen more of Buckram Escucheons for the Chapel and Countr 6 6 0
For a large Pall of velvet edged with white sarsnett Senate On Oe
Frames, nails, &c.: garnishing the House and black stands .. 2 4 8
£8116 8

mmmeemmemeee es) EE Ne
*Pencills. Pennoncells, little flags placed in the plumes of feathers on the horse’s head, and also
fastened to the tail, as may be seen in the procession of Queen Elizabeth’s Funera! in Monumenia
Vetusta.
+Shaffrons, a corruption from the French word ‘‘ chanfrein,” the fore part of a horse’s head, It
means here the plumes of feathers placed there.
u 2

208

Early Annals of Trowbridge.

By the Rev. W. H. Jonzs, M.A,, F.S.A.,

Canon and Prebendary of Salisbury.

(E™=ZROW BRIDGE is, in respect of population, the largest town
HZ) Y; in Wiltshire. Its history has never yet been fully written,

and yet few towns have fairer claims to our notice, both on account
of the old and interesting associations that are connected with it, as
well as from the important position it has now assumed for some
years as one of the principal seats of the woollen manufacture in the
West of England.

Some years ago’a brief sketch of its history, comprised in thirty
pages, was attempted by Mr. James Bodman. His little book,
written in 1814, has this value at all events, that as a connecting
link between the present and the past it enables us to identify one
or two points of interest, all traces of which have now disappeared.
Otherwise it is a very superficial work, and of little worth. At best
he is not over complimentary to his fellow-townsmen. He tells us
that “though Trowbridge was renowned for trade, it could not in his
time boast of first-rate professional gentlemen for such generally
resided in more genteel towns or cities: ” and that of those who in
his time inhabited Trowbridge, there were “ few rich but what had .
come from poor, and few poor but what had sprung from rich an-
cestors.”

The following pages are offered as a contribution towards the
history of Trowbridge, and may be regarded as two or three of
the introductory chapters, dealing only with its annals in early days.
Already two papers bearing more or less on the same subject—one
on “ Terumber’s Chantry at Trowbridge,” and the other on “ Lord
Clarendon and his Trowbridge ancestry ”—have appeared in this
Magazine.! The complete history of this town however can never
be given, unless a detailed account can be written on the rise and

1 Wilts Arch. Mag., ix., 282, x., 240.

i 1s ~~ eo
Serer”

Extent of the Parish of Trowbridge. 209

progress of the wool trade, of which for so mapy years Trowbridge
has been an important centre. Let us hope that some townsman,
with special qualifications for the task, may be induced to take up
the story where we leave it, and so to complete the narrative.

The parish of TrowsBripGs forms part of the hundred of Melksham.
On the south side it adjoins the hundred of Wherwelsdown, and on
the west that of Bradford-on-Avon. It consists of a strip of land
some three miles long, and on an average ove mile broad, and con-
tains in all 2443 acres. It is divided into several tithings :—on the
north is that of Staverton containing 679 acres—on the west is
that of little Trowxz, with 232 acres—on the south that of StupLey,
with 1027 acres—and there is also the Town Liberty consisting of
some 505 acres. The town itself is situated, as nearly as may be,
in the centre of the whole parish. The entire population amounted
at the last census, in 1871, to about 11,000. As you look at the
map, the first thing which strikes you is the comparatively small
acreage for so large a population. The neighbouring parish, that
of Bradford-on-Avon, has nearly jive times the extent of acreage,
and yet had in 1871 but little more than 8000 inhabitants—some
20 per cent. less than Trowbridge. No doubt it is owing to the
extent and prosperity of its manufactures, and especially to the
factory system, the tendency of which is to congregate large masses
in towns, that this increase of population has taken place. The
population has in fact doubled itself during the last century, and
it is now the largest town in Wiltshire.

For those who have all their lives been accustomed to regard the
town as a large hive of active industry, and to whom no sound is
more familiar than the busy hum of numerous artizans swarming
periodically to and from their respective scenes of labour, it is by no
means easy to realize the time when the whole parish was compara-
tively speaking a solitude, its inhabitants being numbered by ¢ens,
rather than as now by thousands. And yet, even within what we
may almost call modern times—that is to say some two centuries
ago—much that is now covered with buildings, or in a state of culti-
yation, was either wood, or waste and common land.

The names of places still remaining are suggestive of a very

210 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

different state of things to what we see now. Thus the name Srup-
LEY, or as it was formerly written, Stéd-leah, means the open pasture-
land on which horses grazed, from the Anglo-Saxon s#éd, the origin of
our words steed and stud as applied to horses. Potz-Barn, the name
given now to a lane just where Trowbridge and Steeple Ashton
parishes have their border-line close to the stream, is most probably
a corruption of the word pé/-bearo, not unfrequently met with in
charters, which signifies a “ woody plot by a stream,” or it may be
in some cases what we term a “ water-meadow.” Goosg-acrE, if
the former part be not a corruption of gers (= grass), or an equiva-
lent to our modern gorse, may be derived from the ancient word for
“‘ water,” which, as we have seen in a previous paper in this Magazine,!
assumes so many forms and amongst them Gos (as in Gos-port),
and so imply simply the “acre by the river.” STAVERTON was
originally Stén-ford-tin, that is, the village by the “stone” (or
paved) “ ford.”

Trowbridge is said by Camden to be situated on the river Were.
Modern authorities and guide books call the river the Biss. It is
not often that seemingly conflicting statements are both right, but
it really is so to a great extent in the present case. The fact is
that there are éwo streams, the one rising near Bratton, which (after
flowing through North Bradley), enters the parish at its south-
east corner and forms for some three quarters of a mile the paro-
chial boundary ;—the other rising somewhere below Southwick, en-
tering the parish at its south western extremity, and forming for
some three miles the boundary between Trowbridge and Bradford-
on-Avon, on the west. The former of these streams flows through
the town, and they unite their waters at Trowle Bridge, a spot not
far from what is now called Cock-hill farm. At Lady-Down this
stream flows into the Avon.

The former of these streams, including the portion of the river
from this point of junction to the Avon, would seem more properly
to be called the Biss. A field at Lady-Down is still called “ Biss-
mouth” meadow, and no less than 850 years ago this part of the

1 Wilts Arch. Mag., xiv., 168.

ee ae

Notices of Trowbridge in Domesday Book. 211

river bore the name of “ Biss.”! The latter of these streams, as
far as the junction near Cock-hill farm, is called in Andrews’ and
Dury’s map (1773) the “ Were.” Against this proposed solution
of the difficulty, such as it is, may be set the fact that in two maps,
each drawn about a century ago, one of which is in the possession
of the present Lord of the Manor, the name “ Were” is applied to
that portion of the stream which flows behind what are still called
“the Courts.” It would be more correctly, as we think, called the
* Biss ;”’ though no doubt at different times both names have been
applied to it.

There is in most of us a natural love of “ancient ” things; our
feeling towards those who lived in times long since passed away is
somewhat akin to the reverence we all entertain for age. It is
hardly surprising therefore that writers on Trowbridge, especially
those connected with it, should seek to establish for their town a
greater antiquity than has generally been conceded to it. Hence
they have caught at a stray conjecture of Leland, who, after giving
us an extract from an ancient record to the effect that Dunwallo
Molmutius, the first crowned king of the entire realm of Britain,
who lived about B.C. 550. founded three cities with three castles,
Cer-Bladon (afterwards called Malmesbury), Lacock, and a place
called Tetronburgh, adds concerning the last “ nwne forsan Trouburg
in Comitatu Wiltunensi” (now perhaps Trowbridge, in Wiltshire).
We may quiet such dreamers with the assurance, that the place
alluded to was no doubt Tetbury, in Gloucestershire, and further
that most probably, for at least 1600 years after that date, there was
nothing approaching either a castle, or a town, at what we now call
Trowbridge.

It is indeed a long jump, but nevertheless, till we come to the end
of the eleventh century after Christ, we can find no trace of the
history of this place. And then we find it in that marvellous record
—the oldest survey of a kingdom now existing in the world—
Domesday Book.

The entries respecting what is now included in the parish of
Trowbridge are ¢hree in number.

1 Wilts Arch. Mag., v., 19.

212 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

The first is respecting what, in the Record, is called Strapure ;
a strange form of the name, but nevertheless pretty clearly to be
identified with what we now call Trowbridge. It is as follows :—

“Bricrric holds Srrasure. His father held it in the time of King Edward
and it paid geld for 10 hides. The land is 9 carucates. In demesne are 2 caru-
cates, and 7 serfs. There are 11 villans and 6 coscets with 7 carucates. There
is a mill paying 10 shillings, and 10 acres of meadow, and 12 acres of pasture,

The wood is 5 furlongs long and 3 furlongs broad. It was worth £4; it is now
worth £8.” Wilts Domesday, p. 131.

The entries for STAVERTON and TRow1z are as follows :—

‘‘Bricrgic holds STAvVRETONE. His father held it in the time of King
Edward and it paid geld for 5 hides. The land is 3 carucates. In demesne are
2 carucates and 7 serfs; and there are 2 villans and 2 coscets with 1 carucate.
There is a mill paying 20 shillings, and 20 acres of meadow, and 20 acres of
pasture. It is worth 70 shillings.” bid, p. 132.

‘‘Brictric holds 1 hide in Trote. The land is 1 carucate, which is there
with 1 villan. It is worth 10 shillings.” bid, p. 131.

It is probable that whilst the tithing of Staverton remains much
as it was, the present town of Trowbridge was taken out of one, or
it may be partly out of both, of the tithings of Studley and Trowle.
The eleven hides at which Straburg and Trole were assessed, and
which might fairly be reckoned at some 1450—1500 acres, would
correspond remarkably in extent with the 1530 acres in Studley and
the Town Liberty.

Staverton and Trow.e were held, it will be observed, as tain-
land (or thane-land by one Bricrric, an English nobleman (or thane)
who inherited the same from his father. This takes us back to the .
days of Edward the Confessor.

Tain-land, I may perhaps explain, comprised originally estates
bestowed by the King on military men engaged in the national de-
fence, and it was held subject to the rendering of certain services to
the state. It was not lable to many of the ordinary imposts; in
fact it was held with all immunities, except what was called the
trinoda necessitas—the three-fold necessity of helping in expeditions,
repairing castles, and mending bridges. The tenure was a very
honorable one, and the estates so held became practically hereditary,
descending from father to son.

Bricrric was an English nobleman, who was sent by King Edward

Trowbridge im the days of Edward the Confessor. = -213

the Confessor as an ambassador to the court of Baldwin, Count of
Flanders. The latter had a daughter, Matilda by name, who, it is said,
formed a deep and romantic affection for Brictric, and, what was a
worse mistake on her part, betrayed herself. Unhappily for her, and
as the event turned out, unluckily for Brictric too, our English thane
did not reciprocate the tender feelings. Then as chroniclers tell us—
though we must be a little careful in believing everything we read—
“the hatred wherewith she hated him was greater than the love
wherewith she had loved him.” And unfortunately she had before
very long an opportunity of displaying it. .

For in a few years afterwards she married William of Normandy,
who in due time became King-of England, and so the self-same lady
that Brictric politely declined as a wife he was obliged to accept as
a Queen. And then (to use Thierry’s words) “ Matilda herself
asked the new King, her husband, to place at her disposal, with all
his possessions, the Englishman who had disdained her. She gratified
her revenge and cupidity at once, by appropriating the possessions
to herself, and causing Brictric to be shut up in a fortress.””_ So no
doubt say some of the chroniclers, but /iterally true itis not. For
example, the Domesday Record is brought down to the year 1087,

and at that time Brictric was possessed of these manors; whereas

the Queen Matilda died in 1083, four years before. No doubt
some of Brictric’s estates were apportioned to her, and with them
she endowed monasteries at Bec in Normandy, and elsewhere:
Still there is a grim touch of irony in the entry that we meet
with in one part of Domesday Book—“ Infra-scriptas terras tenuit
Brictric et post Regina Matilda ’’—that looks as though there were
some truth in the tale, and as if it was not by a simple accident
that the said manors fell to Matilda’s share. It is certain, that though
possibly Brictrie may have been permitted to enjoy these manors of
which we are now speaking for life, the estates soon passed away
from his family. Though he inherited them from his father, the King
or Queen, as the case may have been; and that too probably with no
unnecessary legal formalities, promptly cut off the entail.

In A.D. 1100, just thirteen years after the completion of the Domes-
day Record, Trowbridge (Trobrege) and Staverton are recorded as

214 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

being in the possession of Edward of Salisbury, a great Norman noble,
who was Vice Comes, or Sheriff of Wiltshire, and had no less than 38
manors in this county. How he acquired ¢4zs manor, whether by grant
from the crown, or by purchase, I have not been able to ascertain.
In a document of the date A.D. 1120—11380 it is enumerated
amongst those estates which were of hs own acquisition in contra-
distinction to those which he enjoyed by inheritance, and this looks
rather as though he had purchased it.

Edward of Salisbury left two children,a son, WALTER OF SALISBURY,
who founded the Priory of Bradenstoke and subsequently himself
assumed the tonsure and habit of the canons there,—and a daughter,
Matitpa, who married Humphrey de Bohun, and with her husband,
in the year 1125, founded the Priory of Monkton Farleigh. Through .
this marriage the Bohun family became possessed of considerable
property at Trowbridge and elsewhere in Wilts. The Lordship of
the manor however still vested in the family of Edward of Salisbury.1

The descent of the manor from that time to the present can be
easily traced. The lordship of the manor has been held by not a
few distinguished personages. After three or tour immediate de-
scendants of Edward of Salisbury, it came to the celebrated Ena,
in her own right Countess of Salisbury, the foundress in one day of
the abbeys of Lacock and Hinton Charterhouse. By her marriage
with William de Longespée, son of King Henry II. by Rosamond
Clifford, it came ultimately to Margaret de Longespée, who, by her
marriage with Henry Earl of Lincoln, took the manor into her
husband’s family. Their only daughter Alice Lacy married Thomas
Earl of Lancaster, and he became consequently possessed of the
manor of Trowbridge. This Earl was beheaded at Pontefract
in 1521, and all his honors forfeited. After some temporary grants

1 We have a similar instance of the Lordship of the Manor being retained in
the family of Edward of Salisbury, though much of the property originally
appertaining to it was alienated, in the case of “ Bishopstrow.” The Church
at Bishopstrow and a hide of land in that village, together with other property,
is particularly specified among the gifts of Matilda de Bohun to the Priory of
Monkton Farleigh. The Manor of Bishopstrow, which was one of those be-
longing to Edward of Salisbury at the Domesday Survey, descended in the male
line to the Countess Ela, and was employed by her in the foundation of the
nunnery of Lacock.

A TABLE shewing the Descent of the Manor or TROWBRIDGE from the close of the eleventh century to the present time.

‘pO Se SES gee
N.B,——The Names of those who are known or believed to have held the Lordship of the Manor are printed in large capitals,

ok OUD IS ier OE NS re a

EDWARD of SALISBURY
Sheriff of Wiltshire at
time of the ,Domesday
Survey.
|
WALTER of SALISBURY=Sibilla de Chaworth. Matitpa=Humparery DE BoHUN

Founder of Bradenstoke (called ‘* The Great.'’)
Priory, A.D. 1142. Founders of Monkton Farleigh

Priory, A.D. 1125.
| Humpuruy pe Bouun III.=Margery, d. of Milo, Earl
PATRICK, I Earl of Salisbury, d, 1167. Defended the Castle of ; of Hereford, and Con-
Trowbridge against King stable of England.
Stephen, A.D., 1139.

WILLIAM, II Earl of eel Sheriff 1190, d. 1195. HumMPHREY Rie Bouun IV.
ELA, Countess of Salisbury,=WILLIAM DE LoNGESPEE, Bohuns, Earls of Hereford.
Foundress of the Abbeys of| (Son of Henry II, by
Lacock and HintonCharter-| . Rosamond Clifford.)
house, A.D. 1232.

papi SNe De eer
William ac can fi.
Slain at pea es 1250.
William Longespée III.
—$ Killed in a tournament 1256.
. Vir vunc—ut vunmierscy
and fifth Baron Seymour
of Trowbridge.
(Barony of Seymour of
Trowbridge extinct at his
DUKES of RUTLAND. death in 1780.)

In the year 1809, the Manor of Trowbridge separated from the advowson to the Rectory was sold by the then Duke of Rutland to THOMAS
Save a poe ee and from his representatives "it was purchased in the year 1851 by WILLIAM STAN COMB, Esq., of Blount’s Court, Den eh ooesens
rd of the Manor.

A TABLE shewing the Descent of the Manor of TRownRIDGE from the close of the eleventh century to the present time.

N.B,——The Names of those who are known or believed to have held the Lordship of the Manor are printed in large capitals.

EDWARD of SALISBURY
Sheriff of Wiltshire at
time of the Domesday
Survey.

|

i 7 |
TER of SALISBURY=Sibilla de Chaworth. Martitpa=Humparry pe Ronun
Mee of Bradenstoke (called ‘*The Great.'’) _
Priory, A.D. 1142. Founders of Monkton Farleigh
Priory, A.D. 1125.
| i a DE Bonun Trt Mareetys a of Bub, een
lof Salisbury, d, 1167. Defended the Castle of ; o! ereford, and Con-
AMOS ea 7 ‘Trowbridge against King stable of England.
Stephen, A.D., 1139.
Humpuerry ps Bouun IV.
|
Bohuns, Earls of Hereford.

WILLIAM, II Earl of Salisbury, Sheriff 1190, d. 1195.

ELA, Connie ot Salisbury, =WILLIAm DE LONGESPEE,

Foundreesof the Abbeys of| (Son of Henry II. by
Lacock and HintonCharter-| Rosamond Clifford. )
house, A.D, 1232.

————————
i
William Longespée IT.
Slain at Massoura, 1250.
|
William Longespée III.
Killed in a tournament 1256,
S=
lantagenet, i
See OREeney Il. HENRY DE LACY,=MARGABET LONGESPEE,
Earl of Lancaster. Earl of Lincoln, and
(in right of his wife)
of Salisbury, d.1312.

|
re Plantagenet=Maud, d. of THOMAS PLANTAGENET=ALICE LACY.
Earl of Lancaster, | Patrick de Earl of Lancaster- d. s. p. 1348.
1324. Restoredin | Chaworth, Beheaded at Ponte-
blood and honors, fract, 1321, and all
High Steward of his honors forfeited.
England. d, 1345.
HENRY PLANTAGENEL=Isabel d. of Henry,
Duke of Lancaster, K.G., Lord Beaumont.

d. 1361.
|
JOHN of GAUNT=BLANCHE,
Fourth sonofEd,| d, and coh,
Til., Duke of Lan-
caster, 1362, d.
+ 1399.
HENRY of BOLINGBROKE=Mary de Bohun,
Afterwards K. HENRY IV. 4. of Humphrey
Duchy of Lancaster merged de Bohun, 10th
in the Crown, but held asa Earl of Here-
separate estate. ford.
EDWARD SEYMOUR, afterwards the Protector
Duke of Somerset, beheaded 1552. (Manor
granted to him by King Henry VIII, in 1536.)
I
EDWARD SEYMOUR, created Baron
Beauchamp and Earl of Hertford,
1559, Presented e Trowbridge, 1561.
Edward Seymour,
died in his father’s
lifetime.
|
|
FRANCIS SEYMOUR. WILLIAM \seyMouR,
(Baron Seymour of Marq. of Hertford, 1640,
Trowbridge, 1641), d. II Duke of Somerset, d,
1664. 1660.
| |
CHARLES SEYMOUR, ! |
(second Baron Seymour Henry Seymour, John Seymour,
of Trowbridge, d. 1665, died in his fa- IV DukeofSom-
buried in Trowbridge ther’s lifetime. erset, d. 1675.
Church.) |
| 1 William Seymour,
FRANCIS SEYMOUR, CHARLES SEYMOUR, III Duke of Som-
(third Baron Seymour VI Duke of Somerset, erset, d, unmar.,
of Trowbridge.) d.1748, and fourth Baron 1671.
V Duke of Somerset, Seymour of Trowbridge.

d. 1678,

|
John, I Duke of=FRANCES.

Rutland.

DUKES of RUTLAND.

I
ALGERNON SEYMOUR,
VII Duke of Somerset,
and fifth Baron Seymour
of Trowbridge.

(Barony of Seymour of
Trowbridge extinct at his
death in 1780.)

1n the year 1809, the Manor of Trowbridge, separated from the advowson to the Rectory, was sold by the then Duke of Rutland to THOMAS TIM BRELL,
peas eh eeu and from his representatives it was purchased in the year 1851 by WILLIAM STANCOMB, Esq., of Blount’s Court, Potterne, the present
e Manor.

The Bohun family at Trowbridge. 215

of the manor, about which I need not trouble you, it descended to
no less a personage than John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the
friend and protector of Wiclif. His son, Henry of Bolingbroke,
succeeded to it, and when he became King Henry IV., the Duchy
of Lancaster, to which the manor of Trowbridge then belonged,
was merged in the crown.

It is very remarkable that by the marriage of Henry of Boling-
broke, afterwards King Henry IV., with Mary de Bohun daughter
of Humphrey de Bohun, tenth Earl of Hereford, the manor and the
estates at Trowbridge, which were severed as early as the commence-
ment of the twelfth century, were again held by one and the same
person—in this case King Henry IV.

The Manor remained in the crown as part of the Duchy of Lancaster
for some 136 years. It was then granted in 1536 by King Henry
VIII. to Edward Seymour, afterwards the Protector Somerset. On
his attainder in 1552, it reverted to the Crown for a time, but was
soon afterwards granted to his son Edward Seymour, created Earl
of Hertford and Baron Beauchamp in 1559. It descended through
the Seymour family, one of whom was created Baron Seymour
of Trowbridge. In 1748 it came to Algernon, seventh Duke
of Somerset and fifth Baron Seymour of Trowbridge. He died
without male issue in 1750, and his barony became extinct. His
sister Frances married John, first Duke of Rutland, and carried the
manor into that noble family. In the year 1809, it became by
purchase the possession of Thomas Timbrell, Esq., the patronage
of the rectory being then severed from it and retained by the Duke
of Rutland. The present Lord of the Manor is W. Stancomb, Esq.,
of Blount’s Court, Potterne, who purchased it in June, 1851, from
the representatives of Mr. Timbrell.

But we must now return to the Bouun family, who seem to have
been the principal owners of property here. They obtained it

_ through the marriage of Humphrey de Bohun (surnamed the

Great) with Matilda, daughter of Edward of Salisbury. Amongst
the endowments of Monkton Farleigh, which was founded by them,
were “ ten shillings from the church of Trowbridge, and the tithes of
the lordship of Staverton.” It was most probably this nobleman that

216 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

built the castle at Trowbridge, for, as it sustained a siege in 1139, the
year after his decease, there was no time for his son to have built it.
Judging from the few notices that have been left to us of the castle—
its “seven great towers,” fragments of which were standing when
Leland visited Trowbridge in the middle of the sixteenth century and
“its impregnable works by which it was fortified ”—it must have
" been a work of time and of expense. In that castle-building age, when
each baron thought it needful, if not for his security at least for his
dignity, to erect large fortressessurrounded with strong walls and deep
moats, nothing would be more probable thanthat Humphrey de Bohun
II. should thus inaugurate his accession to his estates here, through
his marriage with the daughter of the richest land-owner in Wilts,

A word or two must be said about the siege of the castle by King
Stephen. On the decease of King Henry I. in 1135 in Normandy,
there followed an interval of anarchy and confusion. A few years
previously, King Henry, being without a son who might inherit
his throne, sought to perpetuate.the succession in his own family by
settling the crown on his daughter Matilda, who had married Henry
YV., Emperor of Germany, and apparently obtained tie consent of
the prelates and principal nobility to this arrangement. The crown
however was seized by Stephen the late King’s nephew. Then en-
sued civil war; the cause of Matilda being taken up by her half-
brother, Robert Earl of Gloucester, and Milo Earl of Hereford,
and, (through the influence probably of the latter whose daughter
he had married) by Humphrey de Bohun. Hence in due time King
Stephen appeared before Trowbridge with his forces to batter down
the castle-of the disaffected baron. But though he could say of
Trowbridge, “I came, I saw,” he was not able to add, “I conquered,”
for, after a vain attempt to take it, he had to beat a retreat. The
whole account of the siege is given us in the work called “ Acta
Stephani.” The portion which especially relates to the attempt on
the castle is as follows :—‘‘ Meanwhile the king arriving at Trow-
bridge, and finding the place carefully fortified, and the garrison
prepared for all extremities, nor likely to surrender without a des-
perate struggle, set to work to construct engines with great toil,
that he might press the siege with vigour. But his efforts were

Siege of the Castle. 217

fruitless, for the besieged were neither injured by his machines, nor
at all daunted by his blockade, though it was long and strict. The
barons therefore who were present at the siege, some wearied out
by its being long protracted, and others who were their false and
treacherous comrades, united in apprehensions that the Earl of
‘Gloucester would collect all his forces and suddenly attack them.
The king therefore consulting his friends, retired to London to
rally his strength, and then advance when fortune summoned him
to some safer enterprise. He left however in the castle at Devizes,
for the annoyance of Trowbridge to which it was near, a chosen
and disciplined body of soldiers, and the two parties alternately by

_ their hostile incursions reduced all the neighbouring country to a

‘desolate solitude.” !

But a question of much interest now arises. Where was the site
of the castle? and what was the probable extent and direction of
its fortifications ?

Leland’s brief notes concerning its condition in 1540—42, when

‘he visited the town, imply that it must have been a fortress of

‘considerable strength. He says— The castelle stoode on the south
side of the toune. It is now clene down. ‘Ther was in it a seven
‘gret toures, whereof peaces of two yet stande. The river rennith
hard by the castelle.” Wiltshire Magazine, i., 151. Bodman, who at
‘the time when he wrote (1814) was advancing in years himself, tells
‘us he had known men who remembered having seen fragments of no
Jess than four of the towers standing, about 1660 or 1670.2, He adds
‘moreover that there were two draw- bridges across the moat which sur-
‘rounded the castle walls, one to the west, close by the old bridge which
‘ran some twenty or thirty feet to the southward of the present one,and
“in a more direct line with Stallard Street ; and the o¢Aer towards the
eeast,at that break in Fore Street, where there isan entrance into Court
‘Lane. An attempt has been made, by means of enquiry from persons

_ Jong acquainted with the locality, as well as by personal inspection

}

:
x

‘of the site itself, to forma probable conjecture as to the line of the

1See “* Acta Stephani ’’ (Anno 1189).
; ? Aubrey in his “‘ Miscellanies” (p. 14), writing in 1670, speaks of it as ‘a
“ruinated castle of the House of Lancaster.”

218 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

moat. which ran round the outer walls of the castle. The river
itself protected the castle on the west. The artificial channel seems
to have been begun from a point a little below what is now called
“The Stone Factory,” including within it the water-wheel which
tradition still points out as standing on the site of the original
castle mill. The moat then extended in an easterly, and slightly
curved direction, across what were called, within the memory of per-
sons now living, the “Court Hollows,” and skirted at this point
“ Little Hill,’ where, in Bodman’s time (1814), “ the ditch and
ramparts were still visible.” Thence it was carried, as it seems,
across what is now Castle Street, then by the corner of a house now
occupied by Mr. Sylvester, until it entered Fore Street (the portion
of it, that is, which is now called the Market Place), at the
south-west corner of Silver Street. It then followed the line of
Fore Street right down to Wicker Hill, where in the middle of
the last century the depth of water was some twelve feet or upwards.
Bodman tells us, that many persons in his time could remember the
water three or four feet deep at that place, and adds that the cir-
cumstance of a strong fence of wicker work having been placed for
security against the sides of the moat at this point was the origin
of the name “ Wicker Hill.” The moat seems to have joined the
river again at a point a little to the south of the present bridge.
As the line of the castle walls followed that of the moat, a tolerable
idea may be formed of the size of this stronghold of the Bohun
family and its capability of resisting the efforts of an invading force.

If we except a small portion of an old wall behind a house in Fore
Street, which tradition points out as having been a portion of the
castle wall, and which certainly is in a position likely enough to
warrant such a belief, there is not now a vestige of the castle to be
seen. Neither are we able at present to say how or when it was
destroyed. We have documentary evidence which seems to imply
that it was yet standing in the middle of the fifteenth century, and,
as it was in ruins at the time of Leland’s visit, it would appear that
the date of its demolition would have been between 1460 and 1540.

Twice within the present century some portions of the old walls
and buttresses have been discovered during the the progress of

\ Bam Grunil

as

Brick. Hat Ground .

AICS

YO

C4
<

Gy

ri

oe

¢ Ne fo a =

J SS hilk. Leace Ue

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"Sill. Mead

Stople Snnex

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Langterds
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Plan of the Lown af Lrowmbyidge at the cluse af the lust Oputurp, showing the probable line of the walle of the Ancient Castle.

Site of the Ancient Castle. 219

excavations. Some sixty years ago, a part of the Castle Hill was
opened, with the hope, it is said, of discovering treasures supposed
to have been deposited there. In 1814, Mr. Salter, in digging up
the ground for the foundation of the factory now occupied by Mr.
Gouldsmith, came upon a portion of the castle walls. In both cases
it was found that the cement, which had been used as mortar, had
become, in the course of centuries, harder than the stone itself, and
that the labour and consequent expense of removing the materials,
was more than it was judged prudent to incur.

The whole site of the castle is now covered with factories, or
dwelling-houses. Where mailed barons and their retainers once
proudly walked, within the seclusion of their impregnable fortress,
now thousands of busy artizans ply their daily tasks. Aad who
shall regret the change? So natural is our love of “ancient things,”
so lovingly do we cling to the traditions of by-gone generations,
that we can hardly be strangers to a passing wish that those days
of chivalry should recur, and that we might see the castle in its
palmy greatness. And yet who shall doubt that the real happiness
and prosperity of our country, is, under the blessing of God, far
more promoted by the energetic development of its resources at
home and the peaceful extension of its commerce abroad ?

One lesson indeed we may learn alike from “ castle ” or “ factory.”

‘

The former is a thing of the past; vast and impregnable as it was,
it has altogether disappeared. How true an emblem of the vanity
of all human greatness! In the latter, is ever heard the ceaseless
“click” of the “ weaver’s shuttle,” and what more faithful monitor

can there be that life is far too short, too uncertain, to allow us
‘safely to engross our cares in the pursuit of earthly riches !

f
+
_ But though Trowbridge had its Castle, you must not imagine that

=

in these early days it was anything but a small and unimportant
place. Before the erection of the castle there was simply a-village
_ here—the town grew up round the castle. This seem evident enough
‘since the principal street forms a curve, for which there cannot be.a
more likely solution than that in its original construction it followed
_ the line of the walls round the castle. That it was but an insig-
‘nificant town, even fifty years after the time of which I have been

220 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

speaking, seems evident from the following facts. It is not men-
tioned among the towns in Wiltshire on which rates were levied
in 1168 (14 Henry II.) “to marry the king’s daughter” to the
Duke of Saxony—(from which union, by the way, is lineally des-
cended the present Royal Family of England)—nor among those
from which “aid” was taken in 1187 (33 Hen. II.), by the King’s
Justices. The towns mentioned as contributing to the former sub-
sidy are Chippenham, Melksham, Calne, Malmesbury, Wilton,
Salisbury, and Heytesbury ;—in the latter case, we have, in addition
to those already named (and with the exception of Heytesbury),
Marlborough, Combe, Devizes, Bedwin, and West Combe.!

Before we quite leave the subject of the castle at Trowbridge, I
may mention that, early in the reign ot Henry VI., a claim was
made by William Rous, who was Chamberlain to that King, in
virtue of the manor of Imber, to the Constableship of Trowbridge
‘Castle. Thus in a manuscript now lost, but of which we have
fortunately a few extracts preserved, we are told, “ In the fourth
year of the reign of Henry VI. a dispute arose concerning the
constableship of Trowbridge Castle between the Duke of Gloucester,
and the Bishop of Winchester, Cardinal of England, and others,
feoffees to the Duke of Lancaster, of which Duchy Trowbridge was
parcel. Rous, Lord of Chaldfield, claimed the same office as appur-
tenant to his manor, and was supported by the Duke of Gloucester
who brought his servants and foresters from Pewsham and Blackmore
forests and defended Rous’ possessions,at Chaldfield, and the office of
constable. The said Duke and Rous went with a great retinue to
the parliament at Lincoln, with which the Cardinal was much
offended. At length Rous was forced to quit the office, and others
-placed therein by the Duke of Lancaster; and though Rous, and
after him Trapnell, sued and made great interest for the office, they
could never obtain it, notwithstanding they deemed it their
inheritance.” ?
It would appear, that Cardinal Beaufort (Bishop of Winchester),

1Madox, History of the Exchequer, i., 588, 634.
2The whole extract is given in Walker’s account of the ‘‘ Manor House and
/Chureh at Great Chalfield,” p. 4.

Ancient Church of Trowbridge. 221

who was the son of John of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster, was at one time
the principal acting feoffee for the management of the affairs of the
manor.! The courts of the manor were, I presume, held in these early
days within the precincts of the castle, and near about what are now
called “the Courts.” There still remains, as it seems to me, a not
uninteresting tradition of the Cardinal’s rule here—a small inn
situated in the Courts still bears the sign of “The Red Hat.”

To return now a little to the direct course of our narrative, we find
that, though our records are scanty and sources of information few,
we have ample proof to show the growing importance of the manor
itself during this period. Numerous, as we sh all presently see, were
the lands held “under the manor of Trowbridge.” No doubt one
of the earliest works of this century was the erection of a Church
for the use of the retainers of the castle, and those who now began
to form and inhabit the town that grew up around it. Where this,
the original parish church of Trowbridge, stood, is now matter
only of conjecture. Tradition points out as its site, a spot till
recently called “ Parsonage Corner,” close by the present entrance
gates of the Rectory House. Evidences of all the contiguous ground
having been at one time used for purposes of interment have not
been wanting. During the restoration of the present church, a few
years ago, some fragments of shafts, capitals, and the like, were
found imbedded in the walls of the chancel, and are still preserved,
and these, judging from their mouldings and general appearance,
would seem to have been portions of a church of Early English date
and character, erected probably towards the end of the twelfth or
the commencement of the thirteenth century. It was certainly
built previously to the foundation of Lacock Abbey in 1229, for
_ the charter by which the Countess Ela endowed that religious house
was witnessed, amongst others, by “ Sir Peter, Parson of Trow-
bridge ?? (domino Petro persona de Treubrigge).*

1 It may just be mentioned that there seems at one time to have been a mésne,
or subordinate, manor within the manor of Trowbridge, called the manor of
Trowbridge Dauntsey. Thus in Jones’ Index to the Records we have this
entry: ‘‘The Queen’s hands to be removed from the Manor of Trowbridge

Dantesey in Wilts: to be delivered to Thomasine Dantesey.” Paoch. Record,
10 Eliz., Roll 4.

2See Bowles’s Lacock, Appendix, p 10.
‘VOL. XV.—NO. XLIV. x

~

222 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

Of any church or chapel at Staverton in these early days we have
no record. The fact, however, to which we have alluded, of the
tithes of Staverton having been granted to the Priory of Monkton
Farleigh, may possibly imply, that, in return for such a gift, the
spiritual charge of this portion of the parish was undertaken by
some member of that religious house. We know that ata very
early period it became the custom for patrons of churches, with the
consent of the Bishop, to confer them in perpetuity upon some monas-
tic establishment, the duties of the rural parish being in such a case
performed by a monk of the convent, or by a vicar depending upon it.
This may have been the case originally with Staverton, though,
from the absence of any authentic documentary information, we are
not able to speak of such an arrangement as other than possible.

We have, in the record commonly called “ Pope Nicholas’ Taxa-
tion,” an account of the value of the rectory of Trowbridge at the
close of the thirteenth century. -The possessors of the see of Rome
claimed to be entitled, by virtue of their ecclesiastical supremacy,
to various payments out of all ecclesiastical benefices and possessions
in aid of the maintenance of their dignity, and even assumed a
right to dispose of such revenues, or any part of them, in such
manner as they judged most advantageous for the welfare of the
Church. On the latter pretence, in the year 1288, Pope Nicholas
IV. granted to Edward I. the tenth of all ecclesiastical benefices for
six years, on the plea set forth by that King, that he was about to
undertake a crusade for the recovery of the Holy Land. Hence the
necessity of the record alluded to, which, though it contains little
more than a mere valuation of the various benefices, is interesting
as giving some idea of their relative value and importance in the
thirteenth century. The extracts relating to this and the surround-
ing parishes are brief and we therefore give a translation of them.
In the names of places we of course preserve the spelling as we find

it in the record itself. FM fag 7
Rectory of Troubrygg* . oe 55 8 0 0
Portion of the Prior of Farle in iho same .. Pie 100

*Mr. Hallam considers ** any given sum under Henry III. and Edward I. as equivalent in general
command over commodities to about twen‘y-four or twenty-five times its nominal value at present.”
It will be easy therefore, at this reckoning, to estimate what we should call the real value of the
various livings. “

Lands held of the Honor of Trowbridge. 223

oo
&3 t
‘s

Rectory of Edyngton with the eae of rae
Vicarage of the same

Rectory of Paulesholte [Poulshot] . at
Pension of the Bishop of Sarum in the same ..
Rectory, of Hulprygtone [ Hi/perton]

Rectory of Brogtone [Broughton Gifford] ~
Rectory of Farle [ Monkton Farleigh]

Rectory of Bradford with its Chapelries

Vicarage of same .
Portion of the Abbess of St. Edward (at Shaftesbury) i in
the same 5 A: 613 4

Of lands held oii the oan of the Mani of Trowbridge, or
under the various owners of the castle, during this century, we have
a tolerably long list given us in a record called “Testa de Nevil,”
in which is contained an enumeration of the principal land-holders
throughout the kingdom in the reigns of Henry III. and Edward L.,
and an account also of the tenures by which they held their estates.

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SROCOCOORO™

The following are the chief lands named as having been held, as it _

is expressed, of the “ Honor of Trobrygg, under the Earu or Sarum,

under the king.”

In Hartham, one fifth of a Knight’s Fee, by Richard de Cumb’yill [ Cum-
berwell].

In Luckington, one Knight’s Fee, by Reginald de Sumerford.

In Widecumb, [near Hilmarton], one Knight’s Fee, by William Bighorn.

In Littlecote [near Hilmarton], one Knight’s Fee, by Robert Mauduit.

In Waddon, half a Knight’s fee, by Henry de Waddon.

In Hulprinton [Hilperton], half a Knight’s Fee, by Humphrey de Escovill,

In Little Brocton [Monkton], one Knight’s Fee, by the Prior of Farley.

_ In Chaldefelde, one Knight’s Fee, by Henry de Percy.

In Punbir’ [Pomervy near Winfield], one fifth of a Knight’s Fee by William
de Waspre.* —

In Lusteshill [near Highworth], one and a half Knight’s Fee, by Nicholas de
Lusteshill.

The following lands are amongst those which are said to have been

_ held under the “Hart or Hererorp under the King as of the

Honor of Trowbrygg.”

In Edington, [near Calne,] one fortieth of a Knight’s Fee by Roger de Can-
telupe.

In the same, one twenty-third of a Knight’s Fee, by John de Ripariis
[Rivers].

* This is a name not unknown in this neighbourhood. ‘* John de Waspre” is spoken of as patron

_ in the year, 1299, of the ‘*Chapel of Westwodé in the parish of Bradforde.” See ‘* Wilts Institut.,”
_ under the year, 1299.

x 2

224 Harly Annals of Trowbridge.

In Tydolfeshide [Tilshead], one tenth of a Knight’s Fee, by Walter de
Bointon.
In Sumerford, one Knight’s Fee, by Reginald Fitz-William.
_ In the same, one tenth of a Knight’s Fee by John Walrond.
In Swallowcliff, one half of a Knight’s Fee by James de Lie,
In Tockenham, one half of a Knight’s Fee by Walter de Bointon.
In Britford, one half of a Knight’s Fee by Henry le Dun.
In Trole, one half of a Knight’s Fee by Richard Walwain,

The last entry on this list is the only one on which aremark need
be made. It is an interesting one, because it enables us to trace the
land, which it evidently alludes to, for a period of some seven
hundred years, the name of the owner being still retained at the
commencement of the present century. In the Domesday Survey,
as we have seen in a previous page, Staverton and Trole were
both held by Brictric. Very many of the lands possessed by Brictric
came afterwards into the possession of the Bohun family. Amongst
them were Coulston, Swallowcliffe, Farley [Monkton], Oaksey, and
Trole. For a century and a half after the date of the entry above
given from the “ Testa de Nevil,” we find in various deeds the name
“ Walwayn” as connected with Trowle. In 1425, William Besyle
granted to Roger Trewbody, “ lands lately Richard Walwayne’s in
Trole.’ About 1450 the two daughters and co-heiresses of William
Besil, of Bradford, married respectively Nicholas Hall and Thomas
Rogers. The property at Little Trowle seems (as we may fairly
conclude) by the former of these marriages, to have come to the
“ Hall” family, in whose hands it continued for two hundred and
fifty years. Pursuant to the will of John Hall, of Bradford-on-
Avon, the last of his family, it passed on his death in 1711, to
Rachel Baynton, who was married to William Pierrepont, Esq.,
commonly called Lord Kingston. From the last Duke of Kingston,
who died in 1773, it passed to his sister’s son, Charles Meadows,
who assumed by sign-manual the surname and arms of Pierrepont,
and was created Earl Manvers in 1806. His son, the present Earl
Manvers, is now the possessor of Little Trowle. Bodman tells us
that, when he wrote (1813), the house standing on the farm was
still called “© Walwaynard’s Court.”

No records, either public or private, have as yet come to light
from which we are able to glean any information worth speaking

eo

Rise of the Wool Trade. 225

of concerning Trowbridge itself during the thirteenth century. All
that we can learn from the few and scanty notices that we do meet
with, are,.so to speak, meré glimpses of its history. Thus much
however we can infer from them, that by the close of this period a
town had been formed here; that there was some form of local
government, the bailiff of the manor acting, in the place of the lord,
as a sort of chief magistrate; and further, that the bailiff of the
Hundred of Melksham exercised jurisdiction over Trowbridge.
Thus in the Hundred Rolls we find the following entries under date
of 3 Edward I. (1275) :—

“William Scliman and the Bailiff of the Hundred of Melksham, levied of

Walter de Molendino [of the Mill] of Trobrigg half a mark, and the same was
paid to the Sheriff of Wilts.”

“The Jury say that Walter le Mareschal and others by writ of Henry de
Nuny of Trobrigg went into the liberty of Werminster, and seized forty-five
beasts belonging to John Mauduit, and carried by them by night in violation of
the peace to Trobrigg, and detained them fifteen days.”

The latter extract shews us at least that some “ brawls ” did occur
at Trowbridge, small in extent as the town then was, in the thirteenth

century, and that it was necessary even then that its denizens should

_ be occasionally “bound over to keep the peace.”

Tt was no doubt during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries
that the foundation was laid of the wool trade to which Trowbridge
has owed its prosperity. I cannot tell by whom the art of weaving
was introduced into this town. But judging from the works com-
pleted in this place and neighbourhood by those who drew their
wealth from this source, there must have been Merchants of the
Staple here from the middle of the fourteenth century. It was in
1331 that King Edward III. granted protection to John Kemp—
the name is still known in Trowbridge—who came from Flanders to
settle in England, and who is described as “Textor pannorum

laneorum,”’ a weaver of woollen cloths, and promised like protection

to fullers and dyers who might come to England from those parts.
The document is printed in Rymer’s Foedera, iv., 4961, and is a

“most interesting one, as by it the real foundation was laid of the

woollen manufacture in England.
Most certainly there were about the middle of the fifteenth century

e

226 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

well-to-do merchants and others here who were not only able
but willing to make sacrifices for building the present beautiful
parish church. ‘There is in the parish chest an original deed which
has been printed in a previous number of this Magazine,! executed
by James Terumber, dated 1483, in which he founds a chantry
in the parish church, then “ newly bielded,” and directs special prayers
to be offered for the souls of those who had been the principal bene-
factors. Amongst these are Sir Robert Willoughby, Sir Richard
Beauchamp, Sir Roger Tocotes, Maister John Stokes, Parson of
Trowbridge, Henry Longe and Margaret and Johanne his wives,
John Dauntsey, Thomas Halle and Agnes his wife. We recognize
some of these names as those of benefactors of other churches, notably
perhaps of Steeple Ashton and Bradford-on-Avon.

And here we pause in an account of the early annals of Trowbridge.
To go further would bring us to modern times, and overstep the
limits proposed for the present paper. In concluding it we place
before our readers two documents of some little interest, the one a
copy of a terrier relating to the lands, &c., appertaining to the
Rectory of Trowbridge in the year 1671, copied from the original
in the registry of the Bishop of Sarum, and ¢he other a list from
earliest times to the present of the Rectors of Trowbridge, and of
those who from time to time have been the Patrons of the Living.

The TrrRRIER is as follows :—

« A true and perfect Terrear of all the Houseing, Glebe Lands,
Comons, Tythes, Offerings & other customary Dues belonging to the
Rectory of Trowbridge in the diocese of Sarum taken by the Cburch-
wardens of the said parish on y* 25th daye of November A.D. 1671.

In Trowbridge Imprimis the Chancell of the Mother Church of Trow-
Studley and ¢ bridge which is to be kept in repair by the Rector of Trow-

Trowle Parva. ) bridge.
; The Parsonage House with the Gardens and Orchards
Houseing. thereto belonging. A Cottage and Garden thereto adjoining

now in the possesson of Robert Lansdown.

One Tiled Barn with a stall at the end of it, a Dove house
and Pigsty adjoining.

One Thatch’t Barne with a Stable at the end of it,—
Another Pigsty and an Henhouse.

1 Wilts Magazine, ix., 282,

|

Terrier of Church Lands, Sc. 227

a ee eed

A Cottage and garden now in the occupation of Edward
: Veale another Garden adjoyning now in the occupation of
Covered with ) Margery Borde, Wid:, and another Garden adjoyning now

Houses. in the occupation of William Martin, all lying in a Lane
called Adcroft Lane conteyning half an acre.
Glebe Lands. The Churchyard, the Bounds whereof are to be maintained

by the Inhabitants whose House and Outlets joyne to it and
the two Gates at the entrances into it by the Parish.

The 3 Home Closes of Meadow or pasture conteining by
estimation nine acres. ;

Covered with A Paddock near them called y® Conygere Paddock con-
Houses. teining near halfe an acre

The Adcrofts fower Grounds of Meadow or Pasture con-
teyning by estimation Sixteen acres.

The Downe Lease (lately enclosed) conteining by measure
besides the Bounds) Fourteen acres w were lately taken
in exchange for a certain Comon of Pasture (belonging to
the said Rectory) for 18 Beasts and a Bull in the Downe of
Trowbridge from Whitsun-eve to Michaelmas yearely. Ten
acres and a half of arable land lying dispersed in the East
field wt Meadowplatts at y® ends of several of them. A Close
at the further end of the West Field (neare the Lands of
Edward Flower) called Budlease, conteining 3 or 4 acres.

The West Meade newly enclosed out of the Meads Platt
in the West Field conteining by estimacion 3 Acres.

Comon. Comon of Pasture w'out stint in y® Comon Fields of
Trowbridge and in y* Comons of Pasture called Ashton and
Drienham Comons & all other Comons of Vicenage to this
Parish.
Tythes of Hay. The Tenth Cock of all Hay win the s*. Parish except in
-" two little meads lying between Trowle Bridge and Ham
Meade, one whereof -belongeth to y* Farm of Trowbridge
(and lately to the estate of Henry Willett), the other to the
Estate of John Rogers. The Tythe of which two meades is
by 2 certain p'scription paid out of a part of y° meadow be-
longing to Rogers w™ part y* Rector of Trowbridge is to
; mowand carry away in lieu of the Tythes of those 2 meadows.
Corn. The 10th Sheffe of all Wheate, Beans, and whtsoever Corn
is sheafed and y® 10th Cock of all Barley, Oats, Pease, Vatches,
and all other Grain
Cow White.* For the Cow White of every Cow Somerfed w'*in the s#
Parish, or by any Parishioner, in y* Comons belonging to it,
Fower pence to be paid at Michaelmas
Sheepe. — For all Sheepe kept w'*in the s4 Parish till Sheering time,
the Tenth Fleece of Wool and if less than Ten fleeces the

:
|

he ® The latter portion of this word is possibly the Anglo-Saxon wite, one meaning of which was a
_ fine” or payment (mulcta), so that the whole word corresponds with the Latin vaccagium, which
Ducange explains as a tribute, or payment, from cows,

228 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

tenth pound of weight, or if sold off before their time for each
Sheepe a Farthing for every moneth they have been kept
in the s¢ Parish, and so for all Sheepe taken in as joystments
to be paid at s* Lady day.

Lambs. The Tenth of all Lambs fallen w**in y® s* Parish to be
paid on St Markes day
Calves. The Tenth of all Calves fallen in y® s* Parish to be p? at

Whitsuntide, and in case they be fewer than Ten for every
ealfe sold the tenth of the money they were sold for, if killed
by the owner a shoulder of the calfe, otherwise it is in the
choice of the s? Rector to reckon the Calves of two or more
years together and so take his Tenth (which they call
driveing) and the same also in Lambs and Piggs.

Young Beasts. —_If Calves are weaned and kept by the owner till they come
to be milkt or yokt, no Tythe is to be paid for their feeding
in the mean while, but if they be sold before they come to
be milkt or yokt the tenth of the Money which they are
sold for is to be paid to the Rector.

Unprofitable For every Ground fed with unprofitable Cattle, such as

Cattle. Grasing Beasts, Horses &c. the Tenth of the Rent or Yearly
Value of y* Ground is to be paid in lieu of Tythe, or if such
unprofitable Cattle be put into a Ground with other that
pay Tythe (as aboves*) The Tenth penny of which y* weekly
feeding of such Cattle is worth, only every man that pays
Tythe is allowed the keeping of his Market Horse Tythe
free and for the Cattle that plow the Land no Tythe is to be
paid, (that is to say) for Cattle that are kept only for that
use, But those that are kept for Carriage on the Roade are

j reckon’d as unprofitable Cattle.

After Feeding. If a ground that is mowed be after let to another person,

the later occupant is to pay for the Tythe of the after feeding
; of it according to the above mentioned Customes

Piggs, &c., The Tenth or the Seaventh of Piggs. The Tythe of
Apples, Peares and other fruit, and of Geese and Turkies.
For every Hen an Egge, and for every Cock two to be paid

; at Easter.

Offerings. The Easter offering of every communicant w*'in y° said
Parish two pence, for every Garden of Herbs a penny to be
paid at Easter; of large Gardens, as of Pease, Beans, or
nurseries of Fruit Trees, to be paid in kind.

Customary Dues. For the two mills of Trowbridge Ten Shillings per annum
to be paid at Easter.

For every Parishioner married (either win or wout y°
s‘ Parish) by a License five shillings, by banns published a
shilling, for every woman at the time of her Churching
Fourpence at least, for the breaking of y® Ground for any
buried in the Chancell Ten Shillings, For every Funeral
Sermon Ten Shillings at least and the Mourning pulpit Cloth

Terrier of Church Lands, e. 229

} ifany. For every back door w™ opens into y® Church Yard
(heretofore granted upon sufferance to some neighbouring
Inhabitants) Sixpence per Ann™.
In Staffordton The Tythes of an Hamlet win the s¢ Parish called
the Tythe of Staffordton are paid by an Ancient Composition or Custome
the Demeasnes. ) thereupon viz.—As for the Demeasnes, the Greater Tythes
thereof are not paid to the Rectors of Trowbridge, and for
the lesser Tythes the Customary payment to the said Rector
is}One Pound Thirteen shillings and Fower pence per ann™,
to be paid at 4 payments Quarterly. For the tenements at the
Rate of Thirteen shillings and Fower pence peran™, Out of
everyHalfe Yard Land,and out of every Mundays hold (which
is y® 4th part of a yard land) Six shillings and eight pence
p'an™, All which are to be paid at 4 payments Quarterly.
: There are of these twenty and fower half yard Lands, and 3
Mundays hold,* so y® totall yearly summe payable for these
| is Seaventeen pounds.
The Mylls. For the Mills at Staffordton by a stated Composition Nine
: Shillings per anu™ to be paid at Easter.
Chappell Yard. _ By said Composition or Custome, the Herbage or Feeding
of y® Chappell yard at Staffordton belongs to the Rectors of
7 Trowbridge. The Bounds of it are to be made good by the
owners of the Demeasnes, and others whose lands bound
upon y® s¢ Chappell yard.

; Portion of On the North West side of Ashton Common (called
; Tythes in Hawegrove) there are six Grounds commonly knowne by
AshtonParish. ) the names of Polebarne Grounds and Singers Grounds, now

in the possession of Joseph Holton, James Singer, and
Eleanor Singer, Wid:, or their assigns, and on the South
West Side of the st Comon Eight Grounds mora commonly
eall’d Footpath Grounds, Blackball Grounds, and Arnolds
Meades, now in the possession of the said Joseph Holton
William Slade, Robert Beach Sent, Harry Wallis, and
William Yerbury, or their Assigns, all which lands are
e situate in the parish of Ashton, but by a certain Custom
54 or Prescription the Tythes of them have always (beyond any
known memory to the Contrary) beene paid to y° Rectors
; of Trowbridge who have alwaies paid to y® Vicar of
% Ashton in lieu of y* s4 Portion of Tythes y* yearly Rent of
Fower Shillings. Now this Portion of Tythes so paid to the
Rectors of Trowbridge being lately questioned and challenged
by y° Vicar of Ashton, the Rector of Trowbridge made it

/

*The expression ‘* Mondaies-thing,” which is evidently the same as a ‘‘ Mondays-hold”’ occurs
frequently in the Court Rolls of Castle Combe. See Scrope’s Castle Combe, pp. 335, 336. In the
same book (p. 146) also we read of Monday-men, the tenants of such holdings. There can be little

3 doubt that the expressions we so frequently meet with in the Shaftesbury Chartulary, in reference

to small holdings at Holt and elsewhere in this neigbourhood, and also in the Glastonbury Register
_ (just brought to light by Canon Jackson) of tenements held by the obligation of personal service to
_ the lord every Monday, “‘ gualibet die Lune,’’ are the real explanation of this term,

230 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

appear to y® said Bp of this Diocese and to ye s‘ Vicar of
Ashton, that he the st Rector could prove y* s4 custom or
prescription by several witnesses (occupants of y* s4 Grounds)
for more than Fifty years last past, whereupon the s‘ Vicar
desisted from any farther claim to the s? Portion of Tythes
w have since been paid (as formerly they were) to the s#
Kector of Trowbridge without any denial or contradiction,
and the st Rent of Fower shillings hath been yearly paid
and accepted by y* s¢ Vicar of Ashton in lieu of the s!
Portion of Tythes which of right belongeth to y® s4 Kectors
of Trowbridge.
Ro: Hawxtns, Rector of Trowbridge.

Rogpert WITCHELL
e ’ } Churchwardens.”
Epwarp Marryn,

The following list of Rectors of Trowbridge has been compiled
for the most part from Sir Thomas Phillips’ edition of the Wilts
Institutions. In one or two instances omissions have been supplied
from other sources.

A.D. PATRON, INCUMBENT.

1229 | Exa, Countess of Salisbury.| Perzr. Among the witnesses to
thé foundation charter of Lacock
Abbey (1229) is “Peter, Parson
of Treubrigge.” Bowles’ Lacock
append. p. x.
1313 | Tuomas PrantTaGENet, Harl| NicHoLas DE SHEPPEYE ; resigned
of Lancaster, in right of} 1320.
his wife Aticy, daughter
of Henry de Lacy Earl
of Lincoln, and Margaret
Longespée in her own
right Countess of Salis-
bury. "
1320 | Jonn Prantacenet or Dz| Ricuarp DE WamBERG ; resigned
Warren, Earl of Surrey.’| 1321.
1321 | The same. Henry DE Mortey.
1322 | The same. WILiiAM DE SwyNnDON.
1322 | Arice pe Lacy, Countess| WiLLiamM DE APPLEBY.
of Salisbury and Lincoln.

1 John de Warren, Earl of Surrey, married Alice Lacy, who was divorced
from her first husband, Thomas Plantagenet, Earl of Lancaster; and in right
of his wife presented to the living of Trowbridge.

‘
:
;
;

7 i RT er re

:

:

a

by

Reetors of Trowbridge.

231

A.D.

PATRON.

347| The King, for the heirs of
JOHN DE Warren, Earl
of Surrey.
1347| Joan de Barr, Countess of
Surrey.’

1362 Witiiam bE Mownracvte,
Earl of Salisbury.’

1376 Joun or Gaunt, Duke of
Lancaster.

1377 | The same.

1383 | The same.

1406 | Tue Kine, in right of the
Duchy of Lancaster, now
merged in the Crown.

1407 | The same.

5

1441 | Feoffees of the Duchy of
Lancaster.

1443 | The same.

INCUMBENT.

RICHARD DE LA Hype.

Philip Pypard de Cleve. This
seems to have been a disputed
presentation. The former suc-
ceeded to the living.

GERARD DE LA More.

THomas DE ALSTON.

Prrer DE Barton.’

Hvuew Hatt (or) Atre Hat;
said to have been Prebendary of
Leckford, in the Diocese of
Winton, and to have exchanged
with his predecessor.

Watrer Hawes.

WititamM PREGEET.

THomas Rayty.

JoHN KaYNELL.

JoHn Horton.

Joun Caryrer (=Carter ?) ; re-
signed 1443.

Tuomas Janyns (=Jennings?).

1 Joan de Barr was the daughter of Henry, Earl of Barr, and granddaughter

of Henry III. by his daughter Eleanor.

She was the first wife of John de

Warren, Earl of Surrey. Her husband was divorced from her, and excom-
municated by the Bishop of Chichester for his conjugal infidelity, in 1317. It
would appear’ that after his death she claimed, but without success, to exercise’
the right, which belonged to him through his second marriage, of presenting to

the living of Trowbridge.

2 Among the first acts of Edward III. was the granting

¢, in reversion, the

Castle and Manor of Trowbridge to William, Earl of Salisbury, which ‘‘ John
Earl of Surrey and Joan his wife held for the term of their lives.” Subsequently
however Alice Lacy, then the wife of Ebulo le Strange, obtained a restitution

to her first husband’s representatives.

of the Manor, which had originally belonged to her, and it afterwards descended

’ The appointment of this Rector is implied in the subsequent entry concerning
| his suecessor. The Bishop’s registers are wanting from 1366 to 1379,

_ 232 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

A.D. PATRON. INCUMBENT.

1456 | The King, in right of the| Jonn ArunpEL; resigned 1458.

Duchy of Lancaster. Prebendary of Axford in the
cathedral at Salisbury 8 Feb.,
1456.
1458 | The same. Joun Kysow.
saeee ? Joun Stoxys (=Stokes) ; men-

tioned in the Terumber deed,
supra, p. 226. He seems to
have resigned in 1492.

1492 | The same. JoHuN THoMaS.

1528 | The same. Tuomas Motxryns; alluded to by
Leland as a “ man well lernid.”
W. Mag., i., 151. Died Nov.
1558, buried at Trowbridge.
The Register of the same year,
forDecember, records the burial
of John Rundell, “a Priest.”

Be 4 Joun Lanaionp (deprived ? 1561)

1561 | Epwarp Srymovur, Baron | Toomas Wesse!; died June, 1595,

Beauchamp and Earl of| buried at Trowbridge.
Hertford.

1595 | Edward, Earl of Hertford. | Jonn Prttrne?; Rector of Bath,
1607—1620. See his monumen-
tal inscription in Rawlinson’s
Antiq. of Bath Abbey, p. 237.
Much concerning the Pelling
family will be found in Nichols’
Topog. et Genealog. See also
Dingley’s History from Marble
(Camden Society), plate xvii.

1 During Thomas Webbe’s incumbency we meet with these entries in the
burial registers :—

©1584, Mistris Joane Longe, Widow, a woman of greate devocione.”
661587. Mr. Richard Dynes, Mynister and Preacher.”

*Early in his incumbency we have this entry in the marriage registers,
“1597. April3. Mr. Henry Hide and Mistris Marie Langeforde married.”
The son hy this marriage was Edward Hyde, afterwards Lord Clarendon, whose
daughter, Ann Hyde, became the wife of James, Duke of York (afterwards
James II.), and the mother of Queen Mary and Queen Anne.

4

erty aa ARTE Re ents

Rectors of Trowbridge. 233

A.D. PATRON. z

—_———__

INCUMBENT.

1622 | William, Earl of Hertford. | Tomas Pattie! ; inducted Nov.

25, 1622.
1664 | Charles, Baron Seymour | RopertHawxins*B.D.; instituted
of Trowbridge. Feb. 17, 1664. Prebendary of
Warminster, in the cathedral at

Salisbury.

1672 | Lady Elizabeth Seymour | Roperr Kryiway.3
and others.

1 Amongst the Harleian MSS. in the British Museum (No. 41135, fol. 4) is one
entitled, ‘‘ A prophecy of St. Thomas the Martyr found in the study of one Mr.
Pelling late Rector of Trowbridge in the county of Wilts in a very ancient MS,”

2In the time of this Rector (1669) Bishop Seth Ward instituted an enquiry as
to the ‘‘ Conventicles in Sarum Diocese.” The extracts from the MS. (Lambeth

Library, No. 639), containing the information relating to Trowbridge, are as
follows :—

: Numbers and | Principals and | Preachers or
Parish or Place. Bests. Quality. Abbettors. Teachers.
TrowsRiDee| Anabaptists.| 140 or 150 | Tradesmen | One King, a

At Edw. Abettors. |stranger, and
Grant’s Clo- Grant

Z|James Taylor
Mortimer $3} shearman.
Witchell }3

At the house |Presbyterians| 20or30 | Tradesmen | Edward

thier.

of - Robert or Davis,

J eames. Yeomen, mercer.
AttheWidow/|Presbyterians| Scarce 20 Of like The same.

Davis’s quality.

house.

At the house} Quakers. 30 or 40 do. Itinerant
of James Quakers.
Matravers
excomm.

8In the year 1676, during this Rector’s time, Bishop Seth Ward undertook
an enquiry as to the ‘‘ Popish Recusants”’ in this diocese. The result is con-
tained in a MS, in the Lambeth Library (No. 639). The report concerning

Trowbridge, which is of some interest as showing the population just 200 years
ago, is as follows :—

Parish. Minister. oie oe Separatists. Inhabitants.

Trowbridge. |RobtKeylway| None. 174 937

234 Early Annals of Trowbridge.

A.D. PaTRON. INCUMBENT.

1717 | Charles, Duke of Somerset. | Winttam Gruee.

1726 | The same. Marrnew Horron, Bishop of
Bangor, 1743, Archbishop of
York, 1747, Canterbury, 1757.

1730 | The same. GrorcE Hussey.

1741 | The same. RamspEN Dopswortu.

1763 | Marquis of Granby and | Cuartes Cooper ; resigned 1774,
others.

1774 | The same. Joun Exins; Rector of Newton

Tony, and Dean of Salisbury :
previously Vicar of Stanton

Berners.
1809 | Heneage, Earl of Aylesford | Girsert BrresrorD; afterwards
for this turn. Rector of St. Andrew, Holborn.
1814 | Duke of Rutland. Guorce Crasse; “the Poet,”

author of “ Tales of the Hall”
and other poems.

1832 |The same. © Francis Furtrorp; afterwards

é Bishop of Montreal, and Metro-
politan of Canada.

1841 | The same. Joun Davip Hastines; Preben-
dary of North Grantham, in the
cathedral of Salisbury.

1869 | Church Patronage Society. | Horacr Meyer; previously Rec-
tor of East Tisted, Hants.

I will only add that a chapel at the east end of the south aisle in
the parish church of Trowbridge, now commonly called the Duke’s
Chapel, is held to be appurtenant to the lordship of the manor by
prescriptive right. The present Lord of the Manor, Wilham

‘Stancomb, Esq., of Blount’s Court, Potterne, has within the last
few days—whilst in fact these sheets are passing through the press
—generously offered to surrender all his interest, either real or pre-
sumed, in this chapel, and to give it to the Rector and Churchwardens
to be held by them for the general benefit of the parishioners.

Bradford-on-Avon,
May, 1875.

:
;
;
:

i

235

Aecords of the Rising in the West.

Some Notes and Corrections of the “Records of the Rising im
the West, A.D. 1655,” by W. W. Ravenuitt, Esq. :—

In the twelfth line of p. 120, vol. xiii., for ‘‘ postscript” read “preface.”

In the eighteenth line of p. 123, vol. xiii., after £1500, add a Note: ‘‘In the
Catalogue of Nobles, &c., who have compounded for their estates, published
London, 1655, and reprinted 1733, mention is made of Sir John Penruddock,
of Compton Chamberlayne, having compounded for £490, and John Penruddock,
of the same place, Esq., for £66 10s.”

In the first line of p. 124, the parenthesis should contain ‘‘ September 3rd,”
only.. The anniversary of the battle of Worcester, 1651, and afterwards of
His Highness’s death.

In Note 1, ‘‘No mention is made of written articles.” Compare the petition
given vol. xiv., p., 89, which had not then come into my hands. However,
Crook had no power to grant articles.

In the twenty-ninth line of p. 132, ‘‘ Lady Nicholas.” On re-perusal of MS.
I think this should be ‘‘Judg Nicholas.” Fellow-Wiltshiremen !

In the Note, p. 149, Sir John Awdry suggests ‘“‘ Barum,” the old name for
Barnstaple—and this is the probable reading.

In the last line of p. 161, place a Note after Oxford: ‘‘ Hart Hall was, I am
assured, never part of New College, but of Magdalen Hall, now (1874) Hertford
College, Oxford. Ifso, Anthony Wood (the authority for the text) is incorrect
on this point.”

In the first line, p. 168, after ‘‘ consultation,” add a Note. ‘This, to say
the least of it, was a most unusual proceeding.”

At the end of Note which concludes on p. 169, after &c., add ‘‘ The latter
part of the Indictment is in a different handwriting (Prideaux’s ?), and is on a

separate sheet. See original MS., at Bodleian Library, Oxford.”

At the end of Note, p. 172, add ‘‘the name Thomas Mompesson appears in
the Commission of Assize, A.D. 1659. See Western Circuit Records.”

In the twenty-third line of p. 254, after ‘‘ used,” insert ‘“‘ for some years,”
and add a Note: ‘Some years before there had been a court in the Castle. See
Western Circuit Order Book.”

In the fifteenth line of p. 268, after ‘‘ son,” add a Note: ‘The body of this
was written by Mr. Seymour Bowman, a cousin of Colonel Penruddock’s, who
probably was present at the trial. The endorsement is George Penruddock’s.”

236 Records of the Rising in the West, A.D. 1665.

In the ninth line from the bottom of p. 272, for ‘of that ilk,” read “of the
same place.”

In the fourth line of Note 1, p. 44, vol. xiv., for ‘‘ West Monesterienses,”
read ‘‘ Westmonasterienses.”’

In the last line but one of same note, after ‘‘ father,” add ‘‘ who was Gilbert
Budgell, D.D.”

In Note 1, p. 48, add ‘‘ Perhaps it was the ‘ Luck’ of the family. In some
parts of the country glasses are handed down through generations, and are
supposed to hold the fortune of the house. The most famous perhaps of
all is the Luck of Muncaster—a curiously-wrought glass cup studded with gold
and white enamel spots. This is said to have been given by King Henry VI.
to Sir John Pennington, of Muncaster Castle, in 1461. The King had found
shelter there from his enemies, and as he left he presented the cup saying,
‘your family shall prosper so long as they preserve this unbroken.’ (See
Roby’s Traditions of Lancashire for the ballad upon it and notes.) Then there
is the Luck of Edenhall :—

¢ This glass of flashing crystal tall,
Gave to my sires the fountain sprite ;
She wrote in it, if this glass doth fall,
Farewell, then O Luck of Edenhall.’

Longfellow’s translation of Uhland’s poem.

Edenhall, the seat of the Musgave family, is a few miles from Penrith, Cum-
berland.”

At line 21, et sequentia, p. 22, vol, xv., omit the whole passage commencing
‘There is the following record,” down to “felony,” and the note. This was
inserted by inadvertence.

At line 8, p. 23, add Note: ‘This plate, which had fallen into decay, was
re-engrayed and replaced 16th May, 1788 (Sir R. Hoare’s Mod. Wilts), and was
further renovated on the restoration of St. Sidwell’s Church, a few years since,
and is still to be seen (1872).”

The ‘Thurloe letters” given in these papers (except those taken from the
State Papers in the Record Office, a fact which is I believe, mentioned in the
context or notes), are transcripts from Mr. Thomas Birch’s Thurloe’s State
Papers, published in London, A.D. 1742. I have only been able to examine a
few of the originals, which are at the Bodleian Library, Oxford, e.g., the In-
dictment, and the Plea for the Prisoners at Exeter.

The Western Circuit Records are in the custody of W. C. Bovill, Esq., Clerk
of Assize for that Circuit, to whose kindness I am indebted for a view of them,

The King’s Pamphlets, in the British Museum, a mine of historic wealth of
those times, but of various value, I have also examined for these pages.

: 237

| Donations to the atuseum and Aibrary.

The Council have much pleasure in acknowledging, with thanks,
the following donations to the Museum and Library :—

By Rev. A. C. Smrrm:—‘‘Tour in Portugal,” one vol., by the donor, ‘‘At-
tractions of the Nile,” two vols., by the donor. ‘‘ Narrative of a Pilgrimage
through Palestine,” one vol., by the donor.

By C. Roacu Suiru, Esq. :—‘‘ The Rural Life of Shakespeare,” one vol., by
the donor.

By R. C. ALEXANDER Paior,Esq., M.D. :—‘‘Popular Names of British Plants,”

one vol., by the donor. ‘‘ Glossary of Provincial Words and Phrases used in
Somerset,” one vol., by the donor. ‘‘Notes on Croquet,” one vol., by the
donor,

By H. A. Merewerner, Esq., Q,C.:—‘‘ By Sea and Land,” one vol., by the

donor.

_ By Rev. GEORGE L. Ortny, Luckington Rectory:—Two ancient stone corbels ;

a smaller corbel with head covered with peaked cap; three ancient stone slabs

with crosses carved on front and back; found in Luckington Church.

By T. Bruczs FLower, Esq. :—‘‘ Pugin’s Works on the Architecture of the

Middle Ages,” parts 2 and 3.

By Mr. Connineton :—Copies of Devizes Charters and Grants, used in the
trial, Tilby v. Corporation of Devizes.

By R. Muttrnes, Esq. :—Sermon on the general nature of the Christian Religion,
by Henry Head. Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Archdeaconry of
Wilts, 1739. Account of the case between Canon Richard Eyre, and Mrs.
Elizabeth Swanton. Sermon preached at the Coronation of William and
Mary, ‘‘ Tempora Mutantur” or the great change from ’73—’93. Four dis-
courses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocese of Sarum. A sermon preached
at the funeral of the Hon. Sir Stephen Fox, Kt., 1716, Sermon preached at

_ the Cathedral Church of Salisbury, Oct. 6, 1745. .

By Mr. Epwarp Brapsury :—Painting, ‘Interior of Parish Church, Chip-

_ penham, cir. 1824, by a Chippenham Artist, W. Davis.

By Rev. Bryan Kine :—A ‘ Pax” found in the Vicarage Garden, Avebury,

_ 1872.

By T. B. Fox, Esq., J.P. :—Specimen of Fossil Wood, from the Portland Beds,

_ Swindon.

nt anonymously :—Engraying of South East view of Tollard Royal Church,

Wilts.

238 * Donations to the Museum and Library.

By Mr. Cunnineron, Brixton :—Specimen of the original turf from the base
of Silbury Hill; taken from the centre of the hill when opened by the Arche-
ological Institute in 1849. Large polished slab of Septarium, from the
Oxford Clay, Trowbridge. Slab of Forest Marble with ripple marks, Malmes-
bury. Two Masses of fossil Coral, from the Coral-rag of Steeple Ashton.
Ammonites rostratus, from Upper Green Sand, Devizes. Polished slab, 2 ft.
in diameter, of Calamophyllia radiata, a coral, from the Great Oolite, Brad-
ford-on-Avon. Portion of fossil fish—Lepidotus—from the Drift at Melksham.
Perforated spout of Roman Vessel found near Wans House. The following
articles found in digging on Oldbury Hill:—a bronze ring-dial; a bronze
penannular brooch; bronze armille; bone implements ; two bronze celts’;
bronze gouge; fragments of ancient British pottery ; whetstones ; iron arrow-
head; spear-head and other iron implements; circular pig of iron; horns
and bones of Roebuck ; horns of Bos longifrons ; tusk of Boar, &c. Roman
loom-weight, found at Westbury Iron Works. Spear, ploughed up on
Roundway Hill. Tappa-beater, from the Society Islands. Iron wedge used
for breaking up sarsen stones, found at Avebury.

By E, T. Stevens, Esq. :—Model, to scale, of some of the ancient pit-dwellings
at Fisherton, Salisbury.

The following have also been received :—Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries,
Lond., Vol. v., Nos. 2 and 3. Journal of the Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club,
1867—1868, six parts. Archeologia Cantiana, Vols. 8 and 9. Transactions
of the Essex Archeological Society, Vol. 1. Part 1. The Reliquary, No. 58.
Journal of the Royal Historical and Archeological Association of Ireland,
Nos. 17 to 20. Smithsonian Report for 1872.

H, F. & E. BULL, Printers and Publishers, Devizes.

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THE

WILTSHIRE

Archeological ont Botural Wistory

MAGAZINE.

No. XLV. DECEMBER, 1875. Vou. XV.
Eontents.
COLLECTIONS TOWARDS THE History oF THE CISTERCIAN ABBEY OF
STANLEY IN WILTSHIRE: By W. de G. Birch, F.R.S.L. ....... 239
‘A PLEA FoR THE Motes: ” By the Rey. A. C. Smith, M.A....... 308
NorEs on SpyE Park anD Bromuam: By C. H. Talbot, Esq. .... 320
An INDENTURE FOR BUILDING A Housz at SaLisBuRY, 23RD HENRY
VI. : Communicated by J. E. Nightingale, F.S.A.. 329
THE Lirzrary TREasurEs oF Loneeat: By the Rey. Caneth id: E.
RESET LC SUA at. FP ‘alc hav ecal ms5,dye, Ake Ri'dig) eschovs) siete cieienw wie Gre-s! «:9/e Chel 337
Tux Srory or Seven CuinpRen Born ar A Bretu: By R. C. A.
RAMEE sy MiP sett rth. eis unis ovte ms tiets s-helsis\ ciecie ccessis es lara 348
GENERAL MEETING AND REPORT FOR 1875.........ceeeeeee eeeee 350
Donations TO THE MUSEUM AND LIBRARY ......00 ceccecceecs 352
ILLUSTRATIONS.

Seals of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley .......... 289
eeOr MOSH A.tytevasentiveneeres vesca econ ONG

+3 _ Section of Molehill....... Bie Wea g Savatieartis Mele cernete 314

Spye Park, in 1684, from Dingley.................: 320
Carved stones from Bromhem Hall, found at Spye
Wark, ISG. svc. feipamt us «rete sae examin cde a's scas 324
DEVIZES :

H. F. & E, But, 4, Sarnt Jonn SrRexr.

WILTSHIRE MAGAZINE,

‘¢MULTORUM MANIBUS GRANDE LEVATUR ONUS.”—Ovid.

: COLLECTIONS TOWARDS THE
History of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley,
an Wiltshire,

TEXTS OF A CALENDAR OF THE MUNIMENTS, AND OF SOME UNPUBLISHED
CHARTERS OF THE ABBEY, PRESERVED IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.

By W. de G. Biren, F.R.S.L.

gHE Cistercian Abbey. of Stanley, in Wiltshire, is perhaps as
> little known as any of that interesting Order. It is not
my intention to write the history of the House, for that work has

been already performed, in a fairly satisfactory manner, by the Rev.
_ W. L. Bowles, in his “ Parochial History of Bremhill in the county
- of Wilts,” London, 1828. The editors of the new edition of Sir
_ William Dugdale’s “ Monasticon Anglicanum ” have drawn their
account of the abbey principally from this work; and, in all
_ probability, the amount of literary information respecting the
_ monastery would never have received any very extensive additions,
_ if an accidental discovery of a very important nature had not enabled
iq me to identify a manuscript, among the untold treasures of the
7 British Museum, with the fortunes of Stanley Abbey. This manu-
seript, of which I shall presently give a detailed description and
_ transcript, forms the bulk of my paper, which I here offer to the
| Wiltshire Archeological Society for publication, for I feel sure that
that body i is fully aware of the great importance of printing original
_ documents bearing so directly upon the medieval archzology of the
ia ‘county, and of the increasing necessity of putting on record everything
_ we can find to throw a light, however faint, upon the monastic age,
VOL. XV.—NO. XLV. Y

240 Collections towards the History

when religious establishments formed the only, or almost only,
centres of refinement and civilization. To the circumstances of the
foundation, as narrated by the author I have mentioned, I do not
attempt to add anything, or to say more than that I believe the »
account he gives of the first erection, of the consequent removals,
or of the final establishment at Stanley, are in the main quite correct,
and in all respects borne out by the manuscript indicated. The fasta
of the abbots is very meagre, and I have been happily able to assist
in forming a fuller list. The great value of a correct chronological
sequence of heads of a Religious House is universally recognized by
all historians and topographers, for by its aid we are enabled to
assign dates to deeds, and to portions of the fabric of the buildings,
which without such aid must be attributed only to conjectural epochs.

The book which claims so interesting a place in the history of
Stanley Abbey is a manuscript in the Harley Collection of the —
British Museum, and bears the number 6716. It is thus described
in the folio catalogue :—

“ Tiber membranaceus in folio, in quo habentur Tituli Privilegi-
orum et Indulgentiarum, finales Concordie et tituli Cartarum ad
varia loca pertinentium. Folia membranacea.”

It will be readily perceived from the above description that the
manuscript had not been identified with any locality, and it was my
good fortune to be arranging a series of uncertain descriptions of
manuscripts, when my attention was drawn to the peculiar form of
this one, which appeared to me to be a species of Calendar, or
Register of Charters and Documents belonging to some Religious
House, and to contain a schedule of the contents of the muniment
room or archives of the Library. A very cursory examination of
the manuscript enabled me to assign the probable locality to be near
Calne, in Wiltshire, for almost the first sentences of the book make
mention of an affair “ between us and the Rector of the Church of
Calne,” and another affair “between us and the Abbot of St.
Augustine’s, Bristol.” The constant mention of Lambourne, Lok-
cesuuell, Malmesbury, Coderyngtone, and Wynterbourne, led me to

1 See further on.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 241

assign the county of Wilts as the positive locality of the Religious
House whose register I was examining, and the tenor of the Papal
deeds, plainly indicated by such terms as “quod decimas dare non
tenemur de laboribus propriis,” and other similar expressions, shewed
me that the Order of the house I was seeking to which to attribute
this book was of Cistercian rule.

Finally, the Bull of Pope Alexander III., “De Protectione
Abbatie de Stanleg,” plainly indicated that the Abbey of Stanley
was the one which only satisfied the search ; and on consulting the
meagre account in the “ Monasticon” I was fully satisfied that I had
discovered a calendar of the archives of that Abbey, and thereby was
enabled to make a valuable addition to the scanty records of that

house.

_ The MS. is a thin long folio of 17 pages, written in a fine clear
hand of.the 13th century, and carefully ruled and prepared in such
_ away that additions may be made from time to time without cramping
_ or want of space. Many such additions have been made down to
_ the period of the suppression of monasteries by King Henry VIII.
It is written along the broad way of the leaf, and there are occasional
erasures, but these do not appear to be numerous nor of any 1m-
_ portance. The book commences with an account of method in which
the “ Compositiones”’ or “agreements” of the house are arranged,
namely, “by alphabet according to names of places.” After these
are described, the compiler commences a new section with the
“Titles of the Privileges and Indulgences” granted to the Abbey,
and apparently arranged according to the chronological list of the
Roman Pontiffs. The series commences with several of Pope
Celestine III., some of which appear to be grants made to the
Cistercian Order in general, others to the Monastery of Stanley in
‘particular. After enumerating a very interesting Bull, entitled
“Concerning the absolution of the first vow ot Ralph Fitz-Stephen
and concerning the confirmation of the second vow,” documents
ratified by Pope Alexander III., to the number of twelve, are calen-
dered. Then follow those of Popes Clement III., Honorius IITI.,
Gregory IX., Innocent IV., and other sii of Rome, with ‘a
3 of Otho, the Papal Legate.
x¥2

242 Collections towards the History

The next section is of interest, as it introduces to our notice, for

the first time, I believe, Brother Michael the Monk, whose labours
for the benefit of his order have merited a special paragraph entitled
“Titles of the Privileges which were acquired in the year of grace
MCCXLYV? by brother Michael the Monk, whose labour’may God
requite in the kingdom of heaven. Amen.” This worthy religious
appears to have been the means of obtaining no less than eighteen
papal documents of privileges and liberties from Pope Innocent IV.,
and these the compiler of the calendar has numbered consecutively
from A to S. The tenor of all, from the titles or docquets appears
to be of a nature general to the Cistercian Order.

The next division of deeds is devoted to “ Final Concords made
before the Justiciers of our Lord the King,” and relate to lands at
Childenoel, Rudes or Heland, Stanleg, Cudel{inton], Wappel’,
Winterbourn, Nethermore, Blakedun, Calestun, Aubree, Wiltun,
Heiwude, Cokelberg, Ruteshale, Jettun, Stodleg, Bradenstok, and
Eston, most of which localities are I believe circumjacent with the
Abbey. This section contains a variety of valuable historical,
biographical, and topical information, such as names of several
Abbots, Nicholas, Thomas, Stephen, Robert, Peter, and William.
The list of Abbots which I give at the end of the paper is
materially assisted by these names. The last entry is perhaps
curious, as it relates to the Jew “ Jocepinus” of Bristol, who had
acquitted to the Abbey his claim to a debt owing by Ralph de
Beauchamp, a scion of a noble family well known in Wiltshire at
that time.

The next division of the calendar is devoted to “The Titles of
charters of Sovereigns, which are enrolled and not in order.” This
class embraces grants and charter of liberties from Richard L.,
Henry III., and Edward II. While the next series is of those
which are “in order” viz., of chronology, and these leading off with
two of the Empress Mathildis, proceed with several of Henry II.,
and Richard I. Mr. Bowles has printed the text of some of these

from the original deeds in the possession of E. Bayntun, in his

work, to which reference has been already made.
Then succeeds the hody of the work, with an introductory

—

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 243

paragraph in which are explained the scope and method of the
arrangement, and the signification of the marks. This method is
so interesting as affording us a glimpse at the way in which the
Monks were accustomed, in the Cistercian Order, to arrange their
title deeds, that I think it worth while to translate it :—“ Here
begin the titles of the charters. Firstly, of the charters pertaining ,
to places whose names begin with 4, then with B, and so on. In
this arrangement of titles this method is carried out, viz., immedi-
ately after the title of each charter are placed the confirmations, if
any, of that charter, after these confirmations are placed other deeds
appertaining to the same. And it is to be noted that the uwmber
which is written at the head of the titles indicates in what place
_ the separate deeds are deposited. But the dots represent in
what order they are. The smald circles shew which are the charters
_ placed in the broad chest.”
: I think it will be unnecessary for me to point out modern local-
\ ities equivalent to those indicated by this list, which is so long that
__we may fairly take it the abbey of Stanley was very richly endowed.
_ The majority of the localities are in Wiltshire, and a few appear to
‘ _ be in Berkshire and other surrounding shires.
4 [MS. Harl. 6716, f. 2b.] Isto ordine collocantur Omnes compositiones istius
- domus que fuerunt inter nos et diversas personas pro diversis causis per alpha-
_betum secundum quod loca nostra se extendunt. Primoque Alphledemour
_-vocatur mora nostra que ante portam scita est, de qua quondam inquisicio fuit
facta per dominum Regem, et ad modum cirographi post inquisitionem fuerat
inde littera confecta. Secundo, de Compositione inter Episcopum Bathoniensem
et nos pro una hyda terre in Eston. Item, inter nos et ejusdem Episcopi

* Capitulum apud Welles de decimis Ovium nostrarum apud Eston. Item, inter
3 Nos et priorem de Bradenstoke de duabus acris apud Costowe et clauso nostro de
mora. Item, inter nos et abbatem de Bello loco pro aqua Thamisiz* apud Wode-
— leye. Item inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesiee de Calne. Item inter nos et abbatem
7 ‘Sancti Augustini de Bristoll, pro decimis apud Coderynton. Item compositiones
inter nos et rectorem Ecclesiw de Pharendon que sunt quinque in universo,
quarum tres faciunt mentionem de Centum Solidis pro decimis de Wadeleye,+
6t una de duabus marcis et dimidio annuatim solvendis pro eisdem decimis.
Item inter nos et priorem de Farleye, que sunt duse unius tenoris per quas
i enemur solvere eidem unam Marcam annuatim pro decimis de Stan! et Nuthe-
--mour. Item, inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesie de Westbury pro decimis de

* Thamisie ; Thamaisie, with the second a expuncted, MS.
+Centum . . . Wadeleye, and underlined with a red stroke, MS.

244 Collections towards the History

Godewell et Haywod, que sunt quinque in universo cum confirmatione ejusdem
capituli. Item inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesiz de Hentone pro decimis de
Ricardeston. Item, inter nos et Rectorem Keclesie de Parvehaitone. Item,
inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesize de Lacok pro prato nostro de Lokcesuuell. Item
inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesie de Lambourne, scilicit decano Sancti Pauli
London. Item, inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesize de Lydeford Ewyas pro decimis
de Mighale que sunt quinque in universo. Item inter nos et abbatem Malmes-
buriensem pro fils aqaze de Merkedene. Item inter nos et abhatem Malmesburi-
ensem pro quadam pastura apud Coderyntone. Item inter nos et Rectorem
Ecclesiz de Wynterbourne de minutis decimis apud Ricardestone vel Berewyke,
confirmata per Episcopum Sar, et capitulum Sar.

Item composicio nova est inter nos et Rectorem Ecclesiw de Calne de ix d.
annui redditus sibi debitis.

Tituli privilegiorum et indulgentiarum.

li. Celestinus Papa III.

Primo, de protectione domus. Secundo, de confirmatione omnium que juste
possidemus vel juste adipisci poterimus. Tertio, quod decimas dare non
tenemur de laboribus propriis tam de terris cultis quam incultis, de ortis, vir-
gultis, piscationibus vel de nutrimentis animalium nostrorum. Quarto, quod
clericos et laicos liberos ad eonversionem recipere possumus. Quinto, quod
fugitivos nostros excommunicare possumus. Sexto, quod nulli nostrum

liceat sine licencia fidejubere, vel pecuniam mutuo accipere. Septimo, quod ©

in causis propriis litet nobis fratrum nostrorum testimonio uti. Octayo,
quod mullus episcopus vel alia quzlibet persona nos ad secularia juditia
vel aliquos Conventus publicos ire compellat. Nec ad domos nostras accedat
causa convocandi conventus publicos. Neque de ordinatione Abbatis, vel de
quoquam contra privilegia nostra vel ordinis instituta intromittat. Nono, quod
ea, quee ad episcopale offitium pertinent, ab alio quam a proprio episcopo perci -
pere possumus si necesse fuerit. Et quz ab episcopis transeuntibus de quibus
plenam noticiam habemus percipere possumus. Decimo, quod nichil dare
debemus pro oleo sancto vel aliquo alio ecclesiastico sacramento. Undecimo,
quod nulli liceat nos vel monasterium nostrum suspendere,. excommunicare vel
interdicere. Neque mercennarios nostros vel vicinos pro eo quod nobiscum
laborant quando alii feriantur vel aliqua de propriis beneficia vel officia ex
caritate prestiterint. Duodecimo, quod si commune interdictum fuerit, licet
nobis in Monasterio nostro, interdictis exclusis, divina officia celebrare. Tertio
decimo, quod nulli licet infra clausuram locorum nostrorum rapinam, violentiam
vel quicquam aliud hujusmodi exercere. Quartodecimo, de confirmatione
omnium libertatum, immunitatum, et exemptionum secularium exactionum que
nobis fuerint rationabiliter indulte. Quintodecimo, quod nulli liceat monaste-
rium nostrum temere perturbare, nec quicquam de possessionibus nostris vel
rebus nostris auferre, retinere, vel minuere. Ultimo, quod omnes excom-
municati sint qui contra hec temere venire temptaverint.

iii. Celestinus Papa III.

Quod decimas dare non debemus de noyalibus vel laboribus quos propriis
manibus aut sumptibus excolimus, nec de nutrimentis animalium nostrorum.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 245

Celestinus Papa III=*.
De absolutione primi voti Radulfi filii Stephani, et de confirmatione voti
ultimi.
i, Alexander Papa III*s,

‘De protectione domus. Secundo, de confirmatione omnium que juste possi-
demus vel juste adipisci poteriraus de quibus nominatim quedam specificat. ~
Tertio, quod nullus episcopus sine certa et manifesta causa vel culpa nos ad con-
cilium vel sinodum venire compellat, vel pro generali terre interdicto in monas-
terio nostro divina celebrare prohibeat. Aut pro hiis que nobis a sede apostolica
indulta sunt, nos vel mercennarios nostros anathematizare presumat. Quarto,
quod si proprius episcopus substitutum Abbatem benedicere noluerit, liceat ei
- Novitios proprivs benedicere et alia que ad illud officium pertinent exercere.
Quinto, de confirmatione libertatum seu immunitatum ac consuetudinum que
nobis olim a Rege Henrico rationabiliter indulte sunt et scriptis suis roborate.
Sexto, quod liberas et absolutas personas ad habitum ordinis recipere possumus.
Nee aliquis quempiam de monachis vel conyersis nostris absque nostra licentia
post factam in monasterio nostro professionem suscipere audeat. Septimo, quod
fugitivos nostros excommunicare possumus. Octavo, quod nullusinfra clausuram
locorum nostrorum violentiam, rapinam vel furtum, sen hominem capere
audeat. Nono, quod decimas dare non debemus de laboribus, quos propriis
manibus aut sumptibus colimus, tam de terris antiquitus cultis quam de nova-
libus, neque de animalibus nostris. Decimo, quod nulli liceat monasterium
nostrum temere perturbare nec quicquam de possessionibus vel rebus nostris
auferre, retinere vel minuere, seu quibuslibet vexationibus fatigare. Undecimo,
quod si quis contra predicta temere scienterque venire temptaverit, et secundo
tertiore commonitus digne non satisfecerit, potestatis honorisque sui dignitate
careat, et excommunicationis sententize subjaceat.

-xiiij. Alexander Papa II[™*.
De protectione Abbatiz de Stanleg. Et de confirmatione ecclesis de Blatedun.

-iiij. Clemens III".

Quod ea que ad episcopale officium pertinent, ab alio quam a proprio episcopo
pereipere possumus si necesse fuerit. Item de hiis que percipere possumus ab
_ episcopis transeuntibus de quibus plenam noticiam habemus. Item quod nullus
nos ad secularia juditia vel aliquos conventus publicos ire compellat. Nec ad

_ domos nostras accedat causa conventus publicos conyocandi. Item quod in
_ ¢ausis propriis liceat nobis fratrum nostrorum testimoniis uti. Item, quod nulli

liceat mercennarios nostros vel vicinos interdicere vel excommunicare pro eo quod
_ nobiscum laborant quando alii feriantur, vel aliqua de propriis beneficiciis bene-
_ ficia vel officia ex caritate prestiterint. Item, in quibus causis licet nobis

mercennarios nostros ab aliis excommunicatos absolvere et eis ecclesiastica sacra-

‘menta conferre.

_ .Viij. Honorius III™*. Quod decime# non dentur de novalibus adquisitis post
generale concilium.

aj. Honorius III**, Quod liber persone libere rabtstante sine mortuario.

246 Collections towards the History

.vj- Honorius III**, Quod legati procurationes pecuniarias a monasteriis nostris
non extorquant, et quod in domibus nostris cibis regularibus sint
contenti.

.xij. Honorius III**. Quod legati sine spetiali mandato domini pape non
possunt nos excommunicare vel suspendere; nec in monasteria
nostra interdicti sententias promulgare.

.xiij. Honorius III**, Quod prelati privilegia nostra et indulgentias observent,
et ab aliis observari faciant.

Non absque dolore.

.xiiij. Gregorius IX. Quod Archiepiscopus Cantuarie et ejus suffraganei,
aliique ecclesiarum prelati per Cantuariensem provinciam consti-
tuti, malefactores nostros, qui nobis injuriantur de possessionibus,
rebus, et domibus nostris vel hominum nostrorum, (hoc verbum
in duobus sequentibus reperitur ) sive de hiis que nobis debentur
ex testamento decedentium, sive de decimis laborum nostrorum et
nutrimentis animalium ; sententia publices excommunicationis vel
suspensionis coherceant donec nobis plenarie satisfaciant. Item
de illis qui manus violentas in nos vel aliquem nostrum in-
jecerint.

Non absque dolore.

Gregorius .1X"*. De eodem quo supra; generaliter ad omnes episcopos et ‘ecclesi-

arum prelatos ad quos iste litteree pervenerint.
Non absque dolore.

.y. Innocentius .III**, De eodem quo supra: ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem
et ejus suffraganeos, et cetera, ut supra. Preterea de violenta
manuum injectione claustralium in alterutrum, vel in clericum
secularem.

xv. Gregorius .1X.". Quod immunes sumusa prestatione decimarum de lacte,
lana, et agnis.

.Vii. Gregorius .[X*s, Quod trahi ad stat non debemus ultra duas dietas.

.xyj. Urbanus III**, De confirmatione Wurthe cum pertinentiis.

.ix, Oto[n]is legati. Quod non debemus trahi ad placitum ultra duas dietas.
Nee de causis litigantium compelli cognoscere.

xi Otel ais legati. De decimis non dandis de possessionibus habitis ante con-
cilium. Nec de novalibus ante vel post concilium adquisitis que
propriis manibus aut sumptibus excolimus. Neque de ortis,
virgultis, pratis, pascuis, nemoribus, molendinis, salinis, pisca-
tionibus, et nutrimentis animalium nostrorum.

Tituli privilegiorum que adquisita fuerant Anno gratia. M°, cc. xlv°. per

Sratrem Michaelem Monachum, cujus laborem remuneret Deus in regno celorum.,

Amen.

Innocentius .IJII*s. A. Interpretatio de novalibus,

Tnnocentius .ITII*. 8. Non absque dolore,

Innocentius .IJ]1". C. Quod immunes sumus a preestatione omnium minu-
tarum decimarum, scilicet de nutrimentis animalium, de ortis,
virgultis, pratis, et ceteris ante concilium et post concilium ac-
quisites.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 247

Innocentius .IIII™. D. Quod nullus a nobis decimas exigere debet de nutri-
mentis animalium nostrorum, nec ab illis qui ea habent in pastura
vel custodia sua. Neque benefactores nostros excommunicare vel

_ interdicere, seu suspendere.

Innocentius .JIII"*. E. Ne aliquis inferre possit sententiam in servientes aut
familiares seu benefactores nostros, et cetera. E

Innocentius .IJIJ“*. F. Quod omnibus ad servitium nostrum commorantibus
possumus ecclesiastica Sacramenta conferre si copiam sacerdotum
suorum de facili habere nequeunt.

Innocentius .[III*. G. Quod nullus nos trahat ad aliquod forum aliqua de
causa, nec in ratione delicti, sine speciali mandato domini

ape. :

Innocentius .JIII™. H. Ne aliquis secularis persona carnes commedere
preesumat infra Abbatias vel Grangias nostras.

Innocentius .IIII™. I. Quod Domus ordinis nostri non visitentur nisi per

; personas ordinis.

Innocentius .IIII**, K. Quod monachi nostri ordinentur sine examinatione.

Innocentius .IIII. L. Quod Abbates possunt committere prioribus suis

_ vices suas absolvendi Monachos et Conversos excommunicatos pro
. violenta manuum injectione invicem.

_ Innocentius .IIII*. M. De conservandis nobis privilegiis et libertatibus et
consuetudinibus antiquis.

Innocentius .IIIi=. N. De confirmatione omnium privilegiorum nostrorum.

Innocentius .[III™*. 0. Quod nullus Delegatus vel subdelegatus Sententiam
interdicti vel suspensionis aut excommunicationis in nos promul-
gare potest.

Innocentius .II1I™*. P. Quod compelli non possumus ad provisionem alicujus

es. in pensionibus sive ecclesiasticis beneficiis.

_ Innocentius .IIII™. Q. Quod nullus in dedicatione ecclesiz vel alio tempore

fs infra septa monasterii carnibus vesci preesumat.

_ Tunocentius 1111. R. Quod bona eorum qui in monasteriis nostris profess-

?s ionem faciunt petere et retinere possumus.

Tnnocentius .IIII*. 8. Quod cogi non possumus yendere possessiones vel alia
bona wonasterii nostri.

Ss : Finales Concordie facte coram Justiciarios Dumini Regis.

_ Childcnoel. .i. Inter Nicholaum Abbatem et Godwinum Episcopum Winton-
: iensem de terra de Childenoel.
: _ Rudes sive Heland’. .ij. Inter Thomam Abbatem et Radulphum Bluet de
3 una virgata terre.
: Stanley .iij. Inter Stephanum A.bbatem et Godefridum de Stanleg’ de .vij.
4 virgatis terre.
a - Gudel et Wappel’. .iiij._ Inter Stephanum Abbatem et David Abbatem Sancti
* Augustini Bristollice de .j. hida et dimidia.
= Onder et Wapyel. .v. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Gilebertum de Fine-
4 mer’ de -iiij. carucatis terre.
‘Cuder et Wappel’. .vj. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Johannem de Berkel’
de Cudel’ cum pertinentiis.

248 Collections towards the History

Winterburn. .vij. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Willelmum Clericum de
xx
Berewik’ de .iiij. acris terre.

Winterburn’. .viij. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Johannem de Berewik’ de
uno mesuagio et .v. acris terre.

Winterburn’. .ix. Inter Edmundum de Rocle et Willelmum Magistrum
Hospitalis Sancti Bartholomei Bristollie de tertia parte feodi
dimidii Militis cum pertinenciis.

Nethemore. .x. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Walterum le Loverd de dimidia
carucata terre.

Blakedun’. .xj. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Robertum de Aumari de com-
muna pasture in Ubbeleg’.

Calestun’, Aubree, Wiltun’. .xij. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Walterum
de Calestun de .j. virgata terre in Calestun’. Et de .iiij*. acris
prati in Aubree que vocantur Thornmed. Et de.j. mesuagio in
Wiltun’ juxta Abbatiam.

Heiwude. .xiij. Inter Stephanum Abbatem et Willelmum Burnel de ,j.
virgata terre.

Cokelberg’ .xiiij. Inter Petrum Abbatem et Nicholaum filium Petri de Cokel-
berg’ de medietate molendini de Cokelb’ pro .x. solidis annuis et
una stika anguillarum.

Heiwude .xv. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Walterum de Pavelide.j. virgata
terre.

Rusteshale. .xvj. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Ricardum le Blunt de Rute-
shal’ de Reddita .xl. solidorum pro .j. virgata terre.

Jettun’ .xvij. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Henricum de .l. acris terre, et
quodam prato, et pastura, et imparcamento.

Stodleg’ .xviij. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Rogerum de Stodleg’ de .viij
acris prati et mesuagio quod lagardus aliquando tenuit.

Bradenestok’ xix. Inter Robertum Abbatem et Priorem de Bradenestok’ de
redditu duarum marcarum pro decimis de Cotstowe.

Eston’ .xx. Inter Willelmum Abbatem et Petrum filium Galfridi de Wode-
ford de terra de Eston’.

Jetton’ .xxi. Inter Willelmum Abbatem et Robertum Kaynel de sineeeey
ecclesie de Jetton’.

Carta Jocepini Judei de Bristollia facta coram Justiciarios Regis de Quicta-
clamantia totius debiti Radulphi de Bello Campo.

Titult cartarum Regum que sunt rotulate et non in ordine.

Ricardi Regis de protectione et de confirmatione omnium que Henricus
Rex pater suus et Matill’ Imperatrix avia sua sive alii nobis dederunt, vel in
futurum dare aut vendere voluerint. Et preterea omnium dignitatum et
libertatum que a predecessoribus suis Regibus Anglie nobis concessee fuerunt.
Et quod poni in placitum non debuimus de aliquo tenemento nostro nisi coram
ipso vel capitalibus Justiciariis suis, nisi de precepto ipsius.

Item Ejusdem de eodem verbo ad verbum; Secunda.
Ttem carta Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi de verbo ad
verbum,

Henrici Regis filii Johannis Regis de confirmatione omnium que in supra-

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. . 249

dicta carta Ricardi Regis avunculi sui continentur ; preter illa que remisimus
pro bosco de Alfledemore. Preterea in hac carta nominate sunt quedam
donationes que in dicta carta Regis Ricardi non sunt specificate.
Item Ejusdem de eodem verbo ad verbum; secunda.
Henrici Regis filii Johannis Regis de bosco de Alfledemore, et de licencia
claudendi illum fossato et haia. Et de licencia faciendi fossata et haias inter
forestam de chippeha’ et terras nostras arabiles et prata que jacent versus
eandem forestam.
Item Ejusdem de eodem verbo ad verbum ; Secunda.
Tituli cartarum Regum que sunt in ordine,
Lockeswell’ Oj}. ij | Matillis Imperatricis et Henrici Regis filii ejus
de Lockeswell cum pertinenciis.
- Lockeswell’ ©O| .| iiij | Matildis Imperatricis de quodam prato et de
xx. solidatis terre juxta pontem de Lacok.
4 -S[cilicet]. le Elande.
Migehal’

©] .| viii | Henrici Regis de Migehal’ cum pertinenciis.:
Wurthe ©] .1] vi | Henrici Regis de Wurthe cum pertinenciis.
cc) v | Henrici Regis de Stanleg’, Migehal’, Lockes-
well’, Leilande, Hetfelde, pastura in foresta
et de confirmatione datorum.
©] .| vii | Henrici Regis de quietaclamantia telonei, pon~
o tagii, passagii, et aliarum consuetudinum per
totam terram suam.
Lamburn’ ol. ij | Henrici Regis de confirmatione doni Hugonis
de Plugeni de una hida terre.
Lamburn’ Sele j | Henrici Regis de confirmatione doni Hugonis
de Plugenei de .xx. solidatis terre.
Langeden’ ©|.| ix | Ricardi Regis de pastura de Langeden’ et Wika.
Cudelingt’ ©} .| xviij | Ricardi Regis de confirmatione doni Radulphi
filii Stephani de Cudelingt’ et Wappel’.
O|.| xj | Henrici Regis de expeditatione* canum nostro-
rum per omnes grangias nostras non facienda.
O|.]| xj | Item Ejusdem de eodem verto ad verbum ; se-

| cunda. Et de exhibitione forestariorum.

Incipiunt tituli cartarum, Primo; cartarum pertinentium ad loca quorum
nomina incipiunt per.A. Secundo; ponuntur tituli cartarum pertinentium ad
loca quorum nomina incipiunt per .B., et sic deinceps secundum ordinem
_ Alphabeti. In ordinatione ista titulorum iste observatur modus, videlicet post
| titulum cuiushibet carte immediate ponuntur confirmationes ejusdem carte st
que fuerint, post confirmationes alia scripta ad eandem pertinentta. No-
_ tandum quod numerus qui scribitur in capite titulorum significat in quo loco
_ singule carte posite sunt. Puncti vero, in quo ordine. Parvi circuli design-
ant que carte posite sunt in luta archa, Incipiunt tituli cartarum pertinen-
3 tium ad loca quorum nomina incipiunt per. A.

_ Aubrea © | °*:, xxix | Fulconis de Cantilupo de .vij. acris prati apud
aa la Quabbe. Et quibusdam aliis pratis.
_ Aubrea © | +:|xxviij| Confirmatio Thome de Sancto Vigore de
D.. eisdem pratis. ;
_ Aubrea © | +:|xxvij | Donum Thome de Sancto Vigore quod fecit
ae ‘| dieto Fulconi de Cantilupo de eisdem pratis.

* Striking off portions of the feet, ~

250.

Aubrea
Aubrea

Aubrea
Aubrea

Aubrea
Aubrea

Berkele
Berkele
Berkele
Berkele

Bristol!’

Bristol?’

Bristol!’
Bristoll’

Bristol)’
Bristol!’
Bristol)’
Botenedis

Botenedis

Botenedis

00

O

0 0 0 0 0 0

Collections towards the History

XXvij
XXViij |

iiij

iiij

sale Xa

Item Ejusdem de eodem; secunda.

Donum ejusdem Thome de Sancto Vigore quod
fecit nobis de eisdem pratis.

Ade filii Everardi de .j. acra prati et dimidia.
Et de .j. acra prati que jacet in Niwecrofte.

Walteri de Calestun de quibusdam pratis, et de
quodam messuagio in Wilton. Finalis con-
cordia xiia.

Walteri de Greneford de .i. acra prati.

Reginaldi filii Godwini de confirmatione doni
Ragenildee Matris sue de quodam acra prati.
Et de Redditu .iij. denariorum in Calna.

Juliane filiz Aluredi de Gatemore de .j. virgata
terree et quodam Messuagio cum .ij. acris et
tribus croftis que vocentur Inhokes. Et de
pastura ad, ccc. oves et .x. animalia.

Willelmi Branche de quieta clamantia curize
de from’ pro terra de Berkel’.

Confirmatio Roberti Malherbe Militis de pastura
ii, ovium et .x. animalium.

Confirmatio Reginaldi* de Albamara junioris de
eisdem.

Confirmatio ‘Thome de albamara de terra de
Berkele et pastura trecentorum Multonum.
Donum Reginaldi de Albamare quod fecit nobis

de eisdem.

Willelmi Comitis Glocestrie de quietaclamantia
telonie de omnibus que ad proprios usus
emimus in villa de Bristoll’.

Ejusdem de eodem verbo ad verbum ; Secunda.

Christine filize et heredis Adee Horegh’ de quo-
dam burgagio cum pertinentiis in villa
Bristollia binethegete([ beneath the gate] quod
quondam fuit Adz Horegh.’

Nicholai Clerici filii Henrici de Hambroe de
quadam terra in feria.

Donum Henrici de Hambroe quod fecit dicto
Nicholao Clerico filio suo de eadem terra.

Donum quod fecit Baldewinus Juyenis deLismor
Ade Horegh’ de dicto burgagio cum pert.

Ricardi Coffin de venditione quam fecit dicto
Henrici de Hambroc de eadem terra.

Petri Blackeberie quam fecerat Walteri de
Ponte de eadem terra.

Thome Bat de Redditu .xii. solidorum pro
eadem terra.

Willelmi Cinnoch de tota terra sua de Botenedis.

Donum Godefridi de Stanleg’ quod fecit Roberto
Cinnoch fratri dicti Willelmi de eodem et de
Colleg.’

Alexandri de Stodleg’ de tota parte sua pratiin
botenedis.

* Reginaldi ; originally Regeinaldi, but the superfluous e expuncted,
t+ Nicholai . .

. feria; this entry has been lined out with red ink at a later period.

Botenedis

~
Boclande Z
Boclande
Bluntesdun’
Bluntesd’ :
Bluntesd’
Bluntesd’ x
Bluntesd’ ;
- Bluntesd’
; Bluntesd’ ‘
% Caln’ ‘6

ix

liij

xiij

*: IXXXviij

xvi

xx
l
1
1

lxvij

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 251

Thomas Bubbe de quietaclamantia Juris et
clamii quod habuit in prato de Botenedis. Et
pasturze .vi. boum quam habere debuit cum
bobus nostris in Stanleg’.

Reginaldi Coch de Messuagio et .vj. acris ad
sustentandum lampadem in infirmitorio secu-
larium, valet redditus .ii. sol. iij.den. Ceterse
carte pertinentes ad eandem terram sunt in
quadam pixide cum cartis secularium.*

Hugonis Calvi de Redditu .vij. solidorum;
cartes due.

Donum Willelmi de Wastevill’ quod fecit
dicto Hugoni Calvo de dimidia virgata terre,
et .ij acris. Et alia carta de .y. acris et di-
midia de quibus terris percipimus dictum
Redditum .vij. solidorum.

Confirmacio Godefridi de Scudemor quam fecit
dicto Hugoni de eisdem terris.

Alicize filize Constanciz de quietaclamantia
quam fecit dicto Hugoni Calvo de Redditu
-1ij. solidorum, quem percipere solebat ab eo
de predictis terris.

Donum Willelmi de Wastevill, quod fecit dictes
Aliciz sorori sue de eodem Redditu .iij.
solidorum.

Willelmus Zouche Miles de redditu viij s.

Magistri Rogeri de Calna de .j. Mesuagio quod
reddit annuatim Domino fundi .yij. d’.
ob’.

Isabellee quondam uxoris Baldewini Cat de -
Redditu .xij.d. juxta domum Morkok.
Herberti filii Petri de quodam Mesuagio.

De Mesuagio et terris.

j | Henrici pinnoc de una libra cere singulis annis

percipienda de Stokeleg’.

Reginaldi filii Petri et dicti herberti fratris
ejus de eodem Mesuagio.

Walteri clobbe de quodam Mesuagio in Calna.
Carte .iij.

Donum Willelmi Wiffin quod fecit dictis
Reginaldo et Herberto fratribus de eodem
Mesuagio.

Henrici Wither de domo sua, et .j. acra terra
et .j. pertica.

Johannis de Avebir’ de .iiij™ Mesuagiis, et
Walterus de Calstone.

Confirmatio Walteri de Calestun’ filii dicti
Johannis de eisdem .iiij. Mesuagiis.

Galfridi Daicoc de quodam mesuagio et de
quodam curtillagio.

Confirmatio Rogeri Petitmac de eisdem.

Donum Rogeri Mac quod fecit dicto Galfrido
de dicto curtillagio tantum.

Mabelyz filis Reginaldicrey quietaclamantia
de quodam mesuagio in Caln’.

EE Se 2 ee ee
*Cetere . . . secularium; this Passage has been lined out with red ink at a later period.

252

Caln’
Caln’

Caln’
Caln’

Caln’

Caln’
Caln’

Caln’
* Caln’

Cain’
Caln’

Caln’
Caln’

Caln’

Collections towards the History

XXi.
5 xxi
lix
. | xxii
xxxi
. | xxiii
ij
XXX]
. | xxiiij
xxiv
-| XV
- | XXV
. | XXV
oo) Ay
XXVj
. | xxvj
XV
XXVI]j
XXvij
.| xvj
. | XxXvij
xxij

Richardi Agemund de tota terra quam habnit
in Caln’.

Walteri Thurgod de .j. burgagio in Cusinstret
Haas est juxta burgagium Nicholai Tri-
kedel.

Henrici de Comerford de Redditu xijd. apud
Calne. -

Ricardi de Bosco de quadam terra in Battestret.

de Cantaria misse Beatz Maric Virginis de
Calne, et de .iiij. solidis nobis debitis.

Venditio Osberti Paris quam fecit eidem Ricar-
do de eadem terra.

Johannis filii Henrici Cementarii de redditu
iiijd. ob.

Willelmi textoris de quodam mesuagio quod
situm est in aquilonari parte Capelle Sancti
Andree.

Cyrograffum inter nos et Capellanum Beate
Mariz de Caln’ de quodam Mesuagio quod de
nobis tenet pro. iiij. solidis annui redditus,
et aliud de Willelmo Bleburi.

Donum Walteri parmentarii quod fecit dicto
Willelmo de eodem messuagio.

Donum Ricardi Blakeman quod fecit dicto
Willelmo de eodem Mesuagio.

Willelmi de Devyses, Clerici, qui dicitur Wey-
land, de redditu .xv. solidorum, et .vij, dena-
riorum in Calna, quem redditum dedit nobis
pro liberatione sua.

Willelmi Luvel de .j. mesuagio in vico qui
vocatur Patteford. ‘

Willelmi Luvel de Redditu .xviij. denariorum,
scilicet de terra quamErnaldus sacerdos tenuit.

Walteri Hulle de Redditu .xij. denariorum de
Messuagio uno in villa de Calna.

Willelmi scriptoris de .j.Messuagio in Cusinstret
quod Editha quondam uxor sua nobis legavit.

Willelmi scriptoris de quieta clamantia cujus-
dam Conventionis pro Duobus Mesuagiis.

Ricardi filii Willelmi de Weylande de Calna de
acquietancia liberationis annue panis et
cervisize.

Willelmi Capellani de terra cum domibus que
fuit Walteri Trikedel.

Swonildz quondam uxoris Oslac de quietacla-
mantia Juris quod habuit in quodam Mesuagio
in la Cheretstret.

Johannis le Mason de duobus denariis Annui
redditus de suo tenemento.

Ade Bat de confirmatione doni quod Johannes

frater suus fecit nobis de tota terra quamemit .

de Northman.

Quieta clamacio Thome Ernald de Divises,
et Willelmi Skile de Calne de uno mesuagio
cum pertinenciis suis‘quod situm est in Port-

‘stret inter domum Petri le Mercer et domum
Willelmi le scriveyn.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 253

. | xxviij| Bartholomei de Quein’ford de Redditu .xij. de-
nariorum de quadam crofta, et de dominio
quod habuit in eadem crofta, scilicet de tribus
acris terre et dimidia.

xxviij | Rogeri Aldwini de Redditu .xij. denariorum de
terre: quam emit de Ricardo ad carcerem.

. v_ | Reginaldi filii Godwini de Redditu .iij. denario-
rum. Isti .iij. denarii pertinent ad molendi-
num Fulericum. Supra in quadam de Aubrea*

. | xxv | Johannes de Aula de Calne de annuo redditu

-xijd.

xxix ceeds Scorel de Redditu .iij. Solidorum et
.ij. denariorum pro .j. Messuagio in Cusinstret
ex dono Johannis de Avebiri.

xxi | Alexander Crede de Redditu .ij. sol., et idem
feffavit Hamonem.

xxix | Stephani de Calestun’ de Redditu.vi.denariorum,

xv | Quieta Clamacio Thome Weyland de .j. tene-

mento

: | lix | Bartholomeus de Quein’ford, de dimidia libra |
Cerze percipienda de Willelmo Lovel pro tribus
acris et dimidia terre et vocatur Clobbecroft.

; .: xxix | Henrici de Marisco de escambio quarumdam

a terrarum § Worth.

_ Caneford Quere subtus sub titulo de Straford.+

_ Caldecote . | xxx | Warneri Mansel de Redditu .]. solidorum in

q Caldecote,{ et .ix. sol. .x.d. et ob.in Durierd. .

_ Caldecot? . | xliij. | Donum Willelmi de Wenneval quod fecit eidem
Bi Garnero de eodem Redditu.
_ Caresbroc ©|:1 vij_ | Willelmi de Orglandris de terra quam Wimun-

, dus de Caresbroe tenuit juxta novum cares-

broc. Hee terra est in insula de Wigt.
xxxi | Willelmi le Noreis de dono quod fecit Kicardo
le Sureis de quodam Burgagio.

. | xxxii| Willelmi le Noreis de dono quod fecit nobis
de eodem burgagio post mortem dicti Ricardi
le Sureis.

. | xxxiij| Confirmatio Radulphi de Stares de eodem.

Ricardi le veske de Redditu .vi.d. de Messuagio

quod Paganus tenuit.
. |xxxiiii] Durandi le Franceis de confirmatione doni quod
Ricardus Smud fecit nobis de .j. Mesuagio.
*: | xxxix| Durandile Franceis de.j. acra pratiin Westmed.
‘| +: | xxxix | Durandi Je Franceis de Redditu .ij. sol.
xxxix | Item Ejusdem de Redditu .xij.d.
xxxix | Willelmi filii Durandi le Franceis de dimidia
: acra prati in Westmed.
| xl | Ejusdem Willelmi de Relaxatione vj.d. quos
reddebamus ei pro terra quam habemus de eo
in Chipp’.

‘al
‘al
an
A=

_ *Supra . . . Aubrea; a red line drawn through these words at the time of writing the sen-

tence above—Isti, &c.

‘ + Quere . . . Straford; a red line drawn through these words,
+ 1. sol. in Caldecote; underlinedin MS,

254

Chippeh’
Chippeh’

Chippeh’

Chippeh’
Chippeh’

Chippeh’

Chippeh’

Chippeh,

Chippeh’
Chippeh’
Chippeh’

Chippeh’
Chippeh’
Chippeh’
Chippeh,
Chippeh’
Chippeh’

Chippeb’ -

Collections towards the History

. xxxiv , Roberti le veske de quitaclamantia ejusdem
Messuagii.
xxxy |Durandi le Franceis de confirmatione doni
Radulphi le Franceis quod fecit nobis de .j.
Messuagio et de quitaclamantia Redditus
-xiid. de eodem Messuagio.
xl | Johannis de la Barre de quietaclamantia .vi.d.
redditus quos debebamus eidem Johanni.
. | xxxv | Johannis de la Barra de confirmatione doni quod
Ricardus filius Rogeri sacerdotis fecit nobis
de .j. Mesuagio.
. |xxxv |Donum ejusdem Johannis quod fecit dicto
Ricardo de eodem Mesuagio.

xxxyj| Willelmi de Rugedun’ de confirmatione doni
Ricardi patris sui quod fecit nobis de quadam
crofta que jacet subtus gardinum Henrici
Harding.

:: |xxxvij| Domini Galfridi Gasselin de libertatibus.

XXXVij. :
xxxvi| Henrici Harding de quadamcultura que vocatur
; turnebroe et .ij. acris, pro .ij. croftis.
xxxvi| Willelmi Harding de Redditu .viij. solidorum
in Chippeh’.

: |\xxxvii| Johanne Gacelin de predictis liberatibus confir-
matio.

:: [xxxvii|Thome de la Mare de quodam prato extra
Chippeham super ripam fluminis Avene. Et
vocatur Dounham.

. bxexxvii| Confirmatio Ade filii dicti Thome de la Mare
de eodem prato.

:: Ixxxviil|de bundis inter boscum nostrum et boscum

domini Edwardi Gacelyn in foresta de Peu-
wesham.
xxxviii| Willelmi Beauvilein de dono quod fecit Ricardo
filio Rogeri presbiteri de quodam Mesuagio.
xxxi i] Willelmi Beauvilein de confirmatione doni dicti
Kicardi quod fecit nobis de eodem Messuagio.
Et de confirmatione doni Radulphi le Franceis
quod fecit’nobis de alio Mesuagio. Et de
confirmatione Redditus de Durierd.
+: | ly | Allexandri le Wayte de quodam Mesuagio In
Chippeham.
*: ly | Ricardi Horn de Redditu .iiij.°* sol. in eodem,
De boscis.
xxxix |Willelmi Beauilein de bosco quem habuit juxta
abbatiam et de crofta que vocatur Uppeleg’.
xvi | Reginaldide Paueli de parte sua bosci in foresta
de Chippeh’ qui vocatur hulwerek.
. | xvii | Roberti de Oseuill’ de quadam particula bosci
in foresta de Chippeh’.
. |xxxix| Johannze de Oseuill’ de .j, burgagio quod Ri-
cardus le Sureis tenuit.
xl | Johanne de Oseuill’ de parte sua bosci in la
Mora.
xl | Ejusdem de eodem; secunda. Ista non con-
cordat in omnibus cum priore.
. | xli | Confirmatio Walteri de Paueli de eodem.

I

Chippeh’
Chippeh’

‘ Chippeh’
Chippeh,

* Chippeh’
_ Chippeh’

Chipmannesled’

Chipmannesl’
Chipmannesl?

vel Corsleg’

Chipmannes’ .

Chipmannes’
‘Chipmannesl’

Chipmannes]’

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stantey.

-00 0 0O

O

xlii
xilij

viij

vii

: |xxxvij

vii

255

Simonis. Horn de Redditu .iij. solidorum.

Rogeri Marescalli de .j. acra prati in estmed.
Et alia de dimidia acra prati in Estmed.

Helys filii Philippi de Cokelberg’ de quarta*
parte cujusdam dimidie acre prati in Estmed.

Heec (iiii) tres carte suprascripte pertinent ad
Molendinum fulericum et sunt in quadam
pixidet (in archa lata.)

Cyrographum de Alfiedemore quod vocatur
viginti quatuor ; est in lata archa.

Thome de Langual’ de .ij. solidatis terre. Et
de terra quam Aluricus Ches tenuit.

Comfirmatio Ricardi de Esse de eisdem.

Confirmatio Roberti de Esse filii dicti Ricardi
de eisdem. Et de .ij. ‘acris in Lia ex dono
dicti Ricardi patris sui.

Thome filii Henrici de quodam Mesnagio. Et
de confirmatione doni Walteri de Lia de .ij.
Mesuagiis.

Quietaclamacio Priorissze de Stodleye de omni-
et quee tenemus de feudo suo in Chapmanes-
lad.

Confirmatio Godefridi de Grancumba doni
dicti Thome de dicto Mesuagio. Et doni
dicti Walteri de Lia de dictis duobus Mesu-
agiis.

Confirmatio Philippi de Lia filii dicti Walteri
de Lia de eisdem .ij. Mesuagiis.

Villelmi Burdevil’ de terra de estchatindon
quam dedit domino Johanni Luvel.

Eme de Castello confirmatio de terra Estcha-
tindon quam Willelmus Burdevil’ dedit
domino Johanni Luvel.

Michaelis de dimidia virgata terre quam dedit
domino Johanni Luvel in Estchatind’.

Walteri de Paueli de quietaclamantia sequele
quam ipsi vel homines nostri de Chipmannes-
led facere consuevimus in hundredo de
Westbiri.

De quodam mesuagio cum curtillagio quod
Godefridus de Bissopestre tenet de nobis in
Chepmanesl’.

Johannis filii Petri de terra de Cotstowe.

Ejusdem de eodem ; Secunda.

“| Confirmatio Willelmi de Manudeuill’ Comitis

Essexize § de eodem.

0 000

ij | Confirmatio Simonis le Bastard de eodem.

* Quarta; quartea, with the e expuncted, MS.

4 q +Hee .. . pixide; a red line drawn through this sentence, at a later period, and the iiii and
_ the remainder added.

+ Space left blank in MS,
2 Essexie ; Essexcie, but the c expuncted, MS.

VOL. XV.—NO. XLY. z

256

Cotstowe

Cotstowe

Costowe

Costowe

Cokelberg’

Cokelberg’
Cokelberg’

Cokelb’
Cokelb’
Cokelb’

Chatindon
Clopcot’

Clopcot?
Clopeot?
Clopcot’
Clopcot’

Clopcot?

0 00 0

XXX
XXxXiii

XXXxiii
xviij

xi
2ab.<

xx

lxiij
lxv
lxiij

liij

xliiij
xliiij
xliiij
xly

xlv

_ Collections towards the History

Donum Simonis le Bastard quod fecit dicto
Johanni filii Petri de eodem.

Confirmatio Willelmi de Mandeuill’ Comitis
Essexiz de eodem dono.

Confirmatio Emmz de Castello de terra de
chatindon’ quam Michael dedit domino Jo-
hanni Luvel. ;

Roberti Blueth de Duabus acris.

Roberti Blueth de .v. acris terre.

Item de eodem. Item ejusdem de eodem.

Philippi* Basset de tota terra cum domibus et
omnibus aliis apud Salharpe, Carte duee.

Confirmatio Alynz Basset de eisdem.

Confirmatio comitis Marescalli de eisdem.

Philippi Basset de duabus acris ad faciendum

chatiam ad Salharpe.

Concessio Philippi Basset transeundi per diversa
loca super terram suam nobis et nostris, brevze
dus.+

Walteri de Dunstanyill’ tertii de quietaclaman-
tia servitii de Cotstowe.

Hugonis filii Johannis de Chilton De .vj. acris
terree arabilis in campo de Chilton’.

Contirmacio Johannis de Chilton’,

Simonis de Cokelb’. et Petri filii ejus de medie-
tate molendini de Cokelb’ cum pertinentiis.

Confirmatio Walteri Crok de eodem.

Petri deCokelb’ de restauratione medietatis dicti
molendini si a nobis ablata fuerit.

Rogeri Burel de Redditu .x. solidorum pro me-
dietate dicti molendini. Et de mertiamento
.x. solidorum quotiens termi[nus] dicti Red-
ditus transgressus fuerit.

Finalis Concordia de eodem, xiiija.

Johannis Lovel de tota terra quam habemus in
campode Chatindon’. Carte due. :

Domini Philippi Basset de quodam chemino
nobis concesso, videlicet, Langstret.

Confirmacio Domini R. de Monte forti de terra
quam Johannes Lovel dedit nobis,

Roberti Bluet de excambio .iiijor. acrum et
dimidize, et una pertica,

Queere in Costow.

David de Calna de .j. virgata terre. Hee
terra pertinet ad tannariam.

Confirmatio Adz de Clopcot’ de eodem.

Confirmatio Roisé de Clopcot’ de eodem.

Donum Johannis de Wudestert’ quod fecit dicto
David de eadem virgata terre.

Contirmatio Michaelis de Clopcot’ doni quod
dictus Johannes de Wudestert’ fecit dicto
Dayid de Caln’ de tota terra quam tenuit de
eo in Clopcot’.

* Philippi; originally Philippus, but corrected, MS,
+ bre due, MS,

Y

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 257

~~ Chilton | | Quere in Costow.
: Cudelint’ ©} .| xviii | Radulfi filii Stephani de Cudelint? et Wappel’.
©} .| xix | Ejusdem de eodem, ija. Una istarum tangt

_| servitium Regale et non altera.

. | xlvi | Andrege de Bosco de quodam prato.

. | xlvi | Andres de Bosco de duabus acris terre: ara-

bilis.* .

: . | xlvi | Andres de bosco de una acra terree arabilis.
: Cudelint’
_ Cudelint?

Cudelint’

. | xviij | Confirmatio Regis Ricardi de eodem.

. | xviij | Confirmatio ejusdem Regis quam fecerat Ra~
dulfo filio Stephani de Cudel’ et Wappel et
Winterburn’, et est cum confirmatione dicti
Ricardi regis quam fecit nobis de dono Radulfi
filii Stephani, scilicet de Cudelint’ et Wappel’.

©|. | xix | Confirmatio Ricardi Walensis de eodem. :

© | . | xviij | Scripta que habemus de domino Gileberto filio
Stephani pro quieta clamacione Manerii de
Codinton’, et alia scripta dictum placitum
tangenc[i Ja.

© |+: | xxii | Gileberti de Finemer’ de quitaclamantia juris

quod habuit in Cudel’ et Wappel’.
Ejusdem de eodem Finalis concordia, va.
© +: | xxij | Johannis de Berkele de quitaclamantia Juris
et clamii quod habuit in Cudel’ et Wappel’.
Ejusdem de eodem Finalis Concordia, vja.
xxiij | Henrici Regis quam Johannes de Berkele red-
didit nobis pro quitaclamantia. ;

Abbatis et Conventus Malmesbir’ de quadam

purprestura facta in Cudelint’.

. | xix | Radulphi filii Stephani de Cudelintona.

‘:| xxi | Abbatis et Conventus Sancti Augustini Bristol’
de decimis de Cudel’ et Wappel’.

00

Cudelint’

Cudelint’

Cudelint’
_ Cudelint’

Cudelint’

Cudelint’

00 0 O
‘:

Cudelint’

:: | xxxij | Reginaldi de Leygrove de quodam Escambio.
© |:: | xxi | Item Abbatis et Conventus Sancti Augustini
Bristoll’. Unde supra, et de erectione Capella.+

Finalis Concordia .iiija. de Cudel’ et Wappel’.

In Registro post titulos cartarum in principio

r Libri invenies transcripta de placito de Codin-

~ Cudelint?

tone.
© |+*: | xxi | Roberti de Bosco de fossato faciendo circa bos-
cum nostrum qui vocatur cherscumb’.
. | xlvi | Simonis de axtun’ de .j. acra in butecumb’.
Quere subtus cum Jettun’. ;
Finalis Concordia .xija.
Finalis Concordia .ja.
*: | xlvi | Rogeri filii Everardi de .j. Mesuagio et crofta.
Istud Mesuagium pertinet ad tannariam.
+: | xlvi | Thome Rivel de quodam Mesuagio ; Due.
*: | xlvij | Item de eodem: cartea Quatuor.
Datyntun’ © -: carta una xxxij. secunda O
| +: xxxiij. et tercia O +: xxxiiij.

_ Cndelint?

Childenoel
Divis’

* Arabilis; arrabilis, but the first r expuncted, MS.

___¢ Written in a yery small hand over line, with corresponding marks to indicate the place of entry
q into the text,

r ' : zZ2

258

Durierd

Durierd
Durierd

Durierd

Estun’

Estun’
Estun’

Estun’
Estun’
Estun’

Estun’ o>)

Estun’
Estun’
Estun’

Fugelstun’
Godewell’

O

Godewell’ °
Godewell’ S

Godewell’

Collections towards the History

XV
. | xivij
XXKV
. | xlviij
+ [KXXviij

xliij

xlix

hl xlix

Hugonis Peverel de redditu xii s. in Dune-
stanton. é

Warneri Mansel de Redditu .ix. sol. x, d. ob.

Kjusdem de eodem .ija.

Confirmatio Roberti de Wesneval de eodem.

Confirmatio Willelmi Beauvilein de eodem.
Supra* in quadam de Chippeh’.

Donum Willelmi de Wesneval quod fecit dicto
Warnero de eodem. Supra* in quadam de
Caldecot’.

Ricardi de Peautun’ de medietate terre suze de
Estun’,

Petri filii Galfridi de Wodeford de omnibus
terris quas habemus de feodo suo. Finalis
Concordia .xxa.

Ricardide Peautun’ de tota terra sua de Estun’,

Confirmatio Philippi de Wika de eodem.

t .
Confirmatio Philippi de Wika Junioris de eodem.

Et quietaclamantia ejusdem de secta curise, et
molendinorum Suorum.

{

Confirmatio Thoms de Wika de eodem.

Confirmatio Galfridi de Wudeford de eodem.

Confirmatio Alicize de Wudeford de eodem.

Contirmatio Jocelini Episcopi Bathoniensis de
eodem.

Philippi de Wika de quarta parte unius acre
quee jacet juxta murum Grangie.

Compositio inter nos et Decanum et conventum
de Welles de decimis de Estun’.

Godefridi de la Cnolle de .v. acris terres.

Queere subtus cum Wiltun’,

et O:xxvj. Hugonis de Plugenei de tota terra
sua de Godewell’, et quibusdam aliis.

Willelmi de Corsleg’ de quietaclamantia con-
suetudinis in Chipmanneslade.

Walteri de Brocweya de quodam fossato apud

Godewell’.
Carte Godefridi de Byssopestre quam de nobis

habuit de quodam Messuagio in Chepmannes- .

‘lad’, quam nobis restituit, et est duplex, in
modum Cyrograffi.

Carta quam fecit uxorisuse de eodem tenemento.

Quieta clamancia ejusdem Godefridi quam
nobis fecit de eodem tenemento,

Philippi Marmiun de dimidia virgata cum
croftis et bosco quam Edricus tenuit.

Philippi Marmiun de tota terra quam quondam
tenebamus de Bartholomeo patre suo quee jacet
inter bellum quercum et la Broeweie.

* Supra, &c.; a red line drawn through each sentence.
+ An entry erased here (in a late hand).
+ Eight lines of writing erased here (in a late hand).
4 De eodem; originally de dono quod dictus Ricardus de Peautun’ fecit nobis de .j. hida terre ,
but this has a lino drawn through it, MS,

|
1
$
5
‘

: Godewell’
Godewell’

Godewell’

Godewell’

Heiwnude
- Heiwude
- Heiwude
- Heiwude
Heiwude
Heiwude
f Heiwnde
_ Heiwude

_Heiwade

Westburi’

Godewell’

Godewell’

Godewell’ .

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley.

o

coo)

iiij

liij

259

Petri de Seudemor de .v. seilluns terre, Et de
quadam via ad carectas nostras super terram
suam,

Walteri de Broeweie de fossato fatiendo juxta
gravam nostram.

: [xxxvij' Quieta clamancia Priorissee de Stodl’ de omnibus

xx

Berkele, Boclande, Chipmannesled’, *

que tenemus de feodo suo.in Chepmaneslad’.
Hee carta servit de Corsleye apud godewelle.

Hugonis de Raden’ de pastura .ccce, ovium in
Walemerse. :

Confirmatio Ingerardi de Raden’ de eodem, et
preterea de pastura .xx. otiorum averiorum in
Walemerse ; excepto quod remisimus ei .ce.
oves de predictis .ccce. ovibus.

Confirmatio Willelmi de Raden’ filii dicti In-
gerardi de eodem. ‘

Willelmi de Radene de prato quod vocatur
Mulemed.’ Et alio prato cum pertinenciis.

Obligatio ejusdem de eisdem.

Decani et Capituli Sar’ de decimis de Godewell’.

vel Corsleg’, et lie; quere in ordine
alphabeti.

Walteri de Paveli de terra quam habuimus de
Philippo Marmiun,.

Rogeri Marmiun de Quietaclamacione.

Godefridi de bissopestre de quodam Mesuagio
cum curtillagio in Haiwode, quod ei dedit
Thomas Le Deveneis pro servicio suo.

Quitaclamatio de redditu .vi. denariorum, quos °

_ remisit Willelmus Drugun de Heywod’ Gode-
frido de Bissopestre, quos recipere solebat
annuatim de quodam mesuagio cum curtillagio
in villa de Haiwode.

Galfridi Burnel de .j. virgata terree et dimidia,

Confirmatio Willelmi Burnel de eodem.,

Confirmatio Hawisee de Paueli de eodem.

Donum Hawise de Paueli quod fecit nobis de
eodem.

Donum Willelmi Burnel quod fecit nobis de
eodem. » Ae

Confirmatio Hugonis de Plugen’ quam fecit

_ dicto Galfrido Burnel de eadem terra.

Hawaise de Paueli de Redditu .vi. solidorum.

Confirmatio Walteri de Paueli filii dictee Hawise
de eodem Redditu. ~

Gaufridi burnell de x acris terre.

Donum dicti Godefridi quod nobis fecit de pre.
dicto tenemento.

Thome de Stokes de quadam Crofta pro .iij.
acris terree.

Rogeri filii Michaelis de dimidia acra prati in
prato de Stane.

* Chipmannessled’ ; originally Chippmanessled’, but the second p expuncted, MS,

260 Collections towards the History

Heiwude Finales Concordiz ; xiija. et xva.
ij | Hawys de plugg’ de x acris.
ij | Hawys filise Hugonis de Plugg’ de redditu vi

solidorum.
iij | Radulpho de bello campo de eodem redditu.
Hakepen ‘ v | Teobaldi de Winterburn’ de pastura sua de
1 Hakepen.

xxlij | Ricardi Quintin de quieta clamatione .xij. de-
riorum pro pastura de Hakepenne.

Hakepen *: | xiij_ | Confirmatio Ricardi filii dicti Teobaldi de eodem.
Subtus in quadam de Winterburn’.* | 3
Hakepen ‘; | xxiiij , Willelmi Quintin de tota pastura sua super
Hakep’. In quadam de Winterburn’.*
Hakepen : | vii | Johannis Wace de Hentun’ de una drova ad
oves nostras per medium pasture suse super
Hakepen Hakepen.
In quadam de Hentun’.*
Hakepen © |*: | xxxj | Confirmatio Walteri de Dunstanvill’ de eadem
Drova. In quadam de Hentun’.*
Hakepen *: | xxij | Scolastice fili Ricardi Anketile de pastura sua

super Hak’.
In quadam de Winterburn’.*

Hentun’ : | vi | Johannis Wace de .j. virgata terre.
: | vi | Ejusdem de eodem Secunda; preter servitium
talc Shey i ae iy
Hentun’ : | vii |Johannis Wace de .j. virgata terre .xxiiij.
acrarum. Et de quadam drova ad oves nostras
Hentun’ per medium pasturze suee super Hakepen. In

ista continentur prima.

Hentun’ © |+: | xxxj | Confirmatio Walteri de Dunstanyill’ de dicta

Virgata terre et Drova.
vii | Confirmacio Reginaldi Waz omnium donorum
predecessorum suorum.
j. | Math’ de Cobumb’ de excambio duarum acra-
rum et unius pertice. i
liiij | Nicholai Waz de .4 or. acris et pastura .4 or.

Bovum.
‘: | liiij | Confirmacio Reginaldi Waz de eadem.
Hentun’ : | vilj | Reginaldi de Caln’ Militis de .j. Virgata terre
quam Walterus Faber quondam tenuit.
Hentun’ : | viij | Confirmatio Johannis Wace de eodem. Et de

quitaclamantia Redditus .xij. denariorum
quem inde recipere consueverat.

liij | Quieta clamacio Amici uxoris Nicholai Waz
de dote sua.

*: | litij | Nicholai Waz de tribus acris terre in Wynter-

burn’.

xx | Carta Johannis Wace de j virgata terre red-

4 dendo annuatim iij solidos.

Hentun’ : | ix | Ricardi filii Willelmi de Hentun’ de .xij. acris,
Hentun’ foj'asx. Hugonis de Hentun’ filii dicti Ricardi de eisdem
xii. acris.

In ista non fit mentio de seryitio et demanda
seculari sicut in prima.

er Sn he

* Each of these sentences has been drawn through with a red line,

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 261
Hentun’ :| xi Item ejusdem Hugonis de .xxii. acris
Hentun’ : | xi { Confirmatio Michaelis de Columbiers de eodem.
Hentun’ ‘| xii | Riecardi filit Teobaldi de .i. acra in Castenes-
furlang.
Hentun’ : | xiii | Matillis filiee Willelmi de dono quod facit
Robertus filius Samuelis de .j. Virgata terre.
Heselbiri : | xiiij | Samsonis bigod de la boxe de Quarraria de
Heselbiri.

xiiij | Sampsonis bigod de una acra terre et quita-
- clamantia botarum pro una lessa.
Heselbiri : | xiiij | Samsonis bigod de quadam alia Quarraria apud

.
; Heselbiri pro .i. pari botarum annuatin.
| Heselbiri ° ix | Walteri Crok de tota Quarraria sua.

Heselbiri ©|:| viij | Henrici Crok de quadam area ad faciendum
Quarrarium, que continet in longitudine,*
§ latitudinem .ij. acrarum.
Heselbiri ©|:| viij | Henrici Crok de Duabus acris que jacent ex

F australi parte Quarrariz nostre.

Heselbiri : | xy | Abbatissee et Conventus de Lacoc de escambio

cujusdam Quarrariz.

Jettun’ : | xvi |Johannis Wace de Redditu_.iiij. solidorum,

: percipiendo de terra quam Thomas de Culern’

: tenuit.

Jettun’ : | xyi | Confirmatio Henrici Keinel de eodem Redditu.
Et de quitaclamantia .j- libre cimini de

eadem terra. :
Jettun’ : | xvii | Donum Henrici}Keinel quod fecit dicto Johanni

: f Wace de eadem terra.

Jettun’ : | xvii |Ejusdem de eodem dono; Secunda.

Jettun’ xyiii | Henrici Keinel de quodam prato, et .1. acris et

dimidia terre arabilis, et pasture ad .c. oves,
et .viij. averia, et de parco nostro in minori
Jettun’ ; carte Due.
Finalis concordia .xvii.
xviij | Henrici Keynel de quodam prato et xxxi acris
et d[imidia]
xix | Henrici Keynel de dimidia virgata terra et de
donatione ecclesize in Majori Jett’. .
xix | Henrici Keynel de alia dimidia virgata terra in
majori Jettun’.
xx | Adz de Keines de .j. virgata terre de feodo
Henrici Keinel.
xx |Confirmatio Henrici Keinel de eodem.
xxi | Donum dicti Henrici Keinel quod fecit dicto
Adee de eodem.
xxi | Kjusdem de eodem ; Secunda.
xxii | Ejusdem de eodem ; Tercia.
xxiii | Adee de Keines de .j. virgata terre de feodo
- | Milonis de Keines.
xxiij | Confirmatio dicti Milonis de dono quod dictus
Ada de Keines fecit nobis de omnibus terris
quas tenuit de eo in Jettun’.
xxiij| Donum quod fecit nobis Milo de Keines de Vie
acris terre arabilis.

*? a word omitted here in MS.
+ Erasure of word here, MS,

262

Jettun’

Jettun’
Jettun’

Culern’
Jettun’

Culern’
Jettun’

Culern’
Jettun’

Culern’
Jettun’
Culern’
Jettun’
Jettun’
Jettun’

Jettun’
Jettun’

Collections towards the History

nota) : xxiilj
> | xxiiij
a |e S.45
: | xxyi
ol RV
> | xxvij
: | =xvij
: | xxviii
; | xxviii
:| xxix
: | xxix
a or
PAL 28-65
> | xXviij
s | xh

iS xli

Donum dicti Milonis quod fecit dicto Ade .
dicta virgata terre et quibusdam aliis,

Ejusdem de eodem ; Secunda.

Item donum dicti Milonis quod fecit dicto Adz
de dimidia virgata terree in parva Jettun’.

Adee de Keines de .ix, acris et dimidia, et de
dominio Ade Carpentarii.

Adee de Keines de quodam bosco in Manerio de
Culern’.

Confirmatio Eustachii de Wrotheshall de dictis
.ix. acris, et bosco.

Confirmatio Thome filii Willelmi de Culern’ de
eodem,
Ejusdem de eodem ; ija.

Donum ejusdem Thome quod fecit dicto Adz
de Keines de dictis .ix. acris et bosco.

Nicholai de Cuintun’ le Taillur de dimidia yir-
gata terre: quod dictus Ada dederat ei.

Donum dicti Ade de Keines quod fecerat dicto
Nicholao de eadem dimidia virgata terre.

Confirmatio Milonis de Keines de eodem dono.

Item dicti Nicholai de Cuintun’ le taillur de
dimidia acra terre arabilis,

Johannes Kainel tenetur nos acquietare de
turno* vicecomitis, et orani exactione seculari.

Galfridi Keynel de .xvi. acris terree in majori
Jettun’.

Confirmatio Henrici Keynel de eisdem.

Donum ejusdem Henrici Keynel, quod fecit dicto
Galfrido Keynel de eisdem.

Quieta Clamancia Rogeri de Evesham de .xij.
denarijs annui redditus.

Henrici Keynel de .x. acris terre in majori
Jetton’.

Henrici Keinel de Homagio, Redditus, et cus-

todia Thome scutarii.

Henrici Keine] de quibusdam pratis in majori
Jetton’.

Henrici Keynel de quibusdam pratis et pastura
ad xv. animalia in Jetton’ et Holdeston’.

Henrici Keinel de ix acris terre in Yetton’ et
in Holdeston’.

Henrici Keynel de omnibus terris quas habe-
mus de eo de feodo Juhannis filii Alani.

Henrici Keynel de omnibus terris quas habe-
mus de eo de feodo Patricii de Chaurz.

Henri le Oyselur de Rudes de Redditu sex soli-
dorum.

Confirmatio Henrici Keynel de eodem Redditu.

® For an account of the ‘* Sheriff’s Turn, ” see Wiltshire Magazine, yol. xiii., p. 105.

Langeden’
Langeden’
Landeden’

Langeden’

Langeden’
Chep

B. Lamburn’

Beethurn’

“2 Chep
- Lamburn’

_ Chep
Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Lamburn’
-. Chep
_ Lamburn’
_ - Chep

_ Lamburn’

-Chep
_ Lambarn’

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 263

0 0 00 000

oO

00

xxv | Confirmatio Millonis de .j. virgata terre: quam
' | Adam de Kaynes dedit nobis, et de dimidia
virgata terree quam Nicholaus le Taillur dedit

nobis, de feodo suo.

xxxi | Confirmatio domini Johannis filii Alani, Comi-
tis de Arundel, de omnibus terris quas habe~
mus de feudo ejus in Jetton’ de Henrici
Keynel, et quondam tenebantur de domino de
Kyneleg.

xxx | Adw le Sumenur de dimidia acra terre arabilis
et una acra prati.

XXviij| Confirmacio Roberti Keynel de dimidia virgata
terres cum advocatione ecclesiz.

Xxviij/ Confirmatio Roberti Keynel omnium cartarum
patris sui,

xxxj | Adz le sumenur de una virgata terra, et est
de feudo Patricii Chavard.

xxxj | Radulphi Sveyn de dimidia acra terrx.

xxxj | Confirmatio Patricii de Chauia, de terris habitis
de feudo suo.

xix 'Carta Roberti Kaynel de Quietaclamatione de

feoute sibi facienda [sic]. .

xix | Carta Johannis Kainel de quadam pastura nobis

vendita, :

xix | Institucio Ecclesiz de Jettone.

ix | Ricardi Regis de pastura de Langeden’ et Wika.
x |Johannis Comitis Moreton’ de eadem pastura.
x | Comitis Willelmi Marescalli de confirmatione

ejusdem pasture. ;
xij | Feliciz filiz Hugonis de Wike.

xij | Alicie filie Hugonis de Wike.

xxxi |Sibillee de Plugenei de .iiij. virgatis terre, et
quibusdam aliis ; cartes Due.

xxxij | Sibille de Plugen’ de .ij. acris, et pastura ad
.c. bidentes et .iiij. averia,

xxvij | Confirmatio Jocei de Plugen’ de dictis ,iiij. vir-
gatis terre. Et de quibusdam aliis.

XXviii| Confirmatio ejusdem de eodem ; Secunda.

xxviii] Confirmatio ejusdem Jocei de tota terra quam
dicta Sibilla de Plug’ dedit nobis in Lamb’.

xxxiii} Sibille de Plugen’ de burgagio quod Ricardus
Schir’ tenuit de ea. Et de pastura .ii, boum
et .lx. bidentum.

xxxiii] Confirmatio Jocei de Plugen’ de eodem.

xxxii | Jocei de Plugen’ de .vii. acris, et Redditu .vii,
solidorum, et pastura ad .c. oves in communa,

xxxii| Jocei de Plugen’ de quodam burgagio, et Red-
ditu .iii, solidorum, scilicet Matildis Pille,
-j. aver’, ij porcos.

xxxili] Jocei de Plugen’ de Redditu .y. solidorum, et
de Dominio duorum hominum.

264

Lamburn’
Chep
Lamburn’
Lamkurn’

Chep
Lamburn’

up
A. Lamburn’ | O°

up
Lamburn’

up
Lamburn’

Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Chep
Lamburn’
Chep
Lamburn’
Lamburn’

Lamburn’
Lamburn’

Lamburn’

Lamburn’

Lamburn’
Lamburn’

Lamburn’
Lamburn’

Lamburn’

o

o)

Collections towards the History

xxxiii{ Jocei de Plug’ de Redditu .iiij. solidorum, et
-vi. denariorum percipiende de Helya Mer-
catore. Etde dominio ejusdem Helyz.

: [xxxiiij| J ocei de Plug’ de quitaclamantia Redditus .j**.
libree piperis de quadam terra.

> [xxxiiij Jocei de Plug’ de quitaclamantia Redditus .iiii.
denariorum de terra Willelmi fabri.

xxxy | Jocei de Plug’ de servitio Ernaldi ad aquam, in
_Cheplamb’ et pert. ad seculare infirmitorium.

. | xxii ‘| Hugonis de Plug’ de .j. hida terre, et .x. acris,
et decima .cce. ovium, et quibusdam aliis.

. | xxiiii | Hugonis de Plug’ de.j. hida terre, et decima
omnium ovyium suarum, et cetera ut Supra.

xxyi | Hugonis de Plug’ de .j. hida terre, et pastura
.x. boum, et .iili. vaccarum. Et de terra de
Godewell’.

xxy | Hugonis de Plug’ filii dicti Hugonis de toto
Redditu quem Andreas Parfet solebat ei red-
dere de terra sua, et quibusdam aliis, ~

xxxvyi Roberti de Plugen’ de .vii. acris terre.

spite Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

: Ixxxvii, Willelmi de Plug de confirmatione omnium
terrarum et Reddituum,qui nobis donantur de
feodo suo in utraque lamb’.

: Ixxxyii Helye de Bello campo de Confirmatione totius
terre quam Radulphus pater suus legavit
nobis cum corpore suo.

: Ixxxviii Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de tota terra quam
dictus Radulphus dedit nobis habuit [ste] in
Lamburn.*

: Ixxxviii Item Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de omnibus
terris quas dictus Radulphus de Bello campo
dedit nobis. Et de pastura quam ipse Joceus
dedit nobis ad .ce. oves et Duo averia.

xxxix Sibillee de Plugen’ de dono quod fecit Radulpho
de Bello campo de servitio Edwardi hiliun
cum tota terra sua.

xxxix Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

xl | Sibillee de Plug’ de dono quod fecit dicto Ra-
dulpho de servitio Siwar, et Walteri Oslac
cum tenementis suis. :

: | xl | Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

xli | Sibille de Plug’ de dono quod fecit dicto Ra-
| dulpho de terra et servitio Willelmi fabri.

Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

xli

* This entry is dotted under, as if for erasure.

Lamburn’

Lamburn’

Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Lamburn’
Lamburn’

Chep
Lamburn’

Chep

Lamburn’

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 265

xii
xlii

xlvi

xlvi

Sibilla de Plugen’ de dono quod fecit dicto
Willelmo fabro de .xii. acris terre.

Jocei de Plug’ de dono quod fecit dicto Radulpho
de eisdem .xii. acris et de servitio dicti
Willelmi fabri.

Willelmi hiliun de dono quod fecit Radulpho
de Bello campo de .iij. acris et dimidize.

Willelmi hiliun de quietaclamantia quam fecit
Radu)pho de Rellocampo de tota terra quam
tenuit de eo in Lamb’.

Ernaldi Anglici de .iij. acris terre.

Donum Alexandri filii Ingulphi quod fecit dicto
Ernaldo de .ij. acris dictarum Trium acrarum.

Donum Osmundi filii Gerardi quod fecit dicto
Ernaldo de quibusdam terris.

Henrici Anglici filii Ernaldi Anglici de .xiii.
acris.

Henrici Anglicii de .ij. acris. Iste .x. acre
sunt de .xiij. acris prioris carte preter unam
tantum.

Henrici Anglici de .x. acris, Iste dus acre
non sunt in aliqua aliarum cartarum.

Henrici Anglici de Redditu .xii. denariorum.
Et de servitio Roberti filii Walteri. Et de
.ij. acris. Iste pertinet ad seculare infirmi-
torium.

Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ doni dicti Henrici
Anglici quod fecit nobis de tota terra sua in
Cheplamb’.

Item Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ doni dicti
Henrici Anglici de .y. acris in Lamburn’,

Willelmi Hiliun de Medietate Messuagii sui.
Willelmi Hiliun de .iii. acris terre.

Willelmi Hiliun de .j. acra et de Redditu .vi.
denariorum.

Willelmi Hilium de Redditu .vi. denariorum.

Helyx Mercatoris de .xvi. acris. Et de con-
firmatione doni quod Reginaldus Stubb’ fecit:
nobis de .j. acra.

Ejusdem de eodem ; Secunda.

Donum ejusdem Helyz Mercatoris quod fecit
dicti Reginaldo Stubb’ de dicta acra.

Ricardi Paregni de .vii. acris.
Confirmatio Sibille de Plug’ de eodem.
Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

266 Collections towards the History

Lamburn’ : | liij | Jobanais filii Warneri de .iiii. acris.
Che

eagat acat : | liii | Ernaldi le Mul de .ij. acris.
u

Laibar : | liiii | Andre Parfet de .ij. acris.
up

Lamburn’ : | liiii | Walteri de Seclwurth’ de Redditu .viii. soli-
dorum. Iste pertinet ad seculare infirmitorium.

u

ene : | lv | Conftrmatio Jocei de Plug’ de eodem.

Et pertinet ad seculare infirmitorium,
u

rie ee : | ly | Confirmatio Jocei de Plug’ quam fecit Andre
Parfet de .j. virgata terre quam Walterus de

Lamburn’ Selewurth’ reddit ei, de qua percipimus dic-
tum Redditum .viii. solidorum.

Lamburn’ : | lvi | Aliciee filize Willelmi Stubbe de quitaclamantia
omnium que ad ipsam pertinebant in Lamb’
ex hereditate patris sui.

che

ene : | lyi | Fulconis filius Warini de .ij. Mesuagiis in es-
cambium cujusdam Mesuagii quod Robertus
Clericus aliquando tenuit.

u
miner © | +: | xxiiij | Compositio inter nos et Decanum London’ de
Decimis unius hidate terre in up lamb’.
xxxiij] Memorandum de quadam convencione inter
nos et Alanum Sauesat facta de Lambourne
ad vitam cujus ter[m]i{nu]s preteriit.
. | liiij | Adee* de Poulton’ de quietaclamatione juris
quod habuit in terra de landenewyk.
Carte: .ij. una de .j. acra et altera de .xj.
li | Anfredi filii Heli de una acra terre arabilis
inCheplam born’, et de .xij, acris.
li | Joseph Mercatoris de tribus acris terre.
li_ | Willelmi Edrian de una dimidia acra terre.
lxviij | Roland’ de .j. acra terree in Lamb’.
Ixviii | Alicize Stubbe de .j. acra terre in Chepinglamb’.
Ixviii | Alicize Joseph de .j. mesuagio in Lamb’.
.: | lxviii | Willelmi Adrian de .j. acra terre in Lamb’.
lvviii | Julianze Alayn uxoris Stubbe, de .j. acra terrae
in Lamb’.
lxxiii| Joseph mercatoris et Alicia uxoris ejus, de
dimidia acra in Chepingl’. [terree.
Ixix | Johannis Le Ysmonger de excambio .j. acre
lxix | Ricardi Ernaldi de excambio .j. acre terre.
lxix | RadulphiTrabbe de excambio dimidiz acre terre
ii | Henrici Coleman de .xiij. acris terree et dimidia,
quas Ernaldus de aqua aliquando tenuit.
xlij | Johannes Amfrey de .j. acra terra.

Henrici de Bathon’ de .xxv. averiis In pastura
de Uplamburne.

xxxiii) Willelmi Bristmare de escambio .j. acre et

ibi

dimidiee.
Radulphi de Haddel’ de .j. acra terre'arabilis,

* This, and the succeeding entries relating to Lambourne, are later insertions,

>
4
-

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. . 267

ibi

ibi

1: [xxxiiij
ibi
ibi

XXXV
ibi

Quietaclamatio Willelmi de Cheynne de .j. acra
terre arabilis. '

Carta Matilde: relictee Jocei Le Clet, facta
Willelmo de Torri de .vi. acris terre, que
quondam fuerunt Ernaldi de aqua.

Willelmi de la Sale de escambio .j. acre terre
arabilis.

Quieta clamancia Rogeri La Warre de .j. acra
terre arabilis.

Carta Galfridi Ingulf facta Waltero Rand’, et
Lucie uxori sue de una acra terre.

Carta Roberti clerici de .ij. acris terre arabilis.

Confirmacio Johannis Anfridi de dono ejusdem
Anfridi patris sui nobis facto de .xj. acris
terre arrabilis.

Willelmi Parfeet de vij. acris terre et dimidia.

Item ejusdem de vj. acris terre.

Ysabelle et Alicize de .j. burgagio in cheping-
Lamburn’.

Johannis Sered de redditu unius oboli quolibet
altero anno.

Robertus Scariot de Chepynglamburn’ de tribus
dimidiis acris terre.*

Robertus Scariot de una acra terre in campo
australi de Chepynglamborn’.

Carta Jocei de Plugen’ quam fecit Helye Merca-
tori patri Alfredi.

Contirmacio Jocei de Pl’ de quodam burgagio
de dono Sibillz matris sue.

Robert Aleyn de ij acris terrae.

Anfredi de .j. acra terre.

Johannes de Rothynge de ij acris terre.

Joceus de Reymy de iij acris terree.

Willelmus le blunt de j acra terree.

Johannes Hobeson’ de quadam parte domus et
curtillagii.

Hugonis Le Skir de una acra terreo in villa de
Lamburne.

Roberti Fordwine de .xii, acris terrae una cum
scrobatis quas habuit ex dono Radulfi Barri.

Confirmatio dictee terree quam fecit Radulphus
Barri dicto Roberto Fordwine.

Item Confirmatio Radulphi Barri de dono quod
Robertus Fordwine fecit Deo et beatze Marie
de Stanl’, scilicet de terra quam habuit ex
dono Radulphi Barri.

Donum quod fecit Radulfus Barri Roberto
Fordwine pro homagio suo.

Confirmacio Willelmi Plugeney de omnibus
terris de feado suo Lambourn’.

Roberti de aula de .iiij.° acris terre arabilis
quas vendidit Henrico le Chepman.

Confirmatio Roberti de aula de dono quod
Henricus le chepman fecit domui de Stanlg’,
scilicet de .iiij.° acris terre: arrabilis.

. ee

-® This entry has been written over an erasure,

268
north

Lidiard
Lidiard

Lidiard

Lia

Lia
Lia

Lockeswell’
Lockeswell’
Lockeswell’
Lockeswell’
Lockeswell’
Lockeswell’
Lockeswell

Nethemor’

Nethemor’

Merleberg’
Merecumb’

Merecumb’

Migehal’
Migehal’

Migehal’

070202050. 0, OOK O4 DO

Collections towards the History

lvii rae le Franceis de quadam virgata terre apud

ag’.

lvii | Thome de Clinctun’ de quitaclamantia quam
fecit nobis de eadem virgata terre. Et de
pastura Duorum boum.

lvii | Donum Ricardi filii Willelmi de Hettun’ quod
fecit dicto Adz le Franceis de eadem virgata
terres.

*: | xxxix) Milisnt’ de Sanforde de j virgata terre.

xiiij | Roberti Sar’ Episcopi de viij [solidis ?] redditus
ecelesiz de lidiard.

vij | Donum Thome de Langualey de duobus soli-

datis terree in chepmansled’.
Ricardi de Esse de duabus acris.
v | Confirmatio Roberti de Esse filii dicti Ricardi
deeodem. Supra* in una de Chipmanesl’,

, iij | Matildis Imperatricis et Henrici Regis filii ejus,
et ilij | cartee Due. .
.| xv | Patricii Comitis Sar’ de Hethfelda juxta fores-

tam de Chippeham.
xii | Confirmatio Willelmi comitis Sar’ filii dicti
Patricii de eodem.
xxviii | Nigelli de Stanleg’ de terra quam habuit in
dicta Hethfelda,
xiii | Stephani archiepiscopi Cantuariensis de quita-
clamantia decime feni de elande.
xvi | Herberti Sar’ Episcopi de eodem.
Finalis Concordia de Eland’ ; ija.
lviij | Beatricis de Nethemor’ de quietaclamantia to-
tius terree quam habuit in Nethemore.
Finalis concordia, xa. de terra de Nethemor’.
xxy | Henricide Nethemor de quietaclamancia terre
sue de[szc].
xxv | Nicholaus Nethemor de quietaclamancia terre de
Nethemor
lviij | Thome de Vpaven’ de quodam domo cum terra
| pertinente ad illam.
lviii | Willelmi filii Martini de terra de Merecumb’
cum pertinenciis.
Finalis Concordia .xia. :lviii Nicholai filii Mar-
tin de terra de Mercumbe.
Hugo Hosatus de terra de Merecumbe cum
pertinentiis Confirmacio
Roberti filii Martini de eodem terra .iii.
lviii | Nicholai de Boleuile de quadam terra et qui-
bus[ dam] aliis apud merecumbe.
Carta Hugonis Hosati de Merecumbe quam de-
dit nobis .iii.
Henrici Regis ; ij.
lix | Roberti Treigod de quodam fossato inter terram
nostram et suam.
‘| Contra dominum Hugonem Le Despenser de
Communa nostra in foresta de Bradene.
lix | Domini Philippi Basset de relaxacione thelonei
in villa sua de Witun’.

This sentence afterwards drawn through by a red line.

a! oe

Nethemor’
Preteschet?

Quem’ ford

Quein’ford

Ricardestone
Rusteshal’

Rusteshal’

|
2

Rusteshal’

Rusteshal’

Rusteshal’
‘Rusteshal’

: Rusteshal’
Rusteshal’
q Rusteshal’

Rusteshal’

a Rusteshal
~ Busteshal’
-Rusteshal’

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 269

000

xlv | Permissio Philippi Basset transeundi cum averiis
nostris per terras suas.

Item ejusdem de quodam chemino nobis con-
cesso.—":—I xv.

xxi | Ricardi Sar’ Episcopi de minutis decimis.

xxi Willelmi Sar’ Episcopi de eodem.

xxi | Willelmi Sarum Episcopi de decimis de pres-
teshut’.

lix | Bartholomei de Quein’ford de dimidia libra cerze
percipienda de Willelmi Luvel et heredibus
suis annuatim de tribus acris terre et dimidia,
et de Domimio ejusdem terre.

lix | Henrici de Queineford de Redditu .xii denario-
rum.

Michaelis Vicarii de Chirleton de x1 solidis.
_ | Queere in fine libri.

Ix | Michaelis filii Bartholomei de Vpaven’ de .j.
virgata terres cum pertinentiis, et pastura ad
.cc. et .1. oves.

lx | Ricardi filii Ade le Blunt de Redditu .xl. soli-
dorum, quem tenebatur reddere dicto Michaeli
pro eadem terra.

lx | Michaelis filii Bartholomei de Vpaven’ de dono
quod fecit nobis de dicto Redditu .xl. solido-
rum.

lxi | Cyrographum inter nos et dictum Ricardum de
dicta virgata terre, et Redditu dictorum .xl.
solidorum.

Finalis concordia de eodem; xvia.

Ixi |Item Dicti Ricardi de eo quod non diminuet
hereditatem suam unde heredes sui non possint
solvere nobis dictum Redditum .xl. solidorum.

Ix | JohannisdeRusteshal’ de redditu.xx.solidorum.

lxi | Fulconis de Alneto quam fecerat Bartholomeo
de Vpaven’ de terra et Mesuagio quod Petrus
filius Toni tenuit ; Cartee .ij.

Ixii | Fulconis de Alneto quam fecerat dicto Bartho-
lomeo de Upaven’ de homagio dicti Petri filii
Toni cum Catellis et tota sequela sua ; Cartze

sips
lxiij Bian de Alneto quam fecerat dicto Bartho-
j lomeo de Vpaven’ de Prato quod vocatur Dike-
demor.

lxiij | Fuleonis de Alneto quam fecerat dicto Bartho-
lomeo de pastura ad .c.]. bidentes.

lxiii | Margerie de Caninges de quitaclamantia quam
fecit dicto Michaeli filio et heredi dicti Bar-
tholomei de Vpaven’ de terris qu fuerunt

8 ejusdem Bartholomei patris sui.
xij | Carta de dono Roberti Hungeford de tenemento
in Sar’.
xx | Willelmi de Everwik Sar’ Episcopi de .xxx.
diebus venize.

_ * Erasure of a line.

270

Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’

Stanleg’

Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’

Stanleg’

Stanleg’

A. Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’

O

O- O- 02 D2 0

Collections towards the History

XxViii

lxx

lxx

lxxi
lxxi
lxxii
lxxii

——E SS EEE

Ricardi Sar’ Episcopi de .xxx. diebus venie -

concessis benefacientibus ad fabricam ec-
clesize.

Fulconis Basset Episcopi London’ de .xxiiii.
diebus venize ad idem

Abbatis Malmesbir’ de cursuz aqu subtus Ab-
batiam.

Prioris et Conventus de Fernleg’ de decimis
terrarum de Stanl’ et Lockeswell’.

Honorii Papz de confirmatione ejusdem con-
ventionis, =

Nigelli de Stanleg’ de quadam terra quam
habuit ex occidentali parte Abbatiee super
ripam aque.

Margaretze filie dicta Nigelli de tota terra
quam habuit in Stanl’, vel habere possit per
hereditatem.

Confirmatio Godefridi de Stanleg’ de eodem.

Juliane filie Nigellide Stan!’ de .v. acris terre
et dimidia. Et .j. acra prati.

Item dictee Juliane de tota terra quam habuit
in Stan!’ vel habere potuit jure hereditario.

Confirmatio Godefridi de Stanleg’ de eodem.

Item Confirmatio dicti Godefridi de omnibus
terris quas habemus ex dono dictarum Marga-
rete et Juliane, amitarum suarum, in Stanl’,

Matillis filiz dictee Juliane filii Nigelli de .ij.
acris terre. Et dimidia acra prati in Gosi.

Confirmatio Simonis filii ejusdem Matillidis de
eodem,

Godefridi de Stan!’ de tota terra cum pertinen-
tiis quam habuit in Stanl’ ex hereditate
Nigelli avi sui.

Donum Rogeri Acelin filii Rogeri de Lide-
linz quod fecit eidem Godefrido de eadem
terra.

Godefridi de Stanl’ de tota terra quam habuit
in Stanl’. Et de confirmatione terrarum quas
dictzs Margareta et Juliana dederunt nobis
in Stanl’.

Hec est optima.
pro hac solvimus duas marcas redditus.

Confirmatio Rogeri Acelin filii Rogeri de Lide-
linz de tota terra quam dictus Godefridus
dedit nobisiin Stanl’. Et de omnibus terris
que nobis ante date erant de eodem tene-
mento.

Confirmatio ejusdem de eodem. Verbo ad
verbum; Secunda.

Finalis concordia .iija.

Godefridi de Stanl’ de .j. virgata terree quam
tenuit de Thoma de la Mare.

Confirmatio Thome de la Mare de eodem.

Godefridi de Stan!’ de Redditu .iiij. solidorum.

Godefridi de Stanl’ de dono quem [sie] fecit
filio suo de Redditu .iij. solidorum et .iiij. de-
nariorum, quem a nobis recipere consuevit.

Stanlog’

__ Stanleg’

. L Stanleg’
Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’
Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’

Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’

»

; Stanleg’

Stanleg’
Stanleg’

4 “B. Stanleg’

VOL, XV.—NO.

O

0

020 007-00

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley.

Lxxilj

Ixxiij
xXxXV

: | xxiiij
;

Xxiiij

xv

271

Qui Redditus nobis relaxatus est et dicta
carta liberata conservanda in testimonium
quitee clamationis dicti Redditus.

Confirmatio Willelmi filii dicti Godefridi de
Stan!’ de tota terra quam pater suus dedit
nobis in Stanl’.

Ejusdem de eodem; confirmatio Secunda.

Willelmi Blundi- quondam hostiarii Henrici
Regis de Redditu .x. solidorum de tenemento
quod Nigellus de Stanl’ quondam tenuit.

Confirmatio Roberti filii Acclini de eodem. Et
preterea de omnibus que dictus Nigellus dedit
nobis de eodem tenemento.

Venditio ejusdem Roberti quam fecit dicto
Willelmo Blundo de homagio et servitio dicti

_Nigelli. .

Simonis de Cokelberg’ de .j. virgata terree pro
.j. mesuagio in Caln’ ex dono Magistri Rogeri |
de Caln’.

Petri filii dicti simonis de Cokelb’ de eodem
escambio.

Item dicti Simonis de Cokelberg’ et dicti Petri
filii ejus et heredis de eodem escambio.

Confirmatio Walteri Crok de eodem escambio.
Fjusdem de eodem; ij*. sed non eodem
modo.

Rogeri Burel de .iiij. acris quee jacent juxta
aquam de Merkeden’.

Rogeri Burel de quadam crofta juxta molendi-
num nostrum fulericium, quod Berleg’ voca-
tur.

Mathei Turpin de .iij. acris et dimidia ex aus-
trali parte aque que currit juxta Abba-
tiam.

Thome de la Mar’ de Redditu .iij. solidorum,
quem recipere consueverat de Godefrido de
Stanl’ de eadem* .j. virgata terree.

Nicholai Bubb’ de Redditu .iij. Solidorum per-
cipiendo de Redditu suo de Stanl’.

Thomee Bubbe de quitaclamancia Redditus .x.
solidorum.

Thome Bubbe de quitaclamancia pasturae .vj.
boum. Supra in quadam de Botenedis +

Thome Bubbe de eo quod Warantizabit nobis
dotem matris suc in Stanl’.

Ricardi Lucas de exclusa ad molendinum nos-
trum fulericium.

Adze Lucas de nova exclusa ad dictum molen-
dinum. § Rogeri Pubbe de nova exclusa.

Carte duse, quas Hugo Longus, qui pro infamia
homicidii relegatus est, habuit de anteces-
soribus suis de quodam Mesuagio cum curtil-
lagio, et dimidia acra prati in Gosie,

* Interlined.

+ This sentence has been scored through with a red line,
XLV.

2A

272 Collections towards the History

Stanleg’
Stanlep’
ol:
oO .
Saltharpe
SanctiSalvatoris

in Hibernia |o |":

xxx

Xxx

lvi

XXxiiij

XXxiilj

XXvilj
XXV

xxiij

Botenedis ; Quere supra in ordine Alphabeti.*
De boscis in foresta ; queere supra cum Chip-
peham.* De pratis in frieremanneham ; queere
sutbus cum Tuderintun’.*

Johannis Lond’ de quieta clamancia dimidiz
virgate terrze in Stan!’ et .j. mesuagii et .ij.
acris terrze in eadem uilla.+

Quieta clamancia Johannis Bubbe homagii et
servicii Rogeri Bubbe de terra quam de eo
tenuit in Stan’.

Rogeri Bubbe de escambio trium acrarum terres
et dimidiz in Stanl’. :

Carta Rogeri Bubbe de redditu stanl’, et molen-
dini Jacob et Exclusee full’.

Carta Adz Harding de escambio terrarum et
clauso de la breth.

Quieta clamacio Rogeri Bubbe de clauso illarum
terrarum.

Quieta clamacio et confirmacio Nicholai Bubbe
de Somercroft et de aliis.

Quieta clamacio Isabellee de Ayshtone Relictze
Rogeri Bubbe.

Quieta clamacio Nicholai Bubbe de Motura apud
Jacobs Mulle.

Carta Regis Edwardi de Mora extra portam
Abbatize.

Carta ejusdem de eadem, .

Transcripta Regis de dominio Regni Scociz.

Rogeri bube de .iij. acris terre et dimidia,

Rogeri ad la forde de .iiij. acris in campo.

Margarete filise Nigelli de x acris terre.

Indentura domini Rogeri Tocotes.

Donum Rogeri Tocotes in Stanleya.

Adee Lucas de terra que vocatur Cuttede-

legh.

Nicholai Lucas filii Adz Lucas de tota terra
quee vocatur Cuttedelegh.

Rogeri de Forda de .vj. acras terre in Stanl’,

Willelmi Harding de quietaclamatione com-
munis pasture In crofta de Lanscroft.

Rogeri de la Ford’ de tota terra cum omnibus
pertinentiis quam tenuit de feodo Abbatis de
Stanl’.

Rogeri Bubbe de medietate cujusdam prati.

Rogeri Bubbe de una acra terrze.

Hjusdem de la Sumercrofte.

Ejusdem de nova exclusa ad Molendinum
Fullericum.

Johannes Turpyn de redditu xiiij .d. de Jacobs
Mulle.

queere in Costow.

xix | H. Ossiriensis Episcopi de protectione Domus,

Et de Duabus Capellis.

* These three sentences commencing Quere, lined through in red ink,
+ This and the remaining entries for Stanley are late insertions of various hands.

Sancti Salvatoris

_ Stodleg’

Sancti Salvatoris

; Sancti Salvatoris

_ Saveni Ixxvi
Stapleford ° v
Stapleford oO vi
Stapleford rf) vi

vel Caneford
Straford fo) xi
Sersthon ° XXX:
Scaudecot? o| . | xxiij
.Stodleg’ xxvii
Ixxvij

Stodleg’ = Ixxvij
Stodleg’

Stodleg’ Ixxvij
Stodleg’ (dos) > {lexviij
Stodleg’ > |ixxviij
Stodleg’ Ixxix
Stodleg’ 1 ee

fs ’
Stodleg’ oe eee
_— Btodleg’ | ai
: | Iii

lvij

‘

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 273

Comitis Willelmi Marescalli de confirmatione
terrarum et aliorum que antecessores sui
eidem Domui contulerunt, Hee carta est in
quadam cass’.* (Sive lata archa.)

Item carts .ij. de adjunctione Abbatie frigidi
montis; que est in quadam pixide.*

Abbatis de Saveni [Savigny] ut percipiamus
vice sua Redditum suum apud Chiriel .scili-
cet. unam .Marcam. annuatim.

Henrici Hosati de quadam domo .et. .j. virgata
terre.

Confirmatio Galfridi Hosati de eodem et pre-
terea de .vii. acris.

Henrici Hosati junioris de eodem et de vij
acris.

Willelmi Comitis Sarum de Molendino de Stra-~
ford vel Caneford.

Donum Petri de Saltharpe de .viij. solidos et
iiij. d’.t

Hugonis de Plugenei de terra sua de Scaudecot’.
Supra in quadam de Godewell’.*

Alexandria de Stodl’ de prato quod vocatur
Langeham.

Confirmatio Rogeri de Stodleg’ de eodem. Et
de quibusdam aliis.

Alexandria de Stodl’ de hameletto Jagardi, et
Angulo Roberti longi. Et de quodam fossato -
retro grangiam snam.

Alexandria de Stodl’, de quodam pratello. Et
de confirmatione doni Roberti Northman de
quodam prato.

Roberti Northman de quadam parte cujusdam

rati.

Goeenict Alexandri de Stodleg’ de eodem.

Hugonis de Cumbrewell’ de licencia fossandi
inter terram suam et pratum quod habemus
de Alexandro de Stodleg’.

Willelmi le Wite de toto mesuagio suo et .iiij.
acris et dimidia terree arabilis.

Confirmatio Willelmi Scriptoris de eodem.

Donum Everardi de Chelfurstre quod fecit dicto
Willelmo le Wite de eodem.

Confirmatio Edithe de Chelfurstre de eodem
dono quod dictus Everardus fecit dicto Wil-
lelmo.

Acelinze viduee quondam uxoris Gileberti Fores-
tarii de quodam fossato in Kingescrofta.

Alici vidue de .j. virgato terre: in Stodl’.

Confirmatio Henrici burle de eodem.

Botenedis ; Queere supra in ordine Alphabeti.*

Carte quee hic desunt de grangia de Stodleg queere supra in Costowe.t

*These sentences lined thro; in red ink,

+ In a very late hand,

Va?

274

Suttun’
Snuttun’

Suttun’

Suttun’
Tamisia lo

Tamisia

00

Tesewurth’
Tesewurth’

Tuderintun’
Tuderint’

Tuderint’

Winterburn’ lo

Winterburn’ lo
Winterburn’ |o
Winterburn’ lo

Winterburn’

Winterburn’
Winterb’

Winterburn’
Winterburn’
Winterburn’
Winterburn’

Winterburn’

Collections towards the History

ilij
ilij

Florentize Murdac de Redditu .x. solidorum.

Confirmatio Willelmi de London’ de eodem
redditu.

Andre Giffard de Redditu .ij. solidorum per-
cipiendo de dimidia virgata terree quam dedit
Willelmo albo. -

Donum dicti Andres Giffard quod fecit dicto
Willelmo albo de dicta virgata terrze.

Willelmi de Bocland de quadam crofta juxta
molendinum nostrum.

Matillidis de Say de eadem crofta.

Domini Willelmi de Valence de la Dedelake
Tamisize, quieta clamacio.

Finalis concordia Abbatis de Bello loco de cursu
aquee tamisiz.

Alexandri de Tesewurth’ de quadam prato, et
quadam terra arabili juxta domum suam.

Willelmi a la lachemer’ de Redditu .ij. denari-
ornm de quadam acra terree.

Adze Lueas de dimidiaacra in frieremanneham.

iat Sarezin de .j. acra in frieremanne-

am.

Confirmatio Adze Lucas de eadem acra.

Philippi Basset de molendino de Tuderint’.

Nigelli de molendino de ‘Tuderint’.

Nicholai de molendino de Tuderint’.

Nicholai Lucas de molendino de Tuderint’.

Rogeri Bubbe de Ricardo Noggar’ nativo suo.

Comitis Willelmi Marescalli de confirmatione
terrarum que date sunt nobis de feodo suo in
Winterburn’.

Item confirmatio ejusdem de una hida terre
quam Willelmus Clericus dedit nobis.

Willelmi Clerici de dono quod fecit nobis de
eodem hida.

Confirmatio Teobaldi de Winterburn’ de eodem
hida. Finalis concordia de eodem’ .vij*.

Alexandri de Berewik’ fratris dicti_ Willelmi
Clerici de .j. virgata terre pro quodam bur-
gagio in Merleberg’, Et preterea de .viij
acris.

Ejusdem de eodem ; ij*.

Item Ejusdem de eodem; iij;.
cartes non concordant in omnibus.*

Confirmatio Willelmi Clerici de dicto escambio.

Donum Julians] filiz Ricardi de Winterburn’
quod fecit dicto Alexandro filio suo de eodem
virgata terre.

Confirmatio Willelmi Cleriei de eodem dono
dictee Julianze.

Johannis de Berewike filii Willelmi Clerici de
quodam Mesuagio et .v. acris.

Confirmatio dicti Willelmi Clerici de eodem.
Finalis concordia de eodem .viij?.

Isteo «ij.

MPEG) a BD. |

* Lined through in red ink,

“~_—----

eo OT ee

Winterburn’ |

Winterburn’
- Winterburn’

“Winterburn’

Winterburn’

; Winterburn’
- Winterburn’

_ Winterburn’

Winterburn’
Winterburn’

Winterburn’
Winterburn’

Winterburn’

Winterburn’
_ Winterburn’

Winterburn’

_ Winterburn’
q Winterburn’

Winterburn’

wa .
_ Winterburn’

- Winterburn’
_ Winterburn’

‘Winterburn’
Winterburn’

ce
»

$ Winterburn’

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley.

xii
xiij
xiij

xiiij

xiiij

xiilj

275

Donum dicti Willelmi Clerici quod fecit dicta
Johanni filio suo-de eodem Mesuagio et .v.
acris.

Teobaldi de Winterburn’ de .j. virgata terre.
§ qua terra dicitur fuisse de feodo Baryl.

Confirmatio Ricardi filii ejusdem Teobaldi, de
eodem. Et de pastura sua super Hakepen.

Teobaldi de Winterburn’ de licencia colendi
unam acram et dimidiam in pechehulleslede
et aliam dimidiam acram quam habemus ex
dono Willelmi Clerici.

Teobaldi de Winterburn’. de quadam crofta
quze vocatur Punfaude.

Quitaclamacio Willelmi
crofta.

[Originally *: xv but altered] nota. Ricardi
filii dicti Teobaldi de confirmatione omnium
terrarum quas habemus de feodo suo in Win-
terburn.

Ricardi filii Teobaldi de quitaclamatione relevii
de .j. virgata terre, (.ij.)

Ricardi filii Teobaldi de quadam parva crofta.

Ricardi filii Teobaldi de eodem crofta et .j.
acra.

Rogeri Clerici de .ij. acris et de quadam parte
cujusdam crofte. (congnomine Baril.)

Rogeri Clerici de dimidia acra. (Baril.)

Johannis Blundi filii et heredis dicti Rogeri
Clerici de dimidia virgata terre. (Baril,
fossata nostra.)

Confirmatio Ricardi filii Teobaldi de eodem.

Donum Rogeri Clerici quod fecit dicto Johanni
filio et heredi suo de eodem. (Baril.)

Donum Teobaldi:de Winterburn’ quod fecit
dicto Rogero Clerico de eodem cum Matillide
filia sua. (Baril.) 5

Hamonis de Bachamtun’ de dimidia virgata
terre. ;

Fratrum Hospitalis Sancti Bartholomei Bris-
tollize de tota terra quam habuerunt in Win-
terburn’.

Confirmatio Teobaldi de Winterburn’ de eo-
dem.

Finalis concordio inter Edmundum de Roele et
Willelmum Magistrum dicti hospitalis de ter-
cia parte feodi dimidii militis cum pertinen-
tiis. j

Edmundi de Rocle de dimidia virgata terree pro
quodam burgagio in Merleberg’.

Ejusdem de eodem Secunda prolixius edita.
Confirmatio Fratrum Hospitalis Sancti Barth-
olomei Bristollize de eodem escambio.
Scolasticze filie Ricardi Anketilli de eodem
escambio.

Donum dicti Ricardi Anketilli quod fecit dicto
-Edmundo de Rocle de dicta dimidia virgata
terre.

Clerici de eodem

a Collections towards the History

Winterburn’ *: | xxiii

Winterburn’ *; | xxii

Winterburn’ *: | xxiiij

Winterburn’ > | xxily

Winterburn’ .

Winterburn’ el Sax y
Meidene

Winterburn’ Xxvl
Meidene

Winterburn’ xxvl
Meidene

Winterburn’ XXVii

Wiuterburn’ XxXvii

Winterburn’ ro) Xxxii

Winterburn’ o |. | xxxii

Winterburn’ oO | ¢: | xxxili

© | *i |Xxxiiii

oO XXxj

liiii

*: ij

: hij

liiii

Relea bony

liiij

liij

XV

| aij

oy

eon} ery

: xvi

: XV

al oxy

rele oxy

Rogeri filii Danielis de dimidia virgata terre,
et Mesuagio et crofta.

Donum Ricardi filii Anketilli quod fecit dicto
Rogero filio Danielis de eodem.

Alani de Sancto Georgio de .j. acra terrae.

Willelmi Quintin de .j. acra que jacet juxta
Grangiam nostram in escambium a!terius acrze,
Et de tota pastura sua super Hakepen.*

Galfridi filii Ricardi de Ablevil’ de Redditu
.xii. .d. percipiendo de quadam virgata terre.

Willelmi filii Galfridi de .xy. sol. terre in
Meidene Winterburn’.

Confirmatio Elz comitissee Sarum de eodem.

Confirmatio Roberti de Poertun’ de eodem.

Confirmatio Rogeri de Langeford de eodem.

Compositio inter‘ nos et Herevieum personam
ecclesize de Winterburn’ de minutis decimus.

Confirmatio Capituli Sarum de eodem.

Confirmatio Roberti Episcopi Sar’ de eodem.

Ejusdem de eodem ; ij*.

Rogeri + le Jeovene de Redditu .x. sol. de terra
in Meidene Winterburn’.

Nicholai Waz de tribus acris terre in campo
de Ricardestun.

Confirmatio Ricardi Teobald de eisdem acris.

Donum Ricardi Teobald patris dicti Ricardi
quod fecit dicto Nicholas de eodem. ;

Nicholai Waz de quatuor acris terre et pastura
ad .iiij%. boves.

Item confirmatio Reginaldi Waz de eisdem
acris terra et pastura ad .iiij. boves. § Queere
in Henton’.

Johannis de Niwebur’ de .iiij*". acris terree quas
dedit Nicholas Waz. ;

Quietaclamacio Amicize uxoris Nicholai Waz
de dote sua. -

Richardi Theobaldi de quieta clamacione relevii
de .j. virgata terre in Wynterburn’.

Ricardi Thebaud de tribus acris et dimidia.

Ricardi Thebaud de una acra et dimidia.

Ricardi Theobaldi junioris de quietaclamacione
relevii.

Ricardi Theobaldi junioris de quodam prato
quod yocatur Grundelmed.

Ricardi Theobaldi Junioris de .j. acris terre
arabilis in campo de Ricardestun’.

De communa cujusdam culture in villa de
Ricardestun’.

Reginaldi de Lavintun’ et Emme uxoris suze
de escambio unius acre terre arabilis in villa
de Ricardestun’,

* Red line of writing erased here.
+ From this entry to the commencement of ‘ Wiltun,’’ in later hands,

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. — — 277

E °o
Withibull’*

Wiltun’

See eee eC

Wiltun’
Wiltun’

~ Wiltun’
Wiltun’ -

Fugelstun’t
~ ( Wiltun’

_ § Fugelestun’t
Wiltun’

Westburi
Wadele ~

a Wurth’

~ Wurth’ ro)

xxiiij

XXxilj

xXXXV

Xxxii

Xxxil

Rieardi Thebaud de .j. acra terre et dimidia.

Ricardi Thebaud de .j. acra terre.

Quietaclamancia de redditu .ij. sol. quam nobis
fecit Willelmus filiis Symonis de Berewik’.

Quietaclamancia Ricardi Quintini et Margerize
uxoris sue de uno denario redditus pro qua-
tuor acris terres quas Nicholaus le Was de
Wynterburn’ nobis dedit.

Willelmi Quintin de quodam muro constructo
apud Ricardestun’ inter nos et ipsum.

aoa Willelmi Quyntyn de redditu
-xij. d.

Philippus bassett transe[u]ndi per terras suas
in Compton-berwyk et Wynterborn’’

Westokre.

Quere in bluntesdun’.

Philippi de Calestun de quadam domo *: xxxi
Duleis de Curcell’ de eodem. ‘: xxxvii,
Nicholai Berzein de quitaclamatione Juris
quod habuit in eadem domo.

Confirmatio Walteri de Calestun’ de eodem.
Supra in una de Aubree’.+

Cyrographum inter nos et Johannem de Vge-
ford et heredes suos de eadem domo. In una
de Vgeford.t

Finalis concordia .xij*. 2

Willelmi Isemberd de quadam domo cum
pertinentiis quam tenet de nobis. Reddendo
inde Annuatim dimidiam marcam cum Hospi-

*tio abbatis nostri et cujuslibet nostrorum
sumptibus nostris, cum ibi advenerimus, in
Wiltone, ut supra. i

Alice filise Radulphi Wiring de quodam Mes-
uagio in Nedlerstret.

Eustachii Isemberd de Redditu .xij. d.

Baldewini filii Baldewini de tota terra quam
habuit in Fugelestun’.

Thome Capellani de redditu [.....+.. erased]
in Fugelestun’.
Queere supra cum Heiwud.’+. xxix *:

Henrici Regis. {Reginaldi de Stanford de fossato
apud Horswell’.

Abbatis de Tama de Absolutione. Monachorum
de Wurth’ a subjectione sua. ,

Abbatum* de Buldew[as} Beyland et Quararie
de testificatione carte de Wadele.

Ricardi Curdi de quitaclamacione juris quod
habuit in quadam terra.

Michaelis de Waz de fossato apud Horswell.

* This sentence in a late hand.
+ Lined through in red ink,

+ In red ink,

278

Vgeford
Vgeford -
Vgeford
Vegeford
Vegeford

Vegeford
Vegeford

Withihull’

Wigt
Ricardestone

Ricardestone
Ricardestone
Ricardestone
. Ricardestone
Ricardestone

Ricardestone
Ricardestone

Ricardestone
Ricardestone
Ricardestone

Collections towards the History ~

xxix Henrici de Marisco de escambio quarundam
terrarum. © :
Abbatis de Thame de Quietaclamacione Juris
sui in Wadele.
xxvi Eadem carta sub sigillo Abbatis de Elemosina,
xxxiij Willelmi Bastard de .ij. virgatis terre.
xxxiij Confirmatio Andrez Giftard de eodem.
xxxiiij Donum dicti Andre Giffard quod fecit dieto
Willelmo Bastard de eodem.
xxxiiij Donum Roberti Giffard quod fecit dieto Wil- —
‘- lelmo Bastard de eisdem .ij. virgatis terre,
xxxiiij Confirmatio Helyz Giffard dedicto dono (Roberti
Giffard*) (de ij virgatis terre: Willelmi Bast-
ard.t
EXXV | pa Giffard de Molendino de Vgeford.
xxxv | Cyrographum inter nos et Robertum Burzeyn
et Uuilelmum fratrem ejus et heredes suos de
-ij. Molendinis et .iij. virgatis terre. (Et de -
quadam domo in Wiltun’ ex dono Philippi de
Calestun’.)* ;
xxxy Cirographum inter nos et Robertum Burzeyn
et Willelmum fratrem ejus de .ij. virgatis
terre. T
xxxy Conventio inter nos et Hugonem de Vgeford de
quodam mesuagio et crofta in eadem yiila.
| (Quzere sub titulo de Bluntesdun’.*) (Quere
sub titulo de blundesdun’. +)
ij Quietaclamacio Willelmi de Wasteuil’, de
| warda, relevio, et aliis eschaetis.
(Quere sub titulo de Caresbroe.*)
iij Ricardi Thebaud de une acra terre in Ricar-
destone.
iij | De una acra terre et dimidia nobis data per
Riecardum Thebaud in Ricardestone.
iiij | Ricardi Thebaud de una acra terre in Ricar-
destone.
xv | Ricardi Thebaud junioris de duabus acris terre
arrabilis in campis de Ricardestone.
xy _ | Ricardi Theobald Junioris de quodam prato in
Ricardestone quod vocatur Grundelmede.f
v | Hugo de la puria de terra quam ceperat ad
firmam de Johanne filio Rogeri.

xXxyi

x | De.j. acra terree per excambium per Reginaldum ~
de Lauynton’.

[ These have never been filled up. }

Hahn Plerce.§

# These words drawn through with red ink.
+ In late hands.
+ This entry apparently erased and again allowed to stand,
i In black letter, probably the name of a former owner of this book.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 279

SFr). Scripta de dote.*

Stodleg’ Agnetis de Stodleg’ Relictw Roberti Northman de dote sua sua
x (sic) in quodam prato quod habemus ex dono dicti Roberti viri
; sui.

q Jettun’ Acelinz Relictes Walteri Keynel de dote sua in furlango quod

vocatur Westwude.

Jettun’ Ejusdem Aceling: quod resignavit eandem dotem Henrico Key-
nel filio et heredi suo.

Jettun’ Item ejusdem Acelinz de .y. acris de dote sua.

Jettun’ Ejusdem Acelina quod resignayit easdem .v. acras Henrico

Keynel filio et heredi suo.

PART ITI.

Chronological Collections and Charters,

History of Stanley Abbey;

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED A LIST OF THE ABBOTS.

AgBBors OF STANLEY.

1188... Henricus obiit.
a Willelmus successit. (Cellerar of Bordesley Abbey.)
Mee 295,.,...H......... occurs
oe 2204... 5... 2 ey . deposed.
mm) 1204...... Radulphus occurs.
peek205...... Nicholaus, quondam abbas, | eed abbot of Buckfest-
legh.)
(1205......Thomas de Colestune, al, Calestune, (formerly prior).
ae 1206...... occurs.

“eae Lik occurs.

*In red ink,

an Collections towards the History

1229 ...0: Stephen de Lexington, (becomes abbot of Savigny).
1280..0.:::. Walter occurs.
1245...... eeeee occurs.
12GB... William Chinnoe (10th abbot).
BSDA. 2%: William.
28th April, 1363...... John occurs.

1536...... Thomas occurs.

A.D. 925—940.

“‘Tste [Ethelstanus] tamen pacem feneri fecit in anglia quod torques aureos
si exponentur in composito citius ibi putrescerent quam furto tollerentur. Iste
dedit Winton’ ecelesie capud sancti justi martiris, et tria maneria, monasterio
eciam Malmesburie multa contulit in quo humatus fuit. Cujus corpus pia pre-
sumptione fratrum ejusdem loci de terra levatum et in feretro est reconditum.”

[MS. Bodl. Dighy 11, /f. 1574]

King Henry the Second’s charter relating to Stanley Abbey.
(A.D. 1186—1189.) MS. Harl. 84, f. 273.

‘“¢ Henricus Rex Anglize et Dux Normannize Aquitannie et Comes Andegavie
Abbati et universo Capitulo Cisterciensi, et omnibus ad quos presens Carta per-
venerit salutem, Noverit universitas vestra quod cum Deo largiente adeptus
fucrim Regnum Anglie-repperi quod tempore Regis Stephani Ablatoris mei
multa dispersa fuerunt et a dominiis regni alienata, cum in feodis militum, tum
in elemosinis ecclesiarum Inter que Abbatia de Tame membrum quoddam
manerii mei Ferendon’ quod vocatur warda tenebat ex dono inimicorum meorum
quod in integrum mihi resignavit. Sed quia fuerat religiosee domui quoquo-
modo collatum ad petitionem Imperatricis Domine et matris mee, et Gilberti
tune temporis Abbatis Cisterciensis et coabbatum suorum petitione et assensu
dedi predictum membrum manerii mei Ferendon’ warda vocata modo preedeter-
minato ex toto mes resignatum Abbatie de Stanlega, que est de fundatione
prefate Imperatricis Domine et matris mez, et mea, et Monachis ibidem deo
servientibus cum omnibus rebus et libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad illud
pertinentibus in liberam et puram et perpetuam elemosinam possidendum.
Quare volo et firmiter preecipio quod eadem Abbatia de Stanlega et Monachi in
ea Deo servientes praedictum membrum manerii mei Ferendon’, warda nomine,
habeant et teneant bene et in pace, libere et quiete, plenarie, et integre, et
honorifice, sicut meam dominicam elemosinam, In bosco, et in plano, in pratis
et pascitis, in aquis et molendinis, in stagnis et vivariis, et piscariis, in viis ef
*semitis, et in omnibus locis et rebus cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consue-
tudinibus ad illud pertinentibus. Teste H., Lincolniensi episcopo, Rogero et
Ricardo et Nicholao Capellanis meis, Hugone de Morewich’, Hugone Bard,
Dapiferis, Radulpho filio Stephani Camerario, Roberto de Witef’, Michaele
Belet. Apud Wudestoch’.”

a

ee

- teem

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. - SO8F
pe ©1188.
*‘Obiit Henricus abbas de Stanleia; successit Willelmus cellararius de Bor-
desleia.”

[Annales de Waverleia, 247.|

13th November, 1189. King Richard the First’s charter to Stanley.
(MS. Harl. 84, f. 2734.—MS. Harl. 85, f. 248.)

‘This charter is a very lengthy but comprehensive document, and
very necessary for the history of the Abbey holdings. Dugdale
_ only prints a portion of it, and that incorrectly. I therefore give it
at full length.

“Ricardus, Dei Gratia, Rex Anglie Dux Normannia, Aquitannize, Comes

_ Andegaviz, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justi-
ciariis, Vicecomitibus, Baillivis, Ministris, et omnibus fidelibus suis Francis et
Anglis totius Angliz et Normanniz salutem. Sciatis nos suscepisse in manu et
custodiaet protectione Abbatiam de Stanleg’ quam pater noster Rex HenricJs,
et mater ejus, avia nostra, domina Matildis imperatrix fundaverunt, et omnem
eorundem donationem eidem Abbaties Monachisque ibidem Deo servientibus, in
perpetuam et puram elemosinam, concessisse et carta nostra presenti confirmasse,
totam videlicet terram de preedicta Stanleg’ quee membrum erat manerii nostri
_ de Chippeham, cum omnibus, pertinentiis suis, quee reddebat patri nostro .x1.s.,
et Migellam cum omn. pert. suis, que reddebat ei .vij/., et Heilandam, que est
a _ juxta pontem de Lakoc cum omn.pert.suis, que reddebat ei .xx.s.,et Wordam
_ ques membrum erat manerii nostri de Ferendon’ cum omn. .pert. suis, et Lokes-
- wellam, quee est in foresta de Chippeham, cum omn.pert.suis, sicut Carta patris
nostri et avie nostre testatur, et totum dominicum nostrum de Hedfeld’ citra
et ultra rivam cum .vij. hominibus ibidem manentibus, et de mortuo bosco in
foresta de Chippeham, quantum necesse fuerit ad ignem Monachorum et ad
corum edificia preeparanda, cum necesse fuerit materiem in ipso bosco per fores-
_ tariorum considerationem accipiendam. Insuper et pasturam et pannagium
_ liberum et quietum sibi et preedictis septem hominibus in eadem foresta de suis
- dowinicis porcis et animalibus et pecudibus, et pratum de Buninglege, quod est
in foresta de Chippeham super ripam fluminis Havene, et diebus singulis inper-
_ petuum iijd. de firma nostra de Chippeham. Concessimus etiam eidem Abbatiz
et Monachis in ea Deo servientibus, et confirmayimus terram quam comes

Patricius dedit eis, totam videlicet terram quam ipse habuit in Hedfelda
juxta forestam de Chippeham qua pertinebat ad Wilcote, scilicet iiij solidatis

4 terras ex dono Hugonis de Plugeneie, unam hidatam terre: cum pasturis

decem acras fare de Chieplande singulis a annis = pasturam decem boum
et trium vaccarum cum suis dominicis bobus, et virgam in bosco suo ad [caulas
suas] faciendas et totam terram dominii sui de Godeswell’ cum omn, pert. suis ;
ex dono Henrici Hosati et Galfridi filii ejus terram quam Faber tenuit in villa
de ep cum omn.pert. suis, et vij acras de dominio suo in Brecha de

282 Collections towards the History

ei Robertus filius Martini dederat pro servicio suo cum omn.pert.suis sicut eam
Gervasius de Halewi melius et plenius habuit et tenuit; Ex dono Reginaldi de
Paveilly dimidium nemoris sui in Hulwere; Ex dono Aewise Comitisse de
Rumare dimidiam virgatam terre quam Orgarus de Ponte tenuit de [eaj in
villa de Feltham; Ex dono emptionis Thome de Lanyaleie ij solidatas terrze
quam Ricardus Le Louer in Chepmanneslande quondam tenuerat, et terram
illam quam Ricardus Ches in eadem villa tenuerat; Ex dono Walteri Croch
totam quarrariam suam de Haselberga a terra Sansonis Bigot usque ad antiquum
fossatum et usque ad veterem viam; Ex dono Willelmi de Hogland terram
illam in Penna quam Wimundus tenuit ; Ex dono emptionis Rogeri Burel totam
croftam illam quz Berlege appellata est; Ex dono emptionis Simonis de Cokel-

bergia et Petri filii ejus totum redditum et quidquid juris habuerunt in illa vir-—

gata terre quam Edwardus tenuit et postea Nigellus de Stanlege, totamque
medietatem molendini de Pechinhilla cum omn.pert.suis; Ex dono Nigelli de
Stanlega terram illam que Scinlege appellata est, et quidquid terree habuit in
Hedfeld ; Ex dono emptionis Ricardi filii Lucz clusagium unum super terram
suam ad molendinum monachorum fullericum; Ex dono Willelmi Comitis
Gloecestrie quitanciam tholonei in Bristollo; Ex dono Roberti filii Martini
ecclesiam de Blachedon’ quam eis donavi in perpetuam elemosinam ; Ex dono
Magistri Kogeri de Calna burgagium unum in eadem villa; Ex dono emptionis
Radulphi le Hedene mesuagium unum; Et ex dono emptionis Ricardi Widher
masagium unum; Ex dono Walteri Pistoris masuagium unum juxta pontem
de Calna, et aliud masuagium ex dono Adee Cochk et queecumque alia preefatis
monachis in elemosinam donata sunt, sicut cartze donatorum suorum testantur.
Et quecunque alia in futurum, pia donatorum vel venditorum devotione adqui-
sierint. Quare yolumus et firmiter preecipimus quod preedicta Abbatia et
Abbas et Monachi ibidem Deo servientes habeant et teneant omnes predictas
terras, et omnia preenominata tenementa, et omnes res et possessiones suas, et
homines et servientes suos, cum omn. pert. et libertatibus et liberis consuetu-
dinibus suis, cum socha et sacha, et thol et theam et infangenetheof, béne et in
pace, libere et quiete, plenarie integre et honorifice, in bosco et plano, in pratis
et pascuis et pasturis, in aquis et molendinis, in stagnis et vivariis, in mariscis
et piscariis, in grangiis et virgultis, in viis et semitis, infra burgum et extra et
in omnibus aliis locis et rebus. Et sint quieti homines sui et servientes sui, et
res et possessiones eorum de geld’ et denegeld’ et murde’ et latrocinio, et de
pecunia que ad murdrum pertinent vel ad latrocinum, et de cornagio et huti-
ban, et de scutagio et summagio et sciris et hundredis et sectis schirarum et
hundredorum, et de exercitibus et assisis et summonitionibus, et de thesauro
ducendo, et de auxiliis Vicecomitis et servientum suorum, et de omnibus aliis
auxiliis et operationibus castellorum, et pontium, et parcorum, et murorum, et
vivariorum, et de misericordia Comitatus, et de theloneo, et pontagio, et passagio,
et lestagio, et stallagio, et tallagio, et de clausuris, et de werpeni, et haverpeni,
et de thelthingpeni, et de blodwite, et de firthwite, et de hengwite, et de flem-
eneswite, et de essartis, et guasto foreste, et reguardo, et placito foreste
et omnibus aliis querelis, et placitis, et occasionibus, et consuetudimibus, et de
omni servili opere, et seculari servicio et exactione. Concessimus etiam eis
omnimodam facturam propriorum hominum suorum sola justicia vite et mem-
brorum nobis retenta. Preeterea omnes dignitates et libertates que a praede-

=

—_— a

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 283

cessoribus nostris Regibus Anglie Ordini Cisterciensi concesse sunt, eidem
Abbatiw et Monachis de Stanleg’ concessimus et Carta nostra preesenti confir-
mamus, sicut Carta patris nostri Regis Henrici, et carte ceterorum Regum
antecessorum nostrorum testantur. Et prohibemus ne aliquis eos vel homines
suos vel res vel -possessiones suos injuste vexet, vel disturbet, vel gravet, vel
inquietet, vel molestiam, vel injuriam aut gravamen eis de aliquo tenemento
suo inferat, et si quis super hoc eis vel hominibns vel rebus vel possessionibus
suis forisfacere preesumpserit id eis sine dilacione emendari faciatis. Pro-
hibemus etiam ne ponantur in placitum de aliquo tenemento suo, nisi coram
nobis, vel coram capitali Justicia nostra, Teste Hugone Dunelmensi, Godefrido
Wintoniensi, Johanne Baiocensi, Huberto Sarum Episcopis, Hereberto Archi-
diacono Cantuariensi, Willelmo Marescallo, J. Marescallo, Rogero de Pratellis,
_ Roberto de Witef’, Hugone Bard’; Datum apud Westmonasterium per manum
_ Willelmi de Longocampo, Elyensis Electi, Cancellarii nostri, xiij die Novembris,
regni nostri Anno primo.”

- 2nd April, 1191. The charter of Richard I., as printed by Bowles,
- from Dugdale, is in MS. Harl., 84, f. 263, b. from Antique
__ Cartz in Turre London, W. 6.

) 8rd April, 1191. Confirmation by King Richard I., (when at Messina,)
to Ralph Fitz-Stephen, of the lands which the latter bestowed on
Stanley Abbey and the King confirmed to the abbey by another

charter (at Messina), which is printed by Bowles and Dugdale.

[Léid, W. 7.J
‘* Ricardus Dei Gratia Rex Anglize, Dux Normanniz [et] Aquitannie, Comes
_ Andegavie, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justi-
_ Ciariis, Vicecomitibus, Prepositis, Baillivis Caesar et omnibus fidelibus suis
salutem. Sciatis nos concessisse et preesenti carta confirmasse Radulpho filio
_ Stephani, dilecto et fideli nostro, donacionem quam dominus Rex Henricus,
‘pater noster, ei fecit, scilicet maneria de Winterburn’, et de Wappeleg’, et de
Cadelinton’, cum omnibus pertinentiis suis a se et heredibus suis ten-
enda in feodo et hereditate de nobis et heredibus nostris per servicium
feodi unius militis. Quare volumus et firmiter precipimus quod predictus
Radulphus et heredes sui habeant et teneant totam preedictam terram de nobis
et heredibus nostris, sicut supradictum est, bene et in pace, libere et quiete,
_integre, plenarie, et honorifice, in bosco et plano, in viis et semitis, in aquis et
‘molendinis, in pratis et pascuis, in vivariis et stagnis,: et in advocationibus
siarum, in homagiis et serviciis et releviis, et in omnibus aliis locis et rebus
‘eum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus suis. Testibus Rogero de
Pratell’ dapifero nostro, Ricardo de Canyill, Willelmo Giffard, et pluribus aliis.
Datum per manum magistri Rogeri Mali Catuli, Clerici nostri, apud Messanam,
tertio die aprilis. (Anno regni nostri secundo, A.D. 1191.) ”

- ed
”

26th April, 1194. A charter of King Richard I., to the Abbey of
_ Stanley, granting pasture in Langeden, &. (MS. Harl.,

284 : Collections towards the History

84, f. 248, from Antique Carte in Turre London, W. 4.)

“ Carta Abies de Stanlega.

Ricardus Dei Gratia Rex Anglie, Dux Normannie, Aqaienuae Comes
Andegavize, Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus, - Baronibus,
Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Baillivis et omnibus Ministris et Fidelibus suis
totius Anglie salutem. Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse et concessise et
hac presenti carta nostra confirmasse Deo et Sanctsze Mariz de Stanlega,
et Monachis ibidem Deo et Sanctee Marie servientibus et servituris, pastu-
ram de Langeden’ cum omnibus pertinentiis et Wikam cum pastura et
omnibus pertinentiis in puram et perpetuam elemosinam: tenendum de nobis

et heredibus nostris sibi et successoribus suis imperpetuum. Reddendo eundem’

redditum quem eadem pastura reddere soledat videlicet .v. marcas et .xl. d. pro
omni servitio per annnm. Quare volumus et firmiter preecipimus quod idem
Monachi et successores sui preedictam pasturam de Langeden’ cum pertinentiis
et Wikam cum pastura et pertinentiis habeant et teneant de nobis et heredibus
nostris, bene et in pace, libere et quiete, integre et honorifice, cum omni
integritate et cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad hoe
pertinentibus per preedictum servicium. Testibus Hiis, H[uberto] Cantuariensi
Archiepiscopo, G[ilberto] Roffensi Episcopo, Galfrido filio Petri, Willelmo
Briewer, Willelmo de Sanctze Marie Ecclesia, Magistro Philippo, Willelmo de

Stagno. Datum per manum Willelmi Elyensis Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri. -

Apud Portesmuth’, xxvi die Aprilis. Anno quinto regni nostri. (A.D, 1194.)”

June or July, 1198.- H., abbot of Stanlega, occurs writing a letter,
with other Cistercian Abbots, to Pope Innocent. The letter is
printed at length in the Hpistt. Cantuar., p. 423. (Master of the
Rolls publications.)

Grant by Nicholas the Abbot, to Adam Revel and Walter de Porta,

of land at “ Pennam.”

“Sciant presentes et futuri, quod Ego Nicholaus, Dei Gratia Abbas Stanlege,
et totus ejusdem loci conventus, concessimus et carta nostra preesente confirma-
vimus Adz Revel et Waltero de Porta, et heredibus eorum, terram nostram
in insula apud Pennam, quam Willelmus de Ogland nobis donavit. Tenendam
de nobis pro iii solidis ad festum Sancti Egidii nobis annuatim reddendis pro
omni servitio preter servitium Comitis, quod preedicti Adam et Walterus et
heredes eorum facere debebunt. Hanc itaque conventionem juraverunt preedicti
Adam et Walterus super textum Kvangeliorum coram conyentu in capitulo
fideliter se domui nostre preenominate servaturos.”

(From Madox, Formulare Anglicanum, p. 186, where it is stated
that to this deed is appended an oval seal, bearing a hand grasping

a pastoral staff, with the legend %*sIGILLVM ABBATIS STANL’.)

King J ohn was at Stanley, as appears from the Itinerary of the
King, (compiled by Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy, out-of the rolls and

i - of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. - 285

_ other muniments in the Record Office,) on Wednesday, the 25th
October, A.D. 1200, coming from Malmesbury and Bradenstoke

and passing on to Melksham, Winterbourne, Berkeley, and
Gloucester.

Grant by Peter, son of Ralph de la More, of lands in Westeote and
| Lockesle, (British Museum, Additional Charter, 7498, 13th
century.)

: “Seiant presentes et futuri quod ego Petrus filius Radulphi de la more pro
salute anime mex et antecessorum meorum concessi et hac presenti carta mea
confirmayi deo et Ecclesize: beatze mariz de Stanle et monachis ibidem deo
: seryientibus donacionem illam in Lockesle quai dictus Radulphus pater meus
_ eis fecit, scilicet, totam terram illam cum mesuagio quam Edwinus tenuit et
_ donacionem illam cum pertinentiis quam Robertus de Bello alneto eis fecit in
Westcote, et omnes terras et tenementa cum pertinentiis quae habent de feodo
meo in Westcote et in Lockesle ex cujuscunque dono sint. Tenendum et

habendum bene et in pace, libere, integre, et quiete de sectis, placitis, querelis,
eonsuetudinibus, auxiliis, guadiis, et omni servitio seculari et exactione, que ad
me vel heredes meos de dictis terris et tenementis aliqua occasione pertinebant
_ vel possent pertinere. Sciendum preterea quod ego predictus Petrus et heredes
- mei dictos Abbatem et monachos de Stanle, et terras et tenementa, et tenentes
ipsorum de feodo meo in Lockesle et in Westcote adquietahimus de sectis in
_euria de Tyso et in hundredis Episcopi Wygorniensis inperpetuum. Ut autem
hee mea coneessio et confirmatio rata et stabilis inperpetuum permaneat, hane
_ cartam eis fieri feci, et sigilli mei impressione munivi. Hiis testibus, Henrico
Le Frankeleyn, Henrico de Ectone, Galfrido Obby, Johanne de Stanle, Symone
filio ejus, Radulpho de Grattone, Symone de Bloez, Roberto filio Henrici.
Et aliis.

; Grant by Gilbert aad Alice Digun, of lands in Cubintone. (British
Museum, Harley Charter, 49, F..9, 13th century.) ~

_ ““Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Gilebertus Digun et Alicia uxor mea
dedimus et concessimus . . . . deo et ecclesiz beatae: marix de Stanl’ et
monachis ibidem deo servientibus in liberam . . . , elemosinam sex rodas
#2 in territorio de Cubint’ cum pertinenciis suis, scilicet, duas rodas in
Wowelond’ et duas rodas que se extendunt in oweynesweye, scilicet unam
subtus viam et unam supra viam, et unam rodam que se extendit ad Merdene-
ge , et unam rodam que se extendit'in mulwey. Habendas . . .
erpetuum .. . . Hiis testibus Simone de Cubint?, Thoma fake
us, Henrici filio Simonis Johanne de Stanl’, Thoma de Finham, Ricardo de
Colle, Henrico filio Matildis, et multis aliis.”

€ Gs ant by Richard Trussel, of various messuages, &c. (British
Museum, Additional Charter, 20,238, 13th century.)
_ *Sciant presentes et futuri, quod ego Ricardus Trussel dedi, et concessi, et

286 Collections towards the History of

hae presenti carta mea confirmavi Deo, et Ecclesice beatae Mariz de Stanlega, et
Monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, In liberam, puram, et perpetuam elemosinam,
unum Mesuagium in Lokesle, quod Willelmus filius Baldewini tenuit, Illud
scilicet quod jacet inter Mesuagium Johannis Le Gardiner et mesuagium
Johannis Fabri, et tres dimidias acras terrze cum pertinentiis in uno campo in
territorio ejusdem ville, et tres dimidias acras terres cum pertinentiis in alio
campo, scilicet unam acram in campo versus Thordune ad culturam que vocatur
‘‘triginta acre,” et unam dimidiam acram super Romeshulle, illam scilicet
quam Athelin Albert tenuit; et unam acram in alio campo in Wereforlonge ex
opposito curie meze que primo curiatur ; et unam dimidiam acram in Schorte-
forlonge que se extendit in Campo de Welleburne, quam quidem dimidiam
acram predicta Athelin Albert tenuit in escambium illius redditus quadraginta
denariorum quos debebam et reddere solebam Domine Basilize de la more de
terra de Cotes, quem quidem redditum preedicta B[asilia] dedit et assignavit
predictis Monachis de Stanlege in puram et perpetuam elemosinam, sicut carta
quam inde habent testatur. Quare volo ut predicti Monachi habeant et teneant
in perpetuum prenominatum mesuagium et preedictam terram cum omnibus
eorum pertinentiis et libertatibus in omnibus-rebus et locis bene, et in pace,
libere Integre et quiete ab omni seculari servitio et demanda, salvo forinseco
servitio si dominium illud dederit. Et Ego preedictus Ricardus et heredes mei
preenominatum mesuagium et preedictas tres acras cum pertinentiis preedictis
monachis contra omnes gentes Warantizabimus. Hiis testibus, Willelmo de
Byssopesdone, Willelmo de Lodentone, Henrico Le Fauconer, Roberto de Mor-
tone, Gaufrido I.e Frankelein de Lockesle, Johanne Le Gardiner, Gaufrido
Obbi, Johanne de Cloptone, Johanne de Gupmi, et aliis.”

‘Inspeximus by Nicholas de Verdun, of a grant by Hugh Bardolf,
of land at Horningtun. (B.M., L.F.C., xiii, 22.)

‘“‘Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Nicholaus de Verdun’ ad Inspectionem
carte Hugonis Bardulf concessi et hac presenti carte mea confirmavi Deo et
Ecclesiea Beatee Marize de Stanlega et monachis ibidem deo servientibus totam
terram illam quam Hugo Bardulf dedit eis in puram et perpetuam elemosinam
in territorio de Horsinton’ scilicet quinquaginta duas acras in uno campo et
viginti quatuor in alio campo et quinque acras prati de dominico suo, et unam

acram ad mesuaguim faciendum, sicut carta ipsius Hugonis, quam inde habeant ~

testatur. Quare volo ut preedicti monachi preenominatam terram cum omnibus
pertinentiis suis, et cum pastura ejusdem ville, et cum omnibus aliis libertatibus
in omnibus Rebus et locis ejusdem terre pertinentibus habeant et teneant in
perpetuum adeo plenarie libere et quiete ab omni vexatione et exactione mei et
heredum meorum sicut aliqua elemosina liberius et quietius teneri et haberi
potest. Pro hac autem concessione et confirmatione dederunt michi predicti
monachi tres marcas argenti. In cujus Rei testimonium huic presenti scripto
sigillum meum pro me et heredibus meis apposui. Hiis testibus, Galfrido, priori
de Wroestan, Michaele balet, Willelmo de Waver’, Osberto de Clinton’, Willelmo
de Staforde, Galfrido de simili, Willelmo de Essesho, Reginaldo de Wrocstane,
Hugone de Huptone, Thome de Finham, Johanne de Stanle, et multis
aliis, ‘

the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 287

Grant by Ralph de Bereforde, and Felicia Boscher, his wife, of land

in Cubintone (B.M., Harley Charter, 46, A.32), thirteenth century.

*Sciant presentes et futuri quod ego Radulphus de Bereforde et Felicia
Boscher uxor mea concessimus et tradidimus ad feudofirmam Abbati et Monachis
de Stanleya totam terram nostram in territorio de Cubintone cum mesuagio et
curtilagio et cum omnibus aliis ejusdem terre pertinenciis, tenenda et habenda
in perpetuum de nobis et heredibus nostris libere quiete et integre cum omnibus
pertinenciis et libertatibus suis in omnibus rebus et locis reddendo inde annuatim
nobis vel heredibus nostris duos solidos sterlingorum ad duos terminos. Scilicet
ad festum sancte: Maria in .Martio, duodecim denarios, et ad festum sanoti
Michaelis .xiii. denarios et pro omni servicio et seculari demanda nobis vel
heredibus nostris pertinente salvo tamen forinseco servicio. Pro hac autem
concessione et convencione dederunt nobis preedicti Abbas et monachi viginti
_ quatuor solidos sterlingorum. Et Ego praedictus Radulphus et Felicia uxor
mea et heredes nostri totam preedictam terram cum mesuagio et curtilagio et

eum omnibus aliis pertinenciis predictis monachis contra omnes homines et
- omnes feminas warantizabimus. Hiis testibus, Galfrido de Symily, Wyllelmo
de Essesho, Henrico Tysun, Simone de Cubintone, Henrico filio ejus, et Thoma
_ fratre ejus, Johanne de Stanle, Thoma de Finham, et multis aliis.”

Grant by Thomas de Ardena of land at Rucion’. (B.M., L.F.C., V.6.)

* Sciant [presentes et futuri] quod ego Tomas de Ard[ena] dedi Abbatie . .
. . de Stan!’ in puram et perpetuam elemosinam .. . ._ stillionesde
- Dominico meo Apud Rucion, illos scilicet qui proximiores sunt Molendino . .
. . etuthawc mea donatio perpetuam optineat firmitatem; eandem sigilli
_ mei appositione confirmavi . . . . Testibus, Ricardo Labanc, Willelmo de
_ Bathekint’, Stephano de Rait’, Johanne filio Mabiliz de Stanl’, Toma de
_ Finhan, et multis aliis,”

] Grant by Hugh and Aliz de Ardena of land at Rotteleia. (B.M.,
/ Harley Charter, 45, C. 47.)

_ Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris Dei fidelibus et omnibus
hominibus meis francis et anglis, quod Ego Hugo de Ardena et uxor mea Aliz
r dedimus et concessimus in perpetuam elemosinam Deo et Sancte Marie de
_ Stanleia et monachis ibidem servientibus unam carucatam terre de dominio meo
ypud Rotteleiam et unam partem de grava mea, scilicet Cnihtegraue sicut
weie dividit, liberam et quietam ab omni exactione et servicio seculari, et
feeimus pro salute et incolumitate Henrici regis et regine et filiorum eorum
pro amina regis Henrici et pro nobismet ipsis et amicis nostris et animabus
cessorum nostrorum ut in societate et fraternitate cysterciensis ordinis hae
elemosina et hoe beneficio participes efficiamur. Et hujus donationis testes sunt

dbertus Capellanus, et Hosbertus de Ardena, et Chetelbern de Longedun, et:

Temp. Hen. II.
OL. XV.—NO. XLV. : 28

288 Collections towards the History

~ Carta Radulphi filii Stephani de Wap[peleia] et de Cudelingt’
(B.M., L.F.C., xxiii., 20), time of Henry II.

‘«Sciant tam presentes quam futuri quod Ego Radulfus filius Stephani dedi
et concessi et carta mea presente confirmavi in perpetuam et puram elemosinam
Deo et Abbatize de Stanleia et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus, pro Dei amore
et pro salute anime: mee et pro anima domini mei Regis Henrici filii Matildis
Imperatricis, et pro animabus patris et matris mes et omnium avtecessorum
meorum et pro salute dominz mez Regine Alienor ac liberorum ejus, totam
terram meam de Wappeleia et de Cudelintona cum omnibus pertinentiis suis,
quam videlicet dominus meus Rex H. prenominatus mihi donayit pro homagio
et servitio meo. Quare volo et firmiter statuo quod predicti monachi terram
prenominatam bene et in pace possideant libere et quite, plenarie et integre, et
honorifice, in bosco et in plano, in pratis et pasturis, in aquis et Moléndinis, in
stagnis et vivaris, in Mariscis et Piscariis, in viis et semitis, et in omnibus locis
et rebus cum omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus ad eam pertinen-
tibus, sicut ego liberius unquam et honorificentius eam possedi. Testibus,
Galfrido filio Petri, Willelmo de Bocland’, Adam de Greinvilla, Radulpho filio
Willelmi, Hugone de Angiers, Ricardo de Axeuilla, Henrico de Berneres, Rogero
Burel, Magistro Waltero Capellano meo, et aliis pluribus.”

Appended by a bunch of red silk, an oval seal, bearing a lion

rampant, green wax: “* SIGILL? RADVLF’ FIL’ STEEF’ CAMERA .. .
3

REGIS AvF. 1. a. Gr. [John Anstis, Garter].”

Grant by Henry and Milisent Boget of a rent at Cotes. (B.M.

Harley Charter, 46, EH, 54.)
~“*Sciant presentes et futuri quod Ego Henri Boget et Milisent uxor mea
concessimus et Hac presenti Carta nostra confirmavimus deo et Sanctee Maric
et Abbatize de Stanleg’ et Monachis Ibidem deo Servientibus In puram et per-

petuam Elemosinam, donationem et elemosinam quam domina Basilia de la more

fecit. predictus Monachis In suo viventi, Scilicet Redditum quadraginta denari-
orum quos Ricardus trussel et heredes sui annuatim debebant solvere predictee
Basilize et heredibus suis de terra de Cotes, ad festum Sancti Michaelis, quos
amodo solvent memoratis Monachis ad predietum terminum. Quod etiam carta
dicti Ricardi trussel quam Monachi de Stan!’ Inde habent testatur. Hane autem
Confirmationem fecimus dictee Abbatie pro anima ipsius Basiliz et pro
animabus omnium antecessorum et successorum nostrorum, et pro salute nostra
et puerorum nostrorum. Et volumus ut sepedicti Monachi predictos denarios

habeant et eis gaudeant libere et quiete sicut Ipsi qui nos et onines nostros
participes sue fraternitatis et tocius ordinis Cisterciensis fecerunt. Juxta quod »
carta prefectee domine Basilize quam Jnde habent monachi de Stanl’ testatur. -

Hiis Testibus, Willelmo Bagot, Radulpho de Duluerthe, Willelmo de Stafford,

Reberto Bagot, Gervasio de Walt’, Magistro eh ty de Cherlet’, Johanne de

Stanl’, et multis aliis.”
Full-length seal of the Lady: “ {siciL]twM. mIL[is]ENTE DE

sta[NuuGa]” Endorsement: “Adam dec’ de Lokwell, etdeVbenhal’.”

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 289

Confirmation by Geoffrey Camerarius de Clinton, of land at
Warlevescot. (B.M., Cart. Harl., 48,C. 39.)

- “Notum sit omnibus tam presentibus quam futuris dei fidelibus quod Ego .G.
eamerarius de Clint’. dedi et concessi pro anima pratris et matris et antecessorum
meorum, et mea Salute, in perpetuam elemosinam deo et Sanctee Marie de
Stanleia, et monachis ibidem deo servientibus, tres virgatis terre, aput War-
_ leuescote, liberas et quietas, ab omni exactione et servitio seculari, et hoe feci
_ peticione Willelmi filii Radulfi qui eandem terram de me tenuerat, et eisdem
monachis dederat et concesserat, et hanc donacionem, ut dominus, ubique
Warantizabo quod si pro defectu auxilii mei perdiderint; excambium ecclesie
reddam, sin autem, que de Comite Warewic, qui mihi debet feudum illud
warantizare, adquirere potero illis donabo. Testibus, Thomas filius armefrei,
_ Henricus Boscher, Hugo filius ermefrei, Herebertus del ile, Adam boscher,°
_ Willelmus de Caleshulle, Simon de Stavert’, Paganus filius gunnild’, Rodbertus’
_ filius Leuriz, Rodbertus filius Cupping’, Rogerus nepos abbatis, Rodbertus filius
Tochi, Stabe de Finho’, Willelmus Lihfot, Adam, Rodbertus a Chint’, et
_ quamplures ali
___- Geoffrey as Clintun, sferteriatn to King Henry, I., living in
1129. 1st Baron. Geof. de Clintun, s. and h., chamberlain to

fine Henry, II., living in 1165.

_ ~ A.D. 1201, 1202. The incidents related in the following extract
are illustrated and explained by the Rev. J. E. Jackson, in the

Wiltshire Magazine, vol. vi., pp. 117, 119.
. **MCCI.
~MCCII. } Fulco filius Warini fugit ij Non, Julii in abbatiam Stanleye in
_ Wiltes, et ibi obsessus est cum sociis suis, fere ab omni provincia et a multis
_ aliis qui illuc convenerant, quatuordecim diebus. Sed in pace ecclesize salvus
exivit, et reconciliatus est in anno sequenti. Obit radulfus filius Stephani i in die
an Jacobi oe. Moe.iij. obiit bee Alienor.”

i. AAD, 1202. Some monks of the Cistercian Abbey of Staakey
i 1 Wiltshire, seated themselves in the year 1202, at Lough-Meran,
wear Kilkenny, then at Athermolt or Athamolt, and lastly at the
nd ale of St. Saviour, otherwise Duisk, now called Graignemanagh,
Xo. Kilkenny, where a monastery dedicated to the B.V. Mary was
founded for them in 1212 by William Marescall, the elder, Earl of
J embroke. This offshoot was dissolved before 1537, for on the 18th
March in that year a pension of £10 per annum was granted to the
last Abbot, Charles Mac Murgho’O’Cavenagh. © [Archdale, 353-4.]
‘ : 2B

290 Collections towards the History

A.D. 1203—4. Charter of King John. (B. M., Harl. MS., 85,
fo. 26 b.)

‘‘ Johannes Dei Gratia Rex Anglia, ete., Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus,
Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Prepositis, Ministris, et
et omnibus Baillivis et fidelibus suis salutem. Sciatis nos proDeoet . .. .
dedisse, concessisse, et hac carta nostra confirmasse Deo et ecclesise Sancte
Marie de Stanleya et monachis ibidem Deo servientibus in liberam puram et
perpetuam elemosinam . . . . consuetudines et rectitudines, quas Henricus
Rex pater noster ibi habuit, salva Regali Justicia nostra, et Bruillum de Wethele,
et Essarta de Hurst, cum pertinentibus . . . . xiij/. et novem solidos,
salvo inde debito servitio castello de Kenylword’, si quod inde debetur. Quare
volumus et firmiter precipimus quod predicti monachi habeant et teneant . .
. «bene et in pace, libere et quiete, ete. Testibus . . . . episcopis,
G. filio Petri, Comite Essex, Willelmo, comite Sarum, Willelmo comite,
Willelmo de Brahuse, Hugone de Neville, Data per manem Domini Symonis,
Cycestrensis Electi . . . . apud . . . ~ Anno regni nostri Quinto. "

A.D. 1204.

‘Hoc anno circa pentecosten venit conventus novus cum proprio abbate de
cisterciis in Angliam ad locum qui yocatur belli locus quem eis dedit Johannes
rex Anglie, cum aliis terris magnis. Eodem anno rex Francorum Philippus
subjugavit sibi fere totam Normanniam nullo sibi penitus contradicente. Hoc
eodem anno electus est conventus novus in Stanleya in Wiltes cum abbate pro-
prio, scilicet venerabili viro radulfo x kl’ Augusti. Et in Hyberniam missus
in provinciam ostricensis ad locum qui vocatur sancti Salvatoris quem eis dedit
bone memorie vir Willelmus Marescallus comes de penbroc, cum aliis terris
plurimis. Exivit etiam hoc anno conventus novus de Wburne, ad villam qui
vocatur Medmeham super tamisiam.”

[MS. Bodl., Digby, 11, and Cleop. A. 1, f. 1744.]

A.D. 1204.

‘“‘Kodem anno depositus est dominus. N. Abbas Stanleye a capitulo Cistercii
eo quod duxerit conventum in Hyberniam absque licencia capituli, Eodem anno
revocatus est conventus de Medmeham, et abbas de Wuborne depositus est

propter eandem causam.”
(MS. Bodl., Digby 11, f. 175.]

18th May, 6th John (1205).

‘‘Rex Baronibus de Scaccario, &c. Mandamus vobis quod ponatis in
respeotum .C,. marcas, quas exigitis ab Abbate Malmesbir’ eo quod ipse processit
in quadam causa in curia Christianitatis contra prohibicionem nostram, quousque
aliud inde preceperimus. Ponite eciam in respectum .L. marcas quas exigitis
ab Abbate de Stanlega predicta occasione quousque aliud inde yobis mandayetn
imus. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium xviij die Maij.

Sub eadem forma scribitur }

_ Vicecomiti sumersete per Justiciarios,”

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 291
A.D. 1205.

“Petrus de laroche factus est episcopus Wintonie. Obiit pie memorie
Dominus Hubertus Wateir Archiepiscopus Cantuarie. Dominus Thomas de
Calestune prior de Stanlega factus est abbas ejusdem loci, Nicholaus quondam*
Abbas de Stanlege, factus est Abbas de bucfeste. Dominus Willelmus abbas de
quarraria dimisit Abbatiam suam coram abbate Saviniaci in capitulo apud

Stanlege.
[MS. Bodl., Digby 11.]

16th April, 1206. Thomas de Colestun,}] Abbot of Stanley, assisted
at the public declaration of the exemption of the Abbey of Evesham.
(Chron. Abb. de Evesham.]

16th Nov. 9 John (1207.)

‘Rex Baronibus &c. Sciatis quod perdonavimus Abbati et Monachis de
Stanl’ quinquaginta marcas, quas nobis debuerunt, eo quod Abbas, predecessor
suus, processit contra prohibicionem nostram in quadam causa in curia christi-

_anitatis, Et ideo mandamus vobis quod ipsos inde quietos esse faciatis. Teste
me ipso apud Flexel’, xvj die Novembris anno regni nostri ix*. Et similiter
mandatum est Vicecomiti Wiltesire.”

: [ Rot. Claus.]

A.D. 1214. Thomas de Colestune, Abbot, occurs in Bowles, p. 119,
from MS. Digby 11.

18th December, 16 John (1214).

Rex Gilberto filio Reimfr’. &c, Mandamus vobis quod habere faciatis
Abbati et Monachis de Stanlay x. quercus in bosco de Hales ad edificacionem
_ @celesise sux, et similiter de mortuo bosco rationabile estoverum suum ad focum
quamdiu nobis placuerit. Teste me ipso apud Kilpek, xviij die Decembris.”

[Rot. Claus.]

3 ‘Ast July, 1215. Receipt of jewels by King John, from the Abbot
of Stanley, at Marlborough. [Pat. Rot., Record Edition, p. 146.]

1219. William Marshall, senior, a great benefactor to Stanley
td
dies

“Apud Kavyersham, cujus corpus honorifice receptum est a conventu de
_ redinges cum processione sollempni, etc.”
[Cleop. A. 1.,f. 1826.]

* * Bowles reads this word into a surname ‘‘ Mendom,” p. 119,

a.

\

292 . Collections towards the History

22nd Oct., 5 Henry IIT. (1222.)
en*De eheraeuea Rex eisdem (E. Thesaurario & F, & R. Camerariis) salutem.
Liberate de Thesaurio nostro Normanno nuncio nostro eunte cum litteris nostris
ad Abbatem de Stanlegh’ix.d. . . . . Teste Henrico . . .-. apud
Westmonasterium xxij die Octobris anno &c., V°.”
| Zot. Claus.],

16 March, 6 Henry IIT. (1222.)

“Rex Willelmo Briwer’ salutem. Mandamus yobis quod permittatis abbati
de Stanlegh’ quod fodi faciat petram in bosco Comitis Willelmi de Mandevill’
de Chiriel’ infra forestam nostram de Chippeham et illam adducere sine impedi-
mento ad operacionem ecclesiz de Stanlegh, ita quod non sit ad nocumentum
forestze nostree, Teste Henrico &e. . . . . apud Wintoniam, xvj die

Marcii.”
[ Rot. Claus.]

28th July, 6 Henry III. (1222.) :
“* De xx*i veteribus | Mandatum est eidem Willelmo (Briwer) quod habere
roboribus datis. j faciat Abbati de Stanlegh’ xx‘ yetera robora in foresta
de Chippeham ad focum suum de dono domini regis, Teste Henrico &c. (apud:
Malmesburiam xxviij die Julii.)
[ Rot. Claus.}-

14th January, 7 Henry III. (1223.)
_ “ De x. roboribus ) Mandatum est Willelmo Briwer’ quod habere faciat

datis. } Abbati de Stanlegh’ de dono domini Regis x. robora
sicca non ferentia fructum vel folium in bones de Chippeham ad focum suum.
Teste, &e. Apud Wiltun’ .xiiij die Januarii anno regni nostri vij.

[ Rot. Claus.]

29th March, 7 Henry III. (1223.)
“ De x veteribus ) Rex constabulario Divisarum salutem. Precipimus tibi
roribus. quod habere facias Abbati de Stanlegh’ decem vetera’
robora non ferentia fructum vel folia in foresta nostra de Chippeham que ei
dedimus ad focum Suum. Teste (Henrico &c. apud Marleberg’ xxix die Marcii.)”

[ Rot. Claus.]

28th March, 8 Henry IIT. (1224.)

‘* De roboribus datis, Rex Constabulario Divisarum Salutem. Meminimus
nos alias dedisse fratri Radulpho quondam Abbati de Stanlegh’ x. vetera robora
non ferentia fructum vel folia in foresta nostra de Chippeham, ad focum suum,
qnz nec dictus Abbas nec frater Stephanus nunc Abbas ejusdem loci plene
receperunt ut idem Abbas dicit. Et ideo tibi precipimus quod, si ita est, tune
tot fusta, quot eidem Abbati aretro sunt de numero illo, ei in predicta foresta sine
dilacione habere facias. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium xxyiij die Marcii

anno &e. viij.” [ Rot. Claus.)
Ot, aUs,

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 293

30th June, 8 Henry III. (1224.) .

_. ** Pro Abbate de ) Rex Galfrido de Stavertun’ Salutem. Quia nobis constat
; Stanlegh. ex inspectione carte domini Johapnis Regis patris nostri
quam Abbas et Conventus de Stanlegh’ habent, ipsum dominum Regem eis
Contulisse manerium de Stanlegh cum omnibus pertinentiis suis, absque ulla
retencione, tibi precipimus quod, omni occasione postposita, facias eisdem ser-
vitium quod facere debes de libero tenemento tuo quod de eis tenes in predicto
manerio &. &c, Teste Rege apud Bedeford. xxx die Junii anno regni nostri

viii &c, &o.”
f; . [ Rot. Claus.]
_ 27th October, 8 Henry III. (1224.)
_ Order to Wymundus de Ralegh’ to give the Abbot and Monks of
Stanlegh’ fifteen dead oaks in Chipeham Forest.
. [Rot. Claus., i., 628.]

27th October, 8 Henry III. (1224.)
Another grant on the same terms,
[ Rot. Claus., 1., 654]

26th July, 9 Henry III. (1225.)

_ * Rex ‘Johanni de Fostebire et sociis suis forestariis de feodis de foresta de
_ Savernac salutem. Mandamus vobis quod habere taciatis hominibus de Merle-
berga subscriptis quorum domus incendio consumpte fuerunt cheverones ad
_ domos suas reficiendas‘ in foresta de Savernac et in boscis militum et virorum
_-feligiosorum infra eandem forestam sparsim per loca ubi competencius capi
_ Possint, et ad minus nocumentum forest nostra, secundam formam subseriptam,
idelices . . . . abbatide Stanlegha, x cheverones . . . . ad domos
_ suas reparandos de dono nostro. Teste me ipso apud Merleberg’ xxvi die Julii.
- Coram Justiciariis.”

[ Rot. Claus.]

or md August, 9 Henry III. (A.D. 1225.)

_ **Rex (Hugoni de Neville salutem). Sciatis quod concessimus Abbati et
/Monachis de Stanleghe quamdiu nobis placuerit moram quee vocatur Alfletemore
um custodia ejusdem more ad capiendum de bosco ejusdem more rationabilem
tentacionem suam ad focum suum et quod possint moram illam fossato et haia
udere ita quod fers possint intrare et exire sine impedimento. Et ideo vobis
ndamus quod in propria persona vestra accedatis ad moram et eam eis assig-
ri et plenam eis saisinam inde habere faciatis sicut predictum est, et nobis

scire faciatis per quas metas moram illam eis assignaveritis. Teste. me ipso

[&. L. Cl. vol. ii, p. 54.]

294 Collections towards the History
7th September, 9 Henry ITI.. (1225.)

‘Dominus Rex rogavit Hugonem de Samford quod in bosco suo infra co-
opertum foresta de Bradene concedat domino Regi .x. ligna ad maeremium ad
opus Godefridi de Crawecumba ad recdificationem domorum suarum de Amenel.
Rogavit et dominus Rex Abbates Malmesbirie, Eynesham, Glastingebirie, de
Stanlega, et Priorem de Pradenestoke, &c., . . . . quod singuli eorum dent ei
totidem ligna ad idem, et mandatum est eidem Hugoni quod ligna ipsa prosterni
et abduci sine inpedimento permittat. Teste (Rege apud Oxoniam, vij die

Septembris.)”
[A. L. Cl., vol. ii., p. 61.)

19th February, 11 Henry III. (1227.)

“4 . » » Seribitur Vicecomiti Warr’ pro abbate et Monachis de Stanle
de libertatibus et quietanciis eis concessis preedecessoribus domini Regis quibus
dominus Rex quedam duxit addenda sicut patet per cartas et confirmaciones

eis inde factas.’’
[R. L. @i., vol. ii., Dp. 172.]

1] Henry III. Carta Abbatie de Stanleg, from the Registers in ©

Turre Lond.
P [M.8. Harl., 6597, f. 24.]

2nd May, 11 Henry III. (1227.) Charter of King Henry ILI. to —
Stanley. (Harl. MS., 85, f. 85.)

‘¢‘ Henricus, Dei gratia, Rex Angliz, etc., Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbati-
bus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Forestariis, Vicecomitibus,
Preepositis, Ministris, et omnibus Bailivis et fidelibus suis, salutem. Sciatis
nos inspexisse Cartam Regis Ricardi Avunculi nostri factam Abbati et Monachis
de Stanlegha in Wiltesyr in hac forma, Ricardus, etc..[as given at length above. ]
Is erat tenor cartze nostre in primo sigillo nostro, quod, quia aliquando perditum
fuit, et cum capti essemus in Allemannia in aliena potestate constitutum, mu-
tatum est. Innovationis autem hujus testes sunt isti: Philippus, Dunelmensis
Episcopus, Magister Maugerus Ebroici, et multi alii, Datum per manum
E[ustachii] Elyensis Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri, apud Rupem Andeli ix° die
Septembris, Anno regni nostri x°. Nos igitur hanc donationem et confirmationem
ipsius dicti Regis Ricardi, avunculi nostri, ratam et gratam habentes pro nobis
eidem Abbati et monachis concedimus et confirmamus Quod habeant et teneant
pasturam et pannagium liberum et quietum sibi, et przedictis vii hominibus suis
per totam forestam nostram de Chipeham de suis dominicis porcis et animalibus et
pecudibus, et omnia alia sibi concessa per cartam ejusdem regis, avunculi nostris.
Ita tamen quod prefati Abbas et Monachi de Stanle de cetero non capient nec
capere poterunt in boseo nostro de Chippeham maeremium ad eorum edificia
preparanda nec de cetero iijd. singulis diebus capient nec capere poterunt de
firma de Chipeham, sicut prius eis concessum fuerat per eandem Cartam preedicti
Ricardi regis, avanculi nostri, de quo maecremio in praedicto bosco nostro

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 295

de Chippeham-capiendo, sicut pradictum est, et de quibus iijd. singulis
diebus capiendis de firma de Chipeham preefati Abbas et Monachi nos et
heredes nostros imperpetuum remiserunt et quietos clamaverunt pro mora
et bosco do Alfletemore, quos eis dedimus et Carta nostra ‘confirmavimus.
Preeterea concedimus eis et confirmamus terras et tenementa, pasturam et alia
que habent de dono subseriptorum ; de dono Joscey de Plugnay vij acris terra
in campis de Chepinglawburne, et pasturam ad .c. oves’in communi pastura
ejusdem ville cum exitibus eorum, et vij. solidatos redditus ir eadem villa ;
Item de dono ejasdem unum aver’ et duos porcos quietos de he vagio et pannagio
et iijs. per annum percipiendo de tenemento Elyw Mercatoris, et quietantiam de
iiijd, quos ei debebant singulis annis de terra Willelmi Fabri; Item de dono
ejusdem totum jus et dominium quod habuit super Ernaldum Ad-aquam, et
heredes suos, vel tenementa vel redditum eorum in villa de Chipinglamburne,
cum quietancia herbagii et pannagii, et redditum iiij.s. et vid. annuatim per-
cipiendum de Elya mercatore et heredibus suis de dono ejusdem quietantium _
unius’ librate: piperis quam ei debebent de quadam hyda terre in villa de
Chepingl’ ; Item de dono ejusdem v.s. redditus percipiendos de Ricardo Walense
et Johanne de Appelford’ et Elya Mercatore et eorum heredibus, cum omni jure
et dominio quod habuit in preedicto Ricardo Walense et Johanne appelford et
Elya Mercatore et eorum heredibus; De dono Roberti de Plugenay totam me-
- dietatem pasture pertinentis ad terram suam in Uplamburne, et x acras terre
in Chepinglamburne in furlang quod appellatur Widecumbe ; de dono Sibille
Dinaunt burgagium quod de ea tenuit Ricardus Skerr in villa de Lawburne cum
communi pasture et quietancia herbagii ; De dono Eliz Mercatoris xvj. acras
et unam acras terree apud Hodeling’ ; De dono Sybille de Plugenay communam
sexdecim ayeriorum et duorum aurorum in communi pastura ejusdem villa, et
redditus xls. et iiijd. in eadem villa ; De dono Johannis filii Petri totam terram
suam de Castowe cum omn. pert. suis; De dono Ricardi de Paringny vii acras
terre in villa de Cheaplamburne ; De dono Ricardi Anglici xiij acras terre in
Lamburne, videlicet. vij in uno campo et vj. in alis; De dono ejusdem redditus
xijd. percipendum per annum de medietate cujusdam Messuagii in Froggelan’ ;
de dono Willelmi Beauvilayn’ boscum quem habuit juxta Abbatiam de Stanle
et unam croftam parvam que dicitur Uppelegh ; De dono Elyz de Bellocampo
terram quam Radulphus pater suus eisdem Abbati et Monachis legavit cum
eorpore suo; De dono Warneri de Ja Hulle iiij. acras terre in villa de Lamburne
ad pedes Collis qui vocatur to-thindon; De dono Johanne filiw et heredis
Roberti de Oseville totum illud burgagium cum pertinentiis in villa de Chipeham
quod Ricardus Le Surreis tenuit; De dono Philippi de Colestone donum quam
_ edificayit in villa de Wiltone prope molendinum abbatissee cum toto mesuagio ;
De dono ejusdem totam terram quam Thomas frater suu stenuit in Calestone in
loci ubi molendinum habuit et totum pratuum in Abreya quod yocatur Thore-
_ mede; De dono Garneri Maunsel redditus ix.s. et x.d. et oboli quem habuit in
-yilla de Dereyard; De dono Godefridi de Stanle totam terram quam Amite suse
Margareta et Juliana habuerunt in villa de Stanleia; Et preeterea totam terram
quam idem Godefridus habuit in eandem villa et quicquid inde ad eum vel
_ heredes suos aliquo jure descendere posset ; De dono Johannis de Auchires iiij.
mesuagia in villa de Calne que dedit eidem Abbatize cum corpore suo; De con-
cessione Durandi filii Simonis unum mesuagium cum pert. in Chipeham juxta

296 ’ Collections towards the History -

ponten Aveng quod Radulphus Le Franceys eis in elemosinam dedit ; De dono
Willelmi Bastard ij. virgatas terre in Vggeford cum pert. suis; De dono
Andres Giftord ad libros conficiendos molendinum de Vggeford cum omn. pert.
suis quod Serlo tenuit; Item de dono ejusdem Andres totam terram cum
mesuagio in Suttone quam Willelmus Blundus tennit. Has autem donationes
eis ‘factas, scilicet ab aliis quam a preedicto Ricardo Rege, Avuneulo nostro,
preedictis Abbati et monachis de Stanleghe concedimus et confirmamus pro nobis
et heredibus nostris. Habendas et tenendas imperpetuum sicut Carte et con-
firmationes eorundem quas inde habent rationabiliter testantur. Huis testibus,
venerabilibus patribus J. Bathoniensi et multis aliis, Datum per manum
venerabilis patris Radulphi Cicestrensis Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri, apud Morte-
lake, ij° die Maij, Anno Regni nostri xi™°,”

7th May, 11 Henry III. (1227.)

‘¢ Rex Hugoni de Neville salutem. Sciatis quod pro relaxacione quam Abbas
et Monachi de Stanlega pro se et successoribus suis fecerunt nobis et heredibus
nostris, videlicet, quod ipsi vel successores sui decetero non capient nec capere
poterunt in bosco nostro de Chipeham maeremium ad eorum edificia preparanda
nec decetero tres denarios singulis diebus capient nec capere poterunt de firma
de Chipeham sicut prius eis fuit concessum per cartam Regis Ricardi, ayunculi
nostri; dedimus et concessimus eisdem Abbati and Monachis et successoribus
suis moram de Alfletemora, et boscum per metas in carta nostra quam eis inde
fieri fecimus contentas. Ita quod mora illa et boseus ille sint quieti imperpetuum
de vasto et reguardo, salva nobis et heredibus nostris venatione nostra tantum,
et quod liceat ipsis Abbati et Monachis moram illam et boscum illum claudere
fossato et haya, ita quod feree intrare possint etexire. Et ideo vobis mandamus
quod de preedictis mora et bosco secundum metas preedictas in preofata carta
nostra contentas quam coram vobis legi faciati ipsis Abbati et Monachis plenam
saisinam habere faciatis, sicut preedictum est. Teste Rege apud Windlesoram,
vij die Maii, anno regni nostri xj°.

Rex Vicecomiti Wilt’ salutem. Scias quod libertates concessas Abbati et
Monachis de Stanleg a predecessoribus nostris, Regibus Angliee, eis per cartam
nostram confirmayimus. Et ideo tibi preecipimus quod confirmationem nostram
eis inde factam in pleno Comitatu tuo legi facias, et preedietis libertatibus,
quibus temporibus Henrici Regis, avi nostri, Ricardi Regis, avunculi nostri, et
domini Johannis Regis, patris nostri, tempore pacis usi sunt; eos uti permittas.

Teste ut supra.”
[R. L. C., vol. u., p. 185.]

1st June, 11 Henry III. (1227.)

‘‘Mandatum est Vicecomiti Warr. Quod permittat Abbatem de Stanlega

talem saisinam de bosco suo de Stanle cum pertinentiis quem habet de dono
domini Johannis Regis, qualem inde habuit antequam dominus Rex ei concessit
comitatum illum custodiendum. Teste Rege apud Westmonasterium j°. die

Junii.”’
[R. L. C., vol. ii, p. 188.]

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 297

AD. 1206—1228.
(British Museum, L. F. Campbell Charter, xxii., 13.)

“ Stephani Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis de compositione inter Monachis Stanle
et Robertum de Gloucestria, personam de Lachoo, de decimis feni de Elande.
Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos presens scriptum pervenerit. S, dei gratia -

Cantuariensis Archiepiscopus, Tocius Angliz Primas, et Sanctee Romans
Ecclesize Cardinalis, Salutem in domino. Ne finita semel amicabili composicione
hegocia, per oblivionis incommodum in rediviyvam. deveniant questionem:

_ modum composicionis ejusdem scripture duximus commendandum, que com-
missam sibi fideliter servat, et immutabiliter eloquitur veritatom. Hine est
quod ad uniyersitatis vesfre noticiam volumus pervenire, quod cum inter
dilectos filios nostros abbatem et conventum de Stanlega ex una parte, et Rober-
tum de Gloucestria, rectorem ecclesize: de Lacog ex altera, super decima feni
- prati dominici de Elande, controversia uteretur, dicto R. eandem decimam sibi
et ecclesise sus de Lacog yendicante, et memoratis Abbate et monachis econtra
asserentibus se ab ejusdem prestacione per privilegia apostolica fuisse penitus
absolutos‘ licet per eundum R. ea fuissent minus racionabiliter spoliati‘ et
eadem causa ad nostram tandem per appellacionem audienciam devenisset ‘
_ constitutis coram nobis pluries partibus, et post litis contestacionem testes coram
nobis utraque super assercione Sus producentibus ‘ tandem postquam publicate
sunt attestaciones, sub hac pacis forma fide media utrunque data Lis quievit
‘inter eos. Memoratus Robertus quia ex privilegiis apostolicis eorundem mona-
chorum intellexit, quod eis per eadem privilegia i in retencione preedictes decimee
- feni sufficientes fuerat prospectum { eis ulterius super eisdem adversari noluit,
sed tam ipsam decimam quam dicti prati de Elande communem pasturam quam
in curia Domini Regis ab eis evicerat‘ eis libera et spontanea voluntate remisit,
7 renuncians imperpetuum omni juri quod sibi et ecclesize sua in eadem tam denials
quam pastura vendicarat. Cui sepedicti abbas et conventus, in recompensacionem
pasture dimisse tanquam annuum et perpetuum redditum ecclesie de Lacog,
_ duodecim denarios singulis annis in festo Sancti Ciriaci, super altare Ecclesia
ex parte abbatis et conventus offerendos concesserunt. Et preterea in re-
compensacionem expensarum quod idem R, se in lite illa defendendo fecerat ;
sex marcas eidem numeraverunt. De quibus condicionem Kcclesiz sus sive
re alia pastura sive in alia quacumque possessione quam ecclesiz suze viderit
_expedire comparanda‘ debuit sicut concessit meliorare. Quod ne in posterum
alicui venire possit in dubium‘ hoe presenti scripto sigilli nostri apposicione

.D. 1229.

: vee ‘ Magister, Stephanus de Lexintona, abbas de Stanleia, factus visitator

inis in Hibernia, multos abbates deposuit, et Anglicos eis substituit, et mon-
ios plurimos de Hibernia transmisit in provinciam Gallicanam ; et paullo ae

Stephanus in abbatem de Saveni [Savigni] sollemniter est assumptus.”

[Annales de Dunstaplia, Master of the Rodis’ publications.)

298 Collections towards the History
A.D. 1229.

“¢ Stephanus abbas de Stanleia factus est abbas de Saviniaco.”
[Annales de Waverleia.|
This man may have been the Stephanus de Lexington, who was
presented by King John, on the 23rd May, 1215, (sede vacante)
to the prebend of Scrophull and Oxton, or Oxton pars secunda, in the
deanery of seats pay

A.D. 1230, Vigil of the Feast of St. Mary.

Walter, Abbot of Stanley, occurs in the Malmesbury Chartulary,
in the Record Office, folio 188 b., and MS. Lansdowne, in British
Museum, 417, f. 90. [See W.de G. Birch on “ The Succession of
the Abbots of Malmesbury,” in the “Journal of the British
Archeological Association,” vol. xxvii., p. 830z.]

“Pagina” of W. de Cumba, (Combe, in Co, Warwick,) W. de
Stanleia, and O. de Alencestria, (Alcester, Co. Warwick,) abbates,
reciting a rescript from Pope Innocent (III). Dat. v. kal. Julij ae,
pont. iij. (27th June, 1245), determining a cause between the Canons
of St. James, Northampton, and W. de Roverio, Persona Hcclesie
de Stokes. (B. M., Additional Charter, 6109.) This may be
Stanley Park, or Stanley in the Dale, Co. Derby.

A.D. 1246.

‘“‘ Terremotus factus est magnus et horribilis, x°. Kl’ Marcii. M.cc.xlvij.
Ingressus est conventus de Stanleye in Wiltes, novum monasterium.”

[MS. Digby 11, f. 184.]

87 Henry III.

‘Pat. pro abbate de Stanlegh quod dominici canes Abbatie sues ac omnium
grangiarum suarum quas habet infra metis forest non expeditentur, ete.’’

[C. P. R.,p. 26.]
19th October, 43 Henry ITI. (1259.)

“ Fratres de Stanlegh in Ardern, spreto habitu suo, et professione sua, ordinem
Cisterciensem egressi, vagantes per plures comitatus regni arrestari jubet rex.”

[MS. Hari., 6957, f. 69.) —
‘¢ Patentes de fratribus Apostatis de Stanlegh arrestandis.”
[C. Rs P., 9. Sey

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stunley. 299

50 Henry III.
Exemplificatio libri de domesday, pro Abbate de Stanley de manerio de S.

in Co. Warr.”
[C. P. B., p. 38.]

,

AD. 1266.

+ TDedicata est ecclesia de Stanleye in Wiltesyre a domino Waltero de la Wile,
~ tunc Sarum episcopo. Cujus anima per misericordiam dei in pace requiescat.”

[| MS. Bodl., Digby, 11, f. 187.]

‘ad

6 Kal. April, 1268.

“ Obiit Dompnus Willelmus Chinnoc x abbas Stanlege in Wiltes cujus
memoria in benedictione sit in eternum, Amen, vj KI’ Aprilis,”

[MS. Digby 11, f. 187.]

ALD. 1269.

“Johannes dictus de Suthun Clericus, Hugo de Caudewelle, Robertus de
_ Weresle, et quidam Galfridus socius eorum, qui fuerant ad roberiam abbatiss

de Stanle, sepius apud Dunstaple divertebant. Et cum obsessi essent undique
et capiendi, Johannes clericus affugit ad ecclesiam nostram, et inde‘abjuravit

regnum Anglise; et apud Oxoniam postea interfectus est, sine sacramentis
-ecclesiasticis, Tres vero socii ejus capti sunt &.”

[Annales de Dunstaplia, p. 252.)

A.D. 1270.

“‘Eodem anno intravit conventus de Stanleye in Wiltes novum refectorium,
‘Seilicet die beati Johannis baptiste.”

[ MS. Bodi., Digby 11.}

Uncertain. Henry III.
_ “Abbas de Stanleya. Stanleya maner. Warr.”

ALD. 1271.
4 «“ Obiit Philippus Basseth in fine mensis Octobris, et sepultus est apud
[Annales de Wintonia, 111.]

‘Uneertain date, temp. Henry III.
Abbas et conyentus de Stanleya: de tallagio manerii de Stanleya.”
[Calend. Genealog., i., 171.]

300 - Collections towards the History ~

King Edward I. witnessed several documents at Stanley, as may
be gathered from the. Itinerary of that king compiled by the Rev. €.
H. Hartshorne, out of a large number of miscellaneous rolls, records,
manuscripts and printed works. ‘This itinerary is printed in the
* Collectanea Archexologica” of the British Arch. Association.

. The dates shewing the king’s visits to the place are :—
1282. 10 Edward I.
March 22, 23, Malmesbury. March 28, to April 18, Devizes.

» 24, Stanlegh. x April 28, 24, Stanley.

» 5, Stanford, Stanley. » 930, Gloucester,

» 26, Stanley.

Rotulus Walliz, 11 Edward I.

‘¢ Protectio pro Johanne de Merston, persona ecclesiee de olivestede, H.* T. T._
Sancti Laurentii in Lucina Sancta Romans ecclesiz cardinale, Abbate de Stanley,
et Martino de Chamberion, Persona Ecclesize de Stratton. Apud Rothelan’,
8 Dec,”

[Calendars of the Ancient Charters, 5c., and of the Welch and
Scotish Rolls now remaining in the Tower of London, by T. Astle

London, 4to, 1772.)

13 Edward I.
“‘ Abbas de Stanlegh. More bose’ infra forest? de Chippeham includend’.”
" | Ing. p. m., p. 88.]

13 Edward I.

*‘Inquisitio ad quod damnum,” an indication that there was a
change of the abbot at this time. ;
[Calend. ‘Genealog., 1., 365.) —

14 Edward I.. .
«Thomas de Ardern, pro abbate de Stanleye ; Botteleye, advocatio Ecclesie, |
co. Warr.”

[Ing. p. m., vol, iv., p. 427.]
This may not be Stanley, but Stonelegh. 5
* Hugo “ Atratus” de Evesham, Titulo Sancti Laurentit in Cucina Cardinalis. Fut an apeaulie

of this illustrious and scientific divine, see Tanner’s Bibliotheca, p, 418 ; Ciaconius, Vite Pontifi-
cum, “vol. ii., col, 239, He died at Rome in 1287, _

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 301

‘¢ TEMPORALIA, £
- Dioec. Sarum. in Ruteshalle 1
in Stapelforde
in Decanatu Abingdon 47
in Decanatu Newbur,

8
in Marleberg
in Langedeneswith 9
apud Ricardeston 8
in Stodley : 11
in Yattone 7 13
in Lockeswell 4 10

Dioe. Wigorn: apud Cuderinton ra 13 11 8”

CUWNNNWAS

a

» redditu & ter ris

1291.
+ 66 SPIRITUALIA, s. ad,
£ Porcio in ecclesia de Lamburn 6-8?

[ Dugdale. ]

— 1293—4, 22 Edward I.
__ Abbas de Stanlegh. Licencia fodendi miner’ ferri in dominicis terris suis
in foresta de Chyppeham.”

[Ing. p. m., p. 121.]

22 Edward I. “ Inquisitio ad quod damnum,” a change of abbot.
‘ [Calend. Genealog., ii., 487.]

—-1296—7. 25 Edward I.
Abbas de Stanley, in Radwey, co, Warr., tenet 8" partem unius feodi.”

[Ing. p. m., p. 189.]-

1803—4, 82 Edward I.
4 Quod Abbas de S. teneat imperpetuum 211 acras de vastis forestee de
4 ee yechan pro redditu 67, 19s. 1d.”

e [G. P. R., p. 64.)

a June, 1 Edward II. King’s writ of Confirmation of the privileges
. of the citizens of London, fested at Stanleye.

1 1808, June 26, Marlborough, June "22, Marlborough & Stanley.
21, Benley, » 28, Bristol.

"Rat, pro Abbate de 8.”
s [C P.R,p. TJ.

‘

302 Collections towards the History.

1311—12. 5 Edward II.

‘‘Robertus de Hungerford, pro Abbate de Stanlege, Nova Sarum, unum
mesuagium cum pertinentiis.
Caleston manerium 40 librat’, terres ibidem remanent eidem Roberto.”

(1nq., p. 45.]

1323—4, 17 Edward IT.

“« Pat. pro Abbate de 8-” (0. PLR 3]
- £. iv., p. 93.

17 Edward III.

“‘ Pat. pro Abbate de 8.”
[Lbid, p. 145.]

1851. 25 Edward III.

‘(Rex exoneravit Abbatem de Stanlee de reparatione cujusdem viee in solo
ipsius Abbatis in Hundredo de Kingesbridge vocate Saltharpesway in comitatu
Wiltes.”

[Idid, p. 161.]

1354. 28 Edward III.

A deed in the Augmentation Office contains the name and seal of

Abbot William.
[ Wilts Mag., iii., 270.]

28 April, 1363.

‘‘Rex concessit Abbati de Stanley imperpetuum proficium de navibus pisca-
torum ville de Rye ad Regem pertinentibus, vocatum Kingeshares.”

(CB. P., p. 176 3.)

The following is the text of the charter in the British Museum:—
(British Museum, Harley Charter, 111. C. 13.) 28 April, 1363,

‘¢ Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Anglie, Dominus Hibernie et Aquitaniee Omnibus
ad quos presentes litterze pervenerint Salutem, Sciatis quod de gratia nostra
spetiali, et intuitu caritatis ac pro salute animarum progenitorum nostrorum
dedimus et concessimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris dilectis nobis in Christo
Fratri Johanni Abbati de Stanlege in comitatu Wiltes’ ae Monachis ibidem Deo
servientibus proficuum ad nos de navibus Piscatorum ville nostra de Rye
pertinens, yocatum Kynges shares, Habendum et tenendum eisdem Abbati et

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 803

- Monachis et sucessoribus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris in liberam puram et
perpetuam elemosinam imperpetuum, Statuto de terris et tenementis ad manum
mortuam non ponendis edito non obstante. In cujus rei testimonium has
litteras nostras ficri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Westmonasterium
vicesimo octavo die Aprilis anno regni nostri vicesimo septimo,

per ipsum regem nunc’. W.de Wykeham. Burstall.”

Fine example of the Bretigny seal.

28th April, 1363. :

John, Abbot of Stanley, occurs in the above charter, which is also
contained in Hearne’s Diary in the Bodleian Library, vol. cxxv.,
f, 128.

A.D. 1363.

_ “ Appropriatio ecclesize de Rye, co. Sussex, abbati & monachis de Stanley,
A.D. 1363, penes virum cluentissimum Petrum Le Neve, arm. Norroy: et una
eum ordinatione vicariee in reg. Episo. Cicestr. c. f°. 76, 77.”

{ Dugd. |
The following is the text of this charter from Hearne’s Diary, in
the Bodleian Library, vol. exxv. f. 129 :—

* Anno 37°, Edwardi tercii.
Pro Abb’e de Stanley in Com’. Wiltes.

Rex omnibus ad quos &c. salutem, Sciatis quod de gratia nostra speciali
et intuitu Caritatis ac pro salute Animarum progenitorum nostrorum dedimus
et concessimus pro nobis et heredibus nostris dilectis nobis in Christo fratri

Johanni Abbati de Stanley in comitatu Wiltes, ac monachis ibidem Deo ser-
3 vientibus, Advocacionem ecclesiz de Rye in Com. Sussex unacum Decimapiscarize
in parochia ecelesize preedictee vocata Christeshares. Habendum et tenendum
rs eisdem abbati Monachis et Succesoribus suis de nobis et heredibus nostris in
liberam puram et perpetuam elimosinam imperpetuum, statuto de terris et
3 ements ad manum mortuam non ponendum edito non obstante. In cujus
q be. T. R. apud Westmonasterium, xxviii° die Aprilis. per ipsum, etc.”

a A very “fair and perfect impression of the common seal of this
a bbe, astached to a deed dated in 1368, remains in the Augmentation

4 em is an olive tree. The legend is ‘‘s. comme. abbis. et e’ventus.
oT
de @ stanleya.” The impression is on dark green wax.

: [ Dugd.]
‘you. XV.—NO. XLV. : 2c

3804 Collections towards the History
1363. 37 Edward III.

‘“‘ Abbas de Stanley in com. Wiltes. concessit Ricardo Penbridge in feodo
manerium suum de Worda et nunc vocatum maneria de Wadele et Wikingesham
in comitatu Berks, tentum de Rege per fidelitatem tantum quam Rex contir-
mayvit.”

[C. R. P. p. 176.]

“* Pro abbate de Stanley eccl’ ter.”
[eid]

44 Edward III.

‘¢ Diversa pro Abbate de Stanley.”
[Ibid, p. 1860.)

1423—4, 2 Henry VI.

‘¢ Perampla confirmatio terrarum ac libertatum pro Abbate de Stanley in com.
Wiltes; Vide 4 Chart., Edw. II.”

[Ieid. p. 271.]

1440—1. 19 Henry VI.

‘‘ Rex confirmat Abbati de Stanley ducentas et undecim acras terre infra
forestam de Pevensham jacentes, etc.; et quod possit eas excolere; Vide 32
pat., Ed. III.”

[Tded. p. 282.]

1447—8. 26 Henry VI.

‘Pro Abbate de Stanley in com. Wilts.”
[Ldid, p. 291.]

1448—9. 27 Henry VI.
Idem. Ibid, p. 292.

1448—9. 27 Henry VI.

‘¢Exemptio pro Abbatibus de Stanley quod non sint collectores decimarum.”

[Ibid, p. 292.]

1450—1. 29 Henry VI.

‘* Pro Abbate de Stanley.”
[1did, p. 294]

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 305

1452—3. 31 Henry VI.
“ Pro Abbate de Stanley tam de terris quam de libertatibus.”
[Jéid. p. 295.]

1454—5. 33 Henry VI.

**Quod abbas de Stanley in com. Wiltes possit concedere Johanni de Cod-
rington, Armigero, in feodo manerium de Codrington in com. Glouc. pro annua
firma undecim librarum.”

[Lbid, p. 296.]

Uncertain year of Henry VI.

“ Abbas de Stanley—pro cantaria in Heyworth, ad quod damnum. Stodley
q manerium ; Heywood manerium, redd. 10 marc. exeunt.; Yatton major;
Yatton Kaynes ;.Godwell; Thickwood ; et Clopcote, Wiltes ; Chepinglamborne ;
Uplamborne, Berks.”

[Ing. p. m., vol. iv., p. 298.]

26 Henry VIII.

Valor Ecclesiasticus, temp. Henry VIII. (Transcript of Return,
_ 26 Henry VIII., in First Fruits Office.)

“ STANLEY IN COM. WILTES, SAR. DIOC.

Valores omnium dominiorum, maneriorum, &c.

Stanley Manerium.

Berwicke Basset cum Richardston & Langeden.

Chippenham.

Henton & Bubton.

Loxwell & Nethemore.

Myghall.

Stodley Grange & Costowe.

Godewell et Heywodde.

Heyforde cum Stapulforde & Rutsall.

Yatton & Clopcote.

Thyckewod & Haselbury.

Calne & Stodley.

Rowde.

Wotton Basset. :

Cudry’gton in co. Glouc., Wygorn. Dioce.

Lambourn in co, Berk., Sar. Dioc.

Mercombe cum Eston & Buclondyna’ in co. Somers., Bath. &
Well. Dioc.

Rye in com. Sussex, Cicestr. Dioc.

2 ag

306 Collections towards the History

Allocaciones and Resoluciones.

[The places mentioned in this branch of the accounts are Stanley, Loxwell,
Barwycke Basset, Langeden, Weke, Costowe, Calne, Richardston, Chippenham,
Langnam, Kyngscrofte. |

Penciones.

Soluta ad Cantariam Willelmi Ingram fundatam in ecelesiee de Hyworth,
exeunt’ de Stodley Grange per annum £6 13s. 4d.”

[ Dugd.]

34 Henry VIII.

Computus Ministrorum Domini Regis, temp. Henry VIII. (Abstr.
of Roll, 34 Hen. VIII., in Augmentation Office.

‘‘ Monasterium sive Abbatia de Stanley.

Com. Wilts’. Brodehenton.
Bubton. ]
Uggeford.
Stapleford.
Rutsale. ; 4
Clopcote. | |
Calne-cum- Abbard, £32 13 8
Wotton Basset, J
Com. Glouc’. Cudderington, (Cudeling-
ton, alias Codrington).
Rye.”
[ Dugd.]

1536. Thomas occurs Abbot of Stanley.
(B. Willis: Mitred Abbeys, vol. ii., 257.]

Several documents relating to this abbey are preserved in the
Duchy of Lancaster Office, Public Record Office, Bundle G. xl., and
in the Augmentation Office Charters of the same building.

It appears from the Bibliotheca Phillippsiana, No. 168, that there
are some Charters of Stanley Abbey in the Library of the late Sir
Thomas Phillipps, at Cheltenham.

of the Cistercian Abbey of Stanley. 307

These two following charters were found among the Carte Antique
in Arce Londinensi, but too late for insertion in their proper chrono-
logical order :—

“Carte Antieum, DD., 10.
Carta WALTERI FILII TURSTINI.
6 Dec". [1192 ?]

Ricardus Dei gratia Rex Angliw, Dux Normanniew, Aquitanie, Comes Ande-
gavis, Archiepiscopis, Abbatibus, Comitibus et fidelibus suis salutem. Sciatis
nos reddidisse, et concessisse, et presenti carta confirmasse Waltero filio Turstini
terram de Wurdie et de Stanlega quam Dominus Rex pater noster ei dedit et
carta sua confirmayit. Habendam et tenendam de nobis et heredibus nostris ipse
et heredes sui post eum in feodo et hereditate per servitiuum dimidii Militis de
terra de Stanlea, et per servitium quorundam calcarium deauratorum, pretii
xijd. pro omni servitio per annum de terra de Wurdie. Quare volumus et
firmiter precipimus quod ipse Walterus, et heredes sui post eum, habeant et
teneant prefatem terram de Wurdie [ Worth] et de Stanlega cum omnibus per-
tinentiis suis de nobis et heredibus nostris, bene et in pace, libere et quiete,
plenarie et honorifice, in bosco et plano, in viis et semitis, in aquis et molendinis,
in vivariis et stagnis, in pratis et pascuis, in homagiis et servitiis et releviis et
in omnibus aliis rebus et locis, cam omnibus libertatibus et liberis consuetudinibus.
Testibus, Hugone Dunelmensi, G{alfrido] Wintoniensi, Huberto Sarum, Hugone
Cestrensi, Episcopis; Willelmo Marescallo, Johanne Marescallo, Galfrido filio
Petri, Hugone Bard’. Roberto de Witef’. Datum apud Dour’, vite die Decem-
bris.”

[MS. Harl., 85, fo. 495.]

‘“‘Cantm Antiqgum, DD. 11.

Canta ALMARICI DISPENSATORIS,

_ 20 November, 5 Richard I. [1193.]

Ricardus Dei Gratia Rex Anglie, etc., Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus,
- Comitibus, Baronibus, Justiciariis, Vicecomitibus, Seneschallis, Prepositis, et
omnibus Ministris et fidelibus suis, salutem. Sciatis nos reddidisse et concess- -
isse et presenti carta nostra confirmasse Almarico Dispensatori filio Turstini,
- fratri Walteri filii Turstini, heredi ejusdem Walteri, terram de Wordi et de
- Stanlea, quam Dominus Rex Henricus pater noster dedit Waltero fratri suo pro
‘servitio suo sibi et heredibus suis. Habendum, etc. Quare volumus, etc., sicut
carta patris nostri Regis Henrici et carta nostra quam. Walterus frater ipsius
_ Almarici de nobis habuit testatur. Testibus, Willelmo de Sanctze Marie ecclesia
- Baldwino de Betun’, Galfrido de Say, Willelmo de Molbrai, Eudone Patrich’,
Wigano de Cesarisstagno. Datum per manum Willelmi Elyensis Episcopi,
Cancellarii nostri, xx die Novembris. apud Spiram, Anno quinto regni nostri.”

[MS. Harl., 85, fo. 50.]

. 308

“A Dea for the Boles.”

By the Rey. A. C. Smita.
[Read before the Society at the Anuual Meeting at Devizes, September, 1874]

SWAN the first paper on the natural history of the county which
ei R) I read before the Society at its first meeting in 1853 at

Devizes, I expressed a hope that the inauguration of this and other
kindred societies might not only be the dawn of a happier era of
kindness towards the whole animal creation, and that the system of
wanton persecution of God’s creatures, hitherto unhappily so much
practised in this country, and especially amongst the uneducated
classes, might receive a timely check from the remonstrances of
those who compose this Society ; but also that the systematic per-
secution of certain species of animals, oftentimes prompted by igno-
rance of the true habits of the animal so persecuted, might be done
away, by dispelling many erroneous fictions respecting the furred
and feathered tribes, then so generally rife; and by diffusing more
correct information regarding their economy, their habits, and their
usefulness to man.

During the twenty-one years which have elapsed since the forma-
tion of this Natural History Society, we have from time to time
endeavoured to disperse some of the fictions, and to substitute true
histories of some of the species of living creatures we have yet
touched upon. But a very great deal in this direction yet remains
to be done: and when in furtherance of this intention I, twelve
years ago, read a paper before the Society at Malmesbury, on the
better preservation of a race of birds, against which a wholesale
crusade of extermination was being then in some districts practised,
and which I entitled “A plea for the Rooks,” I promised that at
some future day I would follow it up with another paper of apology
for no less injured, no less harmless, no less valuable a quadruped, ~
viz., the “ Mole; ” a promise, which, though postponed much longer
than I intended, I desire now to redeem.

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 309

Let me in the first place disarm opposition, if I can, to the claims
I am about to put forth for the Mole, by declaring that I am not
‘going to pronounce him immaculate, or slur over the injuries he
sometimes commits. I have, it is true, ever considered this little
quadruped as an animal of great interest; I have always admired
his remarkable shape and formation, and his extraordinary instinct :
and I have paid considerable attention to his habits, not only in a
_ state of freedom, but also in captivity ; having had especial oppor-
tunities of so doing, when an Irish friend and neighbour, to whom
the mole was a stranger (for there are no moles in Ireland), by way
of making his acquaintance, kept one for many weeks in confinement
in alarge open pan. But it is not asa blind partizan that I advocate
his cause; but when I have stated plainly and dispassionately both
sides of the question, all that may be said against as well as for him,
I shall be astonished if the verdict of an unprejudiced public is not
in his favour: and I am very sure that if I fail in convincing my
readers of his value, it is from the weakness of the advocate who
holds the brief, and not from the weakness of the cause.

There is but one species of mole which inhabits this country, viz.,
_ the Common Mole of Europe (Zalpa! Europea). It was generally
known in England, and is to this day familiarly spoken of in
Nottinghamshire and some other counties as the “ Mouldiwarp:”
which is evidently no other than the old Anglo-Saxon “ molde-wyrp,”
from modde, earth or mould, and weorpan, to cast or throw, or rather
wyrp, a caster: just as the modern German designation of the same
animal is maulwurf, the latter part from werfen, to throw; and
alluding in both cases to the manner in which the fin-like hands
q warp, or throw off the mould on each side of them. But with us in
_ Wiltshire it is universally known as the “ Want,’ a term which is
_ often ridiculed as a provincialism, but which I will venture to say is
_ of no less antiquity than Mouldiwarp, and may equally boast an
_ Anglo-Saxon origin, being indeed no other than the name Wand,
_ changing the final letter d into ¢, after a method not uncommon in
_ this county: and here again we have the term by which the mole

1Talpa, from rupdos, alluding to its supposed blindness,

310 A Plea for the Moles.

was originally known in Anglo-Saxon England, in Denmark, and
Scandinavia (as it is now in Norway and Sweden, under the title
Vond), 2 name too derived from the same habit, being taken from —
winden, to throw or cast aside; though possibly it may come from
winn-an, to labour, in allusion to the laborious life of mining which
this little animal undergoes. However, to proceed with a brief
sketch of its formation and habits.

It is a member of the Insectivorous class of quadrupeds, and I
dare say most people, as they contemplate its apparently awkward
form, and think of its subterranean existence, regard it with a pity
which is by no means akin to love, but much more allied with con-
tempt. I shall be very much surprized, if a careful consideration of
its life and habits does not raise it in the eyes of all who ean admire
ingenuity and skill, to somewhat of a level with the hut-building
beaver and the cell-constructing hive-bee, creatures which, working
before men’s eyes, have been happy in attracting general admiration
and applause, of which others are no less deserving, though their
works may perhaps be for the most part unseen and unknown.

First let me call attention to the remarkable formation of the
mole. Observe the cylindrical shape of the body, so well caleulated
to facilitate its rapid progress through the subterranean passages
which form its only routes of communication between the different
parts of its domain: mark the head forming a long cone, the base
lost in the shoulders, the apex formed by the front of the jaws. See
the elongated pointed gristly snout, or muzzle, so elastic, so flexible
and so strong, which sometimes is thought to serve as a boring in-
strument, for perforating the earth: the prodigious strength of
limb ; (indeed in the neck, shoulder, and forearm, it is said to be, mm
proportion to its size, the strongest quadruped in existence:) the
peculiar broadly-expanded flattened feet, or hands, or fins (as I had
almost called them) so hard, so short, so broad, so muscular, with
the palms or soles turned outwards, and with a sharp inner or under
edge; armed too with the thickest and strongest of nails, the most
perfect of implements wherewith to dig, and hoe, and throw back
the earth in its excavations. Its limbs indeed present a remarkable
instance of the perfection of development in reference to its habits.

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 311

The posterior limbs are very slender, and the feet plantigrade, but
the fore limbs have little resemblance in shape to the hind ones, and
are but awkward instruments for walking, yet for the important
function of tunnelling» most admirably adapted. Mark again the
- short thick velvet-like fur, so impervious to wet, with which it is
clothed; its extraordinary development of the sense of smell, to
which it is principally indebted for the discovery of its food; and
the acute powers of hearing which it possesses; and say, is it not
admirably adapted to the burrowing life it leads? And here in
_ passing let me observe that the species of mole with which we are
acquainted, is not blind, as is popularly supposed; for, though for
the most part but little employed, and within eyelids which are open
only to a very small extent, it is furnished with very small, bright,
black, and deeply-set bead-like eyes. There is however, a really
_ sightless mole, called Talpa ceca, which exists in Southern Europe,
with which our British species has doubtless been sometimes con-
founded, and hence the mistaken belief, shared by Shakspeare and
_ many other authors of note, and generally entertained to this day,
7 of the positive blindness of our British mole.

Thus equipped then for the battle of life, and thus furnished with
_the most powerful appliances for its purpose, the mole traverses the
_ earth many inches below the surface, in search of the worms, grubs,
insects and other animals which form its prey. Voracious beyond
all other creatures, this little glutton can only appease its almost
insatiable appetite by consuming such a quantity of food as is out
of all proportion to its own bulk. But unlike other hearty feeders,
a the most excessive meal does not satisfy it for long. After but a
very few hours of the most profound sleep, it awakes with recovered
_ appetite to hunt for a farther supply, and so it passes no small
portion of its existence, in greedily devouring its prey, or in the
- deepest slumber, for the mole is no lukewarm nonchalant idler, but
an earnest determined animal, doing nothing by halves, but throwing
_ itself with a zeal which is quite extraordinary into the occupation of

the moment; so that it has been styled, without any exaggeration,
at once the most voracious and the most ferocious, as well as the
boldest: and the fiercest of animals of its size. That it should drink

812 A Plea for the Noles.

without stint is only what may be expected from an animal-feeder ;
but that it should swim with ease is an accomplishment we should
scarcely have looked for in so thoroughly terrestrial a creature: and
yet that it does swim without difficulty is quite certain; and it will

even, on occasion, cross a considerable river, the flat broad palms of -

the fore feet being doubtless very useful as paddles in such aquatic
migrations.

As regards its food, I have already said that worms, grubs, and
insects of all sorts constitute its diet; but we shall form but a very
erroneous notion of the part it plays in clearing our ground of
. Noxious creatures, unless we appreciate the fact that it is the wire-
worm, so destructive a pest in our cornfields, which is the more
especial object of its search, and with which it chiefly delights to
satisfy its voracious appetite; the wire-worm, the dread of the
agriculturist, and the ruin of many a promising crop; the scarcely
less hated grub of the common cockchafer (Melolontha vulgaris),
which remains in the /arva state for no less than four years, and,
during that prolonged existence as a grub, contrives to effect in-
calculable injury on our meadows: these and sundry kindred species
of noxious grubs and worms as well as insects form the principal
part of the prey of this indefatigable little quadruped.

So much then for its general habits and mode of life. And now

I come to speak more fully of its consummate skill as a miner, in ~

the long galleries and tunnels it forms, not by any means at hap-
hazard, but after a clever design which its instinct teaches it to carry
out. I shall perhaps best describe its subterranean excavations, if
I divide them into two classes; those which are more permanent,
(as the high road or run which traverses the whole length of the
domain ; the castle or fortress, which is the general habitation ; and
the nest or nursery, which is quite a distinct summer dwelling-place:)
and those which are more temporary, (as the lateral galleries, which
diverge in all directions from the main track, and are in fact the
happy hunting-grounds of its daily excursions.) These last-men-
tioned are, as might be expected, of a less finished and elaborate
character than those which are of more permanent utility, and are
generally abandoned (at least for a time) when the soil thereabouts

a

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 313

has been thoroughly searched; they are also oftentimes of very
intricate pattern, carried on in a series of zigzags, as caprice, or more
probably instinct, suggests, and as the scarcity or abundance of the
prey sought for determines. .

But the principal passage, or high road—as I may call it—is very
earefully constructed, with a view, not only to ready access to all
parts of the domain, but to security and escape by flight from
the enemies which sometimes pursue it home, the weasel and the
rat. This main passage moreover is thought to be generally formed
by the consolidation or “compression of the earth which surrounds
it, rather than by actual excavation ; and hence the infrequency of
mole-hills over it, compared with the number which are observed in
connection with the lesser galleries or alleys, in forming which the
earth is removed out of the way by being thrown up on the surface.”
This principal highway, into which all the other passages open, ex-
tends from the fortress to the extreme limit of the ground occupied :
_ it varies in depth, according to the looseness or firmness of the soil
_ in which it is constructed, and its consequent security from injury
_ by pressure from above ; and whereas it has sometimes been found at
a depth of only four or five inches, in other cases it has been known,
__ when circumstances required it, to be sunk no less than eighteen
_ inches below the surface.

Plan of Molehill.

is’ And now let me draw attention to the illustration, which I have
taken from a German book on zoology, and which is at once the —

most simple and the most accurate sketch I have seen. The plan
4

314 A Plea for the Moles.

is not, as might well be supposed, that of an elaborate military
fortress, nor of a systematically laid-out modern town; though I
would call attention in passing, to its great resemblance in general
ground-plan to the city of Carlsruhe, for some time the capital of
the Grand Duchy of Baden, a city laid out designedly in the form
of a wheel, with all the principal streets radiating, like spokes, from
the palace which occupies the centre. The design however, here, is ,
not that of any civil engineer, nor of any military general: it is a
fortress indeed and an encampment, but planned and carried out
below the surface of the earth by the despised and persecuted mole. .
This elaborate fortress is always constructed beneath a mound of
more than ordinary dimensions, and “ which is always raised in a
situation of safety and. protection; either under a bank, against the
foundation of a wall, at the root of a tree, or in some similar locality.
The earth of which the dome, covering this curious habitation, is
formed, is rendered exceedingly strong and solid, by being pressed
and beaten by the mole in forming it. It contains a circular gallery
within the base, which communicates with a smaller one above, by
five nearly equidistant passages; and the domicile or chamber is
placed within the lower and beneath the upper circular gallery, to
which last it has access by three similar passages. From the
chamber extends another road, the direction of which is at first
downwards for several inches: it then rises again to open into the

ay TaN ai aN 4

Section of Molehill,

high road of the encampment. From the external circular gallery
open about nine other passages, the orifices of which are never formed
opposite to those which connect the outer with the inner and upper

gallery : these extend to a greater or less distance, and return, each
' taking an irregular semicircular route, and opening into the high

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. 315

road at various distances from the fortress. Such is a very hasty
description of this most singular structure; and nothing surely can
be imagined more admirably calculated to ensure the security or the
retreat of the inhabitant, than such an arrangement of internal
routes of communication as this. The chamber communicating
beneath directly with the road, and above with the upper gallery—
this with the lower by five passages, and the latter again with the
road by no less than nine—exhibit altogether a complication of
architecture which may rival the more celebrated erections of the
beaver.” So says Mr. Bell, in whose expressive and clear words I
have preferred to describe this interesting portion ot my subject.
It is however to the indefatigable labours of two French natu-
ralists that we are indebted for our chief acquaintance with the
economy and habits of the mole, and especially of its excavations,
to M. Cadet de Vaux, who devoted a great deal of time to this
subject, and to M. Geoffroy St. Hilaire, who also prosecuted very
careful researches on the point; and it was not until after a long.
series of very minute observations and experiments, carried on some-
times together and sometimes independently of one another, that
_ these eminent and very patient naturalists arrived at the desired
results, and satisfied themselves that they had mastered the somewhat
complicated arrangement of the excavated galleries and chamber of
the mole’s fortress. .
_ Of the nest or nursery of the mole, I have little to add beyond the
' fact that it is always quite distinct from the fortress, and generally
_ placed at a considerable distance from it, (as a skilful general would
naturally desire to remove the female and infantine portion of the
community during the time of siege to a place of security apart
from the din of war,) for the males are remarkably pugnacious, and
battles, which terminate in the death of one at least of the combat-
ants, are of very frequent occurrence. The nest has no claim to
elaborate design : it is but an excavated chamber, warmly lined with
5 fine grass, and appears to be placed in a remote portion of the domain,
where it may have the best chance of escaping discovery from any

prowling marauder in the form of a rat, weasel, or other murderous

316 A Plea for the Moles.

It is also worthy of observation that in constructing both its nest
-and fortress, the mole is careful to place them in secure situations,
where there is little chance of their being trampled in from above.
They are generally covered with a large mound of earth, which is by
some means consolidated to the required hardness, so as to be able
to offer considerable resistance to pressure from without. Then in
order that these several retreats should not be liable to injury from
rain, they are made almost even with the ground, and at a higher
level than the runs and passages which serve, on occasion, as drains
or channels, to carry off the water.

That the Mole is not dormant in winter, as Linnzus and others
have supposed, we have ample evidence in the hillocks which are
thrown up by this indefatigable labourer even during the most
severe weather : indeed who has not noticed a fresh heap from time
to time thrust up through the snow, more conspicuous then than at
other times, from the contrast of colour? and who has not marvelled
at the strength of the digger, as he looks upon a new-made mound
of earth pushed up through the frozen ground? though at the same
time with a wise appreciation of the economy of labour, this skilled
workman will, at such seasons, wherever such a course is practicable,
push the accumulated earth before him till he reaches the nearest
hillock, and there thrust it through an old hole to the surface, rather
than trouble himself to make a new one through the turf, as he
would do, if the ground was soft. It is however in autumn that
the principal excavations are effected, and the early morning, when
all around is still, is the time which it prefers for its labours, though
it will, on occasion, carry on its works at other times. So sensitive,
too, is it to interruption, that the slightest sound or movement of —
an approaching foot puts an immediate stop to the work, and no

further excavation of the earth will be attempted that day, Itisa — |

remarkable fact that it is able to burrow in wet miry ground no less
than in dry earth, without soiling or even tarnishing the brightness
of its glossy skin, but then we must remember that the earth is as
natural to the short thick close fur of the mole, as the air is to the
feathers of the bird, or the water to the scales of the fish. Moreover
it is wonderful, if surprized above ground, how it contrives, almost

Bars

By the Rev. A, C. Smith. 317 ©

in an instant, to work into the earth by means of its snout and fore

feet, and thowing up its hind feet to dive (as it were) below the

surface, and disappear into its own element. Not so easy is it to
determine ow it forms the casts with which we are all so familiar.

That the earth is pushed up from below, and through a very small

orifice, is certain ; but Aow the operation is performed, has baffled, I

believe, up to this time, every observer, while the appearance of the

heap, if you examine it carefully, is exactly as if it was formed by a

deposit from above.

_ Having now sketched an outline of the life-history, and touched
upon the general habits of the Moles, it remains to speak of the
benefit and the injury they do to man, to describe the little pec-

eadilloes of which they are sometimes guilty, and then to enlarge on
their counterbalancing virtues. I will turn first to the mischief
they sometimes innocently effect ; and acknowledge that in a turnip,
swede, or mangold-wurzel field, when they burrow just below the
plants, undermining whole rows of them and causing them to wither,
it would be surprizing indeed if their presence was relished by the

_ farmer: neither when they run their galleries (as they will in light
_ soils) just below the surface in a corn field, loosening the earth at
the roots, and thus depriving the grain of the moisture it should

_ derive from the ground, are they in any better odour with the agri-

culturisf: again, in a well-drained pasture, when they burrow into

_ the drains, and disturb the carefully-planned system for reclaiming

marshy meadows; or in the case of the embankment of a canal or

_ reservoir, which they perforate with their runs, till they have almost

_ honeycombed it ; or in the eyes of the gardener, who is vexed at the

unsightly heaps unceremoniously thrown up on his neatly-kept lawn,

or even within the precincts of his flower-beds; they are certainly
unwelcome visitors. But, after all, these injuries are but rare and
easual and of a trifling nature, with the single exception of interfering
with drains, which I acknowledge to be a more serious matter. Then
think of the immense amount of good they are always doing, acting
as scavengers below the surface! what a vast army of wire-worms,
grubs, and other noxious creatures do they not consume! pests which
would infallibly injure the roots and the corn of the agriculturist,

318 A Plea for the Moles.

and the flowers and the vegetables and even turf of the gardener
ten-fold, aye, I venture to say a hundred-fold more than the little
quadruped which is persecuted while they are passed over ; and all,
forsooth, because the heaps he throws up are apparent and open,
while their work of destruction is hidden from view, but is as in-
jurious as it is insidious and silent. I should scarcely have completed-
my catalogue of the benefits and injuries which moles do to man,
if I omitted to mention the fatal results which have sometimes
occurred from the horse of the incautious rider having put his
foot in a mole-cast, and come down with more or less injury to
the horseman. Notoriously this was the case with one at least of
the Kings of England, viz., William III., who certainly lost his life
by this mishap. As to whether the death of this monarch was a
benefit or an injury to the people of England, I must leave everybody
to form his or her own opinion : but certain it is that from the date
of William the Third’s fatal accident, the adherents of the house of
Stuart became on a sudden great admirers of the little quadruped
whose history we have been considering, and in allusion to what they
were pleased to consider their delivery from an usurper, one of their
favourite after-dinner toasts was, “ The health of the little gentleman
in black velvet.” That however may be deemed matter of opinion,
I return to matters of fact: and that the value of the Mole is no
fancy of the prejudiced Naturalist nor an untenable theory which

cannot be supported by evidence, has been amply proved by those ©

who are best able to judge, the enlightened agriculturists who have
not only taken pains to preserve this little quadruped on their lands,
but have gone to considerable expense to procure and turn down alive
as many as they could collect. Doubtless by so doing they often
incurred the ridicule of their more prejudiced neighbours, but they
derived at the same time the solid benefit of the destruction of
injurious worms and grubs from their lands, and consequently heavier
crops than they would otherwise have had, as they have taken pains
to make known.

In some of the more fenny districts in the eastern counties of
England, such as Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex, where
vast tracts of valuable land have been reclaimed from the water by

Ss

as ae

By the Rev. A. C. Smith. — 319

means of an intricate system of drainage, I can well understand that
the presence of a single mole would be most undesirable, and I can
appreciate the motive which prompts to an immediate hunt, only
ending in his capture, whenever a wretched individual of this genus
chances to wander into those tabooed regions: but in all other places
where the drains are neither so numerous, nor so complicated, I
uahesitatingly assert that the benefits which this little animal confers
on man infinitely counterbalance the trifling injury of which he
may occasionally be guilty, and that even in the lightest soil;
whereas in stiff soils, such as are to be found generally throughout
our districts in North Wilts, the more they loosen the earth and
drain it with their subterranean galleries, the lighter and the more
productive it will become: while even the unsightly hillocks may be
very quickly and easily spread abroad on the land, and no top-dressing
can be found at once so valuable and so cheaply procured, as the fine
earth of which these hillocks are composed.
In short, I trust that the day is not far distant when the mole-
catcher or want-cateher—as we call him in Wiltshire—with his
home-made wooden traps, his deliberate movements, his stealthy
_ tread, and his oracular speech, will be a thing of the past; when
_ the most conspicuous bush at the crossing of two rides in our woods,
or near the field gate, shall not be adorned with bunches of this
- slaughtered innocent; but when all will alike combine to preserve
_ this, which is at once the most harmless, the most useful, and I may
truly add, the most persecuted of all our British quadrupeds.

» ,
VOL. XV.—wNO. XLY. 2D

320

Motes on Spye Park and Bromham.

By C. H. Taxzor, Esq.

(Read before the Society at Devizes, September 9th, 1874.)

PASN September 11th, 1868, I visited the old house of Spye
Park, then in course of demolition. There was little in its

.
i
appearance at first sight to make a visitor suppose that it could be
of any antiquity ; and I do not think that many persons were aware
then, or perhaps are aware now, that it was other than a modern
erection. However, what I saw on that occasion left no doubt on
my mind that this was the house which Evelyn visited and described,
and an older building in reality than by simply reading Evelyn’s
account we should have concluded.

' Remains of two kinds came to light: first—the ancient features
of the original building, which had long been concealed : secondly—
ornate fragments of another building, no doubt Bromham Hall,
which were found re-used as walling material in the walls of the
more modern part of the house.

Fortunately an old view of the front of the house towards the park
is extant. It is dated May 1st, 1684,and was drawn by Thomas Ding-
ley,’in his very interesting manuscript, in the possession of Sir Thomas
Winnington, which has been published in fac-simile by the Camden
Society under the title “ Dingley’s History from Marble.” This
shows the house as it must have been in Evelyn’s time; and if it
had been drawn for the express purpose of illustrating Evelyn’s
description, it could not have agreed with it more exactly.

Evelyn visited the house on the 19th of July, 1654. He says in

1The paper contained a description of Brombam Church, the publication of ~
which is postponed.

2 Dingley’s History from Marble, parti., p. xxxvii. My thanks are due to the
Council of the Camden Society for permission to reproduce this sketch in the
illustration, which is prefixed to this paper.

[aed
TTT
TTT /,A,
TY

TILT.
LLL LL LLL ff LF JS

Spyve Parx ;

From a sketch by Thomas Dingley :

Meu 1% 1684.

Kaw. Kade, anastat.

Notes on Spye Park and Bromham. 321

his diary, “Went back to Cadenham, and on the 19th to Sir Ed.
Baynton’s at Spie Park, a place capable of being made a noble seate ;
but the humourous old Knight has built a long single house of 2
low stories on the precipice of an incomparable prospect, and landing
on a bowling greene in the park. The house is like a long barne,
and has not a window on’ the prospect side.” Dingley’s drawing
shows the house with a partially sunk story—a principal story or first
floor which had largish windows and in which was the main entrance
up a few steps—a second floor with a range of lower windows exten-
ding, as in the floor below, along the whole front—and above this
second floor, two gables with windows in them on the left of the
view, and four dormer windows in the roof.

This agrees well with Evelyn’s description. We have the “ long
single house ”—that is, I presume, a simple rectangle in plan without
wings; “of 2 low stories ”—that is to say, he reckons the two
principal floors only, omitting the sunk story and the attic story ;
Janding on a bowling greene in the park ”—The view shows this
bowling green with the bowls lying on it, rectangular, and enclosed
by a wall which joined the house at its north-east corner where there
appears to have been a doorway through the wall. The principal
entrance to the green from the park was an arched doorway, appar-
ently of the seventeenth century, nearly opposite the door of the

house, surmounted probably by the shield of Baynton impaling
_ Thynne which Dingley has placed above the sketch.’

On the right of the view the enclosing wall returns, running
parallel to the west end of the house, and terminating near the
_~ slope ot the hill with a pavilion or summer-house of which I believe
traces lately remained. On the left of the view appears part of the
_ old stables which still remain.

_ Evelyn says that though ‘on the precipice of an Srcormnheable
prospect, . . . . the house is like along barne, and has not a
_ window on the prospect side.” This is characteristic also of the old

1 Edition of 1871, p. 232.

_ 2This Sir Edward Baynton, whom Evelyn visited, married Stuarta, daughter
7 got Sir Thomas Thynne.

2p2

322 Notes on Spye Park and Bromham.

stable building ; and this peculiarity, coupled with the occurrence of
chimneys in that building, has induced some persons to suppose that
it was the original house, or formed part of it, but I thmk errone-
ously, for there is nothing about this latter building to show that it
was not originally erected for offices. The view shows that the
house itself had a goodly show of windows on the side next the
park. There may have been a good practical reason why the windows
were not on the prospect side. Our ancestors were as a rule far less
fond of exposed situations than ourselves, therefore it is likely that
the windows were put on the side least exposed to the wind. The
old knight probably liked comfort, and Evelyn himself was excep-
tional in the refinement of his taste; however, the pavilion shown
in the view seems to imply that the beauties of nature were not
entirely neglected.

The passage which follows this description of the house will I
think induce the most enthusiastic archeologist to admit that, in
some respects, the present times are better than those that have
gone before. It runs thus— After dinner they went to bowles,
and in the meanetime our coach-men were made so exceedingly drunk,
that in returning home we escap’d greate dangers. This it seems
was by order of the Knight, that all gentlemen’s servants be so
treated ; but the custome is a barbarous one, and much unbecoming
a Knight, still lesse a Christian.”

So far I have directed your attention to Dingley’s view, and the
exactness with which it illustrates Evelyn’s description. .I must now
state my reasons for holding that the house lately pulled down was
the same building. It.will be remembered that, as the house lately
stood, there was a portico to the front door. The doorway itself —
seemed to have retained the same, or nearly the same, position as in
Evelyn’s time. The whole front of the house, above the sunk story,
had been converted at the same time as the portico was erected, by
Sir Edward Baynton Rolt, the first baronet, about 1749. Evidence
of such conversion, as regards the windows, was obtained compara-
tively recently, in some alterations towards the west end of the front.*

ie 0S oo <5 2. Ce
1For this and other information most kindly supplied to me, I am indebted —
to Mrs. Starky, of Battle House, Bromham.

By C. H. Talbot, Esq. 323.

Below this, the sunk story with its range of low windows shown in
Dingley’s view remained, and bore out Evelyn’s description, as all
its windows but one looked towards the park. >
A drawing room on the south or prospect side, will be remem-
bered as the handsomest room in the house. This, which projected
from the old part of the house, was also built by Sir Edward Baynton
Rolt ;! and I understood that it was in the walls of this part that
the fragments, which must have been brought from Bromham Hall,
were found. Passing into the cellar under this room, through an
arch in the wall of the old house, I observed that it had evidently at
_ one time been an external doorway, as the best side was that towards
the cellar, and therefore originally the outside of the house. The
arch was four-centred, and appeared to he of the time of Henry VIII.
Tn the south wall of the old building I saw the jamb of a fire-place
in situ, with a moulding of late Perpendicular character. This would
be on the second floor, counting the sunk story. There were also
remains of the jamb of a doorway, elaborately moulded, lower down.
_ This was all I saw im situ. There were some remains of square-
headed windows ; but, whether these were iz situ when taken down,
or materials brought originally from Bromham Hall, I was unable
to ascertain.
I think that, if the building before being demolished had been
_ earefully examined, and some measurements taken and drawings
made, the plan might probably have been made out, and the date at
any rate fixed beyond a doubt. The impression on my mind, at the
_ time, certainly was that the building was older than the seventeenth
century, and probably of the time of Henry VIII. This, of course,
_ is contrary to Evelyn’s assertion that it was built by the Sir Edward
Baynton of his day ; but it often happens that a person is described
_as the dwilder of a house who, in reality, only altered it. It appeared

1 Two other rooms, on the south side of the house, were believed to have been
built by the mother of Sir Edward Baynton Rolt, the heiress Anne Baynton,
_who married first, Edward Rolt, Esq., and secondly, James, Lord Somerville; _
‘and some rooms were added by Dr. Starky, who also pulled down a small
detached building floored with marble, of which Dingley has given a sketch
below that of the house, and which he has marked ‘‘a privat room in the
grove.”

324 Notes on Spye Park and Bromham.

to me probable that there was a small house or hunting lodge here
whilst”Bromham Hall still existed, and that this was made the
principal residence of the family when the Hall was destroyed. The
name “Spy Park Lodg,” given to it by Dingley, in itself suggested
this.! ;

- The old stables still remain with very little alteration, forming a
picturesque building with five gables and many windows to the north
side. Seen from a little distance, it might well be supposed earlier ;
but, judging from a round arched doorway, now walled up, in the
western end, which appears to be original, and from the cap mould-
ings of the chimneys, I should think that the whole was built as
offices, by Sir Edward Baynton, in the seventeenth century.

Of the fragments of old work,? found re-used as building material
in the more modern walls of the house, two specimens of elaborately
carved stone-work were preserved.* Itis, I think, impossible to say
to what part of the building they may have belonged. The work
is no doubt of Henry the Eighth’s time, and is remarkable rather for
richness of ornament than for beauty_of design. These fragments,
and the gate-way shortly to be described, fully bear out the tradition
of the magnificent character of Bromham Hall, which has been
described as “nearly as large as Whitehall, and a pale fit to
entertain a king.”

The ruins of Bromham Hall were used as a quarry, whether by
the Sir Edward Baynton who so extensively altered the house we
do not know, but certainly at a later date, and one of the family,
Sir Edward Baynton Rolt, had taste enough not to destroy, but
rather to remove bodily, the gate-house which now stands at the

1 This conjecture has since been confirmed, for I am informed by Mrs. Starky
that it is considered certain that this took place. But for this confirmation, I
could not have felt completely confident of conclusions arrived at in a single
short visit, as it is easy to be mistaken, at first-sight, in the date of a building,
and debased Perpendicular details lingered long in this neighbourhood.

? Originally, beyond all reasonable doubt, from Bromham Hall.

3 These fragments have been, since the visit of the Society, built into a —~
recess in a terrace wall for protection. My thanks-are due to J. W. G. Spicer,
Esq., of Spye Park, for permission to make use of a photograph taken for him
in the preparation of the accompanying illustration.

SERS Sein ps eer

Edw: Fite, anastal:

Carveo STONES FROM BROoMHAM HALL, FOUND aT SpreE Park, !868.

> Se ORE

3 ih.
- —
i
Fe

Pi

By ©. H. Talbot, Esq. 325

entrance of the park, near Bowden Hill. We should be better
pleased now, if it still stood in its original situation ; but, very pro-
bably, we owe it to this removal that it has not been entirely
destroyed.

About this gate-house there is a confusion of traditions, taking
apparently these two forms ; 1—that it was brought from Corsham
where it formed part of the king’s house; 2—that it was brought
from Devizes Castle. There can be no doubt, however, that it is a
relic of Bromham Hall which was destroyed 1 in 1645; and an exam-
ination of the arms upon it shows that it was built by Sir Edward
Baynton, who died in 1544 or 1545, and whose first wife was Elizabeth
daughter of Sir John Sulliard of Suffolk.

The traditions are easily explained. Leland, living at the time,
is a good authority ; and he describes Corsham as “ a good uplandish
toun, wher be ruines of an old maner place: and therby a park
wont to be yn dowage to the Quenes*of Englande. Mr. Baynton,
yn Quene Anme’s dayes, pullid down by licens a peace of this house
sumwhat to help his buildinges at Bromeham.”! Also, speaking of
Devizes Castle, he says “ It is now in ruine, and parte of the front
of the towres of the gate of the kepe and the chapell in it were
caried, full unprofitably, onto the buyldynge of Master Bainton’s place
at Bromeham scant 3 myles of.?”

It is evident, therefore, that this Sir Edward Baynton, in the
reign of Henry VIII, built Bromham Hall with stone obtained from
the ruins both of Devizes Castle and of the king’s manor house
at Corsham, the latter when Anne Boleyn was queen.® Aubrey,
speaking of Bradenstoke, says ‘“ Broad-Hinton House, Bromham
house and Cadnam House were built of the Ruines of Bradstock
Abbey.” It seems that, on the dissolution of that priory, Edward

1Leland’s Itinerary, vide vol. i., p. 143, of this Magazine.
2 Tbid., vol. i., p. 181.
8The family tradition is this, that the gate was given to Sir Edward Bayn-
ton, by queen Catherine of Aragon. If Corsham manor was, as Leland says,

_ yn dowage to the Quenes of Englande,” a grant of the stone may have been

made by queen Catherine, and the work bave been carried out in the time of

_ Anne Boleyn.

4 Aubrey’s ** Wiltshire Collections” by the Rev. Canon Jackson, p. 189.

826 Notes on Spye Park and Bromham.

Baynton got some part of its estate; but it is hardly likely that he
would have fetched his stone such a distance. Moreover he was
possessor of Stanley Abbey, and could get stone from thence. When
Aubrey wrote scarcely any part of Stanley Abbey remained ;! and,
though I have not seen it stated, it seems likely that that Abbey was,
at least partially, demolished by its purchaser.

Viewing the gate-house from the high road, the ene
must exercise a faculty which is often called upon, and imagine a
restoration. The first thing to be ignored is the circular stone arch
which has been erected, quite recently, beneath the old one, for the
purpose of supporting the latter which had become dangerous. This,
of course, interferes a good deal with the effect; but it will not do
so to the same extent when the stone shall have weathered, and it is
difficult to see what other expedient could have been adopted, as the
old arch is much out of shape and cracked in one part, and it would
have been very difficult to have rebuilt it. Restoring in imagina-
tion the old level of the roadway, which was lowered when the new
arch was inserted, it will be seen that certain features of the present
building are not original, but are variations introduced into the
design when it was rebuilt, comprising the angle buttresses, appa-
rently—the ogee-headed niches on each side, and the windows in the
north and south walls, certainly. With these exceptions, the two
faces of the building seem to have been rebuilt very fairly as they
originally stood. Their general design is the same. The arches
are four-centred and very flat, a bad shape both constructionally and
artistically. Their spandrels however are richly carved with foliage,
there being a decidedly Cinque Cento and non-gothic element about
them. In each, a dragon or griffin supports a shield of arms.
Above these arches are large oriel windows, and the building is
finished with a battlement above. On the west side, next the high
road, which has been the front and is rather more ornamented than
the other, there are fluted shafts at the angles of the lower part -
of the oriel terminated with slight pendants, and other such shafts
above, which must have been carried up as pinnacles above the

1 Aubrey’s “ Wiltshire Collections,”’ by the Rey. Canon Jackson, p. 113.

By C. H. Talbot, Esq. 327

battlement, but are now broken off at that level, so that the original

finish cannot be ascertained. On the central panel of the front

oriel are the royal arms of Henry VIII., France and England

quarterly, encircled by the garter, surmounted by the crown, with a

crowned lion and griffin as supporters. On the left panel, above

some foliated ornament, are the letters E B, for Edward Baynton,

and beneath this the griffin crest of the Baynton family. This

carving is almost perfect. On the right panel has been a beautiful
device, to a considerable extent open-work, and therefore much
mutilated. Here again are the letters E B, this time tied together
by a cord. ‘he upper part of this device is lost. Letters thus
tied together are frequently the cypher of man and wife. In this
case, as there is no crest beneath, they may be for the wife Elizabeth
Baynton, and the cord may indicate that it was a cypher she acquired
by marriage. The lowest member of the mouldings, beneath the
oriel, is a richly carved band in which griffins with human heads
support wreaths containing crests, alternately the Baynton griffin’s
head, and a horse’s head, the crest of Roche of Bromham.

In the spandrels of the arch beneath is carved the foliage of a
vine with bunches of grapes. In the right spandrel is the wife’s
paternal shield, bearing quarterly, first and fourth, argent, a chevron
gules, between three pheons sable, Sulliard; and second and third,
a coat which I have not identified. In the left spandrel is this
shield, quarterly, first and fourth, Baynton, second, Delamere, third,
Roche,—impaling the Sulliard arms as in the shield last mentioned.

Over the central oriel, on the battlement, is the griffin crest, and
in asimilar position near the angle of the wall on each side the
horse’s head, these latter being rather rudely cut.

The inner or east side of the gate-house is plainer. In the central
panel of the oriel, of which the carving has been very much muti-
lated, appear again the crowned lion and griffin supporters, and the
remains of a crown or coronet over all. The shield is completely
broken away, but it does not seem to have been encircled by the
garter. The battlement on this side of the gate is evidently modern,
and has in general no mouldings, but, on the central stone which,
__ as it has a moulding, appears to be original, are the Prince of Wales’

328 Notes on Spye Park and Bromham.

plumes. Is it not therefore probable that the arms on the central
panel of the oriel were those of Edward VI., when Prince of Wales,
rather than the King’s arms repeated? On each side panel of the
oriel occurs the Tudor rose crowned, that on the left remaining perfect.

In the left spandrel of the arch is the shield of Baynton with the
letter B upon it, placed diagonally, in the upper right-hand ‘corner.
Probably the letter E was originally in the lower left-hand corner,
but is not now visible. The shield in the right spandrel of the arch
bears quarterly, first and fourth Baynton,second Delamere,third Roche.

It may be noticed that four modern lancet windows, two on each
side of the gate-house, are built of moulded stones which have evi-
dently formed the ribs of a groined vault, but whether they belonged
to this gate or not I cannot tell.

There are two timber houses of the fifteenth century, near Bromham
Church, which deserve attention, as such houses are not too numerous
and become scarcer every day. One of these is church property.
This house stands to the north-east of the chancel, and has been a
good deal altered by the insertion of a shop window. It retains its
original doorway which opens, I think, into the principal room,
which has been a square room with a flat ceiling and moulded beams.
Many such ceilings, I believe, remain, and not unfrequently in houses
that have been refaced, so that no one would suspect their antiquity.
The beams cross in the middle and return round the sides of the
room. Adjoining is a room which looks as if it had been the kitchen,
but perhaps it may be later. There is one stone window in the end
of the house which has a look of the sixteenth century, but may be
of the fifteenth. The oldest wooden windows of which there are
traces are, I think, of the seventeenth.

The other house stands to the south-west of the church, and ex-
ternally it is the more perfect of the two. The timber work of these
two houses is very similar, and apparently of about the same datein the
fifteenth century ; butin the case of this second house an additional
wing and a chimney have been addedin the sixteenth century ,and these
additions are of stone. The interior of this house I have not seen.
Near this house is another of later date with a picturesque porch.

. 829

An pease for buildinga House at Salishury,

23rd HENRY VI.
Communicated by J, E. Nieutrneate, F.S.A.

(4H following indenture, it will be seen, sets forth a contract
iy for building a house in the “blew bore” at Salisbury, in
1444, between William Ludlow, and John Fayrebowe, a carpenter
of Bishopstrow, near Warminster. The document is written in

English, and is in excellent preservation; unfortunately the seals
have entirely disappeared. In making the transcript a few con-
tractions have been extended but the spelling carefully preserved.

The deed was lately found in a remote part of England, but seems

once to have been in the possession of Mr. Benson, late Recorder of

Salisbury, as it is quoted in two or three instances by Mr. Parker,
‘in his “ Glossary of Architecture,” in explanaticn of certain obsolete
building terms. It does not, however, appear to have been printed

in extenso, at least it is not mentioned by Professor Willis amongst

the authorities in his “ Nomenclature of the Middle Ages,” nor is
it found in the “ Archzologia.”

_ All documents of this early period relating to the expenses of,
-and terms used in building, are scarce and valuable, especially when
written in the vernacular. They are necessarily expressed in the
language of the workmen; the greater part of the words hada

French origin, and many of them remain to the present day in France.

Several other contracts for elaborate architectural works of about
_ this period are in existence. In 1450 an indenture was made for
; fitting up the Beauchamp Chapel, at Warwick, in accordance with
_ the will of the founder. It is preserved and printed in “ Blore’s
~ Monuments.” Another excellent specimen of this kind of document,
and one little known, is found in “ Halstead’s Genealogies.” It is
an indenture for the tomb of Ralph Greene, of Luffwick, Northamp-
tonshire, in 1419, The material of this magnificent tomb was

330 An Indenture for building a House at Salisbury.

alabaster, and the instructions for carrying out the work most elabo-
rate and minute; the contract is written in French and expressed in
terms very similar to those of the Salisbury indenture. This Ralph
Greene was descended from the ancient family of Maudit, Lords of
Warminster. The Maudits flourished from the reign of Henry I. to
that of Richard II., when it merged in the family of Greene, Lord
of Drayton, Co. Northampton, in whom the manors of Westbury
and Warminster continued for a certain period. Some notice of the
family will be found in Hoare’s ‘‘ Hundred of Warminster,” as well
as a reprint of the whole of the curious contract for the tomb. The
last will of Henry VI. contains a minute and technical description
of his colleges of Eton and Cambridge.

‘This Indenture ymade at Newe Salesbury the xvj day of Decembre yn the
xxiij4, zere of the regnyng of Kyng Harry the yj‘. bytwene William Ludlowe
of the on party and John Fayrebowe carpenter of Busshopestrowe yn the
countie of Wiltes of the other party Witnessith that the seyde John shal.make
to the seyde William an hows with ynne the Boor azeynst the Market place of
Salesbury forseyd conteynyng yn lengthe Ixiij. fot and with ynne the wallys
-xx, fote And the groundsilles yn brede of xv ynche And yn thiknesse x ynch
And xiiij principal postis eny post xvi fote of lengthe and yn brede xiij ynche
and yn thiknesse xij ynche And every somer* yn brede xvyj ynche and yn
thiknesse xv ynche And every juyste viij ynche yn thiknesse and ix ynche in
brede And x ynche by twene every juyste And every byndyngbeme yn thiknesse
ix ynche and yn brede xv ynche And every walplate of viij ynche yn thik-
nesse and ix ynche yn brede And every cours restour iiij ynche thikke at the
top and at the fote v ynche And of brede vij ynche at the fote and v ynche at
the top And with vj wyndowes clenly accordaunt And ij stayers And by twene
every restour ix ynche And the Sideresons yn brede of xj ynche and vj ynches
of thiknesse with braces wel accordyng. Whiche hows above seyde shal be
wel and trewly made of sufficiant tymber and clene withoute sape or wyndshake
reprevable and redy to be set up and arered by the feste of the Nativite of oure’
Lady next comyng after this present date. To the whiche hows the seyde John
shal fynde alle maner tymber bordis for doris and for wyndowes and stodes to
“alle the walles. And the seyde William shal fynde al maner naylle yregare +
breydyng { helyng§ wallyng and masons work thereto langyng Also ij men

*A main beam or girder; the name is now seldom used except in the composite term breast-
sommer. ‘The breast-summer was that summer which was in the front of a wooden house, as it is
now used for the great beam in tront over a shop window.—Parker’s Glossary.

ti.e,, Iron gear.
+ Boarding.

?The covering or roof of a house.

laboryng with the seyde John vij dayes at the reryng of the forseyde hows with
mete and wages and mannys mete and drynke for alle the cariage of the seyde
tymber at Salesbury at the seyde William his owen coste And also paye to the
seyde John for the seyde hows makyng and tymber therto fynding'yn alle maner

“

4 By J. E. Nightingale, P.S8.A. 331
j

wyse after the forme above seyde ymade and performed as workmanship axeth
xx.ti of money at iij dayes to be payd that ys for to seye at the begynnyng of
the seyde hows makyng yn tymber hewyng x markes: at the bryngyng hom of
the seyde tymber to Salesbury .x. markes and whanne the seyde hows ys ful
made and doris and wyndowes y set up and hangeth .x. markes. To alle these
covenauntes wel and trewly to be performed the seyde Wylliam yn his party and
Robert Warmwell bynden hem to the seyde John yn xxti to paye yn the feste
of oure Lady above seyde And also yn the same wyse the seyde John yn his
party and Symond Poy bynden hem to the sede William yn xxti to pay yn the ©
feste above seyde In Witnesse wherof the seylles of the seyd parteys of these
yndentures interchaungeably to these present indentures er set the day and zer
aboveseyde.””

[Endorse 7]
“‘ for byldyng a howse in the blew bore.”

The house was evidently completely framed of wood, and required
no other support. The enormous dimensions of the timbers used
are in striking contrast to the lath-and-plaster style of building of
the present day. There are few houses of this period now remaining

. intact, but the core of many modernized dwellings are to be found
where the huge timber-framing forms the main support of a new-
looking building. ,

The sum of £20, the amount of Fayrebowe’s contract, would
represent something like £200 of our present money. Ten marks
of 13s. 4d. each form one third of the whole payment.

OT is impossible now to fix the exact locality of the house in
question, as the original “‘blew bore” no longer exists. Mr. Hatcher in
his “ History of Salisbury, has shewn that the Market Place was for-
merly more limited in its dimensions than at the present time, and that
the existing Winchester Street was continued into Castle Street,

along what is now the Blue Boar Row; consequently the old “ blew

bore” must have once projected into what is now the north side of
the Market Place, the remaining three sides being formed by the
present Oatmeal Row, Butcher’s Row, and Queen Street. This may

. be inferred from documents, dated 1360, and again in 1422, in which

mention is made of houses situated at the corner of Winchester

332 An Indenture for building a House at Salisbury.

Street and Minster Street. The name of Blue Boar has generally
been supposed to come from the sign of an inn which formerly stood
on the site. The blue boar was a Yorkist badge and was borne by
Richard, Duke of -York, father of Edward IV: he died in-1460.
It is possible, however, that the name had an earlier and different -
origin. The White Boar was also a popular Yorkist sign durmg
the reign of Richard III., that king’s cognizance being a boar
passant argent, whence the rhyme which cost the maker, William
Collyngborne, his life :—

“The Cat, the Rat, and Lovel the Dog
Rule all England under the Hog.”

The cat alludes to Catesby, the rat to Ratcliff, and the hog to King
Richard. After Richard’s defeat the White Boars were changed
into Blue Boars, this being the easiest and cheapest way of altering
the sign, and so the white boar of Richard became the blue boar of
the Earl of Oxford, who had lately contributed to place Henry VII.
on the throne. An inn bearing the sign of the Blue Boar formerly
existed on a spot near the Saracen’s Head, in the present Blue Boar
Row. It was in the yard of this inn that the mutilated remains of |
a body were discovered a few years ago, and supposed at the time to
be those of the Duke of Buckingham, who was beheaded in the
Market Place of Salisbury, in 1484.

It seems probable that William Ludlow, for whom the house was
built, was the Lord of Hill Deverill. In a MS. formerly preserved
at Great Chalfield he is mentioned as “ William Ludlow, of Hill
Deverell, Boteler to King Henry IV., and King Henry V. and VI.,
bore these Arms, Argent, a chevron Sable, three marten’s heads of
the same erased; this gentleman is buried in St. Thomas’s Church
in Salisbury, under a marble tomb, north side of the high altar, the
south side of an aisle, which aisle he new ceiled and painted, and set
with escutcheons of his own arms and his wife.” According to
Hatcher, the altar-tomb of William Ludlow was taken, some years
since, from the situation it had long occupied on the north side of
the chancel, and broken to pieces, and the remains of himself, his —
wife, and child, thrown into some unknown corner. As Ludlow’s

By J. E. Nightingale, FS A. 333

seal has disappeared from the contract, no information can be gained
from his arms; but as he seems to have found the main timbers of
the building himself, probably from his estate at Deverill, and
employed Fayrebowe, a carpenter at Bishopstrow; in his own neigh-
__ bourhood, to do the work, it is highly probable that he is the person
alluded to. The name of Ludlow is not found amongst any of the
citizens or officials of Salisbury at that time.

The prosperity and affluence of the inhabitants of Salisbury at
this period are proved by repeated applications for loans to the king.
In 1444 Adam Moleyns, Dean of the Cathedral, was the bearer of
a privy seal, addressed to the Mayor and Commonalty, to borrow a
sum of money. A convention was accordingly held on the 27th
July, and a resolution taken to advance forty pounds, provided
sufficient security were offered for the repayment. The money was,
as usual, raised by contributions from individuals. Early in the.
reign of Henry V1. we find proof that a valuable and extensive
traffic must then have been carried on at the fairs of Salisbury.

Both the sureties mentioned in the deed, Simon Poy and Robert
Warmwell, were persons of note in the city and must have been well
known at thetime. They are frequently mentioned by Mr. Hatcher
in his “History of Salisbury” in connexion with the corporation and
in other matters of interest at that period. Simon Poy, on behalf
of Fayrebowe, was Mayor of Salisbury in 1452, also one of the
members for the city in 1455. About this time appears the first

specific entry in the corporation accounts of the wages allowed to
the representatives of the city in Parliament. In the early years of
the reign of Henry VI. they received two shillings a day, during
the respective terms of their service; this rate of payment appears —
to have been generally observed. It is also worthy of notice, that
in 1448 a resolution was taken in the convocation to elect none as
Members of Parliament, who were not citizens and resident in the
city.
_ Robert Warmwell, mentioned in the indenture as the surety on
behalf of William Ludlow, was of a family of some importance. He
as Mayor in 1419, and again in 1429. King Henry VI. visited
the city in 1434, After the election of a Mayor on All Souls Day,

334 An Indenture for building a House at Salisbury.

a resolution was passed in Convocation, that, against the arrival of
the King, liveries of green colour should be ordered under the in-
spection of Robert Warmwell and others. It was also settled, that
the minstrels should be retained as formerly, and receive their livery
before the Feast of the Nativity. Robert Warmwell was a draper,
and left a bequest of twenty pounds to the Mayor and Commonalty;
the money was applied to the construction of the bars or gates, as
the means of improving the defences of the city.

The name of Warmwell appears more than once in the form of
commemoration for the deceased members of the confraternity of St.
George. The religious meetings of this guild were probably held
in St. Thomas’s Church. The spandrels of the arches on the south
wall of the chancel, forming one side of the Swayne Chapel, are
covered with badges of St. George, brought to light a few years
since, when alterations were being made: a drawing from a fresco of

that saint, which was necessarily destroyed at the time, is preserved
in the Salisbury Museum. William Warmwell, who died in 1399,
left to the altar of St. Michael, in the Church of St. Thomas, a
missal and a chalice, silver gilt, a water vessel, silver gilt, and a
pax-bred of ivory, with harness, silver and gilt; also a psaltery, to
be chained in the cell, or seat, which he had been accustomed to
occupy. He seems to have had some superstitious partiality for
numbers, as he directed that 3500 masses be celebrated for the wel-
fare of his soul and the souls of those to whom he is under obligation,
and 3500 pence to be distributed singly among feeble poor, within
the city and without.

From the will of Joanna, wife of William Warmwell, who be-
queathed to her husband a corner tenement in Minster Street, which
is called Castle Street, we learn that the whole line, now called
Castle Street, Minster Street, and High Street, in the earliest times,
bore the general name of Minster Street. The lower portion re-
ceived the name of High Street, which it still bears, in the beginning
of the fifteenth century. This William Warmwell is the subject of
a curious notice in Hatcher’s “ History of Salisbury,” page 100. ;
“ William Teynterer, junior, at his death, bequeathed the value of
certain hereditaments for charitable purposes, to the Mayor and

By J. B. Nightingale, F.8.A. 335

Commonalty, as forming the confraternity of St. George, and to the
inhabitants of the city, for the benefit of their prayers. The sale
of the property was left to William Warmwell, his executor, a
citizen of note and substance. Alicia, the widow of Teynterer, mar-
ried in second nuptials George Meriot, and died in 1406. Warmwell
having for several years neglected to fulfill the injunctions of her
first husband, she adopted a singular expedient to recal him to a
sense of his duty. As all wills and other instruments were publicly
read in the Mayor’s Court, she directed hers to be written in Latin,
the legal language of the period, but in the midst of it she introduced

an apostrophe, in English, to Warmwell; which, as if coming from
the grave, could not fail to raise against him the horror and indig-
nation of the city.” A literal copy of this pungent document then
follows. ;
About the period of the building of Ludlow’s house the city was
honoured with several royal visits. In 1445 all citizens keeping
house within the town were ordered to provide a gown of blood-
colour, for the advent of the Queen, under a penalty of 6s. 8d. In
1448, also, all the citizens, and all of sufficient substance, were en-
joined to provide themselves with a good gown of blood colour, and
a red hood, in anticipation of the arrival of the king, under a penalty
of 13s. 4d. The marriage of Henry VI. with Margaret of Anjou
was unpopular, and, together with the reverses of the English arms
in France, led to the Cade rebellion. In the following year (1449)
turbulent spirits were not wanting in this city to imitate the example
in other quarters. Ayscough, Bishop of Salisbury, whose unfortunate
connexidn:with the Court had already rendered him unpopular, was
_ murdered by a party of miscreants, led by a Salisbury, “ brewer,” at
_ Edington. After the suppression of the rebellion, the remains of
Cade were exposed in several places; among them was Salisbury,
_ where the populace had given so sanguinary a proof of an evil dis-
position. The King appears to have visited Winchester soon after
the establishment of order; from thence he came to Clarendon, and
_ during his stay he is reported to have inflicted condign punishment
_ on the wretches concerned in the murder of the late Bishop.
The accounts of the expenditure of the Mayor at this period are
VOL. XV.—NO. XLV. 2E

3386 An Indenture for building a House at Salisbury.

curious, and form a striking contrast to the usages of the present
day. During the mayoralty of John Hall in 1451, we find :—

“A gift to our Lord the King, for six large oxen and two smaller ones, and
for fifty sheep, £12. 148. Od.

For a hogshead of Wine, six quarters of corn, six pipes of ale, given to
the Reverend Father, Richard, Bishop of Sarum, at the time of his installation,
£18. 13s. 4d.

Paid William Swayne and Edmund Penston, citizens of the said city, for
the Parliament at Westminster, which terminated at Leicester, £22. Us. Od.

_ Fora pipe of wine, given to Mr. John Seymour, Sheriff of Wilts, to conciliate
his good offices, 65 shillings.”

A great deal of curious information concerning the habits and
possessions of a citizen of Salisbury during the fifteenth century may
be gleaned from Hatcher and Benson’s History, already quoted ;
several elaborate inventories are printed there, giving the most
minute account of the contents of a private house of that period,
also the details of the furniture and fittings of the George hostelry
in 1478, shewing the rough sort of accommodation then afforded to
travellers at a good inn. At this time too the citizens of Salisbury
must have been excited by the strange and tedious proceedings con-
nected with the canonization of St. Osmund, who died in 1099,
but was only inserted in the catalogue of Saints in 1457 by Pope
Calixto.

It only remains to add, that the original indenture is now preserved
in the Salisbury and South Wilts Museum.

337

Che Hiterary Treasures of Pongleat.
By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A.*

WAS invited some time ago by your Secretary to contribute

a paper for your meeting at Frome, and with the invitation

he suggested a subject on which I was to write. It was a very good

one, but in one respect too good, inasmuch as it made it necessary

for me to compress into a very small compass and to put into such

form as should not weary an audience, halting for half-an-hour on an

out-door excursion, material which, properly developed, would really

fill a volume and that not a small one.! The subject was ‘“ The
Literary Treasures of Longleat.”

These treasures are of two kinds—printed, or in MS. The printed
treasures fill two very large rooms: that which is called the Lower
or modern library on the ground floor; and the upper or Old library
at the top of the house. The Lower library contains a very fine
collection of books, formed chiefiy by the grandfather of the present
owner of Longleat. There are Greek and Latin classical authors of
superb editions; also many of our rarest county histories, all the
four earliest editions of Shakespeare,” and a vast number of “rarities”

* Read in the Hall, at Longleat, before the Somersetshire Archzological Society, on Thursday,
12th August, 1875. 2

1A few trifling additions have been made to the paper since it was read, but
even in its present form, the reader will kindly please to understand that it
presents a very meagre account of the contents of Longleat Library and Muni-
ment Room.

-2On the fly-leaf, at the end of the first edition of Shakespeare, in the library

_ at Longleat, are the following verses, in an old hand :—

‘¢ An Epitaph upon Shakespeare.

Renouned Chaucer, Lie a thought more nigh

To rare Beaumond; and Learned Beaumond Lie
A little neerer Spencer, to make roome

For Shakespeare in your threefold fourefold tombe.
To lie all foure in one bed make a shift,

For, untill doomsday hardly will a fift

Betwixt this day and that [by Fate] bee slaine,
for whom your Curtaines need be drawn againe ;

22 2

338 The Literary Treasures of Longleet,

suited to the appetite of book-lovers of every species. I say “every,’’

because there are several varieties of book-lovers. Some like books

for the old title-pages, some for the black letter, some for the illus- ~
trations, some for the bindings, and now and then a few for the

contents. There are some of the most valuable works printed by

Caxton, Wynkyn de Worde and other early brethren in the trade :

and a very early edition, in black letter, of Chaucer, whose first editor,
by the way, was Witttam Tuynnez, uncle to the builder of the very

house in which you are assembled. A little volume called “Thealma ”
bears the autograph of “Iz. Wa.”—Izaac Walton, the fisherman :
and another book, a folio edition of Diogenes Laertius, which
belonged to Bishop Ken and contains on the fly-leaf a Latin sentence
in bis (very rare) handwriting, has been so constantly mquired
for and inspected by the good bishop’s admirers that the binding
is broken with frequent opening.

Then there is a very fine copy of a work called “ Halstead’s Gen-
ealogies.” This is a “ History of the Mordaunt Family,” (including
that of others, as the Mauduits of Warminster,) printed under a
fictitious name, in 1685; a work of which probably not more than
twenty-five copies were printed, as only seventeen are known, one of
which a few years ago sold for £240. Also a fine copy of Richard
Grafton’s Bible, 1541. This appears to have been a present from
some Royalty to Sir J. Thynne, the builder of Longleat, and in it he
has written on the fly-leaves entries of the births, deaths and marriages
in his family. Having seen the fine room you will easily understand

But if precedency of death doth barre

A fourth place in your sacred sepulchre

Under this carved marble of thine owne

Sleep, rare Tragedian SHAKESPEARE, Bleep alone.
That unto Us and others it may bee

Honor hereafter to bee layd by thee.”

Below the verses another (also old) hand has written ‘‘ graphicé scribis.”’

These verses were composed by William Basse, and were very popular, being
the earliest Elegy on Shakespeare. It was found ina MS. written after the
year 1621, entitled ‘‘ Basse his Elegie on Poett Shakespeare who died in April,
1616.” The lines, somewhat varying from the above, are printed in the Journal
of the British Archeological Association, 1862, p. 281: where Mr. J. 0. Halli-
well, the eontributor, observes that W. Basse had probably expected a cenotaph
to be erected to Shakespeare in Westminster Abbey.

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 339

that it is impossible to describe in detail the many beautiful volumes
_ which it contains. So I pass to the Old library. __

The Old library contains a vast collection of books, of which many
of more modern date have been put there merely for convenience
sake, but the greater part formed the library of Longleat at the time
of the first Lord Weymouth, who died in 1714. These old books
were chiefly collected by him, and among them are many curious
and rare ones upon almost every subject, but especially Divinity,
and still more especially the controversial Divinity of the latter part
of the seventeenth century—from 1660. The first Lord Weymouth
was, as I need hardly say, the friend and protector of Bishop Ken;
and the country being at the time torn to pieces by theological war-
fare, much connected with the great political changes of the time,
Lord Weymouth and Bishop Ken, between them, seem to have en-
tered into these subjects with deep feeling and earnestness, and to
have gathered almost everything that was printed during their day.
There is a vast number of tracts, answers, rejoinders, and replications,
all no doubt in their turn eagerly looked for and read as they came
out, but which now stand, in grim rank and file, bound in plain and
homely black calf, exhibiting no outward sign of bookbinding vanity.
No drawing-room table volumes are these, nor at all likely to be met
with at those establishments so fascinating to a large portion of
modern readers, the railway bookstalls. Yet in these old dim volumes
the controversialists of our day would find that many of the points
they are fighting about had been fought about before, over and over
again, though we seem to be as far as ever from a harmonious con-
clusion.

It is, I believe, not an uncommon notion among the public tbat
all the books in the Old library were Bishop Ken’s, the room being
often called Bishop Ken’s Library. It was no doubt the daily living
place of the good bishop, who probably had all his own books there
at the time. But the books now there were, for the greater part, the
first Lord Weymouth’s, The addition made to them by the bishep’s
last Will was as follows:

“T leave and bequeath to the Right Honouratle Thomas Lord Weymouth,
in case he outlives me, all my books of which his Lordship has not the duplicates,

340 } The Literary Treasures of Longleat.

as a memorial of my gratitude for his signal and continual favours; I leave to
the Library of the Cathedral at Wells, all my books of which my Lord Wey-
mouth has the duplicates and of which the Library there has not: or, in ease I
outlive my Lord, I leave tothe Library aforesaid (Wells) to make their choice
of allof which they have not duplicates; and the remainder of my books not
chosen for the Library, I leave to be divided between my two nephews, Isaac
Walton and John Beacham, excepting those books which I shall dispose of to
others . . . . I bequeath to the Library at Bath all my French, Italian,

and Spanish books,’’ *

According to an old catalogue preserved in the library the number
of books, pamphlets, &c., now there,that had belonged to the bishop,
is nearly one thousand.

There is a large collection of Civil War tracts, and a great num-
ber of old geographical works of voyages and travels descriptive of
the world as then known. Also many valuable works on antiquities,
coins, and the like, such as are now seldom met with in private
houses ; fine and costly volumes, the like of which indeed are not often

*Printed in Bowles’s Life of Bishop Ken, vol. ii., p. 306.

I may take this opportunity of printing a letter upon this subject, which I discovered at Longleat,
written by Mr. Hawkins, the Bishop’s executor, to Thomas, Viscount Weymouth.

*““My Lord. Knowing certainly of the account Mr. Ord gave yr. Ldship concerning the death of
my Ld. Bp. Ken made me presume on pardon for omitting the giving it myself at that time both of
hurry and affliction and being now unable to give farther particulars than are known to yr. Ldship.
I shall only add that by his Will now in my custody (and which I shall copy from), he gives to
your Ldship all his books of which your Ldship has not the duplicates as a memoriale of his grati-
tude for your signall and continued favours, wh. Will, if yr. Ldship gives leave I shall show you
when Ican wait on you: in the meantime and because the remainder of his books are to severall
I have ventured to lock his Dore, of which Mr. Ord has the key and I myself have lockt on a pac-
lock. 1am as in Duty bound s0 with great respect, My Lord, yr. Ldship’s most obedient servant,

Witt. Hawkins.
Sarum Close,
March 27, 1711.
To Rt. Hon. Thos. Ld. Vist. Weymouth,
St. James’s Square, London,’

Talso discovered at Longleat, thirteen original letters in the handwriting of the Bishop himself,
which were quite unknown to his biographers,

The following account of the Bishop’s death is from a letter by, Hilkiah Bedford to Thomas Hearne.

‘May 17, 1711.

Bp. Ken died at Longleat March 19, 1710-1, a little after 5in the morning, and was buryed about
the same hcur on the Wednesday following in the parish (Frome) Church-yard. His last illness of
about 8 days continuance, mostly a difficulty of breathing, call’d by the Physicians a nervous Asthma.
Siez’d first in January last abt. 5 in the morning wth. violent coughing at Mrs. Thynne’s at l-ewston
in Dorcetshire. About a week after he was again early in the morning taken with a dead palsey in
his left side, weh. lasted a day or 2, but the hand remuin’d useless to his death, About a fortnight
after that, he was siez’d with spitting blood, yet he was well enough to remove to Longleat 9 days
before he dyed, and design’d in 3 or 4 days after he got thither to go to Bathe.”

‘Jun. 19, 1711.

Bp. Ken was bury’d before 6 in the morning by his own appointment, for the more privacy : atten-
ded to the grave cniy by my Lord Weymouth’s steward (I think) and 12 poor men that carried him
by turns and had 5s. a-piece for it: the coffin coyer’d with a few yards of black cloth instead of a
Pall, and that given to the Minister of the Parish for a gown.”

By the Rev, Canon J. EB. Jackson, F.S.A. 341

printed in our days. I must not omit to mention that the room I
am speaking of—the Old library upstairs—is indebted for its con-
tents not only to Lord Weymouth and Bishop Ken. At the further
end of it, occupying the entire wall, is a very wonderful collection
of publications, all upon one single subject, but that a subject of
never-ceasing interest—the great French Revolution of 1792. The
collection embraces, I believe, almost everything that was published
in France during that terrible period of the history of France ; and
it includes all books, pamphlets, and narratives published not only
in Paris itself, but in all the provincial cities and towns; describing
all the horrors that took place over the whole country, Whether
quite unique or not I cannot say, but this collection is certainly a
very remarkable and valuable one, and was added to the literary
treasures of the house by the present owner. Taking this Old hbrary
of Longleat altogether, it is, both from its mere construction, as
well as its interesting contents, one of the most curious rooms to be
seen in any house in England.

I now come to the MS. treasures. I don’t know how it is, but
so it is—there is always a certain charm about an old MS. which a
printed book does not possess. If of any printed book there are only
two copies left or known, still there may be more yet to come to
light. At any rate it has been printed, and so far is supposed—if
forgotten or ‘yare now—to have been better known once. But an
old MS. !—which none or few have ever seen, which has never been
printed—about that there is an undefinable and sometimes romantic
idea that it must contain something wonderfully curious. So, carry-
ing you in my cursory description to the collection of MSS. in the
Old library, I must say at once that it is simply possible only to give
a very merest outline of what they are; for they cannot be properly
appreciated, even by connoisseurs, without being very carefully and
leisurely examined one by one.

The MSS. of which I am speaking occupy two shelves; total
‘length 36ft. They are volumes large and small, from largest folio
to smallest duodecimo. They were some years ago in a dilapidated
condition externally, and the ancient leaves were on the eve of parting
~ company with one another, through mere antiquity ; but they were

342 The Literary Treasures of Longleat.

most carefully attended to, and were all, by the order of their present
owner, placed in proper hands in London, and now stand secure for
many generations to come. Not to weary you with too minute
detail, I will name a few of the most important among them. The
Bible in English, after the translation usually ascribed to John
Wiclif, 15th century ; a large thick folio, pure vellum, 398 pages;
a fine and valuable MS. written in a plain Gothic hand, profusely
ornamented with initial letters in blue and minium.~ It contains
the whole of the Old and New Testaments, beginning with the
prefatory epistle of St. Jerome, addressed to “ Brother Ambrose.”
It once belonged to Sir Henry Spelman. ‘ The Homilies of Origen
on the Old Testament,” a very fine folio volume in vellum of 146
leaves. A Latin psalter of the fourteenth century with initial
letters. Another noble volume of the twelfth century, the works of
Zacharias of Chrysopolis. I need scarcely remind you that on the
breaking up of the monasteries the fine old MSS. which had been
written and preserved in their libraries met with very rough usage.
They were converted into covers of copy books, used for strong
backing in binding of printed books ; indeed for all sorts of purposes.
I have found several at Longleat scribbled over by persons trying
their pens or drawing caricatures. And in this particular volume of
Zacharias of Chrysopolis there is on one page a farm bailifl’s account
—William Hayman’s account for bullucks, 12 May, 35 Henry
VIIL” Next is a “ Liber Pontificalis” of thirteenth century, con-
taining the forms of certain services used in consecration of churches
or cemeteries, in the office of matrimony, benediction of rings, ap-
pointment of abbesses, and the like. “The Life of Christ,” by
Bonaventure, Bishop of Albania and Cardinal, translated into
English by John Morton ; fifteenth century. This is a very inter-
esting MS., in the quaintest English possible, and intended, as the
preface says, “‘ for folk of simple understanding : children that haven
nede to be fedde with mylke of light doctrine, and not with sad meat
of great clergy and high contemplation.” The spelling and words
are very curious. The teaching of St. John, it says, was given as
“treacle”? against the venom of “ dyverse heretykes ;” and instead
of being called the Redeemer, our Lord is spoken of as the “agen-

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, #.8.A. 343

bier” (Buyer-again). The elders are called“ Aldermen :” the Ruler
of the Feast at the Marriage in Cana “The Archi-tricline” (from
the Greek). There is also a volume of old English religious poems
of the fifteenth century, some of them véry simple and touching, none
of which, so far as I know, have ever been printed. ‘Lydgate’s “ Lite
of the Virgin Mary,” a MS. of the fifteenth century, afterwards
printed by Caxton.

Among a different class of subjects, relating to monastic establish-
ments, may be named “ Privileges of the Sanctuary of St. Peter at
Westminster,” an interesting MS. -volume of the fifteenth century.
Prefixed to it is a charter of King Edgar, by which he ordains that
the Church of St. Peter at Westminster shall become a sanctuary
for fugitives of every degree; and other charters of Edward the
Confessor and William I. confirming the privileges. There are many
registers of various abbeys, and amongst them one of great Glaston-
bury, of the fourteenth century, a fine folio of 440 pages in vellum.
Prefixed to it is a Bull of Pope John XXI., addressed to Adam,
abbot of the monastery, according permission for his confessor to
SSSI ot SR ee aes Seas Ween wee Cee Po Seis aes SS

1 The following are specimens of the style of the ‘‘ Speculum Vite :”—

I. Christ before Pilate.

“‘ There was geven him none reste but ever travayle in paynes and sorowe. And yf thou wilt
knowe in what confiytte and batayle he was, beholde and see. First, one despitouslye leyth hande
on him and taketh him. Another crying pytteth upon him blaspheme. Another spyteth in his face.
Another sotely asketh of him manye questyones in desceyte for to acuse him. - Another draweth him
forth befor the Justice. Another styffely accuseth him. Another hydeth hiseyen. another buff-
eteth and scorneth him, another dispoileth him. Another byndeth him hard to the pylere. Another
with sharpe scorges sore beteth him. Another unbyndeth him. Another casteth on him that olde
sylkene mantelle. Anothere putteth in to his hand a rede. Another taketh it wodelye from him
and smyteth his sore hede full of thornes. Another in scorne kneleth before him: and so forth now
one and now anotter. Divers and mayne wth. alle ther wytteand migt besyeu them to tormente
him in the worste maner. They leiden him as a theefe nowe to the byshop Anne and now to Cayphas
now to Pylate and now to Herowde: now byderward, and nowe thedirward: now inne and now
owte. Oo my lorde God what is alle this. Loo, thenketh ye not here a full harde and contennele
bitter bataylle. Yitt abyde a litle whyle and ye shal seeharder.”

II. The taking down from the Cross.

‘Take now good hede in maner of taking down. There are sette tweyne ladders on the sydes of
the Crosse, one agens anothere. and Joseph gothe up on the ladder, standying on the right halfe,
and besyeth him to drawe out the nayles of the handes : but hit is full harde. for the nayle is grete and
longe and hard dryven in to the tree: and with owte grete thrystyng downe of oure lorde’s handes
it may noute be done, but that is no fors, for oure lorde knoweth that he doth alle trewly and with
gode entente: and therefore he accepted the dede. And when the nayle was drawe out, Jobn makyth
sygne to Nichodeme for to take hit to him privily: so that oure lady sce hit nout for disconfortyng,
And after in the same maner Nichodeme drawith owte the nayle of the lyfte hande, and takith hit
privily to John. And then Nichodeme cometh down for to draw owt the thrydde nayle of the
feete.”

344 The Literary Treasures of Longleat.

forgive the sins of the said abbot when in articulo mortis, like as
the Roman Pontiffs were accustomed to do. This is dated at Avignon.
Then follow the prefatory matters appointed by Edward I. to be
prefixed to all monastic chartularies, having relation to his right to
a feudal superiority over Scotland. These are six in number :—1l.
The Genealogy of the Kings of England, (beginning from Adam)
down to Edward III. 2. Concerning the origin of Giants in the
Island of Albion. 38. Of the length and breadth of England. 4.
A citatory letter of Pope Bonafice tor the kingdom of Scotland. 5.
A Declaration of the King of England about the affairs of Scotland.
6. A letter of the barons to Pope Boniface on behalf of the rights
of the Kingdom of Scotland. The date of the last charter registered
appears to be about 1361. At page 427 is a register of deeds in the
Treasury at Wells in the eighth year of Bishop William de Marchia,
- A.D. 1301. This list is not found in the Glastonbury Cartulary in
the Bodleian Library,-(Wood’s MS. A.) There are also registers,
more or less perfect, of Maiden Bradley Priory, Co. Wilts, Cirencester
Abbey, Co. Glouc., and of St. Mary of Tame, Co. Oxon. Also a
rental of the Cistercian Abbey of Strata Florida, Co. Cardigan, a
book of expenses of Shaftesbury Abbey, 24 H. VIII., Sir W.
Uvedale being then Seneschal, and a rental of lands at Prestbury,
belonging to the Bishoprick of Hereford. The very old register of
Hereford of temp. Edw. I. or II., mentioned in Tanner’s “ Notitia,”’
p-. 172, as being at Longleat, is not to be found there now.
Another most curious and valuable MS. relating to Glastonbury
Abbey, entirely unknown to Bishop Tanner, Dugdale, and other
collectors of monastic records, came to light only a few months ago.
It is a Latin Register of the Abbey made in the first year of Henry
DE Sotiaco, Apzsot, A.D. 1189, 1 Rich. I., only 106 years later than
the Domesday Book of William I. It is, in fact, a “ Domesday
Book of the Abbey,’ corresponding exactly, in form, with the
“ Domesday Book of St. Paul’s London,” published by the Camden
Society, and so admirably edited by the late Archdeacon Hale. But
besides the estates belonging to the abbey, with the names of the
tenants, description of their tenures, &ec., it contains an account of
the establishment maintained in the abbey itself, the different officers.

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.S.A. 345

the sources of their revenue, perquisites, and duties: all extremely
interesting.

Next comes a very curious old book,commonly called “Liber Rubeus
Bathoniez,” or “The Red Book of Bath.” Why called “ Red”
is not very intelligible (unless from a few rubrical letters here and
there in the text), because it is bound in wite pigskin on thick wood,
with brass bosses on the sides. Inside of the upper cover is a square
hole or socket let into the wood and nearly the size of the cover
itself, secured with a door of thin iron plate covered with leather and
studded with brass nails. In this were tormerly kept the balances
for weighing gold, as appears by the first entry in the catalogue of
contents. It is of the year 1428 and once belonged to the monastery
at Bath, and came into the hands of Dr. Thomas Guidot, who dying

in 1703 bequeathed it to the first Lord Weymouth. I had always
expected to find in this old MS. a good deal about the history of
Bath and its Abbey. But it is quite a different thing. It is a col-
lection of most miscellaneous articles, about thirty in number. There
are short treatises about weights and measures, the gospels, calendars

in rhyme, an essay on phlebotomy, the ringing (or rather beating)
of bells— pulsatio campanarum’’—showing how far that enlivening
recreation is founded upon ecclesiastical law and how far upon custom.

Then come treatises on the office of coroner, a charter of the forest,

the names of those who came over with William I., an assize of

bread and beer, measurement of land with the acre-staff, and “‘ The
Gestes of King Arthur” in rhyme. This is a poem of 642 lines,
and is so curious that it was printed as the first issue of the publica-
tions of the Early English Text Society. At intervals of fifty or
sixty verses the reader is desired by the quaint old poet to pause and
say a Paternoster and Ave. At the end of the Red Book, in more

‘modern writing, is an account of the setting up of a pillory in the
City of Bath, in A.D. 1412, with a drawing of the uncomfortable

‘instrument.

In the class of historical works one of the finest MSS. is the
_ © Wars and Antiquities of the Jews,” by Josephus. This is a large
~ and noble volume of the fifteenth century, in a clear hand, on pure vel-
FE lum. Another MS. isa curious volume of A.D. 1538 (30 Hen. VIIL),

346 The Literary Treasures of Longleat.

a list of all the English residents in the town of Calais at that time,
when it belonged to England; the names of the men, women and
children, strangers and inhabitants, scattered through the twelve
wards of His Majesty’s town; with devices for its fortification,
victualling, wages of workmen, &. Then a MS. copy of a very cele-
brated book called “Leicester’s Commonwealth,” a virulent attack by
Parsons the Jesuit (or some one else so called), upon the character
and life of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester. This was secretly
circulated, but only in manuscript, for many years, Queen Elizabeth
and the Privy Council having published a protest against it as a

slanderous story. A greater pack of calumnies against a very eminent

man was perhaps never whipped up together, and unluckily Scott’s

novel of Kenilworth, being built upon it (apparently without the

slightest previous inquiry into the truth or falsehood of its statements)
is not only full of the grossest historical errors, but has stamped
Dudley’s name with a most unjust stigma, which may probably
never be effaced. There are also some volumes of very valuable
original letters, which came from Sheffield Castle when it was
dismantled. They are addressed to the Earl and Countess of

Shrewsbury, to whom the Castle belonged, and are written by the
great Statesmen and others of Queen Elizabeth’s time, including
several from Her Majesty herself to the Earl. One begins “ My
good old man.” In one of these volumes are several letters from the
unfortunate Lady Arabella Stuart, the first cousin of King James I.
There is also in four large folio volumes a complete history of the
Talbot family (Earls of Shrewsbury), compiled entirely out of the
records at Sheffield Castle, the greater part of which are now deposi-
ted in the Herald’s College, London. There are volumes of State
papers, ambassadors’ correspondence, and the like. A great number
also of fantastic essays on alchemy and leech-craft; strange pres-
criptions and antidotes ; astronomical tables and astrology; discourses
on coinage, and on—that secret of secrets—the philosopher’s stone ;
and of ancient law treatises a very large collection; also many
records of Star Chamber proceedings, which are scarce and valuable. —
There are several volumes of very old English and French poetry in
manuscript, A treatise on chivalry, called “Le Livre des Faiz _

By the Rev. Canon J. E. Jackson, F.8.A. 347

d’Armes’ by Christine of Pisa, an Italian Lady of the fifteenth
century; and another by the same authoress, called “ Hector and
Othea,” translated into English by Stephen Scrope, of Castle Combe,
in Wiltshire, son-in-law of Sir John Falstaff (not the fat knight of
Shakespeare). “The Temple of Glasse,” a poem commonly said to
have been written by Chaucer, and included in his works. But it
was not by him. It is now called the “Isle of Ladies.” The
Longleat copy is the only MS. of it known. Also several other
MSS. of the poems of Chaucer and Lydgate. In one called “Ipo-
medon,” by Lydgate, there is the written autograph (of great rarity)
of Richard III., when Duke of Gloucester, with a motto “ Tant le
desirée.” I may just mention as a sample of the value of MSS.,
especially when, as in this case, they happen to contain any rare
autograph, that only a few weeks ago at an auction in London,.a
little MS. which happened to have this very autograph signature
in it was sold for the marvellous sum of £331.

Besides all the books and MSS. to which I have only very slightly
referred there is a vast quantity of original documents at Longleat,
which have been all arranged. For easier classification they may be
distinguished as 1. Prrsonat, and 2. TopograpHicaL. The Personal
documents relate to families, and include a great deal that refers to
many of the historical houses of the country. I only name, very cur-
sorily, a few: Stafford Duke of Buckingham, the Veres, Seymour
Duke of Somerset: Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, (among which
was found an original letter from Amy Robsart) and the three
Earls of Essex of the Devereux family. Also twenty eight volumes
of Papers collected by Whitelocke the ambassador to Sweden, and a
chest full of documents, State-papers and correspondence of Henry
Coventry, Secretary of State in 1672. Likewise a quantity of
original letters of celebrated historical characters, among which is
_ the autograph letter of Cardinal Wolsey, written on the day of his
degradation,to Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, signed “'T. Cardina-
lis Ebor miserrimus.”

The Topographical department is very large and curious, contain-
_ ing documents relating to ancient estates in a great many counties in
England and Wales, especially, of course, Somerset and Wilts. There

348 The Story of Seven Children Born at a Birth.

are several original deeds many court rolls, and the like, relating
to Glastonbury Abbey.

That there is, besides all the above-mentioned, an enormous
quantity of deeds, letters &c., relating to Longleat itself and the
‘successive owners of the estate scarcely requires to be mentioned.
The whole of these documents have been put in order and a summary
of them printed in the Reports of the Historical Commissioners.
As these Reports present forty eight folio pages of double column, in
small type, of the heads of the Marquis of Bath’s papers, it is out of
the question to attempt going into particular details. I will simply
say that next to the celebrated “ Hatfield Papers,” belonging to the
Marquis of Salisbury, it is one of the most important private collec-
tions to be met w:th. It is thus described in the words of the
Commissioners :—% The collection of the Marquis of Bath is a
wonderfully complete and vivid illustration of our civil, military,
naval, and ecclesiastical history, and from the earliest times. Its
value for historical purposes can scarcely be over-rated.”

J. E. Jackson.

The Story of Seben Children Born at a Hirth.

Dear Sir,

Having a faint recollection that; when I was a boy and visiting at
Pewsey about 1820, I was taken to some church and saw there a sieve in which
several children who had been born at a birth had been brought to the font and
christened, I enquired about it of the Reverend the Rector of Pewsey, and by
his kindness and that of the Rey. Edward Hill, the Rector of Wishford, I am
able to communicate the enclosed, and trust that it may be worth a place in our
journal.

Yours faithfully,

: R. C, A, Prior.
To the Editor of the Wiltshire Magazine.

By R. C. A. Prior, Esg., M.D. 349

‘““ Wishford Reetory, Salisbury,
May 31st, 1875.
Dear Sir,

I have much pleasure in supplying information about this parish,
which is somewhat rich in old customs and traditions. I will enclose with this
all the authentic memoranda I have been able to collect about the seven children

-of one birth, brought to church in a sieve to be baptized.

The first is written by Roger Powell, who was curate here for thirty years,
1612—1642; his rector was inducted in 1573, exactly one hundred years after
the death of Sir Thomas Bonham, and from him, I suppose, Mr. Powell had the
tradition ; the two effigies of Sir Thomas and his wife are still in excellent pre-
servation, but only three of the brass figures of the children are remaining,
though we can trace the matrices and lead holes of the other six.

_ My second memorandum is a note from Aubrey.

The old schoolmaster who made the third memorandum in 1828 is still living
here.

For my part I am disposed to accept the story as quite true, with one very
important modification—to read three instead of seven children: or, if it were
possible for a woman to have seven at a birth, I would suppose that four were
still-born. This would agree exactly with Aubrey’s account, and would be
confirmed by the remains of the brasses on the great stone slab, of which three
appear of like size, and the latter ones dwindle down much smaller,

Yours, dear Sir, faithfully,
Epwarpd HItt.”

‘‘The legend of the seven children of one birth, brought to the Church of

Wishford Magna in a sieve.

I. from the fly-leaf of the oldest Register-book (1558—1640).—

‘There is in the bodie of our Church a monument, an ancient monument of
stone of the ancestors of the Bonhams and said to be that of Bonham and his
wife that had seven children at one birth : the inscription of the tombe is this that
follows, word for word :—Hic jacet Thomas Bonham, armiger, quondam patronus
istius ecclesiz, qui quidem Thomas obiit vicesimo nono die Maii,anno Dom: 1478 ;
et Editha uxor ejus, que quidem Editha obiit vicesimo sexto die Aprilis, anno
Dom: 1469. Quorum animabus propitietur Deus. Amen.—They were both
buried under the great Marble Stone in the middle alley of our church, and the
inscription was cutt in brass. Beneath this inscription in the lower end of the
same marble stone toward the Choire there were the small statues or images of
nine young children set in brass, all w™ I myselfe knew standing there about
twentie yeares ; but of late one of them is broken out of the stone by meanes
of some violence and negligence of them that wrought in the Church and laida
great quarrie stone uppon the grave of Robert Hillman lately buried. The
statues of the said Thomas and Edith Bonham are said to lie in a hollow vaulted

-arch under the wall on the North side of the Church, and such statues indeed
there are. His statue lies next to the doore of the said side and her statue at
the feet of his.

By mee Roger Powell, Curate there
Aprill the 10 Anno Dom: 1640,’ a

350 General Meeting and Report for 1875.

II Aubrey, after quoting the inscription, says (Nat. Hist. p. 71): ‘ They lye
both buried under the great: marble-stone in the nave of this church, where is
the above said inscription, above which are their pourtraictures in brasse, and
an escutcheon now illegible. Beneath this inscription are the small figures of
nine young children in brasse. This Mr. Bonham’s wife had two children at one
birth, the first time; and he being troubled at it travelled, and was absent
seven years. After his returne she was delivered of seven children at one birth.
In this parish is a confident tradition that these seven children were all baptized
at the font in this church, and that they were brought thither in a kind of
chardger, which was dedicated to this church, and hung on two nailes, which
are to be seen there yet, near the bellfree on the south side. Some old men are
yet living that doe remember the chardger. This tradition is entered into the
register booke there, from whence I have taken this narrative (1659).’ [See the
extract from the register, which is signed by ‘‘ Roger Powell, curate there,” in
Hoare’s Modern Wilts, (Hundred of Branch and Dole) p. 49.—J.B.]

III. Note of James Goulden, schoolmaster of Wishford, in 1828 :—

‘Three old persons of the parish of Wishford, viz., Mary Lewis, Giles
Munday, and Mary Woodlands, declared to J. Goulden that they had seen the
sieve hung up in the church.’

There is reason to suppose that the two nails (the last relic of this dedicated
sieve,) were removed at the churchwarden’s repairs of the church in 1829,

Epwarpd HItt,
May 31st, 1875.”

General Weeting and Report for 1875.

= ae General Annual Meeting of the Society, for the purpose
of receiving the report, the election of officers, and other
necessary business, took place at the Society’s Premises, in Devizes,
on Thursday, September 30th.

' The Rev. W. C. PLenpsrizatu occupied the chair, and called on
the Rev. A. C. Sura to read the
REPORT FOR 1875.
“The Committee of the Wiltshire Archeological and Natural
History Society desires to put before the members of the Society
very briefly a report of last year’s proceedings, and of its present

position.

ee

Report for 1875. 351

‘Within the last twelvemonths we have lost three original mem-
bers of the Society, viz., Mr. Hulbert, of Devizes; the Rev. E,
Strickland, of Brixton Deverill; and Mr. Heneage, late member
for Devizes. We have to deplore other losses through death, with-
drawal, or removal from the county, amongst these was Mr. Long,
our very hospitable entertainer in 1872, at Rood Ashton; but the
enrolment of fresh names on our books leaves our numbers very
mearly the same as last year. Our total now amounts to 340.

“In regard to finance, the fitting and furnishing of our new

‘Museum and Library have absorbed not only all the funds contri-

buted for that object, but also all the available capital we had in
hand ; while our current income remains to cover the regular outlay
of the Society. Thus it will be seen that while we are not in debt,
we have no balance in hand ; and (unless further contributions are
sent in) we must confine ourselves for the present within the limits
of our ordinary expenditure.

“But if we have spent our capital, your Committee submits to
you that it has been well spent for the interests of the Society; and
that we have now a Museum and Library of no small value; while
additions to both the archzological and natural history collections, as
well as donations of books, are becoming far more frequent, now
that we have secured a permanent place of deposit.

“Of the Magazine, two numbers have been already published this
year, while a third is in progress, and will be in the hands of mem-
bers before the expiration of 1875. This will complete the fifteenth
volume.

“Tn regard to the General Annual Meeting; it was felt that
the Session of the British Association at Bristol, and the popular
excursions therefrom both to North and South Wilts (viz., to

Bowood and Avebury in the north, and to Salisbury and Stone-
-henge in the south), would materially diminish our chance of a suc-

cessful gathering this year, and that it was wise to abandon it.
«The Committee desires to conclude the report by again thanking

the contributors who have enriched the pages of the Magazine, as

well as all who have aided by donations of money or specimens or

352 Report for 1875.

books to our Museum and Library ; and would once more commend
its objects to the county at large, trusting more and more to attract
the co-operation, the sympathy, and the support of all who desire to
elucidate the history, past and present, of Wiltshire.”

On the motion of T. B. Firowsr, Esq., seconded by Dr. Hiwcads
the report was approved and adopted.

The present officers of the Society were then re-elected, with the
following additions :—to the Vice-Presidents of the Society: Rev.
Canon Jackson, F.S.A., Sir John Lubbock, Bart., M.P., Sir John
Neeld, Bart., Charles Penruddocke, Esq., W. H. Poynder, Esq. To
the General Secretaries: C. H.Talbot, Esq. And to be Honorary
Curators of the Museum, Rev. H. A. Olivier, and Henry Cunnington,
Esq.

The proceedings were entirely of a formal character, and as soon
as the business was completed, the meeting was dissolved.

Donations to the Alusenm and Aibrarp.

The Council have much pleasure in acknowledging, with thanks,
the following donations to the Museum and Library :—

By Mr. FLowER, Bath :—Two Copper Coins.

By the Rev. E. Pracocx :—Sixty-one Coins (mostly tokens).

By E. C. Lownpes, Esq. ;—Specimens of Wiltshire Fossils.

By Mr. W. Cunnineton, London :—A Collection of Fossil Mammalian Bones
found in Wiltshire, consisting of femur, and other bones, of Elephas primi-
genius, bones of Bison, Rhinoceros, and Bos primigenius,

The following have also been received:—No. 1 Bulletin of the United States -
Geological and Geographical Survey. Synopsis of the Flora of Colorado. Nos.
21 and 22 Historical and Archeological Soeiety of Ireland. Eighth Annual
Report of the Peabody Museum. Guide to Belfast. Proceedings of the
Belfast Naturalists’ Field Club. Part 4, vol vi., of the Proceedings of the
Society of Antiquaries of London.

END OF VOL. XV.

H. F. & E. BULL, Printers and Publishers, Saint John Street, Devizes.

atlusenm and Mibvary.

The following Subscriptions have been received or promised
for the objects named on the cover. Further Contri-
butions are earnestly"solicited.

£
The Most Honourable the Marquis of Lansdowne 10
G. Goldney, Esq., M.P. lee deen SLU
H. A. Merewether, Esq. ay ABE ]
Sir J. Neeld, Bart. a
Right Honourable E. P. Bouverie
G. Morrison, Esq.
Miss M. Ewart ...
E. C. Lowndes, Esq.
Rev. Canon Jackson
W. Long, Esq.
Mrs. Colston
R. Holford, Esq. di
Rev. W. C. Plenderleath
H. E. Medlicott, Esq....
Venerable Archdeacon Buchanan
Rev. J. F. Ravenshaw ...
H. M. Clarke, Esq.
W. Cunnington, Esq. ...
Mrs. Salmon
Rev. H. Olivier
Mr. H. Cunnington
W. Brown, Esq.
Mr. C. N. May ...
Mr. J. Brown
F. A. 8S. Locke, Esq.
Mr. R. Coward

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